Women and Society in the Roman World: A Sourcebook of Inscriptions from the Roman West 1107142458, 9781107142459

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Women and Society in the Roman World By their social and material context as markers of graves, dedications and public signs of honour, inscriptions offer a distinct perspective on the social lives, occupations, family belonging, mobility, ethnicity, religious affiliations, public honour and legal status of Roman women ranging from slaves and freedwomen to women of the elite and the imperial family, both in Rome and in Italian and provincial towns. They thus shed light on women who are largely overlooked by the literary sources. The wide range of inscriptions and graffiti included in this book show women participating not only in their families and households but also in the social and professional life of their cities. Moreover, they offer us a glimpse of women’s own voices. Marital ideals and problems, love and hate, friendship, birth and bereavement, joy and hardship all figure in inscriptions, revealing some of the richness and variety of life in the ancient world. EMILY A. HEMELRIJK is Professor of Ancient History at the University of Amsterdam. Her research focuses on Roman women and gender. Her books include Matrona Docta: Educated Women in the Roman Élite from Cornelia to Julia Domna (1999/2004), Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West (2015) and Women and the Roman City in the Latin West (2013, edited with Greg Woolf).

Women and Society in the

Roman World A Sourcebook of Inscriptions from the Roman West

EMILY A. HEMELRIJK Universiteit van Amsterdam

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107142459 DOI: 10.1017/9781316536087 © Emily A. Hemelrijk 2021 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2021 Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd, Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hemelrijk, Emily Ann, 1953– author. Title: Women and society in the Roman world : a sourcebook of inscriptions from the Roman West / Emily A. Hemelrijk. Description: [New York, New York] : Cambridge University Press, [2020] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020023814 (print) | LCCN 2020023815 (ebook) | ISBN 9781107142459 (hardback) | ISBN 9781316509050 (paperback) | ISBN 9781316536087 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Women–Rome–History–Sources. | Inscriptions, Latin–Rome. | Inscriptions, Latin–Translations into English. | Women–Rome–Social conditions. | Roman provinces–Social conditions. | Rome–History–Empire, 30 B.C.–284 A.D. Classification: LCC HQ1136 .H46 2020 (print) | LCC HQ1136 (ebook) | DDC 305.40937–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023814 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023815 ISBN 978-1-107-14245-9 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Contents

List of Figures [vi] Preface [xi] Glossary [xii] List of Abbreviations Maps [xx] Introduction

[xvi]

[1]

1

Family Life

[15]

2

Legal Status, Citizenship and Ethnicity

3

Occupations

4

Social Relations, Travel and Migration

5

Religion

6

Public Life

7

Imperial Women

[68]

[124] [183]

[221] [266] [299]

References [331] Index [342]

v

Figures

1. Mausoleum of Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia. The brief inscription on the marble tablet reads: ‘(Tomb) of Caecilia Metella, daughter of Quintus Creticus, wife of Crassus’. Photo author. [6] 2. Columbarium of Pomponius Hylas in Rome. Photo Kit Morrell.

[7]

3. Limestone stele showing the portrait of the deceased and a wool basket. Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche. Photo D-DAI-ROM-81.2213 (Helmut Schwanke). [17] 4. Limestone sarcophagus of Veturia from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. RD 132; 19.1868.1. Lupa.at/3019. Photo Ortolf Harl. [22] 5. Funerary relief of Aurelius Hermia and Aurelia Philematium from the Via Nomentana in Rome (British Museum inv. 2274). Photo Roger B. Ulrich. [25] 6. Marble altar with verse epitaph for Pedana. Port Sunlight (UK), Lady Lever Art Gallery inv. H 278. Photo Arachne archive FA2106-00_25417,01. [28] 7. Anteroom and sarcophagus in the tomb of the Pancratii at the Via Latina in Rome. Photos author. [34] 8. Funerary stele for a husband and his two wives (Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 1914). Photo D-DAI-ROM-80.1138 (Werner Eck). [36] 9. Altar of Julia Secunda and Cornelia Tyche (Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. MA 1331; photo William Chevillon) and anonymous sixteenth-century drawing in the Codex Coburgensis of the altar of Julia Secunda and Cornelia Tyche. Photo Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, Germany, inv. Hz.002.Nr.158. [41] 10. Funerary stele from Intercisa in Pannonia portraying a couple with their four children, the mother breastfeeding her youngest child. Budapest National Museum inv. 22.1905.3. Lupa.at/3513. Photo Ortolf Harl. [44] 11. Limestone funerary stele of Bella with her swaddled baby. Römisch– Germanisches Museum in Cologne inv. 62.274. Photo courtesy of the museum. [46] vi

List of Figures

vii

12. Graffito of Juvenilla, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron. [47] 13. Sandstone funerary stele of a small girl from Mogontiacum (Mainz). Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 996. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz (Ursula Rudischer). [53] 14. Marble plaque with verse epitaph for Geminia Agathe. Rome, Capitoline Museums CE 795. Photo author. [57] 15. Limestone stele from Aquincum, Pannonia, showing the deceased with a swaddled baby. Aquincum Museum Budapest inv. 64.10.10. Lupa.at/2854. Photo Ortolf Harl. [62] 16. Marble funerary plaque from the columbarium of the Statilii in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano inv. 33258. Photo author. [70] 17. Granite funerary stele with rounded top from Turgalium in Lusitania. Cáceres, Museo Arqueológico Provincial. Photo author. [78] 18. Marble plaque recording the testamentary regulations of Junia Libertas in Ostia. Photo author. [81] 19. Marble funerary relief with the portrait busts of Lucius Antistius Sarculo and Antistia Plutia from Rome. British Museum inv. 2275. Photo the Trustees of the British Museum. [82] 20. Funerary reliefs of Claudia Prepontis and her patron-husband, Tiberius Claudius Dionysius (Vatican Museums inv. 9836 and 9830). Photos Arachne archive FA 1778-08_21604 and FA 1778-03_21601. [85] 21. Limestone funerary stele from Brigetio, Pannonia. Komáron (Hungary), Klapka György Múzeum inv. 73.25.1. Lupa.at/784. Photo Ortolf Harl. [87] 22. Reconstruction of the family tomb of Acilia Plecusa in Singilia Barba. Municipal Museum of Antequera. Photo author. [88] 23. Funerary relief of two freedwomen clasping their right hands. British Museum inv. 1973, 0109. Photo Egisto Sani. [92] 24. Detail of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche in Pompeii. Photo D-DAI-ROM77.2085 (Christoph Rossa). [97] 25. Marble plaque of the tomb of Allia Potestas in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 58694. Photo author. [99] 26. Limestone funerary stele of Menimane and Blussus from Mogontiacum. Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 146. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz (Ursula Rudischer). [108] 27. Marble portrait stele showing a family from Noricum. Graz, Universalmuseum Joanneum inv. 155. Lupa.at/1165. Photo Ortolf Harl. [110]

viii

List of Figures

28. Funerary relief and inscription from the church in Neumarkt im Tauchental (Austria). Lupa.at/448 and 3176. Photos Ortolf Harl. [111] 29. Limestone funerary stele of Flavia Usaiu in Gorsium. Szabadtéri Múzeum, Tác, Hungary. Lupa.at/805. Photo Ortolf Harl. [112] 30. Portrait stele of a woman from Aquincum. Szent István Király Múzeum Székesfehérvár, Hungary, inv. 50.76.1. Lupa.at/803. Photo Ortolf Harl. [114] 31. Tombstone of Regina. Photo Arbeia South Shields Roman Fort: Tyne and Wear Archives and Museums, TWCMS T765. [115] 32. Re-used funerary stele from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. 62.70.1. Lupa.at/3121. Photo Ortolf Harl. [117] 33. Marble funerary stele of Comminia Valagenta and her family from Savaria, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. RD 172. Lupa.at/685. Photo Ortolf Harl. [120] 34. Limestone funerary stele of a female physician. Museum of Metz, inv. E. 4346. Photo author. [126] 35. Terracotta funerary relief showing Scribonia Attice helping a woman giving birth. Ostia, Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 5203. Photo Archivio Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica. [129] 36. Limestone funerary altar of the wet nurse Severina. Cologne, Römisch– Germanisches Museum inv. 74.414. Photos Rheinisches Bildarchiv (Anja Wegner). [135] 37. Small marble funerary plaque from a columbarium in Rome commemorating the slave hairdresser Gnome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano. Photo author. [141] 38. Marble urn of Sellia Ephyre from a columbarium in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 29316. Photo author. [145] 39. Marble funerary plaque of the shoemaker Septimia Stratonice. Ostia, Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 1418. Photo Archivio Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica. [147] 40. Limestone funerary stele of the street vendor Trosia Hilara. Aquileia Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 49941, su concessione del Ministero per i beni e le attivatà culturali, Polo Museale del Friuli Venezia Giulia. Lupa.at/13410. Photo Ortolf Harl. [151] 41. Marble funerary altar of Aurelia Nais with three compartments for urns. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 248. Photos author. [154] 42. Cast of the stele for Lucius Calidius Eroticus and Fannia Voluptas (Paris, Louvre inv. 3165). Photo D-DAI-ROM-72.22 (Max Hutzel).

[168]

List of Figures

ix

43. Marble funerary relief of Sentia Amarantis. Mérida, Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, inv. 676. Photo Archivo Fotográfico MNAR. [169] 44. Upper part of the statue base of Carvilia Censonilla. Municipal Museum of Antequera. Photo author. [188] 45. Curse against Rhodine on a thin sheet of lead. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 65037. Photo author. [191] 46. Graffito of Fortunata, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron. [195] 47. Statue of Eumachia from the Building of Eumachia by the forum at Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 6232. Photo D-DAIROM-89.113 (Anger). [223] 48. Tomb on the Via Appia with marble funerary relief of Gaius Rabirius Hermodorus, Rabiria Demaris and Usia Prima. Museo Nazionale Romano, Palazzo Massimo, inv. 196633. Photos author. [231] 49. Statue base for Fabia Bira in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania Tingitana. Photo author. [238] 50. Incomplete statue base in honour of Alfia Domitia Severina. Museo Arqueológico of Cadiz. Photo author. [240] 51. Limestone plaque of magistrae of Bona Dea from Aquileia. Civico Museo di Storia ed Arte Trieste inv. 31597. Lupa.at/15995. Photo Ortolf Harl. [244] 52. Dedication to the Nutrices Augustae from Poetovio in Pannonia. Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj-Ormoz, inv. RL 972. Lupa.at/8762. Photo Ortolf Harl. [255] 53. Marble altar for Magna Mater depicting Claudia Quinta leading the ship with Magna Mater to Rome. Musei Capitolini 321/ Montmartini, NCE 2405. Photo Arachne archive Mal317-02 (B. Malter). [258] 54. Sandstone statue base for Virtus Bellona from Borbetomagus in Germania. Speyer, Historisches Museum der Pfalz. Lupa.at/16798. Photo Ortolf Harl. [259] 55. Tufa votive statue of a woman with two swaddled babies on her lap. Capua, Museo Provinciale Campano. Photo author. [262] 56. Limestone altar for the Matronae Boudunneihae, Cologne, Römisch– Germanisches Museum inv. 74.438. Photo courtesy of the museum. [263] 57. Votive stele for Mars Mider (Medru) from Marienthal. Musée Archéologique de Strasbourg inv. 30377. Photo Musées de Strasbourg, M. Bertola. [265] 58. Statue base of Agusia Priscilla in the Villa Borghese in Rome. Photo author. [271] 59. Relief of Cassia Victoria and her husband in the pediment of the temple of the Augustales in Misenum. Archaeological museum of the Castle of Baia.

x

List of Figures

Photo courtesy of the Parco Archeologico dei Campi Flegrei, Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. [274] 60. Statute of the collegium of Aesculapius and Hygieia in Rome recording the donations of Salvia Marcellina, ‘mother’ of the collegium. Rome, Vatican Museums. Photo author. [286] 61. Statue of Minia Procula from Bulla Regia in the Bardo Museum in Tunis. Photo author. [290] 62. Headless statue and inscribed base of Clodia Anthianilla. Archaeological museum of Brindisi. Photos author. [291] 63. Statue base of Aemilia Sextina in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania. Photo author. [295] 64. Statue base of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi. Rome, Musei Capitolini. Photo author. [300] 65. Marble block from the Mausoleum of Augustus with a cavity in the top to hold the urn of Agrippina Major. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2924. Photo author. [305] 66. Cast of a decurial decree in Ostia ordering bridal couples to offer supplications to the statues of Antoninus Pius and Faustina Major. Ostia Antica. Photo author. [309] 67. Inscription and relief of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna on the arch of the Argentarii in Rome. Photos author. [317] 68. Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating a couple freed by Antonia Minor. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 49. Photo author. [324] 69. Marble plaque from the columbarium of Livia commemorating her masseuse. Musei Capitolini. Photo author. [325] 70. Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating Livia’s hairdresser. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2557. Photo author. [326] 71. Marble plaque from the columbarium of the Statillii. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, inv. 33266. Photo author. [328]

Maps 1. Italy and the Augustan regions, from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. [xx] 2. Roman Italy, from the Ancient World Mapping Centre http://awmc.unc .edu/wordpress/free-maps/ [xxi] 3. Provinces of the Roman Empire (AD 211), from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. [xxii]

Preface

This sourcebook aims to present a selection of the rich epigraphic evidence (inscriptions and graffiti) for the lives of women in the Roman world to a nonspecialist audience. Apart from providing translations, the book offers brief introductions to the various themes, and to each individual inscription, explaining its social and material context. Select bibliographical references are intended for readers interested in a specific topic. To enhance its usefulness for teaching, the book is complemented by a PDF with the texts of the inscriptions on the website of Cambridge University Press (www.cambridge.org/9781107142459). The book differs from the much-used sourcebook on ancient women by Mary Lefkowitz and Maureen Fant (Women’s Life in Greece and Rome: A Source Book in Translation) in focusing on the Roman West from the last century BC to the late third AD and using only inscriptions. Where there is an occasional overlap with inscriptions translated by Lefkowitz and Fant, this book offers original introductions and fresh translations. I hope that the range of topics included in this book will prove useful for the study of Roman women in university courses, for specialists both inside and outside the field of classics and for general readers interested in the history of women. Special thanks are due to several people. Kit Morrell went through the entire book offering numerous helpful suggestions. For the selection, translation and transcription of the Greek inscriptions, the epigraphic expertise of Rolf Tybout was invaluable. I also thank Anique Hamelink for her inspiring discussions on issues of Roman and local dress, and the anonymous readers of CUP for their helpful comments. Obviously, all faults remain my own. Josiah Osgood and Alan Bowman kindly allowed me to reproduce a selection from their translations of the Laudatio Turiae and the Vindolanda Tablets. Ortolf Harl generously provided photos from the database Ubi Erat Lupa (lupa.at), Stefan Vranka of Oxford University Press kindly allowed reuse of the two maps from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, and Vincent Hunink and Gerrit van Oord of Apeiron generously gave permission to reproduce two graffiti from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron. Michael Sharp's cheerful support during the process of publication was invaluable. My cordial thanks to all. Finally, I dedicate this book to Sjoerd for his unfailing love and support.

xi

Glossary

xii

agnomen

additional name that was occasionally given as an honour or to distinguish a person from others with the same name.

ascia (sub ascia)

‘under the axe’. This formula – often accompanied by a depiction of an axe (or adze) – is used almost exclusively in Gaul and northern Italy in the second and early third centuries AD. The meaning is debated. Dedicating a tomb while still under the axe may have signified that the grave marker was a locus religiosus, thus placing it under divine protection. A less likely interpretation is that the ascia was meant to bar outsiders from using the tomb.

Augustales

order of wealthy freedmen (including some freeborn men) involved in the imperial cult. It counted as an honour to be elected into this civic body.

bisellium

seat of honour at public occasions, for instance in the theatre (literally: double seat). It was awarded by the city council to (freed)men of special merit.

bulla

amulet worn by freeborn boys before they reached manhood (symbolised by the toga virilis).

Cara Cognatio

annual festival (22 February) celebrating the family.

castitas

chastity, sexual purity (not virginity or celibacy).

cognomen

third name for male Roman citizens (alongside praenomen and gentilicium) and, in the imperial period, second name for female citizens (after the gentilicium). It distinguishes individuals or branches of families within a clan (gens) and is therefore the name that was used most in informal contexts.

collegium

voluntary association (professional, religious and social).

colonia

Roman colony. Under the principate, a provincial city of privileged status enjoying full Roman citizenship.

columbarium

communal tomb with underground chambers containing niches for urns.

Glossary

xiii

columella

headstone, a stele in the form of a stylised human head and shoulders, which was a common grave marker in Pompeii and some other cities in Campania.

coniunx

spouse married under Roman law.

contubernalis

partner, used for slaves and others unable to marry under Roman law.

contubernium

de facto marriage between slaves or persons without Roman citizenship.

cooptatio

co-optation, i.e. official appointment of a patron or patroness of a city or association.

decuriones

decurions, i.e. members of the council of a city or association.

denarius

1 denarius = 4 sesterces (sestertii) = 16 asses.

dextrarum iunctio the clasping of right hands symbolising a legitimate Roman marriage. dipinto

text painted on walls or objects (e.g. on pottery).

Dis

Pluto, deity of the Underworld.

duoviri/duumviri chief magistrates of Roman cities or associations. fullonica

fullery, workshop of cloth-fullers.

genius

divine guardian spirit (female equivalent: Iuno).

gentilicium

family name.

HMHNS

h(oc) m(onumentum) h(eredem) n(on) s(equetur): this tomb will not pass to the heir (or: extraneous heir). Formula to prevent the tomb falling outside the family group (see Introduction).

Ides

thirteenth or fifteenth day of a month.

infamia

legal disgrace. Persons who were infames were subject to various legal disabilities.

infula

knotted priestly band; also used on sacrificial animals as a sign of religious consecration.

ius liberorum

the right of children; a set of privileges bestowed by Augustus on parents of three (or, for freedwomen, four) children.

Kalends

first day of a month.

loculus

burial-niche in a communal tomb or catacomb.

Manes

divine spirits of the departed.

manus

power (literally: hand) of a husband over his wife and children. If a woman married without manus (sine manu), she remained under the potestas (legal power) of her father.

matrona

respectable married Roman citizen woman.

xiv

Glossary

medimnos

Greek unit of volume (approximately 51 litres, but subject to regional variation).

municipium

Roman city (in the provinces, the city elite enjoyed full Roman citizenship).

Nones

fifth or seventh day of a month (the ninth day before the Ides).

palla

mantle.

Parcae

three goddesses of Fate, who spun, measured and cut the thread of life.

patera

libation bowl.

peculium

small savings of money or property that a master allowed a slave to keep or use for business on his behalf.

pietas

loyalty and devotion to one’s family and to the gods.

pronaos

vestibule, or ante-temple, in front of a temple.

pudicitia

sexual purity; not virginity or celibacy (see Introduction).

quinquennalis

chief town magistrate elected every five years as a censor.

Roman foot

unit of measurement: almost 30 centimetres.

Roman pound

unit of volume: almost 330 grams.

schola

clubhouse, meeting place.

schola (tomb)

high-backed semi-circular bench with carved lions’ paws or griffin feet.

seviri Augustales

chief magistrates of the Augustales.

signum

unofficial name or nickname.

sistrum

rattle used in the cult of Isis.

stadion

Greek unit of length measuring 600 feet, which varies between 185 and 192 metres.

stele

rectangular stone slab set up as a funerary or votive monument.

stola

ceremonial dress traditionally worn between the tunica and the palla symbolising the virtues of the Roman matrona (lawfully married Roman citizen woman).

sui iuris

in their own right. A woman became sui iuris after the death of her father or other male ascendant (when married sine manu) or husband (when married cum manu).

tabula ansata

rectangular inscription panel with triangular handles.

tabula patronatus bronze tablet commemorating the co-optation of a patron or patroness of a city or association.

Glossary

xv

testamentary foundation

perpetual fund bequeathed by will to a city or collegium.

thermopolium

cook-shop.

toga praetexta

purple bordered toga worn by Roman citizen children until puberty.

torques

Gallic twisted neck ring of precious metal.

tumulus

burial mound.

tunica

tunic (short for men and long for women).

Abbreviations

Ancient authors and their works are abbreviated according to the standard practice used in Liddell–Scott–Jones’ A Greek–English Lexicon, Lewis and Short’s A Latin Dictionary and the Oxford Classical Dictionary. Abbreviations of periodicals are those of L’Année philologique. Additional abbreviations used in this book are listed below. For the sake of clarity, only the titles of epigraphic corpora and journals are recorded; for full details, see the website of EDCS: http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/hinweise/abkuerz.html. AE Arachne CapriAnt CBI

CCCA CCID CEACelio CIG CIJ CIL CILA CLE CLEAfrique Conimbri CSIR D CSIR GB CSIR Oe

xvi

L’Année épigraphique (Paris 1888– ). Arachne photo archive: www.arachne.uni-koeln.de. Capri Antica: dalla preistoria alla fine dell’età Romana (Capri 1998). Der römische Weihebezirk von Osterburken I: Corpus der griechischen und lateinischen Beneficiarier-Inschriften des Römischen Reiches (Stuttgart 1990). Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque (Leiden 1977–89). Corpus Cultus Iovis Dolicheni (Leiden 1987). La collezione epigrafica dell’Antiquarium comunale del Celio (Rome 2001). Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin 1828–77). Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum (Rome 1936–52). Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin 1863– ). Corpus de Inscripciones Latinas de Andalucía, 7 vols. (Sevilla 1989–2002). Carmina Latina Epigraphica (Leipzig 1930). Vie, mort et poésie dans l’Afrique romaine d’après un choix de Carmina Latina Epigraphica (Brussels 2011). Fouilles de Conimbriga II: épigraphie et sculpture (Paris 1976). Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Deutschland (Bonn 1973–2005). Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Great Britain (Oxford 1994). Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani: Österreich (Vienna 1967– ).

List of Abbreviations

DefTab

Dougga EAOR EDCS EDH EDR ERBeturi ERPLeon HAE IAM IBR ICUR IDR IEAquil IG IGRRP IGUR IIFDR IKoeln ILA Bordeaux ILAfr ILAlg ILCV ILGN ILJug ILLRP ILN ILPaestum ILPBardo

xvii

Defixionum tabellae quotquot innotuerunt tam in Graecis Orientis quam in totius Occidentis partibus praeter Atticas in CIA editas (Paris 1904). Dougga, fragments d’histoire: choix d’inscriptions latines éditées, traduites et commentées (Bordeaux and Tunis 2000). Epigrafia Anfiteatrale dell’Occidente Romano (Rome 1988– ). Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby: www.manfredclauss.de Epigraphic Database Heidelberg: www.adw.uni-heidelberg.de Epigraphic Database Rome: www.edr-edr.it Epigrafía Romana de la Beturia céltica (Madrid 1997). Epigrafía Romana de la Provincia de León: revisión y actualización (León 2001). Hispania Antiqua Epigraphica (Madrid 1950–69). Inscriptions Antiques du Maroc 2: Inscriptions latines (Paris 1982). Inscriptiones Baivariae Romanae, sive inscriptiones provinciae Raetiae adiectis Noricis Italicisve (Munich 1915). Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae: Nova series (Rome 1922– ). Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae (Bucharest 1975– ). Itinerari Epigrafici Aquileiesi (Trieste 2003). Inscriptiones Graecae (1873– ). Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (Paris 1906/1927). Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae (Rome 1968–90). Inscriptiones Intra Fines Dacoromaniae Repertae Graecae et Latinae anno CCLXXXIV recentiores (Bucharest 1976). Die römischen Steininschriften aus Köln (Mainz 2010; second impression of RSK). Inscriptions Latines d’Aquitaine, Bordeaux (Bordeaux 2010). Inscriptions Latines d’Afrique (Tripolitaine, Tunisie, Maroc) (Paris 1923). Inscriptions Latines d’Algérie (Paris 1922– ). Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres (Berlin 1925–67). Inscriptions Latines de Gaule Narbonnaise (Paris 1929). Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia . . . repertae et editae sunt (Ljubljana 1963–86). Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae (Florence 1965). Inscriptions Latines de Narbonnaise (Paris 1985–2012). Le Iscrizioni Latine di Paestum (Naples 1968–9). Catalogue des Inscriptions Latines Paiennes du musée du Bardo (Rome 1986).

xviii

List of Abbreviations

ILS ILSicilia ILTG ILTun IMCCatania ImpPomp IMS I Napoli InscrAqu InscrIt IPOstie IRAlmeria IRC IRCPacen IRPCadiz IRSAT IRT IScM 2 ISIS JIWE Legio XXX LICS LIKelsey Lupa.at MAD MNR PCV Pisaurum RECapua RIB RICIS RIS

Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols. (Berlin 1892–1916). Iscrizioni Latine nuove e vecchie della Sicilia, Epigraphica 51 (1989): 161–209. Inscriptions Latines des Trois Gaules (Paris 1963). Inscriptions Latines de la Tunisie (Paris 1944). Le iscrizioni del museo civico di Catania (Tammisaari 2004). Un impegno per Pompei (Milan 1983). Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure (Belgrade 1976– ). Iscrizioni greche d’Italia: Napoli, 2 vols. (Rome 1990–5). Inscriptiones Aquileiae, 3 vols. (Udine 1991–3). Inscriptiones Italiae (Rome 1931– ). Inscriptions du port d’Ostie (Lund 1952). Inscripciones Romanas de Almería (Almería 1980). Inscriptions Romaines de Catalogne, 4 vols. (Paris 1985–97). Inscricoes Romanas do Conventus Pacensis (Coimbra 1984). Inscripciones Romanas de la Provincia de Cádiz (Cadiz 1982). Inscriptiones Romanes de Saguntum y el seu Territori (Valencia 2002). Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania (enhanced electronic reissue 2009). Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae 2 (Bucharest 1980– ). Le Iscrizioni Sepolcrali latine nell’ Isola Sacra (Rome 2007). Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe (Cambridge 1993– ). Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix: ihre Geschichte, ihre Soldaten, ihre Denkmäler (Darmstadt 2012). Latin Inscriptions from Central Spain (Berkeley 1992). Latin Inscriptions in the Kelsey Museum: The Dennison and De Criscio Collections (Ann Arbor 2005). F. and O. Harl, Ubi Erat Lupa (Bilddatenbank zu antiken Steindenkmälern) http://lupa.at. Mourir à Dougga: receuil des inscriptions funéraires (Bordeaux and Tunis 2002). Museo Nazionale Romano. Praeteritae Carmina Vitae: pietre e parole di Numidia (Rome 2011). Pisaurum 1: le iscrizioni della colonia (Pisa 1984). Museo provinciale Campano di Capua: la raccolta epigrafica (Capua 2005). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain (Oxford 1990–2009). Receuil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques (Paris 2005). Die römerzeitlichen Inschriften der Steiermark (Graz 1969).

List of Abbreviations

RIT RIU RSK SEG SupIt Tab. Vindol. TH TitAq TPN TPSulp

xix

Die römischen Inschriften von Tarraco (Berlin 1975). Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns (Budapest 1972– ). Die römischen Steininschriften aus Köln (Cologne 1975; for second impression: IKoeln). Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden 1923– ). Supplementa Italica (Rome 1981– ). The Vindolanda Writing-Tablets (London 1994). Tabulae Herculanenses (Rome 2016– ). Tituli Aquincenses (Budapest 2009– ). Neue Rechtsurkunden aus Pompeji: Tabulae Pompeianae Novae. Lateinisch und Deutsch (Darmstadt 2010). Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum: edizione critica dell’archivio puteolano dei Sulpicii (Rome 1999).

Maps

X

XI

0

IX

0

VIII

100 Mi 100 Km

VI VII

V IV I

I Latium et Campania II Apulia et Calabria

II

III

III Lucania et Bruttium IV Samnium V Picenum VI Umbria VII Etruria VIII Aemilia IX Liguria X Venetia et Histria XI Transpadana

Map 1 Italy and the Augustan regions, from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.

xx

Maps

xxi

Map 2 Roman Italy, from the Ancient World Mapping Centre http://awmc.unc.edu/ wordpress/free-maps/

BRITANNIA INFERIOR BRITANNIA SUPERIOR

BELGICA

ETI

DA

A

LM

Ad

AT I

ria

CA

tic

A

MAURETANIA TINGITANA

Se

a

B l a c k

SIA MOEERIOR INF

MOESIA SUPERIOR

THRACIA

-P

IA

N HY

T

BI

ASIA

SICILIA

LYCIA

ACHAIA

NUMIDIA

S e a

S TU ON

ARMENIA

CAPPADOCIA

MESOPOTAMIA

A

ICI

CIL

PARTHIA

SYRIA SYRIA PHOENICIA

A

M e d i t e r r a n e a n

PR

NS

SYRIA PALAESTINA

T

O

CO

S e a

CR

A IC FR

PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE DEATH OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS

Caspian Sea

DACIA

MACEDONIA EP IR U S

SARDINIA

MAURETANIA CARSARIENSIS

PANNONIA INFERIOR

ITALIA

CORSICA

BA

PANNONIA SUPERIOR

A

S

GALLIA NARBONENSIS

LA TI

LUSITANIA

I N I PA NS IS E H ON C

TA RR A

GERMANIA RAETIA SUPERIOR NORICUM

GA

AQUITANIA

E TA

A T L A N T I C O C E A N

GERMANIA INFERIOR

ALPES

G LUG ALLIA DUN ENS IS

UL

A RI

S

CY R E N A I C A

E

ARABIA AEGYPTUS

0 0

300 Mi 300 Km

Map 3 Provinces of the Roman Empire (AD 211), from E. A. Hemelrijk (2015). Hidden Lives, Public Personae: Women and Civic Life in the Roman West, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Introduction

Women’s Lives from Inscriptions Two inscriptions from Casinum in central Italy record lavish donations bestowed by a senatorial lady, Ummidia Quadratilla. She endowed her town with a temple and an amphitheatre and – provided that the emendations to the mutilated inscription are correct – also restored the local theatre, which had ‘collapsed due to old age’. To celebrate its dedication, she gave a banquet to the decurions, the people and the women of the town. Because of these generous benefactions, the remains of which are still visible, Ummidia Quadratilla must have been a prominent figure in her town. By an unusual stroke of luck, this same Ummidia Quadratilla was the subject of an obituary letter by Pliny the Younger after her death at the age of almost seventy-nine.1 Though Pliny vividly describes her healthy constitution, her lifestyle and daily occupations, he says no word about her remarkable generosity. Without these inscriptions, therefore, we would only have known that she gave her grandson a decent upbringing despite her luxurious lifestyle and her unsuitable fondness for theatre shows, but not that she was an important civic benefactress, who left her mark on the city. Thus, the inscriptions offer an unexpected view of her life that draws her into the urban society of her days. Inscriptions on women’s lives have been under-studied. Tucked away in the storerooms and courtyards of modern museums, or displayed high on the walls of epigraphic galleries, inscriptions are overlooked by most visitors.2 Recut and re-used through the ages as building blocks for walls and pavement, they have mostly been found outside their original display context, which severely complicates their interpretation. Apart from this, the texts are often difficult to read because of damage to the stone, not to mention the frequent use of abbreviations. Finding one’s way through the epigraphic corpora and journals, such as the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL) or L'Année épigraphique (AE), can be a bewildering experience, despite the immense help offered by epigraphic websites that provide the Latin texts with the abbreviations spelled out and with

1 Plin. Ep. 7.24. The inscriptions are translated in Chapter 6 no. 7. 2 This is currently changing; see the exemplary presentation of inscriptions in the Museo Nazionale Romano (in the Baths of Diocletian) in Rome. For more examples of excellent epigraphical presentation, see Rodà (2012).

1

2

Introduction

restorations and modern reconstructions of missing words and lines.3 For all these reasons, inscriptions largely remain the field of specialists. Yet, immersing oneself into the world of inscriptions is highly rewarding. Though ancient women (and children) are underrepresented in the epigraphic record, as in other types of evidence, inscriptions allow us a glimpse of the lives of groups of women who remain largely invisible in the literary sources: women of the upper and middle classes in Italian and provincial towns, freedwomen, and even some household slaves. Though of widely varying descent and social status, they had in common that they belonged to the (partly) literate classes, who set store on inscriptions commemorating themselves or their dear ones. Besides, inscriptions offer a different perspective: not only do they often focus on issues of daily life and death, but they also represent the voices of men and women outside the senatorial and equestrian elite who usually dominate the historical record. Thus, inscriptions reveal some of the richness and variety of life in the ancient world and may throw new light on the conventional virtues (and vices) repeatedly attributed to women in the literary sources.

Aims, Organisation and Limitations Inscriptions set up by and for men predominate in the Roman world. Even so, the volume of epigraphic evidence related to women is overwhelming, and any compilation will necessarily be selective. Therefore, my aims and criteria for selection have to be briefly set out, along with the limitations of this book. The primary aim of the book is to present a selection of inscriptions on various aspects of women’s lives, their social and family relations, legal status, occupations, religious roles, public activities, travels and migration, and to interpret these within their social and material context. Because of their special position, a separate chapter is devoted to women of the imperial family. In selecting the inscriptions I have not aimed at comprehensiveness, nor is this collection representative of the mass of women’s inscriptions, which are brief, formulaic epitaphs merely recording the name and, sometimes, the age of the deceased and the relationship to the dedicator of the stone. Though a few such inscriptions are included, I have foregrounded inscriptions that allow a glimpse of the variety of women’s lives, relations, activities and ideals, which – I hope – will prove useful for students of antiquity and for others interested in the study of (Roman) women. 3 The most comprehensive is Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby (EDCS): www. manfredclauss.de; see further the Epigraphic Database Heidelberg (EDH): www.adw.uniheidelberg.de and the Epigraphic Database Rome (EDR): www.edr-edr.it. For Greek inscriptions, see the database of searchable Greek inscriptions of the Packard Humanities Institute (PHI): https://inscriptions.packhum.org. For graffiti, see the website of the Ancient Graffiti Project: http://ancientgraffiti.org; for stone monuments, especially reliefs, see the Bilddatenbank Ubi Erat Lupa: http://lupa.at. For the Vindolanda Tablets, see http:// vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk.

Introduction

3

For reasons of feasibility and coherence this book covers only Italy and the Latin-speaking provinces of the Roman West. The Greek East in the Hellenistic and Roman periods will be covered in a companion volume to be compiled by Riet van Bremen. The aim of coherence and the availability of epigraphic evidence also determine its chronological scope, which with a few exceptions ranges from the first century BC to the late third century AD, thus largely excluding Christian epigraphy.4 The focus on Italy and the West implies that the majority of the inscriptions in this book are translated from Latin, which was the main epigraphic language in the Roman West. However, to do justice to the greater variety of languages used in the western part of the Roman Empire and in particular to the Greek evidence from the West, a few bilingual and Greek inscriptions have been included in translation. As is to be expected, these Greek inscriptions mostly come from Rome and Naples, which had large Greek-speaking populations. Throughout the book, I have tried to cover all regions and provinces of the Roman West. Yet, an emphasis on Rome and central Italy cannot be avoided, since they show the highest epigraphic density and produce numerous inscriptions by, and for, women. This holds especially for the epigraphic evidence for slaves and freedwomen (Chapter 2) and for women’s occupations (Chapter 3), which is mostly from Rome. Also, the chronological spread of the inscriptions in this book is somewhat skewed towards the period between the mid-first and early third centuries AD, which aligns with broader trends in the production of inscriptions and with the curve of the so-called epigraphic habit in the Roman West.5 The book includes inscriptions carved in stone or bronze and incised in, or stamped on, other types of metal (for instance, lead curse tablets and water pipes). Apart from these, painted messages (dipinti) and graffiti on walls and objects (such as pottery) have been incorporated, as well as a few wooden tablets, though these are usually considered to be the field of papyrologists. The selected inscriptions have been organised thematically into seven chapters, divided into several sections each with subheadings and short introductions to the various subthemes. Within each subtheme the texts are presented in a roughly chronological order but, given the problems of dating inscriptions, this can only be tentative. The translation of each inscription is preceded by a brief description of the monument or object on which it was inscribed and its material and/or social context. In my translation, I offer what is to my mind the most plausible interpretation of the inscription. Variant readings and modern corrections or restorations of the text are not indicated, but the reader can easily find them through the PDF accompanying the book. Throughout this book, I have checked 4 For Christian epigraphy, a good start is Cooley (2012) 228–50. 5 For discussion of the Roman epigraphic habit(s), see MacMullen (1982); Mann (1985); Meyer (1990); Woolf (1996); Bodel (2001) 6–10; and Hemelrijk (2015) 29–35. For the concept of ‘epigraphic density’, see Harris (1989) 265–8 and Woolf (1998) 82–105.

4

Introduction

my reading and interpretation of the inscriptions against modern publications and epigraphic corpora, but I have refrained from citing references to these readings and discussions so as not to overburden the text. I also checked my interpretation as much as possible by autopsy of the original monuments and inscriptions. A few highly selective references to further reading, limited (with a few exceptions) to English-language publications, are provided under the introductions to the various themes and subthemes, in order to help readers interested in the subject to find their way into the discussions.

Epigraphic Culture In the Roman world, inscriptions were a predominantly urban phenomenon. Building inscriptions and inscriptions on statue bases honouring local and imperial worthies were set up in public places throughout the towns; rows of inscribed altars were to be seen in front of the temples; the walls of the houses along the main streets were covered with painted notices (dipinti) and with graffiti conveying all sorts of messages and countless inscribed tombs lined the roads leading into the city. In comparison to the towns, inscriptions and graffiti were scarce in the countryside, except for a few rural sanctuaries and, of course, Roman military camps. Only a small percentage of the inscriptions from ancient times have survived until today, and their survival rate is skewed not only by ancient conditions and modern excavation and publication practices, but also by the material that the texts were inscribed on. For instance, most tablets of bronze and precious metal have been melted down, and marble inscriptions – if not burnt in limekilns – were re-cut and re-used as building blocks, often destroying part of the text. Dipinti and graffiti have admittedly been preserved in large numbers in Pompeii and occasionally elsewhere, but must have been ubiquitous in all Roman towns.6 As a consequence, the surviving inscriptions are not necessarily representative of ancient epigraphic practice. Moreover, they are mostly found outside their original display context. This must be kept in mind when working with this kind of evidence. When using inscriptions as a historical source, we should also be aware of the fact that inscriptions are by nature selective. The limited space on the stone and the costs of the stonecutter forced people commissioning inscriptions to consider carefully what to inscribe and what to omit. Almost all inscriptions include the name of the dedicator, honorand or deceased, which was often carved in larger letters at the head of the text. The additional text depended on the nature of the inscription, with standardised formulas for each type. To save space and costs most words were abbreviated, so that even quite long expressions could be reduced to a few letters. For instance, abbreviations were adopted for frequently used expressions such as D(is) M(anibus) (‘to the spirits of the 6 Generally, Cooley (2012); see also Baird and Taylor (2011) on graffiti.

Introduction

5

departed’, written as DM) on tombs, v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) (VSLM: ‘he or she fulfilled the vow willingly and deservedly’) in dedications to deities and l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) (LDDD: ‘the location was granted by decurial decree’) on bases of public statues. In accordance with the purpose and genre of the inscription, commissioners further selected what was of importance to their intended public or sufficiently noteworthy to be inscribed. For instance, epitaphs praised the achievements of the deceased or their exemplary virtues, votive inscriptions conveyed the piety of the dedicator and building inscriptions the generosity of the donor. In sum, inscriptions mostly highlight details that were cause for pride while omitting failures and what was considered obvious. Though an important source for social ideals and aspirations, such messages should not be taken for a direct reflection of reality. Women are underrepresented in all types of inscriptions but to differing degrees, depending on the type or ‘genre’ of inscription. Among the inscribed statue bases and portrait statues adorning the public areas of Roman towns, those portraying women formed a minority. Since women were formally excluded from political functions and administration (with the exception of some priestly functions), there were fewer reasons for honouring them in public. Yet, women of substance participated in public life in other roles which could earn them a statue. In Roman towns across Italy and the West, numerous public priestesses, benefactresses and patronesses of cities and civic associations were honoured with public statues, and public buildings funded by women displayed inscriptions recording their benefactions to the towns.7 In addition, a public statue might be set up for a woman of a high-ranking family in return for, or in anticipation of, unidentified favours to the town or to console her family for her early death. In this book, honorific and building inscriptions of women outside the imperial family are found mainly in Chapters 5 and 6. The city of Rome was an exception in this respect, since in the imperial period public building and public statues in Rome were increasingly restricted to the imperial family (Chapter 7).8 Only very rarely has an honorific inscription on a statue base for a woman been found together with the statue that once crowned the base. Together with the loss of the original display context (i.e. the exact location of the statue and its relation to neighbouring statues and buildings) this makes it hard to assess the impression the combined statue and inscription made on the ancient public.9 Unlike honorific and building inscriptions, women are recorded only slightly less than men in funerary inscriptions. Women set up and were commemorated in various types of tombs ranging from the monumental mausoleum of Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia (Figure 1) to small inscribed niches for burial urns in columbaria, communal tombs with underground chambers for urns that were built by propertied families and civic associations (collegia) (Figure 2). 7 Hemelrijk (2004b), (2008), (2013) and (2015). See Chapters 5 and 6 below. 8 Eck (1984) and (1992); see also Alföldy (1991) 296–7. 9 For a full discussion of this issue, see Hemelrijk (2015) 271–338.

6

Introduction

Figure 1 Mausoleum of Caecilia Metella on the Via Appia. The brief inscription on the marble tablet reads: ‘(Tomb) of Caecilia Metella, daughter of Quintus Creticus, wife of Crassus’. Photo author.

In between these two, tombs and grave monuments of all types and sizes – funerary steles, altars and free-standing tomb buildings – testify to women’s lives, family relations, occupations, social or ethnic background and age at death. Cremation was the predominant form of burial in the early imperial period, but inhumation continued to be practised, and recurred in the second century AD. After cremation the bones and ashes were collected in an urn that was placed in a cavity in a funerary altar (Figure 41.c) or in a niche of a columbarium or family tomb. When someone had died abroad, relatives might undertake the considerable trouble and expense of repatriating the bones of their beloved for burial in the home town. This might even lead to a double burial: the ashes were interred at the place of death and the bones were transported for burial in the home town (see Chapter 4 no. 70). Women also figure fairly frequently as dedicators of votive inscriptions to deities. Alone, or together with relatives, they put up inscribed votive altars and steles for male and female deities, testifying to their adherence to a wide range of cults across the religious spectrum, not merely to the so-called women’s cults that have often been ascribed to them.10 Further, women’s names are found in graffiti and painted announcements, both as writers or commissioners and as objects of greetings and of (erotic) messages scratched into the walls of houses and public buildings.11 Finally, curse tablets commissioned by women and/or targeted at them offer a glimpse of their enmities (Chapter 4); water pipes, tiles 10 As has been argued convincingly by Schultz (2000) and (2006); see also Hemelrijk (2015) 44–7. 11 Benefiel (2011).

Introduction

7

Figure 2 Columbarium of Pomponius Hylas in Rome. Photo Kit Morrell.

and pottery record the names of female landowners and workshop managers (Chapter 3); and military diplomas granting Roman citizenship to veterans of the auxiliary units of the Roman army may include the names and origins of their female relatives (Chapter 2). In short, though a minority in the epigraphic landscape, women had a distinct presence in inscriptions, especially in funerary inscriptions, which constitute the majority of all surviving inscriptions. When considering the predominance of funerary inscriptions, we have to keep in mind that, in the Roman world, funerary monuments were of the utmost importance to men and women alike: they perpetuated the memory of the deceased and publicly displayed their social status, achievements and family ties in the accompanying inscription.12 Though the poorest members of society were buried anonymously in simple uninscribed containers or occasionally even in mass graves, and though not even everyone buried in a family tomb was mentioned in an inscription (this holds especially for family slaves), those who could afford it set great store on individual remembrance after death. The simplest and cheapest kinds of commemoration were names carved or painted on stone tablets under the niches housing the urns in a columbarium. Since each 12 The literature on death and burial customs in the Roman world is vast. I here refer only to Carroll (2011a) for an excellent study of Roman funerary inscriptions, to the edited volume by Carroll and Rempel (2011) and to Graham (2006) for the burial of the urban poor.

8

Introduction

niche contained two cinerary urns, the small marble or limestone plaques identifying the deceased were usually divided into two sections recording the names of the deceased, their occupation or age at death and, if space permitted, the name of the dedicator and some terms of endearment. Such columbaria were usually set up by members of elite families, including the imperial family, for their slave and freed staff (Chapters 2 and 7) and by collegia (civic associations) for their members, but niches could also be sold or granted as a favour to outsiders. This holds even more for privately owned columbaria among the less wealthy classes, who commonly sold niches for gain. Unlike inscriptions on tombs along the roads, those inside a columbarium were visible only for relatives and social peers who visited the tomb for commemorative events or a new burial. This did not deter people from creating a hierarchy within the columbarium, with more costly and better-placed niches distinguishing some individuals and families from others. For all, however, a burial place with an inscription meant perpetuation of one’s memory, and was therefore of the utmost importance. A free-standing family tomb, funerary altar or stele ensured those who could afford it public perpetuation of the family name as well as individual remembrance. Family tombs of various kinds were built by men and women for themselves, their partners, children, freedmen, freedwomen and their descendants. Unlike the family members buried in the tomb, the family’s freedmen and freedwomen generally did not enjoy individual commemoration. They were included collectively with the standard formula: ‘for their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants’ (libertis libertabusque posterisque eorum; abbreviated in varying ways). In return for their inclusion, moreover, the freedmen and freedwomen were expected to maintain the tomb, perform the celebrations at the annual feasts for the dead and perpetuate the family name when this threatened to become extinct (Chapter 2 no. 26). The standard formula (with some variants), translated as ‘this tomb will not pass to the heir’ or ‘will not fall to the share of the heir’ (hoc monumentum heredem non sequetur, often abbreviated as HMHNS), reflects similar concerns. Since the family tomb was intended only for those who bore the family name, which includes freedmen and freedwomen, heirs outside the family were excluded from inheriting the tomb as they would have no interest in upholding the memory of the family, and alienation of the tomb was prohibited. The tomb and its surrounding plot of land – the exact dimensions of which could be recorded in Roman feet in the inscription (in width and depth) – were considered a sacred place (locus religiosus). For this reason, violation of the tomb, removal of the bones or unauthorised introduction of other bodies into the tomb were punishable offences, which were sometimes also explicitly prohibited in the inscription. In Gaul and northern Italy in the second and early third centuries AD, tombs were often dedicated ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia). The meaning of this dedicatory formula, which is often accompanied by a depiction of an axe in relief, is debated. The most likely interpretation is that it placed the tomb under divine protection, thus rendering it inviolable.

Introduction

9

The inscription on the tomb was meant to keep the name of the deceased alive. Since many tombs were set up along the streets leading to or from the city they drew the attention of the passers-by. The red paint of the letters and the habit of carving the name of the deceased and/or the dedicator of the inscription in larger letters heightened its legibility. Though full literacy was restricted to a small proportion of the population, many more people were able to read brief formulaic inscriptions picking out at least the name of the deceased, the honorand of a public statue or the donor of a public building. This made inscriptions at least roughly understandable even to the semi-literate who were able to read the ‘stonecutters’ letters’.13 Since, in the ancient world, inscriptions were designed to be read aloud, passers-by reading the epitaphs called out the name of the deceased, thus securing their remembrance. In some inscriptions, the deceased is presented as speaking to the passer-by, creating a fictive dialogue between the living and the dead. The farewell (vale) the passer-by was asked to say to the deceased repeated the ritual of farewell at the funeral and created an impression of emotional communication.14 Given the importance of preserving the name of the deceased, the deliberate removal of a name from an inscription was a sign of conflict or revenge: it eradicated the memory of the deceased or, if erased in a conspicuous way, served as a mark of disgrace for the person thus targeted. Misbehaviour by relatives or disloyalty by freedpeople might also be penalised by exclusion from the tomb, which condemned the culprits to oblivion or, if excluded by name, eternally damaged their reputation. In the following chapters, examples are found of all these practices. A frequent phenomenon, especially in the Greek inscriptions, is the verse epitaph. The reasons for composing or commissioning verse inscriptions, which are often longer and more elaborate (and thus more expensive), are complex. They may have included a mixture of status concerns presenting both deceased and dedicator as cultured individuals and a desire to convey feelings of love and sorrow that went beyond the standard, rather terse expressions in prose. Verse epitaphs are mostly composed in hexameters, elegiac distichs (hexameters alternating with pentameters) or iambic senarii (commonly used for prologues in Roman comedy). Except in unusual cases where the metre is particularly meaningful, the metre used is not mentioned in the introductions to the individual inscriptions. In most cases, only part of the inscription is in verse. The heading and last lines, containing the names of the deceased and the dedicator and some terms of endearment or words of farewell, are usually in prose. On the more elaborate tombs, the inscribed texts are accompanied by reliefs portraying the deceased and their families. Portraits were meant to keep the physical appearance of the deceased alive, and offered comfort and consolation 13 Cf. Petron. Sat. 58.7: lapidarias litteras scio. For ancient literacy, or rather literacies, see Harris (1989); Beard et al. (1991); and Johnson and Parker (2009). 14 For an illuminating discussion of ‘re-enacted speech’ and of the emotional impact of reading inscriptions aloud, see Chaniotis (2012).

10

Introduction

to relatives. Portrait statues of the deceased also served as a focus of affection and commemoration: they were cleansed, anointed and crowned during celebrations for the dead. It is a matter of debate, however, if and to what extent funerary portraits produced a truthful likeness of the deceased. Multi-person reliefs on family tombs, funerary altars or steles were commissioned at the death of one member of the family and depicted other family members at the same time. Not always, however, were all eventually buried in the tomb. Decorated sarcophagi might be bought from stock, the heads to be worked into portraits at the death of the intended recipients, but sometimes the heads were left unfinished for reasons unknown to us.15 Moreover, re-use of steles, altars or sarcophagi for later burials led to the re-cutting of portraits (sometimes even changing the gender of the individual portrayed) or to a mismatch between the persons mentioned in the inscription and those depicted in the relief. Therefore, we have to be very careful in interpreting the messages conveyed by the images. In some cases, their relation to the inscription may be tenuous or different from what we believe at first sight.16 What can we learn about women’s lives from these inscriptions? To my mind, the most striking feature of the inscriptions in this book is that they demonstrate the extent of women’s integration into ancient society and the complexity and diversity of their lives. As is to be expected, women’s relationships with their husbands and children take pride of place. This is bound up with ancient ideals of women’s devotion to their homes and families, but also with the fact that most inscriptions testifying to women’s lives are funerary inscriptions set up by, or for, relatives. Thus, the genre of inscription partly dictates the outcomes. We should also take into account that most funerary inscriptions for women were set up by male relatives and reflect their views and preconceptions. That said, a significant number of these funerary inscriptions also record women’s jobs and paid occupations, which show a remarkable variety ranging from the predictable hairdressers, nurses and midwives to female craftswomen, merchants and managers and to women renting out urban property (Chapter 3). Most of these working women were freedwomen, who probably learned their trade as slaves. Their predominance may be connected with the general overrepresentation of freedpeople in funerary inscriptions, particularly in the city of Rome. Nevertheless, the fact that their occupations were recorded on their tombs testifies to pride in their professions and to the extent to which these were part of their social identity.17 Female slaves had much less chance of individual commemoration than freeborn or freed women, but homeborn slaves and favoured household slaves

15 For discussion, see Huskinson (1998). 16 Davies (2007) offers an insightful introduction to the relationship between image and inscription on Roman funerary monuments. See also Newby (2014) on Roman flexibility in the use of myths on sarcophagi. 17 Joshel (1992).

