Women As Sites of Culture : Women's Roles in Cultural Formation From the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century 9780754603115

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WOMEN A SS SITE SITES OF CULTURE W OMEN A SO F CULTUR E

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Women as Sites of Culture

Women's roles in cultural formation formation fro from m the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century

Edited Editedbyby

S SUSAN U S A N SHIFRI SHIFRIN N

|3 Rootledge

Taylor & Francis Croup Taylor & Francis Croup LONDON AN AND D NE W YORK

First published 2002 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon 0X14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 , US A Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © Susa n Shifrin 2002 The author has asserted her moral rightunder the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. A l l right s reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted o r reproduced o r utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented , including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate name s may be trademarks o r registered trademarks , an d are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Women as sites of culture: women's roles in cultural formation from the Renaissance to the twentieth-centur y 1. Women - History - Renaissance, 1450-160 0 2 . Women History - Modern period, 1600- 3 . Women in literature 4. Women - Social conditions 5 . Women - Public opinion History I. Shifrin, Susan 305.4T09 Library of Congress Control Number: 200109966 4 ISBN 13 : 978-0-7546-0311-5 (hbk )

Contents

List o f Figures i

x

List of Contributors x

i

Introduction 1 Part I Th

e Female Body As the Sit e of Polemics

1 Th

e Rhetoric of Corporeality and the Politica l Subject : 9 Containing the Dissentin g Female Body in Civil Wa r England Christopher Orchard

2 'A

s Strong as Any Man': Sojourne r Truth' s 2 Tall Tale Embodiment Alison Piepmeier

5

3 Flapper

s and Shawls : The Female Embodiment 3 of Irish National Identity in the 1920 s Louise Ryan

7

4'

We ar e goin g to carve revenge o n your back': 5 Language, Culture , and the Femal e Body in Kingston's The Woman Warrior Lisa Plummer Crafton

1

5 'I

f this is improper, . . .then I am all improper, and you must 6 give me up': Dais y Miller and Other Uppity White Women as Resistant Emblem s of Americ a Lisa Johnson

5

vi

Women as Sites of Culture

Part II Stagin g the Sights of Culture, Stagin g Women: Theater, Ritual, an d Ceremony 6 Bodie

s Political and Social: Roya l Widow s 7 in Renaissance Ceremonia l Elizabeth McCartney

1 Eroticizin g Virtue: The Role of Cleopatra 9 in Early Modern Drama Reina Green

9

3

8 Applaudin g Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth 10 Century: Sexua l Desire, Politics, and the Good Woman Susan Lamb

5

9 Mother(s

) o f Invention: Prostitute-Actresse s an d Late 12 Nineteenth-Century Bengal i Theater Sudipto Chatterjee

5

10 'Art

' for Men, 'Manners ' fo r Women: How Women 13 Transformed th e Tea Ceremony i n Modern Japan Etsuko Kato

9

Part III Si(gh)tin g the Woman as Cultural Resource 11 Portrai

t Medal s of Vittoria Colonna: Representing th e 15 Learned Woma n Marjorie Och

3

12 Si(gh)tin g the Mistress of the House : Anne Clifford an d 16 Architectural Spac e Elizabeth V. Chew

7

13 Th

e ' Wild Woman ' i n the Culture of the Polish-Lithuania n 18 Commonwealth Lynn Lubamersky

3

14 ' A

t the end of the Wal k by Madam Mazarines Lodgings': 19 Si(gh)ting the Transgressive Woma n in Accounts of th e Restoration Cour t Susan Shifrin

5

Contents vi i

Part I V Th e Female Voice As the Sit e of Cultural Authority 15 'Wh

y do you call me to teach the court?' : 20 Anne Hutchinson and the Makin g o f Cultural Authority Ross J. Pudaloff

9

16 A

Criticism o f Contradiction: Anna Leticia Barbauld 22 and the 'Problem ' of Nineteenth-Century Women' s Writing Robin DeRosa

1

17 Silen

t at the Wall : Wome n in Israeli Remembrance Da y 23 Ceremonies Kristine Peleg

3

18 Revisitin g a Site of Cultural Bondage : JoAnn Gibson 24 Robinson's Boycott Memoir Ruth Ellen Kocher

5

Bibliography

257

Index

271

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List of Figures

8.1 Isaa c Taylor, 'O'er step not the modesty of Nature." 12 Engraving — 1769 . Photograp h courtesy o f the Thoma s Fisher Rare Book Library , University of Toronto.

0

8.2 Franci s Legat, after Benjami n West, Hamlet. Act IV. Scene v. 12 Elsinore — King, Queen, Laertes, Ophelia, & c. Engravin g published 1 December 1802 . Photograp h courtesy o f th e Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library , University of Toronto.

1

8.3 Bartolozz i and Madan, Unidentified actress as Ophelia. 12 Engraving, published 2 April 1787 . Photograp h courtes y of the Harvar d University Theater Collection .

2

8.4 Unidentifie d artist, There's Rue for you. ' Mrs. Lessingham 12 in the Character of OPHELIA. Engravin g published in Bell's Edition of Shakespeare's Plays, As They are Now Performed at the Theatres Royal in London.... V o l . III. London , 1774. Photograph courtes y o f the Thoma s Fisher Rare Book Library , University of Toronto.

3

11.1a Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna and Ferrante Francesco 16 d'Avalos, 16 century. Publishe d in Pietro Ercole Visconti, Le rime di Vittoria colonna corrette su I testi a penna pubblicate con la vita della medesima (Rome: Salviucci, 1840) . Photograph: author .

4

c

th

1 l . lb Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna with classicizing military 16 trophies, 16 century. Publishe d in Pietro Ercole Visconti, Le rime di Vittoria colonna corrette su I testi a penna pubblicate con la vita della medesima (Rome: Salviucci, 1840) . Photograph: author .

4

th

11.2 Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna, 16 century. Washington , 16 D.C., Samue l H. Kres s Collection, National Galler y o f Art. Photograph courtes y o f Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art. th

4

X

Women as Sites of Culture

11.3 Raphael , Parnassus (detail) , 1511 . Fresco , Stanza della 16 Segnatura, Vatica n Palace, Vatican State. Photograph: Alinari/Ar t Resource, New York.

5

11.4a Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna with Pyramus and Thisbe, 16 16 century . Publishe d in Pietro Ercole Visconti, Le rime dì Vittoria colonna corrette su I testi a penna pubblicate con la vita della medesima (Rome: Salviucci, 1840) . Photograph: author .

6

11.4b Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna with phoenix, 16 century. 16 Published in Pietro Ercole Visconti, Le rime dì Vittoria colonna corrette su I testi a penna pubblicate con la vita della medesima (Rome: Salviucci , 1840). Photograph : author .

6

11.5 Italian , Medal of Vittoria Colonna with column and tree, 16 16 century . Vienna , Kunsthistorisches Museum. Photograph courtes y o f Kunsthistorisches Museum.

6

12.1 Unidentifie d artist afte r Si r Peter Lely , Anne Clifford, 17 Countess of Pembroke. Oi l o n canvas, circa early 1670s . London, National Portrait Gallery . Photograp h b y courtes y of the National Portrait Gallery, London.

9

12.2 Ma p showing locations of Anne Clifford' s castle s an d the 18 routes she traveled between them . Fro m The Diaries of Lady Anne Clifford, edite d by D.J.H. Cliffor d (Stroud , Gloucestershire: Sutto n Publishing , 1990) . Reproduced courtesy o f Sutton Publishing .

0

12.3 Aeria l view of Appleby Castle . Reproduce d courtesy o f 18 Appleby Castle , Ltd.

1

12.4 Speculativ e plan of Appleby Castle circa 1670 , adapted 18 from pla n of Appleby Castle in Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, England. Photograph : author .

2

14.1 Attribute d to Jacob-Ferdinand Voet (previously attributed t o 20 Sir Godfre y Kneller), Duchess Mazarin, In the character of Cleopatra.' Oi l o n canvas, circa 1670 . Northampton , fro m the Collectio n a t Althorp. Photograph : Photographi c Survey , Courtauld Institute of Art.

4

14.2 Pierr e Mignard, Louise de Kéroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth. 20 Oil o n canvas, 1682 . London , National Portrait Gallery . Photograph b y courtesy o f the Nationa l Portrait Gallery , London.

5

th

th

th

List of Contributors

SUDIPTO CHATTERJE E i s Assistan t Professo r o f Dram a a t Tuft s University , Boston. H e receive d hi s Ph D i n Performanc e Studie s fro m Ne w Yor k University. Hi s essay include d here ha s bee n extracte d fro m a chapte r i n hi s forthcoming boo k The Colonial Stage (d): Hybridity, Woman and the Nation in 19th Century Bengali Theatre. Hi s scholarl y wor k ha s bee n publishe d i n several anthologie s an d journal s internationally . Originall y fro m Calcutta , Chatterjee i s als o a playwright-performer-director-filmmake r whos e wor k ha s been see n i n India , Bangladesh , th e Unite d States , Australia , and th e Unite d Kingdom. ELIZABETH V . CHE W i s Associat e Curato r o f Collection s a t Monticell o i n Charlottesville, Virginia . Che w receive d he r Ph D i n ar t histor y fro m th e University o f North Carolina. He r dissertatio n examine s femal e architectura l patronage an d ar t collectin g i n seventeenth-centur y Britain . He r researc h interests includ e th e relationship s amon g architecture , materia l culture , an d gender and famil y identitie s i n early modern Britai n an d America . Sh e ha s a n essay on the Countes s o f Arundel's collection at Tar t Hal l forthcomin g i n The Evolution of English Collecting, fro m Yale University Press . LISA PLUMME R CRAFTO N i s Professo r o f Englis h a t th e Stat e Universit y o f

West Georgia . He r scholarl y expertis e i s i n Britis h Romanti c literatur e an d women's literature . He r mos t recen t publication s includ e th e edite d volum e The French Revolution Debate in English Literature and Culture (Greenwoo d Press, 1997 ) an d '"Insipi d Decency" : Modest y an d Femal e Sexualit y i n Wollstonecraft' i n European Romantic Review (Summer 2000) . ROBIN DEROS A i s currentl y completin g he r doctorat e i n Englis h a t Tuft s University. He r dissertation , title d 'Scholars , Specters , an d Sightseers : Th e Salem Witc h Trial s an d America n Memory, ' concern s th e relationship s between th e histor y o f colonia l Ne w Englan d an d current-da y touris t productions. He r wor k deal s wit h theorie s o f performativit y an d th e connections betwee n identit y an d theatricality . Sh e ha s recentl y publishe d work i n The Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature, In-Between: Essays & Studies in Literary Criticism, an d Postscript. Sh e als o ha s a n essa y on Olauda h Equiano forthcoming in The Connecticut Review.

xii Women

as Sites of Culture

REINA GREE N i s currentl y completin g he r dissertatio n o n construction s o f listening i n earl y moder n dram a i n th e Departmen t o f English , Dalhousi e University. Sh e ha s publishe d o n Mar y Sidney' s Tragedy of Antonie an d o n early moder n wome n translator s wit h Brow n University' s 'Renaissanc e Women Online ' an d has a n article forthcoming in Studies in English Literature on listenin g in The Tragedy of Mariam an d The Duchess of Malfi. LISA JOHNSO N receive d he r Ph D i n Englis h fro m Binghamto n University, where sh e recentl y complete d a dissertatio n o n positiv e re-reading s o f th e female bod y i n America n literature . He r researc h interest s includ e feminis t theory an d femal e sexuality , th e subjec t o f th e forthcomin g collectio n to b e published by Four Walls, Eigh t Windows, Jane Sexes It Up: True Confessions of Feminist Desire, fo r whic h sh e i s the editor . Sh e no w teaches composition at the Stat e University of West Georgia. ETSUKO K A T O i s a n assistan t professo r i n th e Departmen t o f Internationa l Studies a t Internationa l Christia n University in Tokyo. Sh e receive d her Ph D in anthropolog y fro m th e Universit y of Toronto, afte r whic h sh e hel d a post doctoral researc h pos t a t th e Universit y of British Columbia . He r dissertatio n on th e present-da y practic e o f the te a ceremon y wa s base d o n fiel d researc h carried ou t fro m 199 8 t o 1999 . Sh e ha s publishe d severa l article s an d presented a numbe r o f paper s focusin g o n th e Japanes e te a ceremon y an d Japanese culture. He r research interest s includ e traditional Japanese culture in modern times , th e ris e o f Japanese cultura l nationalism following Worl d Wa r II, an d how these interrelate wit h notions of gender . RUTH E L L E N KOCHE

R i s Assistan t Professo r o f America n Literature ,

specializing i n African America n Literature , a t Souther n Illinoi s Universit y at Edwardsville. He r firs t book , Desdemona's Fire, wa s publishe d b y Lotu s Press i n 199 9 an d wo n th e Naom i Lon g Madget t Poetr y Award . He r mos t recent article , co-authored wit h Keit h Mille r an d title d 'Narrativizin g Orator y in Frederic k Douglass' Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass,' appeare d in Approaches to Teaching Frederick Douglass, fro m th e Moder n Languag e Association Series on Teaching World Literatur e (Fall 1999) . SUSAN L A M B i s Assistan t Professo r o f Englis h a t Universit y of Toront o a t Scarborough. Sh e i s finishin g a book , title d Bringing Travel Home, o n th e intersections amon g gender , tourism , and literature , an d ha s publishe d article s on th e subjec t i n journals suc h as Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture an d Comparative Drama. Sh e als o work s o n th e connection s betwee n dram a an d the novel in the eighteent h century . L Y N N LUBAMERSK Y receive d he r Ph D in history a t Indian a Universit y and i s now Assistan t Professor o f History a t Bois e State University . Lubamersk y is

Contributors xii

i

currently revisin g her dissertation , Women in Family Politics, fo r publicatio n as a book. Sh e has publishe d an articl e titled 'Wome n and Politica l Patronag e in th e Politic s o f the Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth ' i n The Polish Review (1999), a s wel l a s severa l boo k review s i n The Polish Review and The Slavic Review. E L I Z A B E T H M C C A R T N E Y i s a visitin g assistan t professo r a t Th e Rober t D . Clark Honor s College, University of Oregon. Sh e is completing a two-volume study o n th e us e o f emotio n i n politica l theor y an d roya l ceremonia l i n late medieval and early modern France . MARJORIE O C H received he r doctorat e i n art histor y fro m Bry n Maw r Colleg e and i s no w Associat e Professo r o f Art History at Mar y Washingto n College. Her essa y here on Vittoria Colonna is a continuation of the wor k she di d in her dissertation. A relate d articl e appear s i n Beyond Isabella (eds . Reis s an d Wilkins, 2001) . Oc h i s currentl y workin g o n Colonna' s patronag e o f a women's religiou s communit y i n Rome , a s wel l a s o n Giorgi o Vasari' s descriptions i n his Lives of the Artist... o f th e influenc e o f trave l on artists . CHRISTOPHER ORCHAR D i s Associat e Professo r o f Englis h a t Indian a University o f Pennsylvania , wher e h e teache s Shakespeare , Renaissanc e studies an d contemporar y Britis h literature . Hi s researc h interest s focu s o n literature an d politics of the Englis h Civi l War , Civil Wa r drama an d masques, women's writin g and writing about women in the 1640 s an d 1650s , the politics of translation , an d th e receptio n o f Be n Jonso n durin g th e sam e period . Hi s most recen t publicatio n wa s a contributin g articl e t o Brow n University' s Women's Writin g Project concernin g A Petition to Parliament (1642) . KRISTINE PELEG i s a doctoral candidate i n the departmen t of English Literatur e at th e Universit y of Arizona , wher e sh e i s writin g a dissertatio n o n wome n pioneers i n the Uppe r Midwest . Sh e receive d he r master s degre e i n Politica l Science from Hebrew University in Jerusalem. ALISON PIEPMEIE R i s a lecture r i n th e Englis h Departmen t an d Women' s Studies Progra m a t Vanderbil t University . Sh e receive d he r Ph D i n Englis h from Vanderbil t University . He r dissertatio n i s entitle d Out in PublicConfigurations of Women's Bodies in Nineteenth-Century America. Whil e most o f her research involve s nineteenth-century America n woman writers, sh e is currentl y co-editin g a boo k wit h Ror y Dicke r calle d Catching a Wave: Reclaiming Feminism for theTwenty-first Century. Ross J . PUDALOF F i s a membe r o f th e facult y o f Englis h a t Wayn e Stat e University. H e is coeditor o f The Ends of Theory and th e autho r o f essays on, among others , Jonatha n Edwards , Richar d Wright, Willia m Byrd , an d Henr y

xiv Women

as Sites of Culture

David Thoreau . H e publishe d a n earlie r essa y o n Ann e Hutchinso n and th e Antinomian Controversy , title d 'Sig n an d Subject : Antinomianis m i n Massachusetts Bay, ' i n Semiotica 5 4 (1985). LOUISE R Y A N i s a senio r lecture r i n sociolog y a t th e Universit y of Centra l Lancashire in England. Sh e is currently working on a research projec t base d a t the Iris h Studies Centr e at the Universit y o f North London . Sh e has published widely i n suc h journal s a s Gender and History, Feminist Review, Women's Studies International Forum, an d th e Journal of Gender Studies. He r boo k Irish Feminism and the Vote was published by Folens, Dublin i n 1996 . Sh e i s currently workin g o n a boo k title d Embodying the Nation: Gender and National Identities in the Irish Printed Media, 1920s-1930s, Edwi n Melle n Press, New York, to be published in 2001. SUSAN SHIFRI N i s a n ar t historia n specializin g in th e fiel d o f earl y moder n portraiture. Sh e received her Ph D in art histor y fro m Bry n Maw r College , an d has worke d a s a curato r an d freelanc e collection s manage r a t a numbe r o f museums an d academi c institutions , a s wel l a s teachin g an d writin g i n th e fields o f art history and women's studies . Shifri n i s currently a Visiting Fello w at the Cente r for Visual Cultur e at Bry n Maw r College , where sh e i s preparing an exhibitio n titled 'Picturin g Women: Historica l Work s an d Contemporar y Responses' tha t will ope n at severa l Philadelphia-area institutions in 2004. Sh e is als o completin g the manuscrip t fo r a book title d That fair Copy drawn... ': Configuring Biography, Iconography and Likeness in Seventeenth-Century Portraits of Women.

Introduction Susan Shifrin

When th e essay s tha t for m th e cor e o f eac h o f th e four section s tha t follo w were presente d a t th e annua l meetin g o f the Grou p for Earl y Moder n Cultural Studies severa l years ago , they create d a cohesive and tightly-focused group of explorations o f early modern, largel y European and Anglo-America n women' s roles a s site s an d 'sights ' o f culture. Wha t emerged durin g the presentatio n o f these studie s an d th e conversation s tha t ensue d amon g presenter s an d discussants wa s tha t the theme s o f 'siting ' and 'sighting ' — particularl y from the specific , gendered viewpoin t we ha d chose n t o adop t — wen t broade r an d deeper than an y o f us ha d envisione d in preparing fo r ou r panel. W e were all invigorated an d empowere d t o retur n t o ou r ow n wor k an d expan d ou r investigations o f these themes . I n addition , w e wer e al l intrigue d t o furthe r explore their ramification s o n a broade r geographica l an d chronologica l scale. This collectio n of eighteen essay s mark s a mileston e i n the progres s o f those further explorations . Refracted throug h th e disciplinar y lense s an d methodologie s o f th e literary historian, the anthropologist , th e historian, the literar y critic, and the ar t historian, the pertinenc e o f our themes emerges in relation to th e role s wome n have playe d i n interrogating , forming , informing , an d reformin g politica l discourse, cultural tradition and ceremony, socia l mores, an d the patronage and definition o f art sinc e th e Renaissance . Th e femal e bod y a s th e basi s fo r an d site o f political an d nationalisti c metaphor constitute s th e focu s o f the first se t of essays . Christophe r Orchar d examine s variou s visualization s an d configurations o f the femal e bod y a s on e basi s o f discourse durin g the perio d of th e Englis h Civi l War . Aliso n Piepmeie r analyzes Sojourne r Truth' s sitin g of he r ow n bod y — bot h i n figurativ e an d pragmati c term s — withi n th e context o f the uniquely American, nineteenth-century tall-tal e tradition, thereb y accentuating th e potenc y o f the femal e bod y both a s a physical and discursiv e force. I n a relate d project , Lis a Plumme r Crafto n investigate s Maxin e Hon g Kingston's inscriptio n o f th e Asia n America n femal e bod y a s a sit e o f nationalistic an d cultura l conflict, situated a t th e crossroad s o f traditional an d post-modern storytelling . Intervenin g betwee n thes e tw o chapters , Louis e Ryan's essa y investigate s th e interrelation s amon g th e femal e body , Iris h nationalism o f the 1920s , an d th e rhetorica l configuration and manipulatio n in Irish newspaper s o f the sometime s celebratory , alway s troublesom e notio n of femaleness peculia r to the period of the 1920s , known as the 'flapper. ' Closin g this first sectio n o f the book , Lis a Johnso n write s a self-reflexiv e critiqu e of post-modern, America n notion s o f whit e womanhood . Sitin g he r ow n perspective a s informe d b y th e influence s o f persona l experienc e o n th e on e

2 Women

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hand an d th e burgeonin g bod y o f critica l literatur e i n the are a o f 'whitenes s studies' an d third-wav e feminis m o n th e other , Johnson , lik e th e othe r contributors t o thi s section , als o locate s he r topi c withi n th e context s o f nationalist discourse, metaphor embodied , and storytelling . Sh e contextualizes her earl y twenty-first centur y analysi s through referenc e t o nineteenth-centur y American literary traditions exemplified b y Henry James' Daisy Miller. The secon d sectio n of the boo k is devoted to th e 'spectacle ' o f women staged an d 'sighted ' withi n th e contex t o f ritua l ceremon y o r theatrica l representation. Onc e again , th e Influenc e exercise d o n th e formatio n an d reformation o f cultur e b y women' s physica l and figurative bodie s an d thei r societally pre- an d proscribed natures forms th e themati c cru x of these essays . Elizabeth McCartney' s essa y reconsider s th e rol e o f th e roya l wido w an d regent i n Renaissanc e Franc e a s politica l agent , a rol e tha t I n conventiona l historiography has been constituted as minimal. Throug h her close study of the records o f cour t ceremonia l associate d wit h th e mournin g o f decease d sixteenth-century Frenc h monarch s an d th e enthronemen t o f thei r under-ag e successors, McCartne y re-read s thi s ceremonia l stagin g o f th e widow's/regent's bod y a s o f substantia l religious , nationalistic an d politica l significance. Rein a Gree n analyze s representation s o f th e mythic/historical figure o f Cleopatr a i n a rang e o f sixteenth - an d seventeenth-centur y plays , exploring wha t sh e term s the 'eroticizatio n of virtue' i n their multivalen t and sometimes ambivalen t characterization s o f th e Quee n o f Egyp t a s simultaneously exemplar y o f spousa l virtue s an d o f th e vice s o f th e transgressor o f conventionally feminin e an d domesti c harmony . Susa n Lamb engages i n th e relate d projec t o f tracin g th e fortune s o f th e Shakespearea n figure o f Opheli a i n th e eighteent h century . Lam b analyze s fo r thei r embodiment o f notion s o f womanhoo d an d virtu e i n eighteenth-centur y English societ y Ophelia' s varie d representation s a s sexuall y explici t transgressor an d virtuou s madwoma n (an d th e variou s an d ofte n overlappin g shades o f eac h in - between ) i n eighteenth-centur y stag e performance s o f Hamlet, visual characterization s o f Ophelia in print and in paint, and novelistic appropriations of her character an d name. Sudipt o Chatterjee, i n turn, recount s and analyze s th e crisi s of nationalist , political , an d gendere d hierarchie s tha t occurred a t th e dramati c momen t i n th e late-nineteenth-centur y histor y o f Indian theater when Bengali theater sought fo r the first time to admit women to the stage . Chatterje e explore s th e ramification s o f th e fac t tha t thi s transgression o f theatrica l an d gendere d conventio n wa s embodie d i n an d heightened b y the femal e prostitute s wh o served a s the first woma n players on the Bengal i stage . Finally , agai n considerin g th e way s i n whic h th e conventions of feminine rank an d nature inform an d reform cultural ceremony, Etsuko Kat o investigate s i n th e concludin g essa y o f thi s sectio n ho w th e changing rol e o f wome n i n th e traditiona l te a ceremon y ha s change d th e ceremony itsel f an d th e way s i n whic h i t ha s functione d an d bee n perceive d during the modern era in Japan.

Introduction 3 The thir d se t o f essay s investigate s an d delineate s th e paradigmati c roles o f notabl e wome n i n Renaissanc e Italy , sixteenth - an d seventeenth century England , an d th e sixteenth - throug h eighteenth-centur y Polish Lithuanian Commonwealt h a s cultura l resources : tha t i s t o say , a s th e motivators, makers , an d matte r o f cultura l creation . Marjori e Oc h consider s the cas e o f Vittori a Colonna , Renaissance patro n o f the art s an d poe t i n he r own right , whos e medalli c portrait s Oc h read s a s marker s o f Colonna' s appropriation of and encompassment i n the cultur e o f humanism burgeoning in Italy durin g he r lifetime . Elizabet h Che w lay s ou t th e cas e o f Lad y Ann e Clifford, Countes s o f Dorset , Pembroke , an d Montgomery . Representin g Clifford a s paradigmati c fo r thos e notabl e sixteenth - an d seventeenth-centur y Englishwomen who made their enduring, self-reflexive marks on their societie s by sitin g themselve s withi n architectura l an d artisti c program s tha t reflecte d and memorialized their ow n aesthetics an d cultural values, Che w demonstrates the way s i n whic h he r subjec t overcam e th e cultura l erasur e t o whic h earl y modern Englishwome n wer e ofte n subject , inflectin g lastingl y th e Englis h culture tha t eye d he r resourcefulnes s wit h a certai n degre e o f distrus t an d dismay. Susa n Shifri n analyze s th e visua l an d literar y recor d revealin g Hortense Mancini , Duches s Mazari n an d Louis e d e Keroualle , Duchess o f Portsmouth a s site s o f political agenc y a t the Restoratio n court o f Charles II of England. I n addition , Shifri n explore s th e notio n tha t thes e women' s prerogative a s illici t intimate s o f the king , a s wel l a s thei r renow n throughou t England an d Europ e a s inveterat e transgressor s o f the boundarie s o f propriety prescribed fo r thei r gender , allowe d contemporary chronicler s t o authenticat e their accounts o f the Englis h cour t by siting these women as prominent player s within them . Lyn n Lubamersky , also explorin g the role s o f renegade but stil l somehow exemplar y wome n a s cultura l icon s an d a s th e materia l o f cultural mythmaking, write s i n th e fina l essa y o f thi s sectio n abou t th e remarkabl e figure o f th e mythic/historica l 'wil d woman ' o f th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth. Lubamersk y trace s th e evolutio n o f thi s figur e embodyin g both cultura l myt h an d historica l fac t i n th e Commonwealth' s reservoir s o f lore, song, biography, and poetry, fro m ancient Amazon s to eighteenth-centur y noblewomen on the frontier s o f the Commonwealth , casting off the shackle s of restrained womanhoo d t o defen d an d preserv e th e nationalisti c an d cultura l integrity o f their communit y while providing others wit h th e resourc e o f their stories to inspire them to do the same . The final sectio n o f the boo k i s devote d t o articulation s o f the femal e voice a s th e sit e o f cultura l authority . I t i s comprise d o f a se t o f essay s concerned wit h soun d an d silence , both : wit h th e celebratio n o f woman' s voice, an d it s mutin g o r silencin g altogether. Ros s Pudalof f write s o f Anne Hutchinson, accuse d i n seventeenth-centur y Ne w Englan d o f th e crime s o f speaking fo r herself, fo r he r ow n religious beliefs, an d doin g so i n public, and then calle d upon to simultaneousl y defen d an d condem n hersel f i n open cour t by raisin g he r ow n voic e t o articulat e tha t defense , thu s demonstratin g th e

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paradox o f th e articulate , authoritativ e woma n whos e capacit y fo r self expression wa s he r greates t weapo n an d he r silencin g it s greates t antidote . Robin DeRos a addresses a nineteenth-centur y extrapolatio n o f som e o f these same issues o f sound, silence , and self-expressio n as embodie d in the person a and writings of the Englis h poet Ann a Leticia Barbauld and the critica l fortune s of he r wor k bot h i n he r ow n da y an d i n th e twentiet h century . DeRos a examines th e notio n that Barbaul d was burdene d durin g her ow n lifetime and continues t o b e burdene d b y late - an d post-moder n critic s with th e charg e o f not bein g 'woma n enough': i n her ow n day, not woma n enough t o kee p silen t rather tha n write , and i n ours, no t woma n enoug h t o hav e issue d throug h he r poetry wha t we , a t th e en d o f the twentiet h century , woul d dignif y a s a full blown feminis t battle cry . Kristin e Pele g continues th e themati c focu s o n th e paradoxes o f women' s eloquen t speec h an d silenc e wit h he r analysi s o f th e ramifications o f women' s exclusio n fro m voca l participatio n i n Israel' s ongoing Remembranc e Da y ceremonies. Rut h Ellen Kocher' s essay, bringing to a close both this se t o f essays and the collectio n a s a whole, draws together the themati c strand s o f women's bodil y presenc e a s th e subtex t o f polemics, the ceremonia l staging o f women as spectacle , wome n as sources , inspiration, and facilitator s of cultural creation , and women's voice s as th e sit e o f cultural authority. Kocher' s analysi s o f th e narrativ e testimonie s o f J o Ann Gibso n Robinson i n her Boycott Memoir contextualize s this twentieth-century Africa n American woman' s memoir s o f th e Civi l Right s movemen t i n th e Unite d States by siting it within the rhetorica l tradition of the nineteenth-centur y slav e narrative. Throug h her ow n bodily presenc e a t an d participation in the event s of the 1960s , asserted throughou t he r text, Robinson is said to certify the verity of he r accoun t an d t o sit e hersel f a s a n authorize d chronicler . Throug h he r cataloguing o f the dates , locations, and events of the movement , sh e i s sai d to locate hersel f a s bot h a participan t i n an d viewe r o f what ma y b e calle d th e powerful spectacl e o f the movement' s progress . An d b y the authorit y vested in Robinson as sh e bears witness i n her own voice from withi n the ver y matter of her text , informin g an d reformin g prio r text s o n he r subject , Robinson' s memoirs exemplif y what al l the writer s i n this las t sectio n have articulate d a s women's voicin g of cultural authority. In th e progres s fro m th e firs t sectio n o f th e book , whic h treat s th e subject o f women' s bodie s a s th e metaphorica l an d vernacula r vehicle s fo r (largely male ) polemica l discourse ; an d th e secon d section , whic h review s perceptions an d reception s o f wome n 'sighted ' i n th e spectacle s o f stage , ceremony, and ritual; to the thir d section, which attend s to women' s agenc y in the productio n an d disseminatio n o f cultura l creation ; th e fina l se t o f essays marks a n arrival o f sorts at women's voice d recognitio n of their ow n authority and th e conflict s o f policy , religion , race , an d authorshi p t o whic h tha t recognition give s rise . I t i s a progres s tha t i s neithe r straightforwar d no r uninterrupted. Th e pat h fro m early-moder n t o late - an d post-moder n i s meandering an d multivalen t rather tha n unveering , an d whil e Kocher' s essa y

Introduction 5 marks a late-modern consummatio n of the theme s o f 'siting ' an d 'sighting ' in Gibson's memoir s — a consummatio n tha t full y assert s an d authorize s th e authenticity an d potenc y o f women as site s o f culture — ther e i s littl e o f this theme exemplifie d in Gibson' s work that canno t b e foun d i n a t leas t partia l form throughou t th e early , late , an d post-moder n Anglo-American , African American, Asian-American , English , French , Indian , Irish , Israeli , Italian , Japanese, an d Lithuania n subjects addresse d i n our ful l rang e o f essays. W e wish t o leav e ou r readers, finally , wit h th e cultura l diversity and commonality of thes e themes , an d thei r pertinenc e t o th e stud y o f women' s place s i n th e world.

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PARTI

The Female Body as the Site of Polemics

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1 Th e Rhetoric of Corporeality an d the Political Subject: Containing the Dissenting Female Body in Civil War England Christopher Orchard

The contributors to this volume study women who embody a wide range of socio-economic examples, ranging from prostitutes in nineteenth-century India to aristocrats in seventeenth-century Europe. While this essay focuses on the seventeenth century and on women in Europe, it mainly concentrates on lesser known, less socially-prominent English women in a particular time period — that of the English Civil War of the 1640s — who did not enjoy the same highly visible presence of their social superiors, whether they were aristocrats or queens. The idea of visibility is central to understanding this essay collection with its key concepts of 'sighting' and 'siting.' As an articulation of these concepts, this essay explores how the sight of women protesting to the English Parliament in the 1640s provoked male authors to locate and then disable the radical potential of the female body. This was achieved first by taking rhetorical control of specific, dissenting female bodies and second, by labeling those bodies merely as metaphorical sites at which the political differences between Royalists and Parliamentarians could be fought out.

It ha s bee n a n assumptio n o f many literar y historian s tha t th e Englis h Civi l War (1642-49) , fough t betwee n th e Royalis t supporter s o f Charle s I an d supporters o f Parliament , wa s characterize d a s a perio d o f turmoi l an d innovation. Thi s ha s bee n validate d by studie s wit h title s suc h as Christopher Hill's 199 1 The World Turned Upside Down, wit h it s implicatio n o f a n upheaval o f societal norms. Ye t recently, historians suc h as G.E . Aylme r an d Conrad Russel l hav e questione d thi s assertion. Indeed , althoug h i t i s eas y t o trace th e radica l effects of the war , suc h a s th e regicide , the abolitio n of th e monarchy, and the establishmen t o f a commonwealth government i n 1649 , the years prio r t o thes e momentou s occurrence s addres s th e tangibl e failur e o f more substantive politica l reform. It i s th e contentio n o f thi s essa y tha t thi s predilectio n fo r modifie d political reform typified mal e reaction to the involvemen t of women in politics in th e 1640s . I n th e firs t hal f o f th e essay , I buil d o n curren t scholarl y 1

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discourse concernin g wome n petitioner s an d thei r documente d publi c appeal s to kin g an d Parliamen t fo r redres s o f variou s ills . Followin g th e pioneerin g essay b y Elle n McArthu r earl y i n th e twentiet h century , muc h recen t scholarship ha s examine d th e rhetorica l an d politica l conten t o f petition s an d their publi c reception , particularl y a s expresse d i n contemporar y newsbooks , pamphlets tha t containe d new s wit h a satirica l edge. Article s b y Patrici a Higgins, An n Mari e McEnte e an d Susa n Hughe s hav e reveale d a lac k o f consensus abou t whethe r such petition s demonstrat e their authors ' acceptanc e of thei r inferior social position s or their manipulation of cultural convention in order t o undermin e it. McEnte e has als o explore d how newsbook s sough t t o equate women's politica l presenc e wit h a public display of their sexuality . I n general, bot h McEnte e and Hughe s limi t th e scop e o f thei r studie s t o tracin g the politic s of an d reactio n t o wome n wh o supporte d th e Levelle r movement , radical i n its inten t t o establis h a universa l franchis e i n England. Whil e I d o discuss belo w th e cas e o f Mar y Overton , th e wif e o f a Leveller , I a m mor e concerned her e wit h broadenin g th e socia l spectru m encompasse d i n thes e studies t o includ e middle-class citizens, expressly fo r the purpos e o f exploring how thes e texts , whethe r writte n b y me n o r women , reflec t mal e anxietie s about a highly visible femal e interactio n wit h politica l crisi s across th e board . Motivated b y th e desir e t o se e act s o f femal e radicalis m contained , mal e writers consciousl y (i n pamphlet s tha t satirize d femal e publi c behavior ) an d unconsciously (i n officia l Parliamentar y response s t o th e request s o f wome n petitioners) undermine d act s o f femal e advocacy . I wil l argu e tha t b y validating the sigh t o f women articulatin g issues o f political conten t only from within th e domesti c sphere , thes e author s coul d preserv e th e patriarcha l locu s of politica l power. Ironically, a s the secon d half o f the essa y shows , there was a consisten t female presenc e i n Parliamen t bu t onl y on e embodie d i n th e figurativ e language o f politica l discourse . Whil e a bod y o f femal e petitioner s wa s protesting outsid e th e House s o f Parliament, th e femal e bod y wa s use d a s a n analogy t o describ e th e Royalis t an d Parliamentaria n reactio n t o legislativ e decisions bein g mad e inside th e House . Wha t i s interestin g her e i s th e consensual preferenc e fo r thi s analogy . Thi s observation mark s m y departure from recen t scholarl y work. I t is my contention tha t the discourse s o f political factionalism generate d b y th e event s o f thes e year s wer e disguisin g a mor e subtle consensua l agreemen t tha t inscribe d th e femal e bod y a s a passiv e subject tha t followe d prescriptiv e gende r code s o f behavior . I n othe r words , the ideologica l bifurcation tha t ha d divide d citizen s alon g religious , politica l and class lines did not preclude both Royalist and Parliamentarian writers fro m employing th e sam e analogy , tha t o f th e femal e body , t o describ e politica l crisis. Recen t scholarl y work doe s no t full y acknowledg e th e wa y i n whic h metaphorical perspective s o f th e femal e bod y complemente d mor e over t observations o f women's protes t in demonstrating a male consensu s acros s th e political spectru m tha t sough t t o denigrat e th e femal e politica l body . M y 2

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reading o f these rhetorica l patterns suggest s th e coexistenc e o f contradictor y political impulses : a perio d o f strif e tha t manifeste d itsel f a s ideologica l disagreement als o signifie d a continuu m i n gender relations . Th e sharin g o f a gender metapho r suggeste d a join t politica l desir e t o sustai n rathe r tha n challenge certain established orthodoxies . This comprehensiv e us e b y both Royalist s and Parliamentarian s o f th e female bod y i s ignore d b y recen t theoretica l analyse s o f th e docil e femal e body. Man y account s o f Foucault's approache s t o femininit y argue that th e contemporary femal e bod y is shaped b y an intrusiv e state, through advertisin g and othe r means . The y investigat e ho w wome n respon d eithe r negativel y b y engaging i n self-surveillanc e — b y focusin g o n bod y shap e throug h exercis e and dieting , fo r instanc e — o r positivel y b y investin g i n strategie s o f resistance. However , suc h criticis m doe s no t conside r instances , bot h contemporary an d historical , where wome n d o no t respon d a t all . Neithe r d o these theoretica l perspective s addres s th e metaphorica l rathe r tha n physica l representation o f the docil e body, althoug h thi s ha s begu n t o b e addresse d b y twentieth-century cartographi c analyse s o f th e seventeenth-centur y body . Suc h work assert s tha t description s o f th e mal e politica l bod y us e a rhetorica l language tha t denie s th e presenc e an d voic e o f wome n i n it s conceptua l framework. However , by an d large , this criticis m focuse s o n canonica l texts of politica l theor y — almos t exclusivel y on Hobbes' s Leviathan an d Filmer's Patriarcha. I t ignore s les s canonica l an d mor e popula r discourse s suc h a s Civil Wa r newsbook s an d pamphlet s i n whic h mal e author s us e corporea l images o f women to describe the contestatio n o f political meaning. Thi s essay will tak e issu e wit h the critica l assumptio n that women's 'corporea l specificity marks the m a s inappropriat e analogue s t o th e politica l body.' O n th e contrary, I wil l argu e that th e discourse s o f mid-seventeenth-centur y debate s indicated tha t th e pervasiv e presenc e o f th e femal e bod y wa s regarde d a s a consistently apposite mean s to determine politica l legitimacy. 5

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The Protesting Female Body The first half o f this essay explore s the strategie s employed by male authors to ridicule merchants ' wives , housewive s an d th e wive s o f radical s fo r thei r attempts a t politica l articulation . Th e vociferou s presenc e an d sightin g o f literate middle-clas s women on Englis h street s led male writer s t o satiriz e th e very ide a tha t ordinary wome n could ge t acces s t o a politica l locu s — th e house o f Common s o r Parliamen t — tha t i n a rea l sens e wa s inaccessibl e t o them. During th e earl y year s o f th e Civi l War , th e pervasiv e presenc e o f women's involvemen t in politics was perceptibly felt. Prognosticator s suc h a s the Parliamentaria n astrologe r Willia m Lill y use d specifi c planetar y movements t o convinc e his readership o f a feminine influenc e i n international

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politics. I n a pamphlet, Lill y suggeste d tha t the positio n of the moo n i n bot h houses 'dot h assur e u s tha t th e greates t state-action s o f Europ e wil l b e mannaged [sic] b y a woma n o r women.' Thi s wa s already occurrin g i n England accordin g t o som e Parliamentar y writers . Mercurius Britanicus, edited b y th e Parliamentaria n journalis t Marchamon t Nedham , mocke d th e one-sided relationshi p between Charle s I and his wife Henrietta Maria, arguin g that he r involvemen t i n Parliamentar y politic s ha d transgresse d conventiona l gender boundaries . Whe n th e edito r o f a Royalis t newsbook , Mercurius Aulicus, taunte d women who had forme d committee s t o help the Parliamentar y cause, Nedha m replied : 'Master Aulicus i f our Ladies have legislativ e power, I am sur e som e o f you r Ladie s hav e a Soveraigne power, if ours compel l thei r own sex , your s compell anothe r sex , whic h is no t s o naturall , w e kno w wh o can rul e he r husban d a t Oxford...I tel l yo u w e doub t her e whethe r thi s b e th e year o f the king s raign e o r th e Queens.' Thi s taunt was reiterate d nearl y tw o years late r wit h th e seizur e o f Charle s I' s cabine t o f privat e correspondenc e after th e battl e o f Naseby . Nedha m suggeste d tha t Charle s I ha d surrendere d the breeche s (wearin g th e pant s i n th e family ) b y bein g rule d wholl y b y hi s wife. It wa s precisel y wome n wh o desire d t o hav e a rol e i n th e public management o f politica l affair s wh o produce d th e mos t vehemen t reaction . And thes e women wer e no t typicall y of such a high rank a s Henriett a Maria's. In England , an d i n London in particular, women' s intrusio n int o traditionally masculine sphere s o f publi c influenc e wa s mos t clearl y see n i n wome n wh o petitioned t o Parliament , ofte n o n behal f o f thei r families . Thes e wome n argued tha t thei r motivatio n fo r petitionin g wa s base d o n a n anxiet y tha t th e war woul d depriv e the m o f thei r husband s an d thei r manpower. Ye t thei r agenda als o threatene d t o destabiliz e society . I n earl y 1647 , a balla d write r viewed dissentin g women' s mer e presence o n th e street s a s a confirmatio n of the socia l upheavals o f the 1640s . Th e ballad , entitled 'Anarchy, ' anticipate d the consequence s o f allowing women the chanc e t o protest: 'Com e Females of each degree , / Stretc h you r throats , brin g i n you r vote s / An d make fo r th e Anarchy.' I n othe r words , th e sigh t o f the m vociferousl y protestin g wa s enough t o precipitate a subversion of all order . Many pamphlet s tha t recor d women' s petition s d o no t indicat e ho w these petition s wer e received . Thos e tha t d o sugges t a reactio n t o women' s public presenc e tha t varie d fro m th e threa t o f rea l physica l violenc e t o th e women facin g hostil e crowd s o n th e street s o f Londo n t o th e intereste d bu t ultimately dismissiv e language o f officia l governmen t discourse . Perhap s thi s disdainful attitud e typifie d mal e reactio n t o femal e protest , whic h explain s what happene d t o Mar y Overto n i n th e sam e yea r tha t 'Anarchy ' wa s published. Overto n petitione d t o Parliamen t i n 164 7 t o protes t th e imprisonment o f her husband, th e Levelle r Richard Overton in Newgate priso n and then Overto n herself in Bridewell prison , both fo r protesting th e tyrannica l procedures o f Parliament . Overto n presente d he r thought s i n a pamphlet tha t 8

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detailed les s th e reason s wh y sh e o r he r husban d shoul d b e release d tha n a description o f how sh e wa s vilifie d fo r publicly voicin g he r grievances . Sh e recalled i n graphi c detai l ho w sh e wa s 'mos t Inhumanel y an d barbarousl y dragged headlon g up the stone s through al l the dir t and the mir e In the streets , and by the wa y was most unjustly reproached an d vilified b y officers, with th e scandalous, infamou s name s o f wicked whore , strumpet , & c . ' Overto n was labeled a s a lasciviou s woman simpl y becaus e o f he r havin g bee n see n I n public speakin g on behalf of her husband. He r treatment exemplified not onl y the physica l maltreatment o f th e protestin g femal e bod y bu t als o th e hars h language t o which the dissenting female voice was subject . Official governmen t reactio n to petitioning women was more subtl e bu t no les s derogatory. I n 1642 , just month s befor e th e Civi l Wa r began, tension s were running high in London for several reasons. A petition circulated by on e Anne Stagg , describe d i n the petitio n as a gentlewoma n an d a brewer' s wife , articulated th e concern s o f wome n citizen s abou t th e sprea d o f Catholicis m from Ireland , wher e report s o f widesprea d massacre s o f Protestant s th e previous Octobe r ha d create d hysteri a o n th e mainland . Wha t i s significan t about thi s petition is the wa y in which th e wome n petitioners appropriate d th e role o f councillor s to Charle s I i n advisin g means o f resolvin g this tensio n rather tha n simpl y expressin g thei r concerns . Th e printe d versio n o f thi s petition conclude d with a response fro m Joh n Pym, the speake r o f the House , who wa s a Parliamentar y her o whe n Ann e Stag g delivere d th e petitio n t o Parliament o n 4 Februar y 1642 . Thre e week s prio r t o th e deliver y o f thi s petition, Charles I had entered th e House demanding the arrest of Pym an d four other members . Th e members ha d fle d onl y t o b e escorte d bac k i n triumph a week later . A s a vociferous an d highl y visibl e advocat e o f Parliament an d a critic of royal prerogative, Pym might have been expected to express sympath y with the conten t o f the petitio n and hence th e politica l caus e o f the petitioners . However, although Pym's response indicate s that the Hous e of Commons rea d and considere d th e petition , its tex t reveal s mor e Parliament' s concern s wit h the gatherin g o f women in public places tha n wit h th e issue s broache d b y th e women authors o f the petition. Amids t the pro forma rhetori c embodied in the acceptance o f th e petitio n i s a reques t tha t seek s t o subsum e th e politica l activism o f these wome n i n conventional patterns o f domestic behaviou r that are regarde d a s more fittin g t o their gender . Afte r validatin g their requests a s iawfull desires, ' Py m added thi s request : 'W e intrea t yo u to repair e t o you r Houses, and turne you r Petition which you have delivere d here, int o Prayers a t home fo r us.' Couche d as a reasonable directive , Pym's orders encapsulat e the rhetori c o f containment . Th e inten t i s t o transfor m matter s o f politica l urgency expressed i n public into acts of domestic piety. B y espousing solitary inner petitioning , Py m sough t t o diver t th e wome n petitioner s fro m maintaining a collective and visible presence a t the heart of patriarchal politica l power. 1 3

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This attemp t at containin g protest was i n keeping wit h othe r attempt s to confine th e threa t tha t suc h wome n wer e perceive d t o pose . Newsbook s ridiculed th e notio n o f wome n petitionin g b y invariabl y attachin g sexua l innuendo t o thei r requests . Trope s tha t represente d wome n a s sexua l object s subverted seriou s politica l protest . Th e Royalis t newsboo k Mercurius Pragmaticus reporte d tha t on e grou p o f women petitioners, frustrate d i n their desire to present their petition to Parliament , ran up and down Tik e a compan y of gossips, and shewed their petitions to everyone. On e of them shewin g it to a Gentleman, sh e ba d hi m stan d t o it , for thi s i s a n ope n time , upo n whic h th e blade swor e that if she were handsome, h e would stan d to her.' Th e anecdot e was wort h telling , th e newsboo k implied , becaus e o f its comedi c value . Ye t the implicatio n of th e anecdot e wa s mor e tellin g still : th e militanc y o f th e female challeng e wa s offse t b y the reparte e of the mal e respondent . Thi s was conveyed by exploiting the ambiguit y of the directio n to 'stand. ' Wherea s th e female petitione r intende d i t t o represen t he r defianc e o f prescribe d gende r behaviour —justified by the 'ope n time' — the mal e respondent intende d i t to mean an assertive mal e gesture, a n erection. Throug h this display of masculine wit, militan t femal e protes t wa s rendere d harmles s an d th e convention s o f gendered relationship s restored. It i s eviden t tha t bot h th e legislativ e male bod y o f Parliament an d th e male body as represented i n the newsboo k were engage d i n strategies designed to block female politica l access . Whil e the forme r sough t t o avoi d any femal e penetration o f the patriarcha l lega l body, the latte r wa s represente d a s offerin g penetration a s a mean s o f dissipatin g th e femal e desir e fo r voicin g dissent . Both instance s clearl y indicate d a n anxiet y abou t women' s proximit y to th e male-dominated locu s of power. Th e consequence s o f such gender usurpatio n were viewe d as n o les s far-reachin g tha n th e en d o f the world . Fo r what els e could b e signifie d sinc e 'Ada m wa s no w see n strutin g ou t o f E v e ? ' Th e author o f this pronouncement wa s Henr y Neville, who , in 1647 , produced tw o pamphlets o f a satirica l tone tha t ha d a s thei r subjec t matte r governmen t b y women. I n them, Nevill e imagine d that women had indee d gaine d acces s t o the mal e bod y politi c i n orde r t o asser t thei r ow n politica l ascendancy . Thi s enabled hi m to articulate mal e anxiet y about femal e penetratio n an d to assuage it b y ridiculin g th e sigh t o f wome n a s legislators , seekin g thereb y t o rhetorically contain the influenc e of female protest. Initially, these pamphlets seeme d t o take seriousl y the politica l activism that had been apparen t in all of the women' s petitionin g to Parliament . I n The Parliament of Women, fo r example , the femal e protagonist s wer e describe d a s determined t o mak e law s that ensured tha t women's vie w o f events would no t be silenced : 'ou r tale s shal l be heard.' Self-representatio n compensate d fo r their inabilit y t o fight : 'thoug h w e wan t weapon s an d ar e abridge d o f thei r armes, ye t the y shal l know that / w e hav e th e La w in our own e hands , an d in our ow n cases we shal l be ou r own e lawyer s and plead our own right.' A s a Parliamentarian i n th e 1640 s wh o woul d b e appointe d a membe r o f th e 15

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influential Counci l o f Stat e i n 1651 , Neville' s voicin g her e o f women' s political autonom y appeare d t o associat e hi m wit h democrati c principle s o f meritocracy an d egalitarianism. However , the titl e pag e o f thi s pamphle t signified th e jocular treatment of this apparent threat to male legislative power. It declare d tha t th e intention s o f this parliamen t o f women wer e t o pas s law s that would enabl e the m t o liv e i n more ease , pride, and wantonness, t o ensur e that the y achieve d sovereignt y ove r thei r husbands . I n a predictabl e gestur e toward gender stereotypes , th e Parliamentar y session imagined in the pamphle t deteriorated int o garrulous anarchy . Nevill e sardonicall y declared hi s surpris e that thi s sessio n o f Parliament ha d laste d a s lon g a s i t had : 'i t wa s a wonde r among women, they suffere d on e to spea k a t once.' Furthermore , th e autho r concluded hi s tex t b y assertin g tha t politic s wa s a matte r exclusivel y th e prerogative o f men. Whil e th e tex t condemne d member s o f this Parliamen t of women fo r thei r levit y an d inconstancy , i t commende d th e so n o f the fictiv e Matron (th e femal e equivalen t o f the speake r o f the House ) fo r his silenc e and taciturnity i n refusing t o divulg e to hi s mothe r th e speeche s made b y the real , non-fictive an d exclusivel y mal e Parliamen t a t Westminster . Thi s textua l strategy serve d three purposes: first , it assured th e mal e reader that this female dominated parliamen t wa s merel y a simulacrum of the 'real ' thing ; second, by locating their activitie s within the parlou r of a house, Nevill e domesticate d an d contained th e legislativ e session . H e locate d i t withi n th e confine s o f th e traditional femal e space , a strateg y familia r fro m othe r mal e response s t o petitions; third , i t asserte d tha t politic s was a n arcan e patriarcha l myster y t o which women had no access . Neville's rhetori c consistentl y expresse d politica l actio n a s sexua l innuendo. Order s passed b y the Parliamen t o f Women encouraged libertinism. The absenc e of men, occasioned , a s th e tex t explained , by their activ e servic e on th e battlefield , produce d a legislativ e orde r (date d 1 3 Augus t 164 7 b y Neville t o conve y the impressio n of authenticity ) tha t instructed 'an y wome n venereously inclined , an d capabl e o f more tha n i s put upo n her, t o us e th e ay d and assistance , no t onel y of the me n o f her ow n Nation, bu t als o o f any othe r Forraigner.' Neville' s tex t mocke d the potentia l fo r power-sharing , relatin g that, when the Parliamen t at Westminste r requeste d tha t the ladie s concur wit h their orde r forbiddin g malignan t minister s fro m preachin g i n th e pulpit , th e women wer e keenl y debatin g instea d th e wor d 'enter ' an d considere d onl y those divine s wh o ha d 'entere d thei r pulpit s t o thei r exceedin g comfort.' Clearly, th e tex t suggested , wome n coul d no t b e truste d t o participat e i n th e serious busines s o f politics , an d coul d onl y b e see n an d se e themselve s a s sexual object s o r lascivious bodies servin g their husbands and , by implication , the state . I n thi s respec t republica n rhetori c abou t women' s connectio n wit h power was as disparaging as the rhetori c of Royalist newsbooks. 20

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The Passive Political Bod y Henry Neville' s fictiona l accoun t o f women accessin g a male prerogativ e wa s offered i n contrast t o a n absenc e o f actual powe r enjoye d b y wome n durin g a period o f social upheaval . A s the receptio n o f Anne Stagg's petitio n suggests , there wa s n o tru e inten t o f allowin g a broa d bod y o f wome n acces s t o th e chamber wher e politica l decision-making took place. In th e secon d hal f o f this essay , I wil l examin e ho w thes e strategie s of controlling th e radica l articulatio n o f politica l protes t by a femal e bod y o f petitioners wa s mirrore d by mal e writer s wh o spok e through the femal e bod y as the y debate d whethe r Parliamen t had an y legitimate right t o pass legislative ordinances. I n movin g fro m th e politic s o f th e stree t t o th e politic s o f th e legislative chamber , al l female articulatio n wa s rendere d silent . Therefor e i t will b e m y contentio n tha t while women's presenc e i n Parliament, a presenc e that wa s denie d t o th e wome n petitioner s discusse d i n th e firs t hal f o f th e essay, wa s discernible , wome n wer e ther e onl y b y proxy , throug h analogy . The denigratin g image s wit h whic h Royalist s an d Parliamentarian s alik e described thi s passiv e body , a s the y articulate d differen t concept s o f politica l legitimacy, metonymicall y embodied th e statu s o f such wome n i n genera l i n mid-seventeenth-century England . The use o f gender relation s t o describ e politic s was a commonplace of Civil Wa r discourse. Domesti c tropes wer e consistentl y regarde d a s apposit e analogies. A s negotiations betwee n Charle s I an d Parliamen t continue d int o 1648, on e commentato r remarked : T know no compariso n dot h ru n better , or more fi t than that of a man an d his wife, wit h th e King , an d his Parliament.' It was striking , however , that this comparison did not exten d t o descriptions of the roya l an d th e Parliamentaria n bodies . Th e lac k o f referenc e t o th e maleness o f the kin g wa s compensate d b y th e attentio n give n to th e feminin e nature o f Parliament . An d the analog y wa s no t favourable . Pamphlet s an d newsbooks o f the 1640 s consistentl y mad e negativ e comparison s betwee n th e female bod y an d th e politica l statu s o f th e nation . Writer s commonl y characterized politica l dissen t a s materialize d by the body , an d figure d femal e corporeality a s a n imag e o f interna l strif e withi n th e bod y politic . Thi s particularly implicated the materna l bod y whose sign s of heterodoxy wer e sai d to be discernible at the birth of her child . Th e maternal transgressio n o f correct religious an d politica l belief s wa s understoo d t o leav e it s physica l mark i n th e production o f offsprin g inevitabl y malforme d an d disfigured , exemplifyin g what Mitchel l an d Synde r hav e describe d a s 'deformitie s o f th e surfac e (signalling) a n ideologicall y inflecte d body.' Th e titl e pag e t o th e 164 5 pamphlet A Declaration of A Strange And Wonderful Monster depicte d a headless chil d wit h a fac e upo n it s breast . Thi s monstrosity wa s viewe d as a consequence o f the mother' s havin g made th e wron g political decision. Th e punning autho r informe d the reade r that the mothe r ha d curse d th e Parliamen t and vowe d t o hav e a chil d withou t a hea d rathe r tha n i t shoul d b e a 25

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The Rhetoric of Corporeality and the Political Subject 1 roundhead. Th e tex t validate d thi s occurrenc e b y revealin g th e mother' s papist inclinations , he r marriag e t o a papis t an d th e us e o f he r hous e b y heretics. Sh e wa s criticize d fo r supportin g th e kin g an d fo r declarin g tha t Puritans an d Independent s — tha t is , thos e believin g i n non-hierarchica l churches — shoul d b e hanged . Thi s accoun t wa s printe d b y Parliamen t t o show th e effec t o f th e han d o f Go d o n thos e wh o deride d them . Suc h a n admonitory narrativ e reveal s tha t Parliamentar y writer s wer e jus t a s pron e a s Royalist writers to castigate thos e women who deviated from their paradigm of orthodox gender behavior . Dissent was lineal , a s the politica l sin s of the mothe r wer e ofte n passe d on t o th e daughter . Freakis h female offsprin g becam e allegorie s fo r politica l dissent. Richar d Brathwaite' s politica l romanc e Panthalia contain s a stor y from th e wes t o f Englan d that occurre d shortl y befor e Charle s I's execution . Brathwaite used th e stor y a s a moral for th e turmoi l of the bod y politi c o f th e 1640s: 29

a Femal e chil d wa s born , that from the bell y upwar d was a Twin, havin g two heads, two breasts and four arms ; an d the one part did that which the other did not: so while the one did eat, th e othe r woul d not ; an d whilest the on e slept , the othe r waked. An d having live d i n this manne r (a s a prodig y t o nature) fo r som e certai n time , th e on e died , th e othe r surviving; whic h afterward s throug h th e stenc h o f the other , died also . Tha t whic h b y thi s prodigiou s event , ha d bee n formerly predicted , was by as fearful a n issue not lon g afte r seconded, i n production of those state combustions, wheret o no age was ever exemplary. 30

The female body , distorted an d monstrous, wa s regarded, then , a s precipitating and signifying politica l disturbance . And i t was a t tens e moments o f political impass e tha t suc h monstrou s offspring occurred . 164 7 was a year notabl e fo r a serie s o f failed negotiation s between kin g an d Parliament . Th e Parliamentar y army , whic h wa s i n a volatile moo d becaus e o f Parliament' s plan s t o disban d it , acte d a s a crucia l third politica l player . It s leadershi p ha d produce d radica l politica l proposal s and soo n too k ove r th e powe r o f Parliamen t whe n th e arm y marche d int o London i n Septembe r 1647 . Th e Parliamentar y army' s increasin g frustratio n at Parliament' s inabilit y t o becom e mor e hawkis h i n it s negotiation s wit h Charles I influence d Parliament' s decisio n i n Januar y 164 8 t o suspen d it s addresses to th e king . Th e Royalis t newsbook Mercurius Aulicus referre d t o the printe d declaration of this intention as ' a dreadful monste r wit h a headless e Trunk: th e blesse d issu e o f a n adulterou s an d blood y Parliamen t afte r th e tedious labou r of seven years.' A l l politica l enactment s carried out under th e aegis o f Parliamentar y assen t wer e figured a s monstrou s offspring , whil e it s body, th e Hous e o f Commons, was depicte d a s a n unfaithfu l femal e expose d for a protracted viewing . Ironically , the followin g year , thi s Parliamen t woul d 31

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substitute th e rea l fo r th e symbolic : Charles ' headles s trunk , lyin g o n th e scaffold, woul d signif y 'th e blesse d issue ' tha t Parliament finally delivere d to the nation. Aulicus's equatio n o f unacceptabl e politica l negotiation s wit h pregnancy an d deformit y was a typical strategy , subscribin g to wha t Jonatha n Sawday ha s describe d a s a commo n practic e o f cuttin g u p femal e bodie s i n texts 'i n order to be circulate d as a specificall y mal e knowledge of women.' Nowhere wa s th e sigh t o f th e femal e bod y figure d throug h th e languag e o f reproduction use d mor e comprehensivel y than i n articulatin g the questio n of whether Parliamen t had the lega l right t o pass legislation i n the absenc e o f the king. Thi s lega l questio n ha d arise n becaus e Charle s I ha d absente d himsel f from al l political decision-makin g whe n he fled t o Oxfor d a t th e en d o f 1642 , not t o retur n t o Londo n agai n unti l hi s executio n seven year s later . Royalist s claimed tha t political illegitimacie s an d the defea t o f Parliamentary laws wer e to be expected in the absenc e o f the roya l progenitor. Th e Royalist divin e and dramatist Jaspa r Mayn e argue d that Parliament could no t mak e o r repeal law s without the king : 32

Since for either, o r both Houses to produce a statute Law by themselves, hath alwaies, in this state, been thought a Birth as

Monstrous a s i f a child should b e begotten by a Mother upon herselfe. They ar e usuall y th e Matrice and Womb, wher e

Lowes receiv e thei r first Impregnation, an d ar e shap't an d formed fo r th e publique; But...i t hat h alwaie s bee n acknowledged by the Law... that th e King is thus farre Pater Patriae; tha t these lawes ar e bu t abortive unles s his consent

passe upon them.

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Monarchical paternit y wa s thu s deeme d essentia l t o ensur e health y legal offsprin g whereas th e feminize d Parliamen t was depicte d a s merel y th e passive receptacl e tha t awaite d such 'passing ' an d disintereste d moment s o f royal approval . Earl y th e followin g year , Mercurius Aulicus referre d t o an y ordinance of Parliament as truly begotte n i n th e adulterou s womb e o f thei r inconstan t braine; and no sooner brought forth: but it is presented lik e a puppet o n the publique stage of the kingdome for fooles and knaves t o loo k at ; ye t a t th e bes t 'ti s a bastar d withou t th e assent o f majesty , an d that' s th e reaso n tha t i t perishet h through neglect; being either smothere d i n the birth , or afte r production dye s fo r wan t o f strength , befor e i t gain s maturity. 34

Figured i n Royalis t text s a s th e femal e partne r o f th e king , Parliamen t wa s depicted her e a s a materna l figur e o f unfaithfulnes s an d fickleness , regularly exposing itsel f t o sham e i n public, uncarin g towards it s politica l offsprin g and unable t o ensure their survival . Th e autho r castigate d th e Hous e of Commons for suspendin g it s protracte d negotiation s wit h Charle s I . Parliamen t wa s

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politically unfaithfu l an d capabl e o f producin g onl y verball y deficien t proposals i n the absenc e o f the inscribe r o f a proficient rhetorica l style . Th e implication here was that only Charles' presence a s patriarchal progenitor wit h his signatur e o n th e feminin e bod y o f th e natio n coul d ensur e legislativ e legitimacy. In retaliation , Parliamentaria n pamphlet s sough t t o correc t thi s impression b y emphasizin g no t onl y th e legitimac y o f thei r legislativ e offspring bu t thei r health y surviva l rate . Whe n Joh n Clevelan d defined a n ordinance a s ' a La w still-borne; dropt, befor e quickne d by th e Roya l assent, ' Parliament retorte d in A Full Answer to a scandalous pamphlet. Th e autho r defended th e legitimac y of the perfectl y formed and virile ordinances produce d in the absenc e of the monarch : 'Thu s are ou r Ordinance s no subventantious , o r abortive births , bu t reall , mature , an d Herculean Infants , destín' d an d brough t forth, t o strangl e thos e serpents , sen t ou t b y malignan t Juno, t o destro y ou r Religion, an d Liberties.' Thi s statement challenged the Royalis t depiction of Parliament as an unproductive an d inefficien t female bod y that could no t bring its births t o ful l ter m o r ensure their survival . Her e Parliamentaria n lega l acts were mythologize d a s feminize d politica l bodie s tha t no t onl y produce d substantive offsprin g bu t viril e an d aggressiv e mal e offsprin g inten t o n thwarting insidiou s monarchica l schemes , whic h wer e characterize d a s malevolently femal e i n origin . A s importan t a s th e pamphlet' s masculin e posturing wa s th e author' s implicatio n tha t th e roya l progenito r wa s superfluous. Thes e ordinance s wer e matur e an d therefor e di d no t requir e patriarchal fiat. Joh n Milto n woul d substantiat e this clai m afte r th e regicid e in hi s Eikonoklastes, a reply to th e influentia l Eikon Basilike, though t t o hav e been authore d b y Charle s I. Milto n contende d tha t as Parliamen t made kings , therefore Charle s 'ough t the n t o hav e s o thought o f a Parlament, i f he coun t i t not Male , a s of his Mother.' A s a consequence, 'wha t ca n it be less then actua l tyranny to affirm e waking , that the Parlament , whic h i s his Mother, can neithe r conceive o r brin g forth any autoritative Act withou t hi s Masculin e coition.' Milton use d a different approach , wit h hi s implication s of incest logicall y an d wittily negating the necessity o f royal assent, than di d A Full Answer. Ye t both texts testifie d t o Parliament' s us e o f generativ e metaphor s an d o f the femal e body t o challeng e Royalists ' us e o f th e sam e metaphor s a s a mean s o f legitimating patriarchal power. It i s eviden t tha t despit e Parliamentar y writers ' favorabl e representations o f th e materna l body , it s valu e a s a politica l trop e wa s unquestioned. Satirize d or defended , th e constructio n of the femal e bod y a s a passive sit e of contested meanin g was an accepted aspec t of political discourse . Its pervasiv e presenc e wa s indicate d by th e wa y i n which i t extende d beyon d the lega l precincts o f London . I n Jame s Howell' s 164 5 pamphle t England's Tears For The Present Wars, th e materna l bod y wa s use d t o represen t th e whole o f England, personifie d a s a distressed mothe r addressin g he r daughter , London. A s a feminized body, England was subjec t t o masculin e imprecator y 35

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actions. Howel l depicte d a femal e subjec t physicall y debilitate d b y th e intrusions o f her children , who she ha d felt 'lacerat e an d rip up (vipe r like) th e womb tha t brough t the m forth , t o tea r th e pap s tha t gav e the m suck.' I n recalling previou s civi l wars , Englan d recounted that , durin g th e Wa r o f th e Roses, 'ther e wa s a Monste r wit h tw o heads... I mea n durin g that tim e tha t I had two kings at once, Edward the 4, and Henry the 6 within me.. .in fiv e year s I ha d twelv e Battails fought withi n m y entrails.. . . ' Th e maternal bod y wa s construed b y Howell a s a site o f the grotesque , a passive containe r fo r interna l dissent, an d the battleground fo r male contestation . Howell di d no t exclud e himsel f fro m thi s patriarcha l fantas y o f marking th e femal e body . Hi s personificatio n o f Englan d conclude d he r lament, 'I f I an d m y Monarch y miscarry , I desir e tha t m y Epitat h ma y b e written...by m y dearl y belove d childe' ; Howel l the n appende d hi s name . Stepping i n a s th e roya l apologis t fo r th e absen t monarchica l father , Howel l paternally inscribe d and voice d as tex t th e sentiment s o f a personified femal e whose bod y ha d bee n marke d an d identifie d wit h th e inscription s o f he r belligerent male offspring . Th e en d resul t o f Howell's mappin g o f the femal e body as a n analogy for the whol e nation was a systematically sadistic violatio n of thi s body . Anatomize d by uncivi l practices , th e figur e o f the femal e bod y spoke powerfully of th e cultura l violence the nation had visited upon itself. Such narrative s indicat e tha t th e seventeenth-centur y us e o f th e metaphor o f the femal e bod y t o describ e politica l crisi s drew attentio n t o th e very practices b y which Englishwome n were generall y accorded a subordinat e status. Thi s is most eviden t i n the pronounce d docilenes s o f the femal e for m subjected t o wilfu l act s o f punitive desecration , a s describe d b y Howell , an d exposed t o publi c viewin g a s th e Royalis t pamphlet s proposed . Suc h a patriarchal discours e als o embodie d th e rhetorica l power o f analogy. I n thi s context, th e femal e bod y functione d a s a usefu l analog y b y mean s o f whic h newsbook writer s an d pamphleteer s coul d articulat e th e contestatio n o f power between Royalist s and Parliamentarians . Suc h strategies relegate d wome n t o non-speaking parts within the locu s of power — that very Parliament rendere d metaphorically femal e b y these sam e authors . Further , b y steerin g dissentin g women awa y fro m Parliamen t an d bac k toward s thei r homes , a s Neville' s pamphlets an d Stagg' s petitio n hav e shown , Royalis t an d Parliamentaria n writers alike indicated that questioning a political paradig m — th e relationshi p between kin g an d Parliamen t — di d no t necessaril y entai l reconsiderin g a cultural counterpar t t o that paradigm: that of the plac e o f women in Civi l Wa r Britain. 39

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G.E . Aylmer , Rebellion or Revolution?: England 1640-1660 (Oxford : Oxfor d University Press, 1987) ; Conrad Russell, The Causes of the English Civil War: The Ford Lectures

The Rhetoric of Corporeality and the Political Subject 2

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Delivered in the University of Oxford, 1987-1988 (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1990). Se e Elle n McArthur' s essa y 'Wome n Petitioner s an d the Lon g Parliament, ' English Historical Review 24 (1919) : 698-709. Se e Patricia Higgins , 'Th e Reactions o f Women , wit h specia l reference s t o wome n petitioners' i n Politics, Religion and the English Civil War, ed. Brian Manning (London : Edward Arnold , 1973) , 179-97 ; An n Mari e McEntee , ' "Th e [Un]Civill-Sisterhood of Oranges an d Lemons": Femal e Petitioner s an d Demonstrators, 1642-3 ' I n Pamphlet Wars. Prose in the English Revolution, ed . Jame s Holstun ( London: Fran k Cass , 1992) , 92-3; An n Hughes, 'Gende r an d Politics i n Leveller Literature ' I n Political Culture and Cultural Politics in Early Modern England : essays presented to David Underdown, eds . Susan D. Amussen and Mark A. Kishlansky (Manchester: Manchester University, 1995) , 162-89. Fo r a detaile d bibliograph y o f articles abou t wome n petitioner s see British Women's History. A Bibliographical Guide, compile d by June Hannam, Ann Hughes and Pauline Staffor d (Manchester : Mancheste r Universit y Press , 1996 ) and Women and the Literature of the Seventeenth Century. An Annotated Bibliography based on Wing's Shorttitle Catalogue, compile d by Hilda L. Smit h an d Susa n Cardinale (New York : Greenwood Press, 1990). McEnte e i s righ t t o sugges t tha t '[njewspape r account s o f th e petitioners ' activities...attempted t o discredi t women' s politica l powe r b y relocating the m i n a traditionally gendered realm...' (op.cit., 93). For a n overview o f Foucaul t an d feminism, se e Moniqu e Deveau x , 'Feminis m and Enpowerment. A Critical Reading of Foucault,' Feminist Studies 20, no. 2 (1994): 223-39. Hilda Smith , fo r example , talk s abou t gendere d languag e i n terms o f how pronoun references hint at women's possible but not definitive presence in the corporate nature of the political body. He r concern is whether men, whe n they talk about politics, understand it to include women and how they would imply it if so. See Smith, ed., Women Writers and The Early Modern British Political Condition (Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press, 1998). Moira Gatens , 'Corporea l representatio n in/an d th e bod y politic ' i n Cartographies. Poststructuralism and the Mapping Of Bodies and Spaces, eds . Rosaly n Dipros e and Robyn Ferrell (North Sydney, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1991), 82. Mercurius Anglicus, junior (London, 1644), Sig. B7 . Mercurius Britanicus (Septembe r 1643), 42. Royalist s had set up their headquarters i n Oxford towards the end of 1642 and it would remain the center of their political operations until the surrender of the city in 1645. Mercurius Britanicus (July 1645), 817-8. See, for instance, The Humble Petition of many thousands of wives and matrons of the City of London... For the cessation and finall conclusion of these civill wars, and for the restitution and revocation of their husbands (London , 1643) . I t i s ofte n difficul t t o determine the true authorship and tone of such petitions. In this pamphlet, the wives an d matrons of London criticize 'maliciou s and ungracious reports' (A2v) that misrepresen t their sex a s talking too much, wearing the breeches in the house and consuming their husbands' estates. Nevertheless , despit e this consciousness of the gendered stereotype, their desire is less for more equitable treatment than for libidinous satisfaction. A s their husbands return fromthe war lame and impotent, a relaxation on monogamy would enable them to do their bit for the monarchy: 'to bring forth children every yeare to increase the number of the king s liege people and faithful subjects ' (Sig. A4v). Smith and Cardinal e have noted that The Humble Petition pamphlet is 'one of many semi-pornographic tracts supposedly written by lustful women who miss their absent husbands' (op. clt, 209). 'Anarchy' (London, 1647). The petition of Mary Overton, Prisoner in Bridewell, to the House of Commons (London, 1647), Sig. A4 . A True Copie of the Petition of the Gentlewomen, and Tradesmens-wives, in and about the City of London(London, 1642), 7. r

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Mercurius Pragmaticus (April 1648), 16. See McEntee's commentary on how newsbooks developed 'th e notion of women's power as exclusively sexual' ( op.cit., 93). Henr y Neville, Parliament of Ladies(London, 1647), Sig. B3 . Neville , Parliament of Women (London, 1647), Sig. A3 . Ibid . Fo r a review of Neville's republicanism, see Susa n Wiseman, ' "Adam, the Father of all Flesh,' Porno-Political Rhetoric and Political Theory in and After the English Civil War' in Pamphlet Wars: Prose in the English Revolution, ed . James Holstun (London: Frank Cass, 1992), 135. Wiseman' s essay focuses on the connections between sexual satire and political theory. Wiseman' s focus on satires of male republicans that fused their politics with sexual licentiousnes s turn s on its hea d the wa y in which republicans like Neville were fusing women's politics with sexual licence. Neville, Parliament of Women, Sig. A2 . Neville, Parliament of Women, Sig. B2 . Neville , Parliament of Women, Sig. A3 . Wisema n makes the astute observation that what worried Neville was the commingling of women's politica l interests wit h their presumed sexual interests , a merger that would necessarily resul t in their inability to determine which political side in the conflict had more merit. See Wiseman, op. cit, 147. Thi s strategy of excluding a corpus of female citizens from power was markedly distinguishable from the political access once exercised by a single woman, Elizabeth I. I t is likel y tha t th e pejorativ e reference s o f late r mal e writer s t o th e voca l an d visible activism of the female body were informed by the rhetoric of Elizabeth's detractors, who had reviled during and following her reign the unnatural and transgressive potenc y of a female ruler . Th e late r commentarie s studie d her e dre w o n simila r vocabularie s t o disqualify wome n from achieving in even a limited way the kind of political power to which the female monarc h ha d once obtained privileged access. For a discussion of this rhetoric of dissent, se e Juli a Walker, ed., Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana (Durha m and London: Duke University Press, 1998) . Particularl y pertinent to my essay are Susan Doran's essay entitled 'Wh y did Elizabeth not marry?' (30-59) an d Carole Levin's essay entitled ' "We shall never have a merry world while the Queene lyveth": Gender, Monarchy and The Power of Words' (77-95). Arthu r Nethercote, Parables Reflecting Upon The Times (London, 1648), 7. Davi d Mitchell and Sharon I. Synder., eds., The Body and Physical Difference: Discourses of Disability(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 6. Dian e Purkiss argues that 'the literature on monstrous births abounds with tales of women who produce d abnormal infants becaus e thei r imagination s wer e fixe d o n somethin g inappropriate a t th e momen t o f conception. ' Se e Purkiss , 'Producin g th e Voice , Consuming the Body' in Women, Writing, History 1640-1740, ed . Isobe l Grund y and Susan Wiseman (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 154. Thi s designation was associated wit h the pudding bowl haircut favored by Parliamentary soldiers. Richard Brathwaite, Panthalia (London, 1659), Sig. R5v. Mercurius Aulicus, vol. 1 (London , 1648), Sig. C2 . Jonatha n Sawday, The Body Emblazoned: Dissection and the Human Body In Renaissanc Culture (London: Routledge, 1995), 212. Jaspa r Mayne, The Peoples War (1647), Sig. B4 . Mercurius Aulicus, vol. 1, Sig. A4 . According to Foucault, 'In a society like that of the seventeenth century, the King's body wasn't a metaphor, but a political reality. It s physica l presence wa s necessar y fo r the functioning o f th e monarchy. ' See Foucault , Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews &. Other Writings 1972-1977, ed . Coli n Gordo n (New York : Pantheon Books, 1980) , 55. From a Parliamentary perspective, however, the king, by his very absence, could only be referred t o i n a metaphorical sense. Th e royal materia l body was a s distant fro m the r

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political proces s a s wer e th e wome n throug h whose metaphorica l bodies contentiou s debate was articulated. Joh n Cleveland, Character of A London Diurnall (London, 1644), Sig. A2 ; A Full Answer to a scandalous pamphlet Intituled A Character... (London, 1645), Sig. A3 . Thi s had been suggested within a few years of the onset of the Civil War . William Ball was a politica l theoris t wh o sough t t o eradicat e th e zealou s opinion s o f bot h Parliamentarians and Royalists in order to encourage dialogue between the warring sides. He di d believe thoug h that Parliamen t had the righ t to pas s legislatio n fo r altruistic reasons: 'ye t hi s [th e king's ] dissen t dot h not no r cannot frustrate , o r make void an ordinance conclude d o f an d avouched b y bot h House s o f Parliament , and generally accepted of by the whole, or major part of the kingdome, and the reason is, because the Parliament is the representative Body of the kingdome, intrusted by the kingdome, an d may therefore conclude of, and constitute what shall seem expedient for the good of the kingdome.' Ball , Tracatus De Jure Regnandi & Regni. Or, the sphere of Government, According to the law of God, Nature, and Nations (London, 1645), 9. Joh n Milton, The Complete Prose Works of John Milton , ed. Merritt Y. Hughes , vol. 3 (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1962) , 467. Takin g up Milton's associatio n o f a masculine Parliament with a feminine king , th e Royalis t Joseph Jane commented that 'Parliaments can be noe Mothers to kings, that are created by kings. The king is by the law of England Father of the Countrey, & the life, and soule of the law... . ' Jane , The Image Unbroaken_(London, 1651) , 186. Jan e believed in a patriarchal lineage of monarchy that was self-generative an d in no need of female assistance. Jame s Howell, England's Tears For The Present Wars (London 1645), 180. Ibid . Howell , 191. Man y feminist theorists argue that these patriarchal practices have been overlooked. Se e in particular Sandra Lee Bartky's article entitled 'Foucault , Femininity, and Patriarcha l Power' in Feminism and Foucault. Reflections on Resistance, eds. Irene Diamond and Lee Quinby (Boston: Northeastern Press, 1988), 63-4. r

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As Strong as Any Man': Sojourner Truth' s Tall Tale Embodiment Alison Piepmeier

Sojourner Truth was an abolitionist and feminist activist who used her many public speeches to construct her body as a site of culture in the public eye. As an African American and freed slave, she did not have untroubled access to the defining rhetorical models of white female identity in nineteenth-century America. The author of this essay argues that Truth enacted a critique of certain nineteenth-century ideals of womanhood by identifying herself with a different discourse, that of the tall tale. The essay examines one particular moment of Truth's corporeal self-construction, her 1851 speech at the Akron Woman Rights Convention, the speech commonly known as Ar'n't I a Woman ?' By defining herself in this speech as a kind of tall-tale figure, Truth is shown to have enacted a deliberate and politically revisionary construction of her body, representing herself as a powerful, physically capable, economically self-sufficient person who was emphatically and defiantly a woman. Examining Truth within the rubric of the tall tale genre, the author argues, reveals her strategic negotiation of public discourses as a means of constructing female selfhood as heroic.

I wan t to sa y a few word s about thi s matter. I am a woman' s rights. I hav e a s muc h muscl e a s an y man , an d ca n d o a s much wor k a s an y man . I hav e plowe d an d reape d an d husked an d choppe d an d mowed , and ca n an y ma n d o mor e than that ? I hav e hear d muc h abou t th e sexe s bein g equal ; I can carr y a s muc h as an y man , an d ca n ea t a s muc h too, I f I

can get it. I am as strong as any man that is now.

