Yanihara Tadao and Japanese Colonial Policy: Redeeming Empire 0700712755, 9780700712755

Citation preview

Yanaihara Tadao and Japanese Colonial Policy

7KLVSDJHLQWHQWLRQDOO\OHIWEODQN

Yanaihara Tadao

and Japanese Colonial Policy REDEEMING EMPIRE

Susan C. Townsend

RRoutledge

Taylor &. Francis Croup

LONDON AND NEW YORK

For Margaret and Len McDonald

First published 2002 by RoutledgeCurzon This edition published 2013 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint o f the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2000 Susan C. Townsend Typeset in M eridien by LaserScript Ltd, M itcham, Surrey All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now know n or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any inform ation storage or retrieval system, w ithout permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book has been requested ISBN 0-7007-1275-5

Contents

Acknowledgements

vii

INTRODUCTION

An Encounter with Bandits one The Education of a Commoner tw o In the Footsteps of Uchimura Kanzo t h r e e A Theory of Colonisation f o u r Taiwan: A Theory of Dependency five Korea: A Plea for Justice s ix Manchuria: A 'Slighter Gesture of Dissent'? s e v e n The South Sea Islands: A Moral Question eight China: Capitalism and Colonial Development n i n e The Yanaihara Incident

228

Afterword Bibliography Index

257 276 291

v

1 17 39 70 99 12 5 158 189 208

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Acknowledgements

There are m any people to whom I owe a debt of gratitude for giving me enough confidence and encouragem ent to embark firstly upon a thesis and then a book. First, I would like to thank m y PhD supervisor, Dr Gordon Daniels in the History Department of the University of Sheffield who not only suggested researching the colonial writings of Yanaihara Tadao eight years ago, but who has been a constant source of encouragem ent and guidance throughout m y time in Sheffield and Cambridge. I would also like to thank all the staff and postgraduates in the History Department at Sheffield, especially Professor Ian Kershaw whose continued friendship and advice over the last seven years has made the whole process a great pleasure. Thanks also to friends and colleagues in the School of East Asian Studies and the East Asian Studies Library, University of Sheffield. Special thanks goes to the British Academy for giving me a major state studentship to fund my research and also for the three year post-doctoral fellowship during which time I wrote this book and began research for the next one. During the last three years I have become indebted to friends and colleagues in Cambridge, especially my m entor Dr Stephen Large and the President of New Hall, Anne Lonsdale both of w hom have encouraged and inspired me and have m ade my fellowship in Cambridge such a rewarding one. I am indebted to both Stephen Large and Gordon Daniels for reading the m anuscript and m aking suggestions which improved it immensely. I am im m ensely grateful to Dr Shogimen Takashi of Clare Hall who very kindly read the manuscript, corrected my translations in places and made m any helpful suggestions. v ii

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In Japan I also received m uch help and I am very grateful to Professor Banno Junji and his staff at the Shakai Kagaku Kenkyu-jo [Social Science Research Institute] at Tokyo University and the staff and librarians of Kokusai Bunka Kaikan [International House] during my research visit in June and July, 1995. The highlight of that research visit, however, was m eeting Professor Yanaihara Katsu at his hom e in June and I extend my thanks to him for kindly agreeing to m eet me and talk about his father, Yanaihara Tadao. Thanks also to Professor Nakam ura Katsumi for his kind help and suggestions. None of this would have been possible, however, w ithout the support of my family, particularly M om and Len w ho encouraged me in my change of career from bus driver to academic thirteen years ago and w ho put up w ith me during the three years of my undergraduate degree at Staffordshire Polytechnic now Staffordshire University. Also vital to m y wellbeing was the support of m any close friends, in particular, Helen Grindley, Julie Hanson, Shiela Travis, Beverley Eaton, Pauline Elkes and Chris Williams. Finally I w ould like to thank my partner Nigel Williamson whose excellent cooking has kept me from m alnutrition and whose com puter skills saved me from a m ental breakdown.

INTRODUCTION

An Encounter with Bandits In the early afternoon of 11 September 1932 a smartly-dressed, aristocratic-looking Japanese gentlem an in his early forties stood waiting outside the ticket office of Changchun railway station in M anchuria. At some five feet ten inches tall, professor Yanaihara Tadao of Tokyo Imperial University stood head and shoulders above most Japanese males of his generation. It was often supposed that his family had 'W estern blood' som ewhere dow n the line since his features were strikingly European, w ith wide, bespectacled eyes set below a high forehead and a relatively large, high bridged, slightly hooked nose w hich accentuated the austere set of the full m outh. He was extrem ely indignant because he had asked the hotel clerk at the lodgings w here he had been staying to reserve first class tickets for his journey to Harbin in northern M anchuria, but the clerk had been singularly intransigent and had refused, stating that it was unnecessary to purchase tickets in advance. Now the only tickets left at the station office were for the less comfortable, inferior carriages situated in the m iddle of the train. His travelling com panion and guide, a young employee of the Japanese-ow ned South M anchuria Railway, had managed to buy a first class ticket but he sacrificed it so that he could accompany the professor.1 Neither of the tw o m en were aware at this point that the stubbornness of a hotel clerk had probably just saved their lives. The railway line from Changchun [Xinjing] to Harbin in the north and from Harbin to Qiqihar in the east had for some time been the target of so-called 'bandits'2 and by 1932 it had become extrem ely dangerous for foreigners to travel along either of these 1

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routes.3 W hilst the professor and his com panion were waiting on the platform, a Japanese lawyer nam ed Ohara w arned them of the dangers of travel in this particular region of the world and advised them to keep their com partm ent door locked. Eventually they boarded a rather inferior carriage on the 14.26 train for their long journey to Harbin. They were just an hour away from their destination w hen it happened. The train lurched to a halt and the carriage lights w ent out. In the m oonlight the professor looked at his watch. It was 10.30 p.m. Suddenly the sound of rifle fire burst in upon them and they heard the sound of running feet accompanied by yells and shrieks. Everyone in the com partm ent threw themselves to the floor, but the professor had the presence of mind to reach out and turn the key in the lock. At that very m om ent, there was a violent banging on the com partm ent door and a voice yelled at them in Chinese to 'open up!'. This was repeated several times but soon they heard the sound of retreating footsteps. After a while an eerie silence descended upon the whole train, but it was nearly an hour before anyone in the com partm ent dared to move. After the rescue train had arrived the professor walked out into a perfectly clear, m oonlit night. As he walked towards the front of the train he saw a Russian m an comforting his frightened young wife and a young Japanese w om an was evidently still struggling to regain her senses after she had almost fainted w ith fright w hen a bandit had thrust a rifle in her face. Some people had been stripped not only of their jewellery but also of all their clothing. As he approached the first-class carriages situated at the front of the train, however, he was horrified to find that the 'bandits' had not been m otivated by robbery alone. In one carriage he saw the body of a Japanese m an lying face up w ith his skull smashed in. His blood and brains were spattered everyw here and had stained the white skirts of a young Russian w om an w ho had been sitting near him . The first class carriages were riddled w ith bullet holes and m any passengers were w ounded.4 In Britain the press had taken particular interest in the 'increase of banditry in M anchuria' after the kidnapping of Mrs Pawley and Mr Corkran on 7 September. The captors had dem anded a ransom of 250,000 yen, about £25,000 and negotiations for the release of the British captives were underw ay.5 On 13 September the first report of the attack on Yanaihara's train appeared in The Times. The Tokyo correspondent wrote: 'According to press telegrams a train proceeding to Harbin from Changchun was derailed during the 2

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darkness near Suangcheng (Shwangchengtin) about 35 miles from Harbin. Japanese troops have left Harbin for the spot.' The report then w ent on to detail other 'outrage [s] ... of a particularly brutal type com m itted in the vicinity of Harbin during the last three days', including one attack in which 30 passengers were kidnapped, 15 killed and 20 injured w hen a derailed train was reported to have plunged 30ft over a cliff.6 According to another report, immediately prior to the attack on Yanaihara's train, the southbound express had also been attacked leaving 12 dead and 36 w ounded. Some 36 persons had been kidnapped and scores of passengers stripped dow n to their underclothes. The attack on the professor's train was reported to have left four Japanese soldiers and one Japanese civilian dead and another four Japanese soldiers, two Japanese civilians, one Korean and five Russians wounded. A large num ber of Chinese were also killed or w ounded.7 These statistics verify Yanaihara's figures for dead and injured which he himself had later gathered from news reports, but apart from the Japanese soldiers and the unfortunate civilian whose body Yanaihara had discovered, it would appear that the 50 or so Japanese civilians on the train were not particularly singled out for violence.8 The new spaper reports, therefore, largely confirm the professor's account of the attack and dem onstrate the real danger in which he and his com panions had found them selves in. To Yanaihara, however, the event was to take on a m uch greater significance and he genuinely believed that his life had been in grave danger. It seemed to him that hardly any of the passengers had escaped violence, threats, robbery or worse and yet as far he and his com panions were concerned: Our bodies suffered no wounds, our belongings were not destroyed, neither were we threatened w ith pistols. Indeed, no! I did not even see the face of a single robber. It was a truly m iraculous event. The obstinacy of the hotel clerk in refusing to m ake a first class reservation for me m eant that I had avoided being seated in the most dangerous part of the train w here the most damage had been done and my friend's kindness [in giving up his ticket] at Changchun station was also extrem ely fortunate.9 Shortly afterw ards professor Yanaihara, a devout Christian, founded an evangelical magazine called Tsushin [Correspondence] and told the tale of his 'encounter with bandits' in the first issue. 3

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W hilst some m ay argue that he was kept from harm by the hand of fate, he stated, it was not fate but the hand of God. But w hy had God preserved him thus? He believed that in the same way that God had preserved the infant Moses who had been concealed in the bulrushes of the Nile so that he could eventually lead the Israelites out of Egypt, God had protected him from the 'bandits' for some purpose as yet undefined.10 As Japan veered inexorably towards total w ar in the next decade that purpose became increasingly clear to Yanaihara. Five years later, in the autum n of 1937, just a few m onths after the Marco Polo Bridge incident had begun an undeclared w ar w ith China, the so-called 'Yanaihara Incident' caused a scandal which rocked the academic world and forced him to resign the Chair of Colonial Policy at Tokyo Imperial University which he had occupied since August 1923.11 The incident began in September 1937 w hen he published an article entitled 'Kokka no Riso' [The Ideals of the State] in the respected academic journal Chuo Koron covertly criticising Japan's w ar w ith C hina.12 Shortly afterw ards on 1st October 1937 in a lecture entitled 'Kami no Kuni' [The Kingdom of God] he took a m ore overt and strongly pacifist stand against the w ar and shocked m any of his colleagues and m embers of the governm ent w hen he entreated his listeners to 'please bury our country for a while so that her ideals may live.'13 Colleagues in a rival faction of the economics departm ent m ounted a vicious campaign against him. Eventually the Home M inistry became involved and questions about the scandal were asked in the Imperial Diet. Yanaihara was ousted from the university and subsequently prosecuted w ith the result that m any of his works were banned. During the intervening years his 'encounter the bandits' had served to sharpen his sense of mission both as an evangelical Christian and as a colonial reformer. He sought to redeem the Japanese Empire, to turn its leaders way from policies of conquest, subjugation and w ar and lead its peoples to a promised land of co-existence, egalitarianism and peace. His conviction that 'God protects those who believe'14 gave him the necessary strength to rem ain faithful to his liberal and hum anitarian principles through­ out the so-called 'Fifteen Years War'. His work on Japanese as well as international colonisation, colonialism and imperialism represents one of the most com pre­ hensive bodies of writings of its kind existing in Japanese before the 4

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war. It is rem arkable as m uch for its scholarly integrity as for its sheer encyclopaedic breadth. His thought was profoundly influ­ enced by two great teachers, Nitobe Inazo a well-know n inter­ nationalist and educator and his predecessor in the Chair of Colonial Policy and Uchim ura Kanzo, founder of the Mukydkai or 'N o-church' sect of Christianity to w hich Yanaihara had converted as a young university student. Yanaihara's liberal critique of Japanese colonial policy, drawing on such diverse theories as Adam Sm ith's Wealth of Nations and classical M arxist theories of imperialism was informed by hum anitarian and liberal ideals of 'good governm ent' together with Christian concepts of social and international justice.15 Though he was greatly inspired by a wide international body of theory as well as empirical studies of the British empire, particularly India, Ireland16 and the self-governing colonies, he also drew on his first-hand observations of conditions in the Japanese colonies themselves. He was, therefore, well placed both to condem n the sufferings of indigenous peoples under Japanese rule and to recom m end reforms for their alleviation. Despite the existence of an increasing am ount of valuable literature in English on the Japanese formal and informal empire by scholars such as Peter Duus, M ark Peattie17 and m ore recently Louise Y oung,18 a study of Y anaihara's w ork provides a valuable perspective on Japan's colonies during w hat can still be regarded as an early stage of research into Japan's 'age of empire'. Though he was a self-confessed idealist, Yanaihara's personal experiences in the colonies and his knowledge of international literature on world imperialisms also lent his work a certain pragm atism . Like other Japanese liberals, he recognised the legitimacy of em pire under the prevailing international conditions at the time. Along w ith some of even the most vociferous critics of empire the world over, he believed that empires in one form or another were here to stay and he also realised, m uch as Adam Smith did, the futility of expecting any governm ent to give up its colonies or spheres of interest voluntarily no m atter how burdensom e they becam e. W hat sets him apart from other Japanese critics, however, was his consistency in seeking to invest the Japanese empire w ith an 'idea' towards w hich colonial policy should strive. In his famous expose of European colonialism Heart of Darkness, Joseph Conrad, disillusioned and horrified by his experiences in the Belgian Congo in the 1890s, was m oved to write: 5

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The conquest of the earth, which mostly m eans the taking it away from those w ho have a different complexion or slightly flatter noses than ourselves is not a pretty thing w hen you look into it too m uch. W hat redeems it is the idea only. An idea at the back of it; not a sentim ental pretence but an idea.19 In Yanaihara's works the redeem ing 'idea' takes the form of a model of capitalist developm ent w ithin the colonies. He believed that colonisation and im perialism acted as vehicles for capitalist developm ent w ithin the colonies or, in the case of China, sem i­ colonies. This process could be either deliberate or unconscious on the part of the policy makers, but either way it set in m otion the capitalist developm ent of indigenous societies politicising them in unforeseen ways and causing them to develop a strong sense of national consciousness. This burgeoning sense of national con­ sciousness leads the indigenous society to make increasing dem ands for autonom y or independence and w hether by peaceful means, w here the colonising power fully concedes to these demands, or by violent means, w here the colonising pow er resists these demands, the indigenous society will ultim ately achieve national liberation.20 In the case of Japan's formal colonies, such as Taiwan and Korea, improved communications, wider education and training and the integration of the indigenous population into the colonial economy causes changes w ithin the class structure across the whole spectrum of colonial society and creates heightened expectations, particularly in the political sphere. If colonial policies rem ain unsym pathetic to the demands of the indigenous society, they will cause violent resistance and serve as a locus for opposition dooming the colonial relationship to end in violence as it did in the American Thirteen Colonies and Ireland.21 In the case of Japan's informal empire in China which he classified as a 'sem i-colony', the process of capitalist developm ent and, therefore, of nation-state building was firmly in the hands of Chiang Kai shek's nationalist governm ent in Nanjing and China was well on the way to achieving national liberation.22 Yanaihara regarded this process as a fundam ental 'rule of history'23 and any attem pts to pervert its course, therefore, as futile. Policy makers, instead of trying to obstruct nationalist demands for political reform in Taiwan and Korea, or Chiang's achievem ent of a united nation-state in China, should recognise the inevitability of the natural cessation of the colonial relationship. They should, therefore, adopt policies which aid the autonom ous 6

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developm ent of Japan's colonies and spheres of interest so that the inevitable end result of separation and independence could be achieved peacefully. This was the 'idea' towards which colonial reform should strive, a co-operative sphere of autonom ous nations bound together by natural ties of history, m utual benefit and friendship.24 Whilst this optimistic view of colonial developm ent could be seen as validating Japanese imperialism, and even appears to anticipate the discredited notion of th e G reater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere in the 1930s and 40s, Yanaihara's views of the m eans of achieving a co-prosperity sphere were quite different from, for exam ple, the Showa K enkyukai [Showa Research Association], Konoe's 'brains trust' set up in the 1930s. Unlike apologists for Japan ese im perialism w ho to u ted ideas of co-prosperity and co-existence as a m ere 'sentim ental pretence', Yanaihara consistently exposed the inhum anity and futility of Japanese cultural assimilation policies and attacked the insensitive and self-interested way in which Japan developed the colonies entirely for her ow n benefit rather than for the benefit of either the indigenous population in particular, or of m ankind in general. He warned Japan's leaders that 'imperialist' policies based on military suppression sowed the seeds of the empire's destruction and that the w ar in China even threatened the survival of the Japanese state itself.25 Just as British colonial reform ers recom m ended the granting of autonom y for the self-governing colonies of white settlem ent so that they would rem ain w ithin the empire, Yanaihara also, in effect, argued for increased unity w ithin the Japanese empire, but a unity based on cultural respect and harm ony not cultural assimilation and military suppression.26 Inevitably, as Japan moved towards a military-bureaucracy in the late 1930s and w ar loomed on the horizon, Yanaihara's liberal critique of Japanese colonial policy began to converge with his Christian pacifism leading to a direct confrontation w ith right-wing academics and ultimately the state. After his resignation Yanaihara continued to campaign for peace and lectured to small select groups of Christians through his privately published evangelical magazine Kashin [Auspicious News].27 As the empire descended into total war, he saw himself as the 'pillar of Japan' in whose hands lay sacred truths and ideals w hich would live again after the cathartic destruction which he knew must come. During the period of post­ w ar democratisation Yanaihara's reputation grew and, for some 7

