A New Interpretation of the Cone on the Head in New Kingdom Egyptian Tomb Scenes 9781407310305, 9781407340098

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BAR S2431 2012 Padgham

A New Interpretation of the Cone on the Head in New Kingdom Egyptian Tomb Scenes Joan Padgham

A New Interpretation of the Cone on the Head

B A R

BAR International Series 2431 2012

A New Interpretation of the Cone on the Head in New Kingdom Egyptian Tomb Scenes Joan Padgham

BAR International Series 2431 2012

ISBN 9781407310305 paperback ISBN 9781407340098 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407310305 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

For Keith

Cover illustration from the tomb of Nebamun and Ipuky (TT 181)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

A New Interpretation of the Cone on the Head in New Kingdom Egyptian Tomb Scenes Table of Contents List of Figures .............................................................................................................................................................. vi List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................................... viii Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................................................... ix Abbreviations used in the Tables............................................................................................................................ ix Abbreviations for the kings’ reigns ........................................................................................................................ ix Conventions................................................................................................................................................................... x Chronology .............................................................................................................................................................. x Databases ................................................................................................................................................................. x Tombs, tomb owners, and tomb scenes ................................................................................................................... x Ancient Egyptian words .......................................................................................................................................... x Translation of texts .................................................................................................................................................. x Chapter 1. Introduction, research methodology, and the results of the primary analyses ........................................ 1 The current interpretation of the cone and the purpose of this study............................................................................ 1 The challenges of interpreting symbolism ..................................................................................................................... 2 Research methodology .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Scope of the study ................................................................................................................................................... 4 Geographical spread ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Types of evidence .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Gender, age, and status ............................................................................................................................................ 5 Sample size .............................................................................................................................................................. 5 Data recording and analysis..................................................................................................................................... 6 Initial analyses and results ........................................................................................................................................... 6 Study outline.................................................................................................................................................................. 7 Chapter 2. Literature Review .......................................................................................................................................... 9 Early interpretations ..................................................................................................................................................... 9 Alternative theories ..................................................................................................................................................... 11 Current opinions ......................................................................................................................................................... 11 Chapter 3. The symbolism of the cone on the tomb owner in the Opening the Mouth ceremony ........................... 15 Analysis of the data ..................................................................................................................................................... 15 Part 1. The ceremony, type of scene, and frequency of the cone................................................................................. 15 An overview of the ritual....................................................................................................................................... 15 Types of Opening the Mouth scene and the presence of the cone ......................................................................... 16 Part 2. The ritual episodes portrayed in the four types of Opening the Mouth scene ................................................. 20 The bands of episodes ........................................................................................................................................... 20 The selection of episodes in each type of Opening the Mouth scene .................................................................... 21

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES Identification of the ritual episodes associated with the cone................................................................................ 23 Type 2 scenes on funerary stelae ........................................................................................................................... 24 Type 2 scenes in the Book of the Dead ................................................................................................................. 25 Summary ............................................................................................................................................................... 25 Part 3. The significance of the divine offerings in the Opening the Mouth ceremony ................................................ 25 The Ax .................................................................................................................................................................... 26 The kA .................................................................................................................................................................... 26 The bA .................................................................................................................................................................... 26 The significance of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb .......................................................................... 28 The development of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scene ............................................................... 32 The cone in other Opening the Mouth scenes ....................................................................................................... 33 Summary ..................................................................................................................................................................... 34 Chapter 4. The symbolism of the cone in the Gold of Honour ceremony .................................................................. 39 The ceremony .............................................................................................................................................................. 39 Part 1. Aspects of the ceremony associated with the cone .......................................................................................... 40 The bA in the living ................................................................................................................................................ 41 The presence of the king and the bA of the rewardee ............................................................................................. 42 The significance of the ceremony held in sunlight ................................................................................................ 43 The Sbyw necklace of gold .................................................................................................................................... 45 The cone is not a symbol of the Sbyw .................................................................................................................... 46 The transfigured state of the tomb owner .............................................................................................................. 46 Part 2. The significance of anointing in the ceremony................................................................................................ 48 Summary ..................................................................................................................................................................... 50 Chapter 5. The symbolism of the cone in the banquet ceremony ............................................................................... 57 The database and data selection ................................................................................................................................. 57 Part 1. The statistical data .......................................................................................................................................... 58 The cone on the deceased tomb owner .................................................................................................................. 58 The cone on the banquet guests ............................................................................................................................. 59 The cone on the female partner of the tomb owner ............................................................................................... 59 The cone and the type of banquet .......................................................................................................................... 60 Part 2. The Beautiful Festival of the Valley ................................................................................................................ 61 Part 3. The deceased tomb owner at the banquet ....................................................................................................... 64 Part 4. The living guests at the banquet ...................................................................................................................... 71 The cone and the gender of the guest .................................................................................................................... 76 The cone and the son presenting the offerings ...................................................................................................... 76 Summary ..................................................................................................................................................................... 77 Excursus. The cone on other participants at the banquet ........................................................................................... 78 The ‘daughter’ presenting offerings ...................................................................................................................... 79 The cone on the musicians .................................................................................................................................... 82 Summary ..................................................................................................................................................................... 83

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 6. The development of the cone in the New Kingdom .................................................................................. 91 The Eighteenth Dynasty .............................................................................................................................................. 91 Scenes in which the cone is rare or does not occur ............................................................................................... 93 The Amarna period ..................................................................................................................................................... 94 The Ramesside period ................................................................................................................................................. 94 The shape and size of the cone in the New Kingdom .................................................................................................. 96 The cone and anointing ............................................................................................................................................... 97 Chapter 7. Final observations and summary ............................................................................................................. 103 The bA concept in the New Kingdom ......................................................................................................................... 103 Offerings and the afterlife ......................................................................................................................................... 103 The solar cult ............................................................................................................................................................ 104 Ancestor veneration .................................................................................................................................................. 104 The return to earth .................................................................................................................................................... 105 Decorum.................................................................................................................................................................... 105 Synchronicity............................................................................................................................................................. 105 Summary ................................................................................................................................................................... 106 Appendix: Databases .................................................................................................................................................... 107 Database 1: Source Data....................................................................................................................................... 108 Database 2: All OTM Scenes.................................................................................................................. ............. 120 Database 3: OTM Episodes..................................................................................................................... ............. 122 Database 4: OTM Type 2 Tombs............................................................................................................ ............. 131 Database 5: OTM Type 2 Stelae............................................................................................................. ............. 132 Database 6: GOH................................................................................................................................................. 133 Database 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets......................................................................................................................134 Database 8: Concordance......................................................................................................................................136 Bibliography .................................................................................................................................................................. 141

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES

List of Figures All sketches are by the author. Figure 1. The frequency of the cone by major category of New Kingdom tomb scene......................................................7 Figure 2. The mummy, coffin, person, and statue images..................................................................................................16 Figure 3. The Type 1 OTM in TT 17 ................................................................................................................................ 17 Figure 4. The Type 2 OTM in front of the tomb in TT 341. ............................................................................................. 18 Figure 5. The Type 3 OTM in TT 56 ................................................................................................................................ 19 Figure 6. The Type 4 OTM in TT 178 .............................................................................................................................. 19 Figure 7. The Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet. Chapter 22 and 23 ................................................................................ 25 Figure 8. The cone on the head of Ameneminet (TT 277) disappears as his bA leaves..................................................... 29 Figure 9. Ramose approaches the gates to the netherworld .............................................................................................. 30 Figure 10. The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb from the Papyrus of Nebqed .................................................... 32 Figure 11. Phases 1 and 2 of the Gold of Honour ceremony in TT 55 ............................................................................. 40 Figure 12. Tutu (Amarna Tomb A8) receives acclaim from the crowd after receiving the Sbyw. .................................... 41 Figure 13. Neferhotep (TT 49) rides home in triumph in his chariot................................................................................ 41 Figure 14. The ceremony of Ay held in sunlight .............................................................................................................. 43 Figure 15. Anointing in the Gold of Honour ceremony of Parennefer at Amarna............................................................ 48 Figure 16. The banquet scene in TT 38. ........................................................................................................................... 58 Figure 17. Large cone on the head of Nebamun in TT 181 .............................................................................................. 71 Figure 18. Unidentified substances placed on the head in TT 82 ..................................................................................... 75 Figure 19. A guest in the tomb of Paheri is offered xt nbt nfrt ......................................................................................... 76 Figure 20. The cone on the daughter presenting snw offerings in TT 161........................................................................ 80 Figure 21. The cone on female musicians in TT 52, the tomb of Nakht........................................................................... 83 Figure 22. The changing shape of the cone in the New Kingdom .................................................................................... 96

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables Table 1. Time bands for New Kingdom tombs analysed in the study ................................................................................ 5 Table 2. The number of tombs in each time band of the New Kingdom ............................................................................ 5 Table 3. Frequency of the cone by New Kingdom time period .......................................................................................... 6 Table 4. The frequency of the cone by major category of New Kingdom tomb scene. ...................................................... 7 Table 5. Cone frequency on all types of Opening the Mouth scene ................................................................................. 17 Table 6. The bands of episodes in all Opening the Mouth scenes .................................................................................... 22 Table 7. Inclusion of the Htp di nswt in each type of OTM scene..................................................................................... 24 Table 8. Correlation of a cone with Htp di nswt in all OTM scenes. ................................................................................. 24 Table 9. The correlation between offerings and cones in Type 2 scenes in tombs and on stelae ..................................... 25 Table 10. The combination of types of Opening the Mouth scene in one tomb. .............................................................. 33 Table 11. Types of Opening the Mouth scene and the presence of a cone on the tomb owner. ....................................... 33 Table 12. The details of the Opening the Mouth scenes analysed ............................................................................... 35-38 Table 13. Source of the Opening the Mouth scenes on stelae .......................................................................................... 38 Table 14. The frequency of the cone with the individual phases of the Gold of Honour scene........................................ 40 Table 15. Details of Gold of Honour scenes excluded or included in the analysis ...................................................... 51-52 Table 16. Chart of factors associated with the cone in 30 GOH scenes from 28 tombs in chronological order .......... 53-54 Table 17. Source of the Gold of Honour scenes in chronological order. .......................................................................... 55 Table 18. The percentage of 18th Dynasty banquet scenes in which the owner has a cone. ............................................ 58 Table 19. The cone frequency on the male/female guest in 18th Dynasty banquet scenes .............................................. 59 Table 20. The matching incidence of a cone on the tomb owner and his female partner. ................................................ 59 Table 21. The three types of 18th Dynasty banquets analysed by time period. ................................................................ 61 Table 22. Cone frequency in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and non-festival banquets. ......................................... 61 Table 23. The frequency of the cone on the male and female guests ............................................................................... 77 Table 24. The percentage of banquet scenes with a cone on one or more musicians ....................................................... 82 Table 25. The cone on male and female musicians at the banquet ................................................................................... 82 Table 26. The details of the banquet scenes analysed.................................................................................................. 84-89 Table 27. Official scenes of the tomb owner that do not have a cone .............................................................................. 93 Table 28. New Kingdom tomb scenes in which a cone appears on the tomb owner, in order of first occurrence.. 99-101

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Acknowledgements This study is the revised version of my doctoral dissertation. During the course of my research, I was fortunate to receive advice and help from many scholars to whom I would like to extend my appreciation and thanks. Professor Alan Lloyd introduced me, as a Swansea University undergraduate, to ancient Egyptian history and literature and fostered my interest and enthusiasm for its culture. Special thanks are due to my supervisor Dr. Kasia Szpakowska, who inspired me to take my studies further and who provided challenging and constructive feedback that was both helpful and motivating. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Professor Gay Robins who generously read my doctoral dissertation before its submission and whose thoughtful and insightful comments were of immense value. During its revision, I profited greatly from discussions with Professor John Baines, for which I am most grateful. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance provided by the Griffith Institute at Oxford where I was able to study the MMA photographs and Schott transparencies of unpublished tomb scenes. Much of my research was done in the Sackler Library of the University of Oxford, giving me access to a vast source of scholarly publications, without which this study would not have been possible and for which I am most thankful. I was also privileged to be able to exchange ideas with other members of the Faculty of Oriental Studies at the University of Oxford and I appreciate their time, interest, and friendship. Special thanks go to Dr Linda Hulin who kindly read the manuscript before its publication. It would not have been possible to undertake and complete this study without the unfailing enthusiasm and help from my husband, who has been my advisor, mentor, and editor. To him I owe profound gratitude.

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Abbreviations KRI

Kenneth A. Kitchen. 1975-1990. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical. 8 Vols. Oxford: Blackwell. PM 12/1 Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss. 1960. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. Vol. 1. The Theban Necropolis. Part 1, Private Tombs. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Clarendon. PM III2/2 Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss. 1981. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. 3. Memphis. Part 2, Saqqara to Dashur. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Clarendon. PM IV Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss. 1934. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. 4. Lower and Middle Egypt (Delta and Cairo to Asyut). Oxford: Clarendon. PM V Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss. 1937. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. 5. Upper Egyptian Sites. Oxford: Clarendon. PM VII Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss. 1951. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. 7. Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside Egypt. Oxford: Clarendon. RITA Kenneth A. Kitchen. 1993-2008. Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Translations. 5 Vols. Oxford: Blackwell. RITANC Kenneth A. Kitchen. 1993-1999. Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments. 2 Vols. Oxford: Blackwell. Urk. IV Urkunden der 18. Dynastie: Historisch-biographische Urkunden. Urkunden des ägyptischen Altertums; 4. Kurt Sethe. 1905-1909. Heft 1-16. Wolfgang Helck. 1955-1961. Heft 17-22. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlungen; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. Wb. Adolph Erman and Hermann Grapow, eds. 1926-1953. Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache: im Auftrage der deutschen Akademien. 7 Vols. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich’schen Buchhandlungen.

Abbreviations used in the Tables A AN BD BFV CB D DB EK EM GOH ID MH MN MB n= NSR OTM Q R SAQ TT ZS

Amarna Aniba Book of the Dead Beautiful Festival of the Valley Celebratory banquet Dynasty Database El Kab El Mashayikh Gold of Honour Identification number of monument Medinet Habu Museo Nacional Mortuary banquet Sample size in the analysis Not statistically representative (sample size too small) Opening the Mouth Qantir Rifeh Saqqara Theban Tomb number in PM 12/1 Zawyet Sulṭan

Abbreviations for the kings’ reigns Ah A Hat T Ak Tut Ay Hor S R Mer

Ahmose Amenhotep Hatshepsut Tuthmosis Akhenaten Tutankhamun Ay Horemheb Seti Rameses Merneptah

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Conventions Chronology The dates for the kings’ reign are taken from John Baines and Jaromir Málek. 1980: Atlas of Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Phaidon Press.

Databases Copies of the databases with which the tomb scenes were recorded and analysed are provided in the Appendix. The presence or lack of a cone on the tomb owner in each scene is identified by a ‘C’ or ‘N’. Uncertainty in the presence or absence of a cone is denoted by [C] or [N] and these scenes are not included in the analyses, which only use confident data. If the tomb owner is present in the scene but his head is missing, then ‘lost’ is recorded. Database 1: Source Data Database 2: All Opening the Mouth Database 3: Opening the Mouth - Episodes Database 4: Opening the Mouth - Type 2 Tombs Database 5: Opening the Mouth - Type 2 Stelae Database 6: Gold of Honour Database 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets Database 8: Concordance

Tombs, tomb owners, and tomb scenes The name given to a tomb owner by individual Egyptologists varies and so for consistency the name under which the tomb was recorded in the primary database, DB 1, has been retained for all discussions and analyses. To differentiate between multiple scenes of the same type in one tomb, the tomb number or name is followed by (a), (b), or (c). Theban tomb dates have been taken from Frederike Kampp. 1996. Die thebanische Nekropole: zum Wandel des Grabgedankens von der XVIII. bis zur XX. Dynastie. Theben; 13. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. The published source for each tomb scene that has been analysed is provided tables in the relevant chapter. T-Hall and L-Hall refer to the transverse chamber and long passage to the inner shrine, of a typical ‘T’ shaped Theban tomb.

Ancient Egyptian words The English translation of ancient Egyptian words in transliteration is provided with the first occurrence of the word.

Translation of texts [ ] […] ( ) …  

Words lost in the original text and restored. A lacuna in the text. Words not in the original provided for clarification. Part of the translation not included in the extract. Emended by translator.

Unless otherwise specified, Pyramid Text references are from Kurt Sethe. 1908-1922. Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte nach den Papierabdrücken und Photographien des Berliner Museums. 4 Vols. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung and Raymond O. Faulkner. 1969. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Coffin Text references are from Adriaan de Buck. 1892-1956. Egyptian Coffin Texts. 7 Vols. Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago: University of Chicago Press and Raymond O. Faulkner. 1973. The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. Warminster: Aris and Phillips. The Book of the Dead translations are from Tim G. Allen. 1960. The Egyptian Book of the Dead: Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum at the University of Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Chapter 1. Introduction, research methodology, and the results of the primary analyses types of tomb scenes in which the male owner has a cone on his head and in some of these it appears with a greater frequency than in the banquet scene. There are also many scenes when he has a cone and in which perfume and sexual activity are not relevant. These include scenes such as the ceremony of the Opening the Mouth, the Gold of Honour ceremony, and the voyage to and from Abydos.7 The diverse range of scenes in which the cone appears on the tomb owner makes it difficult to recognise the underlying meaning that they have in common. However, this all-embracing relevance of the cone demonstrates that it has a complex and extensive significance.

The current interpretation of the cone and the purpose of this study The dome shaped object commonly referred to as a ‘cone on the head’ originated in tomb scenes of the early New Kingdom. At first, it appeared in very few scenes and the type of scene in which it was included was limited. Its depiction increased in frequency and by category of scene, until by the Twentieth Dynasty the cone can be seen in a wide range of numerous mortuary images. From tomb scenes, it spread to the images on coffins and mortuary papyri, and it remained in use up to, and including, the Ptolemaic period.1 Its widespread and lasting depiction demonstrates that it held an important and extensive significance for the afterlife of the deceased. Yet in spite of the wide-ranging and frequent depiction of the cone on the head, it has received relatively little serious study and opinions on its meaning have not been based on the rigorous research that a symbol of this importance requires.2

The tomb of the ancient Egyptian non-royal official was intended to provide him with the physical and magical environment that ensured the survival of his body, a successful passage to the afterlife, and his eternal existence.8 The research for this study is based on the premise that the cone symbolises a mortuary concept of benefit for him.9 For this reason, the research focuses specifically on the cone as it appears on the male owner of the tomb. Women had a supporting and subordinate role in tomb scenes although it is believed that they shared the same afterlife as the tomb owner.10 This implies that whatever the meaning of the cone on the tomb owner, it is likely to have the same or closely related meaning on the woman. When women play an important part in the scene, as they do in the banquet scene, the significance of the cone on their head has also been considered.

An early and longest lasting interpretation of the cone maintains that it is a representation of a mass of perfumed unguent placed on the head to melt, moisturise, and scent the hair and body.3 A more recent theory has retained the interpretation that the cone is associated with perfume applied to the head, but proposes that it is symbolic and not an actual lump of unguent.4 It has also been suggested that the use of perfume is seductive and to symbolise its use with a cone, signifies the potential for the rebirth of the tomb owner.5 These conclusions have developed in the main from observations on the cone when it appears in the scene of a banquet and are based primarily on the cone on the women at the feast.6 However, there are many

The primary aim of this study is to discover whether the cone has a symbolic meaning that is relevant for the different categories of New Kingdom tomb scenes in which it appears on the tomb owner with significant frequency. The belief that the cone is a symbol of anointing is widely held and so a secondary aim is to

1 The earliest example of the cone on the head in a tomb scene might be in TT 340, dated between the reigns of Ahmose and Hatshepsut (Cherpion, Menassa and Kruchten 1999: Plates 2 and 10). A late example is in the tomb of Petosiris, built under Persian rule in which the cone appears on the head of Petosiris and his wife when they are before the Tree Goddess (Lefebvre 1923: Plate XXV). 2 A review of the ideas and theories of the scholars who have discussed the cone on the head follows in Chapter 2. Apart from Keimer, Cherpion, and Manniche, the brevity of the contributions by other scholars can be appreciated. They are in chronological order: Wilkinson 1878a: 425-426, Spiegelberg 1906: 173-174, Schweinfurth 1907: 184191, Erman and Ranke 1923: 259, Bruyère 1926: 69-72, Keimer 1953: 329-372, Garetto 1955: 74-76, Manniche 1987a: 42, Cherpion 1994: 79106, Manniche 1999: 85 and 91-106. 3 The following authors have referred to the cone as a cone of unguent: Ghalioungui 1973: 155, Freed 1982a: 199, Eggebrecht 1984: 150, Stead 1986: 51, Maraite 1991: 213, Watterson 1991: 117, Strouhal and Forman 1992: 38, Plate 40, Westendorf 1968: 119, Shedid and Seidel 1996: 29, and Ikram 2001: 164. 4 Fletcher 1998a: 44 and Hodel-Hoenes 2000: 34. 5 Cherpion 1994: 79-106, Manniche 1999: 94-97, Meskell 2002: 153, 34, and Manniche 2003: 42-45. 6 Cherpion 1994: 79-108 and Manniche 1999: 102-106. Cherpion in her study briefly refers to the cone in other contexts, but in the main, bases her interpretation on the cone in the banquet scene and other scenes in which it appears on women. There are two exceptions to the theory that the cone was a symbol of perfume. Bruyère 1926: 69-72 proposed that the cone was a symbol of the abstract concept of a contented afterlife, but his suggestion did not receive further academic attention until a

brief reference by Cherpion 1994: 83. Spiegelberg 1906: 173-174 in his brief article suggested that the cone could be ‘head finery’ worn at banquets. See Chapter 2 for more detail on their views. 7 These scenes are discussed in Chapter 3, 4, and 6 respectively. 8 Tomb scenes were an essential component of the function of the tomb and served to reinforce the funerary and mortuary rituals that brought about the transformation of the tomb owner to an eternal being. For discussion on the function of ancient Egyptian tomb scenes for the tomb owner see Aldred 1977a: 854-857, Aldred 1977b: 866-869, Bonnet 1952: 118-120, Robins 1997: 12-13, Ritner 2001: 333-336, Taylor 2001: 95-98, and Hartwig 2004: 37-52. 9 Tomb scenes and the symbols used in them, were directly associated with the function of the scene for the tomb owner (Robins 1990a: 53-54). 10 Robins discusses the role of the women in tomb scenes and how her presence in the scene is for the benefit of the tomb owner (Robins 1989: 105 and Robins 1990a: 45-58). See also the comments on the role of women in tomb scenes by Whale 1989: 240-254, Robins 1990b: 18-21 and 64-65, and Roth 1999: 37-53. It is believed that women shared the same afterlife as that of men and their burial rites were similar (Robins 1993: 163-169). In the scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, the coffin of the wife may be shown with her husband, for example in TT 335 (Bruyère 1926: Figure 81) and without him, as in TT 250 (Bruyère 1927: Plate VI).

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES determine whether there is a direct association between the cone and the application of perfumed oil or unguent to the head.

research. The analysis of the data from this extensive sample of scenes reveals patterns of significance that cannot be explained by randomness.

The challenges of interpreting symbolism

Tomb scenes can have several layers of meaning and when the cone appears on the owner it could be associated with one or more of these layers.16 It is necessary therefore to consider each significance that a scene could hold for the owner and to which one the cone may relate. This is not a simple task, for example, the fishing and fowling scene has elicited various interpretations, all of which may have been understood by the ancient Egyptians and some that might not have occurred to them.17 An example of a scene in this study that operates with different layers of meaning is the Eighteenth Dynasty banquet scene. It is a reunion of the living and the dead that venerates the family ancestor, it is a celebration of the solar cult in which the living and the dead join the procession of the solar barque of AmunRe, and it has overt reference to its origins from the Middle Kingdom valley festival of Hathor. The banquet scene is usually discussed with reference to Hathor and the cone on the head of the woman, associated with the role of the goddess in conception and birth. Yet one or all of these meanings may explain the reason for the cone on the head of the tomb owner and all have been considered.

Ancient Egyptian tomb scenes communicated abstract religious concepts through the use of symbols, especially in the New Kingdom.11 However, comprehending the iconography of an ancient culture presents several problems that need to be addressed before any interpretation can be formed. These challenges and how the research methodology of this study is designed to overcome them are discussed here with reference to specific scenes that are analysed in this work. In a study of this size and complexity, it is only possible to draw conclusions on the symbolism of the cone from the general case. There are categories of scene in which, even in one tomb, a cone can appear in one scene but not in others.12 Some tomb owners do not depict a cone in any scene, even when the cone often occurs in these scenes in other tombs.13 There are several tombs particularly in the later New Kingdom in which the tomb owner has included a cone in a scene that has no other parallel.14 Idiosyncratic employment of the cone means that its symbolism cannot be deduced from such scenes because interpretation from small numbers of examples may not be representative. It is only when a cone appears on the tomb owner in the same category of scene in numerous tombs that it is possible to postulate a feasible meaning for the cone. In a few types of tomb scene the cone seems almost mandatory and these have been the focus of investigation in this study.15 It is also important that the selection of scenes is representative of all the scenes of that type. The research methodology employed in this study has involved the recording and analysis of over 1000 scenes from 154 New Kingdom tombs and although most, by default, are from Thebes, tombs from other geographical areas in Egypt have been included in the

Tomb scenes are a composite of words and images that need to be understood as a whole.18 In order to comprehend a scene, the image and their texts need to be

16 Robins 1990a: 45-58 discusses the fishing and fowling scene and the possibility that it could express triumph over the evil forces of death and chaos, and the rebirth of the tomb owner. She points out that although the wife in the scene is considered to be dressed erotically, it is possible she was present in the scene to commemorate her, to show how wealthy her husband was because she was dressed in finery, as well as to represent the female principle in the cosmos. The suggestion that the fishing and fowling scene need not have afterlife significance and might only have represented a pleasurable high status activity was considered by van Walsem 2005: 77. It has also been proposed that the scene was a means of ensuring the magical and continuous supply of food in the next life (Feucht 1992: 157-169). A further interpretation is that the scene has regeneration and fecundity symbolism (Shedid and Seidel 1996: 17) and another that the scene depicted an activity that would metaphorically lead to rebirth, an interpretation based on the dual meanings of sti as ‘ to shoot’ and to impregnate and qmA meaning ‘to throw’ and qmA meaning ‘to beget’ (Westendorf 1967: 142-143, Derchain 1976: 8-10, Laboury 1994: 70-71, and Manniche 2003: 42-45). Laboury 1994: 70 also observes that hunting was a sacred activity and the killing of birds was the re-enactment of the iconic action of striking displayed by the king, which destroyed the enemies of cosmic order and maintained the establishment of mAat. The scene as a symbolic image of the control of chaos was also suggested by Kozloff and Bryan 1992: 273. This list of interpretations is not exclusive; see Martin 1984: 1128 for further references and the comments of Routledge 2008: 157-178 who discusses the symbolic meanings suggested by these and other Egyptologists and the probability that the scene had a multiplicity of meanings. 17 Robins 1990a: 53. 18 Baines has demonstrated that ancient Egyptian text and image work closely together within the bounds that dictate the organisation and inclusion of text with images on monuments and that the text enables the scene to operate at different levels (Baines 1985: 1-6 and 277-286 and Baines 2008: 95-108). Bryan 1996: 161-168 compares the message conveyed to the illiterate by the image, with the information in the texts that would have been understood only by the literate.

11 Weeks 1979: 59-61, Westendorf 1986: 122, Tefnin 1991: 60-88, Hornung 1992a: 17-36, and Wilkinson 2001: 329-335 discuss the use of symbols in ancient Egyptian art. For the study of the symbolic meaning of specific tomb scenes see Desroches-Noblecourt 1954: 33-42, Westendorf 1967: 139-150, Derchain 1975a: 65-86, Derchain 1975b: 57-74, Laboury 1994: 49-81, Manniche 2003: 42-45, and Hartwig 2004: 37-50. 12 This occurs with the mortuary cult offering scene and in some tombs the cone is depicted in some of these but not in all. This calls into question whether all scenes of the performance of the mortuary cult held the same significance or whether some were intended to convey an additional meaning by the inclusion of the cone symbol. 13 In her paper, Cherpion asked why some tombs had no cones and there might be several reasons for this. The tomb could be dated to early in the Eighteenth Dynasty when very few tomb scenes had a cone or the scenes in which the cone does appear are damaged or missing. In TT 359 dated to the Twentieth Dynasty (RIII/RIV), the deceased Inherkhau does not have a cone in any scene, even those in which a cone was often depicted in other tombs; so this tomb is unusual. 14 In TT 82 the living tomb owner (without a cone) presents offerings to his tomb architects who each have a cone (Davies and Gardiner 1915: Plate VII). This unusual scene may be a result of unique survival, but the meaning of the cone cannot be interpreted from such examples. 15 There are some categories of tomb scene in which the cone was not depicted at all and the difference between these scenes and those in which the cone appears proves to be diagnostic.

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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION, RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, AND RESULTS OF PRIMARY ANALYSES studied together.19 The inscription that accompanies an image may not relate directly to it and may be intended to convey a separate message, allowing the scene to operate at more than one level.20 An example of apparent dissonance between image and text can be found on the stela of Userhat in TT 51.21 The scene in the upper register is an Opening the Mouth ceremony. The text below seems unrelated to the ceremony and starts with the Htp di nswt formula in which offerings given by the king to the gods are presented to the deceased. The text continues with the request that Userhat may come forth at necropolis festivals to see the sun and join the barque of Re. This seemingly unconnected inscription, placed under the scene of the Opening the Mouth, might imply that the rituals of the ceremony gave Userhat the ability to leave the tomb, to participate actively in the festival, and that the divine offerings played a key role in this outcome. The cone appears very frequently in this type of scene of the Opening the Mouth and it is possible that it relates to one or all three factors.22 For this study, the images and their inscriptions are considered together to understand how they integrate and express the full import of the scene.

example, the cone might express a new religious concept that required a symbol. The Eighteenth Dynasty was a period that saw the increased prominence of the solar cult in the afterlife aspirations of the non-royal official. Scenes with strong solar associations were created during this period and in some of these, the cone appears. An example is the Gold of Honour ceremony in which the tomb owner receives the necklace of gold for his service to the king. This scene has overt solar reference and the cone is very frequently employed in it. Tomb scenes were controlled by the conventions of religious decorum that governed what could be displayed visually.23 In the New Kingdom some of the constraints of decorum weakened and affected what could be portrayed in tomb scenes.24 It became acceptable to portray the performance of mortuary rituals on the deceased and the afterlife outcome of those rituals.25 The use of a cone in these scenes may express an aspect of the ceremony that could not be conveyed pictorially before. The ceremony of the Opening the Mouth existed from the Old Kingdom, but it was not until the early New Kingdom that the ceremony was displayed and not until the mid Eighteenth Dynasty that the cone appeared in the scene. The type of Opening the Mouth that includes a cone shows the deceased as a divine being receiving cult attention and his subsequent passage into the afterlife. It is also possible that the cone appears in a scene in which it did not feature before because the meaning of the scene changed. A banquet scene appeared in tombs of the Old and Middle Kingdom and continued to appear in the tombs of the Eighteenth Dynasty, but it is only in the Eighteenth Dynasty that the cone appears in this scene. This might suggest that the banquet scene had acquired a new religious connotation and that the cone symbolised this development. These reasons for the presence of a cone are not mutually exclusive and the possible impact of them all has been considered in the examination of the scenes.

The cone was employed in mortuary images for over 1500 years and during this time it is possible that its meaning developed or perhaps changed fundamentally. The time frame selected for this research is the New Kingdom because this is the most important period for the development of the way in which the cone was employed in tomb scenes. After the New Kingdom its meaning, proposed in this study, can be seen to be relevant even in later religious contexts. During the New Kingdom, the cone on the head was created, the number and type of scene in which it appeared increased, its frequency in those scenes grew, and its shape and colour changed. Any one of these developments could signify that its meaning had altered and so the tomb scenes are recorded and analysed in distinct time bands within the New Kingdom. This enables the changes in the cone to be considered in conjunction with concurrent theological developments and evolvement of the afterlife aspirations of the elite tomb owners. The connection between these factors and the depiction of the cone can then be assessed.

Perhaps the greatest problem involved in interpreting the meaning of symbols is the tendency to make assumptions. This is caused by a lack of understanding of ancient cultures and our inherent human nature. It is difficult when looking with a modern mind at the art of an ancient culture not to make assumptions based on our subjective experience and perceptions.26 We are far removed from the culture that created the scenes in ancient Egyptian tombs and we do not share their world view or their experiences. Because ethnographic evidence

There might be several reasons why the cone was not depicted in tomb scenes until the New Kingdom. For 19 A point made by van Walsem 2005: 12 and Derchain 1976: 7-10. See also Baines 2008: 106-107 who demonstrates how the meaning of a tomb scene can be difficult to interpret even when it does include text. 20 Angenot 2002: 11-22 discusses the dissonance in some ancient Egyptian texts and images and suggests that it provided additional levels of meaning. Binder 2008: 4-5 considers that the interaction between text and image is crucial to help us bridge the gap in time and cultural difference. Schulman 1984: 175 remarks on how often the text on the stelae that portrayed the Opening of the Mouth in front of the tomb, did not relate to the ritual itself. In his study of Old Kingdom iconography, van Walsem 2005: 101, Footnote 3 considers that in tomb scenes, the pictorial message dominates and therefore texts may not have been seen as necessary. 21 Davies 1927: 29, Plate XIX. 22 This stela is discussed in Chapter 5, Part 3. Userhat’s head is missing, however, similar scenes of this type of Opening the Mouth ceremony very frequently show a cone on the deceased.

23 Baines 2007: 14-30. The concept of decorum in ancient Egyptian pictorial and written culture was introduced by Baines who has shown that the study of iconography involves an understanding of decorum: ‘The decorum found on the monuments … is a set of rules and practices defining what may be represented pictorially with captions, displayed, and possibly written down, in which context and in what form.’ 24 Changes in decorum occurred in the New Kingdom that allowed far greater inclusion of deities on non-royal stelae and the depiction of the living king in private tomb scenes. In addition, religious texts with the scenes were expanded (Sørensen 1989: 109-128, Baines 2007: 24, and Baines 2011: 7-8). 25 For example the ceremony of the Opening the Mouth and the deceased greeted by the goddess of the West into the next world, did not occur until the New Kingdom. 26 Robins 1990a: 45-58 and Weeks 1979: 59-81 discuss the problems in understanding the meaning of ancient Egyptian pictorial compositions.

3

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES from Twentieth Century African tribes revealed that the people placed lumps of fat on their head to moisturise their hair, it was assumed that the cone in ancient Egypt had a similar function.27 The later theory that the cone is a symbol has emerged from the more recent understanding that the ancient Egyptians employed symbols in their religious art, but the interpretations still focus on the cone on women and are still based on the assumption that it is perfume on the head. This theory is based on the assumption that because the head was anointed at banquets and the cone appears on the head at banquets, then the cone must be perfume on the head. In the study of any ancient culture it is not possible to avoid working with some assumptions, but it is important that their validity and scale of impact are challenged.

official, and the banquet held at the tomb. As such, they differ widely in their function for the tomb owner, but the interpretation that is proposed, in this study for the cone, is valid for each.32 The problems associated with the interpretation of symbolism outlined here are significant. The approach taken in this study attempts to mitigate them by using an objective, systematic, research methodology of observation and analysis before interpretation.33 The first step was to record as many tomb scenes as possible from a large sample of New Kingdom tombs. For each scene the presence or absence of a cone on the tomb owner was noted. When the data were analysed, patterns arose that demonstrated that the cone is particularly significant in some types of scene and absent or rare in others. Logically this supposes that the meaning of the cone is directly associated with the afterlife concept expressed in the former and these scenes are studied further. However, even with an objective, logical, and quantitative methodology, the symbolism of the cone can never be certain and it is accepted that the interpretation formed from this research cannot be proven.

The research for this study is based on the premise that the cone is a symbol and not a physical reality. This is an assumption based on the contexts in which the cone appears and in which the application of a melting lump of perfumed unguent is very unlikely or impractical. The cone is shown on bA-birds (ba-birds), although a cone balanced on the head of a bird is unlikely.28 The cone appears on wigs that did not require moisturising and from which melted fat or oil could not be removed.29 There are several other reasons why the notion of a real unguent cone is not practical and they are highlighted in the literature review of Chapter 2. This study has also assumed that the symbolism of the cone is directly linked to the significance of the scene for the tomb owner. This assumption is based on the work of Egyptologists who have shown that the iconography employed in an image is the basis for understanding and interpreting the full meaning of that image.30 The reverse also applies and understanding the significance of the scene in which the cone is employed should give an insight into the meaning of the cone symbol.31

Research methodology Scope of the study The period under investigation is the New Kingdom, from the reign of Ahmose to the end of the Twentieth Dynasty. Within this time period the tombs are allocated to eleven time bands according to the reign and dynasty in which they have been dated. It is not possible to allocate every tomb to a single reign and so some time bands include more than one king’s reign (Table 1).

Geographical spread The majority of tombs recorded for this study are in the Theban necropolis, but tomb scenes from other sites are also included. This makes it possible to see whether the scenes in which the cone appears differ significantly in tombs outside of Thebes and ensures that the total selection of tombs is as representative as possible.34 Amarna private tombs are included because although they reflect Atenist doctrine, they form their own representative sample. They also provide a useful comparison with similar images in which the cone occurs, before and after the Amarna Period.35

Iconography also identifies the similar concepts expressed by differing images. All the scenes that show the cone on the deceased must share a common theme and the significance of the cone in one of category of scene should bear the same relevance in another scene, even when at first the two seem disparate and unconnected. The interpretation of the cone as perfumed fat or oil from its depiction in the banquet scene is too limited because it does not address the relevance of the cone on the tomb owner in the other scenes that have a same or greater cone frequency. Three scenes with the most significant frequency of a cone have been analysed in this research. They comprise a funerary ceremony, the reward ceremony that took place during the life of the

32 There are other contexts in which the cone appears that are outside the scope of the study and the presence of the cone in them is not investigated here. For example, this study focuses on mortuary evidence in tomb scenes, but the cone also appears in scenes on some votive stelae that were created and used by the living, on female figurines that have been found in domestic and mortuary contexts, and in temple scenes from time of Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten. 33 The need for such an approach in the study of symbolism is suggested by van Walsem 2005: 25 34 Scenes are included from the tombs of Horemheb, Hormin, MeriMeri, and Pay/Raia at Saqqara; the tombs of Anhurmose and Imiseba at El Mashayikh; the tombs of Paheri and Renni at El Kab; the tomb of Nefersekheru at Zawyet Sulṭan; and Penniut Suner from Aniba. 35 The scenes from the following Amarna tombs have been recorded and analysed: Ahmes, Any, Apy, Ay, Huya, Mahu, May, Meryre I, Meryre II, Panehesy, Parennefer, Pentu, Rames, Setau, and Tutu (Database 1).

27

See the views of Schweinfurth in Chapter 2. For example, a cone appears on the bA-birds in TT 41, the tomb of Amenemipet Ipy (Assmann 1991: Plate XXVIIIb) and the tomb of Paser, TT 106 (Muhammed Plate 65). 29 Lucas 1962: 30-31 and Fletcher 1998b: 444. 30 Tefin 1984: 55-71 has shown how iconography can act as a language allowing a scene to be ‘read’. 31 Desroches-Noblecourt 1954: 33-42 was one of the first scholars to suggest that what had been previously appreciated as ‘every day’ scenes, were in fact symbolic. See also the authors cited in Footnote 11. 28

4

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION, RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, AND RESULTS OF PRIMARY ANALYSES

Band

Time Period

1

Total New Kingdom

2

Ahmose-Hatshepsut

3

Hatshepsut/Tuthmosis III

4

Tuthmosis III

5

Tuthmosis III/Amenhotep II

6

Tuthmosis IV-Amenhotep III

7

Amenhotep III /Amenhotep IV

8

Amarna

9

post-Amarna

10

19th Dynasty

11

20th Dynasty

Egyptian culture, this research can only study the cone as it was understood and employed by this class of society.38

Sample size There are approximately 400 known tombs in the Theban necropolis, however, the total number of tombs is far greater and unknown, so it is not possible to say what size of sample is statistically valid.39 This problem is mitigated if the sample studied includes as much available data as possible. The scenes from 154 New Kingdom tombs have been recorded for analysis and it has been assumed that the scenes that have survived are representative of the total population of tombs decorated in the New Kingdom. The total of the recorded tombs in each time band is given in Table 2.

Table 1. Time bands for New Kingdom tombs analysed in the study.

Types of evidence The primary evidence is from New Kingdom tomb scenes and inscriptions, tomb sculptures, funerary stelae, temple reliefs, and mortuary papyri. The transcriptions of ancient texts and reproductions of the tomb scenes have been used and, whenever appropriate, the original evidence has been examined. Textual evidence from later periods has been included if it can add clarity or enhance comprehension of the New Kingdom evidence.36 Scenes from usurped tombs have been included in the study if they can be confidently attributed to a specific owner and the scene analysed has not been subsequently altered.

Gender, age, and status

Band

Time Period

No. of Tombs

1

Total New Kingdom

154

2

Ahmose-Hatshepsut

5

3

Hatshepsut/Tuthmosis III

9

4

Tuthmosis III

5

5

Tuthmosis III/Amenhotep II

17

6

Tuthmosis IV-Amenhotep III

18

7

Amenhotep III /Amenhotep IV

14

8

Amarna

15

9

post-Amarna

10

10

19th Dynasty

42

11

20th Dynasty

19

Table 2. The number of tombs in each time band of the New Kingdom.40

As explained in the introduction to the study, the interpretation of the cone that emerges from this research is based on its depiction on the male tomb owner. However, because women play an important part in the banquet, the significance of the cone on her head in this scene is addressed in an excursus in Chapter 5. Cones rarely appear on children and representations of children have not been included in the analyses.37 Decorated tombs belonged to the elite and as with many aspects of ancient

In addition to recording tombs from all periods in the New Kingdom and from geographically disparate areas, similar scenes from other sources of evidence were also consulted.41 Knowing the appropriate sample size for the detailed analysis of a specific tomb scene is also problematic. So many scenes are damaged, lost, or not included in the tomb decoration, it is not possible to know what the total population for any particular scene might be. Therefore, it is not certain that the results of their analysis would prove true for all the scenes of that

36 Many later texts bear close similarities with earlier examples and are considered to have relevance in the study of New Kingdom rituals. The Papyrus of Nesmin is dated to the First Century B. C., but the text contains many parallels with the Pyramid Texts, the Coffin Texts, and the Book of the Dead and may in parts have been copied from them. For a list of the most striking analogies, see Haikal 1970b: 7-8. In his identification of the Opening the Mouth ceremony, Otto included texts from the Twenty-fifth Dynasty chapel of Amenirdis, the Twenty-sixth Dynasty tomb of Peduamenap, and the late Ptolemaic/early Roman Papyrus of the Lady Sais. They bear similarities with other New Kingdom ritual texts (Otto 1960b: 173). 37 Stela: Inv. No 34.079 in Cairo museum shows a cone on a figure with a side lock who may be a child (Lacau 1909: Plate XL). In TT 217 one scene shows a cone on the daughter of Ipuy (Davies 1927: Plate XXIV).

38 Baines 1994: 70-74. The data include tombs from the royal necropolis workers’ village at Deir el-Medina, for although the workmen were not the noble elite, they were associated with and worked closely with that class of society. 39 The tomb scenes that are existing and undamaged are a fraction of those completed (van Walsem 2005: 44). Manniche 1987b: 15-16 suggests that there may be as many as 400 tombs that have not been yet been found. 40 Data from DB 1 (n= 154). 41 These included New Kingdom artefacts in museums, illustrated mortuary papyri, and temple reliefs.

5

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES type ever created.42 In light of these issues the research methodology has been to record as many tomb scenes as possible and the data from 1080 scenes were used in the initial analysis. If, in the subsequent analyses of selected scenes, the number of examples is considered too small to be statistically representative then the result is labelled ‘NSR’.43

The recorded tomb scenes fall into major categories of related function. Three categories show the tomb owner in activities he experienced during his life: his official duties and paying homage to the king, fishing, fowling and hunting, and receiving the Gold of Honour. The remaining categories depict the tomb owner after his death: in the Opening the Mouth ceremony, receiving mortuary cult offerings, at a banquet or family meal, worshipping and offering to a deity, and scenes from the Book of the Dead. The scenes of which there are only one or a few examples of each type are collated under the category ‘All other scenes’. The frequency of the cone on the tomb owner in these categories is shown in Table 4 and Figure 1. It can be seen that the tomb owner does not have a cone in any of the scenes in which he carries out his official duties. The cone when he is fishing, fowling, and hunting in the marshes only appears in one scene.45 When the deceased tomb owner is before a deity or appears in a scene from the Book of the Dead, he rarely has a cone. In the 194 scenes that do not fall into major categories and which are analysed as one group, the incidence of the cone is 21.1% (41/194). However, there are three categories of scene in which the frequency of the cone is relatively high, the banquet scene, the Opening the Mouth ceremony, and the Gold of Honour ceremony.

The statistical results for the analyses are usually expressed as a percentage followed by the number of incidences and the total number in the sample, for example 50% (14/28). When appropriate, the time bands are combined into greater bands to increase the size of the sample under analysis. Tombs in the first three time periods of the New Kingdom have similar cone iconography and periods 2-4 are often combined and this is indicated when it occurs. The published source for every scene studied in detail is provided in a table in each chapter.

Data recording and analysis The 1080 scenes were entered into a database created by the author and called ‘Database 1: Source Data’ (hereafter DB 1).44 For each scene, the presence or lack of a cone on the tomb owner is recorded as C or N. If the presence of a cone is not certain because of the quality of the image then [C] or [N] is entered. In scenes in which the tomb owner is present but his head destroyed, ‘lost’ was recorded. In the analyses, only scenes in which the presence or absence of a cone is certain are included and of the 1080 original recordings, removal of [C], [N], and ‘lost’ reduced the total sample to 1013. All analyses are based on these 1013 scenes.

Time Period 1 2

The data in DB 1 can be interrogated in several different ways to show:  in which scenes the tomb owner has a cone or not  the frequency of the cone in that type of scene within a specific time period or for the whole of the New Kingdom  the earliest recording of the cone in that type of scene  whether the cone was still depicted if the scene continued later in the New Kingdom.

3

Initial analyses and results

4

No. cones

% cone on tomb owner

1013

216

21.3

30

2

6.7

41

0

0

38

1

2.6

Tuthmosis III Tuthmosis III/Amenhotep II Tuthmosis IV Amenhotep III Amenhotep III Amenhotep IV

90

3

3.3

116

25

21.6

70

27

38.6

8

Amarna

55

19

34.5

9

post-Amarna

93

39

41.9

10

19th Dynasty

362

80

22.1

11

20th Dynasty

118

20

16.9

5 6 7

The overall frequency of the cone in the 1013 New Kingdom scenes is 21.3% (216/1013). Table 3 displays the frequency of the cone by time period and shows that in the early Eighteenth Dynasty it is very low. Even if time bands 2-4 are combined, from 109 scenes before the time of Tuthmosis III/Amenhotep II, the cone only appears in three scenes, a frequency of 2.6% (3/109). The cone does not appear with any regularity until the mid Eighteenth Dynasty and is most common on the tomb owner in the tomb scenes of the late Eighteenth Dynasty.

Total New Kingdom AhmoseHatshepsut Hatshepsut Tuthmosis III

No. scenes

Table 3. Frequency of the cone by New Kingdom time period.46

The fact that these three categories of scene have a notably higher incidence of the cone suggests that the symbolism of the cone is closely associated with the meaning of the scene for the tomb owner. Therefore,

42

This particular problem is noted by van Walsem 2005: 26. NSR = not statistically representative. For some tombs, it is not always possible to record every scene. See DB 1 in the Appendix. 43 44

45 46

6

TT 217, the tomb of Ipuy. Data from DB 1 (n= 1013 scenes).

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION, RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, AND RESULTS OF PRIMARY ANALYSES these scenes were selected for further detailed analysis and for this, a secondary database was created for each. The results of the individual analyses are provided in tables at the end of the chapter in which they are discussed and the databases created specifically for their analysis are in the Appendix. Also provided in the Appendix is a table of concordance (DB 8), that identifies for each tomb, the database/s in which its scenes are recorded. Total scenes

No. cones

% cones

Official duties

44

0

0

Fish/Fowl/Hunt

37

1

2.7

Before a deity

243

18

7.4

Scenes from the BD

109

15

13.8

All other scenes

197

42

21.3

Mortuary cult offering

186

52

28

Banquet/family meal

54

21

38.9

Opening the Mouth

79

36

45.6

Gold of Honour

64

31

48.4

1013

216

21.3

Scene

Total New Kingdom

accepted interpretation until the more recent idea, that it is a symbol of perfume. The chapter also includes the less well-known ideas that have been put forward by other scholars to explain the cone on the head. The next chapters present the detailed analyses of two categories of scene, in the order in which they were carried out for this study. This allows the reader to follow the research process and see how the scenes, their inscriptions, and other relevant evidence lead logically to a new interpretation of the symbolism of the cone. Chapter 3 looks at the Opening the Mouth ceremony, which was chosen for the first detailed analysis because it has a high overall incidence of a cone (45.6%), with the largest number of examples (79 scenes). This scene portrays the crucially important rituals that transformed the deceased from a corpse into a divine eternal being. The scenes of this ceremony appear in tombs of the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth Dynasties and so it is possible to trace the significance of the cone in this ceremony throughout the New Kingdom period. The scene of the ceremony is a New Kingdom creation, as is the cone that appears in it and its examination reveals a direct relationship between the cone and one of the Opening the Mouth rituals. From this meaningful association an initial interpretation of the cone on the head of the tomb owner is proposed. Chapter 4 examines the 64 scenes of the Gold of Honour ceremony in which the overall frequency of the cone is 48.4%. This ceremony, in which the king awarded gold necklaces and other valuable gifts to the tomb owner, took place during his life. As such it provides an important contrast to the Opening the Mouth that was performed on the deceased. The Gold of Honour scene is also popular in Amarna tombs as well as in the earlier and post-Amarna, Eighteenth Dynasty and the later Ramesside period. Any interpretation of the cone construed from the study of this ceremony needs to be relevant for the theological doctrines that were dominant in all these time periods and the interpretation of its meaning in this scene must also be consistent with its proposed interpretation in the Opening the Mouth.

Table 4. The frequency of the cone by major category of New Kingdom tomb scene.47

60 50

45. 6

% with cone

48 .4

38. 9

40

28

30

2 1.3 20

21 .3

1 3.8 7 .4

10

0

2 .7

In Chapter 5 the necropolis banquet scene is examined to assess whether the interpretation of the cone suggested for the Opening the Mouth and the Gold of Honour ceremony is also relevant for cone in this scene. In spite of the fact that the cone originated in the banquet scene it was not the first to be analysed in this study for several reasons. It was decided to examine first the scenes that had the highest overall frequency of the cone on the tomb owner, as these were likely to most clearly indicate a meaning for the cone. The cone frequency on the tomb owner in the banquet scene is 38.9% (21/54). In addition, in the ceremonies of the Opening the Mouth and the Gold of Honour ceremony, he is the only person to be shown with a cone. This facilitates the identification of the particular aspects of the ceremonies that are most closely associated with the cone. In contrast, the banquet scene is complex with many layers of meaning and there are many different kinds of participant at the feast: the deceased

0

t it y et t h ur e s D es ult ie s n u t l/ hu a de he B sce n ry c anqu ou ono sc en d t e r ua B he M of H om ial ow r e m t f ic h/f Bef o f ro l oth or gt d gd s l Of Fis M in Gol Kin e A en en p w c e S O lN Al

Figure 1. The frequency of the cone by major category of New Kingdom tomb scene.48

Study outline Chapter 2 presents the published opinions and theories of Egyptologists and other scholars, on the meaning of the cone. This review shows how the theory of the cone as a lump of unguent arose and how it became the only 47 48

Data from DB 1 (n= 1013). Data from DB 1 (n= 1013).

7

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES tomb owner, his female partner, the living son and daughter who present offerings, the deceased and living family guests, musicians, and servants. The cone can appear on some or all of the participants who have a variety of roles and these multiple factors make it difficult to recognise its meaning without some initial insight as to its symbolism. The fact that the cone originated in this scene means that it is directly associated with the significance of the banquet for the tomb owner and this chapter discusses its function and demonstrates that the proposed interpretation of the cone is also appropriate for this particular scene. Chapter 6 considers the development in the employment of the cone in tomb scenes and its appearance from the start to the end of the New Kingdom. Other scenes in which the cone appears with some frequency on the tomb owner are discussed. They include mortuary cult offerings, the Abydos voyage, and the presentation of the Bouquet of Amun. In the main, the numbers of these categories of scene are very low and it would not be possible to determine the meaning of the cone from them. Nonetheless, there are enough examples to observe that the cone conveys the same symbolic meaning in them as it does in the scenes that have been studied in Chapter 3, 4 and 5. This chapter also speculates on the reason for the shape of the cone and its change in shape during the course of the New Kingdom. The three scenes studied in detail and from which the symbolism of the cone is interpreted, all involve the application of a variety of oils to the body or head. Chapter 6 finishes by discussing whether there is a direct association between the cone on the head and anointing. The final chapter brings together the evidence, observations, and conclusions, and presents the full interpretation of the cone on the head that has developed from the research. The concurrence of this symbol with major New Kingdom theological developments is also summarised. The chapter concludes with comments on the value of the research methodology employed in this study, for the interpretation of symbolic art. Objective and representative data can reveal meaningful patterns that identify the direct and meaningful association between a symbol and the particular aspect of the depiction in which it appears.

8

Chapter 2. Literature Review was the first to use the name ‘unguent cone’ by which the shape on the head became known. He did however concede that most Egyptian unguent cones do not look like lumps of fat.

Early interpretations Several scholars have published their ideas on the meaning of the cone on the head and to follow the development of their theories, their views are discussed here in the order of their publication. This review demonstrates how the notion of a cone of perfumed unguent originated and became the traditional explanation for the cone on the head. It also reveals the dissatisfaction amongst some Egyptologists with this theory and describes the more recent development of the idea that the cone is a symbol and the suggestion that it signifies the potential metaphysical rebirth of the tomb owner.

In the 1923 edition of Erman’s Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, edited by Ranke, the original account of 1885 was changed to include Schweinfurth’s theory. It pointed out the role of oils in anointing the body in cultures of the Near East including that of the ancient Egypt, and that from as early as the Old Kingdom fine oils and perfumes were imported from Libya, Palestine and the shores of the Red Sea. The account supposed that lumpy cones as shown in the illustration in Wilkinson could be similar to the lumps of fat employed by Nubian tribes people and that the melting fat would make the hair supple as observed by Schweinfurth.54 However, unconvinced that this explanation was relevant for all representations of a cones on the head, the author concluded: ‘We probably have to think of the cone — whatever it consists of — as an artfully perfumed object which is supposed to transfer its precious fragrance to the head of the bearer.’

In 1878, Wilkinson in The Manner and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians described how the heads of banquet guests were anointed by servants with ‘head oil’ or ‘qmi’ as a token of welcome by the host, noting that ancient Near Eastern and Greek cultures were fond of ointment and perfume. Apart from this mention of anointing at banquets and a drawing of a mass placed on the head of a seated man, he did not refer directly to the shape on the head.49

The 1923 edition of Wreszinski’s Atlas described the salbkegel in selected tomb scenes in light of both theories. In the scene of the musicians in the tomb of Nakht (TT 52), he noted that the melting unguent cone had stained the girl’s clothing. He suggested that in the banquet scene in TT 100 the servant girl is pouring oil on a lump of rough chewed mutton and that when she holds two small vessels they hold different perfumes. Citing the work of Schweinfurth, he supposed that the mutton would melt in the heat of the room. In his comments on the fishing and fowling scene of Menena in TT 69, he described the cone on the wife as a frame on the wig that held a lump of fragrant pomade that melted slowly and perfumed the wig and dress.55

A few years later, in 1885, Erman described the lump, which he termed a ‘kegel’ or ‘cone’. Noting that some banquet scenes show the cone placed on the head and some banquet inscriptions refer to anointing with oil, Erman concluded that the cone was a solid object that dispensed the perfumed oil: ‘This anointing happened differently from what we normally assume: in the bowl used for the ointment, a hand-long cone is placed, and I could not say of what it consisted, anyway, it absorbed the ointment. The chief anointer … placed the cone on his master's head where it remained throughout the whole banquet and the ointment dripped slowly into the hair.’50 Maspero in his published 1890 lectures only mentioned that the hair of ancient Egyptian women was oiled. He did not refer to the cone on the head nor to Erman’s suggestion concerning the cone, either to agree or disagree. Even though no explanation was put forward for the cone in scenes other than the banquet, the concept of the cone as perfume on the head was established.51

It can be seen that from the first suggestion of Erman in 1878, the notion that the cone was directly associated with perfumed unguent or oil was accepted and reiterated. This is understandable in the context of the banquet scene. The use of perfume and anointing is known from harper’s songs, and anointing the body and placing cones of the head is sometimes depicted in the scenes. Also these ideas occurred at a time when tomb scenes were considered to be literal representations. Yet, with the exception of Wreszinski, the only scene discussed was the banquet scene and the cone on the deceased tomb owner was not mentioned.

In 1907, the German botanist Schweinfurth published the notes from his travels in Egypt and Northern Africa.52 He reported on the use by some non-Egyptian African tribes of chewed raw fat rubbed into the hair. This was allowed to melt and protect the hair from the sun.53 He suggested that the ‘unguent cone’ (salbkegel) discussed by Erman was a white lump of fat. It was his observations that introduced the idea of a melting lump of unguent and he

Norman de Garis Davies seemed at first reluctant to accept the idea that the cone was made of melting unguent, but his references to it in his publications reflect a gradual acceptance of the concept. In 1903 he referred

49

Wilkinson 1878a: 425-426, Illustration 203. Erman 1885: 316-317. Translation from the German by Dr D. Bird. Maspero 1890: 12 and the English version; Maspero 1892: 11-12. 52 Schweinfurth 1907: 184-191. 53 Schweinfurth cited the application of chewed fat on the head from observations made by the respected anthropologist and scientist Rudolf Virchow (Schweinfurth 1907: 190). 50 51

54 Erman and Ranke 1923: 259 citing Wilkinson 1878a: 426 and Schweinfurth 1907: 184-191. 55 Wreszinski 1923: 43, 89b, 2c respectively.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES to ‘curious headgear, some receptacle for ointment?’ perhaps in acknowledgement of Erman’s proposal.56 In 1905 he referred to the cone as a ‘festal cap’.57 In 1917, in response to the idea that the colouring on white linen was due to pomade melting on the head, his rejoinder was: ‘If this sordid explanation has to be adopted, I would regard it as a perverted impulse (by the artist) to realism’. He suggested instead that the cloth was dyed to hide the stains from oil on the body and to preserve the modesty of women dressed in thin fabric.58 However, in 1923 he described the cone on Amenhotep Si-se in TT 75 in procession from the Gold of Honour ceremony, as a ‘dab of ointment’.59 He associated the cone with festival banquets and in that same year, he used the term ‘festal cone’.60 In consequence, he expressed surprise that Ramose in TT 55 should have a festal cone when approaching the doors to the underworld.61 In 1927, he conceded that the theory that the stains on clothes in TT 217 were caused by ointment dripping from the head or rubbed onto the body: ‘must be accepted in the main.’62

‘To claim that it was a cosmetic which melting with heat, ran in the hair and impregnated it with scented oil, is contrary with all that one knows of the delicacy and meticulous cleanliness of the ancient Egyptians.’65 In 1953 the concept of the melting perfume cone was given enthusiastic support by the eminent German Egyptologist, Ludwig Keimer. He argued strongly for the notion of the unguent cone and cited many travellers’ tales of tribal hair dressing customs in North Africa and Nubia.66 He used as evidence accounts of animal fat used by nomads to protect the hair from the sun. He was convinced that the paintings of the cone on head in Theban tombs were pictures of unguent cones made of perfumed grease. This strong support from a wellrespected academic led to a consensus that the ‘unguent cone’ was made of perfumed fat, which melted. Some scholars made observations on the impracticality of the reality of a cone on the head, but they did not deny the concept altogether. Montet in 1946, mentioned the problem of balancing a cone on the head and commented: ‘It balanced miraculously upright — probably, though we do not know, made of some kind of scented pomade.’67 In 1955 Garetto, in her paper on the hairstyle and cosmetics of women in the Egyptian New Kingdom, discussed the cone at some length. She doubted several of the ideas on the cone that had been put forward.68 She pointed out how the varied colouring, the three dimensional decoration that sometimes appears, and the depiction of a solid cone in a bowl, all suggested that the cone could not be soft, melting, unguent. However, if the cone had been made of more permanent material such as gesso she thought it surprising that it had not been found in the archaeological record or referenced in Egyptian texts. She dismissed Schweinfurth’s suggestion that the cone was comparable to the chewed fat used by Nubians, pointing out that the habits of modern peoples cannot be assumed to be analogous to an ancient cultural habit. She also considered it unlikely that women would want melted fat on their precious wigs and their fine clothes and makeup. The focus of her paper was the ancient Egyptian woman, but she does observe that servants and musicians also appear with a cone on their head. She also noted that the cone appears in funerary as well as daily life scenes. Garreto was the first to challenge seriously the melting unguent theory and she concluded that none of the explanations put forward to date were completely satisfactory. In spite of her comments, the notion that the cone was melting unguent was retained, perhaps in the

All of these opinions reflect the acceptance that the cone at the banquet portrayed a cultural practice of wearing perfumed oil at banquets. However, Bruyère challenged the concept that the cone was perfumed oil or fat when he proposed in 1926 that the cone was a symbol and not a reality.63 He suggested that it symbolised two separate but related concepts: contented survival in the afterlife and offerings for the kA (ka). He drew this conclusion from the visual similarity between the heap of sand on which the bA-bird perched and other heap shapes associated with burial and resurrection. He also noted that the cone was similar to the loaf on a mat in the hieroglyph Gardiner’s R4 and this led him to suggest that the tomb owner seated on a mat with a cone on his head was analogous to this hieroglyph. As the hieroglyph R4 was used in writing for ‘peace’, ‘contentment’, and ‘offerings’, the cone on the seated deceased therefore symbolised an eternal, contented existence in the kingdom of Osiris, maintained through food offerings for the kA. Bruyère was the first to propose that the cone was a symbol and the first to suggest that it had a complex meaning relating to the afterlife of the tomb owner. He had also recognised that a symbol could be created from a hieroglyph, understood by Egyptologists today.64 The view that the cone was made of perfumed unguent persisted, although it was not accepted by all. In 1949 Drioton dismissed the idea of placing melting fat on the head as a habit too unedifying for the ancient Egyptians: 56

Davies 1903: 14, Plate XXXVI. The tomb of Meryre I. Davies 1906: 15, Plate XVIII. The tomb of Mahu. 58 Davies 1917: 56, Footnote 2. 59 Davies and Davies 1923: 9 in TT 75 the tomb of Amenhotep Si-se. The dab of ointment portrayed on Plate XIII is a comparatively large cone. 60 Davies 1923b: 139. The tomb of Parennefer at Thebes. 61 Davies 1941: 26-27. 62 Davies 1927: 44-45. 63 Bruyère 1926: 69-72. 64 Laboury 1994: 49-81, Bianchi 1995: 2533-2554, Hornung 1995: 1711-1729, Loprieno 1995: 2137-2139, Goldwasser 1995: 3-25, and Wilkinson 2001: 331. 57

65

Drioton 1949: 33. This comment, unseen by the author, was made in an article published in a women’s magazine called La Femme Nouvelle and cited by Cherpion 1994: 79. 66 Keimer 1953: 329-372. The accounts date from 1663 in the reports of early travellers. They wrote of the use of rancid goat and sheep butter, boiled mutton fat, and chewed camel fat. They described how the melting fat ran onto the body and clothes. Some accounts mentioned the occasional use of perfume by the wealthy and in Keimer’s personal observations of 1951 made during his time in Egypt and Africa, he reported seeing mutton fat and resin used on the hair of a young girl. 67 Montet 1946: 77. 68 Garetto 1955: 74-76.

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CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW main because the symbolic nature of tomb scenes had not yet been fully appreciated.

tilting their heads.74 Goyon in 1993 described the cone as made of papyrus and supposed that it contained a special mixture that gave off delicate scents.75 The idea that the cone was made of scented wax that diffused perfume was first put forward by Jones in 1991 and has its supporters today.76

Alternative theories Some alternative ideas to the melting perfumed unguent cone have been put forward and they reflect dissatisfaction with the accepted melting fat theory. Mond in his 1905/1906 excavations at Thebes, found a bowl-shaped object made of cartonnage with three loops. He suggested that this was a funerary cap that would have been attached to the wig by its loops and that this object was the likely explanation for the cone on the head.69 The published colour plate of the bowl shows that the pattern is similar to decorative basketwork and unlike the decorations seen on cones. Also, if the bowl was placed on the head, the three loops meant that at least one would hang over the face.

Current opinions The ‘unguent cone’ of perfumed oil or unguent had become the de facto explanation presented in modern academic writing. Müller in the Lexikon der Ägyptologie gives a brief and traditional explanation for the unguent cone as a cone of perfume.77 She suggests that the stains on the clothes are thought to be from the melting cone, and that the resin of myrrh with which the unguent was probably perfumed might have helped the cone to adhere to shaved heads. However, she acknowledges that the decoration sometimes seen on a cone has yet to be explained. For the first time, many examples of the different types of scene in which the perfume cone appears are referenced including: the banquet scene with the cone on the guests, musicians and servants, on couples playing senet, on the woman in the childbirth arbour and in the marshes, the Opening the Mouth ceremony, and some afterlife scenes. Müller also observes that the cone is rarely found on statues or statuettes and more commonly depicted in paintings or reliefs.

In 1906 Spiegelberg wrote a short paper stating that the cone was unlikely to be made of unguent.70 Having investigated the ‘so-called unguent cone’, he pointed out that such an object was of no value to bald heads or mummies. He observed that the cone varied considerably in form and colour and sometimes had flowers attached, especially at festivals. In support of his observations, he discussed an unusual form of cone from the TwentySecond Dynasty coffin of Djedhoriufankh, which he thought could be made of wickerwork.71 He compared the cone to the modius shown on goddesses and queens and proposed that the cone was ‘head finery’ worn at festivals and should be called a ‘festival cone’. Conceding that more research was necessary, he agreed that the cartonnage shape found by Mond could have been a cone placed on the head and suggested that his own proposed head finery could also be made of cartonnage.

From a different perspective Maraite’s study, Le cône de parfum dans l'ancienne Égypte, published in 1992 examines the changing shape of the cone from its first appearance in the early Eighteenth Dynasty to the end of the Ptolemaic period.78 She describes how the cone was at first small and gently rounded, becoming larger and more dome-like in the time of Amenhotep II/Tuthmosis IV. In the reign of Amenhotep III, it became large and pointed like a ‘sugar loaf’ coloured white with a yellow top.79 During the Amarna period, it was thin and elongated, sometimes standing on a base ring. Normally used on private monuments, during the reign of Akhenaten, it also appeared in temple scenes. In the Ramesside period, the cone was smaller, sometimes decorated with black spots, or crossed by the stem of a waterlily.80 Whilst providing valuable information on the changing shape of the cone and drawing attention to the different types of scene in which the cone appears, Maraite accepts the traditional interpretation of the cone as melting unguent. Her particular focus is how the cone can be used as a dating criterion and so she does not suggest why the shape

Perhaps building on Spiegelberg’s suggestion, but also in keeping with Erman and Wreszinski, Budge later proposed that the cone consisted of a light framework in which was placed a cake or ball of scented unguent.72 Petrie in his 1914 observations concerning the tribespeople of the Gan, who lived on the upper Nile in Africa, proposed that the ancient Egyptian cone was made of shaved hair formed into a cone and decorated, publishing a picture of the coiffure.73 This cone however is small and pointed, and very unlike the ancient Egyptian cone on the head. Although other Egyptologists searched for an alternative explanation for the cone shape on the head, most of their suggestions were based on the concept that it was an actual object and associated with perfume. Ramond thought the cone might be made of wood with a small mound of perfumed pomade on it, a design that would prevent the cone falling when the person was moving or

74 Stela Inv. no. 49.271, Twenty-sixth Dynasty in Toulouse Musée Georges Labit, in Ramond 1977: 63, Plate XIV. 75 Goyon et al 1993: 4. 76 Jones 1989: 49-52. See also David 2003: 366-367 who writes: ‘Scented with herbs and spices these (wax cones) would melt at parties and perfume the hair.’ 77 Müller 1984: 366-367. 78 Maraite 1991: 213-219. 79 A sugarloaf was the traditional shape in which refined sugar was produced and sold until the late Nineteenth Century. 80 Her paper continues with the description of the cone in later periods, outside the scope of this study.

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Mond 1910: 137 and Colour Plate on the Frontispiece. Spiegelberg 1906: 173-174. 71 TR 23.11.16.12. Cairo Antiquities Museum. 72 Budge 1926: 69. 73 Petrie 1914: 159-170, Figure 12. 70

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES changed or the reason for the cone appearing in different types of scene over time.

the impracticality of the unguent cone finish with noting the lack of visual evidence for the attachment of cones on shaved heads or dancers and the lack of any archaeological evidence that can be associated with an unguent cone.87 Cherpion acknowledges the contribution of Bruyère and agrees with him that the cone was a symbol associated with survival after death. However, she believes that the cone was a symbol of the application of perfumed unguent. Noting the association of perfume with love in ancient Egyptian poetry, she suggests that the cone symbolised the possibility of sexual activity. Agreeing with Desroches-Noblecourt, who had suggested earlier that the banquet was a scene that incited procreation, Cherpion refers to the coded references to sexual activity that would lead to conception and subsequent rebirth. Referring to the scene in TT 77 in which a red liquid is poured over the head a female guest, she suggests that there is a visual pun with sti meaning ‘to pour’, and its alternative meaning ‘to ejaculate’.88 The consumption of intoxicating drink and the narcotic effect of the waterlilies and poppies worn by the guests would also have an aphrodisiac effect. Other scenes in which the cone appears that she cites as evidence are the ostracon of a nubile girl with a tattoo and waterlilies, and the scenes of Ankhesenamun attending Tutankhamun on the Little Golden shrine. These images she interprets as a discreet way of expressing sexual activity that held the promise of resurrection.

The traditional interpretation of cone as a perfumed, melting unguent has been employed by Ghalioungui, Freed, Eggebrecht, Stead, Maraite, Watterson, Strouhal, Westendorf, Shedid and Seidal, and Ikram.81 The 2002 publication Beautés d’Égypte describes how the perfumed grease running down from the melting cone coloured the women’s clothes` gold.82 Some authors, whilst still presenting the traditional view give a more qualified account reflecting a measure of doubt in the idea of a melting cone.83 A few scholars use alternative names for the cone, such as ‘cosmetic cone’ or ‘incense cone’, but without an explanation for their choice of these particular terms.84 From the mid Twentieth Century, the Egyptologists Desroches-Noblecourt, Westendorf, and Derchain put forward the theory that tomb scenes held symbolic meaning.85 In 1994 Cherpion proposed that the cone was not a real object, but a symbol of perfume that brought about the possibility of rebirth. Her study, longer than any other, begins by discussing the flaws in previous scholarship that had led to the interpretation of the cone as a cone of melting perfumed unguent.86 She raises several objections to the reality of a melting fat cone: it was placed on wigs and not hair and so would not moisturise the hair, nor would the cone function as a moisturiser on the coffin or on the bA-bird. She points out that the stains on the clothes in tomb scenes do not always correlate with the presence of a cone on the head and should not be interpreted as being caused by coloured fat from the melting cone. The concept that the cone was comparable to fat used by Nubian tribes’ people is countered by her observations that the examples described bore no relationship to the ancient Egyptian cone on the head. The fat used by the tribes’ peoples was not a single lump placed on the head, but was described as small pellets, chewed mutton, or a ‘finger-thickness’ of grease smeared on the head. She also suggests that most tribes’ people could not afford the addition of perfume and they would have used only raw and rancid smelling fat. From the time of Amenhotep III, the cone sometimes appears with a garland of petals that Cherpion felt was unlikely to be placed on melting fat. Her observations on

Cherpion is the first scholar to deal comprehensively with the subject of the cone on the head and her study drew together for the first time the opinions and interpretations of earlier scholars. By voicing several reasons why the actuality of an unguent cone was not feasible, she opened the debate on the likelihood that the cone on the head was a symbol. This was important for those scholars who were dissatisfied with the notion of a melting fat cone and her theory fed into the realisation that the scenes in the tomb could have a coded meaning relating to the afterlife of the deceased tomb owner. On the other hand, her spirited support for the cone as a symbol of perfume associated with sexual activity and the potential of rebirth limited its significance in the main to ancient Egyptian women, particularly women in scenes that could be interpreted as erotic.89 As a result, the cone is now rarely referred to except when it appears in the banquet scene and on women.