So begins Sojourne r Truth's most famou s speech , alternatel y called 'Ar'n' t I a Woman?' an d 'Ain' t I a Woman?,' which sh e presente d t o the Akro n Woman Rights Conventio n in 1851 . Thi s best-know n o f all Truth's publi c utterance s has bee n widel y anthologize d in the twentiet h century ; it is the productio n for which Truth is best known . Thes e firs t lines demonstrate Truth' s insistence on engaging with women' s rights at the mos t material level, the leve l o f the body. Truth configure s hersel f a s a powerfull y physica l form , capabl e o f feat s o f strength equa l to that of any man. I f Truth's word s are interprete d withi n tha t

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most familia r o f nineteenth-centur y construct s o f womanl y existenc e — tru e womanhood — he r speec h seem s shocking , ahea d o f it s time , an d indee d i t was. Bu t true womanhood is not th e mos t productiv e contex t withi n whic h t o understand Truth' s Akro n speec h o r he r othe r publi c acts. I n thi s speec h an d elsewhere i n he r speeche s an d th e report s o f he r lif e writte n b y others , Trut h uses and revises the tal l tale form to construct he r bodily identity. Truth (1797-1883 ) wa s a public speaker fo r mos t o f her life , travelin g around th e countr y firs t a s a preache r an d late r a s a politica l speake r advocating abolitio n an d women' s rights. Thu s he r publi c bod y wa s configured o n stage , before mostl y whit e audiences . A s a n illiterat e woman, she had limited control over the written texts that were produced in response t o her speeches , s o he r voic e becam e a n importan t extensio n o f he r body , allowing her body to bespeak itsel f onstage . Throug h her act s of speech, Truth constructed a publi c bod y unlik e he r materia l bod y bu t whic h becam e a substitute fo r it. B y utilizin g th e tal l tal e discourse , Trut h avoide d bot h negative model s o f blac k femal e embodimen t an d oppressiv e discourse s o f white femal e embodimen t whil e stil l definin g fo r hersel f a highl y corporea l and dramatically public life. The model s o f blac k femal e embodimen t availabl e i n th e nineteent h century wer e problematic , to sa y th e least . Blac k wome n wer e represente d i n much scientifi c literature a s overly sexual and animalistic. Pro-slaver y rhetoric characterized black s a s havin g bodies especiall y suite d fo r oppressiv e labor. Even abolitionis t discourse frequentl y characterize d blac k wome n i n terms of their deviation from the true womanly ideal and emphasized their victimizatio n and thei r suffering . Thus , Trut h face d a hos t o f troublin g representations o f African America n femal e bodie s a s sh e bega n he r caree r a s a publi c speaker , and sh e ha d t o navigat e he r wa y throug h thes e model s a s sh e attempte d t o represent her own bodily identity. The mos t positiv e mode l available , th e on e whic h leas t threatene d Truth's safet y — wha t on e criti c call s 'th e alread y canonize d figur e o f th e suffering slave , particularly the sexuall y degraded slav e woman ' presente d b y abolitionist writer s — stil l carrie d with i t a host o f troubling implications, not least o f whic h wa s th e wa y th e discourse s o f sentimen t an d sufferin g shape d black women' s stories. Lat e twentieth-centur y critic s ten d t o replicat e thi s approach, interpretin g th e wor k o f wome n writers , especiall y Africa n American women, in terms of victimization. However , this type o f approach i s inadequate t o represent Truth, who deliberately positioned herself outside these discourses. Trut h does not see m to have see n hersel f as a victim a t all ; instead , she presented hersel f as a tall tale hero. The genre of the tal l tale allowe d Truth to capitaliz e o n th e way s i n whic h sh e deviate d fro m th e assume d norm s o f true womanhoo d an d sentimentalis m whil e stil l makin g hersel f a figur e appealing to a white, middle-class audience . B y examinin g Truth's constructe d embodimen t i n light o f th e tal l tal e elements eviden t withi n tha t construction , w e ca n mor e full y explor e Truth' s 1

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As Strong as Any Man 21 anti-sentimental configuration s o f her bod y an d he r life . Th e genr e o f the tal l tale allowe d her t o address , i n Hazel Carby' s terms, 'th e dept h o f the polarit y between ideologie s o f blac k an d whit e womanhood'; a s man y critic s hav e noted, whit e an d blac k women experience d an d wer e subjec t t o ver y differen t expectations an d ideal s o f womanhood. Trut h coul d articulat e thi s particula r polarity b y alignin g herself wit h th e tal l tale , whic h value s th e ver y qualitie s true womanhoo d forbids : power , outspokenness , strength , eve n violenc e an d vulgarity. However, i t i s importan t to not e tha t thi s particula r polarit y doe s no t define Trut h entirely . Truth' s relationshi p t o whit e Ideologie s wa s no t exclusively confrontational . B y positioning herself withi n th e tal l tal e genre , Truth was identifying herself with a genre that was primarily peopled by white characters an d wa s familia r t o mos t nineteenth-century whit e an d blac k Americans. He r us e o f th e tal l tal e thu s allowe d he r t o confron t certai n ideologies while remaining a familia r an d friendl y figure t o he r audience , an d this dual standpoint helpe d her to establis h the authorit y necessary to allo w he r to enac t her critiqu e of American culture . Althoug h Truth did make strategi c revisions of the tal l tale model in her self-construction , this essa y wil l examin e how sh e aligne d hersel f wit h th e mode l to heroiclz e hersel f an d thu s bette r equip herself to propound her message of women's rights an d racial equality. One o f Truth' s bes t know n speeches , commonl y calle d ' A r ' n ' t I a Woman?,' I s a conteste d site , becaus e competin g version s o f he r speech , primarily tha t printe d I n the Anti-Slavery Bugle an d tha t recorde d b y France s Gage, offer significantl y different representation s o f Truth. Thes e differences , however, nee d no t dete r u s fro m th e stud y o f Truth' s self-Identifyin g statements; rather, to examine the Interaction s o f the multipl e voices evident In both version s o f th e speec h I s to achiev e Insight s Int o th e multiplicit y o f discourses i n nineteenth-century culture . I n addition , suc h stud y reveal s th e ways i n which a blac k woman' s word s ar e use d an d transforme d withi n thi s culture a s wel l a s th e way s thes e word s interac t wit h th e culture . Th e tw o versions o f Truth's speec h ma y see m contradictory ; however , th e goa l o f this essay i s no t to emphasiz e thei r opposition , muc h les s t o choos e a 'winner' s version,' bu t to examine the two texts in concert, lookin g at their differences a s productive of Truth's changin g cultural presence . Truth mad e he r mos t famou s speec h a t th e 185 1 Woma n Right s Convention I n Akron , Ohio . Shortl y after th e convention , severa l periodicals reported th e speech . Th e Anti-Slavery Bugle printe d the fulles t transcription of It on 21 June 1851. Th e full tex t fro m the Anti-Slavery Bugle follows . 4

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One o f th e mos t uniqu e an d Interestin g speeche s o f th e Convention wa s mad e b y Sojourne r Truth , a n emancipate d slave. I t I s Impossibl e t o transfe r I t to paper , o r conve y an y adequate Ide a o f th e effec t i t produce d upo n th e audience . Those onl y can appreciat e I t who sa w he r powerfu l form , he r whole-souled, earnes t gestures, and listene d to he r stron g an d

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truthful tones . Sh e cam e forwar d t o th e platfor m an d addressing th e Presiden t sai d wit h grea t simplicity : 'Ma y I say a fe w words? ' Receivin g a n affirmativ e answer , sh e proceeded; T want to say a few words about this matter. I am a woman' s rights . I have a s muc h muscle a s an y man , and can d o as much work as any man. I have plowed and reaped and huske d an d choppe d an d mowed , and ca n an y ma n d o more tha n that ? I hav e hear d muc h abou t th e sexe s bein g equal; I can carry as much as an y man, and can eat a s much too, if I can get it. I am as strong as any man that is now. A s for intellect , all I can say is, if woman have a pint and man a quart — why can't sh e have her little pint full? Yo u nee d not be afraid to give us our rights for fear w e will take too much, — fo r w e can' t tak e mor e tha n ou r pint'1 1 hold. Th e poo r men seem to be all in confusion, and don't kno w what to do. Why children , if you have woman' s right s giv e it to her and you wil l feel better. Yo u wil l have your own rights, and they won't be so much trouble. I can't read, but I can hear. I have heard the bible and have learned that Eve caused ma n to sin. Well if woman upset the world , do give her a chance to set it right sid e up again. Th e Lady ha s spoke n abou t Jesus , ho w he never spurned woman from him, an d she was right. Whe n Lazarus died , Mary an d Marth a came t o him with fait h and love and besought hi m to raise their brother. An d Jesu s wept — an d Lazaru s cam e forth . An d how cam e Jesu s int o th e world? Through God who created hi m and woman who bore him. Man , where i s your part? Bu t the wome n ar e coming up, blessed b e God , and a few o f the me n ar e comin g with them. Bu t man is in a tight place, the poo r slav e is on him, woman i s coming on him, and h e i s surel y between a hawk and a buzzard.' 8

Anyone familiar wit h the popularize d Truth will notic e that this version is ver y differen t fro m th e 'Ar'n' t I a Woman?' speec h a s i t ha s mad e it s wa y onto twentieth-centur y poster s an d int o books . Th e Bugle version , i n fact , appears nowher e i n Truth' s narrativ e o r he r Book of Life; th e versio n tha t appears ther e i s tha t recorde d b y France s Gage . Gag e preside d ove r th e Woman Rights Convention and therefore stand s in a position of some authorit y in term s of Truth's words . However , Gage's versio n of Truth's speec h wa s no t printed unti l 186 3 — twelv e year s afte r th e conventio n itsel f — an d i t i s significantly differen t tha n th e versio n printed , a s on e criti c notes , 'les s tha n thirty days afte r sh e delivered it.' The textual issues surroundin g these two versions of Truth's speec h ar e complex. Althoug h problematic , Gage' s versio n o f th e speec h brough t Truth's voic e into circulation. Gag e offere d physica l description o f Truth' s vocal ton e an d physica l gestures an d thu s deploye d Truth's dramati c physical presence an d her ideas. A s Painter points out , twentieth-century 'American s of goodwill deepl y nee d th e colossa l Sojourne r Truth ' deploye d i n Gage' s version. Thus , thi s discussio n wil l hav e recours e t o bot h version s o f th e 9

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speech. Rathe r tha n actin g i n opposition , the tw o version s wor k togethe r to show the wa y one woma n entered th e nineteenth-century publi c consciousness and identifie d herself with th e tal l tal e i n order t o defin e hersel f as heroi c an d powerful rathe r tha n as sentimental or freakish. Truth and the T a l l Tal e Traditio n Truth's Akro n speec h show s he r a s a n orato r engagin g wit h man y differen t nineteenth-century discourses . Severa l critics , fo r instance , hav e discusse d Truth's negotiation s o f such discourses a s religio n an d racia l categorizatio n in her speeches . Other s hav e discusse d African America n women' s negotiation s of th e sentimenta l an d o f tru e womanhood , discussion s tha t hav e importan t bearings o n Truth' s work. Th e tal l tal e comprise s a particularl y vivi d discourse that Truth utilized to represent hersel f in her Akron speech , an aspec t of the speec h not previously noted by critics. Tall tale s flourished i n nineteenth-centur y America n folklore . Tal l humor emerged a s a distinctly American for m aroun d the time of the America n Revolution an d thrived during the nineteent h century . Althoug h not a form o f folklore indigenou s to America , tal l humo r an d th e tal l tal e becam e identifie d with Americ a durin g the nineteent h century . A s one criti c asserts, 'Americans adopted tal l tal k a s a nationa l idio m an d th e tal l tal e a s a nationa l for m o f humorous storytelling.' Th e exaggeratio n an d boastin g characteristi c o f tal l humor wer e particularl y suite d t o expressin g th e incongruit y betwee n America's expectation s fo r itsel f an d th e realitie s o f lif e i n the ne w country . Certainly notin g thi s incongruit y wa s on e o f Truth' s majo r goal s i n he r speeches, a goal that fitted well wit h the techniques o f tall tales an d tall talk. The tall tale is a particularly oral form, whic h made i t an accessible and welcoming for m fo r th e illiterat e Truth . Carleto n Mabe e posit s tha t Trut h deployed her engagemen t wit h the spoke n word as a significan t component o f her publi c self-construction: T n a sens e sh e molde d her publi c image aroun d her illiteracy , usin g i t t o dramatiz e hersel f an d shap e he r life , turnin g he r illiteracy from a handicap into a significant element o f her charm.' Althoug h the ide a of illiteracy a s 'charm ' i s debatable, Mabe e offers th e vali d suggestio n that thi s aspec t o f Truth' s publi c embodimen t ma y hav e bee n a consciou s cultural negotiation. Truth' s inabilit y to read coul d become a n asset within th e world o f the tal l tale , whic h valorize d act s o f speakin g an d whic h circulate d primarily through the spoke n word. Tall tal e bodie s constitut e th e onl y acces s listener s hav e t o th e characters themselves ; tal l tal e character s ar e pur e embodiment , wit h n o inne r life a t all . The y ar e th e bodie s o f the frontier , confrontin g natura l force s an d negotiating often chaoti c landscapes. Mos t nineteenth-century tal l tales featur e white men boasting abou t thei r feats o f hunting, fishing, o r brute strength ; th e protagonists ma y bra g abou t prowes s i n such area s a s holdin g their breat h o r 13

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eating a n enormous amoun t o f food. The y are thus figures i n direct opposition to th e goal s an d ideal s o f th e developin g nineteenth-centur y middle-clas s culture. Thei r physical brutality an d th e comedi c tone of their tale s mak e tal l tale character s a dramati c inversio n of th e ideal s o f sentimenta l womanhood , such a s purity , domesticity , middle-clas s propriety , an d th e self-containe d body. Thes e rewriting s o f dominan t cultura l ideologie s mad e th e tal l tal e a potential site of authority; a s Carrol l Smith-Rosenber g notes, 'powe r emanate d from th e violatio n o f categorie s an d th e fusio n wit h chaos ' eviden t i n tal l tales. B y aligning herself wit h th e discours e o f th e tal l tale , a speake r lik e Truth coul d gai n acces s t o thi s powe r t o enac t a critiqu e of particular cultural standards. The protagonist s o r heroe s o f tal l tale s com e i n many forms , fro m th e purely fictiona l t o thos e figure s whos e exploit s ma y b e fictiona l bu t whos e existence a s rea l peopl e i s verifiable. Perhap s th e epitom e o f th e fol k her o and th e tal l tal e protagonis t wh o wa s bot h a rea l perso n an d a n exaggerate d fictionalized characte r i s Davi d Crockett . Crocket t was , o f course , a rea l person; however , h e i s remembere d les s fo r hi s real-lif e exploits tha n fo r th e legends tha t gre w u p aroun d hi m bot h durin g hi s lif e an d afte r hi s death , legends whic h h e created , allowed , and promoted . I n these ways, Crocket t is an analogous figur e to Sojourner Truth. Truth's us e o f tall tale s in constructing her publi c body is made cleare r through compariso n to th e Crocket t legend, whic h provide s usefu l parallel s t o Truth's constructe d publi c image o f he r corporeality . Crockett' s legen d wa s constructed aroun d element s centra l t o th e tal l tal e i n general : conflic t an d comedy, bot h o f whic h playe d ou t an d throug h th e protagonist' s excessiv e body. Thes e ar e element s tha t Truth utilized i n her publi c presentation o f he r own body. Crockett's legend was forming during the tim e that Truth began an d then solidifie d he r publi c speakin g career , fro m th e 1830 s throug h th e 1850s . While I d o no t dra w a direc t causa l relationshi p — I a m no t suggesting , fo r instance, that Truth based he r public embodiment o n the Dav y Crocket t storie s — I do thin k that Truth was participatin g in or inserting herself int o th e sam e public discours e that inflected Crockett's legend. A s Mabee explains, 'Truth often seeme d willin g t o le t friendl y myth s develo p aroun d her , myth s tha t might mak e he r a mor e fascinatin g advocat e o f th e cause s sh e supported.' Painter, too , emphasize s Truth' s rol e i n fashioning he r image , explainin g that she 'create d an d marketed th e persona o f a charismatic woman who had been a slave, an d it is precisely through he r marketin g o f herself or , a s sh e pu t it , he r selling th e shado w t o suppor t he r substance , tha t her nam e i s known today.' B y usin g an d revisin g the tal l tal e formul a to construc t he r ow n embodiment , Truth mad e us e o f a pre-existin g cultura l trop e whic h validate d th e ver y physical difference s tha t could otherwis e hav e hindere d he r communicatio n of her message . Truth's bod y is constructed withi n th e discours e o f the unconventional , excessive tal l tal e body . Th e Bugle versio n o f he r speec h opens , T a m a 18

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As Strong as Any Man 3 woman's rights. ' Thi s powerful statement, not onl y of personal identity, but of alliance with a struggle fo r justice, show s Trut h not onl y striving for women' s rights, bu t presentin g hersel f a s thei r incarnation . Thi s i s th e sor t o f exaggerated, dramati c speec h characteristi c o f tall tales ; Truth' s proclamatio n that sh e i s ' a woman' s rights ' i s analogou s t o Crockett' s claim s t o b e 'half horse, half-alligato r an d a bi t o f snappin g turtle.' Sh e the n proceed s t o describe hersel f in terms sharply differen t fro m those espoused b y the rhetori c of true womanhood an d the sentimental . Accordin g t o the familia r precept s o f true womanhood outline d by Barbara Welter, a true woman is delicate, unabl e to d o physica l labor, an d govern s th e domesti c realm. Trut h defines hersel f in this part of her speec h accordin g to her labor , asserting tha t she ca n perform all o f the physica l acts a man can, stressing, T am as stron g a s an y man that is now.' Rathe r tha n skirtin g th e issu e o f sexua l equality , on e tha t raise s questions eve n today , sh e meet s it head o n an d bring s i t to th e materia l level , the leve l o f the body , saying, T have hear d much about th e sexe s being equal; I can carr y a s muc h a s an y man , an d ca n ea t a s much , too, i f I ca n ge t it. ' I n Gage's versio n of the speec h he r claim s become mor e brutall y physical as sh e claims she 'ca n bear d e lash as well ' a s any man, boasting of her body's abilit y to withstand abuse . This kin d o f bravad o woul d hav e bee n familia r t o Truth' s audienc e from th e tal l tale ; bravad o i s one o f the mean s by which th e excessiv e bod y i s routinely define d withi n th e genre . Character s lik e Dav y Crocket t asserte d their identitie s b y boastin g o f their abilities ; for instance , i n the firs t Crocket t comic almanac , Crocket t i s reporte d a s sayin g h e 'ca n ru n faster , — jum p higher, — squa t lower, — div e deeper, — sta y unde r longer , — an d com e ou t drier, tha n an y ma n i n the whol e country. ' Similarly , i n a n 183 6 almanac , Crockett face s a n opponen t wit h th e followin g claim : 'Say s I , stranger ! I' m the bo y tha t ca n doubl e u p a doze n o f you. I' m a whol e tea m jus t fro m th e roaring river . — I'v e rod e throug h a cra b appl e orchar d o n a strea k o f lightning. I'v e squatte d lowe r tha n a toad ; an d jumped highe r tha n a mapl e tree; I'm all brimstone bu t my head, an d that's aquafortis.' A n important part of th e tal l tal e character' s identit y i s hi s abilit y t o intimidat e hi s opponent s through a sho w o f confidence an d braggadoci o know n as th e 'frontie r boast. ' While th e claim s ar e generall y s o extrem e a s t o b e impossibl e an d therefor e humorous, withi n th e worl d o f the tal e the y ar e considere d literall y true , an d outside the worl d o f the tale they establis h the speake r a s a clever adversary . By definin g herself in terms that would hav e bee n s o unwomanly as t o be almos t laughabl e i n the mid-centur y — claimin g t o 'hav e a s muc h muscl e as an y man ' an d t o b e abl e t o 'carr y a s muc h a s an y man , and...ea t a s muc h too' — Trut h utilize d tall-tal e bravad o an d aligne d hersel f wit h tal l tal e characters. Sh e define d he r bod y accordin g t o th e conventiona l tal l tal e configuration o f excessiv e strength . A t the sam e time , Trut h supersede d th e tall tal e genre , becaus e whil e he r boast s ma y hav e seeme d absur d t o he r audience, the y ha d a groundin g i n physical truth. Durin g he r tim e a s a slave , 24

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Truth ha d bee n require d t o d o physica l labo r tha t th e averag e middle-clas s white woma n woul d hav e foun d impossible . Althoug h a t th e tim e o f he r Akron speech , Truth was probably no longer physically capabl e o f this kin d of labor, he r assertion s wer e mor e tha n empt y o r humorous boasts . Th e purpos e of tal l tal e exaggeration , o r tall talk , is to drive home th e distanc e betwee n th e real and the ideal worlds. Truth' s 'exaggeration ' wa s true, s o she represented a real bod y that undermined th e idea l and showe d this ide a — tru e womanhood — t o be lacking . In additio n t o he r claim s t o physica l strength, Truth' s boas t tha t sh e 'can ea t a s muc h a s an y man' identifie s her wit h th e discours e o f the tal l tale . Eating is a very important activit y within tal l tales ; th e excessiv e tall tal e body is excessiv e i n its abilit y t o ea t — bot h grotesqu e kind s o f foo d an d massiv e quantities. Crockett , for instance , regularl y described his diet . A s a child , h e explained, T would tak e u p a roasted duc k by the nec k an d gna w the mea t off the bones befor e th e rest had time to se t dow n to the table.' Bear' s meat i s a favorite foo d withi n thes e almanac tales , ofte n cooke d by suc h unusual mean s as wit h ' a piec e o f sunrise ' o r ' a flas h o'lightning.' Crockett' s wif e dran k 'eagle's eg g nog,' an d the whol e family at e 'bus h eels ' — rattlesnakes. Th e amount o f foo d a characte r eat s i s als o a mean s o f emphasizin g physical strength; Crocket t describe d a mid-da y snac k a s ' a sandwich , whic h wa s composed o f half a bear's ham , two spar e ribs, a loaf o f bread, an d a quart of whiskey.' Trut h made onl y on e referenc e t o foo d i n her Akro n speech , bu t this brie f referenc e t o he r abilit y t o ea t woul d instantl y hav e suggeste d th e discourse o f the tal l tal e t o he r listener s an d woul d hav e furthe r identifie d her body wit h th e excessiv e tal l tal e bodies . A t a tim e whe n middle-clas s tabl e manners wer e bein g propounded i n such documents a s Catharin e Beecher's A Treatise on Domestic Economy (1842 ) an d i n women' s magazine s lik e Godey's Lady's Book, Trut h wa s participatin g i n a discours e tha t floute d etiquette an d validated eating as a show of carnal strength. B y proclaiming he r ability to eat, Trut h was equating her physical prowess wit h men's, suggestin g therein that she deserved the nourishment men received, confounding the sexis t foundations o f the cultural directive that women eat little . Rather tha n conformin g t o sentimenta l standard s fo r women' s embodiment, Trut h define d hersel f withi n a genr e tha t value s physica l excess and power . Gage' s versio n make s thi s redefinin g o f th e femal e bod y particularly clear , fo r i n this versio n Truth says , ' "Loo k a t me . Loo k a t m y arm," an d sh e bare d he r right ar m t o th e shoulder , showin g it s tremendou s muscular power. ' I n thi s version , Trut h actuall y display s he r body , manifesting he r physica l strength. Becaus e Gage' s versio n of the speec h i s a document mean t t o b e read , he r descriptio n of Truth's 'tremendou s muscula r power' ha s a n eve n mor e emphati c effect , allowin g he r reader s t o imagin e Truth as an almost superhuman body . By showin g her audienc e he r muscula r arm , Trut h align s hersel f wit h the bodil y skil l an d powe r o f Crocket t an d othe r tal l tal e protagonists . I n 28

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addition, a s severa l critic s hav e noted , sh e evoke s th e imag e o f th e slav e woman o n th e auctio n bloc k whos e bod y i s displaye d fo r purchas e an d appropriating i t for her ow n uses. Sh e expose s he r arm , not t o demonstrate her value i n the slav e marke t bu t t o illustrat e he r powe r an d t o defin e he r bod y i n terms different tha n thos e that might b e applie d to her . Th e forc e represente d in he r ar m i s not evidenc e o f her abilit y to d o physica l labor fo r someon e els e but is , a s fo r Crocket t an d othe r tal l tal e characters ' bodies , evidenc e o f he r heroic status. Without prope r contextualization , Truth' s claim s t o physica l strengt h could b e rea d a s a reificatio n o f her subalter n statu s a s a n Africa n America n woman whos e bod y wa s onl y considere d sociall y valuable i f she wa s abl e t o labor fo r others . A s Carb y explains , 'Strengt h an d abilit y t o bea r fatigue , argued t o be s o distasteful a presence in a white woman, were positiv e feature s to b e emphasize d i n the promotio n an d sellin g of a black femal e fiel d han d a t slave auction.' Indeed , on e o f Truth' s master s ha d bragge d abou t Truth' s strength, tellin g a friend , ' "that wench" (pointin g to Isabe l [Truth] ) "i s better to m e tha n a man — fo r sh e wil l d o a goo d family' s washing i n the night , an d be read y i n th e mornin g t o g o int o th e field , wher e sh e wil l d o a s muc h a t raking an d bindin g as m y bes t hands.'" Hi s claim clearl y demonstrates th e dual rol e blac k wome n wer e expecte d t o fulfill , tha t characterize d b y mal e physical strengt h (workin g i n th e fields ) an d tha t b y feminin e domesticit y (doing the laundry) , as wel l a s th e valu e o f their labo r an d strengt h withi n th e context o f both masculin e an d feminin e arena s of work. However , rather tha n contradict he r master' s clai m b y emphasizin g th e way s i n which she migh t fi t within traditiona l model s o f womanhood, Trut h embrace s his characterizatio n of he r strength . Importantly , sh e appropriate s thi s strengt h fo r he r ow n purposes, t o defin e hersel f a s a her o an d undercut th e sexua l stereotype s governing black and white women's lives . By identifyin g herself with the strengt h o f the tal l tale body , arguing , T have a s much muscle as any man, and can do as much work as an y man,' Trut h undercut dominan t nineteenth-century assumption s abou t women' s embodiment. He r self-definition in terms of strength an d labo r implie d a ne w envisioning o f women' s roles . Rathe r tha n simpl y reactin g agains t th e nineteenth-century agend a fo r women , Trut h suggeste d a n agend a o f her own , one tha t presented wome n a s a legitimat e presenc e i n the worl d o f economi c production. He r insistence tha t she ha d 'plowe d and planted an d gathere d int o barns, an d no man could head me ' an d that she 'coul d work as much and ea t a s much a s a man ' positione d he r explicitl y a s a laborer . Sh e hersel f coul d b e responsible fo r th e whol e proces s o f growin g food , fro m th e initia l plowin g and planting to the fina l harvestin g an d storing . Sh e presented herself not a s a worker o n a n assembl y lin e bu t a s a n autonomou s producer . Truth' s speec h worked i n direc t contradictio n t o th e ideal s o f tru e womanhood , no t onl y through th e action s sh e describe d bu t throug h he r repeate d compariso n o f he r body t o th e bod y o f a man . He r forcefu l oppositio n o f feminin e ideal s 32

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demystified th e ideals , showin g that they wer e not natural attribute s of women in tha t she, a s a woman, was no t boun d by them. Sh e deploye d a new idea l of womanhood b y explicitly comparin g he r body t o a mal e body , emphasizin g that she ha d the same strength an d abilit y as 'any man ' bu t was stil l a woman. Truth use d thi s kin d o f tal l tal k t o construc t he r own body i n a wa y that dislodged 'tru e woman' rhetoric . Truth's actua l bod y wa s probably fiv e feet , eleve n inche s i n height , dark black , an d somewha t muscula r (althoug h he r right hand ha d bee n injure d while sh e was a slave an d so was somewhat debilitated) . He r tal l tal e body , however, wa s formidable — extremely powerful , abl e t o stu n a crow d int o silence an d outdo an y man's body . Trut h presente d he r audienc e wit h an interpretive script , an d this scrip t wa s profoundl y influential ; through he r selfpresentation an d representation a s a tal l tal e protagonist , Trut h helpe d he r audience an d those wh o reporte d abou t he r to see her not as a tired, injure d older woman but as a tall-tale hero. B y aligning her body with the discours e of tall tales, Trut h shaped no t onl y her own words but th e description s other s gav e of her , an d thu s destabilize d racis t an d sexist rhetorics . A s a tall tal e figure , she wa s abl e t o comman d a wide r audienc e tha n sh e migh t hav e a s a sentimental figure . Sh e was abl e t o assum e authorit y a s a speake r an d configure a public bodily presence far more powerfu l an d far-reaching tha n her material body.

Acknowledgements Thanks to Cecelia Tichi , Teres a Goddu , and Thadious Davi s for helping me to develop this essay. Notes 1

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Truth' s use o f the tall tale to define her body is exemplified in her speeches, but her public life a s constitute d i n print wa s more complex . Fo r instance, sh e utilize d image s of domesticity to define her body in her many cartes de visite, photographs of herself that she sold and distributed at her speeches and later in lieu of speeches when she was too ill to travel. Se e Deborah Gray White, Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South (1985) an d Hazel Carby , Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the AfroAmerican Woman Novelist (New York : Oxford University Press, 1987). Fann y Nudelman, 'Harriet Jacobs and the Sentimental Politics of Female Suffering,' ELH 59 (1992): 941. Carby , 32. Fo r an evaluation of Truth's revisions of the tall tale model, see the longer version of this essay i n Aliso n Piepmeier , 'Ou t in Public : Configuration s o f Women' s Bodie s i n Nineteenth-Century America' (Ph.D . diss., Vanderbilt University , 2000). Th e two versions o f Truth' s speec h I wil l discus s ar e 'Women' s Right s Convention: Sojourner Truth,' Anti-Slavery Bugle [Salem , OH], 21 June 1851, hereafter referred to as the Bugle version, and Mrs. F. D. Gage, 'Sojourner Truth,' Independent, 23 April 1863, 1, hereafter referre d t o a s the Gag e version . Thes e textua l difference s involv e no t only

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dialect (Gage's versio n shows Truth speaking In a Southern dialect reminiscent of Uncle Tom's Cabin, while the Bugle version does not) but reflections o f exactly what Truth said and i n what order. I n addition, the version transcribed by the Anti-Slavery Bugle focuses primarily on Truth's words, while Gage's version includes Gage's commentary on Truth's gestures and on the reaction of her audience. Befor e thi s speec h was reprinte d in the Schombur g Library's 199 1 editio n o f Truth's narrative, it was only available in the original Anti-Slavery Bugle. 'Women' s Rights Convention: Sojourner Truth.' Thi s versio n of Truth's speech is now also available in C. Peter Ripley, ed., Black Abolitionist Papers (© 1985) an d in Suzanne Pullon Fitch and Roseann M. Mandziuk , Sojourner Truth as Orator: Wit, Story, and Song (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997). Jeffre y Stewart , introductio n to Narrative of Sojourner Truth.A Bondswoman of Olden Time, with a History of her Labors and Correspondence Drawn from her 'Book of Life,' by Sojourner Truth (1878; New York: Oxfor d University Press, 1991), xxxiv. Gage' s version is different in style, form , and even in some content, fro m the version the Bugle printed . I n fact, i t is stylisticall y differen t from man y of the quote s from Truth printed elsewhere in her narrative. I n Gage's versio n appear s th e refrain , 'Ar'n' t I a woman?' Gage represents Trut h as continually referring to blacks as 'niggers' throughout the speec h (something Trut h doe s nowhere els e i n her narrative or Book of Life an d something that surely would have been repellent to her), and she portrays Truth as a feisty but somewhat stupi d woman. Because of what we assume to be her distortion of Truth's language an d the stereotypical image s of black womanhood her version evokes, Gage's text i s problematic . Althoug h Gag e seems to hav e distorte d Truth' s word s t o fi t th e current stereotypes of black dialect, Gage' s i s the well-known version of the speech , a version that many of Truth's nineteenth-century admirer s would have read; it is through Gage, in fact, that the speech received the name by which it is still known. Gage' s versio n of the speec h appeared in Elizabeth Cad y Stanton' s History of Women Suffrage in 1881, and a recent children's book about Truth is called Sojourner Truth: A in't I a Woman (McKissack , 1992) . I n addition, both Deborah Gray White and bell hooks have used the phrase 'ain't I a woman' or 'ar'n't I a woman' in the titles of critical books. In the chapter entitled 'Ar'n' t I a Woman?' of her biograph y of Truth, Painter discusses Gage's motivation in crafting her version of Truth's speech as she did. Se e Nell Painter, Sojourner Truth: A Life, A Symbol (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). Painter , 284. Fo r discussions o f religion and racial categorization, see Painter, and Fitch and Mandziuk. For sentimentality an d true womanhood, see Nudelman and Carby. I n fact, very little critical discussion exists on either fictional women represented i n tall tales o r actua l wome n wh o utilize d th e technique s o f tal l tal k an d tal l humo r in representing themselves . Se e Michae l A . Lofaro , 'Riproariou s Shemales : Legendary Women in the Tall Tale World of the Dav y Crockett Almanacs,' in Crockett at 200: New Perspectives on the Man and the Myth, eds . Michae l A . Lofar o an d Joe Cummings (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press , 1989) , 148-149 , fhs. 6-7 , fo r a listing of the work that has been done. Henr y B . Wonham , Mark Twain and the Art of the Tall Tale, (Ne w York : Oxfor d University Press, 1993), 21. Carlto n Mabee , Sojourner Truth: Slave, Prophet, Legend (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k University Press, 1993), 65. I n addition to its dissemination through oral channels, tall humor was also communicated through many newspapers, magazines, and comic almanacs. Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 97. Se e Wonham , op. cit. and Michael A. Lofaro, ed., Davy Crockett:The Man, the Legend, the Legacy, 1786-1986 (Knoxville , TN : University o f Tennesse e Press , 1985) . Se e Richard Dorson, America in Legend: Folklore from the Colonial Period to the Present

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(New York: Pantheon Books, 1973) on authentic early nineteenth-century American folk heroes. Crocket t serve d i n the military unde r Andre w Jackso n in 1813 and 1814, and was a representative to the United States Congress from 182 7 until 183 1 and then from 1833 until 1835 . H e died a t the Alamo i n 1836. Severa l importan t factors contribute d to Crockett's fame, including James Kirke Paulding's very popular play The Lion of the West (1831), biographie s an d autobiographies tha t appeare d betwee n 183 3 an d 1836 and featured tal l embellishment , an d the 1835-185 6 Davy Crockett's Almanacks, comi c magazines that represented Crockett as a tall tale hero. Becaus e Crockett' s tal l tale s hav e been the subject of a substantial bas e of research, something whic h Truth' s tal l tal e person a ha s not, the Crockett legen d offer s usefu l critical apparatus that may be applied to Truth. Mabee , 68. Painter , 'Representing Truth: Sojourner Truth's Knowing and Being Known,' The Journal of American History 81 (1994) : 470. Quote d in Dorson, America in Legend, 11. Fo r further information , see Welter, Dimity Convictions: The American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens: Universit y of Ohio Press, 1976). Richar d Dorson, Davy Crockett: American Comic Legend (New York: Arn o Press, 1977), 29. Dorson' s book remains the most widely-used anthology of Crockett's almanac stories. Quote d in Michael A. Lofaro, 'The Hidden "Hero" of the Nashville Crockett Almanacs' i n Davy Crockett: The Man, the Legend, the Legacy, 1786-1986, 55. Dorson , Crockett, 6. Dorson , Crockett, 17 , xvii. Lofaro , 'Riproarious Shemales,' 132. Dorson , Crockett, 29. Dorson , Crockett, 6 . Carby , 25. Sojourne r Truth, Narrative of Sojourner Truth: A Bondswoman of Olden Time, with a History of her Labors and Correspondence Drawn from her 'Book of Life' (1878 ; Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 33.

3 Flapper s and Shawls: The Female Embodiment of Irish National Identity in the 1920s Louise Ryan

In engaging with the theme of women as sites of culture, this essay focuses on the 1920s 'flapper' in the specific environment of the post-colonial southern Irish state. The author argues that this symbol of modern womanhood was a contested site onto which were mapped competing notions of Irish femininity. While traditional nationalist and religious groups used the flapper to embody all that was wrong with the modern, decadent world, other interest groups celebrated the flapper as the site of consumerism, individualism and modernity. In addition, the author demonstrates that while usually associated with the modern city, the siting and sighting of the flapper in rural Irish society brought this controversial female archetype to the very heart of Irish national identity.

The Modern Gir l (extract) Her feet ar e so very little Her hands are so very white Her jewels so very heavy And her head so very light Her colour is made of cosmeticsThough this she'll never own Her body is mostly cotton, And her heart is wholly stone . She falls in love with a fellow, who smells with a foreign air; He marries her for her money, They are a well-matched pair.

— John Marcus O'Sullivan

In th e newl y established Iris h Free Stat e o f the 1920s , th e flappe r o r 'moder n girl' wa s a highly contested an d deepl y controversia l symbol of womanhood. Within 'Iris h Ireland ' nationalis t an d Catholi c discourse s th e moder n gir l

2

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represented disobedience , vice , immoralit y and wa s ultimatel y constructed a s un-Irish, foreig n an d pagan . He r embodimen t o f foreig n fashion s an d lifestyles threatene d t o destabiliz e Iris h identit y an d thu s undermin e th e ne w nation. Nationa l dail y newspaper s publishe d i n Dublin , th e capita l city , regularly reported concern s abou t flappers . Bu t such accounts tende d t o locat e modern, fashionable , independen t youn g wome n i n urba n centers. Thes e configurations sugges t interwove n gendered dichotomie s of urban versu s rural, modern versus traditional, sinful versu s virtuous. This chapte r engage s wit h thes e dichotomie s b y examinin g representations o f the archetypa l flapper/moder n gir l i n the provincia l pres s i n the souther n Iris h Fre e Stat e i n th e mi d t o lat e 1920s . Thi s stud y o f a previously neglecte d are a o f inquir y wil l rais e question s abou t no t onl y th e prevalence o f the flappe r archetyp e i n rural Ireland but als o the constructio n of this symbol of womanhood in the context of Irish cultural and national identity. Press representation s ar e comple x and multifaceted ; advertisements , women' s pages an d featur e article s indicat e the rang e an d diversit y of perspectives tha t simultaneously celebrate d an d condemne d women' s independenc e an d modernity. 3

Embodying th e Nation Nationalism i s a gendere d projec t withi n whic h wome n hav e bee n ascribe d particular role s an d responsibilities. Whil e i t i s importan t no t t o ignor e th e active an d ofte n violen t roles that women have playe d and continue t o pla y in nationalist movements , women' s mor e usua l role s hav e tende d t o emphasiz e passivity an d dependency. A s Anthia s an d Yuval-Davi s hav e theorized , women ar e represente d a s symbol s of the nation , a s mother s o f the nation , a s transmitters o f cultural traditions and as boundary markers betwee n nations. I will argu e tha t it is in this nationalist context tha t the Iris h flapper needs to b e located and understood. The particula r religious, social , cultural and political context o f the Irish Free Stat e informe d th e specifi c construction s an d interpretation s o f th e flapper. Followin g a protracted campaig n for Irish independence fro m Britai n that culminate d in the Anglo-Iris h wa r o f 1919-1921 , the souther n Iris h Fre e State cam e int o bein g o n 6 Decembe r 1922 . Thi s newl y established, newly partitioned, semi-independen t natio n ha d a lo t o f wor k t o d o t o justif y it s existence an d legitimat e it s deman d fo r complet e sovereignty . I hav e note d elsewhere that, as a new nation, the Free State sough t t o assert its legitimacy by defining a uniqu e cultur e an d identit y tha t marke d Iris h peopl e apar t an d distinct from Britis h people. Nonetheless, Irish culture in the 1920 s was greatly influenced by British forms o f entertainmen t an d media , a s wel l a s b y th e growin g enthusiasm fo r Hollywood films. Th e governmen t an d th e powerfu l Catholi c hierarch y 4

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attempted t o defin e thei r authorit y b y restorin g traditiona l order . Thi s carefully constructe d notio n of 'traditional' Gaelic , Catholi c Ireland was one in which women were to play a very specific role. Par t o f this nationalist projec t was a n attemp t t o distanc e Irelan d fro m th e unflatterin g an d degradin g stereotypes tha t ha d forme d suc h a cor e aspec t o f th e colonia l experience. Therefore, ther e was a stron g emphasi s o n the cultura l purity, virtue, integrity and honor o f the nation . Idealize d womanhood was t o embod y these virtue s and so become 'th e badg e o f respectability' o f the ne w nation-state. Thu s Irish women i n general , marrie d mother s an d virgina l youn g wome n i n particular, were ascribe d th e thankles s tas k o f representing th e purit y and uniquenes s o f Irish national culture and identity. However, a s I hav e argue d a t lengt h elsewhere , th e genderin g o f national characteristic s wa s a comple x an d contradictor y process. Fo r example, Iris h wome n wh o di d no t confor m t o th e norm s o f traditiona l femininity wer e use d t o symboliz e nationa l weaknes s an d susceptibilit y t o foreign corruption . T o borro w Meaney' s phrase , wome n becam e simultaneously th e 'bearer s o f nationa l honor ' bu t als o th e 'scapegoat s o f national identity.' Iris h male religious and political leaders asserte d thei r own masculine authorit y throug h thei r attempt s t o polic e an d contai n women' s sinful an d wayward bodies. Fashionable , adventurous youn g women embodied the decadenc e tha t threatene d no t onl y t o undermin e masculin e authorit y bu t also to destabilize the fragil e culture of the Irish nation-state . 9

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In Search of the Flappe r In attemptin g t o locat e an d analys e th e specifi c representations o f the flappe r — als o calle d th e 'moder n girl ' i n the Iris h Fre e Stat e — I hav e previously explored th e mainstrea m nationa l dail y press. Th e image s i n suc h publications usuall y focused o n urba n context s rathe r tha n offerin g a broade r account o f the flappe r throughou t th e res t of the nation . Thus , in an effor t t o understand th e tru e exten t o f the flappe r imag e i n the countr y a s a whole , I have chose n t o concentrat e her e o n the provincia l press . I hav e selecte d tw o primary examples : th e larges t provincia l paper , th e Cork Examiner, a dail y paper, an d on e o f th e mor e ferven t cultura l nationalis t papers , th e Limerick Leader, publishe d thric e weekly . I n addition , I hav e selecte d fiv e weekl y papers; th e Kerryman, base d i n Tralee but circulate d throughout th e countie s of Kerry , Clar e and North Cork , th e Connacht Tribune an d it s siste r pape r th e Connacht Sentinel, base d i n Galway but with a wide circulation throughout th e West o f Ireland, th e Sligo Champion, an d th e Wicklow People. Thoug h not claiming this to represent a completely exhaustive survey , I would sugges t tha t together, thes e papers d o cover most o f the countr y outside o f the metropolitan centre o f Dublin and, of course, the North of Ireland. 13

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In a n attemp t t o mak e m y stud y manageable , whil e a t th e sam e tim e aiming to include a good range of issues an d topics, I have concentrate d o n th e period betwee n 192 6 an d 1928 . Becaus e th e medi a wer e dominate d b y coverage o f th e arme d struggl e betwee n 191 9 an d 1923 , ther e seeme d littl e point i n analyzin g images o f frivolou s flapper s i n th e earl y twenties. Th e mid-to-late twentie s ar e importan t becaus e this tim e encompasse d no t onl y an attempt to return t o 'normality ' but als o a visible project o f nation building an d defining national cultural identity. On 6 Marc h 1926 , th e Connacht Tribune carrie d a n eye-catchin g headline, 'Flapper s an d Shawls.' Thi s heade d a colum n o f loca l cour t reports, onl y one o f which ha d an y connectio n wit h th e bol d headline . I n th e trial of a woman for non-payment o f bills, the prosecuting barrister aske d if she had bough t a coa t fo r he r daughter . Sh e sai d no , t o whic h h e replie d 'wha t does she put over her blouse, is it a shawl? Very few of the flapper s no w woul d be conten t wit h a shawl (laughter).' O n 24 Apri l 1926 , the sam e paper carrie d an equall y dramatic headline , 'Arme d Amazons.' Thi s referred t o a dispute over land rights in county Galway . Th e Civi c Guard s (police) , having arreste d several men from the area , were attacke d b y ' a party of women and girls mostly of th e flappe r age , arme d wit h stick s an d carryin g baskets o f stal e eggs. ' I n both o f these articles, the ter m flappe r i s used ver y generally to refe r t o young women. I n the firs t article , it refers t o clothin g and fashion, but i n the second , it i s vagu e an d ma y simpl y refer t o ag e an d physica l appearance. However , what the article s do suggest is the exten t t o which th e ter m was i n common us e in the Irish provincial press . While thes e particula r reference s t o th e flappe r wer e al l fairl y innocuous, th e mor e usua l connotation s wer e extremel y negative . Concern s with flappe r immoralit y and immodest y usuall y focused o n he r clothes . He r short skirt s an d sleeveles s dresse s symbolize d not onl y her modernit y but als o her vanity . I n exposing s o muc h o f her flesh , the flappe r wa s a dange r t o all decent society . O n 20 October 1928 , the Wicklow People publishe d a sermo n given b y Fathe r Dege n i n whic h h e addresse d th e topi c o f moder n fashions . 'Worship of the body takes the place of religion in women who are inordinately vain. Th e morta l sou l is treated a s non-existent , an d nothin g i s recognized a s sinful excep t dowdiness . I n the cas e of some wome n their ambition appears to be to drag men's heart s about o n a string.' The elevation of the bod y above th e sou l is an exact revers e o f Catholic doctrine an d s o thi s imag e o f wome n wh o worshi p thei r bodie s bu t neglec t their soul s not onl y constructs the m a s vai n but a s anti-Catholi c and doomed t o eternal damnation . A s Mica Nav a ha s argued , ther e wa s a growin g suspicion that wome n derive d a libidinou s pleasure fro m 'th e physica l adornmen t an d nurturing o f the self.' Furthermore , wome n wh o too k suc h pain s ove r thei r physical appearanc e no t onl y endangere d thei r ow n soul s bu t wer e als o a danger t o men. The y teased men an d broke their hearts. Thi s image of modern women wa s ver y common and wil l b e explore d in more detai l later. Fo r now, 14

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let us continu e wit h Fathe r Degen . I n attempting t o explai n this phenomenon , he turne d t o mothers , askin g 'Wha t i s you r idea l o f womanl y perfection ? Would yo u reall y prefe r you r daughter s t o imitat e th e darin g sartoria l suggestiveness o f the moder n flappe r rathe r tha n th e modesty , sweetnes s an d gentleness o f our Blessed Lady?' It wa s commo n for th e flappe r t o b e se t u p i n direct oppositio n to th e modesty o f Mar y th e mothe r o f God . A s Maryan n Valiuli s writes , '[t]h e flapper wa s juxtapose d t o th e youn g gir l wh o wa s innocen t an d vulnerable . Ecclesiastical discours e thu s define d wome n i n the traditiona l Madonna/Eve split — a dualis m which i s a n integra l part o f catholic teaching.' Flapper s were constructed a s wil d an d uncontrolled daughters but also as poor prospect s for marriag e an d motherhood . O n 1 1 Augus t 1928 , th e Wicklow People published a n articl e o n th e 'moder n youn g woman, ' whic h focuse d o n he r many faults an d failings. Me n wanted to marry ' a modest, intelligen t girl,' ' a sensible, virtuou s girl ' wit h 'feminin e charm. ' Wh o woul d wis h t o marr y ' a control defying, ' 'goo d time', 'ca n anybod y come?' flapper? ' Her e the flappe r is see n a s frivolous , wilful , superficial , an d lackin g i n the feminin e virtue s of modesty and good sense. This imag e o f the immodes t an d waywar d flapper underpinne d man y sermons an d religiou s pamphlets reprinte d i n newspapers throughou t th e Iris h Free Stat e i n th e 1920s . O n 7 Ma y 1928 , th e Cork Examiner, th e larges t provincial newspaper, reporte d o n a sermon by Dr. Roche, the Bishop of Ross. 19

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In modern times a bit of the spiri t of paganism and lov e of pleasure ar e prominen t feature s eve n i n th e lif e o f goo d Catholics. I t manifests itsel f particularly at present in regard to femal e dress . Thi s failin g i s world-wide . I t i s no t confined t o on e countr y or to on e parish, or to on e clas s of people, bu t th e diseas e i s prevalen t i n ever y land.. . ou r people have been caught i n this snare of fashion, and in our towns and in the countr y too, at present, many of our young girls ar e dresse d i n a manner that is to men an occasion for sin. Bishop Roch e highlighte d th e Church' s fear s abou t th e 'lov e o f pleasure, ' which was linke d to paganism and was, thus, i n opposition to Catholicism . H e laid al l th e blam e fo r moder n paganis m firml y o n th e shoulder s o f youn g women; wome n wer e th e carrier s an d th e transmitter s o f this 'disease, ' me n seemed t o b e helples s victims . Interestingly , thi s quot e als o establishe d th e prevalence o f modern fashionabl e girl s i n every are a o f Irish society; in every parish — town and countryside — and in every social class.

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Pagan Fashions On 2 May 1928, the Limerick Leader (pag e 3 ) reported tha t notice s ha d bee n posted outsid e Catholi c churche s I n the tow n of Ennis prohibitin g th e wearing of 'dresse s les s than 4 Inches below the knee, dresses cu t lower than the colla r bone, dresse s withou t sleeve s sufficientl y lon g t o cove r the ar m a s fa r a s th e wrist, and dresses o f transparent material.' This was not unique but was part o f an orchestrated attemp t o n the par t of Churc h leader s an d nationalis t organization s t o rid Iris h societ y o f 'Immodest fashion. ' I n 1927 , the Modes t Dress and Deportment Crusad e was founded i n Limerick. Thi s ha d the backin g not onl y o f the Catholi c hierarchy In Irelan d but also received messages o f support fro m Rome . Churche s in Italy were als o attempting to ba r wome n wearin g 'inappropriat e dress.' Newspapers like the Limerick Leader als o supported the Crusade. O n 11 June 1928, th e Leader editorial addressed the topic of female fashion. 23

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[Short] feminin e garments...ar e no t s o numerousl y o r brazenly evident In Limerick now as they were a year or two ago. Thi s gratifyin g evidenc e o f a retur n t o decenc y an d sanity i s largel y attributabl e t o th e modes t dres s crusade....The craz e fo r nudit y wa s catchin g o n t o a disgusting extent al l over Ireland. I n this new movement for decency Limerick has so far played a prominent and laudable part...Those wh o stil l flaunt I n th e street s th e unbecomin g habiliments tha t ar e mor e suite d to th e bathroo m than t o a public thoroughfar e ar e no w ver y fe w an d ar e steadil y growing less in number. 25

The crusad e als o received the backing of other provincial papers. Fo r example, on 7 Apri l 1928 , the Sligo Champion carrie d an articl e entitled ' A National Campaign fo r Modesty.' I n supportin g th e crusade , th e repor t bega n 'Readers o f th e Slig o Champio n wh o hav e no t already hear d o f thi s ne w national movemen t wil l n o doubt be gla d to have news of it.' I t was described in dramati c terms a s ' a big push' t o sav e the countr y from 'demoralisin g an d denationalising influences. ' Th e use o f the ter m 'denationalising ' located th e modest dres s crusad e i n the particula r context o f national identity and national sovereignty an d s o went beyon d the narro w focu s o n modesty an d decenc y in dress. A t this momen t i n history , Ireland 'shoul d prove tha t sh e i s trul y " a nation onc e again " an d sho w he r independenc e o f foreig n ascendancy. ' Th e 'tyranny o f fashion ' wa s presente d a s a threa t no t jus t t o decenc y bu t t o th e 'traditions of our land': 'I t i s a movement to ensure tha t 'Dar k Rosaleen' shall , as th e poe t predicted , 'reig n a queen' whil e th e othe r nation s o f the worl d ar e grovelling i n th e paganis m calle d th e ne w civilisatio n whic h i s merel y a glorification o f the anima l nature o f ma n an d wholl y oppose d t o th e spiritua l heritage o f our race.' 26

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This quot e i s ver y revealin g an d suggest s th e relationshi p amon g nationhood, tradition , heritage, race , an d sovereignty . Iris h independence ca n only be maintained if the uniquenes s o f Irish culture i s preserved fro m modern, foreign, paga n influences . Thi s set s u p a dichotom y o f nativ e purit y an d tradition versu s outsid e impurit y and modernity . Thes e image s ar e gendere d in severa l ways . Firstly , thi s dichotom y is mapped ont o th e bodie s o f women — th e pure , nativ e gir l versu s th e frivolou s flapper . Secondly , Ireland, a s a nation, i s also represente d b y a femal e symbo l 'Rosaleen, ' wh o i s a beautiful , pure, an d innocent Iris h girl. Thu s women become inscribe d within image s o f Ireland an d image s o f Irishness. Wome n embody th e essenc e of Irish cultural tradition, therefore i t is essential that Irish womanhood i s safeguarded fro m all moral corruptio n s o tha t ultimatel y Irelan d 'hersel f ca n b e preserve d fro m foreign assimilation. But wher e di d thes e foreig n fashion s com e fro m an d wh o wa s responsible fo r them ? I n al l the newspapers , moder n fashion s wer e presente d as deepl y alien , coming into Irelan d fro m abroad . A l l th e negativ e aspect s of modern living , th e jaz z age , wer e associate d wit h foreig n influences , bu t th e main source s o f influenc e varied . Usuall y disreputabl e cinem a influence s came fro m Hollywood , salaciou s magazine s an d paper s cam e fro m England, jazz wa s describe d a s African , immodes t fashion s cam e fro m Paris . I n 'Catholic Notes, ' a regula r weekl y feature , th e Wicklow People frequentl y explored th e problem s an d source s o f modern fashions . Fo r example , o n 1 5 May 1926 , 'Catholi c Notes' pointe d out that 'vulga r fashions' wer e dictate d by the 'underworl d of Paris.' Th e exact make-u p o f that underworld was mor e fully explaine d in 'Catholic Notes' o n 21 January 1928 : 'The women of Ireland will b e please d t o hea r that the designer s o f their dresse s and th e fashion s ar e Jews and Freemasons fro m Paris and other grea t continental cities.' These wer e aiming t o 'deChristianiz e society.' 'Wha t i s to b e sai d of Catholic wome n in Ireland wh o co-operat e i n this infamou s desig n b y slavishl y following ever y mode decree d b y these tyrannical fashion-makers?' The insidiou s nature o f these Parisia n style s ca n b e see n i n a repor t published i n the Connacht Sentinel on 2 8 Februar y 1928 , under th e intriguing headline 'Parisia n Styl e Frocks : Ceilidh e Fashion s Criticized. ' Th e Iris h language movement , th e Gaeli c League , expresse d it s concer n abou t th e clothes that women wore to traditional Irish dances or 'ceilidhe. ' Althoug h th e League wa s kee n t o promot e Iris h dance s an d Iris h musi c i n oppositio n t o foreign cultura l influences, i t was frustrate d t o discove r that eve n whe n young women di d turn u p t o suc h events , the y brough t moder n fashion s wit h them : 'Ladies' Iris h costumes ar e scarcel y ever seen ; al l the cailin i [girls ] are attire d in the very latest Parisia n fashions.' Both th e independenc e o f wome n an d tha t o f th e natio n wer e undermined b y th e dictate s o f moder n fashions . Women' s freedom , lik e Ireland's freedom , wa s onl y possible throug h a retur n t o religiou s values an d traditional lifestyle . Thi s argument represent s a complete reversa l o f the usua l 28

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way i n whic h 1920' s fashion s wer e viewed , that is , a s liberatin g for women , representing women' s newl y foun d political , educationa l an d economi c opportunities. Couple d with th e demis e o f constricting corsets, loose-fittin g clothing and shorte r skirt s facilitated women's greate r mobility an d freedom of movement. Accordin g t o the Catholi c hierarchy and Irish cultural nationalists, however, modern fashion s threatene d to enslave women . I n a report carrie d in both th e Connacht Tribune an d th e Sligo Champion, Archbisho p Gilmartin o f Tuam was quoted a s saying, 31

We d o not want to make you all monks and nuns. W e do not want t o ba n you r innocent recreations . A l l we wan t i s that you woul d restrai n yourselve s fro m sinfu l excess , an d no t allow yourselve s t o becom e slave s t o paga n fashion s an d sinful pleasures . W e want you boys and girls to remake th e beautiful Irelan d o f th e pas t — a n Irelan d o f brave , clea n boys and pure girls; an Ireland of happy marriages an d happy homes. 32

Thus tru e happiness an d freedo m la y in the past , in heritage an d tradition , no t in th e fashions an d lifestyles of modernity.

Conflicting Image s Thus o n firs t reading , i t would appea r simpl y that Irish provincial newspaper s were unite d i n thei r condemnatio n o f moder n fashion s an d moder n flappers , seeking instead t o elevat e traditiona l womanhood t o he r rightful plac e a s pur e embodiment o f a pur e nation . However , thi s readin g ignore s som e o f th e wider complexities around the imag e of the fashionable moder n girl . Two o f the provincia l paper s i n this stud y ha d regula r women' s page s — th e Kerrymah' s 'Women' s Chat ' an d th e Cork Examiner's 'Woman' s World.' Thes e concentrate d mostl y o n fashio n advice , reviewin g th e lates t from Paris , London and Hollywood. Ther e were als o regular references t o 'th e modern girl, ' usuall y describe d i n positiv e tones . O n 1 3 Augus t 1927 , th e Kerryman carrie d a fashion repor t unde r th e sensationa l headin g 'Trouser s fo r women.' Designer s wer e refusin g t o shorte n women' s skirt s an y furthe r despite th e continuin g pressures from women themselves. S o in an attemp t t o solve the 'skir t length controversy,' designer s wer e proposing a compromise in the for m of trousers which woul d loo k like 'plu s fours' draw n into the le g wel l below th e knee . Late r that month, 'Women' s Chat ' agai n returned t o th e topi c of women' s reluctanc e t o retur n t o mor e constrictin g dress . Designer s wer e reported t o b e makin g 'considerabl e effort s t o brin g back th e waist-lin e to it s normal plac e bu t apparentl y nothin g wil l induc e wome n t o loo k a t bone d corsets. Thes e instrument s o f tortur e ar e bein g show n bu t a s ye t n o on e wil l buy anythin g more substantia l tha n a band of woven silk elastic.' 33

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According t o Mic a Nava , ther e were man y conflictin g view s about th e consumer m th e 1920s. A s consumeris m becam e increasingl y feminized, opinions were divide d abou t th e power s o f the consume r versu s th e power s of commercial an d fashio n industries . I t i s clearl y apparent i n the tw o article s cited abov e tha t th e femal e consume r wa s bein g constructe d a s powerfu l an d determined to get her own way. I n both of these reports, the designers wer e no t presented a s 'heathens ' settin g ou t t o 'de-Christianize ' women . Instead , women wer e presente d a s assertiv e customer s demandin g th e right t o shorte r and looser clothing than the designers woul d prefer . Such image s stoo d i n star k contras t t o thos e propounde d b y th e Catholic hierarchy and the traditionalists. However, th e women' s page s wer e sensitiv e to th e man y criticism s made agains t the 'moder n girl' an d did not always attempt to justify them. O n some occasions , featur e article s wer e critica l o f som e o f th e excesse s o f modern lif e styles . O n 1 5 June 1928 , the Cork Examiner's 'Woman' s World ' carried a n articl e entitle d 'Whe n Girl s Smoke' : 'Th e gir l wh o smoke s habitually i s th e exceptio n wh o prove s th e rule . W e hea r a lo t abou t th e modern girl' s cigarette s an d cocktails ; but i t i s merely a perverse desir e t o b e ultramodern — reall y to shoc k the olde r people.' Fo r every gir l wh o smoked, the articl e claimed, six did not. Mos t moder n girl s realize d that 'th e cigarett e habit ca n grow , and how , onc e formed , i t ca n dul l th e complexio n and teeth , besides stainin g the fingers. ' Th e article concluded by saying that 'the majorit y of u s prefe r chocolate s t o "fags " an d s o lon g a s ou r me n friend s bu y "sweet s for th e sweet " w e shal l no t as k fo r cigarettes.' Apar t fro m th e obviou s attempt her e t o distinguis h betwee n th e 'ultramodern, ' wh o borde r o n th e perverse, an d th e swee t moder n girls , thi s articl e als o situate d th e write r a s a modern gir l herself . Thi s wa s commo n in the women' s page s where feature s were frequentl y penne d b y ' A Moder n Girl. ' Thu s bot h th e reade r an d th e writer wer e assume d t o b e moder n girl s an d t o shar e i n a sens e o f what wa s acceptable, moder n and fun. I n that way, the women' s page s adopted a chatty , friendly ton e rathe r tha n a n authoritative , judgmenta l tone . Th e dominan t image t o emerg e fro m thes e page s wa s on e o f a healthy , unrestricted , independent, happ y moder n girl . He r clothing , dancing , bobbe d hair , confident, assertiv e personalit y al l symbolized her vitalit y an d independence . However, i t wa s precisel y thes e feature s tha t represente d he r defianc e an d moral corruption in the eyes of religious leaders an d traditionalists. While th e othe r provincia l newspaper s i n thi s stud y di d no t hav e women's pages , tha t i s no t t o impl y tha t thes e paper s represente d a one dimensional, monolithic , wholly negativ e vie w o f the 'moder n girl. ' A l l th e newspapers carrie d advertisements fo r fashion, films, dance s an d cigarettes tha t can be read a s sellin g the moder n lif e style . I t was no t uncommo n for modern girls t o b e condemne d o n on e pag e an d the n celebrate d i n advertisements o n another pag e in the sam e newspaper . Thes e tensions wer e apparen t i n relation 35

36

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to cigarettes . O n 2 8 Jul y 1928 , th e Sligo Champion publishe d a poe m b y regular contributor Randall McDonnell : The Girls of Sligo' (extract ) .. .So Free from Fashion Sway Dress Always in a Modest Way .. .Unlike their sex in Dublin town They have no Tobacco tricks O the acme of perfection and the pink of etiquette Who ever met a Sligo Gir l who smoked a cigarette. 37

This poe m constructe d Slig o girl s a s pure , modes t an d natural , untouche d b y modern fashions . The y wer e ver y differen t fro m Dubli n Cit y women . I t i s questionable whethe r youn g Slig o wome n woul d hav e foun d i t quit e s o flattering t o b e describe d a s unfashionabl e an d mos t unlik e cit y women . However, thi s urban/rura l dichotom y drew upo n th e stereotypica l imag e o f th e West o f Ireland a s representin g th e tru e sourc e o f native tradition. Bu t it i s apparent that not every one shared suc h a viewpoint. Just on e wee k later , o n 4 Augus t 1928 , the Sligo Champion carrie d an advertisement fo r Gol d Flak e cigarettes, notin g that they wer e Iris h made (no t foreign imports). Th e advertisemen t feature d a bobbed-haire d moder n gir l playing tenni s i n a sleeveless , ver y shor t dres s cu t severa l inche s abov e th e knee. Th e imag e celebrate d youth , healt h an d vitality . He r clothin g an d cigarette symbolize d her thoroug h modernity , he r freedom , an d he r enjoymen t of pleasure. Thi s image was ver y common not onl y in cigarette advertisin g but also i n a wide arra y o f products. Th e us e o f suc h a n imag e t o sel l Irish-mad e goods suggest s the tension s amon g various interest group s withi n Iris h society; the drive for commercial success versu s th e perceived threat to traditional order and authority. Regardles s o f the concern s expresse d b y the Catholi c hierarchy, the femal e bod y was use d t o sel l a range of diverse products . Advertisement s were aime d a t th e larg e cross-sectio n o f th e loca l communit y wh o rea d provincial papers , an d thi s i s reflecte d no t onl y i n th e rang e o f product s bu t also in the rang e o f prices. I n accordanc e wit h th e increasin g feminization of consumerism, wome n wer e frequentl y targete d a s consumers , no t jus t fo r domestic essentials lik e washing powder but als o for luxury goods. 38

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Conclusion Drawing o n notion s o f gendere d nationalis t discourses , thi s essa y ha s attempted t o locat e an d analyz e th e flappe r withi n th e specifi c settin g o f th e rural Irish Free State . I have argued that the Iris h flapper serve d very particular functions withi n nationalis t an d Catholi c ideolog y i n term s o f definin g Irishness, Iris h womanhood an d relation s wit h foreig n nations . Hence , i n my view, th e flappe r help s t o illustrat e the tension s betwee n forme r colonize r and colony: representin g bot h th e realit y o f Britis h cultura l influence s i n entertainment an d lifestyle s an d th e perceive d threat s tha t suc h influence s posed to the uniquenes s o f Irish cultural identity. Judging b y th e Iris h provincia l press , th e flappe r archetyp e wa s ver y powerful an d pervasiv e eve n i n remote rura l areas. Th e Catholi c hierarchy in particular seeme d t o hav e bee n ver y attache d t o thi s femal e imag e an d ma y have helpe d to enhanc e its notoriety. A wide range of signifiers distinguished the 'moder n girl' : he r smoking , drinking, clothes , bobbed hair , motor cars , he r love o f dancin g an d cinema . I n differen t contexts , an y on e o r al l o f thes e features coul d be emphasized . Suc h a useful symbo l could not b e lef t t o dwel l in far-of f metropolita n center s lik e Dubli n o r London . Thus , I argue , i t i s simplistic t o locat e th e flappe r withi n a narrowl y define d urban/rura l dichotomy tha t construct s 'urban ' a s essentiall y degenerat e an d 'rural ' a s essentially pure . Th e flapper' s transitio n o f thi s dichotom y suggest s th e complexities an d contradiction s face d b y rura l Irelan d i n the earl y decade s of independence. Th e flapper' s existenc e i n local , rura l communitie s demonstrated tha t th e apparen t threat s o f modern excesse s an d th e 'craz e fo r pleasure' wer e everywhere ; evil , sin , an d temptatio n wer e 'al l aroun d us. ' Constructed i n opposition to th e goodnes s an d purit y o f the 'Iris h cailin, ' th e mother o f futur e generations , th e transmitte r o f Iris h cultura l an d religiou s values, the moder n gir l symbolize d threats to national culture, national identity and ultimately to nationa l stability. I n her Parisia n short skirt s and Hollywoo d hairstyles, sh e visibl y embodie d al l the danger s o f foreig n influence s o n th e delicate an d fragil e essenc e o f Iris h womanhoo d an d henc e o n th e newl y established Iris h nation. However, it is also apparent in the provincia l press that while images of the moder n gir l wer e widel y shared , interpretation s o f her varied . I n particular sections o f the newspaper s suc h a s fashio n features , advertisements , women' s pages, etc , the moder n gir l appeare d a s a very desirable image . He r youth, he r flare fo r amusement , he r loosely-fitte d clothing , he r healt h an d vitalit y al l symbolized freedo m an d independence . I n addition , a s a youn g woma n without dependants , frequentl y employe d i n pai d work , sh e represente d th e ultimate consume r o f luxur y good s — clothes , cosmetics , accessories . Therefore, th e flappe r wa s a sit e o f cultural tensions embodyin g the conflict s between, o n th e on e hand , cultura l nationalist s an d th e Catholi c churc h working t o minimiz e foreig n taste s an d fashion s and , o n th e othe r hand ,

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commercial interest s and popula r consume r demand that continued to promote and enjo y them.

Notes 1 2

3

4

5

6 7

8 9

Joh n Marcus O'Sullivan, 'The Moder n Girl,' Kerryman Newspaper,1 8 August 1928, p . 5. Louis e Ryan, 'Negotiating Modernity and Traditions : Newspaper Debates On the 'Moder n Girl' In the Iris h Free State', Journal of Gender Studies 17 , no. 2 (1998) : 181-97 . Louis e Ryan , 'Constructin g "Irishwoman" : Moder n Girl s an d Comely Maidens, ' Irish Studies Review 6, no. 3 (1998): 263-72. Ann e McClintock, 'Family Feuds: Gender, Nationalism and th e Family, ' Feminist Review 44 (1993): 61-80. Se e Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London, Sage: 1998). Se e also Louise Ryan, 'Furies and Diehards : Women and Iris h Republicanism In the Early Twentieth Century,' Gender and History11 , no. 2 (1999) : 256-75. Floy a Anthias and Nir a Yuval-Davis, Racialised Boundaries (London: Routledge, 1993). Bred a Gray and Louis e Ryan, '(Dis)locating "Woman" and Wome n In Representations Of Irish National Identity' in Women and Irish Society: a Sociological Reader, eds . Anne Byrne and Madeleine Leonard (Belfast: Beyond the Pal e Publications, 1997). Terenc e Brown, Ireland: A Social and Cultural History (London: Fontana, 1987). Maryan n Valiulis, 'Power , Gender and Identit y in the Irish Free State' in Irish Women's Voices: Past and Present, eds . Joan Hoff an d Mouree n Coult e (Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1995). See , for example, C.L. Innes, Woman and Nation in Irish Literature and Society (Hemel Hempstead: Harveste r Wheatsheaf , 1993 ) an d Gerardine Meaney , 'Se x an d Nation: Women in Irish Culture and Politics ' in Irish Women's Studies Reader, ed . Ailbh e Smyth (Dublin:Attic Press, 1993). Se e Gray and Ryan. Meaney , 233. Ryan , 'Negotiating Modernity and Traditions.' Ryan , 'Furies and Diehards.' Th e Connacht Tribune, 6 March 1926, p . 6. Th e Connacht Tribune, 24 April 1926 , p . 5. Th e Wicklow People, 20 October 1928, p . 4. Mic a Nava , 'Modernit y Tamed ? Wome n Shopper s an d th e Rationalisatio n O f Consumption In the Interwar Period,' Australian Journal of Communication 22 , no. 2 (1995): 11 . Th e Wicklow People, 20 October 1928, p . 4. Maryan n Valiulis, 'Neithe r Feminist nor Flapper : the Ecclesiastical Constructio n of the Ideal Irish Woman' in Chattel, Servant or Citizen: Women's Status in Church, State and Society, eds. Mary O'Dowd and Sabin e Wichert (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1995), 172. Th e Wicklow People, 1 1 August 1928, p. 4. Th e Cork Examiner, 1 May 1928 , p . 7. Th e Limerick Leader, 2 May 1928 , p. 3. Valiulis , 'Neither Feminists nor Flapper.' Th e Limerick Leader,1 1 Jun e 1928, p. 2. Th e Sligo Champion, 1 April 1928 , p . 3. Ibid.

10

11

12 13

14 15

16 17

18

19 2 0

21

2 2 23

2 4 2 5

2 6 27

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2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2

3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8

3 9 4 0

9

Th e Wicklow People, 15 May 1926, p. 4. Th e Wicklow People, 21 January 1928, p. 4. Th e Connacht Sentinel , 28 February 1928 , p. 2. Elizabet h Wilson, Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity (London: Virago, 1985) . Th e Sligo Champion, 1 8 Februar y 1928 , p . 2 an d Th e Connacht Tribune, 18 Februar y 1928, p. 3. Th e Kerryman, 1 3 August 1927, p. 4. Th e Kerryman, 21 August 1927, p. 11. Nava , 'Modernit y Tamed.' Th e Cork Examiner, 15 June 1928, p. 4 . Th e Sligo Champion, 28 July 1928 , p. 7. Catherin e Nash, 'Remapping and Renaming: New Cartographies O f Identity, Gende r and Landscape In Ireland', Feminist Review 44 (1993): 39-57. Th e Sligo Champion, 4 August 1928, p. 6. Nava , 1995 , 'Modernity Tamed.'

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4 'W e are going to carve revenge on your back': Language , Culture, and the Female Body in Kingston's The Woman Warrior Lisa Plummer Crafton

Maxim Hong Kingston's Th e Woma n Warrior.. . grapples with crossgenerational representations of the female body as a site of culture. The five narratives of the book interweave diverse female characters exiled from their cultural communities whose stories present the female body as a locus for conflicts between the forces of individual and cultural identity, forces caught up in cultural processes of instability, change, and renewal This literary and cultural critical study argues that Kingston's text centers upon metaphorical representations of the female body as a repository for cultural values and that the narratives offer both destructive and constructive models of the relationship between Asian women and their cultures. Crafton uses the theoretical frameworks of feminist and cultural literary criticism to place Th e Woman Warrior.. . and her own study of it within the context of the critical debates that Kingston's work provokes, and by which readings of Kingston are continually informed. The author explores how Kingston's postmodern narrative techniques enact thematic concerns, emphasizing links between the female body and the power of language and, ultimately, the potential of writing from the body. Thus, Kingston's text emerges here as richly contributing to an exploration of how women serve as sites for both cultural inscription and cultural authority.

As a focus of recent critica l controversies , Maxine Hon g Kingston' s 198 9 The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts — perhaps th e most well-known wor k o f Asian-American literatur e — has few equals , provokin g debate abou t genre , gender , an d ethnicity. Jus t as the book's generic status as autobiography o r fiction stimulate s stron g argumen t abou t it s purposes, and, indeed, the very purposes o f art, its embrace by white feminist critics provokes adamant response s b y Chinese-America n critic s wh o censur e th e book' s representation o f Chinese culture . A t times, bot h o f these opposin g camp s reduce th e book's representatio n o f conflict eithe r t o women's experienc e or the Chinese and Chinese-American cultural experience. Thes e critical debates ,

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which infor m muc h o f th e scholarshi p o n The Woman Warrior..., ca n b e reconciled, however , i n a readin g o f th e tex t tha t argue s th e femal e bod y a s both a subjec t an d a n ico n fo r cultura l change , a topi c fe w critic s hav e discussed. I n fact , The Woman Warrior grapple s wit h cross-generationa l representations o f the femal e bod y a s a sit e o f culture. Th e five narrative s o f the boo k interweav e divers e femal e character s exile d fro m thei r cultura l communities whos e storie s presen t th e bod y a s a locu s fo r conflict s betwee n the force s o f individua l an d cultura l identity , force s caugh t u p i n cultura l processes o f instability, change, an d renewal. Enablin g a negotiation betwee n individual femal e an d cultura l identity , Kingston' s tex t thematize s metaphorical representation s o f th e bod y a s a repositor y fo r cultura l values ; through thi s focus , th e narrative s offe r bot h destructiv e an d constructiv e models o f the relationshi p betwee n wome n an d thei r cultures. Consequently , Kingston's narrativ e technique s enac t thes e themati c concern s a s th e tex t presents the problemati c ways in which the femal e bod y is encoded b y cultural conflicts. Cultural conflicts , in fact , li e a t th e bas e o f critica l debate s abou t th e very genre of the text . Kingston' s blend of fiction an d autobiography concern s some Chinese-America n critics, lik e Frank Chin an d Katheryn Fong: 1

2

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I rea d you r reference s t o mythica l an d feuda l Chin a a s fiction....Your fantas y storie s ar e embellishe d version s o f your mother' s embellishe d version s o f stories . A s fiction, these stories ar e creativel y written with graphi c imager y and emotion. Th e problem is that non-Chinese ar e readin g your fiction a s tru e account s o f Chines e an d Chinese-American history. 4

These kind s o f critique s stem , o f course , fro m a se t o f assumption s abou t ethnic literature , grounde d i n a keen awareness of the sociopolitica l climat e of minority ar t i n general , tha t someho w th e perceive d 'truthfulness ' o f the tex t carries wit h i t a responsibilit y for th e minorit y artist. Kingston , however , i n her candi d respons e t o th e reviews , 'Cultura l Mis-reading s b y America n Reviewers,' flatly denie s tha t her ar t shoul d at al l times represen t the Chinese American cultura l conditio n an d reject s th e constraint s o f ethni c representation: Why must I 'represent' anyone besides myself? Why should I be denie d a n individua l artisti c vision? And I do not think I wrote a 'negative ' boo k a s th e Chinese-America n reviewe r said; but suppose I had. . . .I'm certain that some day when a great body of Chinese American writin g become s publishe d and well-known, then readers will n o longer have to put such a burden on each book that comes out. 5

Even mor e interesting , however , tha n th e conflic t regardin g th e politicizatio n of genr e i s the theoretica l speculatio n that genr e invokes . A s literary theoris t

We are going to carve revenge on your back 5 Fredric Jameso n argues , 'Genre s ar e essentiall y literar y institutions , o r socia l contracts betwee n a write r an d a specifi c public, whose functio n i s to specif y the prope r us e o f a particular cultura l artifact.' Rejectin g the labe l of history or autobiography , Kingsto n specifie s th e genr e i n her subtitle : Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts. Kingsto n cite s approvingl y Johnson's definitio n of memoir a s a for m whic h ca n 'neithe r [be ] dismissed ] a s fictio n no r quarrel [led] wit h a s fact.' Mor e a t stak e tha n merel y a label , Kingston's choice o f memoi r i n effec t 'construct s a ne w for m o f subjectivity...a n ideographic selfhood.' Acknowledgin g a numbe r o f fin e theoretica l discussions o f Kingston's manipulations o f autobiography - , Lee Quinby, in a literary stud y o f th e generi c for m o f th e memoir , differentiate s betwee n autobiography an d memoir s i n that autobiograph y promote s a n T tha t share s with confessiona l discours e a n assume d interiorit y whic h i s presume d t o b e unitary an d continuou s ove r tim e wherea s memoir s construc t a subjectivit y where the T i s explicitly constituted i n the collectiv e presence o f others and in their utterance s an d thu s i s overtl y dialogica l a s wel l a s multipl e an d discontinuous. Th e genre of memoirs, then, name s a type o f writing that is a composite o f man y genres , man y voices , a n appropriat e paradig m fo r th e structure o f The Woman Warrior, especially for its representation o f the femal e body. Summarizing th e etymologica l history o f the wor d 'memoirs, ' Quinb y highlights suc h definition s a s 'note, ' 'memorandum, ' 'memento, ' and , mos t significantly, 'memorial. ' Kingston' s text itsel f serves a s a memorial, a record that continue s t o spea k fro m the past , i n that it s narrato r i s haunted b y storie s of crime s agains t wome n an d th e Chines e people . Thes e ar e no t mutually exclusive subject s a s som e literar y critic s hav e concluded , however ; Kingston's unifyin g trop e o f th e femal e bod y integrate s thes e subject s i n its role a s a for m o f memorial. Th e femal e reproductiv e bod y itself , o f course , assures a continuin g lineag e fo r a family , bu t a femal e i s als o expecte d t o maintain an d preserve custom , thus functioning a s a cultural or socia l bod y a s well. Fo r the first , a woman is characterized a s a sexualize d body, but fo r th e second, sh e become s a par t o f the networ k o f kinshi p an d socia l bonds . I n opposition t o a Chines e cultur e tha t attempt s t o den y th e embodie d female , Kingston's tex t speak s th e languag e fro m th e body , i n the vengeanc e enacte d upon the bod y of No Nam e Woman, the reveng e embodie d in Fa Mu Lan, an d the ar t manifeste d by T s ' A i Yen' s songs fro m the body . Th e book's teleolog y moves, then , fro m th e femal e bod y a s a sit e o f cultura l vengeanc e t o it s potential a s a sit e fo r cultura l renewal, as th e narrato r find s i n her ow n storie s the sam e age-ol d clashe s betwee n a n autonomou s femal e bod y an d a patriarchal culture. Occupying a unique positio n as bot h sexua l and socia l body , the figur e of woma n is an apt sit e fo r the inscriptio n of cultural values, bu t i t also issue s potentially disruptiv e languag e a s w e l l . Language , ora l an d written , i s th e consistent subjec t o f Kingston's memoirs, a s man y hav e noted , bu t ofte n th e 6

7

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female bod y speak s whe n th e tongu e cannot . Accentuatin g thi s dominan t metaphor, Kingsto n tell s o f her mother' s cuttin g he r frenum : 'Sh e pushe d my tongu e u p an d slice d m y frenum . O r maybe sh e cu t i t wit h a pair o f nai l scissors. I don't remembe r he r doin g it, only he r tellin g m e abou t i t . ' Thi s literal even t function s a s a thematizin g statemen t i n tha t Kingston' s conflic t with languag e 'originate s i n the memor y o f her mother' s literall y cuttin g th e voice ou t o f her.' Kingston' s exploration of her ow n us e o f languag e a s a writer i s interwove n wit h th e sens e tha t truth s abou t he r 'sel f ca n onl y b e realized throug h the telling . Interestingly , i t is through he r mother' s re-tellin g that Kingsto n feel s th e sens e of having a 'broke n voice,' an d i t i s agains t thi s mother's voic e that sh e mus t relear n ho w t o talk. Th e firs t tw o chapter s o f The Woman Warrior prov e tha t th e narrato r ha s no t onl y relearne d th e language tha t her mother , i n a sense, cu t ou t o f her bu t ha s learne d to spea k i t through her body. The stor y o f No Nam e Woman is one tol d about the narrator' s aun t — whose illici t sexua l ac t an d pregnanc y b y on e othe r tha n he r husban d brand s her wit h sham e an d lead s t o he r suicid e — an d tol d to th e youn g narrator o n the occasio n o f he r firs t menses . Explicitly , thi s on e o f he r mother' s storie s issues a warnin g t o he r daughte r agains t women' s transgressiv e sexuality : 'Now tha t you have starte d t o menstruate , wha t happene d t o he r coul d happe n to you. Don' t humiliate us.' Mor e significantly , N o Name Woman's bodil y acts of adultery an d suicid e literally eras e her name fro m th e family ; sh e i s not to b e spoke n of . A s a for m o f punishmen t an d repressio n o f th e body , th e narrator obey s thi s injunctio n agains t speakin g fo r a time , bu t fro m th e firs t sentence, he r tex t transgresse s thi s rule ; a s anothe r criti c argues , Kingston' s story subvert s 'th e paterna l la w concernin g language , sexuality , generation , and gender.' No t only doe s th e narrato r recor d her aunt' s existence, bu t sh e also sympatheticall y an d imaginativel y embellishe s th e story , whic h then , according t o Smith , 'function s a s a sign , lik e he r aunt' s enlargin g belly , publicizing th e potentiall y disruptiv e forc e o f femal e textualit y an d th e matrilineal descen t o f the texts.' Whil e th e stor y i s an ac t o f empowermen t for Kingsto n a s a writer, more importantl y her accoun t give s both a body an d voice t o he r aunt , essentiall y linkin g bod y an d voic e by doin g so . Bot h th e facts o f the stor y an d the narrator' s fictiona l scenario s (i n which sh e imagine s her aun t as activ e lover rather tha n a passive victim ) represen t th e destructive , hostile power s o f cultural and triba l code s agains t th e bod y an d th e potentia l power of the femal e body once allowe d to speak . 11

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In the narrator' s account , the villag e raiders enac t thei r vengeance upo n the aunt' s transgressiv e bod y b y raidin g th e house , ruinin g th e crops , slaughtering th e animals , an d markin g th e hous e wit h blood . Viscera l an d corporeal, their actions are clearly linked with destruction of the fles h (even th e description o f th e peopl e i n th e field s holdin g lantern s contain s th e metaphorical image s o f saw teeth, cuttin g through material , as Kingsto n refer s to th e files o f people wh o 'lik e a grea t saw , teet h strun g wit h lights...walked

We are going to carve revenge on your back 5 zigzag acros s ou r land , tearin g th e rice') , althoug h the y themselve s see m disembodied in that they 'wor e white masks.' Subtl y exposing the hypocrisy of th e cultura l codes, Kingsto n the n goe s o n t o allo w he r aun t a voic e abou t and fro m he r ow n body. Sh e imagine s he r bot h a s victi m o f rape (thu s no t culpable or deserving of the raid , even from th e standpoin t o f village morality) and a s a n activ e lover who protects th e fathe r o f her unbor n chil d b y refusin g to giv e his name. T o entice her lover, as Kingsto n imagines , the 'aun t combed individuality int o he r bob...guessin g a t th e color s an d shape s tha t woul d interest h i m . ' An d ye t thi s physicalit y i s represente d no t a s lus t bu t a s creative energ y tha t resist s a woman' s bein g cas t onl y i n th e rol e o f socia l body; thus the aun t becomes a prototype o f female possibility . I n contras t t o her fou r brothers wh o ar e sen t west 'ou t o n the road, ' sh e alon e i s expected t o keep tradition : 'Th e heav y deep-roote d wome n wer e t o maintai n th e pas t against the flood , saf e fo r returning. Bu t the rar e urge west had fixed upo n our family, an d s o m y aun t crosse d boundarie s no t delineate d i n space.' Conflating th e physica l image o f a body i n space an d that o f a spiri t crossing intangible boundaries , Kingsto n attribute s t o he r aun t muc h more tha n bodil y transgression. Sh e uses this metapho r — 'crossin g boundaries no t delineate d in space' — throughou t th e narratio n t o sugges t th e lin k betwee n th e femal e body an d spirit , especially in the childbirt h scene . Th e aunt chooses th e over t materiality o f the pigst y a s a place fo r he r labor , but i n between contractions , she is liberated from th e spatia l boundaries that have confined her: 18

19

20

With forehea d an d knee s agains t th e earth , he r bod y convulsed and then relaxed. Sh e turned o n her back, lay on the ground. Th e black well of sky and stars went out and out and ou t forever ; he r bod y an d he r complexit y seemed t o disappear. Sh e was one of the stars, a bright dot in blackness, without a home...she fel t pain return, focusing her body....For hours she lay on the ground, alternately body and space. 21

Her spiritua l journey to the 'blac k well o f sky and stars' i s echoed by her wal k to th e physica l well wher e sh e take s th e bab y wit h he r i n suicide ; Kingsto n describes i t a s a n ac t o f love, fo r 'mother s wh o lov e their childre n take the m along.' Th e narrator's memorializin g accoun t represents both the destructiv e ways i n whic h cultur e inscribe s th e femal e bod y (whethe r on e accept s th e passive, 'heavy-rooted ' rol e o r choose s t o cros s boundaries ) an d th e potentia l for writin g one' s self . Th e metaphor o f her aun t as 'on e bein g flaring u p int o violence' wh o could 'ope n up a black hole, a maelstrom that pulled i n the sky ' suggests a potential fo r al l who dar e to resis t th e containin g horizons of their own villag e structure . Th e openin g chapte r o f th e boo k thu s no t onl y empowers th e narrator' s ar t — Kingsto n avow s tha t sh e 'alon e devotes[s ] pages o f pape r t o her' — bu t metaphorize s th e femal e bod y a s a sit e upo n which cultur e impose s it s vengeance , bu t whic h ma y subversivel y provide imaginative energy to 'cros s boundaries no t delineated in space.' 22

2 3

5

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The crossin g o f boundarie s climaxes , o f course , i n 'Whit e Tigers, ' where th e cross-dressin g F a M u La n offer s he r bod y bot h a s a table t fo r cultural inscriptio n and a s a materna l sourc e o f knowledge an d power . Tha t her bod y i s warrio r an d mother , simultaneously , exemplifie s th e dual , composite rol e of the femal e body . Whil e he r mothe r tell s her th e stor y o f Fa M u La n to ensur e he r filia l piety , th e narrato r connect s th e heroi c act s o f Fa M u Lan , her own writing, and her mother's talk-story : Night afte r nigh t m y mothe r woul d talk-stor y until w e fel l asleep. I couldn' t tel l wher e th e storie s lef t of f an d th e dreams began , he r voic e th e voic e o f heroine s i n m y sleep....At las t I sa w that I too ha d bee n i n the presenc e o f great power; my mother talking-story....I remembered tha t as a child I had followed m y mother about the house, the two of us singin g abou t ho w F a M u La n fough t gloriousl y an d returned aliv e fro m wa r t o settl e i n th e village . I ha d forgotten thi s chant wa s onc e mine, given me by my mother who may not have known its power to remind. 24

Fondly rememberin g a daughte r singin g aroun d th e hous e abou t th e legendary heroine , Kingsto n make s th e distinctio n that he r mothe r ma y no t have know n th e tale' s 'powe r t o remind. ' Ther e i s als o ampl e reaso n t o believe tha t th e narrator' s versio n o f the stor y i s not th e on e tol d he r b y he r mother; instead , Kingsto n revises the legen d as a metaphorical statemen t abou t the power of the femal e body . Critics wh o charg e Kingsto n wit h fictionalizin g th e genr e o f autobiography (thu s risking prompting naive readers to mistake fictio n fo r fact ) point especiall y to thi s episode. Kingston' s adaptation o f this traditional tale serves a s a multivalent , multivoca l narrative o f a heroi c warrior , bu t mor e importantly bespeak s th e heroi c ar t o f self-expressio n throug h th e body . Kingston's firs t revisio n to th e traditiona l 'Balla d o f Mulan' o r 'Mula n Shi ' is that instea d o f th e heroin e wh o join s th e arm y onl y ou t o f filia l piety , a substitute fo r her agin g father, Kingston' s Fa Mu Lan is a 'chosen ' one . Also , the tattooin g o f her bod y i s take n fro m a well-know n tale o f Yue Fei, whose mother wa s sai d t o hav e carve d fou r character s (no t entir e passages ) o n hi s back to ensure his patriotic loyalty. Finally , the traditiona l Fa Mu Lan is never described a s havin g bee n pregnan t an d give n birt h t o a chil d whil e i n mal e disguise. I n fact , i n th e origina l versio n o f th e tale , th e militar y campaign s comprise a lonely detour i n her life , an d the en d o f the poe m find s he r puttin g on makeup , read y t o resum e he r interrupte d femal e life. I n short , Kingsto n translates F a M u Lan from a defende r o f th e establishment , bot h patriarcha l and patriotic , t o a subversiv e femal e 'warrior ' whos e bod y serve s a s bot h a material exampl e o f cultura l inscriptio n and a physica l manifestatio n o f th e word/body as weapon . In he r firs t deviatio n from th e traditiona l story , th e narrato r o f 'Whit e Tigers' memorialize s her mother' s storie s o f the legendar y swordswoma n an d 25

26

We are going to carve revenge on your back SI fantasizes abou t bein g chose n t o b e a warrior : 'Th e cal l woul d com e fro m a bird that flew ove r our roof. I n the bras h drawing s i t looks like th e ideograp h for 'human, ' tw o blac k wings... ! woul d b e a littl e gir l o f seve n th e da y I followed th e bir d int o the mountains.' Underscorin g the theme of inscription that structures th e narrative, the narrator link s the natural form of the bod y wit h language, a s the bir d resembles th e Chines e ideograph for 'human. ' I n a sense, the lin k testifie s tha t th e narrato r (wh o the n mutate s int o F a M u Lan ) i s summoned t o becom e full y 'human, ' no t simpl y a warrior . Kingston' s complex narrativ e styl e i s nowhere mor e compellin g than her e a s th e narrator moves fro m litera l memory o f her mother' s stories , to imaginativ e fantasy tha t she to o ma y b e calle d one day , an d t o a first-perso n accoun t o f her imagine d experience. The traditional martial arts training for Kingston's fictional first-perso n narrator begin s wit h he r learnin g ho w silenc e an d languag e coincide . Whil e the ol d woma n admonishe s he r t o lear n 'ho w t o b e quiet, ' th e trainin g exercises teac h he r literall y to us e he r bod y a s a tool of inscription: T learne d to mov e m y fingers , hands , feet , head , an d entir e bod y i n circles . I walked putting hee l dow n first, toes pointing outward thirt y t o fort y degrees , making the ideograp h "eight, " makin g the ideograp h "human."' Emulatin g the bir d whose wing s resemble th e ideograp h 'human, ' th e narrato r begin s a journey t o learn the many voices of the body . In one o f her visions, brought o n by hunger , she make s th e connectio n that a body in space designate s muc h more than jus t itself: 27

28

I saw...tw o people made of gol d dancin g the earth' s dances. They turne d s o perfectl y tha t together they were the axi s o f the earth' s turning.... I a m watchin g th e centurie s pas s i n moments becaus e suddenl y I understan d time...An d I understand that working and hoeing are dancing; how peasant clothes are golden , a s king' s clothes are golden , ho w on e o f the dancer s is always a man and the othe r a woman. 29

Like N o Nam e Woman , th e narrato r hersel f crosse s boundarie s 'no t delineated i n space' ; spatiotempora l bond s ar e suspende d her e i n a momen t when sh e i s both i n her bod y (intense hunger ) an d outsid e o f it. Thi s phase of her trainin g invokes her identificatio n with ordinar y peopl e (peasant s hoeing ) and he r commitmen t t o th e belie f tha t sh e 'coul d star e at ordinar y peopl e an d see thei r ligh t an d gold...se e thei r dance. ' Tha t sh e i s compelle d t o thi s perception o f the lin k betwee n individua l an d cultur e b y bein g roote d i n he r own bod y is made clea r as sh e explicitl y acknowledge s th e cycle s of her bod y as materializin g that link : T ble d an d though t abou t th e peopl e t o b e killed ; I bled and thought abou t the people to be b o r n . ' Kingston's secon d alteratio n o f th e traditiona l tal e incorporate s th e story o f th e tattooe d bac k o f Yu e Fe i int o th e stor y o f F a M u Lan. I n thi s version, F a M u La n presents hersel f a s a femal e avenger , an d th e scen e o f 30

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inscription wher e he r parent s literally mark he r bod y a s a weapon i s crucia l to Kingston's argument about how the bod y function s a s a site o f both individual and cultura l renewal. Wakin g Fa Mu Lan in the earl y morning, her parents take her to the famil y hall: Forebodingly, I caught a smell — metallic, the iro n smell of blood, a s whe n a woman give s birth , a s a t th e sacrific e o f a large animal, as when I menstruated and dreamed re d dreams. ...'We ar e goin g to carve revenge on your back,' m y father said. 'We'l l write out oaths and names.' 'Wherever yo u go , whateve r happen s t o you , peopl e wil l know ou r sacrifice, ' m y mothe r said . 'An d you'l l neve r forget either.' 31

The inscribe d body function s a s a sign of cultural identificatio n an d individual resistance at the sam e time. Th e words carve d i n blood are one s that will b e of help t o he r peopl e eve n i f she i s kille d i n battle, an d thu s eve n he r dea d bod y would b e a 'weapon. ' Furtherin g thi s analogy , F a M u Lan explain s tha t he r back i s 'covere d entirel y wit h words i n red an d blac k files , lik e a n army , lik e an army.' Lik e th e zig-za w files of people swarmin g acros s the ric e field s of No Nam e Woman , thes e word s wil l enac t vengeance , an d whil e he r martia l exploits ar e literal , the mos t significan t act s of the woma n warrio r occu r wher e she speak s from the body . Kingston cast s no doubt s upon th e physica l prowess o f Fa Mu Lan, but like th e men' s clothe s sh e mus t adop t eve n t o engag e i n battle , he r martia l exploits i n a sens e mas k th e Jac t tha t mos t o f he r powe r come s fro m dee p inside the body , no t fro m militar y expertise. Kingsto n has sai d in an intervie w that he r missio n wa s t o inven t a ne w for m o f autobiography , whic h tells th e inner lif e o f women: 'On e o f the way s t o kee p ourselve s aliv e i s t o recogniz e these invisibl e forces tha t ar e ver y powerfu l i n ourselves.' Thes e invisibl e forces for m th e bas e o f Fa Mu Lan's strength . Durin g a charge , fo r example , she 'guide[s ] th e hors e wit h he r knees , freein g bot h hand s fo r sword-work , spinning green an d silve r circles all around [her].' Here , Kingston insinuate s a supernatura l caus e o f he r strength ; lik e N o Nam e Woma n i n labor , th e woman warrio r work s he r bod y (guidin g th e hors e wit h he r knees ) whil e metaphorically transformin g spac e (spinnin g circle s al l around) . Recountin g one o f th e mos t perilou s battles , sh e acknowledge s tha t sh e sough t ou t he r repository o f power, enablin g he r bod y t o b e no t onl y a metaphorica l weapo n (the word s o n he r back ) bu t a litera l one: T mad e a throwin g gestur e an d th e opposing arm y woul d fall , hurle d acros s th e battlefield . Hailstone s a s bi g a s heads would shoot out o f the sk y and th e lightnin g would stab like swords , bu t never a t those on my side.' Lik e the initia l bod y writin g that she learn s in the mountains, thes e essentia l bod y gesture s serv e a s performatives , coincidin g with nature' s ow n weapons , linkin g he r femal e bod y t o th e cycle s o f th e natural world . Thi s connectio n betwee n bod y an d spiri t culminate s i n th e 32

33

34

35

We are going to carve revenge on your back 5 figure o f the warrio r poet wh o offer s no t onl y physical victories bu t spiritua l ease for her comrades , singin g songs at night that 'came ou t o f the sk y and int o my head.' Kingston' s warrior, then, i s a spiritua l one, no t simpl y a woma n who take s o n th e armo r o f men . Therefore , Wong' s clai m tha t th e 'ver y necessity o f mal e disguis e mean s tha t th e narrator' s fantasize d challeng e t o patriarchy ca n neve r b e complete ' misse s th e poin t i n tha t F a M u La n embodies th e strengt h o f self-knowledg e an d th e powe r tha t man y wome n i n different cultura l disguises ca n invoke. Finally, Kingston' s mos t significan t revisio n o f th e traditiona l stor y emphasizes tha t F a Mu Lan does not separat e her rol e a s publi c bearer o f th e cultural recor d fro m he r rol e a s private , sexualize d body ; instea d o f delaying the lif e o f wife an d mother, sh e choose s bot h pregnancy an d birth in the cours e of battle. Whe n Fa Mu Lan's husband —joine d t o her a s a 'spiri t bridegroom' in a weddin g ceremon y tha t sh e witnesse d fro m afa r a s sh e traine d i n th e mountains — appear s i n th e cam p on e night , he r rol e a s defende r o f th e cultural bod y i s mos t overtl y displace d b y hi s recognitio n o f he r a s a sexua l body, as Kingston' s poignant descriptio n emphasizes: 'H e wept whe n he too k off m y shir t an d sa w th e scar-word s o n m y back . H e loosene d m y hai r an d covered the word s with i t . ' Loosenin g her hai r (which had been tie d back ' i n a man' s fashion') , h e reconnect s he r t o he r bod y and , fo r a moment , subordinates it s function as cultura l sign as h e consciousl y covers the word s of vengeance wit h he r hair . Subsequently , sh e literall y embodie s bot h sexual/social role s a s he r pregnan t naked bod y become s a dual sig n of femal e and cultura l identity : 'No w when I wa s naked , I wa s a strang e huma n bein g indeed — word s carved on my back and the bab y larg e i n front.' Sh e retreats from battl e only once, t o giv e birth in a scen e clearl y reminiscent o f the labo r of N o Nam e Woman , whic h stresse s th e limitles s connectio n betwee n th e female bod y i n labor an d infinit e space . A s sh e narrates , 'I n dar k an d silve r dreams, I had see n hi m falling fro m th e sky , each nigh t close r to th e earth , hi s soul a star. Jus t before labo r began, th e las t sta r rays san k int o my belly.' I n perhaps the oddes t episod e o f her description , sh e an d he r husban d ti e th e cu t umbilical cor d t o th e flagpole , thu s literall y uniting th e fles h o f th e female , maternal bod y to the worl d o f the woma n warrior. The constructio n o f the warrio r a s materna l body , Kingston' s cleares t alteration t o th e origina l legend , als o come s t o infor m th e narrator' s fina l reflections o n he r imagine d experienc e a s F a M u Lan . A t th e en d o f th e chapter, afte r recountin g he r ow n trial s a s a woma n warrio r (marchin g a t Berkeley i n th e sixties , strugglin g t o b e 'America n feminine') , Kingsto n returns to the legen d to clai m the swordswoma n figur e fo r herself and to affir m that 'Marriag e and childbirt h strengthen the swordswoman , wh o i s not a maid like Joa n o f A r c . ' Thi s chapter's powerfu l representatio n is , in many ways , foundational fo r the whol e text; not simpl y a legend that parallels the narrator' s struggles, i t is an emblem for potential 'swordswomen ' readers . Cultura l criti c Amy Lin g to o dismissivel y comments tha t the stor y 'ma y b e a glorious model 36

37

38

39

40

41

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for a girl to dream about' bu t i s a 'gross exaggeration , a wish-fulfillment whic h the autho r indulge s i n wit h a smil e o n he r face.' T o cal l thi s narrativ e a n exaggeration i s t o mis s th e over t analog y tha t th e narrato r make s betwee n herself and the woman warrior: 42

The swordswoma n an d I ar e no t s o dissimilar . Ma y m y people understand the resemblanc e soo n s o tha t I can retur n to them . Wha t w e hav e i n commo n ar e th e word s a t ou r backs. Th e idiom s fo r revenge ar e 'repor t a crime ' an d 'report to fiv e families. ' Th e reportin g i s th e vengeanc e — not th e beheading , not th e gutting , but the words . An d I have so man y word s — 'chink ' word s an d 'gook ' word s —that they do not fi t o n my skin. 43

Closing th e fina l chapter , Kingsto n transform s th e tal e o f Ts'ai Yen , a poet bor n in A . C . E. 175 , into a parable abou t th e potentia l of writing fro m th e body. Capture d a t th e ag e o f twent y b y a barbaria n tribe , th e scholar' s daughter wa s captiv e fo r twelv e year s befor e he r ranso m an d retur n t o he r native lands. Yet , this writer-warrio r — wh o bear s tw o childre n with he r barbarian capto r an d is thus, lik e the others , a mother-warrior as wel l — learn s her son g fro m listenin g to th e drie d reed flute s o f her captors . Mor e tha n jus t martial tunes, th e music played in the cam p in the silen t desert night is a poten t expression o f ar t an d yearnin g tha t affect s Ts'a i Ye n so profoundl y tha t sh e amazingly find s withi n hersel f the powe r t o replicat e it . Wit h n o instrument s of he r own , sh e use s he r voice , he r bod y t o imitat e exactl y th e soun d o f th e home-made instruments : 'Then , out o f Ts'ai Yen' s tent , which wa s apar t fro m the others , th e barbarian s hear d a woman's voic e singing, as i f to he r babies , a song so high and clear, it matched the flutes.' Whe n Kingston conclude s th e book b y explainin g tha t Ts'a i Yen' s son g eventuall y becam e he r poe m 'Eighteen Stanza s fo r a Barbaria n Reed Pipe, ' sh e stresse s that thi s i s a son g the Chines e sing to their own instruments, an d she comment s tha t it 'translate d well.' Thi s description of a song's harmoniou s translation from on e contex t t o another i s ofte n interprete d a s referrin g t o Kingston' s reconciliation with th e figure o f th e mother . Man y critic s hav e mad e thi s connection . Th e fina l chapter's persona l narrativ e recount s Kingston' s confrontation o f he r mothe r with a lon g lis t o f grievance s an d convey s th e sens e tha t Kingston' s newly strong sel f has enormou s difficult y i n 'translating' th e dictate s o f her mother' s Chinese cultur e int o he r ow n evolvin g Chinese-America n one. Thus , he r recognition that Ts'ai Yen' s son g 'translated well ' ca n be read a s a conciliatory moment tha t stand s for her ow n translation o f her mother' s storie s throughou t the narrative . Whil e thi s engagemen t wit h th e relationshi p of the mothe r ma y be particularl y resonant i n the stor y o f Ts'ai Yen , the line' s simplicit y — 'I t translated well ' — an d it s functio n as th e fina l lin e i n the boo k shoul d not b e overlooked. Tha t is , a translation fro m on e for m o f language t o another , fro m 44

45

We are going to carve revenge on your back 6

1

the languag e o f captors t o that o f the captive , underscores th e text' s emphati c and consisten t concern with forms of language and our ability to 'read ' them. Just a s Ts'a i Ye n translates th e musi c of her captor' s deser t flute s int o songs fo r he r ow n voice, Kingston' s composit e text translate s man y differen t forms o f languag e fro m th e body , representin g subversiv e bodie s a s bot h cultural weapo n and individua l femal e force . Tha t this i s her subject , an d no t the militaristi c celebratio n o f a woma n warrior , i s clea r i n Kingston' s uneasiness wit h th e titl e o f the book : T reall y don' t lik e warriors... I guess I always have i n my style a doubt abou t war s a s a way of solving things.' B y the end , it is very clea r that the narrator' s mento r has evolve d fro m F a Mu Lan to Ts'a i Ye n — fro m warrio r t o poet — but , i n fact, th e poe t ha s alway s been her guidin g spirit , a s N o Nam e Woman , F a M u Lan, and Ts-a i Ye n are all figures o f a poet wh o speaks he r body . Tha t Kingsto n follow s thei r examples in he r textua l practice, by displacin g boundarie s an d insistin g o n the presenc e of the body, enables us to say that their songs 'translate d well. ' 46

Notes 1

2

3

4

5

6

7 8

I

t is possible to see gender and national identity as versions of one another . Se e Suzanne Juhasz, 'Maxin e Hon g Kingston : Narrativ e Techniqu e an d Femal e Identity, ' i n Contemporary American Women Writers: Narrative Strategies, ed . Catherine Rainwater (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1985), 173-89. M y focus on the bod y as a site for cultura l conflic t suggest s a tangibl e spac e wher e individual/cultura l role s and gender/ethnicity meet. Fo r a different, theoretica l exploratio n o f how Kingston's text reconciles fixe d opposition , se e Lesli e Rabine' s 'N o Lost Paradise : Socia l Gende r an d Symbolic Gender in the Writing s of Maxine Hong Kingston,' Signs 12 , no. 3 (1987): 471 92. Also , on physical mutilation in Kingston, see Deborah L. Madsen, '(Dis)Figuration: The Bod y as Icon in the Writings of Maxine Hong Kingston,' The Yearbook of English Studies 24 (1994): 237-50. M y focus is limited to the figures of No Nam e Woman, Fa Mu Lan, an d Ts'a i Yen , all women whose bodies become encoded with the signs of this conflict; for a useful analysis of Brav e Orchid and Moo n Orchid, see Margaret Miller, 'Thread s of Identity in Maxin e Hong Kingston's The Woman Warrior," Biography 6, no. 1 (1983): 13-33. Se e Le e Quinby , 'Th e Subject o f Memoirs : The Woman Warrior's Technolog y o f Ideographic Selfhood, ' i n Critical Essays on Maxine Hong Kingston, ed . Laur a E. Skandera-Trombley. (Ne w York: G . K. Hall, 1998) , 125-45 ; King-Kok Cheung , 'The Woman Warrior versus The Chinaman Pacific: Must a Chinese-American Critic Choose Between Feminis m an d Heroism?' i n Critical Essays on Maxine Hong Kingston, ed . Laura E. Skandera-Trombley. (Ne w York : G. K. Hall, 1998) , 107-124. Kathery n M. Fong, 'T o Maxin e Hong Kingston: A Letter,' Bulletin for Concerned Asian Scholars 9 , no. 4 (1977): 67. Se e also My lan's charge of latent Orientalism i n Sheryl Mylan, 'Th e Mother a s Other : Orientalis m i n Maxin e Hon g Kingston' s The Woman Warrior,' i n Women of Color: Mother-Daughter Relationships in 20 th Century Literature, ed. Elizabeth Brown-Guillory (Austin: Universit y of Texas Press, 1996), 132-52. Kingston , 'Cultural Mis-readings by American Reviewers,' in Critical Essays on Maxine Hong Kingston, ed. Laura E. Skandera-Trombley. (Ne w York : G. K. Hall, 1998), 101. Fredri

c Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca:

Cornell University Press, 1981), 106. Quote d in Kingston, 'Cultural Mis-readings,' 102. Quinby , 126.