Introduction

11

dying prematurely did occasionally receive touching commemorations. This may nuance our views of Roman slavery, but should not blind us to its dire realities. Inscriptions attesting the complicated relationship between freedwomen and their former masters and mistresses, their internal social hierarchy, their opportunities and the legal issues they faced may raise historical awareness of the different experiences of individual slaves and freedwomen (Chapter 2). Women’s travels, migration, ethnic affiliations and (Roman) citizenship, their connections to the Roman army, their private friendships and enmities, their involvement with civic associations and sports (Chapters 2 and 4) underline the complexity of their lives. Lastly, women’s religious affiliations and priesthoods, their patronage of cities and associations and their civic benefactions bring to light women of the local elites in the towns of Italy and the provinces who, despite their wealth and rank, did not attract the attention of the literary sources (Chapters 5 and 6). Hopefully, this diversity helps the reader to move away from the uniform and reductionist view of the homebound Roman woman that still lingers in some modern popular accounts. Last but not least, I hope that this book convinces the readers that inscriptions are not merely puzzling (though beautiful!) letters on mutilated blocks of stone or illegible scribbles on walls but, taken together, offer a lively view into a society of real people living, loving, learning and labouring in the cities of the Roman Empire.

Practical Issues This book is organised thematically, but within each theme or subtheme the inscriptions are presented in a roughly chronological order. Brief introductions to the various themes or subthemes and select recommendations for further reading are added for the benefit of readers wishing to pursue these topics. All inscriptions are numbered consecutively per chapter. For the dates of the inscriptions I have relied on specialist epigraphical studies. Yet, unless dated on internal evidence (such as imperial names and titles or consular dates), dating inscriptions on the basis of other features, such as letter-form, archaeological context or epigraphic customs, can only be approximate and should not be regarded as definitive. In many cases, the dating-range can be as broad as a century or more. Under the heading of each inscription, two (occasionally three) of the best known and most accessible corpora are recorded for reference (for a full list, see the Clauss/Slaby database of Latin inscriptions, EDCS). Next, I give the ancient names of the town and province in which the inscription was found and its approximate date. For Italy, the numbers of the Augustan regions have been added in parentheses to provide a rough indication of the find-spot (Map 1). Since this is superfluous for the city of Rome (Italy, regio 1), it is omitted there. For Pompeii, the conventional indications of regions and city blocks have been added for the convenience of the reader interested in the findspot of the

12

Introduction

graffiti.18 Each individual inscription is briefly introduced in smaller text to distinguish the introduction from the translation that follows. In the translations, I have tried to find a balance between a literal translation that captures the feeling of the original and one that is easy to read, or at least understandable for the modern reader. Words that are presupposed but not explicitly mentioned in the original texts are added in parentheses (except for the ubiquitous ‘he/she set this up’) and the same holds for brief explanations of words or names that may be unfamiliar to the reader. Square brackets have been reserved for editorial comments about the condition of the stone, the organisation of the text and for words missing due to damage to the stone, which is indicated as [. . .]. Ancient erasures are spelled out between square brackets and words inscribed on top of erasures are occasionally indicated by angular brackets >. With an eye to the readability of the translations, signs of missing words or letters [. . .] and uncertain readings (?) have been used sparingly. Since the majority of the inscriptions in this book were written in Latin, this is not explicitly indicated for each individual inscription. Only when the inscription is in another language, for instance in Greek, the language used is mentioned in the introduction to the inscription. In my translations, key words that are difficult to translate have been added in parentheses in Latin or in transliterated Greek (in the nominative and standardised spelling). This holds especially for the omnipresent female virtues, for which uniform translations have been adopted here, although in fact they have a wide range of meanings depending on the context in which they are used. For example, the word pudicitia, here translated as (sexual) purity to distinguish it from the translation of castitas (chastity), has a range of meanings (such as chastity, modesty and purity) expressing women’s avoidance of what was considered as sexual immorality and implying their modest dress and reticent behaviour in public. However, pudicitia could also be used for men, especially young men, and was then bound up with a respectful attitude and political integrity.19 Nor is the meaning of castitas straightforward, for that matter. Though consistently translated as chastity in this book, this does not imply virginity or celibacy, but rather denotes women’s marital fidelity and sexual integrity. In a religious context, castitas may indicate the ritual purity of the worshipper.20 The female virtue of obsequium (literally: obedience) means that women were expected to show affability and behave obligingly towards 18 Three numbers are used to indicate the region (I–IX), city block (insula) and individual house or building; cf. Hunink (2014) for a selection and translation of more than a thousand graffiti from Pompeii arranged according to findspot. 19 See Langlands (2006) for the various shades of meaning of pudicitia. 20 Hemelrijk (2015) 85–8. Men could also occasionally be praised for their marital chastity, in the sense of being content with one wife alone: see Statius Silv. 5.1.41 (Abascantus’ castissimus ardor) and 55–6; Treggiari (1991) 232–3. The ideal of having only one wife and being true to her is expressed, or implied, by several inscriptions translated below: see e.g. Chapter 1 nos. 3, 7, 10, 15, 18, 25.

Introduction

13

their husbands. Finally, pietas may be used for dutifulness, loyalty and devotion in religious matters and towards one’s family, friends and fatherland and sanctitas denotes a woman’s inviolability, sanctity, moral purity, piety or holiness. To provide some idea of the range of meanings behind the standardised translations, the Latin (or occasionally Greek) terms for such key virtues are given in parentheses. Besides, brief explanations of these and other Latin or technical terms used in the introductions and translations may be found in the glossary. In the interests of readability, some further features have been standardised throughout the translations. Long names of towns including their juridical status as a colonia, municipium or civitas are abbreviated in the translations, since the name and status of a town are not the focus of this book. For instance, the munic(ipium) C(ontributensi) Ipsc(ensi) is rendered as Ipsca and the munic(ipium) Flor(entinum) Iliberrit(anum) as Illiberris. In rendering Greek names, a compromise has been found between a literal transliteration of the Greek and a Latinised form: all names for which there is a common form in English have been Latinised (Alcestis instead of Alkestis), but infrequent Greek names have been transliterated (for instance, Rhodogune and Epagatho). Some common words and phrases not spelled out in the inscriptions, for instance ‘the wife of’ which is implied by the name of the husband in the genitive case, have been supplied in the translation. As to the Roman naming system, it is useful to know that the ‘three names’ (tria nomina) typical of Roman citizens did not pertain to women.21 During the Republic women bore the female form of the family name (nomen gentilicium or gentilicium) occasionally with an informal addition to distinguish between individual daughters. For example, the daughter of Marcus Tullius Cicero was called Tullia. Two women with the same name within a family could be distinguished by the addition Major (‘the elder’) and Minor (‘the younger’), a habit which continued into the Empire. In the imperial period, female Roman citizens were given two names: the female form of the family name and an individual, or hereditary, cognomen (surname). Since Roman women usually lacked a praenomen (first name), their cognomen was the distinguishing feature and the name used most in personal letters, and probably also in spoken language. Next to her gentilicium and cognomen, a married woman was identified by the name of her husband in the genitive case (‘wife of . . .’). In the later period (second to fourth centuries AD) an unofficial name or nickname (signum) might be added, which is usually introduced by the words quae et (‘who is also called’). In inscriptions of the imperial period, which form the overwhelming majority of this book, single names usually indicate slaves or foreign women without Roman citizenship. However, occasionally a single name may be used for a freeborn Roman woman, who is addressed by her cognomen only. Thus, names

21 For the Roman naming system, see Salway (1994).

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Introduction

are a tricky basis for assessing legal status. This holds even more for combinations of Roman and non-Roman names. Since on manumission slaves received the family name of their former owner while adding their original slave name as a cognomen, Greek cognomina are often taken as an indication of freed status. However, a Greek cognomen may also point to descent from freeborn immigrants from the Greek-speaking world, and the choice for Greek or local names (for instance, in the northern regions) may have had an element of fashion. This, along with the decline of the indication lib(ertus)/lib(erta) (freedman/freedwoman) in inscriptions from the second century AD onwards, makes it hard to recognise a freedman or freedwoman beyond doubt. We are in a similar position with freeborn Roman citizens because of the decline of the filiation (‘son or daughter of’) in inscriptions of the imperial period. For men, the tria nomina alone are inconclusive evidence for Roman citizenship; it is the voting tribe that proves their citizenship. Obviously, the same is not true for women, since they could not vote. Nevertheless, two rare inscriptions in Spain and North Africa attach a voting tribe to the name of a woman, possibly to prove the Roman citizenship of her father’s family or perhaps out of sheer ignorance of its meaning (Chapter 4 no. 52 and Chapter 5 no. 8). Without further indications, inferences about the legal status or ethnic identity of women on the basis of their names can only be tentative. In order to provide an impression of the monument as a whole, I have included photos of selected inscriptions and monuments with the accompanying reliefs or statues. Inspecting the original inscription is important not only for establishing the correct reading of the text, but also because of non-textual messages, such as the size and material of the inscription, the relative scaling of the text, decorative adornments of the stone and figurative reliefs. In some cases, the original display context of an inscription is still extant (Figure 1). The texts of several inscriptions that are now lost have come down to us through drawings and travel diaries by travellers over the past centuries. For the convenience of the reader, the PDF on the website that accompanies the book reproduces the Latin and a few Greek texts with the same entry numbers and titles as in the book.22 The transcriptions of the Latin texts are based on the Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss/Slaby (EDCS) with adaptations. For many inscriptions photos can be found through this database and the databases linked to it (such as EDH, EDR and Lupa.at). The existence of these and other epigraphic databases with their references to modern corpora, studies and an increasing number of images greatly facilitates working with inscriptions, and we cannot be thankful enough for them. Last but not least, I hope readers will enjoy this book and that the book and the PDF that goes with it will stimulate readers new in this field to use inscriptions in their historical research or even to take the step towards studying inscriptions in the original.

22 www.cambridge.org/9781107142459

1 |

Family Life

This chapter deals with women’s various roles within the family and household, starting with their central position as wives (section I), to be followed by mothers (section II), daughters (section III), grandmothers (section IV), siblings and other relations such as nieces and aunts (section V) and, finally, their roles in foster families and stepfamilies (section VI). In this chapter, differences between women due to class are not highlighted (see Chapter 2).

I | Marriage and the Traditional Virtues of Wives: Variations on a Theme Roman women were often praised for a repetitive list of traditional female virtues, such as modesty (modestia), chastity (castitas), sexual purity (pudicitia) frugality (frugalitas), compliance (obsequium), dutifulness (pietas) and dedication to their homes and families. These virtues were visually expressed in sculpture with heavily draped figures in the long tunica (tunic) and a voluminous palla (cloak). In visual art and more markedly in the literary sources, the virtues of the matrona, the respectable married citizen woman, were symbolised also by the stola. This traditional garment had gone out of fashion in the imperial period and was worn only on formal occasions. Yet, it kept its strong moral connotations and was valued for the pristine Roman virtues it stood for. Some funerary reliefs draw attention to several female qualities at once by including jewellery boxes and mirrors to emphasise a woman’s beauty, while a spindle and a wool basket suggest her domesticity. Wool working, especially spinning, was seen as a mark of a woman’s domesticity and devotion to her home and family. It symbolised a woman’s industry for the benefit of the household. Moreover, keeping women occupied was thought to prevent wrongdoing, particularly adultery, as is exemplified by the legendary story of Lucretia (Livy 1.57–9). In the Roman West, lists of feminine virtues are mainly found on women’s tombs. Unlike in the Greek East, these are extremely rare in honorific inscriptions and wholly absent from dedications and building inscriptions. Most Latin epitaphs are brief, recording merely the name, and sometimes the age, of the deceased, the name of the dedicator and the family connection between them, but some record the full list of wifely virtues. A particular set of virtues or extraordinary traits ascribed to the deceased may throw light on an 15

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individual relationship – or rather on how the dedicator, or dedicators, wanted to present that relationship – and perhaps give a glimpse of the life and personality of the deceased. In the course of the first century AD, marital ideals such as mutual concord (concordia), fidelity, loyalty, love and affection are increasingly expressed by reliefs showing the husband and wife clasping their right hands (dextrarum iunctio) as an emblem of their marital harmony. Some inscriptions express romantic love between the partners and passionate grief at the death of one of them. They intend to bring across that the harmony and love between husband and wife that were valued as ideals were also experienced in reality, in spite of arranged marriages, which were common among the upper classes. Obviously, funerary inscriptions present social ideals and gendered values, but norms and ideals also shape actual relations, and the open expression of feelings of romantic love or grief influences the experience of such emotions. As the following inscriptions show, such ideals and emotions are expressed by all classes of society from the ruling families to freed slaves, but because of their greater numbers and social aspirations the latter are overrepresented in our evidence, especially in Rome and Italy. Since women’s legal status will be one of the main themes of Chapter 2, some overlap between these two chapters is inevitable.

Further Reading Carroll (2011a) 180–208; Davies (2018); Dixon (1992b); Langlands (2006); Rawson (2011); Scholz (1992); Treggiari (1991)

1 A dutiful wife CIL 6, 26192 = ILS 8398 Rome. 40–20 BC This verse epitaph was carved on a marble plaque under a portrait bust of the deceased. It was found in a richly decorated tomb, which is now lost. Judging by her Greek cognomen, Sempronia Moschis may have been a freedwoman.

Here lies Sempronia Moschis, dutiful (pia), frugal (frugi), chaste (casta) and pure (pudica). Thanks are rendered for her merits by her husband.

2 Wool work as a symbol of matronal virtue CIL 1, 1930 Ancona, Italy (10). Late first century BC A relief on a partly preserved limestone stele (Figure 3) shows a crude portrait of the deceased dressed in a mantle that covers the back of her head (capite velato). Her name is lost. Next to her portrait a wool basket (calathus) is depicted, a symbol of her industry and wifely virtues. The letter L on the basket indicates that it contained wool (lana). Under the relief, there is a brief verse epitaph addressed to the passer-by.

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Figure 3 Limestone stele showing the portrait of the deceased and a wool basket. Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche. Photo D-DAI-ROM-81.2213 (Helmut Schwanke).

[Above the wool basket] I took care of the wool basket(?). [On the basket] Wool. [Under the relief] Stranger, stand still and look at this eternal home. In return for her merits the husband erected this for his wife and for himself.

3 Love and loyalty: fragments of the Laudatio Turiae Extracts from CIL 6, 41062: column I, 27–34 and column II, 31–40 Rome. c. 9 BC A long funeral eulogy of an unknown woman who is conventionally called Turia (because of a superficial resemblance between her life and that of Turia in Appian’s Bellum Civile 4.44 and Val.Max. 6.7.2) was carved on two large marble plaques on her tomb. The text, of which substantial parts have been preserved, narrates her highly eventful life. As an unmarried girl she avenged the death of her parents by bringing their murderers to justice and successfully defended her and her sister’s inheritance against a

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Family Life

challenge to her father’s will. During the civil wars she more than once saved her husband’s life and successfully pleaded for him with the men in power. Though her extraordinary courage and steadfastness in the public arena take up most of the surviving inscription, the husband also pays attention to more conventional topics, such as the harmony of their marriage, his wish that he had died before her, and her traditional female virtues. Their relationship is characterised by mutual love and loyalty. When their marriage remained childless against their wishes, the husband describes her selfless offer to make room for another wife (an offer which he rejected). The translation follows that by Josiah Osgood with some adjustments.

[Column I, 27–34] Rare are marriages as long as ours – marriages ended by death, not cut short by divorce. It was granted to us that ours lasted into its forty-first year without any wrongdoing (sine offensa). I wish that our longenduring union had been altered by something happening to me, not you; it would have been more just for the elder partner to yield to fate. Why should I mention the virtues of your private life (domestica bona): your sexual purity (pudicitia), your obedience (obsequium), your considerateness (comitas), your reasonableness (facilitas), your wool work (lanificium), your religious devotion free of superstition, your unassuming appearance and sober attire? Why should I talk about your love and devotion (pietas) to family? You cared for my mother as well as for your own parents and attended to her with the same disposition as you did to your own people, and you have countless other things in common with all married women (matronae) who cultivate a good reputation. [Column II, 31–40] You were despairing of your fertility and pained by my childlessness. So that I would not, by keeping you in marriage, have to put aside any hope of having children and become unhappy on that account, you mentioned the word ‘divorce’. You would, you said, turn our house over to another woman’s fertility, but your plan was that in keeping with our wellknown marital harmony (concordia), you would find and arrange a suitable match worthy of me; you insisted that you would regard the children born as shared, and as though your own; nor would you require a separation of our property, which up until then we had shared, but it would still remain in my control and, if I wished, under your management; you would hold nothing apart, nothing separate, and you would henceforward fulfil the duties and devotion of a sister or mother-in-law.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2004a); Osgood (2014)

4 Praise of traditional virtues: the epitaph of Amymone CIL 6, 11602 = ILS 8402 Rome. Mid-second century AD The inscription commemorating Amymone was carved on the side of a large sacrophagus. Within the sarcophagus there was a smaller chest without an inscription. Both are lost.

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Here lies Amymone, the excellent and most beautiful wife of Marcus. She spun wool (lanifica) and was dutiful (pia), pure (pudica), frugal (frugi) and chaste (casta); she stayed at home (domiseda).

5 Mausoleum of Postumia Matronilla CIL 8, 11294 = ILS 8444 Near Thelepte, Africa Proconsularis. Second century AD This inscription shows that, within the family, women’s work was much valued. Since the inscription does not specify a profession (see Chapter 3), we may assume that Postumia Matronilla was praised for her industry and care for her home and family. This usually meant hard work – in families of modest means probably with little help from slaves – bearing and raising children, cleaning, preparing food, spinning, weaving, washing and mending the clothing of the family and performing innumerable other household chores. In addition to the more common praise for a woman married only once (univira), Postumia is also praised for her marital fidelity: she was a woman of ‘one bed’ only (unicuba). In the last line she is addressed as matrona (a respectable married Roman citizen woman), which alludes to her cognomen Matronilla and also suggests pride in her Roman citizenship.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Here lies Postumia Matronilla, an incomparable wife, good mother and most devoted (piissima) grandmother, pure (pudica), pious (religiosa), hard-working (laboriosa), frugal (frugi), efficient, watchful, full of care, true to her one and only husband (univira and unicuba), a matrona full of industry (industria) and trustworthiness (fides). She lived fifty-three years, five months and three days.

6 A hard-working wife CIL 9, 1913 = ILS 8437 Beneventum, Italy (2). Second or early third century AD Like Postumia Matronilla (no. 5), Octavia Crescentina is praised on her tomb for her industry as well as for her old-fashioned virtuousness.

To the departed spirits of Octavia Crescentina, who lived an old-fashioned life (antiqua vita), most venerable for her trustworthiness (fides) and industry (diligentia). Gaius Valerius Januarius, her husband, together with their children, set this up for her, because she deserved well.

7 A virtuous wife AE 1987, 179 Ostia, Italy (1). Late second–early third century AD This epitaph was carved on a marble plaque in a tomb. Besides enumerating her conjugal virtues, her husband praises their marriage and expresses the wish to have

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Family Life

died before his wife. Such sentiments are found also in other epitaphs and are to some extent stock themes, but this does not mean that they were not sincere.

To the spirits of the departed. Here lies [. . .]nia Sebotis, daughter of Publius. Quintus Minucius Marcellus, son of Quintus, of the voting tribe Palatina, set this up for his dearest spouse, a most dutiful (pientissima) and chaste (castissima) wife, who never wanted to go out in public without me, either to the baths or anywhere else. I married her when she was a virgin of fourteen and had a daughter from her. I saw with her the sweet time of life; she made me happy. However, I would prefer that you were alive: it would have been my delight, if I had left you behind surviving me. She lived twenty-one years, two months and twenty-one days.

8 Putting the husband first CIL 3, 7436 Nicopolis, Moesia Inferior. Late second–early third century AD This verse epitaph is carved in a tabula ansata (rectangular inscription panel with triangular handles) on a large marble sarcophagus that was later re-used as part of a fountain. Fronto was dispensator Augustorum (treasurer of the Augusti) of Moesia Inferior, a financial and administrative function for an imperial slave or freedman. His poetic praise of his deceased wife, which contains literary allusions to Virgil, Catullus and Sallust, resembles that of Allia Potestas (Chapter 2 no. 53) in its combination of romantic love and traditional female virtues. Apart from her sexual purity and chastity, she is praised for her obedience, frugality, industry and wool work, but also for her sharp mind and good advice. The poem contains some metrical and grammatical errors and was probably composed by the husband himself.

To the spirits of the departed and to her blessed memory. Fronto, dispensator of our Augusti in Lower Moesia, set this up. [In verse] May the limbs of my dear Aelia, now enclosed in this tomb, at least rest amid lovely flowers. Queen of the great king Dis (i.e. Proserpina), I beg you for this, for she deserved much from me for her praiseworthy deeds. Though she did not deserve it, you quickly cut the thread of the goddesses, unwinding the knot of the Fates (Parcae), who govern all. If I could describe her way of life, how pure (pudica) she was, I would move the spirits of the underworld with my cithera. First, she was chaste (casta) – you will hear this with pleasure – as the world and the royal palace of the underworld know. I beseech you to bid her dwell in the Elysian Fields and to crown her hair with myrtle and her temples with flowers. Once she was my home, my hope, my one and only life. She wanted what I wanted, and what I did not want, she also spurned. She had no secret that was unknown to me. She did not eschew hard work, nor was she inexperienced in wool work. Thrifty was her hand, but she was generous in her love for me, her husband. Without me, she did not care for food nor for the gifts of Bacchus. She was admirable in her advice, sharp-witted and of noble reputation. Owner (i.e. of the land where she was buried), I pray you look

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favourably on these verses and annually adorn the site of this tomb. I beg you to cherish this eternal monument bedecking it, according to the time of the year, with red roses or the pleasant flowers of the amaranth and all sorts of fresh fruits of various kinds, so that it is taken care of at all times of the year.

9 Female virtues CIL 12, 1972 = ILN 5, 1, 163 Vienna, Gallia Narbonensis. Late second or third century AD A fragment of the front of a sarcophagus contains the epitaph of a woman in a tabula ansata (rectangular inscription panel with triangular handles). The coarse surface of the text and traces of previous letters suggest that the sarcophagus was re-used and that an earlier inscription was removed to make room for the present text. The words matrona honestissima suggest that the deceased belonged to a family of decurial or equestrian rank.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Julia Severina, most distinguished matron (matrona honestissima), dearest (karissima) wife, most dutiful (pientissima) mother and sweetest (dulcissima) (grand)parent. Priminius Placidus set this up together with his daughters because of her merits [. . .].

10 Epitaph of Aufidia Severina CIL 6, 12853 = CIL 6, 34060 Rome. Third century AD In this verse epitaph, a husband praises his deceased wife for her traditional virtues and marital love and expresses the wish that he had died before her. Though a conventional topic in epitaphs (see also nos. 3, 7 and 17), it was probably no less heartfelt.

[Above] To the spirits of the departed. [In verse] Here lies Aufidia Severina, nicknamed (signum) Florens, who lived twice fifteen (i.e. thirty) years of life. In chaste faithfulness (casta fide) she always cherished her marriage-bed. Sober (sobria), no adulterer, honest and with a benevolent mind she was devoted to her husband alone and knew no other (ignara alienum). Basileus made for his only, incomparable, sweet consort (compar) what he wished was made by her (i.e. a tomb).

11 A fertile marriage CIL 3, 3572 = TitAq 2, 745 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. Third century AD A limestone sarcophagus (Figure 4) with a verse epitaph in elegant letters presents the deceased as speaking. In accordance with traditional ideals, Veturia was married only once, which is expressed by the words unicuba (of one marriage-bed) and uniiuga (of one marriage), both variations of the more common univira (wife of one man). She married very young, at eleven or probably twelve (the minimum legal age for Roman

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Family Life

Figure 4 Limestone sarcophagus of Veturia from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. RD 132; 19.1868.1. Lupa.at/3019. Photo Ortolf Harl.

girls to marry), and gave birth six times before she died at the age of twenty-seven. Only one child survived her. Flanking the inscription, two figures with Phrygian caps may represent Attis and symbolise immortality.

Here I lie, a married woman (matrona). By descent and name I am Veturia, the wife of Fortunatus, born from Veturius, my father. Sadly, I lived for thrice nine (i.e. twenty-seven) years and was married for twice eight (i.e. sixteen) years, a woman of one marriage-bed (unicuba) and one marriage (uniiuga). After having given birth six times, I died. Only one child survives me. [In prose] Titus Julius Fortunatus, centurion of the Legio II Adiutrix Pia Fidelis, made this for his incomparable wife, a woman of extraordinary devotion (pietas) towards him.

12 The joys of marriage CIL 13, 1983 = ILS 8158 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Third century AD On the top of a funerary altar two asciae (axes) are depicted between the letters D(is) and M(anibus). The expression ‘dedicated under the axe’ was common in Gallia of the second and third centuries AD and may have placed the tomb under divine protection. The last sentence reveals that bathing together had been one of the joys of the couple’s married life.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Blandinia Martiola, the most blameless (innocentissima) girl who lived eighteen years, nine months and five days. Pompeius Catussa, citizen of the Sequani, a plasterer, set this up for his

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incomparable wife, who was most kind to him. She lived with me for five years, six months and eighteen days without any foul reproach. He had this made during his lifetime for himself and for his wife and dedicated it under the axe. You, who read this, go bathe in the baths of Apollo, as I did with my wife. I wish I still could.

13 Sweet Urbana CIL 6, 29580 = ILS 8450 Rome. Third century AD This funerary inscription on a marble plaque identifying the urn highlights the harmony and love between the partners, which the husband credits to his wife.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. To Urbana, sweetest (dulcissima), chastest (castissima) and most extraordinary (rarissima) wife. I am certain that nothing was more excellent than she. She deserved to be honoured by this inscription, since every day of her life she lived with me with the greatest loveliness and simplicity, in marital love (adfectio coniugalis) just as much as in the industry of her habits (industria morum). I added this so that readers may understand how much we loved each other. Paternus made this for his well-deserving wife.

Harmonious Marriages and Romantic Love The Roman ideal of marital harmony (concordia), symbolised by the couple clasping hands (dextrarum iunctio), is reflected in numerous inscriptions. Some epitaphs celebrate that a couple lived together without any quarrel (sine ulla querella), reproof (sine reprehensione), strife, discord (sine lite, sine discordia) or the like (see no. 12 above), or record that the deceased never gave any cause for grief except by dying. Though to our eyes this may seem a bit negative (as the absence of strife), such expressions probably had more positive overtones than they might have today. Apart from this, some inscriptions stress the equality of the spouses and their equal devotion to each other. Others record the decision of the surviving partner to remain a widow or widower for the rest of their lives and express the wish to have died before, or instead of, the deceased, or the hope that, eventually, they will be reunited in the tomb. Though some of these are standard themes displaying conventional ideals of marriage, they must also have given words to a heartfelt grief and an experience of marital love and harmony. Further Reading Treggiari (1991) 229–61

14 A long and harmonious marriage CIL 6, 33087 = ILS 8401 Rome. 100–50 BC

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A large marble plaque from a communal tomb (columbarium) on the Esquiline contains a verse epitaph for a freed couple. Quintus Pompeius Bithynicus, the former owner of the husband, was legate of Bithynia in 74 BC, which gives an indication of the date of the inscription. For the frequent formula ‘this monument will not pass to the heir’, see the Introduction and the Glossary.

Quintus Pompeius Sosus, freedman of Bithynicus, and Satriena Salvia, freedwoman of Publius, his frugal (frugi) wife, graciously and harmoniously made this on the Esquiline at some distance from the water reservoir for themselves, their relatives and those who are worthy of it. When life flourished, we lived sixty years in harmony together. We made this during our lifetime so that we would have a grave monument when overcome by death. [In prose] Studium and Acme, our freedwomen, made a burial chamber in it, so that we could bury them together with us. This monument will not pass to the heir.

15 Dialogue of a harmonious couple CIL 6, 9499 = ILS 7472 Rome. c. 80–50 BC This large travertine plaque (Figure 5) with a relief flanked by inscriptions was once part of a funerary monument of a freed couple: the butcher Aurelius Hermia and his wife Aurelia Philemation (or Philematium). In the verse inscription, the husband and wife address the passer-by. Both focus on their virtues and mutual fondness. Though Aurelius Hermia was older than his wife and had been her protector from an early age (when she was seven years old), she died before him. It seems that the couple was childless. The lettering of the inscription is somewhat crude. For lack of space, the letters are squeezed at the right-hand side and at the bottom. On the relief between the inscriptions the couple is shown facing one another: the wife holds her husband’s right hand in both her own and raises it to her lips as if for a kiss (an allusion to her name Philemation, from the Greek filema, ‘kiss’). This tender gesture is a sentimental variation on the traditional theme of the married couple clasping hands (dextrarum iunctio) as a symbol of their marital harmony (concordia). As appears from their names and from the inscription, the couple had been fellow slaves of the same owner, Lucius Aurelius, and may have been manumitted together (for slaves and freedwomen, see Chapter 2). Possibly, she worked together with her husband in the butchery, as the last lines about her duty (officium) suggest (see Chapter 3 for women’s work). Their traditional Roman dress (the toga for the husband and tunica and palla for the wife) and the adoption of Roman values and marital ideals demonstrate the couple’s pride in their Roman citizenship.

[Left] Lucius Aurelius Hermia, freedman of Lucius, butcher at the Viminal Hill. She, who by fate preceded me in death, chaste in body, my one-and-only wife, who fondly took possession of my heart, faithful (fida) to her faithful husband she lived with equal affection. She never failed from her duty (officium) because of selfishness. Aurelia, freedwoman of Lucius, [here the text breaks off]. [Right] Aurelia Philemation, freedwoman of Lucius. Alive, I am called Aurelia Philematium; chaste (casta), modest (pudens), unfamiliar with the common

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Figure 5 Funerary relief of Aurelius Hermia and Aurelia Philematium from the Via Nomentana in Rome (British Museum inv. 2274). Photo Roger B. Ulrich.

crowd (volgei nescia), faithful to my husband. My husband (vir), whom I now miss, alas, was my fellow freedman by the same man and was in fact and in truth more than a parent to me. When I was seven years old, he took me to his bosom. At the age of forty, I am overcome by death. Because of my unremitting sense of duty (officium), he flourished in all [here the text breaks off].

Further Reading Davies (2018); Koortbojian (2006)

16 United in death CIL 6, 19008 Rome. Imperial period In a verse epitaph on a marble plaque a son honours the long and harmonious marriage of his parents, who are now united in death.

To the spirits of the departed. To these bones of Geminia Cauma, his everlasting wife, Caius Billienus Fructus gave his bones. Those whom life had once brought together now lie united in death. They lived together for fifty-two uninterrupted years without irksome strife (sine lite molesta). Their son set up this inscription full of devotion (pietas) to his parents.

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17 Marital harmony CIL 13, 2205 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Imperial period A husband set up a tomb for his wife wishing that they had died together. A relief of an axe on one of the sides of this funerary stone confirms what is said in the inscription: that it was dedicated ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia), see no. 12 and the Glossary.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Matia Vera, who lived with me for thirty-six years, three months and ten days without any mental hurt (sine ulla animi laesione). A long love has perished, snatched away by ravaging death. Oh, would fate have covered us both! Pusinnonius Dubitatus had this set up for his incomparable wife from whom I never experienced any pain apart from her death, and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

18 Equal partners CIL 11, 654 Faventia, Italy (8). Imperial period In this verse epitaph, the deceased wife, Prima, is presented as speaking about the harmony and equality of her marriage. She and her husband shared the same love and devotion towards each other. Their single names and the fact that they address each other as companion (sodalis) instead of spouse (coniunx) suggest that they were not Roman citizens. They may have been slaves.

To the departed spirits of Prima. [In verse] I was an exceptional, worthy (digna) wife for my deserving companion (sodalis). One love endured between us and an equal, faithful life. If he felt pain for anything, I myself also joined in his distress. I was his equal, for as long as I was able. Sweet companion, farewell my dear. [In prose] She lived twenty-one years, two months and twenty days. Chrestus made this for her who deserved well.

19 A beloved wife CIL 10, 1951 Puteoli, Italy (1). Imperial period A procurator (an administrator or manager of an estate) with the un-Roman cognomen Porresmus set up a tomb for his wife recording their harmonious marriage.

For Lollia Victorina, my sweetest wife. Lollianus Porresmus, procurator, bought this (tomb) for his well-deserving wife, with whom he lived for twenty years without any reproof (sine reprehensione ulla) on either side – that is having loved!

20 Longing for a deceased wife CIL 6, 7579 = ILS 8190 Rome. First half of the first century AD

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A marble funerary plaque from the Via Appia voices a husband’s complaints about the death of his wife. The last lines warn the visitor not to do any damage to the tomb.

To the departed spirits of Mevia Sophe. Gaius Maenius Cimber set this up for his most venerable (sanctissima) wife and keeper, my soul’s desire, who lived with me for eighteen years, three months and thirteen days. During this time I lived with her without any quarrel (sine querella). Now I complain to her divine spirits (Manes) and I importune Zeus to give me back to my wife, who lived with me so harmoniously (concorde) until her final day. Mevia Sophe, if the spirits of the departed exist, bring it to pass that I no longer suffer so vicious a separation. Visitor, may the earth rest lightly upon you after your death as long as you have not damaged anything here. Or if someone has done any damage, may he not have the approval of the gods in heaven nor may the infernal deities receive him and let the earth be heavy on him.

21 Learned Pedana CIL 6, 17050 Rome. Late first century AD A richly adorned marble funerary altar with a verse epitaph containing allusions to Virgil disappeared around 1750 and was known for some time only from drawings. Later it was rediscovered in the collection of the Lady Lever Art Gallery, Port Sunlight (Figure 6). Discrepancies between old drawings of the altar and its present state confirm traces of modern reworking. The verse inscription (in elegiac distichs) was set up by Donatus for his young wife, Pedana. It mourns her early death, probably just after their marriage. The relief above the inscription shows a couple gazing at each other at a funerary banquet: the husband reclines and the wife sits close to him on the couch. He lays his hand tenderly on her shoulder. On the front, framing the inscription, there are burning candelabra supported by eagles; at the sides, laurel trees and birds. The lyre, mentioned in the inscription, accords with Pedana’s qualification as a docta puella of Roman elegiac poetry. It is not depicted on the altar, which may have been of earlier date than the inscription. Also, the sarcophagus mentioned in the last line is surprising. If not referring to an actual sarcophagus in the tomb, it may be used in a figurative sense: a coffin of forgetfulness. (The word Lethaeus refers to Lethe, the river of forgetfulness in the Underworld.)

To thankless Venus I promised gifts as a suppliant, when you lost your virginity, wife. Pale Persephone envied our vows and took you away in a premature death. Donatus carved a last verse-offering, and an altar and a lyre pleasing to you, learned (docta) Pedana. Love now torments me. For you, sad care has departed. You lie buried in a sarcophagus of forgetfulness (Lethaeus).

Further Reading Hemelrijk (1999); Roller (2006) 133–5; Vout (2014) 301–12; Waywell (1982)

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Figure 6 Marble altar with verse epitaph for Pedana. Port Sunlight (UK), Lady Lever Art Gallery inv. H 278. Photo Arachne archive FA2106–00_25417,01.

22 Embalming and venerating a deceased wife CIL 6, 30102 Rome. AD 50–100

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The upper part of a marble funerary plaque is lost together with the first lines of the verse inscription. The surviving lines of the inscription praise the deceased wife for the standard qualities: her beauty, chastity and devotion to her husband, but then goes on to reveal that, instead of burning her corpse on the pyre, he embalmed it, applying unguents and perfumes and worshipping her like a deity (cf. the next inscription). Embalming was highly unusual in Republican Rome, but became more of a fashion in the imperial period in order to preserve the beauty of the deceased, a well-known example being Nero’s wife Poppaea (see Tac. Ann. 16.6.2, who remarks that it was not a Roman habit). In the remaining years of his life, the husband wishes to regularly visit her tomb, in which he left a lamp burning, to lay garlands on her body.

[. . .] and a rare faithfulness (fides) to the marital bed. Though she charmed many because of her superb beauty, she remained pure (pudica), united to her fond husband. Now in return for her merits and careful of her worth, he rightly and chastely (caste) worships as a divine power (numen) her body, which he was able to deny to the fire, having filled it with unguents, leaves of nard and rose petals. You, girl, I pray, spare your husband, spare him, so that for very many years he can give you the appropriate offerings that he has vowed together with garlands and so that the lamp sprinkled with nard may always watch over the tomb.

23 Portrayed as a goddess CIL 6, 15592–4 = ILS 8063a–c Rome. Early second century AD A large marble epistyle, a marble plaque and an adorned altar with elegant letters come from a tomb at the Via Appia. They show that Claudia Semne, wife of a freedman of the emperor Trajan, is commemorated with a tomb, a garden and funerary statues depicting her in the guise of deities (in formam deorum), namely Venus, Spes, and Fortuna. The altar is decorated with attributes of Fortuna and Venus. The habit of commemorating one’s wife with a statue combining a portrait head with the body of a goddess (often Venus, Ceres or Fortuna) is known mainly from tombs of imperial freedmen and freedwomen in the area around Rome between c. AD 90 and 140, and may have been inspired by the deification of empresses. By their association with the deity, these deceased women were presented as sharing that deity’s virtues. Cf. Stat. Silv. 5.1.231–5 on funerary statues of Priscilla, the wife of the imperial freedman Abascantus, depicting her as Ceres, Diana, Maia and Venus.

[On the lintel] For Claudia Semne, sweetest wife, Marcus Ulpius Crotonensis, freedman of the emperor, set this up. [On the marble plaque] For Claudia Semne, his wife, and for his son Marcus Ulpius Crotonensis, (Marcus Ulpius) Crotonensis, imperial freedman, made this. To this monument belongs a garden, in which there are arbours, a vineyard, a well and shrines containing statues of Claudia Semne in the guise of deities (in formam deorum). All this was surrounded by me with a wall. This monument will not pass to the heir.

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[On the altar] Dedicated to Fortuna, Spes, Venus and to the memory of Claudia Semne.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2015) 303–5; Wrede (1971) and (1981)

24 An Alcestis to her husband IGUR 322 = IG 14, 1368 Rome. AD 150–250 This Greek epitaph from the Via Appia near Rome was carved in two columns on a marble plaque that is now broken into two parts. It was set up by a man with the Roman name Claudius Maximus for his Greek wife Alcestis and their daughter Hermione. Alcestis was born in Aphrodisias in Asia Minor. As is implied by the inscription, she migrated to Rome (see Chapter 4 for women’s travels and migration), where she died at the age of twenty-four. The myth of Alcestis, wife of King Admetus, who sacrificed herself for her husband by dying in his place, was popular in funerary inscriptions for women, symbolising their self-effacing devotion to their husbands. In this case, where the name of the deceased was Alcestis, the comparison with her mythological namesake is particularly appropriate.

Alcestis is my name. Having lived for twenty-four years, I lie in this tomb together with my daughter Hermione. My hometown is Aphrodisias in Asia. Because of my devotion (eusebeia), a trait to which I did credit, I have become that husband-loving Alcestis of old times, to whose temperance (sophrosyne) gods and mortals have borne witness. But for me my husband is a better witness than they are: he also showed complete devotion (eusebeia) towards me. May the gods reward him in return for our righteousness. Claudius Maximus made (this tomb) in commemoration of his own wife and daughter.

25 An oath to remain a widower CIL 11, 1491 = ILS 8461 Pisae, Italy (7). First half of the second century AD On a small rectangular marble urn, which is richly decorated, an inscription is carved on a tabula above a portrait shield held by erotes. The shield shows the portrait busts of the couple.

To the departed spirits of Scribonia Hedone. Quintus Tampius Hermeros made this for his dearest wife, with whom he lived for eighteen years without quarrel (sine querella). Because of his longing for her, he swore not to have another wife after her.

26 A pledge to remain a widow CIL 6, 35050 Rome. Second century AD

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On a marble funerary plaque a bereaved wife promises never to remarry. Due to differences in age between the partners, many women were widowed at an early age. Remarriage was the norm and became compulsory for women in their childbearing years under the Augustan marriage laws. Nevertheless, the traditional ideal of marrying only once was valued as a virtue for women (univira; see nos. 5 and 11 above) as well as a romantic ideal for both sexes. The last line warns against desecration of the tomb.

To the spirits of the departed. For Lucius Cornificius Philargyrus, who lived twenty-four years. Articuleia Iris set this up for her well-deserving, dearest husband, to whom I swore that I did not wish to have a husband after his death. The tomb is also for his freedmen and freedwomen. Witness and you, entrusted heir, beware of evil.

27 The wife lives on in the memory of the husband CIL 6, 11082 = IGUR 310 Rome. Second century AD This Latin funerary inscription contains a few words of farewell in Greek (spoken by the children to their mother), which may be explained by the background of the family: judging by some of the names, they may have descended from Greek freedpeople.

Marcus Aemilius Januarius, son of Marcus, set this up for Catilia Marciana, his incomparable, sweetest (dulcissima), most dutiful (pientissima), chastest (castissima) wife, who lived thirty-two years, six months and five days, and with whom I lived for thirteen years with great pleasure. Dedicated to eternal sleep. Their children Marcus Aemilius Agathemer(us), Marcus Aemilius Marcianus and Aemilia Ingenua, who is also called Marciana, also made this for their most devoted (pientissima), sweetest (dulcissima) and most venerable (sanctissima) mother. [In Greek] Good courage, mother. Nobody is immortal. [Below] Dedicated to eternal sleep. They also made this for their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. [In verse] Envious one, why are you happy? She here, my dead wife, shall live. She will always be golden before my eyes. [In prose] Also for the freedmen and freedwomen of Quintus Mucius Eutactus and Quintus Mucius Julianus and their descendants.

28 Hoping to be reunited in death CIL 6, 18817 = ILS 8006 Rome. Second century AD This inscription on a marble funerary plaque shows a wife mourning her husband. They were bound to each other by love from childhood onwards, but their marriage was cut short by his early death: they were separated by ‘an evil hand’. She expresses the hope of seeing him at night in her dreams (for this sentiment, see also CIL 6, 18385) and joining him quickly in death.

Dedicated to the venerable soul and the spirits of the departed. Furia Spes set this up for Lucius Sempronius Firmus, my husband most dear to me. As soon

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as I became acquainted with him, as boy and girl, we were equally bound by love. I lived with him for a very brief time. We were separated by an evil hand at a time when we should have lived together. Thus I beg you, most holy spirits of the departed, that you take care of my dear one entrusted to you and that you are willing to be most indulgent towards him, so that I may see him in the hours of night, and that he may be willing to persuade Fate that I, too, can come to him sweeter and sooner.

29 Posthumous assimilation to a legendary queen IG 14, 499 = SEG 58, 1044 Catania, Sicily. Second–third century AD This Greek epitaph on a marble plaque (now lost) commemorates Epagatho, a Greek woman in Sicily who died a horrible death: an unnamed man, possibly a robber, killed her by throwing stones at her. Her mourning husband here identifies her with the legendary Persian queen Rhodogune, thus underlining the super-human courage of his wife at her tragic death. In the last lines, the wife is presented as addressing the passer-by.

You see the tomb, traveller, of far-famed Rhodogune, whom a terrible man unjustly stoned to death. Avianius lamented his wife and solemnly buried her. He also presented her with this stele as a modest thanksgiving. Formerly everyone called me by my name Epagatho, but now I am named after Queen Rhodogune.

30 Ideals of romantic love CIL 8, 27380 = MAD 1541 Thugga, Africa Proconsularis. Late second–early third century AD A marble funeral altar with an inexpert verse inscription (in incomplete elegiac couplets) was found in an unroofed rectangular burial area. The epitaph expresses the conventional notion of a couple united in death as they were during their lifetime. The word longe can be taken in the temporal or spatial sense (or perhaps it is deliberately ambiguous), implying that their tombs were not far from each other and/or that they died soon after each other.

This tomb is dedicated to the spirits of the departed. It holds the bones of dutiful (pia) C[. . .]a Numisia Marcellina, daughter of Vibius, wife of Quintus. [In verse] Their graves, so closely connected, testify how harmoniously (concordes) they passed their lives. Even cruel death that, alone, can sever those who love each other could not separate them for long (longe).

31 True love CIL 8, 7427 = ILAlg 2, 1, 1244 Cirta, Numidia. Late second–early third century AD

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A double funerary altar is decorated with a tabula ansata and three inscriptions commemorating a husband, who died at the age of eighty, his wife of fifty-seven and their young son aged eleven. The epitaph of the wife is partly in verse. They are reunited in the tomb.

[On the tabula ansata] Lucius Julius Episucus lived eleven years. [On the left altar] To the spirits of the departed. Lucius Julius Kandidus lived eighty years. He truly lived. May your bones rest in peace. [On the right altar] To the divine spirits of Sittia Spes. [In verse] Following this example, may every wife who loves unite with her beloved. That is the sweet little solace (solaciolum) of life. She departed to the heavenly gods with our dearest son Episucus. She lived fifty-seven years. She lies here.

32 Killed by witchcraft CIL 8, 2756 = PCV 41 Lambaesis, Numidia. Late second–early third century AD A large altar with a verse epitaph was set up by a military tribune for his wife, whose premature death from a wasting illness was, according to her husband, caused by witchcraft (see Chapter 4). From the reign of Hadrian onwards, the Legio III Augusta was based in Lambaesis (in present-day Algeria).

The testimonies of her past life are now publicly proclaimed by this last writing. For these are the consolations of death, where the eternal memory of name or lineage is preserved. Ennia Fructuosa lies here, my dearest wife of proven sexual purity (pudicitia), a matrona praiseworthy for her kind compliance (obsequium). When she was fifteen years old, she received the name of wife, but she was not allowed to live with it for more than thirteen years. She met a fate of death she did not deserve: bound down by spells, she lay ill for a long time, in such a way that her spirit was wrested from her by force rather than returned to nature. The spirits of the Underworld or the heavenly gods will avenge the crime that has been perpetrated. [In prose] Her husband, Aelius Proculinus, tribune of the great Legio III Augusta, set this up himself.

33 A long and stable marriage IMS 3, 2, 46 = ILJug 3, 1303 Timacum Minus, Moesia Superior. Late second–early third century AD In a verse epitaph on a limestone stele with adorned rim a veteran commemorates his wife with whom he lived for fifty years without interruption. The words ‘in stable marriage’ (conubio stabili) may allude to Virgil (Verg. Aen. 1.73: conubio iungam stabili).

To the spirits of the departed. Titus Julius Saturninus, former decurio of the cohors II Aurelia of the Dardanians, made this for himself during his lifetime and for his dearest wife (coniunx karissima) Ovidia Pudentilla, [in verse] with whom he pleasantly lived for fifty years without separation in stable marriage.

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34 A loving couple CIL 6, 10281 Rome. c. AD 270 A marble sarcophagus in the anteroom of the abundantly decorated tomb of the Pancratii at the Via Latina in Rome portrays a married couple (Figures 7a and b). The husband is dressed in the toga contabulata (banded toga) popular in their days. The wife is shown tenderly embracing her husband and gazing at him. Her drapery slipping off her shoulder refers to the beauty of Venus and probably also to the love between the couple. The sarcophagus was probably bought from stock by the husband for his wife and eventually also for himself, but the heads have not been worked into portraits. In agreement with the spelling of the time the family name of the wife, Vibia, is spelled as Vivia. The name Pancratius (probably the name of an association or family group using the tomb in the late third century) is also found elsewhere in the tomb (CIL 6, 10279/80) and lent it its modern name.

Gaius Servienius Demetrius, husband, made this for Vivia Severa, my most venerable (sanctissima) wife and for myself. She lived with me for twenty-two years, nine months and five days, during which I always had a good time with her. Pancratius here.

Further Reading Huskinson (1998)

(a)

(b)

Figure 7 Anteroom and sarcophagus in the tomb of the Pancratii at the Via Latina in Rome. Photos author.

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35 Visiting her husband’s tomb CIL 5, 2108 = ILS 8453 Acelum, Italy (10). Third–fourth century AD A now anonymous husband died abroad in northern Italy. His wife travelled fifty days from Gaul to visit his grave and set up an inscription to commemorate him, of which several fragments have survived. The approximate indication of the age at death agrees with early Christian epigraphic habits. For women’s travels and migration, see Chapter 4.

[First part lost] who lived about forty years. Martina, his dear (cara) wife, who came from Gaul by a fifty-day journey to honour the memory of her sweetest husband. Rest softly, my sweetest husband.

Second (or Third) Wives The frequency of death or divorce, and subsequent remarriage, in the Roman world means that husbands might put up epitaphs for a second or even a third wife, and vice versa. In some cases, successive spouses were buried in separate tombs, but often they were buried together.

36 Divorce and remarriage CIL 12, 4949 Narbo, Gallia Narbonensis. Mid-first century AD A gravestone, which was re-used in a wall, shows a relief of a couple with clasped hands, the symbol of marital harmony, and a dog, a symbol of fidelity. The inscription shows that an earlier name had been erased to allow the name of the present wife to be engraved over it and on the line below. We may suppose that the first wife was divorced and therefore excluded from the tomb, and that the husband inserted the name of his second wife over it.

Gaius Livanius Auctus, freedman of Maximus, set this up during his lifetime for himself and for , his wife.

37 Two wives buried together CIL 11, 1471 = InscrIt 7, 1, 47 Pisae, Italy (7). First century AD A decorated marble stele (Figure 8) was set up by a husband for his two wives and his son, presumably after the death of the second wife. The husband must have been a mason as the right side of the relief shows utensils that symbolise his trade. On the left side, several articles testify to women’s lives, such as sandals, a mirror, a comb, a hairpin and a perfume flask symbolising their beauty.