81

Ghalioungui 1973: 155, Freed 1982a: 199, Eggebrecht 1984: 150, Stead 1986: 51, Maraite 1991: 213, Watterson 1991: 117, Strouhal and Forman 1992: 38, Plate 40, Westendorf 1968: 119, Shedid and Seidel 1996: 29, and Ikram 2001: 164. 82 Delvaux 2002: 47. 83 Green 2001: 414 acknowledges the debate on the reality of the cone and adds that it was usually agreed to be an unguent cone. Tyldesley 1994: 153 gives the traditional interpretation that cones were tallow impregnated with myrrh (antyw) but adds that perhaps the scenes should not be taken too literally. 84 In Kákosy et al 2004: 141 the term ‘cosmetic cone’ is used. Hari 1985: 9, describes the individuals with cones on the heads as ‘Tout sont “sous l’incense’’’ and Capel and Markoe 1996: 67, refer to the ‘incense cone’. 85 Desroches-Noblecourt 1953: 7-42, Desroches-Noblecourt 1954: 3242, Westendorf 1967: 139-150, Derchain 1975a: 65-86, and Derchain 1975b: 57-74. 86 Cherpion 1994: 79-106.

87 An object has been found recently in the South tombs cemetery at Amarna: ‘On the crown of a full head of braided hair belonging to a adult woman sat a fragmented hollow object (object 39920) of brittle, pale yellow material, which was porous and full of voids. Being fragmented, it as hard to be sure of its shape, but one side could be seen to curve from a wide base against the hair to a narrower top.’ (Shepperson 2010: 9). Update by personal communication with Professor B. J. Kemp, April 2012. Unfortunately, no further progress on the identification of this unique find is currently possible and its fabric and purpose remain speculative. 88 Manniche 1988: 18-19, Figure 6. 89 For his criticism of Cherpion’s proposals, see Thompson 1998: 229243. He points out that the texts that deal with anointing in funerary practice have no erotic significance.

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CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Manniche discusses the symbolic meaning of the banquet scene and the cone in several of her publications.90 For her, like Cherpion, the cone was a symbol of perfume that signified the potential of rebirth.91 Her interpretation draws on the work of Desroches-Noblecourt, Westendorf, and Derchain and is based on the cone in scenes that she feels have an erotic context. Her longest discussion on the cone is found in Sacred Luxuries in the chapter ‘Scent for love and rebirth’.92 She cites several temple, mortuary, and secular texts that describe the use of perfume in erotic contexts and she considers that the perfume most likely to have been used was antyw (antyw/myrrh). Manniche notes that the word for ‘scent’ and ‘engender’ share the same hieroglyphs.93 She like Cherpion considers that pouring drink formed a visual pun, sti meaning ‘to shoot’ and ‘ejaculate’.94 She sees the pouring of wine and other liquids by the serving girls at the banquet as an allusion to the creative sexual act and she suggests that the cone in the banquet scene is a coded message that conveys ‘sexuality’. The golden shrine of Tutankhamun has a relief that Manniche feels is an excellent example of the cone as a sexual metaphor. It shows the king pouring a liquid into the hand of Ankhesenamun and Manniche points out that the aspects depicted: ‘pour’, ‘liquid, ‘hand’, ‘mouth’, and ‘drink’, all have secondary erotic significance.

from their altars.96 She also notes that the soul (bA) could separate from the body of the living with the help of intoxication and that the liberated soul was able to communicate between the living, the divine, and the deceased. The Valley Festival banquet was in fact a religious ritual at which the living and the dead were transformed and Manniche recognises the desire of the living family guests to enter into a special state in which they could commune with their deceased ancestor.97 She does not however associate any of these factors to the symbolism of the cone other than the banquet scene held erotic symbolism and signified the potential of rebirth. Many scholars have accepted the idea that the cone was a symbol of perfumed unguent, possibly antyw, applied to the head.98 Fletcher in her doctoral dissertation lists many examples of the cone on women in non-banquet contexts as well as on men, children and deities and concludes that: ‘this object is simply a visual reference to the fact that large amounts of scented oils or unguents had been applied to the hair and scalp’.99 Other Egyptologists have adopted the concept of the cone as a symbol of perfume associated with rebirth. In 2002, Meskell stated that the cone symbolised the promise of resurrection referring to the cone as a signifying aroma and all that this entailed symbolically: ‘A good and luxurious life in the next world’.100 Hartwig, writing in 2004, proposed that the perfumed unguent or wax cone symbolised the deceased was in a transcended state with the promise of sexual union.101

Manniche’s work brings to English speaking readers the ideas and interpretations of earlier French and German scholars, including that of Cherpion, but her observations are confined to the cone on women in the banquet scene and to scenes in which she interprets as holding strong erotic connotations. For example, she considers that the fishing and fowling scene is associated with the potential of rebirth because the women in this scene and the banquet scene wear transparent clothing, wigs, and an unguent cone, items believed by some Egyptologists to be erotic.95 However, she notes some important religious aspects of the banquet scene that show the banquet is more than a mortuary feast. She observes that most of the banquets took place during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an event in which the living, the dead and divine experienced communion. She notes that the deities Hathor and Amun were present at the festival and offerings made to the deceased tomb owner had come

This review of the theories and ideas put forward since 1885 demonstrates that the interpretation of the unguent cone from the beginning has come from personal observations rather than detailed research. It was the opinions of Schweinfurth and Keimer, that were instrumental in bringing about the acceptance of the concept of the melting cone made of unguent although they were adding their ideas to earlier suggestions.102 The 96

Manniche 2003: 44. Manniche 1999: 94 and Manniche 2003: 44. Schott 1953: 75, Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid 1987: 55, Fletcher 1998a: 44, and Hodel-Hoenes 2000: 34. 99 Fletcher 1998b: 445. She cites examples of a cone on a statuette (Tuty; Brooklyn Acc. No. 54.187 in Kozloff and Bryan 1992: 259, Figure 50a), on the head of Khamhat in the Gold of Honour ceremony in TT 57 (Wreszinski 1923: 203-203), and on Horemheb (a) Horemheb (b) in his Saqqara tomb (Martin 1989b: Scene [21] and [72]). The cone appears on a woman holding the infant Amenhotep II in TT 93 in Davies 1930a: Plate IX and Davies 1930b: Plate IXA). Female ‘traders’ in TT 217 have a cone (Davies 1927: Plate XXX). A woman with a cone pulls flax (Stead 1986: 26. Book of the Dead BM EA 100063.3). Men on chariots can have a cone (Stela dedicated to Any in Cairo Museum CG 34177 (JE.29748) in Davies 1908a: Plate XXII). There are also a small number of examples of the cone on children: on a boy on the stela in Lacau 1909: Plate XL. CG 34.079, on the daughter of Ipuy (TT 217) in Davies 1927: Plate XXIV, and on prince Siatum on the stela Vienna ÄS.5814 in Kozloff and Bryan 1992: 292, Figure 58. She also points out the cone appears on deities; Horus and the sons of Horus (BM EA 24906, the Book of the Dead of Pasenhor in James 1985: 70, Figure 84), on Isis and Nepthys (Louvre E. 17401, the Book of the Dead of Nespekashuti in Ziegler et al 1990: 75), and on three snake goddesses in TT 254 (Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 71-72 and Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: XXVIII). 100 Meskell 2002: 153. 101 Hartwig 2004: 92, 99. 102 Schweinfurth 1907: 187 and Keimer 1953: 363-372. 97 98

90 For her work on the symbolic meaning of the banquet scene, see Manniche 1997: 29-36 and Manniche 2003: 42-45. On perfume and its involvement in sexual attraction leading to procreation, see: Manniche 1987a: 42, Manniche 1999: 91-97 (with specific reference to the solid perfume of unguent cones on page 85 and 95). 91 Other aspects of the banquet that suggest sexual stimulation: the lotus, the mandrake, excessive imbibing of alcohol, music, and dancing are discussed in Manniche 1997: 29-36. On a similar theme, see Manniche 2003: 44-45. 92 Manniche 1999: 91-111. 93 Manniche 1999: 96. The word for fragrance is sTi, which is also a variant spelling of sti meaning ‘to ejaculate’ (Wb. 4, 347.10 and 349. 5350. 1). 94 Manniche 1997: 33, Manniche 1999: 96-97, and Manniche 2003: 44-45. 95 Out of fourteen fishing and fowling scenes recorded in DB 1, only one shows a cone on the tomb owner (TT 217) and only three depict a cone on the woman: TT 80 and TT 69, and the wall fragment of Nebamun in the British Museum: EA 37977.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES concept that the cone was perfumed unguent or a symbol of perfumed unguent has proved acceptable to many scholars and there is justification for associating cones with perfumed oils and unguent. Cones appear frequently in banquet scenes that show the guests rubbed with unguent, so demonstrating the use of oil at the banquet.103 In some of these banquet scenes, a cone is actually shown being placed on the head and this seems to be a visual representation of the song of the harper, that instructs banquet guests to put antyw on their head.104 The use of perfume on the hair of goddesses is also attested in the text of the harpist who sings: ‘Put antyw on the locks of mAat (Maat).’105 The goddess Shentayt had perfumed hair and the song of Isis and Nepthys refers to antyw on their hair.106 There are texts that show that perfume on the hair was also considered to be sexually attractive. This is demonstrated in The Tale of the Two Brothers and in the love poetry of the New Kingdom, which refers to the potent sexual attraction of perfume.107 There are tomb scenes in which the substance on stands and bowls, in the shape of a cone, is considered to be unguent. In TT 175, part of the banquet scene has been identified as the manufacture of perfumed unguent in which a large cone is shown at the end of the process.108 There is also archaeological evidence for the importance of perfume for the afterlife and vessels found in tombs held oils and fatty matter, perfumed with resins or scented bark.109

Egyptian society, and that perfumed oil was used on the hair, so the notion that the cone is a symbol of perfumed fat or oil applied to the head seems a reasonable assumption. Those who perceive the cone as a symbol of perfume on the head or wig, although they have rejected the idea that solid fat was involved and feel that just a dab of perfumed fat or oil was used instead, have used the same reasoning. Apart from Bruyère, no other considered interpretation for the cone has been proposed and that means that any reference to the cone, by default, restates the generally accepted theory that it represents perfume. The review of the literature has also shown that there is has been no extensive or rigorous research on the cone on the head in mortuary scenes. The interpretation of the cone as a symbol of perfume associated with sexual congress and rebirth is based on the cone as it appears on women at the banquet or in other scenes that can be interpreted as showing her in an erotic context. Yet the cone appears frequently on male guests at the banquet, and on the living and deceased male tomb owner.110 It also appears on the tomb owner in scenes in which the interpretation of the cone as an agent of seduction leading to rebirth does not fit so well. For example, the cone appears frequently on the deceased sailing to Abydos, the Gold of Honour ceremony and the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb.111 The aim of this study is discover whether there is an alternative interpretation for the symbolism of the cone on the head, based on an objective and thorough investigation of the cone on the tomb owner in the scenes in which he has frequently has a cone.

The artistic and textual evidence appears to fit neatly: it is known that perfumed unguents were important to ancient 103

In TT 100 a female guest has her arms anointed, another female her upper chest rubbed, a male guest has his arms anointed, and another has a cone placed on his head (Davies 1943b: Plates LXIV-LXVII). Texts with banquet scenes confirm that the body and head were anointed with oil, for example in TT 78, TT 93, and TT 106 (Lichtheim 1945: 178-212). 104 The cone is shown being placed on the head in: TT 82 in Davies and Gardiner 1915: Plate XV, TT 22 in Wreszinski 1923: 122, TT 92 in Wreszinski 1923: 258, TT 57 in Frankfort et al 1929: Figure 7, and TT 219 in Maystre 1936: Plate IV. See also details of the banquet scenes discussed in Chapter 5 in this study. The harper’s song called The Song of Intef is from Papyrus Harris 500, 6.2-7.3 and translated by Lichtheim 1945: 192 and Parkinson 1991: 145-146. The text of a similar song is inscribed in the L-Hall of TT 50, the tomb of Neferhotep and also translated by Lichtheim 1945: 195-197. However, this text does not refer to placing the unguent on the head, but instead instructs Neferhotep to put incense and fine oil to his nostrils. 105 Text from the tomb of Rekhmire in Davies 1943a: 60-61. 106 The Song of the Perfumed Hair from a Twenty-second Dynasty stela referring to Shentayt is in Nachtergael 1981: 593, note 39. The Song of Isis and Nepthys is from the late Fourth Century B.C. Bremner-Rhind Papyrus BM EA 10188 (Faulkner 1938: 121-140). See Fletcher 1998b: 444 for additional references. 107 In The Tale of the Two Brothers the king is consumed with desire when he smells the perfume of the hair of the wife of Bata. Translation of Papyrus D’Orbiney = Papyrus BM EA 10183 in Lichtheim 1976: 207-208. Perfume described as an aphrodisiac occurs in the poems translated in Simpson 1972: 301, 302, and 311. 108 Goyon and Koura 2002: 96-97. See also Manniche 1988a: 35, Figure 32 and Serpico 2004: 110. Serpico points out that although it is a plausible interpretation of the scene there are no inscriptions that can confirm this suggestion and that no conclusions on the processes involved in making a scented unguent can be drawn from this representation. 109 Serpico and White 2000a: 463-464 discuss how the scientific analysis of jar contents from tombs indicates that resins were mixed with fats although it is difficult to be certain of their intended use. Tchapla et al 1999: 517-531 notes that the names on the containers of sacred oils assayed did not correspond with the resins in the contents.

110 The cone appears on male guests in thirty-one out of fifty-six banquet scenes and on the tomb owner in eighteen out of twenty-eight in which they are present. For the tomb numbers and owners see DB 7. 111 The cone on the tomb owner and his wife in a scene of the Abydos voyage is in TT 338, the tomb of May (Tosi 1994: 51, Plate 24). The cone appears on the tomb owner during the Gold of Honour ceremony in the tomb of Meryre II at Amarna (Davies 1905a: Plate XXXIII). For an example of the cone on the upright coffin during the Opening the Mouth see TT 178, the tomb of Neferrenpet Kener (Hofmann 1995a: Plate VI).

14

Chapter 3. The symbolism of the cone on the tomb owner in the Opening the Mouth ceremony It was shown in Chapter 1 that the scene of the Opening the Mouth had the highest cone frequency in the largest sample size. By the late New Kingdom, scenes of the rituals performed on the deceased in the Opening the Mouth ceremony appeared in tombs, on stelae, coffins and shabti chests, and in mortuary papyri. By this time, the ceremony was portrayed in four distinctly different ways and the first detailed analysis carried out for this chapter was to discover whether the frequency of the cone was similar in the four types of Opening the Mouth scene. If one particular type of representation has a significantly higher cone incidence, then the difference between this scene and the other types could identify the aspect or aspects of the ceremony with which the cone is associated.

the type of Opening the Mouth scene, the earliest time in the New Kingdom that the different types of scene appeared, the time when the cone appeared in it, and the specific ritual episodes that each type of scene included.

Part 1. The ceremony, type of scene, and frequency of the cone An overview of the ritual The Opening the Mouth ceremony (wpt-rA) is considered to be one of the most important rites of the funerary process.115 The rituals transformed the deceased into a supernatural being who could speak, hear, smell, receive divine food offerings, and move freely between the world of the living and deities. The rituals brought about the independent existence of the bA (ba) and the kA (ka) and initiated the transfiguration of the deceased.116 Early textual references to the Opening the Mouth ceremony are cursory and it was not until the New Kingdom that there were fuller texts, which enabled significant parts of the ceremony to be reconstructed. Before the New Kingdom, there are only rare visual references in some Middle Kingdom tombs.117 By the New Kingdom, the ritual had become an eclectic mixture that Otto considers to be the original statue rituals with additional offering, embalming, funeral, butchering, and New Kingdom temple rituals.118 Otto identified 75 episodes from the

This chapter has three parts. The first outlines the ceremony of the Opening the Mouth in the New Kingdom. Part 2 analyses the specific differences between the different types of Opening the Mouth scene. In Part 3, the association between the cone and one of the rituals of the ceremony is discussed and a new interpretation of the symbolism of the cone is proposed.

Analysis of the data For an Opening the Mouth scene to be recorded it had to be complete enough to show clearly the head of the deceased and the sufficient portrayal of the several rituals performed and this meant that some scenes were not suitable.112 Every Opening the Mouth scene included in the analyses is listed in Table 12 at the end of this chapter and indicates whether the deceased has a cone, the key aspects of the scene, and reference to its publication.113 In his study of the Opening the Mouth, Otto identified and classified the individual ritual actions performed during the ceremony, describing them as ‘scenes’.114 This would cause confusion in this study when discussing the ceremony portrayed in tomb scenes and for clarity the term ‘episode’ is used here for each separate ritual action.

115 For the development of the ceremony from the Old Kingdom, a full description of the rituals, and translation of their texts see Otto 1960b. See also Goyon 1972: 89-182. The beliefs concerning the purpose of the Opening of the Mouth ritual and its effects on the corpse, kA, and bA are discussed by Roth 2001: 605-607, Taylor 2001: 18-24 and 190-193, and Assmann 2003a: 53-60. For their comments on specific aspects of the ceremony see Bonnet 1952: 487-489, Bjerke 1965: 201-216, Finnestad 1978: 118-134, Grieshammer 1982: 223-224, and Quack 2006: 69-151. Smith 1993: 13-18 gives an overview of the Opening the Mouth ceremony and compares it with the function of the later Liturgy for Breathing. 116 Lorton 1999: 194-201, Taylor 2001: 15-34, Loprieno 2003: 21352150, and Assmann 2005: 87-112 discuss the bA and the kA and their relationship to each other, the body, and the afterlife of the deceased. Finnestad 1986: 359-373 discusses the kA, bA, and Ax, which together he considers represented the transcendent individual. See also the views of Frankfort 1961: 96-123. For further references see Footnotes 205, 213, and 220. 117 Otto 1960b: 6-8. References to the ritual date to the early Fourth Dynasty, for example in the private tomb of Metjen (Lepsius 18491859a: Plate 4 and 5). There are scenes in the tomb chapels at Meir and El Bersheh that show objects from the ceremony brought to the deceased’s statue (for example Blackman 1915b: 27-29, Plates XXIXXII). The texts that accompany these depictions are similar to Episode 67 of the New Kingdom, Opening the Mouth. In the Pyramid Texts, Utterances 20-29, 34-36 include phrases found in the New Kingdom, Opening of the Mouth texts as do Coffin Text I, 265b and Coffin Text III, 299c-d, 312g, and 325c. The earliest Opening the Mouth scene recorded in this study is from the tomb of Renni at El Kab (AI). Other early New Kingdom tombs with an Opening the Mouth scene include TT 21 (TI/Hat/(TIII)) and TT 294 ((Hat)/TIII). For the date of all the Opening the Mouth scenes discussed in this chapter see Table 12. 118 Otto 1960b: 1-10. For Roth’s opinion on the development of the ceremony from a separate funerary and statue ritual see Roth 2001: 605609. There are close similarities between the texts of the New Kingdom ceremony and the Ritual of Amenhotep I, the temple liturgy for the

For the detailed analyses of the seventy-nine tomb scenes, four separate databases (hereafter DB) were created: DB 2: All OTM Scenes, DB 3: OTM-Episodes, DB 4: OTMType 2 tombs, and DB 5: OTM-Type 2 stelae. A copy of each database is provided in the Appendix. From these databases the following aspects of the scenes could be analysed: the frequency of the cone on the tomb owner by 112 For lack of necessary detail the following Opening the Mouth tomb scenes were omitted: TT 45 (Davies 1948: Plate VI), TT 69 (MaherTaha 2002: Plate LIVB, the upright coffin to left of the Type 1 Opening the Mouth scene), TT 159 (Borchardt and Königsberger 1934: 28, Figure 1), TT 162 (Davies 1963: Plate XIX), TT 165 (Baud 1935: Figure 85), and TT 233 (Barthelmess 1992: Plate IV). In TT 41 (Assmann 1991: Plate 40, third register) and TT 335 (Bruyère 1926: 119, Figures 80-81) the scene is a combination of two different types of Opening the Mouth and not recorded. 113 When there is more than one ceremony in the same tomb the scene is given the identification (a), (b) or (c) to distinguish between them. 114 Otto 1960b: 8-10 and 34-171.

15

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES texts of the ceremony, but there are no extant scenes that portray this many and it is unlikely that any did so.119

transformed, to be as he was in life. Bjerke suggests that the Opening the Mouth on all the different representations of the deceased had the same function; to ensure his continued existence in the afterlife.126 For this study the type of image of the deceased was recorded so that any correlation between one type of image and the presence of a cone can be identified. For the identification of the type of image of the deceased as a statue, mummy, living person or an anthropoid coffin see Table 12 and Figure 2.127

The ceremony began with the placing of the mummy (or the statue of the deceased) upright on a mound of sand. The eldest son took the role of a sm (sem) priest and performed the rituals in a re-enactment of Horus restoring life to his father.120 The magical recitations were read out from the roll by the lector priest called the Xry-Hb (lector priest). The various actions performed for the deceased included the actual opening of the mouth using a variety of implements.121 Other episodes involved purification of the deceased with water, incense, and natron, butchering a bull, and presenting the heart and foreleg.122 Towards the end of the ritual, transfiguration spells called sAxw (sakhw) were recited to initiate the transformation of the deceased into an Ax (akh). At the completion of the Opening the Mouth rituals, food offerings were presented to the deceased with purification by censing and libation.123 It is thought that the Opening the Mouth rituals may have been repeated at several stages of the funerary process: during the mummification of the body, its enclosure in the coffin, and its transference to the tomb.124 Tomb scenes of the ceremony can show any one of these various stages with the rituals performed on the mummy or the mummy inside a coffin. Some scenes show the rituals performed on the statue of the deceased and may represent the ceremony performed at the completion of the carving of the statue or taking place in the tomb preceding, the presentation of mortuary cult offerings.125 Sometimes the image of the deceased is in daily life dress, which might be intended to represent the deceased

Figure 2. The mummy, coffin, person, and statue images.128

Types of Opening the Mouth scene and the presence of the cone There are four basic types of scene of the Opening the Mouth ceremony in tombs, which were identified by Otto and numbered by him from 1 to 4.129 Their classification depends on the extensiveness of the ceremony depicted, the number of priests officiating, and the ritual actions represented. Otto’s classification for the types of Opening the Mouth scene has been used for this study although some of the scenes referenced by him were not suitable for this study and some scenes are typed differently here

ancestor cult of the king translated in Bacchi 1942. Assmann 2003a: 5360 describes the ceremony as it appears in the Ramesside tomb of Nebsumenu TT 183 and Fábián 2004b: 89-129 describes the sequence of the scenes of the Opening the Mouth in TT 32. 119 Otto 1960b: 28 and Assmann 2003a: 55. 120 Horus presented his healed eye to his Father and brought him back to life (Assmann 2001: 49-50). 121 The instruments and other materials employed are discussed in detail by Otto 1960b: 8-33 and Goyon 1972: 93-107. The ceremony on the cult statue has been studied by Lorton 1999: 123-210. 122 The offering of the heart and foreleg are ritual offerings involved in Opening the Mouth and not items of food (Otto 1960b: 73-76 and 10206). 123 Although Otto regards the food offering as part of the Opening of the Mouth, Assmann and Taylor see the funerary food offering as an additional ceremony after the Opening the Mouth (Otto 1960b: 155-157, Taylor 2001: 192, Assmann 2003a: 60, and Assmann 2005: 317). 124 Otto 1960b: 26-27. In TT 295 the text accompanying two of the mummiform figures specifies that the rituals are being performed in the place of embalmment (Hegazy and Tosi 1983: 19, Plates 2 and 9d). Finnestad 1978: 119 suggests that it could take place at the end of mummification, as seen in TT 335, where Anubis is shown with the prostrate coffin. It has also been proposed that this latter scene is the Opening the Mouth ceremony taking place in the next world (Otto 1960b: 33). However, it may represent the ceremony on earth, as a New Kingdom ostracon bears a sketch of Anubis (or a priest with Anubis mask) attending the deceased in the tomb chamber (Kanawati 2001: Figure 22, Manchester Museum Acc. No. 5886). Pahl 1986: 212-217 suggests that distortion of the lips of some mummies may show that the adze had been used on the mouth before wrapping. It has also been proposed that the Opening the Mouth was performed on the deceased only once, on the day of burial (David 2001: 442). 125 Finnestad 1978: 119 and Lorton 1999: 153.

126

Bjerke 1965: 210-216. It is not always clear whether the image is a statue or a person in daily life clothing and for this study the standing human form with a long staff has been interpreted as a statue as it is in TT 100, the tomb of Rekhmire. Otto 1960b: 30 considered that the human image should be distinguished from the statue if it was wearing daily life clothing. If the deceased is depicted in this attire, whether he is seated or standing, he has been classified as a person as in TT 178 (a). Finnestad 1978: 121124 considered that all these types of images were statues. In TT 81, the deceased is painted blue but described as a person by Dziobek 1992: 65 and this definition has been followed here. The image with a plain white mummiform body and head mask is identified as a mummy. The image is identified as a coffin if it is similar to other images in tomb scenes that are indisputably coffins, for example, in TT 217 (Davies 1933a: Plate XXVII) in which the eyes of the coffin are carved. A coffin is also shown in TT 23 (Dawson 1927: Plate XVIII). The image in TT 260 has also been recorded as a mummy even though it has some banding on the body because there is no tomb, mourner or any other indication that the deceased is about to be buried. Other features that may be shown on a coffin are a fillet on the head, a pectoral, and a broad collar that covers the shoulders. TT 54 (b) is identified as a coffin because it has all these features. See the comments of Vandier d'Abbadie 1954: 15 concerning TT 277, who considers the image in front of the tomb is the mummy in an anthropoid coffin. 128 Author’s sketch from TT 69 (Maher-Taha 2002: Plate LIVB), TT 217 (Davies 1927: Plate XXXVI), TT 178 (Hofmann 1995: Colour Plate IXb), and TT 100 (Davies 1935: Plate XXV and Davies 1943b: Plate CV-CVII). 129 Otto 1960b: 29-30. 127

16

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY but still using his definitions.130 The frequency of the cone for each type of scene is given in Table 5. OTM Scenes

Type 1

Type 2

Type 3

Type 4

No. with cone

2/23

30/32

1/6

3/18

% with cone

8.7

93.8

16.7

16.7

example of this type of Opening the Mouth ceremony is in the tomb of Rekhmire (TT 100), which shows 51 episodes performed on his statue.133 Twenty-three Type 1 tomb scenes were recorded and analysed for this study.134 The cone appeared on the tomb owner in 8.7% (2/23) of the Type 1 scenes (Table 5). These two tombs were TT 78 and TT 89. Type 2 This type of Opening the Mouth scene comprises one composite depiction, which is an abbreviation of the whole ceremony.135 The ceremony takes place in front of the tomb and thirty-two of these scenes were analysed.136 The Type 2 scene shows representative episodes of the Opening the Mouth ceremony performed on the deceased and TT 51 has a typical example of this type of scene (Figure 4). There may be a lector priest reading from a scroll, which sometimes bears the words wpt-rA.137 There may be one or more mourners present and often the wife of the tomb owner kneels and clasps her deceased husband. His coffin is held upright by a mourner, a priest, or the figure of Anubis.138

Table 5. Cone frequency on all types of Opening the Mouth scene.131

Type 1 In Type I scenes the Opening the Mouth is performed on the image of the deceased in a sequence of images, each showing one episode of the ceremony with one or more officiants (Figure 3).

The image of the deceased placed upright in front of the tomb has been described as a mummy with a mummy mask, an anthropoid coffin, and an inner cartonnage.139 An important distinction between the mummy and the coffin image in the scene is that the latter emphasises the completion of the ceremony and that the deceased

133

Davies 1935: Plate XXV and Davies 1943b: Plates CV-CVII. Type 1 scenes: TT 17, TT 32, TT 35, TT 42, TT 48, TT 53, TT 69, TT 78, TT 80, TT 82, TT 89, TT 100, TT 104, TT 108, TT 183, TT 247, TT 260, TT 294, TT 295, TT 139 (b), TT 161 (a), TT 161 (b), and TT 373 (b). 135 Assmann 2005: 310-317. The ceremony before the tomb shows the most important starting and end episodes (Schulman 1984: 173-175). Barthelmess 1992: 93-120 describes Ramesside, Type 2 scenes. 136 The 32 Type 2 scenes are: TT 19 (b), TT 30, TT 31, TT 41 (a), TT 44 (a), TT 44 (b), TT 49, TT 51, TT 54 (b), TT 55, TT 113, TT 139 (a), TT 161 (c), TT 175, TT 178 (b), TT 181, TT 218, TT 219 (b), TT 255, TT 277, TT 284, TT 291, TT 296, TT 341, TT 406, TT C4, Anhurmose and Imiseba at Saqqara, Khay, Iuy wall fragment, Nefersekheru at Zawyet Sulṭan, and the Havana MN 2 wall fragment (Anon). 137 This can be seen in the scene in TT 31. One of the earliest Type 2 scenes is in TT 56 ((TIII)/AII/TIV), but unfortunately the deceased is destroyed (Barthelmess 1992: 96) and the scene could not be included in the analyses. The earliest Type 2 recorded for this study is TT 175 (TIV/AIII) and points to the reign of Tuthmosis IV as the earliest time for the creation of the scene. 138 For scenes of the mourners at the ceremony, see Werbrouck 1938. Anubis or a priest with an Anubis mask holds Kener in TT 54 (b), a priest holds Amenmose in TT 19, and a son holds the coffin in the Havana MN 2 relief (Anon). 139 For scholars who consider that the image in front of the tomb is a coffin see Otto 1960b: 27, Bjerke 1965: 204, Taylor 1995: 67. Barthelmess 1992: 97, and Polz et al 1997: 49, Plate 19 refer to the two images as ‘mummies’. PM 12/1: 471, Section 31 classifies the scenes as ‘rites before mummies’, but can also refer to the ‘sarcophagus or mummy’ for example when the deceased is carried to the tomb in TT 277. Schulman 1984: 171, Footnote 17 refers to the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb performed on mummies. He also suggests on page 172 that the deceased could be in a cartonnage. Altenmüller considers that the rituals were carried out on the mummy and that if there are two figures, the second was the coffin (Altenmüller 1997: 39). See also Assmann 2005: 310 and 328, who describes how the rite in front of the tomb would have been carried out on the mummy taken out of the coffin and then replaced for burial. 134

Figure 3. The Type 1 OTM in TT 17.132

In TT 17, Nebamun is shown as a mummy, but in Type 1 scenes the deceased can also be depicted as a statue (TT 100) and in a coffin (TT 78 and TT 89). The best-known 130 TT 42 is changed from Otto’s Type 1 statue because the deceased is a mummy. TT 96 was categorised by Otto as Type 3 variant, but it has been typed here as Type 4 because the deceased is standing and has one ritual performed on him by one priest. TT 139 (a) was categorised. by Otto as Type 4, but here as Type 2 because although there is no tomb, the scene with two upright coffins is typical of the Type 2 scene. TT 178 (b) is changed from Type 4 to Type 2 because the scene continues on the adjoining wall and offerings are censed and libated and there are mourners present. Otto typed TT 343 as a person, but the image is a mummy and TT 359 as a person but it is a coffin. The scene TT 373 (b) could be a Type 1 or Type 4 mummy. Ultimately, it does not affect the results significantly whether the scene is a Type 1, 3 or 4 because, as will be demonstrated, a correlation between the offerings and the cone is only found in Type 2 scenes. 131 Data from DB 2 and DB 5 (n= 79). 132 Author’s sketch from Säve-Söderbergh 1957: Plate XXVI. This sketch shows the episodes on the right end of three rows. The scene has twenty-one separate episodes, but many cannot be identified due to damage. No mummy image in this scene has a cone.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES

Figure 4. The Type 2 OTM in front of the tomb in TT 341. Author’s sketch from Davies 1948: Plate XXVI.

is about to be buried in the tomb that is often shown behind him.140 Twenty-seven of the thirty-two Type 2 scenes include the tomb.141 In TT 277, the coffin is also shown carried into the tomb after the Type 2 scene of the Opening the Mouth has been performed. In the tomb scenes recorded for this study, every image in the Type 2 scene shows the deceased in a coffin. There may be one coffin as in TT 41 (a) or two, as in TT 181. There are also examples of the rites performed on more than two coffins.142 Also featured in the Type 2 scenes are the divine mortuary cult offerings and they are placed in front of the coffin and purified with incense and libation.143 The tomb scenes from TT 277 and TT 341 (Figure 4) are good examples of the depiction of this scene. As shown in Table 5, of the thirty-two Type 2 scenes recorded and analysed for this study, the cone appears in 93.8%

(30/32). See DB 4 in the Appendix for the characteristic features of the Type 2 scene. Type 3 Type 3 scenes show the deceased seated, with a single episode from the Opening the Mouth ceremony performed (Figure 5). Sometimes the tomb owner is accompanied by a female partner as in TT 54 (b). The deceased or the couple are dressed in contemporary clothes as shown in TT 56 and for this study identified as living persons.144 Type 3 scenes can often be found framing a stela or false door, the four scenes in TT 56 around the false door from the tomb of Userhat are typical examples, each one showing one episode of the ceremony.145 However, as the multiple scenes represent the actions of a single ceremony, like the multiple images of the Type 1 scene, it is recorded here as one ceremony. The Type 3 scene is the least common of the Opening the Mouth scenes and it has only been possible to record six examples, which is too small a sample to give statistically representative results. However, they are included in the discussions for completeness and comparison. The cone appeared in 16.7% (1/6) of the Type 3 scene (Table 5).

140 For the criteria used in this study to identify the type of image, see Footnote 127 in this chapter. 141 In TT 161 (c) the deceased stands before a structure similar to a shrine and because the coffin is about to be interred, it has been assumed for this study that it represents the tomb. In scenes that did not show the tomb, if other aspects were depicted such as the deceased in an upright coffin, the lector priest, mourners, a stela, or food offerings presented, then the scene was recorded as a Type 2 scene. Those that did not depict a tomb in the scene are TT 44 (a), TT 139 (a), TT 175, TT C4, and the Iuy wall fragment. The fragment of Iuy was broken where the tomb may have been. 142 Barthelmess 1992: 98-99 suggests that two figures represent the tomb owner and his wife. For example, in TT 335, the second coffin bears the name of Nakhtamun’s wife. The inclusion of the wife regardless of the date of her death would ensure her successful passage into the next life to be with her husband. In TT 250, the tomb of Ramose, the scene shows the coffins of five women, each with a cone (Bruyère 1927: Plate VI). This unusual scene was not included in the study because the images are not those of the tomb owner, however, the cone appears on each coffin as in most of the other Type 2 scenes. 143 Otto 1960b: 155-157 and Taylor 2001: 192.

144 Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid 1987: 74 consider the image is of a living person. Ultimately the difference is not significant for this study as the purpose of either image was to show the deceased was able to receive the mortuary cult offerings. 145 Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid 1987: 73-77, Plate 8. Six Type 3 scenes were recorded: TT 19 (a), TT 54 (b), TT 56, TT 90 (a), TT 253, and TT 367. The scene in TT 54 (b) has a cone on the tomb owner. The Type 3 scenes appear framing a false door or stela in TT 54 (b), TT 56, TT 90 (a), TT 253, and TT 367. For a description of this type of scene see Hermann 1940: 79-85 and Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 48.

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CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY incidence in Type 2 scenes and in these 93.8% (30/32) had a cone on the head of the deceased. Only two Type 2 scenes did not have a cone, TT 161 (c) and the wall fragment of Iuy and they are both untypical Type 2 scenes.152

Figure 5. The Type 3 OTM in TT 56.146

Type 4 This type of Opening the Mouth scene shows a single action performed on the image of the deceased with one priest performing the ritual (Figure 6).147 This type of scene has a wide variety of depictions. Some, like that in the tomb of Renni, show the priest performing the ritual action. Others, such as that in TT 2, show Anubis opening the mouth.148 The deceased in Type 4 scenes can be a mummy as in the tomb of Benia Paheqamen (TT 343), a statue as in the tomb of Imiseba (a), in a coffin as with Inherkhau, or as a person as shown in the tomb of Neferrenpet Kener (TT 178 (a)). Another variant of the Type 4 tomb scene occurs in TT 217, which shows two coffins in the workshop with the rites recited and in TT 359, where a falcon-headed priest opens the mouth of the deceased.149 Eighteen, Type 4 Opening the Mouth scenes were recorded and analysed.150 The cone appeared in 16.7% (3/18) of the Type 4 scenes (Table 5).151

Figure 6. The Type 4 OTM in TT 178.153

The frequency of the cone in each type, compared in Table 5 shows that the highest frequency is in the Type 2 scene. There is such a close correlation between the cone and the Type 2 scene that it suggests that there is an aspect of this ceremony held in front of the tomb, that the cone symbolises. These results also indicate that the cone cannot symbolise the Opening the Mouth ceremony itself; if this were so then all types of the Opening the Mouth scene would show a similar frequency of the cone. The Type 2 scenes (also referred to as the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb) are so strongly associated with the cone on the tomb owner, they are examined next in greater detail. This is to establish whether one or more aspects of this type of scene do correlate directly with the presence of a cone on the tomb owner. This entails the recording and comparison of the episodes that each type of Opening the Mouth scene portrays and these details can be found in DB 3. OTM Episodes, in the Appendix. Each type of Opening the Mouth ceremony has its own particular selection of the ritual episodes and the comparison of these shows that there was a significant difference in which episodes were included in each type.

Summary The four distinct types of Opening the Mouth scene emphasise different aspects of the ceremony: Type 1, the full ceremony; Type 2, the completed ceremony, including the presentation of mortuary cult offerings; Type 3, the ability of the deceased to receive cult offerings; and Type 4, the ceremony performed in particular situations. In the scenes, the deceased can be shown as a mummy, statue, person, or in a coffin. Although the cone is present in some Type 1, 3, and 4 scenes, the cone only appears with a significantly high 146

Author’s sketch from Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid 1987: Plate 8. The tomb Inherkhau (TT 359). Some type 4 scenes look similar to Type 1 as in TT 81 and TT 343 where there is more than one episode depicted in separate vignettes. However, these depict individual episodes and not a sequence of the rituals as in Type 1 scenes. 149 It is not clear whether the upright coffins in the workshop in TT 217 hold the mummy (Davies 1927: Plate XXVIII). Niwinski 1984: 460 considers that the coffin could be a substitute for the mummy and for this study it has been assumed that the scene (Davies 1927: Plate XXXVI) was intended to represent the ceremony performed for the benefit of Ipuy. 150 The eighteen scenes of Type 4 were: TT 2, TT 21, TT 81, TT 90 (b), TT 93, TT 96, TT 107, TT 178 (a), TT 217, TT 219 (a), TT 335, TT 336, TT 343, TT 359, Imiseba, Meri-Meri, the Ptahmes relief, and Renni. 151 The three with a cone were in TT 2, TT 217, and TT 219 (a). 147 148

152

TT 161 (c) from the time of Amenhotep III is untypical because the structure shown is more like a shrine than a tomb, the offerings are not censed and libated and although the priest hold the nTrti adze, in his other hand he appears to have a papyrus stem. In all other respects it is a Type 2 scene. The relief of Iuy (early Nineteenth Dynasty) has an inscription with the scene that is at variance with Opening the Mouth texts (Khodjash 1981: No. 70, Plate 127. Moscow Pushkin, I.1.a.5637). 153 Author’s sketch from Hofmann 1995a: Plate IXb.

19

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES episodes is purification in Episodes 2 and 3 by lustration with water from the nmst and dSrt (two types of vessel) respectively, purification by natron in Episode 4 and 5, and purification with incense in 6 and 7.

Part 2. The ritual episodes portrayed in the four types of Opening the Mouth scene Otto used the texts of the Opening the Mouth ceremony from several sources to show that each episode had a specific ritual function. In the main it is his identification of the episodes that has been used here.154 Because some of the scenes have no texts or they have been lost through damage, some episodes have been identified from the image alone, confirming their identification by comparison with similar scenes that did have text.155 In some tombs, the scene is damaged so that it is not possible to identify every episode that was originally depicted and even undamaged representations vary in how many episodes they show.156 In TT 100, a Type 1 Opening the Mouth scene, there are fifty-one episodes shown, but in TT 139 (b) there are only five.157 To overcome the problem of comparing the frequency of the episodes in scenes with a disparate inclusion, the episodes of the Opening the Mouth ceremony were grouped into bands of related function.158 The analysis was carried out by comparing the bands represented in the scene rather than the individual episodes. In this manner, even if only one episode of a band survives, the overall intent of the function of the ritual is still represented.159 Another reason for making the comparison by function was the diversity of the episodes used within each band. One tomb scene might show Episode 2, another Episode 3, and another show both episodes. It is more useful to include all these examples as an example of Band A as they have the same function of purification by lustration.

B. Episodes 8-22: The making of the statue. The priest through meditation or trance conceives the statue of ‘his father’. He is wakened and his vision is discussed. He instructs the craftsmen who re-enact the creation of the statue and the mouth of the statue is opened with the adze and the little fingers of the priest who identifies himself as Horus. The statue is now in the image of his father and in 19-22 the priest changes into a panther skin and is ready for the next sequence. C. Episodes 23-47: The Opening the Mouth A bull of Upper Egypt is slaughtered in Episode 23. In 24 and 25 the foreleg and heart are offered. The mouth and the eyes are opened in Episodes 26 and 27 with the nTrti adze and the wrt-HkAw adze. Episode 31 brings ‘the son whom he loves’ who in Episode 32 opens the mouth with the mDdft-tool and a finger of gold/electrum. In Episode 33 the little finger is used again. In Episode 34 the nms is offered, in 35 and 36 the four ‘bt are presented (both objects unidentified). In Episodes 37-39 the psS-kf bifurcate knife) and other items are offered. Episode 41 is the presentation of water in a basin and in 42 the son departs. Episodes 43-45 repeat the butchering of the bull this time from Lower Egypt and the offering of the foreleg and heart. In Episode 45 the mouth is opened with a chisel and in 46, incense is burnt to make the statue divine.

The bands of episodes Although in the New Kingdom the ceremony is shown performed on statues, mummies, coffins, and living persons, the ceremony was originally performed on the statue and therefore the term ‘statue’ for the image of the deceased is used in the following descriptions.160

D. Episodes 48-61: Investiture of the statue. Episodes 48-53 show cloth strips and clothing presented. In Episode 55 the anointing of the statue with seven sacred oils takes place. Green and black eye paint is offered in Episode 56. Episode 57 is the presentation of sceptres and in 58-61 the statue is censed.

A. Episodes 1-7: Purification of the statue. Episode 1 includes the title wpt-rA and the placing of the statue on a heap of sand. The purpose of the following

E. Episodes 62-70: The presentation of the Htp di nswt. This band comprises the rituals that may have originated in temples. They were added to the ceremony in the New Kingdom. Homage is paid to the statue with nmst vases and it is lustrated and censed. In Episode 65, the offering table is prepared, a list of offerings is recited, and the divine meal is purified in Episode 67, by censing and libation. Episode 69A is the recitation of the transfiguration spells (sAxw) and Episode 70B is the recitation of the offering formula, the Htp di nswt.161

154 He thought that a selection of the significant episodes would suffice (Otto 1960b: 28). The seven fullest sources for the ritual are listed in Otto 1960b: 173. He also includes the short texts from more than seventy additional tombs (Otto 1960b: 174-183). 155 Types 1 and 4 have a close correlation between the actions and text and so these were analysed by the texts and/or the actions of the episodes. Type 2 scenes, unlike Type 1 and 4, may have no text (as in TT 367) or the texts, even when present, are captions or abbreviated phrases. Consequently the ritual actions shown are often more representative of the ritual than the texts and so the episodes were identified primarily by the ritual actions depicted, compared with Type 2 scenes that did have texts. 156 In TT 78 there were originally twenty episodes, but only nine of them can be fully recognised. 157 In spite of this lack of consistency, the Opening the Mouth is the only mortuary ceremony of which there is such full pictorial and textual detail (Bjerke 1965: 208). 158 To define the bands of episodes, the work of the following scholars has been consulted: Otto 1960b: 34-170, Fischer-Elfert and Hoffmann 1998, Roth 2001: 605-609, and Assmann 2003a: 53-60. 159 For the grouping of the scenes by participant into related ‘units’ in TT 32, see Fábián 2004b: 89-129. 160 Assmann 2005: 108.

F. Episodes 71-75: Closing rituals Episode 71 is a hymn to Re-Horakhty followed by 72A in which Re, Osiris, Thoth, and Maat are presented with the offerings. 72B confirms that the mouth is opened and in 73, the deceased or his statue is taken to the tomb. In Episode 74A the doors to the tomb are opened and in 74B 161

The Htp di nswt is the declaration that the king has made an offering to the named god who takes the essence of the food. The divine offering is then removed from the altar and reverts for presentation in the mortuary cult of deceased.

20

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY the tomb is closed. Episodes 74C and 75 are the final rites.

scenes.164 The abbreviation for the recitation of 70B is often given by the use of the title ‘irt Htp di nswt’ (performing the offering which the king gives). This title was written in six out of fourteen (42.9%) of the Type 2 scenes that had text.165 The presentation of the offerings begins with the words Htp di nswt: ‘an offering that the king gives to (named god/s) so that he/they may give a voice offering to N’.166

The selection of episodes in each type of Opening the Mouth scene Table 6 presents the results of the analysis in DB 3. OTM Episodes in the Appendix, of the seventy-nine Opening the Mouth scenes. It shows the percentage of the episodes by band, represented in each type of Opening the Mouth scene. This was assessed for each of the four types of Opening the Mouth scene by taking the number of episodes portrayed in each band, dividing by the total of all the episodes in all the bands for that type of scene, and expressing the result as a percentage. For example, the twenty-three Type 1 Opening the Mouth scenes, allocated fifty-six episodes in Band A and the total number of episodes depicted in all bands for Type 1 was 257. Therefore Type 1 scenes allocated 21.8% (56/257) of their total episodes to Band A. In contrast, Type 3 scenes allocated 57.2% of their episodes to Band A showing a greater emphasis on the rituals of purification. In Table 6, significant differences can be seen in the inclusion of the six bands by each type of scene.

The following text from the Opening the Mouth recorded on the coffin of Butehamun reads: (The Htp di nswt) for Osiris Wennefer, the son of Nut, for Isis and Nephthys, the god’s brothers and sisters of Osiris. From [Amun-Re] the Lord of the Thrones of the two lands, from Montu, the Lord of Thebes, from MutSekhmet-Bastet in Isheru. From Anubis the Lord of the sacred lands, [from] Anubis imi-wt.167 That he might give 1000 of [bread], 1000 of beer, 1000 of cattle, 1000 of fowl, 1000 of incense, 1000 of unguent, 1000 of the best of the offering table, 1000 of the best meals … 1000 of all thing good and pure things. 1000 of all things pure, pure [for] N.168

Type 1 scenes include the fullest proportion of the whole ceremony with nearly half of the episodes allocated to the actual opening of the mouth in Band C. Within this band, Episode 26, which is opening the mouth with the nTrti adze, was most common. One fifth of the episodes were allocated to Band A, and of these Episodes 2 and 3, purification by lustration, were the most frequent. A small proportion of episodes were allocated to the placing of the deceased in the tomb in Band F. There was a very small proportion of episodes in B and even less in E, the presentation of food offerings and only six scenes featured Episode 70B.162 This type of Opening the Mouth had a cone on 8.7% (2/23) of the scenes, the lowest incidence of a cone on the deceased.

The censer used for purifying the food offerings is usually the sHtpy arm censer.169 The purification of the divine offerings (Episode 67) with the fumes of the burning incense (snTr) and libation of water, occurs immediately before the recitation of the Htp di nswt.170 Of the several censing episodes in the ceremony only Episode 67 specifically states that its purpose is to purify the food offerings and that the censing and libation are done simultaneously.171 The episode is usually illustrated by the arm censer and the libation vessel held over the offerings. 164 Englund 2001: 564-569 and Thompson 2001: 326-332 give an overview of the mortuary cult and offerings for the dead. See also Lesko 2001: 336-339 on non-royal mortuary cults. 165 TT 49, TT 50, TT 51, TT 54 (b), TT 55, TT 178 (b), see DB 3. 166 The text of 70B is composed of several ancient offering-phrases known since the time of the Pyramid Texts but is closest to the New Kingdom temple Ritual of Amenhotep I. Otto 1960b: 156-157 and Goyon 1972: 171-173. 167 The fetish of Anubis. 168 Otto 1960a: 182-184 and Otto 1960b: 155-156, 4e-k. 169 This type of censer was used to purify food offerings for the gods in temple rituals. Exceptionally, in TT 291 the tomb of Nakhtmin from Deir el-Medina, the food is censed with incense burning in a bowl. 170 Otto 1960a: 155-156 and Otto 1960b: 151. 171 The other censing episodes are not associated with the Htp di nswt and the censer used in these episodes is a bowl: Episode 6, 7, 47, 59AC, 60, 61, 64, 65B and C, 66, and 71. In addition and exceptionally, Episode 58 is a censing episode that also uses the sHtpy (arm censer) but it censes the statue. Schulman 1984: 169-196 identifies the censing in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scenes as Episode 7 (Document 17) and Episode 72 (Document 5). However, Episode 7 is performed with a censer bowl and not a censer arm. The censing and libation that Schulman has identified as: ‘Episode 72 the censing and libating of the mummy’, in this study is identified from the texts as Episode 67, the purification of the food offerings. There are also several episodes that offer water either as a libation (water poured onto the offering table) or lustration (water sprinkled over the deceased). Water offered on its own as a libation with water poured from a Hst vessel occurs in Episodes 41, 63, 63A, 65B, and 69B.

Type 2 scenes employed episodes in only four of the six bands, and in Band D there were only very few episodes. The scenes had a high proportion of episodes in Band A and within this band depicted most often the lustration of Episode 2 with the nmst vessel. In Band C, Episode 26 and 27, the opening of the mouth with the nTrti adze and the wrt-HkAw adze were often depicted. Of all the four types of scene, Type 2 had the highest proportion of food purification and food offering episodes in Band E and over half of the episodes in the Type 2 scene were dedicated to this band.163 The offerings presented in Type 2 scenes can be identified as the Htp di nswt from the texts with the

162

The tomb scenes that had the divine offerings presented or had the text of the Htp di nswt were TT 17, TT 48, TT 78, TT 82, TT 89, and TT 295. 163 Other rituals in Band E include Episode 68, the beating of the sacrificial animals; 69A, the recitation of the sAxw (glorifications); 69B, purification of the offering plate; 69C, the command to take the eye of Horus; 70A, the summons to the bread and beer; 70B, recitation of the Htp di nswt followed by the removal of the footsteps.

21

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES

Purification of statue

Making the statue

Opening the mouth

Investiture

Presentation of Htp di nswt

Closing rituals

Type 1 (n= 23) Cones 2/23

A

B

C

D

E

F

Total episodes

Episodes allocated to bands

56

35

120

24

13

9

257

Percentage episodes in band

21.8

13.6

46.7

9.3

5.1

3.5

100

Type 2 (n= 32) Cones 30/32

A

B

C

D

E

F

Total episodes

Episodes allocated to bands

35

0

17

1

58

0

111

Percentage episodes in band

31.4

0

15.3

0.9

52.4

0

100

Type 3 (n= 6) Cones 1/6

A

B

C

D

E

F

Total episodes

Episodes allocated to bands

12

0

7

0

2

0

21

Percentage episodes in band

57.2

0

33.3

0

9.5

0

100

Type 4 (n= 18) Cones 3/18

A

B

C

D

E

F

Total episodes

Episodes allocated to bands

20

0

25

0

1

1

47

Percentage episodes in band

42.6

0

53.2

0

2.1

2.1

100

Table 6. The bands of episodes in all Opening the Mouth scenes. Data from DB 3 (n= 79).

Sometimes the texts confirm the identification of this episode; the following inscription in TT 296 was identified by Feucht as Episode 67:

Type 2 scene showed the censing and libation of the offerings; of the six that did not, two were lost through damage.173 However, there are enough scenes in which Episode 67 can be identified to conclude that the Type 2 scene was intended to include the purification of the divine mortuary cult offerings presented at this point in the ceremony. Every Type 2 scene (32/32) shows these offerings, which are visually obvious and often depicted as large heaps in front of the deceased to indicating their importance and abundance (DB 4).174 The divine offerings

Censing and libation for Horakhty the large Ennead and the lesser Ennead, the shrine of Upper Egypt and the shrine of Lower Egypt.172

The text of Episode 67 is usually much abbreviated and simply states: ‘Performing censing and libation’ (irt snTr qbHw). This phrase appeared in five out of the fourteen Type 2 scenes that had text with the scene. Not every

173 The censing is lost in TT 181 and TT C4. The episode is missing in TT 139 (a) and TT 161 (c) however, they are early examples of this type of scene in which the full iconography may have not been established. The scene from the tomb of Nefersekheru at Zawyet Sulṭan shows the divine offerings, but depicts the lustration of Episode 2. TT 219 (b) is an unusual scene with children clasping the coffin and the children, not the offerings, are libated from the Hst vessel. 174 The heaps in TT 113, TT 178 (b), and TT 277 are the most exaggerated examples. In TT 31 there is a basket with unidentifiable

172

Feucht 1985: 50, Text 54a, Footnote 234. ‘Räuchern und Libieren den Harachte, der großen Neunheit, der kleinen Neunheit, der oberägyptischen Landeskapelle, der unterägyptischen Landeskapelle.’ The scene in TT 296 shows the same ritual action of censing and libating the food as found in other Type 2 scenes and acts as corroboration for the interpretation of the simultaneous action of censing and libating food in this type of Opening the Mouth scene, as Episode 67.

22

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY in the scene represent the initial mortuary cult offerings for the deceased tomb owner and the major difference between the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the other types of Opening the Mouth scene is that it markedly emphasised this mortuary cult offering. A cone is depicted in 93.8% (30/32) of the scenes (Table 5).

higher frequency of these episodes, but a very low frequency of the cone.178 Anointing took place in the Opening the Mouth ceremony in Episode 55, which is included in Band D. The head was anointed with seven sacred oils that were traditionally Hknw, sTi-Hb, sfT, nXnm, twAwt, HAtt(nt)aS, HAtt(nt)THnw.179 In addition to these seven oils, ibr (ladanum) and bAq (moringa oil) are referenced in the ceremony on the Late Period Papyrus of Sais.180 In the text of Episode 55 the anointing transfigures the deceased and protects and strengthens the body, which will become divine and transformed.181 Because the cone is traditionally associated with anointing the head, the possibility that there is a direct connection between this anointing and the cone was considered. The scenes in which Episode 55 occurs, do not show a cone on the image of the deceased. Four Type 1 scenes included Episode 55 yet none had a cone (see DB 3).182 One Type 4 scene in TT 335 also included anointing (but not Episode 55) with Isis pouring a liquid from a bAs (bas) vessel, suggesting that it is oil, but the deceased in a coffin does not have a cone.183 This lack of correlation between anointing and the cone suggests that in the Opening the Mouth ceremony there is no direct association between them. It could be thought that the cone symbolised the anointing not otherwise represented in the scene. However, if this was the case, then most Opening the Mouth scenes should show the cone. Yet, the cone is only highly frequent in the Type 2 scene and not in the other types and from this it can be inferred that there is no direct relationship between the cone and the anointing that took place in the Opening the Mouth.

Type 3 scenes display an emphasis on lustration with nearly half the episodes allocated to Band A, the majority of them are Episode 2; lustration with the nmst vessel. A good proportion of the episodes are in Band C, which has the episodes of the opening of the mouth with various implements. Few episodes featured in Band D or Band E. Four of the scenes show a table of food, but only the scene in TT 19 (a) shows the food offering censed and libated, evidence that it alone of the four scenes represented the presentation of the Htp di nswt.175 The ritual performed most often in Type 3 scenes is either lustration or the opening of the mouth. This type of Opening the Mouth scene has an incidence of a cone on the deceased of 16.7% (1/6) (Table 5). Type 4 scenes mainly allocate the episodes to lustration in Band A and the opening of the mouth itself in Band C. The incidence of episodes in any other bands is minimal. Although food offerings are present, in five of the scenes they are not purified or presented to the deceased and therefore they do not represent Episode 70B the recitation of the Htp di nswt and presentation of the divine offerings.176 Of the eighteen Type 4 scenes recorded, the cone appeared in 16.7% (3/18) (Table 5).

Identification of the ritual episodes associated with the cone

The aspect of the Type 2 scene that differs significantly from the other Opening the Mouth scenes is the strong emphasis that the Type 2 scene places on the presentation of mortuary cult offerings (Band E). Every Type 2 Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scene shows this

The Type 2 Opening the Mouth that has the highest incidence of the cone on the tomb owner also includes some episodes that are found in the Type 1, 3, and 4 scenes, such as lustration in Band A (35% in Table 6).177 Yet even though Type 3 and 4 scenes had an even higher incidence of these lustration episodes in Band A (57.2% and 42.6% respectively), the cone does not appear in them. It is unlikely therefore that the cone is connected with either of these ritual actions. The same can be said for the Opening the Mouth in Band C that includes the use of the nTrti adze (Episode 26). Type 1, 3, and 4 have a

178

Episode 2 (lustration) and Episode 26 (the opening of the mouth with the adze) represent the key ritual actions and can be used on their own to represent the whole ceremony (Otto 1960b: 28). Type 4 rituals especially reflect the importance of the two episodes; the single episode used in Type 4 scenes is usually either Episode 2 as in TT 21 and TT 96 or the Episode 26 as in TT 219 (a), TT 335, TT 336, and TT 359. 179 See Otto 1960a: 135-137 and Otto 1960b: 120-125. Note that bAq oil is translated by Otto as ‘olive oil’. In his study of mortuary texts concerned with anointing in funerary practice, 180 Hekenu, seti-heb, sefet, nekhenem, tuat, hatenash, hatenTjehenu (Manniche 1999: 109-110 and 152). The oil ibr as a sacred oil, is attested in the Fourth Dynasty private tombs at Giza (Junker 1934: 75). 181 Otto 1960a: 135-143 and Otto 1960b: 121-123. The anointing protected the body (Text III) and gave the body power (Text II p) to remain unharmed during the transformations that included the emergence of the bA. The spell for opening the mouth in Coffin Text VII, 138f-h refers to the bA: ‘First quality sfT oil … you shall be on N’s brow, you shall put his bA, his strength, and dread of him in the eyes of all Axw.’ Thompson 1998: 229-243 points out that anointing the deceased endued the corpse with the effluvia of the gods’ bodies, made the deceased smell like a god, and protected and purified him. Palettes with small depressions and the names of the sacred oils are thought to have held only a few drops of the precious oils (Taylor 2001: 191, Figure 134) and not solid unguents. 182 These are TT 32, TT 48, and TT 183 in which the image is a statue and TT 295 in which the deceased is a mummy. 183 The bAs vessel was the traditional vessel that held sacred oil.

contents under the Hst vessel that has been recorded in this study as offerings. 175 The text with the scene in TT 19 (a) has ‘Setting out all good things’ and ‘presenting incense and libation with every good thing’ (KRI III, 394: 18 and RITA III, 286). The first phrase is found in the Daily Cult temple ritual Episode 19 that parallels Episode 67 of the Opening the Mouth. For this ritual at Karnak see Nelson 1949a: 224. 176 The Type 4 scenes that show food offerings that are not part of the ceremony are in TT 90 (b), TT 107, TT 359, and Ptahmes. In TT 90 (b) Episode 26 is represented and the offerings are not presented, in TT 107 and Ptahmes the offerings are behind the priest and not censed, libated or offered. With the coffin image in TT 395 the food is visually insignificant and although it shows the opening of the mouth with the adze the inscription is from the Book of the Dead - Chapter 110 and not the presentation of the Htp di nswt. There is no cone on the coffin. 177 Otto 1960b: 37-44. Purification by lustration is also shown in tomb scenes in its own right and not as part of the Opening the Mouth ceremony, for example in TT 40 (Davies and Gardiner 1926: 31, Plate XXXV).

23

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES offering (32/32). In contrast, the other forty-seven scenes only include the presentation of divine offerings in six.184 The significantly higher emphasis on the divine offerings in Type 2 scenes can be seen in Table 7. It compares the number of scenes of each type of Opening the Mouth that include the Htp di nswt.185 Episode in the text or depicted

Type 1 (n= 23)

Type 2 (n= 32)

Type 3 (n= 6)

Type 4 (n= 18)

Presentation of the Htp di nswt

26.1% (6/23)

100% (32/32)

16.7% (1/6)

0% (0/18)

coffin is presented with a large heap of food and the inscription reads: May there be made for you a Htp di nswt of your bread and beer of your house; may there be poured out for you water from your cistern; may there be brought for you [fruit] from your trees; may a recitation be made for you from (?) the written lore (?) of Aten;190 may food be deposited for you on the altar of your kA [every day (?)]; may your name be remembered … Huya, justified.191

This scene and its inscription show that the offering of the Htp di nswt to the deceased was performed at Amarna at the end of the funerary ceremony and that the cone was also seen as appropriate. This suggests that the cone cannot be directly associated with any specific deity or mortuary concept proscribed by Akhenaten.192 Any proposed meaning for the cone must be relevant for all the theological developments that occurred in the New Kingdom. This scene, with Huya receiving offerings as his coffin stands before the tomb, demonstrates that the strong association between the cone and the possession of food offerings by the deceased was maintained in Aten theology as well as in the earlier and later periods of the New Kingdom.

Table 7. Inclusion of the Htp di nswt in each type of OTM scene.186

The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb is the portrayal of the first performance of the tomb owner’s mortuary cult. Table 8 shows the strong correlation between the presentation of the Htp di nswt and the cone (93.8% (30/32)) in the Type 2 Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. Episode in text or depicted

Type 1 (n= 23)

Type 2 (n= 32)

Type 3 (n= 6)

Type 4 (n= 18)

Presentation of the Htp di nswt

26.1% (6/23)

100% (32/32)

16.7% (1/6)

0% (0/18)

With a cone

8.7% 2/23

93.8% 30/32

16.7% 1/6

0

The analysis of the seventy-nine Opening the Mouth tomb scenes reveals that one factor is closely associated with the cone on the head and that factor is the presentation of divine mortuary cult offerings.

Type 2 scenes on funerary stelae

Table 8. Correlation of a cone with Htp di nswt in all OTM scenes.187

A similar close connection between the cone and food offerings is also found on twenty-three Type 2 Opening the Mouth scenes on stelae (recorded data in DB 5). Table 13 provides the published source for these scenes. They were analysed separately from the tomb scenes of the ceremony even if they were still in situ in the tomb because stelae do not show every aspect of the ceremony typical of the same scene on the tomb walls.193 For example, they may not show the tomb, the mourners, or Episode 26 (the opening of the mouth with the nTrti adze). These omissions might result from the reduced

The close correspondence between the offerings and the presence of the cone suggests that the symbolism of the cone is directly associated with the divine mortuary cult offerings. The relationship between the two is also seen in the only Type 1 Opening the Mouth scenes (in TT 78 and TT 89) that depict a cone and which, unusually for Type 1 scenes, emphasise food offerings. Some Type 3 and 4 scenes show offerings, but as noted, these offerings, with the exception of TT 19 (a), are not purified or actively presented to the tomb owner and are therefore not the presentation of mortuary cult offerings of the Opening the Mouth ceremony of Episodes 67 and 70B.188

190 The phrase ‘from the written lore of Aten’ is similar to the phrase ‘According to the writings of Thoth’ from Episode 67 of the Opening of the Mouth (Otto 1960b: 151) indicating that this scene of Huya is likely to represent an Opening of the Mouth ceremony. 191 Davies 1905b: 16, Plate XXII. 192 It is thought that Atenism restricted the deceased to an eternal life in the tomb although his bA could visit the Aten temple with the king during the day and receive food offerings from the altars. At night the dead slept and their bA rejoined them to become revitalised (Hornung 1999a: 97-98 and van Dijk 2000: 284-285). 193 The stelae in situ in the tomb are TT 50, TT 106, TT 257, and TT 373 (a). Nineteen of the recorded stelae are sourced from the study by Schulman 1984: 177-196. He included twenty-eight stelae in his study, but several were not suitable for analysis here because they were damaged and the heads or the offerings were missing or they were not Type 2. Stela Louvre E 25496 had three Type 2 scenes and they were recorded as three separate ritual scenes labelled (a)-(c). The Stela in TT 41 (b) (Assmann 1991: 50, Plate 23) has a double scene of the two images of the deceased back to back and they were treated as one scene of the Opening of the Mouth as they present two aspects of the one ceremony. Even if the tomb is not shown in the scene, the deceased in a coffin and the depiction or reference to offerings were taken as evidence that the stela portrays a Type 2 scene.

There are no Opening the Mouth scenes in the Amarna tombs, but in the tomb of Huya at Amarna there is a scene that is very similar to the Opening the Mouth ceremony in front of the tomb.189 The mummy in an erect 184 TT 17, TT 48, TT 78, TT 79, TT 82, and TT 295. See DB 3 in the Appendix. 185 For the cone, food offerings, the coffin image and the presence of the tomb depicted in Type 2 scenes see DB 4 in the Appendix. 186 Data from DB 3 (n= 79). 187 Data from DB 3 (n= 79). 188 The six scenes were from TT 19 (a), TT 54 (a), TT 56, TT 90 (a), TT 253, and TT 367. 189 Strudwick 1994: 329 notes the similarity of this scene with the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb in earlier tombs although a key difference is that this scene is on the East wall rather than the West.

24

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY width of the stelae compared with a tomb wall.194 There is no significant difference between the correlation of the cone with the mortuary cult offerings in tomb scenes and on stelae (Table 9). Food offerings are represented either by the depiction of food and/or reference to the presentation of the food in the inscription.195 Of the twenty-three stelae, twenty (87%), had both a cone and food offerings.196

The text is Chapter 22 of the Book of the Dead: ‘Spell for giving a man’s mouth to him in the Realm of the Dead.’ The vignette shows the deceased presented with a loaf and he has a cone (Figure 7).199 The following vignette is with Chapter 23: ‘Spell for opening the mouth of N for him in the Realm of the Dead.’200 In this, Neferrenpet is not presented with food offerings and he does not have a cone. The only instance in the papyrus when he has a cone is when he is offered the loaf, demonstrating the strong link between the cone and divine offerings.

The Type 2 scene on stelae supports the finding from the tomb scenes, that the cone is directly associated with the presentation of the mortuary offerings at the completion of the Opening the Mouth ceremony. For the incidence of the cone, offerings and the type of image in the Type 2 scene on stelae see DB 5 in the Appendix. Type 2 OTM

% with cone and Htp di nswt

Tomb scenes n= 32

93.8% (30/32)

Stelae scenes n= 23

87% (20/23)

Figure 7. The Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet. Chapter 22 and 23.201

Table 9. The correlation between offerings and cones in Type 2 scenes in tombs and on stelae.197

Summary The cone in the Opening the Mouth ceremony in tomb scenes, stelae and papyri is directly associated with the divine cult offerings made to the deceased. These offerings are made at the end of the ceremony, when his body is buried and he begins his eternal existence.

Type 2 scenes in the Book of the Dead The Opening the Mouth ceremony in front of the tomb is also a vignette in the Book of the Dead, accompanying Chapter 1. Only seven examples were complete enough for recording and analysis.198 Of the seven vignettes, five had a cone and all of these show a cone on the deceased. This sample size is too small to be certain that this selection of scenes is representative however it does show that these scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb in the Book of the Dead follow the trend discovered in other Type 2 scenes.

Part 3. The significance of the divine offerings in the Opening the Mouth ceremony The depiction of the cone correlates very closely with the presentation of the divine cult offerings. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that the cone symbolises the actual offerings because the food is clearly visible in front of the tomb owner and does not require a symbol. This suggests that the cone is associated with the outcome of the deceased receiving the divine offerings at the end of the funerary rituals. At this point in the ceremony, the rituals have brought about the transformation of the deceased into the individual modes of existence that enable him to live eternally. The presentation of the food offerings summons the deceased to receive them. In Episode 70A the deceased is called upon to take the divine offerings with the words: ‘Come to this thy bread, to this (your) beer.’202 The depiction of the cone on the deceased corresponds so closely with presentation of the divine offerings in the Opening the Mouth that it can be inferred that its symbolism is directly associated with one or more of the transformational forms of the deceased summoned to receive the offerings. The eternal aspects that came into independent existence at the Opening the Mouth are the Ax, kA, and bA and the possibility that the cone could

The association of the cone with divine food offering is demonstrated in the mortuary Papyrus of Neferrenpet. 194

On stelae the deceased is sometimes shown as a mummy and of the 23 stelae studied, 12 (52.2%) were depicted as a mummy with a mummy mask. 195 Schulman 1984: 175 comments on the fact that the Htp di nswt is frequently the text with the scene on stelae, even though the offerings may not be not shown. It is proposed in this study that the text is present because the scene was always meant to demonstrate the presence of offerings even if they were not shown. Fewer stelae depict the food offering compared with the tomb scenes, choosing instead to refer to the Htp di nswt in the text, perhaps due to lack of space to depict a heap of offerings. 196 The two stelae without a cone were DNM. Aad and Phil. 40-19-2. 197 Data from DB 4 and DB 5 (n= 32+23). 198 Unless otherwise indicated the vignettes can be found in Naville 1886: Plates II-IV. The following five papyri have a cone and offerings. Eighteenth Dynasty: Nebqed (Louvre 3068 (Naville P.e.)). Nineteenth Dynasty: Hunefer (BM EA 9901 (Naville A.g.)), Dublin Trinity College IV (Naville D.a.), and the Papyrus of Ani, BM EA 10470 (Faulkner et al 1994: Plate 6). Although later than the New Kingdom the Papyrus of Nestanebetisheru of the Third Intermediate Period was included to increase the sample population (James 1985: 49: Figure 54 (BM EA 10554)). The Eighteenth Dynasty papyri of Kha (Donadoni Roveri 1988: 177 (Turin S. 8438)) and Khary (BM EA 9949 (Naville A.p.) do not have a cone.