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e Quinby's summary on 126-7. Als o see Joh n Paul Eakin , Fiction in Autobigrap Studies in the Art of Self Invention(Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1985 ) Sidonie Smith , A Poetics of Women's Autobiography: Marginality and the Fictions of Self-Representation (Bloomington: Indian a University Press, 1987). O n language as liberation, see King-Kok Cheung , 'Don' t Tell: Imposed Silences in The Color Purple and The Woman Warrior; PMLA 103 (1988): 162-74. Th e frenumis the membrane underneath the tongue that restricts its movement. Kingston , The Woman Warrior (Ne w York : Vintage , 1976) , 164 . Al l subsequen t quotations from Kingston cite this source. Smith , 168. Man y critics have analyzed the representation of the dominating mother; see especially Celeste Schenk , 'Al l of a Piece: Women' s Poetr y an d Autobiography,' i n Life/Lines: Theorizing Women's Autobiography, eds . Bella Brodzk i an d Celeste Schenke . (Ithaca : Cornell Universit y Press, 1988) , 107-30 , for an analysis of the Ts'a i Ye n episode as a return to the exiled mother as the source of poetry. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 5. Rabine , 484. Smith , 156. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 3-4 . Kingsto n purposefully point s out the paradox of village morality, of those who indulge the body and ye t mask it, both figuratively and literally. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 9. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 8. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 14 . Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 15 . Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 12 . Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 19-20 . Whil e Chi n attack s Kingston's 'distortions, ' Cheun g counters that the 'distortions ' are actually subversions. Se e Frank Chin, 'Thi s Is Not an Autobiography,' Genre 18 , no. 2 (1985): 109-30, and Cheung, 'The Woman Warrior, esp. 112. Fo r these revisions to the legend of Fa Mu Lan, see Wong, esp. 149-50 and 160-61. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 20. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 23. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 27. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 33. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 34. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 35. Quote d i n Pin-Chia Feng , The Female Bildungsroman by Toni Morrison and Maxine Hong Kingston (NY: Peter Lang, 1998). Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 37. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 38-9. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 37. Sau-Lin g Cynthi a Wong , 'Autobiograph y a s Guide d Chinatow n Tour ? Maxin e Hon g Kingston's The Woman Warrior and th e Chinese-America n Autobiographica l Controversy,' i n Critical Essays on Maxine Hong Kingston, ed . Laur a E . SkanderaTrombley. (NY : G . K. Hall, 1998), 146-67. Th e quotation is from161. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 39. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 39-40. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 40. Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 48. Ling , 175 . Am y Ling, 'Maxin e Hon g Kingsto n an d the Dialogi c Dilemn a o f Asian American Writers,' in Critical Essays on Maxine Hong Kingston, ed. Laur a E. SkanderaTrombley (NY : G . K. Hall, 1998) , 168-81. M y reading also opposes Cheung's argument that she is 'problematic as a model since she can only exercise her power when in mal e armor.' Se e 'The Woman Warrior; esp. 116.

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Kingston , The Woman Warrior, 53 . Quinb y claim s that the excess o f words disrupts 'categories of containment through which the dominant and dominating regimes of power are constructed.' Se e 136 . Ts'a i Yen has been interpreted as a stand-in for Kingston (as in David Li, 'Th e Naming of A Chinese-America n I: Cross-Cultural Significations in The Woman Warrior, ' Criticism 30, no . 4 (1988) : 497-515) , fo r Brave Orchi d (a s i n Margit Wogowitsch , Narrative Strategies and Multicultural Identity: Maxine Hong Kingston in Context (Vienna, Austria: Braumuller, 1995), and for both alternately (as in Rabine). Thes e quotations fromKingston are found on 208-9. Quote d in Cheung 117.

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5 'I f this is improper,... then I am all improper, and you must give me up': Daisy Miller and Other Uppity White Women as Resistant Emblems of America Lisa Johnson

In this essay, the author explores the site of the white, middle-class, female body at the center of American national symbolism as a potentially resistant (or 'uppity') force in literary history and contemporary pop culture. She points to several sightings of this body in postures of social revolt. Beginning with her own white, middle- class, female body as reader, Johnson looks for ways to see (or re-vision) this site not as a passive emblem of unquestioning nationalist pride or uncritical ethnocentrism but as a symbol come to life, speaking against the interpellation of the white female into sexist, racist, classist, and heterosexist cultural rubrics. Johnson seeks out textual and touristic sites in which a certain white female body has been used to represent the 'new world' as a parallel land to be penetrated and tamed by the European patriarchal systems of marriage and colonization, respectively. Referring to two focal examples — the Statue of Liberty and Henry James' treatment of the American Girl in his novella Daisy Miller — Johnson contends that a certain white, American woman has always agitated for more control over women's representation in relation to nationalist and imperialist agendas.

I a m learnin g to connec t th e dots . On e do t fo r woman-hate , one fo r racism, on e for classlsm, on e fo r telling m e who I can fuck. Whe n I connec t al l th e dots , It' s a pictur e o f me , a picture o f privileg e an d th e wa y It' s disguise d behind prett y white smiles. - Christin e Doza, Bloodlove

Middle-class whit e American wome n have bee n use d consistentl y to represen t the whol e of America and , mor e recently , the whol e of feminism. A s both reader an d citizen , I t strikes me that I must determin e ho w to engag e wit h thi s Inherited socia l position . W i l l I carry it forward wit h pride ? (I'l l never forge t the electricit y a t m y fingertips before ever y high schoo l footbal l gam e whe n I 1

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stood o n the field , arm s raised , suspende d i n the moment befor e signallin g th e band t o begi n 'Th e Sta r Spangle d Banner.' ) O r wil l I bea r i t obliviously , thinking graduat e schoo l somehow excuse d me from th e socia l powe r structur e by givin g m e a pee k behin d it s curtains ? Or , finally , wil l I pu t i t dow n altogether, findin g som e way , i n Adrienn e Rich's words , t o tur n i t over? I bought a pai r o f Tomm y Hilfige r shoe s th e othe r day . Tomm y Hilfige r advertises it s red-white-and-blu e clothin g lin e wit h a n imag e o f th e quintessential America n girl : young , white, blonde, blue-eyed. Th e gir l ever y boy wants , an d ever y gir l want s t o be . Sh e i s a gir l I hav e flirte d wit h becoming. Becaus e I am close to the idea l (I am white, thin, heterosexual-ish), it become s m y choice (through artificia l high-lights ) to inhabi t thi s monolithic American womanhood . O r not ('you r hair' s stil l dark, ' Grandmothe r rumbled accusingly yesterday). I felt a slight and secret thril l a s I slipped on those shoes , suddenly a Tommy Girl — it' s s o easy , s o constructed , s o slipper y — starin g back fro m th e mirror ; then cam e quic k guilt and a n urg e t o fin d som e wa y in this articl e to escap e th e lur e of classy white womanhood as th e America n we t dream. 2

Despite growin g cultural consciousness abou t th e sexis m and racism of commercial advertisements , companie s lik e Tomm y Hilfige r continu e t o capitalize o n the remainin g power of unthinking patriotism. I chose America n culture a s th e them e fo r m y compositio n course las t fal l i n orde r t o teac h th e skill o f critical thinking; I wanted students to think critically about ho w they ar e worked o n by culture and produced in specific ways as Americans . Lookin g a t an array of advertisements, I asked the student s why so many use gimmick s like 'America's numbe r on e bluejeans, ' 'America' s favorite barbecue, ' an d s o on . Why does this call to nationhood appeal to us as consumers? What , exactly, are we consuming ? W e looked at th e Tomm y Girl ad . Th e firs t coupl e o f points were obvious : 'America ' equal s 'white. ' Okay . An d 'affluent. ' Yes . W e paused, and , no t bein g awar e o f th e lon g histor y o f whit e wome n a s icon s of America, attributed th e conflatio n o f womanhoo d wit h libert y to th e feminis t movement (readin g th e lin k betwee n he r bod y an d Americ a a s a reiteration of 'equality feminism'). The n the student s stumped me . The y noticed she wasn' t smiling. Strange . Sh e ha s everythin g a gir l coul d want : she' s beautiful , she' s rich, she' s white, she's American. An d she's not smiling . Wha t gives?

I feel my whiteness as a sun-blinded desert of distance — Jan e Lazarre, Beyond the Whiteness of Whiteness

Today I checke d ou t a n armloa d o f book s o n whitenes s studie s fro m a lightskinned blac k woman a t th e universit y library desk . W e smile d a t eac h othe r politely, an d I wondered wha t sh e though t a s sh e rea d throug h th e titles : White Women, Race Matters, Beyond the Whiteness of Whiteness, The Wages of Whiteness, an d so on. D i d she se e m e a s a n all y (m y specious life-lon g hop e in

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encounters wit h wome n of color)? O r was I just anothe r bleeding-hear t libera l with misguided notions abou t al l of us gettin g along , on a mission of depthles s white penance ? D i d she notic e th e title s a t all ? Or , more likely , wa s sh e no t studying me a t all ? I walked out the glas s librar y door and hurried towards m y car t o jot dow n wha t seeme d t o m e a crucia l question . A s I reflecte d o n m y project o f recuperatin g upper-middle-clas s whit e America n womanhoo d a s a space o f antiracis t an d anticlassis t work , I wondere d a littl e defensivel y t o myself, what' s th e differenc e betwee n narcissisti c navel-gazing , o r 'whit e solipsism,' an d the holy grail of cultural studies, critica l self-consciousness ? It woul d b e eas y t o ge t bogge d dow n i n this dilemm a as I explor e th e literary an d cultura l history of white women as resistan t emblem s o f America. I tak e Rut h Frankenberg's warnin g seriously : 'Muc h wor k remains t o b e don e in actuall y making visible an d underminin g white culture' s tie s t o domination . This i s perhap s a mor e urgen t priorit y than lookin g fo r th e 'good ' aspect s o f white people' s heritage.' I stan d cautiousl y betwee n Frankenberg' s warnin g above an d he r fleetin g gesture towards hope : 'Thi s book view s white women' s lives a s site s bot h fo r th e reproductio n o f racism and fo r challenge s t o it.' I n fact I feel somewhat crushe d between he r criticis m of white women as sufferin g 'lacunae i n perception' whe n it comes t o their own racialness an d her reductio n of muc h self-awar e whitenes s t o 'a n ac t o f backlash.' I n he r late r edite d volume, Displacing Whiteness, Frankenber g creates room for a third option: ' in examining whit e self-naming s on e mus t furthe r distinguis h — althoug h th e separation i s no t alway s har d an d fas t — betwee n assertion s o f whit e supremacism o r superiorit y an d critica l self-examination s o f whiteness.' Recognizing our central place in representations o f the America n status quo i s a first ste p beyon d th e blindin g 'whitenes s o f whiteness, ' wher e w e ma y acknowledge th e limit s an d distortion s o f America n literar y histor y whil e salvaging its spirit of rebellion. '[I]t i s i n principle possible t o disaffiliate, ' argue s Marilynn e Frye ; we 'are no t doome d t o dominanc e b y logi c o r nature.' Fry e describe s th e awakening tha t come s wit h perceivin g whiteness a s sociall y constructed , an d instead o f seeking 'equality ' wit h whit e men, which to he r mean s wanting 'ou r own firsthan d participatio n i n racia l dominance, ' sh e 'give[s ] [her]sel f th e injunction t o sto p bein g White.' Whil e I follo w he r point , whic h sh e make s by discussing the wa y she ha s aske d the me n i n her lif e t o sto p bein g 'men, ' t o stop livin g unconsciousl y accordin g t o culturall y sanctione d masculinity , th e language sh e use s doe s not wor k fo r me . Instea d o f telling mysel f an d other s 'to sto p bein g White, ' I woul d rathe r rewrit e th e concep t o f 'whit e culture ' t o include dissiden t white s an d trul y democrati c movement . I a m take n wit h Frankenberg's emphasi s o n '[wjhiteness a s process,' fo r when whiteness i s see n as somethin g on e does , on e ca n decid e t o 'do ' whitenes s differently. Give n this performative definition , I argue that if culture i s written primarily o n white women's bodies , the n whit e wome n hav e th e uniqu e opportunit y t o wea r i t wrong and thus bear a revolutionary message . 3

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I alig n mysel f wit h Joann e Fry e i n he r theorizatio n o f readin g a s the political aren a of literature: For, a s I se e it , th e fulles t participatio n o f th e nove l i n feminist chang e derive s fro m th e reader , especiall y th e woman reader, wh o might find throug h the reading of novels the growin g edge o f he r ow n humanity , extendin g beyon d available roles and categories an d into a renewed future . A s she learn s fro m femal e character s ne w way s to interpre t he r own and other women's experiences, she helps to reshape the culture's understandin g o f wome n an d participate s i n th e feminist alteration of human experience. 11

I woul d distinguish , though, amon g th e way s feminis t reader s migh t 'reshap e the culture's understandin g o f women.' Th e resisting reader (Judit h Fetterley's formulation, whic h ha s becom e near-ubiquitou s i n reading s o f th e America n canon) perceive s onl y th e sexism , racism, and classis m in canonica l texts.. I propose instea d th e reader of resistance, wh o perceive s characters ' socia l disruptiveness an d thei r authors ' intentiona l an d unintentiona l deploymen t o f them to critique dominant culture. Lis a Heldk e advocates 'traitorou s identities ' for wome n i n privilege d socia l positions , 'identitie s tha t betra y an d resis t th e systems o f dominatio n that overprivileg e them.' Readin g for resistanc e i s one wa y white women can be traitorous , studyin g the way s middle-class white American wome n — wh o ar e interpellated , n o question s asked , int o conventional national stories o f self an d other — wor k out a contingent loyalt y to th e nobl e part s o f America n culture , ye t resis t it s exploitiv e dimensions. I am interested , a s par t o f thi s politicize d reading , no t onl y i n revealin g white middle-class overprivilege , but i n revealin g th e constraints o f whit e middleclass overprivileg e — ho w i t coerces , estranges , encloses . I n additio n t o mapping ou t misrepresentation s o f peopl e o f colo r i n literatur e b y whit e Americans, then , critic s might locat e textua l moment s tha t len d themselves t o coalition wit h American s of colo r throug h a common, if differential, narrativ e of socia l justice. In the followin g sections , I examine two paradigmatic texts tha t conflate America wit h middle-clas s white femininity : the Statu e o f Libert y an d Henry James' Daisy Miller. I will b e seekin g within these texts thei r latent narratives of disaffiliation. I conside r thi s projec t t o b e par t o f a thir d wav e feminis t literary criticism , a n approac h tha t asks , wha t doe s thi s tex t hav e t o offe r a project o f multi-racial , economic , and feminis t socia l change , rathe r tha n ho w does thi s tex t stan d i n m y way ? A s a complemen t t o mor e explici t antiracis t work b y whit e America n wome n suc h a s Adrienn e Ric h an d Minni e Bruc e Pratt, reading s o f white America n wome n in literature an d cultur e ca n amplif y moments whe n character s ru b abrasivel y agains t thei r representationa l duties . With thi s goa l in mind , I propos e reading s tha t underscor e th e 'uppitiness ' o f white wome n positione d t o represen t America , celebratin g th e way s wome n 12

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keep gettin g u p of f the pag e an d walkin g ou t o n thei r representationa l duties . These counternarrative s o f the America n woman, instead o f being characterized by passivity , homogeneity , an d patriarchal/patrioti c duty , mode l fo r rea l liv e white wome n ho w to ge t ou t fro m unde r tha t ubiquitou s icon . Ho w to tur n i t over.

The Statue of Liberty i s not a Pretty Gir l 'Now full y saturate d b y a century o f collective fantasy,' write s Laure n Berlant, 'the "Lady " provide s a n exemplar y stud y i n ho w th e fantasy-wor k o f th e National Symboli c ha s worke d t o produc e an d t o mobiliz e America n citizens.' 'Nationa l Symbolic ' i s Berlant' s ter m fo r th e conceptua l spac e i n which a natio n come s t o mea n certai n thing s throug h a tangl e o f image s an d agendas. Centra l to this spac e i s the linkin g o f 'regulation to desire.' I n othe r words, citizen s lear n t o fantasiz e abou t thei r nationa l identitie s i n way s tha t serve th e nationa l agenda (s o femininity gets linked wit h white motherhood, fo r instance, an d masculinit y with missile-shape d aggression) . Th e lin e betwee n what w e think we want an d what w e ar e require d to d o a s America n wome n is blurred in this space . The statu e i s a n ico n o f American femininit y characterized b y stillnes s and silence , openness and nurture. Th e erotics of this ico n work their magic on the me n tha t clim b al l ove r he r bod y doin g repairs . Berlan t describe s me n falling i n love with he r lik e anothe r Pygmalio n while working on the mold s of the ribs , kissin g he r man-siz e lips , an d brashl y takin g he r of f he r pedestal , asserting, 'fo r a fee sh e i s open to al l for entr y an d exploratio n from below.' Berlant presses this point to draw out the we b of meanings that entangle wome n in th e America n National Symbolic: 'Th e constructio n o f the nationa l genitalia of our national prostitute remind s us that the National Symboli c is there for use, for exploitation , to construc t a subjectiv e dependenc y o n wha t loo k lik e th e a priori structure s o f power. I t woul d no t b e to o stron g t o sa y that the politica l deployment o f the feminin e ico n ha s a pornographic structure.' Poise d at th e border o f the Unite d States , th e Statu e o f Liberty i s hersel f a border , a hyme n through whic h Americ a i s entered. Sh e opens hersel f to throngs o f immigrants and Americans, all seeking freedom u p her skirt . W e find ourselve s attracte d t o her, journeyin g t o State n Islan d yea r afte r year , ou r America n mecca . I n a framework wherei n 'th e femal e bod y o f th e America n Nationa l Symboli c eternally desires t o be relieved of desire, to be passive an d available for service, to contribut e t o th e poli s by bein g an d needin g wher e i t need s he r t o be, ' th e lived whit e femal e bod y o f American cultur e find s hersel f called upon t o self identify wit h th e nation' s reproductiv e needs. Whore s o f culture , al l of us , our personal , social , an d sexua l desire s becom e obscure d b y this 'larger ' duty . Berlant asserts , 'whe n th e bod y o f th e woma n i s employe d symbolicall y t o regulate o r represen t th e fiel d o f nationa l fantasy , he r positiv e "agency " lie s 13

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solely i n he r availabilit y t o b e narrativize d — controlled...b y he r circulatio n within a story.' M y question is , can w e brea k th e oppressiv e patter n o f this circulation? Can we change th e story ? Susan Guba r addresses the problemati c race o f the Statue . Referrin g to a painting titled 'We Came to America,' featurin g a black statue of Liberty, sh e writes, ' A n Americ a symbolize d b y a whit e Libert y white-washe s th e devastating pas t he r dar k doubl e memorializes.' Thi s rac e chang e make s apparent a Blac k feminis t oppositiona l stanc e toward s America n nationa l mythology; I wonde r wha t a whit e oppositiona l stanc e migh t loo k like . I n Sarah Banet-Weiser's study o f the Mis s America pageant as a site of ambiguous feminine nationa l representations , sh e indicate s tha t whit e oppositio n to racis t and classis t nationa l imager y i s clearl y lacking: addin g wome n o f color to th e mix o f beauty pagean t contestants 'allow s white consumers t o believ e that they are enactin g toleranc e withou t th e mess y problem s o f actuall y redistributin g resources o r living the effect s o f affirmative action. Thu s the ironic , unintende d effect tha t characterize s th e real m o f representatio n become s on e i n whic h white American s feel mor e toleran t tha n ever , eve n a s the y continu e t o liv e i n an increasingl y segregated nation.' Th e nee d fo r critica l whit e engagement s with nationa l representatio n i s obscure d b y th e rhetori c o f diversit y i n th e pageant, a microcosm of America's conservative politics . Irish poet Eava n Boland, i n her disobedien t nationalis t narrativ e Object Lessons: The Life of the Woman and the Poet in Our Time, writes 'Onc e th e idea o f a natio n influence s th e perceptio n o f a woman , the n tha t woma n i s suddenly an d inevitabl y simplified.... Sh e become s th e passiv e projectio n o f a national idea.' I n this light , Miss Libert y i s white master no t onl y to wome n of color , but t o whit e wome n a s wel l — a corsetin g idea l w e ca n choos e t o serve, or not. 18

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Daisy Miller: Class Hero, Race Traitor Henry James ' 187 8 novell a Daisy Miller cause d a n uproa r amon g America n women. The y protested thi s representatio n o f them a s indecorou s an d gauche . I wonde r i f this negativ e reactio n stemme d i n part fro m recognition , or fea r o f finally bein g foun d out , a s i f Dais y wer e thei r communa l alter-ego , unconstrained b y fear s o f ruined reputations , le t loos e acros s th e pond . Dais y flies i n the fac e o f 'goo d womanhood, ' he r stor y a declaratio n o f ideologica l guerilla warfar e i n whic h th e machiner y o f manner s an d 'classy ' behavio r i s laid bar e i n all its ugl y elitism , patriarchy , an d whit e supremacism . Thi s i s a story about ho w white Western culture works — an d how a girl ca n bring it to a stop i n on e smal l corner o f the world , a t leas t lon g enoug h fo r he r reader s t o recognize thi s cultur e a s constructed , an d t o b e stirre d toward s alternativ e constructions.

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Rebecca Aanerud asserts, T n film a s wel l a s literatur e rac e nee d no t b e an issu e i n orde r fo r i t t o b e a relevan t component.' I mode l muc h o f m y interpretation o f Daisy Miller o n Aanerud' s readin g o f Kat e Chopin' s The Awakening, broadenin g th e scop e o f m y feminis t analysi s t o includ e th e multiple facet s o f my heroine' s identity . Aaneru d writes, 'Instea d o f reading Edna's whiteness a s incidental to her womanhood, I see i t as inextricably tied to the constructio n of the feminin e gender (understoo d especiall y as motherhood ) and femal e sexualit y (understood a s Edna' s desire) , an d I am interested in her struggle to find a space outside those constructions,' Daisy' s whiteness , highlighted b y the shad e o f her paraso l throughou t th e tex t an d personifie d in her name, i s one of the mor e resounding unspoken subtexts o f her rebellion and her culture's reactions to it. Specifically , he r race loyalt y is called into question by her affiliatio n wit h the dark Italian, Giovanelli. Stoppe d in the public square by Mrs . Walker , sh e i s forced to make a choice to g o with Giovanell i o r retur n to her ow n kind. Followin g a n inner sense of democratic justice, she goe s wit h Giovanelli a s sh e ha s promise d and sever s he r tie s wit h 'nice ' society . I n this scene (whic h I take t o b e th e mos t importan t se t o f exchanges i n the novella), Daisy embodie s th e nobl e spiri t o f th e America n Adam , ye t excise s hi s historical race, gender, an d class bias. 22

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Aanerud remind s th e reade r tha t 'whil e Edna' s positio n in the gende r hierarchy is constraining, this constraint i s offset b y her position in the rac e an d class hierarchies'; this i s significantl y les s s o fo r Dais y (a s par t o f the nouveau riche) wh o mus t a t ever y momen t provid e evidenc e o f belonging lest sh e sli p back down the socia l ladder. Ye t this socia l tension too easily disappears int o one-dimensional gende r analyse s fo r m e no t t o not e Aanerud' s warnin g tha t '[rjeading Edn a as simpl y a woman, unraced and universal, erases the degre e t o which not onl y her whiteness bu t also her class position and her heterosexualit y have everythin g t o d o wit h he r frustration , he r awakening , an d he r death.' The falle n woma n moti f her e reveal s itsel f a s mor e tha n a proble m o f misogyny, more than criticism of the fac t of a woman fucking — that's just on e dot amon g man y tha t migh t b e connecte d — it' s abou t whom she fuck s an d whether thei r socia l statu s will buo y her u p o r allo w her t o fall . Indeed , falle n womanhood represent s no t onl y th e suppressio n o f femal e sexuality , but als o the stric t boundaries o f class and race within which 'good ' women must remain. Daisy's transgression lie s partly in her unwillingness to perform properly as th e American girl . He r improprieties mark he r a s a n outside r whil e castin g doub t on traditional social institution s from th e superficia l promenade t o th e bedroc k of marriage. The tex t surround s Dais y wit h marker s o f precarious socia l class . Th e name Miller , fo r instance , link s he r wit h th e workin g class , thos e wh o wor k with thei r hand s t o ear n thei r wages . Eve n th e nam e Daisy , a s man y critic s note, suggest s sh e i s commo n and uncultivated . Patrici a Crick' s note s t o th e 1986 Pengui n edition tell u s tha t Daisy' s diction betray s he r lesse r pedigree. When Dais y propose s t o tak e a lat e afternoo n wal k unattended , an d the n wit h 24

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the questionabl y motivate d Giovanelli , Mrs . Walker's exclamation — ' I don' t think it' s safe , m y dear ' — refer s t o somethin g mor e tha n th e Roma n Feve r about whic h the y ar e ostensibl y speaking. I t i s not 'safe ' t o ignor e the rule s of polit e societ y i f one wishe s t o remai n withi n tha t society . Thus , racism , classism, an d sexis m becom e code d a s benevolen t caretaking . Whe n Mrs. Walker call s Daisy t o he r carriage , th e coerciv e edge of benevolence emerges . Mrs. Walke r chides Dais y fo r no t actin g accordin g t o 'custom ' an d threaten s ' Y o u ar e ol d enough, dea r Mis s Miller , t o b e talke d about.' Mrs . Walker's pressure increase s a s Dais y continue s t o def y he r authority . Sh e ominousl y calls Dais y ' a ver y reckles s girl ' an d make s 'a n imperiou s claim ' o n Winterbourne t o leav e Dais y t o he r rabbl e an d join he r Instea d i n the carriag e (an image evokin g the machiner y of social class , directing and restricting one's movements unnaturally) . Dais y dismisse s Mrs . Walke r with panache: '" I neve r heard anythin g s o stiff ! I f this i s improper , Mr s Walker," she pursued , "the n I am all Improper, an d you must giv e me up.'" Winterbourne, a s th e perso n throug h whos e viewpoin t we perceiv e th e story, previousl y reflected o n his aunt' s 'disclosures ' abou t Daisy' s family an d personal life , concluding , 'Evidentl y sh e wa s rathe r w i l d . ' Indeed , he r wildness — th e moment s I n th e tex t wher e Dais y act s 'Improper' — mark s a refusal o f th e ver y socia l rule s tha t resul t i n suc h labels . Th e strengt h o f character som e wome n gai n fro m bein g cas t a s outsider s underlie s Daisy' s moral integrity . I n a recen t exploratio n o f th e 'slu t phenomenon ' i n contemporary societ y (th e us e o f the 'slut ' labe l a s a mean s o f policin g girl s according t o conventiona l America n ideal s o f femininity) , Leora Tanenbau m marks a simila r shif t i n perspective : 'Thes e girl s flaun t a proud , rebelliou s persona. Thei r attitude is : Wh y not fle e th e suffocatio n o f conformity? Wh y not sho w everyone that being "good" is a farce?' Thi s point stands to reason , according to feminist epistemology: 27

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[M]embers o f oppresse d group s hav e fewe r interest s i n ignorance about the socia l orde r and fewe r reasons to inves t in maintainin g o r justifying th e statu s quo tha n d o dominan t groups. The y have less to los e by distancing themselves from the socia l order ; thus , th e perspectiv e fro m thei r live s ca n more easily generate fresh and critical analyses. 32

Daisy strike s man y critic s as unconsciou s o f whatever socia l criticis m her action s migh t deploy . Edwar d Wagenknecht writes , 'Dais y doe s not really defy societ y bu t onl y disregard s it , an d i f ther e i s a n elemen t o f herois m involved i n carrying personal independenc e t o suc h lengths , he r behavio r i s .. . too spontaneou s t o permi t th e reade r t o posi t an y calculate d choic e o r predetermination.' Thi s vie w fit s seamlessl y wit h th e typolog y o f whit e women i n literatur e create d b y Vro n Ware , wh o identifie s thre e whit e femal e types: th e good , th e bad , an d th e foolhardy . Th e goo d represent s a characte r who i s spiritually opposed t o al l injustice bu t i s powerless. Th e bad represents 33

If this is improper, ... then I am all improper 7 'the uncomplicate d attitude o f the wife ' wh o enjoy s imperialis t trappings an d disdains 'natives' an d colonial settings . Th e foolhardy has feminis t inclinations signified b y he r unwillingnes s to conform ; however , sh e i s thoroughl y naiv e about the privileged position she occupies. Daisy come s closes t t o fittin g th e 'foolhardy ' type , bu t 'thoroughl y naive' ma y overstat e things . Indeed , I fin d man y reason s t o believ e sh e i s conscious of her cultural work. On e indicator is her sarcasm : ' "Graciou s me!" Daisy exclaimed, "I don't wan t to do anything improper.'" I hear these words in a Vivien-Leigh-as-Scarlett-O'Hara voice, dripping sweet bu t sharpl y pointed. Her awareness of social interaction s as performance offer s anothe r indicator : ' i f M r Winterbourn e wer e a s polit e as he pretends h e woul d offe r t o wal k wit h me!' Further , sh e recognize s th e hair-splittin g distinctions withi n he r socia l class; demandin g to kno w why Winterbourne visited Mrs . Walke r an d no t her , Daisy says , ' Y o u kne w her a t Geneva . Sh e told m e so . Well , yo u knew me a t Vevey. That' s jus t a s good.' Sh e ha s alread y quickl y determined , despit e Winterbourne's indirection , that his aunt, Mrs. Costello , does not wish to know her. Whil e Dais y doe s no t articulat e th e clas s barrier s tha t underli e thi s rejection, sh e seem s conscious of ideology behind the socia l slight . Dais y ask s rhetorically, 'Wh y should she wan t t o kno w me?,' indicatin g comprehension if not acceptanc e o f th e socia l order. Th e specte r o f clas s permeabilit y motivates he r culture' s stric t policing o f the femal e body ; her rejectio n o f their discipline complicate s th e meanin g o f upper-middle-clas s femininit y an d disrupts th e narrativ e o f middle-class , white , America n wome n a s passiv e emblems of America. 34

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Marilynne Fry e speculate s o n th e racia l basi s fo r restriction s o n whit e women's sexuality , proposing that wha t ca n see m t o b e pur e sexis m is als o a form o f racism , a s whit e men , perhap s unconsciously , enforce thes e rule s i n service o f propagating th e race ; i n this light , 'our pursui t o f our liberation...is, whether o r no t w e s o intend , disloya l t o Whiteness.' Winterbourne' s evaluations o f Giovanell i revea l thi s implici t racism : ' Y o u should sometime s listen to a gentleman — th e righ t one.' Cric k draw s th e reader' s attention t o the nosega y i n the Italian' s buttonhole , pointin g out that ' i n James's novels, an overexuberant button-hol e i s th e sig n o f someon e wh o i s no t quit e a gentleman.' Thi s carefu l differentiatio n pit s whit e me n agains t less-whit e men, gentlema n agains t th e 'no t quit e gentleman.' Giovanell i trie s t o b e classy an d white , bu t h e fails , a n illustratio n of Frankenberg' s argumen t tha t whiteness i s 'mad e rathe r than...self-evident.' Winterbourn e illustrate s that whiteness i s somethin g yo u do , somethin g produce d consciousl y throug h a process o f eliminatio n and police d fro m within . Dais y i s onl y whit e t o th e degree that sh e perform s he r whiteness , tha t is , to th e degre e that sh e remain s race- and class-loyal i n the compan y she keeps. 'H e is not a gentleman,' think s Winterbourne, 'onl y a cleve r imitatio n of one. ' 'H e i s a music-master , o r a penny-a-liner, o r a third-rat e artist ' — thes e epithet s denigrat e Giovanelli' s economic class ; according to Crick , the y mea n ' a freelanc e journalis t or autho r 39

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paid b y th e line , i.e . no t on e o f an y grea t Importance. ' Winterbourn e i s disappointed i n Daisy' s 'no t knowin g th e differenc e betwee n a spuriou s gentleman an d a rea l one' ; perhap s th e trut h i s tha t Dais y doe s kno w th e difference, an d she knows this 'difference ' doesn' t mak e any difference, a t leas t not t o her. He r opacit y (conveye d throug h Winterbourne' s oft-quote d description of Daisy as 'a n Inscrutable combinatio n of audacity and Innocence' ) can b e attributed , then , t o Winterbourne' s inabilit y t o comprehen d a lif e live d outside th e dominan t socia l order. Wherea s Daisy' s carefull y chose n wardrobe create s a facad e o f respectability, her manne r o f speaking an d loos e behavior creat e fissure s o f clas s an d rac e contamination . Sh e i s cas t a s the American girl , yet her faux pas sugges t thi s icon is inherently flawed, inherently mongrelized. Heldke's concept of the traitorou s identit y recurs to me here: ' A s I learn more abou t th e wa y tha t whit e racis m ha s constructe d th e worl d an d m y understandings o f it, and as that learning comes increasingly to inform th e way I live i n the world , I become a n "unreliable" white person who cannot b e truste d by other white s to "ac t appropriately.'" Positin g Daisy a s a n unreliable white person, I woul d ech o Shelle y Fisher-Fishkin's paradigm-shiftin g questio n fo r American literar y studie s — i s Huc k black ? — wit h th e relate d inquiry , i s Daisy whit e trash ? Frankenber g tell s u s tha t ' "whit e trash " a s a concep t actually mark s th e border s o f whiteness.' Indeed , Dais y 'trashes ' whit e culture, blurrin g its cris p outline s wit h he r unrul y desire . He r workin g clas s sensibility an d attractio n t o dar k 'foreigners ' mak e he r th e nineteenth-centur y parallel o f man y youn g whit e wome n i n m y rura l Souther n hom e tow n wh o have i n recent year s bee n datin g cross-racially—anathem a t o thi s unofficiall y segregrated community . Lik e Daisy , these girls —- marked by their association with blac k men a s 'trashy ' — betra y thi s town' s aspiratio n to whitenes s wit h their refusa l t o polic e their sexualit y insid e clas s an d rac e boundaries . The y refuse, a s doe s Daisy , th e passive , silen t positio n o f civi c emble m an d ideological tool . 45

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Conclusion 'Remember wh o yo u are,' m y grandfathe r tell s me a s I wal k t o m y ca r a t th e end o f ever y visi t home . I thin k t o myself , 'an d wh o woul d tha t be? ' eve n though I kno w what h e means . H e means : behav e yourself . Ac t like a lady. Keep you r legs crossed . A l l th e lesson s h e taugh t m e a s a littl e girl , th e sam e ones I sa w hi m pas s o n t o m y ne w bab y niec e las t month . Contrar y t o hi s advice, I wor k o n no t rememberin g wh o I am , disrememberin g th e white , propertied identity that would blin d m e to the damag e I do to other s — an d th e damage I do to mysel f — b y performing this race an d clas s 'appropriately. O r maybe I remembe r wh o I a m al l too carefully , more carefull y than h e woul d have me do. Whe n I hear hi m speak thos e words , I feel pulled int o a system of 7

If this is improper, ... then I am all improper 7

5

domination tha t suppresse s m y sexuality, limit s m y gender identity , eve n as it gives me race and class privilege. A n d when I feel tha t pull, I tug back, trying to disaffiliate , t o sta y consciou s and critical o f where I a m positioned i n the world. A s a reader , I loo k fo r othe r 'responsibl e traitors ' a s rol e models , integrating antiracis t and anticlassist work wit h feminis t literar y criticis m and establishing a metho d o f analysis ope n no t onl y t o th e failure s o f America n literature but also its moments of radical insight . Notes

2

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5 6

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9

See Mari o Klarer, 'Woma n an d Arcadia: The Impact of Ancient Utopian Though t on the Early Imag e of America,' Journal of American Studies 2 7 (1993): 1-17 , for feminine representations of America, and bell hooks, Feminist Theory from Margin to Center, 2n d ed., (Cambridge , M A: Sout h End Press, 2000), fo r a discussion of feminism as primarily white and middle-class. I take thi s phras e from Adrienn e Rich' s poe m 'A n Old House i n America' i n Adrienne Rich's Poetry and Prose: Poems, Prose, Reviews, and Criticism, Norto n Critica l Edition (New York: Norton, 1993). Susa n Gubar's 'What All s Feminism, ' Critical Inquiry 24 (1999): 878-902, addresses the paralysis of many critics I n the face of being commanded by women of color to address race in literary criticism and being told simultaneously that we are utterly unequipped to do so. Roby n Weigman's response in 'What Ails Feminist Criticism? A Second Opinion,' Critical Inquiry 2 5 (1999): 363-79, accuses Gubar of 'crafting whitenes s as an injure d identity' (376) . Thi s exchang e represents th e largely unspoke n bu t palpable tension between critics over who has the right to write race. Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 232. Frankenberg , 1 . Frankenberg , 9 and 232. Frankenberg, 4-5. Marilynn e Frye, 'On Being White: Thinking Toward a Feminist Understanding of Race and Race Supremacy ' in The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory (Freedom , CA : Crossing, 1983), 118 . Frye , 125 and 127. Frankenberg , 4. Joanne Frye , Living Stories, Telling Lives: Women and the Novel in Contemporary Experience, Wome n and Culture Series (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1986), 191.

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14 15 1 6 17 1 8 1 9

Lisa Heldke, 'On Being a Responsible Traitor: A Primer' in Daring to Be Good: Essays in Feminist Ethico-Politics, Thinkin g Gender Series, eds. Bat-Ami Bar On and Ann Ferguson (New York: Routledge, 1998), 90. Lauren Berlant, The Anatomy of National Fantasy: Hawthorne, Utopia, and Everyday Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 22. Berlant , 5. Berlant , 27. Ibid . Berlant , 25-26. Berlant , 28. Susa n Gubar , Critical Condition: Feminism at the Turn of the Century (Ne w York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 23. Sarah Banet-Weiser, The Most Beautiful Girl in the World: Beauty Pageants and National Identity (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1999), 20.

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Eava n Boland, Object Lessons: The Life of the Woman and the Poet in Our Time (New York: Norton, 1995), 136. Rebecc a Aanerud , 'Fiction s o f Whiteness: Speakin g th e Names o f Whitenes s i n U.S . Literature,' in Frankenberg, 36. Aanerud , 'Fictions,' 39. Aanerud , 'Fictions,' 42. Aanerud , 'Fictions,' 43. Henr y James, Daisy Miller, eds . Geoffrey Moore and Patricia Crick (New York: Penguin, 1986), 121. James , 85. James , 92. James , 93. James , 63.

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Leora Tanenbaum, Slut! Growing Up Female with a Bad Reputation (Ne w York: Seven Stories, 1999), 41. Sandra Harding , Whose Science? Whose Knowledge? Thinking from Women's Lives (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 126. Edward Wagenknecht , Eve and Henry James: Portraits of Women and Girls in His Fiction. (Norman : University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 8. Cite d in Aanerud, 'Fictions,' 53. James, 86. James, 86, my italics. James , 87. James , 66-7. Frye , 'On Being White,' 126. James, 88. James , 124. Frankenber g cites David Roediger for his scholarship on social class and the production of the white race. Frankenberg , 11 . James , 89 and 124. James, 89. James , 90. Heldke , 94. Frankenberg, 13 .

PART „

Staging the Sights of Culture, Staging Women: Theater, Ritual, and Ceremony

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6 Bodie s Political an d Social: Royal Widows in Renaissance Ceremonial Elizabeth McCartney

This essay examines the history of political government, public discourse, and state ceremonial during the French Wars of Religion (1560-1610). Of special interest to the author is how contemporaries articulated the precepts of moral and divine law that supported the authority of the widowed queen and regent, Catherine de Medicis, for more than forty years. By charting the interplay between sites of culture evident in ceremonial assemblies and sights of women as devotional focii, the author reevaluates modern literature of queenship that asserts a rigorous severance of the conceptual and social powers of state and domestic government. This study of the natural, affective elements of political discourse suggests that — to the contrary — contemporaries embraced the topoi of devotion as a means of protecting the legitimacy of female rule well into the seventeenth century.

Recent studie s o f the Frenc h Renaissance monarch y accor d little recognition to the publi c celebratio n o f a queen' s jurisdictio n to gover n France . Moder n accounts o f ceremonial an d publi c law develo p a typolog y of rulershi p base d on th e symbolis m of ritual display s o f powe r associate d exclusivel y with a king's body . Th e principa l tenets o f thi s politica l cultur e ar e supporte d wit h reference t o th e historica l doctrin e o f Sali c law , treate d a s a cano n o f lega l practice supportin g male-righ t t o gover n France , an d th e moder n theoretica l construct o f the 'King' s Tw o Bodies,' examined a s a constitutiona l metapho r for semina l history. T o summarize recen t argument , Frenc h lawyers, betwee n circa 130 0 an d 1750 , develope d a repressiv e marital-right s regim e b y 'presenting femal e incapacit y a s a dictat e o f natura l law.' Th e thesi s progresses t o a set o f conclusions ex hypothosi about th e histor y of France, th e function o f royal ceremonial, and the lega l rights of women (includin g queens.) Yet th e questio n centra l t o th e vitalit y o f th e Frenc h stat e — contemporary perception s o f th e legitimac y o f a queen' s rol e a s wif e an d mother t o kin g an d polit y — suggest s a gendere d histor y a t odd s wit h th e current model . Thi s essay explore s how contemporaries envisage d the politica l culture o f regenc y governmen t a s a codifie d syste m o f guardianshi p (tuteld) 1

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that assure d eac h queen' s conjuga l rights a s wif e an d widow. O f specia l interest i s th e politica l authorit y o f Quee n Catherin e d e Medicis , regen t o f France, circa 154 9 to 1588 . Althoug h her tenur e in power coincide d with th e most dramati c episode s o f the Frenc h Reformation, those who owed obedienc e to Catherin e considere d roya l marriag e a s a politica l estat e wit h a singula r capacity for preserving the polit y and institutions of early modern France. When, i n 1549 , Catherin e d e Medici s wa s crowne d quee n o f France , the lega l principle s an d mora l precept s supportin g th e legitimac y of regenc y government ha d long been incorporate d into official histories . A decisive stage was reached durin g the earl y fourteenth century , when the Capetia n royal house began t o falte r an d th e Valoi s dynast y wa s eventuall y elevate d t o th e crown . To protec t th e elemen t o f kinshi p requisit e i n hereditar y monarchies , successive king s issue d legislatio n protectin g th e privilege s an d immunitie s enjoyed by queens in their capacities a s wives and mothers. Th e effect o f these decrees was to consolidate the relationship between famil y an d state, ultimately to establish royal marriage a s a principal tenet of French political culture . On e of th e mos t influentia l publicist s t o examin e th e conjuga l basi s o f distaf f prerogative wa s Durand de Champagne, a cleric at the cour t o f Philippe IV and Jeanne o f Navarre . Durand , writin g i n 130 0 o f contemporar y politica l concerns, supporte d a n unqualifie d interpretatio n o f queenshi p a s a n offic e (Testat royal') : as Philipp e IV was kin g an d father t o his subjects , Jeann e was queen an d mother . Unde r th e rubri c 'Th e Te n Commandment s o f Goo d Government,' h e include d the solem n responsibility enjoined o n each quee n t o protect life , property , an d resources o f the Church. Wit h referenc e t o the Book of Job, th e cleri c als o reminde d hi s honore d quee n tha t act s o f politica l reconciliation wer e regenerativ e qualitie s o f governmen t associate d wit h th e humanity an d royalt y o f Jesus . A t birth, al l individual s were endowe d wit h qualities o f spiritua l renewal tha t supporte d th e lif e o f th e bod y politic . Late r jurists envisage d th e connectio n betwee n th e roya l household an d governmen t as a system o f kinship predicated o n the overarchin g legal principle of tutela. Precepts o f positive law wer e consistentl y envelope d wit h politica l meanings ; but i n drawin g comparison s betwee n th e lega l principle s o f privat e la w an d public law , emphasi s wa s unfailingl y give n t o th e uniqu e characte r o f royal marriage. Throughou t th e lat e Middl e Ages , th e materna l statu s of the queen s of Franc e was frequently defende d i n a variety of sources, foremos t i n didactic literature explicatin g principles o f politica l theor y derive d fro m th e stud y o f Aristotle, Sain t Augustine , and Sain t Thoma s Aquinas . B y the mid-fifteent h century, th e familia l basi s o f roya l authorit y wa s furthe r codified . Si r Joh n Fortescue, writin g o f th e Hundre d Year s War , argue d tha t th e lega l statute s regulating roya l marriage protecte d th e legitimac y of hereditar y monarchies. In th e earl y 1500s , contemporarie s treate d roya l marriage a s th e impres a o f a political cultur e tha t continue d t o flouris h i n par t becaus e o f th e interpla y between sit e (th e roya l household ) an d sigh t (th e publi c presenc e o f roya l women). Th e dail y administratio n o f the respectiv e domain s o f Valois rul e of 3

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Bodies Political and Social 8 1 France an d Habsbur g rale ove r extende d land s wa s protecte d unde r th e auspices o f two 'royal ' widows , Marguerite o f Austri a an d Louis e of Savoy. Neither wido w was a n ordaine d queen , ye t bot h acte d i n simila r 'maternal ' capacities a s guardian s o f publi c Institutions . Marguerit e o f Austria , th e widowed aun t of the empero r Charle s V, enjoyed a singula r position as regent of the Netherlands. Louis e of Savoy, mother o f Francois I, king of France, wa s a vigilan t guardia n o f kin g an d real m unti l he r deat h i n 1531 . No t eve n political contes t ove r roya l policie s diminishe d contemporar y interes t i n th e moral virtue of each widow who governed with prescience an d compassion. I n tribute, juris t an d publicis t alik e develope d testimon y o f th e divin e grac e associated wit h female rul e as they anticipated the futur e histor y of France. The politica l Importanc e o f Catherin e d e Médicis ' materna l authorit y was full y understoo d b y those who planned the coronatio n festivities of 1549 to honor her authorit y a s quee n consor t o f Henri II . Fro m th e outset , the unusua l qualities of this cycle of pageantry reflecte d two grave politica l concerns: Henr i IPs ongoin g militar y campaign agains t th e sprea d o f heres y an d Catherine' s pending tenur e a s regent. When , o n 18-2 0 June , th e Parisian s gathere d t o celebrate Catherine' s statu s a s 'quee n o f th e French, ' th e panopl y o f ceremonial prepare d i n he r hono r dramatize d a richl y nuance d vocabular y supporting the affectiv e bond s o f political kinship . Th e cit y o f Paris was no w the tempora l Jerusalem , th e quee n o f France, lik e he r heavenl y counterpar t th e Virgin Mary , wa s a 'gift ' fro m God , sen t t o protec t he r subjects , childre n placed i n he r care. Th e subjec t o f roya l marriag e wa s treate d a s a rit e (sacrament) an d right (covenant) supportin g the Queen' s politica l authority. As anticipated , th e sens e o f share d intimac y betwee n Catherin e d e Médicis an d her subject s prove d to be meta-generational . Th e bond of marital devotion celebrate d i n 154 9 transpose d act s o f daily observanc e int o politica l obligations t o obe y controversia l roya l decrees lon g afte r Henr i IT s deat h i n 1559. Th e subsequen t dram a o f the War s o f Religio n {circa 156 2 t o 1600 ) rarely encourages moder n historians to consider the fundamenta l importanc e of Catherine de Médicis' positio n as royal mother t o king and to polity. However , contrary to the impressio n conveyed by the cano n o f 'misnurture ' no w posited against th e first Médici s queen , th e outstandin g characteristi c o f public la w of the mid-sixteent h centur y migh t bette r b e understoo d throug h stud y o f th e affective vocabular y of political discourse, which continued to envelop somati c relationships betwee n th e quee n o f Franc e a s wido w o f Henr i I I an d he r subjects a s childre n entrusted t o he r care . Th e huma n characte r o f ordaine d rule woul d prov e t o b e th e mos t endurin g legac y o f earl y moder n politica l discourse. One o f the earlies t testimonie s t o th e functio n o f royal marriag e a s th e impresa of public law was penned b y a distinguished jurist, Louis Le Roy. L e Roy wrot e i n 155 9 o f th e gravit y o f th e internationa l crisi s i n government , juxtaposing th e ethica l dilemma s testin g th e fait h o f the king s o f Franc e an d Spain as each tried to negotiate th e questio n of religious plurality. According t o 7

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Le Roy , both Henr i I I and Philippe II were, by virtue of their status as ordaine d rulers, obligate d t o respon d t o act s o f inhumanit y wit h gesture s o f clemency; the huma n passion s tha t provoke d intoleranc e woul d prov e a lesse r resourc e than th e emotion s inspire d by a n individual' s contemplation o f the Passio n of Christ, which developed from love and piety. Writing afte r Henr i El' s death, L e Roy continued to asser t that passion s were th e constitutiv e componen t o f lawfu l rule. Wherea s qualitie s o f lov e and charity were complementar y attribute s o f ordained governmen t i n times of peace, tear s an d lamen t wer e poten t expression s o f devotio n fro m thos e wh o lived accordin g to God' s wil l i n times o f civi l unrest . A king' s fait h wa s th e impresa o f legitimate rule; if the kin g wa s stil l a youth, his widowed mother' s tears served a s th e testimon y o f redemption fo r a polity unabl e t o preserve life , property, an d the suret y o f justice. Fo r Le Roy, Catherine de Medicis's lamen t prompted b y he r husband' s deat h i n 155 9 wa s th e affirmatio n o f a paterna l presence supportin g governmen t durin g th e reig n o f Françoi s II . Eightee n months later , th e deat h o f thi s fifteen-year-ol d kin g elevate d th e widowe d Queen's grie f into an element o f 'state' ceremonial. When h e wrot e o f the deat h o f François I I in 1560 , Le Roy treated th e inconsolable sorro w o f Catherin e d e Médici s a s a heuristi c devic e o f earl y modern politica l theory . Discussin g the accessio n o f th e ten-year-ol d Charle s IX, secon d so n o f Henr i I I an d Catherine , th e juris t treate d th e topo s o f mourning a s a moti f o f resurrectio n supportin g th e legitimac y o f regenc y government o n the ev e o f the forma l outbreak o f the Wars of Religion. L e Roy advised th e Quee n t o buil d a mausoleum , a n edific e embodying the histor y of French roya l kingshi p an d kinship , which woul d hono r he r materna l rol e i n relation t o kin g an d polity. Fro m a historical perspective, th e frequenc y wit h which contemporarie s urge d Catherin e d e Médici s t o erec t such a mausoleu m suggests a political treatment of salvation predicated o n late-medieval writings of dynasti c history. Fro m a ceremonial perspective, th e rituals o f royal deat h in th e mid-sixteent h centur y offe r evidenc e o f a paralle l histor y t o tha t presented b y Lyndal Rope r regarding Reformation Germany: bodily symbolism was the deepes t religious tool available to contemporaries t o negotiate th e flui d boundaries betwee n languag e an d subjectivity. Le Ro y also examined the emotiv e basis o f political theory . O f interes t were question s abou t th e natural , legal , an d politica l significanc e o f roya l marriage a s an element o f public law. First , by placing Catherine's tear s within the narrativ e contex t o f royal succession, he describe d the queen' s lament a s if he actuall y ha d witnesse d it . Fo r L e Roy , the salvatio n o f Henr i I I wa s no t envisaged i n terms o f bodil y resurrection , a s woul d late r occu r wit h regar d t o Henri I V i n 1610 , bu t explicate d i n term s o f reassemblage, a 'reclothing ' o f flesh an d soul : th e ful l gravitas o f roya l dignit y an d authorit y tha t ha d onc e resided in Henri II' s adult body was transferre d t o his widow from the moment of hi s death. Second , th e image s o f Catherine' s lamen t provide d a 'sens e impression' necessar y fo r th e futur e reconciliatio n o f communitie s divide d 12

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Bodies Political and Social 8 3 over doctrinal concerns. I n 1560 , as violence began to spread , the natural orde r of French society and state was full y posite d on the religiou s model of marriage as a covenan t protectin g Catherin e d e Médicis ' lega l right s a s a wido w an d queen o f France . Finally , L e Ro y revalue d th e bodil y metapho r o f Frenc h constitutional histor y b y centerin g th e queen' s grie f withi n th e contex t o f sempiternity associate d wit h th e Passion . Wherea s th e king' s body , specifically Henr i IPs , ha d onc e symbolize d the divin e ordinanc e o f Frenc h kingship, th e queen' s body , clothe d simpl y i n th e habi t o f a widow , no w epitomized the lif e cycl e of the body politic. To summarize , in one decade, ritual s celebrating the lega l bond of royal marriage wer e use d t o defin e a proces s o f bodil y renewa l whic h ultimatel y extended throug h th e fou r reign s o f Catherine' s husban d an d sons : Henr i I I (1547 t o 1559) , Francoi s I I (155 9 t o 1560) , Charle s I X (1560 t o 1574) , an d Henri II I (1574 t o 1589). Fo r a public conversant wit h devotiona l literature , Le Roy' s vision o f lawful rul e paraphrased Scripture , the tex t o f I Corinthians 13.12 an d relate d vers e pertainin g t o resurrection : '...w e mus t remai n i n thi s [good] an d clin g t o i t b y love , that w e ma y enjo y th e presenc e o f that fro m which we are, in the absenc e of which we would not be at a l l . ' A s the sorro w and lament o f the Virgi n Mar y dramatize d the dua l nature of Jesus as man an d Son, Catherine' s mournin g wa s a n affirmatio n o f the tru e natur e o f kingship: the imag e o f he r materna l sufferin g protecte d th e childre n who rule d Franc e and the paternal bond s o f communal life . That Le Roy wrote on the sanctit y of royal marriage a s he contemplate d anew th e diminishin g vitality o f th e Frenc h monarch y invites , I submit , re evaluation of modern perceptions tha t this institutio n was voi d o f any politica l significance. Fo r example, recourse t o the publi c estate of royal marriag e wa s especially strikin g in th e ceremonia l protoco l o f th e representativ e assembl y convened i n 1560 . Originall y planne d a s par t o f a politica l foru m t o institut e reforms durin g Francoi s IP s reign , th e proceeding s fo r th e Estate s Genera l were change d i n teno r b y th e king' s unexpecte d death . Th e conciliar , deliberative elemen t appropriat e t o approva l o f royal policies ultimately too k second place to the gravitas o f celebrating royal advent an d the inauguratio n of a minority regency i n a secular assembly. Thos e responsible fo r organizing the ceremonial enthronement orchestrate d protoco l in order t o captur e th e primacy of emotion s surroundin g Charle s IX' s accession . Thos e wh o witnesse d th e enthronement acknowledge d tha t th e politica l element s o f tutela wer e no w invoked to support a queen's jurisdiction during royal minority. Once assembled , th e delegate s observe d th e ceremonia l enthronemen t of the widowe d queen besid e he r ten-year-old son . Th e placement o f the royal dais in the cente r o f the hal l was a deliberate allusio n to the 'heart ' o f the bod y politic; th e us e o f color heightened th e focu s o f the ceremon y o n the queen' s presence. Dresse d i n mourning, Catherine d e Médici s wa s seate d o n a chair covered wit h blac k draperies ; he r fee t reste d o n blac k pillows ; he r enthronement wa s frame d throug h th e placemen t o f a black canopy behind th e 17

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dais. Th e ceremonia l protocol , evocative o f Aristotelia n argument pertainin g to sight , treate d the queen' s bereavemen t a s a coeval element o f royal advent . In contras t t o th e sombe r qualit y o f hi s mother' s enthronement , Charle s I X made hi s firs t publi c appearance a s kin g o f France seate d on a chair complet e with pillow s an d canopy , covere d wit h th e resplenden t blu e tapestrie s embroidered wit h gol d fleur-de-lis tha t visuall y signale d th e quasi-divin e origins o f Frenc h kingship . Separate d spatiall y from th e roya l dais , thos e in attendance wer e physicall y incorporated int o a bod y politi c create d b y royal marriage, protected b y royal parentage. The correspondenc e betwee n famil y an d stat e wa s als o th e subjec t o f discourse. Addressin g th e assembly , th e chancello r o f France , Miche l d e l'Hospital, se t fort h th e issue s o f politics an d religion that had recently affecte d the legitimac y o f roya l policies. Next , l'Hospita l affirme d Catherin e d e Medicis' lega l rights a s quee n an d regent : unti l Charle s I X attained th e roya l age o f majority , a t leas t thre e year s hence , th e queen , a s mother , woul d determine th e ful l agend a o f government , foremos t th e administratio n o f justice. Speakin g of the threa t posed b y religious plurality, l'Hospital di d not interpret th e regenc y governmen t t o b e evidenc e o f a diminishe d jurisdiction. On th e contrary , th e chancello r spok e wit h authorit y o f th e proscriptiv e qualities o f Catherine's statu s a s guardia n o f the bod y politic , arguin g that th e widowed quee n personifie d th e dua l jurisdiction of th e lat e Henr i I I an d th e reigning Charles IX. Afte r th e assembly , contemporaries wrot e of their eviden t relief tha t th e youn g hei r ha d assume d hi s dutie s o f governance ; seasone d observers o f royal politics noted thei r pleasure tha t Catherine de Medici s wa s a prescient guardia n o f la w i n thi s fragil e stag e o f th e bod y politic . Officia l records als o revea l tha t allegianc e betwee n th e quee n an d he r subject s wa s a personal attribut e enacte d throug h intimat e bond s o f devotion : th e oath s o f obedience t o royalt y o n th e par t o f office-holder s too k plac e i n th e Queen' s rooms. Eve n th e officia l record s o f th e Parlemen t o f Paris , th e rankin g la w court o f the realm , recorded th e inauguratio n o f the regenc y governmen t wit h reference t o Catherine's materna l authorit y a s 'mother ' o f the magistrates , '...l a Royne nostre mere.' Perhaps th e mos t strikin g observation in contemporary source s i s one of omission. Tha t bot h Catherin e d e Medici s an d Charle s I X appeare d a t th e assembly withou t regali a suggest s a realis m i n matter s o f constitutiona l importance a t odd s wit h th e moder n construc t o f 'Th e King' s Tw o Bodies.' Whereas moder n scholar s besto w a solem n aur a o n th e symboli c association s of regali a and the transcenden t mysterie s o f state, arguably 'placin g the symbol before th e reality, ' contemporarie s revalue d politic s throug h th e gesture s o f 'practical ambitions.' Fro m a historical perspective, th e occasiona l display of regalia during the War s of Religion wa s o f lesser importanc e tha n th e visio n of intimacy achieve d durin g 'ordinary ' ceremonia l occasions , foremos t th e panoply o f civi c an d religiou s rituals associate d wit h Christ' s bod y an d th e symbolism of spiritual renewal. 20

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Throughout th e sixteent h century , th e persona l attribute s o f piety, love, and devotion that contemporaries desire d to se e i n the guardian s o f Church an d State remaine d th e centra l precept s supportin g th e restitutio n o f individua l rights withi n communitie s divided ove r questions o f faith. Acknowledgmen t of Catherine' s suprem e authorit y a s mediato r o f doctrina l issue s wa s als o confirmed throug h expression s o f affection an d devotio n to he r a s a widowed mother an d quee n o f France. Th e attribute s o f maternal love , then remorse , demonstrated b y Catherin e d e Médici s fo r he r ow n family' s surviva l — through the los s of infant childre n and relatives, then th e deat h o f her husband , and ultimately her bereavement ove r the fat e o f her roya l sons — wa s revalued by members o f the polit y a s a sign of the triun e qualitie s of faith, motherhood , and lament . T o summarize , th e sigh t o f Catherin e d e Médicis , clothe d i n mourning sinc e Henr i I F s reign , was a persisten t reminde r t o he r subject s o f the acut e sufferin g al l mother s fel t a t th e los s o f family . Th e appea l t o conscience a s a n elemen t o f reconciliatio n was enhance d b y th e consisten t presence o f the queen' s bod y withi n th e assemble d bod y politic . Thos e wh o had rebelled against th e authorit y of the roya l sons o f Henri II and Catherine d e Médicis had, i n effect, dishonore d the memor y of Henri II ; but th e presenc e o f the widowe d queen-mother, enthrone d besid e chil d kings , was th e resourc e o f rectitude that rejuvenated th e bonds o f kinship of community life . 24

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The frequency wit h whic h public assemblies wer e convene d durin g th e 1560s als o support s a generalize d se t o f observation s pertainin g t o th e character o f regenc y government . Regardles s o f th e venue , ceremonia l protocol honore d Catherin e d e Médici s an d Charle s IX , later Henr i III , abov e all othe r member s o f the polity . O n occasions o f enthronement, th e physical boundaries o f th e roya l dai s symbolicall y demarcate d th e uniqu e devotiona l bond betwee n roya l mothe r an d son , whil e simultaneousl y protectin g th e separate origin s o f thei r jurisdiction . Catherin e d e Médici s wa s alway s enthroned wit h use o f black tapestries symbolizing the elemen t o f guardianship appropriate t o Catherine' s statu s as wido w and regent . He r son s wer e alway s enthroned wit h use o f blue or burgundy, suggestiv e o f the sempiternit y of royal prerogative. Th e sigh t o f royalty within th e divers e communitie s o f the bod y politic create d a sense of reflective presence which , i n turn, was interprete d b y individual member s o f the polit y throug h privat e act s o f devotio n associate d with dail y observance o f family rituals . Finally , Catherine' s materna l devotio n to kin g an d polit y confirme d a caten a o f dutie s base d o n lov e an d jurisprudence, bot h human an d divine . Combined , these qualities required th e ultimate sacrific e o f obedienc e o n th e par t o f al l members o f the real m t o a queen whos e presenc e i n th e bod y politi c represente d th e salvatio n o f th e community at large. In politica l discourse , Catherin e d e Médicis' s title s o f queen , widow , royal mother , an d sovereig n dame wer e invoke d by individuals who atoned fo r past actions throug h a share d languag e o f devotion. He r petitioners addresse d her from a fully gendere d perspective , bu t not with one voice.

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Catholics petitione d fo r protectio n o f th e sacramenta l basi s o f th e French monarch y an d state. Protestant s defende d fait h a s a covenan t wit h God an d monarchy . Eac h envelope d languag e wit h image s o f intimac y i n order t o enhanc e the symboli c kinship between th e quee n an d those who wer e entrusted t o he r care . Perhap s th e mos t illuminatin g account o f emotion s attesting t o the characte r o f future politic s is found in the earl y 1560s . Antoin e of Bourbon , one o f Catherine' s politica l rival s i n th e regenc y council , wrot e eloquently t o he r o f the unsettle d politico-religiou s contest s i n which h e ha d participated. Thes e vexation s ha d s o weakene d hi s physica l stamin a that , forced t o his bed, Bourbon prayed for the presenc e (th e sight ) of Catherine an d Charles I X as a restorative. A s royal vitality wa s th e physi c requisite fo r a body politic increasingly weakened b y violence, Bourbon's pleas were i n effec t those o f a n extende d famil y member seekin g a widow' s compassio n fo r he r errant progeny. How image s o f Catherine' s materna l devotio n influence d th e subsequent histor y o f Franc e migh t b e gleane d fro m officia l records , fo r example those of the Hote l d e la Ville i n Paris, the civi c institutio n responsible for loca l government . I n 1563 , worr y ove r th e stabilit y o f th e city' s government prompte d thes e administrativ e officer s t o as k fo r Catherine' s return t o Pari s i n orde r tha t the y migh t presen t grievanc e t o he r regardin g contemporary roya l policies . Addressin g th e quee n a s 'ou r mother ' — 'Madame, qu i es t nostr e mere' — the y wer e anxiou s t o preserv e he r ful l authority ove r al l institutions. I n 1567 , the member s o f this collegiat e body were delighted to learn that, after a two-year absence, Catherin e would again be in residence i n Paris. I n spite o f the substantiv e failing s of royal government i n the capita l city , th e simpl e narrative accoun t o f the entr y ceremon y stage d i n her hono r stil l convey s a sens e o f th e profoun d importanc e o f he r physica l presence a s a royal mother. A commemorative ston e was se t to offer testimon y of th e Parisians ' gratitud e fo r Catherine' s continuin g role a s a sovereig n wif e and mothe r (Domina) t o thre e generation s o f kings. Th e languag e o f reverence, combine d wit h th e publi c gesture s o f devotio n performe d i n Catherine's honor , invite s consideratio n o f th e questio n mos t pertinen t t o modern researc h o n gender : d o thes e expression s o f devotio n constitut e a political construction of motherhood, the sigh t of women in the loc i o f power ? The answer lie s partly in theories o f emotional response. Th e value of such contemporar y witnes s i s th e persona l basi s o f subjectivit y tha t simultaneously breached tw o realms o f perceptual understanding . Recours e t o Passion-based spiritualit y inspire d member s o f th e bod y politi c t o dra w analogies betwee n thei r live s and that of the quee n o f France; and the affectiv e response t o political failur e reinvigorated the roya l body. I n this context, i t is difficult t o support th e conclusio n that, during the War s of Religion, the French interpreted la w an d religio n a s huma n right s dissociate d fro m Catherine' s presence. Eve n th e queen' s mos t embittere d critic s after th e 157 2 massacre s still describe d he r authorit y an d he r failing s i n terms o f famil y metapho r an d 26

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Bodies Political and Social 8 7 parental obligation . Th e very treatise now heralded a s evidenc e o f Catherine' s moral depravity , th e Discours merveilleux, containe d avowal s o f loyalt y and devotion t o a quee n wh o enjoye d a singula r lega l statu s derive d fro m divin e ordinance: Catherin e d e Médicis , b y virtu e o f marriage t o Henr i II , ha d bee n 'eslevée e n dignité ' an d wa s enjoine d b y precepts o f moral la w to protec t he r subjects. That fe w modern historian s acknowledg e th e meta-generationa l histor y of materna l devotio n i n recountin g th e politica l histor y o f Catherin e d e Médicis' regenc y government s ha s diminishe d the richl y variegate d histor y of political discourse . B y discounting the viabilit y o f a 'mora l law,' the stud y o f emotions pertaining to the queen' s body is predicated o n what might be terme d an observanc e o f anger: a t best , the histor y of passion durin g the regencie s o f Catherine d e Médici s i s judged t o b e a n irrationa l response t o th e violenc e of the lat e sixteent h century. Scholar s adopt, perhap s unwittingly, the typology of law an d ceremonia l develope d b y Norber t Elia s i n hi s stud y o f politica l regimes. Elias , writin g o f the unfoldin g history o f royal absolutism ove r th e course o f severa l hundre d years , identifie d th e religiou s conflict s o f th e sixteenth centur y a s a crisi s o f rul e predicate d o n anger , resolve d throug h recourse t o civilit y an d subordinatio n t o th e king s o f France. Ye t th e limitations o f thi s interpretatio n ar e wort h noting . First , thi s reconstructe d typology o f earl y moder n rulershi p i s wholl y gendere d an d royal : ther e i s n o positive mentio n o f a queen' s authorit y i n th e entir e corpu s o f Elias' s scholarship. Second , the histor y of ceremonial is codifie d int o a n apassionat e — secula r — corpu s o f premeditated symbolism : passio n i s neither a religious virtue, a s onc e envisage d b y Sain t Thomas Aquinas , nor a political quality , a s realized b y Loui s L e Roy . Third , muc h o f Elias' s evidence i s gleane d fro m later sources , specificall y fro m accounts o f mid-seventeenth-centur y ceremonial celebratin g th e apotheosi s o f Loui s X I V , a subjec t tha t invariably leads t o th e politica l failure s o f minority regency government . Finally , Elia s celebrated roya l advent , specificall y th e king' s coronatio n ceremony , a s th e birth o f politica l realism ; i n turn , h e ignore d deat h an d bodil y declin e a s elements o f realit y (an d regeneration ) i n ceremonia l systems. Th e las t heavily qualifie d argument i s especiall y significant i n the stud y o f the histor y of regency government . In a basic sense , Elias ' roya l paradigm sever s th e cultura l aesthetics o f mourning fro m th e politica l element s o f ethic s necessar y t o appreciat e a queen's authority as guardia n of public law. A queen's body is thus seen a s a n intractable objec t i n a n expandin g discours e celebratin g marita l affection . Consequently, the lawyer s of early modern France , not th e realm' s queens , ar e judged t o hav e bee n th e guardian s ('co-tutors' ) o f kin g an d polity . Yet , a history o f queenshi p ca n b e writte n t o differen t effect . M y propose d emendations includ e recognizin g th e vitalit y o f roya l marriag e a s a sit e o f public la w regulating royal succession an d acknowledgin g the correspondenc e between th e politica l an d religiou s precepts o f Passion-based devotio n sighte d 31

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in roya l ceremonial . I n effect , such qualificatio n 'reassembles ' th e queen' s body withi n th e salvatio n o f th e bod y politic . A s th e mos t tellin g evidenc e supporting such a gendere d histor y ma y b e foun d i n th e record s o f th e Parlement o f Paris, I base the conclusion of this essay o n a condensed summar y of earl y Bourbon France as articulated in those records. Not eve n th e detritu s o f the massacre s o f 1572 , whic h ha d profoundl y demonstrated th e failing s o f secula r an d religiou s institutions , efface d th e affective element s o f political discourse . I n 1600 , as publicists and jurists alike considered th e repercussion s o f Henr i I V s forthcoming marriag e t o Mari e d e Medicis, the y continue d to emplo y the affectiv e languag e o f love and devotion in tw o contexts, thos e of Marie's future statu s as wif e an d mother t o king s and polity. Catherin e d e Medicis' s accomplishment s a s 'quee n an d roya l mother ' were invoke d by those responsible fo r orchestratin g th e marriag e festivitie s of 1600 a s a mode l o f politica l excellenc e fo r th e secon d Medici s queen . Te n years later , 1 4 Ma y 1610 , the assassinatio n o f Henr i I V revived the dram a o f minority regenc y government , whil e raising questions ane w abou t th e surviva l of France as a fully hereditar y monarchy . Th e next day , all ranking members in service t o th e crown , royal household, an d civi c institution s assemble d i n th e chambers o f th e Parlemen t o f Pari s t o proclai m the adven t o f Loui s XII I an d the minorit y regenc y governmen t o f Mari e d e Medicis . A s recorde d i n th e official account s o f th e ceremony , contemporarie s wer e i n easie r voic e abou t Marie's statu s a s quee n an d regen t tha n w e no w acknowledge . I n addressin g the assembly , th e firs t presiden t o f th e la w court , Achill e d e Harlay , praised Marie's natura l virtue s a s mothe r t o kin g an d polity , addressin g he r simpl y as 'notre mere.' Bot h officia l record s an d historica l accounts o f th e assembl y also recor d th e queen' s grief , he r lamen t visibl y displaye d through th e devic e of enthronemen t an d th e lavis h us e o f blac k clot h t o commemorat e th e transfiguration o f her sovereignty from potential to actualized jurisdiction. 34

In a basi c sense , th e constitutiona l implication s o f lamen t wer e th e same fo r th e histor y o f Franc e i n 161 0 a s the y ha d bee n i n 1559 . Ye t th e differences i n the ceremonie s o f enthronement betwee n 156 0 and 161 0 attest to the spiritua l basis o f politica l communitie s i n early moder n Europe . I n 1610 , the roya l dais , erecte d i n a corne r o f th e assembly , wa s place d adjacen t t o a n image of the Crucifixion , a visual referenc e promptin g the politica l communit y of mourner s t o conside r th e conjunctio n o f huma n an d divin e decre e tha t protected th e widowe d queen' s jurisdictio n a s mothe r t o so n an d polity . Lament lef t a n indelibl e mar k o n th e symbolis m o f th e ceremon y o f inauguration: durin g th e forma l declaratio n o f Mari e d e Medicis ' regenc y government, th e audienc e witnesse d a dramatizatio n o f the myster y o f huma n salvation an d th e interpla y between Passio n an d compassio n whic h ultimatel y supported th e reconstructio n o f Franc e a s a Christia n political communit y in post-Reformation Europe .

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Erns t H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), Ralph E. Giesey, The Juristic Basis of Dynastic Right to the French Throne. TAP S 6 0 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1961) . Th e theory of the 'King' s Two Bodies' is set forth by Kantorowicz an d Giesey; each emphasizes the symbolic function of body metaphor in political theory and in the history of royal ceremonial . Th e critical symbolis m of this constitutional doctrine, which distinguishes between the sovereign's public, symbolic , political bod y and (his ) private, physical body, includes the development of fundamental ideas regarding kingship, sovereignty, and the nation-state. Sara h Hanley, 'Social Sites of Political Practice in France: Lawsuits, Civil Rights, and the Separation o f Power s i n Domesti c an d Stat e Government , 1500-1800, ' American Historical Review 102 (1997): 30-2. M y research and argument closely follo w tha t of Walte r Ullma n wh o examined the political elements of the legal doctrine of tutela; se e especially 'Calvi n and the Duty of Guardians to Resist: A Further Comment,' Journal of Ecclesiastical History 3 2 (1981): 499-501. Th e exactly opposite argument, based on the assertion of 'corporeal ipseity,' that is the celebration of the individual in Renaissance society, is developed by Alain Boureau, 'The Sacralit y of One's Own Body in the Middl e Ages,' Yale French Studies 86 (1994): 517. Fo r a recent assessment of queens' patronage, see Carl a Lord , 'Jeann e d'Evreu x a s a Founder of Chapels: Patronage and Public Piety,' in Women and Art in Early Modern Europe: Patrons, Collectors, and Connoisseurs, ed . Cynthia Lawrence (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997) : 21-36. Se e C. Stephen Jaeger, Ennobling Love: In Search of a Lost Sensibility (Philadephia : Universit y o f Pennsylvania Press, 1999), passim, treatin g avowal s of lov e an d affection from a 'socia l constructivist ' position. Clair e Richte r Sherman , Imaging Aristotle: Verbal and Visual Representation in Fourteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995): 289ff. J . H. Burns, 'Fortescue and the Political Theory of Dominium; The Historical Journal 28 (1985): 777-98 and Gerald Harriss, 'Politica l Society and the Growth of Government i n Late Medieval England,' Past and Present138 (1993): 28-57. Alcui n Blamires, The Case for Women in Medieval Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 70-95; Giles Constable, ' A Living Past: Th e Historical Environmen t o f the Middl e Ages, ' i n Culture and Spirituality in Medieval Europe (Aldershot , Englan d an d Brookfield, VT : Variorum , 1996) , passim; an d I D . McFarlane, 'Religious Verse in French Neo-Latin Poetry Until the Death of Francis I and Marguerite of Navarre,' in Humanism and Reform: The Church in Europe, England, and Scotland, 1400-1643, ed. James Kirk (Oxford and Cambridge , MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1991), 171-86. Lawrenc e M . Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony (Geneva: Librairie Droz S.A., 1986) , 54-66. Francoi s Bonnardot, ed., Registres des deliberations du Bureau de la Ville de Paris I, 15385, especially 169 and 180: '...nous en rendons graces a la Mageste celeste...par sa bonte et divine clemence a faict aux Francoys si riche et precieulx don....il vous plaise recevoir de face gratieuse et benigne les affections tres humbles et plus que devotes voluntez des citoyens d'icelle.' Joh n Witte, Jr. From Sacrament to Contract: Marriage, Religion, and Law in the Western Tradition (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997), 94-129. Loui s L e Roy, Ad Invictissimos Potentissimdsque principes Henricum II. Franc. & Philippum Hispan....(Paris, 1559) , especially 3v-6r, 10r-12v . Idem, Ad Illustrissimam Reginam D. Cathariniam Medicem, Francisci II. ...Consolatio...(Paris, 1560) , especially 2r-6v, llv-18v, 19r-28r.

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Christiane Raynaud, 'Humanism and Goo d Government: A Burgundian Rendering of the Romuleon by Roberto Delia Porta,' Fifteenth-Century Studies 24 (1998): 159-74 . Sheil a ffolliott , 'Th e Ideal Queenl y Patro n o f the Renaissance : Catherin e de ' Medic i Defining Hersel f o r Define d b y Others? ' i n Women and Art in Early Modern Europe:Patrons, Collectors, and Connoisseurs, ed . Cynthia Lawrence (Universit y Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Press, 1997), 99-111. Lynda l Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality, and Religion in Early Modern Europe (Londo n an d Ne w York: Routledge , 1994) , 18-22 ; Berndt Hamm, 'Th e Urba n Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire,' in Handbook of European History, 1400-1600, eds. Thoma s A. Brad y Jr. , Heik o A. Oberman , an d Jame s D. Tracy, vol.2 (Leiden an d New York : E.J . Brill, 1994) , 193-228 , especially 194 ; and Lyn n Abrams and Elizabet h Harvey, eds., Gender Relations in German History (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997, c. 1996), especially 5-12; R. N. Swanson, Religion and Devotion in Europe, c.1215C.1515 (Cambridge and New York : Cambridge University Press, 1995), 140ff. Th e argumen t is adapted fromCaroline Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200-1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995) , 118-36 . Se e also Elizabeth A. R . Brown, 'Authority , the Family, an d th e Dead in Late Medieval France,' French Historical Studies 1 6 (1990): 823ff. Elizabet h Hallam, Jenn y Hockey, an d Glennys Howarth, Beyond the Body: Death and Social Identity (London and New York : Routledge, 1999), 20-34. Jeffre y F. Hamburger, The Rothschild Canticles (New Have n and London : Yale University Press, 1990), 120; fo r the relate d texts, see Bynum, 120ff. Dere k Matravers, 'Ar t an d th e Feelings and Emotions, ' British Journal of Aesthetics3 1 (1991): 322-31. Miche l de l'Hospital. 'Harangue prononcée à l'ouverture de la session des États générau x à Orléan s l e 1 3 décembre,' i n Discours pour la majorité de Charles IX et trois autres discours, ed . Rober t Descimon (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1993), 64-93. Paris , Archives Nationaux, Xla 159 6 [Parlement of Paris], fol 75. Alai n Boureau, 'Richar d Southern : A Landscape for a Portrait,' Past and Present 16 5 (1999): 218-29, at 228-29. Ralp h E. Giesey , 'Th e Kin g Imagined, ' in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, ed . Keit h Michae l Baker , vol . 1 (Oxford an d New York: Pergamon Press, 1987), 41-60; Robin Briggs, 'Th e Theatr e State: Ceremony and Politics 1600-60,' Seventeenth-Century French Studies 16 (1994): 15-32 ; Mosh e Sluhovsky , Patroness of Paris: Rituals of Devotionin Early Modern France (Leiden and Ne w York : E.J. Brill , 1998) , 58ff ; an d David Brown , Tradition and Imagination: Revelation and Change (Oxford and New York : Oxford University Press, 1999), 322-33. Virgini a Reinburg , 'Liturg y an d the Lait y i n Late Medieva l an d Reformation France,' Sixteenth-Century Studies 23 (1992) : 526-63. R . J. Knecht, Catherine de ' Medici (London and New York : Longman, 1998), 68ff. E.g. , Lettres du chevalier de [Nicolas Durande de] Villegaignon, sur les remonstrances, a la Royne mere du Roy Sa Souveraine dame (Paris, 1561), passim,an d Susa n Broomhall, ' "I n my opinion": Charlott e d e Minu t an d Female Politica l Discussio n i n Prin t in Sixteenth-Century France,' Sixteenth Century Journal ?> \ (2000) : 25-45. Antoin e of Bourbon to Catherine de' Médicis, 9 October 1560 , in Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et deJehanne d'Albret, e d M. de Rochambeau, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1887), 215-16. '...èseur e Madame , qu i est nostr e mère , vou s sere z trè s bie n venuz.... ' i n Elizabeth McCartney, 'Queens in the Cul t of the Frenc h Renaissance Monarchy: Selected Studies on Public Law , Royal Ceremonial , an d Politica l Discourse , 1484-1610 ' (Ph.D . diss. , University of Iowa, Iowa City, 1998), vol. 1 , 374-83. AN , Xla 162 2 [Parlement of Paris. Conseil, 1568], fols 152ff and Xla 1624 , fol 299r. E.g. , Christophe r Elwood, The Body Broken: The Calvinist Doctrine of the Eucharist and the Symbolism of Power in Sixteenth-Century France (Ne w York an d Oxford: Oxfor d University Press, 1999), 145-62.