Publius Ferrarius Hermes set this up for Caecinia Digna, his dearest wife, for Numeria Maximilla, his well-deserving wife, and for his son Publius Ferrarius Proculus and for their descendants.

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Figure 8 Funerary stele for a husband and his two wives (Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 1914). Photo D-DAI-ROM-80.1138 (Werner Eck).

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38 A tomb for three wives CIL 14, 5026 = IPOstie-A, 182 Portus, Italy (1). Mid-second century AD On a marble funerary plaque, attached above the entrance of the tomb, a husband commemorates his three wives using different terms for each relationship. The first, to whom he was married for twenty-four years, is called his legitimate wife (coniunx). The second was his marita, which also suggests a legal union. But the third, Annia Laveria (or Laberia), may have been a slave or non-citizen, since the word contubernalis is usually employed for an unofficial partnership with a slave or non-Roman partner. Her name must have been added later, since an earlier text (probably praising the second wife) was erased to make room for it.

Lucius Mindius Dius made this for himself and for Genucia Tryphaena, his incomparable wife (coniunx) with whom he lived for twenty-four years and three months, and for Lucceia Januaria, his wife (marita) , and for his freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. This monument will not pass to an external heir. [Dimensions of the tomb] 30 feet wide, 41 feet deep.

39 True to two husbands CIL 5, 7453 Vardagate, Italy (9). Second–third century AD This verse epitaph is dedicated to Statilia Tigris, who died at the age of thirty-six, after having been married twice. Her tomb was made by her second husband, to whom she had been married for sixteen years. Euphilus (well loved) and Simplicius (unaffected) are possibly nicknames (signa) of the couple.

To the departed spirits and memory – Simplicius, greetings – of Statilia Tigris, who lived for thirty-six years. [In verse] O, all too beautiful and always pure (pudica) you lay with two husbands in two marriage beds, where you bore two children of love. If he, who was your first, had been able to overcome fate, he would have set up these words of praise for you. But I, unhappy man, now miss such a woman after having enjoyed sixteen years of your chastity (castitas) and love (amor). [In prose] Publius Vibius Verissimus set this up while alive for his incomparable wife and himself. Euphilus to Simplicius.

Unhappy Marriages Most epitaphs set up by husbands for their deceased wives emphasise the happiness and harmony of their marriage. Obviously, unhappy marriages occurred as well, but this was not likely to be recorded on a tomb. The following inscriptions are exceptional in recording marital discord and even murder. They were set up by relatives of the deceased wife.

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40 Thrown into the Tiber by her husband IPOstie-A, 210 = ISIS 321 Portus, Italy (1). Second century AD On a marble funerary plaque engraved with crude letters the bereaved parents commemorated their daughter, who was killed by her husband. Judging by the fact that both parents had the same name (Restutus/a), they were probably freed slaves. The single names of the daughter’s husband and that of her relative December (if not cognomina) suggest that they were slaves or peregrines. If so, they were not lawfully married.

Restutus Piscinensis and Prima Restuta made this for Prima Florentia, their dearest daughter, who was deprived of her life by Orfeus, her husband, and thrown into the Tiber. December, her relative, set this up. She lived sixteen and a half years.

41 Murdered by her husband CIL 13, 2182 = ILS 8512 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Early third century AD This epitaph on a funerary altar commemorates a woman who was murdered by her husband. It was set up by the brother and son of the victim, who stress her blamelessness and deliberately fail to record the name of her ‘most cruel’ husband. The altar was dedicated ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia), which probably placed it under divine protection (see Introduction and Glossary).

To the departed spirits and the eternal rest of Julia Maiana, a most venerable (sanctissima) woman, who died before her fated time, murdered by the hand of her most cruel husband, with whom she had lived for twenty-eight years and whom she had borne two children: a son of nineteen and a daughter of eighteen years old. Oh faith (fides), oh dutifulness (pietas)! Julius Maior, her brother, had this erected for his sweetest sister, and Ingenuinius Januarius, her son (for his mother). They dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

II | Mothers As mothers, adult women gained a position of respect within the Roman family and in society at large. Traditionally the relationship between parents and children was characterised by pietas, a heavily charged moral term expressing the dutifulness and affection due between parents and children. Though a Roman mother was expected to show love and tenderness towards her children, she also had an important disciplinary role, supervising their education and teaching them the traditional virtues. In families who could afford it, slave childminders (nurses, paedagogi and other attendants) were employed for the

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daily care of small children. When the child grew older, the mother’s role increased. Nevertheless, also in elite circles, a mother’s personal care of babies and small children, for instance in breastfeeding, was valued highly and advocated by philosophers and medical authors.

Further Reading Dixon (1990)

42 Providing an example for her daughter CIL 8, 8123 = ILAlg 2, 1, 281 Rusicade, Numidia. Imperial period A funerary stele with verse epitaph commemorates Pompeia Chia. The Greek cognomen of the deceased and the fact that she uses vir (man) instead of coniunx (lawful spouse) suggest that she was a freedwoman.

Pompeia Chia, who lived twenty-five years, lies here. I hope that it falls to my daughter’s lot to live chastely (caste) so that from our example she learns to love her husband (vir).

43 Praise of a mother: the Laudatio Murdiae CIL 6, 10230 = ILS 8394 Rome. Early first century AD A large marble tablet once inserted in a grave monument contains part of the funerary eulogy for Murdia (Laudatio Murdiae); the left-hand tablet with the first part of the inscription and the last lines of the right-hand slab have been lost. In the part that has been preserved, her son by her first marriage praises his mother for the fairness of her will. She had made him and his half-brothers by her second marriage equal heirs to her estate (her daughter received a legacy), apart from giving him a prior legacy from his father’s patrimony. The legal and financial technicalities demonstrate her knowledge of such matters and her legal capacity to act independently as a mother of three children (ius liberorum, see Chapter 2). The son extensively justifies his enumeration of her conventional female virtues, which he feels he cannot omit for fear of blemishing her reputation, but he is quick to add qualities that were traditionally considered masculine, such as virtus (courage) and hard work (labor). Unfortunately, the text breaks off at this point.

[The left part of the heading is lost] of Murdia, daughter of Lucius, my mother. [The left-hand column is lost] But let them sustain other things by their own strength, so that these will be stronger and more commendable(?). She made all her sons equal heirs, having given a legacy to her daughter. Her motherly love is manifested in her affection for her children and the equality of the portions. She left her husband a specified sum so that his right to her dowry was enhanced by the honour of her judgement. Recalling my father’s memory and taking this

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into consideration in accordance with her loyalty, she made an estimation of her property and, in her will, bequeathed certain things to me beforehand. This was done not with the intent to prefer me to my brothers because of some reproach of them, but in memory of my father’s generosity. She decided that what she had taken from my inheritance by the judgement of her husband should be returned to me, so that this, safeguarded by her use, would be restored to my ownership. In this, she remained true to herself, as she had preserved the marriages to worthy men arranged by her parents in obedience (obsequium) and uprightness (probitas). Therefore, as a married woman, she was held dearer by her merits, more beloved by her loyalty (fides), and she remained more distinguished by her judgement. After her death she was praised unanimously by her fellow citizens, since her apportionment of shares reveals her grateful and loyal attitude towards her husbands, her fairness towards her children and her justness in truth. For these reasons, since the praise of all good women tends to be simple and similar, because their natural qualities over which they keep guard do not require a variety of language, and since it is sufficient that all show the same behaviour to earn a good reputation, and since it is hard to find new forms of praise for a woman, as their life undergoes less variation, it is necessary to honour the virtues they hold in common so as not to omit any of these just principles and thus debase what remains. Therefore, my dearest mother earned all the greater praise, because with respect to her modesty (modestia), uprightness (probitas), sexual purity (pudicitia), obedience (obsequium), wool working (lanificium), industry (diligentia) and trustworthiness (fides) she was equal and similar to other good women and, more particularly, she was second to none as to her courage (virtus), hard work (labor), and wisdom (sapientia) in the face of dangers [the text breaks off].

Further Reading Gardner (1990), (1993) 85–109 and (1995); Hemelrijk (2004a).

44 A mother and a daughter drowned at sea CIL 6, 20674 Rome. AD 160–70 A huge marble funerary altar shows the portrait busts of Cornelia Tyche and her daughter Julia Secunda (Figures 9a and b) framed by an aedicula (small temple). They are dressed in a tunica and palla. The complicated ‘crown’ hairdress of the mother is contrasted with the simpler hairstyle of the unmarried daughter. The altar, which was later recut as a tabula, was found in the Campus Martius in Rome but is now in Paris. Its interpretation has been much discussed, some even holding it for a falsification (unconvincingly, to my mind). It was set up by their husband and father, Julius Secundus. His wife and daughter had died together in a shipwreck off the coast of north-east Spain. The relief shows their portrait busts: Cornelia Tyche is depicted on the right and her daughter Julia Secunda on the left. On top (from left to right): a quiver, a bow, two empty chairs, a cornucopia, a torch, a rudder on a globe and a wheel.

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(a)

(b)

Figure 9 Altar of Julia Secunda and Cornelia Tyche (Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. MA 1331; photo William Chevillon) and anonymous sixteenth-century drawing in the Codex Coburgensis of the altar of Julia Secunda and Cornelia Tyche. Photo Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg, Germany, inv. Hz.002.Nr.158.

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The attributes of the goddess Fortuna (rudder, wheel, cornucopia) are a pun on the mother’s name, Tyche (Fortune); the bow and quiver are the attributes of Diana, patron goddess of young unmarried girls. These symbols suggest that the deceased women are posthumously represented as Fortuna and Diana. This is supported by the aedicula, the empty chairs (a symbol of death) and the acanthus leaves from which the busts spring. This kind of ‘private deification’ of the deceased was popular among freed persons in Rome in the second century AD (see also above no. 23). Judging by her Greek cognomen, Cornelia Tyche may indeed have been a freedwoman. Since she had been married for eleven years, we may deduce that she married late, when she was twenty-eight, probably after gaining her freedom. The verse inscription on the right-hand side of the monument is now largely missing due to the re-cutting of the stone, but has come down to us through sixteenth- and seventeenth-century drawings. The first letters of each line of the verse epigram spell the name ‘Julius Secundus’ (a design now known as an acrostic).

[On top] To the spirits of the departed. [On the frieze above the relief] Of Julia Secunda, his daughter, and of Cornelia Tyche, his wife. [Below the bust of Julia Secunda] She was outstanding by her singular beauty, her most dutiful way of life and her erudition (doctrina) beyond what is to be expected from her age and sex. She lived eleven years, nine months and twenty days. [Below the bust of Cornelia Tyche] Her affection towards her husband and her moral purity (sanctitas) were unmatched as was her extraordinary devotion (pietas) towards her children. She lived thirty-nine years, four months and seven days, of which eleven years with me. [On the right side of the monument; in verse] Now the end of life has been granted you and the end of evils, daughter and mother, whom this tomb holds. You were deprived of life by the violence of the sea off the Phocean coast, from which the Tagus and the noble river Ebro flow, the one to the East and the other to the West: the Tagus into the waters of the Ocean and the Ebro into the Tyrrhenian Sea. For thus the Fates (Parcae) once drew the first beginnings and spun the life-threads for you, as soon as Lucina (the goddess of birth) gave you the light and soul of life, so that the first day of your life should be different but the day of your death the same. For me some other day of death in the future has been predestined by the triple thread of Fate. They decided to postpone this day according to their silent judgement with the unfailing law that orders all to present themselves at their fixed appointment with death. [First letters of each line of the verse epigram] Julius Secundus

Further Reading D’Ambra (2008); Huskinson (2011)

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45 A mother breastfeeding her children CIL 6, 19128 = ILS 8451 Rome. Second or third century AD A marble sarcophagus was set up by an imperial freedman for his (freed) wife, Graxia Alexandria. The fact that maternal breastfeeding is explicitly recorded suggests that it was relatively uncommon among classes that could afford to hire a wet nurse, despite the fact that it was highly valued by traditionalists. This freed couple thus set an example of ‘traditional’ Roman morality (see also no. 46).

For Graxia Alexandria, an eminent model of sexual virtue (pudicitia), who even nursed her children with her own breasts. Her husband Pudens, freedman of the emperor, set this up for his deserving wife. She lived twenty-four years, three months and sixteen days.

46 A nursing mother RIU 5, 1153 = ILS 9169 Intercisa, Pannonia Inferior. AD 240–260 A large limestone stele set up near the cavalry camp at Intercisa in Pannonia by his wife and a second heir for Aelius Munatius depicts the couple in indigenous dress with three small children and a swaddled baby at its mother’s breast (Figure 10). Though the inscription does not mention the children by name, the relief emphasises family affection. The name Aurelia Cansauna shows the wife to have been a Roman citizen of local descent. She was married to a soldier from Samosata in Syria, who served for twenty-eight years as a medical attendant in the Syrian auxiliary unit at Intercisa. Having four children they profited from the Augustan ius liberorum (see Chapter 2). The couple manifestly adhered to the cultural ideal of breastfeeding that was both Roman and local. However, the depiction of Aurelia’s bare breast is highly unusual in Roman funerary art.

To the spirits of the departed. For Aelius Munatius from Samosata, medical attendant of the auxiliary cohort of Emesans, of twenty-eight years of service. His wife Aurelia Cansauna made this monument together with the standard bearer Antonius Bassus, his second heir, for her most revered husband together with herself and their children, in memory.

47 A mother of three AE 1985, 355 Ricina, Italy (5). Third century AD A marble stele with triangular top contains a verse epitaph for a woman who died at the age of eighteen (or after eighteen years of marriage), leaving a husband and three children behind. In the central part of the inscription, the wife is presented as addressing the passer-by.

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Figure 10 Funerary stele from Intercisa in Pannonia portraying a couple with their four children, the mother breastfeeding her youngest child. Budapest National Museum inv. 22.1905.3. Lupa.at/3513. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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To the spirits of the departed. Here lies Herennia Cervilla, daughter of Lucius, my wife. [The wife speaks] I lived for eighteen years and thirty days. Leaving three children behind I ended my life in pain. My dear husband set this up for me as a memorial during his lifetime in the hope that receiving such an inscription would be beneficial in my final hour. Gaius Carrenas Verecundus set this up for his incomparable and well-deserving wife.

Giving Birth Giving birth was one of the most dangerous events in a woman’s life, an event that many women, and their babies, did not survive. Several inscriptions testify to the risks of childbirth and graffiti show relief at successful childbirth. Further Reading Carroll (2018) 51–81; Rawson (2003)

48 Dying in childbirth IKoeln 414 Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, Germania Inferior. c. AD 20 A limestone stele of nearly 2 metres high (Figure 11) shows a portrait of the deceased with a swaddled baby in her arms, suggesting that she died in, or shortly after, childbirth. The inscription, however, does not record the cause of her death. Relief and text thus complement each other. Her single name and that of her husband, the non-Roman name of her father and the fact that her husband uses vir (man) instead of coniunx (husband under Roman law) show the indigenous background of the family. The specification Remae (of the tribe of the Remians) reveals that she was an immigrant from northern Gaul. This emphasis on her ethnic identity goes hand in hand with the adoption of a Roman form of commemoration by a grave stele, a sculpted bust clad in Roman dress (tunica and palla) and an inscription in Latin (see also Chapter 2, section II).

For Bella, daughter of Vonucus, of Remian birth. Longinus, her husband (vir), dutifully made this.

49 Relief at successful childbirth CIL 4, 8820 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 77 A graffito in the atrium of the house of Trebius Valens (III.2.1) records that Ursa, judging by her single name a female slave, gave birth on 23 January. Combined with the day of the week, the date indicates that she gave birth in AD 77.

Ten days before the Kalends of February (23 January), Ursa gave birth on the day of Jupiter (Thursday).

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Figure 11 Limestone funerary stele of Bella with her swaddled baby. Römisch– Germanisches Museum in Cologne inv. 62.274. Photo courtesy of the museum.

50 Announcement of birth CIL 4, 294 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 77 A graffito in charcoal (VII.3, in a small room, now lost) shows a drawing of a baby in a circle flanked by the name Juvenilla (Figure 12). Like in the previous graffito, the combination of the date and the day of the week suggests that she was born in AD 77, two years before the eruption.

Juvenilla. Born on Saturn’s day (Saturday) at the second hour of the evening, four days before the Nones of August (2 August).

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Figure 12 Graffito of Juvenilla, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron.

51 Death after four days of labour CIL 3, 2267 Salona, Dalmatia. Imperial period Despite the fact that she is addressed as coniunx (legally wedded wife), Candida’s single name suggests that she was not a Roman citizen, and the fact that Justus presents himself as her fellow slave confirms that she was a slave. Her age is only approximately known, as is the duration of her partnership with the dedicator of the stone.

To the spirits of the departed. For Candida, my well-deserving wife (coniunx), aged about thirty, who lived with me for about seven years. She was tortured during labour for four days and did not give birth. Thus, she died. Justus, her fellow slave, set this up.

52 Death during the fourth pregnancy CIL 6, 28753 Rome. Imperial period A verse epitaph on a marble plaque marked the tomb of Veturia Grata, who died when eight months pregnant with her fourth child. The first letters of the twelve verses of her epitaph together form her name. The last line contains a pun on her cognomen Grata (beloved).

[First letter of each verse] Veturia Grata. You who pass by, now stand still and linger for a while. Read the misfortune of a mourning man. Read what I, Trebius Basileus, her grieving husband, have

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written so that you may know that the writing below comes from the heart. She was adorned with all good things, unoffending (innocua) to her dear ones, guileless (simplex), a woman who never committed any wrongdoing. She lived twenty-one years and seven months and bore me three sons, whom she left behind when they were small children. Pregnant with her fourth child, she died in the eighth month. Stunned, now examine the initial letters of the verses and willingly read, I pray, the epitaph of a well-deserving woman. You will recognise the name of my beloved (grata) wife.

53 Mother and daughter dying during childbirth CIL 6, 10971 = IG 14, 1983 = IGUR 1147 Rome. Second–third century AD A bilingual (Greek and Latin) verse inscription on a sarcophagus (now lost) testifies to the death in childbirth of Aelia Sabina, along with her baby daughter. Her commemoration by means of a Greek and a Latin epigram suggests that she (or at least the commissioner of the tomb), was cultured and well versed in both languages.

[Latin] To the departed spirits. [Greek] To the deities of the Underworld. Having lived for twenty-six years and four months, then for another eleven days, I, Sabina, lie in this coffin together with my daughter, who pursued me (in death) in accordance with the decisions of the Fates (Moirai), showing a mother-loving affection. [Latin] Here lies the lifeless Aelia Sabina in her tomb together with her daughter, the newly born child she brought forth herself. O Fortuna, how great a trust you have malignantly altered: the child she bore the mother keeps with her in the home of Dis (god of the Underworld).

The Natural Order Reversed Despite high child mortality in the ancient world, it was strongly felt that parents should not survive their children. Children should bury their parents, not the other way round. In some tomb inscriptions a mother or father who had to bury a child was called ‘cruel’ and burying a child was called a crime. This was so common a notion that it could be inverted again as an expression of unusual grief.

54 A mother longing for her daughter CIL 9, 4933 = CIL 1, 1837 Trebula Mutuesca, Italy (4). Mid-first century BC A verse epitaph on a richly decorated funerary monument expresses the longing of a mother for her deceased daughter. Posilla Senenia was the freeborn daughter of a

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freedwoman, Quarta Senenia. Judging by his name (Quartus), the father of the deceased girl was either the former owner of her mother, a Gaius Quartus Senenius, or a fellow slave freed by him.

Posilla Senenia, daughter of Quartus, and Quarta Senenia, freedwoman of Gaius. Stranger, stand still and read meanwhile what is written: a mother was not allowed to take pleasure in her only daughter. Some god, I believe, envied her life. Since her mother was not allowed to adorn her during her lifetime, she made amends in the end after her death: with this monument she honoured the daughter she had loved.

55 A mother burying a daughter CIL 9, 4255 Amiternum, Italy (4). Imperial period Together with her granddaughter and her sons, Claudia Quartilla erected a tomb for her deceased daughter. Since mother and children share the same family name (Claudius/a), the mother and the unamed father may have been freed by the same owner.

To Claudia Fortunata. Claudia Quartilla set this up for her sweetest (dulcissima) daughter, Julia Foebe for her mother and Claudius Felix and Claudius Fortunatus for their most dutiful (pientissima) sister. Oh unworthy crime: a mother made a tomb for her daughter!

56 A dialogue between a deceased mother and her son CIL 8, 9513 = ILS 8144 Caesarea, Mauretania Caesariensis. Imperial period The inscription on a marble funerary plaque records an imagined dialogue between a deceased mother and her mourning son. In an inversion of the common notion that a parent should die first, her son expresses the wish that his mother should have made the tomb for her children.

[On top] Sweetest (dulcissima) mother. Sallustius Honoratus has erected for Claudia Extrikata, my dearest mother, what you should have made for me or for those whom you left unhappy and orphaned. When I wrote this, I diluted the writing ink with my tears. The sweetest mother says farewell to her children: ‘Why do you stand and read aloud the inscription of my tomb? I lived forty-five years for you. In the fortysixth year I died, when my time had come.’

57 Sorrow for the death of a son AE 1911, 72 = AE 1913, 70 and CIL 4, 9160 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79

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At her own cost Mulvia Prisca built a decorated tomb for her son who died at the age of twenty-two. Because of his civic office (he was an aedilis), the local council donated the burial place and contributed 2,000 sesterces to the costs of his funeral. On the tomb a touching graffito close to the urn testifies to his mother’s grief for the death of her son.

[The tomb inscription] For Gaius Vestorius Priscus, aedile. He lived twenty-two years. The place for his burial and 2,000 sesterces for his funeral have been given by decurial decree. Mulvia Prisca, his mother, set this up from her own money. [Graffito on the tomb] Mulvia Prisca, who frequently pours out her grief here and has no peace.

Further Reading Bernstein (2007)

III | Daughters Infants and Toddlers Compared with the high infant mortality in the ancient world, grave inscriptions for children who died under the age of one are relatively rare. This has sparked a debate as to whether the relationship between parents and their young children was less intimate in antiquity than today, the parents protecting themselves from an emotional attachment to their newborns whom they might lose prematurely. As the inscriptions below show, this conclusion is too one-sided. Not only are there numerous other ways to express one’s grief that leave no trace in our evidence, but also quite a few parents did express their love for their deceased infants and their mourning at their death by putting up an inscription in stone. Note the numerous endearments, expressions of grief and other emotional language used in these epitaphs. Also, there may have been regional differences in the expression of emotions, as is suggested by funerary reliefs from Pannonia emphasising affectionate family relations. Further Reading Boatwright (2005); Carroll (2018); Golden (1988); King (2000); Mander (2013); Rawson (2003)

58 Flavia Athenais CIL 6, 34114 Rome. Late first century AD A verse epitaph on a marble funerary altar commemorates a girl who died before she was nine months old. Her family was of servile birth: her mother was a freedwoman and

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her father a sub-slave (servus peculiaris) of the emperor Domitian. A servus peculiaris was a slave who belonged to the peculium of a person incapable of owning property (for instance, a slave or a man or woman in potestate).

To the spirits of the departed. For Flavia Athenais. Apollonius, sub-slave (servus peculiaris) of the emperor Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, and Flavia Pallas, her parents, made this for their dearest daughter. She lived eight months and twenty-six days. [In verse] Snatched from her mother’s breast, the unhappy child lies here before she had lived through nine full circles of the moon. The grieving father and mother cried over her who lies here and enclosed her small body in a marble tomb.

59 Hateria Superba CIL 6, 19159 = ILS 8005 = RICIS 2, 501/0201 Rome. AD 100–110 A large marble funerary altar outside the Porta Flaminia shows a standing girl in a niche framed by torches. She is dressed in a tunica and the toga praetexta of citizen children and crowned with a wreath by winged cupids, suggesting an association with the divine. She is flanked by a dog and a bird, and she has a bunch of grapes and a bird in her hands. The ornament in the centre of her hair decorated with pearls may symbolise an identification with Isis. She is portrayed as older than the one-and-a-half-year-old girl she was at her death. Possibly her parents (judging by their names ex-slaves) wanted to present her as a very precocious child.

To the departed spirits of Hateria Superba, who lived one year, six months and twenty-five days. Her most unhappy parents Quintus Haterius Ephebus and Julia Zosime made this for their daughter and for themselves and theirs. [Under the relief] To the spirits of the departed. The place occupies 7 feet in width and is 4 feet deep.

60 Two Greek girls dying around the age of one IGUR 544 = IG 14, 1609 Rome. Imperial period A Greek epitaph on a funerary plaque from Rome (now lost), testifies to the early death of two girls. The single Greek names of mother and daughters and the fact that the inscription is in Greek suggest that the mother was a Greek immigrant, possibly a slave or a freedwoman.

To the spirits of the departed. For Euposia, who lived for one year, eleven months and seventeen days, and for Zosime, who lived for eight months. Their mother Zoe made (this tomb) for her sweetest children.

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61 Aemilia Donativa CIL 8, 16572 = ILAlg 1, 3165 Theveste, Numidia. Imperial period This verse epitaph for a girl of a little over one year old reflects the sorrow of her parents. Judging by their Latinised names, the father, (Aemilius) Turbo, may have been a Roman citizen, but the legal status of the mother is unknown.

To the spirits of the departed. Aemilia Donativa lived one year, four months and thirteen days. She lies here. She lived sweeter than a rose. Turbo, her father, and Designata, her mother, made this for their daughter.

62 Cornelia Anniana CIL 14, 2482 = ILS 8488 Castrimoenium, Italy (1). Imperial period An epitaph on a grave stele paints an endearing picture of a one-year-old girl.

To the departed spirit of Cornelia Anniana, our daughter who was already babbling when she was not yet two years old. She lived one year, three months and ten days. The parents made this with their own money for their sweetest (dulcissima) daughter.

63 Anthis Chrysostoma CIL 6, 34421 Rome. Imperial period Apart from her parents, three freed persons and two slaves, who were involved in her upbringing, contributed to the erection of the marble funerary stele of Anthis Chrysostoma. Judging by the single Greek names of her parents, they may have been (former?) slaves.

For Anthis Chrysostoma, sweet chattering little bird, babbling, who lived three years, five months and three days. Her most unhappy parents, Faenomenus and Helpis, made this inscription for their dearest daughter with her honey-sweet little voice, who deserved well. Porcius Maximus, Porcia Charita, Porcia Helias, Sardonux and Menophilus, who nursed her until the day of her death.

64 Better not to be born CIL 13, 7113 = CSIR D 2, 6, 88 Mogontiacum, Germania Superior. Mid-second century AD This large sandstone stele, broken at the top, shows a relief of a playing infant holding a rattle in her left hand (Figure 13). With her right hand she reaches out for a basket filled with flowers, which is tipping over. At the sides, laurel trees are depicted. In the verse

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Figure 13 Sandstone funerary stele of a small girl from Mogontiacum (Mainz). Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 996. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz (Ursula Rudischer).

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epitaph the grieving parents express pain for the early death of their daughter of six months, wishing that she had never been born rather than leaving them so quickly. There is a remarkable emphasis on the mother, who is named first and in larger letters, whereas no names are recorded of the husband and of the deceased girl herself. The name Telesphoris suggests that the mother was of Greek descent, perhaps a freedwoman, whose partner may have been in the Roman army at Mogontiacum (modern Mainz). At the end of the text, the baby girl is compared to a rose that blooms briefly and then quickly withers. Another sandstone stele, set up by Telesphoris and her unnamed husband for their deceased daughter, shows the same relief (CIL 13, 7114).

To the spirits of the departed. Telesphoris and her husband, the parents, set this up for their sweetest (dulcissima) daughter. One cannot but complain about (the death of ) this sweet little girl. Would that you had never been born, if at birth you – so dear to us – were to return so quickly to the place from which you were brought forth to us, a reason for grief for your parents. She lived half a year and eight days. Like a rose she flowered and immediately withered.

Young Girls Girls dying in (or slightly before) their teens were often praised not only for their sweetness and charm but also for their matronal qualities. The parents grieved not only for the loss of a child but also for the promise of marriage and adulthood that was cut short by their premature deaths. In some cases, sorcery was suspected as the reason for their early deaths (see also Chapter 4).

65 On the death of a young girl CIL 5, 6808 = CIL 1, 2161 Eporedia, Italy (11). First century BC The stone on which this verse epitaph for a young girl was carved is lost. She was a (freeborn?) daughter of the freedman mentioned as the owner of the tomb, Gaius Pagurius Gelos. Despite her age, she is praised for adult qualities such as her dignified behaviour and her wool work.

Of Gaius Pagurius Gelos, freedman of Gaius. Traveller, stand still and look at this lofty burial mound (tumulus), which contains the bones of a girl of tender age. Here I lie buried, still in the spring-time of my life. I showed dignity (gravitas) as to my sense of duty and in my wool work (lanificium). I complain about this so undeserved and heavy blow of fortune. If you ask for my name, the name Salvia will resound. Farewell, traveller, I hope you will be happier.

66 A daughter dying at the age of seven CIL 6, 21846 Rome. Imperial period

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An epitaph on a large marble plaque with neat letters commemorates in learned verses the death of an accomplished girl, Magnilla, who died when she was seven years old (in her eighth year means that she was not yet eight). Though not mentioned by name, we may suppose that it was set up by her parents. The verses allude to heroines of Greek mythology, such as Hecuba, queen of Troy, the symbol of the aged sorrowful mother mourning her children, and Penthesilea, the young unmarried Amazon queen killed by Achilles.

Secure rest of the shades and praised spirits of the pious, who guard the holy places of the Erebos, lead innocent Magnilla through the woods and plains directly to your Elysian fields. She was snatched away in her eighth year by the pressing Fates, while she plucked the time of her tender childhood. She was beautiful, admirable as to her judgement, learned (docta) beyond her age, decent, sweet, and pleasing in her charms. Such an unhappy girl who is deprived of her life so quickly should be mourned with perpetual lament and tears. Or should we rather call her happy since she has evaded wretched old age? Thus Penthesilea cried less than Hecuba.

67 Dying just before her wedding day CIL 3, 2875 Nedinum, Dalmatia. Imperial period Death just before marriage was considered especially bitter: cf. Pliny’s letter on the death of Minicia Marcella (Ep. 5.16).

For Opinia Neptilla, daughter of Marcus, fourteen years old, maiden (virgo) without hope, who died just before her wedding day. Marcus Opinius Rufus and Gellia Neptilla, her parents, set this up.

68 The early death of a daughter and a cursed wife CIL 6, 20905 Rome. c. AD 80 A richly decorated marble funerary altar with separate verse inscriptions on the front and on the back was set up for Junia Procula, who died at the age of almost nine. The altar shows her portrait-bust in a medaillon on the front. Her father, Marcus Junius Euphrosynus (judging by his name, a freedman), built the tomb for himself, his daughter, and, probably, his wife, whose name has been erased. This unusual damnatio memoriae may be connected to the inscription on the rear side, which curses the freedwoman (Junia) Acte, who had deceived Marcus Junius Euphrosynus. We may reconstruct that she had been freed without payment in order to marry her former patron (see Chapter 2) and that they had a daughter, Junia Procula. Some time after the daughter’s death, Acte eloped with a lover and two of her husband’s slaves, after allegedly poisoning her husband, who – we may assume – died of a slow disease. The deceived patron–husband curses her, wishing her ‘rope and nail’ to hang herself and burning pitch to consume her evil heart. Thus, his curse was meant to take vengeance on her as well as humiliating her. By inscribing his curse on the back of the funerary altar, Marcus Junius Euphrosynus appealed to the supernatural power of his prematurely

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deceased daughter to carry the curse to the appropriate deity (see Chapter 4) and thus take vengeance on his faithless wife.

[On the front] To the departed spirits of Junia Procula, daughter of Marcus. She lived eight years, eleven months and five days. She left her pitiable father and mother in mourning. Marcus Junius Euphrosynus made this for himself and for [name erased]. You, allow the bones of daughter and parents to rest together. [To a wrongdoer, perhaps his former wife] Whatever you have done to us, may you expect the same for yourself. Believe me, you will pay for it yourself. [On the back, in verse] Here are engraved the eternal marks of disgrace of the freedwoman Acte, a treacherous, deceitful, and hard-hearted poisoner. I wish her nail and rope made out of broom, that she may tie around her neck, and glowing hot pitch to burn her evil heart! Though manumitted without payment, she deceived her patron by eloping with an adulterer, and she abducted his servants – a maid-servant and a boy – while he was lying in bed, so that he pined away, a lonely, abandoned, and wrecked old man. And the same marks of disgrace for Hymnus and for those who went off with Zosimus.

Further Reading Evans-Grubbs (2002a); Graf (2007)

69 Blaming a freedman for the death of a daughter CIL 6, 12649 Rome. First or second century AD The marble plaque which contained this funerary inscription is lost, but part of the text has been preserved in a manuscript copy. The bereaved father curses the murderer of his daughter wishing him ‘rope and nail’ to hang himself.

[First lines missing] Her father, born unhappy, had a dreadful life. Day and night he was in tears, longing for his daughter. I ordered that when I am dead, I am to be buried here too with the mourning equipment I prepared when alive: a couch, coverings, clothing for lying in state, a cloak, all black. I also ordered that my bones will rest in the altar together with those of my daughter. This will be a comfort for me. Around the altar there will be burial places for my freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants and for those to whom they will have given permission, on this condition that each time any of them places wreaths on the tombs of their relatives, they also wreathe our altar. For the freedman Atimetus, by whose treacherous wrongdoing I lost my daughter, I wish ‘rope and nail’ from which he may hang himself.

70 A girl who looked like a boy CIL 6, 19007 Rome. Second century AD

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Figure 14 Marble plaque with verse epitaph for Geminia Agathe. Rome, Capitoline Museums CE 795. Photo author.

The inexpert verse epitaph on this marble plaque (Figure 14) seems composed by an amateur. The speaker is Geminia Agathe, nicknamed Mater, who died at the age of five. Her epitaph expresses pride that she resembled a little boy in her countenance and in her hair, which was cropped short at the front like that of a boy and not tied up in a knot at the back of her head. She was mourned by her mother, aunt and, possibly, a stepfather, her father having died before her. The epitaph also addresses a wider group of relatives and banqueters at her funeral banquet, asking them to console her family.

[On top] For Geminia Agathe Mater, the sweetest. [Flanking the text] To the spirits of the departed. [In verse] Mother (Mater) was my name, but I will never be mother (mater) by law: I’ll admit that I have lived only five years, seven months and twenty-two days. As long as I lived, I played and was always loved by everybody. For, believe me, I had the face of a boy, not of a girl, and only those who brought me forth knew me as Agathe. I had a gentle character, a pretty and venerable appearance and red hair cropped short on top and hanging loose at the back. You, banqueters, now all raise your cups to bless me and pray that the earth may always rest lightly upon my body. May Faventius, who reared me more than my father and who loved only me, not mourn exceedingly over the repose of my small body. For I have a mother; my father preceded me in death long ago and did not mourn my fate. There is also my lovely mother’s sister, who is herself mournful at my death, too. You, all my relatives, please keep them in

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sweet life by consoling them, praying that their pain may not increase nor their bitter grief overflow. If you, who read this, wish to know my full name, know that I was Geminia Agathe, whom bitter Death has snatched away and led her to Tartarus at a tender age. [Lower margin] This is (what I have to say). Thus it is, it cannot be otherwise. So much for us.

71 A daughter dying at the age of ten CIL 13, 2108 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Second century AD A funerary altar with elegant letters marks the tomb of a ten-year-old girl. A plaster cast of her death mask was found in her grave showing her face after death. Since she had her mother’s family name (Claudia, suggesting the family’s acquisition of Roman citizenship during the reign of Claudius), she may have been an illegitimate child. Her mother set up the altar and dedicated it ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia), which is confirmed by a relief showing an axe at the right side.

To the divine spirits and the memory of Claudia Victoria, who lived ten years, one month and eleven days. Claudia Severina, her mother, made this for her sweetest (dulcissima) daughter and herself while alive and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

Further Reading Carroll (2011a) 24–5 and 39 with fig. 13

72 Deceiving the hopes of her parents CIL 10, 2601 = LIKelsey 152 Misenum, Italy (1). Second–early third century AD On a marble funerary plaque from a cemetery in Misenum, her parents mourn their deceased daughter, calling her virgo deceptrix (deceiving virgin) since by her early death she had deceived their hopes.

To the spirits of the departed. Julia Marulla, sweetest (dulcissima) to her parents, who lived fourteen years, eight months and four days. Farewell maiden, who has deceived our hopes (deceptrix).

73 A girl murdered for her jewellery CIL 3, 2399 = ILS 8514 Salona, Dalmatia. Late second–third century AD An epitaph on a funerary stele relates the fate of a girl killed for her jewellery. For the notion that jewels could attract robbers (and adulterers), see also CIL 6, 5302 lines 5/6: ‘Be indulgent to her with clothes but suppress lustrous jewellery. Thus, the robber will stay away nor will there be an adulterer.’

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To the divine spirits of Julia Restuta, a most unhappy girl, killed at the age of ten for her jewels. Julius Restutus and Statia Pudentilla, her parents, set this up.

IV | Grandmothers Grandmothers are much rarer in inscriptions than wives and mothers, but some inscriptions record women’s successive roles throughout their lives, including that of grandmother (avia). Because of the early death of the parents, some grandmothers raised their grandchildren, as we know from the literary sources (e.g. Pliny’s letter on Ummidia Quadratilla: see Chapter 6). In exceptional cases, a grandmother even buried a grandchild, which was regarded as a cruel inversion of fate. We have to keep in mind that, due to the early age at marriage of Roman girls, a grandmother might be relatively young.

Further Reading Rawson (2003) 239–41

74 A grandmother raising her grandchild CIL 5, 3710 Verona, Italy (10). Imperial period An inscription on an adorned stele (now lost) suggests that Cavarasia Faustina had lost her mother at an early age and was nursed by her paternal grandmother, Postumia Paulina.

To the spirits of the departed. Marcus Cavarasius Secundus set this up during his lifetime for Postumia Paulina, his incomparable wife, who lived with me for thirty-seven years without any discord (sine quaerrella ulla), and for himself, and Marcus Cavarasius Maximianus and Marcus Cavarasius Aurelianus made this for their well-deserving mother and Cavarasia Faustina for her grandmother (avia) and nurse (nutrix).

75 A grandmother burying a granddaughter CIL 6, 18282b Rome. Imperial period A marble funerary plaque is set up by a grandmother for her deceased granddaughter. She refers to the unnatural inversion of fate that a grandmother should bury a granddaughter.

To the departed spirits of Flavia Apollinaris, her granddaughter (neptis). She lived eight years. The grandmother (avia) dedicated to her blessed granddaughter what the granddaughter should have made for her grandmother.

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76 The parents and grandmother together burying a girl CIL 6, 27259 Rome. Second century AD An epitaph on a marble funerary plaque shows parents setting up a memorial for their three-year-old daughter, together with her grandmother and a male pedagogue or childminder. The latter is affectionately indicated as ‘daddy’ (tata), which may be the term the little girl used to address him.

To the departed spirits of Terentia Spes. She lived three years. Her most dutiful parents made this together with her grandmother (avia) and her ‘daddy’ (tata).

Further Reading Bradley (1991) 76–102 on ‘Tatae and Mammae in the Roman Family’

V | Siblings and Other Relations Due to the high mortality in the ancient world we sometimes find brothers and sisters commemorating each other where we would have expected parents or spouses to have done so, or even more distant relatives such as cousins, uncles/ aunts and in-laws taking care of the burial of relatives. It testifies to the continuing bonds between members of the extended family, but does not necessarily mean that they actually lived together in daily life. Slave and freed childminders and pedagogues, however, lived with their charges in the same house and were affectionately addressed as mamma (mummy) and tata (daddy); see further Chapter 3.

77 Two sisters AE 1981, 442 Altinum, Italy (10). AD 1–30 A rectangular stone urn was made by a freedwoman for herself and for her sister, who judging by her name had been freed by the same owner.

Popillia Aemoena, freedwoman of Publius, made this during her lifetime for herself and for Popillia Musa, freedwoman of Publius, her sister.

78 Siblings AE 1973, 46 Rome. Early third century AD A fragmentarily preserved marble strigilis sarcophagus was commissioned by a brother for his deceased sister.

To the spirits of the departed. For Sossia Marcia, sweetest (dulcissima) and well deserving. Heraclida, her brother, set this up for his dearest sister.

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79 Aunt and mother-in-law CIL 2, 4476 = IRC 2, 50 Aeso, Hispania Tarraconensis. Second century AD The statue base on which the inscription was carved is lost. Since the younger Porcia Catulla married the son of her father’s sister, the deceased Porcia Catulla was both her aunt and her mother-in-law.

For Porcia Catulla, daughter of [. . .]. Porcia Catulla, daughter of Marcus, set this up for her excellent aunt (amita) and mother-in-law (socrus).

80 A sister/cousin dying after childbirth CIL 3, 14352 = TitAq 2, 625 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. Late first–early second century AD A broken limestone stele from Aquincum (Figure 15) shows a woman with a swaddled baby, which may indicate that she died shortly after giving birth. Her name suggest that her family acquired Roman citizenship under the Flavians; her cognomen Aiulo shows her local allegiance, which accords with her local dress.

Flavia Aiulo, twenty years old, lies here. Gallio set this up for his most dutiful sister (soror pientissima) and Avitus for his most dutiful cousin (consobrina).

81 A niece CIL 6, 10566 Rome. Late first century AD A coarse marble stele from the Via Appia with a triangular top showing the bust of the deceased girl was set up by Acuvia Polla for her niece.

To the spirits of the departed. Acuvia Polla set this up for the well-deserving daughter of her sister, Marcia Bassilla, who lived twelve years.

82 A girl’s pedagogue and her ‘mummy’ CIL 6, 2210 = ILS 4999 = IGUR 707 Rome. Mid-first century AD This bilingual epitaph (in Latin, with two words in Greek) on a large marble funerary altar was commissioned by a Claudia Quinta for her pedagogue and teacher, who had also been her guardian (tutor) from the time she was orphaned (which in Roman law means that her father had died). Judging by his name, he was a Greek freedman, and he may have taught her Greek literature. The two words in Greek may be taken as a tribute to his teaching and background. His duties as a warden of the temple of Diana Planciana on the Quirinal may have been performed alongside his guardianship. He is praised by his former ward for his trustworthy fulfilment of his guardianship, which means that he administered her property well and considerately looked after her interests. Their relationship stayed close until his death, as she also provided for the burial of his brother

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Figure 15 Limestone stele from Aquincum, Pannonia, showing the deceased with a swaddled baby. Aquincum Museum Budapest inv. 64.10.10. Lupa.at/2854. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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and his female relative or fellow freedwoman (as she shared his family name), who had served as Claudia’s ‘mummy’ (wet nurse).

To the propitious gods. Claudia Quinta, daughter of Tiberius, made this for Gaius Julius Hymetus, temple warden of Diana Planciana, her pedagogue [in Greek:] and teacher (kai kathegetes), as well as her guardian since she was an orphan (tutor a pupillatu) because of his most trustworthy performance of his guardianship over her. Also for his brother Gaius Julius Epitynchanus and for Julia Sporis, her ‘mummy’ (mamma), and their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants.

Further Reading Gardner (1990) 5–29; Morrell (forthcoming)

83 ‘Mummy’ and ‘daddy’ CIL 6, 36353 = ILS 8548 Rome. Imperial period This epitaph for the three-year-old Silvia was set up by her freed parents together with a freed and a slave childminder. For the function of mamma, see nos. 82 and 93 and Chapter 3.

To the departed spirits of Silvia, who lived three years, two months and nine days. Claudius Protomachus and Claudia Damale set this up for their daughter together with Salonius Epictetus, her ‘daddy’ (tata), and Aphrodisia, her ‘mummy’ (mamma).

VI | Foster Families and Stepfamilies In Latin epitaphs we frequently find commemorations of foster children (alumni/alumnae). Foundlings, orphans, poor relatives, or even favoured slave children could be raised as foster children by childless couples, but we also find couples raising a foster child – in some cases an illegitimate child from a previous union – together with their own legitimate children. Foster children could be taken in for various reasons, including self-seeking ones (for instance, as an apprentice or as a support in old age), but funerary inscriptions show foster parents mourning the deaths of foster children with great affection, similar to feelings expressed at the death of a biological child.

Further Reading Bellemore and Rawson (1990); Rawson (1986) 173–86

84 Commemorated by the husband and foster parents CIL 9, 4755 Reate, Italy (4). First century AD

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On a lost tombstone Ancharia Nice is commemorated by her husband and her foster parents. She shares her family name with her husband, which suggests that they were relatives or that both were freed by the same owner.

For Ancharia Nice, who lived twenty-one years and six months. Gaius Ancharius Martinus made this for his well-deserving wife and her parents for their most dutiful foster daughter (alumna pientissima).

85 Mourning the death of a foster daughter CIL 11, 3771 Careiae, Italy (7). Second century AD In a verse epitaph on a marble funerary altar a foster parent commemorates his beloved foster daughter, who died at the age of almost ten. He finds comfort in imagining her face and in the idea that soon they will be reunited in death.

To the spirits of the departed. Publius Terentius Quietus set this up for Terentia Asiatica, daughter of Publius, his foster daughter (alumna). [In verse] Here lies the lifeless body of my beloved foster daughter, an innocent girl whom the Fates have plunged into a bitter death, for she had not yet completed her tenth year. The cruel Fates have made my old age a grievous one. For I will always search for you, my foster daughter Asiatica, and while mourning I will constantly envisage your face and it will be a consolation that I shall see you very soon, when after death my shade shall be reunited with yours.

86 A young foster daughter CIL 6, 12402 Rome. Mid-second century AD On a marble funerary plaque a freed couple mourned their foster daughter, who has the same family name as the wife.

To the departed spirits of Arria Januaria, who lived seven years, seven months and seven days. Tiberius Claudius Polybianus and Arria Augustalis made this for their dearest foster daughter (alumna carissima), for themselves and for their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. Titus Aelius Treptio, freedman of the emperor, made this for himself and his well-deserving wife, Aelia Capriola.

87 A freed slave raised as a foster daughter? CIL 11, 1029 Brixellum, Italy (8). Second century AD The marble grave altar of Julia Graphis was set up within the funerary enclosure of her foster parents. Since she has the same family name as her foster father, she may have

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been their freed slave raised as an alumna. Her father was a prominent Augustalis and probably a freedman.

To the departed spirits of Julia Graphis. She lived fifteen years, two months and eleven days. Quintus Julius Alexander, sevir Augustalis and twice magister Augustalis, and Vaccia Justina set this up for their dearest foster daughter (alumna karissima).

88 Buried by her daughter and her foster father CIL 6, 23605 Rome. Second century AD A travertine funerary plaque was set up for Ostoria Satria Eubulis by her daughter and her foster father, with whom she remained in touch during adult life.

[Flanking the inscription] To the spirits of the departed. Ostoria Satria Eubulis, daughter of Gaius, lived for twenty-eight years, nine months and nineteen days. Fonteia Messalina, daughter of Decimus, set this up for her most dutiful (pientissima) mother and Titus Flavius Vitalis for his foster daughter (alumna).

Stepdaughters Due to divorce or the early death of a parent, numerous children grew up with a step-parent and step-siblings. Stepchildren are usually indicated as a privignus/ privigna or, more rarely, as a filiaster/filiastra, though the latter word may also be used for illegitimate children. The distinction between these two categories may be blurred. Many inscriptions recording stepchildren were set up by men and women of freed families, and some of their children may have been born before both partners were freed. These illegitimate children received the family name of the mother, if free when giving birth, or were born as slaves and received the name of the master when freed. In individual cases it is hard to decide whether a child bearing the name of the mother was the stepchild or the illegitimate natural child of the dedicator. Further Reading Watson (1989)

89 Caninia Pia IPOstie-A, 277 Portus, Italy (1). AD 117–61 A marble plaque on a family tomb records that Marcus Vibennius Donatus built the tomb for his wife and legitimate children and for his stepdaughter, whose name – the same as that of her mother – suggests that she was her illegitimate daughter.

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To the spirits of the departed. Marcus Vibennius Donatus, veteran of the emperor, made this for himself, his wife Caninia Pia, his children Vibennius Maximus and Vibennia Quartula, his stepdaughter (privigna) Caninia Pia, and for his freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. The burial place or area and the crypt is conceded him by Lucius Munatius Marinus with the right of passage, entrance and circuit.

90 Calliope AE 1974, 140 Along the Via Praenestina, Italy (1). Second century AD Because of her single name, Calliope may have been born a slave. Their shared name suggests that her (step)parents were freed by the same master.

To the spirits of the departed. For Aurelius Sulycianus, who lived sixty years, five months and ten days. Aurelia Gamice, his wife, and Calliope, his stepdaughter (privigna), set this up for him who deserved well.

91 Aelia Ulpia CIL 6, 14289 Rome. Second century AD This inscription on a marble funerary plaque records a complex family with a stepdaughter and a foster son.

To the spirits of the departed. Lucius Calvius Tergestinus made this for Ulpia Hieronis, his most venerable wife, with whom he lived for twenty-one years without quarrel (sine querella), and for his dearest stepdaughter (privigna carissima) Aelia Ulpia and for himself and his descendants. The burial place is conceded by Pomponius Rufus, his foster son (alumnus).

92 Aelia Nebris CIL 14, 3744 = InscrIt 4, 1, 296 Tibur, Italy (4). Second–third century AD An inscription on the front of an adorned marble urn commemorates Aelia Nebris, the stepdaughter of Tiberius Claudius Chares. She may be the daughter of his wife from a previous relationship.

To the spirits of the departed. Tiberius Claudius Chares set this up for Aelia Nebris, his deserving stepdaughter (filiastra). She lived sixteen years.

93 Claudia Saturnina CIL 6, 15585 = IMCCatania 438 Rome. Second century AD

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An epitaph on a now incomplete marble plaque commemorates Claudia Saturnina. She probably was the freeborn daughter of the freedwoman Claudia Syntyche from a previous union or from her common-law marriage to Flavius Proculus. She nursed her home-born slave and freedman Faustus, who affectionately calls her ‘mummy’, and was ‘married’ to the imperial slave Castor. Despite the word coniunx, her marriage to a slave was not recognised by Roman law.

To the spirits of the departed. For Claudia Saturnina, stepdaughter (filiastra) of Flavius Proculus and Claudia Syntyche. Faustus, her home-born slave (verna) and freedman, set this up for his ‘mummy’ (mamma) and Castor, home-born slave of our emperor, for his well-deserving and excellent wife (coniunx).