199

Milde 1991: 219-221, Plate 39, Columns 29-32, and Figure 67. Milde 1991: 223, Plate 39, Columns 36-42, and Figure 68. Author’s sketch from Milde 1991: Plate 39. 202 Otto 1960b: 155. 200 201

25

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES symbolise one or more of these transformations receiving the offerings is considered next.203

cone is portrayed in tomb scenes in which the individual is alive and this suggests that the cone could be related to the kA and the bA receiving the divine offerings but not the Ax.212

The Ax The sAxw (transfiguration spells that initiated the Ax) were recited in the Opening the Mouth ceremony in Episode 69A, immediately before the mortuary offering was made.204 The Ax was the ultimate transformation of the individual, identified with cosmic light and the force of creativity.205 It was a powerful, feared, and revered spirit which had an innate connection to the sun god, residing with him and appearing with him in the eastern horizon.206 It had knowledge of the proper utterances and rituals, had power over itself and the gods, and the ability to use magic.207 The description of the Ax as iqr (able/excellent) refers to its ability to act on behalf of men and gods.208

The kA The kA of the individual was the kA of his ancestors, the life that was passed on through the ensuing generations.213 The continued existence of the kA after death was maintained through the divine offerings made to the tomb owner’s cult statue and the mouth of the statue was ritually opened so that the offering could be taken:214 I am Horus who, with Ptah split open your mouth, I make you spirit-like in company with Thoth, I put your heart into your body for you that you may remember what you have forgotten. I cause you to eat bread at your desire in addition to what was done for you upon earth.215

Evidence that the cone is not directly associated with the Ax is the infrequent appearance of the cone on the Axw depicted on the Ax iqr n Ra stelae.209 These stelae show a venerated deceased ancestor seated before offerings. However, only a minority of these Axw have a cone on their head. In the study of these stelae by Demarée, of the forty-five Axw who received offerings, only seventeen (37.8%) had a cone.210 In contrast, the waterlily, which is a solar symbol, is held by 88.9% (40/45) of the Axw to represent the close relationship these ancestors had with the sun god Re. This suggests that there is no direct association between the state of being an Ax and receiving offerings, with the cone on the head. Also, the Ax was created by the rituals performed after the death of the individual and in this respect it differs significantly from the kA and the bA that existed in the living body.211 The

After death the bond between the kA and the body was reestablished by offerings.216 The recitation of the Htp di nswt finishes with the phrase ‘for the kA of’ showing that the offerings presented to the deceased in his mortuary cult were intended for his kA.217 It is however unlikely that the cone symbolised the kA summoned to receive the offerings. This is because there are many other tomb scenes in which the deceased receives offerings for the kA, but out of the 186 mortuary cult offerings scenes recorded in the DB 1 and Table 4, only 28% (52/186) have a cone on the tomb owner. These findings suggest that the cone is not a symbol of the kA receiving the divine offerings at the Opening the Mouth.

The bA

203

The name and the shadow are other modes of being (Taylor 2001: 16 and 23-24). 204 For this episode in the Opening the Mouth ceremony, see Otto 1960b: 153 and Goyon 1972: 169, Footnote 4. In a number of Old Kingdom tombs at Giza, scenes of a funerary cult ceremony performed on the statue of the deceased have the inscription ‘feeding the Ax’, a ritual that Friedman suggests was later incorporated into the Opening the Mouth (Friedman 2001: 48 and Demarée 1983: 205 and 213-218). Coffin Text III, 325m-326b) states: ‘My mouth is split open, my eyes are split open, I am made an Ax, my members are gathered together, I am in possession of offerings in Heliopolis.’ Chapter 148 of the Book of the Dead (Translation based on the Papyrus of Yuya (AIII)) is for provisioning the Ax in the necropolis. For the sAxw in the ceremony of the Opening of the Mouth, see Davies and Gardiner 1915: 56, which gives the text from TT 110: ‘There are recited for you spells and glorifications (sAxw).’ For the transfiguration recitations in the Opening the Mouth, see Friedman 1981: 157-158. See also Assmann 2005: 240247 who discusses the liturgies of transfiguration and describes the ritual actions. 205 Otto 1972a: 49-52, Friedman 1981, and Demarée 1983. For reference to the Ax in mortuary literature, see Friedman 2001: 47-48, Taylor 2001: 31-32, and Bell 2002: 40-41. In his study on the Ax iqr n Ra stelae Demarée 1983: 193-195 discusses how the Ax was initiated and on pages 276-278 summarises the state of being an Ax. 206 Friedman 1981: 154-156 refers to the power of Ax related to light and conferred through the sun god. See also Demarée 1983: 262-267. 207 This meant that the Ax could intercede with the gods for the living, but as well as acting for them it could act against them and had to be appeased to prevent it from becoming a malign spirit (Demarée 1983: 269-275). 208 Demarée 1986: 195-253. 209 ‘Able spirits of Re’ (Demarée 1986: 275-276). 210 For the illustrations of these stelae, see Demarée 1983: Plates I-XIX. 211 Hornung 1992a: 184.

Although the bA of the deceased is commonly referred to as the ‘soul’ and sometimes the ‘spirit’, in this study the term ‘bA’ is preferred because it is an afterlife concept unique to the ancient Egyptians.218 The bA is the alter ego of the tomb owner that exists in the living individual, but 212

For evidence of the bA in the living see Chapter 4 - Part 1. Bolshakov 1997: 178 points out that the kA and bA are innate hypostases of man, the Ax is created by the sAxw rituals. Allen 1989: 2 notes that although in some texts the living can be described as Ax iqr, the state of existence called the Ax is one that is reached only after death. However, Friedman 1981: 262 suggests that texts that refer to the living being Ax meant that the individual was alive. Taylor 2001: 31-32 describes the meaning of the word Ax as denoting the deceased in a transfigured state of being, which was only achieved after death. 213 For the role of the kA in the afterlife of the non-royal deceased, see Bolshakov 1997: 123-213 and his overview in Bolshakov 2001: 215217. Also, see Kaplony 1980: 275-282, Hornung 1992a: 175-177, Lorton 1999: 123-210, Taylor 2001: 18-20, and Bell 2002: 41. Gee 2009: 4-6 challenges the conventional interpretations of the kA suggesting that it refers to the memory of the deceased and not to an aspect of the individual. Assmann 2005: 96-102 considers that the kA restored the status, honour, and dignity of the deceased in the afterlife. 214 The association between the kA and food offerings is reflected in the word kAw meaning ‘food’ or ‘provisions’ (Kristensen 1992: 41-42). 215 Coffin Text I, 265b-266a. 216 Hornung 1992a: 175-177. 217 See Otto 1960b: 156, 7c-e for the Htp di nswt recitation in the Opening the Mouth ceremony. 218 If other authors have translated bA as ‘soul’ or ‘spirit’ then (bA) has been added in brackets to the quotation.

26

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY becomes most apparent in the dead.219 It is the transformation of the deceased that has freedom of movement between the different spheres of eternity.220 Smith considers that the bA was not an element or component of an individual, but the whole person seen in the form in which that person was manifested in the physical world.221 Mobility was one of its most significant aspects and the bA left the corpse and the tomb and joined the gods and the living on earth.222 The relationship between the bA and the Ax is close, and in the Book of the Dead the two terms are sometimes used interchangeably, yet there is a distinction between them.223 In the beginning of Episode 71 of the Opening the Mouth the deceased is said to become an Ax:

also received divine offerings.226 In Pyramid Text 857859, cult offerings are presented to the deceased king with the words: Raise yourself to this bread of yours which knows no mouldiness and your beer which knows no sourness, that you may have a bA thereby.

The following texts demonstrate that the bA receives the offerings made to the deceased at the tomb: It goes well with me for my soul (bA) has been assigned to me in my company; my heart is in my body. My corpse is in the earth and I will not weep for it. My soul (bA) is with me and will not go far from me, magic power is in my body and it will not be stolen. I have my power, I have my modes of being so that I may eat my meals with my kA which is in this earth (i.e., tomb) of mine.227

I have made his divine form. The breath of life comes … (?) His mouth is open. I have placed him against the truth. His name lasts into eternity as he is an Ax iqr in the Underworld. He hears the cry of those who are among his bondsmen; he protects those who give him water.224

May my soul (bA) awake when it hears the summons (to the meal) and may cool water be poured out for it daily.228

The episode continues with the statement that the food and drink that the deceased has received have enabled the bA to emerge:

May thy soul (bA) rest in thy tomb, may thy soul (bA) not be repulsed from its desires, (but) be satisfied with the daily offerings.229

He has power over bread, he has power over beer. He emerges as a living bA.225

May my soul (bA) emerge at the sound of its mortuary priest, to receive the offering that has been brought to it.230

These texts suggest that as a result of the rituals of the Opening the Mouth, the deceased will take the form of an Ax in the netherworld and the possession of divine food offerings will make it possible for the bA to come into being as an independent and mobile entity.

Attested from the time of the Middle Kingdom, this next spell, summoning the bA to the offerings, became one of the most common offering texts: Are you in the sky? Are you in the earth? Come, step forth You being bA and transfigured, You being mighty and prepared.231

The bA receives divine mortuary cult offerings Although cult offerings made to the deceased are offered to the kA, many mortuary texts demonstrate that the bA

The harper in TT 32 (RII) chants that Thutmose will be given offerings from the altars of the gods and his bA will come forth in response:

219

For a discussion on the relationship between the body and the bA as the personification of the vital force, see Žabkar 1968: 111-113. 220 The word ‘bA’ means ‘what is immanent’, a visible manifestation (Wb. 1, 411. 6- 412. 10). For the most comprehensive study of the bA of the king, the gods and mortals see Žabkar 1968. For their views on the bA see Bonnet 1952: 74-77, Hornung 1992a: 179-184, Allen 2001: 161162, and Assmann 2005: 90-96, 215-216. 221 Smith 2009: 1-4. 222 See Žabkar 1968: 92-114 who cites many texts that reveal this relationship. 223 Friedman 1981: 260-262. Smith 2009: 3 considers that when the deceased became Ax, the bA was ‘awakened’. The Book of the Dead Chapter 127 seems to suggest that the bA could be a manifestation of the Ax. The spell for presenting offerings is addressed to the Ax and could indicate that the Ax had a bA. The same spell is addressed to the bA in the Papyrus of Nesmin (Haikal 1970b: 16-17, Lines I,1 and I,29-I,40). Žabkar 1968: 153-154, Note 184 proposes that the bA was not the Ax nor the Ax the bA and that the phrase bA n Ax mnx (bA of the beneficent akh) might mean that the bA can be a manifested power of the Ax. Despite the detailed studies by Žabkar 1968, Wolf-Brinkmann 1968, and others on the subject, many aspects of the bA still remain unclear (de Jong 1994: 149). 224 Otto 1960b: 159-160. Episode 71, ee-hh and Goyon 1972: 176. The phrase ‘those who give him water’ refers to the person who gives offerings to the deceased. When the offerings were presented, the officiant poured water over the offerings on the offering table (Assmann 1989a: 348). 225 Otto 1960b: 159-160. Episode 71, ii-kk and Goyon 1972: 176.

[Every god whom you have followed since you exist] [You can enter in] face to face with them [They] make longstanding the offerings on the altar [of] your [mummy] every god with his food offerings. They say to you: [Welcome in pea]ce, oh person, glorious to their kA … The One awakening Sound (Osiris or Amun) is joyful, […] Your bA advances, [your sarcophagus] passes by.232

226

In the Book of Gates, the bA received divine offerings in the ninth hour of the night (Hornung 1992a: 181 and Hornung 1999b: 64). 227 Coffin Text IV, 57c-58f. 228 Davies 1933a: 67. TT 49, the tomb of Neferhotep. 229 Text from the tomb of Ay (Amarna 25) in Davies 1908b: 35. 230 Text from TT 277 in Vandier d'Abbadie 1954: 28, Plate IV. See a similar text in TT 111 (Urk. IV, 762, translation in Assmann 2005: 330, Note 5) and TT 106 (Assmann 1983: Text 118, Lines 22-23). See also similar text from the tombs of Huya: ‘My spirit (bA) goes forth [to see] thy rays, to feed on its offerings.’ Davies 1905b: 17, Plate II. 231 Assmann 2005: 337, Note 20.

27

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES In the tomb his tomb at Zawyet Sulṭan, an inscription asks the living to give offerings so that Nefersekheru will be able to come forth as a bA:

section of Papyrus BM 10507 is entitled: ‘The chapters of awakening the bA which are recited on the night of the mummification for a god’s servant.’238 The night of mummification here refers to the night of burial.239 The ‘awakened’ bA is released from the mummy by the rituals of the Opening the Mouth. In Episode 40, the sm priest declares: ‘I have wished for you this eye of Horus, in order that you be ‘bA’ by virtue of it.240 At the end of the ceremony the priest proclaims: ‘he goes out as a living soul (bA).’241 The bA becomes an independent entity capable of leaving the corpse only when the all the rituals of the Opening the Mouth have been completed and the divine offerings have been presented. The cone on the head, which appears with such high frequency in this particular type of representation, and not in others, could be intended to symbolise that the bA of the deceased has received the divine offerings. If this is so, then the high frequency of the cone also demonstrates that the tomb owner strongly desired to symbolise the possession of the offerings by the bA because it was of momentous import for his afterlife.

Bread and meals of Memphis. Libation and offerings in Heliopolis. A coming forth as a living bA in any form that he wishes.233

The bA receives offerings at the Opening of the Mouth Textual evidence also attests to the bA receiving the divine offerings presented at the end of the Opening the Mouth ceremony. For example, a request for bA offerings accompanies the vignette of the Opening the Mouth in the Papyrus of Yuya (AIII): O you who give bread and beer to the excellent bAw (bas) in the House of Osiris, may you give bread and beer to my bA with you, time and time again.234

TT 178 (b) (RII), the tomb of Neferrenpet Kenro has an inscription with the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scene asking for offerings for the bA:

Mortuary texts not only demonstrate the desire for the bA to be with gods, they imply that this transition is the brought about by possession of the offerings.242 Assmann considers that the possession of divine offerings meant that the deceased tomb owner belonged to the realm of the gods and would be integrated into their society.243 Coffin Text I, 11a-13d asks that the deceased may join the gods when he has received his mortuary cult offerings:

O all (you) gods of the West, the Conclave of the Gods which is in the necropolis, - give me bread, with my soul (bA) before Wenennufer and may water be poured at (mention of) (my) name.235

A scene in the tomb of Imiseba (a) at Saqqara (19th D.) also illustrates that the bA received offerings made at the Opening the Mouth. The inscription over the offerings has the words: ‘bread for your bA’.236

May you eat your bread and receive your plenty, may you go to the great stairway, may you come to the Great City, may you kindle your warmth upon earth, may you become Osiris.

As noted previously, there was no necessity to symbolise the offerings themselves because they are apparent. On the other hand, to portray the possession of the offerings by the bA would require a symbol. It is possible that this symbol was the cone on the head, which only appears in the Opening the Mouth ceremony that specifically emphasises the divine offerings. This questions why it was so important to symbolise that the bA had received the offerings and this is considered in the next section.

A vignette of the procession of the coffin to the tomb in the Book of the Dead of Nebqed (AIII) is accompanied by text that asks for divine offerings so that he can begin Sauneron 1952 and Goyon 1972. Taylor 2001: 190-191 and Assmann 2005: 93 suggest that the bA existed in suspension during the ritual of mummification until the Opening the Mouth. Fear that the bA might depart too soon or not return to the mummy may be the reason for the Book of the Dead - Chapter 89 that states that the bA will not depart from the body and will rest on the corpse (Žabkar 1968: 111). The bAbird of Sennefer appears under the bier as the tomb owner is embalmed by Anubis (Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Figure 92) and the bA-bird hovers over Paser as he is attended by Anubis (Muhammed 1966: Plate 65). 238 Text from the beginning of Papyrus BM EA 10507, dated to the early First Century A.D. (Smith 1987: 38, Columns IV, Line 1). Wakening the bA (rsrs by) presupposes that it was present but inactive. The text describes how the bA of the deceased will be able to exist in the Neshmet barque with the bAw of the gods (IV, Line 10), endure every day like the sun disc, and be exalted in the Duat (V, Line 3). 239 For his comments on this translation see, Smith 1987: 28. 240 Otto 1960a: 100 and Assmann 2003a: 58. 241 Otto 1960a: 160. 242 Many texts demonstrate the relationship between mortuary offerings and acceptance by the deceased into the company of the gods. They are discussed in Assmann 1989a: 145-146 and Assmann 2005: 330-348. The imAxw (the revered one) receives food offerings in the world of the gods and is the ‘provisioned one’ (Wb. 1, 82. 1-12). 243 For the claims that the deceased will eat divine food and achieve transition, see Pyramid Text 126-132. There are similar recitations in the Coffin Text Spells: 173, 174, 179, 181, 184, 186-193, and 195.

The significance of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb The text of the embalming ritual demonstrates that the bA is initiated by the rituals of mummification but does not depart from the body, remaining in or near it.237 One 232

Kákosy and Fábián 2004: 144-145. An extract from the harper’s song in TT 32 in which the mortuary rituals performed for Thutmose and the divine outcome of those rituals are described. 233 Osing 1992: 47av. 234 Davis and Naville 1908: Plate II. The text is Book of the Dead Chapter 1, translated in Milde 1994: 20. This text accompanies the vignette of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, unfortunately the head is damaged and so it cannot be established whether there is a cone on Yuya. The same vignette and spell is found in the Papyrus of Ani (Faulkner 1994: Plate 6) in which the cone can be seen. 235 KRI III, 326: 11-12 and RITA III, 235. 236 Ockinga and Al-Masri 1990: 42, Plate 51. 237 For the effect of embalming rituals on the bA see the translation of the ritual of mummification in Cairo Papyrus Boulaq 111 and Papyrus Louvre 5.158 by Troy 1993: 55-81, with references to the translations of

28

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY his eternal existence with the gods in any form that he desires: Give me funerary offerings of beef, fowl, linen, oil and all things good and pure on which the god lives, that I will be established for eternity in all the transformations that I desire.244

The text with the vignette of the Opening the Mouth before the tomb declares that Nebqed has been offered divine food and he is therefore able to enter the divine sphere and be with the gods:

Figure 8. The cone on the head of Ameneminet (TT 277) disappears as his bA leaves.247

The connection between the cult offerings presented at the ceremony and the ability of the newly released bA to pass freely into other worlds is indicated in a widely used mortuary text called ‘Spell for presenting the offerings’. The following example comes from a liturgy for opening the mouth and summoning the bA:

He will be offered abundant bread, drink, meat on the altar of Osiris. He will go to the Field of Reeds where he will be given wheat and barley. His vitality will be as it was on earth. He is like one of you (i.e., the blameless bAw) he is the intimate of the Lord of Eternity. He walks as you walk; he stands as you stand; He sits down as you sit down. He speaks as you speak, with the Great God-Lord of the West.245

Opening of the Mouth at the beginning of reading many transfiguration spells. May the sky open up to you, may the earth open up to you, may the ways open up to you in the netherworld. May you go forth and enter like Re, may you stride freely out like the lords of eternity. Receive the offering cakes as a gift of Ptah, and the pure bread from the altars of Horus. May your bA live and your vessels be fresh, May your face be opened on the ways [of darkness].248

The outcome of the bA receiving divine mortuary offerings after his mouth has been opened is described in the Papyrus of Nesmin (BM 10209): Pure offerings which the king gives; ‘O Osiris, I have poured for thee water which comes out from Elephantine and milk from Athribis, and have brought to thee nmst-jars full of fresh alms from the estate of Re so that thou mayst receive the offerings which Tatenen was given, and loaves from what is offered, and so that thy soul (bA) may come out to adore thy god, there being no one who can turn thee out from heaven or earth. Thy soul (bA) lives, thy limbs flourish and thou art rejuvenated as the ruler of the living ones. Thou art great and thou art elevated in Busiris and thy seat noble in &A-Wr and a libation of cool water is poured for thee consisting of the best liquid on the offering table in the middle of the mound of Tjeme. Rejoice for thou hast joined gladness in the noble iSd-tree and thy soul (bA) is divinised in the realm of the dead. Receive for thyself offerings of all kinds, and rejoice for thou hast joined Manu (the Western horizon).246

The text that accompanies the vignette of the Opening the Mouth of Ani that takes place before the tomb, also describes the release of the bA as a consequence of receiving the offerings: O you who cause the perfected bAw to draw near to the House of Osiris, may you cause the excellent bA of Ani to draw near with you to the House of Osiris. May he hear as you hear, may he see as you see, may he stand as you stand, may he sit as you sit. O you who give bread and beer to the perfected souls (bAw) in the House of Osiris, may you give bread and beer at all seasons to the soul (bA) of Ani … O you who open a path and open up the roads for the perfected souls (bAw) in the House of Osiris, open up a path for him, open up the roads for the soul (bA) of Ani in company with you.249

There is a sequence of scenes in TT 277, which can be interpreted as showing that the cone symbolises the bA receiving offerings in the Opening the Mouth ceremony and able to leave the corpse. The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb is performed on Ameneminet, the offerings appear before him in an abundant heap, and the deceased in his upright coffin has a cone, a symbol of the bA receiving offerings. The coffin is then carried into the tomb still with the cone, but when the bA is shown leaving the deceased, the cone is no longer on Ameneminet (Figure 8).

The power of divine offerings to enable the bA of the deceased to enter the world of the gods is suggested by a unique scene in TT 55.250 Ramose only has a cone on his head in three tomb scenes, the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, his reward in the Gold of Honour ceremony and this scene (Figure 9), shows the deceased Ramose approaching a series of doors to the netherworld 247

Author’s sketch from Vandier d’Abbadie 1954: Plate XIV-XVII. Assmann 2005: 343. There are more than fifty variants or extracts of this spell. In this version the spell is addressed to the Ax, a variant in the Papyrus of Nesmin (Late Period) is addressed to the bA (Haikal 1970b: 17, Lines I,29-I,40). 249 The text of the Papyrus of Ani. BM EA 10470 in Faulkner et al 1994: Plate 6. The text is Book of the Dead - Chapter 1. 250 See PM 12/1: TT 55 (5) II and (6) II on the south wall of the hall. Davies 1941: Plate XXIII. 248

244 Devéria and Pierret 1872: Plate II, Columns 36-37, the Papyrus of Nebqed (Louvre 3068). 245 Translation from the French of Devéria and Pierret 1872: Plate III, Columns 4-6 and 30-31. 246 Haikal 1970b: 21, Lines IV,1-9. She considers that these divine offerings bring about the freedom of the bA (Haikal 1970b: 10).

29

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES with his divine offerings. He holds bread in his hands and he has a cone.251

which could imbue it with eternal life-force.254 The scene shows that the ceremony was carried out in the court, in front of the tomb façade where the mummy was placed upright, facing the sun.255 The instruction to set the mummy up before Re is found in the ceremony in TT 23, TT 44 (a), TT 44 (b), TT 138, TT 178 (b), TT 224, TT 255, TT 259, TT 296, and TT 409.256 In these scenes, the deceased is shown upright in the court of the tomb: May your mummy stand up for Re in the court (broad hall) of your tomb.257 Your mummy is set up for Re In the forecourt of your tomb.258 May you be bathed in light on the day of being clothed.259

Figure 9. Ramose approaches the gates to the netherworld.252

The inscriptions in TT 224 and TT 106 also ask for offerings to be set up before the tomb for the mummy, emphasising their importance for the transition to take place:

This scene could be an illustration of Pyramid Text 654656 in which the deceased in possession of divine offerings steps up to the door leaves (i.e., the gates to the Duat):

May my august mummy be set up in the sight of Re and a great offering placed at the entrance to my tomb.260

Take your bread which does not grow mouldy and your beer which does not grow sour. You will step up before the door leaves that keep out the subjects.

In the tomb of Neferrenpet, the inscription refers to the life given to his bA by the light of the sun: May you grant that I be glorified among your powerful ones and that my soul (bA) may live when I see your rays.261

The Opening the Mouth before the tomb portrays the first occasion that the bA receives divine offerings. As a result it is able to take up its eternal existence in the presence of the gods. This is the significant difference between this type of Opening the Mouth scene and the earlier types of scene. It is possible that the cone, so frequent in the Type 2 scene, symbolises that the bA has possession of the offerings.

Setting up of the mummy in sunlight shared the same purpose of the later statue ritual of ‘Uniting with the Sun Disc’ called the Xnm-itn that is attested in Ptolemaic temples. It is thought that the statue ritual may have had its origin in the mortuary ceremony depicted in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb.262 There are other

Solar symbolism of the ceremony There is another aspect of the scene that explains its profound importance for the tomb owner. The sun disc and its light were considered to be a manifestation of the bA of the sun god: ‘The one who created the heaven for his bA to illuminate the Two Lands.’253 Performance of the ceremony in the open court allowed the bA of the deceased to be in the presence of the bA of the solar deity,

254

Žabkar 1968: 126-131 discusses mortuary texts that reveal the lifegiving force of the bA of the sun. See also the texts in Assmann 2001: 203, that express this concept. 255 Assmann 2003a: 60. 256 Barthelmess 1992: 101-113. The text in TT 409 is also in Negm 1997: 26, Plate XXV. There is reference to setting the mummy up before Re in a harper’s song in TT 50 (Hari 1985: 38, Line 15 and Plate 26). 257 Feucht 1985: 51, Text from TT 296. Although the text refers to the broad hall (T-Hall) the scene is shown taking place in the court and not in the tomb. Her Footnotes 245 and 246 give further examples. Hermann 1940: 98-99 suggests that the ceremony in the Eighteenth Dynasty could have taken place in the T-Hall of the tomb. Barthelmess 1992: 101 considers that this is unlikely because the scene usually shows the coffin placed in front of the tomb. 258 Hofmann 1995a: 62, Text 116 from TT 178. This particular scene is referred to as TT 178 (b) in this study. 259 TT 259 in Barthelmess 1992: 101. The ‘day of being clothed’ refers to the investiture in the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. 260 Text from the Opening the Mouth in TT 224 and TT 106 (Assmann 2005: 318). 261 KRI III, 322: 1 and RITA III, 232, Inscription at the entrance to the tomb of TT 178. 262 As suggested by Assmann 2001: 44. For discussion of this temple ritual see Fairman 1954: 184-189 and Waitkus 1995: 283-292. See also Coppens 2007: 12-13, 157-160 who describes the complex of the wabet and court in which the ritual took place with reference to the performance of the Opening the Mouth.

251 Davies 1941: 26-27, Plate XXVIII, 2. In a series of four scenes on the wall approaching the entrance to the burial chamber, Ramose approaches several doors. In the first scene he approaches the false door of his tomb and the foreleg of an ox is offered as in Episode 25 and 45 of the Opening the Mouth. Before the next door, he holds his offerings of bread and water (sic) and he now has a cone. The cone is present as he approaches the third (his head can not be seen in the forth). Davies suggests the second and third door represent the gates of the underworld through that Ramose passes with his offerings. This scene is recorded in this study as Book of the Dead - Chapters 144, 145, 146 or 147, which all are concerned with passing through the gates of the netherworld. The third scene in which Ramose has a cone is when he receives the Gold of Honour ceremony (Plates XXXIV-XXXV). This scene and the relevance of a cone on the deceased are discussed in Chapter 4. 252 Author’s sketch from Davies 1941: Plate XXVIII. 253 New Kingdom mortuary inscriptions and solar hymns attest to this concept see Assmann 1975: Text 127A, Line 63-64. An extract from Papyrus Berlin 3049 referring to the bA of Amun-Re, Assmann 1995a: 176, and Assmann 2001: 237.

30

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY examples of rituals for the dead being used in temple contexts and vice versa, including the ritual of the Opening the Mouth itself.263 In the Xnm-itn the statues of the deities were carried to the roof and the ritual of the Opening the Mouth performed.264 They were then exposed to the sunlight so that the deities could be renewed by the divine bA force in the rays of the sun as their bA alighted on their image.265 The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb holds similar meaning, it was a portrayal of the deceased placed in the rays of the sun so that the bA could be in contact with the bA of the sun. Following the presentation of the Htp di nswt at the end of the ceremony was a hymn to Re-Horakhty. This was a New Kingdom addition to the ceremony reflecting the desire to introduce solar symbolism to this scene.266

For the ceremony, two stelae were set up behind the mummy and the southern stela frequently has a representation of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb as can be seen on the stelae recorded in DB 5.269 Placing the scene on the solar orientated stela emphasises the association of the ceremony with the sun.270 Another aspect of the scene that reveals its solar emphasis is that the deceased often has a waterlily on his head as well as the cone. The waterlily is a flower that holds strong solar symbolism and in the thirty Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scenes in which the presence of a flower could be confirmed, twenty-two (73.3%) had a waterlily on the head of the deceased.271 This expresses an association between the deceased and the solar deity during this ceremony.272 The waterlily does not appear in other types of Opening the Mouth scenes, presupposing that only the scene of the ceremony in front of the tomb was intended to express the initiation of a relationship between the deceased and the sun god.

Transition to be with the solar deity A transition that the tomb owner desired greatly for his bA was that it should join the sun god in the solar boat. The presentation of divine offerings at the end of the Opening the Mouth, the ceremony taking place in the rays of the sun, and the hymn to the solar deity express the potential of this solar transition.267 Many mortuary texts of the New Kingdom use the phrase ‘Your bA to the sky, your corpse to the netherworld’ and refer to the transition of the bA at the completion of the ceremony.

However, even though the cone is frequent in this solar scene it should not be interpreted as a solar symbol. The cone also appears many in other tomb scenes that have no obvious solar associations.273 Furthermore the close correspondence of the cone with mortuary cult offerings and the texts that accompany the scene, point to the cone being a symbol of the bA in possession of the offerings. The frequency of the cone in this scene and the popularity of the scene in tomb decoration reflects the owner’s wish to depict the liberation of the bA and its subsequent transition to the sky, brought about by the possession of the divine offerings.

Your body will be transfigured and your bA made divine and you will join God in heaven. The sky is to belong to your bA and the underworld your corpse.268

263 Otto observed that the food offering and final rituals of the Opening the Mouth were New Kingdom additions to the ceremony and that they have close parallels in the temple ritual of the cult of Amenhotep I and the Daily Cult ritual (Otto 1960b: 151, 156-157, and 169). Lorton 1999: 147-153 reviews the evidence that suggests the Opening the Mouth originated in temple ritual. Eaton 2005-2006: 93-94 suggests that chapters from the Book of the Dead 130, 134, 135, and 136 may have been recited in temple rituals and later inserted into the mortuary rituals. Assmann 1990: 1-13 has identified temple liturgies that were used by mortuary priests. 264 The preparation of the statue for this ritual is reminiscent of the embalming of the body of the deceased and the Opening of the Mouth. Mummification prepares the body so that it can be revived and reunited with its bA (Coppens 2007: 158) 265 Assmann 2001: 42-45 and Assmann 2005: 320-323. In Lorton’s opinion the temple ritual of ‘Uniting with the Sun’ made the inanimate image of the god alive with divine essence (Lorton 1999: 194-199). Kjølby 2009: 31-46 discusses the texts that demonstrate that the bA of the deceased entered the statues of the non-royal nobles placed in the temples. The outcome of this ‘indwelling’ was that the noble could participate in all the activities of the temple and that his statue could interact physically with the living. The concept of the bA descending on the statue of the deceased noble is attested on the Eighteenth Dynasty stela of Nakhtmin (Ay) that asks: ‘May my bA alight on my images (aXmw) in the monuments I have made’(Assmann 2001: 43. Urk. IV, 1526, 13). 266 Assmann 2001: 45. This New Kingdom adaptation is also noted by Otto 1960b: 161. 267 Assmann 2005: 317-324 discusses the rise in the importance of the solar cult in funerary rituals and its association with the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb in which the deceased is set up before Re. 268 From the Opening the Mouth scene in TT 32 (Barthelmess 1992: 111). See also similar texts in Žabkar 1968: 111, Footnote 139 with reference to Urk. IV, 481, 5 and 484, 14 and Žabkar 1968: 133, Footnote 48 with reference to the Book of the Dead BM EA 10112. See also the comments of Assmann 2005: 87-94 on the separation of the bA from the corpse described in this and similar texts.

Going forth by day In addition to entering the barque of the sun god, the deceased desired for his bA to return to earth and some scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb show this transition. In the Book of the Dead, the vignette of the ceremony before the tomb accompanies Chapter 1 and this is the spell that gives the bA the ability to go forth by day. After the presentation of the offerings in the ceremony, Episode 71 claims that through the possession of the divine offerings the bA will achieve transition to anywhere he wishes and in any form he desires: He has power over bread, he has power over beer. 269

Barthelmess 1992: 102. For the 23 stelae see Table 13. In TT 277, the tomb scene of the Opening of the Mouth in front of the tomb depicts a stela with the ceremony taking place in the lower register. 271 The waterlily appears on the head in this scene in TT 30, TT 31, TT 41 (a), TT44 (a), TT 44 (b), TT 45, TT 51, TT 54, TT 55, TT 113, TT 139, TT 175, TT 178 (b), TT 255, TT 277, TT 284, TT 296, TT 341, Anhurmose, Anon (Havana MN 2), Imiseba, and Khay. 272 There are only a few other tomb scenes in which the tomb owner has a waterlily on his head. For example, receiving mortuary cult offerings: TT 255, the tomb of Pay/Raia, and Anhurmose at Saqqara=1.8% (4/218). With Osiris: TT 257=1% (1/101). With the Tree Goddess: TT 54=5% (1/20), and in the procession to the tomb: TT 277=5.6% (1/18). For the solar symbolism of the waterlily see Brunner-Traut 1980: 10911096. 273 See for example, the deceased with a cone before with Osiris in TT 49, TT 291, TT 257 and also in cult offering scenes in TT 54, TT 175, and TT 291. 270

31

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES He emerges as a living bA. He takes his shape according to the wish of his heart and everywhere where his kA wishes to dwell.274

A prayer with the scene of the ceremony in front of the tomb in TT 360 asks that having received the divine offerings, the deceased Qeh will leave the tomb during the day and re-enter each night: May your bread be given in the chapel of the Ptah, Libation and Offerings of […] May you come forth and enter with [Re] and stride out unhindered like the [Lord of Eternity for] you are Horus.275

A vignette from the Book of the Dead of Nebqed shows three important aspects of the ceremony (Figure 10). The deceased, upright in the forecourt of his tomb has offerings before him and there is a cone his head. The bA in receipt of the offerings is free to fly into the burial chamber.276 The vignette also shows that Nebqed is able to leave the tomb in the form of a man to go forth by day.277 The most easily recognised depiction of the bA is when it is shown in the form of a bA-bird flying freely, as in TT 277, or down the burial shaft of the tomb of Nebqed. However, if it was desired to show the bA of the deceased on earth, as he had been before death, then it would have the form of a man. Episode 71 of the Opening the Mouth quoted above makes it clear that the deceased can transform into any shape he desires. The transformation of the bA and its appearance as a man is discussed at greater length in Chapter 5 when the banquet scene is studied.

Figure 10. The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb from the Papyrus of Nebqed.279

The development of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb scene The scene of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb was created in the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III and it subsequently became increasingly common.280 The scene was considered so important that it became the most popular type of Opening the Mouth scene.281 For the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, thirty-nine Opening the Mouth scenes were sourced for this study and twentythree of them are the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. This development coincides with the time in the New Kingdom when the cult of the sun became increasingly dominant in funerary belief and prominent in mortuary texts, tomb scenes, and the architecture of the tomb itself.282 The bA played an important role in the afterlife of the deceased, accompanying the solar deity in the sky and returning to earth where it could enter and leave the tomb.283 Therefore there was a desire to

In the tomb of Tjay TT 23, the inscription, quoted in part previously, continues with the request his bA acquire any shape he desires and come forth from the tomb: Your body will be transfigured and your bA made divine and you will join God in heaven. The sky is to belong to your bA and the underworld your corpse … May you depart daily, by accepting each shape, which you love and may you come forth as living bA.278

The inscription of Tjay encapsulates the full importance of the scene of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. It represents the moment at which the deceased begins his next life. The cone is depicted in this scene from its inception and it is suggested here that it symbolises that the bA of the tomb owner has received the divine offerings. The possession of the divine offerings by the bA enables its transition to the different spheres of the afterlife; joining the solar deity in his sky boat and going forth by day from the tomb to be with the living on earth.

279

Author’s sketch from Devéria and Pierret. 1872: Plate III. Strudwick 1994: 324 notes the development of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb at this time. He suggests that TT 56 is dated to Amenhotep II, but Kampp gives Amenhotep II/Tuthmosis IV for this tomb. 281 Strudwick 1994: 325 notes the emphasis placed on the burial scene after the Amarna period as well as other scenes that depict the passage into the next world, and the provision of the deceased. 282 The architecture of the tomb changed at the same time the texts stating the mummy should be erected under the sun, were composed (Assmann 2003b: 46-52). The forecourt of the tomb developed high walls and its sacred space was emphasised by pillars, stelae and niches with cult statues of the deceased. In TT 32 (RII) the T-Hall is a chapel where the deceased worships various gods and his own cult statue stands in several niches (Fábián 2004a: 41-49). For the development in tomb architecture to reflect its function as a temple see Assmann 1987: 34-36, Strudwick 1994: 321-336, Assmann 2003b: 46-52, and KamppSeyfried 2003: 9-10. 283 The concept of the bA of the non-royal noble existed in the Old Kingdom but became dominant in the New Kingdom because it offered 280

274

Otto 1960b: 159-160, Episode 71 ii-kk and Goyon 1972: 176. Barthelmess 1992: 106. 276 Devéria and Pierret 1872: Plate III. 277 Žabkar 1968: 146 considers that this scene shows that the Opening the Mouth enabled the bA to come forth by day. 278 Barthelmess 1992: 111. 275

32

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY symbolise this outcome of the Opening the Mouth that had not been represented in earlier scenes of the ceremony.284

this scene and whose titles are known, twenty-one were either priests, worked in temple administration, or were responsible for temple and tomb artefacts and tomb decoration.290 With this scene, these men desired to indicate their relationship with the solar deity who would permit their bA to accompany him in his solar barque.291

Once created, this scene of the ceremony was added to other portrayals of Opening the Mouth in the tomb and this practice continued into the Ramesside period. Table 10 lists those tomb owners who chose to have a scene of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb in addition to another type of Opening the Mouth scene. The deliberate depiction of different types of scene in the same tomb shows that there was an important difference in their significance for the tomb owner. Out of these ten tombs, in TT 41 and TT 44 there were two scenes of the ceremony in front of the tomb. This demonstrates the particular importance of the scene that portrays the initiation of the independent bA.

TT 54285

1

AIII

TT 139

1

1

AIII (?)

TT 161

2

1

Hor/SI

TT 41286

2

SI/RII

TT 19

1

RII

TT 178

1

RII

TT 373287

RII/Mer

TT 219

1

1

19th D.

Imiseba

1

1

20th D.

TT 44

2

Time

Type

1 1

2-5

6-7

9

10

11

1 Total New Kingdom

1

Type 4

20th D.

Type 3

19th D.

AIII

1

Type 2

post Am

Type 1

TIV/ AIII/AIV

Tomb no.

The Opening the Mouth before the tomb was not the only scene of the ceremony to depict the cone, but it was by far the most popular. Table 11 shows when, and in which type of Opening the Mouth scene, the cone appears in the New Kingdom. It gives the period in which each type of scene (recorded in the database) first appeared and whether it had a cone on the deceased. The dark grey shading shows the incidence of a cone in at least one example of that type. The numbers indicate the frequency of the cone and the total number of that type of scene recorded.

HAT TIII/AII

Reign

The cone in other Opening the Mouth scenes

4 Coffin with Anubis

2/4

4 Coffin

1/1

0/1

1/2

15/16

7/7

30/32

2 Coffin

5/6

1 Coffin

2/2

3/3

2/4

1

Table 10. The combination of types of Opening the Mouth scene in one tomb.288

The scene appeared not only in tombs but also in the Book of the Dead.289 It was particularly popular with those nobles that had religious affiliation to the temple, and of the twenty-five tomb owners who had a cone in

2/2

3 Person

0/1

1/4

0/1

1/6

4 Statue

0/1

0/2

0/2

0/5

1 Statue

0/1

0/5

0/3

0/9

1 Mummy

0/8

0/3

0/1

0/12

4 Person

0/2

0/1

0/3

4 Mummy

0/3

0/1

0/4

Table 11. Types of Opening the Mouth scene and the presence of a cone on the tomb owner.292

the deceased an eternity in which he was free to participate in the world of the gods, especially that of the solar deity, and to return to earth to receive offerings from the living (Bolshakov 1997: 284-290). 284 However, there is a unique scene in the Fourth Dynasty tomb of Debehen at Saqqara that shows the funerary ritual carried out on the statue on the roof of the tomb (Snape 2011: 75-77). 285 TT 54 has one Type 2 scene (TT 54 (b)) and one Type 3 (TT 54 (a)) but they are from different periods resulting from usurpation of the tomb by Kener in the Nineteenth Dynasty. However, they have been included in the table because Kener made a deliberate choice to leave the earlier Type 3 scene extant, suggesting the scenes were significantly different. 286 One of the Type 2 scenes is on a stela in TT 41 (b) (Tables 12 and 13). 287 TT 373 has a scene in the tomb and on a stela in situ (Table 12 and Table 13). 288 Data from DB 2 (n= 10 tombs). 289 Schulman 1984: 176-177.

Until the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III, no scene depicted a cone on the deceased. Then two new types of Opening the Mouth scene appeared in the tombs, a new Type 1 in TT 78 and TT 89 and the ceremony in front of the tomb.293 Both these types introduced the image of the 290

Titles given in PM 12/1 and Eighteenth Dynasty tomb owner’s titles in Hartwig 2004: 201. 291 The function of tomb decoration for the afterlife of the tomb owner in Eighteenth Dynasty Theban tombs is examined in Hartwig 2004. 292 Data from DB 2 (n= 79). 293 The Type 1 scenes in TT 78 and TT 89 are unusual in that they show the deceased in a coffin with a cone and they emphasise the food offerings. In TT 78 the coffins are pushed towards the tomb for burial

33

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES deceased in a coffin, with food offerings and with a cone but the Type 1 scene with a cone was not common and was discontinued . The final development in the Opening the Mouth scene was the Type 4 scene with Anubis opening the mouth of the deceased. Of the four examples recorded for analysis, the cone appears on two, in TT 2 and TT 219 (a), both late Nineteenth Dynasty. The sample is too small to be confident that the scenes are representative, but it does demonstrate the desire of these two tomb owners at Deir el-Medina to symbolise an outcome of the ceremony that could be expressed by the cone.294

Sharing the food of the gods was synonymous with acceptance by the gods because they, like the living on earth, existed in a redistributive community. Membership of their community led to the provision and sharing of their divine food and conversely, receiving their divine food lead to the membership of their society. In his study of the Papyrus Harkness, Smith comments on how, in this Papyrus and other works of demotic mortuary literature, the presentation of divine offerings relates to cosmic reintegration and demonstrates the transitional nature of participating in divine repasts. He considers that the act of sharing divine food symbolises the process of social reintegration of the deceased into the world of the gods and of the living.300

The inscription with the scene in TT 219 (a) refers to Anubis placing precious stones with the body: ‘I fill your body with all the precious stones (aAwt) of God's Land, with ointment, incense and substances.’295 This action described in Book of the Dead - Chapter 89 was intended to keep the bA with the body.296 In solar theology, the bA of the sun god descended each night to be united with Osiris in the netherworld.297 The nightly union of the bA and body is also enacted by the bA of the deceased returning to the mummy in the tomb each night.298 It is possible that this final development of the Opening the Mouth scene was intended to show the presence of the bA in the body. However, it was created by the artisans in Deir el-Medina and was not otherwise common. The most popular and the longest lasting scene of the ceremony was the Type 2 Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb that depicted the beginning of the eternal existence of the bA, initiated by the possession of divine food offerings.

Summary The interpretation of the cone on the head as a symbol of the bA in possession of divine mortuary cult offerings has developed in several stages from the initial analysis of the frequency of the cone in New Kingdom tomb scenes. This initial analysis revealed that the cone on the tomb owner was significantly frequent in scenes of the Opening the Mouth. Further analysis demonstrated that it was one particular type of scene that featured the cone. This is a scene of the ceremony held at the tomb immediately before burial. The cone appears in 93.8% of these scenes in stark contrast to all the other types of Opening the Mouth scene. This scene of the ceremony emphasises the presentation of the divine offerings at the end of the ceremony. The ceremony initiates the independent existence of the Ax, the kA, and the bA, but of these three, the evidence suggests that the cone symbolises the bA receiving the divine offerings. It was important to symbolise the bA had possession of the offerings because they enabled its first transition into the different spheres of the afterlife, to be with the gods and to enter and go forth from the tomb on earth.

The popularity of this scene reflects the significance of divine offerings for the afterlife of the deceased tomb owner. Kristensen considered that earthly and eternal life was founded on receiving food offerings and that in ancient Egypt, food and drink were associated with the power of resurrection. He held that through food, humankind was brought into contact with the powers of eternal divine life.299 Assmann proposes that to achieve transition between the different spheres of the afterlife, the bA requires divine offerings and that possessing divine offerings enabled the bA to ascend to the next world.

So far, this interpretation has been formed from the study of one category of tomb scene, the Opening of the Mouth. If the cone is a symbol of the bA receiving divine offerings then this meaning should be valid in other tomb scenes in which the deceased has a cone. The initial analyses revealed another tomb scene in which the cone appears on the tomb owner with a relatively high frequency (Table 4). This is the Gold of Honour ceremony when the tomb owner receives recognition and reward from the king during his lifetime. The next chapter examines this scene in detail to see whether the hypothesis that the cone symbolised the bA receiving divine offerings is applicable for this tomb scene too.

and in effect the scene is representing the Opening the Mouth before burial like the Type 2 scene. 294 The scene belongs to the genre of the embalming of the deceased by Anubis scenes, which accompany Book of the Dead - Chapter 1. The scene appears in TT 1, TT 214, TT 218, and TT 356. Of these, TT 356 has a cone on the deceased. 295 Saleh 1984: 10. This scene is PM 12/1: (10). 296 Servajean 2009: 9-23 suggests that the precious stones played a role in the integration of the bA into the eternal cycle of nHH. 297 The ‘mystery’ of solar renewal through the union of the bA of Re and Osiris that appeared in the Amduat in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom offered a prototype for the afterlife of man (Taylor 2001: 2023). Žabkar 1968: 38-39 cites mortuary texts that describe this union. 298 Assmann 2005: 88-96. 299 Kristensen 1992: 39-42. In the Memphite theology the god Ptah created the universe through his authoritative utterance (Hw). The word Hw also means ‘food’ (Wb. 3, 44. 11-16). The deity Hw, was associated with the provision of divine offerings and several of his titles and depictions reflect this connection (Leitz et al 2002b: 54). Associated with this concept is the magical power of the prt xrw, the ‘voice offering’ that when recited would bring forth the deceased to take the offerings.

300 Smith 2005: 32, Papyrus MMA 31.9.7 and see also similar comments in Smith 1993: 7-8.

34

Reign/ period

Khabekhnet

2

10

RII

PM 12/1 (12) I-III

Nebamun

17

5

PM 12/1 (6) II, 2

Amenmose

19 (a)

PM 12/1 (4) III

Amenmose

PM 12/1 (8) V PM 12/1 (2) II

C

4

Coffin

(TIII)/AII

1

Mummy

1

Säve-Söderbergh 1957: Plate XXVI.

10

SI/RII

3

Person

1

Foucart 1935: Plates XX and XXII.

19 (b)

10

SI/RII

2

Coffin

1

Foucart 1935: Plates IX-X.

User

21

2

TI/Hat/(TIII)

4

Mummy

Khonmose

30

11

20th D.

C

2

Coffin

1

Wreszinski 1923: Plate 127.

PM 1 /1 (7) II

Khons Ta

31

10

RII

C

2

Coffin

1

Davies 1948: Plate XVI.

PM 12/1 (1), (3) II

Thutmose

32

10

RII

1

Statue

Kákosy, Csáki and Csáki 2004: 93. Text; 89-129.

PM 12/1 (7) I

Bakenkhons

35

10

RII

1

Statue

Hofmann and Hofmann 2004: Abb. 76, Plate XXVII.

PM 12/1 (14) III

Amenemipet Ipy

41 (a)

10

Hor/SI

2

Coffin

PM 12/1 (15) I-V

Amenmose

42

5

TIII/AII

1

Mummy

PM 12/1 (11) II-III

Amenemheb

44 (a)

11

20th D.

C

2

Coffin

1

el-Saady 1996: 34, Plate 42.

PM 1 /1 (7) III

Amenemheb

44 (b)

11

20th D.

C

2

Coffin

1

el-Saady 1996: 23, Plate 28.

PM 12/1 (2) II, 4

Amenemhat Surer

48

7

AIII

1

Statue

1

Säve-Söderbergh 1957: Plates XLVII-XLVIII.

PM 12/1 (8) I

Neferhotep

49

9

Ay/(Hor)

C

2

Coffin

1

Davies 1933a: 41, Plate XXIV.

PM 12/1 (3) II

Userhat

51

10

RI/SI

C

2

Coffin

1

Davies 1927: Plate XIII.

PM 1 /1 (13) I-II

Amenemhat

53

4

(Hat)/TIII

1

Mummy

PM 12/1 (3)

Huy

54 (a)

7

AIII

C

3

Person

1

Polz et al 1997: 40-41. Colour Plate 3 and Plate 18. Top right vignette.

PM 12/1 (7) I

Kener

54 (b)

10

RII or later

C

2

Coffin

1

Polz et al 1997: 60-61. Colour Plate 9.

PM 12/1 (5) II

Ramose

55

7

AIII/AIV

C

2

Coffin

1

Davies 1941: 24, Plate XXIII.

PM 12/1 (4) I-II

Userhat

56

6

(TIII)/AII/TIV

3

Person

PM 12/1 (11) II-III

Menena

69

6

(TIV)/AIII

1

Mummy

PM 1 /1 (12) I-II

Horemheb

78

6

AII/TIV/AIII

1

Coffin

PM 12/1 (10) I

Thutnefer

80

5

TIII/AII

1

Mummy

Shedid 1988: Plate 65b.

PM 12/1 (16) I-V

Ineni

81

2

AI-Hat/(TIII)

4

Person

Dziobek 1992: Plate 18.

PM 1 /1 (12) IV-V

Amenemhat

82

3

Hat/TIII

1

Mummy

1

Davies and Gardiner 1915: Plate XVII.

PM 12/1 (7) I-II

Amenmose

89

7

AIII

1

Coffin

1

Hartwig 2004: Figure 27.

2

2

2

2

2

35

C

C

C

C

Htp di nswt

Image

Time Period 2-11

PM I2/1 (23)

Type

Tomb owner

Cone

PM Number

Tomb ID

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY

Source

Bruyère 1952: Plate VII.

Davies 1913: Plate XXI.

1

Assmann 1991: 95, Plate 40. Unpublished MMA Photos T. 3441 and 3445.

Otto 1960b: Plates 2a, 2b, and 2c.

Beinlich-Seeber 1987: Plate 8.

and

Shedid

Maher-Taha 2002: Plate LIVB. 1

Brack and Brack 1980: 55, Plates 66 and 89.

Time Period 2-11

Reign/ period

Type

Image

PM 12/1 (7)

Nebamun

90 (a)

6

TIV/AIII

3

Person

Davies and Davies 1923: Plate XXXV, bottom right.

PM 12/1 (7)

Nebamun

90 (b)

6

TIV/AIII

4

Statue

Davies and Davies 1923: Plate XXXV, top right.

PM 12/1 Pillar C (c)

Kenamun

93

5

AII

4

Statue

Davies 1930a: Plate (heavily reconstructed).

PM 12/1 (36)

Sennefer

96

5

(TIII)/AII

4

Person

Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Figure 93.

PM 12/1 (19)

Rekhmire

100

5

TIII/AII

1

Statue

Davies 1935: Plate XXV and Davies 1943b: Plate CV-CVII.

PM 12/1 (10)

Thutnefer

104

3

(Hat)/TIII

1

Mummy

MMA Photos T. 2846-8. Description of the scene in Shedid 1988: 136-137.

PM 12/1 (2) II

Nefersekheru

107

7

AIII

4

Statue

Wegner 1933: Plate XXc.

PM 12/1 (4)

Nebseny

108

6

TIV/(AIII?)

1

Statue

Baud 1935: Figure 68.

PM 1 /1 (3) III

Kynebu

113

11

RVIII

C

2

Coffin

1

Wilkinson 1878b: Plate LXIX.

PM 12/1 (4) III

Pairy

139 (a)

7

AIII

C

2

Coffin

1

Kees 1926: Figure 1 and elShahawy 2005: Front Cover.

PM 12/1 (4) III

Pairy

139 (b)

7

AIII

1

Statue

Kees 1926: Figure 1 and elShahawy 2005: Front Cover.

PM 12/1 (5) I

Nakht

161 (a)

6

AIII (?)

1

Statue

Werbrouck and van der Walle 1929: Plate opposite page 8.

PM 12/1 (5) I

Nakht

161 (b)

6

AIII (?)

1

Mummy

Werbrouck and van der Walle 1929: Plate opposite page 8.

PM 12/1 (5) IV

Nakht

161 (c)

6

AIII (?)

2

Coffin

1

Werbrouck and van der Walle 1929: Plate opposite page 8.

PM 12/1 (2) II

Anonymous

175

6

TIV/AIII

2

Coffin

1

Manniche 1988a: Figure 44.

PM 12/1 (910) II,7

Neferrenpet Kener

178 (a)

10

RII

4

Person

PM 12/1 (57) II

Neferrenpet Kener

178 (b)

10

RII

C

2

Coffin

1

Hofmann 1995: Plates XXVIIIXXIX.

PM 12/1 (5) III

Nebamun/Ipuky

181

7

AIII/AIV

C

2

Coffin

1

Davies 1925a: 39-40, Plate XIX.

PM 12/1 (12) I (14) I

Nebsumenu

183

10

RII

1

Statue

Assmann 2003a: Figures 3-6.

PM 12/1 (6) II

Ipuy

217

10

RII

C

4

Coffin

Davies 1927: Plate XXXVI.

PM 12/1 (1) II-IV

Amennakht

218

10

RII

C

2

Coffin

PM 12/1 (10)

Nebenmaat

219 (a)

10

RII/Mer

C

4

Coffin

PM 12/1 (11) II

Nebenmaat

219 (b)

10

RII/Mer

C

2

Coffin

PM 12/1 (4) II

Samut

247

6

TIV/AIII

1

Statue

Hermann 1940: Plate 11 [c] and Schott 1957: Plate Vb.

PM 12/1 (3)

Khnummose

253

6

AIII

3

Person

Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plate XXIII.

PM 12/1 (2) II

Roy

255

10

Hor/SI

2

Coffin

PM 12/1 (4)

User

260

4

TIII (?)

1

Mummy

2

36

C

C

Htp di nswt

Tomb owner

Cone

PM Number

Tomb ID

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES

Source

LXI

Hofmann 1995: Colour Plate IXb.

1

Sauneron 1988: 67. Bruyère 1928: 66-68, Figure 47. Maystre 1936: Plate V.

1

1

Maystre 1936: Plate VII.

Baud and Drioton 1928: Figure 8. Hermann 1940: Plate 1d.

PM Number

Tomb owner

Tomb ID

Time Period 2-11

Reign/ period

Cone

Type

Image

Htp di nswt

CHAPTER 3. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE OPENING THE MOUTH CEREMONY

PM 12/1 (2) II

Ameneminet

277

11

20th D.

C

2

Coffin

1

Lhote 1954: Plate 17.

PM 12/1 (4) II

Pahemnetjer

284

10

(18th D.)/19th D. before RII

C

2

Coffin

1

Barthelmess 1992: Plate IV.

PM 12/1 (1) I-II

Nakhtmin

291

9

post-Amarna

C

2

Coffin

1

Bruyère and Kuentz 1926: Plate III.

-

Amenhotep

294

3

(Hat)/TIII

1

Mummy

PM 12/1 (5) II

Thutmose Pary

295

6

TIV/AIII (?)

1

Mummy

1

Hegazy and Tosi 1983: 19, Plate 2.

PM 12/1 (5) II

Nefersekheru

296

10

RII

2

Coffin

1

Feucht and Assmann 1985: 4952. Colour Plate IVb.

PM 12/1 (23)

Nakhtamun

335

10

RII/Mer

4

Coffin

Bruyère 1926: Figure 108.

PM 12/1 (10) I

Neferrenpet

336

10

RII/Mer

4

Coffin

Bruyère 1926: Figure 55.

PM 12/1 (2) II

Nakhtamun

341

11

20th D.

2

Coffin

PM 12/1 (12)

Benia Paheqamen

343

4

TIII

4

Mummy

PM 12/1 (12) II, 9

Inherkhau

359

11

RIII/RIV

4

Coffin

Valbelle and Gout 2002: 57.

PM 12/1 (3)

Paser

367

5

AII

3

Person

Fakhry 1943: Plate XXIV.

PM 12/1 (15)

Amenmose

373 (b)

10

RII

1

Mummy

PM 12/1 (2)

Piay

406

11

20th D.

C

2

Coffin

1

Barthelmess 1992: Plate IV.

PM 12/1 156/458

Merymaat

C4

6

TIV/AIII

C

2

Coffin

1

Werbrouck 1938: Plate XX. Florence Museo Archeologico: 2472. Int. Inv. no. 05/027/0419.

-

Anhurmose

El Mashayikh

10

Mer

C

2

Coffin

1

Ockinga and al-Masri 1990: Plate 4.

-

Anon

Havana MN 2

9

Tut

C

2

Coffin

1

Martin 1987: Plate 8.

PM V Page 28 Note 1.

Imiseba (a)

El Mashayikh

10

19

4

Statue

PM V Page 28 Note 1.

Imiseba (b)

El Mashayikh

10

19

2

Coffin

-

Iuy

Pushkin I.1.a.5637.

10

19

2

Coffin

-

Khay

Saqqara tomb

10

19

2

Coffin

37

C

C

C

C

Source

Strudwick and 1996b: Plate XIA.

1

Strudwick

Davies 1948: Plate XXVI.

Guksch 1978: Plate 22.

Seyfried et al 1990: Plate XIII.

Ockinga and al-Masri 1990: Plate 51. 1

Ockinga and al-Masri 1990: Plate 61. Khodjash 1981: No. 70, Plate 127.

1

Martin 2001: 13, [5], Plates 8 and 52.

Reign/ period

Meri-meri

Leiden 49

10

19

PM IV Page 139 (5)

Nefersekheru

Zawyet Sulṭan

10

SI

PM III2/2 Page 555

Ptahmes (Ptahmosi)

Cairo temp 17.5.25.1

10

PM V Page 183 (9-10)

Renni

Tomb 7 El Kab

2

Mummy

2

Coffin

RII

4

Statue

AI

4

Mummy

Cone

4

C

Htp di nswt

Time Period 2-11

PM III2/2 705

Image

Tomb owner

Type

PM Number

Tomb ID

A NEW INTERPRETATION OF THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN TOMB SCENES

Source

Holwerda et al 1905-1920: IV; 5, Plate XVI. Leiden Museum Inv. AP. 6. 1

Osing 1992: Plate XXXVII. Werbrouck 1938: 83-84 Figure 50. Cairo Temp. 17.5.25.1 and Gaballa 1977: Plate XXXV. Tylor et al 1900: Plate XII.

Table 12. The details of the Opening the Mouth scenes analysed S=statue, M=mummy, C=coffin, P = Person.

Stela

Source

Stela

Source

BM 305

Schulman 1984: Figure 6.

Phil 40-19-2

Schulman 1984: Figure 2.

BM 549

Bierbrier 1993: Plate 63.

Sotheby’s cat. 5228

Schulman 1984: Figure 28.

Bologna 1922

Schulman 1984: Figure 22.

Turin 500074

Schulman 1984: Figure 4.

Cairo JE 18925

Schulman 1984: Figure 5.

TT 41 (b)

Schulman 1984: Figure 27.

Cairo JE 44722

Schulman 1984: Figure 1.

TT 50

Hari 1985: Plate XIII.

Chicago 20.264

Schulman 1984: Figure 11.

TT 106

Schott 1957: Plate IIIb.

DNM Aad

Schulman 1984: Figure 3.

TT 193

Schulman 1984: Figure 17.

Florence 2562

Schulman 1984: Figure 10.

TT 257

Mostafa 1995: Plate XXIV.

Liverpool 13851

Schulman 1984: Figure 23.

TT 250

Schulman 1984: Figure 19.

Louvre E 25496

Schulman 1984: Figure 25a.

TT 360

Schulman 1984: Figure 20.

Louvre E 25497

Schulman 1984: Figure 25b.

TT 373 (a)

Louvre E 25498

Schulman 1984: Figure 25c.

-

Table 13. Source of the Opening the Mouth scenes on stelae.

38

Seyfried et al 1990: Figure 19. -

Chapter 4. The symbolism of the cone in the Gold of Honour ceremony The initial analysis of the frequency of the cone on the tomb owner in Chapter 1 revealed that it appears in 48.4% (31/64) of the scenes in which he receives Gold of Honour from the king (Chapter 1, Table 4). The complete ceremony has several phases in which one or more activities can take place and in this chapter it is demonstrated that in two of these phases, the cone appears on 80% (16/20) of the officials. This significant frequency demonstrates a meaningful association between the Gold of Honour ceremony and the cone on the head of the rewardee. The Gold of Honour (GOH) ceremony took place during the life of the official, in contrast to the deceased tomb owner in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. Consequently, this chapter examines the Gold of Honour scenes to discover whether the cone on the official when he is alive can also be interpreted as a symbol of the bA of the official receiving divine offerings.

gold necklaces to officials who had given him particularly valuable service. The services meriting recognition are usually vaguely described and include deeds of bravery, devotion, excellence, and ‘being beneficial to the king’.304 The gold necklace was called the Sbyw (shebyu) and the reward was referred to as the ‘Gold of Honour’ or ‘Gold of Praise’. The gold necklace was not the only type of gift awarded although it was the most characteristic item.305 The ceremony took place at the palace or temple and in many scenes, it is evident that it, or some part of it, took place in the open.306 At the beginning of the ceremony, the official is brought before the king. He may be reaching out to take the Sbyw or he may have his arms raised in praise, bow or kneel in supplication (Figure 11).307 Then the official is shown wearing the Sbyw standing in front of the king sometimes receiving more necklaces.308 He may have both hands raised in the Hai gesture of rejoicing and jubilation (Figure 11).309 Often an attendant places the necklace around the rewardee’s neck, adjusting his attire or anointing his body (Figure 11).310 In the texts, the king may address the rewardee, who in return praises the king and acknowledges the honour shown to him.311 Wearing the necklace, the rewardee expressing jubilation, turns to receive acclaim from the attending crowd (Figure 12).312 These onlookers often also exhibit the same gesture, kiss the ground, and dance with elation.313 Some scenes show the official greeted with joy by his wife and family and his arrival home after the ceremony.314 He may leave the ceremony in a chariot or on foot, when he also receives acclaim from the crowd (Figure 13).315

There have been several published studies on the Gold of Honour and those that have been consulted are cited below.301 Scenes from New Kingdom tombs, tomb stelae, and tomb wall fragments are examined in this chapter, but scenes from temples are not included. because they are not mortuary evidence.302 Part 1 of this chapter provides an overview of the ceremony, discusses evidence of the bA in the living individual, examines the key aspects of the ceremony associated with the cone and considers the possibility that the bA of the official is involved. Part 2 discusses the anointing of the rewardee during the ceremony and whether it could be directly associated with the cone on the head. Details of the scenes discussed are provided in tables at the end of the Chapter. Table 15 explains how scenes were selected for analysis, Table 16 charts the factors associated with the cone, and Table 17 provides the published source of each scene. The recorded data in DB 6 is in the Appendix.

304

Binder 2008: Table 12.1 and discussion on pages 200-201. The tomb owner might also receive gold armlets, bracelets, earrings, and gloves (Feucht 1977: 731-733). The Sbyw is however the item most commonly depicted in the scenes. Also listed in the inscriptions are abundant quantities of silver and gold, unguent, land, cattle, and personal statues in the temple (Binder 2008: 205). Butterweck-Abdelrahim 2002: 239-241 summarises the type of reward by time period. Many reward scenes at Amarna are flanked by representations of lavishly prepared rooms (Green 2004: 210-217). In TT 50, amongst the items given by the king to Neferhotep are ‘millions of silver, clothing, unguent, bread, beer, meat, and cake.’ (Binder 2008: 118-119). 306 For example, the chariot ride of the owner of TT 41. 307 In the Amarna Tomb 25, Ay takes the gold necklace from the king. Ramose (TT 55), kneels before the king before receiving the necklaces and in TT 57, Khamhat Meh bows his head to Amenhotep III. 308 As shown in the Amarna tomb scene Meryre II (a) and Ay. 309 See Horemheb (a). The hieroglyph A28 of Gardiner’s list shows this gesture. 310 In TT 50, an attendant ties the necklace around the neck of Neferhotep. In the tomb of Horemheb (b), the necklaces are adjusted and in the tomb of Huya and Meryre I, the kilt of the tomb owner is adjusted. 311 As in TT 55, the tomb of Ramose (Binder 2008: 101-102). 312 As in TT 40, the tomb of Amenhotep Huy. 313 Onlookers making the Hai gesture appear in TT 55, the tomb of Ramose, those kissing the ground appear in the tomb of Panehesy. In the tomb of Ay, men are dancing (bottom register). 314 The tomb owner arriving at his house appears in TT 23, TT 41, TT 51, TT 49, and TT 188. Unfortunately, the tomb owner is not identifiable in TT 49. There is no scene of the ceremony in TT 188, but Davies writes that Parennefer has a ‘festal cone’ and a necklace as he is escorted to his home (Davies 1923b: 139-140). 315 In TT 49, Neferhotep rides away in a chariot and female musicians greet him, one of whom jubilates. See also the chariot ride in TT 41 by Amenemipet Ipy. In TT 75, Amenhotep Si-se leaves the ceremony on foot. 305

The ceremony The Gold of Honour scene first appeared in the mid Eighteenth Dynasty and continued into the Ramesside period.303 At the ceremony, the king presented one or more 301 The most recent and most comprehensive study is that of Binder 2008. She has analysed in detail the visual and textual evidence of the Gold of Honour ceremony, her focus being the occupation of the official, the reason for the reward, and the social significance of the honour. She also includes a brief discussion on the significance of the ceremony in the afterlife of the tomb owner. She publishes all the scenes discussed in this chapter except the scene included here from TT 75 in Davies and Davies 1923: Plate XIII. The other works on the Gold of Honour consulted for this chapter are: Sethe 1910: 143-145, Gabra 1929: 41-58, Schäfer 1934: 10-13, von Deines 1954: 83-86, Vergote 1959: 121-135, Hermann 1963: 49-66, Vandier 1964: 544-571 and 638-670, Radwan 1969: 23-33, Redford 1970: 208-226, Vandersleyen 1971: 41-48, Feucht 1977: 731-733, Schulman 1988: 116-197, and ButterweckAbdelrahim 2002: 1-275. 302 Amenemipet at Beit el Wali and Amenhotep at Karnak temple. 303 The earliest recorded scene in this study is from TT 75 (AII/TIV), but there are earlier New Kingdom inscriptions that describe the ceremony. The earliest of these is that of Ahmose son of Abana at El Kab, which dates to Ahmose/Tuthmosis I. The awarding of gold and other valuable items from the king attested in the Old Kingdom is not comparable to the New Kingdom ceremony, which is a New Kingdom phenomenon (Binder 2008: 77).

39

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Figure 11. Phases 1 and 2 of the Gold of Honour ceremony in TT 55. Author’s sketch of Davies 1941: Plate XXXIII-XXXIV.

In some tombs, there may be several phases showing the sequence of activities of the ceremony, as in the tomb of Neferhotep (TT 49). In most cases, the tomb owner only depicts one, or a limited number, of the phases of the ceremony.316 Each scene varies and within each phase of the ceremony, the rewardee can be engaged in one or more activities such as being anointed, standing in the sunlight, showing jubilation, and receiving acclaim. The cone can appear with one or more different combinations of activity, for example in his tomb at Saqqara, Horemheb (b) stands before the king in the open, he wears the Sbyw, he is anointed, he makes the gesture of jubilation, he is given acclaim, and he has a cone.

owner being anointed, jubilation and rejoicing by the tomb owner with the Hai gesture, receiving acclaim from the onlookers and/or the family at home, and riding in triumph from the ceremony in a chariot. Also identified is whether the rewardee is standing in sunlight and whether he is wearing the Sbyw.318 For each aspect, the presence or absence of the cone is given and Table 14 shows the frequency of the cone. Total examples

Cone

% cone

Presented to king

9

0

0

Anointed

15

6

40

Jubilating

20

9

45

Receives acclaim

14

11

78.6

Leaves in chariot

6

5

83.3

64

31

48.4

Activity

Part 1. Aspects of the ceremony associated with the cone The symbolism of the cone is likely to be associated with one or more activities of the ceremony with which it correlates most closely and for this reason five key activities were recorded separately. Twenty-eight tombs provided thirty scenes and from these, sixty-four separate activities and the presence of a cone were recorded and analysed.317 The activities of the ceremony recorded are the presentation of the tomb owner to the king, the tomb

Table 14. The frequency of the cone with the individual phases of the Gold of Honour scene.319

316 TT 57 only shows one phase of the ceremony, TT 217 shows two, the scene of Penniut Suner depicts three, and in TT 55, Ramose has four. 317 Meryre II and Horemheb have two Gold of Honour scenes each, so the table has 30 columns representing 28 tombs. Note that this differs from the arrangement in DB 1. Source Data, which records all the scenes in a tomb in a single column, but the data sets of both correlate exactly.

318 The rewardee receives extra necklaces from the king in the tomb of Meryre II (a) and Ay, but this activity is not recorded as a separate activity because this number is too small to be statistically representative. In both scenes, the rewardee has a cone. 319 Data from DB 6 (n= 64).

40

CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY When the official is first presented to the king, he does not have a cone in any of the scenes.320 Anointing correlates with a cone in less than half the examples; six of the fifteen scenes with anointing (40% (6/15) depict a cone. When the rewardee makes the Hai gesture of jubilation the cone is present in 45% (9/20) of the examples. There are two aspects of the ceremony in which there is a very strong correlation with the cone, when the rewardee receives acclaim and when he is riding in his chariot. Eleven of the fourteen (78.6%) scenes, which show the acclaim and homage paid to the rewardee, portray him with a cone.

When the frequency of the cone in both is assessed together, sixteen of the twenty rewardees (80%), have a cone when they are given acclaim. There are two other aspects of the scene that prove to have a significant association with the cone, the first being the Sbyw itself. Every official receives the Sbyw after his presentation to the king and, with two possible exceptions, in the thirty-one phases of the ceremony in which he has a cone, he is wearing his gold necklace.323 Before he receives the Sbyw, when presented to the king at the beginning of the ceremony, he does not have a cone. Another strong correlation is the presence of a cone when the rewardee stands in sunlight. There are thirty recorded ceremonial scenes and with three possible exceptions, the whole ceremony or the latter phases of the ceremony are held in the light of the sun.324 As a rule, the rewardee has a cone when he is standing in the rays of the sun. For these findings see Table 16. The analyses show that the cone can appear on the rewardee in any aspect of the ceremony except when he is presented to the king. The cone when it does appear is least associated with the anointing and most associated with the end of the ceremony in which he stands and receives adulation and acclaim from the onlookers. In addition, when the rewardee has a cone he is standing in sunlight and wearing the Sbyw. Only the rewardee is shown with a cone in these scenes demonstrating that it is a symbol relating solely to the individual receiving the Sbyw.

Figure 12. Tutu (Amarna Tomb A8) receives acclaim from the crowd after receiving the Sbyw.321

When he is riding in triumph in the chariot (Figure 13), five of the six scenes (83.3%) show him with a cone.

Each of these aspects is considered next to establish the part it plays in the ceremony and whether the cone in these scenes could symbolise the bA of the tomb owner receiving divine offerings, as suggested in Chapter 3. A factor that needs to be addressed first is whether the bA of the living official could be involved in this scene. The bA is normally associated with the post-mortem state of the tomb owner and so the first consideration is whether the bA could exist as an autonomous entity in the living as well as in the dead individual.