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Discours merveilleux de la vie, actions et déportemens de Catherine de Médicis, roine mère...{n.\)., 1578) , xxii and 2. Jeroe n Duindam, Myths of Power(Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1994), 35ff. Sara h Webste r Goodwi n an d Elisabet h Bronfen , eds. , Death and Representation (Baltimore and London : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 3-25. Se e McCartney, vol. 2 , 410-568.

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7 Eroticizin g Virtue: The Role of Cleopatra in Early Modern Drama Reina Green

While it is difficult, if not impossible, to disentangle myth from history when it comes to the figure of Cleopatra, there is no question that the famous Queen of Egypt has fascinated generations ever since Plutarch described her sailing along the Cydnus dressed as the goddess of love. Throughout history, she has, much like Shakespeare's Ophelia, remained a dramatic 'sight' to be envisioned and revisioned by literary and visual artists alike. These multiple representations of Cleopatra do not simply recreate the mytho-historical woman as a spectacle to be observed and objectified, but are also sites inflected by the prevailing cultural constructions of female sexuality and the roles assigned to women, roles such as wife, mother, and lover. The figure of Cleopatra, therefore, demonstrates how the spectacle of the female body, the theme which frames this second group of essays, makes visible the ruptures and incongruities present in cultural constructions of women's roles and the social constraints on female behavior. Despite the popularity of Plutarch in the early modern period and his description of Cleopatra as the ultimate seductress, it was during this timethatshe came to be represented as both erotic and virtuous. This essay will explore the cultural context that encouraged such a multivalent construction and offer an analysis of two dramatic portrayals of the queen, one by Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke, and the other by John Dry den. 1

To the Romans, Cleopatra may have been the terrifying 'other,' a foreign, sexually transgressive, rulin g woman with political ambitions , but in the medieval period representations o f her changed slightly. Sh e was stil l considered the woman who caused Antony's downfall, bu t her threat to imperial dominio n was diminished. Her desire for Antony was no longer seen a s due to a lust for power but t o he r love fo r him. Th e pair became a n exemplum of the danger s o f succumbing to passion. Chauce r eve n present s he r a s th e epitom e o f faithfu l love. Th e sixteenth century inherited these widely differing representation s o f Cleopatra, and the translation of Plutarch's Parallel Lives of the Greeks and Romans into French and Englis h continue d the fascinatio n with th e Quee n o f Egypt and spawne d a large number of works devoted to her. Work s of this period are generally much more sympathetic to Cleopatra, and a number of factors ma y account for this. Th e excavation in 1512 of a statue believed to represent Cleopatr a in death wit h th e asps entwine d aroun d he r ar m appear s t o hav e elicite d severa l sympatheti c paintings of the queen. Finally , th e parallels , both in physical appearance an d 2

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personality, between the Queen of Egypt and Elizabeth I were difficult t o ignore. Despite Cleopatra's royal status, late-sixteenth- an d seventeenth-centur y works repeatedly presen t he r in a more domestic role. Sh e is often depicte d a s Antony's faithfu l wife , a position that (albeit tenuously) contains her within th e patriarchal family. Thi s shift in Cleopatra's representation occur s at a time when the Reformatio n an d resultin g closur e o f th e convent s lef t wome n wit h fe w alternatives t o marriage. A s The Lowes Resolutions of Woemens Rights (1632 ) states, ' A l l [women ] ar e understoo d eithe r marrie d or to bee marrie d and their desires ar e subjec t t o their husband.' Thi s narrow view o f women as wives led to a subtle change i n the perception of female sexuality. Wome n were no longer regarded primaril y a s sexua l temptresses who might lead men into sin; instead, they wer e als o associate d wit h domesti c harmon y an d sexua l constancy . Representations o f Cleopatra , inflecte d b y previou s historica l an d literar y accounts, a s wel l a s contemporary view s of women, 'coul d not be anythin g but problematic i n this period, ' a s Mar y Hame r notes. Eve n a s author s depicte d Cleopatra a s faithfu l an d virtuous , they coul d no t eliminat e the sexua l passion with which she was associated. Indeed, an examination of Mary Sidney's Tragedy of Antonie (1592 ) an d Dryden' s All for Love (1678 ) suggest s tha t thes e representations o f Cleopatr a a s bot h virtuou s and eroti c undermin e accepte d societal definitions of female propriety even as they present he r containment by such boundaries . 6

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Mary Sidney' s close t drama , a translatio n o f Rober t Gamier' s Marc Antoine (1578) , i s th e firs t pla y publishe d i n Englis h b y a woman. I t i s frequently argue d tha t Sidne y chose Gamier' s wor k t o sho w suppor t fo r he r brother Philip' s view s on dram a an d hi s preferenc e fo r th e Seneca n mode l a s expressed in his Defence of Poésie. However , she may have also been drawn to Gamier's political views. Si x of his seven dramas focu s on armed rebellion, and Sidney penned her work when the fear of civil unres t i n England was very real. Gamier's pla y may have als o appeale d t o Sidne y because o f the natur e o f its portrayal o f Cleopatra , whic h deviate s considerabl y fro m tha t o f hi s source , Amyot's translatio n of Plutarch. Mar y Elle n Lam b suggests that Sidney may have been particularly attracted b y Gamier's depiction of Cleopatra's death a s it presents a for m o f herois m tha t coul d b e appropriate d b y women . Certainly, Sidney focuses o n death i n a number of her works and, while Cleopatra's deat h is an act of defiance against Caesar, it valorizes her wifely loyalt y to Antony. Sh e thus demonstrates he r virtue while acting out her rebellion. Gamier shows Cleopatra to be constantly loyal to Antony an d omits any reference t o her meeting with Octavius, which is featured i n all the other plays of the period. Moreover , Gamier's Cleopatra sees herself as Antony's 'Espouse débonnaire!' (11.556) , '[sa ] femm e e t [son ] amie ' (V.1950) , an d calls him 'mon espous' (11.586 , 588). Sidne y pick s u p o n thi s portraya l o f Cleopatr a an d emphasizes he r faithfulness further . I n her first speech, Cleopatra talks of her tie to Antony in terms o f a marriage vow, recalling her 'vowed-faith ' (II. 154). I n Sidney's argument, Anton y is not attracted b y Cleopatra's beauty but by what sh e 10

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does fo r him , ho w sh e 'entertaine d hi m wit h al l th e exquisit e delight s an d sumptuous pleasures, ' castin g Cleopatra in the domesti c role of welcoming he r husband home. Bot h Gamie r and Sidne y reinforce thei r representation s o f Cleopatra as a good wife by showing her as a mother. However , the roles of good wife an d good mother are not conflated as they often are In early modem conduct literature. A s Tina Krontiris notes, for Cleopatra, 'the lover's instinct is stronger than the mother's.' Cleopatra' s faithfulness t o Antony is at the expens e o f her children. Nonetheless , despit e he r apparen t rejectio n of her children , I sugges t that Cleopatra's maternal role not only validates her bond with Antony, but also gives her the authorit y to reject that very same role. At the beginning of the fina l ac t Cleopatra speaks as a dying mother, and her servants an d children draw around her deathbed t o hear her final words . Th e scene evokes Holinshed's description of Sidney's mother's death . Mar y Herbert was known for her ' "godli e speeches, earnes t and effectuall persuasions t o all those about hir . .. yet In this hir last action and ending of her life . . . sh e so farr e surpassed hi r s e l f . .. a s the same almost amazed and astonished the heareres.'" Like those who attended Mar y Herbert, Cleopatra's attendants hang on her every word. Sh e first places her children in the car e o f their tutor, Euphron , advisin g him to take them away from Egypt . Sh e then says goodbye to her children, ask s divine guidance for them, and advises them to forget their noble descent an d right to the throne of Egypt. A s the children bid farewell, sh e cries, ' Ah this voice kills me. A h, goo d gods, I swoon! /1 can no more, I die!' (V.78-79). Whil e Sidney's work precedes th e mothers' advic e books that began appearing in the early 1600s, Cleopatra's last words anticipate those o f the women who claimed the authorit y to write by virtue of their motherhood and the possibility of imminent death. Having die d wel l a s a mother , Cleopatr a is revive d by he r attendants , Charmion and Eras, so that she can die as Antony's faithful lover . The y call upon her t o 'wee p ove r Antonie ; le t not / Hi s body b e withou t du e rite s entombed ' (V.89-90). Th e rites sh e offers Anton y in her fina l deat h speech , however, also celebrate he r sexuality: 18

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Poor Cleopatra, grie f thy reason reaves. No, no , most happy in this hapless case, To die with thee, and dying thee embrace; My body joined with thine, my mouth with thine, My mouth, whose moisture-burning sighs have dried To be i n one sel f tomb, and one sel f chest, And wrapped with thee in one sel f sheet to rest. (V. 170-76)

With these lines, sexual desire is brought to the fore as, embracing Antony's dead body, her lips on his, Cleopatra faints. Her e is the sexua l desire that created th e children wh o have just quitte d th e scene . An d here, surely , is the difficult y i n portraying Cleopatra as a faithful wif e an d a mother. I t is in these roles that sh e most threatens the Roman empire and any society constructed on patrilineage. A s

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an adulteress, Cleopatr a can be condemned an d her children disregarded fo r the y are without claim to any paternal legacy . Reinscribe d as Antony's wife, Cleopatra and, through her , he r childre n all have a potential claim. Indeed , Octaviu s is particularly angered b y Antony's distribution of Roman territory to Cleopatra and her children . A s Octavius knows, alive, Cleopatra can be labele d a n enem y t o society, put int o chains, an d her wealt h seized. Whe n she die s a s a mother an d faithful wif e she escapes such containment: legitimizin g the relationship increase s its potential to cause social disruption. While Sidney's version of Gamier's Marc Antoine ca n be seen to suppor t the ideologica l causes of her brother, i t can also be see n to undermine th e social order many believe it promotes. I t presents an adulteress as acceptable, a s a loyal wife who speaks with the authorit y of a mother, an d it does so without apology. While Sidney' s work , a s a close t drama , ha d a limite d audience , it s confine d circulation did permit on e radical difference fro m the publicly performed dram a of the period . Margare t Hannay suggests that Sidney's play may have been rea d aloud o n a n evenin g a t Sidney' s hom e a t Wilton , an d i t i s conceivabl e tha t a woman may have playe d the rol e of Cleopatra. Th e audience woul d not hav e heard th e 'squeakin g Cleopatra ' o f the publi c stage, a cross-dressed bo y whos e appearance potentially reinforced notions of Cleopatra's sexua l transgressivenes s while eliminating the plausibility of her role as a wife and mother. Instead , they would have heard a woman, living in a society that repeatedly define d her in terms of her position as a wife and mother, expres s th e authorit y granted t o her as suc h and effectively use i t to escape the societa l constraints place d on her. Although actresses had made brief and sometimes unpopula r appearances on the Englis h stage prior to 1660 , they became an accepted an d celebrated par t of English theatrical productions afte r th e theaters reopened tha t year. Dresse d to reveal their femaleness, actresse s were a s much a part of the spectacl e o f lateseventeenth-century theater a s th e ne w elaborat e scenery . O n the Restoratio n stage, on e no t onl y heard wome n speakin g women' s roles , bu t muc h mor e obviously, one saw them i n women's (an d men's) roles. Th e 'stage picture' o f lavishly painte d scener y an d carefull y pose d actor s becam e a vita l par t o f Restoration drama, an d Dryden makes ful l us e o f it in All for Love a s is apparent from his inclusion of certain highly detailed stage directions. Fo r example when Dollabella tells Cleopatr a that Antony is leaving her, th e stag e direction reads, ' A l l th e time o f this speech, Cleop[atra ] seem s more an d more concern' d til l sh e sinks quite down' (IV.i.165). Whil e a reader might imagine this to be the effec t of Dollabella's speech on Cleopatra and while an actress might portray it as such, Dryden's stag e direction s presen t a specifi c pictur e o f Cleopatr a a s passivel y suffering an d finall y defeate d b y Dollabella' s words. Th e direction s ar e als o precise in the final scene . I n contrast t o Shakespeare's Cleopatra, who applies two asps, one t o he r bar e breast and a second t o he r arm , Dryden's Quee n o f Egypt employs a more subtl e eroticis m and does not bar e her breast but he r arm . Th e stage direction is exact: Cleopatr a first 'hold s ou t he r Arm , an d draw s i t back ' (V.i.484). Applyin g the asp to her extended arm , Cleopatra must expose th e inne r 23

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Eroticizing Virtue 9 7 part of her upper arm. O n being bitten, she 'turn s aside, and then show s her arm bloody' (489) . Whil e the display of the elegantly outstretched an d exposed inner arm is most ofte n associate d wit h dance i n the movemen t o f portebras, Dryde n explicitly demands thi s gesture as essential to the fina l imag e of Cleopatra. I t is an image of grace, nobility and restraint that merely hints at the intense passio n that led to the deed . Dryden's Cleopatra, dying with her arm gracefully extended, he r head t o one side , presents an image popular on the Restoratio n stage, that of seductively posed suffering. I t also reflects Dryden's characterization of Antony's lover: her eroticism i s subtl e an d he r lov e is constant . Sh e i s not Shakespeare' s playfu l cross-dressing queen. Despit e Arthu r Kirsch' s assessmen t o f he r a s 'domesticated an d sentimentall y self-indulgent, ' an d he r ow n self-deprecatin g remark 'Natur e meant me / A Wife — a silly, harmless, houshold Dove' (IY.i.92) , she has a certain nobility that is apparent both in her confrontation wit h Octavia and when she prepares for her death. Lik e Sidney' s Cleopatra, she is constantly faithful t o Antony , and her lov e is not a 'wea k passion, ' bu t ' a noble madness ' (II.i.6, 17) . Sh e is a woman who chooses her partner ou t of love, and in defiance of political expediency. Lik e Sidney and Gamier, Dryden has Cleopatra reject th e idea of negotiating with Octavius — not once, but twice. Eve n her flirtation with Dollabella, a n attempt to arouse Antony's jealousy, is half-hearted. A n d when Antony accuses Cleopatr a of unfaithfulness becaus e of her previous liaison wit h Julius Caesar, she denies the charge, saying 'He first possess'd m y Person; you my Love: / Caesa r lov' d me ; bu t I lov' d Antony . / I f I endur' d hi m after , 'twa s because /1 judg'd it due to the firs t name o f Men' (II.i.354-57) . I n other words , she has experience d a relationship founded o n duty and political allegiance, and rejects suc h associations fo r one based solel y on love. Cleopatr a dies fo r love, leaving the 'dull ' Octavi a to perform the ritual of mourning her dead husband, fo r as his tme soulmate , Cleopatra's spousal with Antony is knit 'with a tie too stron g / For Roman Laws to break' (V.i.415 , 417-18). 31

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Dryden's depiction of Cleopatra as a woman who gives all for love can be said to reflect a popular theme of Restoration drama, that of the rol e of love in marriage. Whil e women's abilit y to accept o r even reject a marriage partner wa s limited b y famil y allegiance s an d economi c necessit y i n practice , ther e wa s growing acceptanc e tha t there shoul d b e a n affectiv e bon d betwee n marriag e partners. Restoratio n dramatists bega n to present unsatisfactory marriage s fro m the wife's perspective, an d to portray sympatheticall y women who opposed their families and chose their husbands o n the grounds o f affection. A t the same time as he presents Cleopatra as a woman who loves despite the advice of her friends , whose virtu e is apparent in her abilit y to suffer , Dryde n portrays Octavi a as th e abandoned wife . Althoug h Octavia appears in Shakespeare's work , her sufferin g is not explored, and while Sir Charles Sedley portrays Octavia' s emotional agony in hi s Antony and Cleopatra whic h opene d onl y months befor e Dryden' s own play, Dryden is the firs t to stag e a confrontation betwee n th e tw o women. Hi s decision may have been prompted by Nathaniel Lee's The Rival Queens, also first 35

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performed I n 1677 , an d b y th e particula r popularit y o f th e actresse s Rebecc a Marshall and Elizabeth Boutell who frequently played rivals In love with the same man. Unfortunatel y fo r Dryden , though , Rebecc a Marshal l lef t th e King' s Company shortly before th e staging of All for Love, so that Elizabeth Boutell, who normally played the role of the mil d virtuous woman opposite Marshall, was cas t as Cleopatra, and Katherine Corey as Octavia. While Octavia' s nobility is clearly evident, Dollabell a describin g her a s 'neither to o submissive , / Nor yet too haughty; bu t s o just a mean, / Shows, as It ought, a Wif e an d Roman too ' (Ill.i.268-70) , her domesti c positio n I s mos t emphasized. Whe n she tries to persuade Antony to return to Rome with her, sh e first stresse s their marital relationship and her position as his wife, a role that they both define by her 'duty ' (III.i.265 , 317, 326). A s Antony remains unmove d by her appeal, she Is forced to tell their daughters to 37

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pull hi m to me, A n d pul l hi m to your selves, from that bad Woman. If h e wil l shak e yo u off, i f he wil l das h you Against the Pavement , you mus t bear it, Children; For yo u ar e mine, and I was bor n t o suffer .

(354-5, 358-60)

Melodramatic as Octavia's speech is , the spectacle of his children clinging to Anton y i s clearl y intende d t o mov e audienc e sympath y a s indicate d b y Ventidius's exclamatio n 'Wa s eve r sigh t s o moving! ' (361). Dryden' s comments i n his preface tha t he did not realize 'th e compassio n [Octavia] mov'd to her sel f an d children' therefore see m absurd . H e knew it 'wa s destructiv e t o that which [he ] reserv' d fo r Anthony and Cleopatra; whos e mutua l lov e being founded upon vice, must lessen the favour of the Audience to them, when Virtu e and Innocenc e wer e oppress' d b y it ' (10.30-32 , 11.1-3) . H e kne w tha t hi s portrayal o f bot h Octavi a an d Cleopatr a a s sufferin g wome n woul d divid e audience sympathy , yet he went on to explore the conflict between th e two women by stagin g a meeting between them . In hi s preface, Dryde n claims that it would be 'bot h natural an d probable, that Octavia, proud of her new-gain'd Conquest, would search ou t Cleopatra t o triumph over her; and that Cleopatra, thus attacqu'd, wa s not of a spirit to shun the encounter' (11.20-23) . Th e two women meet as equals , fo r whil e Cleopatra is already onstag e when Octavi a appears, they bot h mov e simultaneousl y toward centre stag e (III.i.415). Thei r equality is also suggested i n their opening banter: T need not as k if you are Cleopatr a . . .. No r need I ask you who you are' (416 , 418). Indeed , the y no t onl y ech o eac h othe r bu t eve n finis h eac h other' s sentences. However , the y clearl y defin e eac h othe r a s rivals: accordin g t o Cleopatra, Octavi a is the 'Houshold-Clog ' wh o bear[s] the speciou s Titl e o f a Wife' (424 , 459); to Octavia, Cleopatra is 'practis' d / In that lascivious art,' an d 'black endearment s / Tha t mak e si n pleasing ' (426-27 , 442-43) . Despit e 39

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Eroticizing Virtue 9 9 Cleopatra's late r attemp t to writ e herself into the rol e o f wife, her e sh e i s th e sexually experienced woman, and this makes her a sight worth seeing according to Octavia, who moves closer to 'vie w nearer / That face' an d 'find th'inevitable charms, that catch Mankind so sure' (435-36 , 437-38). Eve n as Octavia examines Cleopatra's 'charms, ' an d suggest s that the quee n shoul d 'blush to own ' the m (443), she also indicates that her gaze is inappropriate; she should not be lookin g at Cleopatra in such a manner for she should be ignorant of the charms Cleopatra possesses: 'Fa r be thei r knowledg e fro m a Roman Lady , / Fa r fro m a modes t Wife' (440-41) . Cleopatr a further emphasize s the potential transgressiveness o f Octavia's gaze and the desire that prompts i t when she retorts, ' Y o u ma y blush, who want 'em ' (443) , 'want ' signifyin g bot h Octavia' s lack of charms an d he r desire to have them. Octavia, when she moves to gaze at Cleopatra, plays onstage th e position of th e theate r audience , fo r the y to o hav e com e t o se e Cleopatra . Octavia , therefore, havin g garnered audience sympathy as an abandoned wif e representin g 'oppress'd' 'Virtu e and Innocence,' no w encourages th e audience to identify with her a s sh e attempt s to diminis h an d objectif y Cleopatr a into a mere displa y of sexual charm . However , even a s sh e encourage s audienc e identificatio n and sympathy, Octavi a also reveal s Cleopatra' s appea l fo r bot h me n an d women. After all , the Queen of Egypt has not only captured the attention of Antony but of 'Mankind' (III.i.437) . Nonetheless , Cleopatra's charms both provoke the gaze and resist definition . Th e spectato r mus t 'search ' fo r them an d eve n then ma y no t know them (438-39) . Thus , even as Octavi a attempts to asser t her superiorit y over Cleopatra by trying to objectify her, sh e reveals the Quee n of Egypt's own power. Whil e being an object of the gaze can certainly limit or even countermand the femal e self-determinatio n ofte n presente d i n Restoration drama, Cleopatra resists suc h objectification here because th e ver y charms tha t Octavia (and th e audience) want to see are not clearly visible. The y are, like the eroticism of her outstretched ar m at her death, subtle . Cleopatra' s very opacity not only prevent s her objectification by her spectator s bu t also allows her to redefine th e terms of conflict constructe d b y Octavia , wh o see s thei r confrontatio n a s betwee n a 'faithless Prostitute ' (IV.i.289 ) and a 'modest Wife. ' Instead , Cleopatr a argues that th e distinctio n is betwee n hersel f a s a faithfu l mistres s an d Octavi a as a dutiful wife , between love and law and, on the Restoration stage, love often took precedence. In the closing scene o f All for Love, Cleopatra's love, the love that allows her to def y Octavia' s gaze an d win audience sympathy , i s full y realize d as sh e prepares th e spectacl e o f he r death . A s i n Shakespeare' s work , Dryde n ha s Cleopatra don her crown and jewels, so that in death she might look a fitting bride for Antony . I n addition , though, Dryde n makes th e lovers ' unio n tangible a s Cleopatra ha s Antony , wearin g a laure l wreath an d bearin g hi s shield , seate d beside her. Th e final imag e of the couple is of 'Lovers [seated] in State together , / A s they wer e givin g Law s t o hal f Mankind ' (V.i.508-09) . Cleopatra , having resisted Octavia' s gaze , create s he r ow n spectacl e fo r th e audience , on e tha t 40

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emphasizes he r grace, her majesty, an d her partnership wit h Antony. Moreover , even in death, her charms are present, though indefinable. A l l tha t can be seen is 'Th'impression o f a smile' (510), not the smile itself, to indicate that 'she dy' d pleas'd with him for whom she liv'd , / And went to charm him in another World ' (511-12). Both Sidney' s an d Dryden's depiction s o f Cleopatr a ar e potentiall y subversive because they allo w her to escape the labe l of adulteress, o r 'faithless prostitute' b y emphasizing her constancy, a virtue not usually associated wit h mistresses i n early modern England. Whil e Sidne y can only stress Cleopatra's constancy by inscribing her as Antony's wife, Dryde n emphasizes he r virtue by presenting her as a loving, suffering mistress in opposition to Octavia as a dutiful, abandoned wife . I n addition, Sidney presents Cleopatra as a dying mother, a role that not only authorizes her speech to her children, but also allows her to abdicat e that role to die as Antony's lover. I n contrast, Dryde n downplays Cleopatra' s motherhood. He r children do not appear on stage, and neither sh e nor Antony make an y reference t o them . Instead , Dryde n draw s o n popular theatrica l techniques o f the period , the 'stage picture,' th e depiction of female sufferin g eroticized, and the inclusio n of two actresses as rivals for the sam e man, to elicit audience sympath y fo r Cleopatr a a s the embodimen t o f love i n contrast t o Octavia's dutifulness. Eve n as she is presented a s an erotic spectacle of suffering, however, Dryden' s Cleopatra resists the objectification associated wit h bein g a target o f the gaze . No t only doe s Dryde n impl y tha t suc h a gaz e ma y b e transgressive, bu t also that Cleopatra has the power to both provoke and resist her spectators. He r eroticism is sufficiently apparent that she attracts their attentio n — a necessity i n popular theater — yet subtl e enoug h to remain undefinable to their stares. Whil e early modern society attempted t o define women as either/or : either modes t wive s o r faithles s prostitutes , mother s o r lovers , bot h thes e depictions of Cleopatra, even as they reflect conditions for women in general and within the theater in specific, subvert suc h exclusive definitions by inscribing her as both virtuous and erotic. 42

Acknowledgements I wis h t o acknowledg e th e suppor t o f the Socia l Science s an d Humanities Research Council o f Canada and the Killa m Trus t in writing this essay . Notes 1

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Plutarch , "Antony, " XXVI , Plutarch's Lives, trans . Bernadotte Perrin (Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press, 1920; rpt . 1968), pp. 193-95. Fo r a discussion o f historical representation s o f Cleopatr a se e Mar y Hamer , Signs of Cleopatra: History, Politics, Representation (New York : Routledge, 1993); Mary Morrison, 'Some aspects of the Treatment of the Theme of Antony an d Cleopatra i n Tragedies of the Sixteenth Century,' Journal of European Studies 4 (1974): 113-25 ; Max Patrick , 'The

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Cleopatra Them e i n World Literatur e u p to 1700 ' In The Undoing of Babel: Watson Kirkconnell, The Man and his Work, ed . J.R.C. Perkin (Toronto: McClellan d an d Stewart, 1975), 64-76 ; an d Marilyn L . Williamson, Infinite Variety: Antony and Cleopatra in Renaissance Drama and Earlier Tradition (Mystic, Conn.: Lawrence Verry, 1974) . I n view of the accepte d medieval perception o f Cleopatra as a destructive forc e o f passion , Chaucer's depictio n Is probably satirical . Se e 'Th e Legend of Good Women,' 11.566-69, in The Riverside Chaucer, 3 ed., ed. Larry D. Benson (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1987) . Patrick , 76, counts more than forty plays, fifteen operas , two epics, fourteen pros e narratives , and countless poems written about Cleopatra between 1478 and 1697 . Morrison , 113. Th e statue Is actually of Ariadne sleeping, and the asps are a snake bracelet. Patrick , 64-70, notes the physical similarities between the two queens, both being fair skinned and re d haired, wit h stron g facia l features . Bot h spok e severa l language s an d were accomplished negotiators. The y were also popular wit h their people, an d known for using their personal charm for political gain. Bot h Mary Sidney and Samuel Daniel may have drawn on the similaritie s between Cleopatra and Elizabeth to present their works as warnings about the potentia l consequence s of Elizabeth's passion fo r the Ear l of Essex. Se e also Margare t Hannay, Philips Phoenix: Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) , 126-29 . Morrison , 120, notes that the nine tragedie s published i n the second hal f of the sixteent h century I n French, English, and Italian all present Cleopatra as 'unshakeably true,' that the three Italian dramas depict her love as having 'a dignified conjugal quality. ' T.E. , The Lowes Resolutions of Womens Rights: or, The Lowes Provision for Woemen (London, 1632) , 6. Hamer , 26. Sidney' s drama was first published under the titl e of Antonius, a Tragoedie, along with her translation o f Phillipe de Mornay's Discourse of Life and Death, in 1592. A second separate edition titled The Tragedie of Antoniewas publishe d three years later. Mar y Ellen Lamb , Gender and Authorship in the Sidney Circle (Madison : University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 68-71; Elaine Beilin, Redeeming Eve: Women Writers of theEnglish Renaissance (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1987) , 123 ; Nancy Cotton, Women Playwrights in England 1363-1750 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1980), 29; an d Hannay, Philip's Phoenix, 120 , argue that the view of Sidney's work as determined by her brother's opinions has distorted our perception of her. However , as the title of Hannay's book indicates, it is difficult to escape identifying Sidney and her work with her brother. Fo r a discussion of closet drama as a tool o f political discourse , see Mart a Straznicky, '"Profane Stoical Paradoxes": The Tragedie of Mariamand Sidnean Closet Drama,' ELR 24, no. 1 (Winte r 1994): 104-34; and Nancy A. Gutierrez, 'Valuing Mariam: Genr e Study and Feminist Analysis,' Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 1 0 (1991): 233-51. Fo r a discussion of Gamier's use o f his source see Robert Gamier, Two Tragedies: Hippolyte and Marc Antoine, eds. Christine M. Hill and Mary G. Morrison (London : Athlone Press, 1975), 15-19. Thre e tragedies based on Plutarch were written in Italian between 1541 an d 1576, and Etienne Jodelle had written Cleopatre captive in 1552. Whil e Sidney may not have known all of the Italia n tragedies, she was fluent in French and Italian and therefore had a choice of texts for translation. Se e Williamson, 76-123. Lamb , Gender and Authorship, 24, 119-31. Lam b argues that by translating works in which women assume heroic status through death Sidney removes "the sexual stain" (24) associated with women's writing. However , as Sidney's depiction of Cleopatra's final moment s is remarkable for its eroticism, I do not see how i n this case the "sexual stain" can be said to be eliminated. Morrison , 116. Al l quotation s and line numbers are taken from Marc Antoine i n Robert Gamier, Two Tragedies, 106-66 . Williamson , 18 , notes that Antony and Cleopatra were married in 3 6 BCE, a year after Antony's marriage to Octavia. Roma n law recognized neither his marriage to Cleopatra nor his naming of Caesarion, her son b y Julius Caesar, in his will. A l l quotation s and line numbers are taken from Mary Sidney, The Tragedy of Antoniein rd

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Renaissance Drama by Women: Texts and Documents, eds . S.P. Cerasano and Mario n Wynne-Davies (New York: Routledge, 1996), 19-42. Sidney , 19. Th e conflation of the roles of good wife and mother appears in Proverbs 31, and is promoted in severa l seventeenth-centur y conduc t books . Fo r examples , se e Willia m Gouge , Of Domesticall Duties, Eight Treatises, 3r d ed. (London, 1634), 282, 371, 517; and Richard Baxter, A Christian Directory: or, a Summe of Practical Theologie, and Cases of Conscien (London, 1673), 531-34. Tin a Krontiris, Oppositional Voices: Women as Writers and Translators of Literature in th English Renaissance (New York: Routledge, 1992), 71-2. Holinshed , quoted in Hannay, 55-6, and in Lamb, Gender and Authorship, 122-23 . Se e Mar y Bet h Rose , 'Wher e Ar e the Mother s i n Shakespeare? Option s fo r Gender Representation in the English Renaissance,' Shakespeare Quarterly 42, no. 3 (Fall 1991): 291-314. For examples of mothers' advice books see Betty Travitsky, ed., The Paradise of Women: Writings by Englishwomen of the Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), 50-68. Samue l Daniel's 1607 revision of The Tragedie of Cleopatra, in The Complete Works in Verse and Prose of Samuel Daniel, Volume 111, ed. Rev. Alexander B. Grosart (London, n. pub., 1885), 1-94, a play likely prompted by Sidney herself, makes the threat posed by Cleopatra's children clear when Cesario, her son by Julius Caesar, vows to seek revenge on Rome. Unlik e many other early modern women writers and translators who remain anonymous, or who apologize for their presumption in writing, Sidney adopts the authoritative voice of those whose works she translates. He r name is boldly placed alongside the author's on the title page of the first edition of Antonie, and she makes no prefatory apology for publishing this work. Hannay , 120. Fo r this reference, see William Shakespeare, The Tragedy of Antonyand Cleopatra, 5.2.216, in The Norton Shakespeare, eds. Stephen Greenblatt et al. (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1997). Fo r discussions of why actresses were accepted on the stage at this time and not earlier see Katharine Eisama n Maus , ' "Playhous e Fles h an d Blood": Sexua l Ideolog y an d th e Restoration Actress,' ELH 46 (1979): 595-617; and Michael Shapiro, 'The Introduction of Actresses i n England: Dela y o r Defensiveness?' i n Enacting Gender on the English Renaissance Stage, eds. Viviana Comensoli and Anne Russell (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 178-200. Maus , 595, notes that, in 1629, actresses appearing with a French company were hissed from the stage in London. Debora h C. Payne, 'Reified Object or Emergent Professional? Retheorizing the Restoration Actress' in Cultural Readings of Restoration and Eighteenth-Century English Theater, eds J. Douglas Canfield and Deborah C. Payne (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1995), 1-38. Payn e argues that both the objectification and professionalization of actresses resulted from emphasizing the visual. Laur a J. Rosenthal , 'Readin g Masks: The Actress and th e Spectatrix in Restoration Shakespeare' in Broken Boundaries: Women and Feminism in Restoration Drama, ed. Katherine M. Quinse y (Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1996) , 201-18. Paradoxically , when actresses were cast as men, in 'breeches parts,' the costume often intentionally emphasized their femaleness. Fo r a discussion of how Dryden uses the stage picture in All for Love see H. Neville Davies, 'All for Love: Text and Contexts,' Cahiers Elisabethains 36 (Oct 1989): 49-71. Al l quotations and line numbers are taken from All for Love in The Works of John Dryden, volume XIII, ed. Maximillian E. Novak (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 1111,363-440. Se e Margaret Lamb, Antony and Cleopatra on the English Stage (Toronto : Associated University Presses, 1980), 37-42, for a discussion of the representation of the dying Cleopatra and the influence of Dryden's play on later stagings of Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra. Se e Jean I. Marsden, 'Rape, Voyeurism, and the Restoration Stage' in Broken Boundaries: Women and Feminism in Restoration Drama, ed . Katherin e M . Quinse y (Lexington , Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 185-200, especially 185-86.

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Many critics have examined the difference between the two Cleopatras and without exception note the fidelity and submissiveness of Dryden's characterization. Se e J. Douglas Canfield, Word as Bond in English Literature from theMiddle Ages to the Restoration (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 240. Als o see Cleopatra, ed. Harold Bloom (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1990), 15 and 29. Arthu r C. Kirsch, Dryden's Heroic Drama (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), 131. Se e Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (New York : Harper and Row, 1977) 123-24, 326-28; and Susan Staves, Players' Scepters: Fictions of Authority in the Restoration (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), 189 . Rosenthal , 203-4; and Staves, 131 . Se e Elizabeth Howe, The First English Actresses: Women and Drama 1660-1700 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 147 . Kirsch , 129. Th e spectacle is not solely visual, however . Davies , 64 , notes that the line share d b y Dollabella, Octavia, the children, and Antony presents a verbal climax which is followed by Antony's embrace of his children. Rosenthal , 207. Staves , 120 . Althoug h women were characterized in multiple, shifting ways throughout the early modern period, their lack of constancy, particularly as linked to sexual appetite, was repeatedl y emphasized. Mistresses, by making public their sexuality, were therefore deemed inherently subject to inconstancy. Fo r representative writings on women's supposed vices, including inconstancy, see N. H. Keeble, ed. The Cultural Identity of Seventeenth-Century Woman: A Reader (New York: Routledge, 1994), 71-95.

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3 Applaudin g Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century: Sexual Desire, Politics, and the Good Woman Susan Lamb

The author of this essay analyzes Restoration and eighteenth-century adoption of the figure of the mad Ophelia, arguing that this figure is sited at a conjunction of the histories of sexuality and women's public (and political) influence. The early realizations and uses of the mad Ophelia speak to our understanding of how conceptions of women's 'normative' sexuality developed, and prompts the reassessment of many feminist working assumptions about connections between free ' sexual expression and 'freedom ' from patriarchal oppression. More locally to eighteenth-century studies, the author shows how reinventions of the mad Ophelia are in fact one of the few sites at which Restoration and eighteenth-century writers, painters, actors, and commentators could openly display what they conceived to be 'natural' and undissembled expressions of virtuous, female heterosexual desire.

In Shakespeare' s Hamlet, Opheli a i s a young woman who loves a prince, who may or may not be love d by him, who may or may not have had sex with him, and whos e mal e courtie r relatives see k bot h t o protec t he r an d t o us e he r t o advance themselves . Sh e goes mad , may o r may not commi t suicide, and , in most certainly dying young and in mental anguish, becomes one more ite m on her brother' s lis t o f grievance s agains t Princ e Hamlet . Fo r Hamlet's Elizabethan audiences , th e iconograph y o f Shakespeare' s white-cla d an d flower-distributing madwoman , Bridge t Geller t Lyon s ha s argued , wa s simultaneously tha t o f bot h th e whor e an d th e virgin. Opheli a had , then , sexual identitie s that moralist s of any ag e woul d argu e coul d no t inhabi t th e same woma n at the sam e time . Whil e subsequen t audience s an d readers ma y not hav e bee n a s familia r wit h Elizabetha n iconography as th e Elizabethans, Ophelia's language and her story are ambiguous enough in terms o f her sexual status that commentators, censors, illustrators, actors , and audiences alik e have historically focused on exactly this aspect o f her character an d its significance . In thi s essay , I wan t t o pu t a twis t o n th e ol d questio n o f th e natur e o f Ophelia's sexuality , using Restoration and eighteenth-centur y treatment s o f it 1

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to loo k a t th e significanc e o f thi s focu s bot h i n th e perio d an d i n term s o f feminist history. Since Elain e Showaiter' s 198 5 articl e o n th e topic , Opheli a has bee n singled ou t a s a rol e tha t depend s fo r it s powe r o n th e expressio n o f femal e sexual desire, and , because of this, one that acts as a weather van e fo r attitudes towards women' s sexuality . Sh o waiter, Edna O'Brien an d Mary Floyd-Wilso n implicitly argu e that the mor e verball y Ophelia expresses he r sexua l longings, the mor e seriousl y th e part , an d — b y extensio n — wome n i n general , ar e taken. Fo r them , onl y a verball y explici t Opheli a expresses desir e an d th e representation o f a desirin g woman indicate s a healthy an d admirabl e cultura l attitude toward s women . I n feminis t terms , then , thes e critic s imply tha t th e main an d transhistorica l value o f the par t t o actresses , audiences , readers , an d critics rests i n its portrayal o f women's sexuality . Sh o waiter's an d O'Brien's Restoration an d eighteenth-centur y Opheli a is shor n o f he r bawd y languag e and playe d b y singer s (no t actresses) , a diminutio n of the par t that result s (i n Showalter's terms ) i n a polite, decorous Opheli a who 'minimize d th e forc e o f female sexuality.' Floyd-Wilso n adopt s Showalter' s assumption s but , extrapolating fro m recen t scholarshi p o n eighteenth-centur y women , argue s against Showalte r tha t a 'veile d sexuality ' remaine d despit e censorship . Fo r these feminist critics, representations o f Ophelia illustrate a progressive histor y of women in which the amelioratio n of women's conditio n is directly indicated by how explicitly a female characte r ca n express sexua l desire onstage . How w e tel l ou r histor y — wha t i n the pas t i s importan t t o u s i n th e present — allow s us t o positio n ourselves, an d mor e importantly , to ma p th e direction of change. Fo r a reform movement suc h as feminism, what history is told i s therefor e crucial . I hav e concern s abou t th e histor y o f women' s sexuality an d it s significanc e a s i t ha s bee n mappe d throug h th e histor y o f Ophelia's representation . Earl y Ophelia s hav e a fa r differen t significanc e t o women's histor y than they hav e been credite d with: not onl y do they revea l th e dark sid e of the assumptio n that open expressions o f sexual desire an d freedo m from oppressio n ar e on e an d th e sam e thing, but the y demonstrat e the wa y in which an exclusive focus on women's sexualit y can in fact eras e or obscure th e place and influence of women in the public sphere . In makin g thei r claims , Showalter , O'Brien , an d Floyd-Wilso n lef t long-eighteenth-century record s unexamined , usuall y takin g a t fac e valu e nineteenth-century statement s about earlie r Ophelias. Fro m the mid-nineteent h century, storie s o f Ophelia' s treatmen t begi n b y dismissin g long-eighteenth century Ophelia s — thi s essay' s focu s — o n th e ground s tha t n o on e i n th e period treated the par t as more than a n ornamental se t piec e fo r a pretty singer . The actres s Helena Faucit's husband coul d clai m i n good fait h that before hi s wife too k th e rol e i n 1844 , n o on e 'woul d hav e dreame d o f asking a leadin g actress' t o d o it. Fo r much of the twentiet h century , th e stor y proper bega n i n 1827, whe n th e the n mino r actres s Harrie t Smithso n wa s force d t o pla y Ophelia wit h tw o days ' notic e i n th e first-ever English-languag e Hamlet 2

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Applauding Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 10 7 performed i n Paris. Smithso n had a weak singing voice and knew it. Becaus e she viewed the part a s reliant on singing, she tried (unsuccessfully) to convince several other compan y members t o undertake Opheli a i n her place, offering a s inducement a week' s extr a salary . A s matters turne d out , th e rol e mad e he r career. Smithson' s Opheli a wa s no t innovative , bu t i t rivete d Frenc h audiences. Th e straw she wor e in her hair as the mad Ophelia became th e rage of Parisia n hig h fashion . Th e compose r Hecto r Berlio z fel l i n lov e wit h Ophelia and finally convince d the woman who played her to marry him. The bewildere d Englis h pres s attribute d th e Frenc h enthusias m fo r Smithson's Opheli a t o a lac k o f judgmen t bor n o f ignorance , an d b y al l accounts Smithson' s performanc e ha d a negligibl e impac t o n Ophelia s i n England. Nonetheles s i t is usually taken a s th e firs t time Opheli a wa s treate d seriously, an d therefor e a s th e story' s beginning . Bu t Smithson' s lac k o f influence i n England, her excellent use o f inherited conventions, and her initia l resistance t o undertaking the par t migh t suggest a different story , one i n which she concludes , rather tha n begins , a fascinating episode. I n many respect s — the stra w i n th e hair , th e us e o f musi c an d mimin g t o expres s th e verball y inexpressible, th e whit e dres s — he r performanc e i s directl y eighteenth century i n character . Th e Englis h n o longe r pai d muc h attentio n t o thi s Ophelia, bu t th e astonishe d Frenc h gav e i t it s las t an d loudes t hurrah . Th e conception o f Opheli a tha t b y 182 7 coul d inflam e Pari s bu t ha d becom e s o tired i n England that serious actresses avoided the role , and the significanc e of understandings abou t Opheli a i n th e lon g eighteent h century , ar e th e mai n concerns o f this essay . Although the y hav e bee n ignored , th e record s concernin g Opheli a i n the lon g eighteent h centur y ar e i n fac t surprisingl y generous. No t onl y di d Ophelia repeatedly appea r o n stage in the century' s mos t popula r Shakespear e play, but sh e an d characters base d o n her had a consistent plac e in the period' s critical commentary , poetry , novels , illustrations and paintings . Unti l th e en d of th e eighteent h century , critic s and adaptor s alik e considere d he r crucia l t o Hamlet an d th e mos t prominen t actresse s o f the ag e (no t singers ) playe d th e part. Arguably , th e change s theate r companie s mad e t o th e scrip t enable d Ophelia t o expres s sexua l awarenes s withi n eighteenth-centur y paradigms . Furthermore, sign s o f he r desir e wer e neithe r veile d no r erase d b y thes e changes, no r i n the period' s extra-theatrica l adoption s o f th e Opheli a figure . Indeed, Ophelia' s sexua l desire s wer e emphasize d a t th e expens e o f othe r aspects of the part . Period Ophelia s an d Opheli a figure s demonstrate d wha t mos t contemporaries though t normativ e 'good ' femal e desir e looke d lik e whe n sanity and propriety no longe r worked together t o concea l it. I f a woman was insane, he r virtu e di d no t necessaril y com e int o questio n whe n sh e demonstrated sexua l desire i n public. O f course, there were commentator s (a s there ar e now , fo r tha t matter ) wh o foun d any revelatio n o f femal e sexua l desire appalling . Nonetheless , fo r most , Opheli a wa s th e mode l fo r 5

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presentations i n whic h the sexua l desire s experience d b y virginal , unmarrie d women coul d becom e availabl e t o spectators . Whe n Opheli a i s adopte d o r alluded t o i n the nove l an d i n poetry, sh e exhibit s a powerful, unconstrained , and virtuou s (i.e . unfulfilled ) heterosexua l desir e tha t i s receive d a s comforting, eve n reassuring i n an unmarried woman . Thi s is particularly clear when novelist s suc h a s Sara h Fieldin g an d Laurenc e Stern e adop t Opheli a (a s we shal l see). Bu t for now it is enough t o sa y that Ophelia and Opheli a figures enabled writers , actresse s an d visua l artist s t o showcas e wha t fo r man y contemporaries wa s a 'good' versio n of women's sexua l desire . The love-ma d woman was a popular figur e i n medical literature an d in works o f the imagination . Ro y Porter ha s show n that i n the period' s medica l discourse a love-mad woman's sexua l desire wa s no t what wa s considere d sic k about her , somethin g tha t change d i n the nineteent h centur y an d ha s becom e almost inconceivabl e in Freud's wake. Expert s an d th e publi c alike believed that lac k of gratification rather than th e desir e itsel f cause d th e insanity . Th e circumstances commonl y thought t o induc e love-madnes s included : a husban d slighting a lovin g wif e (a s i n th e characte r o f Belvider a in Otway' s Venice Preserv'd); a lover deserting a loving , unwary , an d no w falle n woman (Alici a in Rowe' s Jane Shore); o r a n acknowledge d suitor' s withdrawa l o f hi s declared lov e from a lovin g virgin . I n the madnes s portrayed i n works o f th e imagination, thi s las t stereotyp e bot h informe d an d wa s informe d b y understandings abou t Ophelia . This madwoma n ha s love d accordin g t o th e strictest rule s o f propriety an d virtue. Sh e becomes ma d when, on the brin k of the relationship' s socially-sanctione d sexua l consummatio n (typicall y immediately befor e th e marriag e ceremony) , th e ma n become s unavailabl e (having been kidnapped , killed , o r believing lies against hi s betrothed). Sinc e her overwhelmin g desir e i s focuse d o n on e man , mos t assume d tha t he r interaction wit h othe r me n coul d no t b e suspec t althoug h i n an y othe r circumstances i t would be treated as damagingly sexual. The us e o f these formula s i s strikin g in much o f the relate d literature . For instance , th e popula r an d anonymou s broadsid e balla d 'Th e Maid' s Lamentation i n Bedlam' describes a Bedla m maid who become s insan e whe n her betrothe d disappear s o n the ev e o f their weddin g (h e i s impressed int o th e navy). Th e refrain demonstrates her virtue: she sing s T love my Love, because my Lov e lov e me.' Fo r man y contemporaries , a virtuou s woma n onl y returned an d did not initiat e love. Luckil y fo r this maid, the love r returns from sea, seek s he r i n Bedla m ( a famou s insan e asylu m i n London) , and , upo n marrying her , 'H e quickl y brough t he r t o he r self... And no w the y liv e i n Happiness,/ I n Jo y an d Unity. ' Th e mora l o f th e balla d i s th e metricall y clumsy 'Prett y Maiden s wait with Patience,/ Y o u that have Love s at sea, / And love you r Lov e i f ye find y e Love s love ye. ' Fo r the balladeer , a s fo r man y contemporaries, madnes s is a predictable respons e to disappointe d lov e that i s also exemplary when the lov e is virtuous. Contemporary poem s an d ballad s abou t suc h love-ma d wome n ofte n 7

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Applauding Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 10 9 explicitly (an d wit h n o irony ) prais e th e madwomen' s managemen t o f blameless sexua l longing s — a management tha t literall y drive s them insane . In a 179 6 epigram, Samuel Bishop praises th e lovesic k virgin as a virtuous foi l for th e unmarrie d hig h societ y wome n wh o falsel y displa y th e benefit s o f marriage (that is to say, pregnancy): The love-sick maid, in Bedlam's cells who pines, Weaves a straw coronet; and a princess shines:— While in high life our spinster daughters ape, In mock protuberant bulk , a mother's shape:- Say, between frenzy's crown, and fashion's pad, Is madness prouder? or is pride more mad? In thi s widesprea d cultura l fantasy , a n unmarrie d woman' s sexua l desire cost s he r a lo t — he r sanit y o r he r virtu e — i f she remain s unmarrie d after i t is triggered, but the desir e in and of itself is not condemned. Give n thi s context an d the centralit y of Shakespeare fo r the Englis h durin g this period, it is no t surprisin g that Opheli a function s bot h a s a n illustratio n of this cultural fantasy an d a s th e figure particularl y investe d wit h it . Despit e nineteenth century claims to the contrary , for most of the period Ophelia was not regarde d as a n unimportan t par t take n onl y b y lowl y singers . O f the fifty-six wome n documented a s playing the rol e in Restoration and eighteenth-century London , all ha d actin g pretensions , an d onl y thre e wer e primaril y singers . Thes e singers 'hogged ' fifteen o f th e 60 1 documente d Londo n performances. I n fact, th e actresse s wh o playe d th e par t i n Londo n wer e th e period' s stella r female performers (suc h as Mary Betterton, Anne Bracegirdle, Kitty Clive , Peg Woffington, Susanna h Cibber, Dora Jourdan, Maria Macklin , An n Barry , Mar y Robinson, Nannett e Johnston , an d Sara h Siddons) . Thes e actresse s usuall y retained sol e propert y o f th e rol e i n thei r respectiv e companie s fo r ove r a decade and a t th e heigh t o f professional succes s an d powe r (whe n they coul d easily hav e droppe d les s prestigiou s roles). Unti l lat e i n th e eighteent h century, no t onl y di d actresses need t o posses s considerabl e statu s i n order t o play Opheli a to begin with, but typicall y they als o kept a firm hol d o n the par t once they had inherited it. Actresses wer e no t alon e i n recognizing the importanc e o f Opheli a i n Hamlet o r indee d a s a representative woman . Whil e mos t considere d Hamlet and hi s predicamen t mor e importan t o n metaphysica l an d critica l plane s tha n Ophelia an d hers , Opheli a caugh t th e popula r imagination . I n poetry , fo r instance, sh e becam e emblemati c fo r los t potentia l (a s i n th e Ophelia s o f Edward Jerningham's 180 6 'The Nun; or , Adaleida to her Friend ' an d Willia m Shenstone's 177 3 'Eleg y IV . Ophelia' s Urn. T o Mr. G—') , an d the type of the love-sick maid (the Opheli a of William Broome' s 1739 'A Dialogue between a Lady an d He r Looking-Glass , whil e sh e ha d th e Green-Sickness') . Sh e wa s representative o f Britis h women' s virtu e (th e Opheli a o f Danie l Bellamy' s 1722 'Cantat a IV . Th e Agreabl e [sic ] Mistake : Or , Venu s Discarded') ; th e 10

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example of how madness i s a hidden blessing (the Opheli a of Matthew Prior's 1740 ' O n a Prett y Madwoman') , and a complementar y pseudony m fo r a real woman (Josep h Mitchell' s 173 2 ' O n Ophelia ' o r Arthu r Mainwaring' s 1730 'Mainwario's Welcom e to Ophelia , on his Meeting her i n the Shades') . Whil e this essay focuse s o n the mos t widespread understandings o f Ophelia, how sh e figures i n eighteenth-centur y poetr y demonstrate s tha t contemporarie s conceived of her as broadly representative o f women. Ophelia wa s amon g Shakespeare' s mos t popula r characters , mal e o r female, an d until the en d of the eighteent h centur y was usually considered vital to Hamlefs success . Fo r instance, the margina l commentary fo r the chea p an d popular 177 4 Bell's Edition of Shakespeare's Plays identifie d Ophelia a s 'th e chief support ' o f th e fourt h act , an d sh e i s on e o f thirty-si x Shakespear e characters chose n t o b e depicte d i n the illustrativ e prints fo r Bell' s volume. In th e century' s onl y major reworkin g of Hamlet t o brin g i t int o lin e wit h contemporary tastes, the par t bor e mor e weigh t than i n Shakespeare's original . As Jeffre y Lawso n Lawrenc e Johnso n ha s shown , i n Davi d Garrick' s 177 1 Hamlet, h e significantl y expande d Ophelia' s part eve n though he shortene d th e last two acts from approximatel y two hours' playin g time to approximately one half hour. Garrick' s alteration s underscore d tha t Ophelia' s madnes s aros e from thwarte d bu t virtuou s sexua l desire . Throughou t th e las t act , no t onl y does Opheli a stil l sin g song s abou t valentine s an d los t o r dea d loves , bu t Garrick's Laerte s confront s Hamle t fo r havin g led a virtuou s woma n t o lov e him wit h n o intentio n o f followin g throug h a s a gentlema n should . Furthermore, i n a perio d i n whic h Shakespear e adaptor s tende d t o alte r Shakespeare i n order that the ba d be punished and the goo d triumph, Garrick's Ophelia, lik e Nahu m Tate' s Cordeli a befor e her , i s aliv e a t th e clos e o f th e play. Hi s version shows no inclination to condemn Ophelia's desire. Many o f Ophelia's bawdy line s were cu t in staged version s of the play (including Garrick's) , promptin g recen t critic s t o argu e tha t ther e wa s a campaign t o de-sexualiz e Opheli a becaus e sh e i s female. I n fact , Shakespeare adaptor s cu t sexuall y explicit languag e i n general, no t just i n the mouths o f women. A s John M i l l s ' discussio n of players' text s make s clear , most cut s t o Hamlet' s part 'hav e t o d o eithe r wit h sexua l explicitness or wit h lack o f reverenc e i n matter s o f religion.' Moreover , give n th e age' s propensity fo r 'correcting ' Shakespeare' s 'errors, ' th e cut s probabl y had mor e to d o wit h eighteenth-centur y idea s abou t th e kin d o f languag e peopl e o f Hamlet's an d Ophelia' s social positio n would hav e use d tha n wit h a n attempt to mak e the m see m asexual . I t was , afte r all , commo n practic e i n th e eighteenth centur y to gentrif y Shakespeare' s mor e socially-elevate d characters on th e ground s tha t Shakespear e woul d hav e don e s o himsel f ha d h e live d i n the eighteent h centur y and benefited fro m a gentleman's polit e education. Most importantly , however , th e cut s d o no t see m t o hav e interfere d with audiences ' perceptio n of Ophelia a s displayin g sexual desire. A minority of commentator s attacke d th e stage d ma d Ophelia' s sexua l awareness ; th e 12

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Applauding Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 11 1 majority applaude d it. Jerem y Collie r an d his respondents se t the pattern early . Collier, a n extremist wh o attacked th e immoralit y of the stag e in 169 8 (almos t forty year s afte r th e bawdies t line s had bee n cu t fro m Hamlet) complaine d of the 'Lewd ' an d 'unreasonable' characterizatio n of Ophelia. Th e 'young Virgi n Ophelia,' h e laments , lose s he r modest y whe n sh e goe s insane . Thi s i s a problem becaus e '[t] o represen t [women ] withou t [modesty ] i s t o mak e Monsters of them, and throw them out of their Kind. ' Withou t irony, he likens Ophelia t o Euripides ' Phaedr a whos e 'Frens y i s no t Lewd ; Sh e keep s he r Modesty eve n afte r Sh e ha s los t he r W i t s . ' H e suggest s tha t sinc e Shakespeare 'wa s resolv'd to drown the Lad y lik e a Kitten, he shoul d have se t her a-swimin g [sic ] a littl e sooner . T o kee p he r aliv e onl y t o sull y he r Reputation, and discover the Rankness of her Breath, was very Cruel.' Floyd-Wilson cites Collier to support her claim that a disturbing 'veiled sexuality' remaine d despit e censorship , servin g t o 'transfor m th e characte r [Ophelia] into a passive object of desire.' Bu t Collier is specific — for him it is no t th e audienc e wh o desir e Opheli a bu t Opheli a hersel f wh o i s unfortunately sexual . Moreover , h e i s no t i n hi s commentar y takin g th e position tha t he i s uncoverin g something hidden , but rathe r tha t h e i s puttin g into prope r perspectiv e somethin g h e think s everyon e sees . Collier' s complaint indicate s tha t fo r hi m an d hi s contemporaries , sexuall y explici t language wa s not the onl y way a woman might express sexua l desire. He , like scattered late r commentator s i n th e lon g eighteent h century , wa s deepl y appalled by the spectacl e o f female desir e he saw in Ophelia. Collier's attac k o n th e stag e articulate d a minorit y opinion tha t ha d proponents throughou t th e lon g eighteent h century . Publi c expression s o f this opinion provoke d spirite d defence s o f th e stag e and , lik e Collier' s attack , succeeded neithe r i n closing the theater s nor i n transforming them int o venue s that offere d onl y thos e show s tha t unambiguousl y promote d an d modele d moral perfection . Fortunatel y fo r us , diatribe s suc h a s Collier' s goaded contemporaries int o articulatin g viewpoints so commo n a s t o hav e otherwis e remained unvoiced . Jame s Drak e wrot e t o defen d Ophelia' s ope n sexualit y from Collier' s 'deprav'd ' 'Uproar. ' Afte r arguin g tha t Ophelia' s lov e represents a n ac t o f filial an d patrioti c virtue, Drake counter s Collier' s attac k on Ophelia' s 'monstrou s .. . immodesty ' b y claimin g tha t th e desire s he r madness reveal s are natural and transhistorical: 17

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But Children and Mad Folks tell truth, they say, and [Collier] seems to discover thro [Ophelia's] Frenzy what she wou'd be at. Sh e was trouble d fo r th e los s o f a Sweet-hear t an d th e breaking of f her Match , Poo r Soul . No t unlikely. Ye t this was n o Novelty i n the day s o f our Fore-fathers ; i f [Collier] pleases to consult the Record, he will fin d even in the days of Sophocles Maids had an itching the sam e way, and longed to know what was what before they died.

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Ophelia's madnes s reveal s somethin g i n her tha t Drak e takes a s innocen t an d expected, an d tha t disgust s Collie r a s monstrous . Bot h identif y thi s 'something' a s sexual in nature. Even i f th e cut s t o Ophelia' s bawd y languag e i n th e theate r had interfered wit h a n occasiona l audience member' s perceptio n o f her a s sexua l (as suggeste d b y critic s suc h a s Showalter) , ther e wa s clearl y n o suc h interference whe n readers responded t o the full-tex t Ophelia. Wha t was then a new phenomenon — Shakespear e adulatio n — wa s signalle d by the firs t wave of those wh o dreamed o f producing or reading the 'complete ' an d authoritativ e Hamlet. Multipl e scholarl y editions o f Shakespeare' s work s appeare d i n th e eighteenth centur y an d wer e eagerl y consume d b y th e public. Furthermor e (and somewha t atypicall y for th e period) , no t onl y wa s Hamlet usuall y cu t rather tha n substantiall y rewritte n fo r staging , bu t i n the lon g lin e o f popular players' texts , th e unperforme d section s wer e carefull y indicated , usually by quotation marks. Therefore , althoug h the stag e versions cut large portions of the ful l tex t (a s i s stil l standar d practice) , in print every word remained sacred . Yet th e openl y sexual Ophelia of the writte n Hamlet di d not prompt readers to see he r a s 'immodest ' o r lackin g i n virtue. I n his comment s o n his scholarly (and unexpurgated ) editio n o f Hamlet, fo r instance , th e famousl y ethica l Samuel Johnso n describe d Opheli a a s 'th e young , the beautiful , the harmless , and the pious.' Fo r him, as fo r many contemporaries , he r bawdines s di d not undermine her innocence. Shakespeare fans , therefore , di d no t encounte r onl y th e expurgate d Ophelia o f the theater . Ful l text s o f Hamlet wer e widel y availabl e and avidl y read. That actresses did not deliver Ophelia's bawdiest lines on the stag e is true — bu t the y wer e t o b e imagine d doing so b y readers o f the popula r scholarly editions or players' texts. Sinc e much of the theater audience woul d hav e rea d Hamlet, th e bawdines s o f the textua l Opheli a woul d hav e adde d a layer to th e mad scene s playe d o n stage , a s woul d th e ver y fac t tha t th e characte r wa s played by actresses, perceive d by many as equivalent to prostitutes. Th e cuts made b y theate r companie s an d writer s t o Ophelia' s explicitl y sexua l speec h and son g fo r th e purpos e o f stagin g th e pla y di d no t bloc k audiences ' appreciation o f he r a s a woma n whos e lov e ha d a stron g enoug h eroti c component to madden her . A visua l recor d o f Ophelia becam e availabl e in the secon d hal f o f th e eighteenth century . Imagine d Ophelias are particularly telling because the y did not reflec t a n actua l actres s impersonatin g Ophelia , bu t a n ideal . Tw o of th e most widel y distribute d o f these image s — a souveni r prin t commemoratin g Garrick's Shakespear e Jubilee , an d a prin t afte r Benjami n West' s 178 9 painting of the ma d scene fo r Boydell's Shakespear e Galler y — ar e startlin g if one expect s prettines s an d decoru m i n Ophelia . Th e firs t memorialize s a famous episod e i n the developmen t o f Bardolotry . Th e eminentl y respecte d and respectabl e actor , writer , an d theate r manage r Davi d Garric k envisioned , organized an d publicize d a three-da y festiva l a t Stratford-upon-Avo n 21

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Applauding Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 11 3 celebrating Shakespeare a s a national hero. Mounte d in 1769, the Shakespear e Jubilee include d balls, masquerades, dedications , a hors e race , an d fireworks, and culminate d in Garrick's readin g (t o elaborat e musica l accompaniment) o f his elegan t od e t o th e Bard . Give n th e natur e an d expens e o f th e entertainment, onl y th e well-heele d could affor d t o go . N o Shakespear e pla y was performed. I n the popula r souveni r print o f this festival , Opheli a joins other well-know n Shakespearea n character s payin g homag e t o Garrick . A gentlemanly Garric k stand s unde r a bus t o f Shakespear e a s hi s livin g representative (Fig . 8.1) . For the print's commemorativ e purposes, Opheli a worked wonderfully: her straw , flowers , loos e hair , dishevelle d whit e dress , an d trademar k 'frenzied' expressio n distinguishe d he r unequivocall y fro m othe r popula r Shakespearean heroine s suc h as Desdemona or Cordelia. Opheli a stares boldly at th e viewe r o f th e print , he r hai r loose , an d he r dishevelle d an d shape revealing bodic e barin g on e breast . He r loos e hai r an d dishevelle d clothing suggested iconographicall y a victimized (usuall y raped) woma n or a woman of sexual abandon. Th e single bared or almost bared breast appeared i n eroticized images o f the Magdalen , images o f the Madonn a Lactans an d i n portraits o f royal mistresses . T o a viewe r ignoran t o f Ophelia' s significanc e i n Shakespeare an d unfamiliar with contemporary perceptions o f female madness , Ophelia her e appear s a s a whor e enticin g th e me n encirclin g her , o r a s a n innocent victim pleading for mercy from them . While thi s figur e i s openl y sexualized , the ver y fac t tha t it s origina l viewers woul d hav e know n th e woma n t o b e Opheli a rescue d i t fro m indecency. Thi s contextualize d decency i s amplifie d b y th e furthe r contex t o f Garrick's own decorum. Garric k was renowned for his gentlemanly propriety, and th e even t th e prin t commemorate s ha d no t th e slightes t whif f o f subversiveness. Furthermore , Hamlet' s advice to th e player s — 'o'erste p no t the bound s o f modesty' — serve s a s a caption for the image . Tex t and imag e together impl y tha t Garric k fulfill s Shakespeare' s dictate s abou t naturalisti c acting an d tha t hi s version s o f Shakespear e ar e impeccabl y acceptable. Thi s Ophelia is mainstream, and although she springs from a culture that profoundly eroticized th e femal e breast , he r bare d breas t coul d sugges t he r sexua l desir e without drawin g int o questio n he r modesty . Th e print' s effectivenes s presupposes understanding s abou t Opheli a tha t prevent th e imag e fro m bein g read a s lew d despit e th e visua l indicator s to th e contrary . Whil e the y d o no t prevent Opheli a from bein g represented an d viewed here as both the object an d subject o f sexual desire , the y d o ten d t o mediate an d mitigat e th e monolithic categorization o f this sexuall y charged imag e o f an abandone d youn g woman as 'bad ' o r 'immodest. ' Benjamin Wes t painted Ophelia' s mad scen e (Fig . 8.2 ) fo r the wealth y print selle r John Bo y dell's Shakespear e Gallery . A s Garric k ha d intende d o f his Shakespeare Jubilee , Boydell meant the Galler y to celebrate Shakespear e a s the nationa l poet . H e believe d tha t Shakespeare' s play s woul d offe r idea l 25

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subjects fo r a ventur e tha t h e openl y planne d a s a profitabl e an d patrioti c encouragement o f native histor y paintin g (the n th e mos t prestigiou s paintin g genre). Artist s such a s Wes t painted fo r th e Gallery , wher e th e publi c coul d view th e works . Boydel l hope d t o marke t print s afte r th e painting s to recou p his initia l outla y plu s some . Painting s i n th e Galler y wer e t o portra y wha t particularly popular and dramatic Shakespear e scene s migh t look lik e had they really taken place. Fo r about te n years th e Galler y wa s a place of fashionable resort. Although painter s wer e free d i n thi s enterpris e fro m th e limitation s placed o n performer s o f Shakespear e i n the theater , the y remaine d unde r th e influence o f widel y hel d perception s abou t character s an d scenes . Thi s context, lik e tha t of the Jubile e souvenir print, may hav e le d West to pain t a n Ophelia who i s not revisionist . Whil e he r movemen t i s stylized , this bug-eye d and flailin g Opheli a i s anythin g bu t ornamentall y pretty , restrained , an d decorous. He r clothin g reveals he r figure , he r hai r i s loose , an d he r fee t ar e bare. Onc e again , th e imag e demonstrate s a spli t betwee n concret e visua l content (indicatin g Ophelia' s abandon ) an d th e viewer' s knowledge , a knowledge that blocks the displa y from indicatin g a lack of virtue. Th e Jubilee and Boydel l Ophelia s followe d precedent s o n stage . A s i n th e image s o f Ophelia that were mad e up , a white dress an d loos e hair were de rigueur. S o was unusually revealing clothing, as demonstrate d b y a print dated 178 7 of an unidentified actres s playin g Opheli a (Fig . 8.3) . Sh e run s befor e classica l columns, holding straw i n one hand , an d flowers i n the other . He r clothing is loose, shape-revealing , flowin g an d bare s mor e o f he r bod y tha n wa s fashionable. These las t tw o image s overlapped , however , wit h th e growin g dominance o f a mod e o f interpretin g Opheli a tha t cas t he r a s a mode l fo r women to emulate instea d of as a kind o f everywoman. Thi s understanding of the characte r stresse d Ophelia' s prettiness , musicality , passivity , an d ornamentality. A n earl y instanc e o f thi s shif t ca n b e see n i n Bell' s 177 5 edition o f Shakespeare , a n expurgate d versio n ne w t o th e publishin g scene . The format ( a cheap octavo ) banked on a wide market. I t explicitl y broke wit h tradition i n printin g onl y th e mos t decen t an d inoffensiv e stag e version s o f Shakespeare's texts . (I t di d not, i n other words , provide the tex t that had bee n cut i n performance, a s was previously customary.) Th e edition's print of Jane Lessingham a s Opheli a show s th e mino r actres s i n a rigorousl y corseted an d petticoated dres s decorate d wit h garlands , a delighte d smil e o n he r face . Despite it s depictio n of the the n conventiona l stage attribute s (th e basket , th e wild an d loose hair, the whit e dress, th e flowers) , this imag e was no t mean t t o present a mainstream Ophelia , but on e o f whom even a Collie r coul d approve . If on e di d not kno w differently fro m th e contex t an d the subtitle , this Opheli a could easily represent a n aristocratic shepherdess i n a pastoral poem (Fig. 8.4) . Bell's imag e marked a rising trend. B y the beginnin g of the nineteent h century, Opheli a was playe d b y singer s an d mino r actresses , an d criticis m 26

Applauding Shakespeare's Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 11 5 began t o emerg e tha t deploye d Shakespeare' s heroine s a s model s fo r femal e behaviour, no t a s reflection s o f it. I n th e visua l record , Ophelia s becom e passively pretty women . The viewer knows they ar e ma d from the reaction s o f others i n th e image s (Laertes , Gertrude , Claudius ) o r th e knowledg e tha t a loose-haired woma n i n white wit h flowers , an d labelle d 'Ophelia ' is ma d b y convention. Fo r audiences an d readers , the characte r o f Ophelia was flattene d out and, perhaps as a result o f this flattening o r perhaps because she was not a n unambiguous mode l fo r femal e behaviou r unde r stress , de-emphasized . I n other words , the widesprea d conceptio n of how to understan d Opheli a shifted, even though , a s Smithson' s Opheli a demonstrates, th e convention s o f playing the par t remained muc h the same . B y the mid-nineteent h century , th e cultural memory o f the earlie r Ophelias had faded . I mentione d abov e tha t th e eighteenth-centur y conceptio n o f Ophelia showcased sexua l desire a t the expens e o f other aspect s of the character . Thi s is easil y demonstrate d b y lookin g a t ho w th e novelist s Sara h Fieldin g an d Laurence Stern e employe d Opheli a figures. Fieldin g demonstrate d b y mean s of th e Opheli a figure wha t virtu e woul d loo k lik e withou t th e perversion s o f custom or the knowledg e of vice. Th e orphaned heroin e o f her 176 0 novel The History of Ophelia i s brough t u p i n th e wild s o f Wale s b y a n aun t wh o educates her and keeps he r from contact wit h other people. He r aunt was 27

desirous not to lessen my Innocence an d Simplicity while she dispelled my Ignorance, [an d so she] gav e me no Account of the Manners and Customs of a People with whom she hoped I should neve r hav e an y Intercourse . Th e Book s sh e ha d brought int o Wales were chiefly Book s of Divinity, and such Histories a s serve d t o enlarg e an d instruc t th e Min d o f th e Reader, withou t informin g hi m o f th e existenc e o f Vices , which a pur e Imagination , untaugh t b y Observatio n an d Experience, cannot represent to itself. 28

Lord Dorcheste r come s upo n th e househol d b y accident , fall s i n lov e wit h Ophelia an d kidnap s her . H e places he r i n compromising situations (suc h a s living wit h hi m openly) an d revel s i n the ope n ('natural' ) affectio n sh e show s for him . Opheli a hersel f doe s no t kno w (bein g 'natural' ) tha t sh e shoul d dissemble an y attachment s t o unmarrie d me n wh o ar e no t acknowledge d suitors. Dorchester means , o f course , t o hav e Opheli a a s hi s mistress . H e makes hi s ow n tas k difficult . Assumin g Ophelia would wis h t o avoi d vice should she discover what it is, Dorchester tries to lead her int o vice without her knowledge. Cataloguin g these attempts enables Fieldin g to sho w the reaction s of a natural woma n to flattery , fin e clothing , money, th e opera , Shakespeare' s history play s (whic h according to Fieldin g hav e n o vic e represented i n them) , and variou s pleasur e spots . Give n a differen t education , Ophelia' s behaviou r and ope n affectio n fo r Dorcheste r woul d b e imprope r i n th e extrem e fo r a woman o f virtue. I n other , contemporar y novels , a heroin e engage d i n suc h

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activities wit h a man , no t he r relation , i s typicall y destine d fo r prostitution , Newgate Prison , and transportatio n t o th e colonies . If , o n the othe r hand , th e heroine i s knowingly virtuous, the narrative become s on e of resistance (Samue l Richardson's tragi c Clarissa, fo r Instance) . Fieldin g implicitl y acknowledge s both narrative s i n a multitud e o f passage s suc h a s tha t I n whic h Opheli a reflects t h a t ' A Woma n sensible o f the Danger s attendin g he r Situation , might, perhaps, hav e take n Alar m frequently , whe n I sa w n o Caus e fo r Fear ; thus fa r my Ignoranc e wa s convenien t t o hi s Design , who wante d t o engag e my heart entirely, befor e I coul d suspec t h i m . ' Fieldin g present s Opheli a a s th e exception to both paradigmatic narrative s becaus e she i s naturally virtuous and Dorchester i s not naturally vicious. Dorcheste r eventually marries Ophelia. The connectio n betwee n Fielding' s and Shakespeare' s Ophelia s ma y not b e immediatel y apparent , bu t namin g i n eighteenth-centur y fictiona l narratives is , o f course , a significan t indicato r o f character . Fielding' s work depends o n widesprea d understanding s o f the Opheli a figure. Shakespeare' s Ophelia had licenc e to sho w longings and affection s no t usuall y sanctioned i n a woma n wh o wante d t o b e understoo d a s virtuous , an d Fieldin g buil t he r novel on that foundation. Sh e uses her Opheli a figure to explore what i s and is not 'natural ' i n th e publi c behaviou r o f a virtuou s woman . I t i s natura l t o desire the societ y of one man, and that, in itself, is not a vice. Similarly, when Laurence Sterne's touris t Yoric k encounters i n France a love-mad woman named Maria , the dynamic s of the encounte r ar e predicate d on wha t Opheli a coul d b e t o a n eighteenth-centur y audience . A s h e ha d already don e wit h Yorick , Stern e too k Opheli a off th e stag e an d ou t o f th e grave an d incorporated her int o a tourist script . Mari a firs t appears in Tristram Shandy when a travellin g Tristra m i s startle d b y 'th e sweetes t note s I eve r heard.' Thes e ar e playe d o n a pip e b y a beautifu l youn g woma n wh o wen t mad whe n he r marriag e bann s wer e forbidden . I n A Sentimental Journey, Yorick seek s out Mari a becaus e 'Th e stor y [Tristra m Shandy] ha d tol d o f that disorder'd mai d affect' d m e no t a littl e in the reading.. . . ' H e find s Mari a with he r pip e an d a dog , and , lik e th e stag e Ophelia , loose haired , dresse d i n white, mad, an d musical . Yoric k an d sh e cr y together, an d Yoric k alternatel y wipes he r tear s an d hi s wit h hi s handkerchief . Sh e washe s Yorick' s tear steeped handkerchief , lay s i t to dr y o n he r boso m ('twil l d o m e good, ' Mari a says). Th e intimacy and exchange o f bodily fluids in this scene is remarkabl e for a n eighteenth-centur y novel , but, i n Maria, Stern e appropriate d on e o f th e few figure s availabl e t o hi m whos e sexua l opennes s wa s typicall y rea d a s innocent an d praiseworthy. Maria' s overwhelming desire fo r the ma n sh e wa s to marr y legitimate s he r madness , an d he r madness , i n turn , legitimate s a display o f suggestive activit y and desir e impossibl e for a virtuous, chaste, an d sane woman. Maria' s still activ e desir e fo r her fianc e i s neither criticize d no r suppressed — her madness releases her fro m the decoru m that proscribed open expressions o f wha t contemporarie s coul d conside r a natural , healthy , an d legitimate sexuality. 29

3 0

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Applauding Shakespeare s Ophelia in the Eighteenth Century 11 7 y

That man y perio d narrative s abou t 'good ' wome n revolv e aroun d th e difficulties encountere d i n maintainin g the reputatio n o r th e realit y o f virtue should no t b e take n a s a sig n o f discomfor t wit h femal e sexuality . Suc h narratives cente r o n the problem s inheren t i n the publi c management o f desire in communally acceptable forms , including the problems of insuring that desire is directe d towards widel y sanctione d object s (husbands , fo r instance) . Thes e works concer n themselves wit h inappropriat e behaviou r o r th e appearanc e o f it; i f they censur e anythin g i t i s bad persona l o r public management o f desire and it s indicators, not the desir e i n and o f itself. Th e narratives d o not ai m to reveal wha t 'natural ' heterosexua l desir e look s like bu t ho w i t shoul d best b e shaped for public consumption and private use. In Opheli a an d Opheli a figures , however , writers , painters , an d actresses were release d fro m thi s paradigm . Opheli a enable d wha t th e period thought t o be natural, virtuous, and virginal desir e i n a woman to be visibl e t o spectators. Bu t what was lef t ou t when contemporaries employe d Ophelia and Ophelia figures i s als o significant . Fieldin g transforme d Opheli a int o a n orphan with no friends an d onl y a n impoverished aunt as a relative, and Stern e transformed he r int o a French peasant. Shakespeare' s Opheli a i s a member of the roya l court , her brothe r i s politically powerfu l enough to threaten a King' s position, an d he r fathe r i s th e King' s chie f counsellor . Th e courtl y an d powerfully-connected Ophelia' s mad languag e an d son g potentiall y threatens the securit y of the state . Fielding' s and Sterne' s Opheli a figures , o n the othe r hand, harbor no dangerously unfixed sexual, political, or economic desires, and no socia l positio n that woul d mak e thei r action s an d speec h dangerou s t o th e state or to family fortunes . Eighteenth-century readers, writers , performers, painters , audience s an d critics focuse d o n Ophelia' s sexua l desir e an d suppresse d th e political , familial, an d socia l ramification s o f th e origina l character' s madness . I strongly suspec t tha t th e focu s fro m th e eighteent h centur y t o th e presen t o n Ophelia's managemen t o f he r sexualit y ha s serve d t o tur n discussio n fro m exactly thos e aspect s o f th e rol e tha t ar e literall y delete d fro m eighteenth century performance s an d borrowing s o f Ophelia-figure s suc h a s Sara h Fielding's and Laurence Sterne's. I t is not women's sexua l desire but the plac e of wome n i n th e socia l an d politica l we b tha t i s problematic . Ophelia' s position a s th e daughte r o f a powerfu l courtier , th e love r o f the Princ e who kills he r father , th e siste r o f a man wit h considerabl e politica l power , an d a s a woman whos e speec h i n madness ha s politica l implication s for he r hearer s i s lost in what ha s becom e a long-term focus o n her sexuality . W e like t o think of openl y expresse d femal e desir e a s subversiv e o f patriarchy . Ye t i n th e eighteenth-century Ophelia , w e hav e a stron g exampl e o f how femal e sexua l desire can be put to the servic e of a male-dominated culture with som e ease — how suc h a cultur e ca n indee d crav e demonstration s o f sexua l desir e i n women, especiall y whe n suc h demonstration s bloc k recognitio n o f th e political, social , and economic dimensions of women's lives .

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Notes 1

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3 4

5

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8 9

Bridge t Gellert Lyons, 'The Iconography of Ophelia,' English Literary History 44 (1977): 60-74. I delivered an early version of my essay at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the Group for Early Modern Cultural Studies and thank the participants for their suggestions. Elain e Showaiter , 'Representin g Ophelia : Women , Madness , an d the Responsibility of Feminist Criticism,' in Shakespeare and the Question of Theory, eds . Patricia Parker and Geoffrey Hartman (London and New York: Methuen, 1985): 77-94; The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830-1980 (1985 ; New York: Pengui n Books, 1987); Ellen J. O'Brien, 'Ophelia' s Mad Scene and the Stage Tradition,' in Shakespeare and the Arts, eds . Cecil e Williamso n Car y an d Henry S . Limouz e (Washingto n D.C. : University Pres s of America, Inc. , 1982) : 109-125 ; Mar y Floyd-Wilson , 'Opheli a and Femininity in the Eighteenth Century: "Dangerous Conjectures in Ill-Breeding Minds,'" Women's Studies 21 (1992): 397-409. Showalter , 'Representing Ophelia,' 82. Cf . The Female Malady, 11 . Si r Theodore Martin , Helena Faucit (Lady Martin) (London : Willia m Blackwoo d an d Sons, 1900): 131 . Se e Pete r Raby , Fair Ophelia': A Life of Harriet Smithson Berlioz (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1982), esp. 63-8. Fo r Hamlet's performance s in London, see Charle s Beecher Hogan, Shakespeare in the Theater, 1701-1800 (Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1952-1957 ) and W. Va n Lennep, et. al. The London Stage, 1660-1800: A Calendar of Plays, Entertainments & Afterpiece Together with Casts, Box-Receipts and Contemporary Comment (Carbondale : Southern Illinois Universit y Press , 1960-1969) . Fo r fast acces s to Hamlet criticism , se e Bria n Vickers (ed.) , Shakespeare: The Critical Heritage, 1623-1800 (Londo n an d Boston: Routledge an d Kegan Paul , 1974-1981) . A quic k searc h o f the English Short Title Catalogue an d the Chadwyck-Heale y database s locate d ove r fift y eighteenth-centur y poems using Ophelia, a fractionof those extant. Some of the novels and illustrations ar e discussed below. 'Love , Sex , and Madness i n Eighteenth-Century England, ' Social Research 53 , no . 2 (1986): 211-42. [London?] , [1775?]. (Houghton Library, 25242.61F* 39v). Samue l Bishop, 'Epigram CCXXII,' in The Poetical Works, vol. 2 (London: 1796): 321. Charlott e Brent Pinto (once in 1760 at Covent Garden); Elizabeth Billington (once in 1790 at Covent Garden); and Martha Frances Caroline Poole (thirteen times between 1793 an d 1794 at Covent Garden). Informatio n compiled fromHogan and the London Stage. E.g . Susann a Mountfort played it from 1705-1717; Hester Booth, 1717-1733 ; Elizabeth Vincent, 1732-1762; Kitty Clive, 1735-1753; Susannah Cibber 1749-1765; Maria Macklin 1755-1773. Hamlet. Prince of Denmark. A Tragedy. In The Plays of David Garrick, Vol. 4, eds. Harr y William Pedicord and Frederick Louis Bergmann (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Souther n Illinois University Press, 1980). 'Sweepin g u p Shakespeare's "Rubbish" : Garrick' s Condensatio n o f Act s I V & V of Hamlet; Eighteenth-Century Life 8, no. 3 (1983): 18 . Hamlet. Prince of Denmark.A Tragedy. In The Plays of David Garrick, Vol. 4, eds. Harr y William Pedicord and Frederick Louis Bergmann (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Souther n Illinois University Press, 1980). Showalter , Floyd-Wilson, and O'Brien each interpret the cuts in this manner. Hamlet on Stage: The Great Tradition (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1985): 19 . I n Euripides' Hippolytus Phaedra is lovesick for her step-son Hippolytus. He r maid tells him this and Phaedra witnesses him react with horror. Sh e kills herself, leaving a note on her body accusing him of rape. He r husband Theseus finds it, curses his son, and the son dies. Collier' s praise of Phaedra as modest is therefore extraordinary.

10

11

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Applauding Shakespeare 'sOphelia in the Eighteenth Century 11 9

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19 20

21

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2 3

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2 8 2 9 3 0

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A

Short View of the Immorality and Profaneness of the English Stage: A Critical Edition, ed. Benjamin Hellinger (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1987): 18 . Floyd-Wilson , 403. The Antient and Modern Stages Survey'd. Or, Mr. Collier's View of the Immorality and Profaneness of theEnglish Stage Set in a True Light... (London , 1699): 297. Thes e were produced by Alexander Pope, Samue l Johnson, William Warburton , Lewis Theobald, Nicholas Rowe and others. Fo r the London theaters alone, versions of players' texts for Hamlet appeare d in 1676, 1703, 1718, 1751, 1774, and 1800. Eac h typically received multiple printings. Note s on Hamlet (1765), in The Yale Edition of the Works of Samuel Johnson, Vol . 8, ed. Arthur Sherbo (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968): 1011 . Se e Kristina Straub , Sexual Suspects: Eighteenth-Century Players and Sexual Ideology (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1992) , esp.89-126 ; Katherin e Eisama n Maus , '"Playhouse Fles h and Blood" : Sexua l Ideolog y an d the Restoration Actress,' English Literary History 46 (1979): 595-617. Fo r details, see Johanne M. Stochholm , Garrick's Folly: The Shakespeare Jubilee of 1769 at Stratford and Drury Lane (London: Methuen, 1964) and Michael Dobson, The Making of the National Poet: Shakespeare, Adaptation and Authorship, 1660-1769 (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1992). Se e Winifre d H . Friedman, Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery (Ne w York : Garlan d Publishing Inc., 1976). Se e for instance Anna Brownell Jameson's immensely popular Characteristics of Women (1832), later titled Shakespeare's Heroines. Sara h Fielding, The History of Ophelia, vol. 1 (London , 1760): 12 . Fielding , 79. Laurenc e Sterne, A Sentimental Journey (1768; reprint, edited by Gardiner D. Stout , Jr., Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967): 269. Sterne , 273.

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Figure 8.1 Isaac

Taylor, 'O 'er step not the modesty of Nature.'Engraving, 1769.

Figure 8.2 Francis Legat, after Benjamin West, Hamlet. Act IV. Scene v. Elsinore — King, Queen, Laertes, Ophelia, & c. Engraving, 1802.

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Women as Sites of Culture

Figure 8.3

Bartolozzi and Madan, Unidentified actress as Ophelia. Engraving, 1787.

in the Century

•-•-—"-* • ^//f//'/*

,'

-. . Figure 8.4 Unidentified

artist, 'There's Rue for you.' Mrs. Lessimgham in the Engraving, 1774.

12 3

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9 Mother(s ) of Invention: Prostitute-Actresses and Late Nineteenth-Century Bengal i Theater Sudipto Chatterjee

This essay uses the analytical tools that have come to characterize Performance Studies — a disciplinary field that has gained in importance over the last twenty years — to consider the history of the theater of colonial Bengal in British India during the final years of the nineteenth century. In doing so, the essay builds its theoretical framework from the apparatus of more recognizable disciplines like history, sociology, psychology, feminism, queer studies and cultural studies. The subject is that of prostitute-actresses, women who performed on the late-Victorian Bengali stage. The essay sketches the story of how these women came to be actresses and what the profession did for them vis-a-vis what they did for their new " profession. The essay locates in the issues surrounding these women a site, a negotiating table where concerns and anxieties that rocked the late-nineteenth-century Bengali society at large surface and intersect. l(

A woman' s garb covers me from ti p to toe. Inside, made of stone, A hardene d heart alone Can ston e ever be molten b y tear's eb b and flow ? ~ Binodini Das?

Calcutta, 1873 . Yet another theate r company , calle d th e Benga l Theatre , wa s established i n the cit y i n the footstep s o f the Nationa l Theatre . Th e two mai n figures behin d i t wer e Sara t Candr a Gho s (18344880 ) an d Bihanla l Cattopadhyay (1840-1901) , bot h member s o f th e ric h babu community , th e intelligentsia o f Calcutta . Th e theate r wa s buil t ' i n imitatio n o f Mrs . Lewis ' Lyceum Theatr e [a n American-owned Englis h theater] at Chowringhee.' Bu t the Benga l Theatre' s intentio n was more than just that of creating a permanen t Western-style stag e fo r Bengal i theater . Gho s an d Cattopadhya y convene d a special all-mal e grou p o f advisors , includin g leadin g intellectuals , civi l servants, Sanskr t pundits an d socia l reformer s o f Bengal, t o decid e whethe r i t 2

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was 'proper ' t o introduce (prostitute s as ) actresse s on the Bengal i stage . I n th e select grou p were the poet-playwrigh t Michael Madhusüda n Datta, the inventor of th e Bengal i blan k vers e an d autho r o f the firs t Western-styl e origina l play , and íswarcandra Bidyásagar , on e o f the socia l reformer s wh o had spearheade d the movemen t agains t chil d marriag e fo r wome n an d i n favo r o f th e legalization o f wido w remarriage . Whil e Datt a wholeheartedl y endorse d th e idea o f wome n appearin g o n stage , Bidyásaga r resigne d to protes t th e committee's decisio n t o allo w prostitute s o n stage . Ultimately , fou r wome n were brought int o the company from th e 'red-light ' districts of Calcutta. The decisio n rubbe d th e Bengal i intelligentsia , the babu community, the wron g way. The babu sensibility, too, had itsel f grow n to embrace a larger constituency. I t now included the fast growin g middle class within it s moral, i f not economic, compass, overarching the bhadralok categor y or gentlemen clas s that comprise d both th e rich an d not-so-ric h (but ) educate d gentry . S o much so, tha t no w th e appelation s babu an d bhadralok ha d becom e practicall y interchangeable. Th e controversie s surroundin g th e prostitute-actresse s affected th e entire bhadralok class , generatin g discussio n i n th e press , wit h mounting disapproval . Bu t th e disapprova l wa s no t uncontested . Th e mos t vocal antagonist s wer e th e mover s an d shaker s o f th e Bengal i stage , wh o argued wel l agains t th e conservativ e pres s an d note d th e contradiction s inherent i n their objections. A n early historian of the Bengal i stag e cites Giri s Candra Gho s (1844-1912) , th e leadin g director-playwrigh t working wit h th e Bengal Theatre's rival company , the National Theatre, who argued first that 3

Europe can boas t o f many chaste housewive s wh o are i n the acting profession , bu t that' s no t th e cas e i n mos t instances . There aren't man y distinction s drawn between balle t dancer s and lowly prostitutes. Nonetheless , if we are to talk about th e [European] theaters, discerning members of the audience there do not despise the theater seeing prostitutes on stage 4

Elaborating o n th e sam e point , Giri s Gho s expose d a n inheren t contradictio n among hi s babu o r bhadralok critics . Th e sam e babm wh o wer e routinel y entertained b y báijis — femal e dancer s an d singer s wh o were ofte n prostitute s — an d many of whom also kept mistresses, no w opposed permitting prostitutes on the stage . Wha t so distinguished the stage ? Giris Gho s overlooked (at leas t in thi s article ) the fac t tha t th e theate r was no t simpl y performanc e for th e ba bm; i t was als o by an d of th e babm. Allowin g prostitute s o n the stag e woul d involve 'respectable ' me n i n consortin g wit h 'unrespectable ' wome n a s co professionals. I t was one thing to witness, but quite another t o participate. Th e theater ha d bee n celebrate d fo r a lon g tim e a s a 'playground ' o f mora l instruction, a n instrument o f social chang e an d improvement. Th e entrance o f prostitutes ont o it s stage s woul d sull y it s edifyin g function . Th e theate r wa s meant t o advertise , announce , argu e for , an d elici t socia l change , bu t wa s no t generally though t o f a s a n activ e participan t i n act s o f chang e themselves .