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Japanese, he becam e an icon of resistance to the m ilitarist tendencies of 1930s Japan. He was respected as a traditional liberal who, unlike so m any other Japanese intellectuals, had refused to compromise his deeply held principles. Along w ith other dissident intellectuals he was reinstated to the re-nam ed Tokyo University and played a crucial role in establishing m odern social sciences in Japan founding Tokyo University's prestigious Shakai Kagaku Kenkyu-jo [Social Science Research Institute] in 1946. In 1951 he became president of the university in which post he rem ained until his retirem ent in 1957. He participated actively in the post-war peace m ovements, disseminating his views through his university teach­ ing, public lectures and radio and has been widely credited with the rebuilding of the Japanese system of higher education. He lived long enough to com m ent on the widespread protest m ovem ents against the United States - Japan Security Treaty in 1960 and died in 1961. His obituary in the Asahi Shimbun on 25 December 1961 com m ented that Yanaihara 'an honoured professor of Tokyo University and ... its former president ... was an acolyte of Uchimura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo and a Christian. He was famous as a pacifist.' After his death Yanaihara's works were collected and edited by his colleagues, Nanbara Shigeru, Ouchi Hyoe and others into the tw enty-nine volume Yanaihara Tadao Zenshti [The Collected Works of Yanaihara Tadao] published betw een 1963 and 1965. Most of Yanaihara's work has rem ained in the Japanese language and only one of his books, Nanyd Gunto no Kenkyu [A Study of the South Sea Islands] which was commissioned by the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations (JIPR), was translated into English.28 His only major article in English, 'The Problems of Japanese Administration in Korea' was also commissioned by the IPR and appeared in their journal, Pacific Affairs in 1938.29 For this reason Yanaihara's work on colonisation and imperialism has rem ained largely unknow n in the West. He is m entioned briefly, however, in several English language publications which address the issue of censorship and resistance in Imperial and w ar­ time Japan and English language works have tended to concentrate on Yanaihara's activities as a pacifist rather than as a com m entator on colonial policy. Yet outside Japan his im portance is recognised by a small circle of academics both in Britain and in the United States. One of the most im portant publications on Japanese colonialism, The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945 is: 'Dedicated to the mem ory of Yanaihara Tadao (1893-1961), Scholar, teacher, Christian, and

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pioneer in Japanese colonial studies.'30 The latest collection of articles on Yanaihara's m entor, the som ew hat better know n internationalist and hum anist, Nitobe Inazo, is also dedicated to Y anaihara Tadao w ho am ong others 'im plem ented Nitobe's vision.'31 This begs the question w hy then has it taken so long for a detailed analysis of Yanaihara's w ork on imperialism and colonial policy to be w ritten? One answ er may lie in the fact that similar intellectual figures in pre-w ar Japan tend to be highly controversial. A classic example of this type of controversy surrounds Nitobe Inazo w ho is regarded by some Japanese scholars as an apologist for Japanese imperialism. In July 1981 the Japanese governm ent announced that his portrait was to appear on the 5,000 yen note.32 The announcem ent raised protests in some quarters. On 27 August Iinum a Jiro, professor em eritus at Kyoto University wrote in the Mainichi that; 'Nitobe Inazo was a true imperialist. Is it appropriate to have him appear on our currency? I urge the M inister of Finance to reconsider.'33 On the other hand Sato M asahiro of Osaka City University wrote in reply that; 'Nitobe Inazo was, throughout his life, a m an w ho followed Christ, a true believer in freedom, a pacifist, and a friend of the small m an and those in trouble.'34 According to John F. Howes, this controversy explains w hy it is only recently that Nitobe's attitudes towards the colonial question and Japanese im perial expansion during the early 1930s has been studied either in Japan or in the West. It is only since 1994, moreover, that Japanese historians have started to approach the question posed by Japan's imperial dom ination of Asia and the issue of wartim e atrocities.35 The Yanaihara Incident, related in Chapter Nine of this book, sheds light on the moral dilemma that m any liberal intellectuals faced during the so-called 'dark valley' of the 1930s and 40s. Ever since Japan's defeat in the Pacific War, scholars, particularly Japanese scholars, have attem pted to apply the term 'fascism' to pre-w ar Japan.36 Nearly all such authors admit, however, that w hat they call Japanese 'fascism' bore little resemblance institutionally to the Fascist Party in Italy or the Nazi Party in Germany and had to make Japan out to be a special case in order to apply the term to the Japanese state of the 1930s.37 It has been suggested that some Japanese historians may have had an ulterior motive in that, by identifying 'fascist' tendencies such as the dom inant political role of the m ilitary and the role of censorship and oppression in 9

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minimising resistance in Japan, they exonerate themselves as a class of intellectuals from blam e.38 Academics such as Yanaihara were certainly faced with hard choices as the authorities placed increasing pressure on freedom of speech, but their actions m ust be viewed in the light of the limits to 'liberalism' in Taisho and Early Showa Japan. Both Yanaihara and Nitobe were forced into some sort of compromise and Nitobe described the dilemma of the 'liberal' shortly before his death in 1933: W hat a poor and w retched creature is the Liberal in these days of violent extremes! Because he walks in the middle of the road, avoiding alike the right and the left side, he is charged w ith cowardice, because he leans in som ething tow ard the right or the left, he is suspected of wavering.39 In his critique of Japanese colonial policy Yanaihara far exceeded Nitobe in terms of his remarkable consistency in adhering to his deeply-held Christian principles, the depths of his hum anitarian concern, the sophistication of his analysis and the breadth of his knowledge. Yet despite this fact, Yanaihara Tadao and Japanese Colonial Policy: Redeeming Empire is the first detailed, book-length analysis of Yanaihara's colonial writings in either English or Japanese. In the first tw o chapters I trace the m anifold influences on the develop­ m ent of Yanaihara's thought from his early childhood in rural Shikoku and his school days in Kobe, through a formative period as a student at the First Higher School and Tokyo Imperial University. After he graduated he spent three years working at a Sumitomo m ining com pany and then returned to Tokyo Imperial University as assistant professor and, after a brief period of study in Europe, was appointed to the Chair of Colonial Policy in 1923. I begin Chapter Three w ith an outline of the history of the acquisition of Japan's formal and informal empire and the developm ent of Japanese colonial policy from its eighteenth century beginnings in the frontier region of Hokkaido. There follows a detailed analysis of Yanaihara's theory of colonisation in the context of the major intellectual influences prevailing at the time, particularly classical Marxist theories of imperialism. I have included here an exam ina­ tion of the argum ents of his detractors w ho criticised him both for his idealism and for his naivety w ith regard to issues of race and class. Such issues, however, depend on the way in which key concepts such as 'colony', 'dependency' and 'race' are defined and 10

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I have been at some pains to exam ine these criticisms in the light of both contem porary definitions of key concepts and Yanaihara's definitions in particular which are the keystone to understanding his theory of colonisation. In the next five chapters I analyse Yanaihara's critique of Japanese colonial policy in Japan's formal and informal empire in the context of Japan's international and domestic situation and in the light of the previous three chapters w hich provide the intellectual and theoretical context to his empirical works. In Chapter Four I exam ine Yanaihara's influential dependency theory in relation to w hat he called 'sugar m onopoly capitalism' in Taiwan which he outlined in his highly influential Teikokushugi-ka no Taiwan [Taiwan under Imperialism], which has since been translated into Russian and Chinese.40 Of all his works, Teikokushugi-ka no Taiwan follows most closely classical Marxist theories of imperialism, particularly V. I. Lenin's Imperialism as a Higher Stage of Capitalism. C hapter Five centres on rice production in Korea and the implications of Japanese economic policy for Korean farmers. Yanaihara pleaded passionately for m ore autonom y and the granting of responsible governm ent to Koreans. Though he made an analogy w ith Ireland, however, the Irish example should have dem onstrated that 'hom e rule' would never have been enough for Koreans w ho dem anded nothing short of immediate independence. In asking 'w hy then was he so blind to the real aspirations of Koreans?' I exam ine the limits of liberalism am ong the Japanese intelligentsia, particularly w ithin 'internationalist' organisations such as the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations. The M anchurian Incident of 18 Septem ber 1931 had an enorm ous impact on public expression in the mass media and in Chapter Six I exam ine the implications of restrictions on freedom of speech for Yanaihara's responses to the M anchurian crisis from 1931 to 1933. Though Yanaihara cautiously endorsed the findings of the Lytton Commission against Japanese actions during the incident, other critics such as Ishibashi Tanzan and Kiyosawa Kiyoshi m ounted far m ore effective criticisms of the establishment of M anchukuo based on challenging the popular conception of M anchuria as Japan's life-line. I exam ine the question of why Yanaihara did not effectively challenge the life-line argum ent and ask did he perhaps go too far in compromising with the censor? Chapter Seven is unusual in that his research on Japan's m andates in the South Sea Islands examines the problem of 11

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protecting so-called 'uncivilised natives' [mikai dojin] from the possibly harm ful effects of capitalist developm ent. His research was carried out for the Institute of Pacific Relations from 1933 to 1935 and translated into English. It remains a renow ned and classic piece of scholarly inquiry into the region. Of major concern to Yanaihara was the problem of the sharp decline in the 'native' population, but unlike m any other com m entators he did not attribute this decline to Darwinian laws of natural selection nor did he look to the islanders' inherent racial characteristics. Instead he exam ined the social and economic conditions imposed upon them by successive colonial governm ents and suggested these were primarily to blame. He believed that reforms were needed to both protect the islanders and advance their economic situation in order that they be more readily integrated into a m odern capitalist economy. At the end of the day, however, he believed that the argum ent for their preservation was not an economic one but a moral one. The Minobe Affair w hich dragged on through the sum m er of 1935 had a further constraining effect on public expression in the mass media and on academic freedom in the imperial universities. During the next two years tensions betw een China and Japan escalated and in Chapter Eight I analyse Yanaihara's responses to the Shina mondai or 'China problem ' and his support for Chiang Kai-shek's regime in Nanjing in the light of the complex situation leading up to and following the Xi'an Incident of 1936 which heralded the possibility of a united Chinese front against the Japanese. In the final chapter I outline the events leading up to and surrounding the Yanaihara Incident in the context of the gradual loss of autonom y w ithin the Imperial Universities, the academic purges of the 1930s, and the factionalism within the economics departm ent of Tokyo Imperial University w hich was in part responsible for his ousting. I also trace the developm ent of his ideas from the mid 1930s which led to the publication in September 1937 of 'Kokka no Riso' [The Ideals of the State] and his sudden change of tactics on 1 October 1937 w hen he condem ned the w ar outright and exhorted his listeners to 'bury' Japan.41 Yanaihara was eventually prosecuted in M arch 1938 not for his criticism of Japanese colonial policy per se but for stating that for Japanese Christians their ultim ate loyalty should be to God not the Emperor.42 In the Conclusion I summarise the developm ent of Yanaihara's critique of Japanese colonial policy and address two key questions. 12

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Firstly; w hat strategies did Yanaihara adopt in order to com m u­ nicate his opinions w ithin the ever tightening constraints upon freedom of speech as Japan moved towards a m ilitary-bureaucratic regime? Secondly, how consistent did his critique of Japanese colonialism and imperialism rem ain under these pressures and with w hat consequences for himself and for the Japanese empire? I recognise, of course, that as a w ork on colonial policy looked at from the perspective of one man, the voices from the periphery, from those w ho experienced the effects of Japanese colonial policy are largely missing. One reason for this is the fact that this book covers such a large region, Korea, Taiwan, M anchuria, China, and M icronesia and to have discussed the indigenous perspective in all its complexity would have required not only expertise in Korean and Chinese w hich I do not possess but a m uch larger volume. I am also aware that m uch more could be said about the influence of Christianity on Yanaihara's life and thought in a m ore general sense, but since this topic has been covered extensively by Professor Nakam ura Katsumi in his work Uchimura Kanzo to Yanaihara Tadao [Uchimura Kanzo and Yanaihara Tadao] (1981), I have concen­ trated more on Yanaihara as a social scientist. The scope of this book, therefore, is limited to a particular Japanese perspective which was formed at a critical juncture of Japanese history w hen ideas existed in a flux of traditional Japanese and modernising W estern influences and w hich makes Yanaihara's work on Japanese colonial policy unique in time and place.

NOTES 1 Yanaihara Tadao 'Hizoku ni Atta Hanashi' [Tale of an Encounter with Bandits], originally printed in the first edition of Yanaihara's evangelical magazine Tsiishin [Correspondence] in Novem ber 1932 and later reprinted in his autobiography Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I Have Walked] (1958) in Yanaihara Tadao Zenshu [The Collected Works of Yanaihara Tadao] ed. by Nanbara Shigeru et. al„ 29 vols., (Iwanami Shoten: Tokyo, 1963-5) vol. XXVI, pp 83-90 2 Japanese Army M inistry pam phlets described all Chinese soldiers in M anchuria as 'bandits' but distinguished betw een 'soldier-bandits' [heizoku or heihi], 'm ounted bandits' [bazoku] and 'crim inal bandits' [hizoku]. Louise Young Japan's Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism, (University of California Press: Berkeley and London, 1998), pp 142-3 3 Ian Nish Japan's Struggle with Internationalism: Japan, China and the League of Nations, 1931-3 (Kegan Paul: London, 1993), p. 122 13

AN EN C O U N TER W ITH BANDITS

4 Yanaihara Tadao 'Hizoku ni Atta Hanashi' [Tale of an Encounter with Bandits], YTZ, XXVI, p. 87 5 The Times 12 and 13 September, 1932 from The Microfilm Edition of The Times (London 16 Aug-30 Sept 1932) 6 Ibid., 13 September, 1932. 7 Ibid., 14 September 1932. 8 The Tokyo Correspondent of The Times reported on 13 September that 'A professor of Tokyo Imperial University and 50 other Japanese passengers ... have arrived at Harbin'. Yanaihara also stated that he understood that 'a Daily Telegraph correspondent responsible for covering the South M anchuria Railway and an Englishm an nam ed Kinney had apparently been stripped naked.' Hizoku ni Atta Hanashi' [Tale of an Encounter w ith Bandits], YTZ, XXVI, p. 88. This was confirmed by a report in The Times on 15 September w hich nam ed the correspondent as Mr. Penlington w ho was travelling w ith Mr. Henry Kinney, advisor to the South M anchuria Railway and Mr Henry Villard, son of the editor of the New York Nation. 9 Yanaihara Tadao 'Hizoku ni Atta Hanashi' [Tale of an Encounter with Bandits], YTZ, XXVI, p. 88 10 Ibid., p. 89 11 The year 1987 m arked the fiftieth anniversary of the Yanaihara Jiken [Yanaihara Incident] and this produced a spate of publications and reprinted articles in Japanese on the incident. The most im portant of these is Yanaihara Tadao Jiken Gojunen [The Yanaihara Incident Fifty Years on] ed. by Okawara Reizo (Tokyo, 1987) which contains extracts from works already published and a complete bibliography of Japanese language publications on Yanaihara. 12 Yanaihara Tadao 'Kokka no Riso' [The Ideals of the State], YTZ, XVIII, p. 631 13 Yanaihara Tadao 'Kami no Kuni' [The Kingdom of God], YTZ, XVIII, p. 652 14 Yanaihara Tadao 'Hizoku ni Atta Hanashi' [Tale of an Encounter with Bandits], YTZ, XXVI, p. 90 15 His m ajor theoretical works Shokumin oyobi Shokumin Seisaku [Colonisa­ tion and Colonial Policy], (1926) and Shokumin Seisaku no Shin Kicho [The New Foundations of Colonial Policy], (1928) comprise volum e I of YTZ 16 Yanaihara Tadao Teikokushugi-ka no Indo [India under Imperialism], YTZ, III. The essay on Ireland 'A irurando M ondai no Enkaku' is an appendix to this publication. 17 See for example the excellent edited series on the Japanese empire; The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945 ed. by Ramon H. M yers and M ark R. Peattie (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1984); The Japanese Informal Empire in China, 1895-1937 ed. by Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and M ark R. Peattie, (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1989); The Japanese Wartime Empire, 1931-1945 ed. by Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and M ark R. Peattie (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1996) 18 Louise Young Japan's Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism, (University of California Press: Berkeley and London, 1998) 14

AN ENC OU NTER W ITH BANDITS

19 Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness (Penguin: London, 1983), pp 31-2 20 This m odel of colonial developm ent runs threadlike throughout Yanaihara's works on colonialism and imperialism, but is set out most clearly in his works on China, particularly 'Shina M ondai no Shozai' [Locating the China Question] (1937), YTZ, IV, pp 326-340 21 In 'A irurando M ondai no Enkaku' [The History of the Irish Question] (1936), Yanaihara compared Ireland w ith Korea and he held up the violent history of the separation of Ireland from Britain as a w arning to Japanese policy makers as to w hat would happen if they did not make concessions to Korean dem ands for political representation. YTZ, III, 651-706 22 Yanaihara Tadao 'Shina M ondai no Shozai' [Locating the China Problem], YTZ, IV, p. 398 23 Ibid., p. 335 24 Yanaihara Tadao Shokumin oyobi Shokumin Seisaku [Colonisation and Colonial Policy], YTZ, I, pp 250 25 Yanaihara Tadao 'Kami no Kuni' [The Kingdom of God], YTZ, XVIII, p. 652 26 Shokumin oyobi Shokumin Seisaku [Colonisation and Colonial Policy] (1926), YTZ, I, pp 468-9 27 All Yanaihara's evangelical magazines have been edited and collected into a seven volum e series Kashin [Auspicious News] (Misuzu Shobo: Tokyo 1967). Volume I contains the edited collection of Tsushin [Correspondence] and of Budo [The Grapevine]. They have also been reprinted in YTZ, XXV, pp 583-915 28 Yanaihara Tadao Pacific Islands Under Japanese Mandate: A Report in the International Research Series of the Institute of Pacific Relations first published by Kelly and Walsh: Shanghai in 1939 and in 1940 by Oxford University Press. A subsequent edition was published by the Greenwood Press, Connecticut in 1976 29 Yanaihara Tadao 'Problems of Japanese Administration in Korea' in Pacific Affairs, vol. XI, No. 2 (June 1938), reprinted in YTZ, XXIII, pp 558-68 30 The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945, ed. by Ram on H. Myers and M ark R. Peattie, (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1984), dedication 31 Nitobe Inazo: Japan's Bridge Across the Pacific ed. by John F. Howes (Westview Press: Boulder, Colorado, 1995), dedication 32 Fukuzawa Yukichi was to appear on the 10,000 yen note and Natsume Soseki on the 1,000 yen note. 33 Cited by U chikawa Eiichiro in Nitobe Inazo: The Twilight Years (Kyobunkan: Tokyo, 1985), foreword, xi 34 Ibid., xi-xii 35 John F. Howes Nitobe Inazo: Japan's Bridge Across the Pacific, p. 306 36 The most influential analysis of pre-w ar Japan as a fascist state is that of M aruyam a Masao, printed in English as Thought and Behaviour in Japanese Politics, ed. by Ivan Morris (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1969) 37 Miles Fletcher, 'Intellectuals and Fascism in Early Showa Japan', in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXXIX, no. 1, 1979, p. 41 15