The bA in the living Although reference to the bA is usually in a mortuary context, several Egyptologists consider that the bA was 323

In TT 75 and the tomb of Pentu, it is not possible to see whether there is a necklace, but it is reasonable to assume that the tomb owner has a Sbyw at this point in the ceremony. 324 The Window of Appearances in which the king appears is thought to have been be in an open court (Kemp 1976: 87-88 and Kemp 1991: 212) The official can be walking or riding home in a chariot in the open as he is when he is before large boisterous crowds or in areas in which there are waiting chariots. The king can also be in a kiosk that may have been in the open court as shown in the tomb of Khamhat Meh (Wreszinski 1923: Plate 203). Binder 2008: 82 considers that the casual stance of the king in some scenes (as in the scene of Meryre I, Amarna tomb 4) indicates that the ceremony was held outside of the temple or palace. There are only three scenes in which there is no indication that the rewardee is in the open and that is in TT 23, TT 106, and TT 148 although in the last, reference is made to ‘Pharaoh is my sunlight’ in the accompanying text (Binder 2008: 132).

Figure 13. Neferhotep (TT 49) rides home in triumph in his chariot.322

Both these activities serve the same function; they show the adulation of those observing the reward ceremony. 320 In the tomb of Penniut Suner at Aniba, the ceremony took place in front of a statue of the king. 321 Author’s sketch from Davies 1908b: Plate XX. 322 Author’s sketch from Davies 1933b: Plate I.

41

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT present in the living, becoming disassociated from the body after death.325 References to the bA in the living are uncommon in ancient Egyptian texts but they do exist. Maxim 37 of Ptahhotep can be interpreted as advice to benefit the bA during life:

was not evident, but there are texts that describe the bA leaving the body of living individuals under extreme emotional stress. The temple inscription of Rameses III claims that the bA of the Sea-Peoples deserted them when they were defeated.332 The Ramesside Papyrus Anastasi IV contains a warning to a bucolic scribe that excess beer could cause the bA to become disassociated: ‘Beer makes him cease to be a man. It causes your bA to wander.’333 The man who disputes with his bA is contemplating suicide and the son in Coffin Text Spell 38 is fearful that his dead father is going to cause his death. These are all situations involving disturbed feelings and strong emotions.334

The wise feeds his bA with what endures, so that it is happy with him on earth.326

In the ‘Dispute between a man and his bA’ (Papyrus Berlin 3024), the bA tells the man to: ‘Love me here when you have set aside the West’ and can be understood as the bA confirming that it will stay with the living man if he decides not to commit suicide.327 This text has been studied by several scholars and each offer their own interpretation, however there is consensus that in this dialogue the bA is a distinct and independent aspect of the living man.328

Another reason for deciding that the bA did exist in the living individual is that with the exception of the Ax, all other afterlife modes of the individual, the kA, name, shadow, and heart, were present in life. Spells were necessary to ensure they survived and rejoined the tomb owner after death.335 This suggests that the bA too would also be present in the tomb owner when he was alive. If the living individual has a bA then it is possible that in certain circumstances it could become evident during life. Whilst reference to the bA in the living is sparse, the textual evidence presented above suggests that the bA left the living body in circumstances in which the senses were disturbed or affected by extreme emotion.

Coffin Text Spell 38 is a dialogue between a son and his dead father. The son tells his deceased father that he cannot join him in the afterlife because he has to remain on earth to fulfil his obligations to his father and that he would die if his bA entered the next world. The various interpretations of this scene are discussed by de Jong who proposes that the living son is communicating through the medium of his bA that the deceased father has embodied in him.

The presence of the king and the bA of the rewardee

O my father in the West, you are an Ax, you are divine in the West, in that sacred land in which you are: you have your bA, you have your power with you (there); (now) love (for your own sake) your bA (that is) me, on earth!329

There is further evidence that suggests that the bA was dissociated from its owner when the individual experienced personal contact with the king, a situation that occurs in the Gold of Honour ceremony. The presence of the king was of matter of great moment for the tomb owner and brought about feelings of extreme elation and fear. This has been described by some officials who were presented to him during their careers.336 In the autobiographical inscription in his tomb TT 85, Amenemheb describes how his service to Tuthmosis III was rewarded on several occasions with the Gold of Honour.337 When he set before the king the tail of

Donnat interprets this text as the conflict between the bA of the living son and the bA of dead father.330 The implication in either case is that the living son has a bA. The existence of the bA in the living is also proposed by Wiebach, who suggests that the bA of the living family members mediated with the dead and divine beings during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley.331 Under normal circumstance, it seems that the bA in the living

332

325 Allen 2001: 161-162, Taylor 2001: 20-23, and Bell 2002: 38-42. In his textual analysis of the text of the dispute of a man with his bA, Allen considers that the bA is part of the living man and able to leave him, an act that is in contrast to the separation of the bA after death (Allen 2011: 137-160 specifically page 141). 326 Papyrus Berlin 3024. Translation in Lichtheim 1973: 73, Epilogue. However, this can also be interpreted as making sure that the bA will be able to return to the earth after death. 327 Parkinson 1991: 132-133 and Lichtheim 1973: 163-9. 328 Tobin 1986: 341-363 sees the dialogue as a symbolic expression of the internal conflict in the living individual who is struggling with the difficulties of life. Bell 2002: 38-42 considers that the bA leaving the living body resulted in an ‘out of body’ experience to which the ancient Egyptians may have attributed to dreams. 329 Translation in de Jong 1994: 141-157, Coffin Text I, 162c-f. However, Faulkner 1956: 36-44 interprets this spell as an indication that the son was newly deceased. 330 Donnat 2004: 191-205. 331 Wiebach 1986: 263-291 discusses the bA as the means by which the living, the deceased ancestors, and the sun god achieved union at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley.

Nelson 1930: Plate 37. Lines 15-16. Papyrus Anastasi IV; 11.9-12.3. Hieroglyphic text in Gardiner 1937: 47, Lines 5-7 translated by Caminos 1954: 182. 11.10-11.11. A similar passage is found in Papyrus Sallier (Caminos 1954: 328. 9.10-9.11) in which the translation ‘it causes your bA to be upset’ is given. However, Žabkar 1968: 114-120 rejects the notion of the bA present in the living believing that it was a mortuary concept and that texts that do refer to the bA in the living are analogies. He suggests that they anticipate the relationship that the individual will experience with his bA after death. 334 Englund 1999: 101-109 considers that in the ‘Dispute of a man with his bA’, his crisis of despair caused the bA of the man to be manifested. 335 In TT 163, the heart, bA, kA, and a mummy (sAH) are brought to the deceased Amenemhet (Assmann 1979: Plate X. BM EA 55336). 336 Naydler 1996: 204 describes awareness of the bA by the living individual as an out-of-body state beyond the range of mormal waking conciousness and that in life, this state had to be induced. The possible association between the release of the bA and the excessive drinking of alcohol in mortuary banquets is discussed in Chapter 5. 337 Chabas 1873: 287-288. ‘Je reçus un honneur divine pour cela. Cela fit que la joie remplit mon sein, que allégresse s'attacha à mes membres.’ See also a similar translation in Breasted 1906b: 233, Text 589. 333

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CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY a wild mare, which had been driven into the Egyptian army by the enemy, he describes his euphoria:

gone, my limbs trembled, my heart was not in my body, I did not know life from death.343

I received a divine honour for that. It made joy fill me within, a joy that united with my limbs.338

From these accounts, it seems that the extreme emotion felt by those in the presence of the king may have temporarily brought about the emergence of the bA, placing the individual in what could be described as a ‘bA-state’. In this state the living man could fully experience the ceremony through the mediation of his bA.

Sarenput also experienced ecstatic emotion at his reward ceremony described in an inscription in his Middle Kingdom tomb at Aswan. He explains that he received praise and gifts from the treasure house of the king in front of his people:

The significance of the ceremony held in sunlight The majority of the scenes of the Gold of Honour ceremony show clearly that it, or part of it, took place in the open where the sun was visible (Figure 14).344

Yes, I gave very great reverence and rendered affection until my throat lacked air. I was jubilant that I was permitted to reach the sky, my head reached the firmament. I scratched the bodies of the stars (and) I let it thunder as I shone like a star and danced with heaven’s constellations. My town was in festival; my youths were rejoicing loudly so that dancing could be heard and old people were united with the children, old and young were jubilating.339

This ceremony bears several similarities with the New Kingdom Gold of Honour ceremony. Sarenput makes the gesture of jubilation (Hai). He describes the gesture of jubilation made by the onlookers who dance in joy, another factor common to the reward ceremony. The sensation that his head reached the sky could be a description of the bA leaving his body because the stars were a destination that individuals desired for their bA after death.340 During the ritual of embalming, the priest recites: ‘May you do that which you wish in heaven when you are among the stars; your bA being with the thirty-six stars so that you will come into being among them.’341 An inscription on the ceiling in the T-Hall of TT 82 asks that the bA of Amenemhat will be placed among the stars.342 In the Tale of Sinuhe, when he returned to Egypt and was received by the king, the bA of Sinuhe left him. The situation described is similar to the Gold of Honour ceremony: I found his majesty on the great throne in a kiosk of gold. Stretched out on my belly, I did not know myself before him … I was like a man seized by darkness. My bA was Figure 14. The ceremony of Ay held in sunlight.345 338 Urk IV, 894, 14-15. The sensation of joy ‘united (Xnm.n.f) with the body’ is an expression used in the Gold of Honour text of TT 106 (Binder 2008: 123). See also the work of Frood 2007: 155 who translates Hnm as ‘suffused through’. 339 Translated from the German text of Franke 1994: 193. 7-18. For other similar translations of this text see Gardiner 1908: 124-125, Plate V and Müller 1940: 30-31. I am grateful to Professor John Baines for drawing my attention to this text and the inscription from the tomb of Sarenput. 340 Several Pyramid Texts spells state that the dead king will ascend to the stars (Pyramid Text 878, 882-883, 929-30, 940, 1080, 1171, and 2005). Coffin Text V, 398h-399f is a spell for reaching Orion and in Coffin Text I, 241-242 the deceased joins the imperishable stars. 341 Papyrus Boulaq III translated in Troy 1993: 75, Text 8, 10-8, 13. See also the comment of Servajean 2009: 15 on this text who relates the number 36 to the decans, the constellations of stars that marked the hours of the night by their movement through the sky. 342 Davies and Gardiner 1915: 43, Plate XXX [A].

The presence of the sun disc is most clearly represented at Amarna where the rays of the Aten are always

343 Lichtheim 1973: 231, Lines 252-256. See Parkinson 1997: 40 who gives: ‘my bA had perished’. 344 The tomb owner has a cone and is in sunlight when he is anointed in TT 49, TT 55, TT 57, Horemheb (a) and (b), Meryre IIb, and Penniut Suner. He has a cone and is in the open when he is jubilating in TT 49, TT 55, TT 217, Horemheb (a), Horemheb (b), Meryre I, Meryre II (b), Panhesy, and Penniut Suner. He has a cone and stands in the open court when he receives acclaim in TT 40, TT 41, TT 49, TT 55, TT 75, TT 188, Ay, Horemheb (b), Meryre II (a), Pentu, and Tutu. The tomb owner with a cone leaving the ceremony walking or in a chariot, is in the tomb scenes of TT 41, TT 49, Any, Meryre II (a), and Tutu. 345 Author’s sketch of Davies 1908b: Plate XXX.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT present.346 Rays of sunlight were considered to be the manifestation of the bA of the sun god and the means by which the god could be accessed by the living. New Kingdom solar hymns refer to the light of the sun as the bA of the solar deity: 347

living kings considered themselves to be united with Amun-Re and portrayed themselves as such. Tuthmosis IV had himself represented on several artefacts in a nonfunerary context wearing the Sbyw and it is during his reign that the earliest Gold of Honour scenes are found.356

Hail to thee, Re-Atum Khepri Horakhty, divine bA illumining the nether world with the rays of his bright divine eye, who shines by day (but is also) lord of night.348

The iconography and accompanying inscriptions in the Gold of Honour ceremony scenes indicate that the solar aspect of the king is dominant. The king appears in the ceremony as the divine manifestation of the sun god, whether the god was Amun-Re or at Amarna, the Aten.357 The identification of the king with the sun god can be seen in the ceremony from its inception. In the early scenes of the ceremony, he is seated in a special kiosk that bears solar imagery and represents the earthly seat of the sun god.358 The king can also appear in the Window of Appearances, which Arnold suggests represents the ruler in the horizon like the sun god.359 The structures in which the king is portrayed are decorated with a frieze of uraei with solar disks, which are symbols of the eye of Re.

The one who created the heaven for his bA to illuminate the Two Lands.349 The sky with your bA and your light shines.350 Sacred bA in the West Greetings to you, Chief of the Gods, Illuminating the underworld with your beauty.351 Hail to you, Re at his rising, Atum [at] his setting, bA of heaven, who unites with the sun disc.352

In the tomb of Kheref Senaa (TT 192), an extensive biographical inscription explains that Amenhotep III is rewarding Kheref for his role in the solar barque ritual. For the deceased Kheref, towing the barque of the king symbolised towing the sun god in his solar barque.360 This reference reinforces the solar aspect of the king in the ceremony in which Kheref receives his Sbyw.361 Also emphasising the solar aspect of the king in the reward ceremony of Khamhat Meh (TT 57) is the presence of Hathor, the daughter of Re, who is seated with Amenhotep III. Akhenaten was the earthly manifestation of the Aten who could only be revealed through him and in the Amarna tombs the Aten is always shown with rays

Žabkar considers that those standing under the rays of the sun are in communication with the bA of the solar deity.353 Only the bA of the rewardee would be able to experience direct contact with the bA of a deity and this would be possible if the rewardee was in a bA-state. Thus holding the ceremony in sunlight symbolised that the official was in the direct presence of the bA of the sun god.354 The frequency of the cone in the Amarna Gold of Honour scenes is similar to those in tombs before and after the Amarna period, showing that it held a meaning common to both theological doctrines. In both, the deceased tomb owner desired that his bA would be in the presence of the supreme solar deity.

god through the hours of the night, has been found on fragments from the tomb of Tuthmosis I. The litany of Re that also identifies the deceased king as the sun god was written on the shroud of Tuthmosis III (Troy 2006: 154). 356 For the development in the solar aspect of Tuthmosis IV and Amenhotep III and their relationship with Amun-Re, see Baines 2001: 271-312. Tuthmosis IV is portrayed with the iconography of Amun-Re, with curved ram horns on his crown and his uraeus occasionally has a solar disc and horns (Bryan 1991: 350-352 and 357). On an ivory armlet from his statue, Tuthmosis IV has a large sun disc on his wig (Schäfer 1918: 35, Figure 30). In the reign of Amenhotep III, the solar identification of the king is attested by the name ‘Nebmare is the Dazzling Sun-disc’. Redford 1976: 50-53 discusses the growth in emphasis of the cult of the sun in the Eighteenth Dynasty attested in private tombs and the kings’ iconography and that by the end of the reign of Amenhotep III, the living king was identified with the sun disc. 357 Robins 1997: 136-137. 358 The kiosk was described as made of gold, a metal with solar symbolism, representing the throne as the seat of the sun god (Hartwig 2004: 54-61). 359 For the structure of the window see Kemp 1991: 211-213 and for its solar symbolism see Arnold 2003: 258. 360 Baines 2001: 291. 361 The reward of the Gold of Honour of Kheref Senaa took place during one of the Heb Sed Festivals of the Amenhotep III. The barque of Amenhotep III was towed across the lake at Malqata, a ritual ceremony that symbolised the journey of the king united with the sun in the morning and evening barques (Wente 1980: 43-45). Johnson 1990: 3446 suggests that at the Heb Sed Festival of Amenhotep III, the king and the sun disc were united. The request to tow the solar barque occurs in sun hymns from the time of Amenhotep III (Quirke 2001: 68-69).

Egyptian kings were united with the sun god after their death and from the time of Amenhotep II the deceased king appears in tomb scenes with a Sbyw to symbolise his divine solar status.355 From the time of Tuthmosis IV, 346

Mallinson 1999: 78 suggests that the palace at Amarna allowed mediation between the god and men and that this role is symbolised by the Window of Appearances from which the king rewarded the nobles with gold. 347 Solar hymns demonstrate that through his light the remote solar deity could be accessed (Assmann 1995a: 72-74). 348 Book of the Dead - Chapter 15B4 (Allen 1949: 353). 349 Assmann 1995a: 176 (4). Extract from Papyrus Berlin 3049 referring to Amun-Re. 350 Assmann 1983: Text 17, Line 37. Sun hymn from TT 23. 351 Assmann 1983: Text 268, Line 15 from the grave of Ankh-Hor. 352 Raven 2005: 42, [66]. 353 Žabkar 1968: 12. 354 A new line drawing of the reward scene of Ay in Krauss and Loeben 2003: 231-246, Figures 9-10 shows a mark under the hand of the ray of the Aten that if extended, carries the ray to Ay’s face. Also, although the uraei on the column face the king, the uraeus on the far right is turned to Ay. This unorthodox iconography, if realised, would symbolise direct contact between Ay and the Aten. The bA of the living that becomes evident in the presence of the divine is alluded to on the stela of Qenherkhepshef in which he describes himself as a bA before Amun-Re (Frood 2007: 229-231). 355 Johnson 1990: 36-37. The Amduat, which identified the deceased king as the sun god whose resurrection was linked to the passage of the

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CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY reaching down to the king in the Gold of Honour ceremony.362

It can also be inferred from the inscription with the reward ceremony in the tomb of Penniut Suner that the Sbyw had come from the sun god:

In the inscriptions that accompany the ceremony, there are frequent references to the close relationship between the sun god and the king. The king is addressed as ‘The Son of Re’, ‘Child of the Aten’, and it is said that: ‘You are here for eternity like your father Re.’363 In some inscriptions the king is referred to as being like the sun god: for example in TT 148, Amenemipet refers to the king as ‘my sunlight’ (Sw). In some tombs, the appearance of the king is described as the rising of the sun.364 Other inscriptions state that the king is the sun god, for example in TT 50 (Hor), Neferhotep says: ‘for he is a god, the king of gods … for he is Re, his body is the sun disc.’365 On the stela of Mes, the soldiers attending the ceremony claim that they live because Rameses, who is called Re, is looking on Mes.366 The considerable emphasis on the solar aspect of the king in this ceremony imbues the ceremony with strong solar symbolism. It may have been intended to symbolise that the solar deity acts through the divine earthly king and that the gift of the Sbyw, which the king gives to the rewardee, is a divine offering from the supreme solar deity himself.

Amun-Re, King of the Gods has favoured you.370

In TT 51, the inscription referring to the generosity of Amun-Re also supposes that the gifts are from the god: One rich in property who knows how to give, is Amun, his heart being pleased.371

It is also possible that the Sbyw had been placed on the statue of Amun-Re in the temple before its presentation by the king. The inscription in TT 75 describing the necklace of gold has been translated variously as ‘which has been (?) on the person of the god’, ‘tied to the god’s body’, and ‘intended for the god’s body’.372 Because the king is also shown wearing the Sbyw, it may be that the necklace was worn by the king before it was presented.373 A necklace that had been in contact with the body of the god or the king, would have been seen as especially sanctified, imbued with divine power and of immense significance for the official.374 To be able to accept a divine gift, the deceased would need to be in a transformed state and it is possible that the bA, made evident by euphoria and enlivened by the bA rays of the sun, received the divine gift of the Sbyw.375 The importance of the act of placing the Sbyw on the living non-royal tomb owner and thus bringing his bA into a relationship with the solar deity is reflected by the frequent depiction of this particular moment of the ceremony.376 In the tomb of Nefersekheru at Zawyet Sulṭan, the biographical inscription of tomb owner tells of his reward including ‘the gold thereof at my neck’. He is standing wearing his necklace, with a cone on his head and he asks that he might come forth as a living bA in every form that he desires.377 It was proposed in Chapter 3 that the bA of the deceased received the divine offerings at the Opening the Mouth. If the cone is a symbol of the bA receiving divine offerings it would explain why the

The Sbyw necklace of gold The cone only appears on the tomb owner when he is wearing the necklace and this correlation points to a meaningful relationship between the two. The Sbyw presented to the tomb owner is believed to have been commissioned and presented by the king to Amun-Re before it was given to the tomb owner.367 If this were so, it would mean that the necklace was a divine gift from the solar deity.368 The inscription with the Gold of Honour ceremony scene in the anonymous tomb Rifeh 2 implies the necklace had indeed reverted from the altar of the god: One said (i.e., the king) Give […] which comes forth from the presence in the House of Amun-Re, King of the Gods.369

370 KRI VI, 352: 15. The text continues with naming Re-Horakhty and Montu as well as the kA of the Pharaoh as those who have favoured the tomb owner. 371 Binder 2008: 120. 372 Davies and Davies 1923: 13 (Urk. IV, 1212, 14) and Binder 2008: 97. 373 Schäfer 1934: 10-13. See also Vergote 1959: 127. Binder 2008: 23-24 points out that it may not be correct to identify the gold necklace worn by the king as being the same as the Sbyw given to the official. However, given the similar appearance of the necklace on the living king and on the living tomb owner and its first depiction on both in the reign of Tuthmosis IV, it is possible that they are the same object. 374 Aufrère 1991b: 366-367 suggests that the gift of gold from the king linked the non-royal official to the afterlife of the king. 375 For the effect of the bA rays of the sun on the bA of a deity present in its statue, see the comments on the ritual of ‘Uniting with the Sun’ in Chapter 3 - Part 3. 376 The necklace is placed or adjusted on the tomb owner in: TT 23, TT 50, TT 55, Horemheb (a), Horemheb (b), Hormin, Meryre I, Pentu, and Parennefer. 377 Osing 1992: 47, Plate 35 and translation in Frood 2007: 147. This request with his figure wearing the Sbyw and with a cone, supports the interpretation of the cone in this study as a symbol of the bA in receipt of divine offerings.

362 To a degree far greater than any of his immediate predecessors, Akhenaten affirmed the paternity of the sun and the unity of the sun and king (Redford 1980: 21-38 and Assmann 2001: 208-218). 363 For evidence of the king’s relationship with the Aten, see Redford 1976: 47-61. The reference to the king as being the son of Re/Aten is made in the tomb of TT 55, TT 192, Hormin (Binder 2008: 99, 101, and 121). Reference to the king as the child of the Aten is in the text from the tomb of Meryre I and Pentu (Binder 2008: 106-107). 364 In TT 50 (Hor): ‘His majesty having appeared like Re in his “window” of life and stability,’ in TT 55 (AIII/AIV): ‘May you (the king) rise … That you appear is like your father, the living Aten,’ and on the stela of Mes (RII): ‘You are Re. You are like him when you rise.’ (Binder 2008: 118, 101, and 126). 365 Binder 2008: 119. 366 Binder 2008: 126. 367 Scenes at Karnak show Tuthmosis III dedicating more than one Sbyw to Amun-Re (Brand 2006: 22 and Binder 2008: Figure 11.1) similarly Tuthmosis IV (Letellier 1991: 44, Figure 2). 368 As suggested by Binder 2008: 97-98 and 121. 369 Petrie 1907: Plate XXVIII scene continued on Plates XXIX and XXX, translated in Binder 2008: 130.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT Tuthmosis I.386 In none of these scenes does the deceased tomb owner have a cone even though he wears the Sbyw. These scenes do however demonstrate however the importance of the Sbyw to the tomb owner after death, as evidence of his worthiness to enter the realm of the gods and to be in the company of divine beings.387

rewardee, when he is wearing the divine gift of the Sbyw at this ceremony, has a cone. The Sbyw, when worn by the living king is thought to have symbolised his unification with the supreme solar deity. When worn by the rewardee it symbolised his recognition and approval by the sun god. Receiving his divine gift initiated a relationship, mediated through the bA, which would benefit him after death. The Sbyw was placed on the mummy of the deceased tomb owner before its final wrapping and could also have played a part in ensuring the acceptance of his bA into the afterlife by the solar deity.378 The Sbyw associated its wearer with AmunRe or in the reign of Akhenaten, the Aten.379 In the Amarna tomb of Ay, an onlooker at the Gold of Honour ceremony states that Ay and his wife (who also received gold necklaces) ‘are become people of gold’, a metaphor that alludes to the solar associations of the Sbyw and its effect on the rewardee and his wife.380

The transfigured state of the tomb owner The cone is most frequent in the phases of the ceremony in which the rewardee receives acclaim and is shown reverence by the onlookers and his family, whether he is standing before the crowd or riding in his chariot. Sixteen of the twenty rewardees (80%) have a cone at this point in the ceremony (Figure 12 and Figure 13). A gesture frequently demonstrated by the crowd is the Hai gesture of rejoicing or jubilation.388 This gesture is also shown by the living in presence of the king (both living and deceased) and in mourning the dead.389 Jubilating in the presence of the sun can also be seen on the pyramidion of Turobay (TT 327) that bears the words: ‘I make jubilation (be)for(e) your fair face; your rays illumine all lands.’390

The cone is not a symbol of the Sbyw Even though the cone only appears when the tomb owner has received the necklace, it is unlikely that it was a symbol of the Sbyw itself. If this is so, then the rewardee should have a cone whenever he is portrayed with the Sbyw. This is not always so in the Gold of Honour scenes and there are many other tomb scenes in which he does not have a cone when he wears the necklace. Ramose in TT 55, wears a Sbyw during ritual lustration.381 In TT 69, Menena wears his necklace when judged before Osiris and when sporting in the marshes.382 Nefersekheru in his tomb at Zawyet Sulṭan, wears his Sbyw when adoring Ptah.383 The Sbyw appears on the statue image of Amenemhat Surer when his mouth is opened.384 Neferhotep in TT 49, his necklace on his neck, offers to several deities and Tjanefer in TT 158, has his necklace when receiving offerings from the Tree Goddess.385 In TT 51 Userhat wearing his necklace worships the deceased

Therefore, it may be legitimate to consider that the Hai gesture made to the tomb owner is recognition of his extraordinary and transfigured status as he stands before them with the Sbyw.391 It should be noted that the gesture made by the tomb owner for himself is not the most important factor for dictating the presence of a cone; only nine of the twenty (45%) of rewardees have a cone when they display the Hai gesture of jubilation. It is when he is wearing the necklace and turns to receive the homage and reverence normally due to a divine being that the rewardee has the cone so frequently.392 Another gesture that demonstrates deep reverence usually shown to a god or the king is sn tA or ‘kissing the ground’ and this gesture is made by some of the men before Meryre II (a), 386

Davies 1927: Plate XV. Binder 2008: 269-271 comments on the importance of the Sbyw in the afterlife, demonstrating that the tomb owner had upheld mAat and was deserving of access to the realm of the gods. She also lists funerary artefacts such as shabti, papyri, and a mummy board that show the tomb owner with the necklace. 388 This gesture first appeared in the Gold of Honour scene in TT 57, from the time of Amenhotep III (Hermann 1963: 50-51). For an overview of this gesture, its use and its origins see Dominicus 1994: 58-61. 389 The crowd greet the victorious Rameses III in a scene at the temple of Medinet Habu with the Hai (Nelson 1930: Plate 23). In TT 19 (SI/RII) a wrestler raises his arms in triumph before the statue of the deceased Tuthmosis III. The context of this act is the celebration of the Royal Ancestor Cult (Foucart 1935: Plate XIII. PM I2: (4) I, 2). The hieroglyph A28 is a determinative in the verb Hai, meaning ‘to mourn’ and the gesture is used by mourners, for example in the Middle Kingdom tomb of Antefoker (Davies et al 1920: Plate XIX). A mourner in TT 55 (AIII/AIV) also displays the gesture PM 11: (5) I (Davies 1941: Plate XXXIV). A28 is also a determinative with the verb qAi-‘to be high.’ 390 KRI III, 837: 7- 8. Pyramidion of Turobay in Hermitage Museum No. 19491 (ex-Kutorga Coll.). 391 Hermann 1963: 44-66 studied the gesture at length suggesting it was the focal point of the whole ceremony and proposing that the gesture reinforced hierarchical relationships between the king, the rewardee and the crowd of onlookers. 392 He has a cone in 78.6% of the scenes when he is acclaimed standing before the crowd and 83.3% when acclaimed in his chariot. 387

378 The mummy of Kha has his gold necklace still in place (Curto and Mancini 1968: 78, Plate XII.1). In the ritual of mummification, gold sheaths were placed on the fingers and toes. The deceased is instructed to rise up and travel about Egypt where he will participate in the major Festivals (Troy 1993: 67-68, Text 3, 16-4,6). This mobility would have been achieved by the bA of the deceased. Servajean 2009: 15 suggests that gold was the secretion of Re and on the mummy it revivified the bA when it returned from the celestial sphere. The words accompanying the placing of gold on the corpse finished with: ‘Thus, you are living, living for always (nHH), and will be regenerated, for eternity (Dt)!’ The mummy was anointed with yellow orpiment to give it a golden hue. A passage from the ritual of mummification reads: ‘Your complexion will have a gold colour given by the orpiment (qnw).’ (Goyon 1972: 74). 379 In Papyrus Jumilhac the flesh of the gods is described as gold (Vandier 1961: 124, XIII, 1. 369-370, Lange 1927: 38 (3-4), and Aufrère 1991a: 311-312). The rays of the sun were also described as illuminating the Two Lands with gold (Assmann 1995a: 46, Text from the statuette of Mesu. Cairo Museum JE 33475, in Compton et al 1908: Plate 7). 380 Murnane 1995: Text 58-B.5. Urk. IV, 2000, 5-10. See also Davies 1908b: 23, Plates XXX and Binder 2008: 113. 381 Ramose in Davies 1941: Plate XXI. 382 Maher-Taha 2002: Plate XLIB when adoring Osiris and spearing fish in Plate LXIIB. 383 Osing 1992: Plate 40. 384 Säve-Söderbergh 1957: Plate XLVIII, 385 Davies 1933a: Plates L-LI and Seele 1959: Plate 11.

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CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY Panehesy, and Tutu.393 In the Gold of Honour ceremony, the sn tA accompanies the Hai gesture and in this context, both can be understood as a sign of deep reverence for the exalted transformed state of the rewardee. In the Gold of Honour ceremony, it is feasible that this is the bA-state of the rewardee in receipt of the Sbyw and that the cone is a symbol of this momentous event.

In death, the only afterlife to which the Amarna tomb owner could aspire, was for his bA to awake each day with the sun and accompany the king to the temple of Aten.401 Huya as he leaves his tomb, hands raised in worship, declares: As for my bA, may it come forth to see your rays and receive nourishment from its offerings. May one be summoned by name and come at the voice. May I partake of the things which issue [from the presence, that I might eat shenes-loaves, bit pastry, offering loaves, jugs of beer], roasted meat, hot food, cool water, wine, milk, everything which issues [from the mansion of the Aten in Akhet-Aten].402

Taking part in religious celebrations initiated the living into the mysteries of the afterlife and facilitated their entry into the world of the divine when they in turn died.394 Assmann has suggested that experiencing the presence of the divine during life, made the tomb owner a member of the divine realm following death.395 The Gold of Honour scene shows the tomb owner in life, in contact with the bA of the sun and wearing the divine Sbyw. The Sbyw signifies a relationship that he could rely on after death when his bA would join the solar deity in his barque and accompany the god in the cycles of eternity.396 Many prayers express this wish and the Book of the Dead Chapter 100 has the title: The book of making a soul (bA) worthy and of permitting it to go aboard the Barque of Re, with those who are in his suite.397 In his papyrus, Ani asks that his bA might go up with Re in the sky, a wish also expressed in TT 41 by Amenemipet Ipy:

The inscription accompanying the return home from the reward ceremony in TT 23 (Mer) suggests that Tjay will benefit in life and after death from the service he has rendered the king and the gods: You enter your [house] of contentment/comfort, happy and rejoicing, you having received the praise of the king (and) what has come forth from […] Amun-Re protects you daily, […] Mut suppresses your enemies; Khons in Thebes [is] protection of your body. Iah (Thoth) is your well being daily. May they give to you “the West of old age.” You are the one who is beneficial to their kA.403

May I go to the sky in the presence of the sun god.398

The reward of gold was important for the elite at Amarna because it represented affiliation and recognition from the king who was also the supreme divine power who would continue to reward them in the afterlife. As there was no judgement of the dead, eternal existence depended on the favour of Akhenaten and the reward of the Sbyw was evidence of his favour.399 The stela dedicated to Any, which depicts him in the chariot with his gold necklaces, refers to the value of being honoured by the king in the afterlife:

In some Ramesside tombs, the ceremony has a stronger mortuary reference, reflecting its importance in the afterlife of the tomb owner. In TT 106 (SI/RII), the king wears the atef crown worn by Osiris and the goddess Isis accompanies the king.404 The inscription with this scene includes reference to the part the king will play in the transition of the deceased Paser to the afterlife: May he (i.e., Seti I) cause that I spend my lifetime, rich in days (?) … in the district [of the necropolis] … so that I may mingle with the great ones, the ancestors and the effective akhw and then those in the underworld will say to me: ‘Welcome. Welcome! You have performed mAat for the Lord of Thebes; may he assign the West to you.’405

That I come in peace as the honoured one of the king, he decreeing for me a good funeral, he causing me to reach the state of veneration in peace.400

The king, as a manifestation of Osiris in this scene is an aspect remarked on by Redford who considered that 393

Schlichting 1980: 901-902. For an overview of earth kisssing, its origins and examples of use, see Dominicus 1994: 33-35. The gesture of sn tA is also shown to Rekhmire wearing his Sbyw when returning from his Gold of Honour ceremony (Davies 1943b: Plate LXXI). 394 Foucart 1930: 103-104 and Bleeker 1965: 49-58. Book of the Dead Chapter 17, P4: ‘It goes well with one who recites them (i.e.,the spells) on earth.’ 395 Assmann 2005: 397-405. 396 Žabkar 1968: 126-131 gives many examples that attest to the desire for the bA with be the sun god after death. 397 Faulkner 2010: 98. Chapter 102 is a spell for going aboard the Barque of Re. 398 From TT 41 (Assmann 1983: Text 52, Line 102=Assmann 1991: 64, Text 55). For the text in the Book of the Dead Ani, see Faulkner 1994: Plate 20. 399 See the comments of van Dijk 2000: 285-286 and Binder 2008: 264 400 Binder 2008: 112. The stela dedicated to Any by Tjay and found in the tomb Any. Cairo Museum CG 34177 (JE 29748) published in Davies 1908a: Plate XXII.

401 For the afterlife of the non-royal noble in the new solar religion of Akhenaten see, Erman 1934: 124-126, Hornung 1992a: 48-49, Hornung 1992b: 125-127, van Dijk 1995: 1699, and Hornung 1999a: 96-100. 402 Murnane 1995: Text 66.1 and Davies 1905b: 17, Plate II. Žabkar 1968: 156-159 cites several other inscriptions from elite Amarna tombs that refer to the bA and the offerings it will receive from the temple. 403 Binder 2008: 128. KRI IV, 108: 3-6. 404 Haeny suggests that this crown was worn by the deceased king as Osiris (Haeny 1997: 107). The king in an atef crown can also be seen in TT 23 (unpublished) and in a reward ceremony at Beit el Wali published in Roeder 1938: Plate 30. It has been suggested by Binder 2008: 83 that this crown meant that Seti I had died before the tomb decoration was completed and if this is so then it shows that Paser felt the representation of the king as Osiris was appropriate for the significance the scene had for him. 405 Frood 2007: 156. I am grateful to Dr Elizabeth Frood for drawing my attention to this text.

47

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT Paser intended to elevate the ceremony to the realm of the gods and possibly, to represent that Osiris was giving the reward.405 In TT 23, a winged goddess is portrayed at the ceremony reinforcing the afterlife association of the scene. The impression given in these Ramesside scenes is that the owner is in the divine sphere and this ceremony of recognition, performed in life, will be repeated after death and ensure his acceptance by the divine beings in the afterlife. There is a marked reduction in the frequency of a cone in the Gold of Honour scenes after the Eighteenth Dynasty. There are twelve tombs from the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties included in the analyses and of these only three tombs had a cone in one or more phases of the ceremony: TT 41, TT 217, and Penniut Suner (Table 16). The low incidence of the cone in Ramesside tombs might be explained by the change in tomb scenes that occurred in the Nineteenth Dynasty. Most tomb scenes of the Ramesside period represent the afterlife of the tomb owner, replacing many of the earlier scenes in which the deceased was shown on earth.406 Although the Gold of Honour scene was a portrayal of an actual event during the life of the official in Ramesside tombs, the scene projects the tomb owner into the afterlife. In which case, as a symbol of the bA of the official receiving divine offerings on earth, the cone may no longer have been seen as relevant.

anointed and this is not the case.409 In the tomb of Parennefer at Amarna, a male servant anoints his upper body, appearing to take unguent from a shallow bowl, but Parennefer does not have a cone on his head (Figure 15).410 There are fifteen occurrences of anointing in the reward scenes, but only six (40%) also show a cone on the rewardee; a greater proportion, nine out of fifteen (60%), are without a cone.411 This suggests that there is no direct connection between anointing and the presence of a cone on the head and this lack of a meaningful association does not support the interpretation of the cone on the head as a symbol of unguent.

Part 2. The significance of anointing in the ceremony

Although the cone on the head has been identified in the banquet scene as antyw, the unguent applied in the Gold of Honour ceremony is not always identified.413 When it is named, other anointing substances are mentioned. There are seven texts that refer to unguent in the Gold of Honour scenes.414 Two only refer to ‘unguent’, qAmi/qAmy and sgnn, with no particular ingredient identified. Another refers to the use of tpt (fine oil), which also has no specific ingredients associated with it. One text notes the use of ibr unguent (ladanum unguent) and antyw and the last text quoted below, refers to the use of bAq unguent (moringa oil).415

Figure 15. Anointing in the Gold of Honour ceremony of Parennefer at Amarna.412

The last aspect of the ceremony to consider is the anointing of the rewardee. There can be no doubt that anointing was a very important aspect of the Gold of Honour ceremony. Not only is his body anointed in several of the scenes, anointing and the gift of unguent is referred to in many of the texts. It is also significant that the anointing is not a feature of the scenes of official appointment that also took place in front of the king.407 Therefore, it would seem that unguent played a special ritual role in the Gold of Honour ceremony. The cone on the head in Gold of Honour scenes is commonly identified as unguent or a symbol of unguent. There is one scene in the tomb of Khamhat Meh (TT 57) in which a cone is taken from a shallow bowl and placed on the head of an official and it is often assumed that this shows a cone of unguent placed on the head.408 However, if the cone on the head is a symbol of unguent, then it should appear on the tomb owner whenever he was

Give 2 Tbw vessels of silver and anointing with unguent (wrH m qAmi).416 409

The meaning of placing a cone on the head is discussed in Chapter 5. Is it is an action that also appears in the banquet scene. 410 Davies 1908b: Plate IV. 411 It is not always clear from the action whether the tomb owner is being anointed or his clothing is being adjusted. The scenes that showed the hands of an attendant touching the flesh of the body were recorded as showing anointing: TT 23, TT 49, TT 50, TT 55, TT 57, TT 106, TT 188, Horemheb (a), Hormin, Huya, Meryre II (b), Parennefer, Paser at Medinet Habu, Penniut Suner from Aniba, and the anonymous tomb Rifeh no. 2. 412 Author’s sketch of Davies 1908b: Plate IVb. 413 The oil of antyw for the head is specified in the harper’s song in Lichtheim 1945: 192, Papyrus Harris 500. BM EA Papyrus 10060, Line 11, and in the harper’s song in the Saqqara tomb of Paatenemheb (Late 18th D.) in Lichtheim 1945: 192. The application of antyw by those at the banquet is discussed in Chapter 5. 414 These texts and their translations are from Binder 2008: 210-203 who also discusses the ceremonial anointing with prized substances as evidence of the worthiness of the rewardee. 415 Moringa oil is also called ben oil (Hepper 1990: 25). 416 Tomb of Penniut Suner at Aniba. KRI VI, 352: 11-12.

405

Redford 1970: 222. Hartwig 2004: 130 suggests that the image of the deceased with the divine king, incorporated the king into the afterlife of the deceased, ensuring his well-being for eternity. 406 In TT 51, the bottom register of the south wall has the return of Userhat from the Gold of Honour ceremony, the middle register has his funeral and the top register shows him with the gods (Davies 1927: Plate XIII). 407 As pointed out by Thompson 1994: 15-25. 408 Frankfort 1929: Figure 7 and the comments of Hartwig 2004: 82. Davies 1923b: 139-140 decribes the act as ‘applying unguent to the head’ and Thompson 1994: 22 as ‘anointing the head’ and Schulman 1988: 131 describes the cone as a ‘perfumed incense cone’.

48

CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY to the deceased.428 BAq oil is also presented to the deceased in the eight hour of the night:

See what I (Amun) give you … you being anointed with unguent (qAmy) Millions of things of silver, (and) gold, clothing, unguent (sgnn), bread, beer, meat and cake.418

This bA, ‘She-who-is-wounded-by-flame’ keep vigil for Osiris N. Here his son Horus is come to see, Xry bAq.f is behind him, he who renders homage with bAq oil.429

Having been anointed with fine oil (gs.kwi m tpt).419

The protective quality of bAq oil may have been considered helpful in shielding the tomb owner against the potential danger of direct contact with the divine bA of the sun god, during the Gold of Honour ceremony.

The gold at my neck, antyw on my head (and) genuine ibr-unguent from the ‘south-[land] applied to/anointing my body.420 Your possession is the favour of the king, gold and ibr (unguent).421

The oil ibr is mentioned twice in the tomb of Nefersekheru who states that his body was anointed with it. Used in the ritual of mummification, ibr enabled the bA of the deceased to stride forth into the netherworld:

Anoint [yourself] with sweet moringa oil as unguent (bAq nDm n qmi).422

Only the inscription of Nefersekheru includes a reference to anointing the head with antyw. The text is from a biographical inscription in the tomb and not with the Gold of Honour ceremony itself, although the accompanying scene shows him wearing the Sbyw and with a cone on his head. However, the oil of antyw does not feature in the inscriptions that accompany the Gold of Honour ceremonies. Oil of antyw was used in the ritual of mummification to anoint the head and release the bA.423 It is possible that in this inscription of Nefersekheru next to the entrance, antyw was included because he asks to go forth by day and join the barque of Re and this would have been achieved by his bA.424

For you comes the ibr oil that is the issue of Re, in order to create your body and make your heart great. It permits you to go in peace to the Duat and your perfume of ibr is your odour in the nomes below! For you come in peace to Busiris, to the guardian and he says: ‘Welcome bA, glorious and venerable, to the Great Valley’.430

Texts from the Ptolemaic temple of Dendera imply that the bA was invested in the statue of the deities by the use of ibr.431 If the unguent had this power on the bA of the mummified dead and facilitated the installation of the bA of the gods in their statues, perhaps it was seen to have a role in facilitating the participation of the bA of the living tomb owner in the ceremony of the Gold of Honour. The unguent of ibr is also mentioned by the harper in the tomb of Nefersekheru in reference to the Gold of Honour reward, indicating its value in the next life:432

Because the ingredients of the unguent are not usually specified and the number of texts is limited, it is difficult to interpret the significance of the anointing in these scenes. The oil bAq (moringa oil) is named in one tomb inscription and is mentioned twice in texts from the Gold of Honour ceremony at Karnak.425 This oil was one of the sacred oils employed in the Daily Cult ritual and rejuvenated and protected the statue of the god.426 The oil was also used in the ritual of embalming and was applied to the mummy to protect it.427 The deity Xry bAq.f, ‘He who is under his moringa tree’ appears on a Third Intermediate Period sarcophagus and offered protection

Your possession is the royal honour, gold and ibrunguent. You will follow your heart and nurture your kA, your provisions not having been hindered completely.433

The anointing of the rewardee is given such emphasis in the Gold of Honour that it must have had a specific and important role. Unfortunately, the number of textual examples is too small for any interpretation to be more than conjecture.434 Unguent made with bAq oil may have had a protective role and ibr unguent may have played a part in the emergence of the bA. However, the lack of correlation between anointing and the cone on the head in

418

Binder 2008: 119. TT 50. Urk. IV, 2177, 12-15. Stela of Nebwawy (Cairo CG 34018). Urk. IV, 1494, 15. 420 Binder 2008: 201, the tomb of Nefersekheru at Zawyet Sulṭan. See also the translations in Frood 2007: 145 and the text in Osing 1992: Plate 35. 421 Also from the tomb of Nefersekheru (Binder 2008: 203). 422 TT 148. KRI V, 413, 16-414, 1. 423 Troy 1993: 73. 7,3-7,5 and Goyon 1972: 66. VIII. 424 Binder 2008: 204 and Frood 2007: 147. The role of antyw in the manifestation of the bA of the deceased is discussed in Chapter 7. 425 These temple scenes were not included in the other analyses in this chapter. 426 Moret 1902: 193-196, Text XXXII, 2. Moret suggests that the anointing also consecrated the statue. 427 Sauneron 1952: 7. 3.10-3.11, Goyon 1972: 49 (ben oil), and Troy 1993: 3, 10-3,11, text from Papyrus Boulaq III 3, 10-11 and Papyrus Louvre 5158). 419

428

‘Words spoken by Xry bAq.f: “I am your beloved son, Horus, I come in order to perform the rites of protection and I am behind to protect you as I did for Osiris.”’ (Baum 1988: 132, Text on sarcophagus CGC 41051). 429 Baum 1988: 132, Text from two Napateean Twenty-sixth Dynasty coffins and a Saite coffin from Thebes in Milan. 430 Translation of Goyon 1972: 44. See also the translation of Troy 1993: 64. 2.8-2.9, who has Ax instead of bA. 431 Coppens 2007: 106. 432 For the use of ibr for purification in the Book of the Dead - Chapter 145A see Naville 1886: Plate CLVI, Column 10. For ibr confirming power and protection, see Coppens 2007: 106-107. The oil was used in the ritual of offering the Crown of Justification to the king (Derchain 1955: 248-249). 433 Osing 1992: 66-72, Plate 43 and translation in Binder 2008: 176. 434 Binder 2008: 204 suggests that anointing might have had a cleansing and purifying effect as well as representing favour from the king.

49

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT the Gold of Honour ceremony indicates that the cone was not directly connected with the anointing. The cone should not be interpreted as a symbol of unguent on the head.

Summary The analysis of the cone as it is employed in the Gold of Honour ceremony shows meaningful patterns of cone frequency. The cone is most frequent when the rewardee wears the divine necklace in the presence of the bA of the sun god and receives acclaim usually shown to divine beings. The direct contact between the solar deity and the non-divine official could only be mediated through the bA. There is textual evidence that attests to the presence of the bA in the living and its ability to become evident under extreme circumstances, some of which bear a strong similarity with the Gold of Honour ceremony. The evidence suggests that the cone in this scene could be a symbol of the bA of the tomb owner receiving the divine offering of a gold necklace. There is no meaningful correlation between the presence of a cone and anointing. However, its frequent depiction and mention in the texts, shows that it served an important role in the ceremony. It may have had an apotropaic function, protecting the rewardee from the dangers of being in the presence of the divine or it may have been involved in enabling the bA to become an independent entity in the living tomb owner. The analyses also show that the presence of the king and the necklace itself were not directly related to the depiction of the cone on the rewardee although the presence of the king signifies that the Sbyw is a divine gift from the solar deity presented by the king in his solar aspect. From the analysis of the scene of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb it was proposed that the cone was a symbol of the bA receiving divine offerings. Even though in the Gold of Honour the tomb owner is alive, there are similarities between the two ceremonies. In both ceremonies the tomb owner stands in the rays of the sun, receives a divine offering, and in both ceremonies, he has a cone. The Gold of Honour ceremony and the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb appear in tombs from the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III and continued in the Ramesside period, the time when the solar cult became the dominant theme in mortuary inscriptions. Both scenes depict the cone on the tomb owner from their inception implying that both were created specifically to show the role of the bA in the ceremony and its benefit for the afterlife of the deceased tomb owner. Yet the cone originated in another and very different type of scene, first appearing in the banquet scene in the early New Kingdom. It is necessary to examine this scene next in order to discover whether the cone at the banquet bears the same symbolism, the presence of the bA receiving divine offerings.

50

The officials in the top register presented to the king do not include Neferhotep and so this phase has not been included (Davies 1933a: 20-21, Plate IX).

There are two officials presented to the king, but neither of them is Neferhotep, therefore the presentation to the king has not been included (Hari 1985: Plate VI).

Khamhat Meh appears with his necklace and a cone (Wreszinski 1923: I; Plate 203). In the three registers behind Khamhat are other officials; they are anointed, receive the Sbyw, and they too have a cone. It is assumed that Khamhat would also have been anointed and this phase has been included in the analysis.

The single scene is not included as it is badly fragmented and heavily reconstructed and his head is not visible, The inscription includes the phrase ‘having been rewarded by the king with gold’ and it may have shown an attendant tying the necklace around the neck of Sobekhotep (Dziobek and Abd el Raziq 1990: 38-40, Plate 34 and Figure 11).

The head of Amenhotep Si-se when he is before the king and when he receives the necklace has been destroyed (Plate XII). Therefore these two aspects have not been included (Davies and Davies 1923: Plates XI and XII). In the scene associated with the ceremony (Plates XII-XIII), the tomb owner is in a procession. The inscription is much destroyed and has no reference to the Gold of Honour, but the scene has been recorded as Amenhotep Si-se leaving the reward ceremony and greeted by the women of his family. Although damage to the scene means that his necklace is not visible, it has been assumed that he is still wearing it as it was tied around his neck in the preceding phase of the ceremony (Plate XII).

There is a scene in TT 100 in which Rekhmire returns from his visit to Amenhotep II (PM 12/1 (17) I). Although the inscription describes that the king has rewarded Rekhmire (who is without a cone), this is not a scene from the actual ceremony and it has not been included in the analysis (Davies 1943b: Plate LXX).

The scene shows several repeated vignettes of Amenemipet in jubilation and they are recorded as one phase.

The head of Kheref has been destroyed (Epigraphic Survey 1980: 107, Plate 28).

There are several figures before the king and it is not certain which figure represents the tomb owner. As Ipuy has shown all the phases of the ceremony without identifying himself in any, but neither has he has identified anyone else, it is assumed that the figures are intended to show him in a sequence of phases of the ceremony (Davies 1927: Plate XXVII).

There are two similar scenes either side of the doorway (Davies 1905b: Plates XVI and XVII). There is no necklace shown on Huya in Plate XVI and so this phase has been recorded as his presentation to the king.

TT 50

TT 57

TT 63

TT 75

TT 100

TT 148

TT 192

TT 217

Amarna 1

Neferhotep

Khamhat Meh

Sobekhotep

Amenhotep Si-se

Rekhmire

Amenemipet

Kheref Senaa

Ipuy

Huya

Notes

TT 49

Tomb/Artefact

Neferhotep

Tomb Owner

CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY

51

There are three separate scenes of the ceremony (Davies 1905a: Plates XXXIII-XXXVI, XXXVII-XXXVIII, and XLI). The scene in Plates XXXVII-XXXVIII has not been included as it does not clearly identify Meryre amongst several rewardees and many heads are damaged, making the presence of a cone unknown.

There are three scenes of the ceremony, the activity shown in Plate VIII (upper) cannot be included as the damage has destroyed the head (Davies 1906: Plate VIII).

The scene shows a figure before the king bowing and another following with the gesture of jubilation. Both figures are interpreted as a sequence representing Panehesy at his ceremony (Davies 1905a: Plate X).

There are two figures in separate registers and for the same reasons as given for Panehesy both are recorded as Parennefer (Davies 1908b: Plate IV).

Davies 1908b: Plate XIX shows Tutu being rewarded and although the inscription refers to an appointment, he is shown with the Sbyw and handed another. Therefore this scene has been analysed as part of a Gold of Honour ceremony. Another scene (Plate XVII) in which Tutu is before the king does not have any iconography associated with the Gold of Honour. However, in the inscription, reference is made to silver and gold and the scene has been recorded as Tutu, presented to the king in the Gold of Honour ceremony.

In a unique scene, Mahu following the ceremony is kneeling with a cone and his necklace, giving praise and thanks before the temple gates. This is a unique scene and has not been included in the analyses (Davies 1906: Plate XVIII). However, the presence of the cone on him at the end of the ceremony agrees with the finding that the cone is present when the official wears his Sbyw.

The stela refers to Any as an ‘honoured one of the king’ and the chariot ride has been interpreted as showing Any leaving the Gold of Honour ceremony (Davies 1908a: Plate XXII).

The two scenes of Horemheb are two separate fragments from his tomb at Saqqara (Martin 1989b: Scene [21] and [72]) and have been recorded as two scenes (a) and (b) from one tomb.

Non-mortuary context. The rewardee does not have a cone.

Non-mortuary context. The rewardee does not have a cone.

Amarna 2

Amarna 5

Amarna 6

Amarna 7

Amarna 8

Amarna 9

Amarna 23 G 34177 (JE 29748)

Saqqara South V

Temple at Beit el Wali

Karnak Temple

Meryre II

Pentu

Panehesy

Parennefer

Tutu

Any (stela)

Horemheb

Amenemipet

Amenhotep

52

Table 15. Details of Gold of Honour scenes excluded or included in the analysis.

Mahu

Notes

Tomb/Artefact

Tomb Owner

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

AII/TIV AIII AIII/AIV AIII/AIV

PM 12/1 (3) PM 12/1 (15) PM 12/1 (11)-(13) PM 12/1 (9) PM IV (7)-(8) PM IV (6) PM IV (9)-(10) PM IV (24)-(26) PM IV: (5)-(8) PM IV (7)-(8) PM IV (9)-(11) PM IV (9)-(13) PM IV: (1) PM IV (6)-(9) -

TT 75

TT 57

TT 55

TT 188

Amarna 1

Amarna 2

Amarna 2

Amarna 4

Amarna 5

Amarna 6

Amarna 7

Amarna 8

Amarna 23 G34177 (JE 29748)

Amarna 25

SAQ South V

SAQ South V

Amenhotep Si-se

Khamhat Meh

Ramose

Parennefer

Huya

Meryre II (a)

Meryre II (b)

Meryre I

Pentu

53

Panehesy

Parennefer

Tutu

Any (stela)

Ay

Horemheb (a)

Horemheb (b)

Tutankhamun

Tutankhamun

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Akhenaten

Reign

PM scene number

Tomb/Artefact ID

Tomb Owner

N

N

N

N

N

Presented to the king

C

N

C

N

N

C

C

Anointed with Sbyw

C

C

N

N

C

N

C

C

N

C

Jubilating with Sbyw

C

C

C

N

C

C

C

C

C

Acclaimed with Sbyw

C

C

N

C

In chariot with Sbyw

Likely

Likely

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Likely

Yes

All or part in sunlight

CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY

Tutankhamun Ay/(Hor) Horemheb Hor/SI SI/RII RI/SI

PM 12/1 (6) PM 12/1 (6)-(7) PM 12/1 (2) PM 12/1 (17) PM 12/1 (5) PM 12/1 (3) III PM III2/2 664

TT 40

TT 49

TT 50

TT 41

TT 106

TT 51

Louvre C 213 SAQ LS 29

Amenhotep Huy

Neferhotep

Neferhotep

Amenemipet Ipy

Paser

Userhat

Hormin

54 Merneptah RIII RIII RIII

PM IV (page 26) PM 12/1 (3) and (18) PM 12: 733-774 PM 12/1 (4)-(5) PM VII (6)

Q Hildesheim 374

TT 23

Medinet Habu

Rifeh no. 2

TT 148

AN

Mes

Tjay

Paser

Anon

Amenemipet

Penniut Suner

N

N

N

N

Presented to the king

Table 16. Chart of factors associated with the cone in 30 GOH scenes from 28 tombs in chronological order.

RVI

RII

PM 12/1 (2)

TT 217

Ipuy

RII

SI/RII

Reign

PM scene number

Tomb/Artefact ID

Tomb Owner

C

N

N

N

N

N

N

C

Anointed with Sbyw

C

N

N

N

N

C

N

N

N

C

Jubilating with Sbyw

N

N

C

C

C

Acclaimed with Sbyw

C

C

In chariot with Sbyw

Yes

Unlikely

Yes

Yes

Unlikely

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Unlikely

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

All or part in sunlight

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

CHAPTER 4. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE GOLD OF HONOUR CEREMONY

Name

Tomb/Artefact ID

Source of the scene

Amenhotep Si-se

TT 75

Davies and Davies 1923: Plate XIII.

Khamhat Meh

TT 57

Wreszinski 1923: Plate 203.

Ramose

TT 55

Davies 1941: Plates XXXII-XXXVII.

Parennefer

TT 188

Davies 1923b: 139-140. Description only.

Huya

Amarna 1

Davies 1905b: Plate XVII.

Meryre II (a) and (b)

Amarna 2

Davies 1905a: Meryre II (a) = Plate XXXIII-XXXVI and Meryre II (b) =XLI.

Meryre I

Amarna 4

Davies 1903: Plate XXX.

Pentu

Amarna 5

Davies 1906: Plates VI-IX.

Panehesy

Amarna 6

Davies 1905a: Plates X-XI.

Parennefer

Amarna 7

Davies 1908b: Plates IV-V.

Tutu

Amarna 8

Davies 1908b: Plates XVII-XX.

Any (stela)

Amarna 23 Cairo CG 34177

Ay

Amarna 25

Horemheb (a) and (b)

SAQ South V

Amenhotep Huy

TT 40

Davies 1926: Plates XXII, XXIV, XXVI- XXVII, and XXIX-XXX.

Neferhotep

TT 49

Davies 1933a: Plate XIII and Davies 1933b: Plate I.

Neferhotep

TT 50

Hari 1985: Plate VI.

Amenemipet Ipy

TT 41

Assmann 1991: Plate 31.

Userhat

TT 51

Davies: 1927: Plate XIII.

Hormin block

SAQ LS 29

Schulman 1988: Figure 22.

Paser

TT 106

Binder 2008: Figure 8.30.

Ipuy

TT 217

Davies: 1927: Plate XXVII.

Mes stela

Q Hildesheim 374

Eggebrecht 1993: Abb. 67.

Tjay

TT 23

Binder 2008: Figure 8.35.

Paser

Medinet Habu

Anon

Rifeh no. 2

Amenemipet

TT 148

Penniut Suner

AN

Davies 1908a: Plate XXII. Davies 1908b: Plates XXIX, XXX. Martin 1989b: Plates 32- 34. (a) = Scene [21]: (b) and Plates 106-108=Scene [72].

Schott 1957: Plate 1. Petrie 1907: Plates XXIX, XXX. Ockinga 2010: Plates 74-75 Lepsius 1849-1859b: Plate 230.

Table 17. Source of the Gold of Honour scenes in chronological order.

55

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

56

Chapter 5. The symbolism of the cone in the banquet ceremony The final category of tomb scene to be examined in this study is the banquet scene. Overall, in the New Kingdom this scene has frequency of the cone on the tomb owner of 38.9% (21/54).435 From the study of the scenes of the Opening the Mouth and the Gold of Honour in the previous chapters, it has been proposed that the cone is a symbol of the bA of the tomb owner receiving divine offerings. The purpose of this chapter is to assess whether the cone could have the same or a related symbolism for the tomb owner in the banquet scene. The cone also appears on the living guests and whether its meaning on them is associated with its symbolism on the deceased tomb owner is also examined. Unlike the other banquet participants, the son who presents offerings to his father rarely has a cone and the possible reason for this is discussed. The daughter of the tomb owner and the musicians at the banquet have a special role at the banquet that requires further research outside the scope of this study. Their function and the meaning of the cone on their head is considered cautiously in an excursus at the end of the chapter.

person shown with a cone.437 This simplicity facilitated the identification of the specific aspects of the ceremony most closely associated with the cone.438 For this reason they were studied before the banquet scene. The initial analysis of the cone in the banquet scene in Chapter 1 was carried out on every recorded banquet scene of the New Kingdom. In this chapter, only banquet scenes from the Eighteenth Dynasty have been analysed. This is because in the Nineteenth Dynasty the banquet scene was replaced by a formal family meal that lacks the iconography and activities of the Eighteenth Dynasty banquet in which the cone originated.439 Nevertheless, Ramesside and later texts have been cited when they are relevant to the religious concepts under discussion. There are no scenes of a banquet held by the family for the deceased tomb owner in Amarna tombs. Part 1 of the chapter presents the statistical analyses of the frequency of the cone on the guests and the tomb owner and his wife or mother (hereafter female partner). The type of banquet in which the cone most often appears is also identified. Part 2 discusses this type of banquet and its religious significance. Part 3 investigates whether the cone on the tomb owner could symbolise the presence of his bA receiving cult offerings and if this could also be the case for his female partner. Part 4 discusses the symbolism of the cone on the living banquet guests and the son of the tomb owner and the chapter finishes with the excursus on other participants at the banquet including the ‘daughter’ who presents offerings.

In the Eighteenth Dynasty, the banquet was at first (with one exception) the only tomb scene in which the cone appeared. Of the nineteen earliest tombs analysed in this study, dating from Ahmose to Tuthmosis III, the cone did not appear in any other tomb scene except in TT 340.436 The creation of the cone symbol in the early Eighteenth Dynasty for the scene suggests that there was something very significant about the New Kingdom banquet as opposed to earlier banquets. It might also reflect a desire to portray an aspect of the banquet that had not been depicted before. The cone in this particular scene has led to the commonly accepted interpretation that it is perfumed unguent or a symbol of perfumed oil and the possibility that this might be so is considered.

The database and data selection Sixty-six banquet scenes from fifty-one Eighteenth Dynasty tombs have been recorded and analysed. The total number of scenes is greater than the number of tombs because some tombs have more than one banquet scene. They have been designated (a) or (b) and analysed individually. Many of the scenes are incomplete due to damage or because they were left unfinished, but they have been included in the study if they show at least one factor relevant for the analyses.440 Because parts of many scenes are missing, each analysis is based on the examples

In contrast to the Opening the Mouth and the Gold of Honour ceremony the banquet scene is complex. It is a reunion between the living and the dead, a veneration of the divine ancestor, the worship of Amun-Re, and a celebration of the goddess Hathor. In addition, there are many different kinds of participant at the feast: the deceased tomb owner, his female partner, the living son and daughter who present offerings, the deceased and living family guests, musicians and servants. The cone can appear on some or all of the participants who have varying roles. These multiple factors make it difficult to recognise its symbolism in this scene without some prior insight to its meaning for the tomb owner, for whose benefit the banquet scene was portrayed. In the Opening the Mouth and Gold of Honour ceremony the tomb owner is the only

437

In some scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, the deceased is accompanied by his deceased wife who also has a cone, see Footnote 457. 438 See Chapter 3 and 4. 439 The banquet (PM 12/1 (3)) in TT 50 (Hari 1985: Plate III) from the time of Horemheb has not been included as it is a formal family meal and not representative of Eighteenth Dynasty banquets. Strudwick 1994: 324 notes the disappearance of this latter type of banquet in Ramesside tombs. There are eight Ramesside banquet scenes in which the deceased tomb owner is visible and 37.5% (3/8) of the tomb owners have a cone (DB 1). Ramesside banquets are similar to the Eighteenth Dynasty banquets, representing the reunion of the deceased tomb owner with his family. However, the typical iconography and explicit texts of the Eighteenth Dynasty banquets are absent. The cone in Ramesside banquet scenes is discussed in Chapter 6 - The Ramesside Period. 440 The banquet (PM 12/1 (8)) in TT 45 (Davies 1948: Plate IV) has not been included in the analyses as the tomb was usurped and the scene altered; the cones appear to have been added at this time (Schott photo 2187). See the comments on the changes to the scenes in Davies 1948: 7-8).

435

Table 4 and Figure 1. See DB 1. This is a cult offering scene in TT 340 (PM 12/1 (4)) in Cherpion, Menassa and Kruchten 1999: Plate IX. Apart from TT 340, the first recorded tomb that showed the cone on the tomb owner when receiving mortuary cult offerings is in TT 45, from the time of Amenhotep II (Davies 1948: Plate II, upper left). The reason for the cone in the mortuary cult scene is discussed in Chapter 6. 436

57

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Figure 16. The banquet scene in TT 38. Author’s sketch from Davies 1963: 6-7, Plates V-VI.

that show the feature under investigation and this may not be the total number of the scenes recorded. For example, of the sixty-six banquet scenes, the head of the tomb owner is only visible in forty-six and so the analysis of the cone on the tomb owner is based on forty-six examples. The database DB 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets, was created for analysis of the banquets and the results are presented in the tables in this chapter as they are discussed.440 Table 26 at the end of this chapter provides the date of each tomb, the published source of the scene and their inscriptions quoted here, the type of banquet portrayed, how the type of banquet was identified, and whether the tomb owner has a cone.

Part 1. The statistical data The cone on the deceased tomb owner For the calculation of the frequency of the cone on the tomb owner, forty-six scenes in which the head of the owner is visible were analysed.442 Table 18 shows that a cone on the head of the deceased tomb owner in banquet scenes of the early Eighteenth Dynasty (Time Period 2-5) is uncommon and before the time of Tuthmosis IV, only seen in four scenes; TT 53 and TT 340 (Start 18th D.Hat), TT 22, and TT 248 ((TIII)/AII). After this time its incidence increased significantly.

Reign

Owner with cone

15.4% 2/13

12.5% 2/16

81.3% 13/16

9 Total 18th D.

6-7

TIV/III/IV

5

TIII/AII

2-4 Ah/ Hat/TIII

Period

Post-Amarna

Across the span of the Eighteenth Dynasty, the scenes are analysed within four time periods. Time bands 2, 3, and 4 are analysed as one time period that covers the reigns of Ahmose to Tuthmosis III, Band 5 includes Tuthmosis III and Amenhotep II. The bands 6 and 7 are analysed together and include the reigns of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III/Amenhotep IV, and Band 9 covers the post-Amarna tombs.441 Combining time periods ensures that adequate numbers of scenes are analysed and compared. There are only three scenes from the post-Amarna period and although they are included in the analyses, they may not be representative of every banquet scene of this period.

100% 1/1 NSR

39.1% 18/46

Table 18. The percentage of 18th Dynasty banquet scenes in which the owner has a cone.443

440

See DB 7 in the Appendix. These time bands correspond to those used in the analyses in Chapter 3 and 4. For the kings’ reigns included in each band, see Chapter 1 Table 1.

441

442 443

58

See DB 7. Data from DB 7 (n= 46 scenes).

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE When the cone was created it was seen as a symbol most appropriate for the guests, most of whom are thought to have been living.450 However, the cone was still considered appropriate for the guests when it became common on the deceased tomb owner. With one exception, whenever there is a cone on the tomb owner at the feast, there is also a cone on one or more of the guests. Across the Eighteenth Dynasty there are eighteen scenes in which the tomb owner has a cone and a guest is also present (DB 7).451 Of these, seventeen (94.4%) have a cone on both. This strong correlation suggests that the cone has a similar or closely related symbolism for the living participants and the deceased tomb owner.

The cone on the banquet guests Tomb scenes of the early Eighteenth Dynasty were the first to show a cone on the head, but until the time of Tuthmosis IV, it was usually only depicted on the guests in the banquet scene.444 The cone could appear on male guests only, female guests only, or on both genders. Sixty-three scenes depicted the head of at least one guest and so could be included in the analyses.445 Table 19 shows the percentage frequency of the cone on the banquet guest of either gender over the four time periods of the Eighteenth Dynasty.446 The results do not distinguish between genders; a comparative analysis of the cone by gender is presented later, in Table 23.

The cone on the female partner of the tomb owner

66.7% (2/3) NSR

65.1% (41/63)

Table 19. The cone frequency on the male/female guest in 18th Dynasty banquet scenes.447

For the whole of the Eighteenth Dynasty (excluding Amarna), the frequency of the cone on a guest is 65.1%. At the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, the cone appears on a guest in less than half the banquets. The frequency increases significantly in the time of Tuthmosis III/Amenhotep II and by the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III/Amenhotep IV, 75% of banquets show a cone on the guests. The two earliest Eighteenth Dynasty banquet scenes that have a cone are TT 81 and TT 340 and these tombs could be dated to the reign of Hatshepsut.448 If this is the case, then the cone first appeared in banquet scenes from the time of Hatshepsut.449

Time Period

2-4

5

6-7

9

Tomb owner and female partner

Total 18th D.

75% (18/24)

Post-Amarna

73.7% (14/19)

TIV/AIII/AIV

41.2% (7/17)

TIII/AII

Guest with cone

A female partner at the banquet usually accompanies the deceased tomb owner.452 Of the sixty-six banquet scenes, thirty-nine show the tomb owner with his female partner and Table 20 shows that the incidence of a cone on them both was the same.453

Ah/ Hat/TIII

Reign

Total 18th D.

9 Post-Amarna

6-7

TIV/AIII/IV

5

TIII/AII

2-4 Ah/ Hat/TIII

Time period

Both present

11

13

14

1

39

Both have a cone

2

2

11

1

16

Neither have a cone

9

11

3

0

23

Table 20. The matching incidence of a cone on the tomb owner and his female partner.454

When the tomb owner and his female partner are both visible, if the tomb owner has a cone then so does his 450

For evidence that the banquet had deceased family members attending as well as the living, see Schott 1953: 7, Lopez 1977: 383386, Graefe 1986: 187-189, Wiebach 1986: 263-291, and the observations of Hartwig 2004: 98-99, Footnote 401. Grandparents, who are likely to be deceased, appear in the banquet scene in TT 17 (a), TT 55, TT 112 (b), TT 92, TT 96, TT 181, TT 343, and the tomb of Paheri (a) and (b). 451 The exception is TT 90 (b). This scene is badly damaged and has most of the guests missing and so it is possible that one of them originally did have a cone (Davies and Davies 1923: Plate XXI). 452 The female with the tomb owner is not always his wife, for example in TT 181, the tomb owner is accompanied by his mother and in TT 112 (a) and (b) he is with his mother and his wife is under the seat. 453 Only the banquet scenes in which the deceased and his female partner could be seen could be analysed. The head of the female partner in TT 80 is damaged but included in the analysis, as the space above her head does not allow for a cone. In TT 22, the banquet scene PM 12/1 (4), has the deceased and his wife on two registers. In the upper part: PM 12/1 (4) I-II both have a cone and it is this, which has been recorded. Mackay 1917: Plate XVI is a sketch of the lower register of the scene PM 12/1 (4) III-IV that has not been recorded for this study. 454 Data from DB 7 (n= 39 scenes with both parties visible).

444

The cone only appeared on the tomb owner in TT 340 (Start 18th D.Hat) and TT 53 ((Hat)/TIII). The lack of cones in any banquet scenes earlier than the New Kingdom is concluded from its absence in tomb scenes from the Old and Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period (PM 12/1. 476 Appendix C). The Middle Kingdom tomb of Senbi and Ukh-Hotep at Meir, depict celebrations at which the deceased receives offerings from Hathor (Blackman 1914: 23, Plate II and Blackman 1915a: Plate XV). Although the scenes have similarities to the Eighteenth Dynasty banquet, there are no cones on anyone present. The Theban banquet scene in the Middle Kingdom tomb of Antefoker is badly damaged and only one female guest remains, but she is without a cone (Davies et al 1920: 22, Plates XXIII-XXV). 445 Three banquet scenes had no guests: TT 21 (a), TT 21 (b), and TT 93. 446 Tombs in which the cone appears on the guests are identified in DB 7. 447 Data from DB 7 (n= 63 scenes). 448 It has been proposed that TT 340 dates to the reign of Ahmose (Cherpion, Menassa and Kruchten 1999: 85-89), but Kampp 1996: 142 and Kampp 1996: 579 offer a range of dates that includes the reign of Hatshepsut. The presence of the cone in the scene supports a date later than Ahmose. 449 Maraite 1991: 213 also suggests this date for the origin of the cone.