Stepmothers Since children legally continued the paternal line, they stayed with their father when their parents separated and were part of his new family upon remarriage. Thus, stepmothers were more common than stepfathers, which may have contributed to the stereotype of the wicked stepmother in ancient literary sources. Inscriptions testify to more cordial relationships, however. In inscriptions, the word noverca (stepmother) is very rare and always employed in a neutral or positive sense. Further Reading Watson (1995)

94 A stepmother setting up a tomb for a stepson IPOstie-A, 10 Portus, Italy (1). Second century AD This inscription on a marble plaque is set up by a stepmother for her stepson.

To the spirits of the departed. Albia Urbica made this for her sweetest stepson (filiaster) Marcus Octavius Aerius, who lived ten years, seven months and nineteen days.

95 A dutiful stepmother CIL 2, 5008 Olisipo, Hispania Lusitania. Imperial period This inscription on a marble plaque is set up for a ‘dutiful stepmother’ with the partly indigenous name Julia Severa Audalea.

For Julia Severa Audalea and Gaius Fabius, the son of Gaius. Gaius Fabius Tuscus set this up for his excellent son and his dutiful stepmother (noverca pia).

2 |

Legal Status, Citizenship and Ethnicity

This chapter groups together female slaves, freedwomen and women of foreign (i.e. non-Roman) background on the basis of their funerary inscriptions. To some extent these categories overlap, as slaves were mostly brought into Roman cities from conquered territories (especially in the Greek East) and were therefore foreigners by definition. When freed, they became Roman citizens (or, if freed informally, Junian Latins: see under I B below) carrying the stigma of their unfree birth and possibly of their foreign extraction. Depending on the circumstances, freeborn women in the northern and western provinces might fully or partially adopt Roman culture or flaunt their ethnic identity. On their funerary reliefs, most show an ambiguous stance, advertising their ethnic belonging by their dress or recording it in their epitaphs, while at the same time choosing a Roman-style grave marker with an inscription in Latin. Because of their marginal position in Roman society, both freedwomen and women from peripheral regions of the Roman Empire may be classified as belonging to the aspirational classes, aspiring to social esteem and, if they had not yet acquired it, to full Roman citizenship. Their relative wealth allowed the well-to-do and well connected among them to set up, or receive, a grave marker celebrating their lives and achievements. It is because of the social prestige they achieved, or aspired to, that they have left such a strong mark in Roman funerary epigraphy. This chapter falls into two parts: the first (section I) starts with female slaves before moving on to the more abundant evidence for freedwomen. It shows that privileged slaves were able to set up memorials to their partners, their fellow slaves and their friends. Freed people are generally overrepresented in funerary epigraphy, especially in Rome and Italy. Since most evidence records their work and family relationships, some overlap with Chapters 1 and 3 is inevitable, and will be accounted for by cross-references. Attention will also be paid to disputes about a woman’s legal status and to the implications of Roman citizenship, especially the Augustan ‘right of children’ (ius liberorum), which freed women with three or more children from tutela (guardianship). The second part of the chapter (section II) is devoted to women in the northern and western provinces of the Roman Empire who advertised their ethnic identity as well as their adoption of Roman culture. For women’s travels and migration, including women who followed their husbands in the Roman army or to Rome, see Chapter 4. 68

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Further Reading Kleijwegt (2012); Mouritsen (2011); Perry (2014)

I | Slaves and Freedwomen I A Employment within Large Households Most of our evidence for the lives of female slaves and freedwomen comes from funerary inscriptions from Rome and Italy and to a lesser extent also from the provinces. The evidence from Rome is dominated by the large communal tombs (columbaria) for the slave and freed staff of leading families such as the Statilii, the Volusii and of members of the imperial family (Chapter 7), and consists of small marble plaques affixed under the niches for the urns to identify the deceased. In the very brief inscriptions, set up by fellow slaves or freedmen, males outnumber females. Men also had the more prestigious jobs. Women were mostly employed in domestic service, in textile work or as personal attendants, such as hairdressers (ornatrices), foot-servants (pedisequae), masseuses (tractatrices), midwives (obstetrices), wet nurses (nutrices) or childminders (paedagogae). A sample of the occupations of slaves and a few freedwomen within large households is presented here. For (freed) women’s work more generally, see Chapter 3.

Further Reading Borbonus (2014); Hasegawa (2005); Mouritsen (2013); Treggiari (1975b) and (1976)

1 Spinning-women CIL 6, 6339 and 6341 Rome. Early first century AD These two epitaphs on marble plaques come from the columbarium of the Statilii, which remained in use from the late first century BC into the second century AD. The family had a spinning and weaving department that perhaps also produced textiles for the market. Both spinning-women were slaves.

a) Acte, spinning-woman (quasillaria). b) Hedone, spinning-woman (quasillaria), lived thirty years.

2 A female weaver CIL 6, 6362 = ILS 7432b Rome. Early first century AD This epitaph on a marble plaque in the columbarium of the Statilii commemorates a female slave named Italia, who was employed as a weaver. Weaving was more prestigious than spinning, and often a male occupation. After cremation, her bones and ashes

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were collected in the urn and placed in the niche. A central opening in the slab closing the niche served for pouring libations to the deceased.

The bones of Italia, weaver (textrix).

3 A seamstress CIL 6, 6349 Rome. Early first century AD This epitaph on a marble plaque in the columbarium of the Statilii commemorates a slave seamstress. As in the previous inscription, the central opening in the slab served for pouring libations.

Daphne, seamstress (sarcinatrix).

4 A female doorkeeper CIL 6, 6326 = ILS 7438 Rome. Early first century AD A small marble funerary plaque from the columbarium of the Statilii (Figure 16) commemorates a female slave who was employed as a doorkeeper. Judging by his single name, Pansa may have been a slave himself, which would make her his sub-slave (vicaria, see nos. 56 and 57 below). The burial niche and inscription were commissioned by her unnamed friends (for friendship, see Chapter 4). The text is carved in a tabula ansata.

Optata, (slave or sub-slave) of Pansa, doorkeeper (ostiaria). Her friends (amici) made this.

Figure 16 Marble funerary plaque from the columbarium of the Statilii in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano inv. 33258. Photo author.

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5 A midwife CIL 6, 6325 Rome. Early first century AD This epitaph on a marble plaque in the columbarium of the Statilii commemorates a slave midwife of Statilia Maior. In all likelihood, she was employed also for the other members of the family and staff.

Secunda, midwife (obstetrix) of Statilia Maior.

6 A pedagogue CIL 6, 6331 = ILS 7447b Rome. Early first century AD This epitaph on a marble plaque in the columbarium of the Statilii commemorates a freedwoman who was employed as a pedagogue of a Statilia. Statilia also had a male paedagogus (CIL 6, 6330). Though freed, former slaves might remain in the house of their former owners and be buried in the tombs elite families set up for their slave and freed staff.

Statilia Tyrannis, freedwoman of Titus, pedagogue (paedagoga) of Statilia.

7 A personal attendant CIL 6, 9781 Rome. First century AD Pedisequae were foot-servants or attendants to women of wealthy families whom they escorted when they went out in public. Most were slaves (see for more pedisequae CIL 6, 5200, 5821, 6335–6, 4355, 7410, 9266, 9773–6, 9779/80, 33477). They may also have fulfilled other tasks within the household.

Rufa, foot-servant (pedisequa), lies here.

8 A hairdresser and a mirror-holder CIL 6, 7297 = ILS 7418 Rome. Mid–late first century AD A marble stele with elegant letters from the columbarium of the Volusii commemorates two personal attendants of Torquata, the wife of Q. Volusius Saturninus (consul in AD 56): Panope was her hairdresser and Phoebe held up the mirror for her when she dressed. Both were female slaves and both had been the partner (contubernalis) of their fellow slave Spendo, who set up the epitaph. The burial place was granted by a decree of the councillors (decuriones) of the domestic association of the slave and freed staff of this large household (for associations, see also Chapter 4).

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Panope, hairdresser (ornatrix) of Torquata, wife of Quintus Volusius (Saturninus), lived twenty-two years, and

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Phoebe, mirror-holder (a speculum), lived thirty-seven years. Spendo made this for his well-deserving partners (contubernales) and for himself. The place was given by decurial decree.

9 A wool-weigher CIL 6, 9498 Rome. Late first–second century AD The exact provenance of this epitaph is unknown, but judging by the fact that all persons mentioned in it share the same family name, it was probably set up by the freed staff of an elite household.

To the spirits of the departed. To Julia Soteris, wool-weigher (lanipenda). She lived eighty years. Marcus Julius Primus, Julia Musa, Julia Thisbe, Julia Ampliata and Julia Romana set this up.

10 A masseuse CIL 6, 37823 Rome. First or second century AD A marble plaque from a columbarium commemorates a slave masseuse or beautician of a woman of an elite family in Rome. The inscription is carved in elegant letters in a tabula ansata.

Aethis, (slave) of Caesia Prisca, masseuse (tractatrix).

I B Relationships with their Masters In urban households male and female slaves lived closely together with the families of their masters. Though slaves could not marry under Roman law, de facto marriages (contubernia) between fellow slaves were often allowed, and their children were much appreciated as vernae (home-born slaves). Various masters put up grave monuments for vernae who died young, thus revealing the emotional ties between them. Some vernae may even have been their masters’ illegitimate children. However, all this did not prevent the occasional exploitation of vernae, for instance as prostitutes. Partly overlapping with the category of the vernae, favoured slave children (delicia, ‘delights’) in elite households were kept by their masters or mistresses as pets. Delicia children, both boys and girls, were loved by their owners and their deaths were often mourned, but they were also expected to entertain their masters, and might have to endure their masters’ erotic or sexual desires. For female slaves, marrying their (former) masters could provide a way out of slavery and a channel for social mobility. As appears from numerous inscriptions across the Latin-speaking West, such marriages between a master and his female slave were generally accepted. They were also facilitated by law

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(except for the senatorial elite, who were forbidden to marry freedpeople under the Augustan marital laws). An owner wishing to free his female slave for the purpose of marriage (matrimonii causa) was released from the legal requirement under the Augustan lex Aelia Sentia that the slave had to be at least thirty years old to qualify for formal manumission. However, a freedwoman marrying her former master was bound more closely to her patron-husband than freeborn women: for instance, she was not allowed a divorce against her patronhusband’s wishes, and needed his consent to remarry. Conversely, marriage between a freedman and his former mistress was frowned upon, and their relationship was discouraged by law, unless the mistress in question had been a slave who after her own manumission freed her slave partner (Dig. 23.2.13 and 40.2.14.1). In other cases, marriages or relationships between (former) slaves and their mistresses were strongly disapproved of as a threat to the proper gender hierarchy. When freed according to Roman law, ex-slaves became full Roman citizens. Since they received their master’s family name on manumission (keeping their own name as a cognomen), they were regarded as perpetuating the family of their master. As a consequence, freedmen and freedwomen were usually included in the tombs of their masters (sometimes with the explicit exception of those who had misbehaved), and they, and their descendants, were expected to maintain the graves and perform the customary rites. Often they were also required to perform other services for their former owners that were agreed upon at their manumission and, in general, to behave respectfully towards their patrons. Good behaviour towards their patrons is sometimes explicitly recorded on their epitaphs, and trusted and beloved freedwomen might be appointed as heirs. When freed informally, or under the age of thirty, ex-slaves became Junian Latins, a status which had several legal disadvantages compared with full citizenship, especially as regards inheritance. Junian Latins could apply to the praetor or the provincial governor for full Roman citizenship when they had produced a child of one year old from a legal marriage (Gaius Inst. I. 29). In inscriptions, many freedwomen appear to have been set free at an early age. This was forbidden by the lex Aelia Sentia, which prohibited the manumission of slaves under thirty. If they were not freed for the purpose of marriage with their former owner or manumitted informally (giving them the status of Junian Latins), we may assume that they were freed on their deathbeds, a practice known from the literary sources (Petron. Sat. 65.10f.; Mart. Ep. 1.101; Plin. Ep. 8.16).

Further Reading Evans-Grubbs (1993); Gardner (2011); Laes (2003); Perry (2014); Rawson (2010); Weaver (1991) and (1997)

11 A home-born wet nurse CIL 5, 3950 Arusnates, Italy (10). First century AD

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An epitaph on a small funerary altar was set up for a home-born slave (verna), who was employed as a wet nurse in an elite household (for wet nurses, see Chapter 3).

To Clodia, home-born slave (verna), wet nurse (nutrix).

12 A tomb for a home-born slave girl IGUR 916 = IG 14, 1969 Rome. Imperial period A Greek epitaph on a marble plaque that may have been inserted in a funerary altar commemorates a home-born slave girl who died at the age of five. Her unnamed mistress ordered it to be set up for her threpte, which is here used as the Greek equivalent of the Latin word verna (home-born slave). The girl had the Roman name Prisciana, but because of the language of the inscription we may suppose that she, or her former owner (or both), were of Greek descent.

To the deities of the Underworld. On the order of her mistress (this was set up) for the home-born slave (threpte) Prisciana, who lived for five years, four months and fifteen days.

13 Vernae exploited as prostitutes CIL 4, 4023 and 4025 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 Graffiti at the entrance of a bakery (V.1.15) record two home-born slave girls who were exploited as prostitutes (for Felicula, see also two graffiti in a brothel, CIL 4, 2199 and 2200). A male prostitute was advertised together with them (CIL 4, 4024, also for 2 asses). Two asses is a very modest price for the services of a prostitute (see Chapter 3).

a) Felicula, home-born slave (verna), for 2 asses. b) Successa, home-born slave (verna), well-mannered, for ? asses.

14 A beloved verna CIL 6, 12800 Rome. Late first–second century AD An incomplete marble grave stele portrays a small girl holding a pet bird (a dove). She probably represents the deceased slave girl commemorated by her mistress as her ‘sweetest home-born slave’.

To the spirits of the departed. For Aucta, who lived four years, nine months and twenty-seven days. Aticia Marcella made this for her sweetest home-born slave (verna dulcissima).

15 Verna and heiress CIL 14, 1641 = IPOstie-B, 153 Portus, Italy (1). AD 50–200

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A marble funerary plaque commemorates a home-born slave, Steia Fortuna, who inherited one-sixth of her master’s property. Possibly she was her master’s illegitimate daughter by one of his female slaves. After her manumission, she married a man who, judging by his cognomen (Augustalis), may have been a freedman. She died after twentyone years of marriage leaving a freeborn son.

To the departed spirits of Steia Fortuna, home-born slave (verna) of Publius Steius Felix, whose heir she was for one-sixth part. Sextus Gavius Scantianus, son of Sextus, set this up for his most dutiful (pientissima) mother and Sextus Gavius Augustalis for his dearest wife (coniunx carissima). She was a virgin (virgo) when she married him and lived with him most sweetly (dulcissime) for twenty-one years until the day of her death.

16 An unwanted verna CIL 8, 24734 Carthago, Africa Proconsularis. First–early second century AD A verse epitaph commemorates Daphnis, a slave girl, who died in childbirth and was freed by her master on her deathbed. It is unknown whether he did so before or after the birth of her son, but the poem suggests that her master did not wish for the birth of a verna under these circumstances. As appears from this poem, her master had wanted to free her partner first, but her death in childbirth thwarted his plans. In the poem, in which Daphnis is presented as speaking, she calls herself Hermes’ wife (coniunx), though a slave could not legally marry.

I, Daphnis, wife (coniunx) of Hermes, am set free. Though my master wanted to free Hermes first, by fate I was freed before him, as I was carried off by fate earlier. I who bore what I lament have left frequent sighing to my husband (vir). I just recently gave life to a son, against the wish of my master (dominus). Who will now feed my son? Who will care for him during his long life, now that the Styx has snatched me away so fast to the gods above? [In prose] She lived for twenty-five years, a dutiful woman (pia). She lies here.

17 A disciplined home-born slave CIL 10, 26 = ILS 8438 Locri, Italy (3). AD 150–200 A marble funerary plaque commemorates a very disciplined female slave, who died at the age of twenty-one. Though this is not recorded explicitly, she may have been born as a slave in her master’s household. Her father and a fellow slave set up her memorial after having obtained permission from their master.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Alimma, who served with the greatest discipline (disciplina) throughout her life, lived twenty-one years and four months. With permission of her master, her dearest father and her fellow slave set this up for her, who was most dutiful (pientissima) and deserved well.

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18 Sorrow for the death of a favoured slave girl CIL 6, 36525 = CIL 1, 1213 Rome. 100–50 BC A verse epitaph on a damaged funerary plaque mourns a favoured slave girl (delicium) whose name is lost. Her female owner, Vettia, may have been the wife of Cicero’s opponent Verres.

Here is buried a maiden (virgo) with outstanding habits, who was among the delights (delicia) of Vettia and who also pleased her master. They loved her and after her death filled her tomb with lamentation and last rites. They themselves bewailed that the life of a slave girl was taken from them who was one of their delights (delicia) and appropriate [. . .].

19 A delicium CIL 11, 6176 Suasa Senonum, Italy (6). AD 31–70 A richly adorned marble stele depicts three persons: the wealthy freedman and sevir Augustalis, Sextus Titius Primus, clad in a toga (in arm-sling pose) to underline his Roman citizenship, is flanked by his partner (concubina) Lucania Benigna, portrayed with a small child clinging to her neck and a pomegranate in her left hand, and his freedwoman Titia Chreste. Almost as an afterthought, the favourite slave girl (delicium) Chloe is mentioned at the end of the inscription. We may assume that she died young and is possibly the child depicted in the arms of Lucania Benigna. Under the three halffigure portraits and the inscription, the elaborate relief shows lictors with fasces at both sides of a bisellium (a double seat used as a seat of honour) with a laurel wreath symbolising Titius’ membership of the Augustales. The vessels above the chair may point to his trade. On the sides: Hypnos (sleep) and Thanatos (death) accompanied by Maenads.

Sextus Titius Primus, freedman of Sextus, sevir Augustalis, set this up for Lucania Benigna, his partner (concubina), for Titia Chreste, his freedwoman, and for Chloe, our delight (delicium).

20 A delicium dying in childbirth CIL 14, 2737 Tusculum, Italy (1). First century AD This verse epitaph commemorates a freedwoman who had been the favourite slave of her mistress. She died in childbirth at the age of fifteen.

For Rhanis, freedwoman of Sulpicia, our delight (delicium). [In verse] Born only a short time ago and not earlier exposed to childbirth, Rhanis by her tomb testifies to her sad fate. For she had not yet completed twice eight (i.e. sixteen) years, when she was carried off from life, snatched away during childbirth. This tomb of a parent holds two burials in one body, now one

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heap of ashes contains a double funeral. [Left side, in prose] Sulpicia Rhanis, freedwoman of (Sulpicia) Trio.

21 A cultured woman with her favourite slave girl CIL 6, 15482 = IG 14, 1770 Rome. Second–third century AD On a marble funerary plaque a seated woman is depicted with a scroll in her hands on which a Greek text is written. It is meant to portray the deceased Claudia Italia, who is presented as an educated woman. At her feet lies a small dog. A little girl at her side with a ball in her left hand looks up to her and raises her right hand to the scroll. The inscription above the head of the girl indicates that she was her mistress’s favourite slave girl (delicata). Husband and wife share the same family name, which may indicate that they were freedpeople.

[Above the head of the seated woman] To the departed spirits of Claudia Italia. Claudius Hermias commissioned this for his well-deserving wife from his own resources. She lived thirty years. [On the scroll, in Greek] She was well versed in all Muses. [Above the head of the girl] Tyche, favourite (delicata).

22 A good freedwoman CIL 2, 3495 = CIL 1, 2273 = ILS 8417 Carthago Nova, Hispania Tarraconensis. Second–early first century BC A limestone funerary plaque, now broken into two parts, marked the tomb of the freedwoman Plotia Prune, whose name as a slave (Prune) is a Latinised version of the Greek name Phryne. As a slave, she had been owned by a couple and, at her death, left behind a parent (father or mother) and a husband still living. Since her parent was probably a slave from the same household, she may have been home-born, though the inscription does not explicitly say so. Her metrical epitaph testifies to her good behaviour towards her former owners and her relatives.

Here lies Plotia Prune, freedwoman of Lucius and Fufia. Prune is how she was called as a serving-girl (ancilla). The grave monument demonstrates how excellent she was towards her patron, patroness, parent and husband. Farewell. [To the passer-by]: May you fare well.

23 Freeing her daughter AE 1992, 959 Turgalium, Hispania Lusitania. Mid-first century AD A granite stele with rounded top (Figure 17) from the indigenous town Turgalium commemorates Camira, who was freed by her mother. We may assume that Tertia had

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Figure 17 Granite funerary stele with rounded top from Turgalium in Lusitania. Cáceres, Museo Arqueológico Provincial. Photo author.

been a slave and freed her daughter after being manumitted herself. Both Camira and Gargenna are Latinised names of non-Roman origin.

Camira, daughter and freedwoman of Tertia, aged thirty-five, lies here. Gaius Gargenna had this made from his own money.

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24 A freed heiress AE 1945, 136 Rome. AD 100–50 A marble plaque above the door of a tomb in a pagan cemetery under the Church of St Peter records the text of a codicil supplementing the testament of Gaius Popilius Heracla, in which the deceased ordered a tomb to be built for himself and for his (still living) wife at a specified location. The freedwoman Novia Trophime was to pay for this tomb, together with an unnamed co-heir. She was also to maintain the tomb and celebrate the rites. The relationship between the testator and Novia Trophime remains unclear. Judging by her name, she was not his own freedwoman and, since his wife Fadia Maxima was still alive, the possibility that she was his partner may have been too delicate to record on the tomb. Yet, it is remarkable that, apart from the surviving wife, Novia Trophime is the only person to be mentioned by name.

To the spirits of the departed. From the triple codicils of Popilius Heracla. Gaius Popilius Heracla to his heirs, greetings. I ask, command and commit to your trust, my heirs, that you build a grave monument for me on the Vatican Hill near the circus next to the grave monument of Ulpius Narcissus, to the cost of 6,000 sesterces, for which Novia Trophime will pay 3,000 sesterces and her co-heir 3,000 sesterces. There, I wish that my remains will be placed and those of Fadia Maxima, my wife, if anything in the way of human experience should befall her (i.e. when she has died). I entrust the legal rights of this grave monument to my freedmen and freedwomen and to those whom I shall have manumitted by testament or anyone I have left in the state of freedom and, above this, to Novia Trophime, her freedmen and freedwomen and to the descendants of those mentioned above. Let her (or: them?) have the right of passage, entrance and circuit with respect to this monument for the purpose of performing sacrifice.

25 A bilingual Greek freedwoman IGUR 818 Rome. Second century AD This Greek epitaph on a small limestone plaque commemorates the freedwoman Numia Fortia. Judging by her name and by the language of the inscription, her former owner, Numia Tyche, was a Greek freedwoman. Yet, she gave her former slave a Roman name and indicated her status as a freedwoman with the Latin word liberta (here spelled as leiberta) rendered in Greek letters instead of using the Greek word apeleuthera. The inscription also uses the Latin word feci (I made), rendered in Greek letters, showing that she switched between Greek and Latin, which may reflect a regular ‘code-switching’ between these languages in spoken language.

To the deities of the Underworld. I, Numia Tyche, made (this tomb) for my freedwoman (leiberta) Numia Fortia, who lived for twenty-three years.

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26 Caring for their mistress’s tomb and memory AE 1940, 94 Ostia, Italy (1). Early second century AD A marble plaque from her tomb (Figure 18), re-used in the pavement of a shop near the theatre, records the regulations of a testamentary foundation established by Junia Libertas, a freeborn woman who, judging by her cognomen, stemmed from a freed family. She left gardens, buildings (probably apartment buildings) and shops to her freedmen, freedwomen and their descendants, from the income of which they were to maintain her tomb and cultivate her memory in perpetuity. If there were no descendants left, the property would revert to the people of Ostia, which would then be responsible for the maintenance of her tomb and for the customary sacrifices at the festivals in honour of the deceased: the Parentalia (feast of the ancestors) in February, the Day of the Violets (dies violae) in March and the Day of the Roses (dies rosae) in May. Such funerary foundations for freedmen and freedwomen (and their descendants) were widespread, and fines were often imposed for non-compliance.

Junia Libertas, daughter of Decimus, has given and granted her right in, and usufruct of, the Hilaronianan-Junian gardens, buildings and shops, as they are enclosed by their own boundary wall, to her freedmen and freedwomen and to those men and women who are, or will be, manumitted by them and their descendants. None of them is to sell, alienate or cede the usufruct of their share to anyone, until the usufruct descends to one single person, male or female. And if no individual of the family survives, then I wish those gardens with buildings and shops, as they are enclosed by their wall and boundaries, to pass into the ownership and right of the citizens of the city (colonia) of Ostia. From the income of these goods I wish 100 sesterces to be spent by the city of Ostia for the adornment of the tomb and for sacrifices on the day of the Parentalia, 100 sesterces on the Day of the Violets, and 100 on the Day of the Roses. I want this wish of mine to be publicised. [In smaller letters under the inscription] May the right pertain first to my freedmen and freedwomen and after them to their descendants.

Further Reading Dixon (1992a); Hemelrijk (2015) 189–94

27 Barred from her master’s tomb CIL 6, 13732 = ILS 8115 Rome. Imperial period Most owners of tombs admitted not only members of their family but also, in a standard formula, their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants, who bore the family name and were expected to maintain the grave monument in perpetuity. Occasionally some of these, indicated by name, were excluded for various reasons, for instance for being ungrateful or disloyal. The following inscription on a marble tablet on the tomb of Gaius Caecilius Felix provides an example. Only the pertinent lines have been translated.

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Figure 18 Marble plaque recording the testamentary regulations of Junia Libertas in Ostia. Photo author.

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[First lines omitted] and for their freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants except for the freedwoman Secundina, who was disloyal (impia) towards her patron Caecilius Felix.

Freedwomen Marrying their Former Masters The following inscriptions are a small selection of freedwomen marrying their former masters, which was common practice in the Roman West. For some (below nos. 28, 29 and 34) the marriage meant a considerable social enhancement, raising them from slavery to equestrian rank. For more examples of freedwomen marrying their masters, see e.g. AE 1929, 200 (Carnuntum), CIL 7, 53 (Aquae Sulis, Britannia), CIL 2, 5856 (Complutum, Hispania Tarraconensis), CIL 5, 6068 (Mediolanum, Italy).

28 Antistia Plutia CIL 6, 2170 = ILS 5010 Rome. Second half of first century BC This marble funerary relief with two portrait busts in shells framed by laurel wreaths (Figure 19) portrays the freedwoman Antistia Plutia and her patron-husband of equestrian rank. The style of their portraits and their hairstyles point to the late Republic or early Augustan period. Two loyal freedmen erected this expensive grave-monument for

Figure 19 Marble funerary relief with the portrait busts of Lucius Antistius Sarculo and Antistia Plutia from Rome. British Museum inv. 2275. Photo the Trustees of the British Museum.

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their equestrian patrons. The inscription under their portraits is carved in a tabula ansata. For the same couple see also CIL 6, 2171.

[Left] Lucius Antistius Sarculo, son of Gnaeus, of the voting tribe Horatia, Salian priest at Alba (Longa), finally Master of the Salians. [Right] Antistia Plutia, freedwoman of Lucius. [Below] The freedmen (Antistius) Rufus and (Antistius) Anthus at their own expense set up the images (imagines) for their patron and patroness because of their merits.

29 Anicia Glucera CIL 5, 1071 = InscrAqu 1, 797 Aquileia, Italy (10). Second half of the first century AD This verse epitaph commemorates a freedwoman who, like Antistia Plutia in the preceding inscription, was raised to high rank. She is presented as addressing the reader directly. We may suppose that she was freed by her upper-class master for the purpose of marriage. We do not know the name of her husband or his rank, but since marriages between men of senatorial rank and freedwomen were forbidden under the Augustan marital laws, we may suppose that he was of decurial or equestrian rank.

I was Anicia Glucera, freedwoman of Publius. I said about my life: I was of sufficicient repute to have pleased a good man, who raised me from the lowest rank to the highest honour. [At the side] Altar of the deities of the Underworld.

30 Mussia Callityche CIL 6, 22765 Rome. Second half of the first century AD A richly decorated marble funerary urn with a Dionysiac scene was set up by Lucius Mussius Trophimus for his wife and freedwoman, with whom he had lived for forty-two years. Since she died at fifty-two, she must have been ten years old when they started living together. We may speculate that her husband, whose Greek cognomen suggests a slave background, freed his slave companion after being manumitted himself. Her full name would then be Mussia Callityche. The relief beneath the epitaph depicts Silenus, the god of wine and drunkenness, seated on an ass and assisted by satyrs. They are flanked by female devotees: on the left a woman carries a basket on her head and, on the right, a woman plays the flute.

Lucius Mussius Trophimus set this up for Callityche, fifty-two years old, his freedwoman and excellent (optima) and, because of her merits, dearest (karissima) wife (liberta et coniunx), with whom he lived for forty-two years, and for himself.

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31 Claudia Prepontis CIL 6, 15003 and 15004 Rome. Second half of the first century AD In two almost identical inscriptions, the freedwoman Claudia Prepontis commemorates her patron, the imperial freedman Tiberius Claudius Dionysius. Though this is not mentioned with so many words, the two reliefs, on a grave altar and on a marble plaque that once adorned the outside of the tomb, strongly suggest that they were a married couple. The relief on the grave altar (Figure 20a) portrays the couple clasping their right hands, in a gesture called dextrarum iunctio, which commonly, though not exclusively, denotes marriage. The large relief on the marble plaque (Figure 20b) represents the same couple in a different pose: the deceased lies on a couch, while his mournful wife sits at his feet. A little dog jumps up at her. This domestic setting, combined with the portrait heads, their Roman dress (tunica and toga for the husband and tunica and palla for the wife) and the gesture of the handclasp (dextrarum iunctio), identify the portrayed as a married couple and emphasise their new status as free Roman citizens. We do not know why their marriage is not mentioned in the inscriptions, but it seems likely that the inscriptions and visual images were meant to complement one another. Alternatively, they may have lived together in contubernium (see below under I C) and the reliefs were meant to improve reality rather than reflecting it.

To the departed spirits of Tiberius Claudius Dionysius. Claudia Prepontis made this for her well-deserving patron, for herself, [on the marble plaque adorning the outside of the tomb] and for their relatives and their descendants.

Further Reading Davies (2007) and (2018)

32 Passienia Gemella CIL 6, 23848 = CSIR GB 3, 2, 2, 104 Rome. AD 135–45 A damaged marble grave altar from a columbarium on the Via Appia was set up by a patron-husband for his wife and former slave, Passienia Gemella, their freeborn younger son and their elder son, who was also his freedman. This son was born when his mother was still a slave and therefore of unfree birth. Three busts carved in relief on the front above the inscription portray Passienia Gemella flanked by her two sons. Passienia Gemella wears a tunic and a palla (mantle). Her face shows signs of age. The boy on the left wears a tunica and a toga, the younger boy on the right is naked but for a chlamys (Greek mantle) over his shoulder. On the sides of the altar are two groups of a woman and a boy or youth embracing each other and, above, an eagle with spread wings (a symbol of apotheosis). CIL 6, 7275, on a funerary altar for Passienius Saturninus and his family, comes from the same tomb complex.

[Under the portrait busts] Lucius Passienius Saturninus set this up. [In the inscription panel] To the spirits of the departed. For Passienia Gemella, his dearest (carissima) and most compliant (obsequentissima) wife and

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(a)

(b)

Figure 20 Funerary reliefs of Claudia Prepontis and her patron-husband, Tiberius Claudius Dionysius (Vatican Museums inv. 9836 and 9830). Photos Arachne archive FA 1778-08_21604 and FA 1778-03_21601.

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freedwoman (coniunx et liberta) and for Lucius Passienius Doryphorus, his son, and Passienius Sabinus, his son and freedman, all most venerable.

33 Helvia Successa CIL 3, 11054 = RIU 2, 549 Brigetio, Pannonia Superior. AD 130–80 This badly worn, large limestone funerary stele (Figure 21) portrays three members of the family of Helvius Vitalis from the waist upwards. At the right side, Helvius Vitalis is depicted with a beard and paenula (a local hooded cloak). Left, his freedwoman and wife Helvia Successa wears a local tube dress and a mantle. Their son Florus in the middle seems to wear a tunic. On top: a head of Medusa between dolphins.

[Under the relief] To the spirits of the departed. [On the lower part of the stele] For Helvius Vitalis and for Florus, their son. Helvia Successa made this during her lifetime for her most dutiful patron and husband (patronus et coniunx) and for herself.

34 Acilia Plecusa CIL 2, 5, 784 = CIL 2, 2016 Singilia Barba, Hispania Baetica. AD 171–200 This honorific inscription on a statue base of Manius Acilius Fronto, a praefectus fabrum (officer engaged in military engineering) of equestrian rank, was set up by decree of the decurions of the city (municipium) Singilia Barba. Grateful for the honour of a statue for her patron and husband, his wife and freedwoman Acilia Plecusa reimbursed the expenses, which shows her to have been a woman of wealth. As the wife of a man of equestrian rank, she had risen from slavery to a position of high rank. She left her mark on the city by financing several public statues for relatives (see also CIL 2, 5, 795/6 and 802/3) as well as three statues in the forum for a couple of equestrian rank, whom she addresses as her best friends (amicus optimus and amica optima): CIL 2, 5, 780–2, see Chapter 4 no. 9. Her family tomb (Figure 22) and part of her funerary altar (CIL 2, 5, 830) have also been discovered.

For Manius Acilius Fronto from Singilia Barba, of the voting tribe Quirina, praefectus fabrum, the citizens of the municipium Singilia Barba set up this (statue) by decurial decree. Having accepted the honour for her patron and husband (patronus et maritus), Acilia Plecusa remitted the expenses.

35 Quartia Secundilla CIL 13, 2308 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Second century AD This epitaph on a tombstone was set up by a former slave for her patron-husband, who was an imperial freedman. Their relationship is made explicit by the words liberta et coniunx (freedwoman and wife).

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Figure 21 Limestone funerary stele from Brigetio, Pannonia. Komáron (Hungary), Klapka György Múzeum inv. 73.25.1. Lupa.at/784. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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Figure 22 Reconstruction of the family tomb of Acilia Plecusa in Singilia Barba. Municipal Museum of Antequera. Photo author.

To the spirits of the departed and the eternal memory of Quartius Ulpius Primitivus, freedman of the emperors. Quartia Secundilla, his freedwoman and wife (liberta et coniunx), set this up during her lifetime for her most dutiful patron, who was dearest to her and behaved well towards her, and for herself and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia). She lived with him for twenty-three years, seven months and twenty-five days; he lived forty-six years.

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36 Verinia Marina CIL 13, 1901 = Legio XXX, 142 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. AD 200–50 A limestone funerary altar was set up for a legionary veteran by his former slave and wife. He had been honourably discharged from the army, which means that he received a sum of money and certain privileges. Their four children dedicated the monument ‘under the axe’ (sub ascia), which is also depicted above the inscription.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Marcus Verinius Ursio, veteran honourably discharged from the Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix. Verinia Marina made this during her lifetime for her master (dominus), patron (patronus) and dearest husband (coniunx) and for herself. Verinia Ursa, Verinius Aeternus, Verinius Marinus and Verinius Victor, their children, commissioned this for their most dutiful father and dedicated it under the axe.

37 Freedwoman and heiress of a veteran CIL 13, 1842 = Legio XXX, 114 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. AD 200–50 A limestone funerary altar was set up for a legionary veteran by his freedwoman, who inherited her patron’s property and, as his heir, was responsible for his burial. The nature of their relationship is not indicated, but she may have been his partner. Her cognomen Pervinca was common in the northern provinces, which suggests that Aurelia Pervinca migrated to Lyon with her patron. Judging by their names, both may have received Roman citizenship by the Constitutio Antoniniana in AD 212. A small image of an axe (ascia) above the inscription confirms the last line of the inscription.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Marcus Aurelius Januarius, veteran of the Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix. Aurelia Pervinca, his freedwoman and heir, had this erected for her patron and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

Female Owners Marrying their Former Slaves As has been mentioned above, marriages between mistresses and their former slaves were rare and, unlike those between masters and their female slaves, usually harshly condemned. This held especially when there was a great difference in status between the spouses – for instance, if a wealthy woman of high rank considered marrying one of her ex-slaves. Most cases recorded in inscriptions, however, concern freedwomen freeing a slave co-worker for the purpose of marriage or other women of modest means and status (see also Chapter 3 no. 57). Further Reading Evans-Grubbs (1993)

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38 Caesia Veientana CIL 6, 14014 Rome. Imperial period This incomplete epitaph was set up by a freed slave for his wife, who was also his former owner.

To the spirits of the departed. Caesius Coriscus set this up for Caesia Veientana, his patroness and wife (patrona et coniunx), [. . .].

39 Julia Secunda CIL 6, 20673 Rome. Imperial period An inscription on a marble plaque commemorates the freedwoman Julia Secunda who manumitted and married her former slave.

To the spirits of the departed. Trophimus, her freedman and partner (libertus et vir) set this up for Julia Secunda, freedwoman of Julius Onesimus.

40 Octavia Maximilla CIL 6, 35973 = MNR 1, 7, 1, 3 Rome. Late first–early second century AD In this inscription on a marble stele a former slave commorates his patroness-wife.

To the spirits of the departed. Marcus Octavius Helius made this for Octavia Maximilla, his patroness and also his well-deserving wife (patrona idem coniunx), and for their descendants.

41 Silvana Patricia CIL 12, 682a Arelate, Gallia Narbonensis. Third century AD A sarcophagus was made by a freedman for his former owner and wife (domina et uxor). He records his manumission as a favour (beneficium) from her.

[. . .] Nero set this up while alive for himself and for Silvana Patricia, his mistress and wife (domina et uxor), a most dutiful (pientissima) woman. Because of her favour (beneficium), he lived thirty years after his manumission without displeasure.

I C Relationships and Achievements of Freedwomen Whether married according to Roman law or living together informally in contubernium or concubinatus (unmarried partnership), freed couples shared the marital ideals of the elite (see Chapter 1). Though not a legal marriage,

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cohabiting in contubernium was considered perfectly respectable among freed people and slave couples often continued to address each other as contubernales after manumission, though they were now entitled to lawful marriage and the use of the word coniunx (legally wedded partner). Inversely, slave couples might address each other as lawful spouse (coniunx), though, as slaves, they did not qualify for a marriage under Roman law. Some men, however, made distinctions between successive partners, marrying the first but living together informally with the second or third partner. Occasionally, more unusual relationships are recorded on stone, such as that of Allia Potestas and her two lovers (below no. 53). Because of their training as slaves and the support they received from their patrons, freedwomen were often successful in various trades, thus dominating the funerary inscriptions of professional women in Rome (Chapter 3). Two freedwomen, who left remarkable records of their wealth and education on their tombs, will be included here (nos. 51 and 52).

42 A wife and a concubine CIL 1, 2527a Rome. 100–70 BC Two freedwomen recorded on the outside of a large tomb on the Via Statilia in Rome were indicated as the wife (uxor) and concubine (concubina) of the freedman Publius Quinctius. We may suppose that, after the death of his first wife, who had been his fellow slave, Publius Quinctius did not marry again, but lived together with his freedwoman Quinctia Agate as his unmarried partner.

Publius Quinctius, freedman of Titus, copyist (librarius). Quinctia, freedwoman of Titus, his wife (uxor). Quinctia Agate, freedwoman of Publius, his freedwoman and concubine (liberta concubina). This tomb does not pass to the heirs.

43 Fellow freedwomen CIL 6, 18524 Rome. Late first century BC–early first century AD A marble relief shows two women clasping right hands in a gesture called dextrarum iunctio (Figure 23). This handshake gesture usually served to symbolise marital harmony (see Chapter 1), but it could occasionally be used to express friendship and other relationships of trust. The women are identified by the inscription as two freedwomen of the same female owner, who were buried in two adjacent urns owned by Fonteia Helena. We may assume that they were not only fellow freedwomen but also friends or perhaps a mother and her daughter. However, the left portrait, that of Eleusis, was probably recut from the portrait of a man. The face shows distinct male traits and the hairstyle is sketchily reworked. Thus, the relief originally depicted a married couple and was later re-used for the burial of the two freedwomen by superficially re-cutting the male portrait.

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Figure 23 Funerary relief of two freedwomen clasping their right hands. British Museum inv. 1973, 0109. Photo Egisto Sani.

Fonteia Eleusis, freedwoman of a woman. The urn is given her by Fonteia Helena, freedwoman of a woman.

44 Unmarried partners CIL 6, 12023 Rome. Mid-first century AD A richly adorned marble funerary altar commemorates two former slaves from the same household, who probably had been partners (contubernales) during slavery and continued to use this term after their manumission. As a slave, the wife had nursed their former owner’s son (for wet nurses see Chapter 3).

Marcus Antonius Tyrannus set this up for himself and for his partner (contubernalis) Antonia Arete, wet nurse (nutrix) of Marcus Antonius Florus.

45 A freed Greek couple IGUR 826 = IG 14, 856 Rome. Imperial period A Greek epitaph on a marble plaque from a columbarium in Rome shows a Greek freedwoman of a Gaius Octavius setting up this funerary inscription for a Greek freedman, who in all likelihood was her partner (though the inscription does not

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explicitly say so). Their Greek cognomina and the fact that the inscription is in Greek suggests that they came to Rome as slaves from the Greek-speaking world.

Octavia Oikoumene, freedwoman (apeleuthera) of Gaius, (made this tomb) for Publius Fulvius Blastus, freedman of Publius.

46 Worthy of two successive ‘husbands’ CIL 6, 7873 Rome. AD 31–70 A marble plaque from a columbarium with a verse epitaph commemorates a freedwoman of an Octavia (possibly of the imperial family), who had been the ‘wife’ of two slaves.

Asphale Octavia lived thirty-three years and eight months. [In verse] Here I lie, wife (coniunx) of Cratius and Hilarius, named Asphale, in morals and life a girl worthy of her husbands.

47 Marital ideals: dialogue of a freed couple CIL 6, 12652 = IGUR 3, 1250 Rome. AD 41–68 On a large, richly adorned marble funerary altar a bilingual (Greek and Latin) verse epitaph was inscribed for Claudia Homonoea by her partner, who had been freed by a freedman of the emperor Tiberius. Judging by her family name, Claudia Homonoea may have been freed by a member of the imperial family during the reign of Claudius or Nero. Their elaborate grave monument reflects the wealth and priviliged position of imperial freedmen and their families. Their Greek cognomina and the Greek verses punning on her Greek name Homonoia (concord) suggest a Greek background. She is addressed as contubernalis, though the freed status of both partners entitled them to a legal Roman marriage. Along with other Roman epitaphs for wives (see Chapter 1), the inscription shares an emphasis on the beauty and traditional virtues of the wife and on the harmony of the marriage. More unusually, the bilingual inscription was set up as a conversation between the partners and a passer-by. On the left side of the altar, there is a dialogue between the deceased and a passer-by. The deceased is made to list her virtues and qualities, which are presented as the gifts of various deities. On the right side her husband mourns her death, vainly expressing his desire to give his life for that of his wife. He is consoled by his wife, who urges him to stop mourning and enjoy a long life, adding her lost years to his future life.

[Front] Atimetus Anterotianus, freedman of Pamphilus, freedman of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, set this up for himself and for Claudia Homonoea, his fellow freedwoman and partner (contubernalis). [Homonoea speaking in Greek verse] Much sweeter-voiced than the Sirens and at drinking-parties and feasts more golden than Kypris (i.e. Aphrodite) herself, I, Homonoea, chatty and cheerful swallow, lie here leaving tears to Atimetus, to

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whom I was pleasing from my early youth onwards, but an unforeseen demon scattered this great love of ours. [Below, in Latin] By permission of the patron. [Dimensions of the tomb] 5 feet wide, 4 feet deep. [Left, Homonoea speaking to the passer-by in Latin verse] You who passes by with untroubled mind, briefly halt your step, I beg you, and read a few words. I, the very Homonoea who was preferred over illustrious girls, am buried in this small tomb. To me the Paphian (i.e. Venus) gave beauty, the Charites grace and Pallas (Athena) instructed me in all arts. My span of life had not yet seen twice ten (i.e. twenty) years when the jealous Fates laid hands on me. It is not for myself that I complain: the grief of Atimetus, my husband, is more sorrowful to me than death itself. [Passer-by speaking] May the earth rest lightly upon you, woman most worthy in life, you who once enjoyed your possessions. [Right, Atimetus in Latin verse] If the cruel Fates would permit the weighing of souls and if survival could be bought by another’s death, I would willingly have exchanged the time of my life for you, my dear Homonoea, however little is due to me. But now, as much as I can, I will shun the light of life and the gods in order to follow you over the Styx in a speedy death. [Right, Homonoea in Latin verse]Do not batter your youth by crying, husband, or disturb my fate by mourning. Tears are of no use nor can the Fates be moved. We have lived; this end is the same for everyone. Spare yourself so as never to experience a similar sorrow and may all divine powers favour your prayers. And may whatever my premature death has snatched away from my youth prolong your life, so that you will live longer.

48 A freedman mourning his two wives, one of them killed by witchcraft CIL 3, 2197 Salona, Dalmatia. Mid-first century AD Two epitaphs were carved on a monumental portrait stele of the Attius family. The text consists of three parts: the name of the dedicator and those of the deceased are followed by a verse epitaph in which the husband mourns his deceased wife, Attia Secunda. Both had been slaves of the same family, but their children were freeborn. Their expensive portrait stele shows that they were well-to-do. It seems the wife died first, followed by their children, leaving the husband alone mourning his deceased wife and children, and lamenting that he should have died before them. In the damaged niche above the inscriptions four semi-figures were displayed portraying the parents with their sons in front of them, all clad in Roman dress. Carved on the base of the stele, beneath the field of the original inscription, is an epitaph for the dedicator’s freedwoman and probable second wife, Attia Ampliata, also partly in verse. At the age of twenty-three, she died a

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slow death after having been ill for a year and five months, for which her patron blames unnamed sorceresses (see Chapter 4).

Marcus Attius Faustus, freedman of Marcus, made this while alive for himself and for Attia Secunda, freedwoman of Marcus, his venerable wife (sancta coniunx), and for Marcus Attius Crispus, son of Marcus, and Marcus Attius Secundus, son of Marcus. [In verse] I believe I have shed enough tears over the loss of my wife and have endured enough of the power of the gods and I have borne this heavily, but now alone and childless, having lost my sons, I weep over my very great loss. I swear to the gods that a father set up a gift to his sons that his sons ought to have set up for their father (i.e. a tomb). [Below] Attia Ampliata, freedwoman of Marcus, twenty-three years old, lies here. [In verse] In the flourish of her youth, sorceresses (veneficae) suppressed her and when she had been ill for a year and five months, she was snatched from youthful age into the caverns of infernal Dis (i.e. the Underworld). This inscription Faustus set up for his freedwoman.

49 An imperial freedwoman marrying a freedman and a slave CIL 14, 2469 Castrimoenium, Italy (1). Late first century AD A large marble plaque marked the tomb of the imperial freedwoman Flavia Marcella. Judging by her name, she was freed by one of the Flavian emperors. She built the tomb for herself and for her two successive husbands: a freedman and a slave of the emperor. Though the latter could not legally marry, he is addressed as her husband (coniunx). It is a sign of the relatively high esteem of imperial slaves and freedpersons that the burial place was granted by decurial decree.

Flavia Marcella, freedwoman of the emperor, made this for herself and for her husband Alcimus, freedman of the emperor, and for Martialis, (slave) of our Caesar, her excellent husband, and for her freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. The location was donated by decree of the decurials of Castrimoenium.

50 A concubine of uncertain status CIL 5, 5172 = ILS 8553 Bergomum, Italy (11). Second century AD An incomplete epitaph on a marble plaque commemorates a freeborn man and his concubine. Apparently, the unknown commissioner of the tomb was uncertain whether she was a slave or a freedwoman, which may have been of no consequence to him, as she is indicated as concubina in either case. The fact that she has her husband/master’s name might suggest that she was manumitted.

To the spirits of the departed. For Septimius Fortunatus, son of Gaius, and Septimia, his concubine (concubina), whether his slave or his freedwoman.

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51 Licinia Eucharis, an accomplished freed girl CIL 6, 10096 = ILS 5213 Rome. Late first century BC–early first century AD This verse epitaph on a large marble funerary plaque commemorates the freedwoman (Licinia) Eucharis, who died at the age of fourteen. She may have been freed on her deathbed by her aristocratic female owner, Licinia, but her father set up her tomb. Her slave name Eucharis means ‘charming’ or ‘graceful’, which may allude to her graceful dancing. She is praised for her cultural accomplishments and especially for dancing as the ‘first’ (prima, which like our ‘prima donna’ may mean that she had the leading part) in Greek plays in ‘the games of the nobles’. These probably were privately funded festivals to celebrate the dedication of a building or to add lustre to an elite funeral. The epitaph, part of which presents her as speaking in the first person, praises her skills and education in all arts and laments her premature death.

Eucharis, freedwoman of Licinia, a learned maiden (docta virgo) accomplished (erodita) in all the arts, lived fourteen years. [In verse] Alas, you who with wandering eye watches the homes of death, pause your step and read our epitaph. This is what the love of a parent gave to his daughter, where the remains of her body lie. [Eucharis speaks] While my life blossomed with youthful arts and with growing age rose to glory, the sorrowful hour of my fate hurried near and denied me a further breath of life. Learned (docta), educated (erodita) almost by the hand of the Muses, I only recently gave lustre to the games of the nobles with my dancing and appeared before the public on the Greek stage as the ‘first’. See, now in this tomb the hostile Fates (Parcae) have laid the ashes of my body to rest with chant. My devotion for my patroness, my care, love, renown and esteem are mute, silenced by my cremated body and death. I, his daughter, left tears to my father and, though born later, I preceded him in the day of my death. Twice seven birthdays are held here with me among the shades in the eternal home of Dis (i.e. the Underworld). [To the passer-by] When leaving, I beg you, pray that the earth may rest lightly upon me.

52 Naevoleia Tyche, a wealthy freedwoman CIL 10, 1030 = ILS 6373 Pompeii, Italy (1). Mid-first century AD A large, richly decorated tomb in the shape of a funerary altar outside the Herculaneum Gate of Pompeii shows the portrait bust of Naevoleia Tyche, as if looking out of a window, with her name in large letters at the head of the inscription (Figure 24). She built the tomb for herself, for her husband, the freedman Gaius Munatius Faustus, and for their freed slaves. Under the inscription a distribution of grain is depicted, probably a benefaction by her husband, which may have been the reason that a bisellium (a double honorific seat in the theatre) was granted him ‘for his merits’. On the right side, the bisellium itself is depicted and on the left a ship, which may refer to shipbuilding or overseas trade as the

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Figure 24 Detail of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche in Pompeii. Photo D-DAI-ROM-77.2085 (Christoph Rossa).

basis of their wealth. There is another, simpler, tomb at the Nucerian Gate set up by Gaius Munatius Faustus for himself and his wife Naevoleia Tyche. Naevoleia may have built the second, grander tomb when the honour of a bisellium was granted to her husband.