AN EN C O U N TER W ITH BANDITS

38 See Sandra W ilson Pro-Western Intellectuals and the Manchurian Crisis of 1931-1933, Nissan Occasional Paper Series No. 3, Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies: Oxford, 1987, p. 2 and Peter Duus and Daniel Okimoto, 'Fascism and the History of Pre-W ar Japan: The Failure of a Concept' in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXXIX, no. 1, 1979, p. 76 39 Nitobe Inazo Editorial Jottings, 2 vols. (Hokuseido Press: Tokyo, 1938), vol. U p . 217 40 YTZ, II. Reprinted in 1988 by Iw anam i Shoten, Tokyo. 41 Yanaihara Tadao 'Kami no Kuni' [The Kingdom of God], YTZ, XVIII, p. 652 42 Details of Yanaihara's prosecution are to be found in Masu Media Tosei, vol. II, docum ent 12: 'Yanaihara Tadao hoka sum ei ni kansuru shuppanho ihan jiken gairyaku' [Sum mary of the Publication Law violation incident relating to Yanaihara Tadao and others] in Gendaishi Shiryo vol. XXXXI, (Misuzu Shobo: Tokyo, 1973), 118-23

16

ONE

The Education of a Commoner Yanaihara Tadao was born on 27 January 1893 near a village called Tomita-mura in the district of Matsuki, Shikoku. The nearest town to Tom ita-m ura is Imabari, a busy trading port and cotton m anufacturing city in the northern part of Ehime prefecture on the north-east coast of the Takanawa Peninsula which juts out into the Inland Sea.1 The Yanaihara genealogy contained w ithin horizontal scrolls know n as 'makimono' dates back to 1489 and shows that the Yanaihara nam e derived from 'Yanagihara', a farming family from Tomita-mura. In 1577 the nam e was changed to 'Yanaibara'.2 There are, therefore, alternative readings of the nam e w ith 'Yanaibara' being the most com m on variation.3 Probably as a result of the greater mobility of the Japanese population during the upheavals of the tw entieth century, however, the nam e has died out on Shikoku and nothing remains of the buildings occupied by the Yanaihara family. During the m id-nineteenth century the family's occupation broadened from predom inantly farming to include the running of a village medical practice. Tadao's great-grandfather, Yanaihara Shuya, began a tradition of healing and medicine w ithin the family after he was banished from his hom e village in an argum ent with the village headm an. Shuya sued the headm an successfully and though the case ended in the headm an's dismissal it also resulted in Shuya's banishm ent to Iyo Oshima, an island off Shikoku. His exile was short-lived, however, and he returned to Tomita-mura but later left for the nearby city of M atsuyam a w here he studied medicine for nine years before starting a medical practice in M atsuki-m ura. 17

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

The medical tradition has been m aintained in the Yanaihara family to this day. Tadao's grandfather, Yanaihara Keita, was Shuya's eldest son and was adopted into his m aternal grandparent's household, the M ochizuki family. Both Keita and his younger brother, Seizaburo, trained as doctors as did Tadao's father Ken'ichi, the fifth son of Keita and his wife Masa.4 Ken'ichi was eventually returned to the Yanaihara household to be adopted by his uncle Seizaburo and later promised in marriage to his first cousin, Seizaburo's daughter Matsue, w ho was to become Tadao's m other. According to the novelist and social com m entator, Shiba Ryotaro, itoko [marriage betw een cousins] was considered a highly desirable practice in Japan at the time, though it was forbidden in parts of India by Hindu law and in China and Korea by Confucian law.5 M atsue was also 20 years younger than Ken'ichi and just a child at the time and so the m arriage had to wait until she attained the legal marriageable age of 14. A nother w om an called Chikako, therefore, was invited to become Ken'ichi's com m on law wife [naisai]. Their daughter, Fumiyo, w ho was born in 1882, was sent to live w ith his brother Seizo though she later returned to Ken'ichi's household and m arried his student w ho was lodging with him at the time. After they married, Fumiyo and her husband continued to live close to the Yanaihara household and became substitute parents for young Tadao and his siblings after Ken'ichi and M atsue died. Tadao and his brothers and sisters affectionately referred to Fumiyo as Funesan [older sister Fumiyo]. W hen Ken'ichi and M atsue were finally m arried in 1886 Ken'ichi arranged for his com m on-law wife to be m arried into another family and w hen her husband later died she w ent to live w ith her daughter Fum iyo.6 M atsue and Ken'ichi's first two children died in infancy but in December 1890 their eldest son, Yasuaki, was born followed by Tadao in 1893 and then three m ore healthy children.7 Ken'ichi, unlike his forbears, was the first doctor in Ehime prefecture to study W estern medicine having left Shikoku in 1873 to study the new science in Kyoto. He was a keen scholar and played an active part in prom oting education for girls and for goshi, the local samurai boys, and he served for m any years on the village's school board in Tomita-mura. He was a very respected figure w ithin the com m unity and in 1894 he became a m em ber of the Prefectural Assembly which was established by the new Meiji Constitution to prom ote a m easure of regional governm ent. Not surprisingly he took a great interest in his ow n children's education and brought them up in the 18

THE EDU CA TIO N OF A C O M M O N E R

tradition of Confucian ethics which stressed the virtues of filial piety, sincerity and truthfulness. He also introduced them to the arts giving them daily lessons in calligraphy and teaching them to compose waka, thirty one syllable poems and haiku, seventeen syllable poem s.8 Tadao was very proud of his com m oner roots and later wrote an essay entitled 'Persons w hom I Respect' in which he drew attention to the 'com m on people type' which for him was characterised by the historical figure of Oliver Cromwell. He idealised not so m uch family roots but 'com m oner traits' in a way that was not dissimilar to the American Populist M ovem ent's idealisation of the yeom an farmer during the late nineteenth century. His son Isaku remarked that w hen the subject of class came up at hom e in conversation his father would rem ark 'this house is a com m oner's house and com m oners are the best'. Isaku admitted, however, that as a child he did not quite understand this statem ent.9 Tadao absorbed these Confucian ethics and in his autobiography published in 1958 stated that he greatly respected his father as a 'a person w ho loved righteousness very m uch.' He added 'he was often deceived by people into lending them m oney but he would just say that people w ho are deceived are more fortunate than people who deceive'.10 We learn little of Tadao's m other from his autobiography, however, except for his com m ent that 'physically my m other was a weak person but she undertook m any household tasks. There was very little spoken of or w ritten about m y mother, but her whole being was love'.11 Isaku took issue w ith this description of his grandm other, however, and pointed out that she had given birth to seven children, had suffered the sorrow of losing two of them in infancy, and had m ade enorm ous sacrifices in ministering to her m other and father while they were alive. Though she was very reserved she always had a w arm welcome for household guests and took charge of a large household econom y burdened w ith m ore than ordinary hardships. These enorm ous responsibilities, as well as the sheer physical hard work, took their toll and gradually M atsue became ill from heart disease.12 Despite the rigours of looking after her family, however, she also became a m em ber of the Red Cross Society thus extending her interests to the world beyond the family. Apparently Tadao's physical appearance was also inherited from his m other's side of the family. He was relatively tall for a Japanese male of the time, as indeed were both his parents and his brothers and sisters. His facial features were 19

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

dom inated by a high-bridged nose but the speculation that there may be some blood-link w ith a 'W esterner' som ewhere down the family line is not supported by concrete data.13 Tadao did have m ore to say about his m aternal grandm other, a remarkable w om an of robust constitution w ho enjoyed the rudest of health. She farmed a small plot of land of approximately a quarter of an acre spinning hem p by hand and raising silkworms. A w om an of enorm ous spirit w ho could turn her hand to m any jobs, she was also a mainstay in the raising of her small grandchildren and the whole family regarded her w ith the utm ost respect, affection and adm iration. Locally she was renow ned for her charity to the poor and sick and she was a well know n figure am ong the pilgrims to w hom she would give hand-w oven sandals or waraji as they m ade th eir pilgrim age to th e eighty-eight tem ples on S hikoku.14 Occasionally the pilgrims would stay at her house and although m any among them were lepers she never refused them succour.15 As a doctor, however, it appeared that Ken'ichi feared contagion and did not approve of his m other-in-law 's habit of inviting lepers into the house.16 Tadao's grandm other had an enorm ous influence on his younger developm ent through her example of hard work, her kindness to the poor and the sick and the reverence and piety which she derived from her Shinto and Buddhist faith: Foremost in my m em ory in regard to this is that though our house existed w ithin an affluent district in the community, my grandm other's closest friend was one of the poorest widows w ithin that com m unity and my grandm other would leave various things at the back door so that this widow could come secretly and take th em .17 In his autobiography Tadao sum m arised these early influences: My father was an enthusiast for education and he had a strong sense of justice. My grandm other, through her Buddhism, had a strong faith yet was also deeply compassionate. My m other though quiet was very affectionate and these formed my family environm ent.18 Isaku believed that it was these early childhood experiences which, as m uch as anything, fashioned his father's Christian faith and prom pted him to criticise current affairs in the style of a 'prophet' [yogensha]. His childhood developm ent was instrum ental in w hat he term ed his father's 'struggle against fascism' as well as in his 20

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

comforting of the unfortunate and the sick. Indeed Tadao himself frequently gave accounts of his grandm other's kindness as an example to others in his sermons and lectures.19 In 1898 at the age of five Tadao entered the local junior school in Imabari city and transferred to higher junior school w hen he was nine.20 From a young age Tadao was consistently praised as an outstanding scholar and enjoyed a reputation as som ething of a prodigy. He did not confine himself to his studies, however, for he enjoyed hiking and spending time w ith his family in the country­ side. In 1902 he visited a major city for the first time on a school trip to Osaka w hich m ade a great impression on him. At a fair exposition he encountered 'W esterners' for the first time and was struck w ith adm iration adm itting to 'staring at their faces as if they were some wondrous sort of being'.21 In 1905 at the age of twelve, he left the w arm th of family life in Shikoku and with his elder brother, Yasuaki, entered the prestigious Middle School in Kobe [Kobe Chugakko]22. Originally founded as Kobe Common Middle School [Kobe Jinjo Chugakko] in 1896, the school becam e the First Kobe M iddle School [Daiichi Kobe Chugakko] in 1907. The uniform which was originally black in w inter and w hite in sum m er became khaki but those w ho had entered the school previously did not have to adopt the new uniform and Tadao continued to wear the white and black of sum m er and w inter until he graduated. The school's teachings were both traditionalist and conservative and this was reflected in the school m ottoes which were 'Frugality and Fortitude' [Shisso Goken] and 'Self-respect and Self-control' [Jiyu Jichi]. The school's first principle Tsuruzaki, who was still in office w hen Yanaihara entered it, had been influenced by the American missionary and ex-military man, William S. Clark, w ho had been invited to Japan originally to help establish the Sapporo Agricultural College. Clark's famous m ottoes were 'Be Gentlem en' [jentoruman-tare] and 'Boys, Be Ambitious'. The m otto 'Be G entlem en' was still in use in 1935 w hen Ikeda Tasuke was its principle.23 It is perhaps difficult to imagine the impact that the reforms of the Meiji period had on the youth of Japan at this time. Tadao's grandfather and father could choose betw een farming and medicine but Tadao and his genera­ tion were accorded a whole host of opportunities which were not previously available. Meiji youth strove to be better than their fathers and found themselves able to rise in the world through hard work and, if finances allowed, a first-class education.24 21

THE EDU CA TIO N OP A C O M M O N E R

Yanaihara thoroughly absorbed the spiritual ethos of the school and again found himself at the forefront academically. His end of term reports showed his marks as averaging about ninety-five percent over a range of subjects which included ethics, classical literature, English language, geography, history, algebra, geometry, natural history, chemistry, art and physical education. He was often top of his class but, as in Shikoku, he did not spend all his time studying and continued to enjoy hiking, especially in the m ountains. He did not excel at ball games such as football, however, but he was a keen judo player and enjoyed a game of baseball. His elder brother, Yasuaki, was an excellent sportsman and a keen ball player and Tadao would go along to m atches to watch him. There was also a Middle School cricket team and he would watch cricket m atches played against mostly teams of foreigners living in Kobe. In true public school spirit he regularly conditioned his body by taking cold baths and cold rubs. He loved reading and though he enjoyed listening to music he was reportedly 'completely tone deaf' so he did not play a musical instrum ent or sing.25 In his second year he wrote an essay on the school m otto of 'Selfcontrol' [Jichi], Then aged thirteen, he wrote that self-control was the key to becoming a m an of virtue and that it was up to each individual to exercise self-control and become virtuous for the sake of the developm ent of the group. Goodness was to be achieved through iron determ ination and ruthless self-examination. According to Isaku even at the age of thirteen we can see in this essay the seeds of his father's resistance to the 'fascism' of the 1930s. Isaku asked, however, w hat did the concepts 'Goodness' [Zen\, 'Virtuous­ ness' [Yutoku] and 'Path of Righteousness' [Seido] m ean to the thirteen year old and for w hat reasons did he revere them ? Primarily, Tadao's essay was an exam ination of the cultivation of morality and Isaku believed that the key to these questions lies in the definition of 'm orality' [dotoku] expounded by Ninomiya Kinjiro.26 Ninomiya (1787-1856) was a farm technologist and leading agricultural philosopher who was exalted as a paragon of virtue in national ethics textbooks of the 1930s with m any school-yards containing statues of him . From the mid 1880s the hotoku m ovem ent, or 'repaying virtue m ovem ent', which was founded by his followers was widespread throughout eastern Japan and became the basis for both popular and official agrarianism after the Meiji Restoration. The hotoku m ovem ent was based on the idea that 22

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

the blessings and benefits m an received from both heaven and earth should be collectively repaid in order to create a 'true society' and a peaceful and prosperous country. This was to be achieved through the virtues of sincerity [shisei], diligence [kinro], thrift [bundo] and yielding to others [shijo].27 It is not surprising that Yanaihara w ith his roots in rural Shikoku should be attracted to Ninomiya's philosophy, elem ents of w hich were disseminated through Imperial Rescripts.28 The 'Imperial Rescript on Education', for example, encourages youth to: be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harm onious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furtherm ore advance public good and prom ote com m on interests.29 As Yanaihara progressed to high school and came under the influence of Christian teachings, his earlier conceptual framework of moral and ethical principles was bound to change. Isaku m aintained, however, that that this change was not to be at the expense of w hat he called the 'Confucian pragmatic m orality' typical of the Meiji period but subsum ed w ithin Christian teachings on morality.30 Indeed Tadao's two great Christian teachers Nitobe Inazo and Uchimura Kanzo were profoundly influenced by the warrior codes of bushidd and both attem pted to graft its traditional Japanese ethics onto the root stock of Christianity. The ideal of 'frugality', for example, is com m on to both Confucianism and the type of Calvinist or Puritan Christianity which appealed to Mukyokai [No-church] Christians and Yanaihara. As a child, Isaku often heard his father speak of the im portance of frugality particularly within the household economy and this was som ething which was instilled in all pupils at the Middle School.31 In his fourth year at Kobe Middle School it appears that Tadao also had to bear a certain am ount of teasing which became som ething of a crisis for the self-conscious fifteen year old. It began w hen a teacher of ethics called Shimaji made a com m ent about the shape of Tadao's head which was long rather than round. He said 'your head is too angular, it should be round like K aw anishi's'.32 Tadao was greatly offended and from then on his nicknam e was 'Billiken' [Biriken]^3, because of his apparently pointed head.34 23

THE EDU CA TIO N OF A C O M M O N E R

He had recently m et Kawanishi Jitsuzo, a young intellectual-type w ho had moved up to the First Higher School [Daiichi Koto Gakko] or Ichiko which was essentially a preparatory college for entry to Japan's most prestigious university, Tokyo Imperial University.35 He called Kawanishi his 'Tokyo brother': W hen I was in my fourth year in middle school, a person called Kawanishi Jitsuzo w ho was a senior at the middle school left for Tokyo. This Kawanishi befriended me w hen I first arrived at the middle school and was revered as a 'sem pai' [senior pupil]. ... He left for Tokyo and entered the First Higher School but he was later to have a definitive influence on my life.36 Kawanishi kept in touch w ith the middle school by m eans of letters and returned to Kobe periodically to inform his juniors of exciting changes taking place at the First Higher School which under its principal, Nitobe Inazo37, was beginning to swing away from its traditionally conservative attitudes towards w hat became know n as the 'new liberalism'. Nitobe's reforming ideas were eventually to lead to a conflict betw een traditionalists and so-called 'progressives' in the school.38 Nitobe's drive for reform began to filter down from the First Higher School through ex-pupils such as Kawanishi to Kobe Middle School and this prom pted discussions am ong students and staff about reforming the traditional ethos of the school. In his fifth year Tadao was elected as Vice-captain of his year but he proved to be extrem ely hostile towards ideas about reforming the school ethos. He listened to a speech at a school debating society given by another fifth year pupil, M atsunaga Nobunari, 'a gentle and earnest pupil'39 who was the son of a Kobe pastor and a m em ber of the Literary Society. The speech which was given at the beginning of the second term was entitled 'Old Houses Decay' and M atsunaga began by saying that the verb 'kuchiru' m eans not only 'to decay' but also 'to rem ain in seclusion'. He criticised the entrenched conservatism and traditionalism of the school which, under the banner of 'Selfcontrol' [Jichi], had acted as a shackle upon individual freedom. He condem ned the high-handed punishm ents traditionally m eted out to junior pupils by the Captain and Vice-captain of the fifth year and argued for greater freedom in the school. In the conservative climate of the school at the time it was a brave speech. Tadao followed w ith his speech entitled 'A utum n Impressions' and 24