59

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT female partner and if he does not have a cone, then neither does she. As the deceased female partner of the tomb owner she receives the same cult offerings as him and this is indicated by the inscriptions above them, which often include her as a recipient of the offerings.456 This concurrence suggests that the cone held the same symbolism for them both when they were receiving mortuary offerings at the banquet.457

and perhaps a wAH (wah) collar, mnit (menit necklace), and sSSt (sistrum rattle).461 The guests are offered drink, and sometimes, other items. Male and female musicians may both be present and the women may be shown clapping, dancing, and singing (Figure 16).462 The banquet scene can be placed next to the scene at the entrance of the tomb in which the deceased makes offerings to Amun-Re, ReHorakhty, Hathor, and Osiris.463 The inscriptions with the scene describe how the deceased has returned to celebrate the hrw nfr (beautiful day) and that he is beloved by Amun who favours him and the goddess Hathor who bestows her blessings.464

The cone and the type of banquet The analyses presented so far in this chapter have been carried out on every Eighteenth Dynasty banquet scene recorded for this study. However, three kinds of banquet scene can be differentiated and the cone does not appear in them with the same frequency. They are defined in this study as a ‘Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet’ (BFV), also called ‘Valley Festival’ banquet, a ‘mortuary banquet’ (MB), and a ‘celebratory banquet’(CB). The mortuary banquets were part of the cult of the dead at which the statue of the deceased was presented with the Htp di nswt, offerings given by the king to the god or gods, which then reverted to the deceased. The presentation of the offerings made to the tomb owner is similar to mortuary cult offering scenes in which the son, dressed as a priest (or a priest taking the role of the son), wears a panther skin and makes the offerings.458 The description ‘mortuary’ is used in this study to denote any banquet that can be associated with the funeral or a necropolis feast at which the deceased receives only the Htp di nswt.

The third category of banquet called the celebratory banquet, features the tomb owner when he was alive. The celebratory banquet of Paheri (a) is a celebration of the wine harvest. TT 93 (a) shows the entertainment and homage for the living king, Amenhotep II, as a child on the lap of the mother of Kenamun.465 TT 254 (a) is a harvest festival meal and TT 49 commemorates the award of the Gold of Honour to Neferhotep. It is not always possible to distinguish easily between mortuary and Valley Festival banquets especially in early tomb scenes and there are several banquets that appear to conflate the two, either showing the iconography of both or lacking overt Beautiful Festival of the Valley iconography.466 The Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets can more easily be recognized after the reign of Hatshepsut. Schott, in his study on the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, noted that the fully developed festival banquet iconography appeared after the reign of Tuthmosis III.467 For explanation on how the type of banquet was identified in this study, see Table 26.

During the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, a banquet was celebrated at the tomb overnight and the deceased tomb owner received divine offerings and other sacred items from the altars of Amun-Re and other gods in the necropolis mortuary temples.459 The Valley Festival banquet is identified by its texts and its distinctive iconography, described briefly here and in detail below (see Figure 16).460 The deceased tomb owner and his female partner are seated before their family and close colleagues. They are offered divine food and sometimes a bouquet by their son, an alcoholic drink by their daughter,

Of the sixty-six banquet scenes, forty-five were identified as a Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, seventeen as a mortuary banquet, and four as a celebratory banquet. 461

For example, the son offers a bouquet to Userhat in TT 56. The wife of Nebamun offers an intoxicating drink to her husband and his mother in TT 181. A wAH collar is offered to the tomb owner at the banquet in TT 38. 462 Musicians and a dancer appear in the banquet scene of TT 38 (Figure 16), the tomb of Djeserkaraseneb. 463 The banquet scene in TT 78 (a) and (b) are either side of the entrance. For festival offering texts addressed to the gods at the entrance, see Inscriptions 15-24 in Schott 1953: 97-99. However, the banquet is not always near the entrance and in TT 82 (b) and TT 100, it is in the L-Hall, a location usually selected for funerary scenes. See also the observations of Hartwig 2004: 98 on the location of the banquet scene in Eighteenth Dynasty Theban tombs. 464 To identify which New Kingdom banquet scenes were associated with the Valley Festival, the work of Hartwig and Schott has been used. To these, other scenes that can be confidently identified as being directly related to this festival by their iconography and/or text have been added. Those banquets identified as part of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley can be seen in Table 26. 465 This is not to say that such scenes were not relevant for the afterlife. Hartwig 2004: Chapters 2 and 3 discusses the main categories of Eighteenth Dynasty tomb scene and their function for the afterlife of the deceased. 466 A banquet scene may deliberately represent a generic banquet that could apply to any of the banquets that took place at the tomb. Schott 1953: 64-67 discusses the difference between funerary and festival scenes. See also the comments on the problems of distinguishing the different types of banquet in Davies 1915: 38-42 and Hartwig 2004: 98-99. 467 Schott 1953: 80-81.

456 Texts that include the female partner as a recipient of the festival offerings are found in TT 38, TT 74, TT 95, and TT 345 and the scene of Paheri (b). 457 The cone also appears on the coffin of the female partner when she is with her husband, for example in TT 335 (Bruyère 1926: Figure 81), where she is clearly identified in the accompanying text. Barthelmess 1992: 99 notes that even if only one coffin in the mouth opening scene is represented, then the name of the wife is usually mentioned in the ritual inscriptions. 458 For aspects of the typical mortuary cult offering scene see Hartwig 2004: 89, Footnotes 307-308). 459 For example, in TT 95 (AII), the offerings have come from the mortuary temple of Amenhotep II and in TT 86, the singers with the emblems of Hathor come from the Hathor chapel of the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III (Schott 1953: Inscription 69 and 79). Verhoeven 1986b: 677-679 gives a list of the remains of banquets found in situ in tombs. 460 The banquet scene from the tomb of Djeserkaraseneb (TT 38). For a detailed description of the features and texts that identify a Valley Festival banquet, see Schott 1953: 12-84. It is possible that not every scene identified by Schott was associated with the Beautiful Festival of the Valley (Assmann 2005: 450, Footnote 24). The banquet texts and the iconography have been used to categorise the banquets in this study (Table 26). Two banquets in TT 82 (a) and TT 104 (b) were identified from their texts as New Year Festival feasts, but they do not have the iconography typical of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets.

60

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE that continues in the Nineteenth Dynasty although the Beautiful Festival of the Valley itself continued until the Ptolemaic period.471

19

1

45

Mortuary

8

4

5

0

17

Celebratory

1

1

0

2

4

Table 21. The three types of 18th Dynasty banquets analysed by time period.467

Table 21 shows that the number of banquets that can be identified as Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets increases over the course of the Eighteenth Dynasty and the number of non-festival banquets decreases. By the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III, nineteen of the twenty-four (79.2%) of the banquets could be identified as Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets. Table 22 shows that the incidence of the cone is far higher in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet than in the mortuary and celebratory banquets.

6-7

9

Post-Amarna

15

5

TIV/AIII/AIV

10

2-4

TIII/AII

Beautiful Festival of the Valley

Time period

Ah/ Hat/TIII

Total 18th D.

9 Post-Amarna

6-7 TIV/AIII/AIV

5

TIII/AII

2-4

A/Hat/TIII

Time Period

Total BFV

10

15

19

1 NSR

BFV with a cone on a participant

6/10 60.0%

13/15 86.7%

18/19 94.7%

1/1 100.0% NSR

9

5

5

2

3/9 33.3%

2/5 40.0%

1/5 20.0%

1/2 50.0% NSR

Total MB and CB MB and CB with a cone on a participant

Table 22. Cone frequency in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and non-festival banquets.472

By the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III/IV, eighteen out of nineteen Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets (94.7%) had a cone on someone at the feast.468 It can also be seen in Table 22 that from its first appearance, the frequency of the cone increases in festival banquets and the proportion of banquets that are festival banquets also increases. The strong correlation of the cone with Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets, suggests that the cone is particularly associated with this type of feast. The increase in the popularity of the festival banquet scene implies that this type of banquet became increasingly important for the afterlife of the tomb owner as the Eighteenth Dynasty progressed. By the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III/Amenhotep IV, 79.2% (19/24) of the banquets can be confidently identified as Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets.

Part 2. The Beautiful Festival of the Valley The frequent portrayal of the banquet in the Eighteenth Dynasty tombs demonstrates that the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet had considerable symbolic importance.473 In this section the festival is examined to understand the religious developments that brought about this distinctive Valley Festival banquet and the creation of the cone on the head. During the two-day event, the statue of the god Amun-Re was carried in his barque from Karnak temple across the Nile, to the mortuary temples on the West Bank.474 The king led the procession, which included the statues of the ancestor kings. Statues of the deceased tomb owners were carried by their family and colleagues who accompanied the procession.475 In the mortuary temples, the living king presented offerings to the cult statue of Amun-Re and the deified ancestor king, usually the immediate predecessor

There are thirteen Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets in which the tomb owner is visible (DB 7). In every one, the tomb owner has a cone (100%).469 The cone also appears in the post-Amarna festival banquet, but only three banquet scenes from this period could be recorded, only one of which is a Valley Festival banquet.470 The decrease in the number of banquet scenes after the reign of Amenhotep III marks the decline of the Valley Festival banquet as a decorative theme, a trend

471

Haikal 1970b: 15. Data from DB 7 (n= 66 scenes). 473 It is possible that there was a banquet scene in every Theban tomb up to the time of Amenhotep III. Many have been lost, as it was the most robbed scene in modern times and often destroyed in the Amarna period (Manniche 1997: 29). 474 The descriptions that follow are taken from: Schott 1934: 64-93, Bleeker 1967: 124-140, Haikal 1970b: 11-16, Graefe 1986: 187-189, Karkowski 1992: 155-166, and Taylor 2001: 177-178. 475 Bleeker 1967: 137. The scenes of the festival in the temple of Hatshepsut show the statues of the royal ancestors in the procession (Karkowski 1992: 161-162). 472

467

Data from DB 7 (n= 66 scenes). In TT 77, no participant has a cone. See DB 7. 470 TT 254 (b), the tomb of Mose. 468 469

61

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT of the current ruler.477 The barque, with the statue of the god, spent the night in the mortuary temple and the family of the tomb owner spent the night feasting at the tomb. At the banquet, the cult offerings that had reverted from the altars of Amun-Re and the ancestor kings, were presented to the statue of the tomb owner and shared by the living family and friends. This feast included other offerings to the tomb owner and drinking, music, and dancing.

the Valley.480 The day of the banquet is referred to as a hrw nfr, there is reference to the goddess Hathor, and there is a strong emphasis on the consumption of alcohol. For Paheri and his family, the necropolis festival at El Kab offered the same experience as it did for those at Thebes and the cone was employed in the scene in the same way. On the other hand, the cone does not appear in the New Year festival in TT 82 (a) and TT 104 (b) suggesting that the symbolism of the cone was not appropriate for every type of festival banquet.

Although there is evidence of a valley festival in the late Middle Kingdom, it was not until the reign of Hatshepsut that the Beautiful Festival of the Valley became a prominent occasion. This time corresponds with the first appearance of the cone in the banquet scene. From her reign onwards, the mortuary temples became large and grandiose buildings with chapels for the barque of AmunRe, the kA of the living and deceased king, the ancestor kings, and the goddess Hathor.478 The grandeur of all the surviving mortuary temples on the west bank attests to their key role in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. A stela of Amenhotep III describes the magnificent temple he built for Amun-Re during the Valley Festival named ‘Receiving Amun, Extolling his Beauty’.479 The splendour of the festival at this time corresponds with the greatest frequency of the cone at the banquet.

The Hathoric aspect of the festival The Beautiful Festival of the Valley is believed to have developed from the festival that took place in the valley area sacred to Hathor and celebrated her role as the necropolis goddess. A chapel to Hathor was built as part of the complex of the Middle Kingdom temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, and in the New Kingdom temples of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III.481 In the valley temple of Tuthmosis III, the names in the reliefs, which portray a goddess, with one exception, relate to Hathor.482 There are many attestations of the presence of Hathor at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, in tomb scenes and inscriptions.483 Hathor was invoked by the singers and dancers and the goddess permitted the temporary return of the deceased to the living world:484

From its inception, the festival celebrated the increasingly dominant solar cult of Amun-Re, the veneration of the royal ancestors, and was also a Hathoric festival. These three aspects of the festival were significant for the afterlife aspirations of the king and his non-royal elite subjects and they give an insight into the theological developments that were taking place at the time that the cone originated and appeared increasingly in the festival banquet scene.

Sitting down to divert the heart by a hrw nfr in the interior of his house of the West, his abode of eternity, which is in the precinct of Hathor, mistress of Djesrut. May she give thee leave to come up to earth and to the open forecourt of the tomb so that thou mayest see the sun when he rises.485

In the following text, the deceased has met Hathor in the caverns of the Western mountains during the festival:

The Theban Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet was not the only banquet for which the cone was considered relevant. The tomb of Paheri at El Kab (TIII) shows a cone on the guests in a festival banquet scene that has much in common with the Theban Beautiful Festival of

480

This scene is designated in this study as Paheri (b). Pinch 1993: 3-12 cites the temples that had Hathor chapels and those visited by the barque of Amun-Re in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. 482 The name of Mut appears in one relief (Dolinska 1994: 35). See comments on the goddess Mut at the banquet in Footnote 687. Hathor was considered to be the mistress of the entire temple of Tuthmosis III (Lipinska 2005: 285-287). The association of Hathor with the festival continued after the New Kingdom and was noted in the First Century B.C. by Diodorus Siculus I. 97, 9 (Foucart 1930: 9-44). 483 Bleeker 1967: 134 and Bleeker 1973: 42-45. Hathor was associated with the mountain at Thebes that formed the barrier between the living and the dead. Originally, it may have been Hathor who was taken in procession to her shrine. At Deir el Bahri, in the chapel of Hathor, the cult statue of Hathor as a cow is shown being carried in a barque in the festival procession. The accompanying inscription attests to her joining the celebrations with the king and the statue of Amun-Re (Troy 2006: 141-142). 484 Altenmüller 1978: 1-24 draws this conclusion from studying Old Kingdom banquets and suggests that these earlier banquets with dancers and singers were the precursors of the New Kingdom Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets at which Hathor brought together the deceased with his family. Hathor is invoked by the singers and dancers in the Twelfth Dynasty tomb of Antefoker at Thebes who greet her (Davies et al 1920: 22, Plate XXIII). 485 Lichtheim 1945: 182, Text from TT 181 addressed to Nebamun. 481

477

See Strudwick and Strudwick 1999: 78-90 for an overview of the mortuary temples that were visited by the barque of Amun during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. For details of the function of these temples, see Haeny 1997: 86-126. The ancient Egyptians called them ‘temples of millions of years’ and did not use the term ‘mortuary temple’. 478 By the Twelfth Dynasty a valley festival was established (Ullmann 2007: 8-12). The procession journeyed to the mortuary temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep in the valley between the cliffs and the Nile and gave its name to the Festival of the Valley of Nebhepetre, which then became the Valley Festival (Winlock 1947: 88-90). It is not until the reign of Hatshepsut that there is good evidence for the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and extensive reliefs in the upper courtyard of Deir el Bahri depict the procession (Karkowski 1992: 155-166). Hatshepsut was the first king to revitalise the royal mortuary complex that played a key role in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. Her temple was in effect an enormous barque station for the visit of Amun-Re (Arnold 1997: 137 and Roth 2005: 147). The visit of the cult statue of Amun-Re to the mortuary temple was of great importance and after the reign of Hatshepsut the mortuary temples were built so that the barque of the god could be carried into the central shrine dedicated to him (Haeny 1997: 121-122). 479 Davies 1992: 2. Urk. IV, 1650, 1-8. The importance of the festival is indicated by the scale of this temple, which was larger than the Karnak temple at that time (Haeny 1997: 101).

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE I have appeared as a god, and recognise the favour of another god. How beautiful is the union at the festival of Hathor.486

the tombs at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet.494 The importance of ancestor veneration in the New Kingdom is attested by the Ritual of the Royal Ancestors, which is thought to have been created in the Eighteenth Dynasty.495

Her involvement at the festival is connected with her role as the goddess of the necropolis, music, dancing, inebriation, and fertility.487 Much of the iconography and imagery at the festival banquet relates to the goddess; the mnit necklace and sSSt rattle, dancing and singing, and the consumption of alcohol are all associated with her.488 Her mnit presented to the deceased gave life:489

Ancestor worship by the non-royal families is also attested in the New Kingdom.496 The Valley Festival banquet scene portrays the living family revering their direct ancestor and reunited with him. The family presented divine offerings from the altars of the royal ancestors and as such they would have been especially relevant for the cult of the deceased ancestor of the nonroyal family.497 In TT 129 (TIII/AII), the daughter makes offerings to her father:

… the menits of thy mother Hathor; that she may prolong your life.490

Hathor played a key role in the necropolis banquet as early as the Old Kingdom, yet the cone only appeared in the New Kingdom scenes of the banquet. This suggests that her presence is not directly related to the creation of the cone symbol. Nevertheless, the cone might be associated with her and this possibility is discussed in the excursus at the end of this chapter that examines the role of the ‘daughter’ in the banquet scene.

For your kA in your time in your beautiful house. Receive the meals of Amun-Re when he rests in Hnktanx (i.e., the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III) at his Festival of the Western Valley. Make a beautiful day with that which your beloved daughter gives you.498

The cone became increasingly frequent in the banquet scene as ancestor veneration became more prominent. It is possible that the symbolism expressed by the cone is associated with the transformation that enabled the living to communicate with their deceased ancestors who had returned to earth to be at the feast.499

Ancestor veneration Every king claimed to be a descendant of the ancestor kings and although royal ancestor worship had been in existence from the Old Kingdom, it rose to particular prominence in the New Kingdom. Every extant mortuary temple had a cult chamber for the veneration of the immediate royal ancestor of the king who built the temple. Royal ancestor veneration was an important ritual ceremony during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley reinforcing the king’s claim to his descendance from the ancestor kings and his right to rule.491 The statues of the royal ancestors, which were a New Kingdom innovation, were carried in the procession of the barque of Amun-Re and placed in the chapels dedicated to them.492 After the king had placed offerings on the altars of Amun-Re, he presented them to the royal ancestors.493 Mortuary texts indicate that it was the divine offerings from the altars of the royal ancestors that were distributed for offering in

The solar cult The Beautiful Festival of the Valley was a celebration of Amun-Re in his solar aspect.500 From the reign of 494 For example the Papyrus of Nesmin BM EA 10209 refers to the offerings made to Nesmin at the Valley Festival and that they were made first to Amun-Re and the ancestor kings: ‘Presentation of offerings in front of the statues of the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt, gods followers of Horus, the prophets, the god's fathers, the wab-priests and the excellent souls (bAw) in the West of Thebes.’ (Haikal 1970b: 16, Lines I.3-I.5). 495 Nelson 1949b: 345. 496 For evidence of the ancestor cult in non-royal elite tomb scenes and artefacts see Schott 1953: 7, Lopez 1977: 383-386, Graefe 1986: 187, Wiebach 1986: 263-291, Fitzenreiter 1994: 51-72, and Hartwig 2004: 98-99. 497 The influence of the Royal Ancestor temple rituals in non-royal tomb scenes can be seen in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb (see Chapter 3). There is considerable similarity between the censing and libation of the mortuary cult food offerings (Episode 67) of the Opening the Mouth and the censing and libation of the cult offerings (Episode 14) in the Royal Ancestor Ritual performed in the temples. For the text of Episode 14 in the Ancestor Ritual in the Cairo Turin papyrus see Bacchi 1942: 69, T. XIII, 6-10 and on the coffin of Butehamun see Schiaparelli 1890: 164-166, reproduced in Otto 1960a: 177-178. In his study of the Ancestor Ritual at Karnak and Medinet Habu, Nelson also identified cult offering episodes that parallel those in the Opening the Mouth (Nelson 1949a: 214 and 230). 498 Schott 1953: Inscription 116. In TT 49, Neferhotep asks for Beautiful Festival of the Valley offerings from the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III and the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis I. See also Footnote 459 above. 499 In the scenes of the festival in Deir el Bahri, the statues of the living and the dead kings receive the same attention, emphasising that the fundamental purpose of the festival was to enable the living and the dead to be united (Karkowski 1992: 166). 500 Shortly after the reign of Amenemhat I, Amun was identified with Re and the cult of Amun-Re became the state cult in the reign of Amenhotep I. Thebes was the centre of his cult (Winlock 1947: 88 and David 1980: 98-99).

486

Altenmüller 1978: 22, translation of Coffin Text VI, 64g-h. For the role of Hathor, see Daumas 1977: 1024-1033 and Vischak 2001: 82-85. 488 Manniche 1997: 29-35 and Robins 1997: 138-139. These aspects are shown for example in the banquet scene of TT 69 and TT 100. 489 For the symbolism of the mnit and sSSt see Staehelin 1982: 52-53, Ziegler 1984: 959-963, Manniche 1991: 62-65, Bell 1997a: 183-184, and Manniche 2001: 292-293. 490 This text is from a Hathor ceremony depicted in the Middle Kingdom tomb of Senbi Tomb B1, see Footnote 445. 491 Veneration of the deified ancestor kings acknowledged the divine origins of the king and the legitimacy of the king’s reign. The king secured the stability of the line of succession through the ancestor kings and each king, regardless of the validity of his claim to the throne, regarded the ancestor kings as his ancestors (Bell 1997b: 140 and David 1973: 146). 492 The use of statues to represent the deified ancestor kings was a New Kingdom innovation (Frankfort 1948: 89-90). 493 Through the performance of these rituals in the temples, the kA of the living king was re-united with those of his father Amun-Re and his ancestors thus reaffirming the Theban kings’ right to rule as their descendant (Thompson 2001: 326-332, Wegner 2001: 332-336, and Haeny 1997: 95). David 1973: 146-150 gives an overview of the New Kingdom ritual for the royal ancestors and references primary evidence of the cult on papyri and temple reliefs and stelae. 487

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT Tuthmosis I, there is evidence of the increasing importance of the solar cycle in the afterlife of the king. The king was identified with Re after death and this transformation found expression in the Amduat that decorated the royal tomb walls.501 The mortuary temples became increasingly solar, with a chapel dedicated to Amun-Re, large sun courts, and pylons.502 Under Tuthmosis IV and Amenhotep III, this divine relationship with the solar deity became much closer. Tuthmosis IV identified himself with the sun god whilst alive, initiating a theological concept that would culminate in the reign of Akhenaten. His living image wears the Sbyw collar and armlets, which are associated with the solar deity.503 Amenhotep III was represented in his reliefs and statuary as united with the sun god during his lifetime.504

scene. Mortuary texts and tomb inscriptions reveal that an afterlife with the sun god in his solar barque was accessible to non-royal Egyptian as well as the king and greatly desired.509 It is possible that the cone in the Valley Festival banquet holds a symbolism related to the access to the solar deity that the living and the deceased aspired to achieve.510 Examination of the Valley Festival reveals that it was a religious event with profound significance for all the participants. It was an event during which the barriers between this world and the next diminished.511 The nonroyal, royal, and divine spheres were united as the living and dead, the king, and Amun-Re were brought into communication with each other.512 The celebration was referred to as the hrw nfr and although the phrase is commonly translated as ‘the beautiful day’ or ‘holiday’ the word nfr holds a range of sacred connotations.513 In festival inscriptions, the tomb, the offerings, drink, and life are all described as nfr. Assmann suggests that the hrw nfr and every ‘beautiful thing’ experienced in it, was associated with the divine beauty of Amun and that the word nfr signified the presence of the divine.514 It was for this festival banquet that the cone was created and the possible reason for this is discussed next.

The procession of the barque of Amun-Re during the festival re-enacted the cyclical journey of the solar deity in the sun boat.505 During the day, the solar disc traversed the sky and its rays were considered to be the manifestation of the bA of the sun god.506 At night, the bA of the sun god united with the bA of Osiris and next morning the god was reborn.507 When the king accompanied the barque during the festival procession, it symbolised that the bA of the king had accompanied the bA of the deity in the cycle of solar renewal.508 The importance of Amun-Re increased throughout the Eighteenth Dynasty. It is reflected in the increased grandeur of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. This development corresponds with the increased frequency of the cone on the deceased tomb owner in the banquet

Part 3. The deceased tomb owner at the banquet The cone does not appear on the tomb owner in the early New Kingdom banquet scenes that have a marked similarity with traditional mortuary cult offerings scenes. The following inscriptions taken from banquet scenes are from tombs before the reign of Amenhotep II. At this time the cone on the tomb owner was very uncommon. They differ little from texts of the standard mortuary cult scenes in which the deceased and his female partner are presented with the Htp di nswt, often from the god Osiris:

501 The Amduat dominates royal tomb decoration, identifying the deceased king with the sun god and showing his journey through the underworld at night, the union of the bA of Re with the bA of Osiris and the resurrection of the sun god at the horizon at dawn (Hornung 1999b: 26-54). Hatshepsut emphasised her divinity as the daughter of Amun-Re and that she combined the roles of Hathor as the daughter of Re and the mother of Horus. Her reign saw the beginning of a theological development emphasising the close relationship of the king with Amun-Re (Roth 2005: 147-151). The tomb of Tuthmosis III clearly identifies the king as unified with Re. The Litany of Re that also identifies the king as the sun god was written on his coffin shroud (Troy 2006: 152-157). 502 The magnificence of the mortuary temples reflects the importance of Amun-Re for the rulers of the New Kingdom and the close relationship claimed by the kings for themselves and their ancestors (Kemp 1989: 209210). The temple of Deir el Bahri built by Hatshepsut has a solar court open to the sky on the upper terrace (Roth 2005: 150). Amenhotep III changed the design of many earlier temples by building large open sun courts surrounded by double rows of columns and his monuments accommodated larger festival events while the huge mortuary temple also featured a large peristyle court for the solar cult (Johnson 2001: 86-89). 503 Bryan 1991: 350-351, 357 and Bryan 2001: 49-52. See Chapter 4 Part 1 in this study, which discusses this development as it relates to the Gold of Honour ceremony. 504 Johnson 1990: 36-39. 505 Foucart 1930: 49-125 plus plates and Hartwig 2004: 12. 506 See Footnote 348, and for other mortuary texts that attest to this concept, see Chapter 4 - Part 1. 507 The Osiride and solar aspects of the mortuary temples suggest that the deceased king was a manifestation of the union of Re and Osiris. The litany of Re stresses that the bA of the king and the sun god are the same: ‘His bA is your bA, his corpse is your corpse,’ (Troy 2006: 152-157). DuQuesne 2006: 23-33 discusses the various interpretations of the relationship between the bA of Osiris and Re and the union of the two as relevant to the eternal existence of the deceased through mastery of time. The return of the bA of the non-royal deceased each night to the mummy symbolised the union between the bA of Re and Osiris (Taylor 2001: 20-23). 508 Wiebach 1986: 263-291 and Assmann 1989b: 8, Footnote 16.

509 Taylor 2001: 28-31. This concept is expressed in the Coffin Texts, see the translations in Žabkar 1968: 98-114. 510 For texts expressing the desire of the tomb owner for his bA to be with the sun god see Žabkar 1968: 126-131. 511 Schott 1953: 7, Assmann 1989b: 3-28, Lloyd 1989: 128-129, Bell 1997b: 137, Manniche 2003: 44, and Hartwig 2004: 98-99. 512 Wiebach 1986: 263-292. 513 Schott 1953: 82 discusses the use of the adjective nfr in festival texts. The tomb is described as nfr in TT 78: Inscription 126 and 127. The offerings are described as nfr in TT 17 (a): Inscription 114 and the drink is referred to as nfr in TT 21 (a) and (b): Inscription 123. The life of the deceased is called nfr in TT 49: Inscription 75, the tomb, and the god Amun-Re are referred to as nfr in TT 56: Inscription 117. Lichtheim 1945: 178-212 uses the term ‘holiday’ in her translation of the harper’s songs. Lorton 1968b: 23-31 interprets hrw nfr as a fine meal including the funerary banquet, secular feasts, and later as meaning ‘a divine offering’. Manniche 2003: 44 draws attention to the translation of nfr as ‘phallus’ (Wb. 2, 260. 7 and 261. 8) that she considers contributes to the sexual symbolism expressed in the festival banquet. See also the comments on the banquet hrw nfr in Hartwig 2004: 96. It was not only the day of Valley Festival that was referred to as nfr; this word was also used for the day of the Opening of the Mouth, see Book of the Dead Chapter 178c and text from the Chester Beatty Papyrus IX. B 12, 1013.1 translation in Quack 2006: 149: ‘Beautiful Day, your mouth will be opened.’ 514 Assmann 1989b: 4-18.

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE A Htp di nswt to Osiris, a voice offering, all things for the kA of his wife, the lady of the house Seneb.515

To sit in the hall, to gladden the heart, in the manner of being on earth.523

A Htp di nswt to Osiris that he may give a thousand of everything good and pure Htp tpt. He says, every offering that come forth from the offering table of Re for the kA of N.516

Sitting in the hall to divert the heart according to the practice of existence on earth, perfumed with antyw, adorned with garlands, making [holiday] in his house of justification.524

A Htp di nswt to Amun-Re, Lord of the sky and to Osiris, Lord of eternity. May he give everything good and pure, all that is sweet and pleasant, that which the heavens and the earth bring forth, the flood from its cave brought forth for your kA. They are pure, pure.517

[drink] to drunkenness! Spend a pleasant [day], your lifetime being daily pleasant in [the house of Amun] till you reach the town of eternity.525 Bind garlands, anoint yourself with finest oil and partake of a happy day, your mind being glad and your heart in ecstasy when you behold Amun! May he cause you to live among men.526

It is not only the texts of the early Eighteenth Dynasty that emphasise the mortuary aspect of the banquet. In these scenes the tomb owner appears as he does in cult offerings scenes, seated behind the offering table immobile and solemn, observing the guests before him.518 The presentation of cult offerings for the kA was the dominant theme of the banquet scene at this time. The offerings are shown with the tabular offering list or reed loaves and the traditional ideograms that represent the Htp di nswt: bread, beer, cattle, and fowl may be depicted beneath the stand.519 When the divine offerings were presented at the banquet, the kA of the tomb owner took residence in his statue to receive them, but it was confined to the statue.520

The enjoyment of the sight of good food, music, dancing, and song, anointment with (oil of) balsam (antyw) and unction with olive oil (bAq) … that thou mayest enjoy a long and fortunate existence on earth and that life happiness and health may enfold thee.527

The last inscription from TT 100 is with the scene in the upper register, below there is another scene (PM I2/1 (18) V-VIII) with Rekhmire and male guests, with the words addressed to him by his son: Enjoyment, glad exultation, and participation of good food, summer lotus for the nostril, and (oil of) antyw suitable for the crown of the head, for the kA of (N).528

Gradually the emphasis on the mortuary aspect of the banquet disappears and by end of the reign of Tuthmosis III, the Htp di nswt is rarely recited in the banquet scene.521 Even though the kA may be still referred to as the recipient of the offerings, the texts speak of blessings for the ‘living’ tomb owner. He is loved and praised by Amun-Re, he is given the Bouquet of Amun as a mark of grace, and receives intoxicating drink from Hathor. The choral songs, which accompany many banquet scenes, declare that the tomb owner will experience again the life he had on earth.522 The inscriptions stress that the deceased is ‘making’ a hrw nfr and is actively taking part in the proceedings.

In these banquets the scene is festive, the dancing is lively and the guests less formal in their posture.529 The banquet texts speak of the deceased tomb owner tying on garlands and ‘having a ‘beautiful day’ as if he were alive.530 In TT 32 (RII) the deceased Thutmose addresses the living and deceased guests. The inscription is badly damaged, but enough remains to show that Thutmose considered he would be present at the feast after his death and able to communicate with his guests directly: I am your father, who [… …] […your…] Come […] to me, to my tomb chapel, […] offerings, [provisions (?)], to me.531

The post-mortem aspect of the deceased that could take a mobile and active part on earth in the company of the living was the bA.532 However, even though the texts

515

From TT 15 (Ah/AI) the tomb of Tetiky. All references to these and other banquet inscriptions can be found in Table 26. 516 TT 18 (b) ((Hat)/TIII) the tomb of Baki. 517 TT 343 (TIII) the tomb of Benia. 518 Schott 1953: 72 and Assmann 1989b: 4. 519 There is a large offering list table in the banquet scene in TT 18 (a) ((Hat)/TIII). In TT 112 (b) (TIII/AII) the funerary offerings list occupies a large part of the wall. Loaves of bread on the offering table may be shown in the shape of reed leaves, perhaps a visual pun associated with the Field of Reeds (Robins 1997: 85). TT 112 (a) is an typical example of a mortuary banquet. 520 To receive offerings, the kA left the mummified body and inhabited the ritually prepared cult statue or other images of the tomb owner, but it had no independent freedom of movement (Lorton 1999: 179-183, Bolshakov 2001: 215-217, and Taylor 2001: 18-20 and 95-97). 521 Schott 1953: 80-81 and Assmann 1989b: 3-5. There is a later example in the mortuary banquet of TT 295 (TIV/AIII (?)) in which the son presents the Htp di nswt. As found in other scenes, the tomb owner does not have a cone in this mortuary banquet scene. 522 Lichtheim 1945: 183 and Schott 1953: 38. The bouquet has been offered on the altar of the god, from which it is taken and presented to the tomb owner (Dittmar 1986: 125-13 and 148-149).

523

TT 38 (TIV/AIII) the tomb of Djeserkaraseneb. TT 75 (AII/TIV) the tomb of Amenhotep-Si-se. 525 TT 77 (TIV/AIII) the tomb of Ptahemhat. 526 TT 78 (b) (AII/TIV/AIII) the tomb of Horemheb. 527 TT 100 (TIII/AII) the tomb of Rekhmire. 528 Davies 1943a: 60 and Davies 1943b: Plate LXIX (PM 12/1 (18) VVIII). Only the text above the head of the seated Rekhmire survives. 529 Joyous energetic banquets appear after the reign of Amenhotep II in TT 8, TT 38, TT 52, TT 56, TT 75, TT 78 (b), TT 80, TT 100, and TT 254. 530 A key aspect of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet was joyous dancing and Coffin Text V, 210 states that through dancing, the deceased will be able to visit his tomb and his children. 531 Fábián 2004d: 283. Even though the lively banquet scene was discontinued, the importance of the festival meal for the deceased continued into the Ramesside period. See the texts following in this chapter and the discussion in Chapter 6 - The Ramesside Period. 532 For the contrasting relationship of the kA and the bA with the statue, see Lorton 1999: 196-199 and Loprieno 2003: 200-225. The most 524

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT your kA. May your bA rest in it (i.e., the West) when you are called by the lector priest on the day of the deposition of offerings (wAH ixt).541

emphasise the active presence of the tomb owner, his statue image retains its dignified pose that is typical of the kA receiving the mortuary cult offering.533 To express the concept that the image also represents the presence of the bA required a symbol. As the banquet scene changes to portray an event at which the deceased takes part, the cone on the tomb owner increases in frequency until every Festival of the Valley banquet scene shows him with a cone. This suggests that the cone could symbolise that the bA of the tomb owner has returned to receive offerings at the feast.

The kA and the bA received the divine offerings, but most mortuary cult offering scenes of the Eighteenth Dynasty that depict offerings made to the kA, do not show a cone on the tomb owner.542 This suggests that the cone on the deceased at the banquet is not associated with the kA.543 At the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, the offering of divine food brought the bA of the deceased to the statue. Schott refers to the dead embodying their statues so that they could participate in the festivities.544 The inscription on the statue of Panehesy refers to the bA coming to his statue to receive offerings.545 The possibility that the bA of the tomb owner inhabited his tomb statue to receive the offerings is supported by the belief that the bA of the gods descended and entered their images, which became ‘bA-full’ and to which offerings were made.546

The bA of the deceased returned for the offerings The bA returned to earth when it was summoned to the divine offerings.534 The first text below refers to snw offerings bringing the bA to the statue, these are festival offerings that came from the altar of the gods: 535 O my image, may you endure for (the sake of my name) … Libations and incense from the left-overs (i.e., reversions) of your Lord, when (my) soul (bA) comes running, that it may receive food offerings (snw) with you (i.e., the statue).536

The statues of the gods were anointed to make them suitable receptacles for the god’s bA. The aroma of antyw was considered to be the odour of divine beings and perhaps this is a reason why the statue of the tomb owner was anointed with antyw at the banquet.547 Once his bA was installed in his statue, it could receive the divine offerings and the cone, as suggested in Chapter 3 and 4, could symbolise this possession.

A pure, pure, divine offering for the Osiris Puyemre, justified … You shall be, shall be, at your House of a Million Years with your soul (bA) with you as before.537 A boon which the king gives to Osiris, residing in the Thinite nome, that he may grant a coming forth as a living bA at the voice of the depositor of offerings.538

Reunion with the living family The deceased owner desired to return to his tomb to be reunited with his family and this is expressed clearly in the Coffin Texts and New Kingdom tomb inscriptions.548

May it (i.e., my bA) emerge at the calling out of the offering in my tomb of the necropolis.539 There is made for you a great oblation at the door of your tomb, your bA comes forth at the voice of your kA, to receive the things set out for it according to every word.540

541 A harper’s song on a wall fragment from TT 331 (RII) (Simpson 1969-1970: 49-50). Favard-Meeks 1991: 407-409 suggests that the wAH ixt, ‘the laying out of the offerings’ was the spell that brought forth the bA. 542 In the New Kingdom, the cone appears on the tomb owner in 28% of mortuary cult offering scenes (Table 4). 543 Of the 114 offering scenes of the Eighteenth Dynasty only 29 (25.4%) show a cone on the tomb owner (Table 28 and DB 1). The importance of the offerings for the kA of the deceased as well as the bA at the banquet is shown by the prominence of the phrase ‘for your kA’ that is declared at the presentations of offerings. ‘For your kA, spend a happy day, you praised by Amun.’ (Manniche 1986: 61, Figure 10, text from TT 161). 544 Schott 1953: 92. 545 KRI III, 137: 9-10 and RITA III, 93. 546 Sauneron 1975: 65 and 126 note 1. The cult statue was the body of the god and gave the bA of the god, form. Once the bA had installed itself in the image, the deity could receive cult attention, which included the presentation of cult offerings (Assmann 2001: 44-48). 547 For evidence of this association, see ahead to Part 4 which discusses the use of antyw at the banquet by the living guests. Aufrère 1991a: 329-330 describes the anointing of cult statues to make them suitable recipients for the bA of the deity. 548 The vignette of the Book of the Dead - Chapter 132 shows the tomb owner turning to see his house, with a spell entitled: ‘Spell for causing a man to turn about in order to see his house on earth.’ In TT 23, the tomb of Tjay, the following inscription accompanies the scene of him visiting his house: ‘May you enter your house of the living, rejoicing and jubilating.’ (Assmann 2005: 220). Lloyd 1989: 126-131 discusses the purpose of the offerings presented in the liminal space of the tomb, allowing the deceased to meet with the living. See also Baines and Lacovara 2002: 6-29 for a discussion on the relationship between the living and the dead in ancient Egyptian society.

O Sunero, may your heart [be pleasant] now that you are resting (in) the West, in your tomb in Ankh-tawy. The first occasion of the goodly West has come, you are comprehensive exploration of the texts that refer to the bA of the deceased and describe its freedom to move between the different spheres of the afterlife, is Žabkar 1968. For further references for the role of the bA see Footnote 220. 533 Schott 1953: 73-74. 534 Assmann 2005: 216-218 considers that the primary reason for the bA to return to earth was to receive divine offerings (See Chapter 3 - Part 3). The sacramental significance of provisioning the dead and the power of offerings to transport the deceased to the sky and to the earth is also discussed in Assmann 2005: 330-338. In the New Kingdom, the role of the bA in the afterlife of the deceased became more dominant, with frequent reference to it in mortuary inscriptions and texts. For his comments concerning this increased dominance, see Bolshakov 1997: 244-290. 535 For more information on snw offerings at festivals see Chapter 6, Footnote 731. 536 KRI III, 137: 9-10 and RITA III, 93, Inscription on the Nineteenth Dynasty statue of Panehesy, BM EA 1377. 537 TT 39 (Hat/TIII). Inscription 121 in Schott 1953: 124. 538 From the tomb of Kheref, TT 192 (AIII/AIV) (Wente 1980: 33). 539 Text from TT 111(RII) (Urk. IV, 762, translation in Assmann 2005: 330, Note 5). 540 The harper’s song in TT 263 (RII), the tomb of Piay (KRI III, 380: 11-13, RITA III, 277, and Lichtheim 1945: 204).

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE Assembling a man’s family for him in the realm of the dead. O Re! O Atum! O Geb! O Nut! See N goes down (sic) into the sky, he goes down into the earth, he goes down into the waters seeking his family, seeking his father and mother, seeking his children and his brethren, seeking his associates and his servants who worked for N on earth.549

glorifications of the Valley Festival’.556 The text refers to the transition of the bA of Nesmin summoned to receive the offerings that have reverted from the altars of the royal ancestor kings: Presentation of offerings in front of the statues of the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt, gods followers of Horus, the prophets, the god’s fathers, the wab priests and the excellent souls (bAw) in the West of Thebes … A boon which the king gives to those who are in the underworld, to the Great Ennead and the Small Ennead, the followers of Re and the followers of Osiris, the governing body of Horus in Pe the courtiers of the 'Hall of the Two Truths' … and attendants who are beside the bier of Osiris-Wennefer justified, that your soul (bA) and your kA may receive the offerings of food, bread, beer, water from the inundation by which the gods live.557

Let him sing and dance and receive ornaments … let him go to his house and inspect his children for ever and ever.550

On an Eighteenth Dynasty group statue the inscription asks that the deceased will be able: To go forth as a living bA … to see his house of the living again, as was his custom on earth.551

Once summoned to the festival, the bA of the deceased could participate in the procession of the barque of Amun-Re.558 By this means it would become integrated into the rejuvenating solar cycle of the solar deity.559 In Book of the Dead - Chapter 3, the deceased asks to live after death like Re every day and in Chapter 15 he asks for his bA to journey in the day and night boat of the sun god. In TT 55 the tomb of Ramose (AIII/AIV), the deceased offers to the sun god at the entrance to the tomb and asks to be in the solar barque:

Tjenuny in TT 74 (TIII/AII/TIV) has an inscription at the entrance to his tomb, which explains that he is returning to see his family: Going in and out of the realm of the dead, Without being turned away at the gate of the Duat. Transforming as desired, to visit his family of the living.552

This next text from the tomb chapel of Paser and Raia at Saqqara, asks that the bA of the deceased will be able to return to his home:

[I give praise to Re-Horakhty] when he dawns, that he may cause me to be amongst his followers and that my soul (bA) may rest in the evening boat day by day.560

May you go in and out where you will, without your bA being confined. When you are called, may you come immediately, May you visit your house on earth.553

Solar hymns inscribed at the entrance of the tombs express the desire for the bA of the deceased to see and follow the sun disc as it crosses the sky.561

Although the next text from the Papyrus of Horemheb, son of Petemin, is dated to the First Century AD, the papyrus has many parallels with the Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts, and the Book of the Dead:

That I may go forth as living bA to see the sun.562 May I see you in your beautiful festival at your sailing of Djeserdjeseru.563

A family will be united with you, and a generation mustered for you.554

Wiebach has studied texts that refer to Beautiful Festival

The return of the bA to the tomb and the world of the living was particularly associated with festivals and offerings.555 The importance of the return of the bA to the Beautiful Festival of the Valley was such that special festival spells and prayers were recited with the presentation of divine offerings. The Papyrus of Nesmin is such a text, entitled ‘Book of bringing the bA to the

556 See Footnote 36. There are several versions of Late Period Books of the Dead that have a spell for bringing the bA to the body (Schneider 1994: 355-362). 557 Haikal 1970b: 16-17, Lines I,3-I,10. 558 Strudwick and Strudwick 1999: 79-89 consider that a significant aspect of the Festival of the Valley was that the living and the dead were reunited through their participation in the procession of the sun god. 559 The deceased as a bA, desires to accompany the sun god and complete the eternal cycle through the sky and underground regions of the sun’s course (Wiebach 1986: 270). Texts in which the deceased asks to see the sun god at the festival are found in TT 49, TT 69, TT 85, TT 181, and TT 189. Those that ask to accompany him are in TT 49, TT 64, TT 69, TT 96, TT 106, and TT 263 (Schott 1953: Inscriptions on pages 94-133). In TT 24, Nebamun (TII/(Hat)/TIII) in a festival prayer asks that: ‘I will follow my God in my city to Deir el Bahri to the Western Horizon.’ (Schott 1953: Inscription 3). 560 Davies 1941: 13, Plate VI. 561 Texts in which the deceased asks to see the sun god at the festival are found in TT 49, TT 69, TT 85, TT 181, and TT 189. Those that ask to accompany the god are in TT 49, TT 64, TT 69, TT 96, TT 106, and TT 263 (Schott 1953: Inscriptions on pages 94-133). See also the solar hymns from Theban tombs in Assmann 1983. 562 Assmann 1983: Text 221, 8-9 from TT 295 (TIV/AIII (?)). 563 Quirke 2001: 68, Assmann Hymn C.

549

Coffin Text II, 180a-182b. Coffin Text V, 210. 551 Inscription on Brussels E 4295, cited in Assmann 2005: 220 and Note 36 with a similar text. 552 Brack and Brack 1977: 26, Figure 2. 553 Assmann 2005: 451, Note 36 and Martin 1985: Plate 10. 554 Smith 1987: 41, Column V, Lines 17-18. The Papyrus BM EA 10507 is early First Century, but it expresses many of the traditional mortuary beliefs of the New Kingdom. 555 The desire to return to earth to attend festivals is expressed in mortuary inscriptions from the Middle Kingdom and continues in the New Kingdom. See examples in Lange and Schäfer 1908: 192, Barta 1968: 66, Bitte 92, and Barta 1968: 79, Bitte 92. 550

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT of the Valley and the procession of Amun-Re. She concludes that the bA was the mediating principle by which the living and the deceased who accompanied the sacred barque, experienced direct contact with the solar deity.564 The following texts imply that the divine offerings made to the deceased tomb owner are the agency that brings about the transition of the bA to earth to join the festivities:

experience again their previous life. The ultimate development in the fulfilment of this desire is the Ramesside tomb in which the architecture simulates a temple and the statues of the deceased resemble cult statues of the gods. The deceased returned to his tomb to worship the gods on earth and be worshipped by the living.570 Although the scene of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet did not continue in the Ramesside period, the wish for the bA to return to earth to receive offerings at this and other festivals is still frequently expressed.571 The stela from TT 51, the tomb of Userhat (RI/SI) has a scene of the Opening the Mouth ceremony in front of the tomb with the request that he will be able to return to the earth to attend necropolis festivals and join the procession of the god: 572

You let me be in your entourage, that I be content with the bread of your giving as is done for the just on earth.565 Oh my lord and the gods’ lord, Amun, Lord of the Two Lands’ thrones, Re-Horakhty, eldest god, who made what has been made … May you let me be in the following of your life force, my mouth full of the substance that comes from your offering stand.566 May you see the lord of the gods Amun on his Beautiful Festival of the Valley, may you follow him in the sanctuaries of the temples. And when your name is invoked at the offering table every time the rite is performed, may your bA cry aloud so that it may be heard.567

An offering which the king makes to Amun-Re, Atum, to Horakhty, Geb, Osiris, Isis, Lady of the West, to Hathor, residing in the necropolis, to Anubis, foremost in the hall of the god, to the company of the gods … that they may grant the scent of breezes, that the soul (bA) may not ever suffer repulse, that thy name may be called and be forthcoming at every festival coming, that thou may see Re at dawn and follow Sokar of Rosetau … that Re may give thee passage in the Sektet barque, that the West may receive thee, that libations be poured on the offerings, that thou receive the offerings of a god.573

May I follow the Majesty of this exalted god Amun, lord of the thrones of the Two Lands in his fair Festival of the Valley, receive loaves (snw) which have been offered before him on the altar of the lord of eternity, and smell the incense of the offerings when there is a gathering? In the temple of Hnkt-anx.568

In his tomb at Saqqara, Anhurmose (Mer) asks that his statue will receive offerings, his bA might take part in the barque procession, and that he:

The desire of the tomb owner for his bA to return to join the living on earth had become prominent in inscriptions and mortuary texts by the reign of Amenhotep III. At Amarna, this concept of the afterlife spent on earth as a bA was made absolute and the afterlife of the deceased noble consisted of remaining in the tomb at night and coming forth by day as a living bA to receive offerings at the temples.569 Assmann describes the desire of the dead to return to the world of the living in the late Eighteenth Dynasty as resulting in a ‘sacralisation’ of the earth. Increasingly the deceased nobles asked to come back and

might be in the following of the god like one who is on earth; that he might double for me benefit, that he may provide for me from the food offerings (snw) which are [brought] forth before the retinue of my lord when it (the statue) comes forth from the tomb on the occasion of all his (the god’s) beautiful festivals; that I might tread before him as a living bA that I might receive offerings (snw) from the [gifts] that appear upon all his altars … that I might enter the Netherworld in the sacred land, that I might follow Osiris on his festival.574

564

Wiebach 1986: 263-291 discusses the texts relating to the procession of the barque of Amun-Re that have led her to conclude that a complex relationship existed in which the deceased kings, private individuals, and the living, were brought into contact through the divine journey of AmunRe. The deceased tomb owners praised the sun god, asking to join the lifegiving journey of the sun through the underworld. The living who accompanied the procession were identified as the crew of the sun boat. 565 In TT 69 ((TIV)/AIII), Menena (with a cone) worships Amun-Re as he leaves the tomb to join the festival procession (Maher-Taha 2002: Plate IX and Hodel-Hoenes 2000: 86). 566 Statue of the scribe Amenhotep from the time of Hatshepsut (Allen 2005: 84). There is a similar prayer on the ceiling of the T-Hall of TT 51(RI/SI) (Davies 1927: 29) in which Userhat asks that he will be able to leave and enter the necropolis: ‘that my mouth may be full of food of thy giving before Wennefer to eternity.’ 567 Part of this text has been quoted above. From the stela from the lost tomb of Amenhotep (AIII) (Taylor 2001: 178). This text is also in Hermann 1940: 48* (This is tomb C1 in PM 12/1). 568 TT 49, the tomb of Neferhotep (Davies 1933a: 53, Plate XXXVI). 569 See his views on the afterlife experienced through the bA at Amarna by Hornung 1992b: 124-130 and Hornung 1999a: 96-100. Žabkar 1968: 156-159 cites many of the tomb inscriptions that reveal the role of the bA in the afterlife of the deceased noble at Amarna.

570 Assmann 2003b: 46-52 and Assmann 2005: 217-218 discuss this development of the afterlife concept that emerged in the New Kingdom and which complemented the traditional afterlife existence in the realms of sky and netherworld. 571 Ramesside scenes that express this desire are discussed in Chapter 6. 572 For an overview of the necropolis festivals, see Spalinger 2001: 521525. Senneferi in TT 99 (TIII) speaks of: ‘Seeing the greetings brought by his wife, children, brothers, and craftsmen on the day of the New Year festival and the Neheb-kau festival, on the day of the first of the year, the appearing of Sopdet.’ (Strudwick 1997-2008. Urk. IV, 538, 1112). In TT 192, Kheref Senaa (AIII/AIV) asks for offerings at more than 15 festivals (Wente 1980: 17-18, Plate 85A). For the names and dates of the festivals see Verhoeven 1986a: 645-647 and for Theban festivals see Schott 1934: 63-90. The desire to attend festivals during the Abydos Osirian festivals is also frequently expressed and in the New Kingdom, the cone appears on the deceased when he is making the voyage to Abydos in TT 78 (AII/TIV/AIII), TT 162 (AIII), TT 175 (TIV/AIII), TT 249 (AIII), and TT 338 (post-Amarna (Tut/Hor)). For further discussion on this development, see Chapter 6. 573 Davies 1927: 29-30, Plate XIX. 574 The Ramesside tomb of Anhurmose at Saqqara (Ockinga and AlMasri 1988: 45-46, Text 15, 66-68).

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE Come, yourself; come O soul (bA) of yours in the form in which you were on earth.582

The transitional forms in which the bA returned to earth The bA was the aspect of the deceased tomb owner that could be seen and experienced by the living; the word itself can be translated as ‘manifestation’.575 Texts quoted in this chapter speak of the bA returning to the tomb to be at the banquet and leaving the tomb to join the sun god in procession. The scenes that depict these actions show the deceased as a man, in contrast to the most recognisable image of the bA, which is the bA-bird. Žabkar considers that there is no conflict between these different images representing the bA. He sees the bA-bird and the human image as two aspects of the individual, with the same identity, portraying the most suitable form of the deceased for the context of the scene.576

(so) may my soul (bA) go forth and have enjoyment upon earth in any forms that it may wish (to adopt); may I go forth from heaven, and descend to earth, without (any)one hindering (me) upon the way.583

Some texts mention ‘walking’, ‘running’, and ‘treading’ and describe a bA with human characteristics: O my bA, O my kA, O my shade, open the shutters of the sky windows within the horizon; may you have power over your legs as a living soul (bA).584 Ho, Osiris N. Are you in heaven, (or) are you on earth again as a transfigured soul (bA). Your own feet have brought you that you might see this house of yours … (that you might look) at this bread of yours and this beer of yours, that I have made for you.585

The most appropriate form for the bA to communicate with his family, enjoy the celebrations, and go forth from the tomb, was the human image. The scenes that require the deceased to look and act as a being who can be with his family at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet and go forth from the tomb to join the festival, show the human image of the bA.577

that I might tread before him (Amun-Re) as a living bA, that I might receive food offerings from the gifts that appear upon his altars.586 You have transfigured (me) with soul (bA) and shadow, so that we may be seen yonder. May it (sc. my shadow) see him (my soul) when it is assigned wherever he is in my form.587

Going out as a living bA, without being turned away at the gates of the Duat. Visiting his house of the living, in the manner of his existence on earth.578

At Amarna the bA of the deceased in human form joined the living to accompany the king to the temple of Aten, to receive divine offerings.588

An inscription from the tomb of Anhurmose states that his statue would be carried in the procession and continues with a description of his bA as a man ‘treading before him (i.e., Amun-Re)’. This shows that once summoned to earth, the bA need not be confined to the statue and could adopt any form it desired, including the human form. Žabkar describes the bA as ‘the personification of his (i.e., the deceased) physical and psychic forces, his likeness itself.’579

The bA-bird, like the cone on the head, was a New Kingdom creation and it was used for the scenes that required the bA to fly to freedom or rest in the sycamore tree to receive refreshment from the Tree Goddess.589 Like the image of the man, the bA-bird can be portrayed receiving offerings and sometimes a basket of offerings replaces the burning incense that normally appears in front of the bA-bird, as shown in the hieroglyph (Gardiner’s sign list G53). The bA-bird of the wife of Neferrenpet flies on the ceiling of the tomb with a basket of offerings under its wing.590 The bA of Userhat (TT 51) and Hunefer is shown with a basket of bread offerings.591

Sending forth the soul (bA) (from the god’s domain), building houses, and going forth by [day] as a man … Lo, thou hast let (my) soul (bA) and (my) shadow run about on foot wherever that man is. Who sees him, whether standing or seated, he can enter his bodily house; (for) verily (I am) one of the adorers of Osiris who come by day and go by night, who celebrate the feast of the festal offerings.580

The image of the man and the bA-bird can both have a cone when they receive divine offerings and so for both types of bA image the cone could symbolise the same concept, the bA receiving divine offerings. The bA-bird and the bA-human images can even occur together, for example with the Tree Goddess and at the weighing of

Go forth my soul (bA), that yonder man may see you; stand opposite him in my shape and form.581 575 Wb. 1, 411. 6-412. 10. See also Assmann 1979: 70-72, who considers that the bA gave the deceased the ability to communicate with other entities. 576 The face of the bA-bird is sometimes in the exact likeness of the tomb owner, as with Sennedjem (Žabkar 1968: Plate 3), Hunefer (Rossiter 1984: Figure 89), and Khonsu Ta (Janot and Hawass 2008: 282). 577 The deceased Thutmose striding out of his tomb with text that identifies his form as a bA is found in TT 32 (Fábián 2004c: 169). Text in the tomb of Paheri describes the firm flesh and smooth muscles of the limbs of his bA (Snape 2011: 202). 578 Inscription from TT 74, the tomb Tjenuny (Brack and Brack 1977: 53). 579 Žabkar 1968: 113-114. 580 Book of the Dead - Chapter 188, based on BM EA 10477 the Eighteenth Dynasty Papyrus of Nu. 581 Coffin Text II, 94-95.

582

KRI III, 364, 3-4 and RITA III 263, Text from TT 341. KRI III, 152, 6-8 and RITA III, 103. Dyad MMA 17.2.5 of Siese the younger (Late Nineteenth Dynasty). 584 Coffin Text VI, 67a-e, similar to Coffin Text II, 109a. 585 From the tomb of Senenmut (Dorman 1991: 110-111). 586 Ockinga and Al-Masri 1988: 45-46, Text 15, 66. 587 Lloyd 1989: 127. 588 See Footnote 570. 589 Finnestad 1986: 365. 590 Hofmann 1995a: Colour Plate XIId. 591 TT 51 (Davies 1927: Plate IX) and the Papyrus of Hunefer (Rossiter 1984: Figure 89). 583

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT the heart.592 Žabkar suggests this duality signifies that the bA can be present in both forms as separate entities. In the Papyrus of Nebqed, the bA as a bird flies down the tomb shaft to the mummy and the bA of Nebqed in the image of a man emerges from the tomb to see the sun (Figure 10).593

non-royal tomb owner was confined in the main to the deceased king and deities.601 There is substantial evidence of the bA and its role in the afterlife of the non-royal deceased in the Coffin Texts of the Middle Kingdom.602 In the early New Kingdom, references to the bA of the tomb owner appear in tomb inscriptions. For example, in TT 39, the tomb of Puyemre (Hat/TIII), there is an offering inscription in the central chapel in which the deceased is promised an existence of many forms: as he was on earth, in the sky, with his soul (bA) as in former times and within his house of millions of years.603 In his tomb, Paheri (TIII) offers to the gods and asks for his bA to go forth:

Some scholars have drawn attention to the presence of Hathor and the erotic nature of the banquet scene.594 In this context, the presence of the bA in human form at the feast is also appropriate because the bA was the corporeal entity of the deceased and had all the bodily functions and senses of the living man.595 Come out and copulate by means of your bA.596

Coming forth upon the land to see the solar disk. Opening the ways for the perfect Ax which is in the necropolis. That it may be given to him to walk out, to enter and to go forth like a living bA.604

I come forth, my bA in my form, on the day on which I copulate.597

Yet in spite of the written expression in early Eighteenth Dynasty tombs of the concept of the bA in the non-royal elite, the depiction of the bA as a bA-bird, did not occur with any frequency until the mid Eighteenth Dynasty.605 The pictorial representation of religious concepts that were expressed earlier, but only in texts, has been observed by Egyptologists, who suggest that illustration of some sacred themes was restricted by the rules decorum.606 The lessening of the constraints of decorum in other tomb scenes is discussed further in Chapter 7, the observations made here relate only to the banquet scene. The tomb scenes of daily life dominate early New Kingdom tombs, but the restrictions of religious practice altered gradually in the New Kingdom so that it became acceptable for the non-royal tomb owner to depict himself undergoing divine rituals and in a divine state.

Also, in the Coffin Texts it is stated that through his bA the deceased will be able to enter his house, to count his children, to take sexual pleasure, to receive favours along with those who are on earth for ever and ever.598 The bA-bird and bA in human form are both referred to in inscriptions and texts as a ‘living bA’ and Žabkar suggests that when used in isolation, the term has no specific meaning other than to express the concept of vitality. The texts quoted here use the term ‘living bA’ to describe the bA on earth.599 The bA-bird and the image of a man could represent the same bA, they can both have a cone, and in the context of the inscriptions discussed here, they both receiving divine offerings on earth.600 Decorum The cone is a New Kingdom creation, but the concept of the bA and its role in the afterlife is attested from the Old Kingdom. However, at this time, reference to the bA in the

601 There is reference to the bA of Hermeru in his Sixth Dynasty tomb at Saqqara (Žabkar 1968: 60). For references to the bA of the king and gods in the Old Kingdom, see Žabkar 1968: 59-89. 602 For example in Coffin Text I, 396c: ‘Thy bA belongs to thee, thy power belongs to thee. Thy Ax belongs to thee.’ (translation from Žabkar 1968: 91). The funerary cult of the non-royal elite adopted the cult format used for the king as the concept of the bA of the non-royal tomb owner became more overt (Quirke 1992: 106). 603 Davies 1923a: 21-22, Plate LIII-LIV. 604 Tylor et al 1895: Plate XVI. 605 The bA-bird appears in the Book of the Dead of Tjenena (AII) and Nebqed (AIII) (Taylor 2011: 56 and 101). The earliest attested representation of the bA-bird with the Tree Goddess is on stela BM EA 294 (late Eighteenth Dynasty) and Florence 2593 (dated to mid Eighteenth Dynasty). See these in Billing 2002: 255, Figures D2 and D3. In the tombs recorded for this study, the earliest bA-bird in a tomb scene is TT 255, the tomb of Roy (Hor/SI) in Baud and Drioton 1928: Figure 13 and Billing 2002: Figure C10. Two bA-birds also appear in an earlier post-Amarna tomb TT 324 (Davies 1948: Plate XXXIV), but the scene was not recorded for analysis as the heads of the bA-birds are badly damaged. Janak 2011: 143-153 suggests that the change in writing for the bA from the hieroglyph of the saddleback stork (Gardiner G29) to the human headed falcon (G53) reflects the desire to refer to the bA of the private individual in contrast with its original prominence in gods and kings. 606 Decorum is a set of rules and practices defining what may be represented pictorially and how it may be represented. On the effect of decorum on religious expression in the New Kingdom see Baines 1990: 1-23, Baines 2007: 14-30, and Baines and Frood 2011: 1-17. Tomb scenes in the New Kingdom began to show the deceased near to deities and then eventually with deities. They represent changes of attitude relating to the visual representation of the afterlife, which took place throughout the period of the New Kingdom.

592

The two images together can be seen in TT 158 (Seele 1959: Plate 11) and the Papyrus of Ani, Chapter 92 (Faulkner et al 1994: Plate 17). 593 Devéria and Pierret 1872: Plate III. 594 The nakedness of the young female dancers and servants has sensual appeal (Assmann 1989b: 5–6 and Robins 1997: 138). Manniche 1997: 29-36 draws attention to other aspects of the banquet considered to hold erotic symbolism: the lotus, the mandrake, excessive imbibing of alcohol, music, and dancing. The erotic and sexual nature of a banquet at which a goddess is worshipped is revealed in two demotic Ptolemaic ostraca that describe a religious celebration at which there was drunkenness, music, and sexual activity. The goddesses involved are associated with Hathor (Depauw and Smith 2004: 67-93). 595 Žabkar 1968: 112-113, 146, 150-151, and 154 points out that in many texts the word bA and the name of the deceased are interchanged showing that the bA is a corporeal entity. 596 Coffin Text II, 79-80. For his observations on the interpretation of this text, see Assmann 2005: 93-94 and 430, Note 24. 597 Coffin Text II, 80c-d from the translation in Žabkar 1968: 102. 598 Coffin Text VI, 331. l-n from the coffin of Sesenebef. Translation from Žabkar 1968: 101. The role of the bA in sexual congress with a deity is expressed in the temple inscription of the divine birth of Amenhotep III. His mother, Mutemwia, speaks of her union with Amun-Re and states: ‘My bA belongs to him.’ (Murnane 1995: Text 3. Scene IV). See also the discussion on the bA and sexual activity in Žabkar 1968: 101-105. 599 Žabkar 1968: 141-142. The term ‘living bA’ is addressed to the god when he enters his cult statue (Lorton 1999: 141). 600 Assmann 2005: 90 considers that the living bA was the form in which the bA could return to the world of the living.

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE The bA of the deceased tomb owner was divine, a state of being brought about by the mortuary rituals.607 It can be speculated that the reluctance to symbolise the presence of the divine bA of the deceased tomb owner at the banquet before the mid Eighteenth Dynasty involved the constraints of religious decorum. If the cone does symbolise the presence of the bA receiving divine offerings, then it seems that pictorial reference to the bA in the banquet scene was not generally acceptable until the reign of Tuthmosis III.608

Summary The cone appears on the tomb owner at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet when he is represented as taking an active part in the feast. The afterlife aspect of the deceased that could achieve this transition and participate in the tomb banquet was his bA. The bA was summoned to earth by the divine offerings presented at the banquet and the bA of the tomb owner in his human form was reunited with the living family. In possession of the divine festival offerings, the bA was able to leave the tomb and join the living in the procession of the barque of Amun-Re that symbolised the eternal solar cycle of the sun god. It is feasible that the cone on the tomb owner at the banquet symbolises his divine bA receiving the offerings.

The constraints of religious decorum may also explain the initial representation of a cone on the living banquet guest rather than on the deceased tomb owner. The bA of the living individual was not divine and although it could enter the sphere of divine beings, it was only a temporary transformed state of being.609 Perhaps symbolising the presence of the bA in the living was an innovation that did not trespass the constraints of early Eighteenth Dynasty decorum concerning the representation of divine beings and might be the reason why the cone is at first more common on the living guests. The cone only appears on the tomb owner in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley with any significant frequency in the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III (Table 18) and it seems that at this juncture it was acceptable to show the presence of the divine bA of the deceased summoned to the banquet by depicting him with a cone. The change in the appearance of the cone at this time may reflect this development in its symbolism because when the cone becomes a symbol on the deceased tomb owner, it becomes larger and elliptical in shape. When it is most frequent on him in the banquet scene, it is at its largest (Figure 17).610

607 ‘The chief characteristic of the bA is that it was divine and raises the earthly to the form of a sublime god.’ (Morenz 1973: 157). Žabkar 1968: 39-42 discusses the evidence that demonstrates that the bA was the manifestation of a divine being. During the ritual of mummification the bA was divinised (Troy 1993: 71, Text 5, 20-6, 1). In their tombs, Paheri at El Kab (Urk. IV, 1538, 16) and Khamhat Meh in TT 57 (Urk. IV, 1843, 9) pray that their bA may become divine. In TT 258 Menkheper offers to Osiris and prays: ‘then my soul (bA) shall be divine.’ (Urk. IV, 1643, 16). For further references in mortuary texts and tomb inscriptions that the bA of mortals was described as divine, see Žabkar 1968: 151154. 608 Although the cone is very uncommon on the tomb owner before the time of Tuthmosis IV, it does appear earlier on the tomb owner at the banquet in four tombs: TT 340 (Start 18th D.-Hat), TT 53 ((Hat)/TIII), TT 22 (TIII/AII), and TT 248 ((TIII)/AII). Bell 1997a: 184 notes that the banquet scene reveals a lessening of the rule of decorum governing the role of the king as the source of all divine offerings. In the banquet scenes of the mid Eighteenth Dynasty, the son and daughter, without reference to the king, make divine offerings directly to the deceased. 609 Sarenput describes an occasion during his life when he experienced the sensation of his head grazing the stars in a context that suggests it was his bA reaching the heavens and entering the sphere of divine beings (see this and other evidence for the bA in the living in Chapter 4). 610 See the observations on the size and shape of the cone in Chapter 6. Small, flattened cones appear on the guests in TT 340 (Start 18th-Hat), TT 81 (AI-Hat/(TIII)), and TT 154 (Start 18th D.-TIII). Large cones are depicted in tomb scenes in TT 82 (Hat/TIII), TT 100 (TIII/AII), and TT 181 (AIII/AIV). In TT 57 (AIII), Khamhat Meh is depicted with a very large cone on his head (Gros de Beler 2001: 18).

Figure 17. Large cone on the head of Nebamun in TT 181.611

Part 4. The living guests at the banquet Although the focus of this study is the cone on the tomb owner, it is relevant to consider its meaning on the guests at the banquet. The cone on them must be of significance for the tomb owner for whom the scene was designed. Although at first it was much more common on the banquet guest, even when it became frequent on the deceased tomb owner, the cone continued to be depicted on the guests. It is therefore logical that it had a similar or closely related meaning. This section explores the possibility that like the cone on the deceased tomb owner, the cone on the living participants symbolised the presence of bA of the living guest receiving divine offerings.

611

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Author’s sketch of Davies 1925a: Plate V-VI.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT The primary function of the necropolis banquet was the reunion of the living family and their divine deceased father. The importance of this experience for the tomb owner was discussed above and it was suggested that his divine bA returned to take part in this reunion. Direct contact of the living with the divine could only be achieved by the bA, the aspect of the living person that could enter the sphere of a divine being.612 Lorton describes how in the daily cult ritual, the priest refers to himself as a bA before he touches the cult statue; it was necessary for him to be in a bA-state when in the presence of the bA of the god in the statue.613 The same necessity could apply to the guests at the banquet because they wish to enter into the presence of their divine deceased father and share his divine offerings. For this, they need to be in a transformed bA-state. The bA is a mode of existence usually associated with the dead rather than the living, but there is evidence supporting the presence of the bA in the living and this has been discussed in detail in Chapter 4.614 This evidence indicates that when the individual was inebriated, in a state of ecstasy, or emotionally disturbed, the bA of the living person could be become separated from the body. The ritual activities experienced by the guests during the banquet would have induced all of these sensations and could have resulted in the realisation of their bA.

The wAH collar, made from petals of the waterlily flower, symbolised the cyclical regeneration of Re and was worn at mortuary banquets by the living and the dead. The statues of the gods were adorned with the collars and when replaced, they reverted for distribution to the necropolis. Wearing this collar would confer divine power and may have contributed to making the body of the living and the dead a suitable vessel for the manifestation of the bA.617 Alcoholic drink features prominently in the festival banquet scene and even in the earliest festival banquet scenes, emphasis is placed on the consumption of alcohol.618 The exhortation to drink may be addressed to the tomb owner, but large quantities of alcohol were also offered to the guests. Often, the only item offered to the guests at the banquet is drink.619 In the banquet scene, Paheri (b), a guest is instructed to drink in excess and another female guest makes it clear that she wishes to become inebriated: For your kA, drink to drunkenness, make a holiday. Give me eighteen cups of wine, behold I should like to drink to drunkenness, my inside is as dry as straw!620

Sometimes a guest in the banquet scene is shown vomiting as if to emphasis their copious intake of wine and beer.621 Ritual drinking is also thought to be associated with Hathor who was ‘Mistress of Inebriation’ and who was present at the festival:

Festival banquet texts describe the ritual attention paid to the deceased and his wife and it is noticeable that the guests receive similar attention. The guests, like the tomb owner, are anointed, offered alcoholic drink, a wAH collar, and encouraged to celebrate the hrw nfr.615 The only items the living did not share with the deceased were those objects that directly conferred life, such as the Bouquet of Amun, the sSSt rattle, and the mnit necklace of Hathor. These are items relevant for the dead but not the living.616 It has been suggested in Part 3 that these actions performed on the statue of the tomb owner prepared it for the ‘in-dwelling’ of his bA. It could be that the similar ritual attention paid to the guests prepared their living body for the emergence of their bA.