Mother (s)of Invention12 7 However, Girl s Gho s argued , th e socia l realit y o f the theate r a s a professio n and Industr y tha t employe d and sustaine d thos e wh o worke d In i t discredited that idealisti c function. Th e reality was tha t those wh o worke d In the theate r had to survive as professionals an d eke out living s by relying o n their vocation to pay their bills. Th e introduction of actresses weighed heavily in the theater's viability as an industry. Ghos' contemporar y Amrtala l Bas u (1853-1929) , als o a leadin g acto r and comedic playwright, offered another lin e of reasoning. H e built his case on two arguments — first , the boy s who had been playin g the femal e part s woul d soon grow up, become physicall y unsuitable to portray female roles, and refus e to act ; an d second , th e scarcit y of good play s that ha d cause d th e theater s to settle fo r music-dominated , operati c play s mad e th e Introductio n o f actresses essential to box-offic e success . Th e firs t reason , thus , wa s characterize d a s internal, the secon d a s externa l t o th e theate r itself . Th e theaters sa w bot h a n administrative a s wel l a s a commercia l advantage i n introducin g actresses t o the stage . Moralit y had become a lesser issue for them. The socia l controvers y regardin g actresse s rage d wel l beyon d 1873 . Even a s lat e a s 1877 , Aryadarsan, a leadin g Bengal i journal , publishe d a n article tha t offere d mor e suppor t fo r prostitute-actresses. On e o f th e first justifications wa s culle d fro m th e orientalis t past. Th e autho r argue d tha t this was no t th e firs t tim e actresse s ha d participate d i n th e histor y o f India n performance. H e referre d hi s reader s t o th e tim e o f th e Bharata-muni , th e fabled autho r o f the ancien t Sanslq t theatrical treatise Natyasastra. Whe n the white European s wer e n o mor e tha n cav e dwellers , th e autho r contended , veritable apsaras (heavenl y nymphs ) woul d descen d t o perfor m fo r Bharata , trained personally by him. Th e apsaras ha d eve n been calle d upo n to perfor m episodes fro m th e ancien t Indian epic Ramayana a t the behest of its author, th e sage Valmikf . I t wa s widel y known , th e autho r claimed , tha t thes e sam e apsaras wer e also prostitutes. I f such a practice had not been acceptable t o th e ancients, wh y woul d the y hav e allowe d i t t o tarnis h a tex t a s hol y a s th e Ramayana? Th e prostitute s were , afte r all , entertainers o f a kind , well-versed in th e ar t o f pleasin g men , whic h bette r equippe d the m fo r th e theate r tha n housewives. Woul d i t no t b e safer , th e autho r proclaimed , t o leav e th e business o f entertainmen t i n th e hand s o f entertainer s tha n t o displa y housewives before th e public or doll up young boys as females ? The autho r nex t argue d th e effectivenes s o f verisimilitude i n acting — the appropriatenes s o f th e sexe s eac h playin g thei r ow n o n stage . Unti l 'respectable' wome n were sufficientl y capabl e o f performing, would i t not b e appropriate t o hol d u p a mirror to nature as best one could , the mora l question of putting prostitutes o n stage notwithstanding? Bidyabhusan then proceeded t o the mos t classi c appropriativ e argumen t t o hav e augmente d th e debate , connecting i t wit h socia l movement s tha t ha d advance d th e caus e o f femal e liberation i n nineteenth-century Bengal . B y allowing prostitute s o n stage , h e argued, Bengal i theate r actuall y undertook a grea t socia l service . I t allowed 5

6

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lowly wome n a wa y ou t o f thei r despicabl e live s b y providin g them wit h th e opportunity t o find atonemen t in the practic e o f art . Th e final argumen t cam e as a n apolog y for th e institutio n and practice o f prostitution Itself . Th e autho r claimed tha t th e babm wh o woul d frequen t prostitutes ' quarter s a t th e en d of the wee k fo r wan t o f other chea p entertainmen t woul d no w turn t o th e theater , since thei r pai d paramour s woul d no w b e adornin g th e stages . Thi s woul d divert them from carnal lust and lure them to the worl d of aesthetic pleasures . This debat e posite d a serie s o f Interrelate d concern s tha t wer e ver y much linke d wit h th e genera l discours e o f chang e an d self-fashionin g tha t permeated th e live s of the intelligentsi a in nineteenth-century Bengal . A t th e level o f internal orientation, western-style Bengal i theate r required actresses to uphold th e virtue s o f realism it was inheritin g from th e Europea n theaters an d to establish th e credibilit y of being their capable counterpart . A t a commercial level, Bengal i theate r wa s oblige d to brin g actresse s t o th e stag e t o sustai n i t not onl y as a site of pleasure, bu t als o as a site of desire fo r the mal e gaze. Th e prostitute-actresses o n stag e woul d enabl e th e bhadralok t o engag e voyeuristically with thei r bodies. Interestingly, whe n som e o f the ver y same prostitute-actresses wh o ha d aroused suspicion s wer e calle d upo n t o pla y mal e roles , especiall y thos e o f divine characters displayin g feminine characteristics, n o eyebrows wer e raised . On th e contrary , the performance s wer e alway s lauded with exceptiona l praise . When, i n 1884 , Binodini (1863-1941) , on e o f the mos t celebrate d actresse s t o have appeare d o n th e Bengal i stage , playe d th e titl e rol e i n Giri s Ghos ' pla y Caitanyalila, dramatizin g th e lif e an d time s o f th e medieva l Baisnab Bhakt i cult leade r Nima i Caitanya , a Britis h office r commente d tha t '[t]h e poo r gir l who played Chaitanya may belon g to th e clas s o f unfortunates..., bu t whil e on the scen e sh e throw s hersel f [int o th e role ] s o ardentl y tha t on e see s th e Vaishnava saint before him.' Six year s later , however , Giri s Gho s repudiate d th e succes s o f Caitanyalila an d it s seque l i n a curiou s betraya l o f hi s ow n action s a s playwright an d director that bespeaks a generalized discomfort wit h th e ide a of genders crossed, made materia l in Binodini's transvestism. H e wrote: 7

[W]hen Caitanyalila wa s performed , althoug h th e renowne d actress in male costume enraptured th e hearts of the perceptive audience, althoug h a numbe r o f hones t me n forgo t he r low social statu s an d wante d t o touc h he r feet , althoug h th e audiences shoute d th e nam e o f Kr.sn a i n tumultuou s uniso n with her , th e actin g wa s stil l neve r quit e manly . [... ] Thi s feminine adumbratio n woul d hav e bee n a contrariet y i f th e religious heart of the Hindu [audience] had not intervened. 8

The virtuosi c achievemen t o f Binodini' s performanc e wa s treacherously los t i n th e inversio n Gho s mad e b y assignin g th e credi t t o th e receptivity o f hi s religiousl y zealou s audience . Th e question , however , remains, wh y the n di d Giri s Gho s cas t Binodin i i n th e role ? Wer e ther e n o

Mother (s)of Invention 12 9 male actor s I n hi s theate r company , Sta r — on e o f the mos t prestigiou s an d resourceful publi c theaters of the tim e — wh o coul d hav e performe d th e rol e with equal aplomb? This was not a stray Incident. Gho s had cast Binodin i i n a male rol e a t leas t thre e times before . Bu t Gho s seem s to hav e bee n read y t o fall wit h his casting choice, leaving it unexplained, and even to admit a generi c weakness i n his writing an d characterization i n order to vindicate the failur e of the ide a that, ironically, wa s hi s own to star t with. Gho s ascribed the 'failure ' of th e femal e (t o portra y th e male ) t o natur e itself , t o th e accoutrement s o f theatrical 'naturalism. ' Instea d o f rationalizing his own casting decision, Ghos invoked th e illustrativ e stor y o f th e Victoria n actres s Sara h Bernhardt' s attempt t o pla y Hamle t i n French . H e recounte d tha t th e Europeans , too , despite commendin g the virtuosit y of the attemp t an d wit h du e regar d fo r th e actress, ha d objecte d t o the offens e agains t 'naturalism. ' Th e operativ e notio n for Ghos , then , wa s tha t o f 'naturalism, ' an d anythin g shor t o f i t wa s t o b e regarded a s 'unnatural. ' But th e bi g questio n i s stil l lef t unanswere d — wh y wa s Gho s subverting hi s ow n directoria l choic e i n castin g a n actres s i n mal e roles ? Perhaps i t wa s th e shee r novelt y o f th e choic e an d th e attractio n o f th e commercial prospect s i t hel d tha t originall y prompte d Ghos' s actions . O r perhaps, i n the cas e of Caitanyalila a t least, i t was the traditiona l haisnab vie w that the saintl y Caitanya, in spite o f his anatomica l maleness, wa s figuratively feminine becaus e he romance d th e mal e figur e o f Lord Kfsn a i n his devotion, and wa s suppose d t o hav e appeare d wit h feminin e physica l attributes . Th e conjectures wil l remai n conjectures, bu t wha t i s certain i s that Giri s Gho s now used th e ver y sam e logi c h e ha d use d elsewhere t o castigat e mal e actor s playing femal e role s to invit e females t o the stag e and then prohibi t them fro m playing male characters . Beyond th e caprice s o f male sexua l desire s an d colonia l commerc e la y two overarchin g ideologica l constructs tha t continue d t o justif y th e project . First, the redemptiv e elemen t i n orientalist perceptions o f a high Hindu cultur e of th e past , ideologicall y a t least , se t th e Hind u intelligentsi a of nineteenth century Benga l o n a pa r wit h thei r Britis h master s an d helpe d t o salv e th e wounds o f colonial ignominy. Secondly , the utilitaria n tradition of social work upstaged th e privilegentsi a as th e builder s an d vanguard s o f a ne w (howeve r Utopian) egalitarian society. O n the on e hand , the ide a of accordance wit h th e apsaras" ancient practic e o f performing fo r the sage s constituted a t a symbolic level th e babus as th e ne w sages . Ye t o n th e other , th e ide a o f performin g social servic e to redee m th e disenfranchise d privilege d the babus as the agent s of socia l progress . Thes e 'sagified ' babus would thu s rescu e th e prostitute apsaras fro m a lowl y life , th e sam e lowl y life , however , sponsore d (henc e perpetuated) by a great many of the upper clas s babus at othe r times . Th e lines of gende r politics , th e powe r dynamic s betwee n th e sexes , stan d ou t quit e clearly i n this . I t wa s th e male , alway s alread y th e male , wh o determine d

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where th e female , especiall y th e morally-outcas t female , shoul d o r woul d stand. Moreover, it should be noted als o that all plays produced by the Bengal i public theater s wer e writte n b y mal e authors . Darsa n Caudhuri , a contemporary historia n o f Bengal i theater , discusse s Giri s Ghos ' portraya l o f female character s i n his plays. H e argues that Gho s would tak e int o accoun t the limitation s of the femal e member s o f his company when writing their parts and make them 'easier ' t o play than those played by male characte r actors . A s a result , Caudhur i argues , Ghos ' mal e character s wer e intentionall y mor e complex tha n th e females , th e assumptio n bein g tha t hi s 'actors ' wer e mor e capable o f handlin g stronger , mor e comple x emotion s tha n hi s 'actresses. ' According t o Caudhuri , this i s mos t eviden t i n th e fac t tha t th e bes t femal e characters i n Ghos' plays were invariabl y the heroine s o f his mythological and historical play s i n whic h characterization , i n general , wa s thinne r i n psychological complexit y than i n his socia l plays , whose subject s wer e close r to contemporar y reality . Caudhuri' s argument , thus , relie s o n th e assumptio n that 'th e uneducate d actresse s o f th e perio d wer e simpl y no t capabl e o f rendering subtl e impersonations ' i n general , becaus e 'an y performanc e o f a domestic lad y would requir e rar e talents o f character portrayal.' Bu t was i t really a simple lack of talent tha t stopped Gho s from givin g his actresses fulle r characters t o play? What 'rar e talents of characterization' woul d b e neede d fo r portraying contemporar y wome n tha t woul d b e les s essentia l i n depictin g mythical nymph s an d historica l heroines? Giri s Gho s used a specia l meter h e had create d himsel f for th e resonan t vers e o f hi s mythologica l and historical plays, venerate d i n Bengali literatur e a s th e 'Gairis ' meter . Wer e the sparsel y trained, uneducated actresse s truly more capabl e o f mouthing the heav y 'Gairi s ' line s than the mor e colloquia l dialogue of Ghos' socia l plays, modeled as the y were on everyday speech ? 9

10

Darsan Caudhur i doe s no t answe r thi s basi c question . Rather , h e focuses — derivativel y — o n the inheren t histrioni c quality, the melodramati c potentialities o f th e ponderou s 'Gairis ' o f Ghos ' mythical/heroica l women. Caudhuri deem s thi s histrionicit y 'easier ' t o perfor m tha n th e colloquial , familiar role s of domestic women. I n fact, i n driving home his point, Caudhuri singles out the on e stoc k role that he claims prostitute-actresses coul d play with ease — th e hysterica l madwoman. Thi s stock characte r woul d ofte n appea r in Ghos' socia l plays as a theatrical device for providing a symbolic metatext that propelled an d highlighted the themati c issue s o f the plays . Th e raw, hysterical abandon o f th e loose-haire d madwoma n whette d th e imaginatio n o f mal e gazers i n the audienc e while , a t th e sam e time , distillin g clemenc y fro m th e middle clas s audience , bot h mal e an d female . Th e madwoma n wa s usuall y shown a s havin g turne d ma d du e t o socia l o r familia l injustice . Ther e i s a n objective correlativ e betwee n th e characte r o f th e madwoma n an d th e prostitute-actress playin g he r — the y ar e unite d i n thei r sufferings . An d

Mother (s)of Invention13 1 charged a s the y wer e wit h melodramati c excesse s th e audienc e loved , the y were effective stage devices that kept the audienc e riveted. Ghos's vie w o f women, however sympathetic , and whether unwittingly or otherwise , wa s alway s site d a t th e cru x o f sexual politics an d informe d by gender hierarchie s an d the powe r structur e o f a patriarchal society . Whil e hi s portrayals o f historica l heroine s an d mythica l goddesse s wer e packe d wit h concessions fo r th e fairer/weake r sex , th e real-lif e women i n the socia l play s are martyre d mother s o r daughters , vamp s o r temptresses , o r mad . I n short , Ghos' wome n tend t o b e eithe r to o good , or n o goo d a t all . The y are al l too easy t o read . I f it wa s hi s progressive idea s tha t mad e hi s wome n character s 'good,' i t was the sam e 'goodness ' tha t rendered th e sam e progressive program somewhat duplicitous . Th e plays , eve n i n their apparen t glorificatio n o f th e female, were not doing much to alter the patriarchal perception of the feminine, if not pandering directly to it. Arguably, Ghos ' (o r fo r tha t matter , an y nineteenth-centur y Bengal i male playwright's ) proble m wit h femal e characterizatio n ma y hav e bee n located i n a symboli c sham e generate d b y th e interfac e betwee n prostitute actresses an d domesti c wome n o f the babu society. Th e identificatio n of th e characters o n stag e (women of the babu's household) an d th e wome n playin g them (prostitute-actresses ) woul d b e a potentiall y dangerous (identity ) liaiso n for th e nineteenth-centur y taAw-playwright. Sociall y outcas t wome n coul d well pla y wome n wit h who m audience s coul d no t identif y a t home , an d playwrights woul d willingl y submi t t o th e onerou s undertakin g o f coachin g their 'uneducated ' tongue s i n order t o hav e the m spea k th e forma l 'educated ' lines o f the mythical/historica l plays . Bu t they coul d no t be (eve n i n stage d reality) th e familiar , domesticate d women . Thes e 'outcaste ' wome n coul d really only play cast ou t madwomen, or heroines cas t awa y from th e presen t b y myth an d history . The y could no t b e fleshe d out . The y could no t ge t 'real. ' The onl y realit y availabl e t o the m wa s tha t o f 'unreal ' stage d portrayal s o f mythical/historical wome n o r 'real ' domesti c wome n — (vainly ) glorious in suffering o r martyrdom , o r plainl y mad . Effectively , th e repertoir e o f characters mad e availabl e b y mal e playwright s t o th e prostitute-actresse s worked mostl y — indirectl y and otherwis e — t o subver t th e ver y liberation from thei r 'lowly ' professio n that the theate r busines s ha d offere d them . Th e prostitute-actress indeed , as we shall se e later , could represent eve n the Mother Nation (a s i n the cas e o f the nationalist pantomimes that were commonplace in the publi c theaters ) bu t no t th e mothe r o r mother-to-b e a t home . I t wa s unspeakably dangerou s t o allo w th e 'home-breaker ' prostitute-actress , whos e social rol e wa s t o entertai n th e babus and lur e the m ou t o f thei r homes , t o portray th e 'homemaker ' o n stage . I t come s a s n o surprise , then , tha t Giri s Ghos wrote many more historical and mythological plays than social dramas . Partha Chatterjee , i n The Nation and Its Fragments, cast s wome n within a binar y bin d tha t straddle s th e hemisphere s o f th e hom e an d th e world. H e argue s tha t th e patriarcha l nationalis m o f th e Hind u babu 11

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customized th e positio n of the femal e i n the Bengal i societ y of the nineteent h century to fulfil l th e agend a o f nationalism. Whil e the men made 'innumerabl e surrenders' i n the materialistic domain of the colonia l capitalist market, women were educate d i n orde r tha t the y uphol d al l tha t stoo d fo r 'spiritualit y and pureness o f heart. ' Havin g reconstructed thi s narrativ e throug h clos e examination o f fou r 'supposedl y self-revelatory ' autobiographica l text s b y women that allow him to trace th e 'genealog y of the nationalist construct o f the "new woman,' " Chatterje e introduce s int o hi s lineu p th e autobiograph y o f Binodini. Chatterjee' s purpos e her e seems to b e t o poin t ou t th e parametri c variables o f appropriatio n possibl e withi n th e matri x o f socia l orde r i n th e ideology o f nationalism . Binodini , i n Chatterjee' s sequence , i s al l tha t th e others ar e not in terms o f social location. Binodini's i s a case o f betrayal a t severa l level s — i n her professiona l career a s wel l a s i n her personal life . Sh e had believed in giving hersel f to th e theater as redemption fro m a life o f prostitution. Ye t when her theater required it, sh e agree d t o sel l hersel f t o a rich non-Bengal i patron, Gurmuk h Ray, who had agree d upo n tha t conditio n t o suppor t th e sickl y theate r compan y wit h which sh e wa s associated . Sh e ha d joined the publi c theater a t th e youn g ag e of ten , bu t he r theatrica l professio n could/di d no t preven t he r fro m takin g on the professio n sh e ha d inherited by birth. Sh e had to sel l he r body . Binodini' s life a s a prostitute-actres s i s recounte d wit h such painfu l intensit y i n he r autobiography (firs t publishe d i n 1912 ) tha t extensiv e citation s d o no t see m unwarranted. 12

13

The youn g gentlema n wh o ha d give n m e shelte r wa s ye t unmarried [when Binodini me t him], but he had just married a few month s ag o and misbehaved with me on a few occasions on account of the insobriety that so characterizes the well-to-do youth. I t saddene d m e a great deal. I t made m e think that God ha s give n me the strengt h t o earn m y own living, an d if with physica l labor I ca n suppor t mysel f an d m y family , I would put myself out of misery and not have to sin any further by sellin g my body. I f with m y help a theater can be built, then I could live off it for the rest of my life. It was at this time that th e lat e Gurmuk h Ra y wa s bus y wit h th e projec t o f building the "Star Theatre." I heard this from our actors, and it so happene d tha t th e gentlema n wit h who m I ha d live d ha d gone somewhere far away on some business. I n the meantime, the actor s starte d insisting , "Help u s i n any wa y you can t o establish a theatre [of our own]." I was certainly not averse to doing theatre, but the idea of having to leave someone unfairly to go to someone else troubled me. Bu t on the other side were the arden t entreatie s o f my theater friends! I was in a double bind. Gkii-babu wa s telling me that theater was my ladder of self-improvement. Tha t th e succes s o f the educatio n h e had imparted coul d onl y b e realize d in me . Tha t theate r coul d bring a world of honor and respect. M y fantasies wer e puffing up i n al l thi s turmoil . M y theater friend s woul d no t sto p 14

Mother (s) of Invention1 3 3 Imploring, an d I, too, was realizin g that a new theater coul d indeed come into being if I really wanted it to happen. Bu t 1 couldn't forge t th e yout h wit h who m I ha d lived , either ! However, in time, his absence and the presence of my friends , their arden t exhortations , pushe d m e towards theater . [... ] 1 decided to go for the theater! And wh y not? These people with whom I have live d lik e siblings , they , wh o have a perpetual hold o n me, are right as well. I f my actio n would lea d to the founding of the theater, we would live forever like brothers and sisters. M y resolve consolidated , and b y givin g mysel f t o Gurmukh Ray, I built the theatre. [.... ] But this change took a toll o n me, a s wel l a s o n the theate r people . Fo r when the young gentleman found out I had moved in with someone else and wa s determined to be in the theater for good, he started, be it i n anger or obstinacy, to try and obstruct me in various ways. And the y weren' t ver y eas y obstacles ! H e brough t arme d fighters fro m hi s jamidari estate an d surrounde d m y house; Gum\\M\-babu sen t fo r hoodlums , too . Th e polic e go t involved an d ther e wa s a lo t o f trouble. Eve n m y lif e wa s endangered. 15

Binodini's forme r love r appeare d on e nigh t i n her bedroo m wit h a swor d and first threatened , the n attempte d t o kil l her . Binodin i finall y manage d t o dissuade him . Afte r this , she was obliged to flee Calcutta and live in hiding for a coupl e o f months , waitin g fo r th e stor m t o blo w over . I n th e meantime , Gurmukh Ray , in a desperate bi d to extricat e himsel f fro m th e situatio n (even at th e cos t o f givin g u p Binodini) , offere d Binodin i a hug e su m o f 50,00 0 rupees a s compensation , whic h sh e declined . Binodini' s colleague s becam e very nervous a t Gurmuk h Ray' s efforts an d pleaded with he r no t t o accep t hi s offer, thoug h 'al l their attempt s wer e reall y quit e unnecessary . I had decided upon th e theater . I woul d neve r proffe r mysel f t o [Gurmuk h Ray] unless h e built th e theate r house.' Binodini' s involvemen t in the projec t coul d no t b e justified b y mere material gain. He r dedication to this dream was total and sh e was willing to do whatever was needed o f her. He r repayment was that 16

[w]hen the theater was ready, everyone told me, "This theater house will be linked to your name. Your name will remain long after yo u ar e gone... . [T]hi s theater wil l b e calle d th e ' B ' Theatre." Thi s excited my euphoria even further. Bu t when it came to brass tacks they fell bac k on their promise — I do not know why. Unti l the moment the theater was registered, I had known that it would b e named after m y name! The day they went and registered it, when everything was a done deal, with just a few weeks before opening , I asked them in haste what the ne w nam e o f th e theate r wa s goin g t o be , an d [they ] answered happily, "The Star." Th e news hurt me so much that I ha d to sit down and could not speak for two whole minutes. Finally, I controlled myself and said , "Good!" 17

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Binodini swallowe d the insul t and continue d to work . Bu t in three and a hal f years th e situatio n at the Sta r became unbearabl e fo r reasons that Binodini wa s loathe to explai n in her memoirs. Sh e gave up the stag e in 188 7 at the rip e old age o f twenty-three, he r career havin g spanned a meager thirtee n years . The next betraya l tha t shoo k Binodini' s lif e afte r th e en d o f her caree r in the theater was the premature deat h o f her only child, her daughter Sakuntal a , wh o wa s onl y thirteen whe n sh e die d i n 1903 . The n Gurmukh , who love d Binodini, ha d stoo d b y he r throug h thic k and throug h thin , and ha d promise d her a lifetime's economic security, failed t o fulfil l hi s promise when he die d in 1912, endin g a thirty-one-year-lon g relationship . Gurmukh' s 'real ' famil y spurned Binodin i an d denie d he r an y kin d o f inheritance . Th e fina l betraya l came i n Binodini's gur u Giri s Ghos ' inabilit y t o spea k th e trut h abou t he r lif e in hi s foreword to her autobiography . Th e foreword was writte n in very 'safe ' language an d di d no t eve n attemp t t o addres s th e reason s fo r Binodini' s untimely departure from the public theater. Binodin i complaine d to Gho s upon reading th e piece , askin g him to spea k out , an d h e promise d to rewrit e it . H e died before h e could do so. Binodini's lif e stor y exemplifie s th e betrayal s prostitute-actresse s suffered a t th e hand s o f th e societ y a t larg e a s wel l a s a t thos e o f thei r associates i n th e theater , thei r self-proclaime d 'rescuers. ' First-han d knowledge of a brighter, freer world , of creativity and enlightenment, an d yet, a concomitant prohibitio n against th e enjoymen t o f its fruit s typifie s the traged y of Bengali prostitute-actresses' experienc e o f the nineteenth an d early twentieth centuries. The y coul d b e an d wer e give n the role s o f queens , princesses , an d mythical/historical heroines, an d every conceivable position of social grace, bu t only on the illusor y stage . Th e stage whetted thei r appetite , bu t neve r satisfie d it. I t raise d thei r expectation s onl y to das h the m wit h gri m disillusionment. The stage , th e society , th e natio n coul d accommodat e an d ideologicall y emancipate onl y thei r image s an d thei r corporea l presences , thei r bodies-on stage, bu t neve r hono r thei r spirits , thei r aspiration s o r desires , o r und o th e political genderin g o f their bodies o n the socia l margin . Binodin i ha d to mak e a gif t o f her bod y t o a ma n i n orde r t o mak e possibl e th e creatio n o f a ne w theater tha t woul d eventuall y cas t he r ou t whe n sh e ha d serve d it s purpose . This i s not merel y a symbolic action in a larger socia l spectacle , bu t a personal tragedy o f grea t proportion , an d ultimatel y a palpabl e cu t t o th e humanis t ideology of the colonia l nation-state . The notio n that , fo r al l practica l purposes, nationalis m entail s a n infinite 'capacit y t o appropriat e dissentin g an d margina l voices ' i s clearl y visible in the way in which the nationalis t agenda i n nineteenth-century Bengal i theater utilize d th e figur e o f th e woman , th e Goddess/Mother , t o serv e it s purpose throug h elevation , then negatio n and , finally , evacuatio n o f it. Th e idea o f th e natio n a s th e Mothe r ha d alread y gaine d currenc y i n nationalis t discourse i n the las t quarte r o f the nineteent h century , i n literature an d i n th e general politica l rhetoric , drawin g bot h fro m Europea n paradigm s an d fro m 18

Mother (s)of Invention 13 5 notions of the mothe r goddess i n Hindu mythology . Bu t with the admissio n of prostitute-actresses int o Bengali theater, the ide a of the woman-natio n found a certain corporealit y as a sit e o f cultural performance tha t i t had lacke d i n the realm o f ideas . Ironically , th e femal e bod y o f th e prostitute-actres s could/would no w physicalize th e ide a of the Mothe r Nation. Mor e ironicall y still, thes e Mother(s ) o f inventio n who serve d th e need s o f th e natio n wer e women/actresses withou t the right, societally-speaking, to raise families an d be 'proper' mothers . (Binodini' s lover' s deat h lef t he r penniless , withou t lega l recourse t o hi s inheritance and the right s of legal widowhoo d o r motherhood. ) But the n thes e ver y sam e actresse s wer e th e onl y palpabl e representation s o f the imagined figure of the Mother Nation. Thes e very same women paraded on the stag e as the exalte d female figure s at whom audiences cam e to gaze. Afte r all, to se e ('Mothe r India') was to believe (in her)! As a logical corollary , then, it wa s thi s ver y stage d Motherhoo d whic h denie d the m throug h it s socia l impossibility th e motherhoo d of which the y were biologicall y capable . Thes e women, thus , coul d b e gaze d a t bu t no t identifie d with . Eve n o n stage , the y were a s fa r fro m hom e a s the y wer e withi n th e clas s structur e o f nineteenth century Calcutta — disenfranchized, marginalized, subaltern. The questio n arise s onc e agai n ho w lowl y prostitute s coul d b e acceptable a s Mothe r Nation, Hind u goddesses , an d (even ) mal e saint s (a s i n the cas e o f Binodini's portrayal of Caitanya)? It was, perhaps, th e fac t that the historical o r mythologica l romanc e tha t envelope d thes e exalte d femal e characters inoculate d them agains t th e morall y infectiou s truth o f prostitution. That th e actresse s were actuall y prostitutes di d not i n any wa y imping e upon how the y wer e receive d by the bhadralok audiences . A s I argue d earlier , th e inherent etherealit y of goddesses an d heroines wa s fa r enoug h fro m th e reality of th e hom e (an d homemakers ) tha t th e mal e bhadralok audienc e migh t tur n the othe r wa y and vie w i t outsid e th e contex t o f the prima l professio n o f the prostitute-actresses. I t wa s acceptabl e a s lon g a s prostitute s wer e no t representing the rea l women in their homes t o whom the babus returned a t th e end o f each day . W e can now add to Parth a Chatterjee' s binar y vision o f the 'home' an d the 'world ' o f the Bengal i respectabl e (sambhranta) bhadralok, a second binar y within th e large r grou p o f Bengali wome n situate d a t th e ver y intersection o f the first , segregatin g wome n a s 'private ' (bhadramahild) an d 'public' (barahgana/prostitate), th e wif e an d th e mistress . Thes e tw o coul d never mee t withi n th e large r mora l schem a o f the bhadralok babu, although they could touch the two extremes o f the babu's world, as long as there was no actual interfac e betwee n th e two . A n d in this , w e retur n t o th e questio n of verisimilitude. Stag e realism was an acceptable mode of representation insofa r as i t di d no t propos e somethin g tha t hi t hom e wit h th e forc e o f a majo r epistemic rupture . Prostitutes , allowe d t o ente r mainstrea m sociocultura l activity fro m th e margin s o f bourgeoi s society , threatened t o undermin e th e social cohesio n the Bengal i bhadralok hel d s o dear to his heart. Bu t the winds of commerc e ha d blow n dow n par t o f th e protectiv e wal l tha t fortifie d th e

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babu's socia l world . Prostitute s ha d t o b e allowe d in . Onc e admitted , however, begrudgingl y or otherwise , the y coul d no t the n b e allowe d furthe r ingress int o th e innermos t sanctu m o f tha t world , namel y th e domai n o f th e home tha t enshrined feminine domesticity and kept th e woma n 'manageable. ' It wa s necessit y that ha d mad e i t possibl e to reinven t prostitute s a s actresses , but n o furthe r inventio n could justif y thei r playin g th e bhadramahila. Thi s final mimesis , which woul d allo w a prostitute t o become a housewife, perhap s suggested a n eve n mor e dangerous , unspeakabl e alterity , a n inversio n — th e fearful possibilit y tha t a housewif e coul d i n reality become a prostitute . Th e bhadralok sensibilit y coul d no t possibl y accommodate th e ide a o f prostitute s representing thei r bhadramahilas. Th e tw o world s — privat e an d publi c — had t o b e kep t apart . Th e emergenc e o f prostitutes o n th e nineteenth-centur y Bengali stag e had posited itself abjectivel y (I am appropriating Julia Kristeva's mediated us e o f th e term ) i n relatio n t o babu-socicty an d it s mora l fabric , initially and if only for a moment, as a possible threat of violence that had to be somehow managed , containe d an d purged. A n d when th e extensiv e debat e over this 'abject ' innovatio n came to a concluded acceptance, whe n the ide a of the prostitute-actres s becam e normative , the crisi s ha d been averted , managed , contained. Th e 'abject ' figur e o f th e prostitute-actres s ha d bee n use d b y th e predominantly mal e theate r community , even i f withou t explici t agendas , t o remedy a larger abjectivity to whic h th e theate r community itself wa s subject . But th e publi c theater' s so-calle d ennoblin g rescu e ac t o f deliverin g th e prostitute-actresses fro m a n ignoble life wa s a t it s best a n ac t o f deception. I t was couche d in the veste d interest s o f the male-dominate d theater industr y to gain commercia l as wel l a s ideologica l advantage . Althoug h i t gav e som e of them educatio n an d fame , th e theate r ha d don e littl e mor e fo r th e prostitute actresses tha n turnin g the m int o actress-prostitutes . Thi s i s clearl y an d repeatedly evidence d in thei r autobiographies , whic h bespok e th e succes s o f this deceptiv e sticks-and-carrot s strateg y o f management/containment tha t ha s been identifie d a s th e 'betrayal ' o f patriarcha l nationalism . Th e betraya l Binodini ha d experience d when sh e wa s denie d a theater i n her nam e i s the n effectively quit e th e sam e a s tha t o f th e elevatio n an d th e concomitan t rarefaction o f the female figure on the stag e of nationalism. Thus, in a reversal of the time-worn adage, the mother here had become the necessity of invention. 19

Notes A l l translation s are mine, unless otherwise noted. 1

Binodin i Dâsî (1863-1941 ) was on e o f the greatest actresses to have adorned th e Bengal i stage. Thes e lines are from a poem, Anutàp ('Repentance'), from the collectio n entitled Bàsana (1896). Binodin i and her role in Bengali theate r are discussed extensively in this essay.

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Sushi l Mukherjee, The Story of the Calcutta Theatres (Calcutta : K P Bagchi & Company , 1982), 51. Thi s collapsin g of the two appellations meant that any educated Bengal i with a certai n cultural refinemen t coul d no w be calle d a babu, whethe r ric h o r poor . Thi s wa s a reflection o f the changing economic order , the rise of an educated and professional middl e class. Th e babu epithet had moved from being an economic denominator to becoming a a cultural one. I n this essay, I have used bhadralok and babu somewha t interchangeably. The issue , however, does get more problematic with the theatre practitioners who were called babus a s well, since they belonged to the educated 'comprador' middle class as well, but contradicted babu values in many fundamental ways. Bu t the irony of how close the theatr e practitioner s were, i n reality , to th e sea t o f babu morality , despite their progressive and liberal attitudes regarding the use of prostitute-actresses o n the Bengal i stage, is also interesting to note. Kira n Candr a Datta , Bahglya Natyasalar Itihas [Th e History o f the Bengal i Theatre ] (Calcutta: Pascim Bahga Natya Akademi, 1996), 160. Jogendranat h Bidyabhusan Mance Bar angaria[Prostitutes on Stage],' Aryadarsan 4, no. 5 (Calcutta, 1877). A Sarislqt treatise on theatre and dance, ascribed to Bharata Muni, was probably composed in the third century BCE. However , the manuscript that is used today can only be dated back to the seventh or eighth century CE. Dasi , 158. Th e Baisnabs (SanskrJ ; Vaisnava) represent a sub-faith within the Hindu belief system. Th e Baisnabs are followers of the sixteent h century saint Sri Caitanya (known as Nimai before he attained sainthood). Caitany a (1486-1534) believed that both the male and femal e godhead s — prakrtian d purus — resided within the human body. Hi s sa dhana (endeavor, devotional practice) was to reach that combined ineffable spirit. Giri s Candra Ghos, Giris RacanabaU, ed. Debipada Bhattacarya, vol . 3 (Calcutta: Sahity a Sangsad, 1972), 820-21. Darsa n Caudhuri , Unis Sataker Natyabisay [Topic s i n Nineteent h Centur y Theatre] (Calcutta: Pustak Bipani, 1985). Caudhuri , 101. Parth a Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Parth a Chatterjee, 151. A full English translation of Binodini's memoirs, Binodini Dasi: My Story and My Life as an Actress (New Delhi: Kali for Women Press, 1998), by Rimli Bhattachary a is available in print. However, for the purpose of this essay, I have chosen to use my own translations (made before Bhattacharya's boo k became available). 'Give n me shelter' is, of course, a euphemism for 'kept me as mistress.' Dasi , 39-41. Dasi , 43. Dasi , 44-5. P . Chatterjee, 156. Accordin g to Julia Kristeva, the abject is an agency of disruption that stands between the formation o f subjectivit y and its dependenc e o n objects t o fashio n itself . Th e abject 'disturbs identities, systems and orders. Somethin g that does not respect limits, positions, rules. Th e in-between, the ambiguous, the mixed up.' Se e Julia Kristeva, The Kristeva Reader, ed. Toril Moi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 12.

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10 'Art ' for Men, 'Manners' for Women: How Women Transformed the Tea Ceremony in Modern Japan Etsuko Kato

This essay investigates how an historical and cultural discourse associated with the tea ceremony and its visual presentation, and focusing on women's mastery of manners, has uniquely sited women within modern Japanese society. Analyzing discourses from around the turn of the twentieth century through the post-World War II period, the author claims that the notion of the tea ceremony as embodied for women in 'manners' is a product of nationalism from the late nineteenth century. In its relation to another notion of the tea ceremony emerging during the same period — as 'art' for men — the 'manners' discourse typifies man-woman, mind-body, public-domestic and Western-Japanese dichotomies of the era. The essay argues further that women are not only passively sited within the context of socially-dictated manners through the tea ceremony, but that it also enables them to actively situate themselves and their performances within the gaze of the general public: to (re-)create their own unique, social space.

In Japa n an d abroad , th e te a ceremon y I s closel y associate d wit h women' s culture. Indeed , mor e tha n 9 0 percen t o f th e 2. 6 millio n te a ceremon y practitioners I n Japa n ar e women. Whe n aske d wh y the y stud y th e te a ceremony, Japanes e wome n offe r response s suc h as : 'becaus e I t woul d b e a shame If I didn't know how to have tea and a sweet when invited' or 'becaus e I should b e a littl e mor e shitoyaka [gracefu l an d feminine]. ' Thes e wome n se e the tea ceremony as a means o f acquiring fluency I n traditional manners, and In fact, I n mode m Japan , th e te a ceremon y I s widel y considere d an appropriat e training ground for young women. This associatio n of th e te a ceremon y wit h women' s manner s I s a lat e development I n the histor y of chanoyu o r sadd, the 'Wa y of Tea.' Create d in the sixteent h centur y an d develope d during the feuda l era , th e te a ceremon y had bee n practice d almost exclusivel y b y men. I t wa s onl y a t th e en d o f th e feudal er a I n the lat e nineteent h centur y that th e te a ceremon y was opene d t o 1

140 Women as Sites of Culture women, an d eve n thereafter, me n continued to practice th e te a ceremony . Tha t is, ther e i s n o innat e relationshi p betwee n th e te a ceremon y an d a feminin e ideal. Whe n and why did this association come about ? This questio n ca n b e answere d b y examinin g tw o popula r discourse s from th e Meij i Er a (1868-1912) centerin g o n the te a ceremony , whic h emerge d in the contex t o f gender role s prescribed by specific movements durin g this era , namely westernizatio n an d nationalism. Th e firs t discourse , concernin g th e notion that the te a ceremon y wa s ' a means of acquiring manners,' wa s fostere d by femal e educators . Thi s stand s i n contras t t o th e discours e i n whic h th e nationalistic mal e intellectua l elit e engage d durin g th e sam e period , viewin g the te a ceremon y a s 'art ' equivalen t t o Wester n art . Thes e tw o discourse s reflect th e differin g socia l role s wome n an d me n o f the er a wer e expecte d t o play: those of guardians o f traditional cultur e i n domestic spac e an d promoter s of westernization in public space, respectively. One ca n argu e that th e te a ceremon y i s innatel y a mean s o f acquiring manners, thoug h thi s i s no t it s only, o r eve n primary , function. I t i s buil t around stric t rule s o f body movemen t calle d temae. Temae gover n ever y ac t and postur e o f a practitioner , eve n t o th e movemen t an d positio n o f a singl e finger. Fo r example , whe n on e i s scoopin g powdere d gree n te a fro m th e container, one' s bac k shoul d be straight , bot h elbow s akimbo , and th e finger s of th e han d holdin g the scoo p shoul d be centere d o n the handle . I n addition, temae includ e various bod y movements tha t ar e no t directl y related t o making tea. Whe n enterin g th e room , fo r example , th e hos t open s th e slidin g door , bows t o th e guests , an d step s int o th e roo m i n a certai n posture . The n s/h e enters the roo m i n a prescribed manner : th e fee t glid e silentl y over th e tatam i mats, th e toe s slightl y raised occasionally , carefully avoidin g the edge s o f th e mats. It i s widel y accepte d toda y tha t th e ver y ger m o f temae was sow n b y wealthy merchant s i n the sixteent h century , durin g th e Warrin g States period (1467-1568), whe n the y establishe d th e ceremon y itself . Merchant s initiate d the practic e o f makin g te a i n th e presenc e o f guests , and , i n addition , constructed smal l rooms exclusivel y fo r gatherin g ove r tea, wher e th e hos t an d his guest s sa t clos e t o eac h other . Thi s performance-lik e tea-makin g i n a confined spac e i s suppose d t o hav e le d t o th e developmen t o f refine d bod y movements, whic h wer e late r formalize d as temae. Thus , the birt h of the te a ceremony i s synonymous with the birth of temae. The practic e o f th e te a ceremon y soo n sprea d t o th e samurai. Bot h merchants an d samurai use d th e te a ceremon y fo r multipl e purposes : a s opportunities t o socialize , for busines s discussion s (o r battl e strategy) , an d t o demonstrate thei r dignit y i n a publi c setting . Sinc e neithe r o f thes e group s belonged t o th e aristocracy , i t ca n b e assume d tha t a crucia l motiv e fo r thei r practice o f the te a ceremon y wa s a desir e t o acquir e refine d manners , thereb y achieving elevated status. By th e middl e o f th e Ed o perio d (1603-1867) , ther e ha d bee n a 2

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dramatic increase i n tea ceremony practitioners, especially among the merchan t class, an d temae were furthe r elaborate d an d systematized . Althoug h a larg e and wealth y middl e class ha d bee n establishe d durin g this perio d of peacefu l rule, merchants remaine d at the botto m of the government-sanctioned , warriorcentric clas s system . Thes e socia l restriction s mad e cultura l activities such a s the te a ceremony , flowe r arrangemen t (ikebana), calligraphy , and traditiona l music and dance especiall y attractive t o the merchants ; throug h these activities they coul d bypas s thei r lowl y statu s by gaining esteem sometime s supercedin g that of people more elevated in the socia l hierarchy. In th e cas e o f the te a ceremony , achievemen t depende d firs t o f al l on the acquisitio n of temae. As so many merchants wer e eager to learn temae, the Sen family, descendant s of the sixteenth-centur y merchan t considere d to be th e founder o f the te a ceremony , restructure d th e pedagogica l methods previously used i n teaching the practic e of the te a ceremony ; they selecte d ol d temae an d created ne w temae, establishin g drills fo r pupils to follow. Thes e drill s wer e expanded by the hea d o f the Se n family i n the aftermat h o f the feuda l era, pos t 1867. Let us now turn to the questio n of when and why the tea ceremony as a means o f acquirin g manner s becam e s o closel y associate d wit h women . During th e feuda l era , opportunitie s fo r wome n t o participat e i n th e te a ceremony wer e severel y limited. Som e aristocrati c women , femal e servant s for high-rankin g samurai , an d tayu (professiona l entertainer s fo r high-clas s men) wer e amon g thos e fe w wome n wh o ar e suppose d t o hav e practice d th e tea ceremon y i n the middl e of the Ed o period. Thi s i s no t surprisin g given that a warrior-centered societ y had dominate d sinc e th e earl y twelfth century ; even if non-warriors shared i n certain aspects of the culture , it was difficul t fo r women to insert themselves int o what was clearly male territory. In th e lat e Ed o period , however , som e upper-middle-clas s youn g women studie d the te a ceremon y a t temples, man y of which serve d a s school s for commoners , o r wit h privat e tutors. Ofte n taught by female teachers , th e tea ceremon y b y and fo r wome n began t o develo p a s a genre in its ow n right. Although women' s te a ceremon y di d not hav e officia l discourse s (a t leas t n o texts survive) , one ca n assum e tha t i t wa s opene d t o youn g wome n t o teac h them th e manner s associate d wit h femininit y and domesticity , in keeping wit h prevailing notions of woman's role as a compliant wife an d daughter-in-law for her husban d an d hi s parents . Suc h ideal s o f femininit y and domesticit y ar e clearly delineate d i n Onna daigaku (Th e Grea t Learnin g Fo r Women) , a manual o f ethics an d prope r behavio r supposedl y writte n in the middl e of th e Edo perio d an d use d fo r youn g women' s educatio n a t hom e o r a t temple schools. Th e manua l instruct s it s reader s t o '[sew] , an d prepar e meal s fo r your parents-in-law . Fol d clothes , swee p th e floor , rais e childre n and clea n yourself for your husband. Sta y at home. Yo u shal l not go out casually.' After th e Meij i Restoratio n ended th e shogunate , th e ne w governmen t (1868-1912) promote d th e modernizatio n an d westernizatio n o f Japan. 5

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Consequently, traditional Japanese culture, including the te a ceremony, cam e t o be despise d a s obsolet e an d ineffectual , an d suffere d a grea t los s o f practitioners. Women' s te a ceremony , however , wa s introduce d int o officia l 'etiquette' (saho) course s i n some girls ' school s established i n the aftermat h o f the 187 2 Educatio n Law. Th e founder s o f th e girls ' school s wer e ofte n female educators , a s were th e teacher s of the te a ceremony a t the schools . I t is true tha t women' s educatio n di d no t actuall y tak e hol d fo r th e firs t thre e decades of the post-feuda l period. I t is also true that the majorit y of etiquette courses taugh t at the girls ' school s did not includ e study o f the te a ceremony. Yet th e documentatio n o f som e schools ' effort s indicate s tha t temae gained official statu s as etiquette , especiall y for women, in the ne w institution s o f th e Meiji era . In Kyot o prefectur e i n 1872 , th e yea r th e loca l governmen t trie d unsuccessfully t o lev y a n 'amusemen t tax ' o n th e Se n family, th e te a ceremony wa s introduce d t o th e curriculu m of a newl y founded girls ' schoo l that later becam e a school run by the prefecture. Th e principal of the schoo l was a femal e educator , Nijim a Yaeko , an d th e teache r o f th e te a ceremon y course wa s Shinjoin , th e mothe r o f the headmaste r of the Se n famil y school. To compensat e fo r th e grea t los s o f (male ) pupil s afte r th e Meij i Restoration , the Se n family ha d opened its doors to women. More tha n a fe w girls ' school s followe d thi s patter n ove r th e nex t decades. I n som e case s th e te a ceremon y wa s a substitut e fo r a n etiquett e course, a s happene d a t th e Atomi-Gakue n Girls' Schoo l i n Tokyo , whil e in other cases it was incorporated into the etiquette course. A t Kazoku Jogakk o in Tokyo, th e te a ceremon y wa s juxtapose d wit h ryurei (propriet y sittin g o n Western chairs) , zarei (propriet y sittin g o n tatam i mats) , an d flowe r arrangement, unde r the genera l course title of 'learnin g propriety' (shurei). That the educator s value d the te a ceremony a s a cultivator of 'manners ' is clearly articulated in the followin g statemen t by Atom i Kakei , wh o founde d Atomi-Gakuen Girls ' Schoo l i n 1875 : 'Thes e day s girls ' school s teac h manners, whic h pupil s do not see m t o utilize in their daily lives. I think the te a ceremony i s better than manners. ' Sh e attribute s thi s ide a to he r belie f tha t te a ceremony practitioners kno w where i n the roo m to si t as guests, how to sit , and how t o manag e utensil s properly. Okud a Shozo , a mal e educato r an d th e principal o f Seikei Girls ' Hig h Schoo l in Tokyo around 1920 , realized his long time wis h 't o educat e youn g wome n wit h Ze n Buddhis m an d th e te a ceremony.' I n hi s boo k Chami (Te a taste), h e claime d that th e te a ceremon y should refine th e min d 'throug h learnin g the correc t wa y of hosting guests an d of conductin g harmonious conversation.' Her e it seems that his objectiv e of educating youn g women in the practic e o f the te a ceremon y wa s t o teac h the m to be proper hostesses. These discourse s contras t wit h anothe r popula r discourse relating to th e tea ceremon y promulgate d b y th e intellectua l elit e aroun d th e tur n o f th e century. Th e ne w nationalis m that emerge d followin g Japan' s victorie s in th e 14

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Sino-Japanese Wa r (18944895) an d th e Russo-Japanes e Wa r (19044905) le d to the championin g of traditional culture a s art , equa l I n stature to Wester n art . One o f th e earlies t example s o f thi s tren d wa s th e internationall y acclaime d educator NItob e Inazo' s referenc e t o th e te a ceremon y a s 'fin e art ' I n his 189 9 English boo k o n bushido o r th e ethica l cod e o f th e rulin g samurai class. Nltobe's discussio n of the te a ceremon y i n this wide r context wa s followe d b y discussion specificall y devote d t o th e te a ceremon y Itsel f by Okakura Kakuzo, an ar t criti c an d curato r a t th e Bosto n Museum of Fine Arts. I n The Book of Tea published In English I n 1906 , Okakur a not onl y defined th e te a ceremon y as ' a religio n o f aestheticism ' an d ' a cul t founde d o n th e adoratio n o f th e beautiful,' bu t als o devote d a chapte r t o 'Ar t Appreciation,' describin g the te a ceremony a s on e exampl e o f ar t withi n tha t chapter. A t tha t time , 'art ' (geijutsu) Itself was a concept newly Imported from the West. In Japan , The Book of Tea had a great Influence o n the Intellectua l elite, fostering th e perceptio n o f the te a ceremon y I n general a s art , an d te a utensil s specifically a s works of art. I n 1929 , the yea r that the Japanes e translation of The Book of Tea appeared , Takahash i Tatsuo , a n academic , define d th e te a ceremony a s a 'syntheti c ar t o f utensil s (dogu no sogo geijutsu).' H e suggested tha t te a utensil s wer e 'work s o f fine art ' (hijutsuteki sakuhin), an d that the te a ceremony , whic h coordinate d an d utilize d thes e works o f fine art , was therefore itsel f art . The idea that tea utensil s wer e work s of art wa s echoe d b y many o f the new industrialists . I n th e year s followin g th e Meij i Restoration , whe n traditional Japanes e cultur e ha d los t it s everyda y currency , these businessme n had collected antiques, includin g tea utensils. Fo r these collectors, tea utensils , although sol d a t lo w prices immediatel y after th e Restoration , symbolize d the wealth o f the feuda l regim e an d functione d a s emblem s o f their owners ' ne w social standin g i n the moder n era. I n response t o growin g public criticism of their extravagant lifestyle , some industrialist s defended thei r antiqu e collecting as a means of protecting Japanese 'art' fro m Western collectors. The discours e characterizin g th e te a ceremon y a s ar t wa s maintaine d among me n bu t no t amon g women . I n th e sam e way, th e discours e characterizing the te a ceremon y a s manners wa s maintaine d amon g women bu t was not adopte d b y men. I claim that there were three reasons for this gender based dichotomou s acceptance o f the two discourses . First, i f th e te a ceremon y constitute d ar t becaus e te a utensil s wer e deemed t o b e work s of art, onl y men had the economi c power to acquir e these works o f art , whil e wome n continue d t o b e sociall y an d economicall y subservient t o men. Accordin g to the 189 8 Meij i Civi l Law , whic h establishe d a patriarcha l stat e base d o n husband-centere d households , th e wif e ha d n o jurisdiction ove r her ow n property. A s Minpo seigi, a commentary o n the Civi l Law's first draft , pu t it , ' [t]he husband' s right s ar e t o rul e the whol e econom y of th e household . Th e wife' s propert y affect s he r husband , he r children , and the household' s ris e an d fall . Therefor e th e wife' s propert y i s to b e manage d 23

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[by th e husband]. ' I n addition , th e governmen t sloga n o f 'goo d wif e an d wise mother ' (ryosai kenbo) encourage d wome n t o marr y an d fulfil l thi s ideal. Thus , subjec t t o bot h th e husband-centere d la w an d a nationa l discourse emphasizin g marriage an d motherhood a s the fulfillmen t o f feminine ideals, wome n i n the Meij i perio d were unlikel y t o hav e th e economi c powe r necessary t o purchase an d appreciate work s of art. The secon d reaso n ca n b e sough t i n th e gender-base d dichotom y that developed i n thi s perio d betwee n th e public/western/masculin e an d th e domestic/ Japanese/ feminine. O n the nationa l level, when westernization too k place, publi c spac e wa s th e firs t domai n t o b e westernized , whil e domesti c space wa s the last . A textbook o f manners use d a t a girls' hig h school in 1937 , seven decade s after th e Meij i Restoration , stil l presente d a picture o f a woman in kimono , sittin g o n tatami , bendin g slightly , handin g glove s t o a ma n i n a western sui t standin g i n the doorway . Th e pictur e delivere d a clea r message : public space , int o whic h th e ma n i s abou t t o enter , i s wester n space , whil e inside th e house , wher e th e woma n remain s i n kimon o sittin g o n tatami , i s Japanese space . An d as me n becam e promoter s o f westernization, that whic h was designate d a s 'public ' an d 'western ' cam e t o b e associate d wit h masculinity. 'Art, ' a concep t newl y imported fro m th e West , wa s considere d part o f thi s masculin e realm . Tha t whic h wa s considere d 'domestic ' an d Japanese was associated wit h the feminine realm. Furthermore, wit h th e rise o f nationalism, men were urge d to 'publicly ' champion Japanese culture on the internationa l leve l using Western concepts i n general a s intellectua l weapons i n a manne r analogou s t o th e us e o f Wester n armaments i n international wars . Meanwhile , wome n wer e expecte d t o guar d the nation' s cultur e 'domestically ' in two senses : within th e homelan d a s wel l as withi n th e household . A s repeatedly maintaine d i n ethic s (shushin) textbooks use d i n girls ' hig h school s fro m th e lat e nineteent h t o th e earl y twentieth century , societa l expectations dictate d that 'Men' s place is out (soto), women's plac e i s i n (uchi).' On e textboo k publishe d i n 190 7 expande d thi s principle to the internationa l level : 'Fo r women's dut y is to manage uchi, those who ar e no t th e maste r o f the househol d shoul d rarely g o ou t t o interac t wit h others, let alone with foreigners.'' I n th e sam e textbook , discussin g th e necessity o f fightin g agains t foreig n countrie s 'i n a n emergency, ' th e autho r claims: 'althoug h wome n canno t joi n th e wa r lik e men...the y ca n fulfil l thei r duty b y managin g th e household...removin g al l th e worrie s abou t domesti c matters fro m thei r husbands ' minds....' Clearly , th e gender-base d dichotomous acceptanc e o f th e discourse s regardin g th e te a ceremon y wa s dictated b y th e socia l role s playe d b y me n an d wome n o n bot h nationa l an d international levels . Th e tea ceremon y fo r me n wa s define d a s 'art ' i n Japan's strategic rivalry wit h th e West , wherea s th e te a ceremon y fo r wome n wa s associated wit h domesticity and daily activities. The thir d reason fo r th e developmen t o f these two separat e discourse s can b e locate d i n th e widel y accepte d dichotom y betwee n 'mind, ' associate d 31

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with men , an d 'body, ' associate d wit h women , tha t scholar s suc h a s Susa n Bordo trac e I n Wester n Intellectua l histor y a s well. Althoug h th e Meij i government educate d women , the overridin g purpose I n doing so was t o mak e them goo d housekeepers . Therefore , th e schoo l curriculum for girl s Included domestic training , whil e boy s no t onl y lacke d suc h trainin g bu t Instea d ha d more hour s o f abstrac t studie s suc h a s mat h o r natura l science. Moreover , prior to the Meij i Restoration , women were taught that they wer e Intellectually inferior t o men and that their designated rol e was that of bearing children. I n this milieu , i t i s no t unnatura l tha t th e majorit y o f the intellectua l elite a t th e turn o f the twentiet h century , a s wel l a s femal e student s themselves, believe d that wome n coul d not , nee d not , an d shoul d no t rationall y or metaphysicall y understand th e te a ceremon y becaus e reaso n wa s designate d a mal e domain . Rather, the refinemen t o f movement an d practical manners wer e deeme d muc h more beneficial to women in their future role s in the home . As outline d above , th e discours e centerin g o n th e te a ceremon y tha t characterized i t a s a mean s o f acquirin g manner s fo r wome n develope d i n response t o trend s o f westernizatio n an d nationalis m i n late-nineteent h an d early-twentieth-century Japan . Women' s engagemen t i n th e te a ceremony , however, wa s no t merel y a cas e o f passiv e acceptance . I n fact , th e activ e nature o f thei r involvemen t fro m th e Meij i er a t o th e presen t ha s bee n demonstrated b y their growin g dominance o f the teachin g professio n ove r thi s period. According t o th e record s o f Urasenke, on e o f the branche s o f the Se n family, wome n made u p a third of the participant s i n the summe r semina r held by th e famil y i n 191 3 t o teac h temae a t th e advance d level ; i n 1920 , the rati o increased to on e half . Th e decision by the Se n family i n 1914 that the semina r should awar d the licens e for teaching th e te a ceremon y t o an y woman wishing to teac h i t a t girls ' hig h school s mus t hav e increase d th e numbe r o f femal e participants. Anothe r factor that may have contribute d to this increas e i s that teaching th e te a ceremon y becam e sociall y accepte d a s a women's occupatio n around thi s time , especiall y fo r wa r widows. I n an y case , th e numbe r o f female te a ceremon y practitioner s i s suppose d t o hav e surpasse d tha t o f mal e practitioners i n th e earl y twentiet h century . B y mid-century , th e numbe r o f women participatin g i n th e te a ceremony , bot h a s pupil s an d a s teachers , overwhelmed tha t o f men . Accordin g t o th e so n o f a high-rankin g te a ceremony teache r i n Tokyo , interviewe d i n 1998 , twenty-nin e o f th e thirt y pupils hi s fathe r taugh t immediatel y prio r t o Worl d Wa r II , al l teacher s themselves, wer e women. The transmission of 'manners' fro m woman to woman implies a certain empowerment o f women . A s Jorg e Ardit i suggest s regardin g America n women's etiquett e literature whic h cam e to be written by women themselves i n the lat e nineteent h century , 'th e grou p define d a s "other " [gave ] expressio n t o its own , however constructed , specificitie s within th e newl y opened space.' Embedded i n thes e male-female , public-domestic , (economically ) dominant 35

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subservient, an d mind-bod y dichotomies , th e reproductio n o f se t movement s gives wome n th e powe r t o contro l an d possess , t o som e degree , thei r ow n bodies. I n addition , as teachers , wome n ar e enable d t o asser t authorit y ove r other wome n an d t o acquir e economi c powe r fro m th e incom e generate d through tuition fees. The 'teniae as women's manners ' discours e continued to attrac t women even afte r Worl d Wa r n , despit e th e declin e i n governmen t promotio n o f westernization and nationalism. I n the postwar era, the (male ) intellectual elite created a ne w discours e focuse d o n th e te a ceremony : tha t th e te a ceremon y was a 'syntheti c cultura l system ' (sogo bunka taikei) an d tha t 'teniae a s manners' wa s onl y on e o f man y aspect s o f th e te a ceremony. Nonetheless , 'teniae a s women' s manners ' ha s continue d t o b e perpetuate d b y an d fo r women, a s i s typifie d b y a serie s o f etiquett e book s fo r wome n writte n b y a female te a ceremon y teache r fro m th e Se n family , Shiotsuk i Yaeko . Shiotsuki's 197 3 textbook , fo r example , Wakai-hito no tame no sado no Hon (The book of the te a ceremon y fo r youn g people), show s abundan t picture s of young wome n i n kimono, but non e o f young men. I n th e introduction , titled "Nichijo seikatsu ni ikiru chanoyu no sahd" (Manners o f the te a ceremon y in daily life) , sh e writes , 'Whe n yo u visi t somebody' s hom e .. . yo u ma y sometimes notic e th e serenity...an d eleganc e o f movemen t o f th e hostess... . A m I favoring my position too much if I conclude that such an attitude reflects , without exception , he r master y o f th e te a ceremony? ' Thus , th e 'temae a s women's manners ' discours e coexist s wit h othe r discourse s tha t discursively and tangibly inform th e practices of Japanese women today. 41

Acknowledgements I a m gratefu l t o Professo r Tanak a Hidetak a fo r detaile d bibliographi c information, an d to Meg Taylo r for her useful suggestions .

Notes A l l translation s ar e mine, unless otherwise noted. 1

2

Accordin g t o th e 199 6 surve y by the Statistic s Bureau of Management and Coordinatio n Agency, 2,365,000 (a little more than 90 percent) of 2,626,000 tea ceremony practitioners are women . Althoug h thes e figures d o no t represen t the tota l number of te a ceremony practitioners, the male-femal e ratio of thi s subset reflects the overal l situation to a great extent. Obtainin g accurat e data on tea ceremony practitioners is difficult for two reasons. First, ther e ar e severa l school s o f te a ceremony , eac h wit h it s ow n licensin g system. Despite this, many practice the tea ceremony without such licenses while licensed teachers are not necessaril y active practitioners. Second, as i s typica l o f al l the traditiona l art s in Japan, the tea ceremony schools maintain a certain level of secrecy and do not publish data on their practitioners. Westernizatio n as a movement involved the introduction into Japanese society of political ,

'Art'for Men, 'Manners'for Women 147

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judicial, economic, and educational systems fromthe West. Se e note 13 below. Tha t th e te a ceremon y i s no t onl y a means fo r refining manner s bu t also , an d more essentially, a mean s o f discipline wil l b e establishe d i n m y dissertation , Body-Representing the Past: Japanese Women and the Tea Ceremony after World War II (forthcoming). Isa o Kumakura, Chanoyu no rekishi: Sen Rikyu made (The history of the tea ceremony to Sen Rikyu) (Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha, 1990), 222; Sen'o Tanaka, Cha no hi: Nihonjin ni totte 'cha' wa naze hi na no ka? (Beaut y of tea: Why is the tea ceremony beauty for the Japanese?) (Tokyo: Asahi Sonorama, 1976), 184-86. Matsunosuk e Nishiyama, Iemoto no kenkyu (Studie s o n the iemoto) (Tokyo : Yoshikaw a Kobunkan, 1952, 1982) , 135, 141, 468, 519. Nishiyama , Iemoto no kenkyu, 429-32. Whil e little is known of these methods prior to the restructuring carried out by the Sen family, it is thought that the selection o f temae taught was left to the discretion of each teacher. Isa o Kumakura, Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu (Stud y of the history of the tea ceremony in modern times) (Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppankai, 1980), 114-16. Th e scarcity of philological findingsprior to 186 8 o n tea ceremony practice by women suggests, along with the marginality of the topic in the studies of the tea ceremony, that women did not officially participate in the tea ceremony. Accordin g to Yabunouchi school records, only twenty-five o f its 1,57 8 recruit s between 1802 and 1879 were women; if we limit the questio n onl y to the Ed o period (that is, befor e 1868) , the numbe r of femal e recruits was only fifteenof 1,384 (Matsunosuk e Nishiyama, Iemoto monogatari [The tale of th e iemoto] [Tokyo : Shuei-shuppan , 1971] , 353) . I n th e mid-eighteent h century , Fuhaku, the head of a tea ceremony school, forbade women to attend the tea ceremony in his fiveprohibitions (Nishiyama, Iemoto no kenkyu, 400-1). Nishiyam a 1998, persona l communication; Machiko Kagotani, Josei to chanoyu (Women and the tea ceremony) (Kyoto: Tankosha, 1985). Kagotani , 176 , 209 ; Haru o Shiran e an d Tom i Suzuki , eds. , Sozo sareta koten (Th e invented classics) (Tokyo: Shinyosha, 1999), 410. Shizuk o Koyama , Ryosai kenbo to iu kihan (Standard s o f 'th e goo d wif e an d wise mother') (Tokyo: Keiso Shobo, 1991), 19. Hokud o Hirahara, ed. Shinchu: Onna-daigaku (The Great Learning for women) (Kyoto: Bunka-jihosha, 1943), 26. Th e Meiji Restoration was a time of drastic social change, durin g which political power passed fromthe shogun back to the emperor, the feudal rank system was banned, and the new governmen t sough t t o creat e a nation-state t o compet e wit h the West . Th e Meiji government introduce d political, judicial, economic , an d educational system s from the West under the slogan of wakonydsai, 'Japanese spirit, Western knowledge.' Befor e the 1868 Meiji Restoration, education varied greatly according to class and gender. The 187 2 Educatio n Law, however, declare d the necessit y o f educatio n regardles s o f gender o r forme r feuda l rank . Ye t girls ' educatio n continue d t o emphasiz e domesti c training, as it had in the feudal era. I n 1892, twent y years after the enactment o f the Education Law, only 37 percent of girls attended elementar y schools , a s opposed to 7 2 percent o f boys. I t was afte r 189 9 that women's education was promoted on the state level as befitting future wives and mothers (Koyama, 41-2). I n the Meiji era, the term saho (etiquette) usually referred to the manners associated with Ogasawara, a venerable samurai family that was recognized as a model of propriety by the shogunate. 'Ogasawara' s Manners,' introduced to girls' schools after the Meiji Restoration, however, wer e ofte n i n fact th e inventio n o f Ed o townspeople (Ogasawara-ryii reihd [Ogasawara's manners ] website , 1999 , availabl e a t http:/ / www.ogasawararyu reihou.gr.jp). Th e head (iemoto) o f Urasenke submitted a written protest t o the Kyoto government in which he argue d that the te a ceremon y inculcate d Confucia n value s an d was therefor e beneficial t o societ y an d no t merel y 'entertainment ' (Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no

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kenkyu, 114-16) . Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 116 ; Hiroichi Tsutsui , 'Kindai no josei chajin' (Modern female tea masters), in Kindai no sukisha: zoku chajin-den (Moder n tea lovers, second series). Special Issue, No. 23 (Kyoto: Tankosha, 1997), 104 . Tsutsui , 104. Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 298-304. Th e association of the tea ceremony with domesticity in general is exemplified by the curriculum of Kyoritsu Joshi Shokugyo Gakko in Tokyo, which included the tea ceremony with cooking and sewing under the name of 'domestic training program.' Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 299-300. Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 303. Inaz o Nitobe, Bushido: The Soul of Japan (1899 ; reprint, New York: Putnam, 1905), 57. Nitobe's reference to the tea ceremony as 'art,' which is often overshadowed by references to Okakura's book published seve n years later, is noted in Hidetaka Tanaka , 'Sadd no kigdka to Shdwa yo-nen' (Th e tea ceremony as a sign and the fourth year of Showa), Tokugawa Rinsei-shi Kenkyujo, Kenkyu kiyd 2 6 (Marc h 1992) : 200; and by th e same author in 'Sadd bunkaron no kdzd' (Cultura l theories on the tea ceremony), in Sadd-gaku taikei (Studie s on the tea ceremony), vol. 1 , edited by Sen Soshitsu. (Kyoto : Tankosha, 1999), 139-40, 142 . Kakuz o Okakura, The Book of Tea (1906; reprint, Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1956), 3. Th e earlie r meanin g o f th e wor d geijutsu include d 'studies ' (gakugei) an d 'skill s i n aesthetic activities or entertainment' (gijutsu). I n the Meiji era, geijutsu came to be used as the translation for 'art' in the Western sense, that is, creative work or its principles (Noriaki Kitazawa, Me no shinden:"Bijutsu" juyd hen'yd-shi ndto [Th e templ e fo r eyes : The history o f introducin g 'art'] , Tokyo : Bijuts u Shuppan , 1989 , 146-7 ; Tanaka , 'Sadd bunkaron no kdzd; 151) . Tanak a (Sadd no kigdka to Shdwa yo-nen) discusses this theme thoroughly. Tanaka , 'Sadd bunkaron no kdzd; 148 . Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 164 , 193, 247. Christin e M.E . Guth , Art, Tea, and Industry: Masuda Takashi and the Mitsui Circle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) , 161-2 ; Tanaka 'Sadd bunkaron no kdzd; 142-3. Noriy o Hayakawa, Kindai tenndsei kokka to jendd (Moder n imperialist state and gender ) (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1998), 157. 'Goo d wife and wise mother' was officially promulgate d by the Ministry of Education in 1899. Th e objective of the slogan was to promote the education of women as future wives and mothers who would contribute to the state by supporting their husbands and raising future citizens. (Koyama , 45-7, 49.) Th e slogan was both a product and a promotion of nationalism. Th e Meiji Civil Law was replaced by new democratic laws only in 1947. Tetsujir o Inoue, Teisei: joshi shushin kydkasho (Ethics textbook for girls), vol. 3 (1907) in Koto jo gakkoshiryd shusei (Collecte d materials on girls' high school), vol . 1 0 (Tokyo: Ozorasha, 1989), 67; emphasis added. Inoue , 18 . Susa n Bordo, Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1993), 2-5. Se e the comparison between the 1901 national regulations for girls' and boys' secondary schools in Koyama, 50-1. Onna daigaku, fo r example, argues, 'Fo r women are more stupid than men, they do not know how to manage the things before their very eyes' and 'Wome n who do not bear children should leave their husbands. Thi s is because marriage should bring offspring who succeed [the family]' (Hokudo Hirahara, 29, 12). Kumakura , Kindai sadd-shi no kenkyu, 303. Matsunosuk e Nishiyama, Iemoto no kenkyu, 146 . Jorg e Arditi, 'Th e Feminization of Etiquette Literature: Foucault, Mechanisms of Social

'Art 'for Men, 'Manners 'for Women 14 9

4 1

Change, and the Paradoxes of Empowerment,' Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 3 (1996): 431. Th e 'synthetic cultura l system ' discours e wa s introduce d b y Hisamats u Shin'ichi , a professor of Buddhist philosophy, in 1947 (Shin'ichi Hisamatsu, 'Sadô-bunka no seikaku [Characteristics of the culture of the tea ceremony] [1947; reprint in Sadô no tetsugaku (Philosophy of the tea ceremony), ed. Jikai Fujiyoshi (Tokyo: Kodan-sha, 1987)], 52).

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PART III

Si(gh)ting the Woman as Cultural Resource

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11 Portrai t Medals of Vittoria Colonna: Representing the Learned Woman Marjorie Och

In the following pages, the author explores ways in which a particular type of portrait image — the portrait medal — offered more than a genre of self presentation to the Renaissance men and women, in particular, who situated themselves within their cultures by its means. This essay argues that the portrait medal provided a forum wherein its subject might speak through a language of symbols and texts. This visual and literary language was recognizable to both public and private audiences, and was seen and read while the woman was, herself absent. As described here, such portrait images literally created an environment for women humanists through an iconography firmly siting the female subject within the traditionally male humanist paradigm.

The en d o f th e fifteent h centur y witnesse d a proliferatio n of small , privatel y commissioned medal s tha t carrie d portraits o f both me n an d women. Alon g with th e portrait , eac h meda l wa s inscribe d with a brie f an d ofte n crypti c text and imag e referrin g t o th e perso n whos e fac e wa s portrayed . Wome n wer e described accordin g to thei r famil y position s a s daughter s o r wives , or wer e celebrated fo r their beauty an d virtues . Fo r men, however , medal s referre d t o their publi c positions , occupations , an d honors ; fo r example , man y o f thes e medals depicte d the Renaissanc e humanis t i n his classicizin g settin g an d garb . It wa s int o thi s largel y male domai n tha t learne d wome n bega n t o mak e a n appearance. A s object s tha t coul d stan d i n fo r a woman' s actua l presence , medals wer e powerfu l emblems i n the creatio n o f a n audience , bot h mal e an d female, fo r wome n humanists . Th e intricat e familia l an d socia l relationship s that existed between th e person s depicte d and the variou s audience s addresse d by th e medal s highlight s th e humanis t communit y create d throug h th e documented exchang e o f medals. I will conside r here how portrait medals o f a particular literar y woman, Vittori a Colonn a (circ a 1490-1547) , poet , Catholi c reformer, frien d an d confidan t o f Michelangelo , functione d withi n thi s humanist contex t (figs . 1-2 , 4-5). Colonna' s iconography , place d withi n contemporary visua l an d literar y traditions, ma y b e rea d t o discove r how thi s 1

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woman, an d perhap s others , define d an d place d hersel f withi n th e large r community of (male) humanists . The lo w cost o f commissionin g these smal l object s relativ e t o tha t of other work s (painte d portraits , fo r example) , perhap s helpe d t o mak e medal s far mor e accessibl e t o a greater numbe r o f individuals , particularl y to wome n whose financia l independenc e i n th e sixteent h centur y wa s seldo m secure . Indeed, th e numbe r o f early-sixteenth-centur y medal s representin g wome n suggests tha t the y di d fin d thi s ar t especiall y responsiv e t o thei r increasin g presence i n the world o f letters. Wit h respec t t o their relative economy, medals were similar to printed books, which were now far less expensive to produce or purchase tha n wer e manuscripts . Medal s resembled printe d books i n anothe r manner — in the possibilit y they presented o f making numerous impression s of one imag e o r text . Furthermore , i t i s likel y tha t bot h medi a — medal s an d early printed books — share d the sam e humanist audience . An d thi s context, I believe, offer s a ke y t o understandin g ho w th e portrai t meda l wa s use d b y Vittoria Colonna . There ar e a numbe r o f issue s t o b e explore d concernin g th e portrai t medals o f Colonna . Her e I wil l focu s o n th e visua l an d literar y tradition s within whic h thi s sitte r activel y placed herself an d wa s place d by artists . A n examination of these medals withi n these traditions allows for an interpretation of wha t define d Colonna' s visua l appearanc e fo r he r sixteenth-centur y humanist audience . Moreover , i t i s importan t t o conside r wha t persona l characteristics o f an individual , actua l o r imagined, enable hi s o r her depicte d likeness to be recognized by various audiences. There ar e a t leas t si x differen t meda l type s representin g tw o distinc t periods in Colonna's life, th e tim e between he r marriage in 150 9 and the deat h of he r husban d i n 1525 , and the perio d between th e deat h o f her husban d an d her own death i n 1547 . Althoug h the y remain undated an d unattributed t o an y artist o r workshop, on th e basi s o f styl e an d iconography , I believe that al l of these medals ma y be date d t o the perio d from aroun d 151 0 to th e earl y 1540s . They are smal l objects, al l roughly two inches in diameter, intende d for a close, private examination, and they functio n a s persona l self-expression s lade n wit h material fo r a n iconographical study. Thes e medal s are , I believe, among th e most persona l works of art that can be associate d wit h Colonna . Traditionally , none o f the medal s depictin g Colonna i s though t t o hav e bee n commissioned by her , perhap s because scholar s hav e concentrate d o n Colonna' s literary and religious activities while regarding her involvement in the visua l arts as limite d to he r relationshi p wit h Michelangelo. However , the iconographi c parallels among Colonna's medals, her life , an d her poetry sugges t that the medal s ma y be considered as much a product of her thought an d agency as her poetry. Th e medals allo w acces s t o a n individua l wh o wa s highl y place d withi n Roma n noble familie s of th e earl y sixteent h century , whos e marriag e allianc e with a Neapolitan famil y brough t he r politicall y ont o th e internationa l stage , an d 3

4

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whose earl y interest s i n Catholi c refor m wer e know n t o ever y pro - an d anti reformer withi n the papal curia. These image s ma y b e referre d t o a s secur e identification s of Colonn a not becaus e the y necessarily present a verifiable likeness , but becaus e o f their self-declarations a s likenesse s through the inscription s surrounding Colonna's profile o n eac h o f them. Ar e w e t o understan d thes e portrait s a s 'tru e likenesses?' Probabl y not — the y ar e eithe r to o idealize d o r too abbreviated . For he r sixteenth-centur y audience , recognitio n o f thes e image s a s portrai t evocations was possible because o f the combined effects o f Colonna's personal iconography and imagery from establishe d visual an d literary sources to whic h the medal s mad e reference . A s portraits , the y depende d upo n visua l an d literary tradition s familia r t o bot h artis t an d humanist communities , and these traditions defined the sitter' s appearanc e an d made recognition possible. In what is perhaps th e earlies t of the medals , Vittoria an d her husband , Ferrante Francesc o d'Avalos , ar e depicte d o n th e obvers e an d vers o (Fig. 11.1a) . Vittori a i s draped i n classicizing dress , on e breas t exposed, wit h hair styled all'antica; t o the righ t of her forehead i s a star. Ferrant e appear s as a warrior, helmeted and wearing a breastplate. Th e Latin inscription s translat e as follows : 'Vittori a Colonn a d'Avalos, ' an d 'Ferrant e Francesc o d'Avalos , Marchese o f Pescara , Grea t Commander. ' A secon d meda l carrie s a simila r profile o f Colonna paired with classicizin g element s tha t probably refer t o he r husband's militar y exploits; thi s obverse i s decorated wit h a laurel-like wreath surrounding th e figure s (Fig . 11.1b) . I n th e cente r i s a trophy , a t left , a crowned, femal e allegorica l figure , a possibl e referenc e t o th e Hol y Roma n Empire, and at right, a winged Victory holding a shield and a cross. I n spirit, these are simila r to their ancient Roman sources, such as coins pairing the bus t of a woman with military trophies from a conquered province, or the pairing of emperor and empress. A third medal carries a profile almos t identical to that in the firs t two, but differ s i n the loose r depiction of the hair , in the accentuatio n of th e distinctiv e topknot, the coverin g of Colonna's breasts, an d th e absenc e of a star at her forehead; the verso is blank (Fig. 11.2) . These medal s ma y b e read , i n part , a s biographica l accounts. Afte r their marriag e i n 1509 , Ferrant e becam e a celebrate d militar y leade r i n th e Imperial arm y o f Charles V, and th e medal s ma y hav e bee n presente d t o th e Emperor a t the tim e o f this service . Vittori a becam e th e focu s o f the cour t a t Ischia, where sh e an d Ferrante ha d live d fo r severa l years wit h hi s aunts. Th e Ischian cour t wa s renowne d fo r it s literar y an d artisti c patronage ; Vittoria , however, wa s mor e tha n patron , sh e wa s a poet , an d becam e increasingl y devoted t o thi s art . He r poetr y o f this earl y perio d focuse d o n he r lov e fo r Ferrante, whom she glorified a s husband, lover, and military hero. Th e captur e and imprisonment of her husband and of her father, Fabrizi o Colonna , i n 1512, after th e Battl e of Ravenna, resulted in a literary outpouring from Vittoria , th e Epistola a Ferrant e Francesc o D'Avalo s su o consort e nell a rot a d i Ravenna. The wor k inaugurated a them e reiterate d i n Colonna' s poetry an d pros e fo r 6

7

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156 Women as Sites of Culture many years , th e glorificatio n o f he r husband . Th e Epistol a begin s wit h a lament, an d develops into a dialogue between Colonna , the sufferin g wife, an d her absen t lover. Thes e earl y medals represen t th e firs t stag e o f Colonna's public presentation , an d o n th e basi s o f thei r iconograph y ma y b e date d t o between 151 0 an d 1525 . Th e iconograph y symbolize s Colonna a s sh e wa s known t o he r contemporarie s prio r to her husband' s death : tha t is, as th e wif e of a military hero, evoking the imag e of an Amazon wit h he r bared breast, and as a poet. The representatio n o f Colonn a a s poe t tha t w e hav e her e i s mor e symbol than portrait. I n the fifteenth an d sixteenth centuries, numerous medal s of poets were struck. Overwhelmingly , they commemorate male poets who are shown wearin g laurel crowns, the attribut e o f the poet. Thi s attribut e wa s not utilize d here. Indeed , to depict a female poet i n the earl y sixteenth century was artisticall y problemati c — ther e wa s n o visua l patter n fo r a n artis t t o follow. Fo r the depictio n of Colonna, this artist solve d the proble m by turning to th e mos t famou s paintin g of poets of the earl y sixteenth century , Raphael's 'Parnassus' o f aroun d 151 0 i n th e Stanz a dell a Segnatur a o f th e Vatican : specifically, t o th e figur e o f Sappho , immediatel y to th e lef t o f th e windo w opening (Fig . 11.3). Th e poet Sapph o is the onl y femal e figur e o n Parnassu s crowned wit h laurel ; t o secur e he r identity , however , Raphae l painte d he r holding i n her lef t han d a scrol l o n which he r nam e i s inscribed. Sh e wa s th e only poe t h e picture d with suc h a name card , a s thoug h i t ha d bee n difficult , even fo r Raphael, t o visualiz e a female poet, an d for his audience to recognize one. Bot h Sapph o , as portrayed by Raphael, and Colonna, b y her medallist, are show n i n profile , wit h bodie s turne d towar d th e viewer , an d bot h ar e depicted wearing the topknot of hair. Colonna , however, is not show n wearing a laurel wreath, although she wears what appears to be a braid, as if to draw our attention to the absence o f laurel. It i s simple enough fo r a n artist , i n this case th e medallist , to fashio n a sitter, suc h a s Colonna , afte r a famou s imag e o f a femal e poet . Certainly , Raphael's frescoe s i n th e Stanz e wer e wel l known , an d thei r motif s easil y accessible. Bu t was thi s a case o f mere visua l borrowing ? Thi s referenc e t o Raphael's Sapph o was , rather , a n acknowledgmen t o f Colonna' s literar y indebtedness, whic h define d her appearanc e an d asserte d he r statu s a s a poet . This visua l connectio n i s supporte d b y contemporar y literar y reference s t o Colonna on Ischia as Sappho on Parnassus. Colonna's reputatio n a s bot h a poe t an d a literar y patro n wa s wel l established b y 151 9 whe n th e poe t Girolam o Britoni o (bor n befor e 149 1 t o circa 1549 ) praised her style . Britoni o mad e th e furthe r clai m tha t Colonna's poetry ha d com e 'fro m Parnassus, ' a possibl e allusio n t o he r mountainou s island home of Ischia to which poets from throughou t Ital y were invited. I n a sonnet o f the sam e period , though publishe d some year s later , Pietr o Gravin a (circa 1453-1528 ) referred t o Colonna' s court a t Ischi a as a new Parnassus. The connectio n between Vittori a Colonn a an d Sappho was mad e b y Ludovic o 9

10

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Beccadelli eve n mor e strongl y th e yea r Colonn a died . I n hi s lamen t o n th e death o f Pietro Bembo, who als o die d in 1547 , Beccadell i describe d Colonn a as anothe r Sappho. Indeed , Colonna' s place amon g the poet s and muse s o n Parnassus wa s one which she , herself, had initiated in her early sonnets treating the amorous exploits of Apollo and other gods . The yea r 152 5 marke d a dramati c shif t i n Colonna' s life , an d w e ca n see this shift in the medals . A t the ag e o f thirty-five, sh e became a widow, and a wido w sh e remaine d unti l he r deat h twenty-tw o year s later , i n 1547 . Colonna's grie f wa s s o grea t tha t sh e desire d t o tak e th e vei l an d ente r a convent, thoug h ultimatel y forbidde n t o d o s o b y a decre e o f Pop e Clemen t V I I . Fro m aroun d 152 6 until aroun d 1534 , Colonn a spen t most o f her tim e in Naples or Ischia within the d'Avalo s court . Letter s from thi s period suggest that sh e wa s a n activ e membe r o f cour t wit h a n interes t i n architectura l an d charitable projects. Indeed , he r lif e fro m thi s poin t o n wa s directe d b y he r religious fervor . Christia n theme s cam e t o dominat e he r poetry , bu t tru e t o sixteenth-century Christia n humanis m an d t o he r earlie r literar y interests, thi s was a Christianit y infuse d wit h variation s of classical tales . Sh e complete d a body o f wor k referre d t o toda y a s th e 'Secula r Sonnets.' Here , Colonn a presented hersel f as a lover separated fro m he r belove d by the physica l world. This separation cause d her suffering , but through her sufferin g she realized that she woul d ultimately be reunited with her beloved, a theme she explore d in the Epistola o f 1512. Suc h Neoplatonism informed not onl y he r poetr y bu t he r visual iconography, as well . There ar e tw o meda l type s tha t recal l thes e years . Eac h depict s Colonna wearin g th e traditiona l widow' s veil . I n one , Colonn a i s show n wearing a simpl e dress an d vei l (Fig . 11.4a). Th e verso i s inscribe d with th e story o f the devoted , star-crosse d lover s Pyramus an d Thisbe , the Rome o and Juliet o f classica l mythology. I n bot h stories , th e unio n o f tru e lover s i s possible onl y throug h th e deat h o f both , a n allusio n t o Vittoria' s longed-fo r reunion wit h Ferrante . Th e inscriptio n on th e Pyramu s an d Thisb e medal , which translate s a s 'Vittori a Colonn a d'Avalos , Marches a of Pescara,' furthe r connects Colonn a t o he r husban d throug h hi s title. Thi s inscriptio n paired with th e Pyramu s an d Thisb e legen d emphasize s Colonna' s rol e a s wif e i n mourning. Thi s medal parallels, as well, the desir e sh e expresse d i n her poetr y for her own death, and her longing to be reunited with Ferrante. The secon d o f these medal s show s Colonn a wearin g a slightl y mor e elaborate costum e (Fig . 11.4b). Here , Colonna's portrait i s surrounde d b y th e words ' D Victori a Columna. ' N o aristocrati c titl e i s include d i n thi s inscription, nor is there any reference t o Colonna's husband excep t through he r characterization a s a widow . Th e imag e o n th e reverse , frame d b y a laure l wreath, show s th e phoeni x risin g fro m flame s towar d th e sun , a Neoplatonic reference t o th e sou l transcendin g th e morta l worl d o f suffering . Thi s combination o f phoenix, inscription , an d laure l wreath suggest s a reference t o 14

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Colonna th e poet ; the ' D ' in the inscriptio n may be a n abbreviatio n fo r 'Diva ' or 'Divina, ' referrin g to Colonna's literary accomplishments. In he r poetr y fro m aroun d 1530 , Colonn a gave voic e to he r ne w self , even comparin g he r presen t thought s abou t deat h an d salvatio n wit h he r concerns o f earlier days. Sh e even wrot e o f turning her bac k o n Parnassus, fo r it wa s n o longe r her home. Thi s turning awa y from Parnassus i s apparent in the iconograph y of her medals . Th e later medal s marke d a second stage in th e visual fashionin g o f Colonna's public self, an d referre d t o he r ne w statu s a s a widow. Wit h thi s event , Colonna' s visua l an d literar y iconograph y shifte d from poe t o n Parnassu s t o piou s widow . T o fin d a visua l vocabular y fo r th e depiction o f a wido w pose d n o artisti c proble m — a vei l simila r t o tha t o f contemporary nun s coul d signa l t o th e viewe r th e woman' s marita l status . Furthermore, ther e wer e readil y availabl e contemporar y medalli c portraits o f such women . Colonna' s medal s showin g he r a s a wido w ar e simila r t o Giancristoforo Romano' s 150 7 meda l o f Isabell a o f Aragon , th e wido w o f Giangaleazzo Mari a Sforza. Thes e portrai t medal s ar e characterize d b y a truncated bust-lengt h profil e portrai t o f a woma n i n modes t contemporar y dress; bot h women wear the widow' s veil. Th e costume assure s recognition of Colonna as the dutifu l wif e an d faithful widow. From aroun d 153 4 until her death, Colonn a spent a great deal of time in Rome, an d i t i s likel y tha t ye t anothe r meda l date s fro m thi s perio d (fig . 5) . Colonna's retur n t o he r ow n famil y i s represente d her e i n th e emblemati c column, th e symbo l of the Colonna . Th e colum n is superimpose d upo n a tree whose root s an d leave s ar e depicte d i n detail; the enigmati c Lati n inscription, 'Huic animu s similis, ' translate s a s ' a sou l simila r t o thi s one, ' suggestin g t o the humanis t viewe r a likenes s o f min d betwee n th e viewe r an d Colonna , whose spiri t i s evoke d b y th e colum n sproutin g wha t ma y b e a laure l tree. The 1530 s an d 1540 s wer e difficul t year s fo r th e Colonn a i n Rome . Th e family's involvemen t i n th e 152 6 attac k o n th e cit y an d i n th e Sac k o f th e following year , a s wel l a s thei r straine d relation s wit h Pop e Pau l H I Farnese , resulted i n thei r politica l weakenin g a t thi s time . Thei r propertie s i n an d around th e cit y wer e confiscate d b y the papacy , an d from 154 1 th e famil y wa s exiled fro m Rome . Vittori a Colonna , whos e periodi c visit s t o th e cit y throughout thi s tim e ca n b e documented , worke d t o buil d an d maintai n a Colonna presenc e i n Rom e throug h he r patronag e o f religiou s orders. I t i s likely that this medal represents Vittoria's efforts t o stan d i n for the Colonn a in Rome. Colonna's medal s exhibi t a passion , bot h literar y an d visual , fo r references t o th e ancien t world . Indeed , the y ar e stron g evidenc e tha t sh e wa s inspired by antiquity in the typ e o f object sh e commissioned . Th e poet medal s are especiall y simila r t o thei r ancien t Roma n source s i n thei r pairin g o f th e portraits o f wife an d husband, o r of a portrait wit h a symbolic image; even wit h regard t o siz e the y ar e simila r t o thei r ancien t prototypes . Furthermore , th e all'antica qualit y o f th e Colonna/Sapph o medal s suggest s tha t the y wer e 22

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directly inspire d by ancien t examples , an d wer e thu s intende d t o b e par t o f a medallic uomini famosi o f contemporary persons. When viewe d as par t o f early sixteenth-centur y courtl y an d humanis t life, th e medal s sugges t somethin g of Colonna's interest i n self-representation . A l l ar e symboli c of he r commitmen t t o th e humanis t traditio n o f whic h he r poetry partakes . I f Colonn a accepte d he r rol e a s a poe t fro m Parnassus , a s suggested i n her poetry an d i n that of her contemporaries , he r appearanc e o n a medal all'antic a , a s Sappho , suggest s tha t sh e ma y wel l hav e considere d herself withi n th e humanis t traditio n of the recover y o f ancient texts , perhap s even i n the aspiratio n tha t proliferate d amon g he r learne d contemporarie s t o surpass th e achievement s o f antiquity . Indeed , th e earl y medal s ma y eve n participate i n the sixteenth-centur y debat e concernin g languag e an d style . I n Roman humanis t circles , 'Vittori a Colonn a a s Raphael' s Sappho ' woul d hav e had specia l resonance. A s Martha McCrory ha s show n i n her studie s o f th e collecting interests o f the Medic i Gran d Dukes, ancient coin s and medals wer e valued a s bot h commentar y o n an d clarificatio n o f ancien t texts. 'Vittori a Colonna a s Sappho ' ma y hav e directe d viewer s an d reader s no t onl y t o a particular understandin g o f Colonna , bu t t o a n understandin g o f Sapph o through Colonna . While none o f the medals depicting Colonna have been attributed to her patronage, reference s the y contain to Colonna' s life an d poetry sugges t tha t the medals wer e product s o f her agency . Indeed , Colonna' s own reference i n her poetry t o Parnassu s rathe r tha n t o Lesbos , a Parnassu s her e associate d wit h Sappho rathe r tha n wit h Apollo , indicate s that Colonn a identifie d herself as a woman among men, even projecting her work and image into the mal e domain of humanism . Th e wido w medals , too , paralle l what i s know n of Colonna's life afte r 1525 : her relationshi p to he r decease d husban d i s alluded to throug h the classica l stor y o f Pyramus an d Thisbe , and he r ow n salvatio n is depicte d through th e neoplatoni c metapho r o f the phoenix. Finally , he r courageou s return to the Colonn a household in Rome is celebrated i n what must hav e bee n a mos t unwelcom e sig n t o opponents , th e symboli c column , whic h her e daringly assert s a Colonn a d'Avalos , an d henc e imperial , presenc e wit h it s beckoning t o ' a sou l simila r t o thi s one. ' Indeed , i t seem s unlikel y tha t someone othe r tha n Vittori a Colonn a hersel f woul d hav e commissione d multiple copie s of at leas t si x different medals , al l of which hav e bee n show n here t o b e suc h persona l expressions . Documentar y evidenc e fo r Colonna' s patronage appear s in her correspondence . On 2 5 Jul y 1532 , Pietr o Bemb o responde d t o a lette r fro m Colonna . Although Colonna' s letter no longe r survives, its contents ca n be gleane d fro m Bembo's response. H e wrote that he wished to satisf y Colonna' s desire for his 'imagine dipinta, ' hi s 'painte d likeness. ' I n fact , h e ha d alread y though t o f giving her a medal of him, bu t this had been lef t unfinished at the deat h o f the artist he had commissioned to produce it . Bemb o added that he woul d lik e he r 27

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portrait i n return. O

n 2 Jul y 1533 , Bembo again wrote t o Colonn a thanking

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her for the 'imagine ' she had sent him . Bemb o declared that this 'car o dono' ('precious gift' ) di d not see m t o be 'una figur a dipinta, ' so similar wa s i t t o Colonna herself. I t was Colonna who had initiated this exchange of portraits. The gift o f portraits among friends was not uncommon in humanist circles, and the surprisin g number o f Colonna's medal s tha t survive s suggest s tha t the y found a receptive audience. Suc h gift s were similar in purpose to letter-writing and to the exchange o f sonnets, as significant tokens o f friendship and physical manifestations o f this bond . I n this regard , Colonn a ma y be seen a s having participated in what Si r John Pope-Hennessey described as a humanist 'cul t of friendship' tha t emphasized such exchanges. It i s possibl e t o detec t somethin g o f the powe r o f portraitur e for Colonna an d he r contemporarie s i n Francisco de Hollanda's Four Dialogues on Painting. Here , Hollanda records Colonna's comments on portraiture. 32

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"And wha t of the wa y in which [painting ] makes present to us...noble deeds... . I t transmit s memor y o f the livin g t o those who com e after them.... An d not only does the nobl e art o f paintin g d o all this bu t it set s befor e ou r eyes the likeness of any grea t man, who m on account of his deed s w e desire t o se e an d know; an d likewise, th e beaut y o f an unknown woma n man y league s distant... . I t prolongs for many year s th e lif e o f on e wh o dies , sinc e hi s painte d likeness remains; it consoles the widow , who see s the portrai t of he r dea d husban d dail y befor e her ; and the orpha n children, whe n they gro w up , ar e glad to have the presence and likenes s o f their fathe r an d are afraid t o sham e him. " Here, the Signor a Marches a paused, almost in tears.... 35

According t o Hollanda's account, a 'painte d likeness, ' an d w e migh t ad d the portrait medal , is a visua l experienc e fo r the soul, th e mind, an d th e heart. Here, a portrai t assist s th e viewer wit h mor e tha n memory , i t become s an experience an d creates a communit y for individuals separate d b y time and distance. In thes e examples , 'likenes s t o subject ' ma y be assesse d mor e in relation to the subject' s activit y tha n to the depictio n of the subject' s physica l features. Whethe r Colonn a actuall y resembled any of the depicte d women on the medal s wa s les s importan t tha n th e fact tha t he r audience, he r humanist community, woul d hav e recognize d her throug h her placemen t withi n specifi c pictorial an d literar y tradition s tha t define d he r occupations — as wife and widow, poe t an d humanist. Fam e wa s important t o Vittori a Colonna , and apparently so was the way in which that fame was manifested. What do these medals really mean? What purpose di d they serve? Thei r size and Janus-like quality require that they be held an d looked at very closely, and thos e wit h verso s ar e touche d an d turned . Thi s emphasize s thei r privat e nature, a s thoug h the y wer e meditation s meaningfu l t o but a few persons. Colonna's publi c fo r these wa s a ver y selec t grou p o f friends — humanist

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friends wh o exchange d letters , sonnets , an d portraits . I n thi s respect , medal s were simila r in purpose t o letter-writin g — the y presente d th e recipien t wit h something o f oneself , i n thi s case , a n imag e o f one' s likeness , eve n a self commentary. Bu t I woul d lik e t o sugges t that , i n a mor e publi c arena , these medals quit e literall y stoo d I n for Colonn a — the y represente d Colonn a In th e public an d predominantl y mal e worl d o f humanism . Whil e i t wa s clearl y Colonna's writings that created he r reputatio n a s a poet, Catholic reformer, an d humanist, i t was th e medals , he r symboli c portraits, tha t projected he r presenc e into this public sphere.