THE EDU CA TIO N OF A C O M M O N E R

afterwards, smarting w ith indignation at M atsunaga's criticisms of the school, he delivered a blistering attack upon his fellow fifth former, stating that: Such fellows who find it impossible to understand the school mottos 'Frugality and Fortitude' [Shisso Gdken] and 'Selfrespect and Self-control' [Jiyu Jichi] ... should be expelled from the school forthw ith and go to the Plains of Araby and there let them cry for freedom. I pray that people w ho are of the same m ind as me will stay and proclaim the essence of the school spirit.40 Tadao's criticism of M atsunaga was echoed by the other pupils and in the next Debating Society m eeting the whole of the student body of the fifth form united in censuring him in a reaction which seems little short of hysterical. In his diary the young Tadao called M atsunaga 'a Christian, a literati and a socialist' and claimed that calls for M atsunaga's expulsion overw helm ed the room. But there was one pupil, M atsuo Tadashi, w ho in an attem pt to assuage the other furious pupils, stood up and shouted that if M atsunaga was expelled he too would go. He entreated the rest of the group to forgive M atsunaga and then burst into tears at w hich point M atsunaga also began to cry.41 Under the influence of Nitobe Inazo at the First Higher School, however, Yanaihara took a very different view of this incident and regarded it as a Road to Damascus type of experience. In his evangelical magazine Kashin which he founded in 1938 he wrote a story entitled 'Little Saul - Memories of my time at middle school' and he gave the following account of events: A classmate called M atsunaga Nobunari was the son of the pastor of Kobe Church. W hen we were both in the fifth year M atsunaga m ade a speech at a Debating Society m eeting entitled 'O ne should not pour new wine into old bottles,' which criticised the school ethos. I, at the time, was a little Saul and was hugely indignant. At first I could not believe my ears and regarded the speech as offensive. At the next meeting I m ade a speech defending the school ethos.42 He ended the story by saying that 'I was a little Saul who, due to God's guidance, was perm itted to enter into his grace at that m om ent.'43 Tadao portrayed the incident as turning point in his life in which he suddenly saw the light and was instantaneously 25

THE EDU CA TIO N OF A C O M M O N E R

converted to Christianity, though in fact it was some two years after this that he formally entered into the Christian faith. As his son Isaku pointed out there are also some subtle points in the story w hich differ his father's diary account. The title of Nobunaga's talk was originally 'Old Houses Decay' but it m ay be that the speech included the phrase 'one should not pour new wine into old bottles.' Also the speech in which Tadao expressed his indignation was not at the next meeting of the Debating Society but at the same m eeting.44 In his autobiography Tadao gives yet another version: Because a friend called Kawanishi being a former senior at the middle school had entered the First Higher School in Tokyo, sometimes Uchimura Kanzo Sensei would come and give talks on the Bible. There were those who said of Uchimura 'he is wrong, he is w rong' and I too thought the same thing. However, w hen I was in the fifth form at the middle school there was the son of a pastor of Kobe Church in the same class called M atsunaga. At a Debating Society m eeting he gave a talk entitled 'O ne should not pour new wine into old bottles'. At Kobe First Middle School there was a conservative faction called Adherents of the School Ethic [kofuronsha] and they rejected new ideas and ways of life. I also thought that this pupil M atsunaga's speech was very conceited and that Christianity was scandalous. Of course I did not know then w hat Christianity was. Then in the sum m er holidays of that year I happened to look at the Bible for the first tim e.45 It would appear that this later version is m ore accurate, since it corresponds w ith his diary entries, but whichever version is correct it is clear that M atsunaga's stand against traditionalism and conservatism m ade a lasting impression on Yanaihara and there is no doubt that this incident fired his curiosity about Christian teachings. Yanaihara's leave-taking for the First Higher School in Tokyo was an em otional event since the boys at the middle school had formed strong and sometimes intense bonds of friendship. As he stood at the gates of the First Higher School he reflected above all else on his 'powerlessness, smallness, weakness and ugliness'.46 W hen he entered the First Higher School the reforms im plem ented under Nitobe were causing considerable controversy and Yanaihara, even at this early stage in his career, was introduced to the central conflict in Japanese society which was to haunt him for the rest of 26

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

his life, the conflict betw een the authority of the state and intellectual freedom. At issue was the autonom y of institutions such as the First Higher School and the universities. The developm ent of educational institutions in late-nineteenth-century and early-tw entieth-century Japan was based on very different premises from those in W estern Europe and the United States w here education was inextricably entw ined w ith the concept of civil liberties and fundam ental hum an rights. In Japan academic freedom was regarded as a privilege rather than as a right. The education system, w hich was essentially laid down by the end of the 1880s, was closely connected with Shintoism which was, in effect, elevated to the status of a state religion. Inevitably this close connection led to conflict betw een the Ministry of Education and other religions, particularly Christianity.47 In 1890 educational ideology was enshrined in the Imperial Rescript on Education which sought to instil in both teachers and pupils absolute loyalty to the em peror and the state. It was at the First Higher School in 1891 that a notorious scandal occurred involving Uchimura Kanzo a teacher at the school and later the most influential figure in Yanaihara's life. Uchim ura was the founder of a breakaw ay Christian sect know n as the Mukydkai or No-church m ovem ent and encapsulated the apparent clash of loyalties which Christian values often posed for Japanese. He was dismissed from the school for refusing to bow to a signed copy of the Imperial Rescript on Education on the grounds that to do so would have been an act of idolatry proscribed by Christian codes of practice. M any of his Christian colleagues chose to avoid the problem by not attending school that day but Uchimura preferred to confront the issue head on and his action, or rather non-action, became som ething of a cause celebre.48 There were similar acts of 'disloyalty' in schools in Kum am oto and Nagoya and these small acts of heresy led to heated debates and attacks on Christianity.49 It was not until the Taisho period (1912-1926) that ideas about the dem ocratisation of society were aired openly and an accom­ panying m ovem ent for freer education led by a num ber of enlightened individuals became noticeable in various educational establishments, although more so in the private sector.50 In the First Higher School, however, this m ovem ent for more educational freedom and more 'liberal' attitudes was to some extent pre-em pted by Nitobe Inazo in the first decade of the tw entieth century. A change in attitude was occasioned by the 'philosophical' suicide of 27

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the young scholar Fujim ura Misao w ho had throw n himself into the Kegon waterfall near Nikko in 1903. On the eve of the RussoJapanese War, Fujim ura had become extrem ely troubled by rising nationalism both in the country at large and at the First Higher School in particular.51 The 'm eaning' of Fujim ura's philosophical suicide was explained in an essay w ritten by his friend Uozumi Kagao and printed in Ichitoko Yukai Zasshi [First Higher School Friendly Society Magazine] thus: Our individualism is personalism 52 [wareware no kojinshugi wa koseishugi nari] ... a person should be regarded as a person and should not be m ade into a slave of the system; it is a principle that asserts the dignity of m an. ... We are real in the sense that we are ourselves. ... The developm ent of personality is the first principle of hum an life.53 The incident caused shock waves throughout Japan and led its youth on a quest for identity which, tragically for some young men, ended in em ulating Fujim ura's philosophical suicide. Nitobe, who had studied at Sapporo Agricultural College w ith Uchimura Kanzo, thus endeavoured to lead his youthful charges aw ay from nationalism and conservatism towards a m ore apparently liberal and individualistic mode of thinking and he fired the im agination of young m en like Kawanishi Jitsuzo.54 In 1910 w hen seventeen year old Yanaihara followed Kawanishi to the First Higher School he developed an even greater adm iration and respect for his 'Tokyo Brother'. So profound was Kawanishi's influence that Tadao decided on a m ajor change in his choice of career: Because our house was a doctor's surgery I intended to becom e a doctor myself and this was also assum ed to be the case by most people. However, w hen I graduated from middle school and took the entrance exam for the First Higher School ... K aw anishi-kun decided that I should follow the same path that he had taken and go into law. I had no objections to this because I respected him as a senior pupil [senpai] and I willingly turned in the direction he was guiding me. I considered the job of a doctor to be a very good job but I was rather tim id by nature and was afraid at the thought of having to do dissections and surgery. This was one reason but also, following conversations w ith my father, I realised that it 28

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w ould be quite alright for me not to become a doctor and to follow my ow n path.55 His classmates included Hosokawa Karoku, w ho was later to become a respected and, to the authorities, notorious Marxist scholar, and the famous w riter Akutagawa Ryunosuke. Kawanishi himself entered Tokyo Imperial University that year as did Nanbara Shigeru another Mukydkai Christian and Morito Tatsuo.56 Morito later achieved notoriety w hen he was tried and imprisoned in 1920 for publishing a treatise on the social thought of the anarchist Kropotkin.57 Yanaihara joined various clubs and youth groups which enjoyed continuing strong support from those ex-pupils w ho had recently entered the university, particularly Morito Tatsuo and Sawada Renzo (1888-1970)58 w ho was to become a diplomat. Yanaihara joined the influential Debating Club [Benronbu] and the less prestigious Christian Youth Society [Kirisutokyd Seinenkai]. Besides these two clubs he became a m em ber of the Reading Circle [Dokushokai] and m any participants in this club were also members of the form er two groups. Through participation in these clubs there arose a great sense of camaraderie am ong the students both at the First Higher School and at Tokyo Imperial University.59 W hile he was in his first year Yanaihara m et Kawai Eijiro, a third year student and a m em ber of the debating society and began to develop a great respect for him. Kawai also eventually became a professor in the economics departm ent of Tokyo Imperial Uni­ versity and was to play a large part in the events leading up to Yanaihara's resignation. He was described by Yanaihara Isaku as both an 'idealist and a liberal' not unlike his father.60 Tadao recorded their first m eeting on 30 January 1911 in his diary, stating that 'we met, and Kawai-san embraced me saying 'Tadao, please always be pure. I love you for your purity.' This m eeting m ade an extraordinary impact on him and he continued; 'I heard the words 'please be pure' and a cold sweat trickled dow n my back. ... I m ust hold back the heart that tries to run and run on to inconstancy. I w ant to draw nearer to God. Oh, how I w ant to be pure!'61 The two friends, however, drifted apart and during the late 1930s their relationship even became antagonistic. Even early on in their relationship Yanaihara described Kawai as 'very stubborn' [shitsukoi\ which perhaps was a foreboding of their future collision. In a conversation betw een Yanaihara Isaku, M itani Takanobu and 29

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Kawanishi Jitsuzo, M itani com m ented that Kawai was highly egotistical and for this reason his relationship w ith Kawai cooled. Kawanishi, on the other hand, stated that he had a special relationship w ith Kawai since he believed that the reason for Kawai's stubbornness was that he had a great unrequited love affair [daishitsuren] w hich had adversely affected his personality. Although Yanaihara had a deeply em otional friendship w ith Kawai, there were significant differences in their characters and in their ways of thinking. According to Isaku, whilst Kawai strove towards his ideals through strength the young Tadao felt he was grappling w ith huge weaknesses and his relationship with Kawai accentuated this perception of weakness.62 In his second year at the First Higher School Yanaihara attended Nitobe Inazo's lectures on Am erican-Japanese relations.63 Nitobe had a considerable influence on Yanaihara's intellectual develop­ m ent, although in his autobiography, Yanaihara stated that it was Uchimura rather than Nitobe w ho was to have the most profound effect on his thought. Nitobe, however, influenced him in his early developm ent, particularly w ith regard to his 'h um anitarian principles'.64 Yanaihara stated that he had learned three things from Nitobe; the recognition of the dignity and liberty of m en created equally by God [heimindo] and the fact that democracy stems from this; the 'the ideal of international peace and a desire for greater understanding betw een nations' and 'a deep love of education and respect for the individual developm ent of students'.65 As a young m an Nitobe was captivated by the spirit of 'internationalism '. He wrote that w hen applying for admission to Tokyo Imperial University as a student, he chose to study English literature because he wished 'to be a bridge across the Pacific' and an agent for the transmission of ideas from the West to the East and vice versa.66 As an educator, Nitobe tried to m aintain w hat he believed to be the spirit of dem ocracy w ithin the Japanese education system and he was extrem ely patriotic: As for fraternities or any other secret organisations, they are quite unknow n am ong our students. There are no purer democracies than our institutions of learning. Distinction lies only in brains. Family pride is not tolerated; any show of w ealth is despised; snobbishness is scorned.67 Nitobe's idealism had an enorm ous impact on the young and impressionable Yanaihara and during the 'visiting days' which 30

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Nitobe held at his house for his students they would 'discuss socialism and the sense of social conscience which binds individuals together.' The first time Yanaihara spoke English to a native English speaker was w hen he exchanged greetings w ith Nitobe's American wife.68 In contrast to the young m an w ho had so vociferously defended the staunch conservatism of Kobe M iddle School, Yanaihara now m ade speeches defending Nitobe after traditionalists w ithin the school tried to oust him from his post. He viewed his new -found support for the 'new liberalism' as part of 'little Saul's' conversion.69 It is im portant, however, to define exactly w hat is m eant by 'liberalism' and 'freedom ' in the context of pre-w ar Japan. M any historians today have reached the conclusion that even the Taisho period (1912-1926) w hich is synonym ous w ith the term s 'liberalism' and 'dem ocracy' was neither particularly liberal nor democratic. The most significant feature of the pre-w ar state was the Tenndsei or Em peror System which was the pivotal point of Japan's so-called 'unique' Kokutai or National Polity. The Meiji Constitution which enshrined the Em peror system was formally bestowed upon the people as a gift from the Em peror in 1889 and stated that the Em peror 'is sacred and inviolable'.70 Individual freedom was entertained only insofar as it served the public interest and the governm ent's aim of prom oting fukoku kydhei [enrich the country and strengthen the m ilitary].71 Freedom of religious belief was guaranteed but only insofar as it was 'not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties as subjects'. Thus a Christian's duty to the Emperor and the State clearly came before his duty to God and the Church. Freedom of speech and assembly was also subject to restrictions and a wide interpretation of the law by public prosecutors. Japanese subjects enjoyed 'liberty of speech, writing, publication, public meetings and associations' only 'within the limits of law'.72 According to Isheda Takeshii, it is significant that in the Chinese and Japanese languages there are no fully adequate words for expressing European and American concepts such as 'liberty', 'freedom ' and 'individual rights'. It is not know n exactly w hen the present translation of 'freedom ', jiyu, was first used. The term was first popularised in Fukuzawa Yukichi's widely read book, Seiyo Jijo [Conditions in the West] (1869) but Fukuzawa was concerned that his readers would mistakenly interpret the term;7y« as 'selfishness'. The word had to be used, he explained, because of the lack of an 31

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appropriate term even though in both the Chinese and Japanese classics and in general it had a pejorative sense of 'self-willed'. Similarly the concept of 'rights' was originally understood in the context of Henry W heaton's Elements of International Law (1863) w hich was translated into Chinese in 1864 and into Japanese in the following year. The concept was thus easily understood as an attribute of a sovereign state, whereas the rights of individuals, however, were m uch more difficult for the Chinese and Japanese to understand. The expression kenri m eaning a 'right' or a 'claim ' came to be used in Japanese but once again the original m eaning w ithin Chinese classics and particularly w ith regard to Confucian ethics had unfortunate connotations of 'the consideration of profit'.73 In considering the changes taking place under Nitobe in the First Higher School, therefore, it is im portant to note that the notion of individual freedom as a virtue in itself was lacking in the intellectual traditions of the Meiji state's founding fathers. M ore­ over, Ito Hirobumi in his Commentaries on the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, first published in 1906, expressed the following sentim ent: "Freedom of religious belief", he wrote, ... is to be regarded as one of the most beautiful fruits of m odem civilization ... Freedom of conscience concerns the inner part of m an and lies beyond the sphere of interference by the laws of the State ... No country, therefore, possesses by reason of its political authority, the right or the capacity to an oppressive m easure touching abstract questions of religious faith___74 So far so good, but Ito w ent on to qualify and place limitations on these im portant principles by asserting that: As to forms of worship, to religious discourses, to the mode of propagating a religion and to the form ation of religious associations and m eetings, some general legal or police restrictions m ust be observed for the m aintenance of public peace and order. No believer in this or that religion has the rig h t... to free himself from his duties to the State, which, as a subject, he is bound to discharge.75 As the Japanese economist Kawakami Hajime, put it: 'In Japan, individuals are not believed to exist for and of them selves as autonom ous entities. Here, the state alone is self-justifying, existing as an end in itself.'76 32

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Nitobe's 'new liberalism' was essentially a desire for more educational autonom y rather than personal freedom s in the European or American senses of the term . He had a definite perception about how students should dress and behave: To be a shosei (student), is to be plain in habit and in taste. To be poor or to be careless of social conventionality is described by the word shosei-like ... This identification of simple habits with study, of plain living with high thinking, has come down as a tradition, and still exercises a wholesom e effect upon the young.77 Nevertheless, Nitobe's unique combination of idealism and austerity suited the young Yanaihara w ho was by now also taking a great interest in Christianity under the tutelage of Uchimura Kanzo.78 In his essay on Nitobe Inazo in Yo no Sonkeisuru Jinbutsu [Personalities W hom I Respect] Yanaihara stated of his 'm ost honoured teachers' [onshi] that 'from Uchimura I learned about God. From Nitobe I learned about m an.'79 In his first year at Ichiko he participated in Uchimura's Bible classes and then joined the Oak Society [Kashiwa Kai], an association of Uchimura's disciples both at the First Higher School and at Tokyo Imperial University. On 22 M arch 1912, in his second year at the First Higher School, however, a great personal tragedy occurred which was crucial to Yanaihara's religious developm ent since it raised im portant questions about the central tenets of Christian faith w hich often sat uncomfortably alongside traditional Japanese beliefs. His m other M atsue died from heart disease at the age of forty and Yanaihara was 'overwhelm ed by grief'.80 It was some time, however, before he returned to Shikoku in 1913 and visited his m other's grave: I returned hom e and for the first time visited my m other's grave. O m other's tombstone! But is her soul in Heaven [Hikari no Kuni]? Her body lies under this stone w ithin the earth, yet m y eyes cannot see her in her new robes. Yearning, I touch the stone under which lies m y m other's body that I am so intim ately accustomed to seeing - I am disappointed. O Mother! The hour of the digging of the grave and the lowering of the coffin in this place is gone. But this tom bstone is no great symbol, though some people cry or rejoice or live on account of such a symbol.81 33

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At the time he was on the threshold of converting to the Christian faith and his question was plain; w hat happens to the souls of the dead who were not converted to Christianity? It was some time before he becam e reconciled to the fact th at according to fundam ental Christian teachings he would never see his m other again either in this life or the next. W hen he was older, in accordance with his new faith, Yanaihara appears not to have attended traditional Japanese funerals with his family or revered his ancestors as was com m on practice in Japanese hom es and his son rem arked that 'because my father was a fervent Christian, there were of course no Kamidana [Shinto God shelf] or Butsudan [Buddhist household altar] in the house. All through my childhood I never once attended a funeral w ith my parents.'82 As a child Yanaihara's early developm ent was governed by the traditional Japanese values of rural Shikoku learned from his father and grandm other. W hen he moved to Kobe Middle School these traditional certainties and absolutes were reinforced by the school's conservative ethics. As he prepared to enter the First Higher School, these certainties began to be challenged by a rising tide of W estern influences which included Nitobe's 'new liberalism' and Uchimura's Christianity. Though m ediated by traditional Japanese ethics, these new influences shook his youthful equilibrium and forced him to confront issues of freedom and belief. But his m other's death was not the last challenge Yanaihara w ith his new -found faith had to face, and his first year at university was to prove even more traum atic.