There comes wine together with the Golden One and fills thy house with joy, live in intoxication day and night without end.622

617 Bell 1997a: 183. See also Bell 1987: 56-57 with reference to the Pyramid Text Spell 1213. In TT 82 (b), a female servant places a wAH collar around the neck of a female guest and a wAH collar is offered to a male guest in TT 22. In TT 38, the deceased is offered a collar and in TT 78 (b) with collars over their arms, girls chant: ‘tie garlands’. In TT 75, the deceased is ‘diverting the heart’ and tying on garlands. 618 See for example the banquet scene from the tomb of Tetiky, TT 15 (Ah/AI). The deceased is instructed to receive drink in TT 21 (a) and (b) (Urk. IV, 1498-1499), TT 78 (b) (Urk. IV, 1591, 10-20), TT 100 (Urk. IV, 1162, 6-11), and TT 181 (Davies 1925a: 53-56, Plates V-VIII and Lichtheim 1945: 182-183). Lorton 1968a: 45-50 and Lorton 1968b: 2931 note that the song of Intef and the harper’s song of Neferhotep I are addressed to the guests and not the deceased. For a discussion on the relevance of the songs to both the deceased and the living see Lichtheim 1945: 179-180. 619 The offering of drink to the guests can be seen in: TT 15, TT 17 (a), TT 17 (b), TT 22 (a), TT 22 (b), TT 38, TT 39, TT 42, TT 49, TT 56, TT 75, TT 77 (b), TT 78 (b), TT 79, TT 80, TT 82 (b), TT 85 (a), TT 85 (b), TT 89, TT 90 (a), TT 92, TT 96A, TT 100, TT 101, TT 112 (b), TT 154, TT 161, TT 175, TT 181, TT 249, TT 295, TT 340, TT 367, Nebamun, and Paheri (b). 620 Tylor et al 1895: Plate XII, translation of text opposite the Plate. 621 Robins 1997: 138. A wall fragment from Brussels Royal Museum (KMKG-MRAH. Inv. no. E.2877) shows a male guest vomiting (Strouhal and Forman 1992: 143). A vomiting male guest appears in TT 38, TT 49, TT 53, and Renni and Paheri (b) at El Kab. 622 Schott 1950: 130, Text 93 and Bleeker 1973: 84. This inscription is from an amphora from the late New Kingdom, ‘The Golden One’ is a title of Hathor.

612 Few people were allowed direct access to the deities resident in their cult statue and those who served the cult underwent many rituals of preparation for the ‘penetration of the divine’ (Moret 1902: 18-19 and Sauneron 2000: 75-81). 613 Lorton 1999: 141-142, 193, and 199. See also the references to the in-dwelling of the bA in Footnotes 265 and 546. 614 The evidence for the existence of the bA in the living individual and its presence at the ceremony is discussed in the study of the Gold of Honour ceremony – Part 1, with reference to the autobiographical inscriptions in the tombs of Sarenput at Aswan and Amenemheb (TT 85), ‘The Tale of Sinuhe’, and ‘The Dispute of a Man with his Ba’. 615 In TT 38, the tomb of Djeserkaraseneb the deceased and the guests receive garlands and drink (Figure 16). See this scene in Hartwig 2004: Figure 8. 616 For the symbolism of the bouquet presented to the deceased, including the Bouquet of Amun, see Bell 1987: 57, Bell 1997a: 137, 183-184, 301, Note 177, and Hartwig 2004: 94-95. The word for ‘life’ and ‘bouquet’ are spelt with the same hieroglyph (S34, of Gardiner’s sign list). Bouquets presented at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet came from the altar of Amun-Re (Schott 1953: Inscriptions 91106). Lotus flowers symbolised rebirth, the papyrus symbolised protection and resurrection, and the bouquets conferred life and the god’s blessing (Schott 1953: 48-56 and Hartwig 2004: 95-96). For the symbolism of the sSSt and mnit, see Footnote 489.

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE In the Papyrus of Nesmin, which was to be read at the Festival of the Valley, the deceased is told that he will receive beer from Hathor:

anointed, possibly with this sacred oil.631 A text from a banquet scene in TT 93 supports this suggestion; the male guests, (who have cones) are seated before tables of food and have the text over their heads:

Nepyt, she will give thee bread, Hathor, she will give thee beer and Hesyt, she will give thee milk.623

Taking pleasure … with delight in all manner of food, before this official, rich (i.e., anointed) in balsam and anointed with oil (wrH antyw, gs n bAq).632

Inebriation was believed to separate the bA from the body.624 The intoxication induced in the living guests would have allowed them to enter into an altered state in which the bA could become evident and allow them direct access to the divine bA of the deceased.625

Oil of antyw was used in the ritual of mummification where it was used to anoint the head to divinise the deceased and free the bA from the body.633 The following spell is from the ritual of mummification and recited when the head was anointed with antyw:

Fragrant antyw features prominently in the inscriptions and representations of the Valley Festival banquet and its use may have played a part in preparing the body of the guest for the realisation of the bA. As early as the Old Kingdom, the smell of antyw was considered the odour of the gods.626 In the Coffin Texts, there is a reference to Hathor whose hair smelt of antyw:

O Osiris Receive your head in the West When you enter among the noble and perfect akhwspirits. Those who are in the Netherworld kiss the earth for your body. Those who are in heaven receive your bA. Those who are on earth make homage to you. Those who are in the Valley deify your body.634

My putrefaction is myrrh (antyw) which my mother Hathor places for herself on her head.627

The fragrance of antyw revealed the presence of Amun when he visited the mother of Hatshepsut: ‘She waked at the fragrance of the god … All his odours were from Punt.’628 When the deceased was anointed with antyw, he also had the odour of other divine beings. Before entering the Hall of Two Truths he is anointed with antyw and when Anubis presents the justified deceased to the gods, Anubis declares: ‘I smell his odour (as that) of one of you.’629 When the living applied antyw to their bodies, they too were divinised; Hatshepsut was acclaimed as divine when she applied antyw to her limbs because of the aroma of her skin.630

Some banquet inscriptions state that the head was anointed with antyw; the address to Rekhmire in TT 100 refers to the oil as ‘suitable for the crown of the head’. The song of Intef (Papyrus Harris 500) also refers to anointing the head with antyw: Put myrrh (antyw) upon thy head, Clothe thyself in fine linen, anoint thee with the genuine wonders which are the god’s own.635

The phrase: ‘anoint thee with the genuine wonders which are the god’s own’ in the song of Intef has also been translated as: ‘anoint yourself with the true wonders of the divine rite’.636 Both translations demonstrate that anointing was a sacred ritual, done with an oil that was associated with the gods, and that such action would transform the recipient. It is possible that this transformation was the realisation of their bA. The rite of anointing with antyw and its effect on the living, could have made it possible for them to be in direct contact with their deceased and divine father through the mediation of the bA. However, it is not proposed that the cone is a

The exhortations to apply antyw in banquet texts are usually addressed to the tomb owner, but the guests are 623 Haikal 1970b: 18, Lines I,35-I,36. Late Period, Papyrus of Nesmin. BM EA 10209. 624 In a text from a New Kingdom papyrus, a drunken scribe is reminded that inebriation causes the bA to leave the body (Papyrus Anastasia IV: 11.10-11.11). See also the comments of Manniche 2003: 43-45, who considers that inebriation liberated the bA and allowed it to communicate with deities and the deceased ancestors. 625 Schott 1953: 78 considers that intoxication removed the barrier between life and death so that the living could be in contact with their deceased ancestor. See Szpakowska 2003: 228-229 on intoxication as a means of effecting contact between the living and the divine. Bell 1997b: 137 and Hartwig 2004: 12 comment on the alcohol induced state in which the living guests crossed into the realm of the divine. This was a view also expressed by Manniche 2003: 44. Bleeker 1963: 159-179 discusses the role of intoxication in religious initiation and how intoxication experienced in religious contexts brings about knowledge of the arcane and sacred world. 626 Pyramid Text 803-804 describes how the deceased king smelt like the god Dedwen who came from Punt, the source of antyw. 627 Coffin Text IV, 183e-f. 628 Breasted 1906b: 80, Text 196. This account of the impregnation of the queen claimed that Amun was the divine father of Hatshepsut. A similar text was used for Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor, to claim his divine descent. 629 Book of the Dead - Chapter 125c, T2 and 125Ab, S1. 630 Breasted 1906b: 113, Text 274. ‘The best of myrrh (antyw) is upon all her limbs. Her fragrance is divine dew; her odour is mingled with Punt.’

631 The deceased is instructed to anoint with antyw in TT 75, TT 100 top and bottom registers (PM I2/1 (18) I-IV and V-VIII), and in the song of Intef (Lichtheim 1945: 192). Banquet scenes show oil rubbed onto the arms and bodies of the guests in TT 38, TT 42, and TT 100. Other banquets texts in TT 78 (a) and (b), TT 93, and TT 181, instruct the deceased to anoint but do not specify antyw. 632 Davies 1930a: 44, Plate XXV F. Fragment, not in analyses. 633 See the suggestion that the bA left the body by the head in Assmann 2005: 94 and his translation of the Coffin Text Spell 229 on his page 35. It addresses Isis and makes the request: ‘May you form my bA’. 634 Papyrus Boulaq III 7.3-7.5 (Troy 1993: 73). In this text the antyw oil was mixed with juniper oil. See also Sauneron 1952: 23. 7.2-7.3. 635 Lichtheim 1945: 192. BM EA Papyrus 10060, Line 11. There is a fragmentary version of this song in the Saqqara tomb of Paatenemheb (Late 18th D.). 636 Parkinson 1991: 146. Assmann 2005: 120 has: ‘Anoint yourself with oils fit for a god’.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT symbol of the sacred oil, but rather a symbol of the bA made evident by the banquet rituals. These rituals included anointing, but also involved inebriation and the wearing of the wAH collar.637

In the same way, sharing a meal with the living reintegrated the deceased into his earthly family.641 Sharing his cult offerings with the family and colleagues at the banquet reconnected him with his living family and gave him a continued existence on earth.642 The cone on the head of the guests as a symbol of their bA sharing the divine offerings was a perpetual confirmation of this sacred reunion.

Reunion of the living and the dead During the banquet in the tomb, the tomb owner became reunited with his living family through the mediation of the bA. However, complete communion was only effected when the living shared the divine offerings of the deceased ancestor.638 The ritual of sharing food brought about the social inclusion of those who were at the meal.639 Being part of a community was fundamentally important to the ancient Egyptian and his survival whilst alive, depended on acceptance by his society. This concept was transferred to the afterlife, where the deceased desired to belong to the society of the gods, who also lived in a redistributive society. Eating and drinking with them in the divine sphere meant that the deceased tomb owner was socially integrated into their society. In Coffin Text III, 113j-l the gods accept the newly arrived deceased with the words: ‘He lives from what we live, he eats from what we eat, he drinks from what we drink.’ In Coffin Text III, 92j-93c, the deceased is asked what he will eat in the afterlife:

It has been noted by some Egyptologists that the guests at the banquet are not shown eating the food, which is sometimes placed on tables some distance away.643 They could not be depicted eating because the cult offerings were divine and only their essence could be partaken. Normally, eating cult offerings was a sacrilege denied in the negative confession of Chapter 125a (S2) of the Book of the Dead: ‘I have not diminished the food(-offerings) in the temples, I have not debased the offering cakes of the gods.’644 Placing a cone on the living guests not only symbolised that their bA had received the divine offerings; it was also a way of representing their entitlement to consume the offerings. It is notable that the cone does not feature in banquets and feasting scenes in which secular food is being eaten. Actual eating of food is only shown in non-mortuary banquets and the food that is eaten is not part of the sacred cult offerings. The fact that the participants at these feasts are not depicted with a cone, suggests that the cone symbolised the bA in receipt of divine offerings and was not associated with the consumption of ordinary food.645

‘What will you live on in the place to which you have come?’ Say the horizon dwellers to me. ‘I will live on those seven portions which have come forth from upon the great altars of the Souls of On. Their portions are in the sky with Re, their three portions are on the earth with Geb.’

In Book of the Dead Spell 53, the deceased claims that he will eat with the gods:

641 Assmann 2005: 53-63 discusses the need for the dead to be kept connected to the society of the living. On page 216-217 he considers the necessity for the deceased to receive offerings from the living to be reestablished in their community and on page 336 he refers to the power of food offerings to give the deceased the status of a god. See also Meeks 1988: 428-439, who examines the concept of divinity. He proposes that the cult offerings contributed to maintaining the divine state of the recipient. 642 Fitzenreiter discusses how family friends and colleagues were also involved in the reunion (Fitzenreiter 1994: 51-72). 643 As observed by Vandier 1964: 216-232, Manniche 2003: 44, and Robins 1990a: 52. There are tomb scenes in which guests do not have food in front of them, but placed instead on a table at the very front of their row. Eighteenth Dynasty banquets in which the guests have no food directly in front of them include TT 22, TT 38, TT 79, TT 80, TT 92, TT 100, TT 112 (b), TT 139, TT 367, and Paheri (a) and (b) at El Kab. Only the ‘immaterial spirit’ or essence of the food was taken by the god (Meeks and Meeks 1999: 127 and Sauneron 2000: 82-83). 644 Text is based on two Eighteenth Dynasty papyri: Nebseny (BM EA 9900) and Yuya (Cairo 51189). 645 In the following secular feasts, no one has a cone: in TT 100, Rekhmire provides food for male guests after he has visited the temple on official business (Davies 1935: Plate XXV, Davies 1943a: 66-67, and Davies 1943b: Plates CXI-CXII); in TT 82, Amenemhat and his family feast with the vizier (Davies and Gardiner 1915: Plate III); in TT 78, a meal is provided for the troops (Brack and Brack 1980: 35-36, Plates 38a and 41b, 42); in TT 254, the tomb of Mose a meal with male guests shows one eating a duck (Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plate XXVIII). The tomb of Horemheb at Saqqara has fragments from two scenes that are thought to be from one large relief. One shows a cone on two male banquet guests with food before them (one has a cone placed on his head) and neither eat the food (Martin 1989b: 40, [19] and [20], Plates 31 and 33). The other shows men eating and they do not have a cone. In his tomb of Huya, tastes food for the king and he does not have a cone (Davies 1905b: 6, Plate V). I am grateful to Professor Gay Robins for drawing my attention to this scene.

I am the possessor of bread in Heliopolis. My bread is in the sky with Re; my bread is on earth with Geb … I stretch my intestines when I join the ferryboat of the sky. I eat of what they eat (of); I live on what they live (on). I have eaten bread in the chamber of the possessor of offerings.

In the Book of the Dead of Ani, there is a vignette in which Ani has a cone on his head when he is sharing food with Osiris. Horus introduces him to Osiris with the words: Let there be given to him bread and beer which have been issued in the presence of Osiris and he will be forever like the followers of Horus.640 637

Anointing also had an apotropaic function, protecting the individual from the dangers of exposure to the divine (Thompson 1998: 237-240). Schott 1934: 64. Finnestad 1978: 122-123 also sees the act of sharing a meal in which the family members eat together with the dead as an act of communication. 639 Assmann proposes this relationship between food and community resulted from the culture of redistribution, in which everyone was dependant on their supply of food from their superior (Assmann 1989a: 144-146). See also Hartwig 2004: 8-12 and Taylor 2001: 41- 44. 640 Faulkner et al 1994: Plate 4. There is a similar scene in TT 1, the tomb of Sennedjem (Shedid and Shedid 1994: Plate 78). The deceased, with a cone on his head, is seated before Osiris with offerings between them. The text above Sennedjem asks that he may sit with Osiris and be given bread and beer, which has been before the god. 638

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE

Figure 18. Unidentified substances placed on the head in TT 82. Author’s sketch of Davies 1915: Plates XV-XVI.

Reunion with their deceased father was also of benefit to the guests because when they died they too would join the community of the gods and ancestors and they may have seen the festival banquet as an initiation to this outcome.646 Bleeker has proposed that taking part in the festival celebrations initiated the living into the mysteries of the afterlife and facilitated their entry into the world of the divine, ancestral spirits.647

Reunion of the family with the tomb owner would ensure his support in the afterlife whilst they were alive, a support that would continue when they died.651 Therefore, to be included in a banquet scene with a symbol that demonstrated the reunion of their bA with that of their ancestor ensured a permanent re-enaction of that divine experience. It is possible that the cone on the head was created in response to the desire to show the bA of the living family members receiving the divine offerings of their father and in full communion with him.

They (i.e., the nether-worldly souls) are offered to upon earth in their names. It is useful for a man upon earth— truly attested a million times.648

Placing the cone on the head of a guest Banquet scenes sometimes show the placing of a cone on the head of a guest and some Egyptologists consider that this is a representation of perfumed unguent or oil placed on the head.652 A cone is put on the head of a guest in the scene in TT 22 (a), TT 22 (b), TT 82 (b), TT 92, TT 100, TT 112 (b), TT 181, and Paheri (b). Yet it is not certain that the lump place on the head is unguent. In TT 82 (b) a ‘cone’ is placed on the head of two guests (Figure 18). The cone of the female guest comes from a bAs vessel that may have held the oil of antyw (lower left). For the male guest the cone placed on his head comes from a footed bowl, which could have held any substance, including drink (upper right).653 It is possible that the act of placing the cone on the head represents the presence of the bA and

Some tomb scenes show the owners during their lifetime offering to their ancestors, indicating the importance of this veneration to their own subsequent afterlife: A Htp di nswt for the fathers, in the cemetery, the ‘friends’ and splendid spirits, the heads of all people, make offerings that have come forth from [Amun].649 Making offerings which the king gives to his fathers; the revered ones who are in the necropolis. Feasting them with the divine offerings that have come forth in the presence every day.650

651 Contact with the deceased ancestor provided protection for the living family as shown by an inscription in TT 83: ‘transforming into a living bA. May he see again the house of the living so as to be a protection to his children daily forever and ever.’ (translated by Assmann 2005: 216). In TT 49, the deceased Neferhotep is reunited with his parents in his tomb. They are at the entrance to the inner pillared hall as he enters, a scene in which they each have a cone (Davies 1925: Plate XXXIX). 652 See the opinions expressed in Chapter 2. The conclusion that the cone is unguent placed on the head is based on the argument that because the head was anointed with antyw at the banquet and a cone is placed on the head, the cone represents antyw. This is a fallacious argument. 653 For a footed bowl holding drink, see TT 181. Any vessel can be used to hold a variety of different substances (Paice 1989: 67).

646

The major festivals also enabled the living to enter into a relationship with the divine during life, establishing a relationship they could call on after death (Assmann 2005: 200-208). Reciting spells for the dead benefited the living, at the end of the Book of the Dead - Chapter 17, P4 it is stated: ‘It goes well with one who recites them on earth.’ 647 Bleeker 1965: 49-58. See also Wente 1982: 161-179 on initiation through knowledge and practice of cult rituals. 648 Wente 1982: 162. 649 Schott 1953: 123, Inscription 120 from the tomb of Nebamun, TT 179. PM 12/1 (4). 650 TT 82 the tomb of Amenemhat (Davies and Gardiner 1915: 35, Plate VII).

75

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT its possession of the divine offerings. Support for this suggestion comes from the banquet scene Paheri (b) (Figure 19).

the person with a cone on their head had taken possession of the divine offerings.657

The cone and the gender of the guest Past scholarship on the symbolism of the cone has focussed on the cone on the female at the banquet, giving the impression that women at the banquet were shown with a cone significantly more than men. The following analysis of the cone on male and female guests shows that there appears to be some partiality towards the cone on the female guest, but that overall, there is no statistically significant difference between the genders. The first analysis of the cone on the guests by gender involves thirteen banquet scenes in which a cone is placed on the head of a guest. The cone is placed on the head of a male guest in eight scenes (61.5%) and on a female guest in five scenes (38.5%).658 Therefore, in these banquet scenes there was a distinct bias towards ‘giving’ the male guest a cone. In TT 22 and TT 82, a cone was placed on both genders showing no bias to either. Most banquets show the cone already in place and in forty-six banquet scenes, the heads of men and women guests were visible and so the preference for a cone on one gender or the other could be assessed.659 Table 23 shows that in scenes in which both genders are present there are nine in which only the women have a cone and two in which only men have a cone. However, it should be noted that these findings only come from eleven scenes. A far larger number, 52.2% (24/46) had a cone on both the men and women guests and 23.9% (11/46) had a cone on neither. Therefore, 76.1% (35/46) of banquet scenes do not differentiate between male or female guests when depicting a cone on the head. This suggests that the cone on the male and female guest held the same meaning.

Figure 19. A guest in the tomb of Paheri is offered xt nbt nfrt.654

As well as showing a bowl held up to the head of a guest who has a cone, an identical bowl is offered to another guest who has a cone, with the words: ‘Receive every good thing (xt nbt nfrt) and make a hrw nfr.’ The phrase ‘receive every good thing’ comes from the Htp di nswt formula, describing ‘every good thing’ on which the god lives, implying that the bowl held divine offerings.655 If the cone is a symbol of divine offerings, placing it on the head formed an image that could be ‘read’ like the written word. It forms a visually-derived nisbe from the preposition Xr meaning ‘under’. The term ‘under’ was used idiomatically to express ownership, for example the title Xry-Hb meant ‘one who is under the festival scroll’ or the person who ‘possesses the festival scroll’, an idiom that is translated as ‘lector priest’.656 In the same way, placing the cone on the head positioned the recipient under the offerings. It can be speculated that this visual metaphor was used to express the concept that the bA of

The cone and the son presenting the offerings One participant at the banquet very rarely has a cone, even when all others are shown with one. This is the man who presents offerings to his parents, frequently identified as a son. Of the twenty-one banquet scenes that show the son presenting to the tomb owner, only one show him with a cone (4.8%).660 Even in the ten scenes in which the male guests have a cone and the son is also

657

I am grateful to Professor Thomas Schneider for this suggestion. The scenes in which a cone is placed on the head of a man are: TT 1 (Farid and Farid 2001: 52-53), TT 22 (a), TT 82 (b), TT 92, TT 100, TT 219 (Maystre 1936: Plate V), Horemheb (Martin 1989b: Plates 31 and 33) and Paheri (a). The scene from the Saqqara tomb of Horemheb mentioned here is not included in other analyses of the banquet because it is incomplete. The scenes in TT 1 and TT 219 are not included in other banquet analyses in this chapter because they date to the Nineteenth Dynasty. The five scenes in which a cone is placed on a woman are TT 22 (b), TT 82 (b), TT 85 (b), TT 112 (b), and TT 181. 659 All banquet scenes that have male and female guests have been analysed and therefore include Beautiful Festival of the Valley and mortuary banquets. This assumes that the cone had the same meaning in every banquet in which it was depicted and allows for the difficulty of identifying early banquet scenes with no overt festival iconography. 660 This exception was in TT 8 the tomb of Kha (AII/AIII). 658

654

Author’s sketch from Tylor et al 1895: Plate XI. Tylor et al 1895: Plate XI, top register. Sometimes a bowl is offered that contains a cone-shaped heap to denote the contents and this is been taken as evidence that the bowl contains unguent. This identification is based on false logic, which assumes that the cone on the head is unguent and therefore the same shape in the bowl has to be unguent. Footed bowls in some offerings scenes hold alcoholic drink (as for example in TT 181). 656 Allen 1999: 90. 8.8. 655

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE destroyed and your gateway torn down … I am here in this land to assume your throne, to hold together your despondent ones, to raise your orphans, to secure your gate, to keep your name alive on earth in the mouth of the living.664

Ah/Hat/TIII

TIII/AII

TIV/AIII/AIV

Post-Amarna

Total 18th D.

present, the cone is not shown on the son (DB 7).660 This marked lack of a cone calls into question why, if the cone was a symbol appropriate for everyone else at the banquet, it was not considered to be so for the son of the family

No. with both genders

12

14

18

2

46

Cone on women only

0

6

2

1

9

Cone on men only

0

1

1

0

2

Cone on both genders

6

6

11

1

24

No cone on either gender

6

1

4

0

11

Banquets with both genders present

The son reminds his deceased father that he needs to remain on earth to establish his father’s mortuary cult and serve his image on earth. This text is of particular relevance for the son at the banquet because he describes himself as the bA of the father. It is proposed in this chapter that the bA is the aspect of the living that makes contact with the deceased father at the banquet.665 O my father, who are in the West, be an Ax-spirit and be divine in the West, in that sacred land in which you are; you have your bA-soul and your Ax-spirits (or Ax-power) are with you. Wish then for yourself that your bA-soul, who I am, be upon earth.666

The various interpretations of this scene are discussed by de Jong, who proposes that the living son is communicating with the dead father through the medium of the bA and reminding his father that the son’s bA cannot be in direct contact with the bA of the dead. Such contact could be dangerous and for the bA of the son to enter into the sphere of the deceased father could result in death for the son.667 If the son needed to remain in the living world to support his father in the afterlife, then unlike the others at the banquet, his bA should not be in contact with the father and therefore the son would not be shown with a cone. This exclusion seems to apply to other men who serve at the banquet. Of the thirty-two banquet scenes with male servants, only one scene shows a man with a cone attending a vomiting male guest.668

Table 23. The frequency of the cone on the male and female guests.661

In cult offering scenes, when the son presents divine mortuary cult offerings to his father he takes on the mythic role of Horus, who restored his father Osiris to life.662 At the Eighteenth Dynasty banquet, the son is shown presenting the cult offerings and fulfilling this role. In tombs dating from the reign of Tuthmosis III, he might also present a bouquet, which transfers life-giving force.663 It was imperative that the son existed on earth so that he could successfully act for his father by maintaining the mortuary cult. For the son to be in direct contact with his dead father would be a transition of great danger for both of them, destroying the symbolic relationship in which the deceased father and the living son existed in separate spheres. This potential conflict is suggested in Coffin Text Spell 38, when the son explains to his father that he cannot meet him in the West:

Summary The Beautiful Festival of the Valley was a New Kingdom celebration with profound religious significance. The festival procession and the temples visited by the barque of Amun-Re circumscribed a sacred space in which the living could enter into direct communication with the dead and the divine. The Valley Festival banquet was a highly significant religious experience for the deceased tomb owner and his living family and the cone symbol was created for the banquet scene, to express an important religious concept associated with the event.

O my father who are? in the West! … Have you said that I am to be carried off to this illustrious land, in which you are, so that your house (on earth) will be

664

This text is also discussed as evidence of a bA in the living son (see Footnote 328). The translation of the text cited here is from Assmann 2005: 46-47, who considers that the son must remain in the land of the living to perpetuate the cult for his father. 665 This is also stated in Coffin Text 35, f-g: ‘I am your living bA on earth, who brings you mortuary offerings on earth.’ 666 Bruinsma 1971: 14, holds that the son is living and the father deceased. 667 As suggested by de Jong 1994: 141-157. Donnat 2004: 191-205 proposes that the relationship of conflict between the living and the dead is inherent because every deceased father was once a living son and every living son becomes a father who in turn will die. This spell is also discussed in Faulkner 1956: 36-44 who sees it as a discussion between the father and the son who are both deceased. 668 This is in TT 53 (Schott 1953: Plate XI).

660

In those banquet scenes in which the son and the male guests were present, the following tombs show the male guests with a cone and the son without: TT 52, TT 56, TT 69, TT 79, TT 80, TT 82 (b), TT 92, TT 100, TT 367, and Paheri (b). 661 Data from DB 5 (n= 46). 662 Kaper 2001: 481 and Hartwig 2004: 95 and 97. 663 The son (or priest) presents food offerings in TT 18 (b), TT 82 (a) and (b), TT 112 (a) and (b), TT 343, and Paheri (b). He presents food offerings and a bouquet in TT 69, TT 79, TT 89, TT 367, and he presents a bouquet only in TT 52, TT 56, TT 80, TT 85 (a), TT 248, and TT 295. In TT 8, he offers a papyrus stem and collar. For the significance of the bouquet, see Footnote 615.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT developments in the New Kingdom that emphasised the importance of the bA in the afterlife. No longer confined to the tomb, the bA of the deceased could return and be on earth with the living. This was a development in the concept of the afterlife that the dead wished to attain and the beginning of the sacralisation of the earth where the dead could experience an earthly existence again.670 The popularity of the scene of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet in Eighteenth Dynasty tombs reflects the importance of this event for all strands of the New Kingdom elite society and those tomb owners who have a cone in this scene came from civic and temple administration, the military, and other elite functions.

The Beautiful Festival of the Valley was originally a celebration of the goddess Hathor and her presence at the banquet is evident and discussed in more detail in the excursus that follows. Two other major theological developments of the Eighteenth Dynasty, ancestor veneration and the solar cult of Amun-Re, were central to the festival and the banquet held at the tomb. The banquet scene shows the reunion of the deceased ancestor with his family. His bA returned to the tomb summoned by the presentation of divine offerings to his statue. The festival was also a celebration of the cult of Amun-Re and during the festival the bA of the tomb owner was able to leave the tomb to join the sun god in the procession of the solar barque. The cone on the head of the tomb owner appears at the time that the banquet scene expresses the participation of his bA in the festivities and it is proposed that it symbolises the presence of his bA summoned to the feast to receive divine offerings.

The strong association between the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet and the cone on the participants suggests that it can be used to distinguish mortuary and Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets that do not have any other indentifying features. Because some participants have a cone in TT 81, TT 93 (b), TT 139, and TT 340, the scene could portray a Valley Festival banquet. Conversely, perhaps TT 77 (b) should not be interpreted as a Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet because there are no cones on any participant.671

The living family shared their father’s divine offerings and for them to be in direct contact with a divine being and receive divine offerings required that they were in a transformed bA-state. It is suggested that the cone on the guests was a symbol of their bA in receipt of the divine offerings of their ancestor. The son presents offerings to his deceased father and unlike the other participants at the banquet he does not have a cone. It is suggested that this is because he is not in a bA-state. He needed to remain grounded on earth and his bA could not enter the bAsphere of his father.

This chapter set out to discover whether the cone on the tomb owner at the banquet held the same symbolism suggested for it in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony. The evidence suggests that this is so and that all three scenes can be interpreted as involving the bA receiving divine offerings. The wish to symbolise this sacred phenomenon with a cone on the head, originated in the banquet scene. The use of the cone subsequently spread to other tomb scenes that also portray the bA of the tomb owner on earth receiving divine offerings and these are discussed in Chapter 6.

The guests and the deceased were anointed with oil of antyw at the banquet and although the cone has been interpreted as a symbol of this anointing, the evidence points more convincingly to the cone as a symbol of the bA summoned by divine offerings. The cone only appears on the tomb owner when he is presented as an active participant, present at the feast. Yet the deceased was anointed in earlier Eighteenth Dynasty banquets in which he does not have a cone.669 This suggests that it is the presence of his bA, summoned to receive divine offerings, that the cone symbolises and not the application of unguent. Another reason to reject the notion of the unguent cone is that the cone is very frequent on the owner when it appears on him in scenes such as the Opening the Mouth and the Gold of Honour ceremony. These scenes have no association with antyw, but they can be interpreted as involving the manifestation of the bA. It is more relevant to interpret the use of antyw at the banquet as one of the necessary rituals that would allow the living and the dead through the mediation of their bA, which was the fundamental purpose of the banquet.

Excursus. The cone on other participants at the banquet There are some women at the Festival of the Valley banquet that, unlike the female guests, are not offered the divine offerings. Instead, their role is to serve those at the feast. A woman, often identified as the daughter of the tomb owner (hereafter ‘daughter’) presents offerings to her father.672 She frequently offers him drink and urges him to become inebriated and enjoy the hrw nfr. Female musicians and dancers are also prominent at the feast and often dominate the centre of the scene.673 These women can have a cone, considered by some scholars to be associated with the application of perfumed oil and symbolic of the potential rebirth of the deceased tomb owner.674 Because the cone also appears on the dancers who may be scantily glad, this sexual interpretation is

The study of the cone in the banquet scene suggests that the symbol originated in response to the religious

670

See Footnote 569. However, this observation can only be made in light of the analyses and the presence of the cone was not used to identify banquets as Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquets. 671 See Footnote 465. 672 This is not always the case and in TT 78 (a) the wife presents to her husband and his mother. 673 Assmann 1989b: 5. 674 See Chapter 2.

669

For example in TT 100. The song of the harper that instructs the tomb owner to put antyw on the head is believed to have originated in the Middle Kingdom (Lichtheim 1945: 191-192). See too the tomb scene from the Middle Kingdom tomb of Ni-ankh-Pepi. Oil is poured from a small vessel onto his head as he is seated and receiving offerings (Blackman 1953: 10, Plate XI).

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE these sacred objects and brought those in contact with them into her presence.679 In TT 100, the daughters of Rekhmire present the emblems at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet with words that invoke her presence:

further encouraged. There is without doubt an erotic element to the banquet scene and it is tempting to accept that the cone represents the perfume that women might wear in such a situation.675 However, it has already been noted that the ‘perfumed oil’ is antyw, a sacred oil used in cult and mortuary rituals which have no erotic or sexual context.676

May the daughter of Re favour and cherish thee! May she place her daily protection behind thee, while she embraces thy person! Touch thou her majesty while she, on her part, puts her arms around thy shoulders; that thou mayest enjoy a long and fortunate existence on earth and that life, happiness, and health may enfold thee.680

This excursus examines the function of the daughter and female musicians at the banquet and considers how the cone on their head might be associated with its proposed symbolism for the deceased tomb owner and living guests. However, the observations are presented cautiously and the conclusions are tentative because they relate only to the banquet scene. Before any confident interpretation can be made concerning the cone on the daughter and female musicians at the banquet, every tomb scene in which women frequently have a cone, such as when the couple are before a deity, should be examined in detail and this is outside the scope of this study.

The appearance of Hathor at the banquet is described in a song in TT 130: The beauty of your face shines, you appear, you come in peace. One gets drunk by looking at you. You who are as beautiful as gold, O Hathor.681

The phrase ‘with face bared’ implies face to face contact with the goddess who is present at the banquet and this may have been achieved through the medium of the daughter. In the banquet scenes in TT 22 (a) and TT 253 (b) she adopts an iconic pose of Hathor, standing behind her parents as the goddess is portrayed, standing behind the king or a deity.682 It was believed that the performance of a cult ritual brought about the transformation of the living participant into a divine being who can assume the role of a god.683 It has also been proposed that women who impersonated the goddess were able to confer the favours of Hathor because some portion of the divinity of the goddess was being ‘transmitted and infused into them’.684

The ‘daughter’ presenting offerings Of the sixty-six banquet scenes recorded for this study, twenty banquets showed a woman presenting offerings and of these 60% (12/20) had a cone.677 For the whole of the New Kingdom period this does not seem a particularly high frequency, but the depiction of a daughter presenting the offerings is much more frequent in the time of Tuthmosis IV to the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty (Time periods 6-9, excluding Amarna). Twelve of the banquet scenes dated to this period show the daughter offering and of these she has a cone in nine, 75% (9/12), which is a more significant frequency. In Part 2 of Chapter 5, the importance of Hathor to the Beautiful Festival of the Valley celebration and the texts that imply she was present at the feast were discussed. At the banquet the daughter often presents the mnit necklace and the sSSt rattle to her father. They are associated with Hathor and might indicate that the daughter is acting on behalf of the goddess, representing her at the feast.678 Blackman considered that the goddess was immanent in

Hathor was the daughter of Re and it would be appropriate for the daughter of the tomb owner to take on the persona and mythic role of the goddess, bringing her presence to the banquet. Another reason to suggest the daughter is a personification of Hathor is that of the twenty examples that show a woman presenting to the deceased, thirteen are offering intoxicating drink (Figure 20).685 In the banquet scene in TT 78 (b), the goddess Mut

675

The feminine principle was necessary for the rebirth of the deceased tomb owner and the banquet scene is thought to allude to this concept. In the scene, the puns involving words that have sexual meaning, the nudity of the dancers and servants, and the presence of Hathor at the feast, all suggest that the banquet scene held the potential for the rebirth for the tomb owner (Robins 1990a 61-72, Cherpion 1994: 79-106, Robins 1996: 27-40, Manniche 1997: 29-36, Manniche 1999: 94-97, and Manniche 2003: 42-46. 676 Ani has the odour of antyw when he is presented to Osiris (Book of the Dead - Chapter 125c, T2 and 125Ab, S1). During embalming the head was anointed with antyw (Troy 1993: 73. 7,3-7,5 and Goyon 1972: 66. VIII). 677 The head of the daughter in TT 8 is damaged, but it has been assumed for the analysis that she had a cone because all the female musicians in the scene have a cone and in every other banquet in which both were present, if the musicians had a cone then so did the daughter. If this assumption is incorrect, then the cone appears on 55% of the daughters. 678 The mnit and/or sSSt are offered in TT 69, TT 80, and TT 100. For observations on the significance of these items see DesrochesNoblecourt 1995: 100-112, Bell 1997a: 183-184, and Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002: 27-35.

679

Blackman 1914: 25. Text from TT 100 (Davies 1943a: 60 and Davies 1943b: Plate LXIII). 681 Manniche 1991: 50, text from the Eighteenth Dynasty tomb of May (TT 130). 682 In TT 89, Hathor stands behind Amenhotep III (Hartwig 2004: Figure 28). This position of Hathor can also be seen in on the stela of Paser, Boston Museum of Fine Arts 09.287, in which the goddess stands behind Rameses II (Dunham 1937: Plate XVII). An unidentified goddess stand behind the king in TT 78 (Hartwig 2004: Figure 24). Hathor stands behind Osiris, in the Book of the Dead of Hunefer, BM EA 9901/3 and Nakht, BM EA 10471/21 (Taylor 2011: 305). 683 Assmann 2001: 49-52 proposes that in the performance of cult ritual, the living participant was transformed into a divine being who can assume the role of the gods. With the recitation of the appropriate spells, the officiating priest assumed the role of deities such as Horus, Thoth and Anubis. 684 Blackman 1914: 23-25. 685 On the significance of the offering of drink see Schott 1953: 82-84. The daughter offers drink in TT 15, TT 21 (a), TT 38, TT 53, TT 56, TT 78 (a) and (b), TT 90, TT 161, TT 175, TT 181, TT 249, and TT 367. 680

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT woman in labour is identified as Hathor: ‘Hathor lady of Dendera is the one who is giving birth!’692

is said to be at the feast providing the drink and in this context Mut can be understood as a manifestation of Hathor.686 The daughter in this tomb scene assumes the role of the goddess and holds a golden bowl of drink to her parents while the musicians chant:

Tomb scenes can have several levels of symbolic meaning and it is possible that the woman presenting offerings at the feast represented more than just one aspect of the goddess. Whilst Hathor is often referred to as the goddess of fertility and rebirth, after death the tomb owner encounters her in her overarching role as the great mother. She is embodied in the coffin as Nut, in the necropolis as Hathor, in the West as the Western goddess, and in the garden as the Tree Goddess.693 In all these forms she welcomes and embraces him promising eternal nourishment.694 She is often shown as a cow emerging from the mountain, a form that symbolises her nourishing role.695

For thy kA! Make a hrw nfr in thy beautiful house of eternity, thy dwelling of everlastingness, decked with garlands, anointed with fine oil, taking part in a hrw nfr. Thy heart is glad, thy heart is in joy. Thou seest Amun; he accords thee to be among mankind, blessed in the land of the living. Mut has come […] in order to give ‘what is asked of her’ and to carry the sistrum and mix the drink in the cup of gold.687

Thou art satisfied by my offerings; thou livest by my bread; thou drinkest my beer. I allow thee to imbibe my milk.696

Coffin Text I, 108b-110b is a description of Hathor meeting the deceased in the next life, bringing with her divine food: She has come to meet him, with her attire of sndwgarment and her necklaces of carnelian. Her offerings are spread on her hands, her provisions follow after her, and she says to him: come, be welcome.

Figure 20. The cone on the daughter presenting snw offerings in TT 161.688

Having welcomed him, she reveals to him the provisions that she will ensure he receives:

Women assuming the identity of a goddess are portrayed in other mortuary rituals. In funerary scenes, two women take on the role of Isis and Nepthys and mourn the deceased at his funeral.689 In TT 93, the mother of Kenamun is shown with the infant king Amenhotep II on her knee in a similar pose to that of Isis with Seti I at Abydos.690 In the fishing and fowling scene in which the female partner of the tomb owner stands dressed in fine clothes, the texts refer to the goddess of the marsh.691 The

I shall show you the god of magic decked out in his insignia, and how he brings offerings to the provisioned one. That is what you are entitled to, you rejuvenated god! I shall show you Nut, and how she equips the offering tables for you, acting as the one in charge of the offerings. That is what you are entitled to, you rejuvenated god!697

In other texts, when the deceased is asked where he will eat the gods’ offerings, he replies that it will be in the precincts of Hathor:

One of the titles of the goddess was Mistress of Inebriation: ‘Stretch out the hand to take the necklace (mnit) of Hathor, O Gold, Mistress of Inebriety.’ (Schott 1953: Inscription 83, Text from TT 39 in the tomb of Puyemre). Inebriation was also associated with Hathor because, as the destructive goddess Sekhmet, she was pacified by red beer drink in the myth of the ‘Destruction of Mankind’ (Hart 1988: 188-189). 686 See reference to Mut in the valley temple of Tuthmosis III in Footnote 481. Like Hathor, Mut was one of the mothers of the king and associated with Sekhmet (Hart 1988: 128-129 and Leitz et al 2002a: 251-252). See also Bouriant 1891: Plate II (PM I2: 6). 687 Lichtheim 1945: 184 and Brack and Brack 1980: 29-30, Plate 37. 688 Author’s sketch from Manniche 1986: Figure 10. 689 Bleeker 1967: 130, Robins 1993: 163-164, Onstine 2005: 12, and Troy 2006: 159. Scenes of the funeral of the tomb owner show that women appear prominently in the mourning scenes, but they do not have a cone when performing this particular function which has no association with divine offerings. 690 Davies 1930a: Plate IX and Davies 1930b: Plate LXX for the mother in TT 93, compared with Isis holding Seti I at Abydos in Frankfort 1961: Frontispiece. The mother in TT 93 has a cone that supports the suggestion made here, that on women serving, the cone might symbolise their role as an intermediary for the nurturing goddess. 691 In TT 78 the text says that they are ‘working’ (irit) as Sekhet (Urk. IV, 1594). See also a similar text from TT 93 (Urk. IV, 1397).

‘Where art thou permitted to eat?’ say they, the gods and the blessed, to me. ‘I eat under this sycamore of Hathor. I desire it together with the minstrels of Hathor.’698 ‘What will you live on?’ say those who are yonder.

692

Borghouts 1978: 28, Spell 28. The funeral procession entered the precincts of Hathor and a celebration in her honour was held before the deceased (Anderson 1995: 2566). Later Eighteenth Dynasty and Ramesside tombs show the goddess greeting the deceased into the West after the Opening of the Mouth in front of the tomb, for example in TT 41 (Assmann 1991: Plate 40). 694 Assmann 2005: 170-171. In these roles, as providers of offerings, the goddesses are indistinguishable (Assmann 2005: 153). 695 Bleeker 1973: 34. 696 The speech of Nut in the tomb of Kenamun (Davies 1930a: 46). 697 Translation of Coffin Text Spell 38 in Assmann 2005: 155. 698 Book of the Dead - Chapter 189 S2 of the Book of the Dead based on the Eighteenth Dynasty papyrus BM EA 10477. 693

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CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE the females of the family for the tomb owner.705 The women of the family were responsible for the welfare of the head of the household and it is possible that this multi-faceted role continued in the next life and is reflected in the tomb scenes. The daughter presenting drink and other items to her father is fulfilling this function through assuming the role of Hathor.

‘On a sASrt-cake of red emmer, on a loaf(?) of twisted(?) barley’. ‘Where is it granted you to eat?’ say those who are yonder. ‘Under the branches of the sycamores; I desire it, together with the minstrels of Hathor.’699 I thrive as I eat it beneath (the foliage) and the branches of the imA-tree of Hathor my mistress, who has provided offerings, who has provided bread and beer (in Busiris) and bounty in Heliopolis.700

Divine beings acted through their bA and the Coffin Texts demonstrate that the bA power of a deity could be invested in another being.706 As discussed earlier in Chapter 5 with reference to the guests at the banquet, only the bA of a living person would be able to be in direct contact with a divine being and to become the medium through which the powers of Hathor were transferred would involve the bA of the daughter. If the cone on the other people at the banquet is a symbol of their bA in receipt of divine offerings, then it is possible that the cone on the daughter when she presents divine offerings symbolises that through her bA the divine offerings of Hathor could be bestowed. These observations do not contradict the view that women at the banquet provided the potential of rebirth, instead they add another dimension and suggest that the cone in this context symbolises the role of female in making the provisions ‘on which the gods live’ available to the deceased and others at the feast.

The presence of the goddess at the banquet could involve her role as the deity who provides the deceased with divine provisions in the afterlife. Mention of the gift of the divine offerings from Hathor is found in tomb scenes of the Middle Kingdom. In the Eleventh Dynasty tomb of Intef II, the tomb owner asks Hathor to provide him with food as one who: ‘chews on your offerings with you, who eats from your provisions with you. May you allot me to it every day’.701 In the Middle Kingdom tomb of UkhHotep, in the Hathoric ceremony, the priests step forward to present loaves of Hathor to Ukh-Hotep: For your kA, the snw-bread of Hathor; may she be favourably inclined towards you.702

The festival text from TT 53, the tomb of Amenemhat mentions the goddess at the banquet and the offerings he will receive:

The cone can also appear on other women serving the guests, but most scenes do not indentify her or her relationship to the tomb owner. In TT 11 and TT 254, they are identified as his daughters and it is possible that other women who serve and who have a cone are also daughters.707 However, depicting a cone on the woman serving guests is not particularly common. The cone only appears on 26.5% (9/34) of all the scenes that show a female serving the guests for the whole of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Apart from two tombs, the time period during which the female serving has a cone is the same period in which it became common to place a cone on all banquet participants whatever their function.708 This suggests that although the cone on the daughter presenting offerings

The marvellous goddess is reposing with face bared to him who comes. Enjoy oil and myrrh (antyw), put garlands round your neck. Your tables abound in beautiful sweet fruit, in items of varied tastes, of festive smells.703

In TT 161, the scene shows the daughter offering drink to Nebamun, but the inscription reveals she is also offering divine food, in this case from Amun-Re: To your kA! Spend a happy day, you praised by Amun. May he cause you to come and go to his temple to behold the beauty of his face, and to receive cakes (snw) from what his kA gives on the occasion of every feast in heaven and on earth.704

705

Dolinska 1994: 35. In the New Kingdom, royal wives symbolically served the king as Hathor (see also Quirke 2001: 30). The ‘Hand of God’ was the title of Hathor as the wife of the Heliopolitan sun god. From the reign of Hatshepsut the wife of the king was given this title (Blackman 1921: 12). For the role of women in the ancient Egyptian family see Robins 1993: 99-110 and Capel and Markoe 1996: 49-120. 706 Žabkar 1968: 10-15, Lorton 1999: 134, and Janak 2011: 143-146. Any phenomenon in which the presence of the action of a god could be detected could be viewed as the bA of the deity (Allen 2001: 161). See Coffin Text IV, 73f-73b (Žabkar 1968: 98). 707 This relationship was suggested by Bruyère 1926: 69-72. Hartwig 2004: 99, Footnote 404 observes that the girls in TT 38 who serve, are not standing on the mat on which the guests are seated and that this denotes a lower status. However, the daughter serving her parents does not stand on the same mat either, suggesting the role of the servant is not necessarily subordinate to the daughter. Some of the women are dressed like the female guests, with long dresses, wigs, and collars (TT 17, TT 79, TT 100 (only some of the servants), TT 161, TT 175, TT 181 (second register of guests), and TT 253 (a). 708 A cone appears on the female servant in TT 17 and TT 79 (both TIII/AII), and the following tombs dating from TIV/AIII or later: TT 38, TT 75, TT 175, TT 249, TT 253 (a), TT 254, and the Nebamun wall fragment BM EA 37986.

In the reliefs of the mortuary temple of Tuthmosis III, Hathor appears frequently and Dolinska suggests the goddess fulfils the role of the nbt pr, the Lady of the House for the deceased king. This suggestion links the relationship of the goddess with the king, to the role of

699

Coffin Text III, 124a-h. Book of the Dead - Chapter 82c based on the Eighteenth Dynasty Papyrus of Nu. BM EA 10477. 701 Lesko 1999: 100. 702 Blackman 1915a: Plate XV. Scene from tomb B2 the tomb of UkhHotep. A similar scene appears in the tomb of Senbi, tomb B1 in Blackman 1914: Plate II. For the significance of snw offerings see the notes accompanied by Footnote 730. 703 Schott 1953: Inscription 141. 704 Manniche 1986: 61, Figure 10. The daughter holds a shallow bowl usually associated with the offering of alcoholic drink (see Figure 20). 700

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT was seen as symbolically important, relatively few tomb owners wanted to extend this symbolism to the women serving the guests if they were not women of his family.

high status.713 They had the title Smayt (shemayt) translated as ‘chantress’ and ‘musician’ and Hsyt (hsyt) translated as ‘singer’.714 The Smaywt sang in accompaniment to musical instruments in temple service and for funerals. They also made music with the mnit necklace and sSSt rattle. They followed the procession of the barque of Amun at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. Their songs invoked the presence of divine beings and they acted as mediators in the contact between the living and the divine.715

The cone on the musicians

Clapper

Dancer

100 NSR

Total 18th D.

Post-Amarna

TIV/AIII/IV 78.6

2

42

Musician

33.3

11

2

Harper

36.4

5

14

Clapper

% with a cone

4

15

Ah/Hat/ TIII

1/5

0/3

0/1

1/3

1/7

2/4

1/1

TIII/AII

0/10

1/4

0/1

2/5

4/10

3/9

1/2

3/4

1/3

0/2

8/9

9/11

6/7

3/6

-

-

-

1/1

2/2

-

2/2

Total 18th D.

4/ 19

2/10

0/4

12/18

16/30

11/20

7/11

% cone

21.1

20

0

66.7

53.3

55

63.6

TIV/AIII/ AIV PostAmarna

22

Female Musicians with cone

Musician

No. with cone on a musician

11

Male Musicians with cone

Harper

No. with a musician

TIII/AII

Banquet Scenes

Ah/ Hat/TIII

Male and female musicians at the banquet are common; out of sixty-six banquet scenes, forty-two scenes depict one or more musicians.709 They are sometimes shown with a cone and Table 24 shows the number and percentage of banquets in which at least one musician had a cone, either male or female. The increase in those with a cone follows the increase of the frequency of the cone on all other participants at the feast, with the most significant incidence in the period of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III.

52.4

Table 24. The percentage of banquet scenes with a cone on one or more musicians.710

Table 25. The cone on male and female musicians at the banquet.716

Table 25 shows how the frequency of the cone varies between the type and gender of the musician and it can be seen that the cone is far more frequent on female musicians.711 During the Eighteenth Dynasty, 58.2% female musicians have a cone and the most frequent depiction being the cone on the female harpist (66.7%), as in Figure 21. In the time from Tuthmosis IV up to the Amarna period, the female harpist had a cone in 88.9% of the scenes. The result for the post-Amarna period is not statistically valid because the sample size is too small but it follows the same trend. Of the male musicians, the seated blind male harper has a cone in four banquets (21.1%) and the male musicians in two (20%).712 Male clappers do not have a cone.

In TT 38 the female clappers praise Amun and express their desire to see the god.717 In TT 39 the female harpist sings that Puyemre will enter into the presence of Amun-Re and receive his favours.718 Musicians were originally 713

See the banquet scene in TT 80, PM 12/1 (6). The daughter is identified as a ‘Smayt of Amun’ and a ‘Hsyt of Hathor’ and she holds a mnit necklace. 714 The following recorded tombs identified a daughter as having a title of Smayt of Amun or Hsyt of Hathor: TT 69, TT 75, TT 80, TT 96, TT 100, and TT 254 (Onstine 2005: 177-200). 715 Lesko 1999: 111 comments that musicians in the cult of Hathor were considered to be impersonators of the goddess. Onstine 2005: 18-50 discusses the role of the Smayt. See also on the role of female musicians, Ziegler 1982: 256, Robins 1993: 145-149, Teeter 1993: 68-91, and Manniche 1997: 34-35. For the participation of the Hsyt and Smayt in the festival and their role in funerary ritual see Onstine 2005: 14-16 and 3234. The number of titles attested for these musicians become evident in the time of Hatshepsut, but was small (four). Eighteen occur in the time of Tuthmosis III and eight for the time of Amenhotep II. There is an increase in the number of attestations at the time when the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and the cone became more common and in the time of Tuthmosis IV, ten are recorded and thirteen in the time of Amenhotep III. There was a marked increase the number attested in the post-Amarna period, but the title was most common in the Ramesside period (Onstine 2005: 71-80). 716 Data from DB 7 (n= 112 musicians in 42 tomb scenes). 717 Hartwig 2004: 102. 718 Davies 1923a: Plate LXI. There is a similar text from TT 39 in Schott 1953: Inscription 78.

Female musicians were often the daughters of elite families and their role as providers of sacred music had 709

Hay MSS. 29822,88 in Manniche 1991: 101, Figure 60. The cone on the seated male harper is no longer visible in the tomb. 710 Data from DB 7 (n= 42 scenes). 711 There were usually several types of musician in one banquet and so the total of examples is greater than the number of scenes. 712 TT 52, TT 81, TT 108, and TT 161 have a cone on the seated male harper and of these, three examples belong to the period TIV/AIV. Only TT 17 and TT 161 have a cone on another male musician.

82

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE together with her musicians: ‘Where is it granted to you to eat?’ say those who are yonder. “Under the branches of the sycamores; I desire it together with the minstrels of Hathor”.’ The presence of the goddess at religious celebrations where inebriation and dancing feature is attested by a song from the temple at Medamud that calls to her to come to the place of drunkenness and to dance where: ‘ladies rejoice in your honour with garlands.725 These texts imply that through music and dancing, the female musicians embodied the goddess, bringing her and her provisions to the banquet. Their direct contact with Hathor would be achieved by their bA and a cone symbolising its role in bringing the endowments of Hathor to the banquet would be appropriate.726

portrayed at the tomb to summon Hathor to the burial rites and it is possible they also invoked her presence at the Valley Festival feast.719 In the Middle Kingdom of Theban tomb of Antefoker (Senet), there are female musicians and dancers at the feast at which the goddess is announced: ‘The doors of heaven open and the deity comes forth. The golden goddess has come!’720

Summary References to Hathor in Festival of the Valley banquet inscriptions imply that she was present at the feast. It is possible that the ‘daughter’ who presents offerings to her father and the female musicians and dancers who perform at the feast, were the personification of the goddess and by this means invoked her presence. The bA power of the goddess could be transmitted through the bA of these woman who ensured the provision of the divine offerings that Hathor bestows on the deceased tomb owner.727 The cone on their head could be a symbol of their transformational bA-state. Figure 21. The cone on female musicians in TT 52, the tomb of Nakht.721

These women frequently carry the sacred emblems of Hathor and during religious rites, they are thought to embody the goddess.722 In TT 53 the musicians chant that Hathor is present: ‘ O This beautiful day which came from heaven; you men, seize it! The marvellous goddess is reposing with face bared to him who comes.723

In TT 39, TT 85, and TT 93, female singers advise the deceased to take the menit and sistrum that have come from the chapel of Hathor.724 Coffin Text III, 124f-j refers to the deceased wishing to eat the food offerings of Hathor 719 Bleeker 1973: 53-58 describes scenes which depict dancing in honour of Hathor in tombs from the Old Kingdom and suggests that the dancing produced a state of ecstasy, paid homage to the goddess, promoted fertility, and calmed the potential fiery nature of the goddess. In the temple of Dendera dancers exclaim: ‘She is the lady of dance wreathes, the lady of intoxication, we dance to none but her spirit.’(Mariette 1871: 60e-h, cited by Lexová 1935: 40). See also Anderson 1995: 2555-2568, Manniche 1997: 34-35, Lawergren 2001: 450-454, Meeks 2001: 357360, and Hartwig 2004: 101-102. From the Fourth Dynasty to the end of the New Kingdom, dancers depicted in tombs of private individuals appear in three different contexts: the funerary rites, the banquet scenes, and the cult of Hathor (Meyer-Dietrich 2009). 720 Davies et al 1920: 22, Plates XXIII and XXIII A. 721 Author’s sketch from Shedid 1996: Plates 46-54. 722 For the evidence that attests to their identification with Hathor, see Onstine 2005: 27-29. In the New Kingdom Smayt may have replaced the older title of Priestess of Hathor. 723 From TT 53 ((Hat)/TIII) in Schott 1953: Inscription 141. 724 Text from TT 39, TT 85, and TT 93 in Schott 1953: Inscriptions 83, 81, and 82 respectively.

725

Drioton 1927: 26-28, translated in Manniche 1991: 61. In their hymn of praise, priestesses of Hathor refer to her association with dancing: ‘Thou art the mistress of jubilation, the queen of the dance, the mistress of music, the queen of the harp playing, the lady of the choral dance, the queen of wreath-weaving, the mistress of inebriety without end’ (Bleeker 1973: 83). In the Westcar Papyrus, the goddesses Isis, Nepthys and Meskhenet attend the labour of Rededjet disguised as musicians (Goedicke 1985: 19-21). On the role of female musicians in ‘arousing vitality’ and bringing Hathor to the feast, see Fantechi and Zingarelli 2002: 32-34. 727 The mother partners her son in TT 78 (a) and (b), TT 112 (a) and (b), and TT 181. For a fuller representation of the role of the female in the afterlife of the tomb owner see the tomb of Sennefer TT 96 in which Merit offers a variety of sacred objects and substances to her husband (HodelHoenes 2000: Figures 95-98). She does not have a cone as this tomb dates to the time before the appearance of the cone in tomb scenes other than the banquet. 726

83

84

(4) I-II

(14)

(15)

(4) I-II

(6) I-IV

(6) I-II

TT 21 (a)

TT 21 (b)

TT 22 (a)

TT 22 (b)

TT 38

(1)

TT 18 (a)

TT 18 (b)

(5) I-III

(5)

TT 15

TT 17 (b)

(10)

TT 11

(3) I-III

(1) I-II

TT 8

TT 17 (a)

PM number

Tomb ID

TIV/AIII

TIII/AII

TIII/AII

TI/Hat/(TIII)

TI/Hat/(TIII)

(Hat)/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

(TIII)/AII

(TIII)/AII

Ah/AI

Hat/TIII

AII/AIII

Time Period

Djeserkaraseneb

Wah

Wah

User

User

Baki

Baki

Nebamun

Nebamun

Tetiky

Djehuty

Kha

Tomb owner

C

N

C

N

N

-

-

N

N

N

N

C

C/N

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

MB

MB

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

Type of banquet

Petrie 1909: XXXIV and XXXVII. Hickmann 1956: XXXI. Gauthier 1908: 168-9. Davies 1913: 26, Plate XXVI, Schott Photos 7247, 8451, and 5946. Text similar to Urk. IV, 1498, 514. Davies 1913: 26-27, Plate XXV. Text variant to TT 18 (a) Urk. IV, 1498, 15-1499. Wreszinski 1923: 76 a, b. Schott Photo 8544. MMA Photos T. 3008-11. Wreszinski 1923: 122. MMA Photos T. 3018-20. Schott Photos 8538, 3160 ff. Davies 1963: 6-7, Plates IV-VI. Hartwig 2004: Figure 8. Scheil 1891a: Plates II and III. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Schott 1953: Inscription 51, Footnote 2. Urk. IV, 1638, 12-201640, 1-10.

Gauthier 1908: 170, Plate XIII. Schott Photo 8764.

Vandier d'Abbadie 1939: Plate IV. Lepsius MS. 386 [middle and bottom] 387 (unpublished). Säve-Söderbergh 1958: 280-287, Figure 2-3. Schott 1953: Inscription 135. Carnarvon and Carter 1912: Plate V [1]. Davies 1925b: Plate IV. Eaton-Krauss 1998: 205-207, Figure 1. Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 23, Plate XXI D, E. Schott Photos 41904091. Wreszinski 1923: 116. Hickmann 1956: XXX B. Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 23, Plate XXI A, XXVIII [4] Schott Photo 8644.

Source of scene and texts

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography so although there is an offering list on the wall that suggests a funerary banquet, the scene is categorised as a Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet.

Scene is associated with PM 12/1 (1), an offering to Amun at the BFV (Schott 1953: Inscription 39). Mackay 1917: Plate XVI depicts the lower register III-IV, not included, which shows the deceased without a cone.

Scene included even though guests are not shown because it has the iconography and texts typical of BFV banquet.

Scene included even though guests are not shown because it has the iconography and texts typical of BFV banquet.

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography.

Some BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography.

Notes and Comments

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

(3) II-IV

(2) I-IV

TT 52

TT 53

85

(5) I-IV

(7) I

(4) I-IV

(2) II

TT 56

TT 69

TT 75

TT 77 (a)

(4) I-II

Ay/(Hor)

(6) Subscene

TT 49

TT 55

TIII/AII

(2) I

TT 42

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

(TIV)/AIII

(TIII)/AII/TIV

AIII/AIV

(Hat)/TIII

(TIV)/AIII

Hat/TIII

(5) I-III

TT 39

Time Period

PM number

Tomb ID

Ptahemhat

Amenhotep Si-se

Menena

Userhat

Ramose

Amenemhat

Nakht

Neferhotep

Amenmose

Puyemre

Tomb owner

-

C

C

C

N

C

-

-

-

-

C/N

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

MB

BFV

BFV

CB

BFV

BFV

Type of banquet

Manniche 1998a: 13-18, Figures 2-3.

Beinlich-Seeber and Shedid 1987: 53-60, Plate 1. Schott 1953: Inscription 98. Urk. IV, 1479, 1480 1-7. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397, Figure 18. Maher-Taha 2002: Plates XXXI A-B, XXXII A-B, and XXXIV. Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Figure 35. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Davies and Davies 1923: 5-7, Plates IV-VI. Schott 1953: Inscription 126, Footnote 1 and 110. Lichtheim 1945: 182. Urk. IV, 1214, 15.

Davies 1941a: 15-17, Plates VIIIXII.

MMA Photo T. 3221. Schott Photos 6309-12, 8222-8, and 8912-13. Schott 1953: Inscription 141.

Davies 1917: Plates XA, XVXVII. Shedid 1996: Plates 46-54. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397, Figure 9. Wreszinski 1923: 179. Hickman 1956: Plate XXXIX.

Davies 1933a: 53 and 62. Davies 1933b: Plates I, XVII, XVIII.

Davies 1922: 54-55, 102-104. Davies 1923a: Plates LXI, LXII. Schott 1953: Inscription 137. Davies N.M. 1933: 31, Plate XXXVIII. MMA Photo T. 3431 [right] Urk. IV, 1507-8.

Source of scene and texts

Manniche interprets this scene as part of the BFV banquet on the other side of the entrance and has been recorded as such. However, the texts are transfiguration texts. See Chapter 5 – Summary, on the possibility this is not a festival banquet.

BFV iconography and text.

This scene shows Menena and his wife receiving offerings in two registers and shows a festival banquet in the top register and a funerary offering in the lower. PM (4), also a banquet is too damaged to record.

The banquet covers the left rear wall with the tomb owner and his wife at each end of the scene combining a funerary and festival banquet.

Unique scene in which the deceased Ramose is seated with family guests who are deceased and yet he is offering them the Htp di nswt.

BFV iconography and text. Another banquet (not recorded) in Wreszinski 1923: 53a (PM (5)) is associated with a hunt and is not a festival banquet. It does not depict cones.

BFV iconography.

This banquet follows the Gold of Honour ceremony.

BFV text.

BFV iconography and text.

Notes and Comments

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE

86

(6) I-III

(20) I-IV

TT 80

TT 81

(11) I-II

(28) I-III

(6)

(10)

TT 85 (a)

TT 85 (b)

TT 88

TT 89

(12) I-III

(8) I-III

TT 79

TT 82 (b)

(6) II

TT 78 (b)

(5) I-V

(2)

TT 78 (a)

TT 82 (a)

(6) I-II

PM number

TT 77 (b)

Tomb ID

AIII

(TIII)/AII

TIII/AII

TIII/AII

Hat/TIII

Hat/TIII

A1-Hat/(TIII)

TIII/AII

TIII/AII

AII/TIV/AIII

AII/TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

Time Period

-

N

Pehsukher Tjenenu Amenmose

N

N

N

N

-

N

N

C

C

-

C/N

Amenemheb Meh

Amenemheb Meh

Amenemhat

Amenemhat

Ineni

Thutnefer

Menkheperraseneb

Horemheb

Horemheb

Ptahemhat

Tomb owner

MB

MB

BFV

BFV

BFV

MB

MB

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

Type of banquet

Shaw 2006: 24-7 to 24-15. Description in Davies and Davies 1941: 132.

Wreszinski 1923: 283. Schott Photos 8315 and 8318.

Davies 1915: 63-67, Plates XIV, XV, and XVI. Urk. IV, 1057-1059. MMA Photo T. 2570. Schott Photos 8302-8306, 4005, and 4116-4122. Wreszinski 1923: 272. Farina 1929: Plate LXXV. MMA Photos T. 2615-2617.

Davies 1915: 37-41, Plates V-VI.

Shedid 1988: Plate 52b. Wreszinski 1923: 259 upper. Urk. IV, 1475, 13-16. Boussac 1896: Plate 15. Dziobek 1992: Plate 30. Manniche 1991: 101, Figure 60.

Guksch 1995: Plates 36-39.

Brack 1980: 24-25, Plates 29a and 36b. Wreszinski 1923: 91c. Schott 1953: Inscription 126. Urk. IV, 1594-1595. Lichtheim 1945: 182-183. Brack 1980: 28-30, Plates 32a, 36a, 37a, and 37b. Wreszinski 1923: 39a. Schott 1953: Inscription 53, 133, 127, and 145. Urk. IV, 1591-2.

Manniche 1998a: 18-20, Figures 4-5. Schott Photos 4016 and 6898.

Source of scene and texts

The son presents the Bouquet of Amun, but the texts do not have any BFV references.

BFV iconography.

BFV iconography and text.

New Year festival banquet with musicians with some BFV and mortuary iconography and mortuary text.

No texts to show what feast is celebrated. Dziobek calls it a funerary meal. See Chapter 5 – Summary, for the possibility this is a Beautiful Festival of the Valley.

BFV iconography and text. This is the later tomb of Thutnefer (See TT 104).

BFV and some mortuary iconography. PM describes this as a BFV banquet and Guksch refers to it as ‘Gastmahl’ (banquet).

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography.

Notes and Comments

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

87

(7)

TT 104 (b)

(3) II

(4) I-II

TT 104 (a)

TT 112 (a)

(2) I-IV

TT 101

(5) I-II

(18) I-VIII

TT 100

TT 108

(8) I-II

TT 96

(21) I-IV

(17) I-III

TT 92

TT 93 (b)

(6) I-III

TT 90 (b)

(16)

(2) I-III

TT 90 (a)

TT 93 (a)

PM number

Tomb ID

TIII/AII

TIV (?)

(Hat)/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

AII/TIV (?)

TIII/AII

(TIII)/AII

AII

AII

(TIII)/AII

TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

Time Period

Menkheperraseneb

Nebseny

Thutnefer

Thutnefer

Tjener

Rekhmire

Sennefer

Kenamun

Kenamun

Suemniut

Nebamun

Nebamun

Tomb owner

N

-

N

-

-

N

N

-

-

N

C

C

C/N

MB

BFV

MB

BFV

BFV

BFV

MB

MB

CB

BFV

BFV

BFV

Type of banquet Notes and Comments

BFV iconography, Shedid identifies the scene as the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet. New Year festival in text. Only part of the head of the deceased remains, but enough to see there is no cone. BFV iconography. A priest offers the Htp di nswt to Menkheperraseneb and mother and maternal grandparents.

Shedid 1988: 68, Plates 25 and 46b. Mackay 1917: 122-124, Plate XVI [4]. MMA Photo T. 2837. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397, Figure 33. Shedid 1988: Plate 15c. Davies N. M. 1933: 21, Plate XXIV (lower). Urk. IV, 935.

BFV iconography.

Muhammed 1966: Plate 27. Shedid 1998: Plates 11a and b. Shedid 1988: 67, Plate 24, a and b.

BFV iconography and text.

Only the guests are visible making identification of the type of banquet difficult.

Scene of celebration and Kenamun’s mother with the young king on her lap. She is recorded for this study as ‘the daughter offering’, as this most appropriately describes her role in this scene.

BFV iconography and text. There is another banquet in TT 92 (PM (1) II-IV) that has not been recorded because pictures of the scene were not available.

BFV iconography and text.

BFV iconography and text. Only one male guest has a cone-picture restored by Davies.

Davies 1935: Plate XXVI and Davies 1943b: Plates IV, LXIIILXVII. Davies 1943a: 59-63. Urk. IV, 1162-7.

Laboury 2007: Figures 3 and 6. Angenot 2007: Figures 7-8.

Davies 1930a: 36, Plate LII.

Davies 1930a: Plate IX. Urk. IV, 1396, 1-4.

Davies and Davies 1923: 27-29, Plate XXIII. Schott 1953: Inscription 128 and 134. Lichtheim 1945: 182. Urk. IV, 1623, 14-15 and Urk. IV, 1624, 1-11. Davies and Davies 1923: 25, 2830, Plate XXI. Urk. IV, 1621, 1-5. 1622, 2-9 and Urk. IV, 1623, 1-5. Muhammed 1996: Plate 28. Wreszinski 1923: 259 (called 80). Schott 1953: Inscription 21. Urk. IV, 1450.

Source of scene and texts

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE

88

(7)

(2) I

(6) I

TT 253 (b)

TT 254 (a)

TT 254 (b)

(3) I-III

TT 181

(4)

(4) I

TT 175

TT 253 (a)

(3) II

TT 161

(4) II

(1) I

TT 154

TT 249

(6) II

TT 139

(1)

(5) I-III

TT 112 (b)

TT 248

PM number

Tomb ID

Khnummose

Mose Mose

post-Amarna/ Ay

post-Amarna/ Ay

Khnummose

Neferrenpet

C

-

N

-

C

C

C

Nebamun Ipuky Thutmose

C

C

-

N

N

C/N

Anon

AIII

AIII

AIII

(TIII)/AII

AIII/AIV

TIV/AIII

Nakht

Tati

start 18th D.TIII

AIII (?)

Pairy

Menkheperraseneb

Tomb owner

AIII

TIII/AII

Time Period

BFV

CB

MB

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

BFV

MB

BFV

Type of banquet

Manniche 1988a: 51-54, Figures 55-60. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397, Figure 47. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 42-44, Plates 18, Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plates XVIII, XIX. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 44-46, Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plate XXII. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 72-73. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plate XXVIII. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 79-81. Strudwick and Strudwick 1996b: Plate XXXI.

Muhammed 1966: 30. Urk. IV, 1642, 1-16.

Manniche 1986: 61, Figure 10. Werbrouck 1929: Plate opposite page 9. Schott 1953: Plate VI. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Schott 1953: Inscription 119. Manniche 1988a: 33-35, Figures 29 and 31 upper left and right. Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. Davies 1925a: 53-56, Plates VVIII. Lichtheim 1945: 182-183. Urk. IV, 1853, 15-1854, 5.

The man serving the tomb owner, wife and daughter is not identified as the son. He serves drink that is usually offered by the daughter and has been recorded as a servant.

The feast is associated with the harvest scene and male guests are eating and drinking.

Traditional tabular offering list with the Htp di nswt . A scaled reconstruction reveals that there was not enough space above their heads for there to be a cone. It is possible that the deceased couple are the grandparents (Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 45).

BFV iconography.

BFV iconography.

BFV iconography and text.

The deceased? grandfather in the top register has a cone, but the other male guests do not, similar to TT 112.

BFV iconography.

Register III shows a banquet which is a continuation of the garden scene and it has not been recorded as part of the banquet in register II.

BFV iconography.

Two registers represent a funerary and BFV banquet, but the upper festival banquet is badly damaged and is not recorded. In the lower register the son is dressed as a priest and offers the Htp di nswt from the altar of Amun of Karnak, not the mortuary temples as is usual for the BFV banquet. There are no musicians or dancers in either register. Recorded as a mortuary banquet but see Chapter 5 - Summary .

Hartwig 2004: 98, Footnote 397. B&W Plate 5. Texts: Scheil 1891b: 586-587.

Davies 1913: Plate XXXIX.

This has the iconography of the BFV banquet and a funerary meal.

Notes and Comments

Davies N. M. 1933: 22, Plates XXVI, XXVII, and XXXI.

Source of scene and texts

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Wall fragments

BM EA 37981 37984 37986

AIII

AI

TIII

Nebamun

Renni

Paheri (b)

Paheri (a)

Paser

Tomb owner

-

N

N

N

N

C/N

BFV

MB

BFV

CB

BFV

Type of banquet

BFV iconography.