Notes 1

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n Renaissance medals, see Corneliu s von Fabriczy, Medals of the Italian Renaissance, trans. Mrs . Gustavus W. Hamilton (London : Duckwort h an d Co., 1904); Si r Georg e Francis Hill, Medals of the Italian Renaissance (Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1920) ; an d especially Stephe n K . Scher et al. , The Currency of Fame: Portrait Medals of the Renaissance (New York: Harr y N. Abrams, Inc., 1994). Th e medals ar e mos t legibl e i n engraving s fro m a nineteenth-centur y publicatio n of Colonna's poetry. Pietr o Ercole Visconti, Le rime di Vittoria Colonna corrette su i testi a penna pubblicate con la vita della medesima (Rome: Salviucci , 1840). Fo r a brief discussio n o f the medal s se e Sylvi a Ferino-Pagden , 'Vittori a Colonn a im Portrait,' i n Vittoria Colonna, Dichterin und Muse Michelangelos, ed . Sylvi a Ferino Pagden (Vienna: Kunsthistorische s Museum and Skira, 1997), 108-47. Colonna' s presence in art history is dominated by speculation about her friendship wit h Michelangelo. However , this friendship occurred in the final decade of Colonna's life, that is, fromaround 1536. Th e years before 1536 have, until recently, been almost entirely ignored b y ar t historians , suggestin g tha t Colonna' s interest s i n th e art s wer e no t noteworthy until she met Michelangelo. Fo r a discussion of the interrelationship between Colonna' s life an d poetry, see Marci a Weston Brown, 'Vittoria Colonna, Gaspara Stampa and Louis e Labe: Thei r Contribution to the Development of the Renaissance Sonnet' (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1991). Ther e ar e numerou s reference s t o thes e image s a s tru e portrait s i n nineteenth - and twentieth-century literature on Colonna. Michae l Hirst has referred to a medal in Vienn a as 'the finest record of Vittoria Colonna,' and has used this as the image against which to compare painte d portrait s that hav e bee n associate d wit h Colonna . Michae l Hirst , Sebastiano del Piombo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 117, n. 119. Colonna's medals are not alone in being used as a mirror of true appearance. Th e dependence on medals as evidence o f a sitter's likenes s i s a notion that was strongl y advocated in the Renaissance. Ancien t coin s an d contemporary medals were collecte d i n the sixteent h century as a source of historical portraiture. Coin s and medals continue to be collected and studie d by twentieth-century scholars who insist on the mimetic veracity of medals. See J. Graham Pollard, 'The Italian Renaissance Medal: Collecting and Connoisseurship,' in Italian Medals, 161-69 , for a brief history of major collections and collectors' interests. Si r George F. Hill calls the seated female figure'Italy.' H e has identified the head on the shield carried by the Victory as that of Medusa. Se e his A Corpus of Italian Medals of the Renaissance before Cellini, vol. 1 (London : British Museum, 1930), 299; see also vol. 2, pi. 192 , no . 1154 . Writte n in 1512, the Epistola was firstpublished i n 1536 in Fabricio Luna's Vocabulario di cinque mila vocabuli loschi, Naples. Bot h the lament and dialogue forms are traditional to classical literature and Petrarcha n verse, the foundation of Colonna's humanist education. Se e Dennis J. McAuliffe, 'Vittoria O

162 Women

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as Sites of Culture

Colonna, He r Formative Years (1492-1525) as a Basis fo r a n Analysis of He r Poetry' (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978), 59-61. Se e the illustrations in George F. Hill an d Graham Pollard, Renaissance Medals from the Samuel H. Kress Collection at the National Gallery of Art (London : Phaido n Press, 1967), numbers 299, 300 , an d 301. O n portraits of Dante and Boccaccio, se e Victori a Kirkham, 'Portraits of Boccaccio: Renaissanc e Portraits,' in Boccaccio visualizzato II, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence: Sanson i Editore, 1987), 284-305; se e als o Jonathan Nelson, 'Dante Portraits in Sixteenth-Century Florence,' Gazette des Beaux-Arts 12 0 (1992): 59 77. I n Raphael's drawing for the figure of Sappho (British Museum, London), th e poet is not wearing a laurel wreath, which may suggest that this drawing, or a similar drawing, ma y have been a source fo r Colonna's medallist. Se e D . A. Brown, Raphael and America (Washington, D. C: National Gallery of Art, 1983), 172, pi. 16 . Girolam o Britonio d i Sicignanö , Opera Volgare, intitolata Gelosia del Sole (Naples : Sigismondo Mair, 1519). Girolam o Britonio, Opera (Venice: Sessa, 1531). Quote d in Ermanno Ferrerò an d Giuseppe Müller, Carteggio (Turin : Ermanno Loescher , 1892), 367. Alfre d Reumont , Vittoria Colonna, fede, vita e poesia nel secolo XVI, eds . Giusepp e Müller and Ermanno Ferrerò (Turin: Ermanno Loescher, 1892), 88-9. Se e th e letter from Pope Clement VII of 5 May 1526, permittin g Colonna to build an d decorate a chapel within the Naples palazzo; Ferrer ò and Müller, Carteggio, XXVII , 38 9. Se e als o P. Igino d a Alatri, 'Fed e e oper e nell a vit a di Vittoria Colonna, ' L'Italia Francescana 21 (1946): 207-18. Se e the edition of Vittoria Colonna's Rime compiled by Alan Bullock (Rome and Bari : G . Laterza, 1982). Se e McAuliffe. Ovid , The Metamorphoses, trans . Horace Gregory (Ne w York : Mentor, 1960), Book 4, 113-16. Colonn a continued to sign her name to letters and documents a s 'Marches a di Pescara'; even after her death, it was as 'Marchesa di Pescara' that she was known. McAuliffe , 59-68. Th e epithe t 'Divine' was given to artists as early as 1282. Se e the sources cited by David Cast, 'Libert y : Virtue : Honor : A Comment on the Position of the Visua l Art s in the Renaissance,' Yale Italian Studies 1 (1977): 394-5 , n . 33 . DIV A o r DIVU S i s no t uncommon on sixteenth-century medals . 'Althoug h my chaste love for a long time held / my soul desirous o f fame, livin g like a serpent / in my breast, now, weeping, m y soul languishes, / turned toward the Lord from whom comes its cure. / May thos e holy nails henceforth be my quills, / may the precious blood be my undiluted ink, / the sacred, bloodless body be my writing paper, / s o that I may inscribe, within, what he suffered. / It is useless to invoke Parnassus or Delos here, / for I aspire to other water, to other mountains / tend, where human foot does not climb by itself. / That Sun who illuminates the elements and the sky, / I pray that, when he reveals his clear fountain, / He offers m e drink equal to my great thirst.' Translatio n in Joseph Gibaldi, 'Child , Woman , an d Poet : Vittori a Colonna, ' i n Women Writers of the Renaissance and Reformation, ed . Katharin a M . Wilson (Athen s an d London : Th e University of Georgia Press, 1987), 39. Thi s medal is i n the Kunsthistorisches Museum , Vienna. Fo r illustrations, se e Hil l and Pollard, Appendix, numbers 73a and 77. Si r George F. Hill has called the tree a 'laurel branch'; see Hill, Corpus, 299. Marjori e Och , 'Vittori a Colonna : Art Patronage an d Religiou s Refor m i n Sixteenth Century Rome' (PhD diss. , Bryn Mawr College, 1993). Eve n the abridged arm an d torso present Colonna as if an ancient statue, reminiscent of a contemporary meda l o f Bramante . I a m indebted t o Eunic e How e fo r bringin g this comparison to my attention. Se e Luke Syson in Scher et al., cat. no. 33.

Portrait Medals of Vittoria Colonna 16 3

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35

Marth a A. McCrory, 'Domenic o Compagni : Roman Medallist and Antiquities Dealer of the Cinquecento,' in Pollard, Italian Medals, 115-29 . Se e especially McAuliffe , 7-58. Ferrer ò and Müller, Carteggio, LH, 79-81. Ferrer ò and Müller, Carteggio, LVIII, 88. Ther e are further references to portraits of Colonna and of others that she gave as gifts to her friends . Giovann i Guidiccion i (1500-1541) , Bisho p o f Fossombrone, expecte d to receive Colonna's portrait; see the reference i n Ferrerò an d Müller , Carteggio, 378 , to Guidiccioni's Lettere (Venice , 1780) , 146 . Thi s lette r i s translate d i n Domenic o Campanari, Ritratto di Vittoria Colonna, Marchesa di Pescara, dipinto da Michelangelo Buonarotti, illustrato e posseduto da Domenico Campanari, trans . Henriett a Bowles (London: P . Rolandi and C . Molini, 1850), 9. Pope-Hennesse y identifie d a 'cult of friendship' i n the correspondence o f Erasmus, Si r Thomas More , an d Petrus Aegidius . Si r John Pope-Hennessey , The Portrait in the Renaissance, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963), 92-6. Th e reliability of Hollanda's accoun t o f Colonna's conversation s wit h Michelangel o in 1538-39 i s a n important an d necessary question t o consider , bu t not the issu e here . Colonna's comments, as recorded by Hollanda, may be taken as characteristic of her time , place, and status. Francisc o de Hollanda, Four Dialogues, trans . Aubrey F. G . Bell (Lisbon, 1548 ; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1928), 25-6.

164 Women as Sites of Culture

Figure 11. la (Top) Italian, Medal ofVittoria Colonna (recto; left) and Ferrante Francesco d'Avalos (verso; right). 16* century. Figure ll.lb (Bottom) Italian, Medal ofVittoria Colonna (recto; left) with classicizing military trophies (verso; right). 16* century.

i

Figure 11.2 Italian,

Off

Medal ofVittoria Colonna. 16

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century.

Portrait Medals of Vittoria Colonna 16

Figure 11.3 Raphael, Parnassus (detail). Fresco, 1511. Stanza della Segnatura, Vatican Palace.

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Figure 11.4a (Top) Italian, Medal of Vittoria Colonna (recto; left) with Pyramus and Thisbe (verso; right). 16 th century. Figure 11.4b (Bottom) Italian, Medal of Vittoria Colonna (recto; left) with phoenix (verso; right). 16* century.

Figure 11.5 Italian, Medal of Vittoria Colonna (recto; left) with column and tree (verso; right). 16 th century.

12 Si(gh)tin g the Mistress of the House: Anne Clifford and Architectural Space Elizabeth V. Chew

Using architectural patronage and autobiographical writing, Anne Clifford consciously made herself both a site and a sight' of culture. Because she was forced to wait for forty years to assume her position as head of the Clifford estates in northern England, she chose architectural patronage, specifically the renovation and publicly- staged reuse of six medieval castles, as a means through which to create visible signs of her control. At the same time, she maintained extensive written records of her activities, through which she valorized and minutely described her own achievements in refurbishing and reoccupying the centuries-old family residences. Using Clifford's writings and her own examinations of the architectural plans, the author of this essay shows that by reclaiming and inhabiting a site while exhaustively documenting her actions therein, Clifford asserted a female place in the family's dynastic tradition, thereby reshaping it for her own benefit. (

Anne Cliffor d (1590-1676 ) — Dowage r Countes s o f Dorset , Pembroke , an d Montgomery, Barones s Clifford , Westmorlan d an d Vesey , hereditar y hig h sheriff o f the count y o f Westmorland , an d Lad y o f the Hono r o f Skipto n i n Craven — spen t th e las t thirty-thre e o f he r eighty-si x years a s a substantia l landowner i n th e countie s o f Westmorlan d an d Yorkshir e i n northwester n England an d as the heiress to one of the grea t norther n English dynasties of the Middle Age s (Fig . 12.1). A n ardent architectura l patron and family historian, she restore d an d inhabite d six ancestral Norma n castles (Appleby , Brougham, Brough, Pendragon , Skipton , an d Barden) , renovated numerou s churches , and erected publi c buildings and commemorative and funerary monuments . Thes e achievements o f he r ol d age , however , wer e hard-won . Upo n hi s deat h i n 1605, Clifford' s father , George , thir d Ear l o f Cumberland , disinherited her , despite th e jurisdiction o f an entai l (dating fro m th e reig n of Edward VI ) that protected femal e heir s an d despit e th e fac t tha t sh e wa s hi s onl y survivin g child. From the time of her father's deat h in 1605, when she was fifteen, unti l 1643, Clifford — first with her mother, Margaret Russell Clifford , Countes s of 1

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Cumberland, an d late r alon e — fough t persistentl y i n al l th e lega l channel s open t o he r fo r th e restoratio n o f the inheritance. I n he r quest , sh e operate d independently o f her two prominent husbands , Richar d Sackville , thir d Earl of Dorset (marrie d 1609-24) , an d Phili p Herbert , fourth Ear l o f Pembrok e (married 1630-50) , an d vociferousl y rejected thei r effort s an d thos e o f Kin g James I t o convinc e he r t o acquiesc e t o unfavorabl e lega l decisions . Sh e finally achieve d victory through attrition , inheriting the property i n 164 3 at ag e fifty-three whe n he r firs t cousin , t o who m th e propertie s ha d passed , die d without a male heir. I n 1649 , at the en d of the Civi l War , Clifford lef t th e Ear l of Pembroke , from who m she wa s alread y estranged , an d move d north t o he r ancestral lands. Sh e remained there until her death i n 1676. This essa y examine s Clifford' s us e o f her restored medieva l castles. I t demonstrates tha t th e architectur e o f th e castle s an d he r autobiographica l writings abou t the m revea l he r fierc e determinatio n t o bin d hersel f an d he r progeny t o th e legac y o f he r eminen t family . A s an heires s wh o ha d fough t long to assume he r lands, as a major architectura l patron, an d as a n aristocratic woman reusin g medieva l house s i n th e middl e o f th e seventeent h century , Clifford understoo d he r houses a s both famil y monument s an d viable domestic spaces i n which sh e performe d he r long-covete d role of head o f the family . I will sho w tha t b y simultaneousl y assumin g th e role s o f participan t an d observer — by occupying a house whil e exhaustively documenting her action s therein — Cliffor d asserte d he r plac e i n th e family' s dynasti c traditio n an d reshaped i t for her own benefit. I n her houses, th e floo r plan s that traditionally functioned t o plac e visitor s i n a positio n o f deferenc e t o th e maste r o f th e house als o demonstrate d t o he r circl e an d t o Cliffor d hersel f tha t sh e wa s mistress. This investigatio n will sho w tha t Clifford' s action s a s a n architectura l patron alte r our picture of early modern domestic architecture i n Britain an d its uses. I n a societ y i n whic h architectura l succes s entaile d competitio n wit h one's socia l peer s an d superior s t o buil d th e largest , grandest , o r mos t innovative house , Cliffor d eschewe d al l contemporar y model s fo r claimin g distinction. Sh e chos e instea d t o b e consciousl y anachronistic , adaptin g medieval building s because o f their importanc e a s witnesse s t o past glorie s of the hous e o f Cliffor d o r t o specifi c events i n her ow n life . I n lookin g t o th e medieval pas t instea d o f t o curren t fashio n t o infor m th e presen t an d future , Clifford alter s ou r perception of the availabl e options for producing spaces tha t had resonance fo r seventeenth-century patron s an d audiences. 2

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The Writing s Anne Cliffor d i s bette r know n toda y a s a n autobiographica l write r tha n a s a litigant o r architectural patron. He r works comprise one o f the mos t extensiv e existing bodies o f writing by an early modern Englishwoman. I n addition to a

Si(gh) ting the Mistress of the House 16 9 number o f letters , thre e differen t genre s o f work s survive : personal diaries , condensed yearl y chronicles , an d famil y histories . Lad y Cumberland , Clifford's mother , began the famil y historie s by collecting family genealog y a s evidence for Anne's rights to her father's properties . Cliffor d eventuall y hired professional scribe s t o produc e multipl e copies o f he r massiv e three-volum e compilation o f this materia l entitle d The Great Books of the Clifford Family. Each se t include d family genealogie s goin g back t o th e twelft h century , live s of he r parents , an d a n autobiograph y fro m he r conceptio n t o th e yea r 1650 , written o r dictated i n 1652-3. Cliffor d believe d that sh e an d her mothe r ha d proved he r claim s t o th e famil y title s an d propertie s throug h painstakin g genealogical research ; th e Great Books were intende d t o presen t an d preserv e the evidence. Katherine Acheson' s deduction s abou t th e relationship s amon g th e different type s o f texts suggest the exten t t o whic h Cliffor d consciousl y strove to documen t he r plac e i n her family' s histor y an d t o preserv e he r versio n of that story for posterity. Acheso n speculates tha t Cliffor d initiall y kep t diarie s and fro m the m generate d th e annua l chronicles , condensed summarie s o f th e highlights o f her year , late r puttin g awa y o r eve n discardin g the diaries . Sh e then use d th e chronicle s as th e basi s fo r he r autobiography . Clifford' s text s should b e understoo d a s vehicle s consciously created t o transmi t th e stor y o f her victorie s and achievement s to th e nex t generation , whil e placin g them i n the context o f the famil y history. Like he r texts , Clifford' s building s were als o intende d t o remai n when she wa s dea d a s testament s to th e glorie s o f th e Cliffor d famil y an d t o he r specific achievement s a s a self-mad e femal e landowner . Th e 1650-7 5 chronicles contai n rich an d heretofore under-utilize d references t o architectur e and to he r buildin g project s i n the north , particularl y to he r specifi c use an d understanding o f her houses . Th e chronicle s make i t clea r tha t architectura l space enable d Cliffor d t o bot h understan d an d manipulat e he r position . Viewing he r writin g an d buildin g endeavor s a s paralle l activities , I wil l consider ho w Cliffor d produce d a space , bot h narrativ e an d concrete , fo r herself and her achievements. 5

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Assuming Her Northern Estate s Clifford's si x castles woul d have signifie d t o her, i n the seventeent h century , a glorious er a i n her family' s past . Castle s had bee n buil t in England since th e ninth century , bu t th e Norma n invasio n o f 106 6 resulte d i n widesprea d construction a s th e Norman s strov e t o hol d thei r ne w territory. Amon g th e line of strongholds established along the Eden Valley were the oldes t castle s of Clifford's inheritance , Appleb y an d Brough , firs t buil t earl y i n th e twelft h century and granted b y King John to her ancestor Rober t de Vipont in 1204. 8

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When Cliffor d assume d th e rol e of keeper o f her castles , sh e inherited complex physica l and socia l structure s i n varying states of repair, whic h were , and fo r centurie s ha d been , domesti c forts , venerabl e residences , an d th e administrative an d cultural centers of the surroundin g areas (Fig . 12.2). Th e new rol e involve d fa r mor e fo r Cliffor d tha n jus t lega l ownership ; i t mean t inhabiting th e structures , tourin g the m regularly , an d maintainin g an d improving them by repairing the damage o f time and war. It i s obviou s tha t he r architectura l heritag e wa s o f th e utmos t importance t o her , fo r almos t a s soo n a s sh e arrive d in the nort h i n July 1649 , Clifford bega n a n ambitiou s program of building an d renovation at the castles , and also at loca l churche s an d othe r civi c buildings . Clifford' s effort s create d habitable domicile s for hersel f an d he r successor s ou t o f structure s tha t ha d been neglected, in some cases for centuries. I n taking on a series o f restoration projects o f suc h magnitude , sh e wa s no t merel y behavin g a s he r uncl e an d father, a s Earl s o f Cumberland , ha d befor e her , bu t radicall y reclaiming , improving, and reinhabiting ancient properties fo r herself. She firs t mentione d he r ongoin g building wor k in her yearl y chronicle for 1650 , emphasizin g th e 'disorder ' o f he r propertie s an d th e pleasur e sh e obtained from improvin g matters: 10

I enjoyed my selfe in Building and Reparacons at Skipton and Barden Tower, and in Causeing the Boundaries to be ridden, and my Howses kept in my severall Manners in Craven, an d in thos e kind o f Countrie Affairs abou t m y estate. Whic h I found in extreme Disorder by reason it had bene so long kept from mee , from th e deat h o f my Father til l thi s time, and by occasion of the late Civil Warres in England. 11

The riding o f th e boundarie s i n particula r woul d hav e bee n a n over t statement of her assumptio n o f control over the 'disorderly ' situation. I n 165 1 she bega n repair s a t Appleb y an d Brougha m Castles 't o mak e the m habitabl e as I could , thoug h Brougha m was veri e ruinous.' Sh e als o asserte d earl y on her understandin g o f noblesse oblige b y establishin g he r ow n charitabl e institution an d continuin g on e founde d b y he r mother ; sh e constructe d St . Anne's Hospital , a women' s almshous e a t Appleby , an d maintaine d a n almshouse erected by her mother a t Beamsley in Yorkshire. Clifford continue d her building an d restoration fo r twelve years, noting in he r chronicle s he r work s a t a numbe r o f castles , churches , an d civi c buildings includin g th e Churc h o f St . Lawrenc e i n Appleby , wher e sh e commissioned funerar y monument s fo r he r mothe r an d hersel f i n orde r t o insure tha t the y woul d persever e i n th e memorie s o f th e loca l inhabitants . Clifford's stewar d Gabrie l Vincen t oversa w he r buildin g works , residin g a t whichever castl e wa s currentl y under repair . Th e accoun t book s indicat e that Clifford maintaine d a heav y persona l involvement , down t o he r examinatio n and approva l o f al l expenditures o n building. Georg e Sedgwick , Clifford' s 12

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Si(gh) ting the Mistress of the House 17 secretary fro m 165 2 t o 1668 , estimate d tha t sh e spen t th e grea t su m o f £40,000 on building projects. 15

'The Lands o f Mine Inheritance' In he r annua l chronicle s for 1650-75 , Cliffor d explicitl y connecte d he r us e o f her house s wit h he r rol e a s th e sol e heir , propagator , an d historia n o f he r distinguished family . Sh e meticulously recorded how much time sh e spen t a t each o f he r residences , th e exac t date s an d sequence s o f he r movement s between them , visit s fro m he r tw o daughter s an d man y grandchildre n an d great-grandchildren, ho w much time ha d elapse d sinc e the visitor' s last visit , which house sh e occupie d when family births , deaths, an d marriages occurred , and whic h event s i n th e live s o f he r parent s ha d als o take n plac e a t thos e houses. Sh e also recorded her buildin g an d renovation activities, both familia l and charitable, and her civi c duty of hosting the judges fo r the annua l assizes a t Appleby. Clifford's word s suggest tha t she sa w quite specific connections amon g her ow n life ; he r lan d and houses, a s th e physica l and materia l aspects o f her inheritance; the histor y of her family , wit h whic h sh e wa s intimatel y familiar ; and th e promis e o f its continuanc e i n the hand s o f her progeny . Beyon d th e security of her titles and the knowledge that she had claimed her properties an d made th e dwelling s habitabl e again , i t wa s extremel y importan t fo r he r t o experience th e estate s physicall y an d i n relatio n bot h t o pas t event s an d t o living famil y member s an d futur e descendants . Sh e di d thi s b y spatiall y connecting he r occupatio n of the castle s wit h pas t event s i n the histor y of th e family an d wit h tim e spen t i n the castle s earlie r in her life , an d by seein g an d enjoying he r famil y o n he r estates . Sh e strov e t o creat e link s betwee n he r existence i n Westmorlan d an d Crave n an d he r families ' i n Londo n an d elsewhere. 16

Moving Around In additio n t o he r preoccupatio n wit h th e movement s an d lodging s o f he r offspring, Cliffor d carefull y documente d he r own . Th e transfe r o f he r household from on e residence to another, undertake n tw o or three times a year, became a n event o f particular ritual significance to Clifford . Fo r the las t nin e and a hal f year s o f her life , beginnin g i n 1666 , sh e describe d he r processio n through architectura l space s durin g these move s a s thoroughl y a s sh e di d her overland journeys betwee n th e castles , an d i n a manner whic h implie s that th e particular room s an d thei r sequence s bor e grea t an d growin g consequence. These writings provide the most complete evidence of the connection s Cliffor d 17

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understood amon g physica l spaces, thei r meaning s fo r th e pas t an d futur e o f her family, an d her assumption of control o f them . Between Apri l 166 6 an d Octobe r 167 5 Cliffor d describe d twenty-on e moves amon g her si x homes. Thes e household moves were larg e undertakings , redolent o f medieval practice. An account boo k entry fo r a n earlier move fro m Brougham t o Appleb y i n August 166 5 give s a n ide a o f the siz e o f her train . She paid inhabitants o f Brougham and surrounding hamlets fo r carriage o f four wagons, twenty-si x cart s draw n wit h tw o horses , an d five singl e carts ; inhabitants o f Appleb y fo r fourtee n car t loads ; an d inhabitant s nea r Appleb y for seve n cartloads. Sh e wa s accompanie d o n eac h mov e b y a larg e retinu e that sh e referre d t o a s he r 'family, ' comprise d o f he r househol d staf f an d groups o f local gentry , othe r neighbors , an d tenants; she woul d dismis s anyon e not residin g wit h he r upo n he r saf e entr y o f th e hous e tha t wa s he r destination. In adoptin g a n essentiall y nomadi c existenc e i n Westmorlan d an d Craven, Cliffor d emulate d he r medieva l ancestors whos e proprietorshi p o f th e family estate s had figured s o prominently in her ow n struggle fo r control . He r method o f dividin g he r tim e amon g al l o f he r house s als o confirm s Mar k Girouard's characterizatio n o f th e medieva l househol d o n th e mov e a s ' a tortoise withou t a shell.' A s shells, Clifford' s si x houses stoo d empt y upo n her assumin g th e famil y mantle , bearin g certai n fixed characteristic s an d redolent o f pas t occupants, bu t ready to be filled an d directed to meet the needs of th e present . Afte r he r departur e fro m Barde n Tower in July 1667 , Cliffor d chose t o avoi d the longe r journey t o Crave n and t o limi t he r travelin g to th e country aroun d he r fou r mor e closel y spaced house s in Westmorland, since by 1667 sh e wa s seventy-seve n year s old . I n th e followin g discussion , I wil l concentrate o n Appleby Castle, for which Cliffor d provide d the most detail. 18

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Appleby Castl e and Rituals of Ownership Perhaps becaus e o f it s antiquit y i n structur e an d i n terms o f Cliffor d famil y history, Appleby Castl e was particularly well suite d as a setting i n which Anne Clifford migh t enac t he r rol e a s landowner . He r writing s includ e repeated , almost ritua l expression s o f that belief , showin g that sit e an d space , bu t no t furnishings o r othe r interio r embellishments, comprise d a visual manifestatio n of ownershi p an d control . Thi s is in direct contras t t o th e writing s of anothe r seventeenth-century Englishwoma n who wrot e abou t architecture , th e touris t Celia Fiennes , who , i n journal entrie s abou t visit s t o numerou s castle s an d stately home s throughou t Englan d fro m 168 2 t o aroun d 1712 , note d no t architectural space s bu t thei r ornamentations , feature s mor e traditionall y see n as 'womanly ' concerns . Wher e Cliffor d focuse d o n sequence s o f name d rooms, Fienne s th e touris t recorde d famil y portraits , velve t upholstery , an d painted wainscoting. Whe n she visite d Dover Castle, of comparable ag e an d 21

Si(gh)ting the Mistress of the House 17

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structure t o Clifford' s houses , Fienne s agai n note d it s lac k o f contents , th e 'spoyl'd' characte r o f the place , with 'th e floore s taken up and the wainscoting pulled down.' Althoug h Fiennes an d Cliffor d recorde d thei r observation s about building s fo r distinctl y differen t reasons , i t seem s clea r tha t Cliffor d would never have share d Fiennes' interest s i n interiors. Appleby Castle , a curtain-wall castle wit h a keep tha t Cliffor d referre d to as 'y e most auncien t sea t of myne inheritance, ' i s located to the southeas t of the tow n o f Appleby, th e Westmorlan d county-seat , o n a stee p clif f ove r th e River Ede n (Fig . 12.3). Appleby' s developmen t fro m a twelfth-centur y defensive structur e t o a n earl y moder n residenc e conform s t o tha t o f othe r similar houses , suc h a s Langle y Castle (Northumberland) . Wit h Clifford' s restorations, Appleby' s four-stor y Norma n keep , n o longe r neede d fo r defensive purposes , becam e additiona l lodgings , whil e th e curtai n wal l continued t o shelte r th e domesti c rang e a t it s eas t end . O n the interio r o f th e domestic block , suites o f rooms see m t o hav e bee n arrange d bot h horizontally along the curtai n wall an d vertically in the towers . In Octobe r 166 9 Cliffor d move d fro m Appleb y t o Brough . Sh e described he r movement s a s sh e lef t Appleb y Castle : 'Comin g ou t o f my own chamber ther e I pass'd throug h th e grea t chambe r an d wen t int o the Chappell and throug h th e Hall , too k m y litte r at th e Hal l Doo r in the Court , s o passin g through th e Town e o f Appleb y ove r th e Bridg e an d Sandfor d Moore , wen t through Warco p Town e int o th e say d Broug h Castle.' Suc h description s recur regularl y throughout th e perio d 166 6 to 1675 . I n early August of 1670 , Clifford move d he r househol d bac k t o Appleb y fro m Pendragon , wher e sh e had moved from Brough in May. I n her summar y o f her activitie s of that year, she recorded her route a s she left Pendragon and entered Appleby : 22

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So a s w e no w wen t withi n sigh t o f Wharto n Hall , Broug h Castle, an d Harle y Castle an d throug h Wateb y an d Soulb y and over Soul by Mask to my said Castle of Appleby safe and well ( I than k God ) where I alighted i n the Cour t and cam e through th e Hall , th e Chapel , th e Grea t Chamber , th e Withdrawing Roo m (i n ever y o f whic h place s I staye d a while t o se e them ) an d s o u p int o m y own e chambe r i n it where I formerly used to lie, and where I had not been sinc e the 19t h of October last. 26

Clifford's descriptio n highlights the processional aspect of her movement, bot h through th e house , an d fro m tow n t o town . Sh e describe s th e muc h shorte r distance fro m the Grea t Chambe r to th e adjacen t Chape l in the sam e way that she doe s the on e betwee n th e town s o f Waitby and Soulby , implying tha t sh e understood th e househol d spaces to have a geographical significance. In Octobe r 1670 , whe n sh e lef t Appleb y fo r Brougha m Castle , som e eleven mile s distant , Cliffor d note d carefull y he r revers e movemen t throug h the rooms o f Appleby and her overland route to Brougham:

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And the 14t h of October, being Friday, about 9 or 1 0 a clock in th e forenoo n afte r I had lai n i n Appleby Castl e ever since the 3r d o f Augus t last , tha t I cam e fro m Pendrago n Castl e thither, di d I remov e with m y famil y fro m thence , comin g through th e Withdrawin g Chamber an d grea t chambe r int o the Chapel for a while, and so through the Hall, took my litter at th e Hal l doo r i n th e Court , i n whic h I ri d throug h th e Towne o f Appleby , ove r th e Bridg e an d s o throug h Crackenthorp, Kirb y Thure , Templ e Sowerby , Woodshid e and by the Hartshorn Tree (which I look'd o n for a while). I came safe an d well I thank God into my Castle of Brougham in the same Countie about 3 a clock in the afternoon. 27

Returning t o Appleb y fro m Brougha m i n Augus t 1671 , sh e passe d through the towns o f Temple Sowerby, Kirkby Thore, and Crackenthorpe, over the bridge , throug h th e tow n o f Appleby , an d the n 'wen t throug h y e Hal l u p into y e Chappel l for a whil e and int o th e grea t chambe r an d s o u p y e green e staires an d throug h y e Withdrawing Chamber int o m y own e chambe r wher e I formerly use d to lye and where I had not been sinc e the say d 14t h October last, until now.' Her description of her return t o Appleby in July 167 3 is one of the mos t specific abou t th e tw o staircase s thi s journey involved . Sh e 'cam e throug h th e Hall an d upstair s t o y e Chappell , and grea t chamber , an d fro m thenc e u p y e green stair s an d throug h y e Withdrawin g Room int o m y own e chamber....' Departing agai n fo r Pendrago n i n Marc h 167 4 sh e 'cam e dow n throug h th e Withdrawing Chamber , grea t chambe r an d Hal l int o y e Court , wher e I wen t into my Horslitter....' The sequenc e o f room s describe d b y Cliffor d a t Appleb y conform s t o seventeenth-century expectation s o f progressio n throug h a grea t house , fro m the Grea t Hal l t o th e bedchambe r o f th e mos t importan t apartment . Th e major differenc e i n Clifford' s cas e wa s th e gende r o f th e chie f occupant . Through he r processions , Cliffor d bot h demonstrate d an d documente d he r control of all of these spaces . The residential part of Appleby Castl e through whic h Cliffor d recorde d the rout e o f her processions date s from the fifteent h centur y an d lies at the east side of the castle' s curtai n wall , awa y fro m the keep . Onl y th e easter n portion of th e curren t L-shape d structur e existe d i n Clifford' s time. Plan s o f th e currently existin g structure publishe d by th e Roya l Commissio n on Historica l Monuments o f Englan d i n 1936 , examine d i n tande m wit h Clifford' s descriptions o f he r routes , enabl e th e speculativ e locatio n of groun d an d firs t floor room s durin g Clifford' s tenur e (Fig . 12.4). Clifford' s writing s indicat e that upon arriving at Appleby each time she left her horse litte r in the courtyar d and entere d th e buildin g throug h th e Grea t Hall . Sh e say s tha t sh e the n proceeded u p som e stairs , throug h th e Chapel , and int o th e Grea t Chambe r in the northeas t tower . Nex t sh e climbe d the 'gree n stairs ' t o th e Withdrawing Room o n a higher floor i n the towe r before he r ow n chamber, whic h ma y hav e 28

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Si(gh) ting the Mistress of the House 17 been eithe r o n th e sam e leve l a s th e Withdrawin g Room o r abov e it . Th e 'Green Chamber, ' wher e sh e reporte d bein g carrie d afte r faintin g durin g a departure i n January 1673 , was locate d unde r th e Withdrawin g Room, a s sh e tells u s elsewher e i n th e chronicles , an d thu s wa s likel y betwee n th e Grea t Chamber and the Gree n Stairs. Clifford's repeate d description s o f her entrance s an d exit s a t Appleb y indicate he r consciousnes s tha t her particula r route fro m the doo r o f the Grea t Hall t o th e bedchambe r o f the principa l apartment identifie d her a s th e owne r of th e house . Havin g bee n mistres s o f tw o grea t house s — Knol e i n Kent where sh e live d wit h th e Ear l o f Dorset an d Wilto n Hous e i n Wiltshire where she live d a s Countes s o f Pembrok e — a s wel l a s bein g familia r wit h ever y other hous e sh e occupie d durin g he r childhood , marriages , an d firs t widowhood, Cliffor d woul d hav e understoo d ho w one's progression through a house relate d to one's status and gender. Cliffor d furthermor e woul d hav e ha d a ver y goo d understanding o f the numbe r o f rooms require d i n the hous e o f a person o f her stature , how larg e o r smal l those room s shoul d be, an d i n wha t sequence the room s shoul d be arranged . In th e earl y moder n period , th e socia l choreograph y tha t aristocrati c houses functione d t o contai n require d ver y particula r spatia l delineations , based o n rank an d gender. Ever y locatio n on an estat e and roo m in a hous e bore a particula r specificatio n as t o wh o wa s o r wa s no t allowe d to b e there . Only th e lor d woul d hav e ha d unfettere d acces s t o ever y par t o f th e house . Clifford entere d Appleb y Castl e from the courtyar d into the Grea t Hall , a s ha d lords and their important visitor s since the establishmen t o f household ritual in the Middl e Ages. Th e Great Hall serve d as point of contact betwee n th e hea d of household and the house's public functions o f entertainment an d hospitality. There i n the Middl e Age s the lor d an d famil y woul d hav e sa t fo r meal s o n a raised dai s i n view o f all. Th e next room , the Grea t Chamber , through whic h Clifford's ow n rooms were located , was on the secon d floo r abov e the dai s en d of the ground-floo r H a l l . Th e Great Chamber evolved between th e thirteent h and seventeent h centurie s fro m a dinin g roo m fo r th e lor d onc e h e stoppe d eating i n th e Hal l int o a privat e dinin g an d receptio n roo m nea r th e mos t important apartmen t in the house . Onl y a small portion of those received in the hall woul d hav e proceede d t o the Grea t Chamber. Th e important ceremonia l processional rout e u p a staircas e fro m th e Hal l t o th e Grea t Chambe r offere d the hea d o f househol d th e opportunit y t o displa y t o visitor s fashionabl e o r impressive interiors. From the Grea t Chamber, Cliffor d gaine d access t o her ow n apartment, which include d a withdrawin g roo m an d bedchamber , an d ma y hav e als o included a closet. Onc e again , acces s fro m th e Grea t Chambe r t o th e withdrawing room would hav e bee n limite d t o th e (usually ) male owne r o f the house an d hi s selecte d followin g o r importan t visitors . Th e principa l apartment belonged t o th e hea d o f the household , an d b y carefull y controlling 33

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access t o it s innermos t reaches , th e owne r coul d us e th e pla n to plac e anyon e else in a position of deference o r subordination. As a femal e hea d o f household, Cliffor d occupie d an unconventional and potentiall y transgressiv e position . Attainin g thi s positio n ha d cos t he r much time, money, and trouble. A s she ha d resisted bein g disinherited by her father an d oppose d b y th e king , Cliffor d agai n attempte d t o creat e he r ow n position i n whic h sh e coul d wiel d powe r an d gai n acces s t o space s usuall y reserved fo r men . Clifford' s writing s capture an d documen t he r procession s through the house an d her attainmen t o f the spatia l position of the owne r in the central apartment . Lik e th e procession s themselve s an d th e room s throug h which they wove, her documents als o proved to Cliffor d an d to her retinue that she ha d assume d he r rightfu l place . Cliffor d sa w architectur e no t merel y as a container fo r her actions , but a s a crucia l participan t in her performance o f the role of head of household. For Clifford , i t woul d seem , th e re-assumptio n o f he r propert y upo n each arriva l wa s carrie d ou t bot h visuall y an d spatially , as sh e reconnecte d with chamber s resonan t wit h famil y significanc e in a floo r pla n i n which he r own roo m was the ultimat e destination . Durin g her wal k fro m th e hal l t o th e lord's bedchambe r — he r bedchambe r — he r cleares t an d stronges t connections to her property and her very identity are spatiall y reasserted, unde r the gaz e o f her retinue an d her ow n documentary impulse . Sh e understood he r position a t Appleb y throug h place , not throug h possessions . I n leavin g such extensive documentatio n o f her movement s a t Appleby , sh e showe d ho w us e of th e architectura l pla n constructed , demonstrated , an d satisfie d a femal e owner's sens e of possession, connection, and power.

Acknowledgements I woul d lik e t o than k Hele n Hills , Barbar a Harris, an d Caroly n Allmendinge r for their invaluable comments on previous versions of this essay .

Notes 1

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Clifford' s land s wer e locate d i n th e modern-da y countie s o f Cumbri a an d Nort h Yorkshire. Margare t Russel l Clifford , Countes s o f Cumberlan d (1560-1616) , wa s th e younges t daughter of Francis Russell, 2 Ear l of Bedford, i n whose household George Clifford had grown up. Pembrok e died in 1650 . Althoug h sh e ha s no t specificall y discusse d Clifford' s writing s abou t he r us e o f architecture, Alice T . Friedman ha s argue d that Clifford's choic e of traditional style s in both architecture and painting distanced her from her contemporaries and 'conjur[ed] up an imag e o f hereditar y privilege i n whic h the rol e o f patriarc h coul d b e playe d b y a woman.' Se e 'Constructin g a n Identity in Prose, Plaster and Paint: Lady Anne Clifford as Writer and Patron of the Arts, ' in Albion's Classicism: The Visual Arts in Britain, 1550nd

3 4

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1660, ed. Lucy Gent (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995) and 'Wife in the English Country House: Gender and the Meaning of Style in Early Modern England,' in Women and Art in Early Modern Europe: Patrons, Collectors, and Connoisseurs, ed . Cynthia Lawrence (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). Thre e set s o f The Great Books ar e still extant , tw o i n the Cumbri a Recor d Office , Kendal, an d one in a private collection. Fo r an excellent summary of all of Clifford's writings and the surviving manuscripts, see Katherine O. Acheson, ed., The Diary of Anne Clifford 1616-1619: A Critical Edition (Ne w York and London: Garland, 1995) , 14-29. The full title of the autobiography is A Summary of the Records and a true memorial of the life of me the Lady Anne Clifford, who by birth being sole daughter and heir to my illustrious father, George Clifford, the 3 Earl of Cumberland, by his virtuous wife Margaret Russell my mother, in right descent from him, and his long continued noble ancestors the Veteriponts, Cliffords, and Veseys, Baroness Clifford, Westmorland and Vesey, High Sheriffess of Westmorland, and Lady of the Honor of Skypton in Craven was by my first marriage Countess Dowager of Dorsett and by my second marriage Countess Dowager of Pembroke and Montgomery. I n Writing Women in Jacobean England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), Barbara Kiefer Lewalski misleadingly abbreviates the title of the autobiography as 'Life of Me,' whic h gives the document an anachronistically individualisti c an d modern sound, while Clifford' s tex t is in keeping with the early modern concern for dynasty as the key to a sense of self. A 1737 copy of the autobiography , live s o f her parents, an d part o f the genealogy i s t o be foun d in Harleian Mss. 6177 in the British Library and was published by J. P. Gilson as Lives of the Lady Anne Clifford, Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montogmery (1590-1676) and o Her Parents, Summarized by Herself (London: The Roxburghe Club, 1916). Acheson , 16-17 . Acheso n correct s previou s editor s an d scholars wh o hav e faile d to draw the important distinctions among Clifford's various types of writings. Fo r a fuller discussion of this entire topic, see Elizabeth V. Chew , 'Female Art Patronage and Collecting in Seventeenth-Century Britain' (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 2000), 35-110. N . J. G. Pounds, The Medieval Castle in England and Wales: A Social and Political History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 6-7. Pounds , 43-4. Se e also W . Douglas Simpson , 'Th e Town an d Castle o f Appleby: A Morphological Study, ' Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society [CWAAS] n.s. , 4 9 (1949) : 12 0 an d Martin Holdgate , A History of Appleby(Appleby: Dalesman Books, 1982), 14-5. Th e Eden Valley is a strip of lowland betwee n th e Lak e Distric t an d th e Pennin e mountain s wher e Clifford' s Westmorland castles are located. Appleby , Brough , Brougham , and Pendragon are in Westmorland, par t of modern-day Cumbria. Skipto n an d Barden ar e in the deanery of Craven, i n the Wes t Ridin g of Yorkshire. D . J . H. Clifford , ed., The Diaries of Lady Anne Clifford, (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutto n Publishing, 1990), 106 [hereafter Diaries]. Diaries, 110 . Diaries, 110 , 116 . O n St . Anne's Hospita l at Appleby, se e E . Alexande r Heelis, 'St. Anne's Hospital at Appleby,' CWAAS n.s. , 9 (1909): 192-7. A s Lena Orlin noted in her response to the session 'Women and Art in Early Modern Britain' at the North American Conference on British Studies, Colorado Springs, Colorado, October 16, 1998, almshouses are an important area for further investigation of women's building. . Diaries, 130 , 138; Cumbria Record Office (CRO), Kendal, WD/Hoth/A988/17. Sedgwick' s now lost memoir is publishe d i n Joseph Nicolson an d Richard Burn , The History and Antiquities of the Counties of Westmorland and Cumberland (London: W . Strachan and T. Cadell, 1777), 300. Katharin e Hodgkin discusses what she calls the 'land/family link ' ver y briefly i n 'Th e Diary o f Ann e Clifford : A Stud y o f Clas s an d Gender i n the Seventeent h Century, ' rd

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History Workshop 1 9 (Spring 1985) : 157-8 , but does not consider the implications for material culture of Clifford's extreme preoccupation with family, land, and space. Befor e Apri l 1666 , Cliffor d describe s her moves in far less detail , onl y notin g which chamber she slept in, but no t describin g her routes through houses. Se e Diaries, 105-79 . CRO , Kendal, WD/Hoth/A988/17. Whe n she moved to Brough on 22 November 1665, she pai d for tw o wago n loads and twenty-three cartloads. Fo r example, in her move from Appleby to Brougham on 1 4 October 1670, Clifford states that sh e ha d been accompanie d 'b y severa l o f th e Gentry s o f th e Counti e an d m y Neighbors and Tenants both of Appleby, Brougham, and Penrith.' Diaries, 205. Mar k Girouard , Life in the English Country House: A Social and Architectural History (New Have n and London: Yale University Press, 1978), 14. Christophe r Morris, ed., The Illustrated Journeys ofCelia Fiennes, 1685-c. 1712 (London & Sydney: MacDonald & Co., 1982) , 38. Morris , 122 . I n the late 1690s Fiennes visited the vicinity of Appleby an d Kenda l an d toured Lowther Hall, hom e of Clifford relatives, but di d not visi t any o f Clifford's houses. Clifford's onl y reference t o interior furnishings in the chronicles comes in a brief 1666 account of a fire in a bedchamber at Brough. Diaries, 180 . Diaries, 100 . Fo r a description of the location of the castle, see Simpson , 118 . I n a curtain-wall castle, the buildings were enclosed by a stone wall, usually with defensive towers at certain intervals. Fo r a discussion of the developmen t of castle architecture, se e N. J . G. Pounds , The Medieval Castle in England and Wales: A Social and Political History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Girouard , 66-7. Diaries, 200. Diaries, 204. Diaries, 205. Diaries, 209. Diaries, 219. Diaries, 221. Girouard , 40-59. Pete r Thornton discusses the plan from the perspective of its use, i n Seventeenth-Century Interior Decoration in England, France & Holland (New Have n and London: Yale University Press, 1978), 55-63. Fo r discussion of the 'socia l geography of the grea t house,' see also Felicity Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1990), 29-30. Th e existin g facade of this block was added in 1686-88 by Clifford's grandso n Thoma s Tufton, fourth Earl of Thanet, with stone brought from Brougham. Roya l Commission on Historical Monuments , England , An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in Westmorland (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1936) , 8. Th e faintin g episode is detailed in Diaries, 217 . Sh e describes the Green Chamber this way i n an earlier entry, in Diaries, 197 . Mos t discussions of this issue to date have concentrated on social class or rank rather than gender. Se e H. M. Baillie, 'Etiquette and th e Plannin g of the Stat e Apartments in Baroque Palaces,' Archaeologia (1967) : 169-99 ; Girouard; Thornton ; Heal. Alic e T . Friedma n considers the relationships between gender and the architectural pla n in 'Architecture, Authority, an d the Femal e Gaze : Plannin g an d Representation i n the Earl y Moder n Country House,' Assemblage1 8 (1992): 41-61. Patrici a Waddy's work on Rome provides a methodological model for consideration of the degre e to which the role s of early modern women and th e architectura l spaces they occupied shaped and reinforced one another . See Waddy, Seventeenth-Century Roman Palaces: Use and the Art of the Plan (Cambridge , MA: M.I.T. Press, 1990). Girouard , 53. Girouard , 51-2. A t Appleby, the kitchens were located to the south of the Grea t Hall, so the screen s would have been at the sout h and th e dai s at the north. Fo r the Grea t Chamber, see Girouard, 88-94. Fo r the withdrawin g room, see Girouard, 94-100.

Si(gh)ting th e Mistress o f th e House 17 9

Figure 12.1 Unidentified artist after Sir Peter Lely, Anne Clifford, Countess of Pembroke. Oil on canvas, circa early 1670s.

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Figure 12.2 Map

showing locations of Anne Clifford's castles and the routes she traveled between them.

Figure 12.8 Aerial

view of Appleby Castle.

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Figure 12.4 Speculative

plan ofAppleby Castle, circa 1670.

13 Th e 'Wild Woman' in the Culture of the Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth Lynn Lubamersky

The image of the wild woman was constructed in Polish culture from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century to provide a model of heroic, noble womanhood that would help perpetuate the power of the nobility to control the social, cultural, and economic life of the Commonwealth The wild woman archetype situated noblewomen as Amazons: women warriors, hunters, and political strong women who possessed exceptional powers enabling them to hunt wild animals, lead armies in uprisings, and act heroically. Analyzing the memoirs, diaries, songs, and poetry of this period, the author concludes that the noblemen of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth promoted the wild woman archetype as a cultural site of the unifying myth of the "Sarmatian" origin of the nobility. The archetype was rooted in a specific, visible reality — women were sighted hunting, commanding, and displaying heroism — though their achievements were framed by men. The author characterizes the wild woman archetype not as a misogynistic discourse meant to marginalize strong women who might challenge patriarchal authority, but rather as one aspect of an ideology underlining the bravery, exceptional nature, and strength of the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

The figur e o f th e wil d woma n appear s i n th e literature , music , an d othe r cultural form s o f th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth , one o f th e larges t states extant i n Europe from 1385-1793 , stretching fro m th e Balti c Se a in the north to the Black Se a in the south , and incorporating many nationalities within its borders . Th e wil d woma n ha s bee n inappropriatel y likene d b y som e scholars to th e virago , the emble m of a misogynistic discours e that worked to marginalize stron g o r unconventiona l women , bu t th e functio n o f th e wil d woman an d tha t o f th e virag o wer e dissimilar . Th e elite s o f th e Commonwealth develope d a cultura l outloo k i n whic h a n etho s o f rugge d individualism wa s cultivate d to encourag e th e nobilit y t o settl e an d defend th e eastern borderlands. I n the imag e of the wil d woman , one sees the construction of a femal e archetyp e wh o breeche s boundarie s o f propriety and traditio n but who i s above all a heroine.

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European observer s o f th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealt h ofte n remarked upo n th e degre e o f freedo m enjoye d b y th e nobility . On e critica l observer i n 177 8 calle d the Commonwealt h a stat e o f anarch y i n whic h th e privileged nobl e fe w enjoye d complet e freedo m ove r the subjugate d majority. In the "frontier " eastern borderlands o f the Commonwealt h such as present-da y Belarus an d Ukrain e (a nam e whic h literall y mean s 'a t th e edge') , th e Polis h nobility, constitutin g les s tha n te n percen t o f th e population , hel d power . Although this was a patriarchal society , Polish noblewomen were no t excluded from aristocrati c privileges. A s the noble nation was suc h a small one, and th e territory of the Commonwealt h so vast, al l hands were neede d fo r suc h a small minority to assert its control over such a large territory. The imag e o f th e wil d woman , especiall y a s sh e appeare d i n th e sixteenth t o eighteent h centuries , represente d on e elemen t o f th e powe r structure tha t allowe d th e nobilit y t o perpetuat e it s contro l o f th e social , cultural, and economic life o f the Commonwealth . Th e nobility retained powe r precisely because it was deemed exceptional . Th e wild woma n was constitute d as a noblewoman, and therefore a s exceptional among women. Sh e was also a kind o f Amazon , wh o coul d ben d a horsesho e wit h he r bar e hands , wh o fearlessly hunte d wil d boa r an d bears, le d uprisings against Turkis h and Tsarist armies, an d acte d heroicall y without the protectio n o f men. Towar d the en d of th e eighteent h century , he r imag e wa s transforme d int o tha t o f the Sparta n Mother, wh o molde d th e citizen s o f th e natio n an d traine d the m t o fight t o regain their now-los t freedom . Polis h nationa l consciousnes s wa s dominate d during th e Commonwealt h b y th e nobilit y an d it s culture ; therefor e i t i s important t o examin e ho w this integratin g mythology constructed th e imag e of the wil d woman. This articl e wil l dra w upo n an d analyz e som e o f the publishe d — an d unpublished — memoirs , diaries, and song s tha t refer t o the wil d woma n from the sixteent h to the eighteent h century . 1

2

The Wild Woman Archetyp e in Poland an d Europ e According t o Tiffan y an d Adams , 'Women , th e archetyp e o f wha t me n ar e not... appea r i n various role s a s Amazons , virgins, and matriarchs . Th e wil d woman represents a projection of civilized men's imaginations.' The wil d woma n archetyp e convey s recurrin g themes centerin g o n th e nature o f women i n Wester n thought . I n Poland , a genr e o f literatur e exist s that describe s uniqu e wome n wh o ar e perceive d t o behav e lik e me n an d conform t o th e wil d woma n archetype . Lorence-Ko t reflects upo n on e objec t of the genre : 3

Whether a s (eastern ) border she-wolves , who donne d armo r to protect their possessions agains t marauding Tartars... these women exercised power.... Som e lik e Ann a (né e Grabianka) Raciborska forged out into the world (into political life)...She was admire d an d feared . Ha d sh e bee n les s powerfu l sh e would have been called a "Herod Baba" (meaning bossy and

The Wild Woman' 18 5 unfeminine.) Th e singularit y o f wome n lik e Raciborsk a stemmed fro m their encroachment o n male preserves. Whil e they astounded, the y were praised only to the extent that they did not challenge male supremacy... In Poland-Lithuania then, a model existed for stron g women . Eve n a s wome n who conforme d t o thi s mode l wer e bot h admire d an d feare d fo r thei r power , the model supported patriarcha l authority, rather than undermining it. Strong wome n bot h i n Poland and i n early moder n Europ e a s a whole were sometime s labele d viragoes. Th e word 'virago ' wa s first use d popularly In Renaissanc e Ital y t o describ e a typ e o f Amazon , an d ha d positiv e connotations, implyin g a lady of beauty who , in extremity, was th e equa l o f or superior t o men . Th e ter m wa s use d t o characteriz e huntresse s an d noblewomen, but It evolved over time to indicate women who had gained som e degree o f distinction through thei r master y o f arts an d letters . I n Restoratio n England, th e natur e o f the virag o wa s debated , som e holdin g that th e virag o was patriotic , brave , an d beautiful , other s tha t sh e wa s unacceptabl e i n he r vulgarity and aggressiveness. Thi s debate took a rather negative turn , with th e term 'virago ' ofte n use d interchangabl y wit h tha t o f 'hie mulief o r 'man woman.' On e o f th e feature s attribute d t o th e 'masculin e woman ' i n lat e sixteenth- to earl y seventeenth-century Englan d was that she wa s characterize d as wearin g man-tailore d clothing , a presume d tren d widel y satirize d b y moralists, chroniclers , an d eve n playwright s o f th e time . Th e woma n wh o appropriated men' s clothin g style s coul d b e villifie d a s a usurpe r o f mal e supremacy. Willia m Prynne' s 162 8 Purita n diatrib e agains t 'masculine ' women comprehensivel y gathere d an d reiterate d th e epithet s o f abus e i n common usage at the time. Prynn e commented that 5

6

...our Immodest , Impuden t an d mannish Viragoes, o r audacious Men-Women [who] do e unnaturall y cli p an d cu t their Haire...a s i f they were really transformed and transubstatiated into Males, by a stupendious metamorphosis... our audacious , brazen-faced , shameles s (i f not unchaste , an d whorish) , Englis h Hermaphrodites , o r Man-Women Monsters.... Prynne chastised th e 'men-women ' o f seventeenth-century Englan d for cuttin g their hai r short , wearin g men' s clothing , and thereb y attemptin g t o transfor m themselves int o men . Suc h behavio r wa s deeme d audaciou s an d shameless , and wome n wh o engage d i n it wer e worth y o f condemnation. 'Men-women ' were deeme d 'whores ' becaus e the y violate d conventiona l standard s o f femininity i n various aspects of their public and private behavior, and therefor e called into question their chastity . The wil d woma n archetyp e o f th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealt h did not generally incorporate cross-dressin g activities , nor did it cast aspersion s on femal e honor , chastity , o r sexua l propriety . Whil e earl y moder n Poland Lithuania i s replet e wit h example s o f misogynisti c satir e an d polemic , the y occur outsid e o f the wil d woma n discourse . Som e example s o f anti-feminis t and misogynisti c discours e i n Polis h literatur e includ e th e Marci n Belski' s

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satirical 'Sejm niewiescV (Women' s Parliament) of 1566, the anonymou s 'Sejm biatoglowskf (Women' s Parliament) of 1617, the numerou s poem s o f Waclaw Potocki i n th e seventeent h century , an d Ignac y Krasicki' s satirica l 'Zona Modna' (Th e Modern Wife) o f the lat e eighteenth century .

The Wild Woman Archetyp e as Part o f 'Sarmatian' Ideology In the 156 9 Unio n o f Lublin, Polan d and Lithuani a were formall y unified a s a single republic . Fro m th e tim e o f this unification , the nobilit y develope d an d began to promulgate th e originar y myth of Sarmatism. Accordin g to this myth, the nobilit y cam e no t o f th e sam e Slavi c stoc k a s th e peasantry , bu t instea d were th e descendant s o f the Sarmatians (sometime s spelle d Sauromatians) , a warrior people wh o had inhabite d the fertile , vast, black-soile d steppe that ra n from th e Blac k Se a t o Centra l Asia , havin g swep t throug h South-Easter n Europe i n th e sixt h century. Accordin g t o Sarmatism , th e nobilit y o f th e Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealt h was o f a differen t rac e tha n th e peasantry , and was alone entitled to the right s of citizenship and conceived as constituting the politica l nation . Sarmatis m was a unifying myt h created b y a multi-ethnic nobility and developed into an all-embracing ideology from the sixteent h to th e eighteenth century . Jan Kochanowsk i (1530-1584), a Polis h poe t educate d a t Padua , tol d the histor y o f Poland-Lithuani a throug h th e pris m o f Sarmatism . Kochanowski's histor y o f the Slav s bega n wit h th e Amazon s who lande d i n Scythia, the n migrate d towar d th e nort h an d founde d th e tw o Sarmatia s (Poland an d Russia). Kochanowski' s poem, 'Orpheus Sarmaticus,' cautione d the Pole s that their country was in danger, an d he issued a call to arms : 8

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And you, Sarmatian , when suddenly you have found yourself amid s o many arms and arrows, you stan d petrified as i f seized by a dose of old age . Do you believe these are only dreams? Yet, you d o not possess towns surrounded by strong walls, or inaccessible fortresses on high rocks, or rivers flowing under old ramparts Or anythin g servin g me n t o defen d thei r lives. Toda y th e onl y hop e i s th e hand armed with a sword.

Sarmatism reminde d th e nobilit y o f it s mythi c ancien t glor y tha t woul d b e revived i n moder n militaristi c virtues . Thes e ancien t example s o f thei r Sarmatian forefather s woul d inspir e th e moder n 'Sarmatian ' nation , o r th e nobility of the Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth, to take up the sword. Many o f th e classicall y educate d noble s ha d rea d chronicle s tha t recorded th e feat s o f th e Sarmatia n trib e an d it s successe s agains t ancien t armies. Polyaenus , i n hi s Strategies of War, tol d o f th e herois m o f th e Sarmatian queen Amage, who declared war, stationed garrison s o f soldiers, and defeated invaders. I t is difficult t o know what proportion of the nobilit y read Polyaenus o r an y o f th e othe r ancien t chronicler s wh o note d th e bellicos e 11

The Wild Woman' 18 7 prowesss o f Sarmatia n queens . I t i s possibl e tha t the y migh t hav e rea d Herodotus' accounts o f th e Sarmatian s an d thei r customs . Accordin g t o Herodotus, th e Sarmatia n tribe wa s th e produc t o f intermarriag e betwee n th e Scythians and the Amazons. H e described their customs in great detail: The women of Sauromatae.. . observed their ancient customs, frequently huntin g o n horsebac k wit h thei r husbands , sometimes unaccompanied ; i n wa r takin g th e field ; an d wearing the ver y same dress as th e men.. . Marriage-la w lay s it dow n that no gir l shal l we d unti l sh e ha s kille d a man i n battle. Sometime s it happens that a woman dies unmarried a t an advance d age , havin g neve r bee n abl e t o i n he r whol e lifetime.

The Sarmatian people were real, of course, and not just the inventio n of a Renaissance-inspired imagination. Fift y ancien t burial mounds near the town of Pokrovka , Russia , recently excavated, reveal the skeleton s of women buried with weapons , i n mounds know n t o hav e been used b y the Sarmatians . Som e of the wome n were apparentl y priestesses, som e women warriors, while other s appear to have been warrior-priestesses. The nobility o f the Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealt h linke d it s mythic origins t o thos e o f the rea l Sarmatia n tribe . I n m y view , i t i s clea r tha t th e modern, nobl e 'Sarmatians ' wishe d to fin d parallel s between themselve s an d the ancien t Sarmatians . Th e moder n 'Sarmatians ' wishe d to perpetuat e th e myth of common origins with the ancien t Sarmatians by stressing the customs , traditions and practices that they share d wit h thei r suppose d ancien t ancestors . One mean s o f perpetuating tha t myt h was t o cultivat e the imag e o f the wil d woman, th e moder n 'Sarmatian ' noblewoma n o f th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealth, who would b e a brave warrior and a huntress o n the mode l of her Sarmatian ancestors. 13

Examples of the Wil d Woman: The Woman Warrior and the Politica l Boss, or 'Strong woman' In Polish history, the wil d woma n appears mos t frequently as a woman warrior, defending th e natio n either a s a soldie r or as a general i n battle. Thi s woman warrior was either a noblewoman who would take up arms to defend her castl e and estate or a noble huntress wh o exhibited strength an d prowess i n the hunt , part of daily lif e amon g the nobilit y and an essential aspect o f th e noble ethos. Another instanc e o f the wil d woma n archetype occur s i n the 'strongwoman, ' representing th e fac t tha t som e Commonwealt h noblewomen hel d s o muc h political powe r tha t the y wer e regarde d a s politica l bosses , o r femal e 'strongmen.'

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The Woma n Warrio r The first feminis t histor y of women i n Poland, written by Lucja Charewiczowa , detailed th e achievement s o f th e wome n warrior s o f th e seventeent h century . Charewiczowa's wor k chronicle d th e heroi c an d ver y rea l achievement s o f noblewomen wh o defende d thei r estate s an d thei r countr y fro m foreig n invasion. Charewiczow a described th e battle s o f Teofili a Chmieleck a against the Tatars , o f Helen a Niemerzycow a agains t th e Tatars , an d o f Ann a Dorot a Chrzanowska agains t th e Turks. Chrzanowska' s braver y an d skil l a s a commander gaine d he r fam e i n he r ow n tim e an d legendar y statu s i n Polish history. In bot h Polis h an d Slavi c fol k song s sun g durin g th e earl y moder n period (1500-1800) , on e find s th e them e o f th e warrio r noblewoma n o r th e princess wh o lead s soldiers int o battl e to defea t th e invadin g enemy. Th e fol k song 'Th e Warrio r Princes s o f Poland ' recounte d th e king' s lament s tha t h e had n o mal e hei r t o fight fo r him . H e wa s surprise d t o fin d tha t hi s younges t daughter bravel y too k u p th e challeng e an d lai d wast e t o enem y territory , leading soldier s int o battle and killin g three hundred Turk s single-handedly . 14

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When the king came to old age Bitterly he wept with rage 'Though I have fair daughters three I've n o son to fight for me.' Then he called the oldest on e 'Come, my child, fight as a son.' 'No, my father, I'll not go Never can I fight the foe. ' Then he called the secon d on e 'Come my child, fight as a son.' 'No, my father, I'll not go Never can I fight the foe. ' Then he called the smalles t on e Though he thought her weak and young 'Come, my child, do you agree To go forth and fight for me?' 'Yes, my father, I will go I fear neither pain nor fo e Brave my heart and strong my hand I'll la y waste the foeman's land.' She led soldiers to the fra y Bravely did they fight that day By her mighty sword did fall Full three hundred Turk s in all.

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The Wild Woman' 18 9 The warrio r princes s wa s portraye d i n positiv e terms ; th e son g emphasized he r bravery , he r gifte d leadership , an d he r talen t i n battle . I t underlined th e fac t tha t eve n wome n coul d prov e fearless , overcomin g th e liabilities o f physica l weaknes s an d youth , shoul d the y b e calle d upo n t o protect thei r homeland . Th e figur e o f th e warrio r princes s buttresse d nobl e authority b y presenting thi s princes s a s a heroi c mode l to b e emulated . Th e song underline d th e natur e o f th e roya l famil y a s th e tru e defender s o f th e nation. Th e legen d o f the warrio r princess wa s preserve d i n memory b y th e peasants themselve s throug h thei r fol k song , an d wa s therefor e a n effectiv e device fo r assertin g throughou t th e variou s segment s o f Commonwealt h society the primac y of the nobl e house an d the exceptiona l nature of those wh o ruled. Another Polis h versio n o f thi s son g wa s sun g i n Now y S^cz , i n Southern Poland, as wel l a s i n the Easter n borderlands o f the Commonwealth. In thi s version , ' A Gir l i n War, ' th e heroin e wa s no t a princess , bu t a noblewoman. Th e son g recounte d tha t a noblema n aske d hi s tw o elde r daughters t o wage wa r o n hi s behalf , bu t the y refuse d t o d o so . Th e tw o claimed to be too soft-hearte d t o kill , while the younges t daughte r claime d that she wa s hard-hearte d an d woul d kil l eac h on e (o f the invaders) . Th e villagers mourned thi s daughter' s (anticipated ) los s a s sh e rod e of f int o battle : '...A s they saddled up her horse, all of the peasants wept, / As she mounted her horse , the whol e village wept , / Bu t as sh e wen t int o battle, sh e kille d thre e hundre d Prussians.' Althoug h the narrative underlying 'A Girl i n War' resembles that of 'Th e Warrio r Princess, ' ther e ar e subtl e an d importan t difference s betwee n the two songs. Bot h support the notion, via the figur e of the youngest daughte r that th e exceptiona l noblewoma n woul d ris e t o th e occasio n an d fight, an d would ac t heroically . Th e two versions differ primaril y i n the degre e t o whic h their heroine s serv e a s models , an d i n the scop e o f their activity . ' A Gir l i n War,' recountin g tha t th e entir e villag e wep t a s th e youn g daughte r wen t t o battle, emphasize s tha t sendin g a woman to wa r i s a n occasio n for mourning, and thu s no t behavio r t o b e wholeheartedl y emulated . Th e heroin e o f 'Th e Warrior Princess ' exercise s comman d ove r othe r soldier s a s wel l a s attainin g personal glory , whil e th e heroin e o f 'A Girl i n War' i s sai d not t o command , only to have, herself, kille d three hundred Prussians . Th e scope o f her activity is limite d t o persona l heroism ; the woma n warrior here doe s no t serv e a s th e inspirational military leader offered by 'The Warrior Princess.' In th e climat e o f violenc e create d b y bot h foreig n invasio n and civi l conflict i n seventeenth-centur y Poland , resident s wer e expecte d t o defen d themselves, an d a lone woman was at a disadvantage. Wive s and daughters o n the fron t ofte n defende d thei r castle s o r manors b y armin g themselves, i n th e absence o f any male figure s t o protect them. Ja n Chryzosto m Pasek (1636 1701), the 'pures t exampl e o f a Sarmatia n nobleman, ' wrot e a memoir o f his experiences i n th e arm y o f th e Commonwealth. Pase k relate d somewha t disparagingly tha t a wido w livin g i n the easter n borderland s i n the yea r 166 2 had stoo d b y a s he r estat e wa s loote d b y Polis h troops . I n contrast , h e approvingly describe d noblewomen who defende d thei r castles , an d wer e abl e to capabl y manag e thei r estate s b y themselves . Pase k wrot e abou t th e noblewoman Oledzka , th e Lad y Castella n of Zakroczym wh o held an estate at 17

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Strzala, a villag e nea r th e tow n o f Siedlce . 01e_dzk a manage d he r affair s independently becaus e her husband wa s 'touche d i n the head . That' s wh y they lived apart from each other, havin g borne onl y one daughter. H e ruled over his estates, sh e ove r hers ; an d eac h kep t a separat e cour t an d staf f o f servants.' She mus t hav e manage d th e estat e competently , becaus e i t ha d a surplu s bountiful enoug h t o garriso n Pasek' s troops . Pase k wrot e tha t durin g th e period tha t hi s troop s remaine d unde r he r roof, sh e supplie d th e me n wit h abundant provisions , twelve ladies-in-waitin g to serv e them , music , dancing , card-playing, and exotic delicacies for them to eat. Pasek sympatheticall y portrayed anothe r noblewoman , Pani Sulkowska , whose propert y wa s occupie d and damage d b y royal troops i n the civi l wa r of 1665. I n accordance wit h Polis h nobl e tradition, undeterred b y regal authorit y and unafrai d t o ai r her grievance s agains t th e crown , Sulkowska greeted Kin g Jan Kazimier z wit h a strea m o f vitrioli c epithet s a s h e passe d by . Pase k recorded her words as follows : 21

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Oh just God ! i f ever you sent diverse plagues t o punish evi l and unjus t kings , extortionists , assailants , shedder s o f innocent huma n blood , sho w You r justic e toda y ove r ou r king, Jan Kazimierz. Le t thunderbolts smit e him from a clear sky, let the earth eat him up alive, let not the first bullet miss him, le t hi m endur e al l those plague s whic h Yo u sent th e Pharaoh, for all these same wrongs, which we, his miserable people, an d th e whol e Kingdo m ar e suffering!...[H e concludes,] Suc h a bol d dam e sh e was ; havin g give n th e King a piece of her mind. 23

Not onl y di d Sulkowsk a g o unpunishe d fo r he r impertinence , sh e wa s reimbursed fo r mor e tha n th e valu e o f he r los s b y th e King . He r behavio r recalls th e traditio n o f the wil d woman , figure d a s speakin g he r min d boldl y and doin g as sh e pleased . Sulkowska' s example als o exemplified the traditio n of nobl e independenc e fro m roya l authority . Th e monarch y o f Poland Lithuania wa s a n electiv e one , an d th e nobilit y constantl y asserte d an d emphasized th e idea l of their complet e independenc e fro m th e King' s power . By mocking , insulting, cursing, and berating the king , Sulkowsk a was therefor e neither rebellin g against no r overturnin g authority. Rather , sh e wa s viewe d as upholding noble authority and independence a s a bold dame should.

The Huntress The noblema n Krzyszto f Zawisz a (1666-1721 ) relate d i n hi s memoir s th e notion tha t b y havin g expose d hi s daughter s t o danger , h e migh t hav e strengthened them . H e recounted havin g taken hi s daughter s with hi m on th e daily hunt , an d thei r havin g joine d hi m o n a huntin g tri p t o Rutheni a (i n present-day Ukraine ) i n th e sprin g o f 1719 , durin g whic h h e 'kille d eleve n bears, almos t al l of them b y my own hand an d gun , and fro m two (bears ) on I was afraid , mos t o f al l for m y daughters , th e amazons , fo r exposin g the m t o

The Wild Woman' 19 1 such danger. ' Zawisz a explicitl y characterize d hi s daughter s a s amazons , having raised the m t o b e a s amazons , showin g no fea r o f wild animals , abl e t o ride o n th e dail y hun t wit h th e men , an d t o defen d themselve s fro m danger . To rais e one' s daughter s accordin g t o th e mode l o f th e amazo n wa s no t a n uncommon strateg y i n this tim e an d place ; girl s were ofte n taugh t t o hunt , t o shoot, and even to wield a sword. 25

The Politically Powerful Woman as Politica l Boss or 'Strong woman' Within the ideolog y of the wil d woma n archetype , wome n who were politicall y powerful wer e sometime s characterize d figurativel y a s havin g grea t physica l strength as well . Marci n Matuszewic z (1714-1773), a politician and noblema n who wrote voluminou s memoirs, describe d th e grea t power o f Helena Ogihska (1700-1792), ' a lad y o f beauty, wisdom, and grea t strength , who coul d bend a crowbar int o a horseshoe.' Helen a Ogihsk a wa s a de facto diploma t recognized an d pai d 10,00 0 ruble s fo r he r service s b y th e Cour t o f Tsarin a Anna i n St. Petersburg i n 1731 . Th e reputedly beautifu l an d intelligen t woma n was frequentl y receive d b y Tsarina Anna as a n unofficia l representative of th e Saxon Kin g Augus t II. Matuszewic z was pron e t o hyperbol e i n his oratory , but suc h exaggeratio n a s h e display s i n describing Ogihsk a is uncharacteristi c of hi s memoirs , whic h h e wrot e wit h th e state d intentio n o f enablin g hi s progeny t o benefi t fro m hi s ow n lif e experience . Fro m this, I would conclud e that he intende d t o infor m his childre n about the realitie s o f life, rathe r than t o spin tall tales of women wit h superhuman strength . Ogihska' s rol e a s politica l 'strongwoman' wa s thu s metaphorically translate d b y Matuszewicz into actua l physical strength , characterize d a s on e o f he r virtues , alon g wit h femininity , beauty, and wisdom. Aristocratic women wielde d considerable politica l powe r i n the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealt h o f th e eighteent h century . Th e firs t tim e noblewomen self-consciousl y gathere d together to rall y around a politica l an d military caus e appear s t o hav e bee n i n connectio n wit h th e Confederatio n o f Bar (1768-1772) . Th e Confederatio n o f Ba r wa s a n arme d struggl e wit h th e stated ai m o f riddin g Polan d o f Russia n influenc e an d domination , bu t als o intended t o und o th e progressiv e reform s undertake n b y the unpopula r kin g of Poland, Stanisla w Augus t Poniatowski . Noblewome n wer e s o prominen t o n both th e reformis t an d th e conservativ e side s o f th e conflic t tha t eve n contemporaries spok e scornfull y o f th e conflic t a s a 'squabbl e amon g women.' After Polan d wa s partitione d i n 179 6 b y th e absolutisti c power s o f Russia, Prussia , an d Austria , reform-minded peopl e i n Polish societ y cam e t o believe that women, a s Piotrow-Ennke r has articulate d it , ' i n their dua l rol e a s mothers an d citizens , woul d hav e t o counterac t th e dange r o f los t nationa l identity by a new focu s o n children's upbringing.' Polis h women would keep the nationa l fire s burnin g b y instillin g i n thei r childre n a sens e o f nationa l consciousness an d nationa l mission . Suc h commitmen t coul d eve n exten d t o supporting insurgencie s an d t o rearin g thei r childre n t o tak e u p arm s t o figh t 26

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for th e independenc e o f Poland. Th e figure o f Izabela Czartorysk a (1671 1758) can stand fo r many noblewome n who, through the traditional activity of patronage of educational and cultural institutions became politicall y engaged i n restoring the Polis h state and preserving the Polis h nation. I n just on e instanc e of Czartoryska' s work, she provided a forum fo r talented artist s an d writer s of the day . Th e Czartoryski Palace at Pulawy became a center o f cultural life , an d its theater was th e site o f many premieres . Czartorysk a commissioned a play called 'Matka SpartanW o r 'The Sparta n Mother.' I n the eighteenth-centur y rendering o f Sparta n virtues , th e Sparta n mothe r woul d inculcat e martia l virtues in her childre n and inspire them to fight victoriously for their state or to die trying. Other wome n di d not just simpl y suppor t mal e insurrectionist s a s Czartoryska did, but carried on the tradition of armed struggl e themselves. Th e female warrior-heroin e wa s personified i n the nineteent h centur y b y Emili a Plater, who, in her determinatio n to drive the Russians out of Lithuania, raise d a regimen t o f volunteers an d fought i n the anti-Russia n insurrection . O n account o f he r bravery , action , an d leadership , Plate r becam e a nationa l heroine, memorialized in histories and in poetry. 3

Conclusion The wild woma n discourse cultivate d in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is distinc t from that of the 'masculin e woman ' o r the virago of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Englis h satire , i n that it was create d b y men to sustain the image o f strong an d exceptional noblewomen, rather than to deride supposedl y transgressive wome n fo r their potentia l t o challeng e th e existin g clas s and gender order . Th e archetypal wil d woma n di d not find he r way int o Polis h satire becaus e sh e was held u p as a model t o be emulated rathe r tha n a s an example t o be satirized and marginalized. Articulate d largely in noblemen' s memoirs an d in folk song s tha t taugh t th e peasantr y abou t th e exceptiona l nature o f the Sarmatia n noblewome n wh o ruled them , th e wil d woman' s embodiment o f the virtue s o f strength an d heroism functioned a s a mechanism for reenforcing the prerogative o f the nobilit y to rule by virtue of their nature as an exceptional group, descended fro m the ancien t Sarmatia n warriors. Notes 1

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Willia m Coxe , Travels in Poland and Russia (London , 1802 ; reprint, Ne w York: Arno, 1970), 13 . I n invoking the term 'amazon,' I concur with Abby Wettan Kleinbaum's definition of the term in The War Against the Amazons (New York : New Press , 1983), 1: 'The Amazon is a dream that men created , an image of a superlative female that men constructe d to flatter themselves.' Kleinbau m trace s the Amazon archetyp e in Western culture over the past three milennia. Sharo n W . Tiffany an d Kathleen J . Adams, The Wild Woman: An Inquiry into the Anthropology of an Idea (Rochester, Vermont: Schenkma n Books, 1985), xi. Bogn a Lorence-Kot, Child-Rearing and Reform: A Study of the Nobility in EighteenthCentury Poland (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1985), 61.

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Jessic a Amanda Salmonson, The Encyclopedia of Amazons(Ne w York: Paragon House, 1991), 262. Susa n C . Shapiro, 'Amazons , Hermaphrodites , an d Plain Monsters : Th e "Masculine" Woman in English Satire and Social Criticism from1580-1640,' Atlantis 13 , no. 1 (1987) : 66. Shapiro , 70. Ada m Zamoyski, The Polish Way (New York, Toronto: Franklin Watts, 1988), 107. Czesla w Milosz, The History of Polish Literature, 2 ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA : University of California Press, 1983), 63. Milosz , 75. Salmonson , 7. Herodotus , 'History, ' George Rawlinson, trans, in The Internet Classics Archive available from 150. Internet; accessed June 1, 2000. Jeannin e Davis-Kimball , 'Warrio r Wome n o f the Eurasia n Steppes, ' i n Archaeology Magazine 50, no. 1 (January/February 1997): 45-8. Lucj a Charewiczowa , Kobieta w dawnej Polsce (Women i n Ol d Poland) (Lwow : Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Ksiazek we Lwowie, 1938), 38. Zbignie w Kuchowicz , Uywoty niepospolitych kobiet Polskiego baroku (Live s o f Exceptional Wome n o f th e Polis h Baroque ) (Lodz : Wydawnictw o Towarzystw a Krzewienia Kulty Swieckiej Lodz, 1989), 91. Salmonson , 266. Author' s English translation of a Polish versio n of 'Dziewczyna na wojnie' ( A girl in war); se e Polska epoka ludowa (Polan d durin g the era of the people), ed . Stanislaw Czernik (Wroclaw: Biblioteka Narodowa: Seria I, nr. 176, 1958), 275-6. I wish to thank Dr. Robert Rothstein of the University of Massachusetts, who provided the Polish translation of the song. Alexandr e Wolowski , La vie quotidienne en Pologne au Heme siecle. (Dail y Lif e in Poland in the 17 Century) (Paris: Editions Hachette, 1976), 322. Milosz , 143 . Ja n Chryzostom Pasek, Memoirs of the Polish Baroque, trans. Catherine Leach (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1981), 57. Pasek , 55-6. Pasek , 179-80. Krzyszto f Zawisza, Pamietniki (Memoirs) , ed . Julian Bartoszewicz (Warsaw: Nakladem JanaZawiszy, potomka Wojewody, 1862), 171. Wladysla w Lozihski, Uycie Polskie w dawnych wiekach (Polish life in past centuries), 2 ed. (Lwow: H. Altenberg, 1908), 207-8. Marci n Matuszewicz, Diariusz Zycia Mego (Diar y of My Life) , vol . 1 (Warsaw: PWN , 1986), 315. Zofi a Zielinhska, 'Helena z Ogihskich Ogihska,' in Polska Slownik Biograficzny (Polis h biographical dictionary), (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1986): 593. Lyn n Lubamersky , 'Wome n an d Political Patronag e i n the Politic s o f th e Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth,' The Polish Review XLIV, no. 3 (1999): 269-85. Biank a Piotrow-Ennker, 'Women in Polish Society: A Historical Introduction,' in Women in Polish Society, eds . Bianka Piotrow-Ennker and Rudolf Jaworski. (Boulder, Colorado: East European Monographs, 1992), 9. Piotrow-Ennker , 17 . Milosz , 187 . Halin a Filipowicz, 'Th e Daughters of Emilia Plater,' i n Engendering Slavic Literatures, eds. Pamel a Cheste r an d Sibelan Forreste r (Bloomington , Indiana : Indian a Universit y Press), 34. nd

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14 ' At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings' : Si(gh)ting the Transgressive Woman in Accounts of the Restoration Court Susan Shifrin

This essay considers the cases of two so-called 'women of quality' resident at the Restoration Court of Charles II of England during the latter half of the seventeenth century: one a duchess by heredity, the other by royal appointment. The author explores how these women and their 'private quarters' — as both the subjects and instigators of extensive written commentary and visual iconographies — were configured as the literal and rhetorical sites of political action and social and cultural creation.