NOTES 1 Today it is so successful commercially that it is sometimes called the Osaka of Shikoku. 2 Yanaihara Tadao: Shinko, Gakumon, Shogai [Yanaihara Tadao: His Faith, Works and Life], ed. by Nanbara Shigeru et. al. (Iwanami Shoten: Tokyo, 1968), p. 646 3 W hen I was in Japan in 1991-2 collecting materials for my research, I noted that am ong his ex-students, Yanaihara, some thirty years after his death, was always referred to reverently, as ‘Yanaibara Sensei’. A nother variation is 'Yauchibara', but the correct reading is 'Yanaihara' and this is how Tadao signed his nam e in Romanised script. Some of the following details about the Yanaihara family were gleaned from an interview with Yanaihara's youngest and sole surviving son, Yanaihara Katsu on 22 June 1995 at his hom e in Jiyu-ga-oka, M eguro-ku, Tokyo. Yanaihara Katsu is now sem i-retired from his career as professor of 34

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4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20

21

international economics at Keio University and lives in a newly built house w hich occupies the site of his father's old home. Yanaihara Isaku, 'Yanaihara-den' published in weekly instalm ents in Asahi Janaru, 22 Novem ber 1974, p. 34. These have since been published as a book by Misuzu Shobo, Tokyo, in 1998. Shiba Ryotaro Kono Kuni no Katachi ni [The Shape of This Country II], (B unshun Bunko: Tokyo, 1993), pp 32 and 36. Shiba described marriage betw een cousins as 'kam o no aji' m eaning literally 'the flavour of wild duck' an idiomatic expression for 'greatly to be desired'. Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 22 Novem ber 1974, p. 34 Nishimura Hideo Yanaihara Tadao (Nihon Kirisutokyodan Shuppankyokai: Tokyo, 1975), p. 14 Nishimura, p. 14 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 22 Novem ber 1974, p. 35 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 224 Ibid., p. 140 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Yanaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 29 November 1974, p. 35 Ibid., 22 November 1974, p. 33 The total distance of the pilgrimage route is 1,440 kilometres and it takes betw een forty and sixty days to complete it on foot or ten days by car. It is believed that the custom of pilgrimage to the eighty eight temples in Shikoku began after the death of a famous Buddhist Kobo Daishi w ho was born in Shikoku in 774. Afterwards his acolyte Shinsai m ade a pilgrimage to m any of the temples w here Kobo Daishi had trained as a young priest. A nother story is that it began w ith the repentance of a w ealthy m an, Emon Saburo, w ho had refused to give alms to Kobo Daishi. Shortly afterwards the rich m an's eight children all died of disease. Banzai M ayumi, A Pilgrimage to the 88 Temples in Shikoku Island, (Kodansha: Tokyo, 1973), pp 39-40 Nishimura, p. 15 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 6 December 1974, p. 34 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI p. 223 Ibid., p. 224 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 6 December 1974, p. 35 From 1886 junior or prim ary school consisted of a single channel of four years which was extended to six years in 1907. Graduation from this level was the end of formal education for the majority of pre-w ar Japanese. The higher junior school or higher elem entary school provided an additional three years of preparatory training which led to a further stage of division, one of w hich was the middle school which was almost exclusively preparatory for the third stage or college level of education and norm ally consisted of five years. It was this channel alone which led to the higher reaches of the educational system. Henry DeWitt Smith II Japan's First Student Radicals (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1972), p. 2 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 6 December 1974, pp 35-6 35

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22 Now Kobe High School. Yanaihara Tadao: Shinko, Gakumon, Shogai, p. 677 23 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 13 December 1974, p. 45 24 K enneth Pyle The New Generation in Meiji Japan: Problems of Cultural Identity, 1885-1895 (Stanford University Press: Stanford, California, 1969), p. 11 25 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Yanaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 24 January 1975, p. 58 26 Ibid., 20 December 1974, p. 32 27 Thomas R. H. Havens Farm and Nation in Modern Japan: Agrarian Nationalism, 1870-1940 (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1974), pp 25-6 28 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 20 December 1974, p. 32 29 Horio Teruhisa Educational Thought and Ideology in Modern Japan: State Authority and Intellectual Freedom, trans. by Steven Platzer (University of Tokyo Press: Tokyo, 1988), Appendix I, p. 399 30 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 20 December 1974, p. 33 31 Ibid., p. 34 32 Ibid., 27 December 1974, p. 33 33 A Billiken was the image of a little Oriental god of luck w hich was popular as a mascot am ong pilots before the Second World War. 34 From Yanaihara Isaku, 'Waga Tomo, Waga Chichi' [My friend, my father], a conversation betw een Yanaihara Isaku, Kawanishi Jitsuzo and M itani Takanobu who first m et Tadao just before the entrance exam for the First Higher School. 'Yanaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 28 M arch 1975, p. 53 35 Fujita Wakao, 'Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchimura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo,' in Pacifism in Japan: The Christian and Socialist Tradition, ed. by Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes (University of British Columbia Press: Vancouver, 1978), p. 200 36 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have W alked], YTZ, XXVI p. 225 37 Nitobe Inazo was born of sam urai stock in M orioka on 1 September 1862. He graduated from Sapporo Agricultural College and studied economics at Tokyo Imperial University. He w ent on to study at Johns Hopkins University in the United States from 1885 to 1887, and at the universities of Bonn, Berlin and Halle in Germany. Before taking up his post at the First Higher School, he served as director of the Agricultural D epartm ent in Taiwan w here he was responsible for reforming the sugar industry. He later becam e Under Secretary-General of the Secretariat of the League of Nations, serving in London in 1919 and in Geneva from 1920 until 1927. Nitobe Inazo Reminiscences of Childhood (M aruzen: Tokyo, 1934), preface. 38 The state system was organised into two completely independent institutions, the preparatory 'higher school' [koto gakko] and the imperial university for professional training. The First Higher School was a three year college level institution w hich prepared students for the imperial universities. Henry DeWitt Smith, Japan's First Student Radicals, pp 5-8 39 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 7 February 1975, p. 49 40 Ibid. 36

THE EDU CA TIO N OF A C O M M O N E R

41 Ibid. Interestingly, the diary entry to w hich Isaku refers has not been published since the entries in Yanaihara's complete works begin in 1911, the year after these events and after his conversion to Christianity. For editorial policy, see esp. YTZ, XXVIII, pp 922-3 42 Yanaihara Tadao 'Chiisai Sauro' [Little Saul], YTZ, XVII, p. 621 43 Ibid. 44 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 7 February 1975, p. 49 45 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have W alked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 171 46 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 11 M arch 1975, p. 40 47 Horio, p. 73 48 Richard Henry D rum m ond A History of Christianity in Japan (William B. Eermans: Grand Rapids, M ichigan, 1971), pp 203-4 49 Horio, p. 73 50 Ibid., p. 78 51 Fujita Wakao, 'Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchim ura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo,' p. 200 52 Individualism in its simplest terms may be defined as a social and political philosophy which stresses the freedom of the individual and emphasises the comparatively unrestrained ego w hich is essentially selfcontained and self-directed. The word was originally coined by Alexis de Tocqueville w ho described it as a 'kind of m oderate selfishness'. As a political and economic theory it apparently first arose in England after the publication of the works of Adam Smith w ho advocated laissez-faire economics and Jerem y Bentham w ho advocated utilitarianism w ith its central concept of 'each to count for one and none for m ore than one.' On the other hand personalism is a school of usually idealist philosophy which states that the 'real is the personal' in the pattern of Rene Descartes' cogito, ergo sum [I think therefore I am]. It has come to signify the dignity of m an, 'the person is thus suprem e both in reality (as substance) and in value (as dignity).' Adapted from entries in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edn., 1993, vols. VI and IX. 53 Cited by Nishimura, p. 23 54 Fujita Wakao, 'Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchim ura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo,' p. 200 55 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have W alked], YTZ, XXVI p. 227 56 'N enpu' [Chronological Record], YTZ, XXIX, p. 840 57 Richard H. Mitchell, Censorship in Imperial Japan (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey 1983), p. 185 58 Sawada graduated in French Law from Tokyo Imperial University in 1914 and entered the Gaimusho [Foreign Office]. In 1935 he worked for the new governm ent of M anchukuo. From an entry in Nihonjinmei Daijiten: Gendai, (Heibonsha: Tokyo, 1979) 59 Nishimura, pp 25-7 60 Yanaihara Isaku 'Yanaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 4 April 1975, p. 35 61 Yanaihara Tadao 'Nikki' [Diaries], YTZ, XXVIII, pp 23-5 62 Yanaihara Isaku 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru, 28 M arch 1975 63 'N enpu' [Chronological Record], YTZ, XXIX, p. 840 37

THE EDUCATION OF A C O M M O N E R

64 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have W alked], YTZ, XXVI pp 17-18 65 Yanaihara Tadao 'Nitobe Inazo', YTZ, XXIV, (pp 704-5). 66 Nitobe Inazo The Japanese Nation: Its Land, Its People and Its Life (Knickerbocker Press: New York, 1912), preface, vii 67 Ibid., p. 192 68 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI p. 21 69 Fujita Wakao, 'Yanaihara Tadao: Disciple of Uchimura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo,' p. 201 70 The Emperor's position w ith regard to the state was, in fact, highly ambiguous. He occupied a dual-image w hich enthusiasts for military expansion were able to m anipulate to their advantage in the 1930s. In the eyes of the public, the Em peror was a living god and absolute m onarch of the Japanese Empire. In the eyes of the cabinet and the military, however, he was a constitutional m onarch w ho reigned rather than ruled and whose function was strictly limited to that of legitimiser. For a further discussion of the 'dual im age' see Takeda Kiyoko, The DualImage of the Japanese Emperor (Macmillan: Basingstoke, 1988) 71 Gregory J. Kasza The State and the Mass Media in Japan 1918-1945 (University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, 1988), p. 10 72 'The Meiji Constitution' in Meiji Japan through Contemporary Sources ed. by The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 3 vols. (Toyo Bunko: Tokyo, 1969), vol. I, p. 98. My Italics. 73 Ishida Takeshi The Introduction of Western Political Concepts into Japan, Nissan Occasional Paper Series No. 2, (Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies: Oxford, 1986), passim. 74 Ito Hirobumi Commentaries on the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, trans. Baron Miyoji Ito (University Publications of America: W ashington DC, 1979; reprint of the 1906 edition published by Chuo Daigaku: Tokyo), pp 59-60 75 Ito, Commentaries, p. 60 76 Cited in Authority and the Individual in Japan: Citizen Protest in Historical Perspective, ed. by J. Victor Koschman (University of Tokyo Press: Tokyo, 1978), p. 39 77 Nitobe Inazo, The Japanese Nation, pp 192-3 78 See Chapter Two for further details. 79 Yanaihara Tadao Yo no Sonkeisuru Jinbutsu [Personalities W hom I Respect], YTZ, XXIV, p. 137 80 Fujita Wakao, Yanaihara Tadao: Sono Shinko to Shogai p. 57 81 Yanaihara Tadao, 'Nikki' [Diaries], YTZ, XXVIII, p. 409 82 Yanaihara Isaku, 'Y anaihara-den' Asahi Janaru 1 November 1974, p. 35

38

TWO

In the Footsteps of Uchimura Kanzo Yanaihara graduated from the First Higher School on 1 August 1913 and entered Tokyo Imperial University1 in September. In the same year Nitobe Inazo took up a post at the university. Yanaihara sum m ed up his first experiences at university in an allegorical exchange betw een a student and his teacher: Student: I have lost confidence in myself since entering university. Before, I used to judge for myself w hat I should be and how I should act ... but on entering university and hearing various tales from various people I find that I no longer know myself and that I no longer know for myself how to act for the best. Teacher: That in all likelihood is perhaps the one great piece of knowledge you have acquired on entering the university. To know your ow n powerlessness ... is one step towards finding your place as a hum an being and it is, therefore, an indispensable prerequisite. I prefer to bless the fact that you have lost confidence in yourself. It is perhaps possible for you to pursue the truth with hum ility after all.2 This allegory dem onstrates the extent to which he had left his youthful certainties behind, but clearly he regarded this as no bad thing since it allowed students to approach new knowledge w ith a greater openness of mind. He attended Nitobe's lectures on Seligman's The Principles of Economics with Special Reference to American Conditions and Adam 39

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U R A KANZO

Smith's Wealth of Nations,3 These works together w ith the works of William Hyde Price and J. S. Mill comprised the core texts for the economics course and Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations formed the basis of Yanaihara's theory of economy. Nitobe later acquired Adam Smith's library from a book shop in London and had it shipped to Tokyo Imperial University w here Yanaihara undertook the task of cataloguing it.4 At the close of his notes from one of Nitobe's lectures on 14 February 1917 Y anaihara w rote in English 'colonization is the spread of civilization'.5 Just one m onth after entering university Yanaihara's father, K en'ichi, died aged sixty-one. The loss of his father coming so soon after his m other's death proved a severe test for his Christian faith and he turned to his teacher for guidance but Uchim ura's attitude, according to Fujita Wakao, was 'uncom prom ising'. He told the young m an that according to Christian tenets he w ould never see his beloved parents again since as 'heathens' they would not be resurrected on judgem ent day. Uchim ura tried to soften the blow a little, however, by pointing out that there was an elem ent of the unknow n w ith regard to this issue and eventually Yanaihara was reconciled to these difficult aspects of his faith.6 He had, moreover, been im m ensely impressed by Uchim ura's ow n faith w hen, after Uchim ura's young daughter Ruth died at a very tender age in January 1912, he had proclaim ed joyfully at her graveside that this was not his daughter's funeral but her wedding day.7 The acceptance of Christianity has always been m ore than usually problematic for Japanese ever since its introduction into Japan in the middle of the sixteenth century. Since that time its transcendental ideology has provided the potential for criticism of the status quo and it has often been at the centre of debates on the m erits of 'traditionalism ' versus 'm odernism '.8 Despite attem pts to isolate Japan from W estern influences and eliminate Christianity from Japanese shores during the period of so-called sakoku or 'closure of the country' after the Shimabara Rebellion9 of 1637-8, it survived in a few fishing villages of north-w estern Kyushu, the southernm ost island of Japan.10 After the enforced 'reopening' of the country in 1853 Christianity, this tim e in the form of Protestantism, began to exert a relatively wide influence advancing fairly rapidly by the 1880s. According to Richard Henry Drum m ond, a Protestant m issionary w ho served in Japan for 13 years, Christianity became relatively popular am ong young Japanese 40

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

because it liberated them from 'the tyranny of Confucianism and the family system [kazoku seido]'. By the term 'tyranny of Confucianism' D rum m ond referred not to the actual teachings of Confucius but to the way in which Confucianism was taught in Japan w here it became the 'ideological basis for absolute sub­ mission to the structures and personages of traditional society' thus constituting 'religious ultim ates'.11 D rum m ond's views show a certain am ount of prejudice against traditional Japanese belief structures and he certainly over­ em phasised the rigidity of Confucian value systems under the Meiji Constitution. Young Japanese Christians, moreover, began to resent certain missionaries' assumptions about Japanese culture and w ere appalled by interdenom inational in-fighting. They responded by gradually taking leadership away from the mission­ aries bringing a characteristic Japanese syncretism to bear on the new faith. As the various Christian churches engaged in a sometimes undignified struggle over Japanese souls, disenchantm ent grew and breakaw ay m ovem ents such as the Mukydkai [No-church] m ovem ent sprang into being. The history of the Mukydkai m ovem ent began in the late nineteenth century w ith the form ation of Christian 'bands'. The first was the Yokohama Band, a group of young Japanese Christian m en who had studied under Dr. Brown from 1872 in Yokohama. The band from w hich Uchimura Kanzo emerged was the Sapporo Band of Japan's northernm ost island, Hokkaido w here in 1876 the Japanese governm ent called upon William S. Clark, then president of M assachusetts Agricultural College, to aid in the establishm ent of an agricultural college in Sapporo. Clark's com bination of Christian zeal and military discipline appeared to hold an irresistible appeal to the young impressionable m en under his care. M embership of these early Christian bands was draw n largely from the socially and economically dispossessed class of samurai w ho channelled their energies into finding a new role for them selves in education, journalism and politics. These young m en were excited by the radicalism and liberalism associated with Christianity and they formed extrem ely close relationships w ithin the band as their new spiritual ties com pounded their similar social and educational backgrounds and their sense of comprising a small m inority w ithin a society often hostile to Christianity. The Sapporo band like other bands represented the intellectual creme de la creme of the sam urai class but unlike other similar bands it was 41