The banquet scene from the tomb of Renni features the grandfather and grandmother of Renni as the chief recipients, but it has been included as it is a typical mortuary banquet scene for a tomb owner.

Tylor et al 1900: Plates VI-VIII. Descriptions and translations of the text opposite each plate. Parkinson 2008: Paintings 81, 83, and 85.

BFV iconography and text.

The cone on the daughter offering and the cone on the female guests is not certain it would be unique for the female musicians to have a cone and not other women in the scene. Associated with the wine harvest. Paheri sits with his wife under a canopy and a variety of offerings are brought by six servants. The sons and daughters sit in formal rows. The parents and brother of his wife are seated on chairs and only they have a cone.

Notes and Comments

Tylor et al 1895: Plates IX-XII. Descriptions and translations of the text opposite each plate.

Tylor et al 1895: Plates VI-VII, lower scene.

Fakhry 1943: Plates XXI and XXIII.

Source of scene and texts

Table 26. The details of the banquet scenes analysed. BFV=Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, MB=Mortuary banquet, CB= Celebratory banquet.

PM V (5)(6)

EK 7

PM V (1415)

TIII

PM V (78) 179

EK 3 (a)

EK 3 (b)

AII

(2) I-IV

TT 367

Time Period

PM number

Tomb ID

CHAPTER 5. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE CONE IN THE BANQUET SCENE

89

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

90

CHAPTER 6. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONE IN THE NEW KINGDOM

Chapter 6. The development of the cone in the New Kingdom From the time of Tuthmosis IV onwards, the cone on the tomb owner appeared in a variety of other tomb scenes. The detailed study of every scene in which a cone appears is outside the scope of this study. It is, however, possible to make some general observations about these scenes. This chapter considers how the cone was employed throughout the New Kingdom and whether its meaning changed during this period. Also considered is the possible origin of the shape of the cone and the reasons for its change in shape and size. The chapter concludes with a discussion on whether there is any association between anointing and the depiction of the cone.

mortuary cult offering scene in TT 45 is placed next to the festival offering presented to the gods at the entrance of the tomb.730 The inscription with the scene refers to snw offerings from the altar of the gods and these are the special offerings often referred to in Beautiful Festival of the Valley texts.731 The cult offering scene of Tjenuny (TT 74) is also near the entrance, where offerings are made to Amun. The tomb owner in this scene speaks of ‘receiving snw offerings from the altar of the lord of gods.’732 Tjenuny does not have a Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet scene, this offering scene is a substitute, in which the depiction of a cone to symbolise the bA on earth receiving cult offerings, is to be expected.733 In TT 249, the tomb owner and his wife are offered a bowl of drink by a ‘daughter’, an action typical of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet.734 On his stela in TT 54, Huy is presented with a festival offering.735 Some tomb owners do not show a cone in any mortuary cult offering scene, whilst others have cult offering scenes with and without a cone. It is not always possible to identify which of these scenes represent festival offering scenes. It could be that the scenes without a cone portray cult offerings for the kA and those with a cone represent festival offerings for the bA.736

Table 28, at the end of this chapter, shows every scene in which a cone appears on the tomb owner in the New Kingdom and the time it first appears in the scene (shaded light grey with bold type face). It gives the incidence of the cone out of the total of the scenes analysed for each time period. The scenes shaded dark grey are those studied in detail in Chapters 3, 4, and 5. The data from 154 New Kingdom tombs recorded for this study, the identity of the individual tomb owners, and the scenes in which he had a cone, can be seen in DB 1. Every scene discussed in this chapter has a cone on the tomb owner.

The Eighteenth Dynasty

730

TT 45 (PM 12/1 (6) I) in Davies 1948: Plate II upper left. Text also in Schott 1953: Inscription 33. For an example of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley offering to the gods at the entrance to the tomb, see TT 52, the tomb of Nakht in Shedid and Seidel 1996: 34. 731 For example, the text from the tomb of Anhurmose: ‘That he (Amun-Re) might provide for me from the food offerings (snw) that are [brought] forth before the retinue of my lord when it comes forth from the tomb (on the occasion of) all his beautiful festivals; that I might tread before him as a living soul (bA), that I might receive food offerings (snw) from the gifts that appear upon (all) his altars.’ (Ockinga and Al-Masri 1988: 45-46, Text 15, Lines 66-68). In TT 49, Neferhotep and his wife, both with a cone, greet the sun god: ‘May I follow the Majesty of this exalted god Amun, lord of the thrones of the Two Lands in his fair Festival of the Valley, receive loaves (snw) which have been offered before him on the altar of the lord of eternity, and smell the incense of the offerings when there is a gathering? in the temple of Hnkt-anx.’ (Davies 1933a: 53, Plate XXXVI). The bread snw is offered in Valley Festival texts in TT 56 (PM 12/1 (5) I-IV) in BeinlichSeeber and Shedid 1987: 56, Text 11, Figure 19. In TT 161 (PM 12/1 (3) II) the banquet scene is the only scene in which the deceased has a cone and the offerings presented to him by his daughter are snw offerings (Manniche 1986: 61, Figure 10). On the stela in TT 24 (PM 12/1 (9)) the deceased is offered snw in the text (Urk. IV, 147, 10) that also refers to the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. Snw offerings could be from various deities including: Ptah, Osiris, Hathor, Amun, and the Aten. See Blackman 1914: 23, Footnote 5, Bell 1997a: 183, and Wb. 4, 155. 10-13. 732 TT 74 (PM 12/1 (3)) in Brack and Brack 1977: 31-33, Plates 21-22, and for text detail, Plate 6. 733 A daughter (destroyed) and son offer to their parents, presentations that are typical of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet. 734 TT 249 (PM 12/1 (4) I) in Manniche 1988a: Figure 52. 735 TT 54 (PM 12/1 (3)). Huy is offered onions, offerings presented at the necropolis festival of Sokar (Polz et al 1997: Plate 18, left centre register). In the Ramesside period, the cone also appears in mortuary cult offering scenes associated with the Sokar festival. 736 Cult offering scenes with and without a cone on the tomb owner: TT 41, TT 45, TT 50, TT 138, TT 249, TT 254, TT 278, Any (Amarna), and Raia (Saqqara). Many offering scenes are damaged or destroyed, it is possible that the decision to have mortuary cult scenes with and without the cone was more common than this, see DB 1.

The cone is very uncommon on the tomb owner in scenes other than the banquet until the reign of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III. At this time it is most frequent in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet and two new scenes, the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony. The continued high frequency of the cone on the tomb owner in these scenes to the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty, suggests that the meaning of the cone did not change during this period. The cone can also appear on the tomb owner in the mortuary cult offering scene and in the Eighteenth Dynasty (including the Amarna period) the cone frequency in this scene is 26.3% (30/114). In the early Eighteenth Dynasty tombs the frequency is low. Out of forty-seven cult offering scenes in tombs dated before Tuthmosis IV, only two tomb owners have a cone.729 The highest frequency of the cone in the cult offering scene is from the reign of Amenhotep III to the end of the dynasty. In this period, 60.5% (26/43) of mortuary cult offering scenes show a cone on the tomb owner. The increase in the presence of a cone in this scene follows the increase of the frequency of the cone in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet and it is possible that some mortuary cult offering scenes had the same significance as the festival banquet. Some are clearly associated with the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, for example, the 729

TT 340 (PM 12/1 (4)) in Cherpion, Menassa and Kruchten 1999: Plates 9 and 11 and TT 45 (PM 12/1 (6) I) in Davies 1948: Plate II, upper left.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT The presentation of the Bouquet of Amun as a scene in its own right appears in tomb scenes at the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty. However, in the tombs recorded for this study, the cone first appeared in the scene in TT 74, which may date to Tuthmosis IV.737 The bouquet was an offering that could also be presented to the deceased tomb owner during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, as it is in TT 56.738 However, there are some tombs in which the offering of the bouquet is not part of a banquet. Four tomb scenes show a cone on the tomb owner when he is presented with the bouquet not associated with a banquet.739 Three of these are linked to the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, either by direct reference in the text, or by the location of the scene in the tomb.740 In TT 69, the scene with Menena is next to the depiction of burnt offerings for Amun-Re that has reference to the Beautiful Festival of the Valley.741 In TT 139, this scene is in a similar location and the inscription is characteristic of Valley Festival text: ‘Diverting the heart, seeing something beautiful in your house of eternity.’742 In TT 74, noted above, Tjenuny has a Bouquet of Amun and the text is a Valley Festival text: ‘Sitting in the hall, enjoying things, receiving snw.’743 It is not possible to identify any festival connection in the fourth, tomb TT 254. It seems that if the Bouquet of Amun was associated with the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, then it is likely, as in the banquet scene, to include a cone on the tomb owner. In the tombs recorded for this study there are no further examples of the Bouquet of Amun scene after the Eighteenth Dynasty.

necropolis festival.745 Of the twenty-seven New Kingdom Abydos voyage scenes recorded for this study, in the Eighteenth Dynasty the deceased could be seen in twenty-two. Of these, seven have a cone (31.8%).746 These seven voyages come from five tombs.747 It is explicit in some inscriptions that the bA of the deceased would follow the procession and receive divine festival offerings.748 Coffin Text I, 194e-198c reads: ‘Thy bA rejoices in Abydos’.749 The inscription in TT 161 reads: ‘Sailing in peace for Abydos to follow Wennefer in WPqr among the dignitaries’.750 In the New Kingdom, shabti were buried at Abydos with inscriptions asking for offerings for the deceased at festivals held at Pqr.751 In TT 78, the tomb owner returns from Abydos with an offering table in his boat. The inscription reads: ‘Returning in peace from Abydos, after receiving my offering bread, after my body has united with the food offerings, after I have the breathed the sweet air of myrrh and incense.’752 The scenes in TT 162 and TT 335 also show the deceased presented with divine offerings in the boat.753 It seems that in this scene the tomb owner might depict a cone to symbolise that his bA had travelled to the sacred region, taken part in the festival, and received divine offerings. Nevertheless, like the mortuary cult offering scenes and the Bouquet of Amun scenes, not every tomb owner decided to include a cone in this scene. In the Eighteenth Dynasty (excluding Amarna), there are six scenes of the tomb owner with a cone standing at the entrance to the tomb addressing and praising the sun god and in four the tomb owner has a cone.754 The inscriptions reveal that the tomb owner wished to leave the tomb, an action that would be achieved by the bA. Raia at Saqqara asks that he may to go out as a living bA to see the sun

The scene of the voyage to Abydos became common in the Eighteenth Dynasty and as with most other tomb scenes, it only showed a cone on the tomb owner from the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III.744 The voyage comprised a boat journey to and from Abydos to participate in the Festival of Osiris which, like the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, was a great processional

745 Assmann 2005: 305-308 discusses the importance of the voyage to Abydos by the statues of the deceased, who took part in the festivals in a transformed state. 746 The complete voyage in Theban tombs showed the boat journeying downstream to Abydos and sailing back, but because most tombs had one of the journeys destroyed, each journey was recorded individually for analysis. From the evidence available it is likely that the tomb owner depicted a cone in both or neither journey (DB 1). The damaged voyage to Abydos in TT 161, is a reconstruction and has been assumed to match the voyage from Abydos, with no cone on either. 747 For the seven scenes see: TT 78, both journeys, (PM 12/1 (9) IV) in Bouriant 1891: Plate V and Brack and Brack 1980: 43-45, Plate 88; TT 162 (PM 12/1 (7)) in Davies 1963: Plate XVIII; TT 175, both journeys, (PM 12/1 (2) IV) in Manniche 1988a: Figures 42 and 45; TT 249 (PM 12/1 (2) II) in Manniche 1988a: 50, Figure 49; and TT 338 (PM 12/1 (2) III) in Tosi 1994: 51, Figure 24. TT 335 (PM 12/1 (15) II) which has a cone is a Nineteenth Dynasty tomb (RII/Mer) in Bruyère 1926: 137, Figure 92 and not included in this 18th Dynasty analysis. 748 During the festival, the statue of Osiris was taken from his temple to his ‘tomb’ where he was resurrected and spent the night resting before returning to his temple with rejoicing. The pilgrimage of the bA to take part in the festival became an important mortuary ritual (Assmann 2001: 184-186). For New Kingdom evidence for the importance of the journey to Abydos see Wegner 2002: 99-104. 749 Žabkar 1968: 107-108. 750 Manniche 1988a: 63, Text 47. Pqr was the location of the ‘tomb’ of Osiris at Abydos. 751 Schneider 1977: 269-276, specifically pages 273(h) and 273(j). 752 Translated from Brack and Brack 1980: 45, Text 29. 753 Davies 1963: Plate XVIII and Bruyère 1926: Figure 92 (bottom register) respectively. 754 TT 49, TT 69, TT 192, and Raia at Saqqara.

737 Kampp gives (TIII/AII/TIV), but based on the time of the earliest appearance of the cone in most scenes, the date for this scene is most likely to be TIV. For discussion on the date of the depiction of the cone, see Chapters 3, 4, and 5. 738 Schott 1953: 48-50 and Schott 1953: Inscriptions 88-106. The word for the bouquet was anx (ankh), indicating its life-giving power. During the festival the bouquets were placed around the barque of Amun as it rested overnight in the temple and, having absorbed the regenerative powers of the god, were redistributed as offerings to the deceased in the private tombs (Bell 1997a: 183 and Bell 1997b: 137). 739 TT 69 (PM 12/1 (5) 2) in Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Figure 64 and MaherTaha 2002: Plate XA-B and Plate XIIA. TT 74 (PM 12/1 (3)) in Schott 1953: 121 and Brack 1977: Plate 6. TT 139 (PM 12/1 (3) I) in Schott 1950: Plate 1. TT 254 (PM 12/1 (5)) in Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 86, Plate 8. Top right section of the stela). 740 See too another offering scene (not recorded in DB 1) in TT 176 (Calcoen and Müller-Hazenbos 2012: 18, Plates 5 and 14) in which the ‘daughter’ presents her father with a bouquet. The badly damaged inscription includes words typical of Beautiful Festival of the Valley texts: ‘praised’, ‘beloved’, ‘sweet of heart’, and ‘happiness every day’. The tomb owner has a cone in this scene. 741 TT 69 (PM 12/1 (5) 2) in Maher-Taha 2002: Plate IX B. 742 The text in TT 139 (PM 12/1 (3) I) in Schott 1950: Plate 1 and Schott photo 5026. 743 Brack 1977: 32-33. 744 See DB 1.

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CHAPTER 6. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONE IN THE NEW KINGDOM rising.755 In TT 192, Kheref Senaa asks that Re will allow him to pull the solar barque.756 Some of the inscriptions also ask for divine festival offerings. In TT 49, Neferhotep prays to join the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and receive snw offerings from the mortuary temple.757 In TT 69, there is a Beautiful Festival of the Valley inscription on other side of the same entrance and it asks for offerings for Menena.758 It is also significant that the tomb owners in TT 69 and TT 49 and TT 192 wear their Sbyw, a divine gift from the solar deity (for the connection between the bA and the Sbyw, see Chapter 4 Part 1).

seems to be personal preference in the selection of a scene for portraying a cone. However, many of these scenes also involve the bA receiving offerings on earth. The selection of new scenes by some tomb owners in which to include a cone, heralds the development that takes place in the Ramesside period when owners display a more individual and eclectic choice as to which scene should show them with a cone.

Scenes in which the cone is rare or does not occur There are some categories of scene in which the inclusion of a cone is uncommon. Of the eighty-six representations of the owner before a deity, only seven (8.1%), depict themselves with a cone (DB 1). If the deceased tomb owner is portraying himself in the afterlife worshipping the deity then a cone, as a symbol of the bA on earth, would not be appropriate. If, however, the scene represents the deceased worshipping the god on earth and asking for divine offerings then a cone is relevant. This is the case in TT 49, when Neferhotep asks for festival offerings (snw) from Osiris.763

As can be seen in Table 28, there are only a few other types of tomb scene in which the deceased has a cone and these are often unusual scenes. Neferhotep in TT 49 is shown during life with a bouquet that he has received in the temple of Amun at Karnak and which he passes to his wife.759 The bouquet is a divine gift from Amun-Re that would be received by his bA.760 Neferhotep selects other new themes of scene in which to symbolise the presence of his bA on earth, observing his funerary equipment and embracing his deceased parents as they come forth to greet him.761 Ramose in TT 55 is shown with a cone before gates, holding offering bread, in a scene that may represent his bA about to leave the tomb and enter the Duat (Figure 9).762

There are some categories of scene in which the cone does not appear on the tomb owner at all (Table 27). These represent the tomb owner carrying out his official duties during his life.

In the Eighteenth Dynasty, the cone seems almost mandatory in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony. In other scenes there

Tomb scene

No. of scenes

Appointed into official office

3

Receiving foreign tribute

3

Inspecting goods/workshops/treasury

4

Inspecting the estate livestock

6

Inspecting estate agriculture/ receiving estate offerings

16

Other official duties

12

Offering to the living king

18

755

Raven 2005: 42 [67], Plates 70-71. In an adjoining fragment of the door jamb, Raia is shown standing, hands raised in worship, with a cone on his head. 756 Wente 1980: 30-32. The head of Kheref Senaa is destroyed, but the tip of his cone can be seen (Plate 7). This type of scene and the role of the bA is discussed in Chapter 4. 757 Schott 1953: Inscription 7. 758 Schott 1953: Inscription 4: ‘Let me see you at your beautiful festival … happy with the bread that you give to the righteous on earth.’ 759 Davies 1933a: Plate XLI (PM 12/1 (15) I). Neferhotep is also anointed by an attendant, an action that is reminiscent of the ritual anointing that took place to prepare the body for the manifestation of the bA in the Gold of Honour (see Chapter 4). Pereyra et al 2007: 1485-1494 have interpreted this scene as part of a sacred gift-giving theme expressed by other scenes in the tomb. They consider that taken together, they express the relationship Neferhotep had with the king and the gods, a relationship that ensured his survival in the afterlife. 760 Davies 1933a: 32, Plate XLI. From the Ramesside period, TT 41 portrays Amenemipet Ipy returning home with the Bouquet of Amun from the Gold of Honour ceremony. He passes it to his wife and he too, like Neferhotep, has a cone (Assmann 1991: 74-76, Plate 31). However, in a similar scene in TT 254 (post-Amarna/Ay) Amenmose does not have a cone (Davies 1929: Figure 6 and Strudwick and Strudwick 1996a: 82, Figure 4.6). 761 The deceased with Osiris in Davies 1933a: Plate XXVIII (PM 12/1 (9)), inspecting funerary equipment (with a cone on the small Osiride figures, on Plate XXV (PM 12/1 (8) III), and embraced by the deceased parents also with a cone, on Plate XXXIX (PM 12/1 (12)). The scene with his deceased parents is on the left thickness of the entrance to the pillared hall opposite the scene in which he receives offerings from the Tree Goddess on the right thickness. Both scenes could be from the Book of the Dead - Chapter 52b in which the re-united family eat the divine offerings of the Tree Goddess. 762 Davies 1941: 26-27, Plate XXVIII, 2. See comments on this scene with Figure 9 of this study.

Table 27. Official scenes of the tomb owner that do not have a cone.764

These duties include receiving foreign tribute and products for the temple, inspecting the manufacture of goods, the working of the temple estates, military scenes, and presenting offerings to the living king. None of the sixty-two scenes of this type had a cone on the deceased. These tomb scenes are commemorative scenes that display the status of the deceased and his close relationship with the king and although they may symbolise that this status will continue in the afterlife 763 764

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Davies 1933a: 56, Plate XXVIII. Data from DB 1 (n= 65).

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT they are not scenes that involve the presence of the bA or the receipt of divine offerings.765

the restrictions in the type of scene that the Amarna tomb owner could employ, the scenes in which the cone appears are those of the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty. This shows that the cone at Amarna retained its original symbolism and that as a symbol of the bA on earth in receipt of divine offerings, it was acceptable in Atenist doctrine.

The Amarna period The cone continued to appear in tomb scenes at Amarna, although the number of scenes in which it is found is very low. Most scenes of the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty disappeared in the Amarna tombs and with them many that had previously included a cone.766 Instead, depictions of the king, his family, and royal ceremonial appearances form the main decoration of the tomb in which the tomb owner plays a minor role. In Atenist doctrine, the bA of the tomb owner accompanied the king each day to the temple of the Aten.767 It received the life-giving rays of light from the Aten and provisions from his altars.768 There are two scenes of the tomb owner with a cone at the entrance praising the Aten and both wear their divine gift of the Sbyw. Parennefer (A7) asks and to go in and our of the king’s house with limbs ‘enhanced with favour’ and Huya (A1) asks for his bA to go forth to see the rays of the Aten and to receive its offerings.769

The Ramesside period After the Eighteenth Dynasty there was a radical change in the architecture and decoration of tombs.774 The change marked a shift in decorum that allowed the overt expression of the tomb owner’s personal access to the deities and his ability to act as an intermediary with the gods for others.775 The proportion of scenes in Ramesside tombs that include a cone on the tomb owner is lower in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasty because the Chapters of the Book of the Dead provided inspiration for new scenes that portrayed the deceased in the afterlife before the gods.776 However those scenes that have the highest frequency in the Eighteenth Dynasty continue to have the highest frequency in the Ramesside period.

The scene of the reward of the gold necklace, in which the bA of the living tomb owner received the divine Sbyw, was created earlier, in the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III. It was an important scene for the Amarna tomb owner, as it was one of the very few in which he could demonstrate the recognition of his worthiness by the king and the Aten. The cone is common in this scene at Amarna, as it had been in the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty. Of the fifteen Amarna tombs recorded, nine included the scene of the Gold of Honour ceremony and of the nine, seven owners had a cone in one or more phases of the ceremony.770 In a unique scene, associated with the Gold of Honour ceremony, Mahu (A9), with a cone, kneels in prayer at the Aten temple.771

The scene in which the cone continues to appear with the highest frequency in this period is the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. Out of twenty-three scenes, twenty-two have a cone. This demonstrates that the symbolic meaning of the cone in these scenes in the mid Eighteenth Dynasty was the same in the Ramesside period.777 The cone also appears when the tomb owner receives acclaim in the Gold of Honour ceremony although it is not as frequent. This may be because in some tombs the scene is located in the afterlife and not on earth.778 Scenes of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley cease in this period and are replaced either by a more formal family meal or mortuary cult offering scenes. The cone appears in these scenes (Table 28) showing that it was still considered to be an appropriate symbol. Many Ramesside mortuary texts demonstrate the wish for the bA to return to earth to be at necropolis festivals and receive offerings (many are quoted in

In the elite tombs, only Panehesy (A 6) and Any (A 23) have surviving mortuary cult offering scenes. Five of these scenes are in the shrine area of Any’s tomb and he has a cone in four of them.772 In the tomb of Huya, a funeral rite resembling the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb shows a cone on his coffin placed upright before the tomb with text asking for mortuary offerings.773 These examples demonstrate that, in spite of

upright under a canopy (Martin 1989a: Plate 68 and Robins 1997: 152, Figure 176). 774 For the architectural and decorative developments in Ramesside tombs, see Wegner 1933: 31-41, Assmann 1984: 282-284, Assmann 1987, Assmann 1995b: 281-293, Kampp-Seyfried 2003: 2-10, Assmann 2003b: 46-52, Frood 2007: 12-19, and Baines and Frood 2011: 1-17. 775 That personal piety probably existed in all periods of the New Kingdom, although possibly masked by religious decorum, is discussed by Baines and Frood 2011: 1-17. They describe the changes that occurred in the Ramesside period and how the tomb owner expressed his relationship with divine beings through tomb decoration, stelae, and temple statue inscriptions. Frood 2007: 24-29 discusses the relationship of Ramesside tomb owners with the gods, the king, and their own self image as demonstrated in their biographical texts. 776 Table 28. Quirke and Forman 1996: 111-135, discuss tomb scenes from the Book of the Dead in the New Kingdom tombs. Several chapters from the Book of the Dead and the tomb scenes that illustrate them are detailed in Saleh 1984. 777 For these tomb owners see Table 12 and DB 4. 778 In Chapter 4 it was noted that the scenes in this period that do not have a cone hold a greater mortuary emphasis and may be intended to represent a timeless eternal ceremony rather than a specific experience on earth.

765 For these scenes and their function for the tomb owner, see Hartwig 2004: 73-81. 766 For an overview of the scenes that disappeared and those that were employed in private tombs at Amarna, see Robins 1997: 149-165. 767 For example Apy: ‘May he grant the receiving of offering loaves (snw) in the temple of Aten.’(Murnane 1995: Text 61-B.4). 768 Hornung 1992b: 126. 769 Murnane 1995: Texts 78.2 and 66.1. Scenes in Davies 1905b: Plates II and III and Davies 1908b: Plate III. 770 See Chapter 4. 771 The scene of Mahu praying to the Aten after the reward ceremony in which he addresses the god directly, is in Davies 1906: Plate XVIII and discussed by Bickel 2003: 34-37. 772 Davies 1908a: Plates IX, X, XXI, and XXIII. The two latter plates are of stelae placed in the tomb for Any, with his image on them. 773 Davies 1905b: Plate XXII. The cone is also employed in a similar funerary scene in which the deceased princess Meketaten is placed

94

CHAPTER 6. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONE IN THE NEW KINGDOM Chapter 5). When a cult mortuary offering scene has explanatory text it is sometimes possible to see that the context is the tomb owner receiving divine offerings at necropolis festivals, shown veneration as the ancestor of the family, or present at reunions with the living family. These are factors common to the earlier Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet in which the cone was so frequent.779

processional necropolis festival at which the living family are reunited with the deceased, is similar to that of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley.786 As in the Eighteenth Dynasty, not every tomb owner decided to depict a cone in the mortuary cult offering scenes. By this means they would be able to differentiate between divine offerings for the kA and the bA.787 In the Nineteenth Dynasty the cone appears in new scenes that cover a variety of religious themes, but they are individual selections by a few tomb owners and they are small in number.788 For example, the following scenes can show a cone on the tomb owner: his mummy attended by Anubis, the coffin on the bier in the funeral procession, before the guardians of the gates of the underworld, entering the Hall of Two Truths for judgement, presentation to Osiris after the Weighing of the Heart, and playing senet. In these scenes the association with divine offerings is not always clear and the emphasis appears to be on the involvement of the bA. It is possible that by this time the cone on the head had become a well understood and established symbol of the bA receiving divine offerings and it was not always considered necessary to make visual reference to them.789 However, the number of these examples are few and there are also new scenes that show the cone on the tomb owner receiving offerings from the Tree Goddess and fowling in the marsh and where there is a clear connection with divine offerings and on the bA-bird

In the Ramesside period, large engaged tomb statues of the seated tomb owner and his wife and family were carved, each with a cone on the head.780 Finnestad comments on the similarity in the pose of these statues with the image in the mortuary cult offering scene.781 Hofmann discusses the development in the Ramesside period of seated cult statues and notes that the statue niche is decorated with the bouquets and flowers, seen in festival scenes.782 Schoske suggests that the statue niches resemble the ‘sitting in the arbour’ scenes of the Nineteenth Dynasty that replaced the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet scenes.783 In TT 49, the text around the statue niche asks for Neferhotep to receive offerings at the Beautiful Festival of the Valley and he has a Bouquet of Amun on his lap.784 It is possible that the cone on these statues, that appeared in some tombs in the Nineteenth Dynasty, is a three dimensional representation of the deceased to which his bA has returned to receive festival offerings. There are several examples of Ramesside mortuary cult scenes in which the tomb owner has a cone that are associated with the festivals of Sokar and Bastet. They often include reference to the bA returning to earth to receive the divine offerings.785 The context, a

Thebes (Gaballa and Kitchen 1969: 139-145). For details on the festival of Sokar see Otto 1972b: 628-630. For background to this festival, see Graindorge 1992: 87-105 specifically pages 29-32 and 53, and Helck 1984: 1074-1075. Onions were presented to the deceased at both festivals and the tomb owner is shown being offered them or wearing them round his neck. Those tomb owners that had a cone in these festival offering scenes are: TT 41, the tomb of Amenemipet Ipy (Assmann 1991: 24 and 114, Plate 42), TT 54 (Kel), with reference to binding onions at the neck on the feast of Sokar (Polz et al 1997: 65-66, Colour Plate 10), and TT 255 the tomb of Roy, in which the scene shows the tomb owner before bunches of onions and his family behind him also with onions (Hofmann 2004: Plate VI). In TT 277, the tomb of Ameneminet, the scene is part of a family meal and the guests also have a cone (Vandier d'Abbadie 1954: Plate VIII), and in TT 278 the tomb of Amenemheb, the deceased couple have a cone, as does the daughter who offers them drink (Vandier d'Abbadie 1954: Plate XXXV). 786 Feucht 1985: 33 notes the Sokar and Bastet offering scenes in TT 296 and some other tombs that include mourners and family members and suggests that they serve the same function as the Eighteenth Dynasty Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet scene. 787 This is so in TT 45, TT 50, TT 51, TT 178, TT 296, and TT 341. 788 The tomb owner of TT 1, TT 49, TT 178, TT 217, TT 219, and TT 277 employed the cone in new scenes. 789 The recorded scenes that have a cone on the tomb owner and emphasise the bA rather than the offerings are: the coffin on a bier with Anubis, TT 106 (PM 12/1 F(b)) and TT 356 (PM 12/1 (6)) in Muhammed 1966: Plate 65 and Bruyère 1929: Figure 49 respectively. The deceased standing before the guardians of the gates, TT 138 (PM 12/1 (1)-(2) I) in Feucht 2006: Colour Plate II, Plan I. The tomb owner jubilating after passing through the gates, TT 341 (PM 12/1 (2)) in Davies 1948: 38, Plate XXV. The tomb owner led to Osiris after successful judgement, TT 1 (PM 12/1 (10) 3) in Shedid and Shedid 1994: 79 and TT 219 (PM 12/1 (5) I) in Maystre 1936: Plate VII. The tomb owner playing senet (Book of the Dead – Chapter 17) from TT 1 (PM 12/1 (5)) Cairo Museum Acc. No 27303 (Inner face of door) in Shedid and Shedid 1994: 64. The rubric to Chapter 17 asks for offerings from Wennefer and that the living soul (bA) may go forth and this scene in TT 1 does show the offerings.

779 In TT 50 there are four mortuary offering scenes with a cone on the tomb owner that are associated with a necropolis festival (Hari 1985: Plates XXXIV, XXXVI, XXXVII, and XXXIX). On a stela in his tomb at Saqqara, Pay has returned to his tomb to be with his family, who present him with offerings (Raven 2005: 37-38, [54], Plate 59). In TT 335, there are two offering scenes in which Nakhtamun has a cone. In one he is Ax receiving offerings from his family in a scene that represents ancestor veneration (Bruyère 1926: 128-131, Figure 89 and Hofmann 2004: Plate XXIV). The Coffin Texts state that the Ax could become manifest on earth as a bA and it is possible that this is the reason for the cone (Žabkar 1968: 153-154, Footnote 184, Friedman 1981: 259, and Smith 2009: 3). In the second scene, he and his wife receive offerings from their daughter, who presents drink in a special festival vessel (Bruyère 1926: Figure 82). For the identification of these vessels as festival vessels see Bell 1987: 54-57. 780 These engaged statues are in TT 23 (Muhammed 1966: Plate 12), TT 41 (Assmann 1991: Plates XIX and XX), TT 49 (Davies 1933a: Frontispiece), TT 178 (Hofmann 1995a: Colour Plate IIb), and TT 296 (Feucht 1985: Colour Plate IV). TT 173 (Muhammed 1966: Plate 8) is not recorded in the DB 1. Note that TT 49 is a late Eighteenth Dynasty tomb (Ay/(Hor)). 781 Finnestad 1978: 122. 782 Hofmann and Hofmann 2004: 135. Hofmann 1995b: 271-279 considers how the range of statues types express the development in their function for the tomb owner. The seated statue groups were for the receiving of divine offerings during festivals. 783 Schoske 1985b: 91. 784 Davies 1933a: 65. 785 See for example text from the Ramesside statue of Tuthmosis: Cairo Museum CGC. 549 (KRI III, 317: 9-317: 12 and RITA III, 229), text from TT 189 (KRI III, 353: 1-4 and RITA III, 254), and TT 19 (KRI III, 391: 2-4 and RITA III, 283). Amenhotep III built a temple for PtahSokar-Osiris and in the Ramesside period the cult was re-instituted at

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT receiving offerings.790 The Ramesside tomb became a private temple in which the deceased noble could return to worship the gods on earth and be worshipped in the performance of his own cult.791 In the Twentieth Dynasty in the tomb of Amenemope, TT 148 (RIII/RV), a statue of Osiris is flanked by two equally sized seated statues of the deceased tomb owner and before each is a place for their cult offerings.792 The cone on the tomb owner in scenes in which he worships the gods is still rare and in the 157 scenes recorded in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, he only shows a cone in eleven (7%). If the scene is showing the deceased in the divine sphere and not on earth, then this is to be expected. However, when he is shown with a cone it can be speculated that the scene symbolises that his bA has returned to earth to worship the god in his ‘temple tomb’ and share the divine offerings.

seen on the living banquet guests bears resemblance to the hieroglyph for bread; Gardiner’s X1 , that was used as an ideogram for bread.795 This hieroglyph would have been a suitable choice for expressing the concept of the bA receiving cult offerings because there was a close association between divine food offerings and Htp, a bread. This can be seen in the hieroglyph R4 loaf of bread on a reed mat which can mean ‘offering’.796 This association was recognised by Bruyère, who proposed that the cone was a symbol of a loaf and that the cone on the head of the deceased seated before offerings was analogous to the offering loaf on the mat forming the hieroglyph for Htp and meaning ‘offerings’, ‘contentment’, and ‘peace’.797 When the cone first appears on the deceased tomb owner in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, it changes in shape and size (Figure 22) and bears a closer resemblance to the shape of the hieroglyph M35 , a heap of grain used as an ideogram for a heap of grain and a determinative with the word aHa (aha).798

In the Ramesside period the cone continued to be associated with the bA receiving divine offerings on earth. It remained most frequent in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, the Gold of Honour ceremony and festival cult offering scenes (Table 28). This suggests that although a few individuals through personal choice depicted the cone in unique scenes and some scenes from the Book of the Dead, there was no change in its symbolism from its original meaning. There is a fall in frequency of the cone in the Ramesside period that reflects a preference for locating the scenes in the afterlife, not on earth and in these the cone would not be relevant.

Ah–TIII

TIII/AII

TIV/AIII/ Post Amarna

Amarna period

19th/20th D.

Figure 22. The changing shape of the cone in the New Kingdom.799

The shape and size of the cone in the New Kingdom

The literal meaning of aHa is ‘a stand up’ and when aHa is written with the determinative M35 it is translated as ‘heap’.800 This word, in use from the Old Kingdom, was by the New Kingdom, used almost exclusively for abundant divine offerings.801 The word aHaw for heaps of

Ancient Egyptians used symbols to express abstract theological concepts and for their symbols they used hieroglyphs.793 The hieroglyph was selected for its association with the concept it was intended to express and as a symbol of the bA receiving divine offerings it can be speculated that the shape of the cone is associated with hieroglyphs related to divine offerings.794 The early cone

795 See for example the cone in TT 340 (Cherpion, Menassa and Kruchten 1999: Plate 2). 796 Wb. 3, 184. 6-7, 14-16. 797 Bruyère 1926: 69-72. 798 For the selection of a particular hieroglyph as a determinative see Goldwasser 1995: 26-53 who calls the image or icon chosen as the best example of the category, the prototype. For her subsequent discussion on determinatives, see Goldwasser 1999: 49-61. Schenkel 1976: 4-7 categorises hieroglyphs as generic determinatives if they represent a specific characteristic that clarifies the meaning of the word. By his definition the cone shaped heap used as a determinative for the word ‘stand up’ is an example of a generic determinative. 799 Adapted from the diagram in Maraite 1991: 213-219. 800 Wb. 1, 220. 10-221. 1. 801 The word aHaw for heaps of grain to be dedicated to the temple of Amun is found on the Eighteenth Dynasty tomb wall fragment, thought to be from A4, the tomb of Wnsw (Barbotin 2005: 34. Louvre, Inv. no. N 1430 and Manniche 1988b: Plate 9 (18)), in TT 63 (TIV(AIII?)) (Dziobek and Abd el Raziq 1990: 40, Text 7a, Columns 10-11), and TT 96A ((TIII)/AII) (Urk. IV, 1421, 5). In the New Kingdom the word aHa was used in the phrase aHaw n wdn for heaps of offerings and noted by Breasted 1906a: 343, Text 785, Footnote h. as a common term for a heap of cult offerings to be placed on an altar. A decree that offerings should be piled in heaps of offerings (aHaw n wdn) is found on a New Kingdom inscription in Cairo Museum (Wb. Belegstellen 1, 220. 12. Kairo WB1 (21367) 4. Unpublished). Another Eighteenth Dynasty text in the temple of Amun at Karnak specifies the heaps of offerings (aHaw n wdn) for the festival of Min (Urk. IV, 748, 14). The word aHa

790 A cone on the tomb owner receiving offerings from the Tree Goddess: TT 1 (PM 12/1 (10)) in Shedid and Shedid 1994: 106; TT 51 (PM 12/1 (7)) in Davies 1927: Frontispiece and Plate IX; TT 54 (PM 12/1 (8)) in Polz et al 1997: Colour Plate 7; TT 178 (PM 12/1 (5) II) in Hofmann 1995a: Plate XXVI; and in TT 335 (PM 12/1 (15) I) in Bruyère 1926: Figure 92. A cone on the bA-bird with offerings: TT 178 on the ceiling in inner room in Hofmann 1995a: Plate XIId and a cone when fowling in the marshes in TT 217 (PM 12/1 (5) IV), Plate XXX. 791 The tomb becomes a place of divine presence where the deceased worships the gods. The court enclosed by a wall and a pylon gate, is a place of transition into the tomb that has become a temple (Assmann 2003b: 46-52). Hofmann 1995b: 279 comments on the statues of gods in Ramesside tombs that reflect the development of the tomb as a temple and a place for the worship by the deceased tomb owner of the gods. Fábián, 2004d: 351-352 describes TT 32 (RII) as a private temple in which Thutmose offers to the cult statue of Osiris. 792 Hofmann 1995b: 275. 793 For the use of hieroglyphs as symbols, see Bianchi 1995: 2533-2534, Hornung 1995: 1723-1729, Loprieno 1995: 2138-2139, Robins 1997: 23-24, and Wilkinson 2001: 331-335. For the development of the use of pictograms to symbolise abstract concepts, see Goldwasser 1995: 3-25. 794 For example, the hieroglyph of the sail to symbolise the sweet breath of the north wind (Gardiner’s sign list P5).

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CHAPTER 6. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONE IN THE NEW KINGDOM divine offerings was used on a stela of Tuthmosis III in Karnak to instruct that twelve aHaw were to be placed before the god on the Great Feast days when Amun visited the temple of Ptah.802 The inscription continues with instructions that the heaps of offerings should then be given to the priests. This particular example of the use of the word ‘heap’ for divine offerings that reverted to the priests, demonstrates why the determinative M35 would have been an appropriate choice as a symbol for the abundant divine offerings received by the bA of the deceased tomb owner. The cone was at its maximum size in the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III (Figure 17) when the cone on the tomb owner became most frequent in the Valley Festival banquet scene and was first employed in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony.803 Many of these scenes also emphasise the abundance of the offerings, a concept that is conveyed through the large size of the cone.

It can also be speculated that the hieroglyph M35 was selected for the cone because its literal meaning of ‘stand up’ was a term used idiomatically in mortuary texts, meaning ‘life’ and ‘resurrection’ ensured through divine offerings. To be upright was synonymous with life and renewal.807 This word play has a particular resonance for the cone in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, when the mummy stands upright under the sun and receives the first mortuary cult offerings. It also has relevance for the receipt of the gold collar in the Gold of Honour ceremony with the tomb owner standing, under the light of the sun.808

The cone and anointing It is known that oil and unguents were applied to the head as part of normal everyday practice in ancient Egypt and this has been seen as supporting the concept of a solid unguent cone on the head at the banquet.809 Yet the banquet scene portrays the cone on the wig and there is no evidence of fat or oil on surviving ancient Egyptian wigs.810 The colouration of the clothes in the banquet scenes is also cited as evidence of a melting cone of fat on the head.811 There are some tombs

The cone retained its earlier meaning in Amarna tomb scenes, but its shape changed to become thin and elongated and it bears a resemblance to the sacred loaf of bread offered to the Aten. This is a suitable shape for symbolising the divine offerings from the altar of the deity.804 In the later Ramesside period the cone resumed its iconic heap shape, although it was often smaller than the Eighteenth Dynasty cone, perhaps reflecting the emphasis of the scene is not the abundance the offerings, but on the presence of the bA.805 The change in the shape of the cone throughout the New Kingdom coincides with each significant development in the way the cone is employed in tomb scenes and this suggests a meaningful relationship between the shape, the size of the cone, and its symbolism. At each change the choice of shape resembles a hieroglyph associated with divine offerings.806

807 Assmann 2005: 106. This meaning is also discussed in Kristensen 1992: 83-86. 808 Word play may be involved in the common inclusion of the stela behind the coffin in the scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, as the word for ‘stela’ also uses the root aHa. Of particular relevance to the ceremony of the Gold of Honour, aHa with the heap determinative can mean ‘property’ and ‘wealth’ (Wb. 1, 220. 10-221. 1) and with different determinatives it can mean ‘treasure’ (Meeks 1982: 77.0731), and a multitude of people (Wb. 1, 221. 8-10). All these words can be associated with aspects of the ceremonial scene. 809 For example, the following have described the cone as unguent that melted, perfumed, and moisturised the head, hair and body: Freed 1982a: 199, Müller 1984: 366-367, and Stead 1986: 51. Evidence for the use of unguent on the hair comes from a stela which records that Rameses II presented his stone workers with unguent for their heads: ‘I have filled for you the magazines with everything consisting of bread, meat and cakes, sandals and clothes-ointment (unguent) enough for anointing (sgnn qnw wrH) your heads every ten days.’ (KRI II, 362, 4 and Hamada 1938: 228-229). Although the ten days might imply anointing during the ‘weekend’ break, there is no suggestion that this sgnn was for use at funerary banquets. Grease has been found on the hair of soldiers buried at the tomb of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre. As they had not been mummified this shows that the substance had been applied in life (Winlock 1942: 9). 810 If the application of unguent to the wig was an established and widespread practice, then it would be likely that some evidence of it would have been found on ancient Egyptian wigs, yet this in not so. Fourteen wigs in the Cairo museum were tested by Lucas and only the wax and resin used to hold the curls and plaits in place were found. Nine of the wigs were New Kingdom, one was Twenty-first Dynasty (Lucas 1930: 190-196 and Lucas 1962: 30-31). A wig in the British Museum was also tested and also found to use a mixture of wax and resin (Stevens Cox 1977: 67-70). Their method of manufacture meant that it would not be possible to wash or clean the wigs to remove any fatty residue without damaging them. The lack of any fat residue suggests that melting fat cones were not applied to the wig even though the tomb scenes appear to show this taking place. 811 Wreszinski 1923: 7b commenting on the banquet guests depicted in the fragments from tomb of Nebamun; BM EA 379801 and Davies 1927: 44, Plate XXV. Keimer believed that the perfumed cone on the head and the oil on the body that made the fabric transparent was the same substance because it was the same colour (Keimer 1953: 366368). Nina Davies supposed that the yellow streaks on the clothes in TT 38 were intended to show the effects of ointment melting from the head as the atmosphere grew hotter (Davies and Gardiner 1936b: 75). Sandison 1997: 32 states that: ‘The cones on their head contained scented ointment and would melt during the evening.’ Groom 1997: 107 comments that: ‘An unusual way of applying perfume in ancient Egypt

occurs in the Coffin Text III, 78g to describe the ownership of abundant food by the deceased in the next life. Not every text referenced above uses M35 the heap determinative with the word aHa, but they demonstrate the strong association of the concept of the heap shape with divine cult offerings. The meaning of aHaw for abundant heaps continued after the New Kingdom and later texts also use this word for ‘heaps’ and ‘piles’ (Lesko and Lesko 2000-2004: 76). 802 Urk. IV, 3, 768, 16. From the temple of Ptah at Karnak also published by Legrain 1902: 107-111. See also a translation in Breasted 1906b: 246, Texts 617-619. For a description of this stela see JacquetGordon 2006: 121-123. 803 See, for example, the large cone on the tomb owner in TT 181 (Davies 1925a: 53-56, Plates V-VIII) and even larger cone on Khamhat Meh in TT 57 (Gros de Beler 2001: 18 and Wreszinski 1923: Plate 203). 804 See Maraite 1991: 213-219 for her descriptions of the changing shape of the cone and also the observations of Muhammed 1966: 155. For Nefertiti offering bread in the same shape as the Amarna cone, see Davies 1905b: XXXV and for the Akhenaten and Nefertiti similar shaped offering bread see Davies 1905a: Plate VI. See also the cone on Huya and the offering loaves heaped into a long thin cone shape (Davies 1905b: 4, Plates XX and XXI). 805 A small cone appears on the tomb owner in TT 267 from the time of Rameses IV (Hofmann and Hofmann 2004: Colour Plate 27). The progression in shape and size has been used as a dating criterion by Cherpion 1987: 27-47, Shedid 1988: 50, Dziobek et al 1992: 27 and 36, Polz et al 1997: 135, and Hofmann and Hofmann 2004: 181-182. 806 There are two early tombs, TT 82 (Hat/TIII) and TT 22 (TIII/AII) that show a cone on the guests which is a bumpy and irregular heap. This shape may have been experimental for it was not repeated in other tombs.

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A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT that appear to have an exact correlation between the presence of a cone and coloured shading on the clothes and this would seem to support the idea that the melted cone has caused the colouration.812 On the other hand, there are many examples of scenes in which there is no exact correlation between the cone on the head and the coloured shading on the clothes. This suggests that the colouration is not caused by the fat from a melting cone. Feucht, in her study of the Nineteenth Dynasty tomb of Nefersekheru, analysed the concurrence of the colouration of the clothes and the depiction of a cone. She demonstrates that there is no direct association between the two.813 Some Egyptologists suggest that the shading is due to oil on the body that has made the cloth transparent. Banquet scenes in some tombs show guests having unguent or oil rubbed into their arms and it seems plausible that this would be transferred to the clothing.814 There are enough inconsistencies between the presence of a cone and the shading on the clothes to suggest that the shading does not represent the melted fat from the cone. A more recent suggestion is that the cone is a symbol of perfume and its function in the banquet scene is associated with sexual attraction and the potential of rebirth.815 However, the cone appears more frequently in scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony than in the banquet scene and neither have any connection with sexual attraction.816

there could be an alternative meaning for the cone, appropriate for the scenes in which it was most commonly represented. The conclusion drawn from the research is that the cone symbolises the bA of the tomb owner receiving divine offerings on earth. However, it also transpires that there is an indirect association between the cone and anointing. The scenes in which the cone is most frequent feature in the mortuary ceremonies in which anointing takes place. In the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb, anointing with the sacred oils was one of the rituals that protected the body and strengthened it for the transformations that the ceremony brought about, which included the freeing of the bA.817 In the Beautiful Festival of the Valley banquet, anointing the statue of the deceased with antyw made it suitable for the indwelling of his bA. Anointing the living guests with antyw oil prepared them for the realisation of their bA, through which they experienced communion with the bA of their divine father. In the Gold of Honour ceremony, anointing the body with oil prepared the rewardee for the emergence of his bA that would be in direct contact with the solar deity and his divine gift of the gold collar. In all of these examples, the purpose of the anointing relates to preparing the body for the manifestation of the bA. However, the evidence suggests it would be a mistake to interpret the cone as the symbol of this anointing. Anointing takes place in Episode 55 of the Opening the Mouth, but the cone does not appear in every Opening the Mouth scene, only in the ceremony in front of the tomb in which the bA is set free and receives offerings. If the cone symbolises anointing at the banquet, then it is surprising that it does not appear on the tomb owner in early Festival of the Valley banquets, especially in those in which the text refers to anointing the tomb owner.818 In the Gold of Honour ceremony, the cone appears when the tomb owner is wearing the golden necklace and is acclaimed as a supernatural being, not when he is anointed.

This study set out to discover if there was an association between the cone and anointing the head or whether was the unguent cone, made of perfumed fat and placed on the head to drip down.’ 812 TT 38 (Davies and Gardiner 1936a: Plate XXXVI), TT 52 (Shedid and Seidel 1996: Plate 46 with yellow cones and yellow shaded clothes and Plate 64 with no cone and no shading). In TT 359 (Hodel-Hoenes 2000: 266-289) there are no cones in the scenes and the clothes are pure white. Yellow/orange was the colour used in the Eighteenth Dynasty and red in the Ramesside period. Shedid and Seidel 1996: 29 uses the yellow shading on the banquet guests’ clothes in TT 52, as a dating criterion. 813 Feucht 1985: 102. Other examples of non-correlation of cones and colouration on the clothes can be seen in TT 1 (Shedid and Shedid 1994: 57). Door in Cairo museum; JE 27303, TT 69 (Eggebrecht 1984: 150), TT 78 (Brack and Brack 1980: Plate 4a. See also Plates 2 and 3), TT 90 (Davies and Davies 1923: 28 and 34-35, Plates XXI and XXVI), TT 181 (Davies 1925a: 55, Plates V-VII), and TT 138 (Feucht 2006: Plate XV). 814 See the discussion on the important ritual purpose of this anointing in Chapter 5 - Part 4. Davies 1927: 44-45 thought that the yellow ‘stains’ on clothes showed the lavish gifts of unguent from the host and the body was shown glistening through the linen to indicate this, a view shared by Manniche 1999: 95. A scene in TT 38, the tomb of Djeserkaraseneb, shows shading on the top of the woman’s knee and could represents oil on the leg coming through where the cloth was held over it tightly (Davies and Gardiner 1936a: Plate XXXVI). Tombs (in chronological order) that show the body of the guest anointed: TT 42 (Davies N.M. 1933: Plate XXXVIII); TT 100 (Davies 1943b: Plates LXIV-LXVII); TT 75 (Davies and Davies 1923: Plates IV-V); TT 38 (Davies 1963: Plate VI); TT 175 (Manniche 1988a: Fig 31); TT 181 (Davies 1925a: Plate V); and TT 45 (Davies 1948: Plate IV). Anointing the body with oil is attested in secular texts, for example in New Kingdom love poems (Fox 1985: 44 and Simpson 1972: 311, Stanza 26). However, perfuming the skin with oils in these secular contexts is not evidence that ritual anointing in tomb scenes was associated with sexuality. 815 See the views of Cherpion and Manniche in Chapter 2. 816 Thompson 1998: 229-243 has shown in his study of texts concerned with anointing the deceased that unction with sacred oils in funerary ceremonies was unassociated with sexuality.

There are also situations in which the cone appears that do not have an association with anointing. The bA-bird can have a cone when receiving divine offerings. Anointing is not a ritual performed in the voyage to Abydos in which the cone is depicted and there is no obvious association with anointing when Neferhotep inspects his funerary equipment or greets his deceased parents. The evidence suggests that unguent can be understood as being indirectly associated with the cone, but only because anointing prepared the body or statue for the presence of the bA.819

817

See Chapter 3 – Part 2. Identification of the ritual episodes of the Opening of the Mouth associated with the cone. 818 For example, in TT 100, the inscription over Rekhmire advises anointing with antyw and bAq oil, but he does not have a cone (Davies 1943b: Plate LXIII). 819 It is also possible that the cone shape on unguent vessels, especially those containing antyw, symbolises that its application prepared the body for the presence of the bA.

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Chapter 7. Final observations and summary The interpretation of the cone as a symbol of the bA on earth receiving divine offerings, has developed from the examination of the three categories of tomb scene in which the cone on the tomb owner is most frequent. This chapter concludes the study by summarising the major theological developments in the New Kingdom that led to the desire of the non-royal elite to symbolise the presence of their bA. It also outlines how these developments are reflected in the scenes in which the cone is so frequent.

presence of the bA could be symbolised with the cone on the head.822 The scenes with the greatest frequency of the cone portray ceremonies that involve the bA of the tomb owner. The highest incidence of the cone, in the largest number of scenes, is in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb. Texts of the ceremony and the inscriptions with the scenes demonstrate that the bA achieved separation from the mummy and took possession of the divine mortuary cult offerings. The cone appears very frequently in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley in the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III and in these banquet scenes the inscriptions imply that the deceased owner’s bA was present in the tomb and taking part in the festivities. Although reference to the bA of the living is not common, there is enough evidence to support the suggestion that the bA of the living noble could become evident during the Gold of Honour ceremony, able to stand in the presence of the supreme solar deity, and receive the sacred golden necklace.

The bA concept in the New Kingdom A significant development in the New Kingdom was the explicit expression of the role of the bA of the private individual in tomb scenes and inscriptions. Until the New Kingdom, the dominant afterlife aspect of the deceased was the kA and tomb decoration employed scenes that maintained its eternal existence. There is reference to the bA in the Old Kingdom, but it is nearly always in connection with the bA of the deceased king and the gods and there is little reference to it in connection with the non-royal tomb owner. Fuller reference to the bA in the afterlife of the private individual appears in the Coffin Texts. They present a well-developed concept, suggesting that it had evolved earlier than the Middle Kingdom, even though the concept had not been overtly expressed.820 Spells in the Coffin Texts are without visual representation and Middle Kingdom tomb scenes perpetuated Old Kingdom themes concerned with the well-being of the kA.

Offerings and the afterlife The theological concept underpinning eternal life in ancient Egypt was the provision of divine offerings for the deceased. The scene of the deceased, seated before an offering table, is one of the oldest and longest lasting images in ancient Egyptian art. In the Old and Middle Kingdom it represented offerings made to the kA of the deceased tomb owner. However, in Coffin Text IV, 57d58f the deceased refers to his bA receiving the offerings made to him at the tomb and in the New Kingdom, mortuary inscriptions requesting offerings for the bA, become common.823 In the early Eighteenth Dynasty tomb of Puyemre TT 39 (Hat/TIII), there is an offering inscription in which the deceased is promised an existence of many forms: as he was on earth, in the sky, with his soul (bA) as in former times.824 Texts such as these reveal that for the ancient Egyptian, divine food was contingent with renewal and resurrection. The act of receiving divine food offerings was embedded in the continuous and uninterrupted cycle of eternal life, with the gods and the living on earth. Cult offerings formed the ritual framework for the transition of the deceased between the afterlife spheres.825 The mode of existence that could move freely between these spheres was the bA of the tomb owner and this transition took place when the bA was summoned to receive divine offerings.

The bA, however, offered the non-royal individual an eternity unconfined to the tomb and free to go wherever it wished and in the New Kingdom reference to the bA becomes increasingly prominent.821 The desire to represent the role that the bA played in the afterlife of the tomb owner can be seen at first in increased reference to it in the tomb inscriptions from the early Eighteenth Dynasty. Soon after, existing tomb scenes were adapted and then new tomb scenes were created, in which the

820 For example, in Coffin Text I, 396c: ‘Thy bA belongs to thee thou power belongs to thee.’ Žabkar 1968: 58-61, 90 and Bolshakov 1997: 284-286 consider that the bA was an attribute of the private individual before the end of the Old Kingdom. There are bA references in private Old Kingdom tombs, for example, the bA of Hermeru in his Sixth Dynasty tomb at Saqqara (Altenmüller 1993: 1-15). Bolshakov suggests that in the Old Kingdom the bA was not overtly referred to because to do so might have been seen as a profanity against the bA-power of divine beings. 821 This study takes the position that the concept of the bA evolved much earlier, but in the New Kingdom theological developments led to the rise in the importance of the bA in the afterlife of the non-royal tomb owner and a change in religious decorum permitted its visual representation. In the New Kingdom, the bA eclipsed the kA, a phenomenon consistent with a rise in individualism, with greater importance attached to the personal achievements of the individual (Bell 2002: 38-42).

822

Žabkar 1968: 90-92 discusses the development of the bA concept in the non-royal deceased following the First Intermediate Period. Bolshakov 1997: 286-290 argues that the concept of the bA in the Old Kingdom was dominated by the kA and the tomb scenes represented the afterlife existence of the kA of the deceased. The emergence of the previously hidden existence of the bA occurred in the Middle Kingdom and the role of the bA in the afterlife of the deceased becomes explicit. 823 See Chapter 3 - Part 3 for some of these texts. 824 Davies 1923a: 21-22, Plates LIII-LIV. 825 Assmann 2005: 330-348.

103

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT In the funerary ritual of the Opening the Mouth, the deceased was presented with divine offerings from the altar of the gods and the bA received them. The bA in receipt of divine offerings was empowered to join the gods and would continue to share their offerings in the divine sphere. Recitation of the Htp di nswt summoned the bA to earth to receive divine offerings at the banquet during festival celebrations.826 The festival banquet scene was the first scene to depict the cone on the tomb owner and it was the first that overtly expressed the bA of the deceased receiving divine offerings on earth.

of the deity. The cone appears on the rewardee at the moment he has possession of the necklace and receives the adulation normally shown to divine beings. In Chapter 4 it is proposed that the cone in this scene symbolises the realisation of the bA, a state in which the direct contact of a living person with a deity would be possible. The gift of the gold necklace was proof of the recognition and approval of the supreme solar deity. The cone appears in this scene from its inception, suggesting that it was created to portray the involvement of the bA of the tomb owner in a relationship that he could rely on after death.

The solar cult

The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb also has strong solar associations. The ceremony was performed in the light of the sun and represents the first moment that the bA, set free by the rituals and in receipt of divine offerings, could leave the mummy to join the sun god in the sky. A hymn to Re-Horakhty was added to the closing rites of the ceremony in the New Kingdom, emphasising the association of this scene with the sun god.832 The cone appeared in this scene from its inception, demonstrating that its symbolism was integral to the meaning of the scene. The festival banquet scene also had solar associations. During the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, the bA of the tomb owner left the tomb to join in the procession of the barque of Amun-Re, in a symbolic reenactment of the daily journey of the solar deity in which the bA of the deceased wished to participate.

From the reign of Tuthmosis I, there is evidence of the increasing importance of the solar cycle in the afterlife of the king. This involved the unification of the bA of the deceased king with the bA of the solar deity.827 The cone originated during the reign of Hatshepsut and her reign saw the emergence of the theological development that emphasised the close relationship of the king with AmunRe, a concept that became increasingly important as the Eighteenth Dynasty progressed.828 Akhenaten had exclusive relations with the Aten, who was accessed through the king. For the private tomb owner, the most effective means of conquering death was through solar resurrection. Pre and post-Amarna, this was achieved by his bA accompanying Amun-Re in his solar barque.829 In Atenist doctrine, the bA of the deceased noble left the tomb each day to emerge into the light of the sun disc to receive offerings in his temple. From the mid Eighteenth Dynasty onwards, tomb owners selected scenes that allowed them to express the association of their bA with the solar deity.830

Ancestor veneration During the New Kingdom, royal ancestor veneration became prominent. Ancestor veneration was an important aspect of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. Through veneration of the deified ancestor kings, during the festival the divine origins of the king and the legitimacy of the king’s reign was celebrated. Veneration of the nonroyal family ancestor took place at the banquet in the tomb. Divine offerings from the altars of the royal ancestors reverted for offering at the festival banquet. The bA of the divine ancestor of the family returned to earth to receive the divine offerings and the family members shared these offerings. Through this ritual, the tomb owner was reunited and reintegrated into his living family on earth. The Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb shares many similarities with the Royal Ancestor Ritual as evidenced by its liturgy, rituals and iconography. The scene portrays the deceased ancestor receiving, for the first time, the offerings of his mortuary cult. It marks the importance of the tomb as the place on earth where the dead returned to be worshipped.833

The scene of the Gold of Honour ceremony portrays the special relationship between the living tomb owner and the solar deity.831 The Sbyw awarded by the king was presented in the presence of the bA rays of the sun. The golden necklace was the god’s sacred gift and symbolic 826 This is not to deny other aspects of the mortuary rituals that were involved with the resurrection and renewal of the deceased, but it is the role of food offerings for the bA of the tomb owner which has been shown to be fundamental for understanding the symbolism of the cone of the head. 827 See Chapter 5 - Part 2. 828 Roth 2005: 147-151. The architecture and decorative programme of the temple of Deir el Bahri promote the divinity of Hatshepsut and her claim that Amun-Re was her father. 829 Taylor 2001: 28-31, Troy 2006: 169-171, and Assmann 2005: 92-93. Sun hymns, with the deceased tomb owner taking the role of the priest, incorporate him into the cycles of solar resurrection. The bA of the deceased was reunited with his mummy each night in a re-enaction of the union of the bA of Re with Osiris that took place in the sixth hour of the night and which brought about their revivification. By travelling in the solar boat and being reunited with the mummy, the bA of the tomb owner entered the eternal cycles of nHH and Dt. See the discussion of the bA of the tomb owner and its participation in the solar cycle in Chapter 4 - Part 1. 830 Ramesside tombs also express the concept of a solar afterlife through tomb architectural elements, small pyramids, stelophorus statues with solar hymns, scenes with the deceased in the solar barque and bathed in sunlight. Tomb scenes were organised into a lower earth bound register and an upper register with the deceased worshipping the gods (Snape 2011: 223-225). 831 For the discussion on this scene, its purpose and symbolism see Chapter 4.

832 Episode 71 is a censing for Re-Horakhty, which integrates the ritual into the course of the sun (Assmann 326-327). 833 See Footnote 791.

104

CHAPTER 7. FINAL OBSERVATIONS AND SUMMARY that it was performed in the Old Kingdom, but it is not until the beginning of the New Kingdom that it was visually represented and it was not until the late Eighteenth Dynasty that the involvement of the bA in the ritual was symbolised by the cone.839 In the Ramesside period there is a further development in the ceremony in which the deceased is shown with his mouth opened by Anubis. The cone can appear in this type of Opening the Mouth too.840

The return to earth After death, the tomb owner wished for his bA to return to earth in the form that he had been before and in the New Kingdom the earth became increasingly sacralised, allowing the dead to rejoin the living.834 The festival culture of the New Kingdom was the start of this sacralisation and by the time of Tuthmosis IV/Amenhotep III, the West bank had become a sacred nexus of temples and tombs within which the bA of the deceased could return to be manifest on earth. At the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, the deceased tomb owner returned to earth and could participate in the festival with the living. In the Ramesside period, the deceased portrays himself, with a cone receiving festival offerings and life size engaged tomb statues, some with a cone, were the focal point for these offerings.

The frequent depiction of the cone on the tomb owner in the banquet scene occurs later than it does on the living guests. In Chapter 5 it is suggested that this may have been due to the constraints of decorum that did not permit the representation of the divine bA of the deceased tomb owner.841 On the other hand, it was acceptable to symbolise contact with the tomb owner by the living family, which was mediated thorough their bA. The scene of the Gold of Honour ceremony and the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb were created at the same time that the cone became frequent on the deceased tomb owner at the banquet. This suggests that, by this time, symbolising the presence of the divine bA had become acceptable and important. Although the development that increasingly allowed the portrayal of the deceased taking part in sacred rituals has been termed ‘democratisation’, it is possible that it reflects instead the desire to convey visually a concept that before could only be expressed in writing.842

Decorum Although the cone was not created until the New Kingdom, the role of the bA in the afterlife of the nonroyal individual had been described fully in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts. The concept of the divine deceased tomb owner returning to earth for festivals was not a new afterlife concept either, reference to it also occurs in the Middle Kingdom Texts.835 The delay between the verbal expression and its visualisation in tomb scenes may have been due to the rules of religious decorum.836 The delay until the New Kingdom to symbolise the presence of the bA by the use of the cone on the head suggests that it was not until this time that this afterlife concept could be represented visually. The accepted religious norms altered gradually in the New Kingdom and it eventually became acceptable for the non-royal tomb owner to depict his access to, and incorporation in, the world of divine beings.837 By the Ramesside period, the change in decorum allows the representation of the deceased in scenes in which he receives mortuary rites, the outcome of those rituals, and his existence in the divine sphere with the gods.838

Synchronicity From the time of Tuthmosis IV, the cone is very frequent in the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, the scenes of the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb and the Gold of Honour ceremony. However, it would be a mistake to ascribe this phenomenon precisely to the reign of Tuthmosis IV. The tomb scenes investigated in this study reflect the afterlife aspirations of the non-royal elite and their lives could span more than one king’s reign. This is especially so for the reign of Tuthmosis IV that was very short and it is not practical to consider the apogee of the cone as a consequence of his rule.843 It is better to see the flourishing of the depiction of the cone in tomb scenes as a response to the concurrence, in the mid Eighteenth Dynasty, of the theological developments that took place

The change in decorum that permitted an increasingly explicit depiction of sacred rituals and the presence of the bA in them can be seen in the development of the scene of the Opening the Mouth. It is known from mortuary texts 834

Assmann 2005: 209-234 discusses the gradual development from wishing to go forth as a means to receive offerings, to expressing the desire to be actively involved in the world of the living. 835 For example, on the Middle Kingdom stela, the text that follows the Htp di nswt asks for the deceased to go forth on every festival (Barta 1968: 66, Bitte 92). 836 Most elements existed for a considerable period before a means of presenting them within the bounds of decorum was established Baines 1991: 138 and Baines 2007: 14-30. The possible outcome of the lessening constraints of decorum in the New Kingdom banquet scene is discussed in this study in Chapter 5 - Part 3. 837 On the effect of decorum in religious expression in the New Kingdom see Baines 1990: 1-23, Baines 1991: 137-140, Baines 2007: 14-30, in particular pages 21-26, and Baines and Frood 2011: 1-17. Tomb scenes show that changes of attitude relating to the representation of the afterlife took place throughout the period of the New Kingdom. 838 For example, the deceased is led by Horus to Osiris in the Ramesside tombs TT 31 (Davies 1948: Plate XVI), TT 218 (Bruyère 1928: Figure 42), and TT 409 (Negm 1997: Plate XXVII). In TT 1 Sennedjem sits before Osiris and asks to share his food (Shedid and Shedid 1994: 79).

839

For this suggested symbolism of the cone in the Opening of the Mouth in front of the tomb, see Chapter 3. 840 The deceased in a coffin with Anubis performing the Opening of the Mouth, has a cone in two of the four scenes recorded for this study, in TT 2 (Bruyère 1952: Plate VII) and TT 219 (a) (Maystre 1936: Plate V). The scene is allied to the vignette that accompanies the Book of the Dead - Chapter 1 in which Anubis attends the deceased on a bier with Isis and Nepthys at the foot and head (Saleh 1984: 9-13 and Faulkner 2010: 25). The text finishes with the request that the bA of the deceased shall receive offerings and come and go freely from the tomb. show a cone on the tomb owner in this scene. 841 See Chapter 5 - Part 3. 842 Smith 2009: 1-18 argues against the concept of democratisation and considers that it is more likely that the non-royal tomb owner enjoyed the same afterlife as the deceased king and had access to the same spells from the time of the Old Kingdom even though it was not overtly expressed. 843 It is thought that his reign only lasted ten years or so (Baines and Málek 1980: 36).

105

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT during the years leading up to the Amarna period.844 From the time of Tuthmosis IV, innovation brought about a diversity in religious and artistic activity and the increased importance of the solar cult. The range of solar hymns inscribed on non-royal monuments indicates that there was a diverse and active debate taking place amongst the elite from the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty onwards and the scenes they chose reflect the dominant role of the bA in their aspirations for the afterlife.

Kingdom scenes in which it features frequently. Whilst it is accepted that it is possible to have more than one explanation for the same set of facts, the explanation of the cone as a symbol of the bA on earth receiving divine offerings is offered here as a logical, consistent, and feasible, interpretation.

Summary The desire to represent the bA visually in the New Kingdom was a response to the increased importance of the bA in the afterlife of the non-royal ancient Egyptian elite. Through the mediation of his bA, the tomb owner could experience direct contact with the supreme solar deity in life and after death and could return to earth to rejoin the living. The three scenes that have the highest frequency of a cone encapsulate the role of the bA of the non-royal individual in life and in death. They present the tomb owner at the ceremony in which his bA receives a sacred necklace from the supreme solar deity during his life, the moment that his bA takes up its autonomous existence just before burial and the return of his bA to festivals on earth. These scenes also demonstrate the vital function of divine offerings in enabling the bA to achieve transition between the world of the gods and the living on earth. Although the cone was depicted in other tomb scenes, the persistent and significant frequency of the cone in the Opening the Mouth in front of the tomb ceremony, the Gold of Honour ceremony, and banquet and mortuary cult offering scenes shows that they expressed the most important events involving the bA. This study has also considered the traditional interpretation of the cone as a symbol of perfumed oil or unguent. Whilst all three scenes in which the cone is most frequent also involve anointing, the evidence suggests that the anointing could have been associated with preparing the body for the presence of the autonomous bA. This connection between the cone and anointing is indirect and the cone should not be seen as a symbol of the anointing. The evidence points more convincingly to the cone as a symbol of the bA summoned to receive divine offerings. A serious challenge in the interpretation of symbolic art is the tendency to make unconscious assumptions. The research methodology for this study has employed the collection and analysis of large numbers of data. The clustered patterns of cone frequency that emerge from the data, indicate those scenes that are particularly relevant for the symbolism that the cone expresses. Subsequent examination of the scenes, reveals the afterlife concepts that they hold in common. This objective methodology reduces the risk of making assumptions and focussing on pre-conceived ideas. It has provided a possible explanation for the cone that is relevant for the New 844 Baines 2001: 271-371 discusses the development in religious ideas and their expression the mid Eighteenth Dynasty leading up to the reign of Akhenaten.

106

Appendix: Databases Database 1: Source Data .........................................................................................................................108 Database 2: All OTM Scenes ..................................................................................................................120 Database 3: OTM Episodes ....................................................................................................................122 Database 4: OTM Type 2 Tombs ...........................................................................................................131 Database 5: OTM Type 2 Stelae.............................................................................................................132 Database 6: GOH. ....................................................................................................................................133 Database 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets.......................................................................................................134 Database 8: Concordance .......................................................................................................................136

107

At tomb entrance addressing sun god At tomb entrance addressing Osiris Leaving/entering tomb/going forth Appointed into office Receiving foreign tribute Inspecting workshops/goods/treasury Inspecting estate livestock Inspecting estate agriculture/receiving produce Other official duties Presented to King in GOH ceremony Anointed in GOH ceremony Jubilating (1) in GOH ceremony Jubilating (2) in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when standing in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when in chariot in GOH ceremony Fowling Fishing Angling Clapnetting Hippo spearing Hunting Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Celebratory banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 19th/20th D. Family meal

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

4

4

4

4

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

(TIII)/AII

TIII/AII

TIII/AII

AII

TIII/AII

TIII/AII

(TIII)/AII

TIII

TIII

TIII (?)

(Hat)/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

Start 18th D.-TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

Hat

Hat/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

AI

Start 18th D.-Hat

A1-Hat/(TIII)

TI/Hat/(TIII)

Ah/AI

5

5

5

5

5

5

6

6

6

6

6

108

N

N N

lost

N N N N

lost

C

N N

lost lost lost

N N N N N N N

N

N

N N N

N

N

N

N lost lost

N

N

N

C

N N N N

N

N N N

N N

N

N

N

N

N N

N N

N C

N

N

N N

lost

N

N

N

N

lost [N]

N N

N N N

N

N N N

lost lost

N

[N] [N]

N N

N N

N

N N N N N

N

N

C

N N N

lost

N N N N

N N

C

N N

N

N

N N

C

N N

N N

N

Continued on page 109

N

Tetiky

15

C

User

21

lost

Ineni 81

N

Amenemhat 340 C

Renni EK 7

C N

Djehuty 11

N N N N

Baki 18

[N] N

Puyemre 39

N

Amenhotep 73

N N

Amenemhat 82

N N

Thutnefer 104

N

Tati 154

N

Intef 155

N N

Amenhotep 294

lost

Amenemhat 53

N N

Menkheperraseneb TIII 86

N

User 260

[N]

Benia Paheqamen 343

N N

Paheri EK 3

N

Nebamun 17

N N

Mentuherkhepshef TIII/(AII) 20

N

Wah 22

N

Amenmose 42

N

Djheuty 45 N

Menkheperraseneb TIII/AII 79

N N

Thutnefer 80

N

Amenemheb Meh 85

N

Pehsukher Tjenenu (TIII)/AII 88

N N

Suemniut 92

N N N

Kenamun 93

N

Sennefer 96 N

Rekhmire 100

N

Tjener 101

C

Menkheperraseneb TIII/AII 112

N

Thutmose 248

5

Paser 367

5

AII

Djeserkaraseneb 38

5

(TIII)/AII

Nakht 52

5

TIII/AII

Userhat 56

4

AII/TIV (?)