Following th e deat h o f Kin g Charle s II o f England in 1685 , the note d diaris t John Evely n remarked , T a m neve r t o forge t th e unexpressabl e luxury , & prophanesse, gaming , & al l dissolution...which...I wa s wltness e of ; th e King , sitting & toying with hi s concubines Portsmouth, Cleaveland, & Mazarine....' Subject to his mistresses eve n in death, Charle s had been lampoone d during his reign a s hopelessl y submissiv e to , an d emasculate d by , th e manipulation s of the wome n wit h who m he surrounde d himself . Evelyn' s distastefu l memoria l to the Kin g represente d a pervasive perception o f corruption perpetrated a t th e Restoration Court by Charles's mistresses an d their cabals. I wil l focu s i n this brie f essa y o n account s o f two o f these women, th e Duchess Mazari n (1646-1699 ) an d th e Duches s o f Portsmout h (1649-1734) , that paint them a s transgressiv e i n their natures an d in the powe r they wielded over thei r monarc h an d hi s affair s o f state . I wil l pa y particula r attentio n i n considering thes e account s t o th e rhetorica l 'si(gh)ting ' o f thes e wome n an d their residences a s repositories of illicit behavior and power. Mazarin, th e mos t widely-remarke d of the niece s o f the Frenc h court' s Cardinal Mazarin , wa s conceive d a s notoriou s acros s th e Continen t an d described b y Evely n himsel f a s a 'famou s beaut y an d erran t Lady. ' Prio r t o setting foo t o n Englis h soi l i n 1675 , sh e ha d abandone d he r marriag e an d children, penne d memoir s tha t sough t t o conve y a trut h contrar y t o tha t 1

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published by her estrange d husband , an d carried on multiple notorious liaisons in th e publi c eye , repeatedl y transgressin g th e accepte d bound s o f the 'normative woman, ' t o us e Pete r Stallybrass' s phrase , se t fort h i n contemporary commentaries. A bilingual coffee-hous e burlesqu e marke d he r arrival i n England wit h warning s o f the political upheava l i t was likely t o cause, emphasizin g the alread y heightened leve l o f exasperation wit h Charles' s subordination to his mistresses . 2

1st Cofftst. Indeed the arrival an d reception of this Duchess at Court does afford matte r for politic reflections. 3rd Coffist. I have heard thi s matter variously discoursed of already. Som e say , that the nation, alread y too sensible of the amorous excesses of their Prince, ma y b e more inflamed by suc h a n accessio n o f grea t expens e tha t wa y a s thi s appears likel y t o prove . Besides , he r great beauty , qualit y and adroitness, of which there is so great a character in print, seem to furnish occasio n for apprehending a greater power in her over the King , if once he come to love her, than any other of his mistresse s have had. 4th Coffist. They ar e fools, i n my opinion , wh o fea r that.... I think i t much mor e honourable for Great Britai n to have its monarch subdue d b y a famou s Roma n dame , tha n b y an obscure damsel of Little Britain....

(This las t wa s a referenc e t o Charles' s mistres s reignin g a t th e tim e of Mazarin's arrival , Louise de Keroualle, whom he had first encountered i n 167 1 in th e retinue o f his sister , an d t o whom he granted th e title o f Duchess of Portsmouth i n 1673.) Likene d i n this sam e Coffee-House Conversation (a s well a s i n othe r contemporar y commentaries ) t o a 'ne w Quee n o f the Amazons,' Mazari n wa s als o portrayed i n both pain t an d verse a s the goddess Diana, destroye r o f Actaeon, and a s a latter-day Cleopatra , subjugator o f two Roman rulers . Th e historical paradig m o f Cleopatr a a s transgresso r an d destroyer constructe d b y Augustan poet s an d sustained b y Dante, Boccacci o and Spenser , rendere d haples s th e warrior Antony, who , made effeminat e an d incapable b y the 'lustfu l an d avaricious' Cleopatra , was led to neglect 'The whole world' s rul e fo r Cleopatra' s sight , / Suc h wondrou s powe r hat h women's fai r aspec t / T o captiv e men , an d mak e the m al l the world reject.' Shakespeare's Cleopatr a subjugated Antony , 'pu t m y tires [attire ] an d mantle s on him , whils t / I wor e hi s sword Philippan.' Late r seventeenth-centur y adaptations o f the story o f Antony an d Cleopatra , such a s Dryden's All For Love... an d Sedley' s Antony and Cleopatra..., appropriate d bot h thos e aspect s of th e narrativ e tha t construe d Cleopatr a a s a transgresso r o f gende r boundaries, rangin g int o the territories give n exclusively t o male prerogative , and thos e tha t constitute d th e men she had subjugated a s emasculate d — 'unmanned' — by her transgressions . 4

5

At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings 19

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During much of his reign , Charles II was perceived by many at Court as having fallen victi m to the Cleopatra s of his ow n time. Samue l Pepys recorded In hi s Diary th e influentia l role s played by the mistresse s o f both the Kin g an d the Duk e of York I n directing the politic s o f the Cour t and of the country , and bewailed 'th e horri d effeminacy of the King,...[who ] hath taken ten times mor e care an d pains makin g friends betwee n [hi s mistresses] whe n they hav e falle n out, than ever he di d to sav e his kingdom.... [He ] ...adheres to no man, but thi s day delivers himself u p t o thi s an d the nex t t o that , to th e rain o f himself an d business. ...[He ] Is at the comman d of any woman like a slave.' A portrai t o f Mazari n a s 'Cleopatr a wit h th e pearl, ' painte d i n Ital y during the earl y 1670 s and recently re-attributed t o the Flemis h portrait painte r Ferdinand-Jacob Voet, serve d a s a n iconographical precedent fo r severa l othe r portraits o f he r tha t appea r t o hav e foun d thei r wa y int o Englis h collection s during he r lifetim e or shortl y thereafter (Fig . 14.1). Thes e portrait s picture d their sitte r i n th e sam e legendar y momen t a s di d th e original : a significant , determinant momen t fro m th e familia r narrativ e relate d b y Plin y i n whic h Cleopatra, i n orde r t o fulfil l a boas t mad e to Anton y tha t sh e woul d hol d a banquet costin g in excess o f 10,000,00 0 sesterces , dissolve d her pearl ear-ring in vinega r an d dran k it . A s re-presentation s o f thi s narrativ e moment , th e portraits o f Mazari n emblematize d a n ac t o f scandalou s extravaganc e self consciously generate d b y th e whi m o f a powerfu l woman . The y coul d b e viewed as signifyin g Cleopatra/Mazarin' s conquest o f her own male consort by a notoriou s ac t o f bravura and extravaganc e (indeed , her consor t i s obliterated from th e tableau o f th e canvas) . Letters o f th e Frenc h ambassadors , amon g other s a t th e Restoratio n Court, confir m tha t Mazari n wa s viewe d i n th e politica l aren a muc h a s he r portraits i n the characte r o f Cleopatra' woul d hav e suggested : a s a procurer of patriarchal disarray , he r ver y body the sit e o f political upheaval. I n Apri l o f 1676, th e Marqui s d e Ruvlgn y cautione d hi s successo r a s th e Frenc h Ambassador Extraordinary to England that 6

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The arriva l of the Duches s Mazarin provoked a great stir and provided a new focus of attention at [the English] Court. Th e King o f Englan d appeare d move d b y he r beauty , an d although thei r liaiso n ha s bee n conducte d unti l no w with a degree o f secrecy , i t appear s that thi s nascen t passio n wil l take precedence i n the heart of this prince. Hi s Majesty [the French king ] wil l hav e al l th e mor e interes t i n [observing]...what th e intention s o f thi s Duches s ar e wit h regard to him... 9

A lette r fro m Ruvigny' s successor , Monsieu r de Courtin , writte n to the French king Loui s X I V tw o month s later , note d tha t th e damag e t o Frenc h interest s wrought by the anti-Frenc h sentiments o f Charles's highest minister s would b e

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dangerously compounde d b y a failure o n th e par t o f the Frenc h themselves t o appease his new mistress : We hav e discussed wit h [th e Kin g o f England]...th e Cabal s that hav e bee n organize d t o joi n force s wit h Madam e d e Mazarin. H e firmly assure d us tha t he wil l no t allo w them to win hi m over : but sh e i s beautiful , h e speak s with her mor e readily tha n with anyone else when he chance s to mee t her . A l l thos e about him spea k of nothin g but he r merits . I t wil l be ver y difficult fo r hi m to resist the temptatio n for long , an d [meanwhile], i t wil l b e a dangerous thing t o hav e to comba t both th e [King's ] ministe r an d hi s mistres s a t th e sam e 10 =< > time. L

J

Finally, i n a lette r o f August 167 6 t o th e Frenc h Secretar y o f Foreign Affairs , Courtin urged his reader, You know better than I that the whol e of the Englis h natio n is full o f animosit y against France, tha t the Lor d Treasurer , h e who o f al l th e minister s is th e mos t ascendant in th e estee m of th e Kin g of England, affect s th e sam e sentiments....It only remains fo r u s t o hav e turne d agains t u s th e perso n wh o occupies the greate r part of th e hear t of thi s Prince. ...[It ] i s most perilous to allo w to fal l int o a conditio n of wan t a lady who ha s a s great resources at her disposal as Mada m Mazarin may hav e here.

Mazarin wa s no t b y an y mean s th e onl y woma n a t th e Restoratio n Court viewe d b y he r contemporarie s a s a latter-da y Cleopatra . Richar d Braverman ha s recentl y propose d tha t Sedley' s versio n o f Antony and Cleopatra serve d overtl y an d wa s popularl y understood a s a politica l vehicl e for the anti-Frenc h views of the oppositio n faction at court: that the play clearly delineated analogie s betwee n Charles' s an d Antony' s privilegin g o f lovemaking ove r soldiering , Louis' an d Augustus ' consumin g ambition s fo r empire, an d th e Duches s o f Portsmouth' s an d Cleopatra' s ensnaremen t an d disenfranchisement o f thei r unwittin g lovers. Sedley , Braverma n posits , wrote his play as a means of warning that ' a fatal attractio n [fo r the Duchess of Portsmouth/Cleopatra] migh t cos t [Charles/Antony ] hi s empire ' an d ced e England's sovereignt y to that of Louis' France . Braverma n offers a s evidenc e of th e popula r perceptio n o f analog y betwee n th e politica l role s playe d b y Louise d e Kerouall e and Cleopatr a several satirica l verses publishe d under th e rubric o f Poems On Affairs of State.... On e o f thes e poems , title d 'T o B e Written Unde r the Dutches s o f Portsmouth's Picture ' (Fig . 14.2), encapsulate d the rang e o f power s — fro m prepossessin g t o villainou s — attribute d t o Cleopatra b y th e seventeent h century . Th e secon d vers e o f th e poem , i n particular, make s clea r th e likenesse s draw n betwee n th e Quee n o f Egypt an d her perceive d counterpart a t th e Restoratio n Court , the 'she ' o f the poem : 'O h 12

At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings 19 that she'ad liv' d i n Cleopatra's Age , / A nd not i n ours, to fil l u s al l with Rage! / To see Grea t Britain thus by her betray'd, / And Ch-es , who once was great, a Beggar made . / O f such a Them e n o Poe t sur e wil l boast , / Tha t woul d hav e stole the Pear l that then was lost....' I hav e writte n i n detai l elsewhere regardin g th e significanc e o f thi s poem bot h fo r seventeenth-centur y appropriation s o f th e mytholog y constructed aroun d Cleopatr a an d fo r thei r particula r applicatio n t o representations o f wome n a t th e Restoratio n Court. Clearly , suc h work s bespeak a n antipath y toward s th e amorou s an d politica l liaiso n betwee n Charles and his foreign mistress, commonl y believed to be a spy for the French and an active agent for a French and Englis h alliance . Lik e th e Cleopatr a with whom sh e wa s compared , the Duches s o f Portsmouth wa s widel y perceived a s having seduced he r royal lover into the foreig n enemy's cam p by seducing him into he r bed . Sh e wa s condemned , lik e hi s othe r mistresses , fo r havin g distracted hi m fro m th e affair s o f stat e b y mean s o f th e affair s o f hi s bedchamber, t o hav e deplete d hi s treasur y throug h he r extravagan t taste s an d thus to hav e indebte d hi m to th e wil l o f his Frenc h cousin. Th e papers of th e French ambassador s provid e corroboration , onc e again , tha t Charles ' foreig n mistresses wer e perceived on both sides of the Channe l as figurative and litera l sites o f political negotiation . Man y communication s writte n to Loui s X I V b y his representative s i n Englan d durin g Charle s IP s rul e giv e account s t o th e French kin g o f meetings — whethe r imprompt u or arranged , ostensibl y socia l functions o r overtl y politica l assignation s — hel d 'che z Madam e d e Portsmouth.' I n Septembe r 1676 , fo r instance , Courti n wrot e t o Louis , regarding the new s o f th e liftin g o f th e sieg e of Maestricht, 13

14

The letter s fro m Franc e an d Flander s ha d no t ye t arrive d yesterday evening. Alon g with the res t of the minister s of th e Confederation, I waited...i n th e plac e wher e th e Quee n o f Great Britai n meet s with he r circle , t o se e i f th e Kin g ha d received an y news . [This ] mornin g a t nin e o'clock , Hi s Majesty...sent [fo r me].... I foun d hi m che z Madam e d e Portsmouth, where she tol d me...that she di d no t wis h me t o learn from anyon e else [first] that the sieg e of Maestricht had been lifted.../ 5

And i n October 1684 , the the n ambassado r M . d e Barrillo n wrote to the French king,'Madame d e Portsmouth...sen t fo r m e t o com e t o he r chambe r yesterda y and tol d m e tha t th e Kin g o f England had spoke n wit h he r abou t th e [latest ] intelligence h e ha d receive d fro m Holland....' Indeed , Barrillon' s letter s t o France reveal that, in the ultimat e demonstratio n o f her role s a s a repository of political intelligenc e an d a s a n undermine r o f th e nationalis t integrit y o f th e English state , Portsmout h mad e know n to hi m a s Charle s wa s dyin g that th e English kin g ha d secretl y converte d t o Catholicism . Accordin g t o Barrillon' s account, i t was through the office s o f Portsmouth, who urged him to solici t th e 16

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assistance o f the Duke of York i n attending to 'th e conscienc e of the King ' tha t the Englis h kin g receive d last rites fro m a Catholi c priest . Havin g apparentl y refused th e ministration s o f a Protestant priest , th e Englis h kin g wa s reporte d by Barrillo n t o hav e avowe d hi s Catholicis m i n th e presenc e o f th e Catholi c priest summone d b y the King' s brothe r t o hi s bedside followin g Portsmouth' s intervention. Onc e again , Portsmouth' s ow n apartment s ar e reporte d t o hav e served a s th e settin g fo r thi s crucia l exchang e o f information between he r an d Barrillon. I have suggeste d tha t allusions to the privat e apartments o f the Duches s of Portsmout h — t o he r equivalen t o f Cleopatra' s barg e o n th e river Cydnus , perhaps, o r more viscerally , to her 'privat e quarters,' a s we might call the m — served in the rhetori c o f ambassadorial dispatche s durin g the 1670 s an d 1680 s to constitut e th e Duches s o f Portsmout h a s a litera l an d figurativ e sit e a t th e crux o f amorou s an d politica l intrigue . Wha t migh t b e calle d thi s trop e o f 'si(gh)ting' wa s applied in a somewhat differen t contex t to Mazarin . The Comtess e d'Aulnoy , a contemporar y an d Frenc h compatrio t o f Mazarin, i s remembered largel y as th e autho r o f numerous fairytale s stil l rea d to this day. On e of her most well-known works aside from he r fairytales — he r Mémoires de la Cour d'Angleterre o f 169 5 — appear s to hav e represente d t o the bul k o f he r eighteenth - an d nineteenth-centur y reader s a n entré e int o th e intrigues an d eccentricitie s o f th e Englis h cour t b y mean s o f th e report s o f a discerning travelle r whose authorit y wa s beyon d question du e t o he r adoptio n within he r tex t o f th e literar y convention o f claimin g first-han d experience. D'Aulnoy's Memoirs of the English Court establishe s it s credential s a s a n account o f 'th e mos t agreeabl e Adventures , and private Intreagues of the Court of England ' throug h recours e t o severa l o f the Englis h court' s mos t notoriou s participants i n such intrigues . Th e author/narrato r claim s early o n i n the tex t the privileg e of acquaintance wit h thes e court players, enjoining her readers t o approve her authorit y by acknowledging the celebrit y of her acquaintance s an d the privileged information her knowledge of them transmits t o her: 17

You, wh o ar e no t unacquainte d wit h th e Dutches s o f Mazarine, mus t allow her to have Charms, that render her th e most agreeabl e o f he r Sex , whic h mad e he r Hous e th e Rendezvous of al l the Me n of wi t an d Quality, an d the Scen e of al l the New s of th e Town ^ of Gaming , Entertainments, and all manner of Diversions....

Having cite d th e ubiquitou s Mme . Mazarin a s on e o f he r entrée s t o English societ y in the dedicatory letter to the Mémoires, d'Aulno y returns agai n to Mazari n i n he r capacit y a s a linchpi n o f th e notoriou s liaisons , feveris h gaming, an d hig h societ y machination s tha t colore d virtuall y al l characterizations o f th e Restoratio n Cour t o f Charle s E , i n The Unknown Lady's P acquêt of Letters... printe d wit h th e Englis h translatio n o f the abov e Mémoires. I n an account o f a supposedly infamous serie s o f trysts betwee n a n

At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings 20 1 ill-fated gentlema n wh o teeter s betwee n affluenc e an d disrepute , an d th e mysterious woma n of quality who supposedl y subsidize s him until h e ca n n o longer resis t th e desir e t o uncove r he r identity , th e putativ e autho r o f th e Pacquet of Letters... use s a s a repetitiv e signpos t fo r th e locatio n o f th e couple's illici t assignation s Mazarin' s residence , famou s itsel f a s th e sit e o f reputable an d disreputabl e assignation s alike : '[she ] charg' d him to atten d th e next Night...at the Rai l tha t goes int o St . James's Park , at the en d of the Wal k by Madam Mazarine s Lodgings'; and then '...ordrin g him to stay...fo r a quarte r of a n Hour , sh e struck , unsee n b y him , int o Mada m Mazarine's , where he r Chair an d Peopl e waited...'; and finall y 'W e took Coac h a t St . James' s Gate , and I se t hi m home a t hi s ow n Lodgings ...for fea r h e shoul d return an d as k what Ladies were at Madam Mazarine's....' In thes e passages, d'Aulno y make s strategi c us e o f what I have calle d the trop e o f 'si(gh)ting. ' Tropin g Mazarin , a n ico n o f notoriet y a t th e Restoration Court, d'Aulnoy draws on her readers' familiarit y wit h the woman, the mytholog y o f he r transgressions , an d th e notoriousnes s o f he r 'privat e quarters' t o imbue with the credibilit y of a 'true story' the narrative as a whole, pegged a s i t i s o n particula r detail s associate d wit h Mazarin' s lif e a t th e English court. Translated fro m th e aren a of public an d diplomatic commentary, whic h sited women such as Mazarin and Portsmouth in the halls of political power; to that of painterly figuring, whic h enabled sitter-patrons Mazari n and Portsmouth to situate themselves and be 'sighted ' by others a s latter-day types for historical and mythologica l wome n associated wit h th e master y o f womanly an d manly virtues alike ; an d finally , t o tha t o f literar y conceit , whic h site d the m a s accomplices i n accountin g fo r th e myth s o f the roya l courts , 'si(gh)ting ' th e transgressive woma n thu s becam e fo r chronicler s lik e d'Aulno y no t onl y a means o f establishing rhetorically their ow n place s withi n th e politic s o f th e Restoration Court , bu t mor e tha n that , a mechanis m fo r establishin g th e credibility of rhetoric itself. 19

Acknowledgements Earlier version s of this essa y wer e presente d a t annua l meeting s o f the Grou p for Earl y Moder n Cultura l Studie s an d th e America n Societ y for EighteenthCentury Studies . I a m gratefu l t o m y colleague s a t bot h thos e meeting s fo r their responses , an d wis h t o than k i n particular John H . O'Neill fo r hi s close reading and suggestions for revision of the conclusion of the essay .

202 Women as Sites of Culture Notes 1

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The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E.S. De Beer (Oxford: Clarendo n Press, 1955) , v ol 4 , 4134 . Peter Stallybrass , 'Patriarcha l Territories : Th e Bod y Enclosed ' i n Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of SexualDifference in Early Modern Europe, eds. Margaret W. Ferguson , Mauree n Quilligan , an d Nancy Vicker s (Chicag o an d London : The Univerity of Chicago Press, 1986), 123-42. Translate d in Public Records Office Calendar of StatePapers, Domestic, Marc h 1675-Feb 1676, 474. Edmun d Spenser , The Faerie Queene, Boo k V , viii , cite d i n Luc y Hughes-Hallett , Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions (London: Bloomsbury, 1990). Willia m Shakespeare, The Tragedy of Antonyand Cleopatra, ed . Barbara Everett, Signet Classic Shakespeare Serie s (London and New York: Penguin Books, 1988), II.v. 11. 21-23. Entrie s dated 24 June and 27 July 1667 in The Diary of Samuel Pepys, eds . R.C. Latham and W . Matthews (Berkele y an d Los Angeles: Universit y of California Press, 1970-83) , vol . 8, 288 an d 356 . See Susan Shifrin, ' "A Copy of my Countenance": Biography, Iconography, and Likeness in the Portraits of the Duches s Mazari n and Her Circle' (Ph.D. diss, Bryn Mawr College, 1998), 99-101 an d 271-6, for a discussion o f this and related portraits, as well as of the artist's work. Se e also Francesco Petrucci, 'Monsù Ferdinando ritrattista. Not e su Jacob Ferdinand Voet (1639-1700?),' Storia dell'arte 84 (1995): 283-306 and Petrucci, 'Gaulli, Maratta e Voet: Nuove Attribuzioni,' F ima Antiquari Arte Viva 9 (1996): 54-64. Th e portrait i s describe d a s 'i n the characte r o f Cleopatra ' i n an eighteenth-century inventory, Britis h Museu m MSS : Althorp Paper s LI 5, Catalogue of the Pictures at Althorpe and Wimbledon belonging to the late Hon M Spencer, 1746 . Publi c Record Office, Kew, 31/3/132 , 138. Basche t transcriptions fromthe Archives des affaires Etrangères, Angleterre. M y translation fromthe French: '...L'Arrivée d e la Duchesse Mazari n caus e une grande e t nouvelle attentio n e n ceste Cour. L e Roy d'Angleterre a paru touch é d e sa beauté , e t bie n qu e ceste affair e s e conduise jusques à ceste heure ave c assez de secret, il y a apparence qu e ceste passio n naissante prendra la première place dans le coeur de ce Prince. S a Majesté aur a d'aultant plus d'intéres t qu e l e Sieu r Courti n observr a quelle s seron t le s intention s d e cest e Duchesse à son esgard....' PR O 31/3/132, 178-80. M y translation fromthe French: '...Nous somme s mesme entrez ave c luy sur les Cabales qu'on fait pou r l'engager avec Madame de Mazarin. I l nous a fort asseurez qu'il ne se laisseroit pa s gagner: mais ell est belle, il luy parle plus volontiers qu' à personne quand il la rencontre en son chemin: Tou s ce qui est auprez de luy ne s'entretient que de son mérite: Il sera fort difficille qu'i l se défende longtemp s contre la tentation, e t pour lors ce seroit une chose dangereuse d'avoir à combattre le Ministre et la Maistresse tout à la fois....' Thoma s Osborne, Duke of Leeds and Earl of Danby was Lord Treasurer at the time that Courtin wrote his letter. PR O 31/3/133, 256. Richar d Braverman , Plots and Counterplots: Sexual politics and the body politic in English literature, 1660-1730, Cambridg e Studie s i n Eighteenth-Centur y Englis h Literature and Thought 18 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 134-52. Poems On Affairs of State: From the Time of Oliver Cromwell, to the Abdication of K. James the Second (London: 1716), vol. 3, 118. See Shifrin , op . cit. , 85-9 . Fo r a relate d discussio n o f th e relevanc e o f Cleopatra iconography in Restoration portraits of women, see Shifrin, 'Undress, Cross-Dressing, an d the Transgression of Gender in Restoration Portraits of Women' in Fantasy and Fashion: Essays on the History of Costume, eds . Mary Leahy and James Tani s (Bryn Mawr, PA : Bryn Mawr College Library, 1996), 105-18. ble

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At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings 20 3 15

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PR O 31/3/133, 282. M y translation fromthe French: 'Les lettre s de France et de Flandres n'arrivèrent point hier au soir: je fus, aussi bien que tous les Ministres des Confedérez , j'usques à onze heures, dan s le lieu où la Reine de la Grande Bretagne tient la Cercle, pour sçavoir s i le Roy ne recevroit point de nouvelles . Hier au matin [sic], sur les neuf heures, sa Majesté Britannique m'envoya guérir. J e la fus trouver chez Madame de Portsmouth, où elle me dit avec un visage riant qui faisoit assez connoistre s a joye, qu'ell e n e vouloit poin t que j'apprisse pa r un autre que l a sièg e d e Maëstrick estoit levé....' PRO , 31/3/135, 348. M y translation fromthe French: 'Madame de Portsmouth que a esté assez mal d'une colique depuis deux jours, me fithier entrer dans sa chambre et me dis t que le Roy d'Angleterre luy avait parlé sur les nouvelles qu'il a receues de Hollande....' The Mémoires des la cour d'Angleterre ope n wit h suc h a n affirmatio n o f first-hand knowledge, i n which the author/narrato r writes to he r dedicatee, 'Th e Time I spent in London, an d the Intimac y I had with the Dutches s o f Richmond and my Lady Harvey, furnish'd m e wit h th e Opportunit y o f bein g acquainte d wit h th e mos t agreeabl e Adventures, and private Intreagues of the Court of England.' Countes s of Dunois [Madame d'Aulnoy], Memoirs of the court of England...To Which is Added, The Lady's P acquêt of Letters, Taken from her by a French Privateer in her Passage to Holland..., Eng. translation, (London : B. Bragg, 1707), 1-2. [D'Aulnoy] , Memoirs...To Which is Added, The Lady's Pacquet of Letters...,

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Figure 14.1 Attributed to Jacob-Ferdinand Voet (previously attributed to Sir Godfrey Kneller), Duchess Mazarin, 'in the character of Cleopatra.' Oil on canvas, circa 1670.

At the end of the Walk by Madam Mazarines Lodgings

Figure 14.2

Pierre Mignard, Louise de Kéroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth. Oil on canvas, 1682.

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PART IV

The Female Voice as the Site of Cultural Authority

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15 'Wh y do you call me to teach the court?: Anne Hutchinson an d the Making of Cultural Authority Ross J. Pudaloff

Anne Hutchinson was tried, convicted and exiled by the male political and religious elite of Massachusetts Bay. Civil and church trials sought to establish a hegemonic discourse by gaining her assent to their interpretations of Bible, commonwealth and gender. Hutchinson's refusal to so agree and her brilliant disputation forced her judges to silence her. Their failure made exile, the removal of her voice from public discourse, a necessity. Silencing was more than punishment for speaking; it solicited what it punished: a woman as speaking subject. Anne Hutchinson is the site of culture because she was silenced. She is the site of cultural authority because she spoke. The two apparently exclusive roles cannot be separated. Condemned and celebrated, Anne Hutchinson illustrates how discourse and technologies of power produce resistance, how a dominant culture is contingent on its 'others,' and how the subject of power gains agency through her appropriation and revision of discourse.

Anne Hutchinson' s fame derives , initiall y a t least , fro m he r leadershi p o f a group know n a s th e Antinomian s i n a religiou s disput e i n Massachusetts Bay Colony betwee n 163 6 an d 1638 . Insofa r a s forma l theolog y seldo m plays a central rol e in histories of the formatio n of American culture , the meanin g of the even t i s ofte n translate d int o othe r terms , i n particula r reading s tha t privilege he r a s th e avata r o f feminis m an d doctrine s o f individua l liberty . Despite th e wid e variet y o f readings , the y al l emplo y a historica l narrativ e governed by the figure of chiasmus. Th e triumph of Anne Hutchinso n reverse s the judgment s o f exil e an d excommunicatio n passed upo n he r a t th e time . Convicted fo r violatin g gendere d norm s by appearing on the publi c stage , he r value fo r late r generation s depend s upo n a n agreemen t betwee n thos e tha t convicted he r an d thos e tha t prais e he r tha t sh e appropriate d a masculin e identity by entering discourse. Regardless o f th e specifi c historica l narrative , Ann e Hutchinso n ha s become th e mos t famou s colonia l woma n for late r generation s o f Americans, serving a s a n inspiration especiall y for latter-day feminis m an d as a 'founding

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mother.' Th e combinatio n suggest s he r valu e derive s fro m a lin k betwee n gender an d her entr y a s a woman into th e publi c realm . N o two item s bette r indicate he r statu s a s a publi c figur e an d th e inevitabl y ironic use s t o whic h history ha s pu t he r tha n th e re-evaluatio n b y th e institution s that condemne d her. Churc h an d stat e hav e lon g sinc e honore d th e woma n the y punished . They hav e don e s o i n way s tha t combin e th e ide a o f Ann e Hutchinso n as a public figur e wit h representation s tha t construc t he r identit y i n term s o f feminine interiority . The church had placed, in 1904, a commemorative tablet that ends wit h an internal quotation fro m Joh n Winthrop, governo r of the Massachusett s Bay Colony and her most inveterate opponent . I t reads: ' A "breeder o f heresies / Of ready wi t an d bol d spirit " / Sh e wa s a persuasiv e advocat e o f / th e right o f Independent Judgement.' Eve n a s Winthrop's judgment ha s bee n overturned , his words, especially the phras e 'breede r o f heresies,' se t th e preceden t fo r th e link betwee n gende r an d ideas . Similarly , i n 1920 , coinciden t wit h th e ratification o f women's suffrage , a statue of Anne Hutchinso n with a daughte r by he r sid e an d a Bibl e i n he r han d wa s place d a t th e Massachusett s Stat e House. I t describe s Ann e Hutchinso n a s a 'courageou s exponen t o f civi l liberty and religious toleration.' Histor y has been abl e to have its cake and eat it too . A s A m y Schrage r Lan g notes , thi s versio n o f Hutchinso n 'a s a farsighted visionar y an d heroi c mothe r requires , o f course , th e elisio n o f th e very history that made her famous, but the elisio n o f that history highlights the tension betwee n hereti c an d mother.' Th e tensio n betwee n 'heretic ' an d 'mother' i s perhap s greate r fo r Lan g tha n fo r thos e wh o hav e memorialized Hutchinson. Th e monument s indicat e tha t Ann e Hutchinson' s identit y a s a public an d thus masculinize d figur e is contingent upo n her representation a s a feminized one . Wron g a s h e undoubtedl y ha s com e t o see m t o late r generations, Winthrop' s words continue to gover n discourse by linkin g publi c and masculin e wit h privat e an d feminine . Th e Ann e Hutchinso n remade b y American history is a figure who overcomes the tension. Sh e issues forth what is already present withi n her; citizens become her children. Her interiorit y as th e sourc e o f meanin g an d valu e fo r a natio n sh e never imagined elides the fact that it was her identity as a woman that impeded her convictio n an d punishmen t b y stat e an d church . He r judges accepte d th e distinction between thought an d act. Sh e could be convicted only for behavior. Only behavior , whic h include d speech , coul d justify , i f no t draw , th e punishment o f exil e upo n her . Insofa r a s sh e acte d (tha t is , spoke ) i n publi c and a s a publi c person , Ann e Hutchinso n threatened th e orde r o f the colony . Thus th e churc h and stat e attempted t o pu t he r bac k in the gendere d rol e of a woman, not merely to silence her — though that was crucial — but to make her and other s accep t tha t what sh e di d could onl y be understoo d a s a violation of gender norms. The statue and the plaque, to sa y nothing of a multitude of biographies, justify themselve s b y disputing not s o much the correctnes s o f the verdict s a s 1

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Why do you call me to teach the court 21

the logi c o f gendered separatio n that underglrded them. I argue here , pace th e professional historians , that the amateur s hav e go t it right. Th e trials of Anne Hutchinson, Intende d t o enforc e th e distinction s of public — masculinit y and action — fro m privat e — femininit y an d though t — undi d the division s the y Intended t o reassert . Histor y a s chiasmu s I s not Impose d b y later generation s but rathe r wa s presen t fro m th e start . Th e stat e an d churc h trials bega n th e process o f creatin g th e figur e wh o initiate s America n freedom . Th e trial s produced crim e and criminal . Winthrop , who directe d event s mor e tha n an y other man , kne w tha t h e wa s incitin g deed s t o punis h Ann e Hutchinso n for those deeds . Revision s o f sequenc e an d chronolog y between th e transcript s and hi s later history of events attempte d t o obscur e hi s and others' complicit y in the crime. 4

The Antinomia n Controvers y culminated i n tw o trials , on e religious , whic h excommunicated he r an d the othe r civil , whic h exile d her . Whil e i t would b e foolhardy t o reduc e th e Antinomia n Controvers y to an y one se t o f terms, i t is fair t o sa y that the tw o side s fundamentall y disagree d upo n the reliabilit y an d efficacy o f human signifier s to represen t interna l realities . Th e dispute wa s about whethe r representatio n itself , as present i n behavior and language, coul d be trusted. Ann e Hutchinson and her supporter s sai d no; neither human mean s nor Biblica l la w guaranteed reliabl e statements abou t th e interna l state o f th e believer. Th e elder s an d magistrate s disagreed . Awar e tha t th e structur e o f representation wa s itsel f endangered , whethe r o f tha t o f governor s fo r governed, me n fo r women , minister s fo r th e laity , o r uppe r clas s fo r lowe r class, the y sai d that Go d had provide d reliable human mean s t o demonstrat e the existence of saving faith . Put somewha t differently , Anne Hutchinson was accused of acting as if she coul d spea k fo r herself ; unwillin g t o b e represented , doubtin g indeed that representation coul d accuratel y convey any internal truth, sh e spok e for herself rather tha n le t other s spea k fo r her . Ann e Hutchinso n was pu t o n tria l t o punish he r fo r speakin g i n public . Accordin g t o th e Reveren d Hug h Peters, 'you hav e rathe r bin e a Husban d tha n a wif e an d a preache r rathe r tha n a Hearer; an d a Magistrate rather tha n a Subject.' Ye t the tria l solicited , eve n demanded, the public discourse and identity that defined the crime. If w e as k wh y the Genera l Court allowed he r t o ac t a s a public figure , the answe r goe s beyon d the Puritans ' commitmen t to consensua l approval . I t goes to the fundamenta l issue s of the Antinomia n controvers y and to question s about the reliability and validity of representation that they entailed. I n a sense , the controvers y begins an d end s wit h tw o errors , a s h e understoo d them , that John Winthro p identifies th e first tim e h e mention s Mrs . Hutchinson in hi s journal: ' 1 . that the perso n o f the Hol y Ghos t dwells in a justified person . 2 . That n o sanctificatio n can help to evidenc e to u s ou r justification.' Th e first 5

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claims a radicall y new identit y fo r th e believer . Th e secon d make s thi s sel f unknowable b y others . I focu s o n th e secon d her e a s i t pertain s t o th e lon g running debate , centra l t o th e emergenc e o f Protestantism , o f th e relatio n between fait h an d work s an d thu s tha t betwee n interna l realit y an d outwar d sign. Her judges provide d Anne Hutchinson wit h a publi c identity because , insofar a s the y wer e willin g t o argu e that work s migh t i n fac t evidenc e faith , sanctification demonstrat e justification — th e ver y positions Ann e Hutchinson disputed — they needed t o demonstrate that human work s could sif t truth fro m falsity, innocenc e fro m guilt and orthodoxy from heresy . A kind interpretatio n would cal l attentio n t o thei r consistenc y an d t o thei r apparen t willingnes s t o leave a way back fo r Ann e Hutchinson insofar a s he r participatio n in dialogue with the elders implicate d a community of beliefs and interests o n both side s of the dispute . A les s kin d interpretatio n woul d sa y the y force d he r t o pla y b y their rules an d on their field. Bu t they paid a price, if at the tim e not s o great a one a s she did , for this victory. I f she accepte d thei r assumptions abou t th e rol e of humans , t o sa y nothin g o f th e rul e o f men , i n findin g truth , sh e als o wa s given, s o to speak , a n honorary masculinit y not onl y in being allowed to spea k but i n bein g allowe d to discove r trut h throug h huma n endeavor . I f tha t wa s ironic an d i t wa s becaus e sh e denie d th e efficac y o f human agenc y a s wel l a s that o f work s an d sanctification , th e iron y cu t agains t th e elder s a s wel l a s against her . As th e table t an d statu e suggest , gende r matter s i n th e cas e o f Ann e Hutchinson. A s a speakin g subject , on e wh o possesse d a masculinize d identity, sh e threatene d socia l orde r an d stability . Ye t Ann e Hutchinson' s identity as a public (that is, masculinized) figure was constructed withi n an d by the applicatio n of legal procedures whos e purpose wa s to silence her. A furthe r irony i s that , i f it wer e no t tha t th e tria l demande d sh e speak , w e woul d no t have he r words a t all . Rathe r oddl y for a Puritan, Anne Hutchinson apparentl y did no t pu t he r thought s int o writing . Th e historica l record contain s no t eve n the slightes t suggestio n tha t she eve r wrote a diary, a spiritual autobiography, a treatise or an apologia . A l l th e word s w e believe ar e her s came i n response t o the charges agains t he r and were recorded by her adversaries . The politica l an d religiou s elit e o f Massachusett s Ba y trie d Ann e Hutchinson fo r th e crim e o f speakin g i n public . I n a worl d i n whic h conversation referre d bot h t o languag e an d t o conduct , t o spea k wa s t o act , language wa s behavior . I n his late r (1644 ) histor y o f the affair , A Short Story of the Rise, reign, and mine of the Antinomians, Familists & Libertines, Joh n Winthrop apparentl y revise d th e tria l transcrip t t o mak e th e poin t tha t i t wa s public behavio r rathe r tha n internally-hel d belief s tha t le d t o tria l an d conviction. H e quote s Ann e Hutchinso n a s asking , 'D o yo u as k me e upo n point of conscience?' T o which h e claims to have replied, 'No, your conscience you ma y keep to you r self,' an d told her it was he r 'practise ' fo r which sh e wa s on trial. Th e tria l transcript , however , tell s a differen t story . I n it , Winthrop 7

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Why do you call me to teach the court 21 3 tells Anne Hutchinson, in response t o her clai m that she i s being persecuted fo r a 'matte r o f conscience ' tha t 'You r conscienc e yo u mus t kee p o r i t mus t b e kept fo r you.' Th e differenc e i s clear. Certainl y in A Shor t Story , Winthrop had a n ey e towar d a Britis h audienc e likel y t o b e sensitiv e t o persecutio n fo r matters of conscience. Bu t more is at stake . Focusin g on 'practise' define s th e crime a s actin g i n public, acting, in short, lik e a man. M y point here (thoug h not later) i s not that Winthrop lied. Rather , he defined Hutchinson's crime as a violation o f th e identit y appropriat e fo r he r a s a privat e (tha t is , feminized ) person. Winthrop ma y no t hav e initiall y appreciate d tha t puttin g he r o n tria l demanded tha t the crim e be repeated. O n the on e hand , that replication served to condem n her . O n the other , however , i t no t onl y permitted bu t demande d that Ann e Hutchinso n becom e a speakin g subject . Th e tria l provide d a legitimated positio n fro m whic h sh e coul d speak . Th e contradictio n quickl y became obviou s t o all . I t serve d th e Court' s interes t t o punis h he r fo r 'practise.' Bu t t o d o so , sh e ha d t o d o wha t sh e wa s accuse d o f i n the first place. Th e process an d its participants demande d tha t she spea k a t the time and place i n an d a t whic h sh e wa s condemne d a s unnatural , heretica l an d treasonous becaus e sh e ha d spoken . Sh e recognize d thi s doubl e an d contradictory deman d whe n sh e aske d he r judges '[d] o yo u think it not lawfu l for m e t o teac h wome n an d wh y d o yo u cal l m e t o teac h th e court?' Ann e Hutchinson sa w th e opportunity ; whethe r sh e sa w th e tra p i s no t s o clear . I n any event , sh e too k ful l advantag e o f th e lega l processe s t o equaliz e (albei t temporarily) th e relationshi p betwee n he r judges an d hersel f b y insistin g that her accuser s b e compelle d t o tak e th e oat h befor e thei r testimon y coul d b e heard. Ironies aboun d becaus e Ann e Hutchinson and he r accuser s eac h stak e out position s tha t the y coul d maintai n onl y b y speakin g fro m withi n th e discourse o f their opponent . I n her case , havin g denied th e efficac y o f words and works, she relie d upon them t o equaliz e power relation s i n the courtroom . In thei r case , havin g claime d it wa s no t he r conscienc e bu t he r practic e tha t brought he r t o th e bar , sh e wa s give n the righ t t o practic e th e crim e o f whic h she had been accused i n order that she might be convicted. Winthrop's languag e suggest s tha t th e tria l grante d Ann e Hutchinson the ver y publi c sel f fo r whic h h e claime d sh e wa s bein g tried . I n remark s prefatory t o hi s report o f the trial , Winthro p states that the trial' s purpose wa s to convic t 'thi s woma n wh o wa s th e roo t o f al l these troubles.' Isolatin g Anne Hutchinso n was, o f course, goo d strateg y the n an d i n the late r repor t fo r the Britis h audience. B y casting her as an eccentric, he denied, incorrectly, that any fundamental difference s existe d within the colon y or Puritanism. Immediately following , however , h e indicate s tha t gettin g a t th e roo t was a t cross-purpose s wit h th e clai m tha t he r crim e wa s he r practice . Th e trial's purpos e wa s fo r he r 't o b e roote d ou t o f her station.' A slippag e i n meaning appears between th e tw o statements. Winthro p first implies that, now 9

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that th e branche s an d trun k hav e bee n deal t with , onl y th e roo t remains . Bu t his extension of the figur e adds anothe r dimensio n to rooting Anne Hutchinson out. Sh e mus t no t merel y be uproote d fro m th e garde n o f commonwealth and church; o r rather , i n orde r fo r Ann e Hutchinson to b e s o uprooted , sh e mus t first b e uproote d fro m 'he r station, ' whic h firs t an d las t i s define d b y he r gender. Hi s verb form i s critical: sh e was 't o be rooted,' th e ac t performed no t by her but by others. They , not she , would place her in the public realm. The court forced Anne Hutchinson into the position of the criminal , ou t of he r station . Th e crime and its remedy were Identical . Accuse d o f violatin g gendered norm s fo r wome n b y assertin g a publi c identity , th e onl y wa y t o condemn Ann e Hutchinson was t o forc e he r to ac t a s sh e wa s accused. Th e obvious gle e wit h whic h he r claim s of immediate revelatio n were greete d ha s long been noted. Fo r the court, it was best that 'he r owne mouth shoul d deliver her int o the powe r o f the Court , as guilt y o f that whic h al l suspected he r for , but wer e no t furnishe d wit h proof e sufficien t t o procee d agains t her.' No t noted ha s bee n ho w the tria l — a s trial — put he r in the positio n of a speaking subject wh o could make the claims for which sh e woul d be punished. Winthrop describe s bot h he r confessio n an d crim e a s 'bottomles s revelations,' an d stresse s that t o accep t suc h claim s made he r an d other s 'no t subject t o control.' I n s o doing , h e show s ho w h e accept s th e argumen t against relianc e on representation intellectuall y even as he rejects i t practically. Interpretive contro l canno t b e justified ; i t mus t b e impose d an d maintained . The relatio n i s caus e an d effect . Th e cour t neede d t o hav e Ann e Hutchinso n speak. I t authorize d he r t o spea k t o condem n he r fo r speaking . Henc e Winthrop's gle e that she condemned herself out of her mouth even as the cour t solicited that speech. But i f th e cour t ha d it s wa y an d thu s undi d itself , s o di d Ann e Hutchinson a s the matte r o f swearing oaths makes clear . Th e initial clas h over whether sh e had been calle d to accoun t fo r her conscience or to teach th e cour t already indicate s ho w th e tria l authorize d Ann e Hutchinso n a s a speakin g subject, thu s producin g th e criminalit y i t claime d t o punish . Bu t i f Ann e Hutchinson perceive d th e equatio n o f bein g calle d t o accoun t an d t o teach , Winthrop's denia l doe s no t admi t an y recognitio n o n hi s part . Neithe r Winthrop no r Hutchinson , at thi s poin t a t least , acknowledge d the iron y that accepting th e opportunit y t o spea k essentiall y doome d her . Moreover , afte r this moment , th e res t o f th e firs t da y o f th e tria l proceede d a s if , havin g expressed he r sarcasm , Ann e Hutchinso n did no t quit e realiz e o r accep t th e opportunity. Sh e characterized herself o n th e firs t da y a s a private individual , not a teacher , bu t a n unfairl y accuse d perso n wh o ha d don e nothin g wrong , who ha d followe d th e rule s governin g behavior , especiall y those o f gender . First, sh e claimed Biblical sanctio n for her meetings . I n doing so, she claimed orthodoxy in following th e 'law, ' bu t necessaril y gave the la w an authoritativ e epistemological statu s i n determinin g truth , th e positio n sh e otherwis e contested. Second , sh e denie d tha t sh e ha d state d th e minister s preache d a 14

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Why do you call me to teach the court 21 5 covenant o f work s bu t insofa r a s sh e ha d com e clos e t o sayin g that , sh e claimed tha t he r previou s conversation s ha d bee n private. Tha t is , sh e attempted t o dra w a lin e betwee n publi c and private , acceptin g an d tryin g to use against him Winthrop's distinction between 'conscience ' and 'practise. ' To accep t th e la w and the public/privat e distinction, however , onl y pu t her a t a greate r disadvantage , al l th e mor e s o sinc e sh e wa s i n th e clearl y anomalous positio n of claiming publicl y t o hav e acte d onl y privately . O n th e second da y o f the trial , sh e reverse d cours e an d acte d a s a public figure. Sh e requested tha t the minister s testifying against he r b e sworn. I n a trial ful l o f dramatic moments , non e i s more s o — an d non e presente d mor e difficult y — than Ann e Hutchinson' s request/deman d tha t th e minister s b e swor n befor e their testimon y wa s accepte d b y the court . Thi s momen t epitomize s the flui d discourse i n whic h bot h side s foun d themselve s takin g each other' s position . Her reques t seem s reasonable enoug h t o latte r da y observers , hardl y anything to excit e comment . Indeed , th e debat e ove r swearin g th e minister s ha s no t been discussed heretofore i n the voluminous secondary literature . The secon d da y ha d begu n wit h Winthro p apparentl y attemptin g t o summarize the evidenc e agains t her ; hi s intentio n seems to hav e bee n t o wra p matters up. A t this point, Mrs. Hutchinso n stopped disputin g the memorie s of the minister s abou t he r statement s to them . U p to thi s point, sh e ha d claimed Biblical precedent , itsel f ironi c i n tha t sh e wa s appealin g t o la w whe n she , herself, wa s skeptica l abou t law . N o w sh e shifte d groun d an d entere d th e public realm , taking on a masculin e persona. Sh e too k ful l advantag e o f th e formal structur e o f a trial with its two opposing sides. Rathe r than quarrel with Winthrop's summary , sh e cas t doub t o n its legal status. Sh e argued that '[t]h e ministers come i n their own cause. N o w the Lor d hat h sai d that an oath i s th e end o f al l controversy; thoug h ther e b e a sufficien t numbe r o f witnesses ye t they ar e no t accordin g to th e word , therefore I desir e the y mak e spea k upo n oath.' Winthrop' s response denie s thi s i s a trial: 'i t i s not i n this cas e a s in case o f a jury.' Hi s languag e acknowledge s tha t a tria l authorize s Ann e Hutchinson to speak , grantin g her a formal equality with witnesses agains t her , even or especially when those witnesse s ar e the mos t prestigious individuals in the colony. Several importan t point s ar e a t issue . First , i n seekin g t o hav e th e ministers sworn , Ann e Hutchinso n was suggestin g tha t thei r testimon y wa s inherently n o mor e credibl e than hers . I f les s dramaticall y than i n her initia l question whether sh e wa s calle d to 'teach ' th e court , sh e here more effectively equalized relation s betwee n magistrat e an d citizen , mal e an d female , an d minister an d layperson . Bu t i n doing so , Ann e Hutchinson also betraye d th e position sh e too k o n work s an d representatio n b y seemin g t o assen t tha t outward representations , i n thi s cas e a n oath , coul d accuratel y signif y inne r truths. Contrarily , Winthro p clearly recognized that, insofar as this was a trial, the ver y hierarchy sh e wa s accuse d o f violating ha d t o b e put , s o t o speak , i n brackets i f the outcom e were to have legitimacy . Henc e his denial that this was 17

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in fac t 'a s i n cas e o f a jury.' Thi s wa s clearl y not a stron g argument , sinc e Anne Hutchinson' s appea l wa s t o a forma l equalit y betwee n accuse r an d accused regardles s o f the presenc e o f a jury. Finally , an d apparentl y a t a loss, Winthrop state d tha t th e decisio n woul d b e u p t o th e Cour t an d lef t matter s conditionally: 'I f the y b e satisfie d the y hav e sufficien t matte r t o proceed.' She wa s no t t o b e pu t of f an d continue d pressing fo r a n oath , finall y arguin g that '[i] f they accuse me I desire it may be upon oath.' The importanc e o f this matte r i s easily seen i n that the cour t turne d it s exclusive attentio n t o wha t seeme d a purely technical matter. I n rapi d order , Simon Bradstreet , Richar d Brown , Increas e Nowell , Joh n Endicot , Israe l Stoughton, Hugh Peters, John Wilson, Roger Harlakenden, Zechariah Symmes, Townsend Bishop , Joh n Coggeshall , Willia m Colburn , Thoma s Shepard , Thomas Weld, Thoma s Leverett, Thomas Dudley an d John Eliot, som e severa l times, joined Winthrop in what was by far the singl e occasion during which th e greatest number o f individuals spoke. Th e disput e remaine d unresolve d and was temporarily put of f by Dudley's suggestion that Hutchinson's witnesses b e called. Magistrate s an d elder s kne w t o b e swor n woul d impl y Ann e Hutchinson's equalit y with them . I t wa s no t unti l afte r Ann e Hutchinson had made he r notorious clai m o f immediate revelation, which serve d in the eye s of the cour t to convict her, that the minister s were sworn . An d that only occurred because Stoughto n objecte d t o censur e a s irregula r because 'sh e hat h no t bee n formally convicte d upon oat h a s other s ar e b y witnesses.' Sinc e there is n o doubt tha t h e regarde d he r a s guilt y an d deservin g o f punishment , i t i s clea r that swearin g wa s no t a mer e technicality . T o appeas e hi m an d wh o know s how many others, three ministers, Weld, Eliot an d Peters wer e sworn and a sort of truncate d tria l occurre d that enabled the cour t to proceed to sentencing . Th e court, upholdin g th e validit y o f representatio n itself , coul d hardl y refus e t o engage in signifying acts . Further evidenc e o f how sensitiv e the matte r wa s ca n be gleane d fro m Winthrop's accoun t i n A Short Story. Wherea s th e tria l transcrip t mad e clea r the ministers ' reluctanc e t o tak e th e oat h an d th e circumstance s unde r whic h they finall y di d s o — i n effec t whe n th e tria l wa s ove r — Winthro p misrepresented th e sequence . Havin g mentione d Hutchinson' s request , h e noted tha t th e Cour t sa w n o nee d an d ha d th e minister s swor n onl y tha t 'al l mouths migh t be stopped.' Thi s dramaticall y collapsed the tim e an d energ y on thi s debate : i t occupie s les s tha n a pag e i n A Short Story whereas, i n th e transcript, eightee n page s separate d he r firs t reques t tha t the minister s tak e a n oath fro m th e moment a t whic h the y di d so. Eve n mor e crucially , Winthrop's narrative reversed the relation between he r conviction an d the oath . I n the tria l transcript, i t was onl y afte r sh e wa s convicte d and thus reduced t o a n inferior position that her accusers woul d swea r the oath . Bu t in A Short Story, the oat h had a n almos t magica l effect. I t wa s immediatel y followed b y he r claim s of revelation, a s if one produced the other . I n this narrative, works have efficacy. 21

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Why do you call me to teach the court 21 7 Representation I s both true and powerful. Winthro p rewrote histor y In order t o prove that signs do tell the truth; Indeed , the y compe l It.

The sam e concep t pervade s latter-da y representation s o f Ann e Hutchinson . Her fame , he r monumentalizatio n b y later generations , depend s on the fait h I n representatlon(s) he r opponent s wer e offering . Sh e ha s becom e a tru e sign , whether tha t truth i s individualism , freedom , th e right s o f women, freedo m o f speech, an d s o on. Ho w she cam e t o do that is a long and complex story. Her e I concentrat e no t o n wha t late r generation s hav e don e bu t rathe r o n ho w sh e herself participate d i n givin g t o representatio n a legitimac y and authorit y tha t she otherwis e denied . To pu t th e matte r somewha t differently : th e Antinomia n Controversy was a debat e ove r th e reliabilit y o f sign s an d representation s an d thu s a linguistic a s wel l a s theologica l debate. Th e linguisti c debat e become s visible i n th e positio n hel d b y Antinomians , their 'refusa l t o se e an y visibl e signs a s efficacious, ' itsel f a consequence o f 'a radica l distrust o f signs' i n and of themselves. Fo r Anne Hutchinson, the poin t of one's justification was that it escape d th e real m o f representatio n an d mediation , whic h b y thei r ver y nature coul d never promis e an y assurance . He r epistemologica l certainty wa s predicated o n it s incapacit y to b e expresse d i n signs. On e fel t th e presenc e of the Lor d i n a manner tha t representation coul d not convey . He r brother-in-la w and ally , th e Reveren d Joh n Wheelwright , insiste d o n thi s distinction : 'therefore whe n the Lor d i s pleased t o conver t an y soule unt o him, he revealet h not t o hi m some worke , and fro m that worke, carrieth hi m to Christ , but ther e is nothin g reveale d bu t Christ , when Chris t is lifte d up , he drawet h al l to him, that belonget h t o th e electio n o f grace.' Fro m thi s perspective , Antinomianism i n Massachusetts Ba y is the inevitabl e result o f Protestantism' s mistrust an d rejectio n o f mediatin g institution s (whethe r church , apostoli c tradition, eve n the languag e o f the Bibl e itself) . I t wa s onl y a matter of when, not if , the crisi s would occur. The rejectio n o f representation als o entailed , i n Hutchinson's eye s an d those o f he r opponents , a n escap e fro m th e (sinful ) self , a phras e tha t call s attention onc e agai n t o element s bot h side s shared . W e ar e familia r with th e idea o f being bor n again ; perhap s no t a s easil y perceive d i s th e destabilizin g and disorientin g effect o f that sel f o n a society, especiall y a society committe d to stabilit y and hierarchy . Suc h radical transformations o f identity threatened the comple x mode l o f th e organi c bod y politi c mos t famousl y articulate d i n John Winthrop' s ' A Model l o f Christia n Charity. ' I n th e ultimat e lis t o f eighty-two theologica l errors, th e minister s include d the belie f that 't o comfor t my conscience. ..from former experienc e o f God's grace i n mee, i s not a way of grace' a s a necessar y consequenc e o f Antinomia n thought. Davi d D . Hal l notes that this confutation 'contains , i n brief, the positio n of Shepard, Bulkeley , 26

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and the orthodo x ministers on assurance' because the saint 'coul d take comfort from hi s "conversation, " his constan t walk wit h G o d . ' Th e sel f wa s define d as th e continuity of one's 'conversation. ' One' s entr y int o languag e i s one's acceptance o f th e sel f alread y available , discursivel y prescribe d an d constructed. Describin g th e sel f a s 'conversation, ' however , imagine s individuals a s speaking subjects , somethin g impossibl e for 'members' o f the body politic in Winthrop's sermon. Personal identit y thu s wa s central t o representation . T o imagine a person a s undergoing radica l shifts i n interiority inevitably suggested tha t the publicly known self was always already a misrepresentation, tha t it could be no other tha n that . Lik e th e statistica l concep t o f reliability , representatio n guarantees not truth bu t continuity. Fro m Ann e Hutchinson's poin t o f view, however, th e experience o f grace radicall y reinvente d th e self . Whe n Joh n Wheelwright, in his fast da y sermon, used the phrase, 'Jesu s Christ, with whom we are made one,' h e threatened the order of the colon y because that implied a new identit y beyond society' s control. A l l form s o f representation, whethe r of chil d b y parent, citizen b y magistrate, subjec t b y ruler, servan t b y master or woman by man, worked only if they continued through time. Requiring Ann e Hutchinso n t o represen t hersel f convicte d a s i t authorized her . Winthrop' s respons e t o her question whethe r sh e had been called t o teac h th e cour t manifest s hi s desir e tha t sh e accep t th e alread y existing for m o f representation a s identity. H e demanded tha t sh e 'la y ope n yourself.' Th e sexua l politic s implicat e al l othe r form s o f authority . Moreover, hi s demand inscribe s th e sel f withi n a structur e o f representatio n and define s he r crim e a s misrepresentation . Bu t fo r Hutchinson , any representation wa s already a misrepresentation. Sh e would hav e understood , even as she condemned, the uses to which we have put her . 30

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Quote d in Elaine C Huber, Women and the Authority of Inspiration: A Reexamination of Two Prophetic Movements From a Contemporary Feminist Perspective (Lanham, MD and London: University Press of America, 1985), 122 . Quote d in Amy Schrager Lang, Prophetic Woman: Anne Hutchinson and the Problem of Dissent in the Literature of New England (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1987), 215. Lang , 216. I n 'A Radically Different Voice: Gender and Language in the Trials of Anne Hutchinson,' Early American Literature 2 5 (1990) : 253-70, Lad Tobin argue s gender has not been accorded its rightful primary place in the commentary. H e ignores, however, the enormous body of 'popular' (i.e., not scholarly) literature and memorials that foreground gender. Davi d D. Hall, ed., The Antinomian Controversy, 1636-38: A Documentary History, 2nd ed. (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1990), 383. Jame s Kendall Hosmer, ed., Winthrop's Journal: 'History of New England,' 1630-1649, vol. 1 (New York : Barnes and Noble, 1946), 195 .

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Ther e is no evidence t o indicate when Winthrop compiled the documents and wrote the history. No r do we know anything, as Hall indicates , abou t the book's transmission to England though its relevance to disputes there is clear. Se e Hall, 200. Hall , 266. Hall , 312. Hall , 315. Hall , 265. O n the fundamental divisions within Puritanism between what she labels the 'Intellectual Fathers' and the 'Spiritua l Brethren,' see Janic e Knight, Orthodoxies in Massachusetts: Rereading American Puritanism (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1994). Hall , 265. Typically , an d certainly not incorrectly , previous commentator s hav e focuse d o n An n Hutchinson's crime as one of violating gender norms and ignored the ways in which she was solicite d t o violat e the m by the court . See , fo r example , Am y Schrager Lang's summary comment that 'the ministers of the seventeenth century recalled Hutchinson to her role as woman,' op. cit., 88. Hall , 274. Ibid . Hall , 318-9. Hall , 270. Hall , 327. Ibid . Ibid . Ibid . Hall , 327-32. Hall , 345. Hall , 271. Hal l writes, 'the rhetoric of the controvers y is the reality' (xiii). O n language, see Patricia J. Caldwell , 'Th e Antinomian Language Controversy,' Harvard Theological Review 6 9 (1976): 345-67; Ross J . Pudaloff, 'Sig n and Subject: Antinomianism i n Massachusetts Bay,' Semiotica 5 4 (1985) : 147-63 ; and Anne Kibbey, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism: A Study of Rhetoric, Prejudice, and Violence (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1986). Bot h quotes are fromAmy Schrager Lang. Th e first is found on 26; the second, which occurs in her discussion of the Great Awakening, is on 102. Hall , 161. Hall , 234. Hall , 235n. Hall , 160. Hall , 315.

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16 A Criticism o f Contradiction : Anna Leticia Barbauld and the 'Problem' of Nineteenth-Centur y Women's Writin g Robin DeRosa For a female voice to be deemed a site of cultural authority, critics generally require that voice to be, as the editor of this volume writes in the Introduction, 'authentic and potent.' Of course, these terms are far from transparent, and they shift dramatically from one historical moment to another. In the case of nineteenth-century writer Anna Leticia Barbauld, the terms are particularly vexed, as she works so often with paradox and contradiction. As this essay will show, while critics condemn her for failing to be an authentic woman or a powerful voice for what a woman should be, Barbauld slyly writes her way to authority by inverting the very notion of what it means to be a woman writer in the first place.

To the vast majorit y o f both nineteenth - an d twentieth-century literar y critics , Anna Letici a Barbaul d ha s no t bee n woma n enough . Joh n Wilso n Croker , famous for his skewering attack o n 'Eighteen Hundred and Eleven' in the Tory Quarterly Review in 1812 , wrote, 'W e had hoped...that the empir e migh t hav e been saved without the interference of a lady-author...An irresistible impuls e of public duty...[has ] induce d [Mrs . Barbauld ] t o das h dow n he r shagree n spectacles an d her knitting needles, an d to sally forth.' 1 Barbaul d was attacked for th e 'traitorous ' qualit y o f the poem , a s interprete d b y man y critic s o f th e time who felt that it was akin to a crime against the nation to predict the fall of Britain, especiall y durin g the tenuous years of Napoleon's encroachment . Bu t what Croker' s criticism display s i s the way that man y critique s o f Barbauld's material — especially her poetry — counted as her greatest crim e her failure to uphold th e appearanc e o f th e docile , domesti c woma n o f th e privat e hom e space. This , o f course, i s not particularly surprising , sinc e wome n author s o f the nineteenth centur y constantly foun d themselve s a t odds with socia l custo m from th e ver y first moment s tha t the y picked u p their pen s t o write . Wha t i s interesting, an d perhap s surprising , however , i s th e wa y tha t today' s critic s replicate the charge against Barbauld that she is not woman enough. I n the last five years, since Barbauld has been 'recovered' and placed (tenuously ) into the

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academy's revise d Romanti c canon , critic s have found faul t wit h her failur e t o stand u p fo r women's right s i n any kin d o f consistent o r explici t way. Thi s is, admittedly, a n inversion of Croker's accusation agains t her, bu t nineteenth - an d twentieth-century critic s shar e a n impuls e t o fi x Barbaul d o n th e politica l spectrum, an d t o someho w mak e he r gende r identit y continuou s an d compatible wit h her written material . No recen t critic s o f who m I a m awar e hav e intende d t o belittl e Barbauld an d he r work . I n general , today' s critic s ten d t o wan t t o 'rescue ' Barbauld fro m he r ow n conservatism, demonstratin g ho w sh e shoul d rightfully be recognize d a s on e o f th e mother s o f Britis h Romanticism . Bu t thes e accolades ar e tempere d b y a wistfu l disappointmen t tha t Barbaul d coul d no t quite liv e u p t o th e imag e tha t critic s currently creat e for wome n writer s fro m the Wollstonecraftia n era . Marlo n Ross , i n a chapte r relevantl y entitle d 'Th e Birth o f a Tradition: Making Cultura l Space fo r Feminin e Poetry,' writes , 'Th e limits of Barbauld's feminis m are als o the limit s of her poetics . A woman wh o cannot grant women absolut e equal right s wit h men als o canno t grant them th e right t o writ e freel y fro m th e dictate s of their ow n desire.' Embedde d i n thi s critique i s a n assumptio n tha t desir e i s someho w outsid e politica l strictures , and tha t wome n wh o d o no t transcen d socia l boundaries aroun d gende r role s will no t b e abl e t o writ e authentically . I n th e fina l sentence s o f a sectio n o n Wollstonecraft an d Barbaul d i n The Muses of Resistance, Donn a Landr y praises Barbauld' s recognitio n o f th e importanc e o f women' s work ; bu t a moment later , sh e concludes , 'Th e boldnes s o f suc h a recognitio n canno t b e sustained. Barbauld' s tex t remain s marke d b y contradiction s tha t sh e share s with othe r women writers.' Here , th e contradiction s tha t mark th e tex t ('Th e Rights o f Woman'), eve n thoug h the y ar e understandabl e an d explainable , ar e the endpoin t o f the discussion . Willia m Keach , who ha s bee n instrumenta l i n situating Barbaul d in the revise d Romantic canon, i s sensitive t o the precariou s position o f women writer s durin g th e period . Specifically , he i s intereste d i n what h e call s the statu s of 'double dissent, ' i n which dissenting wome n suc h a s Barbauld ar e encourage d t o thin k o f themselves a s th e spiritua l equals o f me n within thei r religion , and ye t ar e expecte d t o subordinat e themselve s jus t th e same t o th e me n i n thei r live s (fathers , brothers , ministers , etc.) . Despit e noting thi s comple x positionality , Keach, like Ross , find s faul t wit h Barbauld: 'The limit s of Barbauld' s positio n o f 'doubl e dissent ' ar e eviden t throughou t 'The Righ t of Woman' [sic] : her ow n activ e participatio n i n the publi c sphere of politica l a s wel l a s literar y discourse, base d agai n an d agai n o n a n appea l t o 'common' huma n natur e an d universa l huma n rights , falter s whe n face d wit h the prospec t o f breaking fro m middle-class norms o f gender.' 2

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M y intentio n i s not t o argu e that Ross an d Keac h are uniforml y wron g in thei r critiqu e o f Barbauld's complicate d relationshi p t o feminism , bu t I d o think i t important t o conside r th e emphasi s here . I f so many critic s are s o kee n to not e th e comple x o f competin g persona l an d politica l circumstance s tha t subsume th e writin g o f wome n fro m th e Romanti c period , wh y ar e the y no t

A Criticism of Contradiction 22 3 interested i n reading that contradiction within women' s texts ? I n other words , Ross an d Keac h attemp t t o resolv e th e parado x o f th e conservativ e woma n writer by explaining away her traditional values a s failures , limits, stumble s in her otherwis e groundbreakin g career . I d o no t wan t t o disput e tha t gende r inflects women' s writing ; quit e conversely , I a m suggestin g tha t we mus t no t be s o quick to fix women such as Barbauld (and this paradigm could o f course be extende d t o othe r wome n writers o f the perio d suc h a s Hanna h Mor e an d Felicia Hemans ) t o particula r point s o n an y historical-politica l spectrum , bu t we mus t instea d allo w th e contradiction s i n their live s an d wor k to signif y i n new an d sometime s unstabl e ways . I n 'Wome n Readers , Wome n Writers,' Stuart Curra n discusses nineteenth-centur y wome n writers who earne d a good living fro m writin g tha t extolle d traditiona l values . 'Rathe r tha n se e inconsistency, o r worse , hypocris y i n suc h attitudes, ' h e writes , 'w e shoul d perhaps recogniz e the priorit y of the envelopin g cultural contradictions withi n which thes e figure s labored.' Thoug h man y critic s hav e delineate d th e qualities o f these contradictions, none hav e extende d thes e contradiction s into a theor y o f readin g tha t ca n offe r productiv e interpretation s o f the work s of these wome n writers . Th e ai m o f this essa y i s t o us e th e self-contradictio n inherent i n th e wor k o f Ann a Barbaul d t o sketc h a new , nonjudgmental , complex vision of 'conservative' Romantic women writers. 5

Barbauld's essa y 'Agains t Inconsistenc y i n Ou r Expectations ' start s with a plea : ' A s mos t o f th e unhappines s i n th e worl d arise s rathe r fro m disappointed desires tha n fro m positiv e evil , i t i s o f utmos t consequenc e t o attain just notion s o f the law s and orde r o f the universe , that we ma y not ve x ourselves wit h fruitles s wishes , o r giv e wa y t o groundles s an d unreasonabl e discontent.' Thi s statemen t characterizes th e Mrs . Barbaul d that critics — o f both th e nineteent h an d twentiet h centurie s — hav e know n an d love d t o discuss: committe d to order , t o socia l position , to goo d cheer, t o th e ide a that there are , i n fact, 'jus t laws ' which , whe n learne d an d memorized , can guid e humanity o n it s cours e t o heightene d moralit y an d civility . Bu t a smal l contradiction, on e tha t grow s throughou t th e essa y a s a whole , begin s t o emerge. Ther e i s (mostly ) no positiv e evil, an d ye t ther e ar e law s an d order . This is a quintessentially Barbauldian maneuver, i n which that which masks a s the mos t fixed , stable , regulator y trut h i s i n fac t reveale d t o b e fluctuating , man-made, temporal , etc. 'Conside r this worl d a s a great mart o f commerce,' she writes , 'where...riches , ease , tranquility, fame, integrity , [and ] knowledge ' are ou r 'commodities.' O n the on e hand , thi s certainl y suggest s a n ordere d world comprise d o f purchasable values , bu t o n th e other , i t associate s lofty , meritorious notion s suc h a s integrit y an d fam e wit h product s tha t ca n b e acquired by essentially vulgar people. I n fact, sh e suggest s that a 'mean , dirty fellow' isn' t unlikel y t o b e wealthy : 'No t i n th e least . H e mad e himsel f a mean, dirt y fellow fo r that very end.' Bu t the essa y isn' t just a simple attac k on th e seed y ladde r climber s i n hig h society . I t goe s farthe r tha n that , suggesting tha t th e premis e tha t socia l law s deriv e fro m self-eviden t an d 6

7

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organic truth s belie s th e discontinuit y between inne r wort h an d oute r worth , indeed between th e inne r and outer i n general, underlying those very laws. 'Nature,' Barbaul d writes, 'i s muc h mor e fruga l tha n t o hea p together all manne r o f shining qualities i n one glarin g mass. Lik e a judicious painter , she endeavor s t o preserv e a certai n unity of style an d colorin g in her pieces.' Here, Nature exist s throug h a metaphor i n which sh e i s compared t o a human ; the ide a tha t th e worl d i s a man-mad e marke t econom y an d no t a divinel y inspired Pope-ia n universe i s strengthened. I n addition, the equatio n o f Nature and th e 'judiciou s painter ' de-naturalize s th e natura l itself , invokin g no t a spontaneous an d wil d divin e energ y bu t a culture d an d cautiou s huma n artificer. 'Ther e ar e combination s o f mora l qualitie s whic h neve r ca n tak e place bu t i n idea, ' Barbaul d writes , suggestin g tha t th e urg e t o merg e conflicting dream s ca n alway s only be literar y (for wha t i s a n ide a i f it is not , like language, th e sig n or representation o f a thing that is separate from itself?). But thi s is where sh e full y reveal s he r paradox. Thoug h the thrus t of the essa y is undoubtedl y conservativ e i n that it does, o n one level , provide a matrix upon which huma n being s ca n gri d themselve s int o classes, occupations , genders , i t also simultaneously reveals that grid to be artificial , culturall y constructed, an d enticingly transgressable . In ' O n Female Studies,' a n essay writte n as a series o f letters to a young woman friend , Barbaul d treads a thi n lin e betwee n a n argumen t i n favo r o f women's rationality , an d on e tha t support s th e vie w o f wome n a s primarily sentimental creatures . 'Fro m books , fro m conversation , fro m learne d instructors,' sh e writes , 'sh e wil l gathe r th e flowe r o f ever y science ; an d he r mind, in assimilating everything to itself, will ador n it with new graces.' Th e flower-gathering metaphor woul d have struc k a chord with her contemporaries , as botan y wa s on e o f the fe w science s i n whic h wome n wer e encourage d t o participate. An d the dictio n of 'adorning' an d 'grace ' als o suggest s a female appropriate activity , related t o decorating , ornamentation , an d holy virtue. Bu t embedded i n thi s traditiona l wor d choic e i s a n untraditiona l message , fo r botany i s not the scienc e (or at least no t the only science) being discussed here , nor i s this a trac t abou t women' s dres s o r women' s mora l fiber . Instead , th e diction cloak s a remarkabl e visio n o f femal e education . Indeed , th e essa y suggests that women, rational creatures, shoul d have acces s t o science , history, etc., bu t i t als o suggest s that suc h subjects , whe n learne d b y women , wil l b e fundamentally altered . O n one level , thi s assert s that the truth s o f science ar e produced b y the mind , and, more significantly , are malleabl e and impermanen t (and i n post-Enlightenment Britain , thi s woul d hav e bee n a n unsettlin g clai m from anyone , le t alon e a woman) . O n another level , i t assert s that scienc e i s not an essentially masculine discipline, and that it can and wil l b e feminized by women wh o stud y it . Thi s doe s no t necessaril y endors e a n essentializin g concept o f separate spheres; Barbauld' s attention t o th e wa y that external trut h and gendered discipline s are constructe d b y human minds instead suggest s that such separate spheres are infinitel y permeable, an d anything but distinct. 9

10

A Criticism of Contradiction 22 5 In th e conclusio n to thi s essay , Barbaul d agai n cloak s a potentiall y radical revisionin g of 'truth, ' 'gender, ' an d 'order ' i n traditional, conservative rhetoric. 'Th e modest y whic h prevent s [th e learne d woman ] fro m a n unnecessary displa y o f wha t sh e knows, ' sh e writes , 'wil l caus e i t t o b e supposed tha t he r knowledg e i s deepe r tha n i n realit y i t is : a s whe n th e landscape i s see n throug h th e vei l o f a mist , th e bound s o f th e horizo n ar e h i d . ' Fo r all of its self-contradictions, this i s a nearly dizzying passage. Th e 'modesty' tha t prevent s wome n fro m appearin g to o learne d i s partiall y th e social strictur e tha t quietl y asserts that proper nineteenth-centur y wome n were not suppose d t o b e well-educate d in certain fields. An d yet, Barbaul d claims , by hiding her education, a woman can actually appear eve n more educated tha n she actually is, which certainly violates the limit s and boundaries se t up around women's proper fields of study (morality, belles lettres, botany, etc.). Barbaul d demonstrates ho w women can use the very limits that bind them as the vehicles that carr y them ou t o f their feminin e spheres . Th e vei l o f modesty i s i n this scenario tha t whic h full y unveil s th e woma n a s a scholar . I n he r stud y o f Barbauld's poetry , Laur a Mandel l note s wha t sh e call s th e 'contradictor y potential' o f Barbauld's use o f personification, in that i t ca n bot h 'serv e an d subvert ideologica l mystification.' Thi s is , I woul d argue , precisel y th e potential that characterizes her prose writing in general. 11

12

Though I hav e s o fa r bee n primaril y concerne d wit h Barbauld' s oft ignored pros e writings , the theme s I a m addressin g ca n b e foun d throughou t her poetr y a s well . I n 'T o a Lady , wit h som e painte d Flowers, ' Barbauld confuses th e natural and the artificial : Flowers to the fair : To you these flowers I bring, And strive to greet you with an earlier spring. Flowers sweet, and gay, an d delicate like you; Emblems of innocence, and beauty too. 13

As th e titl e tell s us , th e flower s ar e painted , bu t thi s leave s muc h stil l t o b e determined. I s th e narrato r bringin g a painting of flowers to a real lady , or i s the lad y part o f the painting as well? Th e flowers are, lik e the lady , sweet, gay , and delicate, but coul d the 'too ' i n the third verse sugges t that , like the lady, the flowers ar e emblems of beauty an d innocence? Th e flowers, 'born for pleasur e and deligh t alone, ' ar e chillingl y simila r t o th e woman , a s bot h emerg e a s representations fo r somethin g else . 'No r blush, my fair, ' th e poe m concludes, 'to ow n yo u cop y these ; / You r best , you r sweetes t empir e i s t o please.' Here, th e woma n i s a cop y o f the flowers , invertin g the traditiona l metapho r that would place the flower s as vehicle to the woman's tenor. Bu t as we know, the flower s themselves ar e copie s of real flowers . I n a sense, Barbaul d jostles the ver y notion of priority o r originality, optin g instead to paint a world wher e artifice inhabit s eve n th e mos t natura l o f spaces : th e woman' s bod y an d th e poem. Th e flower s ar e calle d 'lovel y withou t art, ' whic h ring s ironi c for , of course, the flower s are art , that is, painted. I f the poe m reinscribes a feminine 14

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stereotype, al l flowers , grace , an d ornament , i t als o deconstruct s suc h a stereotype b y revealing its artificial core . Th e allusion to women's 'empire ' i n the fina l lin e catche s th e spiri t o f th e Barbauldia n paradox : throug h a self conscious interrogatio n o f th e mechanism s tha t confin e wome n t o thei r feminine graces , wome n ca n become powerful . Th e parado x doe s not reliev e women's oppressio n by inverting the male-femal e powe r differential , nor does it ste p outsid e o f it s confinin g culture ; instead , i t parodicall y plays wit h th e constructedness o f the socia l order , revealin g it s instability , its unnaturalness , and its arbitrary 'nature. ' This parado x seem s particularly evident i n 'Th e Right s of Woman, ' a poem that has trouble d many twentieth-century feminists . I t is most ofte n rea d as a n anti-Wollstonecraftia n respons e t o th e woma n question , an d a pointe d attack o n Wollstonecraf t herself , wh o ha d attacke d 'T o a Lady , wit h som e painted Flowers ' i n th e Vindication. Thoug h Wollstonecraf t an d Barbaul d were note d allie s o n a numbe r o f political platforms , Willia m McCarth y an d Elizabeth Kraft hav e this to sa y about 'Th e Rights of Woman': 'I t nee d no t b e read a s representin g A L B ' s considere d judgment o n women's rights ; rather, it is a n outburs t o f ange r a t Wollstonecraft.' I n orde r t o preserv e Barbauld' s feminist potential , McCarth y an d Kraf t fee l impelle d to trea t Barbauld' s onl y poem whic h explicitl y addresse s women's right s a s a mere 'outburs t o f anger ' by an insulted lady. I cannot, o f course, discoun t the possibilit y that Barbauld was peeved a t Wollstonecraft, but I think it quite likel y that there is more going on i n thi s complicate d poem . Th e poe m certainl y advocate s tha t woma n 'resume th y native empir e o'e r th e breast, ' suggestin g tha t she i s most adep t a t ruling th e sentimental , emotiona l sid e o f the world . An d yet, th e poe m als o constantly call s attention t o ho w women achiev e thei r femininity , their acces s to specia l emotional powers: no t throug h a biologica l assignmen t o f gendere d characteristics bu t throug h a n elaborat e syste m o f performanc e an d ornamentation. 'G o fort h arraye d i n panoply divine, ' Barbauld writes, 'Tha t angel purenes s whic h admit s n o stain.' I s th e purenes s intrinsi c t o th e woman, o r ha s sh e arraye d hersel f i n that, a s well ? An d though th e purenes s admits o f n o stain , i s thi s perhap s a cove r fo r wha t is , underneath , slightl y imperfect o r marred ? 'Gir d thysel f wit h grace, ' th e poe m continues , agai n suggesting that the mos t natura l o f feminine qualities not onl y has to be put on, but that it must b e put o n like the armo r o f a knight. 'Tho u mayest command , but never cans t b e free, ' ma y suggest, as many readers understand, tha t women should abando n thei r unladylik e quest fo r dominanc e an d power , bu t i t migh t also sugges t tha t hierarch y i n genera l alway s inscribe s a binar y oppositio n which hold s captiv e bot h o f its poles . A s opposing element s i n the poe m ar e aligned (a s i n the girdin g of the grace) , Barbaul d melts th e binaristi c syste m itself; th e los s o f separat e rights , whil e admittedl y a potentia l setbac k fo r nineteenth-century wome n o n th e cus p o f a majo r feminis t uprising , is les s a disappointing failur e tha n a cautio n t o feminist s tha t demandin g right s an d demanding freedo m ar e not, i n fact, the sam e thing. 15

16

A Criticism of Contradiction 22

7

Even mor e popula r tha n 'Th e Right s o f Woman, ' 'Washing-Day ' i s certainly th e Barbaul d poem whic h is mos t anthologize d today . Criti c Ann e Mellor ha s suggeste d tha t Barbauld's celebratio n o f the valu e o f the quotidian , of dail y domesti c dutie s an d socia l involvements , helpe d t o tur n Britis h literature a s a whole towards a national literar y taste that favored domesti c lif e and matrimonia l happiness. Thoug h Mello r i s passingl y intereste d i n wha t she call s Barbauld' s 'stud y o f narratology, ' reveale d i n th e poet' s groundbreaking outlinin g of omniscient, firs t person , an d epistolar y styles , sh e does no t significantl y relat e th e celebratio n o f th e everyda y wit h th e self conscious attentio n t o styl e i n Barbauld' s texts . 'Washing-Day, ' I woul d argue, i s as concerne d wit h connecting the rol e of poetry t o domestic labo r as i t is wit h investin g washin g da y wit h epi c importance . Th e poem' s opening , which take s u p th e questio n o f th e poem' s meter , claim s tha t th e gossip y domestic muse s spea k i n 'slip-sho d measure, ' whic h belie s th e near-perfec t iambic-pentameter o f 'Washing-Day. ' Thi s i s th e first quie t suggestio n tha t this poem an d it s subject , whil e masking as th e bana l an d the daily , are i n fac t worthy o f the forma l literar y tradition that it is often sai d by critics to 'mock. ' In fact , th e poe m enter s int o a comple x dialectic ; on th e on e hand , i t mock s itself an d it s subjec t throug h hyperboli c comparison s (o f a housewif e o n washing da y an d Guatzimozi n roasting o n burnin g coals) , bu t o n th e othe r hand, it s own form recalls the epi c for m of Paradise Lost, casting the washin g day into a pre-eighteenth-century-epic context . I n other words , i t is impossible to kno w whethe r th e for m i s ironi c here , sinc e it s ironie s ar e potentiall y relieved by the ver y form that creates them. 17

As th e lonel y male characte r wander s ont o th e scen e o f the poem , h e receives a cold reception fro m both the washin g and 'Washing-Day' : 'Crossing lines / Shal l mar thy musings, a s the we t col d shee t / Flaps in thy face abrupt... / Looks, blan k a t best, and stinte d courtes y shal l he receive.' Th e dictio n here ('lines,' 'sheet, ' 'blank' ) refer s both to th e was h an d to line s of poetry, writte n upon blan k sheets , o r written , a s thi s poe m is , i n blank verse . Th e was h an d the poe m ar e bot h inaccessibl e t o men , an d the y ar e positione d a s a n obstacl e to his pure musings. I would suggest that this i s a radical departure from wha t is conventionally called 'British Romanticism, ' in that poetry i s revealed no t t o be a connectio n t o th e inne r landscap e o f man' s min d o r soul , bu t t o th e exterior worl d o f object , o f domestic labor . Line s cross an d look s ar e blank ; indeed th e poe m i s confusin g t o th e musing , self-indulgen t mind . Th e poe m only make s sense , is only readable, whe n th e reader' s identit y i s subsume d b y the physica l presence o f the laundry . Whe n the crosse d line s ar e clothesline s and the blan k looks are simpl e signs o f the washers ' annoyance , the n the reade r can avoid the insul t of being slappe d i n the face , lik e th e mal e character . Tha t the mal e characte r i s called 'thee' intensifie s th e poem' s deliciou s game of ca t and mous e wit h the reader ; we mus t outwi t th e poem' s interpellatio n i n orde r to turn 'thee ' an d 'thy ' int o 'friend, ' 'he, ' and , finally , 'th e unluck y guest.' 18

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The final line s o f th e poe m retur n agai n t o th e questio n o f th e connection betwee n washin g and th e poe m abou t washing : 'Then shoul d I si t me down , and ponde r muc h / Wh y washings were . Sometime s thro ' hollo w bole / O f pipe amuse d b e blew , an d sen t alof t / Th e floating bubbles , littl e dreaming the n / T o see , Mongolfier , th y silke n bal l / Rid e buoyan t thro ' th e clouds - s o near approac h / The sports o f children and the toils of men. / Earth, air, and sky, and ocean, hath its bubbles, / And vers e is one of them - thi s mos t of a l l . ' Elizabet h Kraf t argue s tha t thi s final e demonstrate s ho w th e imagination ca n transcen d th e domesti c context. Thi s seem s likely , bu t I think i t onl y part o f the significanc e of these ric h an d comple x lines. Firs t of all, the young girl who witnesses the chao s o f washing day becomes the grownup narrato r wh o remembers sittin g down to ponde r wh y washings were . Thi s retrospective i s se t agains t th e metapho r o f Mongolfier' s (fo r Montgolfier's) balloon, whic h ca n only be mad e b y the elde r o f the tw o (ye t single ) narrative perspectives. Wha t strike s m e a s compellin g here i s that the bubbl e precede s the balloo n in the poem' s narrativ e sequence , an d tha t th e balloo n is cas t a s that which i s like a bubble (i t 's o nea r approaches ] / Th e sports o f children'). A tensio n exist s betwee n th e priorit y of the bubbl e an d it s attendan t statu s a s 'original' o r 'ideal, ' an d th e ensuin g fruitio n o f the bubble' s potentia l i n th e rise o f the silke n ball . Barbaul d disrupts th e orde r betwee n teno r an d vehicle, pitting chronologica l time (th e priorit y of the bubble ) agains t huma n histor y (the triump h of the balloon) . B y taking the historica l triumph of the balloon and castin g i t a s a n attemp t t o achiev e a kin d o f bubble-hood , Barbaul d disrupts rational conceptions of progress, associate d here with bot h the scienc e of aviatio n an d th e literary-esqu e 'dreaming ' o f th e mal e muser , instea d investing the origina l object wit h significance . Metaphor s generally depend o n a detachmen t fro m thing-ness , a n imprecis e discursiv e maneuver i n which a n original morph s int o somethin g else , whil e stil l retainin g it s ow n discret e identity. Bu t Barbauld , b y playin g wit h th e ver y concept s o f priority , chronology, and progress change s metapho r fro m a move to the figurative int o a move toward the literal . 19

20

By callin g vers e a 'bubble, ' Barbaul d doe s no t mea n tha t vers e i s frivolous o r childish . Instead , I think sh e take s poetr y itsel f an d transforms i t from a discourse on the egotistical sublime into an incarnation of the quotidian; this i s not merel y a shift i n subject matter , bu t a formal , stylisti c shift a s well . For Barbauld , 'Washing-Day' is a poem whic h thematize s it s ow n struggle t o transform parod y and metaphor int o both a n inversion of meaning (washin g is not bein g 'mocked ' i n thi s mock-heroi c epic ; bubble s d o not striv e t o b e balloons in this poem's comparison ) and an investigation of poetry's form s an d devices. I n this sense , t o sa y that 'Washing-Day ' is a poem abou t dail y lif e i s true, bu t w e ca n als o exten d thi s argument , sayin g that the poe m i s abou t th e quotidian quality of poetry itself. Consider , as well , that washing day is part of a domesti c routin e o f maintainin g orde r i n th e household , an d yet , simultaneously, it is the day, as the poem demonstrates, durin g which that sam e

A Criticism of Contradiction 229 household is thrust int o chaos. Th e poem suggests that the ver y stuff of order, order itself , even , carrie s th e see d o f it s ow n undoing. Barbaul d has i t bot h ways here , conformin g to prope r theme s fo r wome n poet s an d strengthenin g the separat e spher e tha t contain s women' s role s whil e als o rebellin g agains t these very themes and revealing the constructednes s o f the supposedl y natura l condition of gender. Barbauld's 'Eightee n Hundred and Eleven, ' a poem fo r whic h sh e wa s attacked durin g her time because o f its 'treasonous ' overtones , make s a simila r claim abou t order : 'Faires t flower s expand bu t t o decay ; / Th e worm is i n thy core, th y glorie s pas s away ; / Arts , arm s an d wealt h destro y th e fruits the y bring.' Th e poem i s concerne d wit h Britain' s corruption in the year s o f the Napoleonic wars , an d Barbauld , who ultimatel y seem s t o en d th e poe m b y throwing in the towel on Britain an d turning to Americ a fo r regenerative hope , was condemned by period critics for injecting doubt int o what was suppose d t o have bee n a n era of seamless nationalism . Bu t 'fairest flowers, ' though here a clear allusio n t o Britain , migh t als o b e th e ornament s an d sign s tha t defin e women i n culture ; Barbaul d suggests tha t suc h trapping s mak e wome n wha t they are , a s wel l a s ensur e th e ensuin g demise o f the sam e women . Th e worm in th e cor e i s both an allusion to Satan , merged a s h e i s with Eve' s purity, and masculinity, whic h a s femininity' s opposit e i s als o inextricabl y part o f th e 'feminine's' definition . I n other words , if we loo k a t th e poe m i n the contex t not of the Napoleonic wars but of Barbauld's literary works as a whole, we can trace th e developmen t o f a parado x i n which th e statu s qu o i s reveale d t o b e transient an d corrupt even at the height of its invisibilit y or naturalness . 'Thy world , Columbus , shall b e free, ' th e poe m ends . Bu t doe s thi s suggest tha t Americ a wil l someho w b e free d fro m th e wor m i n th e flowe r dilemma? Isn' t Americ a raise d here a s precisel y the 'faires t flower? ' It , too , will hav e it s fall , a s al l system s must . Fa r fro m bein g a fatalist , though , Barbauld instea d suggest s that hope i s possible and appropriate, fo r as system s fail, ne w opportunitie s aris e which , thoug h culturall y produced an d eminently fallible, ca n resituate th e huma n min d int o a context tha t feel s free r an d mor e comfortable. Criti c Sara h Robbins, who writes on Barbauld's many children's tales, say s o f Barbauld' s moralizin g fables , 'Barbauld' s text s assum e tha t becoming culture d is essential t o bein g truly human.' Robbin s characterize s becoming cultured as learnin g proper, civilize d code s o f behavior, but I would argue tha t fo r Barbauld , these kinds of efforts t o mol d th e wil d chil d int o th e perfect Englis h citize n are , ironically , th e kind s o f efforts whic h characteriz e the huma n compulsio n to contro l anxiet y throug h th e buildin g o f systems , orders, an d identities . I n this sense , then , cultur e an d natura l 'humanness ' ar e opposites and inseparabl y continuous . 'America ' i s no t a lan d apar t fro m culture, bu t a symbo l o f th e huma n compulsio n t o dismantl e an d rebuil d temporal social orders . In hi s article , 'We Hoped the Woman Was Goin g t o Appear, ' Willia m McCarthy describe s Barbauld' s unhappines s wit h th e statu s o f women , 21

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suggesting tha t he r us e o f idealizatio n i n he r so-calle d 'pattern ' poem s (o r 'character' poems ) i s he r 'usua l for m o f psychi c defens e — compensator y fantasy.'23 Thi s set s u p Barbauld's vie w o f gende r a s tha t whic h mus t b e escaped — in a kind of delusional way — through poetry. I would argue that her fantas y does no t compensat e fo r a 'real, ' unsolvabl e problem , bu t make s concrete intervention s int o th e characterizatio n o f th e 'real. ' Jus t a s sh e predicts th e fal l o f her country in 'Eightee n Hundred and Eleven,' Barbauld' s texts envisio n th e mos t soli d o f system s a s deepl y flawe d already , an d thes e flaws ar e illuminated , rathe r tha n eliminated , i n he r fantasti c works . I n 'Romanticism an d the Colonizatio n o f the Feminine, ' Ala n Richardso n note s the appropriatio n o f a feminin e sensibilit y b y soul-searchin g mal e Romanti c writers suc h as Wordsworth and Shelley . H e wonders (somewhat facetiously , no doubt) , 'Wh y didn' t [wome n writer s o f th e time ] simpl y clai m thes e characteristics as , afte r all , thei r ow n an d becom e (o r create ) Romanti c heroines i n thei r ow n right?' 24 Ann a Barbauld' s text s offe r a stron g se t o f responses t o suc h a question. First , he r work takes issu e wit h th e 'afte r all, ' since Barbaul d mor e ofte n tha n no t challenge s th e naturalizin g assumption s that comprise the foundation of separate sphere s rhetoric. Second , her work is consistently occupie d wit h th e slippage , demonstrate d her e b y Richardson , between th e heroine/th e stor y o r poem an d th e writer/he r textua l production . Though Richardso n seem s unawar e o f th e meatines s o f thi s slip , Barbaul d continually asks how her work is related to its repercussions i n the real world. Today's critic s have been quick to embrace Barbauld as a kind of missing link between Enlightenmen t rationalit y an d Victoria n self-improvement , an d the y have praise d her , too , fo r he r groundbreakin g effort s i n openin g Romanti c writing to the woman's voice . Bu t in both cases , critic s hav e tried t o explai n away her conservatism as a maternal relic of the good domestic teacher o r as an odd, inexplicable accompaniment to her feminism. Instead , I think it time that we recogniz e tha t Barbaul d hersel f wa s intereste d i n th e paradoxe s whic h inhabit much of her work, and that she has thematized ove r and over again the tricky situatio n o f speakin g ou t agains t th e maste r i n th e master' s ow n language. Notes 1

Willia m McCarth y an d Elizabet h Kraft , eds. , Th e Poems o f Anna Leticia Barbauld (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1994), 310. Marlo n Ross, Th e Contours o f Masculine Desire: Romanticism and th e Rise of Women's Poetry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 217. 3 Donn a Landry , Th e Muses o f Resistance: Laboring-Class Women's Poetry i n Britain, 1739-1796 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 273. 4 Willia m Keach, 'Barbauld , Romanticism , and th e Surviva l o f Dissent, ' i n Romanticism and Gender, ed. Anne K. Mellor (New York: Routledge, 1993), 56. 5 Stuar t Curran, 'Wome n readers, women writers,' i n The Cambridge Companion t o British Romanticism, ed. Stuart Curran. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 190. 2

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1

Grac e A . Ellis , A Selection fro m th e Poems an d Prose Writings o f Mrs. Anna Lceticia Barbauld (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1874), 234. 7 Ellis , 235-6. 8 Ellis , 238. 9 Ellis , 242. 10 Ellis , 286. 11 Ellis , 286-7. 12 Laur a Mandell, '"Those Limbs Disjointed of Gigantic Power": Barbauld's Personification s and the (Mis)Attributio n o f Political Agency, ' Studies in Romanticism 37, no. 4 (1998) : 27-41. 13 McCarth y and Kraft, 77 . 14 McCarth y and Kraft, 77 . 15 McCarth y and Kraft, 289 . 16 McCarth y and Kraft, 121 . 17 Ann e K . Mellor , ' A Criticis m o f Thei r Own : Romanti c Wome n Literar y Critics, ' i n Questioning Romanticism, ed . Joh n Bee r (Baltimore : Th e John s Hopkin s Universit y Press, 1995 ) 32, 36. 18 McCarth y and Kraft, 134 . 19 McCarth y and Kraft, 135 . 20 Elizabet h Kraft , 'Ann a Letitia Barbauld' s "Washing-Day " and the Montgolfie r Balloon, ' Literature & History 4 , no. 2 (1995): 33 . 21 McCarth y and Kraft, 160 . 22 Sara h Robbins, ' Lessons for Children an d Teaching Mothers : Mrs . Barbauld's Primer for the Textual Construction of Middle-Class Domesti c Pedagogy,' Th e Lion and the Unicorn 17, no. 2 (1993): 139. 23 Willia m McCarthy , 'W e Hope d th e Woman Wa s Goin g t o Appear : Repression , Desire , and Gender in Anna Letitia Barbauld's Early Poems,' in Romantic Women Writers: Voices and Countervoices, eds. Paula R. Feldman an d Theresa M . Kelly . (Hanover : Universit y Press of New England, 1995) , 134 . 24 Ala n Richardson , 'Romanticis m an d th e Colonizatio n o f th e Feminine, ' i n Romanticism and Feminism, ed. Anne K. Mellor. (Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1988) , 21.