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

relatively free from persecution since Sapporo was still at the time almost a frontier region of Japan.12 Seven m em bers of th e Sapporo band, how ever, becam e dissatisfied w ith the local church and with the m ethods of its pastor M. C. Harris, an American M ethodist Episcopal missionary, and decided to break away by forming their ow n fellowship based on the teachings of the New Testament,13 The young m en were shocked by the competitiveness betw een their ow n church and a rival Episcopal church and they became aware for the first time of the evils of denom inationalism .14 Independence seemed the only answer to the young Uchimura w ho quickly emerged as the natural leader of the group. He was born on 28 M arch 1861 to a samurai family. His father was a Confucian scholar and his early education was essentially conducted along Confucian lines w ith loyalty to his superiors, and respect for his parents and teachers its central them e. He found Chinese ethics w anting in one particular respect, however, and that was with regard to sexual morality and its lack of stringency w ith regard to violations of the laws of chastity. Its am bivalent approach to concubinage was a particular source of um brage for U chim ura.15 But neither was he completely satisfied w ith the brand of Christianity touted by missionaries and a visit to the United States in 1885 added to his sense of disenchantm ent w ith American-style Christianity.16 Before his departure he had fondly believed in the superiority of Christianity and, by associa­ tion, American civilisation. He stated that 'm y idea of the Christian America was lofty, religious, Puritanic. I dream ed of its temples, hills, and rocks that rang w ith hym ns and praises.' So naive was he that he dismissed tales of the American worship of m am m on and of w hite racism as 'utterly impossible'. In his m ind's eye America was a Holy Land.17 Shortly after arriving in the United States his party fell victim to robbery, pick-pocketing and extortion in Chicago and his illusions were shattered: Never have I seen more extensive use of keys than among these Christian people. We in our heathen hom es have but very little recourse to keys. ... W hether a civilization which required cem ented cellars and stone-cut vaults, watched over by bull-dogs and battalions of policemen, could be called Christian is seriously doubted by honest heathens.18 W hat appalled Uchimura most of all, however, was the racism of white Americans particularly towards those he called the descendants 42

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

of the 'Hamites' - African-Americans, and towards the Chinese. He also deplored the 'cruel and inhum an m eans' by which the land was wrested from 'the copper-colored children.'19 He began to question the presum ptions of his missionary education and found little evidence of the supposed superiority of Christianity over other religions or of American society over Japanese society and he rem arked bitterly: Is this the civilization we were taught by missionaries to accept as evidence of the superiority of the Christian religion over other religions? W hat duplicity led them to tell us that the religion which m ade Europe and America great must surely be the religion from on high?20 His disillusionm ent w ith American society prom pted the awakening of a vigorous new patriotism and he looked afresh at the traditions and beliefs of the land of his birth. Japan had ceased to be 'good-fornothing' and instead began to appear 'superbly beautiful, - not the grotesque beauty of my heathen days, but the harm onic beauty of true proportion, occupying a definite space in the universe w ith its ow n historic individualities.'21 A Christianity w hich can be described as authentically Japanese was born. Mukydkai Christians m aintain that there is a basic distinction betw een 'ecclesia' and 'church' and believe that Christ intended to create the former, an informal spiritual com m unity rather than the latter, a formalised major institution.22 It is believed that the giving of the sacraments, the Eucharist, led to institutionalism because adm inistration of the sacrament required priests and out of this grew the need for order and uniformity and consequently for canonical institutions. Uchimura and his followers desired a return to the relative simplicity of the Gospel and the early or 'true' church which had since become corrupted.23 Yanaihara's works on Christianity manifest a central feature of Mukydkai belief, the concept of Mukyokai-shugisha which can be translated as ‘Mukydkai believers' but in this context is more accurately rendered as ‘Mukydkai personalities'. It is believed that the institutional church sm others the true spirit of God and that at certain points in history God provides charismatic personalities who are able to free His spirit and restore His em inence. As well as personalities from the Bible, such as Elijah and Amos, the Mukydkai canon of charismatic personalities includes figures from Early M odern Europe such as Cromwell, Luther, Calvin and Milton. 43

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U R A KANZO

Calvinism, in particular dom inated Mukydkai thinking as Uchimura deem ed it to be: productive of great m en and nations. Cromwell, Milton, Rembrandt, the Pilgrim fathers, and an innum erable host of holy and strong m en and w om en were Calvinists. And England at its best, and America at its purest were Calvinistic nations; and in proportion as they departed from the strict Calvinistic standard, have they sunk deeper and deeper into sin and corruption.24 Of these Calvinistic personalities it was Cromwell, the archetypal 'Com m on M an', w ho featured most prom inently in Yanaihara's canon of personalities. It is perhaps not surprising that Yanaihara who, unlike m any young m en in those early Christian bands was a commoner, should find Cromwell appealing. Nitobe Inazo though not a Mukydkai Christian was also impressed by the personality of Cromwell and believed that such a leader could save Japan. On 18 September 1930, he wrote: A Cromwell is badly w anted here just now. We don't w ant an arm ed Oliver w ith his Ironsides to come am ong us. We have no use for arms. But we do need a strong and seeing m an of his calibre to scatter to the winds a body of chattering old m en w ho like to sit in a long parliam ent, babbling forever and settling nothing.25 But w hy should young Japanese Christians look to Early M odern Europe for their inspiration? The answ er may lie in the fact that historically, the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in Europe were regarded as 'the last great heroic age of the Christian religion', w hen m en were 'still convinced that the Kingdom of God could be built on earth.'26 Calvin distinguished the invisible Church, that 'transcendent spiritual com m unity of all God's Elect' from the visible Church as a formal institution and Luther insisted that the Church was not a m ediator betw een m an and God but rather 'a com m unity of people bound together by faith.'27 Unlike Luther, however, Calvin provided his followers with a code of conduct to follow so that by their works they proved themselves w orthy of God's calling.28 Calvinists were thus provided w ith a coherent body of doctrine and theology which, though perhaps running counter to the anti-doctrinal stance of the Mukydkai, nevertheless provided a well regulated m anner of life which sat well 44

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

w ith Confucian ethics and appealed to the austerity and Puritanism w hich was, and indeed still is, the hall-m ark of m any Mukydkai Christians. Other Mukydkai personalities which at first sight may seem a less obvious choice are Carlyle, Kierkegaard and Tolstoy.29 As a young m an, Yanaihara had read Carlyle's biography of Cromwell. An historian of the 'Great M en' school, Carlyle was arguably a natural choice since he embodied the power of personality in his writing. As Raymond Williams put it: The larger part of Carlyle's w riting is the im aginative recreation of m en of noble power. Lacking live m en, we enter a social contract with a biography. The writings on Cromwell, on Frederick the Great, and on others, embody this most curious of experiences; a m an entering into personal relations with history, setting up house w ith the illustrious dead.30 Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910) was probably favoured for his attacks on the established church. He was excom m unicated by the Orthodox Church after his merciless exposure of its superficiality in the third and last of his 'great' novels, Resurrection, w ritten in 1899. The novel is a blatantly m oralising work supported by quotations from the scriptures and contains a viciously satirical description of a church service of convicts. Set very m uch in the m ould of a biblical prophet, Tolstoy had undergone a great spiritual conversion whilst writing Anna Karenina in 1879 and described the process in A Confession in 1880. He was hailed by m any as a saint.31 The Danish theologian and philosopher Kierkegaard (1813-55), not unlike Tolstoy, was an enem y of dogma and institutionalisation. He was essentially Lutheran in outlook and his work displays a distrust of abstract dogma emphasising instead concrete examples of Christian ethics.32 Shortly before his death he com m ented, 'the thing Christianity teaches is w hat a m an can become in life.'33 Such ideas were very m uch in keeping with the type of early ethical and moral training which young Japanese m en underw ent in schools such as Kobe Middle School with its mottoes of 'Frugality and Fortitude' [Shisso Goken] and its inducem ents to 'Be Gentlem en' \jentoruman-tare] and 'Be Ambitious'. In com m on w ith Mukydkai Christians Nitobe Inazo also believed that 'Christianity presents a clear-cut idea of personality based on T heism '.34 For him Christianity had a fundam ental contribution to m ake to the evolution of m odern Japan and he w arned against the acceptance 45

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

of W estern ideals and values w ithout considering the deeper m eaning and spirit which underpins them . He wrote: We talk of liberty; but is the idea of liberty possible w ithout that of personality w hich Christianity has brought into hum an consciousness? John Stuart Mill has treated liberty entirely apart from religion; but historians will scarcely be able to sever the two. W ithout the right conception of personality liberty is m ere licence.35 Yanaihara's own 'illustrious dead' appear in Yo no Sonkeisuru Jinbutsu [Personalities W hom I Respect], which was published in 1940 and comprises critical biographies of Jerem iah, Nichiren Shonin, Abraham Lincoln and Nitobe Inazo.36 Its sequel, Zoku Yo no Sonkeisuru Jinbutsu [More Personalities W hom I Respect], originally published in 1949, contains biographies of Isaiah, Paul, Luther, Cromwell and Uchimura Kanzo.37 It is notable that apart from Nitobe and Uchim ura, the only other Japanese to appear in Yanaihara's list is Nichiren Shonin (1222-1282). Nichiren was the founder of the Nichiren sect of Buddhism which was also know n as the Lotus sect. He was originally included in the Mukydkai canon by Uchimura not only because he admired his 'sincerity, his honesty and his bravery' but primarily because his sect alone is purely Japanese.38 Yanaihara compared himself to Nichiren, particularly during the war years. Just as Nichiren thought of himself as the sole recipient of the Lotus Sutra, the sacred book, so Yanaihara thought of himself as the 'Pillar of Japan', not so m uch as the sole recipient of the Bible, but as the person in whose hands Biblical truths lay. His theory was simple; in order that Japan m ay survive the devastation of w ar she must receive Christianity and his privately published war-time magazine Kashin [Auspicious News] was the m eans to this end.39 M any Mukydkai Christians viewed St. Paul as a 'true samurai, the very em bodim ent of the spirit of bushido'.40 But for Yanaihara, Paul w ithin his own historical context, represented a 'victory for the spirit of peace and Christianity' under the dom ination of the Roman Empire as well as 'a trium ph for self-mastery and self-discipline over base desires'.41 After his enforced resignation in December 1937 Yanaihara thought of himself as a kind of St. Paul wandering in the wilderness. In the December 1937 edition of Tsushin he concluded his account of the events leading up to his resignation with the words, 'I have departed for the wide open spaces. Although it is a wilderness, the winds there blow freely.'42 46

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Uchimura's view of history reflected the influence of the Prussian school, particularly Rickert and Ranke in the imperial universities in Japan. The history departm ent of the Faculty of Letters at Tokyo Imperial University was founded in 1887 and Ludwig Riess, a young student of Leopold von Ranke was charged w ith the teaching of 'm odern history' to a whole new generation of Japanese scholars. His influence was profound and he encouraged the collection of vast am ounts of research material, the establishm ent of archives and the founding of the Historical Association [Shigakkai]. Riess was influenced by Ranke's methodology rather than his religious beliefs and he fostered the 'objective' analysis of historical data which has come to be associated with Ranke.43 Uchimura's theory of world history was based on the work of Karl Ritter (1779-1859) and Arnold Guyot (1807-1894) who developed th e scientific hypothesis th at typography has a fundam ental influence on the way in which civilisations develop.44 A scientist himself in the field of ichthyology or m arine biology, Uchimura added his Christian beliefs to the theories of Ritter and Guyot and devised a theory of history in which Divine Providence through various geographical configurations intervened in the developm ent of m ankind designating to each country a mission to perform in the process of world civilisation.45 According to Uchimura, the role of each country was determ ined by the geographical and spatial confines in which it existed. Europe, for example, is a relatively m ountainous region which produced small groups of peoples with a spirit of fierce independence and selfreliance which contributed greatly to the civilisation of the world. The other great stream of civilisation, that which developed in the Orient, however, was characterised by m utual dependence and harm ony and a m uch greater spirituality which was patently lacking in the West. Guyot's The Earth and Man, ended its history of hum an progress w ith America but Uchimura took the theory one step further by giving Japan the special mission of reconciling these two great and divergent streams of East and West. Japan was ideally placed to take on this role because of her geographical position betw een Asia and America.46 Uchimura believed the world was ready for another religious revolution but that W estern civilisation was spiritually incapable of delivering it.47 That mission now fell to Japan and it could be achieved by grafting Christianity upon bushido: 47

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Bushido is the finest product of Japan. But Bushido by itself cannot save Japan. Christianity grafted upon Bushido will be the finest product of the world. It will save, not only Japan but the whole world. Now that Christianity is dying in Europe, and America by its materialism cannot revive it, God is calling upon Japan to contribute its best to His service. There was a m eaning in the history of Japan. For tw enty centuries God has been perfecting Bushido w ith this very m om ent in view.48 Nitobe Inazo in Bushido: The Soul of Japan which first appeared in 1900 was the great proponent of bushido for a W estern readership.49 He argued that 'the ethical practices of Japan represent old intuitive ways to deal w ith hum an relations' creating 'a firm foundation on w hich to build a newer, more hum ane, structure of m orality.'50 He contrasted the apparent individualism of the West unfavourably with the familial, com m unal solidarity of the East believing that the qualities of self-control, loyalty and self-surrender which were characteristic of Samurai training helped to build up a spirit of com m unality and solidarity. Like Uchimura, he saw the Japanese Christian as the end product of a new branch of W estern Christianity which had been grafted on to the old root stock of Japanese culture.51 In the first decades of the tw entieth century Uchim ura's Bible classes proved very popular with as m any as 500 people attending his Sunday meetings and a long waiting list of people w anting to join the m ovem ent. His evangelical magazine had a circulation of over 4,000 copies.52 Mukydkai Bible m eetings are still kept to a very simple form at and favour a personal approach to the Bible in which the reader is supposed to encounter God on a one to one basis. The emphasis is on the scientific study of the Bible often in Greek or Hebrew to avoid m istaken interpretations.53 Yanaihara's ow n dedication to the study of the Bible is evident in the fact that eight volumes of his collected works, volumes six to thirteen, are devoted to his lectures on the Bible and a further three volumes consist of essays on the Christian faith in general. In order to pre-em pt the dangers of institutionalism Uchimura and Yanaihara after him w ent to great pains to develop the autonom y of the m ovem ent. Uchimura w anted Mukydkai Christians to rem ain fully independent. He had no wish to be regarded as a priest in life or death and willed that his Bible study group and his biblical magazine be discontinued after his death. He always tried to 48

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ensure that his disciples formed entirely independent bible study groups. Yanaihara dissolved his Bible study groups at the end of each year and students had to apply afresh to join or re-join them .54 Yanaihara spent the rest of his life in close com m union w ith other Christians and the influence of both Uchimura Kanzo and Nitobe Inazo was strengthened during his time as a student at Tokyo Imperial University. He was taught the principles of politics and democracy, however, by another Christian, Yoshino Sakuzo and it was through him that Yanaihara first learned the Marxist theory of capitalist developm ent. Yoshino is associated in particular w ith a concept of democracy called Minponshugi [the principle of people centredness] originally developed by Uesegi Shinkichi in the law faculty of Tokyo Imperial University. The concept had considerable shortcomings as a working political model according to Peter Duus and Irwin Scheiner w ho argued that M inponshugi arguments, rather than deriving from a comprehensive understanding of how societies were organised, relied instead on an optimistic faith in the 'inevitability of progress' and in the 'trium ph of morality over interest'.55 Yanaihara's works on colonial policy certainly share this optimism. The most dom inant philosophical strand at Tokyo Imperial University, however, was that of the Prussian or German School which Yanaihara believed was a 'fine body of theory' from which 'neither Yoshino nor Nitobe could quite escape' although both could see aspects in it which they consciously disliked.56 Between 1831 and 1933 'Germ an-speaking science', enjoyed world-wide acceptance. It began with the founding in 1809 of the 'Hum boldt University' system which became the model for German univer­ sities until the 1960s. The system was based on the principle of academic freedom and a belief in unity betw een teaching and research. Academic freedom m eant primarily the autonom y of the universities, freedom of teaching for Professors and freedom of access for the students.57 'Teaching' in this context was simply the transm ission of a static body of knowledge, preserved as a canon of works by recognised authorities, while 'research', though originally m eaning the quest of knowledge for the sake of knowledge, later came to be primarily associated with scientific and technological innovation.58 It was in the Germ an spirit that the im perial universities were founded in Japan and teaching in history, philosophy and science followed teaching practices in the German universities. 49

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Perhaps due to the dom inance of the Prussian school Yanaihara found some of his university courses problematic or, frankly, 'boring' such as the 'three years of civil law taught by Professor H. and two years of public finance taught by Professor M .' and at first he had no am bition at all to become an academic. Indeed he found m any university professors to be insufferably arrogant and sought actively to avoid th em .59 On the other hand he had been profoundly influenced by Nitobe's courses on colonial policy and by Yoshino's courses on political history and from them he inherited a strong desire to m ake himself useful to hum anity. Shortly before his eighteenth birthday, he read Frederick A rthur McKenzie's The Tragedy of Corea which was first published in 1908 and he was deeply disturbed by the accounts of Japanese atrocities in Korea both during and after the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5. He com m ented in his diary that the book caused him to 'consider the truth of colonial policy'.60 Moreover, Yoshino Sakuzo was himself extrem ely critical of Japanese colonial policy in Korea and had formed an association for researching the 'Korean problem ' in the hope of creating a better understanding of Korean society. Both Yoshino and Uchimura had contact w ith Korean students studying in Japan and Korean Christians and these contacts fired Yanaihara's interest.61 Just before he graduated he wrote that he felt great pity for the Korean people and w anted to go to Korea to befriend Koreans. He believed that the exercise of political and military power over Koreans was not the way to earn m utual respect and he w anted to go to Korea 'em bracing heartfelt love' for them . Through extending the hand of friendship and prom oting understanding betw een the two nations he hoped that Japan and Korea could become true friends. In this youthful, idealistic vein he decided to 'do som ething' for the Korean people. At first he thought about working in Korea as a governm ent official, but he was put off this idea by the fact that governm ent officials at that time wore splendid uniforms and donned swords in order to inspire awe into their colonial subjects.62 The other alternative was to work in Korea for Sumitomo, one of the large Japanese financial combines or zaibatsu: After graduating from university I cherished a wish to go and work for the Korean people, m oreover to be among the people. However, my family situation m ade that impossible though I did go and work for Sumitomo in the end. I thought 50