Naevoleia Tyche, freedwoman of Lucius, made this for herself and for Gaius Munatius Faustus, Augustalis and suburban official, for whom the decurions, with the consent of the people, decreed the honour of a bisellium because of his merits. Naevoleia Tyche made this monument during her lifetime for her freedmen and freedwomen and for those of Gaius Munatius Faustus.

Further Reading Koortbojian (1996) 223–5; Petersen (2006) 65–9 and 74.

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53 Allia Potestas, a freedwoman living together with two men CIL 6, 37965 Rome. Second half of the second century AD? This large marble plaque (Figure 25), which was once attached to a funerary monument (five holes for nails are preserved) of uncertain date, contains a verse epitaph of fifty lines, divided into two columns, for the freedwoman Allia Potestas. Her name is carved in large letters above the main text. At the bottom of the panel there is a warning against violation of the tomb. The long verse epigram praises Allia Potestas for her traditional matronal virtues and for her physical qualities. Though Roman women might be praised on their tombs for their beauty and charm, this epitaph is unusual in its erotic description of her body: her eyes, hair, face, the colour of her skin, her legs and breasts are all described in loving detail, with allusions to Roman lovepoetry (for instance Ov. Am. 1.5.17ff., Tr. 1.6.35). In this, she is raised to a superhuman level: her legs are compared to those of the swift-footed virgin huntress from Greek mythology, Atalanta. Moreover, some terms of praise (fortis, tenax) are uncommon for women and some, such as that she was ‘very well known to the populace’ (notissima volgo), are in direct contrast to the traditional reticence expected of women (see Chapter 1 nos. 7 and 10). Apart from this, the inscription reveals that Allia Potestas lived together harmoniously with two lovers at the same time (see also CIL 6, 21200), who under her guidance became like Pylades and Orestes, the emblems of male friendship of Greek mythology. One of them was her former owner and dedicator of these verses. There are several difficulties in this unusual epitaph, which are open to more than one interpretation. For instance, the remark that she ‘never considered herself a free woman’ may suggest that it was considered preposterous or arrogant for freedwomen to behave as if they were freeborn (for a freed person, it was against the law to claim free birth) or that she did not change her way of life after being freed. Similarly, exiguo sermone, here translated as ‘sparing in her speech’, may also be interpreted in the sense that there was little speech about her. To assuage his grief for her death, her patron-lover clung to her portrait (a bust or a painting?), revering it and adorning it with garlands of flowers. After his death, the portrait was to follow him into his tomb. He also seems to have worn a golden bracelet with her name engraved in it, perhaps punning on her cognomen Potestas (power), indicating that she kept her power over him also after her death. The last lines warn against violating the tomb.

[In large letters on top] To the departed spirits of Allia Potestas, freedwoman of Aulus. [Left hand column] Here lies a woman from Perusia, who was the most precious of all. One could hardly find any other woman who was as industrious. In this small jar you are now held, great though you were. ‘Cruel master of Fate and pitiless Persephone, why do you deprive us of good things and why does evil prevail?’ This is asked by all; I am already weary of answering. They offer tears, kind signs of their feeling. She was firm (fortis), venerable (sancta), steadfast (tenax), blameless (insons), a most trustworthy guardian,

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Figure 25 Marble plaque of the tomb of Allia Potestas in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 58694. Photo author.

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elegant at home and elegant enough outdoors, very well known to the populace (notissima volgo). She was the only one who could cope with all occurrences. Sparing in her speech, she remained without blame. She was first to get out of bed and the last to go to bed after she had put everything in its place. Her wool work (lana) never left her hands without good reason. No woman surpassed her in obedience (obsequium) and her morals were sound. She was not self-satisfied and never considered herself a free woman. She was white-skinned with beautiful eyes and golden hair and there was always an ivory lustre on her face – they say that no mortal ever had such a face – and on her snow-white breast the shape of her nipple was delicate. What about her legs? The appearance of Atalanta was comic compared to her. Restless, she did not stand still, but beautiful in her bounteous body she kept her limbs smooth, having sought out every hair. Perhaps you would find fault with her for her rough hands: nothing pleased her unless she herself had done it for herself. [Right hand column] She had no eagerness to know (others?); she considered herself sufficient to herself. She remained without(?) bad reputation (infamis), because she had never committed any wrong. During her life, she guided her two young lovers in such a way that they became like the example of Pylades and Orestes. One house held them both together and they were of one spirit. Now, after her death, they grow old separately, each by himself. What such a woman built up, a short period of time now spoils. Look at Troy, what a woman once did! Let it be justified, I pray, to use such grand examples for a small matter. These verses your patron, who weeps without end, offers as a last service to you whom he has lost, but who is never out of his heart. To be offered those gifts, he believes, is agreeable to those who are lost. After you, no woman seemed good (proba) to him; he who lives without you sees his own funeral while alive. In gold, he carries your name back and forth on his arm, by which Potestas, held in gold, can keep hold (of him). Yet, so much power as our praises will have, so long you will live on in my little verses. In your place, I keep as a consolation your image, which we solemnly worship and to which many wreaths of flowers are given. And whenever I shall come to you, the image will follow in my train. But, unhappy me, to whom can I entrust so solemn a duty? If there is someone to whom I can consign such a task, I shall perhaps be happy for this sole reason, though having lost you. Woe is me! You have won; my fate is your doing. [Below] Whoever will be able to violate this tomb, also dared to trespass against the gods. Believe me: she who is distinguished by this inscription has divine power (numen).

Further Reading Hope (2011)

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I D Ownership and Legal Issues This section groups together various categories of slaves, such as slaves owned by the city or by other slaves, and other legal issues: a lawsuit about a woman’s legal status and the different requirements of the Augustan ius liberorum for women of freeborn and freed status.

54 ‘Public’ freedwomen CIL 2, 14, 378 = CIL 2, 6027 = IRSAT 204 Saguntum, Hispania Tarraconensis. First half of the first century AD A limestone funerary plaque, re-used in the city wall, was set up for two public freedwomen; in view of the difference in letters, they were probably not buried at the same time. Their common name, Publicia, together with the addition ‘freedwoman of the municipium of Saguntum’, demonstrates that, as slaves, they had served the city. Public slaves (servi publici) were usually males (Chapter 5 no. 47). They were owned by the city and employed as attendants of magistrates and priests, as custodians of public buildings or in other public tasks. When manumitted by the city, they received the name Publicius or, when female, Publicia. The cognomen Sacerdos is rare and may perhaps point to a slave with a ritual function; Acirtilla is a Latinised Iberian name.

Publicia Sacerdos, freedwoman of Saguntum. Publicia Acirtilla, freedwoman of the city (municipium) of Saguntum, aged thirty.

55 The purchase of a female slave AE 2003, 1016 = AE 2005, 893 Londinium, Britannia. Late first–early second century AD A wooden tablet from the centre of London (near the decumanus maximus), which was originally part of a triptych, records the purchase of a female slave by a sub-slave (vicarius) of a slave of the emperor. The girl or young woman stemmed from the territory of the Diablintes in north-western Gaul (see Chapter 4 on travel and migration). The imperial sub-slave Vegetus probably bought her in London for the substantial sum of 600 denarii (2,400 sesterces) using money informally entrusted to him by his master (peculium). He may have bought her for his personal service, but the emperor was the legal owner of all three of them (Vegetus, Montanus and the girl). The text follows the standard procedure for the sale of a slave (cf. Dig. 21.1), guaranteeing the health and good behaviour of the slave and promising reimbursement of the sale price if anyone else has a legal claim to her. Since the last part of the text is a reconstruction based on standard legal formulae about reimbursement and other technical details, it will not be translated here.

Vegetus, sub-slave (vicarius) of Montanus, the slave of Imperator Augustus and former sub-slave of Jucundus, bought and received by formal purchase the girl (puella) Fortunata, or by whatever other name she is known, by birth a Diablintian, from Albicianus [. . .] for 600 denarii. And it is declared that the girl in question is handed over in a healthy condition, that she does not wander

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about or run away, and that if anyone has a claim on the girl in question or on any share in her, so that thereby Vegetus, sub-slave of Montanus, slave of the emperor, has less [text breaks off].

Further Reading Tomlin (2003)

The Slaves of Slaves Though slaves could not legally own property, masters might allow some of their slaves to keep part of their earnings as de facto property (peculium), thus giving them the opportunity to eventually buy their own freedom from their savings. Some of these privileged slaves bought their own slaves, who helped them in their work or were hired out to others for profit. Such slave-owned slaves, or sub-slaves, were called vicarii. As we saw in the preceding inscription, also vicarii might buy their own slaves.

56 An anonymous sub-slave CIL 6, 21695 Rome. Imperial period During her brief life, this anonymous female slave of the slave Compsenus moved between three cities in central Italy. A freedman, possibly of the same owner as Compsenus, set up her tomb.

Publius Luscius Nedymus, freedman of Publius, set this up for the sub-slave (vicaria) of Compsenus. She was born in Picenum, reared in Rome and died in Praeneste. She lived twenty years.

57 Euterpe AE 1993, 913 Emerita Augusta, Lusitania. Early second century AD This epitaph on a broken piece of marble commemorates a female sub-slave of a Lucius Arruntius Stella, who may be related to the like-named consul suffectus of AD 101, the patron-friend of Statius (Silv. 1.2) and Martial (Ep. 1.7, 5.11, 6.21 and 7.14).

Euterpe, sub-slave (vicaria) of Protarchus, the slave of Lucius Arruntius Stella, aged sixteen, lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you.

Freed or Freeborn? The Legal Status of Petronia Justa Due to the nature of ancient manumission and record keeping, confusion about the freeborn or freed status of persons of slave descent must have been common. However, a series of waxed writing-tablets from the House of the Bicentenary in Herculaneum is our only evidence for a lawsuit about this question. It concerns a woman called Petronia Justa, who claimed freeborn status arguing that her mother Petronia Vitalis had been manumitted before she (i.e. Petronia Justa)

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was born. Since a child born after the manumission of the mother was freeborn (which was legally advantageous), Petronia Justa claimed freeborn status for herself. The former owners of Petronia Vitalis, Petronius Stephanus and his wife Calatoria Themis, claimed that Petronia Justa had been born before the manumission of her mother, and was therefore born a slave. For some reason, her mother had left Petronia Justa with her (former) owners who, according to their point of view, brought her up as a slave and later manumitted her. If so, this must have been done informally, since they apparently had no document to prove the manumission. Since informal manumission would have given Petronia Justa the disadvantaged status of a Junian Latin, who lacked full citizen rights, it was worthwhile for her to try and claim freeborn status. On the wax tablets she is indicated as ‘she who claims to be Petronia Justa, daughter of Spurius’. If true, this means that her father was unknown or at least not formally married to her mother and that, therefore, Petronia Justa was of free, but illegitimate, birth. As a consequence of her illegitimacy, she had no birth certificate to prove her free birth. One might speculate that her mother’s former owner, Petronius Stephanus, was also her father. By the time of the lawsuit, however, both Petronia Vitalis and Petronius Stephanus seem to have died and Petronia Justa brought the action against Calatoria Themis. The dossier of eighteen waxed wooden tablets contains sureties guaranteeing the appearance of the defendant before the urban praetor in Rome on a given day (vadimonia) and sworn declarations (testimonia) of witnesses for both sides. It does not reveal the outcome of the lawsuit, which continues to be disputed.

Further Reading Gardner (1986); Lintott (2002) 560–5; Metzger (2000); Weaver (1991)

58 Surety for appearance in court AE 1951, 215 = TH 14 Herculaneum, Italy (1). 7 September AD 75 Two waxed wooden tablets from Herculaneum, now in the Museum of Naples, document vadimonia, sureties for the appearance of the defendant, Calatoria Themis, and her legal guardian before the urban praetor at Rome. The surety involved a bail of 1,000 sesterces pledged by the defendant and her legal guardian, to be paid out if the defendant or her guardian failed to turn up at the appointed time and place. The translated text is written on the outside of the triptych, which replicates the text of the interior (pages 2 and 3).

A surety (vadimonium) is made for Calatoria Themis (to appear) on the coming 3 December at Rome in the forum of Augustus before the tribunal of the urban praetor at the second hour. She who claims to be Petronia Justa, daughter of an unknown father (Spurius), has stipulated 1,000 sesterces to be given. Calatoria Themis has promised on the authority of her guardian (tutor) Gaius Petronius Telesphorus. A surety is made for Gaius Petronius Telesphorus

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for that (same) day, place and hour. Petronia Justa has stipulated a promise of 1,000 sesterces to be given. Gaius Petronius Telesphorus has promised. Transacted on 7 September when Gaius Pomponius and Lucius Manlius Patruinus were consuls.

59 Witness in support of Petronia Justa AE 1951, 217 = TH 20 Herculaneum, Italy (1). AD 75 As appears from this tablet, Petronia Vitalis had asked Calatoria Themis to give her back her daughter, who had been brought up by her former owners. As appears from TH 16, not translated here, she offered payment for her maintenance. The translated text is written on the inside of the triptych (pages 2 and 3). This text was replicated on the outside.

I, Quintus Tamudius Optatus, have written and sworn by the Genius of the Emperor Vespasianus Caesar Augustus and his sons that I was present with Petronia Vitalis when she had a discussion with Calatoria Themis about the girl, her daughter. There I heard Petronius Stephanus, the husband of (Calatoria) Themis, saying to Petronia Vitalis: ‘Why do you envy us your daughter when we are treating her like a daughter (filiae loco)?’ From this I know that the woman, about whom the lawsuit is held, is Petronia Vitalis’ freeborn (ingenua) daughter, which is the matter at issue. [page 4] Testimony of Quintus Tamudius Optatus.

60 Witness in support of Calatoria Themis TH 24 Herculaneum, Italy (1). AD 75 An illiterate freedman of Calatoria Themis declares that Petronia Justa, here indicated as ‘the girl’, had been manumitted together with himself, which implies that she was a freedwoman (instead of freeborn). The translated text is written on the inside of the triptych (pages 2 and 3). On page 4 follows the name of the man giving testimony and the remains of the names of seven witnesses.

I, Mammius [further name lost] have written at the request of Marcus Calatorius Marullus, in his presence, because he says that he himself is illiterate, that he has sworn by the Genius of the Emperor Vespasian Augustus and his sons that: ‘I know that Calatoria Themis manumitted the girl together with me. From this I know that the girl is the freedwoman of Calatoria Themis’, which is the matter at issue. [Page 4, left side] Testimony of Marcus Calatorius Marullus.

The Privileges of Roman Citizenship: The Augustan Ius Liberorum A few inscriptions record that a woman had acquired the Augustan ‘right of children’ (ius liberorum), which freed women sui iuris (without a living pater familias) from guardianship when they had borne three or four children. These women thus had full legal capacity as property owners without the need for a

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guardian’s approval, which allowed them for instance to manumit slaves and to sell, or otherwise dispose of, land and houses (or tombs) in Italy. The ius liberorum also enabled married couples to inherit fully from one another by will, and women having the ius liberorum had more rights to inherit the property of their deceased children. The right was occasionally granted by the emperor as a privilege to couples who were childless against their will (Chapter 6 no. 21). For a freedwoman this right was much more difficult to acquire than for a freeborn woman, not only because she had to bear four children instead of three, but also because these children had to be borne after her manumission. Though many freeborn women must have qualified for the ius liberorum at some stage of their lives (especially if the law required three live births rather than three living children), it is not often recorded on their tombs. For more examples besides those translated below, see, in Rome and Ostia: CIL 6, 10246 (Septimia Dionisias ius liberorum habens), IPOstie-A, 208 (Pomponia Rufina, qu(a)e trium liberorum ius habet), CIL 6, 7511, CIL 6, 10247 and, in the Danube provinces: CIL 3, 755, AE 1988, 1006. See for male holders of the right: CIL 5, 1768 and CIL 8, 4573.

Further Reading Evans-Grubbs (2002b) 41–2; Gardner (1990) and (1993) 85–109; Kelly (2017); Morrell (forthcoming); Treggiari (1991) 66–80

61 A woman in Pannonia sporting the ius liberorum AE 2003, 1453 Vetus Salina, Pannonia Inferior. AD 193–235 An epitaph on a limestone plaque that has survived in fragments commemorates Valeria Aemilia, who had acquired the ius trium liberorum and the right to wear the stola. This assimilated her to a femina/matrona stolata, a title granted to women of the decurial or equestrian elite. Her husband was a military tribune of equestrian rank, who judging by his Greek cognomen, stemmed from the Greek East. On her tomb, her children are explicitly recorded as equestrians. The fact that husband and wife share the same family name, however, suggests that one of them may have been of unfree birth.

To the spirits of the departed. Valeria Aemilia, adorned with the use of the stola and the right of three children (trium liberorum), mother of Roman knights, lived thirty-seven years. Valerius Timotheus, tribune of the third cohort of Batavians, set this up for his most devoted (pientissima) wife.

62 A Jewish woman in Tomi with the ius liberorum IScM 2, 367 = IIFDR 17 = AE 1976, 616 Tomi, Moesia Inferior. AD 212–330 An inscription on a limestone stele that is broken into two parts commemorates Aurelia Sambatis who died at the age of twenty-five after having already acquired

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the right of (three) children. The name Aurelia suggests that the family received Roman citizenship by the Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212, but an earlier date cannot be excluded. Her Jewish cognomen Sambatis suggests that she was Jewish. The damaged relief above the inscription depicts three persons: left, the husband with a book-roll; right, the wife dressed in tunic and mantle; and, between them, their daughter. If this reflects the family of Aurelia Sambatis, she presumably received the ius trium liberorum as a privilege from the emperor, which is an additional reason to proudly record it on her tomb.

To the spirits of the departed. Aurelia Sambatis, having the right of children (ius liberorum), lived twenty-five years, five months and twelve days. She gave back her spirit; her husband Victorinus laments for her. Traveller, greetings and farewell.

63 A freedwoman with the ius liberorum CIL 6, 1877 = ILS 1910 Rome. AD 73 An inscribed funerary tumulus was set up by the freedman Persicus for his freed wife, Cornelia Zosima, and their freeborn son, Gaius Cornelius Persicus, who had acquired equestrian rank (indicated by the ‘public horse’). Cornelia Zosima had received the ‘right of four children’ (ius quattuor liberorum) as a favour from the emperor Domitian. Only the relevant part of this inscription has been translated.

Persicus, a freedman [. . .] set this up for his son C. Cornelius Persicus, who had the public horse (equus publicus), and for his mother Cornelia Zosima, who had the right of four children (ius quattuor liberorum) by a favour (beneficium) of the emperor, and for their freedmen and freedwomen and their children and for their descendants.

II | Citizenship and Ethnicity The Roman Empire comprised a multitude of different people. During the first two centuries AD more and more of them received Roman citizenship. The army, the cities and civic elites were the main channels through which Roman citizenship was spread until the Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212 gave Roman citizenship to all freeborn inhabitants of the empire. In the regions along the northern and western frontiers of the Roman Empire, we find especially in the first two centuries AD non-Roman citizens adopting Roman burial customs (a stone grave marker with a relief and an inscription in Latin) but at the same time underlining their ethnic identity by their local dress or the record of their ethnic origin in the inscription. In this, women more often than men displayed indigenous dress and jewellery or a mixture of indigenous and Roman dress. However, the opposite (the man in native dress and the woman in Roman tunica, stola and palla) also occurs. This has triggered a lively debate

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about the possible reasons for women’s more frequent display of local clothing on their tombs, varying from women’s orientation towards the home and family to a deliberate choice to show their ethnic identity and to underline their wealth and (high) social status within their own group. Unlike the more standardised Roman dress, indigenous dresses with their various types of bonnets and costly jewels more adequately displayed fine grades of hierarchy in wealth, position and age. Moreover, they did not constitute a static ‘costume’ but, in addition to regional diversity, showed distinct changes over time and elements of fashion.

Further Reading Carroll (2013) and (2015); Hemelrijk (2014); Rothe (2009), (2012a), (2012b) and (2013).

64 Menimane and Blussus CIL 13, 7067 = CSIR D 2, 6, 2 Mogontiacum, Germania Superior. AD 14–54 This large limestone grave stele (Figure 26) with two almost-identical inscriptions on the front and rear portrays a Treveran couple and their son. It was commissioned by the wife on the occasion of her husband’s death. Their home-born slave (verna), with the indigenous name Satto, was buried with them, but he is mentioned only in the inscription on the front. The age of the wife is missing; it may have been painted in the space left open for it. The indigenous names of the couple and those of their fathers reveal their local background and lack of Roman citizenship. The Roman-style grave marker and the inscription in Latin, on the other hand, advertise their Romanness. The relief on the front shows the couple in local dress. Menimane wears a tight under-tunic with long, close-fitting sleeves, an over-tunic pinned at the shoulders with fibulae (brooches for fastening garments) and a cloak fastened at one shoulder. She wears a native bonnet and, around her neck, a torques (twisted neck ring, often of gold) with a disc pendant and a scarf or ruffled collar. In her left hand she holds a spindle and distaff, and in the other hand a round object, which may be a ball of wool. She has a small dog on her lap. Blussus is dressed in a Gallic tunic and a native hooded cloak, and wears boots. He wears a scarf around his neck and has a money bag in his hand. The relief at the rear of the stele showing a cargo ship illustrates his profession as a maritime trader. The bust of the boy between them, presumably their son Primus, displays a Gallic tunic or a Roman tunica and in his hand a round object, possibly a bulla showing his free birth and Roman citizenship. Thus, the relief advertises the wealth of the couple, their high status within their ethnic group and their successful adoption of Roman customs and (matronal) values.

Blussus, son of Atusirus, sailor, seventy-five years old, lies here. Menimane, daughter of Brigio, [. . .] years old, his wife, made this while alive (also) for herself. [Only on the front] Satto, home-born slave (verna), [. . .] years old, lies here. Primus, their son, set this up for his parents in return for their dutifulness (pietas).

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Figure 26 Limestone funerary stele of Menimane and Blussus from Mogontiacum. Landesmuseum Mainz, inv. S 146. Photo GDKE, Landesmuseum Mainz (Ursula Rudischer).

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65 Louba, a Ubian woman CIL 13, 8565 Novaesium, Germania Inferior. Before AD 50 The upper part of a limestone funerary stele, which shows part of an unidentified animal, is broken off. The epitaph commemorates a woman called Louba, a local name meaning ‘beloved’. Judging by her non-Roman name and the superficially Latinised name of her father, Louba was of indigenous birth, which is confirmed by the addition that she was an Ubian woman (Ubia). Her husband had Roman citizenship, as is underlined by his voting tribe. Possibly he had been a Roman soldier serving at Novaesium, which was one of the main Roman camps along the limes in the Rhineland. If so, he may have been a veteran at the time of Louba’s death, since Roman soldiers in active service were not allowed to marry, but she may also have been his partner outside formal Roman marriage.

Louba, daughter of Gastinasus, a Ubian woman, lies here. Quintus Cornelius, son of Quintus, of the voting tribe Galeria, (set this up) for his wife (coniunx).

66 A local family in Noricum CIL 3, 5437/8 = RIS 8 = CSIR Oe 4, 3, 1 Graz, Noricum. AD 100–20 This large marble portrait stele (Figure 27) shows two identical inscriptions for a freeborn family with Roman, or Roman-sounding, names (Bonia and Boniata). They may have had Roman citizenship, but without the voting tribe the tria nomina of the man are insufficient proof. The richly adorned stele depicts three portrait busts in medallions. The women’s Norican bonnets with veils and their large fibulae underline their local background. The dress (tunica and toga) and Trajanic hairdress of the man suggest a Roman orientation. The couple’s daughter is flanked by two small children: on the left a small girl holding fruit, and on the right a boy holding a bird.

Lucius Cantius Secundus made this during his lifetime for himself and for Cantia Bonia, daughter of Junius, his wife (uxor) and for Cantia Boniata, daughter of Lucius.

67 A Celtic couple CIL 3, 5056 = CIL 3, 10937 = CSIR Oe 1, 5 (Savaria) 7 and 8 Neumarkt im Tauchental, Noricum/Pannonia Superior. AD 100–50 The sandstone grave stone and relief (Figures 28a and b) of an indigenous couple with their daughter were inserted separately into the church of Neumarkt. If they originally belonged together, the toga of the man and the scroll in his left hand reflect his Latinised tria nomina, underlining his Roman citizenship, whereas the local dress of the wife agrees with her indigenous single name. The couple made the grave monument for their deceased daughter, who is portrayed in the middle and combines a Latinised cognomen with indigenous clothing and jewellery. Both women wear Norican bonnets and slightly different brooches and torques-like necklaces with lunulae.

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Figure 27 Marble portrait stele showing a family from Noricum. Graz, Universalmuseum Joanneum inv. 155. Lupa.at/1165. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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(a)

(b)

Figure 28 Funerary relief and inscription from the church in Neumarkt im Tauchental (Austria). Lupa.at/448 and 3176. Photos Ortolf Harl.

Gaius Samuconius Spectatus and Amuca, daughter of Burranus, made this while alive for themselves and for their daughter, Respectilla, who died at the age of twenty.

68 An Eraviscan woman RIU 6, 1548a Gorsium, Pannonia Inferior. Early second century AD A large limestone stele (Figure 29) portrays Flavia Usaiu in Eraviscan dress: a turban-like headdress with a veil draped over it, an over-garment over her tunic and fastened at the

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Figure 29 Limestone funerary stele of Flavia Usaiu in Gorsium. Szabadtéri Múzeum, Tác, Hungary. Lupa.at/805. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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shoulders with large fibulae, a torques and several bracelets on both arms, marking her as a woman of great wealth and high status in local society. The Eravisci were a Celtic tribe in the area of Aquincum, who kept elements of their rich culture under Roman rule. Her name has a Roman element (Flavia) and a Celtic one (Usaiu), her father’s name, Tattu, is purely Celtic and her son sports the three Roman names of the Roman citizen (though his cognomen Titucus is probably a Latinised Celtic name). Thus we here see an Eraviscan family, as underlined by the word Eravisca in the inscription, who received Roman citizenship under the Flavian emperors and gradually adopted Roman habits. The grave stele with relief portrait and an inscription in Latin testifies to their Roman identity, which is confirmed by the spindle and distaff in Flavia’s hands, referring to her Roman matronal virtues. Her dress and adornment, however, underline her indigenous background and her high status within her ethnic group. Thus, the grave stele advertises both her local and Roman identities. Under the portrait field a horse-drawn wagon is depicted.

Flavia Usaiu, daughter of Tattu, an Eraviscan woman, aged eighty, lies here. Quintus Flavius Titucus set this up for his mother because of her dutifulness (pietas).

69 Portrait stele of a Pannonian woman CIL 3, 3361 = RIU 6, 1389 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. AD 100–25 A worn limestone grave stele (Figure 30) from a Roman necropolis shows the portrait bust of a woman with the indigenous name Aveta. She is portrayed with a veiled Norican bonnet on her head and around her neck an indigenous torques. Her dress is pinned on the shoulders with fibulae and she wears bracelets. Under the inscription a two-horsed open wagon is depicted with a woman, possibly Aveta, her female servant (sitting backwards) and a driver. The name of the woman and that of her father are indigenous, but her son sports the Roman tria nomina. Because of his family name Ulpius, we may infer that he received Roman citizenship under the emperor Trajan.

Aveta, daughter of Adnamatus, aged fifty-one, lies here. Marcus Ulpius Cassius set up this monument with inscription for his mother, in memory.

70 A couple from Britain and Syria RIB 1, 1065 = ILS 7063 = CSIR GB 1, 1, 247 Arbeia, Britannia. Late second century AD This elaborate sandstone tombstone from the Roman fort of Arbeia (Figure 31) portrays Regina from the indigenous tribe of the Catuvellauni in south-east Britannia. She was the freedwoman and wife of a Palmyrene man called Barates, as is underlined by the bilingual (Latin and Palmyrene) inscription. This Barates may perhaps be identified with Barathes, a vexillarius (standard bearer), who was buried at Corbridge (CSIR GB 1, 1, 67). We may assume that Barates had bought Regina as a slave and later freed her for the purpose of marriage. Since their single names indicate that neither of them had Roman citizenship, their marriage was not officially recognised by Roman law. The use of the word coniunx, however, shows that they regarded themselves as a lawfully married couple.

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Figure 30 Portrait stele of a woman from Aquincum. Szent István Király Múzeum Székesfehérvár, Hungary, inv. 50.76.1. Lupa.at/803. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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Figure 31 Tombstone of Regina. Photo Arbeia South Shields Roman Fort: Tyne and Wear Archives and Museums, TWCMS T765.

The relief portrays Regina seated on a high-backed chair. Her local identity is underlined by her non-Roman clothing and adornment: she is dressed in a longsleeved garment over a floor-length tunic with a ruffled collar and wears a thick twisted necklace (torques) and similar bracelets. Alongside these local clothes and apparel, she holds a distaff and spindle as a token of her Roman (and Palmyrene) matronal values and a wool-basket with balls of wool stands at her feet. With her right hand she opens a jewellery box (a sign of her wealth and a marker of status as a respectable Roman matrona). In the inscription, both spouses underline their ethnic identity while at the same time choosing a Roman-style gravestone to express this. The stonecutter may have been a Palmyrene. The unusual Latin text, with the name of the deceased in the accusative (without the final –m) instead of the nominative, genitive or dative of Latin inscriptions, reflects Greek and Palmyrene inscriptions that were familiar to Barates from his home town, Palmyra in Syria.

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To the spirits of the departed. Barates of Palmyra set this up for Regina, his freedwoman and wife (liberta et coniunx), a Catuvellaunian by birth, thirty years old. [In Palmyrene]: Regina, the freedwoman of Barates, alas!

Further Reading Carroll (2012)

71 Local citizenship CIL 7, 189 = CSIR GB 1, 8, 57 = RIB 1, 250 Lindum, Britannia. Mid-third century AD An incomplete limestone stele with two busts commemorates two women, possibly a mother and a daughter. Each wears a tunic and a mantle with a heavy fold hanging from the left shoulder. The stele was probably bought from stock with the heads to be carved into portraits. The woman on the left, Volusia Faustina, is portrayed with a late Severan hairstyle and a necklace of large beads. She is depicted as if standing slightly in front of the older woman, Claudia, who is portrayed with a centre-parted hairstyle. Volusia Faustina’s husband was a member of the local senate and Volusia herself is presented in the inscription as a citizen of her town. The indigenous name of Claudia’s father (Catiotuus) betrays her local birth. Since the right side of the stone is broken off after the number 60, Claudia’s precise age cannot be ascertained.

[Left] To the spirits of the departed. Volusia Faustina, a citizen (civis) of Lindum, lived twenty-six years, one month and twenty-six days. Aurelius Senecio, decurio, set this up for his wife because of her merits. [Right] To the spirits of the departed. Claudia, daughter of Catiotuus, lived sixty + years [. . .].

72 A pagan stele re-used by a Jewish family in Pannonia CIL 3, 10611 = IGRRP 1, 536 = CIJ 675 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. AD 300–400 This worn limestone portrait stele (Figure 32) was set up for Claudia Maximilla by her sisters. Her husband had died in Raetia and was presumably not buried with her. The child with a bird portrayed in the relief is not mentioned in the Latin inscription. Under the portrait field a table with a funerary meal is depicted, with servants on both sides. On the frame of the gable above the portraits a Latin inscription written in Greek letters (with the last words in Greek) has been added at a later date. It seems likely that this inscription was carved together with the three menorahs that were scratched into the surface: on the pediment, between the heads of the husband and wife, and on the chest of the child. If so, a Greek-writing Jewish family re-used an earlier tombstone of a local Pannonian couple for themselves. Unlike the pagan inscription for the couple, their family of three corresponds to the relief, but it is unclear whether the relief was reworked or if the boy was added later.

In blessed memory. For Claudia Maximilla, who lived twenty-five years, and for Domitius Domnion, her husband, who died in Raetia. He lived thirty-seven

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Figure 32 Re-used funerary stele from Aquincum, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. 62.70.1. Lupa.at/3121. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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years. Aurelia Urbana and Aurelia Ingenua set this up for their sister who deserved well. [Latin rendered in Greek letters] To the memory of Anastasios and Dekousane and Benjamin, our son. [In Greek] One God! One God! One God!

Citizenship, Ethnicity and the Roman Army Despite the fact that, before AD 197, Roman soldiers were not permitted to marry under Roman law while in active service, there was a marked presence of women (and children) in the Roman army camps along the northern and western frontiers during the second and third centuries. Deceased soldiers were commemorated by female partners or children and vice versa, and numerous military diplomas issued to discharged auxiliary soldiers record wives or children, who received Roman citizenship and the right of marrying under Roman law. Most partners seem to have been daughters and sisters of other soldiers, women who joined the soldier from his home town or region, female slaves freed for the purpose of ‘marriage’ or local women living in the neighbourhood of the army camp. Apart from female partners and other female relatives who depended on the soldier (such as daughters, unmarried sisters and widowed mothers), there was an array of other women occupied in selling food, in providing entertainment, in prostitution and other services for the army camp. In the train of the Roman army, wives of army officers and female consorts of Roman and auxiliary soldiers travelled widely, following their men to their postings all over the empire (for women’s travels, see also Chapter 4). Most of them have left hardly any trace in our evidence, but the geographical or ethnic background of some is reflected in inscriptions mentioning their place or region of birth, or may be cautiously deduced from their names and from the wanderings of the legions to which their menfolk belonged. Since in most cases using ethnic or geographical designations on one’s tomb was a deliberate choice, it probably reflects their local, regional or provincial affiliations or a sense of belonging which tied them to their native region despite their migrations. Also military diplomas, bronze plaques certifying honourable discharge from the Roman army and the grant of Roman citizenship to a retiring veteran, are an important source for the ethnic origins of auxiliary soldiers and their families. Further Reading Allason-Jones (1999); Boatwright (2005); Brice and Greene (forthcoming); Greene (2015) and (2016); Phang (2001); Van Driel-Murray (2009)

73 Ethnic designations and Roman citizenship CIL 16, 49 Brigetio, Pannonia Superior. 12 January AD 105 A bronze military diploma was issued on discharge for the soldier Lucco, son of Trenus, of the British tribe of the Dobunni. His unit, the cohors I Brittonum, had been moved from Britannia to Pannonia and later to Moesia Superior. It was

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probably in Pannonia that he met his wife, Tutula, daughter of Breucus, who is recorded as belonging to the tribe of the Azali. The names of the family show their regional origins, but on his discharge Lucco’s children also received Roman citizenship. Since the military diploma was found near Brigetio, the couple presumably lived in the wife’s native region instead of returning to his homeland in Britannia. Only the middle part of the diploma containing the regulations for Lucco and his family has been translated.

[The emperor Trajan] has granted to those whose names are written below citizenship for themselves and their children and descendants and the right of legal marriage (conubium) with the wives they had when citizenship was granted to them, or, if any were unmarried, with those they would later marry, on the condition that each man marries only one woman. On the day before the Ides of January (12 January), when Tiberius Julius Candidus Marius Celsus and Gaius Antius Julius Quadratus were consuls, both for the second time. Infantrymen of the cohors I Britannica miliaria civium Romanorum commanded by Quintus Caecilius Redditus. For Lucco, son of Trenus, of the Dobunni and Tutula, daughter of Breucus, his wife, of the Azali, and Similis, his son, and Lucca, his daughter, and Pacata, his daughter. This is copied and checked from the bronze tablet set up at Rome.

Further Reading Ivleva (2016a) 168–9

74 Travelling with the army to Britannia RIB 3, 3504 Westerwood, Britannia. Mid-second century AD A sandstone votive altar dedicated to the Silvanae (goddesses of the woodlands) and Quadruviae (goddesses of crossroads) was set up by Vibia Pacata, wife of a legionary centurion, in a military camp at the Antonine Wall in northern Britain. Judging by the epithet Caelestis (the equivalent of the Punic Tanit) used for the goddesses of the crossroads, Vibia may have originated from North Africa. The goddesses themselves, however, were particularly popular in Pannonia, from where her husband may have stemmed.

Dedicated to the Silvanae and the Heavenly (Caelestes) Quadruviae. Vibia Pacata, wife of Flavius Verecundus, centurion of the Legio VI Victrix, with her family willingly and deservedly fulfilled her vow.

Further Reading Foubert (2013)

75 A military family in Pannonia CIL 3, 4184 = RIU 1, 89 Savaria, Pannonia Superior. AD 200–30 On a marble stele broken into two parts, three persons are depicted in half figure (Figure 33). The woman (left) must be Comminia Valagenta, who commissioned the family tomb,

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Figure 33 Marble funerary stele of Comminia Valagenta and her family from Savaria, Pannonia. Budapest National Museum inv. RD 172. Lupa.at/685. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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probably at the death of her son, who died at the age of twenty-five during a military expedition. She wears a plain bonnet, a beaded necklace, a bracelet, and a brooch on her chest. These elements of local dress correspond with her indigenous cognomen Valagenta. Her left arm is affectionately draped over the shoulder of the beardless young man in the middle, her son, to whom she points with her right hand. The son wears a military cape (sagum) and a sword. The bearded man on the right, her husband, wears the same dress, but holds a scroll. As a veteran soldier he had received Roman citizenship, but his superficially Latinised name reveals his local extraction. The fourth person mentioned in the inscription – judging by his family name, a brother of Comminia Valagenta or perhaps a son born outside marriage – is not depicted on the relief. Both he and Comminia Valagenta were still alive when the stele was set up, and their ages at death were never added.

[Under the portrait relief] To the spirits of the departed. [In the inscription field] Comminia Valagenta, aged [number lacking] made this while alive for herself and his most unhappy mother (made this) for Tartonius Secundinus, soldier of Legio XIV Gemina, who died during an expedition at the age of twenty-five, because of his incomparable dutifulness (pietas), and for Tartonius Finitianus Daiber, veteran, aged seventy, and for Comminius Optatus, soldier of the Legio XIV, aged [number lacking].

76 Dying abroad CIL 13, 2616 Cabillonum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Late second–early third century AD This epitaph by a legionary soldier for his wife reveals that she had followed him to Gaul, where she died. His legion had been transferred from Britannia, which may have been her region of birth. Active soldiers were legally allowed to marry from AD 197 onwards, but in inscriptions the word coniunx (lawfully wedded wife) is also used before that date for partners of soldiers.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Vegetinia Romana. Memmius Rusticus, soldier of the Legio VI Victrix Antoniana, commissioned this for his most blameless wife (innocentissima coniunx), who died in a foreign place (locus peregrinus), and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

77 A Batavian wife following her husband to Pannonia RIU 6, 1440 Pusztaszabolcs, Pannonia Inferior. Late second–early third century AD A limestone stele, only half of which has been preserved, commemorates Romana, a woman from the Batavian capital Ulpia Noviomagus (Nijmegen in the Netherlands), who had followed her husband’s regiment to his posting in Pannonia and died there. Despite her Roman-sounding name, she must have been of Batavian stock.

To the spirits of the departed. For [. . .] Romana from Ulpia Noviomagus. [. . .]us Severus, prefect of the third Batavian cavalry cohort, set this up for his most dutiful (pientissima) wife.

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78 A Cananefatian wife of an army doctor in Pannonia CIL 3, 4279 Brigetio, Pannonia Superior. Late second–early third century AD A marble sarcophagus (now lost) commemorates the wife of an army surgeon, who followed her husband from her native town Forum Hadriani in Germania Inferior (Voorburg, in the Netherlands) to Pannonia and died there.

To the spirits of the departed. For Victoria Verina, my most dutiful (pientissima) wife, originating from Forum Hadriani in the province Germania Inferior. She lived thirty years. Her husband, Aemilius Deciminus, military physician of the Legio I Adiutrix, commissioned this for her who deserved well.

79 Of provincial descent CIL 13, 1880 = CBI 34 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Late second–early third century AD On a limestone funerary altar decorated with an axe (ascia) and a palm branch, Pontia Martina is commemorated as of provincial stock, which may mean that, unlike her patron-husband, she stemmed from Gaul. We may assume that Marcus Pontius Gemellus, a beneficiarius (privileged soldier performing a special assignment) of the provincial procurator, lived together with her when she was a slave and later freed her for the purpose of marriage. Because of the palm branch and the nicknames (signa) Dulcitius (‘sweetie’, here used for a woman, despite the masculine form) and Gaudentius (‘joyful’), the couple may have been Christian.

To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Pontia Martina, provincial by birth (natione provincialis), who lived forty years, two months and five days. Marcus Pontius Gemellus, veteran of the Legio I Minervia Pia Fidelis, honourably discharged with the rank of beneficiarius of the procurator, set this up for Pontia Martina, his freedwoman and dearest wife (liberta et coniunx carissima), a most venerable (sanctissima) and incomparable woman, who lived with him for twenty-two years, two months and five days without any mental hurt. Marcus Pontius Gemellus commissioned this during his lifetime for himself and his descendants and dedicated it under the axe. Farewell Dulcitius, Gaudentius greets you. Good wishes for good people.

80 A sister accompanying her brother from Germania to Britannia CIL 7, 616 = RIB 1, 1483 = CSIR GB 1, 6, 192 Cilurnum, Britannia. Second or third century AD A worn sandstone tombstone with rounded top at Hadrian’s Wall in northern Britain commemorates the sister, wife and son of a German soldier. Both the inscription and the female bust carved in a roundel above the text are badly worn. We may assume that the sister of the auxiliary soldier followed her brother from their home in Germania to

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northern Britain. Incidentally, this tombstone shows that Roman soldiers not only had partners and children, but also other female relatives (unmarried sisters, widowed mothers) accompanying them on their journeys. Their indigenous names show that this family did not have Roman citizenship.

To the spirits of the departed. To his sister Ursa, to his wife Julia, and to their son Canio. Lurio, a German, set this up.

81 A wife following her soldier-husband to Germania CIL 13, 5383 = ILCV 400 Vesontio, Germania Superior. AD 220–40 This inscription is carved on the sarcophagus of the wife of a centurio, who died at the age of thirty-six having followed her husband from a distant region to Germania. The last line of the inscription is in verse. The wording of the inscription and the palm branch depicted on it suggest a Christian milieu, but the marital ideals are the same as those of the contemporary pagan world.

Marius Vitalis, her husband, legionary centurio, set this up for Virginia, and Marius Nigidianus, their son, quaestor, for his mother, who had come from afar and is buried here. She lived thirty-six years, blameless (inculpata) towards her husband, of rare obedience (obsequium), content with one husband alone.

82 A veteran’s extended family CIL 3, 5955 = IBR 391 Castra Regina, Raetia. Early third century AD This inscription on a tomb was carved on a limestone plaque that was later inserted in the wall of a tower in Castra Regina (Regensburg). It records the extended family of a veteran who may already have lived with him when he was in the army camp. Not only his wife and children, but also his mother, his mother-in-law and a selection of his friends were to be buried in the tomb. The non-Roman cognomina of his wife and mother show their local extraction.

To the spirits of the departed and their perpetual freedom from care. For Julia Ursa, his most dutiful wife (coniunx pientissima) and a very respectful (reverentissima) woman, who lived forty-one years, because of her merits. Marcus Aurelius Militio, honourably discharged from the cavalry unit of the Legio III Italica, commissioned this during his lifetime also for his deceased sons and daughters and for Julia Nonna, his most dutiful (pientissima) mother, aged eighty and for Julia Victorina, his mother-in-law (socrus), aged eighty and also, during their lifetime, for his daughter Aurelia and his son Aurelius Militaris and for his friends (amici), whose portraits are sculpted at the sides of the tomb, and he allowed their bones to be interred in this tomb after their death.

3 |

Occupations

In Roman cities, women were employed in a range of occupations: not only were they engaged in gendered professions, as hairdressers, wet nurses and midwives, but they were also involved in more general vocations, for instance as physicians, albeit less frequently than men. Moreover, women were involved in trade and a limited number of crafts (primarily clothing and luxury production), and in education, entertainment and prostitution. Most working women we meet in inscriptions were freedwomen who had been trained as slaves. Their brief epitaphs on marble or limestone plaques advertise their profession as part of their social identity. Most evidence stems from Rome, among other things from the large communal tombs (columbaria) of associations and of leading families, which makes some overlap with Chapters 2 and 7 inevitable. Overall, however, working women are underrepresented in our evidence; among the roughly 2,500 occupational inscriptions from Roman Italy less than two hundred commemorate female professionals. In the provinces the number is even lower. In comparison to slaves and freedwomen, freeborn women may have had little opportunity to learn a profession and, in accordance with the ideal of female domesticity, were mostly presented as wives and mothers, rather than as professional women. Possible employment in unskilled labour (see Chapter 4 nos. 48–50 on women in the mining industry) was not recorded on their tombs. This holds a fortiori for wives of farmers working the land in rural areas, who left no trace in the epigraphic evidence. All this makes it difficult to assess women’s actual participation in work and trade, for instance as co-working wives, which may have depended on the wealth and circumstances of their families. The gendered ideology of work and the habit of using the masculine plural to indicate persons (men and women) of a certain profession also obscures possible female participation. For these reasons, female workers ranging from slaves and freedwomen trained in a craft to co-working wives and women working in retail or other jobs for which little training was needed may have been much more common among the working classes than we tend to assume.

Further Reading Becker (2016); Bradley (1991) 103–24 on ‘Child Labor in the Roman World’; Dixon (2001) 113–32; Evans (1991) 101–65 and 210–18 (appendices); Gardner (1990) 233–55; Hawkins (2016); Holleran (2013); Joshel (1992); Kampen (1981)

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I | Medical Professions Physicians A small number of female physicians (medicae) have been attested in inscriptions – about 5 per cent of the evidence for physicians in the Roman West – and some more can be identified archaeologically on the basis of medical instruments deposited as grave goods in their tombs. They were of slave, freed and freeborn status and treated not only women, but also (some) men. Further Reading Flemming (2013)

1 Naevia Clara AE 2001, 263 Rome. Late first century BC–early first century AD A grave stele with rounded top and coarse letters attests to a married couple who were both physicians. Judging by their shared family name, they were probably freed by the same owner, or the wife may have been freed by her husband. The designation medica philologa (physician and woman of letters) is highly exceptional. For men, however, it is found especially in Greek inscriptions (iatros kai philologos). The dimensions given at the end of the text indicate the boundaries of the funeral plot.

Gaius Naevius Philippus, freedman of Gaius, physician and surgeon. Naevia Clara, freedwoman of Gaius, physician and woman of letters (medica philologa). [Dimensions of the burial plot] 11.5 feet wide, 16 feet deep.

2 Melitine CIL 6, 6851 Rome. Early first century AD A triangular marble plaque from a columbarium records a female slave who was employed by her owner as a physician.

Melitine, physician (medica), (slave) of Appuleius.

3 An anonymous physician CIL 13, 4334 Divodurum, Gallia Belgica. First century AD A relief on a limestone funerary stele (Figure 34) shows a standing woman with the dress and hairstyle of a Roman matrona. Only the inscription and the small box in her hands (for medical instruments) refer to her profession. Thus, image and inscription complement one another. The incomplete inscription recording the Latinised name of her father suggests that she was a freeborn woman from an indigenous local family.

[name lost], daughter of Sa[c?]inus, physician (medica).

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Figure 34 Limestone funerary stele of a female physician. Museum of Metz, inv. E. 4346. Photo author.

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4 Julia Sabina CIL 9, 5861 Auximum, Italy (5). Mid-first century AD A large limestone funerary stele was set up for the freedwoman Julia Sabina, who was a physician. Judging by his name, her husband was freed by the same owner, or he may have been her former owner himself.

To the departed spirits of Julia Sabina, freedwoman of Quintus, physician (medica). Quintus Julius Atimetus set this up for his well-deserving wife.

5 Educated by a physician IGUR 675 = IG 14, 1751 Rome. Mid-first century AD A Greek inscription on a marble funerary altar was set up by Claudia Restituta, former slave and pupil of the imperial freedman and physician of the emperor, Tiberius Claudius Alcimus. She addresses him not only as her former owner using the loanword patroon (from the Latin patronus) but also as her teacher (kathegetes; see also Chapter 1 no. 82). This may imply that she was taught medicine and perhaps worked as a physician.

Restituta made (this tomb) for her good and worthy patron and teacher (patroon kai kathegethes) Tiberius Claudius Alcimus, physician of the emperor. He lived for eighty-two years.

6 Asyllia Polla CIL 8, 24679 Carthago, Africa Proconsularis. Late first century AD This epitaph on a tombstone, set up by her freedman, commemorates a female physician who was freeborn.

Asyllia Polla, daughter of Lucius, physician (medica) lies here. She lived sixtyfive years. Her freedman Euscius set this up from his own resources.

7 Metilia Donata, physician and benefactress CIL 13, 2019 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Late first–early second century AD A large rectangular limestone block, re-used for a sarcophagus in later times, was set up by the physician Metilia Donata. The large and beautifully carved letters suggest that it stems from a public monument she donated to her city, which testifies to her wealth.

Metilia Donata, physician (medica), donated this from her own money. The location was granted by decurial decree.

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8 Julia Saturnina CIL 2, 497 = ILS 7802 Emerita, Lusitania. Late second–early third century AD On the back of a large marble grave altar a swaddled infant is depicted, which may allude to the profession of the deceased.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. To Julia Saturnina, forty-five years old, an incomparable wife, excellent physician (medica optima) and most venerable (sanctissima) woman. Cassius Philippus, her husband, set this up because of her merits. She lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you.

Midwives Midwives (obstetrices) assisted women at childbirth, looked after the newborn and treated female patients for gynaecological problems and diseases. Most midwives were slaves or freedwomen trained in the large households of the elite (including the imperial family), but a few were freeborn. The hybrid word iatromea (from the Greek iatros, ‘physician’, and maia, ‘midwife’) may denote a doctor and midwife who not only assisted at childbirth and for gynaecological problems, but also treated patients for more general diseases.

9 A midwife saving the lives of many women IGUR 1240 Rome. Early imperial period This Greek verse epitaph on a marble stele plays with the theme of a midwife (maia) who saved the lives of many, but could not escape death herself. In the verse part of the inscription, she is presented as addressing the reader. Despite her Latin-sounding name, the Greek cognomen of her husband and the fact that the inscription is in Greek suggest that they were Greek freedpeople.

To the spirits of the departed. I, Julia Primigenia, a midwife (maia) who saved many women, did not escape the Fates (Moirai). After a good life I departed to the House (of Death), where a place among the pious was reserved for me. Her loving husband Tiberius Julius Hierax had this inscribed for his wife in fond remembrance.