3

(TIII)/AII

2

AII

2

TIV/AIII

2

(TIV)/AIII

Sobekhotep 63

Reign

2

(TIII)/AII/TIV

Menena 69

Time period

TIV/(AIII?)

Page 1 of 12.

(TIV)/AIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

At tomb entrance addressing sun god At tomb entrance addressing Osiris Leaving/entering tomb/going forth Appointed into office Receiving foreign tribute Inspecting workshops/goods/treasury Inspecting estate livestock Inspecting estate agriculture/receiving produce Other official duties Presented to King in GOH ceremony Anointed in GOH ceremony Jubilating (1) in GOH ceremony Jubilating (2) in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when standing in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when in chariot in GOH ceremony Fowling Fishing Angling Clapnetting Hippo spearing Hunting Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Celebratory banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 19th/20th D. Family meal

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

6

6

6

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

AIII/AIV

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII/AIV

AIII

AII/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

TIV/AIII (?)

AIII

TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AIII (?)

TIV (?)

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

TIII/AII/TIV

7

7

109

N N

C

N

C

C C

lost

C C

C

N N

C

lost

N lost

N

C

Tjenuny

74

lost

Amenhotep Si-se

75 lost lost

Ptahemhat 77

C C

C C

N

N N

C

N C C

lost N

Horemheb 78

lost

Nebamun 90

C

C

N

C

N N

C

C [C] C C N

Nebseny 108

C

Nakht 161

C

Anon 175

N N

Samut 247 N N N

Khnummose 253

C

Thutmose Pary 295

lost

N

Anon 354

N

Merymaat C4

N

Kha 8

C

Amenemhat Surer AIII 48

N

Huy 54

N

Ramose 55

N

Khamhat Meh 57

N

Amenmose 89

N

Nefersekheru 107

N

Pairy 139

C [N]

Kenamun 162

N

Nebamun/Ipuky 181

N

Parennefer 188

7

Kheref Senaa 192

7

AIII

Neferrenpet 249

7

AIII/AIV

6

AIII/AIV

AIII

BM EA 37981/84/86 Nebamun

Reign

6

8

Ak

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

N

N N

C

C C

C C

N

N

C

N

N

C

N

N

N

C

N

N

N N

N N N

C

C C

N

N

N

N

N

N

[C] [N]

C C C N C

C

C

N

Continued on page 110

N

Huya A1

Ak

Meryre II A2

6

Ak

Ahmes A3

Ak

Meryre I A4

6

Ak

Pentu A5

Ak

Panehesy A6

Ak

Parennefer A7

6

Ak

Tutu A8

6

Ak

Mahu A9

6

Ak

Apy A10

6

Ak

Rames A11

6

Ak

May A14

6

Ak

Setau A19

Time period

Ak

Any A23

Page 2 of 12.

Ak

Ay A25

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

At tomb entrance addressing sun god At tomb entrance addressing Osiris Leaving/entering tomb/going forth Appointed into office Receiving foreign tribute Inspecting workshops/goods/treasury Inspecting estate livestock Inspecting estate agriculture/receiving produce Other official duties Presented to King in GOH ceremony Anointed in GOH ceremony Jubilating (1) in GOH ceremony Jubilating (2) in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when standing in GOH ceremony Acclaimed when in chariot in GOH ceremony Fowling Fishing Angling Clapnetting Hippo spearing Hunting Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Celebratory banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 19th/20th D. Family meal

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

9

9

9

9

9

9

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

(19th D.)/20th D.

RII

RII

RII/end 19th D.

RII/late 19th D.

SI/RII

RII or later

Hor/SI RI/SI

RII

RII

RII

Mer

SI/RII

RII/(Mer?)

RII

SI/RII

Tut

Tut

Tut

post-Amarna (Tut/Hor)

Ay/SI

post-Amarna/Hor

post-Amarna/Ay

Hor

Ay/(Hor)

Tut

10

10

RII

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

May 338

Hatiay 324

Nakhtmin 291

Mose 254

Neferhotep 50

Neferhotep

49

Amenhotep Huy

40

110

C C C

N N N N

lost

C C

C C

N

C

N N

C N C N C

N

lost C

N

N C

N

C N

C

C

Anon Havana MN 2

N

N

N N

[C]

N

N

N N N N N

N

N N

C C N C C

N

N N

[N]

C C C

N N

N

N

C N

N N N

N

C

C

C

C

N

N N C C C

Continued on page 111

C C C

C C

Horemheb SAQ South V

N

Pay/Raia SAQ

N

Sennedjem 1

C

Khabekhnet 2

N N

Panehesy 16

C C C

Amenmose 19

C

Tjay 23

N

Khons Ta 31

N N

Thutmose 32

N

Bakenkhons 35 C C

Amenemipet Ipy 41

N

Userhat 51

C C C C

Kener 54

N

Paser 106

N

Neferrenpet 133

N

Nedjemger 138

N

Nebwenenef 157

N

Neferrenpet Kener RII 178

N N

Nebsumenu 183

N N

Ptahemheb 193 N N

Thutemheb 194

N

Ipuy 217

N

Amennakht 218

N

Nebenmaat 219

N

Ramose 250

N

Roy 255

C

Pahemnetjer 284

C

Nefersekheru 296

10

RII

10

RII

10

RII/Mer

9

RII

9

Hor/SI

9 (18th D.)/19th D. before RII

Penniut Suner 331

Reign

9

RII

Nakhtamun 335

Time period

RII

Page 3 of 12.

RII/Mer

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

At tomb entrance addressing sun god At tomb entrance addressing Osiris Leaving/entering tomb/going forth Appointed into office Receiving foreign tribute Inspecting workshops/goods/treasury Inspecting estate livestock Inspecting estate agriculture/receiving produce Other official duties Presented to King in GOH ceremony Anointed in GOH ceremony Jubilating (1) in GOH ceremony Jubilating (2) in GOH ceremony Acclaimed standing in GOH ceremony Acclaimed in chariot in GOH ceremony Fowling Fishing Angling Clapnetting Hippo spearing Hunting Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering Mortuary cult offering 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Mortuary banquet 18th D. Celebratory banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 18th D. BFV banquet 19th/20th D. Family meal

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

Neferrenpet

336

111 lost

N N N N

Amenemwia

356

N

N N

Qeh 360

10

10

10

10

10

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

C

N N

N N N N N

N N

C

N N N

C

C N

N

N N N

N

N

N

N

N

N

C

N

N

N N

N N

Continued on page 112

C

N N

N

N

[N]

N

N C N

N

N

N N

C

Anhurmose EM N

Imiseba EM

Mer

Meri-Meri Leiden 49

RII/Mer

N

19th D.

Iuy Pushkin I.1.a.5637

19th D.

Mes Q Hildesheim 374

SI/RII

Amenmose 373

10

19th D.

Khay SAQ

Reign RII

RII Samut Kyky 409

10

RII

Hormin SAQ LS29

RII

RII Cairo temp 17.5.25.1 Ptahmes

10

19th D.

Nefersekheru ZS

10

SI/RII

Khonsmose 30

SI

Amenemheb 44

20th D.

Djehutyemheb 45

20th D.

Paenkhemenu 68

20th D.

Kynebu 113

Siamun

Amenemipet 148

10

RVIII

Tjanefer 158

RIII/RV

Neferhotep/Meh 257

SII/Tauseret/(RIII)

Hori 259

AIII/AIV

Ameneminet 277

10

20th D.

Amenemheb 278

20th D.

Rema 294

20th D.

Nakhtamun 341

10

19th D./20th D.

Inherkhau 359

20th D.

Piay 406

RIII/RIV

Penniut Suner AN

10

20th D.

Setau EK 4

RVI

Paser MH

10

20th D.

Anon Rifeh Tomb 2

Time period

RIII

Page 4 of 12.

RIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

Offering to living king Offering to deceased king Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Offers to relatives Offers to colleages Surveys burial goods Watches coffin made Coffin in funeral procession/carried to tomb Voyage from Abydos Voyage to Abydos Deceased lustrated Mummy bandaged Funeral rites on coffin/mummy/statue Given Bouquet of Amun

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

4

4

4

4

4

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

(TIII)/AII

AII

(TIII)/AII

TIII/AII

AII

TIII/AII

(TIII)/AII

TIII

TIII (?)

Hat/TIII

Start 18th D.-TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

AI

A1/Hat/TIII

TI/Hat-TIII

Ah/AI

5

5

5

5

5

6

6

6

6

6

112

N

N

N

N N

N N

[N]

N

lost

N

N

N

N lost

N N

N

N N N

N

N

N N N

[N]

[N]

N

N

N

N

[N]

N [N] [N]

N [N]

N

N

N

Tetiky

15

N

User

21

N

Ineni 81

N

Amenemhat 340

N

Renni EK 7

N

Djehuty 11

N

Baki 18

N

Puyemre 39

N

N

[N]

N N

N

N

N N N

C

N N

N

Continued on page 113

N

Amenhotep 73

N

Amenemhat 82

N

Thutnefer 104

N N N N

Tati 154

N C

Intef 155

N N N N

Amenhotep 294

N

Amenemhat 53

[N]

Menkheperraseneb 86

N

User 260

[N]

Benia Paheqamen 343

N N

Paheri EK 3

N

Nebamun 17

N

Mentuherkhepshef 20

N

Wah 22

N

Amenmose 42

N

Djheuty 45

N

Menkheperraseneb 79

Start 18th D.-Hat

Thutnefer 80

Hat

Amenemheb Meh 85

Hat/TIII

Pehsukher Tjenenu 88

(Hat)/TIII

Suemniut 92

(Hat)/TIII

Kenamun 93

TIII

Sennefer 96

TIII

Rekhmire 100

TIII/(AII)

Tjener 101

TIII/AII

Menkheperraseneb 112

TIII/AII

Thutmose 248

TIII/AII

Paser 367

(TIII)/AII

3

TIII/AII

2

AII/TIV (?)

Djeserkaraseneb 38

TIII/AII

2

(TIII)/AII

2

AII

Nakht 52

TIV/AIII

Userhat 56

Reign

2

(TIV)/AIII

Sobekhotep 63

Time period

(TIII)/AII/TIV

Menena 69

TIV/(AIII?)

Page 5 of 12.

(TIV)/AIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Offering to living king Offering to deceased king Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Offers to relatives Offers to colleages Surveys burial goods Watches coffin made Coffin in funeral procession/carried to tomb Voyage from Abydos Voyage to Abydos Deceased lustrated Mummy bandaged Funeral rites on coffin/mummy/statue Given Bouquet of Amun

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

6

6

6

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

AIII/AIV

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII/AIV

AIII

AII/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

TIV/AIII (?)

AIII

TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AIII (?)

TIV (?)

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

TIII/AII/TIV

7

7

Nebseny 108

Nebamun 90

Horemheb 78

Ptahemhat 77

Amenhotep Si-se

75

Tjenuny

74

113

C

N N N

N

[N]

Nakht 161

N

[N]

C C N

N

N

N N

[N] N

C C

N

N

[N] N

[N] [N] [N] N

N

N N

N

N

N

C

N

N

Anon 175

N N N

Samut 247 lost

Khnummose 253

C

Thutmose Pary 295

C

N

N

N N

N

C

N N N

N

Anon 354

N

Merymaat C4

[N]

Kha 8

[N]

Amenemhat Surer AIII 48

N

Huy 54

N N

Ramose 55

N

Khamhat Meh 57

N

Amenmose 89

[N]

Nefersekheru 107

N N N

Pairy 139

N

Kenamun 162

[N]

Nebamun/Ipuky 181

N

Parennefer 188

7

Kheref Senaa 192

7

AIII

Neferrenpet 249

7

AIII/AIV

6

AIII/AIV

AIII

BM EA 37981/84/86 Nebamun

Reign

6

8

Ak

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

C

N

N

N

N

N C

Continued on page 114

N

Huya A1

Ak

Meryre II A2

6

Ak

Ahmes A3

Ak

Meryre I A4

6

Ak

Pentu A5

Ak

Panehesy A6

Ak

Parennefer A7

6

Ak

Tutu A8

6

Ak

Mahu A9

6

Ak

Apy A10

6

Ak

Rames A11

6

Ak

May A14

6

Ak

Setau A19

Time period

Ak

Any A23

Page 6 of 12.

Ak

Ay A25

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

Offering to living king Offering to deceased king Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Offers to relatives Offers to colleages Surveys burial goods Watches coffin made Coffin in funeral procession/carried to tomb Voyage from Abydos Voyage to Abydos Deceased lustrated Mummy bandaged Funeral rites on coffin/mummy/statue Given Bouquet of Amun

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

9

9

9

9

9

9

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

(19th D.)/20th D.

RII

RII

RII/end 19th D.

RII/late 19th D.

SI/RII

RII or later

Hor/SI RI/SI

RII

RII

RII

Mer

SI/RII

RII/(Mer?)

RII

SI/RII

Tut

Tut

Tut

post-Amarna (Tut/Hor)

Ay/SI

post-Amarna/Hor

post-Amarna/Ay

Hor

Ay/(Hor)

Tut

10

10

RII

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

Anon Havana MN 2

May 338

Hatiay 324

Nakhtmin 291

Mose 254

Neferhotep 50

Neferhotep

49

Amenhotep Huy

40

114

N

N

N

C N

[C] N N C N N

N N

N

C

C N

C

C

N N N

N

N

N N

N N C

N N

N

N

Horemheb SAQ South V

N

Pay/Raia SAQ

N

Sennedjem 1

N N N N

Khabekhnet 2

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

C

N

Continued on page 115

N

N N N

N C N N

Panehesy 16

lost

Amenmose 19

N N N

Tjay 23

N N [N]

Khons Ta 31

C N N N N

Thutmose 32

N N N N

Bakenkhons 35

C

Amenemipet Ipy 41

N

Userhat 51

N N N N N N

Kener 54

N

Paser 106

N

Neferrenpet 133

C N

Nedjemger 138

N N N C N N C

Nebwenenef 157

N N

Neferrenpet Kener RII 178

N

Nebsumenu 183

N

Ptahemheb 193

N N N C C N N

Thutemheb 194

N N N N N N N N N N

Ipuy 217

N N N C N N C N N

Amennakht 218

N N N N

Nebenmaat 219

N N N

Ramose 250

N N N N N N

Roy 255

N N

Pahemnetjer 284

N

Nefersekheru 296

10

RII

10

RII

10

RII/Mer

9

RII

9

Hor/SI

9 (18th D.)/19th D. before RII

Penniut Suner 331

Reign

9

RII

Nakhtamun 335

Time period

RII

Page 7 of 12.

RII/Mer

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Offering to living king Offering to deceased king Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to god/goddess Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Worships/offers to Osiris Offers to relatives Offers to colleages Surveys burial goods Watches coffin made Coffin in funeral procession/carried to tomb Voyage from Abydos Voyage to Abydos Deceased lustrated Mummy bandaged Funeral rites on coffin/mummy/statue Given Bouquet of Amun

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

115 N

N

N N N N N N N N

Neferrenpet

336

N N N N

Amenemwia

356

10

10

10

10

10

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

N

N N N N N N

N N N

N N N N N

N N N N N

N N N N N N

N N

N C

N N C N

N N N N

C

[N]

N N N N N C N N

N

C

N

N N N N

N N

N

N N

N

N

N

N N N N N N

Continued on page 116

N

N

Anhurmose EM

N

Imiseba EM

Mer

Meri-Meri Leiden 49

RII/Mer

Qeh 360

N N N N

19th D.

Iuy Pushkin I.1.a.5637

19th D.

Mes Q Hildesheim 374

SI/RII

Amenmose 373

10

19th D.

Khay SAQ

Reign RII

RII Samut Kyky 409

10

RII

Hormin SAQ LS29

RII

RII Cairo temp 17.5.25.1 Ptahmes

10

19th D.

Nefersekheru ZS

10

SI/RII

Khonsmose 30

SI

Amenemheb 44

20th D.

Djehutyemheb 45

20th D.

Paenkhemenu 68

20th D.

Kynebu 113

Siamun

Amenemipet 148

10

RVIII

Tjanefer 158

RIII/RV

Neferhotep/Meh 257

SII/Tauseret/(RIII)

Hori 259

AIII/AIV

Ameneminet 277

10

20th D.

Amenemheb 278

20th D.

Rema 294

20th D.

Nakhtamun 341

10

19th D./20th D.

Inherkhau 359

20th D.

Piay 406

RIII/RIV

Penniut Suner AN

10

20th D.

Setau EK 4

RVI

Paser MH

10

20th D.

Anon Rifeh Tomb 2

Time period

RIII

Page 8 of 12.

RIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

BD 18 BD 52 Greeted by deceased parents BD 58/62 Drinking from lake BD 59 Offerings from Tree Goddess BD 59 Ba-bird receiving offerings before Tree Goddess BD 110 Receives offerings in Fields of Reeds/Offerings BD 1/17/89/151 Mummy on bier/with Anubis BD 1/17/89/151 Mummy on bier/with Anubis BD 125 Enters hall for judgement BD 125 Weighing of the Heart BD 125A Presented to Osiris after judgement BD 125A Seated with Osiris after judgement BD 144-147 Before portals/gates BD 148 The seven cows and their bull BD 153A Ba-bird over clap net BD 172 (revised version) Ritual of Hours Tomb owner passes bouquet to wife Ba-bird (not with Tree Goddess) Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 on stelae in situ Opening of the Mouth Type 3 Opening of the Mouth Type 4 Engaged tomb statue

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

4

4

4

4

4

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

(TIII)/AII

AII

(TIII)/AII

TIII/AII

AII

TIII/AII

(TIII)/AII

TIII

TIII (?)

Hat/TIII

Start 18th D.-TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

(Hat)/TIII

Hat/TIII

AI

A1/Hat/TIII

TI/Hat-TIII

Ah/AI

5

5

5

5

5

6

6

6

6

6

Renni EK 7

Amenemhat 340

Ineni 81

User

21

Tetiky

15

N

Djehuty 11

N

Baki 18

116

N

N

Continued on page 117

N

Puyemre 39

N

Amenhotep 73

N

Amenemhat 82

N N

Thutnefer 104

N

Tati 154

N N

Intef 155

N

Amenhotep 294

N

Amenemhat 53

N

Menkheperraseneb 86

N

User 260

N

Benia Paheqamen 343

N

Paheri EK 3

N

Nebamun 17

N

Mentuherkhepshef 20

N

Wah 22

N

Amenmose 42

N

Djheuty 45

N

Menkheperraseneb 79

Start 18th D.-Hat

Thutnefer 80

Hat

Amenemheb Meh 85

Hat/TIII

Pehsukher Tjenenu 88

(Hat)/TIII

Suemniut 92

(Hat)/TIII

Kenamun 93

TIII

Sennefer 96

TIII

Rekhmire 100

TIII/(AII)

Tjener 101

TIII/AII

Menkheperraseneb 112

TIII/AII

Thutmose 248

TIII/AII

Paser 367

(TIII)/AII

3

TIII/AII

2

AII/TIV (?)

Djeserkaraseneb 38

TIII/AII

2

(TIII)/AII

2

AII

Nakht 52

TIV/AIII

Userhat 56

Reign

2

(TIV)/AIII

Sobekhotep 63

Time period

(TIII)/AII/TIV

Menena 69

TIV/(AIII?)

Page 9 of 12.

(TIV)/AIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

BD 18 BD 52 Greeted by deceased parents BD 58/62 Drinking from lake BD 59 Offerings from Tree Goddess BD 59 Ba-bird receiving offerings before Tree Goddess BD 110 Receives offerings in Fields of Reeds/Offerings BD 1/17/89/151 Mummy on bier/with Anubis/Ba bird BD 17 BD 125 Enters hall for judgement BD 125 Weighing of the Heart BD 125A Presented to Osiris after judgement BD 125A Seated with Osiris after judgement BD 144-147 Before portals/gates BD 148 The seven cows and their bull BD 153A Ba-bird over clap net BD 172 (revised version) Ritual of Hours Tomb owner passes bouquet to wife Ba-bird (not with Tree Goddess) Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 on stelae in situ Opening of the Mouth Type 3 Opening of the Mouth Type 4 Engaged tomb statue

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

TIII/AII/TIV

Reign

6

6

6

6

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

7

AIII/AIV

AIII/AIV

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII

AIII/AIV

AIII

AII/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

TIV/AIII (?)

AIII

TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AIII (?)

TIV (?)

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

AII/TIV

7

Samut 247

Anon 175

Nakht 161

Nebseny 108

Nebamun 90

Horemheb 78

Ptahemhat 77

Amenhotep Si-se

75

Tjenuny

74

117 C C

N

Khnummose 253

C

Thutmose Pary 295

N

Anon 354

N N

Merymaat C4

C

C

Kha 8

C

Amenemhat Surer AIII 48

C

Huy 54

N

Ramose 55

C

Khamhat Meh 57

N

Amenmose 89

N

Nefersekheru 107

N

Pairy 139

N N N

Kenamun 162

N

Nebamun/Ipuky 181

C

Parennefer 188

N

Kheref Senaa 192

7

AIII

Neferrenpet 249

7

AIII

BM EA 37981/84/86 Nebamun

7

AIII/AIV

6

8

Ak

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

8

N

N

N

Continued on page 118

N

Huya A1

Ak

Meryre II A2

6

Ak

Ahmes A3

Ak

Meryre I A4

6

Ak

Pentu A5

Ak

Panehesy A6

Ak

Parennefer A7

6

Ak

Tutu A8

6

Ak

Mahu A9

6

Ak

Apy A10

6

Ak

Rames A11

6

Ak

May A14

6

Ak

Setau A19

Time period

Ak

Any A23

Page 10 of 12.

Ak

Ay A25

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

BD 18 BD 52 Greeted by deceased parents BD 58/62 Drinking from lake BD 59 Offerings from Tree Goddess BD 59 Ba-bird receiving offerings before Tree Goddess BD 110 Receives offerings in Fields of Reeds/Offerings BD 1/17/89/151 Mummy on bier/with Anubis/Ba bird BD 17 BD 125 Enters hall for judgement BD 125 Weighing of the Heart BD 125A Presented to Osiris after judgement BD 125A Seated with Osiris after judgement BD 144-147 Before portals/gates BD 148 The seven cows and their bull BD 153A Ba-bird over clap net BD 172 (revised version) Ritual of Hours Tomb owner passes bouquet to wife Ba-bird (not with Tree Goddess) Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 on stelae in situ Opening of the Mouth Type 3 Opening of the Mouth Type 4 Engaged tomb statue

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

9

9

9

9

9

9

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

(19th D.)/20th D.

RII

RII

RII/end 19th D.

RII/late 19th D.

SI/RII

RII or later

Hor/SI RI/SI

RII

RII

RII

Mer

SI/RII

RII/(Mer?)

RII

SI/RII

Tut

Tut

Tut

post-Amarna (Tut/Hor)

Ay/SI

post-Amarna/Hor

post-Amarna/Ay

Hor

Ay/(Hor)

Tut

10

10

RII

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

Mose 254

Neferhotep 50

Neferhotep

49

Amenhotep Huy

40

118

C

C

C

N

N

C

C C N

N C

N

N

C

C

C

N

N

N N

N N N

C

C

C

C

N

N N

C

N

N N

N

C C

C

C

C

N

N

Nakhtmin 291

C

Hatiay 324

N C

C

C

N

N

N

C

C

N

C

C

C

N

C

May 338

C

Anon Havana MN 2

C

C

N

N N

N

N

N

Continued on page 119

C

N

N

C

Horemheb SAQ South V

C

Pay/Raia SAQ

C

Sennedjem 1

N

Khabekhnet 2

N

Panehesy 16

N

Amenmose 19

N

Tjay 23 N

Khons Ta 31

N

Thutmose 32

N

Bakenkhons 35

N N N N N N

Amenemipet Ipy 41

N N

Userhat 51

C

Kener 54

N

Paser 106

N N N

Neferrenpet 133

N N

Nedjemger 138

[N] C

Nebwenenef 157

N

Neferrenpet Kener RII 178

N N

Nebsumenu 183

N N

Ptahemheb 193

C N

Thutemheb 194

C N

Ipuy 217

N N N

Amennakht 218

N N

Nebenmaat 219

N N

Ramose 250

C

Roy 255

N

Pahemnetjer 284

C

Nefersekheru 296

10

RII

10

RII

10

RII/Mer

9

RII

9

Hor/SI

9 (18th D.)/19th D. before RII

Penniut Suner 331

Reign

9

RII

Nakhtamun 335

Time period

RII

Page 11 of 12.

RII/Mer

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

BD 18 BD 52 Greeted by deceased parents BD 58/62 Drinking from lake BD 59 Offerings from Tree Goddess BD 59 Ba-bird receiving offerings before Tree Goddess BD 110 Receives offerings in Fields of Reeds/Offerings BD 1/17/89/151 Mummy on bier/with Anubis/Ba bird BD 17 BD 125 Enters hall for judgement BD 125 Weighing of the Heart BD 125A Presented to Osiris after judgement BD 125A Seated with Osiris after judgement BD 144-147 Before portals/gates BD 148 The seven cows and their bull BD 153A Ba-bird over clap net BD 172 (revised version) Ritual of Hours Tomb owner passes bouquet to wife Ba-bird (not with Tree Goddess) Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 1 Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 in tomb scenes Opening of the Mouth Type 2 on stelae in situ Opening of the Mouth Type 3 Opening of the Mouth Type 4 Engaged tomb statue

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

SI/RII

RII/Mer

119

N

N

C

C

C

N

N

N

N

N

N

Neferrenpet

336

N

Amenemwia

356

N N

Qeh 360 N

Amenmose 373

10

10

10

10

10

10

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

11

N

C

N N N

N

N

C

N

N

C

C

N

N

N

C

C C

N

N

N

C

N

N N

N N N

C

C

N

N

N N

C

N

N C N

N

N

N

N

C

End of Database 1

Anhurmose EM

Reign RII

RII Samut Kyky 409

10

Imiseba EM

Mer

Meri-Meri Leiden 49

19th D.

Iuy Pushkin I.1.a.5637

19th D.

Mes Q Hildesheim 374

RII

RII Cairo temp 17.5.25.1 Ptahmes

10

19th D.

Khay SAQ

10

RII

Hormin SAQ LS29

10

19th D.

Nefersekheru ZS

SI/RII

Khonsmose 30

SI

Amenemheb 44

20th D.

Djehutyemheb 45

20th D.

Paenkhemenu 68

20th D.

Kynebu 113

Siamun

Amenemipet 148

RVIII

Tjanefer 158

RIII/RV

Neferhotep/Meh 257

SII/Tauseret/(RIII)

Hori 259

AIII/AIV

Ameneminet 277

10

20th D.

Amenemheb 278

20th D.

Rema 294

20th D.

Nakhtamun 341

10

19th D./20th D.

Inherkhau 359

20th D.

Piay 406

RIII/RIV

Penniut Suner AN

10

20th D.

Setau EK 4

RVI

Paser MH

10

20th D.

Anon Rifeh Tomb 2

Time period

RIII

Page 12 of 12.

RIII

Database 1: Source Data. Number of tombs = 154 tombs n= 1080 scenes.

DATABASE 1: SOURCE DATA

Tomb Owner

User Ineni Renni Amenemhat Thutnefer Amenhotep Amenemhat User Benia Paheqamen Nebamun Amenmose Thutnefer Kenamun Sennefer Rekhmire Paser Userhat Menena Horemheb Nebamun Nebamun Nebseny Nakht Nakht Nakht Anonymous Samut Khnummose Thutmose Pary Merymaat Amenemhat Surer Kener Ramose Amenmose Nefersekheru Pairy Pairy Nebamun/Ipuky Neferhotep

Tomb ID

21 81 EK 7 82 104 294 53 260 343 17 42 80 93 96 100 367 56 69 78 90 (a) 90 (b) 108 161 (a) 161 (b) 161 (c) 175 247 253 295 C4 48 54 (b) 55 89 107 139 (a) 139 (b) 181 49

TI/Hat/(TIII) A1-Hat/(TIII) AI Hat/TIII (Hat)/TIII (Hat)/TIII (Hat)/TIII TIII (?) TIII (TIII)/AII TIII/AII TIII/AII AII (TIII)/AII TIII/AII AII (TIII)/AII/TIV (TIV)/AIII AII/TIV/AIII TIV/AIII TIV/AIII TIV (?) AIII (?) AIII (?) AIII (?) TIV/AIII TIV/AIII AIII TIV/AIII (?) TIV/AIII AIII RII or later AIII/AIV AIII AIII AIII AIII AIII/AIV Ay/(Hor)

Reign 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 4 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 9

Time period

C= Coffin CA= Coffin with Anubis M= Mummy P= Person S= Statue

120 1 1

1

1 1 1

1

1

1

Cone

1

1

1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

No Cone

1

1

1C

1

1

1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1M

1

1

1

1 1

1

1S

1 1

1

1

1

1 1

2C

Database 2: The cone in the four types of Opening the Mouth scene, by numerical and then alphabetical order.

1

1

1

1 1

Type of Opening the Mouth scene 3P 4C 4CA

Page 1 of 2

1

1

4M 1

1

1

1

4S

Continued on page 121

1

1

4P

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

291 Havana MN 2 2 19 (a) 19 (b) 31 32 35 41 (a) 51 54 (b) 178 (a) 178 (b) 183 217 218 219 (a) 219 (b) 255 284 296 335 336 373 (b) Cairo temp 17.5.25.1 EM EM EM SAQ Leiden 49 Pushkin I.1.a.5637 ZS 30 44 (a) 44 (b) 113 277 341 359 406

Tomb ID

Nakhtmin Anon Khabekhnet Amenmose Amenmose Khons Ta Thutmose Bakenkhons Amenemipet Ipy Userhat Kener Neferrenpet Kener Neferrenpet Kener Nebsumenu Ipuy Amennakht Nebenmaat Nebenmaat Roy Pahemnetjer Nefersekheru Nakhtamun Neferrenpet Amenmose Ptahmes Imiseba (a) Imiseba (b) Anhurmose Khay Meri-meri Iuy Nefersekheru Khonsmose Amenemheb Amenemheb Kynebu Ameneminet Nakhtamun Inherkhau Piay

Tomb Owner

post-Amarna/Hor Tut RII SI/RII SI/RII RII RII RII Hor/SI RI/SI RII or later RII RII RII RII RII RII/Mer RII/Mer Hor/SI (18th D.)/19th D. before RII RII RII/Mer RII/Mer RII RII 19th D. 19th D. Mer 19th D. 19th D. 19th D. SI 20th D. 20th D. 20th D. RVIII 20th D. 20th D. RIII/RIV 20th D.

Reign 9 9 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11

Time period

121 Total of Types 1-4 % cone by Type

Cone or no cone C N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Total of each Type No. of cones 2 2

1C

12 0 Type 1 23 8.7

1

1M

9 0

1

1 1

1S

Page 2 of 2

6 1 Type 3 6 16.7

1

2 1

1

1

4 2

1 1

1

1

Type of Opening the Mouth scene 3P 4C 4CA

1 32 30 Type 2 32 93.8

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1

1

1

1 1 1

1 1

2C 1 1

Database 2: The cone in the four types of Opening the Mouth scene, by numerical and then alphabetical order.

C= Coffin CA= Coffin with Anubis M= Mummy P= Person S= Statue

4 0 Type 4 18 16.7

1

4M

3 0

1

4P

79

79 36

End of database 2

5 0

1 1

4S

DATABASE 2: ALL OTM

122

Thutmose Bakenkhons Amenemhat Surer Rekhmire Nebseny Pairy Nakht Nebsumenu Samut Total Type 1S % episode Nebamun Amenmose Amenemhat Menena Thutnefer Amenemhat Thutnefer Nakht User Rema Thutmose Pary Amenmose Total Type 1M % episode

32 35 48 100 108 139 (b) 161 (a) 183 247

17 42 53 69 80 82 104 161 (b) 260 294 295 373 (b)

78 89

1 Statue

1 Mummy

1 Coffin

TOTAL TYPE 1

Total Type 1C % episode

Horemheb Amenmose

Tomb owner

Tomb ID

Type of OTM

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 % 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 % 1 1 2 % 23 %

Count

0 0 1 1 2 100 2 8.7

0 0

Cone

1

1

1

1

1

1

Episode number 3 4 5 1 1 1

Band A

Page 1 of 9

1

1

6 1

1

1

7 1

1

1

8

1

1

9 1

1

1

10 1

1

11

1

1

12 1

1

1

13

Band B

1

1

1

1 1

1

1

Episode number 14 15 16

1

1

17

1

1

18

1

1

19

1

20

1

21

1

22

1 6 50

1 2 16.7

1 1 8.3

1 1 5 5 2 41.7 41.7 16.7 3 25

1

1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 50 50 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 13 10 5 4 8 8 4 6 34.8 56.5 43.5 21.7 17.4 34.8 34.8 17.4 26.1 A Tot. in band 56 Frequency 21.8

3 25

1 9 75

0 0 3 13

0 0

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

0 0 3 13 B

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 3 8.7 8.7 13 Tot. in band 35 Frequency 13.6

0 0

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

Continued on page 123

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

4 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 1 3 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 44.4 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 22.2 33.3 33.3 11.1 33.3 22.2 22.2 33.3 22.2 22.2 22.2 22.2 11.1 11.1 11.1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1

1

1

1

2 1

1 1 1

Number of scenes = 79

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

123

Thutmose Bakenkhons Amenemhat Surer Rekhmire Nebseny Pairy Nakht Nebsumenu Samut Total Type 1S % episode Nebamun Amenmose Amenemhat Menena Thutnefer Amenemhat Thutnefer Nakht User Rema Thutmose Pary Amenmose Total Type 1M % episode

32 35 48 100 108 139 (b) 161 (a) 183 247

17 42 53 69 80 82 104 161 (b) 260 294 295 373 (b)

78 89

1 Statue

1 Mummy

1 Coffin

TOTAL TYPE 1

Total Type 1C % episode

Horemheb Amenmose

Tomb owner

Tomb ID

Type of OTM

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

1 50 6 26.1

2 16.7 1

1

1

3 33.3

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

2 22.2

1

1

1

24 1

23 1

1 1

26 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1

28 1

27 1

Page 2 of 9

1

29 1

1

30 1

1 1

31 1

1 1

32

Band C

1

1 1

1

1 1

1

1

1 1 1 5 5 3 41.7 41.7 25 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 50 100 50 9 14 10 39.1 60.9 43.5

1 1 1

0 0 3 13

0 0

0 0 3 13

0 0

0 0 3 13

0 0

1

1

1

1

1 2 4 3 16.7 33.3 25 1 1 1 2 0 1 100 0 50 8 7 7 34.8 30.4 30.4

1

1

1 8.3

1

0 0

1

37

1

38

1

39

40

1

41

1 1 3 25

1

1

1

0 0 2 8.7

0 0

0 0 4 17.4

2 16.7

1

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

1 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 2 1 1 33.3 22.2 22.2 22.2 11.1 11.1 1 1

1

1

36

3 25 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 100 1 1 6 7 4.3 4.3 26.1 30.4 C Tot. in band 120 Frequency 46.7

1 1 8.3

0 0

Episode number 33 34 35

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 7 6 3 3 3 4 3 3 33.3 77.8 66.7 33.3 33.3 33.3 44.4 33.3 33.3 1 1 1 1

1

1

25

Number of scenes = 79

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

42

1

1

44 1

1

1 1

45 1

1

46 1 1 1 1

1

1

47

1 8.3

1

0 0

1 1 4 33.3

1

0 0 3 13

1 8.3

Continued on page 124

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 4 4 9 21.7 17.4 17.4 39.1

2 16.7

1

1

3 3 4 5 2 33.3 33.3 44.4 55.6 22.2 1 1

1

1 1

43

DATABASE 3: OTM EPISODES

32 35 48 100 108 139 (b) 161 (a) 183 247

17 42 53 69 80 82 104 161 (b) 260 294 295 373 (b)

78 89

1 Mummy

1 Coffin

Tomb ID

1 Statue

Type of OTM

DDatabase 3: OTM Episodes.

124

TOTAL TYPE 1

Total Type 1C % episode

Horemheb Amenmose

Thutmose Bakenkhons Amenemhat Surer Rekhmire Nebseny Pairy Nakht Nebsumenu Samut Total Type 1S % episode Nebamun Amenmose Amenemhat Menena Thutnefer Amenemhat Thutnefer Nakht User Rema Thutmose Pary Amenmose Total Type 1M % episode

Tomb owner

0 0 2 8.7

1 8.3

1 11.1 1

1

48

0 0 3 13

2 16.7

1

1

1 11.1

1

49

1 50 8 34.8

2 16.7 1

1

1 1 5 55.6 1

1 1

50 1

Number of scenes = 79

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

51

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 D

0 0

0 0

1 8.3

1 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 1 0 17.4 4.3 Tot. in band 24 Frequency 9.3

0 0

0 0

56 1

57 1

0 0 3 13

0 0

1 1 3 1 3 33.3 11.1 33.3

1

1

Episode number 52 53 54 55 1

Band D

Page 3 of 9

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

58

0 0 3 13

0 0

3 33.3

1

1

59 1

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

60

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

61

0 0

0 0

63

0 0

0 0

64

1 8.3

1

1 11.1

1

1 0 0 0 50 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 4.3 0 0 8.7 E Tot. in band 13 Frequency 5.1

0 0 1

0 0

62

Band E

0 0 1 4.3

1 8.3

1

0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 65 66 67

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

68

1

70B

1

71

1

1

1

1

75

1 50 3 13

1 8.3 1

1

3 25 1 1 2 100 6 26.1

1

1

1 8.3

1 8.3

1 8.3 1

1

0 0 1 4.3

0 0

257 100

257

Continued on page 125

0 0 0 1 0 0 0 50 1 2 2 3 4.3 8.7 8.7 13 F Tot. in band 9 Frequency 3.5

0 0

1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 1 1

1

69

Band F Episode number 72 73 74

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Type 3 Person

Type 2 Coffins

Type of OTM

Tomb owner

125

19 (a) 54 (a) 56 90 (a) 253 367

TOTAL TYPE 3

Amenmose Huy Userhat Nebamun Khnummose Paser

TOTAL TYPE 2

19 (b) Amenmose 30 Khonsmose 31 Khons Ta 41 (a) Amenemipet Ipy 44 (a) Amenemheb 44 (b) Amenemheb 49 Neferhotep 51 Userhat 54 (b) Kener 55 Ramose 113 Kynebu 139 (a) Pairy 161 (c) Nakht 175 Anon 178 (b) Neferrenpet Kener 181 Nebamun/Ipuky 218 Amennakht 219 (b) Nebenmaat 255 Roy 277 Ameneminet 284 Pahemnetjer 291 Nakhtmin 296 Nefersekheru 341 Nakhtamun 406 Piay C4 Merymaat EM Anhurmose Havana MN 2 Anon EM Imiseba (b) Pushkin I.1.a.5637 Iuy SAQ Khay ZS Nefersekheru

Tomb ID

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

1 1 1 1 1 1 6 %

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 32 %

Count

1 16.7

1

1 1 30 93.8

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Cone

1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1

2 1

1

Episode number 3 4 5

Band A

Page 4 of 9

0 0

6

0 0

7

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 3 1 1 1 1 16.7 66.7 50 16.7 16.7 16.7 16.7 A Tot. in band 12 Frequency 57.2

1 19 14 2 0 0 59.4 43.8 6.3 0 0 A Tot. in band 35 Frequency 31.5 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1

1 1

1

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1

Number of scenes = 79

0 0

0 0

8

0 0

0 0

9

0 0

0 0

10

0 0

0 0

11

0 0 B

0 0 B

12

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

13

Band B

0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 14 15 16

0 0

0 0

17

0 0

0 0

18

0 0

0 0

20

0 0

0 0

21

0 0

0 0

22

Continued on page 126

0 0

0 0

19

DATABASE 3: OTM EPISODES

Type 3 Person

Type 2 Coffins

Type of OTM

Tomb owner

126

19 (a) 54 (a) 56 90 (a) 253 367

TOTAL TYPE 3

Amenmose Huy Userhat Nebamun Khnummose Paser

TOTAL TYPE 2

19 (b) Amenmose 30 Khonsmose 31 Khons Ta 41 (a) Amenemipet Ipy 44 (a) Amenemheb 44 (b) Amenemheb 49 Neferhotep 51 Userhat 54 (b) Kener 55 Ramose 113 Kynebu 139 (a) Pairy 161 (c) Nakht 175 Anon 178 (b) Neferrenpet Kener 181 Nebamun/Ipuky 218 Amennakht 219 (b) Nebenmaat 255 Roy 277 Ameneminet 284 Pahemnetjer 291 Nakhtmin 296 Nefersekheru 341 Nakhtamun 406 Piay C4 Merymaat EM Anhurmose Havana MN 2 Anon EM Imiseba (b) Pushkin I.1.a.5637 Iuy SAQ Khay ZS Nefersekheru

Tomb ID

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

0 0

1 3.1

1

23

0 0

0 0

24

1 16.7

1

0 0

25

Number of scenes = 79

1

1

1

27

1 1 3 50

1

1 2 33.3

1

1 10 4 31.3 12.5

1 1

1

1 1 1

1

1

1 1

26

0 0

0 0

28

Page 5 of 9

0 0

0 0

29

0 0

0 0

30

0 0

0 0

31

1 16.7

1

0 0

32

Band C

0 0

0 0

0 0 C

0 0 C

36

37

0 0 0 0 0 0 Tot. in band 7 Frequency 33.3

0 0 0 0 0 0 Tot. in band 17 Frequency 15.3

Episode number 33 34 35

0 0

0 0

38

0 0

1 3.1

1

39

0 0

0 0

40

0 0

0 0

41

0 0

0 0

42

0 0

0 0

43

0 0

0 0

45

0 0

1 3.1

1

46

0 0

0 0

47

Continued on page 127

0 0

0 0

44

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

127

Amenmose Khonsmose Khons Ta Amenemipet Ipy Amenemheb Amenemheb Neferhotep Userhat Kener Ramose Kynebu Pairy Nakht Anon Neferrenpet Kener Nebamun/Ipuky Amennakht Nebenmaat Roy Ameneminet Pahemnetjer Nakhtmin Nefersekheru Nakhtamun Piay Merymaat Anhurmose Anon Imiseba (b) Iuy Khay Nefersekheru

19 (b) 30 31 41 (a) 44 (a) 44 (b) 49 51 54 (b) 55 113 139 (a) 161 (c) 175 178 (b) 181 218 219 (b) 255 277 284 291 296 341 406 C4 EM Havana MN 2 EM Pushkin I.1.a.5637 SAQ ZS

19 (a) 54 (a) 56 90 (a) 253 367

Type 2 Coffins

Type 3 Person

TOTAL TYPE 3

Amenmose Huy Userhat Nebamun Khnummose Paser

TOTAL TYPE 2

Tomb owner

Tomb ID

Type of OTM

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

0 0

0 0

48

0 0

0 0

49

0 0

0 0

50

Number of scenes = 79

0 0

0 0

51

0 0

0 0

0 0 D

0 0 D

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

Episode number 52 53 54 55

Band D

Page 6 of 9

0 0 0 0

0 0 1 0.9

56

0 0

0 0

57

0 0

0 0

58

0 0

1 3.1

1

59

0 0

0 0

60

0 0

0 0

61

0 0 E

0 0 E

62

64

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0 2 9.5

0 0 0 0 0 0 Tot. in band 58 Frequency 52.3

63

Band E

0 0

0 0

1 16.7

1

26 81.3

1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1

1 1

Episode number 65 66 67 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0 0

0 0

68

0 0

0 0

69

1 16.7

1

70B 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 32 100

0 0 F

0 0 F

71

Band F

0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

75

21 100

21

111 100

111

Continued on page 128

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

Episode number 72 73 74

DATABASE 3: OTM EPISODES

128

81 96 178 (a)

4 Person

Total scenes Type 1,2,3, and 4

21 343 Leiden 49 EK 7

79

Total Type 4C % episode User Benia Paheqamen Meri-Meri Renni Total Type 4M % episode Ineni Sennefer Neferrenpet Kener Total Type 4 Person % episode

2 217 219 (a) 336 335 359

TOTAL TYPE 4

6 % 1 1 1 1 4 % 1 1 1 3 % 18 %

Kenamun Nebamun Nefersekheru Imiseba (a) Ptahmes Total Type 4S % episode Khabekhnet Ipuy Nebenmaat Neferrenpet Nakhtamun Inherkhau

93 90 (b) 107 EM

Cairo temp 17.5.25.1

1 1 1 1 1 5 % 1 1 1 1 1 1

Tomb owner

Count

Number of scenes =

Tomb ID

4 Mummy

4 Coffin

4 Statue

Type of OTM

Database 3: OTM Episodes.

0 0 3 16.7

0 0

3 50

0 0 1 1 1

Cone

79

2 50 1 1

Band A

1 25 1

1

0 0

0 0

1 25 1

1

0 0

0 0

1 25 1

1

0 0

0 0

Episode number 3 4 5

1 25 1

1

0 0

0 0

6

0 0 1

0 0

0 0

7

1 2 1 1 1 1 1 33.3 66.7 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 33.3 4 7 2 2 2 2 1 22.2 38.9 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 5.6 A Tot. in band 20 Frequency 42.6

1

0 0

1 1

1 1 16.7 16.7

1

2 40

1 2 40

1

1 1

2

1

1

Page 7 of 9

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

8

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

9

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

10

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

11

0 0 0 0 B

0 0

0 0

0 0

12

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0

0 0

0 0

13

Band B

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 14 15 16

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

17

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

18

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

20

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

21

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

22

Continued on page 129

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

19

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

21 343 Leiden 49 EK 7

81 96 178 (a)

4 Person

2 217 219 (a) 336 335 359

4 Mummy

4 Coffin

Type of OTM

Type 4 Tomb ID TT 93 90 (b) 4 Statue 107 EM Cairo temp 17.5.25.1

Database 3: OTM Episodes

129

TOTAL TYPE 4

Total Type 4C % episode User Benia Paheqamen Meri-Meri Renni Total Type 4M % episode Ineni Sennefer Neferrenpet Kener Total Type 4 Person % episode

Tomb owner Kenamun Nebamun Nefersekheru Imiseba (a) Ptahmes Total Type 4S % episode Khabekhnet Ipuy Nebenmaat Neferrenpet Nakhtamun Inherkhau

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0 1 5.6

1 25

1

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

24

79

23

Number of scenes =

1

2 40

27 1 1

1 25 1

1

1 25

1

5 1 83.3 16.7

1 1 1 1

1 1 3 60 1

26 1

1 1 2 0 33.3 66.7 0 3 11 4 16.7 61.1 22.2

1 25 1

1

0 0

1 20

1

25

Page 8 of 9

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

28

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

29

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

30

0 0 1

0 0

0 0

32

1 1 33.3 33.3 1 1 5.6 5.6

0 0 1

0 0

0 0

31

Band C

0 0 1 5.6

1 25

1

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 C

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 1

0 0

0 0

36

1 25

1

0 0

0 0

37

0 1 0 0 33.3 0 0 1 1 0 5.6 5.6 Tot. in band 25 Frequency 53.2

0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 33 34 35

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

38

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

39

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

40

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

41

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

42

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

43

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

45

0 0 1 5.6

0 0

1 16.7

1

0 0

46

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

47

Continued on page 130

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

44

DATABASE 3: OTM EPISODES

21 343 Leiden 49 EK 7

81 96 178 (a)

4 Person

2 217 219 (a) 336 335 359

4 Mummy

4 Coffin

Type of OTM

Type 4 Tomb ID TT 93 90 (b) 4 Statue 107 EM Cairo temp 17.5.25.1

Database 3: OTM Episodes

130

TOTAL TYPE 4

Total Type 4C % episode User Benia Paheqamen Meri-Meri Renni Total Type 4M % episode Ineni Sennefer Neferrenpet Kener Total Type 4 Person % episode

Tomb owner Kenamun Nebamun Nefersekheru Imiseba (a) Ptahmes Total Type 4S % episode Khabekhnet Ipuy Nebenmaat Neferrenpet Nakhtamun Inherkhau

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

49

79

48

Number of scenes =

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

50

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

51

Page 9 of 9 Band D

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 D

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tot. in band Frequency

0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 52 53 54 55

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

56

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

57

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

58

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

59

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

60

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

61

0 0 0 0 E

0 0

0 0

0 0

62

0 0

0 0

0 0

64

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 5.6 0 0 Tot. in band 1 Frequency 2.1

1 25

1

0 0

0 0

63

Band E

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

Episode number 65 66 67

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

68

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

69

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

70B

0 0 0 0 F

0 0

0 0

0 0

71

Band F

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0 0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

75

47 100

47

End of Database 3

0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 5.6 0 0 Tot. in band 1 Frequency 2.1

0 0

1 16.7

1

0 0

Episode number 72 73 74

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

DATABASE 4: OTM TYPE 2 TOMBS

Database 4: OTM Type 2 Tombs. Page 1 of 1 Abbreviations: C=cone, N=no cone, EM= El Mashayikh, SAQ=Saqqara, ZS=Zawyet Sultan, H = Heap, and T = Tab

Tomb ID

Tomb Owner

Cone

Food

Censing Libation

Image coffin

Tomb shown

Offering heap/table

19 (b)

Amenmose

C

1

1

1

1

H

30

Khonsmose

C

1

1

1

1

H

Khons Ta

31

C

1

1

1

1

T

41

Amenemipet Ipy

C

1

1

1

1

H

44 (a)

Amenemheb

C

1

1

1

0

H

44 (b)

Amenemheb

C

1

LIBATION

1

1

H

49

Neferhotep

C

1

1

1

1

H

51

Userhat

C

1

1

1

1

T

54 (b)

Kener

C

1

1

1

1

H

406

Piay

C

1

1

1

1

H

55

Ramose

C

1

1

1

H

113

Kynebu

C

1

1

1

1

H H

139 (a)

Pairy

C

1

1

0

161 (c)

Nakht

N

1

1

1

T

175

Anon

C

1

1

1

0

H

178 (b)

Neferrenpet Kener

C

1

1

1

1

H

181

Nebamun/Ipuky

C

1

1

1

H

218

Amennakht

C

1

1

1

H

219 (b)

Nebenmaat

C

1

1

1

H

255

Roy

C

1

1

1

H

277

Ameneminet

C

1

1

1

1

H

284

Pahemnetjer

C

1

CENSING

1

1

H

291

Nakhtmin

C

1

1

1

1

H

296

Nefersekheru

C

1

1

1

1

H

341

Nakhtamun

C

1

1

1

1

H

1

0

H

1

1

1

H

1

1

T

C4

Merymaat

C

1

EM

Anhurmose

C

1

EM

Imiseba

C

1

Havana MN 2

Anon

C

1

Pushkin I.1.a.5637

Iuy

N

1

SAQ

Khay

C

1

ZS

Nefersekheru

C

1

Total 32 scenes

30xC

32

Percentage

93.8

1

1 1 20

End of Database 4

131

1

1

H

1

0

H

1

1

T

1

1

T

32

27

23xH/6xT

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Database 5: OTM Type 2 Stelae in situ. Page 1 of 1. Cone

Episode 67

Episode 70B

C/N

Shown

Shown/Text

TT 41 (b)

C

1

1

1

TT 50

C

1

1

TT 106

C

1

1

TT 193

C

1

1

1

TT 257

C

1

1

TT 250

C

1

1

TT 360

C

1

1

TT 373 (a)

C

Stela

1

1

Cone

Episode 67

Episode 70B

C/N

Shown

Shown/Text

Image of tomb owner Coffin

Mummy

1

1

Database 5: OTM Type 2 Stelae in museums

Stela

Image of tomb owner Coffin

Mummy

BM 305

C

BM 549

C

1

1

Bologne 1922

C

1

1

Cairo JE 18925

C

1

1

1

Cairo JE 44722

C

1

1

1

Chicago 20.264

C

1

1

DNM Aad

N

Florence 2562

C

Liverpool 13851

C

Louvre E 25496

C

1

1

1

Louvre E 25497

C

1

1

1

Louvre E 25498

C

1

1

1

Phil 40-19-2

N

1

1

1

Southeby's cat. 5228

C

1

1

1

Turin 500074

C

Grand Total 23 scenes

21xC

1

1 1

1

1

1

1

13

1

1

21

11

End of Database 5

132

1

12

133

SI/RII

RI/SI

SI/RII

Ak

Ak

AIII/AIV

Mer

RII

RII

Hor/SI

Hor

Ay/(Hor)

Tut

Tut

Tut

Ak

Ak

Ak

Ak

Ak

Ak

Ak

Ak

AIII/AIV

Total number of tombs No. of scenes Individual phases of ceremony No. of tomb owners with a cone

28 30 64 19

C

C

C C

N

N

9 11 5 31

33

6

9 3 1

0

9 11

C

N

C

C

64

14 6

20

15

9

48.4

78.6 83.3

45.0

40.0

0

N+C % C

C C

C

N

Phases

C C

Receives acclaim + chariot

N

N

N

End of Database 6

C

N

4

N

C

16

C

C

C

C

C

20

80

N+C % C

N

N N

Amenhotep Si-se AII/TIV

75

C

Khamhat Meh

57

C

Ramose

55

C

Parennefer 188

C

Huya A1

C

Meryre II (a) A2

N

C

N

N

N

N

N

Meryre II (b) A2

C

Meryre I A4 N

Pentu A5

C

Panehesy A6

C

C

N

Parennefer A7

N

Tutu A8

N

Any (stela) A23

N

Ay A25

N

Horemheb (a) SAQ South V

N

Horemheb (b) SAQ South V

N

Amenhotep Huy 40

N

Neferhotep 49 N

Neferhotep 50

C

Amenemipet Ipy 41

N

Paser 106

C

Userhat 51

N

Hormin SAQ LS29

N

Ipuy 217

N

Mes Q Hildesheim 374

C

Tjay 23

N

Paser MH

N

Anon Rifeh no. 2

N

Amenemipet 148

C

AIII

19th/20th Dyns RIII

Post-Amarna RIII

Penniut Suner AN

Phases Presented to the king Anointed Jubilating Receives acclaim Leaves in chariot

Presented to the king Anointed Jubilating Receives acclaim Leaves in chariot

Tomb ID

Name

Reign

Amarna

RIII/RV

Pre-Amarna

RVI

Database 6: Gold of Honour. Page 1 of 1

DATABASE 6: GOLD OF HONOUR

134 Type of Banquet Mortuary banquet BFV Celebratory

Deceased at banquet Wife at banquet Son offering Daughter offering Female guests Male guests Male harpist Female harpist Female musicians Male musicians Female clappers Male clapper Dancers Female servant Male servant Father/Grandfather Mother/Grandmother

Tomb ID

Tomb Owner

1 1

N

N N N

N

N N

1

N

1

C C

1

N N

C C

1

N

N N

N N

1

N N N

N N

1

N

N N N

1

N

1

N N

C C N N N

1

N N N

N

1

C C

N N N

N N

N

1 1

N N

N

1

C C

1

C

C C C

C C

C

1

N N N

N N

N

N

1

C C

N

N N

N

1

C C

N N N

1

C N N

C C

5

N N N

1

C C N N

N N

5

N N

Ah/AI

Tetiky

21

4

N N N N

TI/Hat/(TIII)

User (a)

4

N

TI/Hat/(TIII)

User (b)

21

4

N

A1-Hat/(TIII)

Ineni

4

N

Start 18th D.-Hat

Amenemhat

340

3

N

AI

Renni

EK 7

3

C

Hat/TIII

Djheuty

11

3

C

(Hat)/TIII

Baki (a)

18 18

3

C

(Hat)/TIII

Baki (b)

39

3

N

Hat/TIII

Puyemre

82

3

N

Hat/TIII

Amenemhat (a)

82

3

C

Hat/TIII

Amenemhat (b)

104

3

N

(Hat)/TIII

Thutnefer (a)

81 C C

N N

(Hat)/TIII

Thutnefer (b)

104

3

N N

Start 18th D.-TIII

Tati

154

2

N

(Hat)/TIII

Amenemhat

53

2

C N N

TIII

Benia Paheqamen

343

2

N N

TIII

Paheri (a)

EK 3

2

N N

EK 3

2

N N

15

Reign TIII

Paheri (b)

2

22

Time period

TIII/AII

Wah (a)

22

Database 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets. Page 1 of 2

TIII/AII

Wah (b)

1

C N N N

C C

C

N C N

1

N

N

1

N N

N

N

1

C C N

C

C

C C N

1

N N

C

C C N

1

N

N

C N N

1

N N

C N N N N

1

N

N

1

N N N N

N

N C

1

N

N

C

1

C C

1

N N

N N

1

N N

1

N N

N

N

1

N

N

N

C

1 1

(TIII)/AII

Nebamun (a)

5

N

(TIII)/AII

Nebamun (b)

5

C N

TIII/AII

Amenmose

5

Continued on Page 135

1

N

N

N

C N N

TIII/AII

Menkheperraseneb

5

N N N C C C N C C N C

TIII/AII

Thutnefer

5

C C N

TIII/AII

Amenemheb Meh (a)

5

N N N

TIII/AII

Amenemheb Meh (b)

5

N N N

(TIII)/AII

Pehsukher Tjenenu

5

N N N N C C N N N N N N

(TIII)/AII

Suemniut

5

N N

AII

Kenamun (a)

5

N N N

AII

Kenamun (b)

5

N

(TIII)/AII

Sennefer

5

N

TIII/AII

Rekhmire

5

N N N

AII/TIV (?)

Tjener

5

N N N

TIII/AII

Menkheperraseneb (a)

5

N N N

TIII/AII

Menkheperraseneb (b)

5

N

(TIII)/AII

Thutmose

5

N N

AII

Paser

5

17 17 42 79 80 85 85 88 92 93 93 96 100 101 112 112 248 367

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

135

Type of Banquet Mortuary banquet BFV Celebratory

Deceased at banquet Wife at banquet Son offering Daughter offering Female guests Male guests Male harpist Female harpist Female musicians Male musicians Female clappers Male clapper Dancers Female servant Male servant Father/Grandfather Mother/Grandmother

Tomb ID

Tomb Owner

Reign

AII/TIV/AIII

AII/TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

TIV/AIII

(TIV)/AIII

(TIII)/AII/TIV

6

6

TIV/AIII

6

6

TIV/AIII

6

6

TIV (?)

6

6

AIII (?)

6

7

7

7

7

1

1

1

N

N

N C

N

N

C C C C C

N

(TIV)/AIII

C

C N

C C C

1

N

1

C C N

C

C C

N C

1

N N

1

N

N

N

N C C

1

N

C

C

1

N

N N

C N

C N

1

N

C

C C

C C C

1

N

N N

1

C

C C C

1

N N

C C N C C C C C

1

C C N

C C

C C C

1

N N

N N

N

1

C N

C

1

N

1

C N

C C

C

C

1

N N

N N

1

N

N N

N

1

C C

1

C C

N

C C N

C C

1

C N

C C

C C C

C C

9

9

9

1

C N N

C

C N

1

N

N

1

C C

C C

C C C

C C

End of database 7

1

N C N

C

C

C C

Djeserkaraseneb TIV/AIII

38

N N

Nakht

52

N N

Userhat

56

C

Menena

69

N N

Amenhotep Si-se AII/TIV 75

C C

Ptahemhat (a) 77

C C

Ptahemhat (b) 77

C C

Horemheb (a) 78

C C

Horemheb (b) 78 C C

Nebamun (a) 90

C C

Nebamun (b) 90

C C

Nebseny 108

C C N C C C

Nakht 161

C C N N C C

Anon 175

C

Thutmose Pary TIV/AIII (?) 295

7

Khnummose (a) AIII 253

7

Khnummose (b) AIII 253

7

Kha 8

6

Ramose 55

6

Amenmose 89

6

Pairy 139

6

TIV/AIII

6

AII/AIII

6

AIII/AIV

Nebamun/Ipuky AIII/AIV 181

6

AIII

AIII Neferrenpet 249

6

AIII

AIII BM EA 37981/84/86 Nebamun

Time period

Ay/(Hor) Neferhotep 49

post-Amarna/Ay Mose (a) 254

post-Amarna/Ay Mose (b) 254

Database 7: 18th Dynasty Banquets. Page 2 of 2

DATABASE 7: 18th DYNASTY BANQUETS

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT Database 8: Concordance. Page 1 of 4

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

Reign

DB1: All NK data

1

Sennedjem

SI/RII

1

2

Khabekhnet

RII

2

DB2: All OTM

DB3: OTM EPISODES

2

2

DB4: OTM TYPE 2 TOMBS

DB5: OTM TYPE 2 STELAE IN SITU

DB6: GOH

DB7: BANQUETS

8

Kha

AII/AIII

8

8

11

Djehuty

Hat/TIII

11

11

15

Tetiky

Ah/AI

15

15

16

Panehesy

RII/(Mer?)

16

17

Nebamun

(TIII)/AII

17

18

Baki

(Hat)/TIII

18

19

Amenmose

SI/RII

19

20

Mentuherkhepshef

TIII/(AII)

20

21

User

TI/Hat/(TIII)

21

22

Wah

TIII/AII

22

23

Tjay

Mer

23

30

Khonsmose

20th D.

30

30

30

30

31

Khons Ta

RII

31

31

31

31

32

Thutmose

RII

32

32

32

35

Bakenkhons

RII

35

35

35

38

Djeserkaraseneb

TIV/AIII

38

38

39

Puyemre

Hat/TIII

39

39

40

Amenhotep Huy

Tut

40

41

Amenemipet Ipy

Hor/SI

41

41 (a)

41 (a)

42

Amenmose

TIII/AII

42

42

42

44

Amenemheb

20th D.

44

44 (a) 44 (b)

44 (a) 44 (b)

45

Djheuty

AII

45

45

Djehutyemheb

20th D.

45

48

Amenemhat Surer

AIII

48

48

48

49

Neferhotep

Ay/(Hor)

49

49

49

49

50

Neferhotep

Hor

50

51

Userhat

RI/SI

51

51

51

51

52

Nakht

(TIV)/AIII

52

53

Amenemhat

(Hat)/TIII

53

53

53

54

Huy

AIII

54

54 (a)

54 (a)

54

Kener

RII or later

54

54 (b)

54 (b)

54 (b)

55

Ramose

AIII/AIV

55

55

55

55

56

Userhat

(TIII)/AII/TIV

56

56

56

57

Khamhat Meh

AIII

57

63

Sobekhotep

TIV/(AIII?)

63

68

Paenkhemenu

Siamun

68

17

17

17 (a) 17 (b) 18 (a) 18 (b)

19 (a) 19 (b)

19 (a) 19 (b)

21

21

19 (b)

21 (a) 21 (b) 22 (a) 22 (b) 23

40 41

41 (b)

41 42

44 (a) 44 (b)

49 50

49

50 51 52 53

55

55 56

57

Continued on page 137

136

DATABASE 8: CONCORDANCE Database 8: Concordance. Page 2 of 4

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

Reign

DB1: All NK data

DB2: All OTM

DB3: OTM EPISODES

69

69

DB4: OTM TYPE 2 TOMBS

DB5: OTM TYPE 2 STELAE IN SITU

DB6: GOH

DB7: BANQUETS

69

Menena

(TIV)/AIII

69

73

Amenhotep

Hat

73

69

74

Tjenuny

TIII/AII/TIV

74

75

Amenhotep Si-se

AII/TIV

75

77

Ptahemhat

TIV/AIII

77

78

Horemheb

AII/TIV/AIII

78

79

Menkheperraseneb

TIII/AII

79

80

Thutnefer

TIII/AII

80

80

80

80

81

Ineni

A1-Hat/(TIII)

81

81

81

81

82

Amenemhat

Hat/TIII

82

82

82

82 (a) 82 (b)

85

Amenemheb Meh

TIII/AII

85

86

Menkheperraseneb

TIII

86

88

Pehsukher Tjenenu

(TIII)/AII

88

75

75 77 (a) 77 (b)

78

78

78 (a) 78 (b) 79

85 (a) 85 (b)

88

89

Amenmose

AIII

89

89

89

89

90

Nebamun

TIV/AIII

90

90 (a) 90 (b)

90 (a) 90 (b)

90 (a) 90 (b)

92

Suemniut

(TIII)/AII

92

93

Kenamun

AII

93

93

93

93 (a) 93 (b)

96

Sennefer

(TIII)/AII

96

96

96

96

100

Rekhmire

TIII/AII

100

100

100

100

101

Tjener

AII/TIV (?)

101

101 104

104 (a) 104 (b)

92

104

Thutnefer

(Hat)/TIII

104

106

Paser

SI/RII

106

107

Nefersekheru

AIII

107

107

107

108

Nebseny

TIV (?)

108

108

108

112

Menkheperraseneb

TIII/AII

112

113

Kynebu

RVIII

113

133

Neferrenpet

RII/late 19th D.

133

138

Nedjemger

RII/end 19th D.

138

139

Pairy

AIII

139

148

Amenemipet

RIII/RV

148

154

Tati

Start 18th D.-TIII

154

155

Intef

Hat/TIII

155

157

Nebwenenef

RII

157

158

Tjanefer

SII/Tauseret/ (RIII)

158

161

Nakht

AIII (?)

161

162

Kenamun

AIII

162

175

Anon

TIV/AIII

175

104

106

106

108 112 (a) 112 (b)

113

113

113

139 (a) 139 (b)

139 (a) 139 (b)

139 (a)

139 148 154

161 (a) 161 (b) 161

161 (a) 161 (b) 161

161 (c)

161

175

175

175

175

178 (a) 178 (b)

178 (b)

181

181

178

Neferrenpet Kener

RII

178

178 (a) 178 (b)

181

Nebamun/Ipuky

AIII/AIV

181

181

181

Continued on page 138

137

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT Database 8: Concordance. Page 3 of 4 DB2: All OTM

DB3: OTM EPISODES

183

183

DB4: OTM TYPE 2 TOMBS

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

Reign

DB1: All NK data

183

Nebsumenu

RII

183

188

Parennefer

AIII/AIV

188

192

Kheref Senaa

AIII/AIV

192

193

Ptahemheb

(19th D.)/ 20th D.

193

194

Thutemheb

RII

194

217

Ipuy

RII

217

218

Amennakht

RII

218

218

218

218

219 (a) 219 (b)

219 (b)

247

DB5: OTM TYPE 2 STELAE IN SITU

DB6: GOH

DB7: BANQUETS

188

193

217

217

217

219

Nebenmaat

RII/Mer

219

219 (a) 219 (b)

247

Samut

TIV/AIII

247

247

248

Thutmose

(TIII)/AII

248

248

249

Neferrenpet

AIII

249

249

250

Ramose

RII

250

253

Khnummose

AIII

253

254

Mose

post-Amarna/Ay

254

255

Roy

Hor/SI

255

257

Neferhotep/Meh

AIII/AIV

257

259

Hori

20th D.

259

260

User

TIII (?)

260

260

260

277

Ameneminet

20th D.

277

277

277

277

278

Amenemheb

20th D.

278

284

Pahemnetjer

(18th D.)/19th D. before RII

284

284

284

284

291

Nakhtmin

post-Amarna/Hor

291

291

291

291

294

Amenhotep

(Hat)/TIII

294

294

294

294

Rema

19th D./20th D.

294

295

Thutmose Pary

TIV/AIII (?)

295

295

295

296

Nefersekheru

RII

296

296

296

324

Hatiay

Ay/SI

324

331

Penniut Suner

RII

331

335

Nakhtamun

RII/Mer

335

335

335

336

Neferrenpet

RII/Mer

336

336

336

338

May

post-Amarna (Tut/Hor)

338

340

Amenemhat

Start 18th D.-Hat

340

341

Nakhtamun

20th D.

341

341

341

343

Benia Paheqamen

TIII

343

343

343

354

Anon

AII/TIV

354

356

Amenemwia

SI/RII

356

359

Inherkhau

RIII/RIV

359

359

359

360

Qeh

RII

360

367

Paser

AII

367

250 253

253

255

255

253 (a) 253 (b) 254 (a) 254 (b) 255 257

295 296

340 341 343

360 367

367

367 Continued on page 139

138

DATABASE 8: CONCORDANCE Database 8: Concordance. Page 4 of 4 DB4: OTM TYPE 2 TOMBS

DB5: OTM TYPE 2 STELAE IN SITU

Tomb ID

Tomb owner

Reign

DB1: All NK data

373

Amenmose

RII

373

373 (b)

373 (b)

406

Piay

20th D.

406

406

406

409

Samut Kyky

RII

409

A1

Huya

Ak

Huya

Huya Meryre II (a) Meryre II (b)

DB2: All OTM

DB3: OTM EPISODES

DB6: GOH

373 (a) 406

A2

Meryre II

Ak

Meryre II

A3

Ahmes

Ak

Ahmes

A4

Meryre I

Ak

Meryre I

Meryra I

A5

Pentu

Ak

Pentu

Pentu

A6

Panehesy

Ak

Panehesy

Panehesy

A7

Parennefer

Ak

Parennefer

Parennefer

A8

Tutu

Ak

Tutu

Tutu

A9

Mahu

Ak

Mahu

A10

Apy

Ak

Apy

A11

Rames

Ak

Rames

A14

May

Ak

May

A19

Setau

Ak

Setau

A23

Any

Ak

Any

Any

A25

Ay

Ak

Ay

Ay Penniwt

AN

Penniut Suner

RVI

Penniwt

BM EA 37981/84/86

Nebamun

AIII

Nebamun

Nebamun

C4

Merymaat

TIV/AIII

Merymaat

Merymaat

Merymaat

Cairo temp 17.5.25.1

Ptahmes

RII

Ptahmes

Ptahmes

Ptahmes

EK 3

Paheri

TIII

Paheri

EK 4

Setau

20th D.

Setau

EK 7

Renni

AI

Renni

Renni

Renni

EM

Anhurmose

Mer

Anhurmose

Anhurmose

Anhurmose

Anhurmose

Imiseba

Imiseba (a) Imiseba (b)

Imiseba (a) Imiseba (b)

Imiseba Havana 2

EM

Imiseba

19th D.

Merymaat

Paheri (a) Paheri (b)

Renni

Havana MN 2

Anon

Tut

Havana 2

Havana 2

Havana 2

Leiden 49

Meri-Meri

19th D.

Meri-Meri

Meri-Meri

Meri-Meri

MH

Paser

RIII

Paser

Iuy

19th D.

Iuy

Mes

RII

Mes

Mes

Rifeh Tomb 2

Anon

RIII

Rifeh Tomb 2

Rifeh Tomb 2

SAQ

Khay

19th D.

Khay

SAQ

Pay/Raia

Tut

Pay/Raia

SAQ LS29

Hormin

SI/RII

Hormin

Hormin

Horemheb

Horemheb (a) Horemheb (b)

Pushkin I.1.a.5637 Q Hildesheim 374

SAQ South V

Horemheb

Tut

ZS

Nefersekheru

SI

DB7: BANQUETS

Paser Iuy

Khay

Iuy

Khay

Iuy

Khay

Nefersekheru Nefersekheru Nefersekheru Nefersekheru End of Database 8

139

A NEW INTERPRETATION FOR THE CONE ON THE HEAD IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

140

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