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that I w anted a job which would bring me into contact w ith the lives of grime-covered labourers.63 After his graduation in April 1917 at the age of tw enty four Yanaihara entered the Besshi Copper M ining Company which belonged to the Sumitomo group. His father's death m eant that he needed to be close to his family so he could not carry out his original plan to work in Korea, but he was now conveniently based in Shikoku and had m arried Nishinaga Aiko who was the sister-inlaw of his close friend, Fujii Takeshi, another w ell-know n and respected m em ber of the Mukydkai m ovem ent. Yanaihara lived with his new wife in a shataku [company apartm ent] in Niihama not far from the place of his birth so he was able to watch over his younger siblings.64 The family enjoyed close contacts w ith other Christians and his first son, Isaku [Isaac], was born on 2 May 1918.65 Life in Niihama passed peacefully enough and his time at Sumitomo appeared to be relatively uneventful since Yanaihara wrote very little about this period of his life. He was assigned to the accountancy section under a m anager called Kurosaki and was sent to an actual m ine for a period of one m onth so that he could observe m ining operations at first hand. While he was there, however, a significant event did occur. One day he visited the mine on his ow n and inadvertently stepped into an abandoned tunnel. Suddenly he felt himself slipping and then falling into an open shaft. Fortunately about nine feet down there was a small ledge just wide enough to catch and support his feet until he could be rescued. The shaft turned out to be some fifty or sixty feet deep and had he not encountered the ledge he would almost certainly have suffered broken bones and could have been killed. He put the experience down to evidence of God's grace.66 After three years working for Sumitomo, Yanaihara returned to his alma mater in M arch 1920 to take up a post as assistant professor to the Chair of Colonial Policy in the economics departm ent. He was appointed after Nitobe left the university to become under­ secretary general to the League of Nations from 1920 to 1926, thereafter to serve in the Institute of Pacific Relations. Yanaihara was considered to be one of his best acolytes. In his autobiography, Yanaihara stated that his time spent at Sumitomo was valuable in terms of experience, although w hen he first returned to the university, he felt that his three years out of the academic environm ent was som ething of a handicap and that he had m uch 51

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catching up to do. Nevertheless he was pleased to have experienced at first hand the workings of an economic organisation.67 The Chair of Colonial Policy was established by Goto Shinpei originally in the Law faculty in 190868 w ith his form er colleague Nitobe Inazo as its first occupant. Goto Shinpei was an adm inis­ trator in Taiwan from 1898 and was the first president of the South M anchuria Railway. He had been trained in medicine in Germany and was m uch influenced by the scientific and research-based approach to colonial reform of the German administrator, Bernhard Dernberg, a banker w ho became State Secretary of the newlyfounded German Colonial Office in 1907. Dernberg had supervised the second stage in the developm ent of German colonial policy w hich was supposedly a transition from an extensive developm ent policy which was characterised by the crude exploitation of hum an and natural resources to a m ore 'rational' policy of intensive development. His policies included expansion of the transport system, especially railways and intensive production of raw materials and m ineral resources. His real intention, however, was to m ake the colonies economically subservient to, and dependent on, German requirem ents.69 Yanaihara recognised similar developments in Japanese colonial policy and attacked them as 'policies of subjugation'. Though clearly influenced by Dernberg and the m ethods of German 'scientific' colonialism, initially Goto also advocated certain aspects of British m ethods of rule both in Taiwan and M anchuria especially those which, based on the external manifestations of pow er such as grand architecture and impressive uniforms, were designed to instil awe in colonial subjects.70 Goto Shinpei had to work hard, however, to convince Nitobe to take a position in the Taiwanese governm ent-general and Nitobe at first firmly declined. He was finally persuaded to become a technical expert for the Taiwanese governm ent-general on 20 February 1901 and later became Special Director of the Sugar Bureau. During this time he was involved in the im portation of high-quality sugar-cane seedlings, the establishm ent of a testing station for sugar cane and other crops along w ith the developm ent of the sugar industry as the m ainstay of Taiwan's agriculture.71 He therefore had considerable hands-on experience to bring to the Chair of Colonial Policy. Nitobe's lectures on international colonialism from 1908 to 1917 constituted the first systematic study of the subject in Japan.72 W hen Yanaihara succeeded him he resumed Nitobe's lectures between 52

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1924 and 1937. Nitobe's lectures m arked a distinct change in ways of analysing colonialism. Japanese colonial ideas during the Tokugawa period em phasised national defence rather than economics or concerns about the welfare and m anagem ent of the indigenous population. For example a work entitled Sangoku Tsuran Zusetsu [Illustrated Survey of Three Countries] (1785) by Hayashi Shihei urged the Japanese to befriend the Ainu in Hokkaido so that they would not be tem pted to side with Russia should a conflict between the two countries arise.73 W hat was different about Nitobe's lectures, which began w ith a consideration of Francis Bacon's 'Advice to Sir George Villiers' (1616), 'Of the Plantation in Ireland' (1606) and 'Of Plantation' (1625), was that they lacked any concern with strategic considerations.74 As early as 1602 Francis Bacon was advising that the Irish should be treated impartially and even-handedly, 'as if they were one nation' w ith England.75 Nitobe's theories, and subse­ quently Yanaihara's, reflected prim arily economic and ethical concerns. Yanaihara in particular stressed the moral obligations for the colonisers but both saw colonisation as not only a necessity, but also as a potentially civilising influence and a way of progressing towards world peace. Both teacher and pupil walked a tight-rope betw een condem ning colonialism for its excesses and condoning it in the nam e of some higher ideal of imperial benevolence.76 Yanaihara was nom inated to the post at Tokyo Im perial University by M orito Tatsuo, then a junior professor in the newly formed economics departm ent and by Maide Chogoro (1891-1964) another young scholar w ho had graduated from the university at the same tim e.77 In a variation of the German model, Tokyo Imperial University was an integral part of the state administrative system. Its avowed purpose was 'to teach the sciences and the arts and to probe their mysteries in accordance with the needs of the state.'78 From the Imperial Ordinance of 1886 until the post-war reforms of 1946 there existed a very close relationship betw een the university and the Monbusho or M inistry of Education. A president, appointed directly by the M inister of Education, stood at the head of the university and had full responsibility for preserving order w ithin the university, superintending its affairs and presiding over the academic council. Final discretion was the preserve of the M inister of Education in all university m atters including curricula, faculty structure, standards and the awarding of degrees. The university did, however, gradually gain some autonom y in these m atters before the Pacific War.79 53

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Yanaihara took up his post at the university just as the earlier Taisho m ovem ent towards a more liberal and autonom ous educa­ tion system was fading and the governm ent was beginning to apply repressive m easures to academics w hom it considered subversive. In January 1920, just two m onths before Yanaihara's return to the university, the Morito Tatsuo Case had also led to Yanaihara's friend and colleague, Ouchi Hyoe80 being implicated. Morito was tried as the author of a treatise on the social thought of the anarchist, Kropotkin and Ouchi was tried as editor. The article was entitled 'A study of the Social Thought of Kropotkin' and appeared in the inaugural issue of the econom ics departm ent journal.81 The prosecution alleged that the article was seditious and violated the publication laws, bu t the defence countered th at th e tw o economists were merely exercising their duty as scholars to conduct research. In October 1920 the suprem e court overturned the previous rather light sentences and in the end M orito was sentenced to three m onths im prisonm ent and Ouchi was given one year's probation. Ouchi was also forced to resign his post though he was later reinstated. The case highlighted tw o very different ideas about the function of the university. On the one han d Tokyo Im perial University was regarded as a sort of 'quarantine centre' for finding out and then disposing of 'harm ful thought' and on the other hand it was argued that academic freedom should not be compromised by the interests of the state.82 The suspension and indictm ent of Morito and Ouchi did in fact lead to considerable protest from both faculty members and students not only in Tokyo but also in other Japanese universities.83 Immediately upon taking up his appointm ent and before he could become embroiled in university politics Yanaihara, in com m on with most young Japanese academics, was dispatched by the university to London to begin a two year research tour of Europe with funding from the Monbusho [Education M inistry]. In Britain, imperial history and imperialism had become a defined field of study from the early 1880s w hen J. R. Seeley, Regius Professor of History in Cambridge gave his famous lectures on the expansion of England.84 About four m onths after the birth of his second son, Mitsuo, Yanaihara, w ith a first class ticket, boarded the Glasgow built Wakasa Maru on 17 October 1920 and calling at Shanghai and Singapore on the way, arrived at Dover on 3 December. He secured lodgings w ith Mrs Cook, the widow of a well-known Congregationalist Minister, of 'The Firs', Woodford Green.85 Mrs Cook's lodgings had apparently 54

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been recom m ended to Yanaihara by his friend Inoue Kajiro w ho was then stationed in the Japanese Consulate in London, but who apparently had no connection with the Mukydkai m ovem ent.86 Yanaihara spent most of his time in London studying in the Reading Room of the British M useum, beginning with Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. He also attended lectures both at Toynbee Hall and at the School of Economics and Political Science which was founded in 1895 and later becam e the London School of Economics. It was the first institution in Britain to provide a centre for training and research in economic and related sciences.87 One of the lectures he attended at the School was given by Lilian Knowles who in 1904 became the first full-time lecturer in economic history at a British University and later received a chair in economics in 1921.88 Yanaihara wrote in his diary 'I was surprised to find that Dr. Knowles is a w om an.'89 Besides studying he also found the time to enjoy London cultural life and w ent sight-seeing and attended a num ber of concerts including Handel's Messiah at the Albert Hall.90 Messiah m ade an enorm ous impact on Yanaihara w ho was at the time suffering greatly from culture shock. One of his first purchases was a gram ophone player and gram ophone recording of Messiah w hich he took back w ith him to Japan.91 He also attended the theatre on several occasions seeing Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream and Olivia a stage adaptation of Oliver Goldsmith's The Vicar of Wakefield. He would read the plays first before going to see them and greatly enjoyed The Vicar of Wakefield which he read almost in a day.92 He kept in contact w ith other Japanese Christians in London and attended a num ber of functions organised around the Japanese com m unity.93 One incident which occurred in January 1921 provides an interesting insight into his character. While he was looking in an Oxford Street shop window during the January sales an unem ployed labourer approached him and asked for 'some copper'. Yanaihara did not have any small change apart from a shilling so he m ade the labourer wait in the street while he w ent into the Times Book Club to buy something to read so that he could give the m an the remaining copper. Afterwards he regretted his apparent m eanness and confessed: 'W hat a miser I was! Loathsome! Sham e!'.94 According to his son Katsu, however, Yanaihara was know n to be 'frugal' in character, or even plain 'm ean', and his purchase of a gram ophone player and of clothes from Germany during his tour was regarded in later years by his family as a rare example of extravagance.95 55

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Yanaihara also noted that in January articles appeared in The Times regarding im m igration policies in Australia and he was outraged by the policy of forbidding non-w hites including Japanese from entering. He expressed indignation about term s such as 'W hite Australian Faith' com m enting that these notions of white civilisation were nothing m ore than an exhibition of 'national egoism '.96 In April he heard news of the Triple Alliance Strike and com m ented that English trade unions were gradually becoming more extrem e and w here would it all end? I recall the words of Kropotkin as cited by M orito-kun; 'The Law is som ething which the capitalists use in order to defend their ow n interests.' I w onder how the labour question will shape up in the future. As for myself, I m ust confess that I am not greatly interested in the question of 'dividing the bread'.97 His com m ent shows that he had at least read Morito's controversial treatise but that politically he was unsym pathetic to the cause of the Left. On 12 July, he left London for a tour of Wales, Ireland and Scotland and confessed that he was not sorry to leave behind the hills of North Wales for Dublin: W hen the steamship left Holyhead I was relieved. Floating on top of the wide, rich waters, I left the moors of North Wales w hich were red and scorched due to a long period w ithout rain and I felt truly free. From the hoards of Lloyd George's worshippers I have come am ong Sinn Feiners; the difference is huge.98 He arrived in Dublin on 19 July 1921 just 10 days after a truce was called betw een the IRA and the British army after the escalation of violence beginning in 1919 know n as the Anglo-Irish War and was trem endously m oved by the poverty he witnessed there. His experiences later prom pted him to research British colonial policy in Ireland. Two days later he left Dublin for Belfast and found the contrast betw een these two cities remarkable. At the docks he noted first of all the mem orial to the sinking of the Belfast-made Titanic, but most notew orthy was the contrast betw een the streets of Belfast and the streets of Dublin: Belfast is very prosperous w ith splendid thoroughfares and shops which are w orthy even of London. In Dublin I hesitated 56

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to walk around the tow n because I was conscious that my ow n clothes and shoes were too smart. In Belfast this is not so. Instead of Sinn Fein's flags there fly the flags of the Ulster Union. Belfast, however, is most commonplace and I had difficulty in killing time until the departing of the half past eight steam ship, so I w ent to see a m o v ie." Though he clearly liked and admired the spirit of the people of Dublin he was singularly unim pressed by the people of Belfast: I cannot like the people of Belfast and Ulster. They are the sort of people w ho become rich and though they ow n two jackets yet they would not give one to their neighbours in the south w ho have no ne.100 The following day Yanaihara travelled from Belfast to Glasgow and spent the next m onth touring Scotland, ending his tour in Edinburgh. He was greatly moved by the beauty of the Trossachs, Loch Katrine and Stronlacher and he recorded in his diary the reactions of children on seeing a Japanese. He rem arked that in Dublin he had heard the children calling 'Jap - Jap' but in Oban he often heard them call out 'Chinese - Chinese'. On 15 August he journeyed to the Lake District and then headed south to Oxford w here he stayed at the Randolph Hotel. He visited Rugby School to see the grave of Thomas Arnold, Stratford-upon-Avon and Anne Hathaw ay's cottage. From Oxford he w ent to Cambridge and undertook w hat could be described as a 'pilgrim age' to Cromwell's gram m ar school in H untingdon, now a m useum , and John Bunyan's church in Bedford. He returned to London on 27 August satisfied at having 'seen m any people and visited m any places associated w ith fam ous historical figures'.101 On 12 September 1921 he left Britain for Berlin w here he attended lectures at the university and m et up w ith the two renegade professors M orito Tatsuo and Ouchi Hyoe. During his travels Yanaihara sent scripts back to Japan in the form of newsletters, 'Eikoku Dayori' [Newsletter from Britain] and 'Berurin Dayori' [Newsletter from Berlin], for publication in the m inor Christian journal Reikd [Com m union].102 Having spent some six m onths in Berlin, he left for Prague on 1 April 1922. From Prague, he travelled to Vienna and Florence w here he m et Ouchi Hyoe once more and they travelled together to Rome. On 25 April he began a 57

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tour of Jerusalem and Palestine until 10 May w hen he left Alexandria for Geneva. In Geneva, he stayed at the house of his old friend Kawanishi Jitsuzo w here he also m et Nitobe, now working for the League of Nations. He arrived back in Paris on 28 May w here he stayed for a few m onths.103 In October 1922, Yanaihara heard the sad news that Aiko's sister, the wife of his good friend, Fujii Takeshi, had died on the first of the m onth. He was due to return to Japan at the end of the year but had received authorisation from the university to extend his study tour until 3 M arch 1923 so that he could visit the United States. He arrived in New York early in January but his tour of the United States was cut short w hen he heard that his wife, Aiko, was seriously ill in hospital. On 9 February he arrived back in Tokyo and Aiko died on 26 February 1923. It would appear from Yanaihara's diary entries which end on the last day of 1921, that her health was giving him some cause for concern as early as August 1921, some eighteen m onths before her death. He wrote that he was very worried about the lack of com m unication from his wife as m any letters had arrived from Japan but none were from her. He had not heard from her for two m onths and he was afraid she was ill. On 29 August he sent a telegram and was 'relieved' w hen on 2 September he received a message from Aiko reassuring him that there was nothing to worry about.104 Yanaihara's diaries give some of the clearest insights into his personality and reveal a deeply com passionate nature. This compassion, however, was tem pered by an austerity which was in his later years to develop into severity and authoritarianism . According to Ota Yuzo, Yanaihara always treated his immediate peers, such as Ouchi Hyoe and Morito Tatsuo as equals but for the great majority of people he knew, the relationship was one of superiority - inferiority or sensei - deshi [teacher - disciple] and he dem anded due deference in accordance w ith his position.105 He would in later life refer to himself as 'Yanaihara Sensei' and on his death-bed he remarked to his second wife, Keiko, that 'Yanaihara Sensei is going to heav en.'106 According to his son, Isaku, w hen he was younger he was an excellent father but from the early 1930s, he became stricter and rather severe with his children. Even his facial expressions changed and he often looked sad.107 Yanaihara spent m uch of his time working in his study and Isaku described the atm osphere in the house after they moved to Jiyu-ga-Oka in Tokyo in April 1932: 58

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For us children the impression of father could be sum m ed up in one word; lonely. Father was forever in his study and we children were always in fear of making a noise. Father would come down stairs with a clattering sound and w hen we heard this we children would put on our best faces and hastily sit up straight. Father would then go back upstairs and we would heave a sigh of relief as we heard him go up and whisper 'at last he has gone back u p '.108 In 1937 his authoritarian attitudes became apparent w hen he clashed w ith Isaku w ho w anted to change his discipline at university from medicine and enter the Faculty of Literature at Kyoto Imperial University. Yanaihara, perhaps unm indful of his ow n change of discipline from medicine to law, recorded in his diary on 6 November; 'I gave no sanction. He ought to study Medicine. This problem has caused me new trouble.'109 According to Ota Yuzo this authoritarianism was to have repercussions for both his reputation as a pacifist and as a liberal. On his return to Tokyo Imperial University after the death of his wife Yanaihara was prom oted to full professor on 30 August 1923 and the following year he m arried Miss Hori Keiko. Yanaihara's re-assimilation into academic life was not easy as he struggled to re-establish his scholarly reputation w ithin the Marxist dom inated atm osphere of the kenkyushitsu or research rooms of the university. Hosokawa Karoku, Yanaihara's old classmate was strongly left-wing and his friend Ouchi Hyoe had been forgiven by the university authorities and was reinstated to the departm ent at the end of 1922.110 Ouchi as well as Maide Chogoro were constantly pressing Yanaihara for answers to the problem of w hether social science and Christian beliefs were com patible.111 Yanaihara was thus forced to come to term s w ith Marxism, which along with the idealism and hum anitarianism inherited from Nitobe and the Christian philoso­ phy inherited from Uchimura, was to become another m ajor strand in his thinking. At the end of the Meiji period it was British classical economics, the work of Adam Smith, James Mill, Thomas M althus and David Ricardo that was the m ain current of economic thought in the Japanese imperial universities. Laissez-faire economics was never accepted in Japan w ithout qualification, however, largely because of the strong interventionist nature of the Meiji governm ent. Thus the study of British economics was paralleled by interest in the 59