10 Poblicia Aphe CIL 6, 9723 Rome. Imperial period A marble plaque identifies the urn of a midwife, who had been freed by her female owner. A female owner or patron of a slave or freedwoman is indicated in inscriptions by a retrograde C (a C written backwards, known to modern epigraphers as a ‘Gaia mark’).

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Poblicia Aphe, freedwoman of a woman, midwife (obstetrix). May your bones rest in peace. She lived twenty-one years.

11 Scribonia Attice IPOstie-A, 222 = ISIS 133 Ostia, Italy (1). Mid-second century AD An inscribed marble plaque over the entrance of a large grave monument, built out of brick, records that Scribonia Attice built the tomb for herself, her husband and other relatives, their freed men and women (and their descendants), save two who are excluded for reasons unknown to us. No profession is mentioned in the inscription, but two terracotta reliefs flanking the inscription show that Scribonia Attice was a midwife and her husband a doctor (probably a surgeon). On the relief at the right side (Figure 35), the midwife sits on a low stool helping a woman to give birth, while another woman, probably an assistant, holds her from behind. The other relief shows the doctor treating the leg of a patient. Judging by the size of the monument and by the fact that the couple had slaves and freed men and women, the medical profession had brought them wealth.

[In the margin above] Let this monument be free of foul wrongdoing. [In the inscription panel] To the spirits of the departed. Scribonia Attice made this for herself and for Marcus Alpius Amerimnus, her husband and for

Figure 35 Terracotta funerary relief showing Scribonia Attice helping a woman giving birth. Ostia, Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 5203. Photo Archivio Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica.

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Scribonia Callityche, her mother and for Diocles and for their family and freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants, with the exception of Panaratus and Prosdocia. This monument will not pass to an unrelated heir.

12 Aurelia Macula AE 1980, 936 Mactaris, Africa Proconsularis. Late second–early third century AD This tombstone commemorates an indigeneous midwife, who may have received Roman citizenship by the Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212. The epithet pia (dutiful) is especially common in Roman Africa.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Dutiful (pia) Aurelia Macula, midwife (obstetrix), lived fifty-six years.

13 Valia Callista CIL 6, 9478 Rome. Second–early third century AD This epitaph on a marble funerary plaque commemorates a iatromea, who combined the profession of a physician with that of a midwife.

To the departed spirits of Valia Callista, physician and midwife (iatromea). Caecilius Lysimachus made this for his wife.

Wet Nurses Though traditional Roman values were strongly in favour of maternal breastfeeding (see Chapter 1 nos. 45–6), the frequency of women dying in childbirth or having difficulties breastfeeding called for the employment of wet nurses. Reasons of social prestige (of middle- and upper-class women) or economic efficiency (for instance, in the case of slaves) also stimulated the use of wet nurses in all classes of society. Many wet nurses started off as slaves nursing their masters’ children and/or those of their fellow slaves. Because of her intimate relationship with the family of her master, a wet nurse had a special position within the household, and manumission was relatively common. Some freed wet nurses maintained a close relationship with their former charges throughout their lives, as appears from numerous epitaphs set up for wet nurses by their nurslings (see also Plin. Ep. 6.3). These inscriptions also record terms of endearment for wet nurses, such as mamma or mammula (literally: ‘little breast’, an apt term for a wet nurse). However, the affectionate term mamma could also be used for a broader group of female childminders (see also Chapter 1). Children breastfed by the same wet nurse were called conlactanei, implying a belief that there was a form of kinship between children who were fed together. Further Reading Bradley (1991) 13–36 and 76–102; Rothe (2011); Sparreboom (2014)

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14 Crispina CIL 6, 16592 = ILS 8531 Rome. Imperial period A marble funerary plaque for Crispina reflects her husband’s pride that she had been employed as a wet nurse by a senatorial family, probably nursing their two sons.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. For Crispina, divine wife, wet nurse (nutrix) of two senators. Albus, her husband with whom she lived for seventeen years, made this for his well-deserving wife. She lived thirty years and two months.

15 Salvidiena Hilara CIL 6, 25808 Rome. Imperial period The term mamma on this verse epitaph reflects the emotional relationship between the freedwoman Salvidiena Hilara and Salvidiena Faustilla, her nursling and ‘delight’ (for slave delicia, see Chapter 2). Judging by the fact that they had the same family name, Salvidiena Faustilla may have been the daughter of Hilara’s former master, or perhaps even her own natural daughter.

Salvidiena Hilara, freedwoman of Quintus, set this up during her lifetime for Salvidiena Faustilla, her delight (delicia), who was skilled (erudita) in all arts. You have left your ‘mummy’ (mamma) sorrowing, mourning and lamenting. She lived fifteen years, three months, eleven days and seven hours. An evil fate has robbed me of the maiden (virgo). My dear little darling (vitilla), you have left your ‘mummy’ full of sorrow.

16 Junia Prima CIL 10, 6432 = ILS 8549 Circeii, Italy (1). Imperial period Note the emotional language in this epitaph for a wet nurse. It was set up by her former nursling.

Cornelia Anthusa set this up for Junia Prima, her dear ‘mummy’ (mammula), a true mother, pleasant and most sweet (dulcissima). She lived seventy-two years without strife (sine lite).

17 Flavia Euphrosyne CIL 6, 18032 Rome. Imperial period An epitaph on a marble plaque was commissioned by the freedwoman Flavia Euphrosyne for her nursling who died at the age of seven. She identifies herself as his ‘mummy’

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Occupations and wet nurse. We may assume that she cared for him from his birth onwards, first as a wet nurse and later more generally as a childminder.

To the spirits of the departed. Flavia Euphrosyne, ‘mummy’ and also wet nurse (mamma idem nutrix) made this for Publius Flavius Crescens, the son of Publius Flavius Amarantus, who lived seven years, one day and ten hours.

18 Oscia Sabina CIL 6, 23589 Rome. Imperial period Oscia Sabina set up a tombstone for her nursling (alumnus) Threptus (which means ‘nursling’) together with his biological mother Lamyra. Being a slave, his mother had to keep working. Therefore, she may not have been able to breastfeed her son herself.

To the spirits of the departed. Oscia Sabina, his most unhappy wet nurse (nutrix), made this for her nursling (alumnus) Threptus and Lamyra, his mother, also made this.

19 Birria Cognita AE 1980, 326 Brundisium, Italy (2). First century AD This epitaph on a funerary plaque commemorates the freedwoman Birria Cognita, who had nursed the children of the family of her former master (perhaps including those of his slaves).

Birria Cognita, wet nurse (nutrix) of Publius Birrius Gallus, lived sixty years. She lies here.

20 Servia Cornelia Sabina CIL 6, 16450 = ILS 8532 Rome. c. AD 113 Servius Cornelius Dolabella Metillianus was consul in AD 113. The wording of the inscription shows the emotional attachment between the upper-class nursling and his freed nurse.

To the departed spirits of Servia Cornelia Sabina, freedwoman of Servius. Servius Cornelius Dolabella Metillianus made this for his well-deserving nurse (nutrix) and ‘mummy’ (mammula).

21 Maria Marcellina CIL 11, 6345 = Pisaurum 56 Pisaurum, Italy (6). AD 131–270 A marble stele re-used in the wall of a private house was set up by a soldier for his wet nurse and his conlactaneus (fellow nursling of the same wet nurse).

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To the departed spirits of Maria Marcellina, his own wet nurse (nutrix) and of Caedius Rufinus, his fellow nursling (conlactaneus). Gaius Tadius Sabinus, soldier of the second praetorian cohort, set this up for those who deserve well.

22 A dry nurse of 105 CIL 6, 9497 = ILS 8538 Rome. Second century AD A marble plaque in a columbarium commemorates a dry nurse, who cared for a child after weaning. She is recorded to have died at the age of 105, but we should not necessarily take this at face value. The inscription was commissioned by the daughter of her former owner and employer.

To the spirits of the departed. For Volumnia Dynamis. Volumnia Procla, daughter of Gaius, set this up for her dry nurse (nutrix assa) and freedwoman. She lived 105 years.

23 Severina IKoeln 436 Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, Germania Inferior. Mid-third century AD This large limestone funerary altar (Figure 36a–c) was set up by a nutrix in memory of her nursling or the other way round. The front shows a medallion with a worn portrait of the deceased child or of Severina herself, a shepherd carrying a lamb on his shoulders and two sheep standing by. The sides depict the wet nurse breastfeeding the baby and bending over the cradle gazing at the swaddled baby. A more elaborate inscription may have been carved in the lower section of the altar, which is now missing.

[In front] In memory (of the deceased). [On the sides] Severina, wet nurse (nutrix).

II | Education Educators and Pedagogues Female nannies or educators (educatrices) and pedagogues or childminders (paedagogae) cared for children after weaning. Compared to male educatores and paedagogi, however, their numbers are small. They were usually slaves or freedwomen employed in elite families (see Chapters 2 and 7) and buried in their communal tombs (columbaria). A few were freeborn women, who hired themselves out as professional childminders. Pedagogues might accompany their nursling children to school, but were not themselves their teachers. This was the field of magistri (schoolmasters), grammatici (teachers of grammar), and other praeceptores (instructors), who were virtually all men. An exception is found below (no. 28).

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24 A pedagogue CIL 6, 9758 Rome. First century AD Both this small marble funerary plaque and the next one come from a columbarium. Both women probably belonged to the slave and freed staff of an elite family.

Urbana, pedagogue (paedagoga), lived twenty-five years.

25 A nanny CIL 5, 3519 Verona, Italy (10). Second century AD

To the spirits of the departed. Caesia Romana set this up for her freedwoman Caesia, well-deserving nanny (educatrix) of her four sons.

26 Cornelia Fortunata CIL 8, 1506 = Dougga 102 Thugga, Africa Proconsularis. Late second–early third century AD An epitaph on a limestone funerary stele (re-used in the wall of a house) commemorates Cornelia Fortunata. She was employed as a childminder or pedagogue (paedagoga) by a wealthy local family. On the inscription the last number (I, V or X) indicating her age is lost. Since we cannot know her exact age (seventy-one, seventy-five or eighty), it has been translated here as seventy+.

Cornelia Fortunata, dutiful pedagogue (paedagoga), lived seventy+ years. She lies here.

27 Thalassia CIL 6, 9792 = ILS 7674 Rome. Late second–early third century AD In an inscription carved in a large marble funerary plaque, a painter mourns the death of his wife after forty years of partnership (conubium). She had been employed in a senatorial household, possibly as a slave or freedwoman, educating the children.

To the spirits of the departed. You wished to precede me in death, my most venerable (sanctissima) wife, leaving me in tears. If there is anything good in the Underworld – I, however, lead a dreadful life without you – be happy there too, sweetest (dulcissima) Thalassia, nanny (educatrix) of a senator and my partner for forty years. Papirius Vitalis, her husband, (skilled) in the art of painting, made this for an incomparable woman, for himself and for his relatives.

28 A female grammarian AE 1994, 1903 Caesarea, Mauretania Caesariensis. Mid-second century AD

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Figure 36 Limestone funerary altar of the wet nurse Severina. Cologne, Römisch– Germanisches Museum inv. 74.414. Photos Rheinisches Bildarchiv (Anja Wegner).

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Figure 36 (cont.)

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Figure 36 (cont.)

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As appears from this funerary inscription, Volusia Tertullina married relatively late (at twenty-three), and at her death at forty-three was praised by her husband as a chaste wife and an incomparable grammat(ica). The female form of grammaticus, a grammarian teaching Greek or Latin poetry, is highly unusual. Perhaps it was meant to indicate her literary education rather than pointing to a professional career as a tutor, but we cannot exclude the latter. Coincidentally, another inscription from Caesarea records a possible relative (Volusius Junior), who was a grammaticus Latinus (CIL 8, 21107).

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. For Volusia Tertullina, chaste (casta) wife and incomparable grammarian (grammatica). She lived fortythree years, three months and five days, of which twenty years, one month and fourteen days with her husband. Domitius Flavianus made this for his incomparable wife.

29 A philosopher learned in all arts CIL 6, 33898 = ILS 7783 Rome. Imperial period A small marble funerary plaque was set up for the erudite Euphrosyne. Judging by her name she was a Greek slave.

Dutiful (pia) Euphrosyne, learned (docta) in the nine Muses, philosopher (philosopha). She lived twenty years.

Readers, Secretaries and Librarians Female readers (who read aloud to their masters), secretaries and librarians were usually trained slaves and freedwomen of elite households (including the imperial family; see Chapter 7). They served especially the women of these families. Since the term libraria is ambiguous – it was used not only for a female scribe or secretary but also for a woman weighing out wool for the female slaves to work (cf. lanipenda) – librariae will not be included here (for some examples of librariae, see CIL 6, 8882, 9301, 9525, 37802, AE 1982, 46). Further Reading Haines-Eitzen (1998); Hemelrijk (1999); Houston (2002)

30 Derceto, reader of a Vestal CIL 6, 33473 = ILS 7771 Rome. Early first century AD The female slave Derceto was employed by a Vestal Virgin as a reader (lectrix). Her verse epitaph on a plaque in a columbarium, in which she is made to speak in the first person, may have been composed by the Vestal she served. We do not know what connection she had (if any) with Sabina Helena, who was buried in the same loculus and commemorated on the same plaque.

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[Left] Derceto, reader (lectrix) of the (Vestal) Virgin Aurelia. [In verse] Completing my twentieth year, poor me, I died. [Right] Sabina Helena, freedwoman of Gaius, lived sixteen years.

31 Sulpicia Petale, reader of the poet Sulpicia? AE 1928, 73 Rome. Late first century BC This verse epitaph is set up for a female reader of a Sulpicia, who is perhaps to be identified with Sulpicia the elegist. If so, the verse inscription (in elegiac distichs) may have been composed by this well-known poetess.

Traveller, look at the ashes of the reader (lectrix) Sulpicia, who was given the slave name Petale. She lived thrice ten years plus four in number (i.e. thirty-four years), and on earth gave birth to a son, Aglaon. She had attained all good things of nature: she flourished in her art, shone in her beauty and grew in talent. Jealous Fate did not wish her to live for a long time. Their distaff itself failed the Fates.

Further Reading Hallett (2011)

32 A reader CIL 6, 33830 Rome. Imperial period The freedwoman Daphne Julia was employed as a reader by an elite or imperial family.

Daphne Julia, reader (anagnostria). Publius Longenius Licinus, freedman of Publius, made this.

33 A secretary CIL 6, 9541 Rome. Imperial period This marble funerary plaque was set up by her partner for a female secretary, who was the slave or freedwoman of a female owner. For other female secretaries, see CIL 6, 9540 and 7373.

Tyche, secretary (a manu) of Balbilla. Hermes made this for his welldeserving wife.

34 A stenographer in Greek CIL 6, 33892 = ILS 7760 Rome. Imperial period

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Judging by her name, Hapate was a Greek slave or freedwoman who had been trained as a stenographer (shorthand writer) in Greek, taking notes for her masters.

Dedicated to the departed spirits of Hapate, stenographer in Greek (notaria Graeca), who lived twenty-five years. Pittosus made this for his sweetest wife.

III | Hairdressers and Barbers Hairdressers (ornatrices), all female, are widely attested in funerary epigraphy, especially in Rome. Most were slaves and freedwomen from the Greek-speaking world serving wealthy Roman mistresses in elite households, including that of the imperial family. After being freed, some set up their own businesses, earning their livings as professional hairdressers. The two categories (domestic hairdressers serving their mistresses and professional hairdressers, slave or freed) are difficult to distinguish in inscriptions. For some additional examples of ornatrices: CIL 6, 7296, 7297, 7656, 8879, 9345, 9690, 9726/7, 9731, 9733, 9735, 33099, 33370a, 33425, 34274, CIL 14, 5306: (imperial) slaves; CIL 6, 4717, 8944, 8957/8, 8977, 13402: (imperial) freedwomen. Female barbers (tonstrices) are much less frequent.

Slave Hairdressers 35 Chrematine CIL 10, 1935 = ILS 7841d Puteoli, Italy (1). 10 BC This inscription was carved on a leaden urn containing the bones of the slave hairdresser Chrematine.

Chrematine, slave of Numisia, hairdresser (ornatrix), died on the sixth day before the Ides of October (10 October) when Paullus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Aelius were consuls. Her bones were collected on the fourth day before the Ides of October (12 October) under the same consuls. Diaphyrus made this for his fellow slave.

36 Gnome CIL 6, 9730 = ILS 7419 Rome. 28 January 2 BC On a small marble plaque (Figure 37) from a columbarium in Rome the slave hairdresser Gnome is commemorated. The precise date of her death contrasts with the coarse letters of the plaque.

Gnome, maidservant (ancilla) of Pieris, hairdresser (ornatrix), was carried off on the fifth day before the Kalends of February (28 January), when the

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Figure 37 Small marble funerary plaque from a columbarium in Rome commemorating the slave hairdresser Gnome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano. Photo author.

emperor Caesar (Augustus) for the thirteenth time and Marcus Plautius Silvanus were consuls.

37 Ploce CIL 6, 5876 Rome. 30 BC–AD 30 An epitaph on a marble funerary tablet from a columbarium of the Vigna Codini commemorates a slave hairdresser of a woman of senatorial family.

Cnaeus Domitius Agathemerus, dutiful freedman of Domitia, wife of Bibulus. Ploce, dutiful (pia) hairdresser (ornatrix), (slave) of Domitia, wife of Bibulus.

38 Psamate CIL 6, 9732 = ILS 7420a Rome. Early first century AD The inscription on a marble funerary plaque in a columbarium commemorates a slave hairdresser.

Psamate, (slave) of Furia, hairdresser (ornatrix), lived eighteen years. Mithrodates, (slave) of Flaccus Thorius, baker, made this.

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Freed and Freeborn Hairdressers 39 A freed couple running a hairdresser’s workshop CIL 6, 37811 = ILS 9427 Rome. 27 BC–AD 68 A marble funerary plaque from a columbarium in Rome identifying a niche for two urns commemorates Pollia Urbana and Marcus Calidius Apollonius, who worked as respectively a hairdresser and a barber in a workshop in the district called Aemiliana in the southern Campus Martius. Both were freed: she had been owned by a Gaius and an unnamed woman, possibly Gaius’ wife, and he by a male owner. They may have been a couple during their lifetime.

Pollia Urbana, freedwoman of Gaius and a woman, hairdresser (ornatrix) from the Aemilian district, two urns. Marcus Calidius Apollonius, freedman of Marcus, barber (tonsor) from the Aemilian district.

40 Nostia Daphne and Nostia Cleopatra CIL 6, 9736 = CIL 6, 37469 = ILS 7618 and ILS 9426 = AE 2010, 161 Rome. Early first century AD On an ornate marble funerary altar and a marble plaque, two hairdressers, both freedwomen, are commemorated: Nostia Daphne and her possible freedwoman, Nostia Cleopatra. They had a shop on the Vicus Longus, an important commercial street in Rome, where Marcus Nerius Quadratus, possibly the husband of Nostia Daphne, worked as a goldsmith.

[On a marble plaque] Nostia Daphne, freedwoman of a woman, hairdresser (ornatrix) from the Vicus Longus. [On a marble plaque] Marcus Nerius Quadratus, freedman of Marcus, goldsmith from the Vicus Longus. [On a marble plaque and on the front of the altar] Nostia Cleopatra, freedwoman of Daphne, hairdresser (ornatrix) from the Vicus Longus.

41 A freeborn hairdresser CIL 6, 37811a Rome. Second century AD The hairdresser Magna Julia Procula commemorated on this marble funerary plaque may have been freeborn but her partner was probably a freedman. The word mulier (woman) instead of coniunx (lawful wife) suggests that their marriage was not recognised by Roman law.

To the spirits of the departed. For Magna Julia Procula, well-deserving hairdresser (ornatrix) and incomparable woman (mulier). Marcus Caecilius Chrestus made this for the most innocent soul who lived for twenty-two years.

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Barbers Two small marble plaques from columbaria in Rome commemorate freedwomen who earned their living as tonstrices (see also AE 1999, 473 for a freed tonstrix in Venafrum). They were probably barbers (cf. Mart. Ep. 2.17 on a tonstrix in the Suburra), though the word tonstrix can also be used for a woman engaged in the final trimming of woollen cloth.

42 Iole Pompeiana CIL 6, 5865 Rome. Imperial period

Diogenes Pompeianus, litter-bearer. Iole Pompeiana, barber (tonstrix).

43 Gallonia Paschusa CIL 6, 9941 Rome. First century AD

For Gallonia Paschusa, freedwoman of a woman, barber (tonstrix).

IV | Trades and Crafts Craftswomen, Shopkeepers and Merchants Roman cities had numerous small workshops (tabernae, officinae), where skilled craftsmen and craftswomen produced and sold their wares. Most workshops were run by families working together with a few slaves. Legal texts show women owning and bequeathing (the instruments or products of ) a workshop (Dig. 31.88.3: the workshop of a blacksmith; Dig. 34.2.32.4: of silver wares). Freed men and women, who had been trained in their craft as slaves, could set up a workshop of their own, sometimes with the help of their former owners and together with their families and slaves. We find female artisans in particular among this group, some of them working as professionals from an early age. Our evidence for these craftsmen and craftswomen comes almost exclusively from funerary inscriptions. Small marble and limestone plaques from the numerous columbaria (communal tombs) along the roads leading out of Rome commemorate the names of the deceased and record their craft as a marker of their social identity, sometimes adding the location of the workshop. Most evidence stems from Rome, which had a huge demand for products of all sorts, particularly luxury goods. This chapter includes only inscriptions that explicitly mention a woman’s profession. However, it is possible, perhaps even likely, that many wives co-operated with their husbands in their trade without this being recorded explicitly.

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44 Gold-leaf beaters CIL 6, 6939 Rome. Early first century AD A marble plaque in a communal tomb commemorates a freed couple, who were probably manumitted by the same owner. In all likelihood, they had been trained while they were slaves and worked together in the same workshop producing and selling gold leaf (see CIL 6, 9211 for another couple producing gold leaf ).

Aulus Septicius Apollonius, freedman of Aulus, gold-leaf beater (brattarius). Septicia Rufa, freedwoman of Aulus, gold-leaf beater (brattiaria). Two urns.

45 A young gold-spinner CIL 6, 9213 = ILS 7691 Rome. Early fourth century AD A small marble plaque with coarse letters comes from the cemetery of Callistus. Viccentia was probably a spinner of gold thread for precious cloth. Her young age (she died at the age of nine) indicates child labour as well as a training at home.

Viccentia, sweetest daughter, spinner of gold thread (aurinetrix), who lived nine years and nine months.

46 An embroiderer in gold thread CIL 6, 9214 = ILS 7692 Rome. First half of the first century AD The inscriptions on the rim and the lid of this marble urn (Figure 38) from a columbarium record an aurivestrix, who produced and repaired clothes decorated with gold thread for wealthy customers. Her workshop was on the Via Sacra leading to the forum. Judging by her Greek cognomen, Sellia Ephyre was probably a freedwoman.

[On the lid] Sellia Ephyre, embroiderer in gold thread (aurivestrix) on the Via Sacra. [On the rim] (Wife) of Quintus Futius Olympicus.

47 Jewellers CIL 6, 9435 Rome. First half of the first century AD A communal tomb commemorates five jewellers, including one woman (Babbia Asia), who were the former slaves of two owners, a Babbia and a Quintus Plotius, who may have been a couple. When freed, the jewellers set up a communal tomb for themselves after the death of one of them (indicated by the Greek letter theta, from thanatos, death). The others were all still alive when the tomb was built, but by recording their names they

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Figure 38 Marble urn of Sellia Ephyre from a columbarium in Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano inv. 29316. Photo author.

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safeguarded the right to be buried in it. All must have been trained while they were slaves and worked together as jewellers in the same workshop on the Via Sacra.

Babbia Asia, freedwoman of a woman, living; Caius Babbius Regillus, freedman of a woman, living; Quintus Plotius Nicephor, freedman of Quintus, deceased; Quintus Plotius Anteros, freedman of Quintus, living; Quintus Plotius Felix, freedman of Quintus, living: jewellers (gemmarii) on the Via Sacra.

48 A pearl setter CIL 6, 5972 Rome. Augustan period A fragment of a marble plaque from a columbarium records a freedwoman who earned her living by setting pearls in jewellery, and perhaps also selling them. Her workshop was probably in the vicinity of the temple of Hercules Musarum in the Campus Martius.

Domitia Philematio, freedwoman of Gnaeus, pearl setter (margaritaria) at Hercules of the Muses, lived [. . .] years.

49 A silk worker CIL 6, 9891 Rome. Imperial period A small marble plaque was attached to a niche for urns by the slave Data, a silk worker or seller of silk, commemorating her freed partner and herself.

To the spirits of the departed. To Claudius Bacchylus who lived forty-nine years. Data, silk worker (sericaria), made this for her well-deserving partner (contubernalis) and for herself.

50 Nail makers CIL 5, 7023 = ILS 7636 Augusta Taurinorum, Italy (11). Imperial period The freedwoman Cornelia Venusta was married to a freeborn man and worked together with him as a nail maker. She set up a tomb for them both, for their freedwoman and for their favourite slave girl (see Chapter 2 on delicia).

Cornelia Venusta, freedwoman of Lucius, a nail maker (clavaria), made this while alive for herself and for her husband Publius Aebutius, son of Marcus, of the voting tribe Stellatina, a nail maker (clavarius) and an Augustalis, and for the freedwoman Crescens and for Muro, their delight (delicata).

51 A shoemaker CIL 14, 4698 Ostia, Italy (1). AD 175–80

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Figure 39 Marble funerary plaque of the shoemaker Septimia Stratonice. Ostia, Museo Archeologico Ostiense inv. 1418. Photo Archivio Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica.

This incomplete marble plaque (Figure 39) shows a seated woman dressed in a belted tunica and holding a shoe-last as a symbol of her trade. Her high-backed chair, used by women of some means, suggests that she may have been a manager overseeing the production and trade of shoes rather than working as a shoemaker herself. The burial place was donated by a male friend (for friendship, see Chapter 4). It had room for two urns, the other one being for his son.

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Marcus Acilius Is[. . .] granted this burial place as a gift to Septimia Stratonice, shoemaker (sutrix) and his dearest friend, because of her good deeds towards him. The (half?) part is for Acilius Fortunatianus, his son.

Further Reading Van Driel-Murray (2016)

52 A lime burner ILS 7663 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 30–70 A marble columella (headstone) with the top (the stylised head) missing commemorates a female lime burner, who worked at a lime kiln where limestone or marble was burned to produce lime, the main ingredient for plaster and mortar.

Laturnia Januaria, lime burner (calcaria), lived forty-five years.

53 A perfumer CIL 10, 1965 Puteoli, Italy (1). Second or early third century AD Licinia Primigenia, who may have been a freedwoman, made a living by producing and/ or selling perfumes. For other unguentariae, see CIL 6, 10006 and CIL 12, 1594.

To the departed spirits of Licinia Primigenia, perfumer (unguentaria). Licinius Amomus made this for his well-deserving mother. She lived seventy-one years.

54 Incense dealers CIL 6, 9934 Rome. 50–30 BC A travertine funerary plaque from a tomb on the Via Appia commemorates two incense dealers freed by the same master. Another inscription, CIL 6, 9933, lists seven freed persons of the same owner, including two women, all of whom were also incense dealers. The dimensions given at the end of the text record the boundaries of the funeral plot.

Trebonia Hilara, freedwoman of Sextus, and Sextus Trebonius Trypho, freedman of Sextus, incense dealers (turarii). [Dimensions of the burial plot] 20 feet wide, 28 feet deep.

55 Purple-dyers CIL 6, 37820 = ILS 9428 Rome. Late first century BC The freedwoman Veturia Flora commissioned this travertine funerary plaque to commemorate herself, her patron (the freedman Decimus Veturius Diogenes), her fellow

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freedman Nicephorus, who was also her partner, and their joint freedman Philargyrus. They worked together as purple-dyers in the district of the monuments of Marius on the Esquiline. The masculine plural purpurarii includes Veturia Flora, who paid for the inscription from her own resources. For more female purple-dyers or traders of purple, see CIL 6, 9846 and 9848.

Decimus Veturius Diogenes, freedman of Decimus, living; Decimus (Veturius) Nicephor(us), freedman of Decimus, deceased. Veturia Flora, freedwoman of Decimus, commissioned this during her lifetime from her own resources for herself, her patron, her fellow freedman and her freedman. Nicephor(us), my fellow freedman, lived with me for twenty years. Purple-dyers (purpurarii) from the Marian district. Decimus Veturius Philargyrus, freedman of Decimus and of a woman, living.

56 Tailors CIL 6, 33920 Rome. Imperial period This inscription on their communal tomb was set up by four former slaves of the same owner (who was himself a freedman) for their patron and themselves. All worked together in the same textile workshop in the Cermalus Minusculus area close to the Palatine. Note that the masculine plurals (liberti, vestiarii) subsume one woman, Avillia Philusa. A theta (the first letter of the Greek word thanatos, ‘death’) marks that she had died before the tomb was dedicated.

For Publius Avillius Menander, freedman of Publius. The freedmen (liberti) listed below made this for their patron after his death and for themselves: Avillia Philusa, freedwoman of Publius, deceased; Publius Avillius Hilarus, freedman of Publius; Publius Avillius Anteros, freedman of Publius; Publius Avillius Felix, freedman of Publius: tailors (vestiarii) from the Cermalus Minusculus [text breaks off].

57 Tailors of fine clothing CIL 6, 37826 Rome. Imperial period The freedwoman Cameria Iarine made this funerary monument for her patron and his patron, both freedmen, as well as for her own former slave, whom she had freed and subsequently married. The four of them worked together as tailors of fine clothing in a workshop on the Vicus Tuscus, an important shopping street leading to the forum. Note that Cameria Iarine is the one paying for the monument and freeing her own slave and co-worker.

Cameria Iarine, freedwoman of Lucius, made this for Lucius Camerius Thraso, freedman of Lucius, her patron, and for his patron Lucius Camerius Alexander, freedman of Lucius, and for Lucius Camerius Onesimus, her own freedman and

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husband (libertus et vir), and for all their descendants: tailors of fine clothing (vestiarii tenuarii) from the Vicus Tuscus.

58 A mender of clothes CIL 6, 9884 = ILS 7567 Rome. Imperial period A marble funerary plaque commemorates the freedwoman Matia Prima, who repaired clothes at an unknown location called the ‘Six Altars’. It was set up by her husband. For another example of a clothes-mender, see CIL 5, 2542.

[Right] Titus Thoranius Salvius, freedman of Titus, set this up for himself and [Left] for Matia Prima, freedwoman of a woman, his wife, a mender of clothes (sarcinatrix) at the Six Altars. She lived forty-six years.

59 A street vendor of woollen cloth InscrAqu 1, 69 = IEAquil 57 Aquileia, Italy (10). Early first century BC A limestone funerary stele from the Republican period (Figure 40) commemorates the freedwoman Trosia Hilara, who was a street vendor of woollen cloth (see Mart. Ep. 10.3.2 for a circulatrix). Judging by the fact that she had freed slaves and bought a burial plot, she must have earned a good income.

Trosia Hilara, freedwoman of Publius (Trosius) Hermon, street vendor of woollen cloth (lanifica circulatrix) made this during her lifetime. [Below] The (burial) plot is 16 square feet. For her freedmen and freedwomen.

Further Reading Holleran (2012) 194–231

60 A female linen-weaver CIL 2, 14, 1284 = RIT 9 Tarraco, Hispania Tarraconensis. Mid-first century BC A bilingual inscription in Iberian and Latin on a small grave-marker, now lost, commemorates Fulvia, a woman of local descent, who was a linen-weaver (or seller), in Tarraco. The Iberian inscription records her Iberian name preceded by a word which probably means ‘here lies’ or ‘tomb of’. The Latin inscription also records her profession. On the linen production in Tarraco, see Pliny the Elder (HN 19.2.10).

Fulvia, linen-weaver (lintearia).

61 A workshop of linen-weavers CIL 5, 5923 = ILS 7560 Mediolanum, Italy (11). First century AD

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Figure 40 Limestone funerary stele of the street vendor Trosia Hilara. Aquileia Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 49941, su concessione del Ministero per i beni e le attivatà culturali, Polo Museale del Friuli Venezia Giulia. Lupa.at/13410. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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A marble funerary stele was set up by a freed linen-weaver for himself, for Cassia Domestica, his former owner, who was a linen-weaver (and a freedwoman herself ), and two of his, or her, freedwomen, whose profession is not recorded. Cassia Domestica and her freedman worked together as linen-weavers, possibly assisted by the other two freedwomen in what may have been a family workshop. Linen-weaving was a specialised craft, which was important for northern Italy and was relatively well paid. Originally, the stele was also set up for a friend of Cassius, whose name in the last lines of the text has been erased.

Gaius Cassius Sopater, linen-weaver, made this for himself while alive and for Cassia Domestica, freedwoman of Gaius, linen-weaver (linaria) and his patroness (patrona), and for Cassia Suavis, freedwoman, and for Cassia Primigenia, freedwoman and for [name and ‘a friend’ erased].

62 A baker CIL 9, 4721 = CIL 9, 4722 Reate, Italy (4). First century AD This epitaph commemorates two freedwomen of the same female owner. One of them was a baker.

Fonteia Gnome, freedwoman of a woman, Fonteia Fausta, freedwoman of a woman, baker (furnaria). [Dimensions of the tomb] 12 feet wide.

63 Running a bakery CIL 8, 24678 Thabraca, Africa Proconsularis. First century AD An epitaph on a funerary plaque commemorates a freedman and a freedwoman running a bakery. They may have been a couple. The occasion for setting up the plaque was the death of the male partner, Lucius Atilius Hiero, but Valeria Euterpe reserved a place for herself as well. Their connection to the third person in the tomb is unknown.

Lucius Atilius Hiero, freedman of Lucius, baker (furnarius). Valeria Euterpe, freedwoman of a woman, baker (furnaria), alive. Caius Valerius Dionisius, freedman of Gaius, soldier of the third rank, alive.

64 A trader of grain and vegetables CIL 6, 9683 = ILS 7488 Rome. Imperial period A marble funerary altar commemorating the freedwoman Abudia Megiste was set up by her husband, who was also her former owner (see Chapter 2 nos. 28–37 on patrons marrying their former slaves). Abudia Megiste sold grain and vegetables at an unidentified location in Rome referred to as the ‘Middle Stairs’. Their son, who died at the age of eight, is recorded at the end of the inscription.

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To the departed spirits of Abudia Megiste, the most loyal freedwoman of Marcus. Marcus Abudius Luminaris, her patron and also her husband (patronus idemque coniunx), set this up for his well-deserving wife, trader (negotiatrix) of grain and vegetables at the Middle Stairs, and for himself, his freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. Also for Marcus Abudius Saturninus, their son, of the voting tribe Esquilina seniorum, who lived eight years.

65 A fish vendor CIL 6, 9801 = ILS 7500 Rome. Early second century AD A decorated marble funerary altar with three compartments for urns (Figures 41a–c) commemorates the freedwoman Aurelia Nais, her former owner Gaius Aurelius Phileros, who had been a freedman himself, and a freedman from another family, possibly a friend or co-worker. Gaius Aurelius Phileros had freed Aurelia Nais, perhaps in order to marry her. She was a fish vendor in or near the Warehouses of Galba (Horrea Galbae) on the banks of the Tiber. The front of the altar is decorated with a wreath of oak leaves and the sides with a patera (libation bowl) and a jug (urceus). Since Aurelia Nais’ name is mentioned first and is carved in larger letters, her death was the reason that the altar was set up.

Aurelia Nais, freedwoman of Gaius, fish vendor (piscatrix) in the Warehouses of Galba. Gaius Aurelius Phileros, freedman of Gaius, her patron, and Lucius Valerius Secundus, freedman of Lucius, set this up.

66 A seller of barley CIL 6, 9684 = ICUR 3, 7751 Rome. AD 326–75 This epitaph, scratched into the plaster of a burial-niche in the catacomb of Domitilla, commemorates Pollecla, who sold barley on the Via Nova in Rome. According to the spelling of the time, a ‘b’ was used instead of a ‘v’.

[On top] At the Via Nova. Pollecla who sells barley on the Via Nova.

67 A seller of seeds CIL 14, 2850 = ILS 3689 Praeneste, Italy (1). Imperial period Several identical inscriptions were set up as votives to the goddess Fortuna by a woman who sold seeds at the triumphal gate (presumably in Rome) together with her husband and their daughter. Judging by their names, both parents may have been freed, but their daughter seems to have been freeborn. A votive to Fortuna, the goddess of Fortune and prosperity, seems apt for merchants who, judging by their gifts, did well, but perhaps it is

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Figure 41 Marble funerary altar of Aurelia Nais with three compartments for urns. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 248. Photos author.

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Figure 41 (cont.)

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Figure 41 (cont.)

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also a pun on the cognomen of her husband, Fortunatus. The votives were set up publicly on a location granted by the local council.

To holy Fortuna, Atinia Tyrannis, seller of seeds (seminaria) at the triumphal gate (porta triumphalis) and Publius Terentius Fortunatus, my dearest husband to whom I have always rendered the greatest thankfulness, together with our daughter Terentia Faustina donated this. The location is granted by decree of the decurions.

68 Dealers in honey CIL 1, 3021 = AE 1971, 42 Rome. Mid–late first century BC An epitaph on a travertine grave marker, broken at the top, commemorates a man and a woman who were dealers in honey on the Via Sacra (see also Varro De Re Rustica 3, 16, 23). Both had been freed by a Gnaeus Sergius, but Paulla Sergia Chrysis had been owned by two brothers with the same name.

[. . .] Pamphilus, freedman of Gnaeus, and Paulla Sergia Chrysis, freedwoman of both Gnaei, dealers in honey (mellarii) on the Via Sacra. [Dimensions of the tomb] [..] feet wide, 18 feet deep.

69 A producer of resin CIL 6, 9855 = ILS 7658 Rome. Second century AD A broken marble stele with an inscription in tabula ansata commemorates Julia Agale. Only the lower part of the relief has survived. It shows the deceased sitting opposite a female customer who has bared her legs for treatment. Behind the deceased there is an authepsa (literally: a ‘self-boiler’), which is a vessel resembling a samovar that was used for heating liquids. Probably the title resinaria means that Julia Agale produced unguents based on resin, which were used for depilation. Judging by her Greek cognomen, Julia Agale was a freedwoman. At her death at the age of eighty, her own freedwoman, Julia Irene, set up her tomb, in which she herself, her family and descendants were also to be buried.

To the departed spirits of Julia Agale, producer of resin (resinaria). She lived eighty years. Julia Irene set this up for her well-deserving patroness and for herself and her relatives and their descendants.

70 Selling preserved foods CIL 6, 9277 = ICUR 1, 1519 Rome. AD 250–312 A marble funerary plaque commemorates Aulia Hilaritas and her husband, who were dealers in preserved food plying their trade in or near the barracks of the Praetorian Guard. Judging by their shared family name, they were freed by the same owner. The

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formula at the end of the inscription (‘may they rest in peace’) suggests that they were Christians.

Aulia Mercuriana made this for her parents: Aulius Maximus, dealer in preserved foods in the barracks of the Praetorian Guard, and Aulia Hilaritas, dealer in preserved foods (conditaria). May they rest in peace.

71 A partner in business CIL 8, 152 Between Capsa and Thelepte, Africa Proconsularis. Late second–early third century AD This verse epitaph on a grand mausoleum in the form of a temple commemorates Urbanilla. The first letters of each line together form her name (an acrostic). Together with her husband, Urbanilla had travelled from the Roman province of Africa Proconsularis to Rome, where she had been her husband’s business associate (for women’s travels, see Chapter 4). On their way back to their home town in Africa Proconsularis, she unexpectedly died in Carthage. Her husband buried her in their native town, praising her traditional female virtues as well as her partnership in trade and her helpful advice.

Urbanilla, my wife full of modesty (verecundia), lies here. In Rome, she was my companion and partner in business supported by her frugality. When she returned with me to our fatherland after all had been concluded well, ah! Carthage snatched away my pitiable companion. I have no hope of living without such a wife. She kept my house and helped me with her advice (consilium). Deprived of the light of life, the poor woman rests enclosed in marble. I, Lucius, your husband, have covered you here with marble. This lot fate gave to us when we were brought into the light of life. [In acrostic] Urbanilla.

72 A trader of olive oil and wine AE 1973, 71 Rome. AD 130–70 A large, but incomplete, marble plaque in a columbarium under the cemetery of St Peter (Vatican) commemorates a woman whose name is lost. She was a trader (negotiatrix) in olive oil and wine from Baetica, where much of both was produced for the Roman market (see the following inscriptions). Coelia Mascellina, her daughter, set up the monument for her parents. She may be the same Coelia Mascellina recorded on a bilingual (Greek and Latin) bronze amphora stamp from Rome (CIL 15, 8166), which suggests that she continued her mother’s trade.

Coelia Mascellina made this for her parents, [name of the mother], merchant (negotiatrix) of olive oil from the province of Baetica and also of wine, a woman of incomparable chastity (castitas), and Gnaeus Coelius Masculus, her most dutiful father.

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Merchants and Ship Owners Exporting to Rome Amphora stamps and painted messages on potsherds from Monte Testaccio in Rome record the names of male and female ship owners and traders exporting wine and olive oil from southern Spain (Baetica) to Rome (cf. Dig. 14.1.1.16 on male and female ship owners). Many of them seem to have been freedwomen. According to Suetonius (Claud. 19), the emperor Claudius, wishing to secure the shipping of grain to the city in winter, offered the right of four children (ius IIII liberorum, see Chapter 2) to female ship owners as a reward. Apparently, this measure was targeted especially at freedwomen. Marks impressed on the stoppers of amphorae refer to the trader or owner of the produce (mainly wine, olive oil, or garum, fish-sauce), who could be the same person. The painted inscriptions on the upper part of the body successively refer to the weight of the empty container in Roman pounds, the name(s) of merchant(s) or shipper(s) and the weight of the full vessel or its contents. Near the handle, record could be made of the value and content of the container (with a crossed R for recensitum or ‘checked’), the name of the estate, owner or agent, the names of the supervisors and measurers and the consular date.

73 Antonia Agathonica and Sempronia Epagatho CIL 15, 3729 Rome. AD 149 Antonia Agathonica and Sempronia Epagatho, the merchants, shippers and/or owners of the wares, were probably freedwomen.

[Weight of the amphora when empty] 88 [Names of merchants or shippers] Of Antonia Agathonica and Sempronia Epagatho [Weight of the full amphora] 216 [Value] . . . [number damaged] [Names of merchants or owners] Of Antonia Agathonica and Sempronia Epagatho

74 Cornelia Placida CIL 15, 3847 Rome. AD 191 The freeborn merchant Cornelia Placida is also mentioned in CIL 15, 3845 and 3846.

[Weight of the amphora when empty] 90 [Name of merchant or shipper] Of Cornelia Placida, daughter of Quintus

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[Weight of the full amphora] 205? [damaged] [Name of merchant or owner] Of Cornelia Placida, daughter of Quintus [Value] 210? [damaged]

75 Maria Postumina CIL 15, 3960 Rome. AD 149 The freeborn merchant Maria Postumina is also recorded in CIL 15, 3961.

[Weight of the amphora when empty] 78 [Name of merchant or shipper] Maria Postumina, daughter of Quintus [Weight of the full amphora] 216? [damaged] [Value] 101? [damaged]

76 Female wine producers CIL 3, 12010, 2 = ILS 8574b Poetovio, Pannonia Superior. Mid-first century AD An amphora stamp records the name of the owner of the estate producing the wine, Calvia Crispinilla, who was possibly the same as Nero’s like-named lover (Tac. Hist. 1.73). She may serve as an example of women’s involvement in viticulture. Her name is also recorded on amphora stamps in Parentium and Tergeste in north-east Italy (see for instance CIL 5, 8112, 24).

Of Cal(via) Crispinilla

V | Entertainers and Bar Personnel Since dancing, acting and performing in the arena were considered disreputable occupations in Rome – entertainers, like prostitutes, were subject to infamia (public disgrace and legal disabilities) – we find female entertainers (actors, dancers, musicians, singers and even some gladiators) mostly among slaves and freedwomen. Women did not appear in the traditional theatre (tragedy or comedy), where all parts were played by men, but they did perform in mimes, an improvisatory and satirical genre without masks that was considered indecent but was highly popular in the imperial period. Occasionally we also find women entertaining the public in the intervals between plays or acting in farces. For a female dancer see also Chapter 2 no. 51.

Further Reading Edwards (1993) 98–136, (1997)

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77 An actress of Atellan farce CIL 4, 2457 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 A graffito near the theatre (VIII.7.21) records a slave actress of the Fabula Atellana (comedy or farce). The last line refers to the traditional Roman ideal of marital concordia, here applied to a relationship between slaves.

Methe, (slave) of Cominia, actress in Atellan farce (atellana), loves Chrestus. May Venus Pompeiana be propitious to both and may they always live in harmony.

78 A mime actress CIL 6, 10110 = ILS 5216 Rome. Late first century BC This epitaph commemorates a mime actress of King Juba II of Mauretania and Numidia, who grew up in Rome and was married to Cleopatra Selene, the daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra.

For Ecloga, (slave) of King Juba, mime actress (mima). She lived eighteen years [and . . . months].

79 A leading mime player CIL 6, 10106 = ILS 5211 Rome. Second century AD On a marble urn a mime player is commemorated who played the leading role in this popular type of acting, which combined song, dance, text and improvisation parodying scenes from daily life.

Sleep! For Claudia Hermiona, first leading mime player (archimima) of her time. Her heirs set this up.

80 A mime actress of the second order AE 1993, 912 Emerita, Lusitania. Second century AD An incomplete marble stele, broken into six fragments, commemorates a mime actress of the second rank, which confirms the professional hierarchy among mime actresses. The place names Sollemnis and Halyus may refer to her origin in Asia Minor.

Cornelia Nothis, freedwoman of Publius, mime actress of the second order (secunda mima) from Sollemnis and Halyus, lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you.

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81 A Greek mime actress InscrAqu 710 = IG 14, 2342 Aquileia, Italy (10). AD 222–35 This Greek funerary epigram for Bassilla, a Greek mime actress and dancer–singer from Aquileia, was inscribed on a limestone stele in the amphitheatre of the city. Her stele with the funerary poem was set up by the actor Heracleides, possibly the archimimus (leading mime player) of the group. At the end of the inscription, Bassilla’s fellow actors say farewell to her. Above the inscription field, a relief bust portrays her with the hairstyle of the Severan period and pointing with two fingers of her right hand, as if reciting lines from a play. The epitaph plays with the notion of dying on stage (i.e. playing the role of a dying character) versus actual death.

For her who once earned resounding fame on the stage among many peoples and cities for her multifaceted talent in mimes and also in choruses of dancers and singers, the mime actress Bassilla, the tenth Muse, who often died on stage, but never in this way, the actor and expert in reciting, Heracleides, set up this stele. Indeed, in death she received equal honour as in life, since her body was laid to rest in soil sacred to the Muses. That’s all (I have to say). Your fellow actors say: ‘Good courage, Bassilla, no one is immortal.’

82 An association of mime actresses CIL 6, 10109 = ILS 5217 Rome. Imperial period A travertine funerary stone marks the small communal tomb of an association of mime players.

(Tomb) of the associated mime players (mimae); 15 feet wide, 12 feet deep.

83 An actress of interludes CIL 6, 10127 = ILS 5262 Rome. Early first century AD A marble funerary plaque for three urns was set up following the death at the age of twelve of Phoebe, an actress and dancer who performed in the intervals between plays. Originally from Vocontia in Gallia Narbonensis, she may have migrated to Rome as a slave (see Chapter 4 on women’s travel and migration).

[Left] Publius Fabius Faustus, freedman of Publius and of a woman, living. [Middle] Phoebe, a Vocontian, actress of interludes (emboliaria), skilled in all arts. Her fate (death) has overwhelmed her. She lived twelve years. [Right] Pompeia Sabbatis, freedwoman of Gnaeus, living.

84 A Greek actress–singer CIL 6, 8693 Rome. Second half of the first century AD

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An epitaph from a columbarium commemorates Demetria, slave of the freedwoman Claudia Acte, who was the mistress of the emperor Nero. Demetria is described as an acroamatica, an entertainer combining acting and singing. Despite the fact that she was a Greek actress (or acting and singing in Greek), the inscription is in Latin.

For Demetria, slave of Acte, freedwoman of the emperor, Greek actress–singer (acroamatica Graeca). She lived thirty-five years. Trophimus, in charge of the bedroom, set this up for his well-deserving fellow slave. To the spirits of the departed.

85 Singing twins CIL 6, 37783 = ILS 9347 Rome. First–early second century AD A marble tablet, now broken into three pieces, from a columbarium outside the Porta Salaria in Rome was set up for themselves by twin sisters, who were both professional singers. They had been slaves of the same owner, but Thelxis Cottia, who died first, seems to have been freed, possibly on her deathbed.

Thelxis Cottia and Chelys, (slave) of Cottia, living, most loving twin sisters, singers (cantrices), each dear to their loved ones.

86 A flute player CIL 6, 33970 = ILS 5240 Rome. Early first century AD An epitaph on a marble plaque commemorates a professional flute player, who died at the age of fifteen. Since slaves could not formally be freed under the age of thirty, she may have been manumitted informally or perhaps on her deathbed (see Chapter 2).

Fulvia Copiola, freedwoman of a woman, flute player (tibicina), lived fifteen years.

87 A solo singer CIL 6, 10120 = ILS 5232 Rome. Late first century AD A marble funerary altar, now cut off at the top, was set up for a professional solo singer, whose husband had won victories as a flute player at the games in Actium and at the Augustan games (Sebasta) in Naples. He is perhaps to be identified with the famous flute player Glaphyrus mentioned in Mart. Ep. 4.5.8. Judging by their names, the couple may have been of freed family or perhaps they were freeborn Greek immigrants who had received Roman citizenship.

For Heria Thisbe, solo singer (monodiaria), wife of Tiberius Claudius Glaphyrus, flute player (choraula), victor at the Actia and the Sebasta.

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[Dimensions of the burial plot] The sacred domain is 10 feet long and 10 feet wide. Please, do not dig where she is buried, in order not to commit sacrilege.

88 A singer–musician CIL 6, 10125 = ILS 5244 Rome. Second century AD A lost epitaph commemorates a citharoeda, a singer–musician who accompanied her song by playing on the cithara. Her single Greek name suggests that she was a foreigner in Rome or perhaps an (ex-)slave, who was married to a freeborn or freed man.