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17 Silen t at the Wall: Women in Israeli Remembrance Day Ceremonies Kristine Peleg

This essay explores ways in which women silent at the Western Wall in Jerusalem during the annual Remembrance Day ceremony signify a culture of limitations. Orthodox, religious Judaism prohibits the sound of women's voices at this holy, national, symbolic site. The author argues that women who participate in this ceremony, which is intended to encompass and incorporate, play a silent and complicit role that accentuates their own invisibility. She further investigates how the sight on other, non-ceremonial occasions, of a non-complicit group of women designated as the 'Women of the Wall,' insisting on their right to pray as they see fit, sounds a powerfully disruptive voice at this normally uncontested national site.

Remembrance Da y ceremonies in Israel reflect a country that has faced wars of survival i n almos t ever y decad e o f it s existence . Th e nationa l servic e take s place i n Jerusalem , a t th e Wester n Wall , on e da y befor e th e Israel i Independence Da y celebration . Despit e dee p division s withi n Israel i society , Remembrance Da y ceremonie s reflec t a commo n religiou s denominato r an d unified securit y aspirations . Conflict s ar e papere d ove r i n th e pursui t o f a unified approac h t o this reflectio n upo n the los s o f human life . T o th e exten t that women have always had a limited participatory rol e in organized Judaism , the Remembranc e Da y service s ar e n o exception . Th e cours e o f th e development o f this ceremony indicates a n early willingness o n the part of th e state t o circumvent th e religious constraint s excludin g th e activ e participatio n of wome n — unti l th e Wester n Wal l wa s selecte d a s th e venu e fo r th e ceremony. Sinc e that time, th e ceremony has furthe r rigidifie d an d the role of women ha s becom e prescribe d silence . Disagreement s ove r religion , stat e security, an d the roles of women i n Israeli societ y ar e simpl y set asid e fo r th e duration o f th e ceremony . The y retur n t o th e agend a eve n a s soo n a s th e Independence Da y celebration s th e nex t day . Th e exclusio n an d silencin g of women remains virtually unnoticed and remarkably unchallenged. I hope to demonstrate i n this essay that the selectio n o f the Wall a s the venue for these service s ha s determined wh o will participate i n them and what types of participation ar e deemed acceptable. Th e role give n to women, or the

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lack thereof, is the primary focus of my study, though it should be said that the fact o f th e Wal l a s venu e work s t o exclud e othe r citizen s o f Israe l a s well . Perhaps documentatio n o f thes e exclusion s wil l contribut e t o a genera l refocusing on the overall limits of the Remembrance Day observances . One baromete r o f th e powerfu l constraint s impose d b y religiou s authorities o n ceremonie s a t th e Wester n Wal l i s th e impac t tha t a grou p of women know n as the 'Wome n o f the Wall' ha s ha d o n public awareness . I n examining th e role s o f wome n overal l i n th e Remembranc e Da y ceremony , I will consider the approach of this group to prayer and their ongoing attempts to broaden women' s participatio n i n religiou s ceremony , whic h hav e clarifie d a nominally socia l tabo o an d mad e i t visibl e fo r wha t i t reall y is : a religiou s prohibition tha t has taken o n the forc e of law. Recen t Suprem e Cour t rulings in favo r o f the 'Wome n o f the Wall' hav e provoked th e draftin g o f legislatio n that propose s a seven-yea r priso n sentenc e fo r an y woma n convicte d o f praying in a prohibited manne r a t the Wall. Whil e th e 'Wome n o f the Wall ' are not proposing a change in the Remembrance Day services themselves, thei r activities focu s attentio n o n th e limitation s o f governmen t policie s tha t d o inform those services . While one might assume that such holidays accurately reflect women' s level o f participation i n Israeli societ y a s a whole, an d while women i n Israel i society are, to a certain extent , marginalized politicall y an d economically, there are n o forma l legislativ e barrier s t o thei r participation . Wome n hav e representation, minima l a s i t is , i n th e Knesse t (th e national , elective , legislative body) and in other political, economic an d social forums. Thus , it is the normative element o f holiday engineering that will be crucial to this study: not th e reflectio n o f wha t is , bu t rathe r th e promotio n o f specifi c vision s o f society. I would suggest that there is no innocent, unintentional component of holidays as they are constructed in Israel. Eac h element i s carefully considere d in and of itself, and in view of its symbolic value. Th e selectio n o f the Western Wall a s the location fo r the central, national commemoration o f Remembranc e Day observances ensures , in a sense, that women will never be welcome a s ful l participants, as the taboo agains t women's speec h a t the Wall is strong enough to prohibit eve n a (female ) Knesse t membe r fro m speakin g durin g an officia l ceremony taking place in its shadow. Edward Sai d ha s writte n tha t 'w e ca n bes t understan d languag e b y making discours e visibl e no t a s a historica l task , bu t a s a politica l one . Th e model ough t the n t o b e a strategi c an d no t finall y a linguisti c one.' 1 Nonparticipation an d not-speaking becom e politica l mechanism s whe n they ceas e to be background an d become foreground . Women's passiv e participation and silence in the ceremonies ca n be analyzed for their relationship to the values of the society, or at least to the values of those preparing the holiday programs.

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Holiday Engineering as a Normative Tool Holidays such as the Israeli Remembrance Day mirror to those observing them two crucial reflections: that of the so-called reality, a coalescence of the value s of thos e producin g th e publi c event s tha t compris e holida y observances ; an d secondly, th e reflectio n o f th e visio n o f th e societ y a s i t migh t be . I wil l suggest tha t b y examinin g th e intentiona l aspec t o f th e organizatio n o f holidays, w e ca n bette r se e th e rol e the y pla y i n creatin g consensu s an d reinforcing current political realities . Edward Shil s has described a concept crucia l to the so-calle d reflecte d reality, that of the central value system of the society: 'The center, or the cente r zone, i s a phenomenon o f the real m o f value s an d beliefs, whic h gover n th e society...The cente r i s als o a phenomeno n o f th e real m o f action . I t i s a structure o f activities, of roles and persons, withi n the network o f institutions . It i s i n these role s tha t th e value s an d beliefs which ar e central ar e embodie d and propounded. ' Shil s add s tha t th e elite s o f th e society , 'b y thei r ver y possession o f authority , attribut e t o themselve s a n essentia l affinit y wit h th e sacred element s o f th e society , o f whic h the y regar d themselve s a s th e custodians.'3 The orchestratio n o f holiday celebrations ca n be see n a s a particularl y efficient mean s by which these 'custodians ' ar e able to promote their values to broad constituencies . Accordin g t o Do n Handelman , 'publi c event s ar e phenomenally valid form s that mediate persons int o collective abstractions, b y inducing action , knowledg e an d experienc e throug h thes e sel f sam e forms.' 4 He describes holiday s as conveying 'well-honed' message s i n a way that day to-day living does not and cannot. Mor e specifically, as Handelman and Katz describe th e combinatio n o f Remembranc e Da y an d Independenc e Da y ceremonies, '[each ] ceremony is one in which this nation-state, throug h officia l agencies, intentionall y presents somethin g of its self-understood purposes, and their foundations , aspirations , an d apprehensions. Eac h ceremon y presents a version of moral an d social orde r that contrast s wit h the other . Eac h version , suitable to its occasion, stand s on its own, valid in and of itself.'5 Ther e are no deviations, the content i s controlled b y the organizers o f the ceremony: 'I t may be likened to a mirror held up to reflect version s o f the organization of society that are intended by the makers of the occasion.'6 The discourse o f holiday organization o n a national scal e indee d mus t reflect the priorities of the governing elites, with symbols and rituals developed to serv e specifi c purposes . Foucault' s comment s o n th e intersection s o f forbidden an d ritualize d speec h ar e helpfu l i n elucidatin g th e particula r discursive fiel d o f Israeli Remembranc e Day ceremonies: 'I n the taboo o n the object o f speech , an d th e ritua l o f th e speakin g subject , w e hav e th e pla y of...prohibitions whic h intersect , reinforc e o r compensat e fo r eac h other , forming a comple x gri d whic h change s constantly.. . th e gri d i s tightes t [at ] sexuality an d politics.' 7 Th e discussio n o f Remembranc e Da y ceremonie s

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includes thes e issues: the production an d control o f the ceremony, th e struggle , or lac k thereof , fo r master y ove r venue , an d th e consequentia l exclusion s o f women a s activ e participants . Furthermore , th e notion s o f ritua l an d th e exclusive right to speak intersect at the crux of the ceremony. The emphasi s o n ritua l an d symbo l i n th e developmen t o f th e Remembrance Da y ceremon y furthe r underscore s tha t ceremonie s ar e no t random constructs, but clearly thought out and forceful i n their messages. Th e symbolic value of public events endures beyond their immediate occurrence, as Handelman describes : 'Th e features of the publi c even t indicat e that it point s beyond itself: in other words, it is symbolic of something outside itself. Publi c events ar e location s o f th e dens e presenc e an d th e hig h productio n o f symbols.' Th e symbol s t o whic h Handelma n refer s serv e a s connector s between present an d absent, the absent readily evoked by the dedicated, agreed upon symbols . H e suggest s tha t 'cultura l informatio n makes sens e bes t whe n imparted throug h occasion s tha t ar e se t u p t o d o thi s kin d o f coded , communicative work.' 9 Th e issue , withi n th e contex t o f thi s essay , i s tha t some of the messages see m to work so thoroughly that the process o f decoding them become s wors e tha n subversive , i t ma y b e see n b y som e t o approac h betrayal in that any diversion fro m th e sacrifice and bereavement memorialize d in the Remembrance Da y ceremony would be considered inappropriate . Thus , the deconstructio n o f th e silencin g o f wome n a t th e wal l no t a s a n inconsequential o r insignificant by-product o f ceremon y i n general , bu t rathe r as an integral part of that coded communicatio n constructed t o realize specifi c intentions i s considere d a kin d o f communicativ e wor k inappropriat e t o thi s day and these services . Holiday engineerin g constitute s th e even t o r ceremon y a s necessaril y fulfilling divers e functions . I t connects participants with society. Furthermore , the holida y ceremon y create s consensu s wher e i t doe s no t ordinaril y exist . This is especially true in the Remembrance Da y ceremonies, i n which conflicts tend to be integrated o r absorbed i f they manage t o surfac e at all. Perhap s th e lack of overt conflict apparent regarding women's ability to speak in the cours e of th e ceremon y implie s tha t it s engineer s hav e already , successfull y limite d the conflic t b y permittin g th e smal l passive rol e allocate d t o women . Thi s returns u s t o th e dua l functio n o f th e ceremonie s — t o reflec t th e reality , t o project the vision. Th e question I wish to raise here is to what extent women' s limited rol e i n th e Remembranc e Da y service s i s th e reflectio n o f th e reality , and to what extent a vision of the future o f the society ? Israeli Remembrance Day Ceremonie s The hour i s night. A t the siren's moan, th e ceremony begins . The plaz a i s i n semi-darkness , th e Wal l lit . Al l stan d a t attention, gazin g toward s thi s illumination . Th e spatia l focu s is th e Memorial-Herois m Beacon , i n a smal l rectangula r

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enclosure locate d jus t outsid e th e fence d of f praye r area.. . The beaco n itsel f i s encase d i n a square d cone , mad e o f dressed stone s tha t evok e thos e o f th e Wall . Withi n th e enclosure stand s a n honor guar d o f fou r youn g soldiers . Th e flagpole, th e nationa l fla g a t half-mast , i s aligne d linearl y with the beacon , betwee n th e enclosur e an d the praye r area . Facing the enclosure , standin g at a marker o n the groun d i s the President o f the State . He is flanked b y two high-rankin g officers, on e o f who m i s th e Chief-of-Staf f o f th e Israel i Defense Forces . Wel l behin d thes e thre e stan d invite d members o f th e bereave d familie s an d behin d them , t o th e borders of the plaza, other spectators . On the northern sid e of the plaz a ar e tw o smal l rostra , tha t o f invite d speaker s an d that o f th e announcer . O n th e souther n side , a larg e hono r guard close s of f an d complete s th e rectilinea r spac e o f th e ceremony.10

The Handelman-Kat z descriptio n o f th e Remembranc e Da y ceremon y emphasizes th e detail s an d symbol s packe d literall y int o a ver y smal l space , both i n terms o f time an d in terms o f physical presence. Th e text record s th e ceremony's extrem e deliberateness . Neither th e organizers of the event no r its recorders hav e neglecte d an y presenc e integra l t o thei r conceptio n o r perception o f th e event . I f somethin g i s missin g fro m thi s picture , i t i s intentionally so . I n the following pages, I will, myself, describe this ceremony on severa l levels : first , it s symboli c component s an d contents ; secondly , a characterization o f its participants; an d finally, th e literally discursive segmen t of the ceremony. I will follow this with a short historic overview detailing the interplay between stat e an d religion that culminated in 196 9 in the selection o f the Wester n Wal l as the venu e for the ceremony . Finally , I will examin e th e relationship betwee n th e wal l a s venu e an d women' s participatio n i n th e ceremony. Both th e symbol s an d th e rhetori c o f th e Remembranc e Da y service s deliver the message s o f the ceremony . Th e ceremon y centers o n the unit y of the nation, th e 're-membering ' o f the dea d a s part o f the community , an d the encompassing o f on e symbo l b y anothe r unti l evokin g onl y th e oute r encasement i s adequat e t o evok e th e totalit y o f content. 11 Th e sire n invoke s unity symbolically , joinin g th e immediat e participant s wit h th e res t o f th e country. Th e 're-membering' o f the dead into the national community through the lighting of the flame, the moments of silence, and then through the spoke n contents of the services, is the beginning of the process of encompassing. Thi s ceremony work s t o includ e thos e wh o ar e n o longe r physicall y present , utilizing 'marker s o f presence' suc h a s the sire n an d the flam e t o encompas s those wh o have died. Thu s encompassment work s effectively b y encoding in symbols th e ful l messag e o f absen t members ' continue d presenc e i n th e community. I n addition, the symbol s ar e nested, 'president , memoria l flame , flag an d Wall, ' wit h eac h symbo l encompassin g al l o f th e message s o f th e

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previous symbols. 12 Th e Wall, as the ultimate symbol in this progression, thus becomes the densest an d most meaning-laden of all. The nature of those who participate in the ceremony conveys its strong emphasis o n th e nuclea r (Jewish ) family . Israe l i s no t a stat e exclusivel y inhabited by Jews, but this ceremony, wit h its symboli c roots in Judaism — as the rol e o f th e Wal l an d th e religiou s conten t o f th e service s mak e plai n — excludes othe r peopl e wh o ar e als o citizen s o f Israel . Th e nuclea r famil y i s another structur e withi n Israeli societ y tha t doe s no t necessaril y include al l of the members o f the famil y o f Israel, an d in this ceremony it s rigid structur e is absolute. A s Handelman an d Katz describe it , 'th e atmosphere o f familism is implicated i n th e lightin g o f th e memoria l flame . Th e fir e i s li t b y th e President, wh o structurall y is somethin g o f a father-figure i n this nation-state . He i s aide d b y a bereave d mothe r o r wa r widow.' 13 Th e famil y ico n i s completed b y the inclusio n of a young female soldie r escor t a s emblem o f th e daughter or sister, an d a young male honor guard as emblem o f son or brother . The ceremonia l role s playe d b y thes e marker s o f familia l presenc e invok e mourning fo r th e pas t whil e simultaneousl y envisionin g th e potentia l fo r procreating the future. 14 The spoke n segmen t o f the ceremony als o follow s rigid patterns . Eac h element i s formatte d wit h attentio n t o content , form , an d the pattern s forme d by alternatin g betwee n speaker s representin g civilia n an d military authorities . These spoke n element s amoun t to six discursive acts , including speeches give n by the President an d the Chie f o f Staff, reading s b y the civilian and the Israel i Defense Forces (IDF) rabbis, and recitations by the bereaved fathe r and the IDF cantor.15 I n the concentration o f attention on who is reading what segment, an d in wha t orde r an d rankin g th e reading s ar e presented , thos e exclude d fro m speaking d o not , i n general , receiv e mentio n i n account s o f thes e services . Such account s examin e th e flo w o f the verba l discourse , pars e th e divisio n of segments, an d describe the division s o f authorit y an d control implici t i n eac h segment an d subdivisio n o f segments , an d al l alon g secular/religiou s an d military/civilian axes . Th e fac t tha t wome n ar e no t speakin g i s generall y neglected. Th e balanc e o f powe r i s clearl y analyzed , bu t onl y amon g thos e whose power is represented in this discourse. Thos e absent from th e discours e only receive notice when the focus shift s to their silence . Historically, there have been differen t approache s t o past Remembranc e Day ceremonies . The y hav e alway s ha d a religiou s focus , an d a s wome n historically hav e bee n exclude d fro m a substantia l degre e o f participatio n i n Jewish religiou s ceremonies , the y hav e bee n exclude d fro m man y o f thes e ceremonies a s well. However , Remembranc e Day ceremonies hav e not always been hel d unde r th e physica l jurisdiction o f the religiou s (a s they are now, in their location a t the Western Wall) . Remembranc e Da y ceremonies wer e les s centralized i n th e past . Ther e wer e nationa l radi o broadcast s unifyin g th e country a t specifi c hours , muc h a s th e siren s continu e t o d o now . Th e influence o f deliberate holiday engineering o n these occasions becam e obviou s

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as earl y a s 1952 , whe n a 'progra m o f hom e observance ' wa s broadcas t a s a result o f consultation s betwee n th e Defens e Ministr y an d th e Cultura l Council's committee on 'evolving characteristic patterns of national life.' 16 Religious symbol s wer e integra l t o th e earl y ceremonies . I n 1949 , a shofar ( a ram's horn used i n religious ceremonies) wa s blown to symboliz e a cry to the heavens. B y 1951, some of the familiar component s were already in place: flag s wer e lowered and beacons li t in local ceremonies. I n addition, th e writing of a new 'Sefer Torah' (Boo k of the Bible) was begun, and in 195 4 the final vers e wa s inscribe d b y Presiden t Ben-Zvi , als o a t a Remembranc e Da y ceremony.17 Certainly , women's participation in such traditions as the donning of th e praye r shaw l o r i n writin g thos e las t fe w words , woul d hav e bee n proscribed regardless of the venue. An d ceremony participants i n 195 3 clearly aspired t o sitin g the Remembranc e Da y observations a t the Wal l when a t Mt. Zion [in Jerusalem], the lighters of the candles ended the ceremony by 'looking in the direction of the Western Wall [an d saying ] in a single voice: "Next year in Jerusalem undivided.'"18 Thus, I do not wish t o minimiz e th e religiou s motivation s intrinsi c t o Remembrance Da y ceremonies , wit h thei r inherentl y Jewis h traditions , bu t rather, simpl y to note the ways in which the state was once more flexible tha n it is now i n integrating religious, secular , an d military components withi n th e occasion of Remembrance Day , and allowing n o one sector to govern a priori content o r terms of participation. Thi s flexibilit y wa s evident in the degre e to which th e stat e experimente d wit h th e element s o f timing , content , an d participation. I n 1955 , wome n wer e reporte d t o hav e take n par t i n th e loca l ceremonies, with Mrs. Golda Meyerson the chief governmen t spokesperso n i n the cit y o f Rehovo t services. 19 I n 1956 , th e Publi c Counci l fo r th e Remembrance o f th e Falle n 'issue d tw o version s o f a memoria l praye r fo r members of the IDF who lost their lives. On e is a traditional yizkor (memorial ) prayer, while the othe r doe s not mention the Deity , but call s o n the peopl e o f Israel t o remembe r it s falle n heroes.' 20 Th e las t rea l deviatio n fro m th e currently acceptable model of Remembrance Day ceremonies occurred in 1974 , when Independence Day was separate d fro m Memoria l Da y by a half day . By 1975, the ceremonies had reverted to their former pattern. The Wall The Wester n Wal l stand s i n th e enclose d Ol d Cit y o f Jerusalem , facin g th e Jewish Quarter. Unde r Jordanian jurisdiction and inaccessible t o Israelis fro m 1948, afte r th e Si x Da y Wa r i n 1967 , th e Wal l becam e th e symbo l o f th e completion of the unification of Jerusalem. Befor e Israel achieved statehood in 1948, the are a surroundin g the Wal l ha d bee n a n Arab neighborhood and did not arouse the sam e nationalist passion as it has since its transformation into a national monument. Th e Wall is considered holy to the Jewish people, thought

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to b e par t o f th e Secon d Templ e destroye d b y the Roman s i n 7 0 CE. 21 Thi s connection i s considere d on e o f th e underpinning s o f th e legitimac y o f th e current stat e (eve n whil e th e authenticit y o f th e Wal l a s par t o f th e Secon d Temple is debated b y modern archeologists) . Th e Wall was a religious symbo l in th e pas t an d ha s develope d int o a nationalis t passion . Afte r th e Si x Da y War, the immediate neighborhoo d street s facing the Wall were cleared t o build a plaz a whic h fel l unde r th e jurisdiction o f th e Ministr y o f Religiou s Affairs . Now the Wall has become a powerful commo n denominator , the focus not only of the religious, bu t als o of the secular , the civilian and the military, as well a s of international Diaspora Judaism and the nationalist forces in Israel. The Wall works so convincingly on such a widely disparate population , and i n a wa y tha t n o othe r symbo l ha s bee n abl e to , tha t th e contradiction s underlying its potency ar e difficult t o discern. Th e Wall was not a componen t of th e secula r Zionis t imaginatio n an d ye t i t move s eve n som e o f th e mos t secular Israelis , wh o afte r all , shar e a Jewish identit y that preceded th e State . Handelman and Katz write that 'th e Zionist vision ... was one in which all Jews of th e worl d woul d move t o th e Jewis h Stat e t o becom e it s citizenry . A t th e end o f thi s process , stat e an d natio n woul d becom e coterminous , bu t th e authority o f th e Zionis t stat e woul d encompas s an d subsum e it s citizens , th e people.'22 The question arise s today , which authority is subsumin g and which is being subsumed ? Th e religious ministry i s not ofte n overruled . Thi s is not necessarily a s a result of popular consensus but usually of the political strengt h of th e crucia l fe w religiou s minister s influentia l i n th e coalition-buildin g politics o f Israel . Th e transitio n fro m civi l jurisdiction t o religiou s authorit y and ownership can be seen in events such as that which occurred whe n Chaika Grossman, a membe r o f th e Knesset , wa s prevente d fro m speakin g a t th e closing ceremon y o f the Gatherin g o f Jewis h Holocaus t Survivor s hel d a t th e Western Wall in 198 1 solely because of her gender . The Women As I have discussed, th e nature of women's participation in Remembrance Da y ceremonies ha s change d ove r th e histor y o f th e State . Earlie r ceremonie s integrated women a t both the local and the national levels. Sinc e the Wall ha s become the exclusive venue of the central state ceremony, the role of women in the ceremony has been reduced to that of bearing the flame to the President tha t enables hi m t o ligh t th e beacon . Ther e i s als o a n escor t o f femal e soldiers . Both of these roles are silent and usually anonymous. The anonymit y of these participant s could b e interprete d a s the mean s by whic h th e entir e populatio n o f bereave d widow s o r mother s ca n b e represented, muc h a s the anonymit y of the fathe r readin g th e Kaddish (praye r of bereavement ) migh t mor e effectivel y represen t th e genera l populatio n o f bereaved fathers . Withou t particulars, the symbo l remain s intact , undisturbed

Silent at the Wall 24

1

by the attribute s of unique personality. Th e roles of the bereaved woma n and man are not equal, however, within the scop e of the ceremony. The transfer o f the flam e i s a passiv e role , on e tha t declare s th e woman' s presenc e withou t allowing her to activel y express her grief . Eve n as the young women soldier s symbolize the potential for continuity, their role in realizing that continuity will be passive. The y will be expected t o contribut e as vessels o f procreation, an d then to remain silent onc e again when the roles of widow or mother fal l upo n them. Th e wome n wh o functio n i n th e ceremonie s i n passiv e anonymit y experience a lac k o f symmetr y wit h thei r mal e counterparts . I n general , featured speaker s — thos e activel y takin g par t i n the ceremonie s — whethe r they are granted the freedom t o compose their own words or only recite part of a traditiona l prayer , ar e identifie d b y name . Speakin g i s rendere d b y thi s naming an active, identifiabl e mode of participation, in contrast t o the passive , anonymous, silent mode to which women's participation is relegated. Reports i n th e Jerusalem Post describin g Remembranc e Da y ceremonies spannin g more than twenty years confirm thi s lack of symmetry. I have analyze d each report to recover wha t I have termed the male an d femal e participants' 'representationa l possibilities, ' whic h I hav e characterize d a s follows: invisibl e — that is, entirely missing fro m th e report o f the ceremony ; anonymous — mentioned as having been participants but unnamed; and named — no t onl y mentioned, bu t referre d t o b y name. 23 Th e breakdown fro m thi s sampling reveale d tha t i n eigh t instances , wome n coul d b e characterize d a s 'invisible,' i n eight, as 'anonymous,' an d in five instances, a s 'named.' I n the same sampling , me n wer e foun d t o b e 'invisible ' o r 'anonymous ' i n si x instances an d 'named ' i n nine. Thes e statistic s demonstrat e tha t me n ha d an almost equa l chanc e o f bein g name d a s the y di d o f bein g invisibl e o r anonymous, an d nearl y twic e th e chanc e o f bein g name d a s di d women . Women had a more than three to one chance of being invisible or anonymous than they had of being named. Perhap s it is the nature of reporting that anyone who speak s i n a program mus t b e identified , while flame-passin g remain s i n the shadows . Th e speaker s ar e described , thei r role s outlined , th e conten t o f their presentation s elaborate d upon . Thes e participant s hav e conten t an d not only form. The y are part of the discours e on a different leve l than their silen t counterparts. 4

Women of the Wall'

In 1989 , 'a women's prayer meeting at the Western Wall...ended in a near riot, with worshipper s fro m th e men' s sid e o f th e partitio n separatin g th e sexe s shouting abus e an d hurlin g chair s a t th e women.' 24 Th e wome n ha d bee n careful no t t o recit e prayer s tha t traditionall y ca n b e sai d onl y wit h a mal e minyan (te n me n i n prayer) , bu t the y ha d opene d a Tora h scroll , whic h Orthodox religiou s Jews contend only men should handle and from whic h only

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men should read aloud. Th e police did not respond to the women's complaints of th e men' s violenc e agains t them. I n the month s that followed, the wome n were warned by the police that they were considered a 'threa t to public safety ' and could be arrested. 2 The y were dispersed wit h tea r ga s and the Religiou s Affairs Ministry contende d tha t i t wa s no t oblige d t o provid e protectio n t o these women . Thei r praye r meeting s wer e violate d agai n i n th e followin g months and the women were kicked and punched by onlookers. Th e mayor of Jerusalem aske d them to refrain fro m thei r meetings. Th e women appeale d t o the High Court of Justice, which granted the religious authorities six months to 'show cause why the women should not be allowed to read the Torah an d wear prayer shawl s a t th e Wall.' 26 Extension s wer e issue d repeatedly . Onl y recently, i n Ma y 2000 , di d th e Suprem e Cour t rul e tha t wome n mus t b e allowed t o pra y a t th e Wester n Wall , thei r activitie s t o lawfull y includ e 'reading alou d from the Torah.' 27 A bill was drafte d in the Knesse t withi n a week o f th e rulin g tha t woul d impos e a seven-yea r priso n sentenc e o n an y woman reading aloud from the Torah at the Western Wall.28 One o f th e aspect s o f thes e women' s praye r meeting s deeme d mos t unacceptable b y the religiou s authoritie s ha s been thei r determinatio n t o pray aloud. Thi s alon e 'arouse d the suspicio n of some of the women nearby,' wh o 'reprimanded th e grou p fo r singin g prayer s aloud , a practic e whic h th e onlookers sai d wa s unseeml y fo r women.' 29 I t wa s no t th e firs t tim e tha t women ha d attempte d t o challeng e th e religiou s jurisdiction o f praye r a t th e Wall. I n 1968 , ther e had been a controversial attemp t to hold a mixed (sexes ) prayer servic e there . A t tha t time , Mayo r Tedd y Kollec k ha d describe d th e 'peace o f Jerusalem ' a s 'al l important.' 30 Twent y years later , h e condemne d the 'Wome n of the Wall' for 'wagin g a provocative figh t an d using prayer a s a means of protest.'31 The 'peac e of Jerusalem,' lik e the unity of the state of Israel, represent s a singula r goa l fo r a governin g bod y whos e overridin g concer n i s wit h th e elimination o f dissention . Th e pursui t o f thi s goa l reache s it s zenit h i n Remembrance Da y observations . Unit y i s th e essentia l messag e o f thi s ceremony: essentia l t o th e commemoratio n o f th e virtue s o f th e ultimat e sacrifice. Ther e i s n o allowanc e i n thi s agend a fo r th e examinatio n o f sacrifices othe r than those associate d wit h war. Diversion s woul d only dilute the ability of the community to maintain consensus regarding the necessity fo r these sacrifices . I n this context, i t ma y see m virtuall y sacrilegious t o remar k that woman' s participatio n has bee n sacrifice d to religious propriety . O r that the entire theme of encompassment, based as it is on the inclusion of many via their representation in the few, excludes and thus cannot properly function a s it was intended . O r tha t th e metapho r o f th e famil y i s a fiercel y rigi d pattern , representing onl y nuclea r familie s i n traditiona l roles . Nanner l Keohan e suggests tha t th e imag e o f a father-figur e Presiden t 'effectivel y perpetuate s male dominance: the close association of authority with the father. Th e cluster of connotation s tha t bring s togethe r God , th e paterfamilias , an d th e hea d o f

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3

State is very powerful an d difficult t o break apart.'32 I s it possible to imagine a woman as the President o f the Stat e of Israel? Would she be allowed to spea k in the Remembrance Day services at the Western Wall? Conclusion: 'Markers of Absence' While i t i s tru e tha t th e conten t o f men' s Remembranc e Da y speeche s o r readings is circumscribed, whether formally or informally (it would be difficul t to imagin e the bereaved fathe r bein g allowed no w to use the 195 6 prayer that omitted mention of the Deity), men are, nonetheless, th e only speakers — and thus, a s I hav e argued , th e onl y activ e participant s — i n thi s ceremony . Handelman and Katz characterize th e symbol s interwoven i n the ceremon y as 'markers of presence.' I contend that there must be an acknowledgment o f the need t o identif y concomitan t 'marker s o f absence. ' Thes e ar e no t s o easil y evoked by the standard symbols of the ceremony: perhaps, as I have suggested , because encompassment onl y works on what it has included. Th e 'nesting' o r layering of symbols breaks down when those symbols' meaning s are predicated upon the exclusion of certain segments of the population. Onc e excluded fro m participation i n thi s way , thes e member s o f societ y ar e no t eligibl e t o b e encompassed, no r are there any recognized 'marker s of absence' to make their exclusion more visible. The 'Wome n o f th e Wall ' hav e contribute d t o makin g visibl e an d audible the protest agains t th e monolithi c symboli c power o f the Wal l an d of those religiou s authorities , prescribin g wha t i s an d i s no t acceptable , wh o include an d who exclude . I t i s i n their re-markin g o f exclusio n an d absenc e that th e 'Wome n o f th e Wall ' ar e see n t o b e s o ver y provocative . Th e unanimity achieve d o n Remembranc e Da y i s a powerfu l demonstratio n o f political engineerin g an d control o f societa l discourse . Tha t unanimit y i s not on the line . Bu t on a regular day , when singin g women a t the Wal l provoke violence and the jurisdiction of the religious maintains its stronghold, when the female Knesse t member is prevented fro m speaking , fissures appear not in the Wall, bu t i n th e authorit y o f th e State . Th e State , a s i t were , become s voiceless, an d it is left t o the women rendered silent at the Remembrance Day ceremony t o articulat e th e question , coul d th e Stat e authoriz e a woma n t o speak in this ceremony at the Western Wall? With all the deliberateness o f the Remembrance Da y ceremon y an d it s unifyin g function , i t seem s a n unlikel y forum i n whic h t o rais e suc h a divisiv e issue . Bu t perhap s tha t i s ho w th e invisible an d th e silen t wor k bes t — eve n i f onl y t o poin t ou t wher e th e exclusions are working most effectively .

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Notes 1

Edwar d W. Said, 'Criticism Between Culture and System,' in The World, th e Text, and the Critic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983) , 219. Edwar d Shils , Center an d Periphery, Essays i n Macrosociology (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1975) , 3. 3 Shils , 4-5. 4 Do n Handelman , Models an d Mirrors: Towards a n Anthropology o f Public Events (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) , 15-16 . 5 Do n Handelman an d Elihu Katz , 'Stat e Ceremonie s o f Israel - Remembranc e Da y and Independence Day, ' i n Models an d Mirrors: Towards a n Anthropology o f Public Events, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) , 191 . 6 Handelman , 8. 7 Miche l Foucault , 'Th e Orde r o f Discourse, ' i n Language an d Politics, ed . Michae l J . Shapiro (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984) , 110 . 8 Handelman , 12. 9 Handelman , 11 . 10 Handelma n and Katz, 203-4. 11 Ibid. 12 Handelma n and Katz, 206. 13 Handelma n and Katz, 211. 14 Ibid. 15 Se e Handelman and Katz, 208. 16 Jerusalem Post, 28 April 1952,3. 17 Jerusalem Post, 5 May 1954 , 1 . 18 Thi s echoe s th e identica l phras e i n th e Passove r ceremony . Jerusalem Post, 2 0 Apri l 1953,3. 19 Jerusalem Post, 27 April 1955 , 3. 20 Jerusalem Post, 15 April 1956 , 3. 21 Th e First Temple was built by King Solomon [970-930 BCE] before the Babylonian Exile. 22 Handelma n and Katz, 207. 23 I n each ceremony, one bereaved woman (mother o r wife) an d one bereaved ma n (father ) represents th e familie s o f the deceased . I compared the ways in which these individual s were describe d i n th e newspape r articles . Ove r th e cours e o f twent y year s (twent y different ceremonies) , th e ceremon y wa s virtuall y th e same : on e bereave d man , on e bereaved woman. Th e difference i n the reporting wa s the degre e to which the men were named, the women anonymous. 24 Jerusalem Post, 1 February 1989 , 2. 25 Jerusalem Post, 1 3 March 1989, 2. 26 Jerusalem Post, 2 June 1989, 5. 27 H a 'aretz, 23 May 2000, online. 28 Jerusalem Report, 1 June 2000, online. 29 Jerusalem Post, 25 April 1989 , 2. Thei r suspicio n led them to bring i n an usher to se e if there was a man hidden in this group of singing women. 30 Jerusalem Post, 25 April 1989, 5. 31 Jerusalem Post, 25 April 1989, 2. 32 Nanner l Keohane , 'Speakin g fro m Silence : Wome n an d th e Scienc e o f Polities ' i n A Feminist Perspective i n th e Academy, ed . Elizabet h Langlan d (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1982) , 97. 2

18 Revisitin g a Site of Cultural Bondage: JoAnn Gibson Robinson's Boycott Memoir Ruth Ellen Kocher

This essay considers JoAnn Gibson Robinson's 1987 memoir, Th e Montgomery Bu s Boycott and the Wome n Who Started It , as a contemporary slave narrative, given Robinson's siting of herself as a narrator-witness in every sense. Robinson writes with an anticipation of cross-examination and marks her disclosures, as did traditional authors of slave narratives, as record — as verification of historical fact. Kocher finds most significant to Robinson's memoir a voice and narrative technique reminiscent of nineteenthcentury slave narratives, and finds Th e Montgomer y Bus Boycott.. . to be a contemporary continuation of that genre, despite the hundred years separating Robinson and the former American slaves who authored such testimonials. The essay focuses on the ways that such a memoir becomes a site at which we may revisit the subject of cultural bondage as it existed for boycotters in the mid 1950s and, consequently, representative of the witness' voice, a voice that is, itself, historically suspect.

JoAnn Gibso n Robinson' s narrative , The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It, serve s a s a textua l sit e a t whic h w e ma y revisi t th e often bruta l circumstance s an d heroi c negotiation s o f th e Civi l Right s movement in America. A s a verification an d clarification o f the 195 5 events in Birmingham, he r narrative differ s fro m such documents a s Martin Luthe r Kin g Jr.'s 'Lette r From Birmingham Jail, ' offerin g not only a personal accoun t o f the boycott event s bu t als o a testimonia l mean t t o withstan d speculatio n an d scrutiny. I fin d th e differenc e betwee n Robinson' s narrativ e an d other s lik e King's emerge s fro m he r dispositio n as a narrator-witness i n every sense : sh e writes wit h a n anticipatio n of cross-examination an d mark s he r disclosure s a s record, pertinent amon g all others. Robinson , herself, becomes th e locu s of our re visitation, an d yet , sh e lend s he r accoun t t o u s a s historica l record, beyond reproach. Perhap s mos t significan t t o Robinson' s memoi r i s a voic e an d narrative techniqu e s o reminiscent o f nineteenth-century slav e narratives tha t I argue he r tex t t o b e a contemporar y continuatio n o f tha t genre , despit e th e hundred year s separatin g Robinso n an d th e forme r America n slave s wh o authored suc h testimonials.

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To rea d The Montgomery Bus Boycott a s a slave narrative undoubtedl y requires us to re-negotiate ou r perceptions o f slavery and what, in fact, i t mean s to be a slave. W e learn through this reading that we must accep t suc h bondag e as a tangible, physical reality whether th e (female ) blac k body is restricted b y chains or , in the cas e o f Robinson, b y sever e societa l limitations that not onl y hinder mobilit y bu t subjec t he r t o a continuall y hostil e an d physicall y threatening environment . Onc e w e recogniz e Robinson' s tex t a s a slav e narrative, dependen t o n nineteenth-centur y slav e narrative s a s a collectio n o f incumbent voices, we may begin to understand mor e full y th e preceden t natur e of th e oppressiv e dynamic s i n plac e a t th e onse t o f th e Civi l Right s era . Robinson's memoi r i s a primar y cultura l sit e tha t allow s u s t o interpre t an d correlate th e event s o f th e civi l rights movemen t a s a continuatio n o f slav e rebellion an d abolitionis t sentiments commence d i n the nineteent h centur y — and als o a s a recurrin g cultural trope i n Africa n America n writing . Suc h a n interpretation come s i n opposition to on e tha t woul d fram e th e er a a s a stati c set o f events, commencin g in 195 5 an d endin g wit h th e assassinatio n o f Kin g in 1968 , an d thu s reveal s a n integra l relationshi p betwee n th e nineteenth century slav e narrativ e author s an d contemporar y blac k activist s suc h a s Robinson. Th e tas k o f writin g memoi r remain s on e o f th e foremos t challenges t o th e Africa n America n wh o aim s t o substantiat e a traditionally undervalued, overlooke d an d forsake n existence . I n hi s essa y 'Narration , Authentication, an d Authoria l Contro l i n Frederic k Douglass ' Narrative o f 1845,' Rober t Stept o recount s perhap s th e mos t famou s o f th e nineteenth century example s o f authenticate d captivit y experience whil e directin g u s t o the premis e tha t 'th e strident , mora l voic e o f th e forme r slav e recounting , exposing, appealing , apostrophizin g and abov e all , remembering hi s ordea l in bondage i s th e singl e mos t impressiv e featur e o f a slav e narrative.' Whil e Stepto emphasize s th e ac t o f 'remembering,' th e act s of 'recounting , exposing and appealing' see m to collectively address th e relationship inherent i n the way the speake r establishe s ethica l appeal, that is, the way s in which th e speake r i s or i s not believabl e to th e reader . A s we kno w from Aristotelia n rhetoric , th e ethical appeal establishes 'th e speaker' s goo d character' an d 'credibility.' Thi s concern for ethical appeal (ethos ) a s an example of an intrinsic rhetorical proof comes a s on e ofte n subtl y privilege d i n th e slav e narrativ e abov e othe r suc h proofs that rely on emotion (pathos) o r argument (logos) . I n line with this idea, Stepto posit s i n anothe r work , 'Distrus t o f th e Reade r i n Afro-America n Narratives,' tha t an additiona l feature o f such texts i s a n inherent suspicio n on the par t o f th e speake r directe d towar d th e reader . I t woul d see m tha t fo r Stepto, th e Africa n America n writer' s distrus t function s a s a n integra l mechanism i n the translatio n o f memory t o recor d when th e persona l accoun t of th e speake r i n a slave narrative responds t o a reader's ethical distrust o f that speaker, tha t is , o f th e speaker' s 'goo d name ' an d thus , 'credibility. ' Stept o observes tha t thi s distrus t work s bot h ways , suc h tha t th e narrato r anticipates an audience's distrus t o f the speake r a s well . I n sum , the narrator' s testimon y 1

2

Revisiting a Site of Cultural Bondage 24 7 of event s relates a precarious position , that o f the 'speake r o f truths,' whil e it also connotes th e uneasiness, a s does Robinson's text, o f a witness o n display. Francis Smit h Foster als o examine s th e witness-speake r i n Witnessing Slavery: The Development of Ante-bellum Slave Narratives, detailin g th e fundamental element s o f the slav e narrative an d the shiftin g form of the genre. Foster make s tw o significan t element s clear : th e inten t an d agend a o f th e narratives' author s and the genera l sentiment s o f whites towards th e narrative s and the slave s themselves. Foste r sees the narrativ e changin g as the institution of slaver y changed, becomin g more explici t i n representations o f violence an d human suffering as the abolitionis t movement gaine d steam. I n my comparison of Robinson's memoir to the slav e narratives o f which Foster and Stept o speak , I posi t tha t i n her 'attack ' o n th e slavis h institution of segregation , Robinso n engages a trope o f repetition and revision', she continuall y reiterates what ha s been record , revisin g tha t histor y b y interjectin g he r own , individua l experience. He r telling becomes a site, or locus, of cultural exchang e betwee n the historica l reality that exclude s he r an d a revised , experientia l histor y that does not. Robinson' s memoir is a modern slav e narrative i n terms of narrative function — sh e utilize s narrativ e distrus t a s a mechanism , positionin g he r personal accoun t a s th e pivota l testimon y tha t inform s a historicizin g of experience. A s the free d slav e mad e hi s ordea l public for th e benefi t o f othe r slaves, Robinso n speaks fo r othe r black s boun d b y th e chain s o f segregation . In effect , he r memoi r i s personal, yes , bu t become s a s wel l par t o f our public record. Consequently , Robinson's disclosure finds a place i n the continuu m of African America n narrative s a s anothe r tellin g o f th e forme r slav e writin g herself into history to authenticate an d validate her existence an d experience . 3

In he r effor t t o recoun t an d expose , Robinso n utilize s thre e specifi c means. First , as a participant i n the Civi l Right s Movement, Robinson names names, bot h a s a n endorsemen t o f her narrativ e an d a s a mean s o f disclosing the identitie s o f those involve d wit h th e plannin g an d implementatio n o f th e boycott: thos e fo r an d thos e against . A s thes e name s actuat e som e endorsement o f th e text , the y als o functio n a s a n indictmen t o f th e whit e community's resistanc e t o Blac k progres s i n the sam e wa y a s d o som e slav e narratives, accordin g to Foster . Robinso n uses such verification as a means of countering th e distrustin g reade r t o who m Stept o refers . Next , sh e disclose s authorial intent earl y in the nove l in much the sam e way as Douglass and othe r writers o f slav e narrative s revea l t o th e reade r thei r intentio n i n 'telling, ' a n agenda tha t i s greatly investe d i n the rightin g of wrongs an d th e correctio n or substantiation o f publi c recor d — a historicizin g of experience . Last , sh e locates experienc e chronologically , geographically , an d throug h th e hierarchical relationship s o f those wh o officiate d th e boycott . Sh e disclose s testimony o f specifi c times , dates , an d place s durin g whic h ke y event s too k place, as wel l a s the identitie s o f important figure s mediatin g suc h events — a move tha t ultimatel y speak s t o th e interrogativ e relationshi p betwee n speake r and reader within the slav e narrative.

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Before speakin g t o th e thre e mos t prominen t slav e narrativ e characteristics presen t i n Robinson's memoir, I would lik e t o addres s Davi d J . Garrow's introductio n to th e wor k and th e rol e it play s i n contextualizing her document. Foremost , I mea n t o poin t ou t th e parallelism s between Garrow' s introduction an d those w e find i n classic accounts suc h as Frederick Douglass' Narrative. Garro w begin s b y explainin g how h e cam e t o kno w Robinson, noting tha t h e me t he r i n Apri l 198 4 afte r requestin g a n intervie w concerning her rol e i n th e boycott . Th e languag e o f bot h th e classi c narrative s an d Robinson's memoir are s o important t o our comparative understanding o f their relationship tha t I tak e th e libert y o f quotin g extende d portion s o f tex t throughout thi s essa y i n orde r t o emphasiz e correlation s i n conten t an d tone . For example , in this portio n of an introductio n written for Frederick Douglass by Willia m Lloy d Garrison , we ma y discer n precedent no t onl y fo r Garrow' s objective, bu t als o fo r hi s approach . H e engage s th e reade r throug h th e advocational relationship he establishes wit h the author : In th e mont h o f August , 184 1 I attende d a n anti-slaver y convention i n Nantucket, a t whic h i t wa s m y happines s t o become acquainted with Frederick Douglass, the writer of the following narrative...I t wa s a t onc e deepl y impresse d upo n my mind , that , i f Mr . Douglas s coul d b e persuade d t o consecrate hi s time and talents t o the promotio n of the antislavery enterprise, a powerful impetus would be given to it...I therefore endeavore d t o instil l hop e an d courag e int o hi s mind. 4

Like Garrison , Garrow speaks o f Robinson's position to convey her experienc e while foremost suggestin g his role as a primary agent in her doing so: I bega n t o realiz e just ho w much original never-before-tol d historical detai l ther e wa s abou t blac k civi c activis m i n Montgomery...Here indeed , I realize d as I read furthe r int o her manuscript , wa s a n autobiographica l accoun t tha t no t only deserved publication, but that could be perhaps th e most important participant-observe r accoun t o f th e Montgomery protest tha t student s an d scholar s o f th e America n blac k freedom struggle might ever have available. 5

As Foste r posit s tha t slav e narrativ e author s a t lengt h den y persona l involvement in the impetus to print their texts, Garrow suggests the sam e i n his introduction. H e i s carefu l t o poin t ou t tha t h e question s Robinso n wit h 'encouragement,' assurin g the reader o f her modesty towards authorship : Mrs. Robinson remains generally hesitant to claim for herself the historica l credi t tha t sh e deserve s fo r launchin g th e Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956 . Although he r stor y fully an d accuratel y describe s ho w i t wa s she , durin g th e night an d early mornin g hours o f December 1 and 2 , 1955,

Revisiting a Site of Cultural Bondage 24 9 who actuall y starte d th e boycot t o n it s way , i t i s onl y with some gentl e encouragemen t tha t sh e wil l acknowledg e herself a s 'th e instigato r o f th e movemen t t o star t th e boycott. 6

In a simila r way , Olauda h Equiano , alia s Gustavu s Vassa , offer s suc h a disclaimer t o an y prais e h e migh t expec t fo r bravel y publishin g hi s ow n memoir in 1792: If, then, th e followin g narrativ e doe s not appea r sufficiently interesting t o engag e genera l attention , le t m y motiv e b e some excuse fo r its publication. I am not so foolishly vai n to expect fro m i t either immortalit y or literar y reputation. I f it affords an y satisfactio n t o m y numerou s friends , a t whos e request i t ha s bee n written , o r i n th e smalles t degre e promotes th e interests of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken wil l be fully attained . Even b y th e en d o f th e introduction , th e structura l an d contextua l correspondence o f Robinson's work to classic narratives suc h as Equiano's an d Douglass' begin s t o emerg e as a tonal framin g spoke n b y an authoria l agen t to the engage d reader . I n accordance wit h this design , Robinso n embarks o n th e narrative wit h thank s an d dedication s t o al l thos e wh o stoo d u p fo r th e movement. He r words com e a s a familia r reminder t o reader s who recogniz e the directive s of former slave s whos e narrative s wer e preceded b y praise mean t for abolitionis t mentors and literary benefactors .

Distrust and Naming Although w e se e i n Douglas s th e inclinatio n to nam e hi s variou s masters , Henry Louis Gates Jr., in his introduction to Our Nig: or Sketches from the Life of a Free Black, a text initiall y written in 185 9 that also, inarguably, reads as a slave narrative , posit s tha t 'no t on e othe r autho r befor e Harrie t Wilso n fel t compelled t o anticipat e th e "severe " criticism s o f eve n th e Norther n Abolitionists.' Gate s suggest s here that Wilson' s anticipation o f the readers ' distrust o f her woul d be uniqu e withi n th e genr e of slave narrative . However , Gates' ow n edite d collection , The Classic Slave Narratives, offer s u s som e evidence t o th e contrary . I n 1814 , Olauda h Equian o publishe d hi s ow n Interesting Narrative i n which his dedication is thinly disguised as an elevation of ethica l appeal . Equian o dedicate s th e wor k t o hi s 'Lord s an d Gentlemen ' and i n th e preface , lik e Douglas s an d Robinson , names name s o f 'white s i n high regard' : 8

The subscriptio n lis t o f the firs t editio n could boast, that it was grace d wit h the name s o f a greate r numbe r o f worthy characters tha t ha d befor e adorne d th e page s o f an y smal l

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book published in this country . Thei r Royal Highnesse s th e Prince o f Wales , the Duke s o f Yor k an d Cumberland ; th e Dukes o f Marlborough , Bedford, Northumberland, &c ; the Duchess of Buccleugh... . 9

Perhaps no t a s over t a n appea l a s Wilson's , Equiano' s inclusio n o f this lis t of patrons serve s t o validat e hi s tellin g a s a gran d assortmen t o f aristocrati c an d imperial endorsements . Equian o did , in fact , anticipat e doub t i n respons e t o his testimony . Hi s counter discours e anticipate s th e 'sever e criticisms ' of his readership: An objection , but a very unreasonable one , ha s bee n raise d against th e author , fo r th e accoun t whic h h e give s o f hi s native country ; hi s ow n noble extraction ; an d th e manners , customs an d religion o f his countrymen. T o many people it has seeme d to o circumstantia l to b e recollecte d by a youth, who was but eleven years o f age when he was forced to visit foreign lands . But whoever wil l giv e himself the troubl e of reflecting o n wha t passe d durin g hi s ow n infancy...could himself giv e a ver y accurat e detai l o f thei r sport s an d usages. 10

Like Equiano , Linda Bren t begins he r ow n telling i n Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl b y entreatin g th e reade r t o 'believ e thi s narrativ e i s n o fiction.' While Brent' s narrativ e wa s publishe d i n 1861 , tw o year s afte r Wilson's , Douglass' Narrative precede s Our Nig a s doe s The History of Mary Prince i n which w e ar e assure d tha t 'I t wa s writte n ou t fully , with...Mary' s exac t expressions an d peculiar phraseology.' Whil e thes e numerous account s ma y not anticipat e 'sever e criticisms ' a s explicitl y a s di d Wilson's , w e ar e har d pressed t o ignor e how these disclosures pla y into the cycl e of distrust betwee n reader an d write r of the testimonia l narrative. A s a characteristic o f the slav e narrative, naming serves th e autho r i n various capacities but come s t o one fina l purpose: t o mark , throug h implici t collusion , othe r witnesse s wh o ca n substantiate, verify , an d endorse th e personal disclosure of the author . Even i n her opening dedication, Robinson begins t o name names : 'Mrs. A . W . West, Mrs . Alberta James , Mrs . Daisy Poole ' — al l women wh o ca n verify blac k efforts t o shuttl e boycotter s bac k an d fort h acros s Montgomery. This informatio n become s a n importan t detai l i n th e recognitio n o f th e blac k protest a s a calculate d movemen t o f self-preservation . Suc h namin g i s a n integral featur e t o narrative s lik e Douglass ' wher e hi s rol e o f witnes s i s compounded by his role as fugitive. H e names names so that his white reading public ma y verif y hi s testimony , ye t a t th e sam e time expose s forme r master s as treacherou s an d himsel f a s a criminal . Likewise , Robinso n goe s t o grea t pains i n the tex t t o verif y he r testimon y b y disclosing even th e smalles t detail s of plannin g throughout th e boycott. Sh e does so in an effort t o counter charge s that th e movemen t wa s serendipitous , a n emotiona l compulsio n o f a peopl e 11

12

13

Revisiting a Site of Cultural Bondage 25 1 who coul d no t think through suc h an elaborate exercis e in civi l disobedience . Her decisio n t o addres s thi s ye t unspoke n characte r assaul t b y a suspiciou s reader place s he r withi n a traditio n o f Africa n America n writer s wh o acknowledge themselve s a s suspec t give n th e contex t o f racia l abjectio n t o which they have historically been lost. Wha t we have in the telling o f the slave narrative i s a historica l patter n o f qualificatio n mean t t o counte r prospective attacks o n the part o f a reader wh o doubts the 'verifiable ' truth s proffere d by a slave's own hand.

The Author's Agend a The relationship between writer and reader i s one that comes not so simply for slave narrativ e authors . Th e ai r o f distrust apparen t i n such a relationshi p is underwritten firs t b y th e author' s agenda . Consequently , i n disclosin g he r authorial inten t i n the preface , Robinso n assume s th e rol e o f a narrato r who , like nineteenth-centur y narrativ e authors , mean s he r disclosur e t o b e understood a s sociopolitica l commentary . He r word s ai m t o clarif y fo r th e reader a revise d histor y i n ligh t o f a flawe d one . Th e write r o f th e slav e narrative aim s t o mak e thi s 'correction ' in a substantiatin g way , makin g he r testimonial publi c an d permanent . I n hi s ow n statemen t o f authoria l intent , Douglass remind s u s tha t 'w e hav e bee n lef t lon g enoug h t o gathe r th e character of slavery from th e involuntary evidence of the masters.' Robinson , as well, counters the reader who questions her intent: 14

I hav e chose n t o recor d th e fact s o f th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycott fo r severa l reasons. Th e firs t i s general : s o tha t th e world wil l kno w tha t blac k peopl e o f Americ a ar e not , a s stereotypes have depicted them for generations, a "happy-golucky," self-satisfied, complacent , lazy, good-fo r nothing race that has nothin g good or worthwhile to offe r society . I have attempted t o relat e th e verifiabl e trut h i n ever y are a o f concern, s o tha t th e reade r wil l kno w why fift y thousan d black citizens walked off city transit lines. 15

Robinson's barrag e o f stereotypica l adjective s serve s a s a n assaul t upo n deplorable typologies . He r attack o n the 'happy-go-lucky ' fallacy ma y sound familiar t o us as one Douglass also addresses : I hav e ofte n bee n utterl y astonished , sinc e I cam e t o th e north, to fin d persons who coul d spea k of the singing , among slaves, as evidenc e of their contentment and happiness. I t i s impossible to conceive of a greater mistake. Slaves sing most when the y ar e mos t unhappy . Th e song s o f th e slav e represent the sorrow s of his heart; and he i s relieved by them, only as an aching heart is relieved by its tears. 16

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Like Douglass , Robinson attempts to solici t justification through qualification of he r acts . Wh y black s walke d of f o f th e transi t syste m i n Montgomery becomes a s much a part o f Robinson's telling a s the crue l conditions Douglass proclaims t o b e th e commo n experience o f his 'manacle d brethren'; they , lik e Robinson, have no moral choice but to act in the interes t o f self-preservation. Both writer s ar e enable d t o negotiat e an d mediat e th e ethica l concern s an d reactions o f thei r reader s because of thei r ow n participatio n in th e event s o f their narratives. Suc h involvement reveals t o the worl d a witness wh o is not a bystander bu t instea d a n agent , marking the writer' s disclosur e as historicized experience simultaneou s t o th e writte n recor d — purpos e an d directio n conflated a t the moment th e autho r puts pen to paper . As Stept o point s ou t i n regard t o th e Narrative, Douglas s author s hi s record i n respons e t o th e reader' s distrus t o f hi m — t o th e scrutinizin g assessment of his ethos, hi s character. Whil e w e can benefit fro m a rhetorical analysis o f Douglass' Aristotelia n methodolog y in epidectic and/or ceremonial modes o f discourse , w e ar e bette r engage d a s reader s i n understandin g th e nature of Douglass' (an d Robinson's) reciprocating distrust. I t seem s that this motivating distrust , alon g wit h a n impetu s t o transfor m memor y an d experience int o testimonia l account, move s th e speake r t o repetitiousl y verif y the verifiable . I n thi s way , th e slav e narrative' s author , bot h classi c an d contemporary, reveal s a n agend a i n the for m o f the cultura l trope o f repetition and revision. Th e trope function s t o convey experience. Th e author reiterate s verifiable detail s o f previousl y recorded experienc e withi n thi s reiteratio n o f the existin g record. Robinso n not onl y offers u s the detail s o f her activity , sh e supplies u s wit h persona l an d emotiona l account s o f th e mistreatmen t o f blacks, i n conjunction wit h intricat e tim e frame s an d locations , compounding verifiable facts . I n so doing, she makes claims in accordance wit h her authorial design, an d simultaneousl y offer s conclusiv e proof s a s well . He r etho s emerges earl y on i n the narrativ e an d sh e foregoe s th e dialogi c bantering tha t would lead us from speake r t o listener, writer to reader, i n a rhetorical battle of argumentative points . Th e monotonou s cycl e o f presentation , refutation , qualification, an d resignation i s anticipate d by Robinson and, throug h th e us e of repetition and revision, countered with inherent textua l and factual support . 17

Time, Place, and Face At th e outse t o f th e narrative , afte r sh e engage s th e reade r i n a n ethica l validation o f he r character , Robinso n proceeds t o giv e multipl e account s o f objectionable treatmen t endure d b y numerou s othe r blac k citizen s o f Montgomery, a foundational patter n o f corroboration that serve s t o justify th e imminent mov e to boycott . W e learn o f ' a grou p o f men' abandone d a t a bus stop afte r payin g their fares an d deboarding to re-enter throug h th e rea r exit , ' a mentally defective but harmless blac k man' wh o was beaten b y a driver, even a

Revisiting a Site of Cultural Bondage 25 3 driver wh o collect s hi s ow n 'witnesses ' t o a n inciden t wher e h e close d th e doors o n a blac k woma n befor e sh e ha d full y entere d th e bus , trappin g her . Robinson use s geographica l locu s a s a n inde x o f proo f withi n th e memoir , virtually citin g th e landscap e a s witnes s t o he r experience . Sh e give s u s numerous account s i n whic h sh e i s carefu l t o recor d stree t intersections , regions o f th e cit y an d even , i n som e cases , specifi c bu s routes : 'Buse s t o Cloverdale wer e usuall y crowde d wit h thes e domesti c helper s i n th e earl y morning and again in the lat e afternoo n whe n they cam e of f duty. Meanwhile , whites rod e fro m hom e int o tow n i n th e morning s an d bac k agai n i n th e afternoon. Thu s blac k passengers occupie d the buse s goin g one wa y an d th e whites the other.' I n citin g geographica l locations as integra l aspects of th e memoir, Robinso n creates a recor d that potentiall y jogs th e memorie s o f he r corroborators, placin g them withi n a physical contex t that facilitates their own historicizing of experience, making the record collaborative. Likewise, chronolog y become s a n importan t aspec t o f Robinson' s telling, i n th e sam e wa y tha t detail s o f time s an d date s ar e importan t i n narratives lik e Douglass' . W e are tol d o f events i n 1951 , 1952 , and 195 4 that lead up to the decisiv e moment o f the boycott on 5 December, 1955 . Robinso n cites a n editoria l in the Advertiser o n 8 December o f that sam e yea r detailing the recen t boycott . Sh e als o direct s u s t o a bu s compan y manager' s announcement tha t bu s servic e i n selec t boycottin g neighborhoods woul d b e discontinued, a n obviou s move o n th e par t o f white managemen t t o discoun t the blac k riders ' concerns . Robinso n notes tha t o n Monday , 1 9 December , 'the appointe d interracia l committe e me t a s planne d a t nin e o'cloc k in...th e Chamber of Commerce, to try again to fin d a solution,' but add s that, in lieu of finding suc h a solution , the motio n to accep t a number o f proposals b y black Montgomerians requested i n that meeting by Dr. Kin g wa s 'talke d to death.' Her dates appear a s a persistent mean s o f speaking the truths that have not bee n spoken previously , whil e providin g a chronologica l framework t o whic h a reader ma y refer an d so qualify th e dispositio n of her narration. I t would see m that thi s strateg y no t onl y validate s he r testimon y fo r th e reade r but , i n thi s case, als o emphasize s blac k Montgomerians ' heart-fel t desir e fo r rea l reconciliation with , an d accountabilit y on the par t of , white s i n transportatio n management. In he r accoun t o f earl y attempt s a t managemen t an d mediation , Robinson seem s to impl y tha t th e whit e negotiator s apparentl y waite d fo r th e boycotters t o becom e frustrated , perhap s eve n bored, wit h thei r campaign . I n Robinson's account o f minor concessions, such as allowing black passengers t o at leas t temporaril y occup y seat s reserve d fo r white s unti l thos e patron s boarded th e buses , w e ar e reminde d o f Douglass ' warning s i n Narrative against complacenc y brought abou t b y the lur e of temporary 'leisure' : 18

19

During these leisure times, those old notion s about freedom would stea l ove r m e again . Whe n i n Mr . Gardner' s employment, I wa s kep t i n suc h a perpetua l whir l o f

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excitement, I coul d thin k o f nothing, scarcely , bu t m y life ; and in thinking of my life, I almost forgot m y liberty. I have observed thi s i n my experience o f slavery — that wheneve r my conditio n wa s improved , instea d o f it s increasin g m y contentment, i t onl y increased m y desire t o b e free , an d se t me to thinking of plans to gain my freedom. 20

This insatiable drive to freedom fro m bondage characterize s th e slav e narrativ e — an d Robinson's memoir — a s a record of desire continuall y made trivia l in the fac e o f minor concessions b y official s i n positions o f mediating authority . Because suc h persona l an d ofte n emotiona l informatio n ma y inflec t he r testimony a s suspect, Robinso n discloses many of her own 'verifiable ' truths as part o f a publi c record alread y i n existence . A s on e example , sh e states : 'I n 1956, th e superintenden t o f a loca l hospital , which...treate d man y ...figh t victims, told a reporter tha t sinc e th e boycot t began , th e hospita l ha d fewe r such patients . Thu s th e hospita l officia l corroborate d th e W P C ' s (Women' s Political Council ) finding s tha t bitte r bu s experience s coul d hav e caused...fights i n th e home.' Robinso n bring s no t onl y publi c recor d int o consideration her e bu t publi c official s who , perhap s unwillingly , validat e th e author's ethical qualifications and the natur e of her disclosur e a s viable . A s a final, crownin g means o f such verification , Robinson includes a 'Glossar y of Individuals' a s well a s a 'Chronolog y of Events' a t the end of her memoir. Besides he r attentio n t o chronology , geograph y an d position s o f authority, Robinso n als o appear s t o posses s a genuin e concer n fo r re corroboration, that is, straightening ou t fact s tha t ma y have , i n the year s sinc e the boycott , becom e skewed , exaggerated , o r simpl y mistold. Sh e assure s u s that 'Dr . Mary Fai r Burks organized the W P C t o fight segregation . Dr . Martin Luther King , Jr . an d th e ministers , alon g wit h M r . E.D. Nixon, M r . Rufu s Lewis, an d man y other s establishe d th e Montgomer y Improvemen t Association. Bu t they di d not cal l th e boycott.' Withi n a n otherwise modes t proposal of activity and participation, a narrative i n which Robinso n and othe r women regularl y defe r t o thei r mal e counterparts , sh e seem s t o stan d he r ground here , acknowledgin g Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr.' s leadershi p whil e attributing the genesi s o f the movemen t t o othe r sources . Thi s move absolve s Dr. Kin g o f direct involvemen t but a t th e sam e time leave s u s t o wonder , wit h a promp t fro m Robinson' s title, more o f the wome n wh o occupie d the centra l battalions o f th e Montgomer y conflict — a matte r whic h deserve s additiona l and significant investigation i n and of itself. We d o eventuall y lear n o f Mrs . Maud e Ballou , Mrs . Martha Johnson , and Mrs . Haze l Gregory , al l o f who m helpe d Robinso n i n organizationa l efforts alon g with 'hundred s o f volunteers.' Bu t even thes e bastions o f civi l improvement ar e overlooke d i n publi c record s befor e Robinson' s memoir . Because these 'wome n who starte d it, ' a s Robinson so boldl y points ou t i n th e memoir's title , are no t recognize d as tru e leaders , the y merel y become par t of the femal e forc e behind th e boycott . W e are reminded of Robinson's attack o n 21

22

23

Revisiting a Site of Cultural Bondage 25 5 stereotypical representations o f blacks as 'complacent , lazy , good-fo r nothing' people at the sam e time that she reveals their characteristic worth: Contributions came from aroun d the world, either directly to the MIA [Montgomer y Improvement Association] or through various churche s whos e minister s turne d the m ove r t o th e MIA. A t the ver y beginning , the Financ e Committee — a group of volunteers, men of means, honest y an d purpose — took charg e o f th e collections . Thes e "selecte d persons " received the money , counted it , rolled i t up by amounts an d gave i t to the treasurer . The y accompanied the treasure r t o the banking places where the money was safe in deposits. 24

It i s n o narrativ e acciden t tha t Robinso n s o candidl y explain s th e inne r workings o f the movement' s financia l network , th e exactitud e o f contribution assessment an d th e ethica l qualification s o f th e mone y handlers . Lik e Douglass, sh e accounts fo r eve n th e mino r detail s o f characte r withi n he r narrative, citin g an d incitin g ou r speculativ e evaluation s a s readers . Wha t d o we know of the me n who handled the mone y of the movement ? W e know that they were 'me n of means — honesty and purpose' an d that they were 'selected ' by equall y honest participant s i n the movement . Whil e relegate d t o role s o f support, th e wome n see m als o t o wiel d som e powe r i n determinin g th e direction th e movemen t take s b y choosin g not onl y thei r leader s bu t als o key participants i n th e boycott . Robinso n reveal s a collectiv e poo l o f femal e strategists wh o carefull y pla n an d execut e th e boycot t tha t lead s t o thei r deliverance from th e municipa l bondage t o which they are subject . Robinson' s disclosure o f inten t inform s he r tellin g jus t a s Douglass ' descriptio n o f hi s calculated escap e disclose s hi s 'contemplate d start, ' conveyin g a sens e o f urgency and necessity as well a s meticulous preparation. 25

Conclusion Robinson's accoun t o f the Montgomer y boycott unfold s a s tha t o f a n activ e participant. Sh e present s he r memoi r a s a persona l testimonia l o f event s t o which w e hav e bee n privilege d historicall y but , withou t th e benefi t o f he r personal account , abou t whic h w e hav e historicall y bee n misinformed . He r memoir function s no t a s a n appendag e t o historica l artifact bu t instea d a s a retelling tha t situate s he r a s narrator , a s on e wh o ma y b e suspect , bu t a s a witness wh o wields the powe r o f substantiation an d revisio n o f public record . As th e centra l witnes s i n he r slav e narrative , lik e Douglass , Robinso n demonstrates a n obviou s concer n fo r th e verifiabl e fact s tha t allo w us , a s readers, t o accep t he r testimon y a s a 'speakin g o f truths. ' Sh e ultimatel y reveals th e name s o f he r figurativ e captors : th e whit e establishmen t tha t facilitates he r bondag e throug h continua l passiv e endorsemen t o f bruta l treatment of blacks o n Montgomery buses. W e should recognize the method s

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employed here , th e painstakin g detail tha t Robinso n submit s a s evidenc e of personal accountability , th e attempt s t o thro w of f the chain s o f subjugation, demonstrated repeatedly throughout the memoir. W e learn from thi s telling, a s we lear n fro m traditiona l slav e narratives, that bondage come s in many forms , and tha t the spiri t ma y be shackle d a s wel l a s th e body . Th e most importan t role fo r th e deterre d then , beside s tha t o f servin g a s thei r ow n emancipators, becomes th e rol e exemplifie d b y Robinson: tha t o f witness, verifier o f truths, and contributo r to a collectiv e histor y o f which woma n ma y finall y becom e a part.

Notes 1

2

3

4

5 6 7 8 9

Rober t Stepto , 'Narration , Authentication , Authoria l Contro l i n Frederic k Douglass ' Narrative of 1845,' in Afro-American Literature: The Reconstruction of Instruction,eds . Dexter Fishe r and Robert B. Stepto ( New York: MLA, 1979) , 178-9. Jame s J. Murphy and Richard A. Katula, A Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric. (Davis : Hermagoras Press, 1994)., 152-4. France s Smit h Foster , Witnessing Slavery: The Development of Ante-bellum Slave Narratives. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1979), 87-93. Henr y Louis Gates, Jr., ed., The Classic Slave Narratives (New York: Mentor, 1987), 2447. Gates , Introduction, xi. Ibid . Gates , 12. Gates , Introduction, vi-vii. Gates , 5. Gates , 6-7. Gates , 335. Gates , 185. J o Ann Gibson Robinson, The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It: The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, Davi d J. Garrow, ed. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 3. Gates , The Classic Slave Narratives, 252. Robinson , 11. Gates , 263. Gates , 254. Robinson , 34. Robinson , 88-9. Gates , 314-15. Robinson , 37. Robinson , 40. Robinson , 64. Robinson , 72. Gates , 319.

10 11

12 13

14 15

16 17

18

19 2 0 21

2 2 23

2 4 25

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Index

activism, political, o f women, 10, 13-14, 25, 250, 252-3, 256, 259; and 17th-century English women petitioners, 10 , 12-16, 20 , 21n. advocate, woman as, 30 , 210 All for Love (Dryden), 94, 96-9, 102n. , 196 Amazon, 156 , 183-7, 190-1 , 192n. , 193n. , 196 'American Girl,' 65-6 , 71, 74 Anthony and Cleopatra (Shakespeare) , 96-9, 196 , 102n , 103n , 202n . autobiography, woman's, 51-3 , 56, 58, 62n., 132 , 134 , 169 , 177n., 21 2 Barbauld, Anna Leticia, 4, 221-31 BinodiniDas, 125 , 128, 132-6 , 137n. ; writings of, see writings, of women body, femal e African American , and Sojourner Truth, 26-7, 30-3; and analogy, 10 , 16, 20; and dissent, 9, 12-14, 16-17 , 20; as erotic site, 97, 99, 113 ; as maternal site, 16 , 18-20, 56, 59-60, 81-5; as metaphor, 1 , 9, 11 , 19-20, 23n.; as 'monstrous,' 17 , 20; as sexual site, 10 , 14-15, 53, 59; as social site, 53, 55, 59; as text, 51 , 53-60; 'docile,' and 20th-century criticism, 11, 20; embodiment of 19th-century tall tale in Sojourner Truth, 1 , 25-6; figurative use of, 1-2 , 10 , 16, 20; representation of lineage in, 53, 83-5 boundaries, gender, transgression of by women, 2-3, 12 , 16, 22n., 54-5, 58-9, 61, 71-4, 79-81, 93, 96, 100 , 183-5 , 187-92, 195-20l , 202n., 209-18, 221-2, 225, 230 and cross-dressing, see cross-dressing, and transgression of gender boundaries

breast, woman's, iconography of, 96-7, 113, 155-6, 162n . canon, women's place in, 68, 222 ceremony, and women's involvement in, 1-2, 4, 79, 83, 86-8; processional, 86 , 171 , 173-6 ; Remembrance Day, 233-44; tea, 139-4 9 Civil Rights movement, 4, 245-56 Cleopatra (Queen of Egypt), 2, 93-103 , 196-200, 202n. ; and Plutarch, 93-4, 100n., 101n.; role of, and cross-dressing, se e crossdressing Clifford, Lad y Anne (Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery, Baroness Clifford, Westmorlan d and Vesey), 3, 167-8 2 clothing, see dress; see also reassemblag e Colonna, Vittoria, 3, 153-6 6 and humanism, 3, 153-5, 157-61 ; and Pietro Bembo, 157 , 159-60 ; and references to antiquity, 158-9 ; and references to Sappho, 156-9 , 162n.; as patron, 154-6 , 158-9 , 162n. ; iconography of, 153-8 ; iconography of, and Raphael, 156 , 159, 162n. cross-dressing and controversy of prostitute-actresse s in 19th-century Bengali theater, 128 ; and transgression of gender boundaries, 56, 58, 128 , 185 , 187 ; on stage, and Caitanyatila (Ghos), 128; and role of Cleopatra in Restoration England, 96-7; and wild woman archetype, 185 , 187 Daisy Miller (James) , 2, 65, 68, 70-4, 76n. dissent, role of women in, see protest, role of women in

272 Women

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Douglass, Frederick, 246-53, 255, 256n. dress, as symbolic and cross-dressing, see cross-dressing, and transgression of gender boundaries; and flapper, 40-7; and nationalism, 38, 42-3, 46-7; and Ophelias, 107 , 113-14, 116 ; and 'Tommy Girl,' 66 ; ceremonial, 83, 85, 87; see also reassemblage Dryden, John, 93-4, 96-100, 102n. , 103n , 196 dynasty, creation of female place in, 79 83, 85, 88, 167-8 , 171 , 177n., 187

Hamlet (Shakespeare), 2, 105-7 , 109-13, 118n. , 119n., 129 Hutchinson, Anne, 3, 209-19; and Antinomianism, 209, 211-12, 217, 219n.; as heretic, 210, 212-13; trial of, 209, 211-16, 218n.

educator, woman as, 140-2 , 145- 6

madwoman in 19th-century Bengali theater, 130-1; Ophelia as, see Ophelia, figur e of, as madwoman Mancini, Hortense, see Mazarin, Duchess marriage, role of women in, 17 , 37, 39, 41, 45, 65, 71, 80-4, 87-8, 93-100, 102n. , 103n., 108-9 , 116 , 143-4 , 148n. , 154-5, 19 5 Mazarin, Duchess (Hortense Mancini), 3, 195-8 , 200-2 ; iconography of, 196-7 , 202n . medal, portrait, Renaissance , 153-66 ; and likeness, 154-5 , 158-61 , 161n. , 162n. Medicis, Catherine de, 79-88, 90n., 91n. ; and lament, visible display of, 82-3, 85, 88; as guardian of body politic, 79-81 , 84-5, 87; function o f passion during regency of, 82-3, 86-8 ; maternal devotion and role of in relation to subjects, 81, 84-7 Medicis, Marie de, regency of, and maternal role of in relation to subjects, 88 middle class, women and, 10-1 , 26, 30, 32, 65, 67-8, 73, 75n., 126 , 130, 141, 222, 23 In. mistress, 99-100, 103n. , 126, 135, 137n. of the house, 167-8 , 175 ; Ophelia as, see Ophelia, figure of, as mistress; royal, 113 , 195-9 'Modern Girl,' see flapper, as symbol of modernity monarchy, hereditary, legitimacy of, and

feminism, 2, 4, 21n. , 23n., 25, 51, 61n., 65-6, 68, 70-3, 75, 75n., 105-6 , 118n. , 185, 188 , 209, 218n., 222, 226, 230, 231n. Fielding, Sarah , adoption of Ophelia figure, 108 , 115-7, 119n . flapper as contested site of cultural meaning in 1920 s Ireland, 1 , 37, 39-47 ; as symbol of modernity in 1920 s Ireland, 39-4 8 genre, use of by women writers, 25-7, 31-2, 51-3, 56, 62 gesture, as cultural signifier, 14, 27-8, 35 , 57-8, 97, 140-2 , 145- 6 Ghos, Giris Candra, 126-31 , 134 , 137 'good woman,' 2 in 17 th- through 19th-century PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, 188-9 , 191-2; in 18th-century English literature, 105 , 107-12, 114-7 ; in 19th-century Bengali theater, 131 ; in 19th-century English literature, 224-5; in 19 th- and 20th-century Japan, 143, 145, 147n., 148n.; in early 20th-century Ireland, 39, 41, 47; in late 20th-century America, 70-2; in Renaissance France, 81; in Restoration England, 93-100 government, access of women to and Knesset, 20th-century Israeli, 234, 240, 243 and Parliament, 17th-century English, 9-16, 20, 21n.;

James, Henry, 2, 65, 68, 70-4, 76n. Keroualle, Louise de, see Portsmouth, Duchess of Kingston, Maxine Hong, 1 , 51 -63 legend, women in, 56, 59, 62n., 157

Index 27 relation to royal marriage and female rule, see rule, female The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It (Robinson), 4, 245-56 Mother Nation, and role of prostituteactress in 19th-century Bengali theater, 131, 134-5 movement, body, as cultural signifier, see gesture, as cultural signifier mythology, and relation of women to, 2-3 , 30, 70, 93, 130-1 , 134-5 , 157, 183-4, 186-7, 199 , 201 narrative and women's place in, 4, 17 , 20, 6870, 73, 82, 86, 116-17 , 169, 189, 196 7, 200-1, 203n., 209, 216, 227-8; and women's use of, 28 , 35n., 36n., 51-61, 61n., 63n. nationalism and relation of women to, 1-3 , 131-2, 134-6, 139-40 , 144-6 , 148n. , 189, 191-2, 196 , 199, 229; female body as icon of, 16 , 19-20, 3941, 44, 65-6, 69-70 Ophelia, 2 and passivity, 111 , 114-15; Boydell Gallery image of, 1 12-14, 18th-century actresses in role of, 1067, 109 , 114-15; figure of, 2, 105-23 ; figure of , as madwoman, 2, 105 , 107 17;

figure of , as mistress, 115; figure of , in works after Shakespeare , 109, 112-16 ; iconography of , 105 , 113, 118n.; painted by Benjamin West, 1\12-14; sexuality of, 105-11 , 113, 115, 117 ; visual record of, 112-15 patronage, women and, 1, 3, 153-6 , 158-9 , 162n., 167-8 , 176n, 177n. , 192, 193n., 201 petitioners, women, see activism, political, of women, and 17th-century English women petitioners politics, and relation of women to, 1-3 , 9-20, 25-6, 38-9, 43, 48n., 68, 70, 75n., 79-88, 90n., 93, 97, 101n., 105, 117, 129, 134, 154, 158, 183-4, 186-7 , 191-2, 193n. , 195-201 , 202n., 212,

3

222-3, 226, 231n, 234-5 , 240, 243, 244n, 251, 254; see also activism, political, of women; and westernization, Japan, role of women in politics, sexual and Anne Hutchinson, 209-10, 212, 214,218; and role of women in 19th-centur y Bengali theater, 130 portrait image, 153-66 , 172 , 196-7, 202n. Portsmouth, Duchess of (Louis e de Keroualle), 3, 195-6 , 198-201 , 203n.; iconography of , 19 8 property, femal e ownership of and claim 143, 167-82 , 19 0 prostitute, 69 , 99-100, 112 prostitute-actresses, controvers y o f in 19th-century Bengali theater, 125-37 ; and Ramayana, 127; and transvestism, see cross-dressing , and controversy of prostitute-actresse s in 19th-century Bengali theater protest, role of women in, 9, 12-14 , 16-17 , 20, 22n, 23n, 209-19, 222, 230n, 242-3, 249-51 public sphere, and position of women in, 3, 10 , 12-13, 20, 25-6, 29-30, 34, 34n, 53, 59, 79-87, 89n, 96, 103n, 105-8 , 116-17, 127 , 131-2, 134-6 , 139-40 , 144-5, 153 , 156, 158, 160-1, 185, 195, 201, 209-18, 221-2, 234-5, 242, 247, 250-1, 254-5 quarters, private, as female site of culture, 128, 173-6, 175 , 199, 200-1 queen (regent), authority of, in Renaissance France, 79-82, 84-7 queenship, history of, revised, 79-80, 87 reassemblage, 'reclothing' of deceased king's fles h and soul through transfe r of authority to widow, 82, 87; see also dress, ceremonial regency government, relation to femal e rule in Renaissance France, se e rule, female, in Renaissance Franc e Restoration Court, 3, 185, 195, 197-201 theater of, 96-100 , 105-6 , 109 , 119n . revisionist, woman as, 56, 59, 209, 247, 251-2, 255 Robinson, JoAnn Gibson, 4, 245-56; writings of, compared with writings of Martin Luther King, Jr., 245-6, 253-4 rule, female, in Renaissance France

274 Women

as Sites of Culture

hereditary monarchy, legitimacy of, relation to royal marriage, 80-4, 87; relation to regency government, 79-88; and devotion, topos of, 79-82, 84-8 , 89n.

temae, see gesture, as cultural signifie r Tragedie o f Antonie (Mary Sidney), 94-7, 100, 101n., 102n. transvestism, see cross-dressin g 'true womanhood,' se e Sojourner Truth and 'true womanhood '

self-documentation, by women, 167-9 , 171, 173-4 , 176 , 177n., 245, 247, 251, 253, 255 self-fashioning, b y women, 25-36, 153-66 ; architectural campaign as means of, 167-72, 175-6 , 176n . 'separate spheres, ' 224 , 229-3 0 sexuality, as defining characteristic of women, 10 , 14-5, 22n., 53, 59, 71, 73, 93-6, 99, 103n, 105-6 , 108 , 111-12 , 115-17 Shakespeare, William, 93, 96-7, 99, 105 , 107, 109-17 , 196 Sidney, Mary (Countess of Pembroke), 93-7, 100 , 101n., 102n. slave narrative and JoAnn Gibson Robinson, 4, 24556, compared with Olaudah Equiano, 249-50 Sojourner Truth, 1 , 25-36 and Frances Gage, 27-8 , 31-2, 34n., 35n.; and 'true womanhood,' 19th-century notion of, 26-7, 29, 31-3, 35n.; compared to Davy Crockett, 30-33 , 35n., 36n.; see also body, female speaker, woman as, 11 , 13-14, 25-36, 54-6, 58, 60, 72-4, 209-19, 245, 247, 253,256 space domestic, women's place in, 10 , 13, 15, 131 , 135, 139-40, 144-6 , 168 , 1726, 221, 228; household, se e domestic; physical, as female creation, 58-9 , 61n., 139-40 , 144-5 , 167-9 , 171-4 , 176, 178n. , 225 Statue of Liberty, 65, 68-70 Sterne, Laurence, adoption of Ophelia figure, 108 , 115-7, 119n.

voice, female, a s site of contested authority, 3-4, 11 , 13, 25-34, 34n., 35n., 190 , 209-19, 221, 230, 233-6, 238, 240-1, 243, 244n., 245, 247, 253, 256 warrior, woman as, 51, 56-61, 183 , 187-9, 193n . Western Wall, Jerusalem, as site of women's contested role as cultural participants, 233-4, 237, 240-3 westernization, Japan, role of women in, 140, 144- 5 Whiteness studies, 1-2 , 66-7, 71, 73-4, 75n., 76n. widowhood, role of in cultural formation, 2, 79, 81-6, 157-60 , 238, 240-1, 244-5 wild woman and folk music, 183-4 , 188-9 , 192 , 196; and myth of Sarmatism, 183-4 , 187 , 192; archetype of, 183-4 , 191-2 ; archetype of, and cross-dressing, se e cross-dressing, an d wild woman archetype; as hunter, 183-5 , 187 , 190-1 ; compared to Amazon, 183-5 , 190-1 , 195; compared to hic-mulier (man-woman) stereotypes, 185 ; compared to virago, 183 , 185 , 192 Wollstonecraft, Mary, 222, 226 woman, virtuous, see 'good woman' The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts (Kingston), 51-63 Women of the Wall, 233-4, 241- 3 writings, of women, 51-63 , 93-7, 100 , 132-4, 137n. , 153-61 , 161n.,162n. , 167-9, 171-2 , 174 , 176, 176n. , 177n., 221-31, 245-56