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work of German policy theorists with their state-centred basis for Bismarck's economic and social policies.112 In the early 1920s shortly after the Economics departm ent became independent of the Law Faculty at Tokyo Imperial University in 1919, and then at Kyoto Imperial University there was an explosion of interest in the study of M arxist economics am ong Japanese economic scholars.113 At first Marxism appealed to Japanese scholars because it was regarded as being at the forefront of W estern thought. Japanese Marxism, however, was less purist than the Marxism of W estern Europe and Russia.114 In the Japanese universities Marxists began to form ulate the theory of 'deadlock' or yukizumari in Japan's capitalist developm ent. The best way to end this deadlock was debated betw een two Marxist factions in academia and in the Japan Comm unist Party (JCP) itself. The first debate began w hen a dissident faction called the Rono-ha [Labour-Farmer Faction] w hich was headed by the form er party leader, Yamakawa Hitoshi, left the JCP after it adopted the Comintern's July 1927 theses on Japan. The '27 Theses argued that 'feudal rem nants' persisted in both the agrarian sector of the Japanese econom y and in the political superstructure. The indica­ tion was that the bourgeois revolution begun by the Meiji Restoration had not yet been completed and therefore a two stage revolution was necessary. Firstly a bourgeois-democratic revolution was required to complete the process and after that the social revolution could take place. Yamakawa's group rejected the Com intern's theses that Japan was too backward for an immediate socialist revolution and argued for a single proletarian socialist revolution. The 1932 Com intern Theses, however, reasserted the need for a two-stage revolution and heralded another round of debate.115 In 1932 JCP loyalists w ho supported the Comintern's findings produced the seven volume Nihon Shihonshugi Hattatsushi Koza [Symposium on the History of the Development of Japanese Capitalism] that gave the Koza-ha its nam e and drew up the battle lines.116 In the economics departm ent at Tokyo Imperial University, Ouchi Hyoe sided with the Rono-ha which identified itself as a 'non-com m unist party Marxist group' and sought an im m ediate transition to socialism. This m easure and the fact that it deliberately sought to dissociate itself from Soviet Russia and the Comintern helped to shield the Rono-ha w hen most JCP members found themselves in prison in the early 1930s.117 60

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Marxism naturally presented a problem for Yanaihara as a Christian but whereas most Mukydkai Christians rejected Marxism and the Marxist view of history outright118 Yanaihara utilised classical Marxist theories of imperialism in his analysis of the problems of colonial policy. As his biographer, Fujita Wakao, has pointed out, however, there is no evidence to suggest that Yanaihara consciously collaborated w ith either the Rono-ha or the Koza-ha.119 It was to some extent the Rono-ha and Koza-ha feud, however, as well as the haranguing by his colleagues which prom pted him to m ake his ow n position clear on the whole question of Marxism in essays such as 'M arukusushugisha no Rekishikan to Kirisutosha no Rekishikan' [Marxist Views of History and Christian Views of History] which was later to form part of Yanaihara's famous and still widely read book Marukusushugi to Kirisutokyo [Marxism and Christianity].120 In this essay Yanaihara exam ined the relationship betw een science and faith. Uchimura had always been troubled by the contradictions betw een these two strands of thinking and Yanaihara acknowledged that there were areas w here Marxism and Christianity were absolutely irreconcil­ able. Religion, he believed, was 'the thing against w hich Marxism employs most pow er'121 and he added that 'M arxism denies religion itself. Marxism and Christianity are absolutely incompatible on the point about the existence or non-existence of God.'122 However, Yanaihara was labouring under a com m on m isapprehen­ sion. In 'Towards a Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right' (1844) Marx argued that: Religion is the general theory of this world, its encyclopaedic com pendium , its logic in popular form, its spiritual point d'honneur, its enthusiasm , its moral sanction, its solemn com plem ent, its universal basis for consolation and justifica­ tion. It is the imaginary realisation of the hum an essence, because the hum an essence possesses no true reality. Thus the struggle against religion is indirectly the struggle against the world whose spiritual aroma is religion. Religious suffering is at the same time an expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the feeling of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless circumstances. It is the opium of the people.123 61

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M arx's struggle was not against religion but against the conditions w hich m ade it necessary. W ith regard to the centrality of God to society however, then certainly Marxism and Christianity are incompatible but for Yanaihara there was simply no contradiction since he believed that God is an object of faith rather than of empirical knowledge. Thus religion and science are simply two different subjects which dem and different m ethods of inquiry. Rightly or wrongly, Yanaihara separated and com partmentalised these two fundam entally antagonistic strands in his thought. In this way, Yanaihara was, as a Christian, able to wield classical Marxist theories of social and economic phenom ena as a powerful tool in his critiques, even though as a body of thought he found Marxism too generalised and holistic to offer any solutions. He believed that 'economic theory, revolution theory, the materialistic conception of history, and philosophy are subsumed into one whole whence it becomes impossible to separate them .' He argued also that m aterial prosperity alone cannot bring true peace and freedom to m ankind and that m an has spiritual needs which m ust be fulfilled.124 Yet despite his misgivings about political Marxism, Yanaihara's relationship w ith Ouchi Hyoe was close, though they had their disagreements, and w ith Ouchi's support he proposed the use of M arx's Das Kapital as a basic text for the core course in foreign language readings. There was stiff opposition from other professors, however, and eventually Das Kapital was w ithdraw n although Hilferding's Das Finanzkapital continued to feature as a text for Yanaihara's courses.125 Despite his support for the study of Marxist theory Yanaihara's world view rem ained Christian rather than Marxist. W hen it was first published in 1932 Marukusushugi to Kirisutokyo [Marxism and Christianity] was criticised by Omori Gitaro w ho stated that 'religion and consequently Christianity today is undoubtedly a thing of the dom inant classes. Professor Yanaihara in defending Christianity ... also defends the ruling classes.'126 In an NHK radio broadcast in 1948 Yanaihara answ ered critics of his intellectual position with the following argum ent: Faith is a way of life w hereas science is bounded by knowledge, thus the dimensions of the world of faith and the world of science are different. Science is the intellectual search for truth but it is not always possible to research everything through scientific methods. There is a world of 62

IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF U C H IM U RA KANZO

truth outside the objects of scientific research m ethods. Therefore faith does not belittle science. I am not saying that there are no contradictions betw een science and faith. There are contradictions. But the fact that there are contradictions is only natural.127 On the other hand he adm itted that: there are two instances in which the two cannot co-exist. One is w here faith obstructs the spirit of scientific enquiry and the other is w hen w hat we believe in disappears owing to scientific advance and we become m ere visionaries for w hom the object of our faith is extinguished in the light of know ledge.128 In a decade which began with the loss of his parents and ended in the untim ely death of his first wife, Aiko, Yanaihara m ade a kind of Pilgrim's Progress from doubt to a new certainty which gave him enorm ous strength in the years to come. As a young m an Yanaihara had read John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress and later visited Bunyan's Church. Perhaps he identified with Bunyan's protagonist Christian w ho flees the city in w hich he and his family dwell leaving his wife and children behind him after reading in a book that it will be burned to the ground. In turning away from traditional Japanese belief systems and embracing a new and uncom prom ising faith, th e young Y anaihara consigned his ancestors to the flames. Yet the beliefs and attitudes learned from his grandm other and his father, both of w hom displayed truly Christian virtues, were not erased but am algamated with both his W estern learning and new faith to form a unique and highly personal critique of imperialism and colonisation.

NOTES 1 Tokyo Imperial University developed from the Kaisei School [Kaisei Gakkd] w hich in turn developed from the Kaiseijo of the late Tokugawa period. After the Meiji Restoration it was established as the official state institution for W estern studies and became Tokyo University [Tokyo Daigaku] from 1877. Under the Imperial University Ordinance of 1886 it was transform ed into a state-sanctioned institute for the assimilation of useful W estern knowledge designed along Prussian lines becoming a model for both public and private university education until 1945. Henry DeWitt Smith II Japan's First Student Radicals, (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1972), pp 5-7 63

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2 Yanaihara Tadao Kirisutokyo Nyumon [Entering the Gate of Christianity], YTZ, XIV, p. 125 3 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 21 4 The introduction to the 'Catalogue of Adam Sm ith's Library' is contained in YTZ, Vol. V 5 Yanaihara Katsu 'Yanaihara Tadao no Shokum in Seisaku no Riron to Jissho' [Yanaihara Tadao's Theory of Colonial Policy and Evidence] Mita Gakkai Zasshi vol. 80, no. 4, (1987), 285-309, (p. 287) 6 Fujita Wakao Yanaihara Tadao: Sono Shinko to Shogai, [Yanaihara Tadao: His Faith and Life] (Kyobunkan: Tokyo, 1967), p. 59 7 Yanaihara Tadao 'W atashi wa Ikanishite Kirisutoshinja to natta ka' [How I Became a Christian] originally published in Tsushin in June 1934 and reprinted in YTZ, XXVI, 139-146, (p. 142) 8 Richard Henry Drum m ond, A History of Christianity in Japan (William B. Eermans: Grand Rapids, M ichigan, 1971), p. 93 9 Although not all the insurgents were Christian the rebellion took on the characteristics of a religious crusade against social injustice. Ibid., p. 108 10 Ibid., p. 113 11 Ibid., p. 185 12 Ibid., pp 166-171 13 Ibid., p. 182 14 Carlo Caldarola Christianity: The Japanese Way, Monographs and Theoretical Studies in Sociology and Anthropology in Honour of Lels Anderson (E. J. Brill: Leiden, The Netherlands, 1979), p. 42 15 Uchim ura Kanzo, 'How I Became a Christian, out of my Diary' in The Complete Works of Kanzo Uchimura w ith notes and com m ents by Yamamoto Taijiro and M uto Yoichi, 7 vols. (Kyobunkwan: Tokyo, 1971), vol. I, pp 17-21 16 On establishing their own church in 1881, however, Uchimura denied that it was an open rebellion against the denom ination to w hich they belonged. R ather it was 'a hum ble attem pt to reach the one great aim we had in view; nam ely to come to the full consciousness of our own powers and capabilities'. Uchimura Kanz5, 'How I Became a Christian', p. 87 17 Ibid., pp 105-6 18 Ibid., p. I l l 19 Ibid., pp 111-2 20 Ibid., p. 118 21 Ibid., p. 121 22 Caldarola, p. 50 23 Caldarola, pp 52-5 24 Uchimura, 'Alone w ith God and M e', p. 136 25 Nitobe Inazo, Editorial Jottings, vol. I, p. 98 26 H. G. Koenigsberger Early Modern Europe 1500-1789 (Longman: London, 1987), p. 135 27 David M aland Europe in the Sixteenth Century (Macmillan: Basingstoke and London, 1973), pp 262-3 28 Ibid., p. 263 64

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29 Caldarola, p. 55 30 Raym ond Williams Culture and Society: Coleridge to Orwell (Hogarth: London, 1987), p. 77 31 From the Introduction to Tolstoy's Resurrection trans. by Vera Traill and introduced by Arnold B. McMillin (Hamish Hamilton: London, 1968), ix-xi 32 For Kierkegaard's philosophy see M erold W estphal Kierkegaard's Critique of Reason and Society (Pennsylvania State University Press: Pennsyvania, 1991) 33 W alter Lowrie, A Short Life of Kierkegaard (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1942), p. 106 34 Nitobe, Inazo Japan: Some Phases of her Problems and Development (Ernest Benn: London, 1931), p. 367 35 Nitobe Inazo Japan: Some Phases, p. 370 36 YTZ, XXIV, pp 1-166 37 YTZ, XXIV, pp 167-324 38 Uchimura, 'Representative M en of Japan' in The Collected Works, vol. II, p. 139 39 Ota Yuzo Uchimura Kanzo: Sono Sekaishugi to Nihonshugi o Megutte [Uchimura Kanzo: Concerning his Cosmopolitanism and Japanism] (Kenkyusha: Tokyo, 1977), p. 390 40 See Uchim ura 'Alone w ith God and M e', p. 122. 41 Yanaihara Tadao, 'Pauro' [Paul] in Zoku Yo no Sonkeisuru Jinbutsu [More Personalities W hom I Respect], YTZ, XXIV, pp 212-239. 42 Yanaihara Tadao Tsushin [Correspondence], XXXXIX, (December 1937) in Yanaihara Tadao (ed.) Kashin [Auspicious News] 7 vols., (Misuzu Shobo: Tokyo 1967), vol. I, p. 2 43 Stefan Tanaka Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History, (University of California Press: Berkeley, Calif., 1993), p. 42 44 Frangois Guizot's (1787-1874) History of Civilization was also widely read by Japanese intellectuals and by Yanaihara. Guizot defined civilzation as both the progress of society and the progress of individuals. He feared the excesses of power, both of the governm ent and the people, believing that society determ ines w hat is best and that change, though desirable m ust be gradual. Tanaka, p. 39 45 Caldarola, p. 79 46 Ibid., pp 79-80 47 Ibid., p. 56 48 Uchimura 'Alone w ith God and M e', (1916) p. 56 49 Bushido w hich was printed again in 1905 and m any times since achieved an international reputation for Nitobe while he was still in his forties. Cyril H. Powles, ‘Bushido: Its Admirers and Critics' in Nitobe Inazo: Japan's Bridge Across the Pacific edited by John F. Howes (Westview Press: Boulder, Colorado, 1995), pp 107-118, (p. 13). This series of articles is comprised from papers given at the Nitobe-Ohira M emorial Conference held at the University of British Columbia on 23-5 M ay 1984. 50 Ibid.. pp 107-118 51 Ibid., p. 111. Some W estern scholars have insisted that bushido may not have existed at all. Basil Hall Chamberlain the famous British pioneer of 65

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52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72

w hat can only be described as 'Japanology' during the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the tw entieth century m aintained all along that bushidd is essentially a tw entieth century fabrication. In 1912 he wrote that: 'The very word appears in no dictionary, native or foreign, before the year 1900.' He certainly convinced m any scholars. See Powles, p. 114 Caldarola, p. 79 Ibid., p. 66 Ibid., p. 57 Peter Duus and Irwin Scheiner 'Socialism, Liberalism and Marxism, 1901-1931' in The Cambridge History of Japan (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1988), vol. VI, p. 687 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have W alked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 19 Herbert Schnadelbach Philosophy in Germany 1831-1933, trans. by Eric M atthews (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1984), p. 24 Ibid., p. 25 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 91 Yanaihara Tadao 'Nikki' [Diaries], YTZ, XXIX. p. 19 Nishimura Hideo Yanaihara Tadao (Nihon Kirisutokyodan Shuppankyokai: Tokyo, 1975), p. 74 Ibid., p. 75 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road 1 have Walked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 91 'N em pu' [Chronological Record], YTZ, XXIX, p. 832 Ibid., p. 830 From a short essay published in Novem ber 1932 in a Christian pam phlet. YTZ, XXVI, p. 465 Yanaihara Tadao Watakushi no Ayundekita Michi [The Road I have Walked], YTZ, XXVI, p. 23 It would appear that w hen the economics departm ent devolved from the law faculty in 1919, the Chair of Colonial Policy w ent w ith it. Helm uth Stoecker, 'The German Empire in Africa before 1914: General Questions' in German Imperialism in Africa ed. by Helm uth Stoecker (C. Hurst: London, 1986), 185-216, (pp 197-8) Mark R. Peattie, 'Japanese Attitudes Towards Colonialism 1895-1945,' in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945, ed. by Ramon H. Myers and M ark R. Peattie (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1984) 80-127 (pp 85-8) Uchikawa Eiichiro Nitobe Inazo: The Twilight Years (Kyobunkan: Tokyo, 1985), p. 5 The lectures from 1912 to 1917 were collected and edited by Yanaihara and published as Shokumin Seisakukogi oyobi Rombunshu [Collected Lectures and Essays on Colonial Policy] in 1943. Nitobe's attitudes to Koreans were negative and even racist, and Miwa Kimitada has suggested that Yanaihara edited out Nitobe's com m ents on Korea and Koreans for the simple reason that there is a singular lack of any specific m ention of the topic in the lectures. Miwa Kimitada 'Colonial Theories 66

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73

74 75 76 77

78 79 80

81 82 83 84 85 86

87 88 89 90

and Practices in Pre-war Japan' in Nitobe Inazo: Japan's Bridge Across the Pacific, 159-175, (p. 167) Ibid., p. 160. For further details about Tokugawa colonial policy see Takakura Shinichiro, The Ainu of Northern Japan: A Study in Conquest and Acculturation, trans. and annot. by John A. Harrison, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, vol. 50, part 4 (The American Philosophical Society: Philadelphia, 1960) Miwa, p. 161 R. F. Foster Modern Ireland 1600-1972 (Penguin: London, 1988), p. 35 Miwa, p. 161 Maide was a specialist in economic theory and history. He was appointed lecturer at Tokyo Imperial University after graduating and entered the new ly independent Economics departm ent and like Yanaihara he was also sent to Europe and the United Stated in 1920-22. From the entry in Nihonjinmei Daijiten. Imperial Ordinance No. 3, 1 M arch 1886 cited in Frank O. Miller Minobe Tatsukichi: Interpreter of the Constitution in Japan (University of California Press: Berkeley, California and London, 1965), p. 15 Ibid., pp 15-6 Ouchi was born in 1888 in Hyogo Prefecture and once described himself as a son of 'the rural intelligentsia'. He graduated from Tokyo Imperial University in law in 1913. Having pursued a brief career in the Finance M inistry during w hich he visited the United States he returned to his alm a m ater in 1919. Byron I