To the spirits of the departed. Gaius Cornelius Neritus set this up for his excellent wife (coniunx optima) Auxesis, a singer and cithara player (citharoeda), and for himself.

89 A tympanon player AE 1972, 715 Sitifis, Mauretania Caesariensis. Imperial period This inscription on a grave stele was set up for a player of the drums, possibly in the cult of Cybele, who is stated to have died when she was over 110 years old (the last number is lost). North Africa is known for its frequent record of high age at death, which should not be taken at face value.

Dedicated to the departed spirits of Donata, player of the drums (tympanaria), who deserves well. She lived 110+ years.

90 A singer and water-organ player CIL 3, 10501 = TitAq 2, 519 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. First half of the third century AD This inscription on a limestone sarcophagus displays a verse epitaph of Aelia Sabina, who died at the age of twenty-five years, three months and fourteen days. She was a singer and an instrumentalist playing a string instrument and the water-organ. The expression ‘she plucked the strings with her thumb’ (pulsabat pollice chordas) alludes to the poems of Tibullus (2.5.3): impellere pollice chordas and Statius (Silv. 4.4.53 and 5.5.31): pollice chordas pulso. The famous mosaic of gladiatorial games in Zliten (Roman North Africa) similarly shows a woman playing the water-organ: see Dunbabin (1978) pl. 46 and 49. Aelia Sabina probably followed her husband, who was a salaried organ player in the army.

Enclosed in stone lies my loyal and dear wife, Sabina. Thoroughly learned in the arts (artibus edocta), she alone surpassed her husband. Her voice was pleasing, she plucked the strings with her thumb, but suddenly carried off she is now silent. She lived thrice ten years, ah alas less five, but she had three further months and lived twice seven days more. While she lived, she held sway as a favourite organ player (hydraula) respected by the people. Whoever you are

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who reads this, be happy. May the gods preserve you and sing with tender voice: Aelia Sabina, farewell. [In prose] Titus Aelius Justus, salaried organ player (hydraularius) of the Legio II Adiutrix, commissioned this for his wife.

91 A young dancer CIL 6, 10143 Rome. First century AD A marble funerary plaque shows that children of the lower classes were set to work at an early age. Judging by her name, Julia Nemesis was a freedwoman, who may have been trained as a slave. She may have been freed informally or at death (see Chapter 2).

Julia Nemesis, dancer (saltatrix), lived nine years.

92 A slave dancer CIL 8, 12925 = ILS 5260 Carthago, Africa Proconsularis. Imperial period The young slave Thyas was employed as a dancer by a Roman noble woman. Her epitaph is set up by a fellow slave, who addresses her as his fiancée.

Thyas, dancer (saltatrix), (slave) of Metilia Rufa, lived fourteen years. Thalamus set this up for his fiancée (sponsa).

93 A dancer of the Pyrricha CIL 6, 10141 = ILS 5261 Rome. Late first–early second century AD A marble funerary plaque under the niche for her urn commemorates a home-born slave of the emperor. She was a professional dancer of the Pyrricha, originally a dance in armour, but in the imperial period a complicated ballet in richly ornamented costume. Her fellow slave and partner addresses her as his coniunx (lawfully wedded wife). Though slaves could not marry according to Roman law, their union was often considered by both partners as a marriage (see Chapter 2, I B and C).

To the spirits of the departed. For Nais, home-born slave (verna) of the emperor, (member) of the society of dancers of the Pyrrhic dance. She lived twenty-five years, two months and one day. Onesimus, slave of our emperor, set this up for his well-deserving wife (coniunx) and for himself, his relatives and their descendants.

94 A female employee of a gladiator school? CIL 7, 1335, 4 = RIB 2, 7, 2501, 586 Ratae Coritanorum, Britannia. Imperial period A graffito was inscribed on a shard of red glazed ware, which was pierced for hanging round the neck. In it, Verecunda is called a ludia. This female form of ludius, stage performer or gladiator, may mean that she was employed at a gladiator school or

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performed at the games, possibly as a gladiator, like her partner. If so, she is one of the very few professional women known from Britannia. However, in literary sources (Juv. 6.104; Mart. Ep. 5.24.10) ludia is used for a female fan, or the wife, of a gladiator. Therefore, the meaning of ludia in this graffito cannot be ascertained beyond doubt.

Verecunda, of the gladiator school (ludia). Lucius, gladiator.

95 Female gladiators CIL 14, 4616 and 5381 = EAOR 4, 29 = AE 1977, 153 Ostia, Italy (1). AD 150–200 Three fragments of a marble funerary plaque set up by a local magistrate in Ostia boast that, together with his wife, he was the first since the foundation of the city to provide games staging female sword-fighters (ad ferrum dedit). Female gladiators are attested also in the literary sources (see Chapter 4 III C); because of their rarity they could be advertised as a special attraction. Yet, we should distinguish between women of the elite training for the arena for fun or for the sensation (or forced to perform by an emperor) and women of the working classes whose aim was to earn money. The latter are probably recorded here.

[. . .] Hostilianus, duumvir, quaestor of the treasury of Ostia, priest of the imperial cult, curator by decree of the decurions for the Games of the Youth, [. . .] who together with his wife Sabina was the first of all since the foundation of the City to fund games with [. . .] pairs of gladiators and women (mulieres) fighting with the sword. He made this for himself and for [text irrecoverable].

Further Reading Levick (1983)

96 The reputation of a barmaid CIL 4, 8442 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 This graffito was scribbled in very small letters within an electoral notice on the outside wall of a bar (II.2.3). Obviously, this boastful – and not necessarily truthful – claim cannot be used as evidence that the barmaid doubled as a prostitute, but it does reflect the dubious reputation of women working in bars, who because of their profession were exempt from the Augustan adultery laws. For another graffito about a female bar worker, see CIL 4, 8259.

I fucked the barmaid (caupona).

97 A humorous sign for an inn CIL 9, 2689 = ILS 7478 Aesernia, Italy (4). Second century AD

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This mock funerary stele for Lucius Calidius Eroticus and Fannia Voluptas (Figure 42) was probably employed as a shop sign for an inn. The fictitious names, or pseudonyms, of the innkeeper (Calidius Eroticus) and his wife (Fannia Voluptas) allude to erotic services. The relief shows a traveller with a hooded cape and a mule standing before the innkeeper. Their fingers perform the gesture of calculating money. The text is set up as a fictional conversation between the traveller and the innkeeper about the price of various commodities, including 8 asses (i.e. 2 sesterces) for a ‘girl’ (prostitute).

Lucius Calidius Eroticus made this for himself and for Fannia Voluptas when alive. ‘Innkeeper, let us prepare the bill.’ ‘You had one pint of wine, bread for 1 as, a meal for 2 asses.’ ‘That’s right.’ ‘A girl for 8 asses.’ ‘That is also right.’ ‘Hay for the mule: 2 asses.’ ‘That damn mule will ruin me!’

98 A female innkeeper HAE 1639 Emerita, Lusitania. Late second century AD An incomplete marble tombstone with a relief depicting a woman pouring wine from a large barrel into a jug (Figure 43), commemorates Sentia Amarantis, who died at the age of forty-five after seventeen years of marriage. She is dressed in a sleeved tunica, which falls halfway down the calves. This short upgirt tunic is typical for working women, such as waitresses and other bar personnel. Sentia Amarantis and her husband share the same family name, which suggests that they were freed by the same owner or that she was freed by her patron for the purpose of marriage. Her former slave status may also explain her marriage at the age of twenty-nine, which is late according to Roman standards. But the most remarkable feature of the epitaph is that the husband does not record her work as an innkeeper, whereas the relief shows her at work. Here, text and image are probably meant to complement each other.

Dedicated to the departed spirits of Sentia Amarantis, aged forty-five. Sentius Victor commissioned this for his dearest wife (uxor carissima) with whom he lived for seventeen years.

Further Reading Berg (2019)

99 A celebrated innkeeper CIL 14, 3709 = ILS 7477 = CLE 603 Tibur, Italy (1). Third century AD This verse inscription on an incomplete marble funerary plaque commemorates a female innkeeper, whose renown beyond her home town attracted many customers. Despite the disrepute of her profession and her public renown, which conflicts with the domestic virtues of the Roman matrona, her husband praises her moral virtues as his venerable (sancta) wife.

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Figure 42 Cast of the stele for Lucius Calidius Eroticus and Fannia Voluptas (Paris, Louvre inv. 3165). Photo D-DAI-ROM-72.22 (Max Hutzel).

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Figure 43 Marble funerary relief of Sentia Amarantis. Mérida, Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, inv. 676. Photo Archivo Fotográfico MNAR.

Sweet Amemone is buried in this tomb, dear to her husband, a well-known innkeeper (popinaria nota), whose fame has spread beyond the boundaries of her sweet home town. Because of her, many people used to frequent Tibur. Now the supreme god has taken fragile life away from her and bountiful light has received her soul through the golden ether. I, Philotechnus, have made this inscription for my venerable (sancta) wife, since her name should last forever.

VI | Prostitutes and Prices In graffiti and inscriptions various prices are recorded for the sexual services of prostitutes, ranging from very cheap (2 asses) to expensive (1 denarius = 16 asses, or even more); for some examples see CIL 4, 4150, 8185, 8511, 8394 (2 asses); CIL 4, 4439 (3 asses), cf. Mart. Ep. 1.103.10 (1 as). This variety in prices charged by prostitutes may perhaps be connected with the relative popularity or attractiveness of the girls in question, the place they worked in, their age or their special services. Most prostitutes seem to have been slaves and freedwomen, and many of them had nicknames. Some prostitutes are commended for their ‘good manners’ (belli mores), which may point to their honesty as regards

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money or their charming behaviour towards their clients. Though the meaning seems clear-cut, we have to keep in mind that some graffiti may have been boasts or insults targeting girls who were not prostitutes (see Chapter 4 no. 22, especially 22b). A representative sample of inscriptions concerning prostitutes follows below. One graffito can be dated comparatively early (3 BC), but the others are probably from the decennia before the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79.

Further Reading Evans (1991) 137–42 and 218; Flemming (1999); Levin-Richardson (2013); McGinn (2002) and (2004)

100 Drauca CIL 4, 2193 Pompeii (in a brothel, VII.12.18–20). Before AD 79

Arphocras had a good fuck here with Drauca for a denarius.

101 Euplia CIL 4, 5048 Pompeii (IX.2.26, in the portico before the garden). Before AD 79

Euplia sucks your cock for 5 asses. Euplia sucks. Euplia.

102 Lais CIL 4, 1969 Pompeii (on the south wall of the porticus of the Eumachia building, VII.9.1). Before AD 79

Lais sucks your cock for 2 asses.

103 Spes CIL 4, 5127 Pompeii (on the staircase of the House of Jason, IX.5.19). Before AD 79

Spes, with good manners, for 9 asses.

104 Attica CIL 4, 1751 Pompeii (above a bench outside the Porta Marina). Before AD 79

Whoever sits here, let him read this before all: anyone who wants to fuck should ask for Attica, for 16 asses.

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105 Sharing a prostitute CIL 4, 2450 Pompeii (on the south side of the corridor in the theatre complex, VIII.7.21). 3 BC The precise date possibly mocks official formulae for advertising public spectacles.

On the eleventh day before the Kalends of December (21 November) for 15 asses. Epaphra, Acutus and Auctus brought a woman called Tyche to this place. The price per person was 5 asses. When Marcus Messalla and Lucius Lentulus were consuls.

106 Novellia Primigenia CIL 4, 8356 Pompeii (in the second atrium of the House of Menander, I.10.4). Before AD 79

In Nuceria, near the Roman gate, in the district of Venus, you should look for Novellia Primigenia.

107 An anonymous woman CIL 4, 2217 Pompeii (in a brothel, VII.12.18–20). Before AD 79 Graffito scratched on the wall of a brothel by a woman.

I have been fucked here.

108 A brothel-keeper CIL 9, 2029 = ILS 8287 Beneventum, Italy (2). Imperial period The freedwoman Vibia Chresta made a grave monument for herself, for her son freed by another owner and for her freedwoman Vibia Calybene, who ran a brothel. She prides herself in not having cheated anyone.

Vibia Chresta, freedwoman of Lucius, made this monument for herself, for her relatives and for her son Gaius Rustius Thalassus, freedman of Gaius, and for her freedwoman Vibia Calybene, freedwoman of a woman, a brothel-keeper (lena), from her own earnings in penny numbers, without defrauding others. This monument will not pass to the heir.

VII | Managers Land Owners and Managers of Brick Production Male and female owners of estates with clay deposits or brick-yards (figlinae) were often involved in the manufacture of ceramics and other clay artefacts, and owned the eventual products (the bricks, tiles and pottery). Because of the

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building boom clay-rich areas for producing bricks in the vicinity of Rome were highly profitable for their owners. The actual work was organised in workshops managed by officinatores and officinatrices, male and female managers overseeing and organising the production. They could be slave agents, appointed business managers or independent entrepreneurs. Stamped and painted signatures on clay artefacts suggest that between 30 and 50 per cent of all owners (domini) were women, many of them of senatorial rank (for imperial dominae see Chapter 7), against only 6 per cent of the managers (officinatores). Most date from the second to early third centuries AD. Brick stamps show some women working as managers of the same brick-yards for over twenty years (see, for instance, Caecilia Amanda below). According to the third century jurist Ulpian (Dig. 14.3.7.1), the gender of the managers and agents of workshops was irrelevant to the conduct of the business. Minors, too – both boys and girls – could be appointed as workshop managers (Dig. 14.3.8; Gaius).

Further Reading Aubert (1993) 179–80 and (1994) 201–321; Helen (1975) 112–13; Setälä (1977), (1998) and (2002)

109 Two female tile-makers CIL 1, 3556a = SupIt 27 T, 39 Bovianum Vetus/Isernia, Italy (4). c. 130–80 BC A terracotta rooftile from temple B in Pietrabbondante, put together from several pieces, displays two short texts, one in Oscan and and the other in Latin. It also shows the sandal-prints of two slave girls, who were approximately twelve years old to judge from the shoe size and who were involved in the tile production. Their texts were scratched into the wet tile before firing and display two different hands, probably those of the girls themselves. Their signing with their sandals and their quick messages (just for fun, we may suppose) make it likely that they belonged to the staff of the workshop. The expression ‘when we laid out the tile’ suggests that they were involved in laying the wet tiles to dry in the sun.

[Above, in Oscan] Detfri(?), (slave) of Herennius Sattius, signed (this) with her sandal. [Below, in Latin] Amica (or: her friend), (slave) of Herennius, signed (this) when we laid out the tile.

110 Julia Albana and Procilia Phila CIL 15, 1217 Rome. AD 123 Five identical brick stamps show a female landowner of senatorial family employing a female workshop manager for the production of bricks.

From the estate of Julia Albana. (Workshop) of Procilia Phila.

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111 Memmia Macrina and Procillia Gemella CIL 15, 1302 Rome. c. AD 134 Five identical brick stamps record the names of the owner of clay deposits and the manager of the workshop manufacturing the tiles, bricks and pottery. Like many other women of senatorial rank, Memmia Macrina owned land with clay beds (figlinae) and was involved in the production of bricks (see also CIL 15, 1300 and 1301). The figlinae were managed by a female workshop manager (officinatrix).

From the clay beds of Memmia Macrina, daughter of Lucius. Workshop of Procillia Gemella.

112 Aemilia Severa and her female managers (a) CIL 15, 427, 1 Rome. AD 190–210 Eighteen identical brick stamps record that Aemilia Severa, a woman of senatorial rank (indicated by the words clarissima femina), owned the figlinae Publilianae (Publilian clay deposits).

Brickwork from the Publilian clay deposits from the estate of Aemilia Severa, of senatorial rank. (b) CIL 15, 430 Rome. AD 190–210 Thirteen identical brick stamps show that Aemilia Severa employed two female managers or directors: Junia Antonia and Junia Sabina. The term negotiatio suggests that these managers were also in charge of the distribution of the products. For Aemilia Severa see also CIL 15, 432 and 433.

Brickwork from the Publilian clay deposit from the estate of Aemilia Severa. Under the direction of Junia Antonia. (c) CIL 15, 431 Rome. AD 190–210

Brickwork from the Publilian clay deposit from the estate of Aemilia Severa. Under the direction of Junia Sabina.

113 The manager Caecilia Amanda CIL 15, 192 Rome. AD 193–217 Fifteen identical brick stamps show that Caecilia Amanda was employed as manager of the clay deposits called Domitianae Veteres. Her career as a manager of the imperial brick production can be followed on these and other brick stamps for roughly twenty years, from AD 193–8 to 212–17.

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Brick work from the domain of our lord Augustus, from the clay deposits called the (Domitianae) Veteres. (Under the direction) of Caecilia Amanda.

114 Avita Conimbri 314 and 387 Conimbriga, Lusitania. Second century AD Bricks stamped with the name of the owner or manager of the workshop, Avita. She must have been a well-known woman in her town, since we also find her name on several stone inscriptions.

(Workshop) of Avita.

115 A female manager of an unidentified workshop CIL 6, 9715 Rome. Imperial period A marble tablet in a columbarium commemorates a female manager of an unidentified workshop.

Junia Crocale, workshop manager (officinatrix), lived thirty years.

Managers of Lead Workshops Several plumbariae, female workers or, more likely, managers of a lead workshop, have been attested in inscriptions. Apart from this, women’s names are found relatively frequently on water pipes (fistulae) in Rome and Ostia. Most fistula stamps date from the second and third centuries AD and record the owners of the building or estate on which the water pipes were found, but their meaning is not always clear-cut. With the addition fecit, they point not to the owners, but to female managers of the lead workshops producing the water pipes. Further Reading Bruun (1991) 289 and 343–4; De Kleijn (2001) 165–92 and 261–307

116 Annea Jucunda CIL 15, 7303 = ILS 8683 Rome. AD 116–17 Two identical lead pipes (fistulae) from a public fountain on the Esquiline record that Annea Jucunda was a manager of the workshop producing lead fistulae for the emperor Trajan.

Of the emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus Optimus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus. Annea Jucunda made this under the supervision of the procurator of the domain.

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117 Aemilia Formiana CIL 15, 7592 Rome. AD 201–30 A lead pipe (fistula) shows the name of a woman managing the lead workshop. For more plumbariae see CIL 15, 7252, 7253d, 7378, 7589, 7411, 7509, 7532, 7557a, 7564a, 7592, 7612, 7620, 7628, 7640, 7649, 7675.

Aemilia Formiana made this.

118 Vetrania Zosime CIL 15, 7434 Rome. Late second century AD This fistula stamp records the names of the female owner of the building or estate and of the female manager of the lead workshop. The owner is of senatorial rank, the manager probably a freedwoman.

(Building or estate) of Claudia Vera, a woman of senatorial rank. Vetrania Zosime made this.

119 Aurelia Vernilla CIL 3, 2117 Salona, Dalmatia. Third century AD This inscription on a grave monument is set up by a female plumber or manager of a lead workshop for herself and her family. She stipulates that a large fine has to be paid if someone places other bodies in the tomb. The fact that husband and wife share the family name Aurelius/Aurelia, may indicate that both received Roman citizenship by the Constitutio Antoniniana in AD 212. This is confirmed by their non-Roman cognomina, which suggest that they were of indigenous stock.

Aurelia Vernilla, lead-worker (plumbaria), set this up for herself and for Aurelius Lucius, her husband, and for Aurelia Stercoria, her daughter. Whoever places bodies on top of these will pay 100,000 denarii to the state.

Managers of Workshops Producing and Distributing Fish-Sauce Aulus Umbricius Scaurus was a large-scale producer and merchant of fishsauce (garum) in Pompeii, whose fish-sauce was very popular in the region. Painted inscriptions on the one-handled jars (urcei) containing the sauce record the names of the slave and freed staff running his various workshops and managing the distribution system. Among them there are a few women, such as Umbricia Fortunata, a freedwoman in charge of one of the workshops producing and distributing the fish-sauce. Further Reading Curtis (1984) and (1988)

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120 Umbricia Fortunata (a) CIL 4, 5675 Pompeii, Italy (1). Mid-first century AD This inscription is painted on a jar found in the garden of a house (entrance in insula IX.7). ‘The flower of fish-sauce’ is used in the sense of ‘the finest fish-sauce’. For similar inscriptions on vessels of Umbricia Fortunata see CIL 4, 2573, 5661, 5674.

The flower of fish-sauce, (produced) by Umbricia Fortunata, (wife) of Veturinus Julianus. (b) CIL 4, 5688 Pompeii, Italy (1). Mid-first century AD This inscription is painted on a jar found in the peristyle of a house close to that of Aulus Umbricius Scaurus (VII.7.5). It boasts of the fine quality of the fish-sauce, which was made of mackerel.

The flower of mackerel sauce of Scaurus, (produced) by Umbricia.

Estate Managers and Women Renting Out Urban Property Female farm managers (vilicae) were rare, and have commonly been assumed to be the wives of vilici (see Columella, Rust. 12 and Cato, Agr. 10, 11, 143). The inscriptions below, however, show that vilicae were professional farm managers in their own right, who were only very rarely married to vilici. Most vilicae were freedwomen. They had an administrative and supervisory role, and may have especially overseen the work of the female slaves, for instance in textile and food production. The fact that their professional title is recorded on their graves indicates that it was part of their social identity and something to be proud of. The last two inscriptions in this section show women renting out appartments and operating baths for profit. Further Reading Carlsen (1993); Roth (2004)

121 Cania Urbana CIL 3, 2118 Salona/Pituntium, Dalmatia. Imperial period An adorned funerary stele with an axe (ascia) under the inscription commemorates a mother and daughter with the same family name, which suggests that they were freedwomen. The mother was a vilica, a female manager of an agricultural estate. The axe is commonly found on grave monuments in Gaul.

To the departed spirits of Cania Urbana, estate manager (vilica), who lived fiftyfive years. Cania Ursina, her daughter, and Attius Verecundianus, her son-inlaw, set this up for their incomparable mother.

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122 Flora CIL 3, 5616 = IBR 437 Rotthof, Noricum. Late second–early third century AD This inscription on a marble funerary altar, later re-used in the wall of a church, shows a vilica (estate manager) who is married to an actor (agent in charge of the financial administration of several estates). Their single names suggest that they were (ex-)slaves from the same owner or non-Roman citizens.

To the spirits of the departed. Flora, estate manager (vilica), set this up during her lifetime for her dearest husband Ursus, agent (actor), who died at the age of forty-five, and for her most devoted parents-in-law Jucundus and Successa and for herself. [In smaller letters]: and Successus for his most devoted parents.

123 Saturnina CIL 8, 5384 = ILAlg 1, 323 Calama, Africa Proconsularis. Mid-first century AD A funerary stele commemorates a female estate manager of the emperor Claudius and her daughter.

Saturnina, estate manager (vilica) of Tiberius Claudius Caesar, lived thirty years, and Venusta, her daughter, lived fifteen years. She lies here.

124 A freedman and freedwoman managing an estate CIL 10, 5081 = ILS 7372 Atina, Italy (1). Imperial period As appears from this inscription, two freed persons, perhaps a couple, together managed an estate in Atina. The verb vilicare indicates their managerial duties.

Gaius Obinius Epicadus, freedman of Gaius, and Trebia Aphrodisia, freedwoman of a woman, were estate managers here for fourteen years.

125 Julia Felix: baths, shops and apartments for rent CIL 4, 1136 = ILS 5723 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 62–79. A painted announcement in black letters on the exterior wall of the premises of Julia Felix advertises the baths, taverns, shops and apartments available there. Julia Felix, a freeborn woman of illegitimate birth (‘daughter of Spurius’ means that she was of free birth but that her father was unknown or not legally married to her mother), was the owner of a large property near the amphitheatre, which she rented out for profit. The sumptuous leisure complex, which occupied an entire block, consisted of elegant baths, advertised as fit for people of elite rank (for the 900 nongenti as a selection of equestrians who supervised the ballot boxes at elections, see Plin. HN 33.31; here it is used to refer to elite people in general), gardens, taverns (tabernae), shops and apartments. The rental

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For rent, in the domain of Julia Felix, daughter of Spurius, for an uninterrupted period of five years, from the first Ides of August (13 August) until the sixth Ides of August (i.e. the same date five years later): the bath of Venus, fit for the best people, taverns, shops and upper-storey apartments. When the five years have elapsed, the lease will be by agreement alone.

Further Reading Dobbins and Foss (2007); Fagan (1999); Rawson (1989)

126 The baths of Aurelia Faustina CIL 14, 4015 = ILS 5720 Ficulea, Italy (1). Second century AD A marble plaque from Ficulea near Rome advertises the elegant luxury of the baths owned and operated by Aurelia Faustina.

Here at the baths in Aurelia Faustina’s complex, one can bathe in a civilised fashion, with every refinement provided.

VIII | Women and Finances Though women were legally banned from working as bankers (Dig. 2.13.12), they could be actively involved in finances. We find women earning a living as moneylenders and participating in business transactions as creditors and borrowers. The archives of the banker Lucius Caecilius Jucundus in Pompeii, of the banking firm of the Sulpicii in Puteoli and the Herculaneum Tablets contain several business receipts for financial transactions by women of varying social standing lending and borrowing money and giving security for loans. They were written on waxed wooden tablets (tabulae ceratae) and show that women, like most men, commonly made use of slaves and freedmen for conducting business. The wax tablets, mostly diptychs (double-leaved tablets) or triptychs (three tablets laced together), were inscribed on the inside ‘pages’ and (a summary of ) the transaction was repeated on the outside. Because of this duplication, the texts on the exterior will not be translated here.

Further Reading Andreau (1974) and (1999); Gardner (1999); Jakab (2013)

127 Sale of wine harvest AE 1999, 449 = TH 12 Herculaneum, Italy (1). 16 October AD 40

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This Herculaneum tablet (TH 12) documents a debt for the sale of the products (judging by the date of sale, presumably grapes) of an estate named the fundus Cadianus. The products were sold by the owner of the estate, Herennia Tertia, through her slave Nico for 1,800 sesterces. The buyer, Lucius Annius Agathemerus, has pledged to pay his debt on 1 March of the following year, after he had sold the products.

Nico, slave of Herennia Tertia, has stipulated that 1,800 sesterces of good alloy will be justly given on the coming Kalends of March because of the sold products of the fundus Cadianus. Lucius Annius Agathemer(us) made the promise. Transacted at Nola on the seventeenth day before the Kalends of November (16 October) in the consulship of Marcus Cluvius and Marcus Furnius Augurinus.

128 Loans made to shipper TPSulp 60 = TPN 49 Pompeii, Italy (1). 20 March AD 43 A wooden triptych, from the archive of the Sulpicii found in Murecine near Pompeii, is one of the documents concerning loans made to Euplia, a freeborn woman from the Greek island of Melos, between March AD 42 and July AD 43 (see also TPSulp 61 and 62). The creditor in this tablet is a woman called Titinia Antracis. Euplia’s guardian (tutor) Epichares, son of Aphrodisius from Athens, acts as guarantor that the sum will be repaid. The first part of the text is from the accounts of the creditor, Titinia Antracis, and the second part from those of the debtor, Euplia.

[Page 2] The accounts of Titinia Antracis. Paid out to Euplia, daughter of Theodorus, from Melos, 1,600 sesterces on the authority of her guardian Epichares, son of Aphrodisius, from Athens. She asked for it and received it in cash paid down from the cash-box at home. [Page 3] Received from the cash-box 1,600 sesterces. On the enquiry of Titinia Antracis, Epichares, son of Aphrodisius, from Athens, on behalf of Euplia, daughter of Theodorus, from Melos, ordered that the 1,600 sesterces mentioned above were guaranteed by him to Titinia Antracis. Transacted at Puteoli on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of April (20 March) when Sextus Papellius Hister and Lucius Pedanius Secundus were consuls.

129 Receipt of payment TPSulp 82 = TPN 82 Pompeii, Italy (1). 5 December AD 43–5 A wooden tablet, from the archive of the Sulpicii found in Murecine near Pompeii, acknowledges receipt of payment to the freedwoman Patulcia Eros. At her request, the banker Gaius Sulpicius Cinnamus had put up some of her goods for sale at auction and handed the proceeds (19,500 sesterces) over to her. Her patron, Lucius Patulcius Epaphroditus, wrote the declaration of the receipt of payment on her behalf. There are no known first-person declarations of receipt of payment written by women.

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[Page 2] During the consulship of Publius Fabius Firmanus and Lucius Tampius Flavianus on the Nones of December (5 December). I, Lucius Patulcius Epaphroditus, have written at the request and command of Patulcia Eros, my freedwoman, in her presence, that she has received from Gaius Sulpicius Cinnamus 19,500 sesterces as the proceeds of her auction. Transacted after examination of the sealed tablets.

130 Dispute about the ownership of a slave TPSulp 40 = TPN 90 Pompeii, Italy (1). 6 May AD 52 An incomplete wooden diptych was found in Murecine, near Pompeii, in an archive containing transactions by the Sulpicii dated between AD 26 and 61. The diptych documents the dispute between Pactumeia Prima and Aulus Attiolenus Atimetus about the ownership of a female slave, Tyche. Gaius Sulpicius Faustus acted as a trustee, keeping the slave during the dispute and, when the dispute was settled, handing her over to Pactumeia Prima as the rightful owner.

[Page 2] Gaius Sulpicius Faustus has declared that he has presented the woman in question, Tyche, whom Pactumeia Prima and Aulus Attiolenus Atimetus had deposited with him, on the day before the Nones of May (6 May) in the forum of Puteoli before the Hordionian altar of Augustus, [Page 3] at the third hour, while both parties were present, and that, on the order of Aulus Attiolenus Atimetus, Pactumeia Prima had taken her. Transacted at Puteoli during the consulship of Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix and Lucius Salvius Otho Titianus.

131 Receipt for the sale of a slave CIL 4, 3340, 24 Pompeii, Italy (1). 10 December AD 56 A wooden triptych from the archive of the banker Lucius Caecilius Jucundus contains the receipt for the sale of a slave by Umbricia Antiochis. Umbricia’s name also appears among the witnesses on page 4 of the tablet, which is highly unusual for a woman. For her financial dealings, see also CIL 4, 3340, 23.

[In the margin] Acknowledgement, for Trophimus. [Pages 2 and 3] On the fourth day before the Ides of December (10 December), in the consulship of Lucius Duvius Avitus and Publius Clodius, I, Marcus Helvius Catullus, have written at the request of Umbricia Antiochis that she has received from Lucius Caecilius Jucundus 6,252 sesterces as the proceeds of the auction of her slave Trophimus, minus commission. Transacted at Pompeii. [Page 4] (Seals of ) Marcus Helvius Catullus, Melissaeus Fuscus, Fabius Proculus, Umbricia Antiochis, Catullus.

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132 Receipt for auction of goods CIL 4, 3340, 25 Pompei, Italy (1). 12 December AD 56 A wooden triptych from the archive of the banker Lucius Caecilius Jucundus contains the receipt for the sale of goods for Umbricia Januaria.

[In the margin] Acknowledgement, for Umbricia Januaria. [Pages 2 and 3] Umbricia Januaria declared that she has received from Lucius Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces, the sum that was agreed for payment by Lucius Caecilius Jucundus as the proceeds of an auction for Umbricia Januaria, minus commission. Transacted at Pompeii on the day before the Ides of December (12 December) in the consulship of Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius. [Page 4] (Seals of ) Quintus Appuleius Severus, Marcus Lucretius Lerus, Tiberius Julius Abascantius, Marcus Julius Crescens, Publius Terentius Primus, Marcus Epidius Hymenaeus, Quintus Granius Lesbus, Titus Vesonius Le[. . .], Decimus Volcius Thallus.

133 Receipt of repayment AE 1993, 461= TH 52 Herculaneum, Italy (1). 19 July AD 69 Seven of the Tabulae Herculanenses, wax tablets found in houses in Herculaneum, show that the wealthy landowner Ulpia Plotina, probably a relative of the later emperor Trajan, conducted transactions with the banker Lucius Cominius Primus through her slaves Venustus and Felix. This tablet, from the upper floor of a house in Herculaneum (V.19–22), shows that Lucius Cominius Primus had contracted a debt of 15,000 denarii with Ulpia Plotina, which he reimbursed in installments of 1,000 sesterces. He received a receipt from her slave, Venustus, whose name also appears among the witnesses.

[Page 2] During the consulship of Gnaeus Arrius Antoninus and Aulus Marius Celsus, on the fourteenth day before the Kalends of Augustus (19 July), I, Venustus, slave of Ulpia Plotina, daughter of Marcus, have written that I have received from Lucius Cominius Primus 1,000 denarii in repayment of a debt of 15,000 denarii. [Page 3] Transacted at Herculaneum. [Page 4] (Seals of ) Venustus, slave of Plotina, Gaius Julius Spendo, Marcus Volusius Maturus, Marcus Ulpius Moschio, Venustus, slave of Plotina.

Moneylenders and Pawnbrokers Several graffiti in Pompeii from the mid-first century document the financial transactions of Faustilla and Vettia. They lent money at a monthly interest, and

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Faustilla received jewellery and some items of clothing as pledges for small short-term loans.

134 Vettia and Faustilla CIL 4, 4528 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 A graffito from a tavern (VI.14.28) shows Vettia and Faustilla providing loans at a monthly interest of 3 asses per 5 denarii.

Four days before the Ides of February (10 February): Vettia for 20 denarii 12 asses interest. November: Faustilla for 15 denarii, 9 asses interest.

135 Earrings pawned to Faustilla CIL 4, 8203 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 A graffito from a bedroom (I.8.13) records earrings pawned to Faustilla on 15 July. Her monthly rate of interest for a loan of possibly 30 denarii was 1 as per 2 denarii.

At the Ides of July (15 July): earrings deposited with Faustilla. As interest she deducted 1 copper as per 2 denarii. From a total sum of 30 denarii(?).

136 Clothing pawned to Faustilla CIL 4, 8204 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 79 A graffito from a bedroom (I.8.13) records two items of clothing pawned to Faustilla on 4 July. She provided a loan of 50 (or possibly 40) denarii at a monthly interest of 13.5 asses. The meaning of the last number 8 is unclear.

Four days before the Nones of July (4 July): a hooded cloak and a small mantle deposited with Faustilla. As interest she deducted per 50(?) denarii 13.5 copper asses. 8(?).

4 |

Social Relations, Travel and Migration

Women’s social relations and mobility are the main focus of this chapter. Ties of friendship and love, but also enmity and hate, figure prominently in the first part of this chapter (sections I and II). The second part (section III) deals with women’s involvement in patronage, in the voluntary associations (collegia) that shaped social life in Roman cities and in the main centres of social gathering: the baths and the theatre and amphitheatre. The final part of this chapter (section IV) deals with inscriptions testifying to women’s travels and migration.

I | Female Friendship Due to the almost total loss of their letters and diaries, friendship between women has left only very few traces in the extant sources for the Roman West. Ancient literary authors writing about friendship (amicitia) invariably focus on friendship (and ideals of friendship) between upper-class men. In Latin poetry, the term amica is mostly understood in an erotic sense denoting a man’s girlfriend or mistress. The literary sources, therefore, virtually exclude women from the Roman discourse of friendship. However, regular references to an amica (female friend) in inscriptions allow us a glimpse of women’s friendships, both with other women and with men. Most inscriptions recording female friends are found in Rome, in Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul and in Roman Spain, and come from the milieu of ex-slaves (who are overrepresented in Latin epitaphs in Rome). Inscriptions mentioning women setting up a statue for, or receiving one from, a male or female friend, providing for a friend’s burial or including friends in their own tombs (and vice versa) point to close ties of friendship during their lifetimes. Though bonds of friendship between slaves and freed, or even freeborn, people are found, most friends recorded in epitaphs seem to have been social equals. By honouring friends or perpetuating their memory, they showed themselves to be dutiful and generous friends. So far, female friendship does not differ noticeably from its male equivalent. Yet, the record of an amica or amica optima (excellent friend) in an inscription does not inform us of the social and emotional details of women’s friendship in daily life in the same way as, for instance, Cicero’s letters do for his friendship with Atticus. Fortunately, three letters written on ink leaf tablets in Vindolanda at Hadrian’s Wall in northern Britain throw at least some light on women’s 183

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friendship. They show women visiting each other for birthday celebrations and using emotional terms and expressions in their letters. Similar warm feelings may have been concealed behind some of the bland references to an amica in inscriptions. (For women’s friendship, see also Chapter 7 no. 5, on Livia and Plancina.)

Further Reading Williams (2012)

1 Loving friends CIL 10, 4110 = CIL 1, 1590 = RECapua 130 Casilinum, Italy (1). Late first century BC A limestone funerary stele in Capua shows two full-length portraits of women clasping their right hands (dextrarum iunctio). In Roman art, this gesture commonly symbolised the harmony of marriage (see Chapter 1 no. 15 and Chapter 2 nos. 31 and 43), but it was occasionally used for relationships of friendship or patronage. Judging by their Greek names, Dexsonia Selenio was a freedwoman and Philema a slave (perhaps Dexsonia’s slave?). Their portrayal in the same clothing and hairstyle, however, suggests a relationship between social equals. In any case, the epitaph presents their relationship as an affectionate one.

Dexsonia Selenio set this up for herself and for her most loving (amantissima) Philema.

2 Female friendship at the northern frontier Tab. Vindol. II, 291 and 292 Vindolanda, Britannia. c. AD 100 Two ink leaf tablets from the archive of Sulpicia Lepidina, the wife of Flavius Cerialis, prefect of the Ninth Cohort of Batavians at Vindolanda (near Hadrian’s Wall, northern Britain) around AD 100, contain letters by Claudia Severa. She was the wife of an auxiliary officer named Aelius Brocchus, who was stationed at a different location along the northern frontier. In the first letter, Claudia Severa invites Sulpicia Lepidina to come and visit her for her birthday, and in the second, which is more damaged, she announces her own planned visit to Sulpicia Lepidina. Both letters were dictated to a scribe (the ‘first hand’), but Severa added a few words and greetings in her own hand (‘second hand’). The tablets show that the social network of wives of commanding officers expanded beyond their own army camp to include women from other units stationed elsewhere. They communicated through regular correspondence and occasional visits, for instance for the celebration of a birthday. In her letters, Severa addresses Lepidina as ‘sister’ (soror), to underline their intimate relationship, and also uses other terms of endearment, such as ‘my dearest soul’ (anima mea karissima) and ‘my most longed-for soul’ (anima m(e)a desideratissima), to express her warm feelings for Lepidina. The translations are based on those of Bowman and Thomas with some adjustments: see Vindolanda Tablets online http://vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk.

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Further Reading Bowman and Thomas (1994) 256–65 (nos. 291–4); Greene (2012) and (2013); Hemelrijk (1999) 188–203

(a) Tab. Vindol. II, 291 http://vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-291 Claudia Severa greets her Lepidina. On the third day before the Ides of September (11 September), sister, for the day of the celebration of my birthday, I gladly invite you to make sure that you come to us, to make the day more enjoyable for me by your presence, if you come. Give my greetings to your Cerialis. My Aelius and my little son send their greetings. [Second hand] I shall expect you, sister. Farewell, sister, my dearest soul, and be well, just as I hope to prosper. [Back, first hand] To Sulpicia Lepidina, wife of Cerialis, from Severa. (b) Tab. Vindol. II, 292 http://vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-292 [. . .] greetings. Just as I had spoken with you, sister, and had promised that I would ask Brocchus and would come to you, I asked him and he answered me that it was always cordially permitted to me, together with [. . .] to come to you in whatever way I can. For there are certain essential things which [. . .] my concern(?); you will receive my letters by which you will know what I am going to do. This for us(?) [. . .]. I was [. . .] and will remain at Briga. Greet your Cerialis from me. [Back, second hand] Farewell, my dearest sister and most longed-for soul. [First hand] To Sulpicia Lepidina, wife of Cerialis, from Severa, wife of Brocchus.

3 Buried in a friend’s tomb CIL 6, 18404 = CIL 6, 25029 Rome. Early second century AD A marble plaque testifies to the friendship between Titus Flavius Daphnus and his ‘excellent friend’ Cassia Synethe, who was granted burial in his family tomb, which was set up at the death of his home-born slave and freedwoman, Flavia Prima. Judging by their Greek cognomina, all occupants of the tomb were probably ex-slaves. For the special position of home-born slaves (vernae), see Chapter 2 nos. 11–16, 64 and below no. 6.

To the spirits of the departed. Titus Flavius Daphnus made this for Flavia Prima, his home-born slave (verna), who lived twelve years, eight months and twenty-five days, and for himself, for his wife Flavia Eufrosyne, for his kinsman Lucius Laberius Hermes, for Cassia Synethe, his excellent friend (amica optima), and for his freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants. This tomb will not pass to the heir.

4 Including a female friend in the family tomb AE 2001, 317 = CEACelio 101 Rome. Second century AD

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A small marble funerary altar, broken at the top, was set up by Flavia Felicula for her family and for her friend. Judging by their cognomina, both women may have been former slaves.

To the spirits of the departed. Flavia Felicula made this for [. . .] Cattienus Restitutus, her well-deserving husband, for herself and her descendants and for Annulena Meletine, her excellent friend (amica optima).

5 A tombstone for his dearest friend CIL 2, 3037 = LICS 165 = AE 2006, 678 Complutum, Hispania Tarraconensis. Second century AD A man sporting the Roman tria nomina set up a limestone grave stele for his female friend. Judging by her single non-Roman (yet slightly Romanised) name, she was a local woman without Roman citizenship.

To the spirits of the departed. Lucius Aemilius Severus commissioned this for Pusinnica, his dearest friend (amica carissima). May the earth rest lightly upon you.

6 Living with a friend CIL 6, 38513 Rome. Late first–early third century AD This puzzling epitaph on a marble plaque was commissioned by a home-born slave for his freeborn or freed amica with whom he had lived for fifty-seven years. At first view, the expression ‘to live with’ suggests a (sexual) partnership, but it may also be used for close friends spending much of their time together. They may possibly have been fellow slaves in the same household, but the text remains ambiguous.

To the spirits of the departed. Octavius, home-born slave (verna), made this for Julia Paterna, his most venerable friend (amica sanctissima), with whom he lived for fifty-seven years and six months.

7 Setting up an epitaph for a friend AE 1968, 100 Aricia, Italy (1). AD 200–50 An epitaph in the cemetery of the Legio II Parthica near the Alban lake was set up in commemoration of Julia Tertullina by her friend Aurelia Publia. The women may have worked in the army camp or they may have been partners or relatives of soldiers.

For Julia Tertullina. She lived forty-seven years, five months and one day. Aurelia Publia, her friend (amica), made this for an incomparable woman (femina incomparabilis) who deserved well.

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8 A group of friends CIL 6, 7671 Rome. Late second–third century AD An epitaph on a plaque from a columbarium along the Via Appia commemorates four female friends, whose cognomina suggest that they were freedwomen. They had been freed by different owners, but were bound by ties of friendship. The male plural of ‘their’ (eorum) in ‘their descendants’ – if not an engraver’s error – suggests that the male partners of these female friends may also have been included in the tomb.

Agrilia Piste, who is also called Pompusidia, made this for Valeria Trophime, Victoria Erotarion and Mucia Januaria, her excellent friends (amicae optimae), and for herself and for their descendants.

9 Setting up a public statue for a high-ranking friend CIL 2, 5, 782 = AE 1978, 400 Singilia Barba, Hispania Baetica. AD 181–200 Acilia Plecusa, a freedwoman who had married her patron of equestrian rank (thus rising to equestrian status), set up several public statues for her husband and relatives (see Chapter 2 no. 34 and Chapter 6 no. 39). She also set up three statues in the forum of her town for the provincial governor Publius Magnius Rufus Magonianus (CIL 2, 5, 780/1) and his wife Carvilia Censonilla, both of whom she addresses as her ‘excellent friend’ (amicus optimus and amica optima). The inscription on the limestone base of the wife’s statue (Figure 44) includes a shortened version of her husband’s administrative career, culminating in his procuratorship of Baetica. By publicising her friendship with this high-ranking couple, Acilia Plecusa furthered her own social prestige.

For Carvilia Censonilla, daughter of Publius, wife of Magnius Rufus, financial administrator (procurator) of the emperor for the 5 per cent inheritance tax across Hispania, Baetica and Lusitania, and also imperial procurator for Baetica in charge of the accounts of the former estate of Vegetius and also imperial procurator of the province of Baetica with a salary of 200,000 sesterces. Acilia Plecusa donated this (statue) to her excellent friend (amica optima).

10 A public statue for a female friend CIL 2, 4990a = IRCPacen 86 Balsa, Hispania Lusitania. Late second–early third century AD Together with his freeborn wife and daughter, a Lucius Quintius Priscion set up a public statue for their friend, Julia Marcia Gemina. Her long name, with two cognomina, points to a distinguished family, whereas the lack of filiation of the dedicator and his unusual cognomen may indicate that he was a freedman (though his wife was

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Figure 44 Upper part of the statue base of Carvilia Censonilla. Municipal Museum of Antequera. Photo author.

freeborn). In any case, advertising his friendship with an elite woman may have boosted his prestige.

For Julia Marcia Gemina, daughter of Tiberius, excellent friend (amica optima). Together with Callaea Severina, daughter of Titus, and Quintia Avita, their daughter, Lucius Quintius Priscion set this up by decree of the decurions.

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II | Love and Hate II A Curse Tablets and Binding Spells Curses and binding spells (defixiones) were mostly inscribed on thin sheets of lead that were then folded or rolled and pierced by nails. Because of the softness of the material, the lead sheets could easily be inscribed with a sharp bronze stylus. Nevertheless, most curse tablets were probably made with the help of professionals who knew the necessary formulae and the names of the gods to be invoked in the curses or spells. The inscribed tablets were secretly deposited in wells, sanctuaries or tombs, preferably inside the tombs of prematurely deceased persons, who were believed to be the most suitable carriers of messages to the Underworld. For the same reason, some curses or prayers for revenge were, probably surreptitiously, carved on (the rear side of ) tombstones of the prematurely deceased, especially children. The whole process was probably accompanied by oral prayers and incantations. Most ancient curse tablets are written in Greek, but in the Roman West Latin predominates, especially since the discovery of large deposits in Britain. As to their content, the defixiones range from spells ‘binding’ a rival or beloved, to prayers for justice and revenge in cases of robbery or murder. They often invoke deities or other supernatural powers as avengers, asking them to bring the targeted person under the control of the person commissioning the curse or to penalise a culprit. Though most curse tablets were written by men, women (slave, freed and freeborn) frequently figure in curses and spells, primarily in those that had to do with love affairs (erotic curses of separation and attraction), but we also find them commissioning prayers for justice and invoking the gods to retaliate for theft or murder.

Further Reading Gager (1992); Ogden (1999); Ripat (2014); Versnel (1991)

11 Cursing a female thief IG 14, 644 = DefTab 212 = SEG 4, 70 Locri Epizephyrii, Italy (3). Third century BC A bronze tablet from Locri in southern Italy is incised with a Greek text, which is a mixture of a curse and a prayer for justice. Both the commissioner and the target are mentioned by name (or rather, one of the targets: the thief of the coat is not mentioned by name, and may not be the same person as the woman called Melita, who stole the gold coins). The former is unusual in curses, in which commissioners generally avoid identifying themselves by name, and the latter is unusual in prayers for justice, since most petitioners did not know the name of the wrongdoer. The tablet is still more unusual for being carved on bronze instead of lead and for the fact that both the commissioner and the target are female. The commissioner dedicates her stolen

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property to the deity (presumably Demeter or Persephone), who has the power to inflict divine punishment on the thief in order to incite him (or her) to return the property to the temple. Here, multiple damages are exacted from the thief as well. In order to protect the commissioner, it is stipulated that the curse may not strike her if she should inadvertently eat, drink or be in the same house as the wrongdoer. This Greek inscription from Italy is earlier than most curse texts in Latin, and may serve as an example of the numerous Greek curse tablets, some of which come from Italy.

Collyra consecrates to the servants of the goddess the dark-coloured coat which someone took and does not return and [. . .] and uses it and knows where it is. Let (the thief ) dedicate to the goddess twelve times its value along with half a medimnos of incense according to the measure the city uses. Let the possessor of the cloak not breathe freely until he (or she) has made this dedication to the goddess. Collyra consecrates to the servants of the goddess the three gold coins that Melita took and does not return. Let her (Melita) dedicate to the goddess twelve times their value along with a medimnos of incense according to the measure the city uses. Let her not breathe freely until she has made this dedication to the goddess. But if (the thief ) should drink or eat with me (Collyra) or come under the same roof without me realising it, may I (Collyra) go unharmed.

12 Cursing the slave Venusta SEG 29, 930–3 Morgantina, Sicily. c. 100 BC Four small rolled-up lead sheets with an identical text in Greek curse a female slave called Venusta, wishing her to go to hell. The curse tablets were found in a pit in the small sanctuary to the deities of the Underworld, perhaps Demeter and Persephone, at Morgantina in Sicily.

Earth, Hermes, Deities of the Underworld receive Venusta, the maidservant of Rufus.

13 A curse to separate lovers CIL 6, 140 = CIL 1, 1012 = DefTab 139 Rome. c. 30 BC–AD 30 On a thin sheet of lead (Figure 45), inscribed in two columns, a woman called Rhodine is cursed and recommended to the god of the Underworld. It was found in the remains of graves on the Via Latina outside the Porta Latina. Rhodine’s single Greek name suggests that she was of slave, or peregrine, status. The commissioner, probably a rival in love, wants her to become speechless, lifeless and separate from both humans and deities, like the corpse in whose tomb the tablet was deposited. In this way, he or she aims to prevent her from having any dealings with a Marcus Licinius Faustus. The four persons mentioned in the last lines are supposed to undergo the same fate as Rhodine.

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Figure 45 Curse against Rhodine on a thin sheet of lead. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, Terme di Diocleziano, inv. 65037. Photo author.

[First column] Just as the deceased who is buried here cannot speak or talk, thus may Rhodine be inanimate and unable to speak or talk to Marcus Licinius Faustus. Just as the deceased is not welcome to deities or to humans, thus may Rhodine not be welcome to Marcus Licinius and may she be as vital as this corpse that [second column] is buried here. Father Dis (i.e. Pluto), I entrust Rhodine to you, that she may always be hated by Marcus Licinius Faustus. And similarly also Marcus Hedius Amphio, Gaius Popilius Apollonius, Vennonia Hermiona and Sergia Glycinna.

14 A curse against a slave girl CIL 6, 141 = CIL 1, 1013 = DefTab 138 Rome. c. 30 BC–AD 30 A lead sheet rolled and bound with an iron cord was found in a grave outside the Porta Latina. It contains a curse against a new slave called Danae invoking an unnamed deity to accept her as an offering and destroy her. The meaning of the last line about Eutychia is unclear. Was the punishment of Danae meant to avert evil from Eutychia or, more likely, were both women cursed by an unnamed third party?

Danae, the new maidservant (ancilla novicia) of Capito. May you have her as a welcome victim and may you consume Danae. May you have Eutychia, the wife of Soterichus.

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15 A curse against Quintula CIL 2, 14, 757a = AE 1994, 1072 Saguntum, Hispania Citerior. After AD 70 A curse on a thin lead sheet in the form of a foot demands the separation of a certain Quintula and a man called Fortunalis. The sheet was folded six times; inside, a coin with the legend Iudaea capta was found, which dates the curse tablet after the conquest of Judaea by Vespasian in AD 70. We may infer that the curse was commissioned by a rival of Quintula vying for the attention of Fortunalis.

Quintula together with Fortunalis: may this be once but never again.

16 A curse against Tretia Maria RIB 1, 7 Londinium, Britannia. Imperial period On a damaged lead sheet from London, which was re-used to inscribe a curse and afterwards pierced with seven nails, Tretia Maria is cursed by an unnamed enemy. The commissioner of the spell may have been an opponent in court, since he (or she) wishes her to be tongue-tied.

I curse Tretia Maria and her life, mind, memory, liver, lungs and her words, thoughts and memory blended together, so that she cannot speak about things that should be secret, nor love, nor [. . .] I close [text breaks off].

17 Binding Rufa Publica DefTab 135 = ILS 8751 = AE 1901, 183 Nomentum, Italy (1). Early first century AD Both sides of a lead tablet that was pierced by a nail and found in an urn in a tomb near Rome are inscribed with curses. On the front, a man called Malcius is cursed. An inscription on the reverse, translated here, curses Rufa Publica, listing all her body parts that were to be bound. The cognomen Publica suggests that she may have been a former public slave (see Chapter 2 no. 54), but the reading of her name is uncertain.

[Back] Rufa Publica’s hands, teeth, eyes, arms, belly, breasts, chest, bones, marrow(?), belly, leg, mouth, feet, forehead, nails, fingers, belly, navel, cunt, womb, groin: I bind (those parts) of Rufa Publica in these tablets.

18 A binding spell against a female slave CIL 10, 8249 = DefTab 190 Minturnae, Italy (1). First century AD A thin sheet of lead, which was folded and pierced by a nail, was found in a grave near Minturnae. The text scratched upon it curses a female slave called Tychene, binding all parts of her anatomy and commending them to the infernal powers. As a slave, Tychene

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could not legally possess any property. The peculium mentioned at the close of the text refers to the informal property of slaves and minors.

Deities of the Underworld, I entrust and hand over to you – if you are indeed holy – Tychene, slave of Carisius. Whatever she does, may it all come out wrong. Deities of the Underworld, I entrust to you her limbs, her complexion, her figure, her head, her hair, her shadow, her brain, her forehead, her eyebrows, her mouth, her nose, her chin, her cheeks, her lips, her speech, her face, her neck, her liver, her shoulders, her heart, her lungs, her entrails, her belly, her arms, her fingers, her hands, her navel, her vagina, her thighs, her knees, her legs, her heels, her feet, her toes. Spirits of the Underworld, if I shall see her wasting away, I pledge to you willingly to perform an annual sacrifice to the ancestral deities. May her property (peculium) waste away.

19 Invoking divine assistance against a thief AE 1979, 384 Uley, Britannia. Second–third century AD On a lead sheet – inscribed on both sides – from the sanctuary at Uley (http://curses.csad. ox.ac.uk tablet 2), a woman called Saturnina curses an unknown thief who stole her linen cloth. She invokes the deities Mercurius (written over the erased words Mars-Silvanus) and Silvanus for help in recovering her cloth. In the sanctuary at Uley, a Celtic deity was worshipped who was identified as Mercurius and as Mars-Silvanus. On the back, Saturnina pledges that the god was to receive a third of (the value of ) the stolen object if he was successful in recovering it.

[Front] A notice to the god Mercury from a woman, Saturnina, about the linen cloth she has lost. (See to it) that the person who has committed this fraud – whether a man or a woman, slave or free – has no rest before having brought the property mentioned above to the aforesaid sanctuary. [Back] To the deity mentioned above she gives a third part (of the stolen property) on the condition that he reclaims that property mentioned above. And of what she has lost, a third part is given to the god Silvanus on the condition that he reclaims it, whether (the thief is) a man or a woman, slave or free [text breaks off].

20 Invoking the sun-god CIL 6, 14099 = ILS 8497a Rome. Second century AD A marble plaque from the Via Appia once marked the grave of a prematurely deceased home-born slave (verna), Timothea. Her master suspected foul play and asked the god of the sun, who sees all, for vengeance. The prayer for revenge is underlined by a pair of raised hands depicted above the inscription. For the special position of home-born slaves (vernae), see Chapter 2 nos. 11–16 and 64 and above nos. 3 and 6.

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To the spirits of the departed. Marcus Ulpius Nicanor set this up for Timothea, his home-born slave (verna). Sun, I entrust to you whoever laid hands upon her.

21 Divine vengeance for Severa CIL 6, 14098 = ILS 8497 Rome. Late second–early third century AD A marble plaque in a columbarium on the Via Appia commemorates a young boy. At the rear of the plaque a curse is secretly inscribed against unknown persons who allegedly injured a certain Severa. The tomb of a child was considered a particularly apt choice for such a curse. The sun-god, who sees everything, is urged to punish the perpetrators. As in the preceding inscription, this invocation for divine vengeance is expressed by a pair of raised hands above the text.

[Front] Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. His parents made this for Callistus, their son. [Back] Whoever has injured or harmed blameless Severa, lord Sun, I entrust them to you that you may summon their death.

Further Reading Graf (2007) 142 and (2014)

II B Graffiti in Pompeii (and Elsewhere) Numerous graffiti scratched into the plaster walls of Roman houses and public buildings testify to feelings of love, hate or hope and to sexual relationships or quarrels. Though men predominated as authors of graffiti, women participated in the habit of writing their names, greetings or brief messages on walls and reading those of others. Apart from brief greetings, most of the graffiti concerning women are related to sex and love affairs. Due to the frequent loss of context (for instance, the relationship to other graffiti nearby) their precise meaning is often hard to assess. With two exceptions (from Rome and Aquincum), all graffiti translated below are from Pompeii and can be dated before the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in AD 79.

Further Reading Benefiel (2011); Levin-Richardson (2013); Milnor (2014); Williams (2014)

22 Insults and obscenities Two graffiti from the same house in Pompeii (in a portico of the House of the Orchard, I.9.5) record sexual insults. CIL 4, 10004 is reminiscent of the insult to Fulvia (Chapter 7 no. 2). CIL 4, 10005 merely records the name Fortunata, but the accompanying drawing of a woman performing fellatio turns it into an insult (Figure 46). It is also possible that

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Figure 46 Graffito of Fortunata, from V. Hunink (2014). Oh Happy Place! Pompeii in 1000 Graffiti, Sant’ Oreste: Apeiron.

Fortunata was a prostitute, cf. CIL 4, 8185 (from a shop, I.8.1): a Fortunata performing fellatio for 2 asses.

(a) CIL 4, 10004 Euplia’s loose, with a huge clitoris. (b) CIL 4, 10005 Fortunata. (c) CIL 4, 1516 This graffito, partly in verse, was found on the outside of the House of the Large Brothel in Pompeii (VI.14.43). It insults a girl by contrasting her outward appearance with the alleged ‘filth’ inside her, which may hint at venereal disease.

Here just now I fucked a girl beautiful in body and praised by many, but inside there was filth. (d) CIL 4, 1510 This graffito is from a column in the peristyle of the House of Marcus Terentius Eudoxus (VI.13.6). Assuming this is not a professional advertisement by a prostitute, it must have been meant as an insult.

Amarillis, cock-sucker.

23 A black girl CIL 4, 6892 The meaning of this verse graffito from a villa at Boscotrecase is unclear. It probably puns on the dark skin of the girl and the colour of black coals and blackberries. For black girls, see also CIL 4, 9847 and Mart. Ep. 1.115.

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Whoever loves a black girl (nigra) burns on black coals. When I see a black girl, I gladly eat blackberries.

Further Reading Snowden (1983) 77–9

24 Best wishes CIL 4, 9171 A verse graffito on the tomb of Septumia outside the Vesuvian Gate (see Chapter 6 no. 43) wishes well to a Sabina.

May it thus fall to your lot that you flourish always, Sabina. May you obtain beauty and remain a girl for a long time.

25 Rejection CIL 4, 3117 A graffito next to the door of the House of Gavius Rufus in Pompeii (VII.2.16–17) expresses the loathing of a Serena for a man called Isidorus. It may have been written by Serena herself or by a rival for her attention.

Serena despises Isidorus.

26 The popularity of gladiators In the peristyle of a building near the amphitheatre of Pompeii (House of the Gladiators, V.5.3) over 140 graffiti record the fights and victories of gladiators. Various details, such as the type of gladiator, for instance a net-fighter (retiarius) or a Thracian fighter (Thraex, armed in Thracian style), the number of his fights and the number of victories are recorded, as well as the names of their owners, trainers or training school. It has been suggested that these graffiti were scratched into the plaster of the columns and walls by the gladiators themselves and that the building served as their clubhouse. If indeed the gladiators wrote these graffiti themselves, they may well have been boasting about their sexual exploits and popularity with the girls.

(a) CIL 4, 4342 = ILS 5142a The girls’ heart-throb, the Thracian fighter Celadus, from the school of Octavius: three fights, three victories. (b) CIL 4, 4345 = ILS 5142b The girls’ glory, Celadus, the Thracian fighter. (c) CIL 4, 4353 = ILS 5142e Crescens, net-fighter (retiarius), doctor of girls of the night, of girls in the morning and others [. . .].

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27 Love between women? CIL 4, 5296 One of the longest graffiti in Pompeii, a nine-line love poem, has been scratched into the wall of a narrow entrance to a modest house (IX.9.f ). The poem seems to consist of adapted quotations from various poems and is written in the first person feminine. This has raised much discussion about the gender of the author and the theme of the poem. It has recently been argued that it presents a woman singing her love for another woman and criticising the fickleness of men (an inversion of the common stereotype of women’s levitas). Whether it is female authored or written by a male poet adopting the persona of a woman who is in love with another woman cannot be decided.

Oh, if only it were permitted to hold your little arms, clasped around my neck, and to press kisses on your tender little lips. Come now, little darling, entrust your delights to the winds. Believe me: the nature of men is fickle. Often, when I lie awake in despair in the middle of the night, I ponder over these things by myself: many whom Fortune has lifted high, she then suddenly suppresses, thrown down head-over-heels. Thus, as quickly as Venus has united the bodies of lovers, so the light of the day divides them and you(?) will separate what they love [the last words are disputed].

Further Reading Milnor (2014) 196–232

28 Teasing the reader CLE 1810 Rome. Late first–second century AD In a verse graffito from the Baths of Titus the writer teases the curious reader by refusing to go into details.

Here I remember having fucked a girl. About her cunt I say nothing, curious one.

29 Sex in the army CIL 3, 10716 = TitAq 3, 1371 Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior. Early third century AD Bilingual graffiti in the baths of the army camp of the Legio II Adiutrix at the Danubian frontier throw light on the sex life of the soldiers. Bato is an Illyrian name. The meaning of the remark about the parents is not entirely clear. Perhaps they gave him money which he wasted on the girl or he ruined their reputation by his behaviour. At the end of the graffito there are some indecipherable Greek letters.

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[Left] Bato, take care. [Right] Gratus, you who fuck the Greek slave girl of Lupus, officer of Legio II: she is in your house and that’s a disgrace to you. Through her you daily ruin your parents. [Below] Aurelius

III | Patronage and Sociability III A Personal Patronesses Apart from being patrons of freed slaves, women of elite families could adopt the role of the superior partner in the reciprocal but unequal relationship of ‘friendship’ (amicitia) that we now call patronage. Obviously, women of the imperial family were best equipped for this role (Chapter 7), but also women of senatorial rank, wives of military commanders and women holding important priesthoods, such as the chief Vestals, were in an excellent position to grant favours to their less-well-off friends, both from their own resources and by mediating with powerful men. In this section a few inscriptions testifying to women’s personal patronage have been translated. For patronesses of cities and collegia, see Chapter 6 and below no. 39.

Further Reading Dixon (2001) 100–12; Saller (1982); Wildfang (2006)

30 A patron–broker Tab. Vindol. II, 257 Vindolanda, Britannia. c. AD 100 In a fragmentary letter on a damaged ink leaf tablet from the army camp at Vindolanda, a certain Valatta, probably a woman, appeals to Flavius Cerialis, prefect of the Ninth Cohort of Batavians (see no. 2 above), asking him for a favour. In her letter, she refers to Cerialis’ wife Sulpicia Lepidina as an intermediary: see http://vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/ TVII-257.

Valatta to her Cerialis, greetings. My lord, I ask that you relax your severity(?) and through Lepidina that you grant me what [the text breaks off].

31 Patronal activities by chief Vestals (a) Numisia Maximilla CIL 6, 32411 = ILS 4925 Rome. AD 201 In an inscription on a marble statue base from the area of the temple of Vesta in Rome, the chief Vestal Numisia Maximilla is thanked for her favours.

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For Numisia Maximilla, daughter of Lucius, chief Vestal Virgin, Gaius Helvidius Mysticus set this up, dedicated to her benefactions. (b) Campia Severina CIL 6, 2132 = ILS 4928 Rome. c. AD 240 In another inscribed statue base from the area of the temple of Vesta in Rome, Quintus Veturius Callistratus thanks the Virgo Vestalis Maxima, Campia Severina, for an equestrian post in charge of the financial management of the imperial libraries, which Campia Severina obtained for him by her recommendation (suffragium). See also Chapter 5 no. 17.

To Campia Severina, chief Vestal Virgin, most holy (sanctissima), whose sincere purity (pudicitia) the Senate approved and publicly augmented by eternal praise. By her recommendation, Quintus Veturius Callistratus, a man of equestrian rank, was made procurator in charge of the finances of the private libraries of our emperor and his procurator. (c) Flavia Publicia CIL 6, 32418 = ILS 4933 Rome. AD 247–57 A marble statue base was set up in the area of the temple of Vesta for the chief Vestal Flavia Publicia by one of the Vestals’ assistants. It is one of the six surviving statue bases erected for her patronage and benevolence. The addition ‘of the second rank’ suggests a detailed internal hierarchy among the staff of the Vestals.

For Flavia Publicia, most holy (sanctissima) and most pious (piissima) chief Vestal Virgin, Titus Flavius Apronius, steward of the second rank of the Vestal Virgins, set this up, together with his relatives, for his most worthy and outstanding patroness (patrona).

32 Patronage by the wife of a governor CBI 773 = AE 1917/18, 52 Lambaesis, Numidia. AD 261–2 A statue base on the Capitol of Lambaesis – next to that of her husband (CBI 772) – was set up for the wife of the provincial governor Gaius Julius Sallustius Fortunatianus by a beneficiarius (a privileged soldier performing a special assignment) in gratitude for the couple’s patronage. By their patronage, he was promoted to the function of steward (domicurator) in charge of the household of the governor. Possibly, Vergilia Florentina intervened with her husband to secure this favour for him.

For Vergilia Florentina, a woman of senatorial rank, the wife of Julius Fortunatianus, a man of senatorial rank and an ex-consul. Aemilius Florus, beneficiarius and steward, set this up for his patrons.

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III B Voluntary Associations In the Roman world, the voluntary associations that are usually referred to as collegia, corpora or sodalitates grouped together members of the ‘middle classes’ of urban society on the basis of a shared profession, cult, ethnicity or residence. Women are usually believed to have been excluded from membership. Yet, though men predominated, women were not entirely absent from Roman associative life. Apart from a few female members of collegia, women could maintain various other ties with civic associations. A woman might donate gifts to a collegium and be honoured with a public statue, be buried in the communal tomb of a collegium or set up a foundation for the perpetual commemoration of herself or a relative by a collegium. The most wealthy and prominent among them might be co-opted as patronesses or ‘mothers’ of collegia (see Chapter 6). Besides, there were a few all-female associations, such as that of mime actresses (Chapter 3 no. 82), of female reed-bearers in the cult of Cybele (below no. 40) and the puzzling curia mulierum in Lanuvium (no. 42). Moreover, an association of girls in Milan was considered durable enough to be entrusted with funds for the perpetual commemoration of the dead (no. 41). In sum, though female members and officials of civic associations were rare (and mostly found in youth organisations and cult associations), women were involved in civic associations in several other ways. Like male members of collegia, most belonged to the non-elite urban population, both freed and freeborn. Women had a greater role to play in domestic associations of the slave and freed staff of leading families in Rome: in these private associations, they regularly participated as members and occasionally also as office-holders and in other positions of honour. Apart from these more or less formal associations, there were informal groupings of women who collectively set up statues or dedications or were singled out as a separate group among the recipients of distributions. They are attested especially in the cities of Italy and are variously indicated as feminae, mulieres, matronae or sorores. Judging by the inscriptions, they seem to have been mostly well-to-do and respectable married female citizens, whether they enjoyed some degree of internal organisation or acted on a more ad hoc basis.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2015) 181–225

33 A female official of a domestic association CIL 6, 9044 = ILS 7355 Rome. Early–mid-first century AD A severely damaged marble plaque records the honours granted to the imperial freedman Gaius Julius Narcissus, perhaps to be identified with the influential freedman Narcissus under the emperor Claudius (e.g. Tac. Ann. 11.29–30, 33–5, 37, 38), and his

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partner (contubernalis) and freedwoman Julia Ecloge. Julia Ecloge was awarded membership of the council (decuriones), free of charge, by the association of the slave and freed staff of the imperial palace because of the benefactions of her husband, who was a decurio and priest of the same collegium. To be elected as a decurio without paying the usual entrance fee was an extraordinary honour. This held even more for women, who were ineligible for the council of a civic association (or, obviously, for that of the city). In return for this honour, Julia Ecloge gratefully donated 10,000 sesterces to the treasury of the association and a double allowance for dinner (cenaticum duplum) for the priests, the members of honour and the decurions. Only the pertinent lines of this garbled inscription have been translated.

[Front, after recording the honour and donations of Gaius Julius Narcissus]: For him, the ex-priests and decurions decided that Julia Ecloge, his partner (contubernalis), was to be named among the decurions. [Back] Julia Ecloge, freedwoman of Narcissus. In honour of Narcissus the ex-priests and decurions awarded her a decurionate (i.e. membership of the council) free of charge. Having accepted the honour, she gave a double allowance for dinner to the priests, the members of honour and the decurions and contributed 10,000 sesterces(?) for the priesthood (of her husband) to the public treasury for games(?).

34 A female member of a youth association CIL 14, 2635 = ILS 6212 Tusculum, Italy (1). First century AD A public statue was set up in honour of a female member (sodalis) of a local youth association. The reason for her statue is not recorded, but we may assume that she was the daughter of a wealthy and prominent family. The fact that her membership of the youth association is advertised in the inscription shows that it was a source of pride and prestige.

For Plutia Olympias, daughter of Aulus, member of the youth association (sodalis iuvenum). The location (of the statue) was granted by decurial decree.

35 Burial by a youth association CIL 9, 4696 Reate, Italy (4). Second century AD Valeria Jucunda died at the age of seventeen and was buried by the master (magister) of the local association of the youth (corpus iuvenum), of which she had been a member. Its name suggests that it was an association for both boys and girls.

To the spirits of the departed. For Valeria Jucunda, who was a member of the association of the youth. She lived seventeen years and nine months. Titus Flavius Sabinus, sevir Augustalis, master of the youth, set this up.

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36 Perpetual commemoration by a collegium CIL 11, 6520 = ILS 6647 = AE 1999, 616 Sassina, Italy (6). After AD 112 On a marble funerary base two inscriptions were carved. The inscription on the front records that it was set up for Cetrania Severina, priestess of Trajan’s sister Marciana (deceased and deified in AD 112), by her husband, an Augustalis. The inscription on the left side quotes a paragraph from her will, in which she leaves 6,000 sesterces to the three main associations of Sassina, the collegia dendrophorum, fabrum and centonariorum (of tree-carriers in the cult of Cybele, builders and textile workers). From the income of this sum, divided in two unequal parts, they were to commemorate her every year on her birthday (12 June) by distributing oil to each member and to tend the cult of her Manes (the Spirits of the Dead). Unlike a family, which could die out, a collegium was regarded as a durable institution capable of guaranteeing perpetual remembrance. On the right side of the base, a veiled woman is depicted. She stands on a pedestal with a money box (cista) at her feet, and may be identified with Cetrania Severina.

[Front] To the spirits of the departed. For Cetrania Severina, daughter of Publius, priestess of the deified Marciana (sacerdos divae Marcianae). Titus Baebius Gemellinus, Augustalis, set this up for his most venerable (sanctissima) wife. [Left] Chapter from the testament of Cetrania Severina. To the associations of tree-carriers, builders and textile workers (collegia dendrophorum, fabrum and centonariorum) of the municipium of Sassina, I wish 6,000 sesterces to be given. I entrust to your good faith as an association that, from the interest of 4,000 sesterces, each year on the day before the Ides of June (12 June), my birthday, oil will be distributed to each of you and that, from the interest of 2,000 sesterces, you will worship my Manes. I entrust it to your faith that you do so.

37 Nymphidia Monime, member of the Augustales of Misenum AE 2000, 344 Misenum, Italy (1). AD 148–9 A large marble statue base found among other bases in front of the temple of the Augustales at Misenum was set up by Nymphidia Monime in honour of her deceased husband, the wealthy freedman Quintus Cominius Abascantus. Three long inscriptions were carved on it. The inscription on the front sums up Abascantus’ donations to the city and to the Augustales. It also records that he had been a lifelong president (curator perpetuus) of the Augustales and was honoured with the insignia of decurional rank (ornamenta decurionalia), the highest honour for meritorious freedmen. The inscription at the right side of the base copies a chapter from Abascantus’ will, in which he appointed Nymphidia Monime as his sole heir (we may assume that the couple had no surviving children) and left a legacy of 10,000 sesterces for the Augustales stipulating the conditions for its use. As his heir, Nymphidia Monime was to oversee that the interest on this legacy was used for the purposes described in her late husband’s will, including the cleaning and anointing of the statues he had donated, yearly rites and

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festivities at his tomb and the maintenance of this garden tomb. The long inscription further records Nymphidia Monime’s stipulations and her eventual handing over of the money through a slave. The inscription at the left side of the base copies the official decree of the Augustales to nominate his widow and heir Nymphidia Monime as a member of their association. This was a very unusual thing for an all-male association to do, for which there are only few extant parallels (CIL 10, 6682 and 14, 3657). It is explicitly stated that she was elected to full membership (in corpore nostro), receiving the same hand-outs and distributions as the other members. As her husband’s heir and a wealthy and munificent woman herself, she was of great importance to the Augustales, which may explain her unusual co-optation. In a sense, she continued the membership of her late husband. Below, only the last lines of the inscription on the front and the entire inscription on its left side have been translated.

[Last lines of the inscription on the front] Nymphidia Monime set this up for her excellent husband. At the dedication (of the statue) she distributed 8 sesterces per person to the members of the Augustales and gave a banquet. [Left side] When Servius Scipio Orfitus and Quintus Sosius Priscus were consuls, on the third day before the Nones of January (3 January 149), at Misenum in the temple of Augustus, which is (the meeting-place) of the full members of the Augustales of Misenum. There, at the proposal of Atinius Trophimus and Valerius Epaphroditus, the presidents of the current year, the members of the Augustales unanimously decided what is written below as regards the favours to be granted to Nymphidia Monime. Since Nymphidia Monime, the wife of our late colleague Cominius Abascantus – who was as munificent regarding the adornment of the town as he was generous in the use of his private property, showing his goodwill due to the most venerable order of decurions (ordo decurionum) and to us and our fellow citizens – has most compliantly followed her husband’s exceptional munificence and respectfully persisted in favouring us, she deserves a title of honour from us, not only in her own name but also in the name of his memory that recommends her to us. And since it befits us worthily to reward her goodwill, the Augustales decided to co-opt Nymphidia Monime into our association and that the handouts on our festive days and the distributions we receive individually will also be given to her.

Further Reading D’Arms (2000)

38 Buried by a collegium CIL 12, 2824 Ugernum, Gallia Narbonensis. Second century AD Burial in the funerary enclosure of a collegium was a privilege that could sometimes be bestowed on meritorious outsiders. Thus, the textile workers (centonarii) of Ugernum in Narbonese Gaul set up the tomb of Moccia Silvina on account of her merits, presumably some service or favour to the association.

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To the spirits of the departed. The association of textile workers of Ugernum set this up for Moccia Silvina, daughter of Gaius, because of her merits (merita).

39 A statue set up for a patroness AE 1964, 106 Trebula Mutuesca, Italy (4). AD 139–53 Acting collectively, the women of Trebula Mutuesca set up a public statue for a woman of consular family. Thus they honoured her for her merits as a patroness of the city and/ or of their organisation.

For Laberia Hostilia Crispina, daughter of Marcus Laberius Maximus, twice consul, wife of Gaius Bruttius Praesens, twice consul, the women of Trebula (mulieres Trebulanae) set this up after having collected money for their patroness (patrona) because of her merits.

40 An all-female cult association CIL 9, 2480 Saepinum, Italy (4). Second–early third century AD An inscription on a simple stele, re-used in a wall, commemorates Ennia Prisca. She was buried by the collegium canoforarum (of female reed-bearers, a collegium connected with the cult of Cybele) and may herself have been a member of this all-female association.

To the spirits of the departed. The association of female reed-bearers (canoforae) set this up for Ennia Prisca.

41 Commemoration by an association of young women CIL 5, 5907 Mediolanum, Italy (11). Third century AD A funerary altar commemorates Ursilia Ingenua who died at the age of eight and a half. Her parents set up a foundation for the perpetual maintenance of her tomb and memory by donating a capital sum of 400 denarii (1,600 sesterces) to the association of Iuvenae (girls or young women) in the neighbourhood or village of Corogenna, in or near Milan. From the income from this sum, the Iuvenae were to adorn her tomb with crowns and pour a libation at the annual festivals for the dead, the Parentalia in February and the Rosalia in May. The parents probably chose this association for the perpetual commemoration of their daughter because she had been a member during her lifetime. A dancing girl depicted at the side of the altar may be connected to the rites of the Iuvenae.

For Ursilia Ingenua, who lived eight years and six months. To honour her memory, Ursilius Rufinus and Domitia Severa, her parents, donated 400 denarii (1,600 sesterces) to the (association of ) young women (Iuvenae) of Corogenna. From the interest on this sum, they must provide three crowns each year at the Parentalia and the Rosalia and also pour a libation in that same year. If the

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Iuvenae fail to do this, they will have to restore (the sum) to the villagers of Corogenna, who will then observe these rites.

42 A local assembly of women CIL 14, 2120 = ILS 6199 Lanuvium, Italy (1). Late second–early third century AD On a broken marble plaque once attached to the base of an equestrian statue in honour of Gaius Sulpicius Victor, patron and benefactor of the city of Lanuvium, a puzzling curia mulierum (assembly of women) is mentioned. The meaning and significance of this assembly is contested. The double banquet they received was a sign of social esteem suggesting an association of high standing. In analogy to the so-called women’s senate (mulierum senatus) and the assembly of matrons (conventus matronarum) in Rome (e.g. SHA Elegab. 4.3–4), it may have grouped together the most distinguished women of the town. The other (all-male) curiae mentioned here may have been voting tribes or gatherings for social or religious ends. Only the last lines of the inscription have been translated.

[Dedication of the statue in honour of Gaius Sulpicius Victor] To celebrate the dedication of his statue, he distributed 24 sesterces each to the decurions and the Augustales and the (members of the) curiae and gave a double banquet to the assembly of women (curia mulierum).

43 Donations to groups of female citizens CIL 11, 3811 = ILS 6583 Veii, Italy (7). Mid-third century AD The otherwise unknown ‘most dutiful sisters’ (sorores piissimae) of Veii erected a public statue for Caesia Sabina because of her donations to the women of her town, who are differentiated as the female relatives of the centumviri (‘the 100 men’, i.e. the members of the local council) and the rest of the female citizens. Her husband (judging by his name, a freedman) was adlected into the local senate because of his numerous benefactions to the city (CIL 11, 3807–3810). Among other things, he restored the clubhouse of the collegium Fortunae and adorned it with porticos and statues in the name of his wife, Caesia Sabina, who was a priestess of Fortuna Redux (CIL 11, 3810).

For Caesia Sabina, wife of Gnaeus Caesius Athictus. She alone of all women provided a banquet for the mothers, sisters and daughters of the centumviri and for the women-citizens (mulieres municipes) of all ranks, and she offered them bathing with free oil on the days of the games and the banquet of her husband. The most dutiful sisters (sorores piissimae) set this up.

III C Theatre and Amphitheatre, Sport and the Baths Women enjoyed visiting the theatre and amphitheatre, where they originally watched the plays and games together with men. Possibly inspired by Greek precedent, segregated seating was introduced during the late Republic in a few

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cities of central Italy, where inscriptions record a ‘wedge of seats reserved for women’ and a ‘women’s section’ (CIL 1, 2506 and 11, 4206). In Rome, a similar change came about with Augustus’ regulations (Suet. Aug. 44.2–3). With the exception of the Vestals and the women of his own family, Augustus banished all women to the top rows at the rear of the theatre and amphitheatre, where they presumably sat in sections reserved for them. We cannot tell how closely the cities of Italy and the western provinces followed these seating arrangements. Apart from possible changes over time, we may expect to find a mixture of Roman rules and local custom in most cities, leading to a varied practice. Segregated seating, if indeed this was the rule, did not undermine the popularity of plays and games among men and women of the elite, who not only watched the games but occasionally even performed in the amphitheatre – in some cases under compulsion from the emperor. A senatorial decree under the emperor Tiberius prohibiting men and women of the upper classes from performing on the stage and in the arena (no. 44) had no noticeable effect. Female gladiators are attested in numerous literary sources (e.g. Suet. Dom. 4.1, Tac. Ann. 15.32.3, Cass. Dio 67.8.4, Stat. Silv. 1.6.51–6, Juv. 6. 246–67) until the prohibition by Septimius Severus in AD 200 (Cass. Dio 75.16.1).

Further Reading Brunet (2004); Levick (1983); Rawson (1987)

44 A prohibition against acting and fighting in the arena EAOR 3, 2 = AE 1978, 145 Larinum, Italy (2). AD 19 In AD 19, during the reign of the emperor Tiberius, a senatorial decree was drafted prohibiting men and women of the upper classes from performing on the stage and in the arena. A bronze plaque from Larinum contains part of this decree issuing the prohibition and prescribing penalties for non-compliance. Men and women of senatorial and equestrian families who persisted in performing not only incurred infamia (public disgrace involving certain legal disabilities) but were also denied a funeral. The text also confirms an earlier senatorial decree of AD 11 forbidding freeborn women under twenty and freeborn men under twenty-five from performing on the stage and in the arena, unless under compulsion from the emperor or by his permission. Despite the explicit inclusion of women, the focus of the decree is on class rather than on gender. Yet, as we have seen in Chapter 3 nos. 94 and 95, non-elite women also performed as gladiators for gain, or might be staged as a special attraction. Due to the cutting of the bronze plaque for re-use as a tabula patronatus (see Chapter 6 section II) both the text as a whole and each individual line are incomplete, which complicates reading and interpretation. Here, only the pertinent lines (7–10 and 18–20) have been translated.

[Lines 7–10] The Senate has decided that no one should produce on the stage a senator’s son, daughter, grandson, granddaughter, great-grandson, greatgranddaughter or any man whose father or grandfather, whether paternal or

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maternal, or brother, or any woman whose husband or father or grandfather, whether paternal or maternal, or brother ever had the right of watching (the spectacles) from the seats of the knights, or to require from them by contract to fight in the arena(?). [Lines 18–20 confirming the regulations of AD 11] that no freeborn woman under the age of twenty nor freeborn man under the age of twenty-five should be permitted to pledge or hire out their services for the stage or arena [. . .], except whoever among them had been assigned to the stage or the games(?) by the deified Augustus or by Tiberius Caesar Augustus.

45 A female victor of a foot-race SEG 14, 602 = SEG 58, 1077 = AE 1954, 186 Aenaria (Ischia), Italy (1). AD 154 On a marble base once crowned by her statue, Seia Spes is honoured with an inscription in Greek. In Naples in AD 154 she won the 185-metre foot-race (the stadion) for daughters of city councillors and magistrates at the Sebasta (here indicated as ‘Italic Games’), the four-yearly imperial games founded by Augustus in AD 2. As appears from this inscription, Naples and the cities in its neighbourhood remained Greek in culture. Seia Spes belonged to an elite family: her father had served as tamias and agoranomos, the Greek equivalent of quaestor and aedile. Her husband set up her statue by decree of the local senate, but she may have competed as a young girl, before her marriage. Seia Spes was not the only or the earliest woman to compete at the Sebasta. In a list of victors of earlier Sebasta, between AD 75 and 100, Aemilia Rectina and Flavia Thalassa from Ephesos won victories in the 185- and 370-metre races respectively: see SEG 58, 1085 = SEG 62, 727. Girls competing in athletic games were more common in the Greek East than in the West, but in AD 86 Domitian allegedly included running competitions for girls in the Capitoline Games in Rome: see Suet. Dom. 4.4 and Cass. Dio 67.8.1.

Seia Spes, daughter of Seius Liberalis, former quaestor and aedile. By decree of the council, her husband Lucius Cocceius Priscus dedicated (this statue) because of her victory in the 185-metre foot-race for daughters of councillors in the Thirty-ninth Italic Games.

Bathing Like men, women frequented the baths, but it is debated whether they bathed alone or together with men. In republican baths, a separate part (usually smaller) was often reserved for women, but for the imperial period the evidence is contradictory. Apart from separate bathing establishments for men and women (see, for instance, CIL 9, 1667, CIL 14, 2121), there is some evidence that women used the baths at different times of the day and paid a different sum for entry (see no. 47 below). At the same time, the literary sources suggest that mixed bathing was common, though often frowned upon, and various emperors from Hadrian onwards prohibited it – without much success (Cass. Dio 69.8.2; SHA Hadr. 18.10, Marc. 23.8, Alex. Sev. 24.2). There is no need to

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look for consistency of practice. In all likelihood, facilities for segregated and mixed bathing coexisted during the imperial period, and where a woman went was mainly a matter of personal preference. Apart from visiting the baths, wealthy women donated bath-houses to their cities. In building, decorating or restoring bath-houses, these benefactresses occasionally catered especially for women: Alfia Quarta (no. 46) built a separate bath-house for women and Caesia Sabina (above, no. 43) donated bathing and free oil for the women of her town, for whom she also provided a feast. Most female donors, however, like their male peers, donated a bath-house without specifying provisions for its use (Chapter 6 nos. 6, 8 and 18). For women advertising bathing facilities, see Chapter 3 nos. 125 and 126.

Further Reading Fagan (1999); Hemelrijk (2015) 109–80; Ward (1992)

46 A bath-house for women CIL 9, 3677 = ILS 5684 Marruvium, Italy (4). First century AD A building inscription records the donation of a women’s bath by a female donor.

Alfia Quarta, daughter of Publius, built the women’s bath (balneum muliebre) from its foundations upwards. She also decorated it with variously coloured stone and equipped it with a bronze basin with a stove and benches from her own money.

47 Separate bathing hours CIL 2, 5181 = ILS 6891 Vipasca, Hispania Lusitania. Early–mid-second century AD Two bronze tablets present legal regulations concerning the exploitation of the imperial silver mines in Vipasca. Below only the lines dealing with the lease of the bath-house have been translated (19–26). They show that it was open to men and women at different hours of the day: for women in the morning and for men in the afternoon and the evening. Women paid 1 as for entry, twice as much as the sum exacted from men.

On the use of the bath. The lessee of the bath, or his partner, is to heat the bath every day entirely at his own cost, in agreement with his lease contract, until the day before the first Kalends of July (30 June), and keep it ready for use for women from dawn to the seventh hour of the day and for men from the eighth hour to the second hour of the night, in accordance with the decision of the procurator in charge of the mines. He is to provide water in bronze containers warmed from below up to the highest level and properly flowing into the basin, both for women and for men. The lessee is to charge men half a bronze as each and women each 1 bronze as.

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IV | Mobility and Migration In the Roman world, women left fewer traces of mobility and migration than men, who travelled widely as administrators, soldiers, craftsmen or traders and whose mobility was more commonly recorded than that of women. Yet women did travel, mostly with their families, but sometimes on their own (with a retinue), for various reasons. As we have seen in Chapter 2, the stateorganised mobility of the Roman army prompted female partners and relatives of soldiers to travel widely, and men and women could also be forced to move when they were transported as slaves from various parts of the Roman Empire to Rome and Italy. Other women travelled as part of their occupations or accompanied their husbands or parents who were traders or travelling craftsmen (Chapter 3 no. 71). We also find women travelling over long distances for a pious duty: to bring back the bones of a beloved relative who died abroad for burial in the homeland. Likewise, women dying abroad might themselves be posthumously repatriated by relatives, though, like men, most must have been buried at their place of death (see Chapter 2 section II). Some women travelled only within their region or province, moving from a local town to the provincial capital in their husbands’ trains or for reasons of their own – for instance, to hold a priesthood. We even find women travelling to regions as unexpected as the mining areas in Roman Spain, where they formed almost 20 per cent of migrants in the epigraphic record. These women mostly travelled together with their families, but possibly also by themselves in search for work (cf. Strabo 3.2.9 on women’s unskilled work in the mining industry of north-west Lusitania). Women’s travel was often temporary or contained within a particular region, but some women travelled over great distances from one province to another, and may be regarded as true migrants. Those who assimilated to their new homes to the extent that they cannot be distinguished by names, language or dress left no trace of their travels in our evidence, but some women still identified with their birth city or region, and they (or their relatives) set store on recording their origin on their tombs. Others celebrated the honour of being granted citizenship of their new town or were honoured for holding a priesthood in the town they migrated to. Though a minority when compared to men, the epigraphic presence of female travellers and migrants is significant. Even though most travelled with their families, so that we cannot assess their possible initiative in the matter, or were forced to travel (for instance, as slaves or fugitives), the extent to which female travel was considered unremarkable in the epigraphic evidence suggests that, in the Roman Empire, it was a widespread and accepted practice.

Further Reading Foubert (2013); Holleran (2016) 117–19; Noy (2010); Tybout (2016); Woolf (2013)

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48 A girl travelling with her mother CIL 2, 970 = ERBeturi 173 Santo Amador, Hispania Baetica. Late first century AD A marble stele with a triangular top commemorates Modesta, a girl of twelve years old from Pax Julia, about 50 kilometres from the mining area where she died. She was commemorated by her mother, and must have travelled with her mother and perhaps other relatives to the mining district. Her single name suggests that she did not have Roman citizenship.

Modesta, daughter of Modestus, a Pacensian (i.e. from Pax Julia) aged twelve, lies here. When passing by I ask you to say: ‘may the earth rest lightly upon you’. A mother set this up for her daughter.

49 Migrating to a mining district CILA 1, 39 = AE 1965, 300 Fodinae Aerariae, Hispania Baetica. Late first–second century AD A limestone plaque commemorates Licinia Materna, who stemmed from Nova Augusta, more than 550 kilometres away from the mining area in Rio Tinto where she died. No husband is recorded, and she may have travelled to the mining district by herself or with friends in search of work.

Licinia Materna, daughter of Paternus, from Nova Augusta, aged thirty, lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you.

50 A Celtic woman ERPLeon 153 = AE 1997, 873 Andinuela, Hispania Tarraconensis. Imperial period A stele commemorates a woman with the non-Roman name Eburia, who travelled 210 kilometres from her home town to a mining district in north-western Spain. She is identified as a Celtic woman.

Eburia, daughter of Calvenus, a Celtic woman (Celtica) of the Supertamarci, from Castellum Luber, aged twenty-six, lies here.

51 A grant of local citizenship CIL 2, 813 = ILS 6901 Capera, Hispania Lusitania. Early–mid-second century AD A large marble statue base honours Avita, a peregrine woman who was granted the local citizenship of Capera. Unlike Avita, who (judging by her single name) had no Roman citizenship, her granddaughter Cocceia Severa was a Roman citizen. She was born in Norba in Lusitania, not far from Capera, where she set up the (possibly posthumous) statue for her grandmother, who may have requested this in her will, leaving money for it. Cocceia Severa herself must have been a woman of substance too, since she also

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erected statues for her mother and her aunt (e.g. CIL 2, 814), which, together with the statue of her grandmother, may have formed a family group.

For her grandmother Avita, daughter of Moderatus, because of her honour in receiving the citizenship of Capera. Cocceia Severa, daughter of Celsus, from Norba, set this up, at the request and cost of her grandmother Avita, daughter of Moderatus.

52 Regional mobility and local citizenship AE 1971, 147 Badajoz, Hispania Lusitania. Second century AD On a marble slab two epitaphs are carved, for a mother and her son. The mother, Cretonia Maxima, was a citizen of Pax Julia; the son was a citizen of Emerita. Remarkably, his Roman voting tribe, Papiria, was also added to the name of his mother, though women could not vote or be enrolled in a voting tribe (see also Chapter 5 no. 8). She was buried in the neighbourhood of Emerita, to which she must have migrated from Pax Julia.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Cretonia Maxima, of the voting tribe Papiria, citizen of Pax Julia, aged eighty, lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you. Publius Aplanius Marcianus, of the voting tribe Papiria, citizen of Emerita, aged thirty-three, lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you. The mother commissioned this for herself and for her son.

53 A provincial priestess from Osicerda CIL 2, 4241 = CIL 2, 14, 1182 = RIT 325 Tarraco, Hispania Tarraconensis. AD 120–40 An honorific statue was set up for Porcia Materna, who moved from her native Osicerda to Tarraco, where she held a provincial priesthood in the imperial cult, possibly together with her husband, who was a local magistrate and provincial priest in Tarraco (RIT 295). Her husband put up a public statue for her in the forum of Tarraco, where priests and priestesses of the imperial cult were honoured after their year in office. For priestesses of the imperial cult, see Chapter 5.

For Porcia Materna, daughter of Marcus, from Osicerda, provincial priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica provinciae) of Hispania Citerior and after that perpetual priestess (flaminica perpetua) of Osicerda, Caesaraugusta and Tarraco. Lucius Numisius Montanus set this up for his wife.

54 From Rome to Carthage CIL 8, 12792 = CLEAfrique 39 Carthago, Africa Proconsularis. AD 117–38 On a double-sided marble funerary plaque from a tomb of the staff of the imperial family, Minucia (or Minicia) Prima is commemorated in prose and in verse. The initial letters of the non-indented lines of the verse epitaph together form her cognomen,

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Prima. Though born in Rome, Minucia Prima travelled with her partner, an imperial slave, to North Africa (Libya), where she died in Carthage at the age of twenty-six. In his verses, her partner laments her fate, criticising the goddess Fortuna for failing to protect her. Although Minucia Prima is described as coniunx and uxor (wife), she and Nicodromus were not legally married, as slaves could not marry under Roman law (see Chapter 2). It is a sign of the great social prestige of slaves of the imperial family that they might have freed, or even freeborn, partners. The prose part of the inscription is repeated at the rear of the tablet, but has been translated only once.

[On top and at the rear, in prose] Dedicated to the departed spirits of Minucia Prima, who lived twenty-six years. Nicodromus, (slave) of the emperor, made this for his dutiful (pia) and well-deserving wife. [In verse] In your early youth, you were snatched away, dearest wife (karissima coniunx). For twice ten and six years, life was approved for you. Rome was your origin, but it was your fate that you would become a Libyan. Now, pitiable woman, you are led to the boat of the Styx and in your heart wretched oblivion (Lethe) reigns, so that you, pitiable woman, do not know of my devotion. It was your duty, Fortuna, to protect this pure (pudica) woman and it was in your power to assign us both to Italy. By the lament of numerous persons you will be revived, good and sincere wife, even though I do not have you before my eyes as my companion. [Below] She lies here. [In acrostic] Prima.

55 Migration to the provincial capital CIL 2, 4198 = CIL 2, 14, 1177 = RIT 320 Tarraco, Hispania Tarraconensis. Late second–early third century AD An incomplete statue base that once carried her statue was set up by the citizens of Tarraco in honour of the priestess of the imperial cult, Aurelia Marcellina. It stood in the forum of the provincial capital, to which she had migrated from the district of Clunia, an inland region of northern Spain.

For Aurelia Marcellina, from the district of Clunia, priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica), wife of the imperial priest Licinius Sparsus, the citizens of Tarraco set this up. [Text breaks off]

56 From Asia Minor to Lyon CIL 13, 2004 = IG 14, 2529 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Late second–early third century AD A bilingual inscription on a large funerary altar commemorates Julia Artemisia, who stemmed from Greek-speaking Asia Minor. Both she and her husband may have been ex-slaves. The Greek exclamation on top is a final farewell to the deceased, or perhaps an address to passers-by. The axe (ascia) mentioned in the last line is depicted on top.

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[On top, in Greek] Farewell, be of good health! [In Latin] To the departed spirits and eternal memory of Julia Artemisia, from Asia by birth, who lived twenty-four years. Titus Flavius Hermes commissioned this for his most dutiful (pientissima), chaste (castissima) and incomparable wife because of her merits and dedicated it under the axe (sub ascia).

57 From Sardinia to Britannia RIB 1, 687 = CSIR GB 1, 3, 60 Eboracum, Britannia. Early third century AD An inscription on a sandstone sarcophagus from York commemorates a woman from Sardinia who had followed her husband to Britannia. The inscription on his own sarcophagus (RIB 1, 678) shows that he officiated as a sevir Augustalis in Eboracum in Britannia, but originally came from Avaricum Biturigum (Bourges) in Gallia Aquitania. The poetic expression coniuncta marito has a parallel in Catull. 62.54.

To Julia Fortunata, a Sardinian by birth (domo Sardinia), faithfully joined in marriage to her husband (coniuncta marito), Verecundius Diogenes.

58 A Treveran citizen dying in Bordeaux CIL 13, 633 = ILCV 4445a = ILA Bordeaux 107 Burdigala, Gallia Aquitania. 28 January AD 261 Two sides of a small limestone gravestone that was re-used as building material for the late antique wall of the city are inscribed with two epitaphs commemorating Domitia. She was a citizen of the tribe of the Treverans in Gallia Belgica, but died in Bordeaux, where she was buried by her husband. Given the date of the inscription, both must have been Roman citizens, but in the third century the use of the tria nomina declined. The vocabulary of the second epitaph, which is partly in verse (with a reference to Verg. Aen. 6.149), and the exact date of her death resembles later Christian epitaphs of the region. However, the interpretation that she was a Christian (possibly the earliest Christian known by name in Bordeaux) is contested.

[Front] To the departed spirits and memory of Domitia, Treveran citizen, who died at the age of twenty. Leo set this up for his dearest wife (coniunx karissima). [Right side, partly in verse] Here lies the lifeless body of Domitia, Treveran citizen, deceased on the fifth day before the Kalends of February (28 January), when Postumus was consul.

59 Following her husband to the provinces CIL 6, 17690 Rome. Late third–fourth century AD A marble plaque with a badly carved funerary inscription commemorates Faenia Filumena, who followed her husband to his province. The reason for their travels is

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unknown, nor is it recorded which province is meant, but for a woman from Rome it was regarded as a sign of conjugal devotion to follow her husband to the provinces. The cognomina of both partners suggest a foreign (Greek) background and possibly freed status.

To the departed spirits of Faenia Filumena, who out of devotion (pietas) to her husband went abroad to the province (provincia). Aurelius Sperchius set this up for his dearest (carissima) and incomparable wife.

60 Travelling to Egypt to collect her husband’s bones IGUR 1321 = IG 14, 1976 Rome. Third–early fourth century AD A Greek verse epitaph on a large marble plaque was set up to commemorate a man with the Greek name Asterios, who in Rome was called by his Roman name Rufinus. He died after travelling – probably on public bussiness or connected with trade – to Alexandria in Egypt. Taking great trouble and expense, his wife sailed to Egypt to collect his bones (or mummified body) and laid them to rest in Rome, where their children were later interred together with him. The tomb and the funerary epigram relating her journey on his behalf are the lasting signs of her love for her husband.

This is the grave of Rufinus, whom they once called Asterios. After having left the soil of Rome and reached the city of the Nile, he shone with success, offered much to many, caused grief to nobody, but had an eye for what is right. He did not escape the thread of the three Fates (Moirai) but, deceased, gave away his soul to the air and his body to the earth. But he was also judged pious among the dead and, though a corpse, he again saw the light and sailed across the sea and set foot on his own land. He lies with his children, whose death he did not see, since he died first. But the mother of his two children, noble and loving her husband, crossed the sea and brought his body over the waves, taking great pains. Mourning continuously, she buried him in the tomb and gave him over to Eternity. These (i.e. the poem and the tomb) are the tokens of Damostrateia’s love for her husband (philandria).

Foreign Women in Rome and Italy As the capital of a huge empire, Rome was an intensely multicultural and multiethnic city. Each year thousands of immigrants flocked to Rome from the provinces, both East and West, voluntarily or by force (e.g. as captives of war or slaves). The majority of these were young men, but a considerable number of women (amounting to c. 20 per cent of the recorded inscriptions), both slave and freeborn, also migrated to Rome. Freeborn women often travelled together with their husbands and families, but we also find, for instance, a priestess who seems to have travelled by herself. Some of the husbands were military men migrating to Rome after active service or serving in the Praetorian Guard; others may have been craftsmen in search of work or traders on a temporary

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visit. Many, or perhaps even most, female immigrants refrained from mentioning their origin in inscriptions, forcing us to guess about their extraction on the basis of their non-Roman cognomina (which should be used with great caution!). However, some women, or their relatives, set store on having their geographical or ethnic background recorded on their tombs. Apparently, they maintained close social and emotional ties with their regions of birth or regarded their ethnic background as an essential element of their identity. A small selection of these inscriptions are translated below, allowing us a glimpse of the variety of peoples living in Rome.

Further Reading De Ligt and Tacoma (2016); Ivleva (2016b); Noy (2000) and (2010); Noy and Sorek (2007)

61 Freedwomen from Phrygia and North Africa CIL 1, 2965a = AE 1972, 14 Rome. 47/46 BC A group of freedmen and freedwomen (all but two of them still living) set up a grave monument for themselves consisting of coarse travertine blocks near the Porta Latina. The inscription records their names and the birthplace of each individual. It appears that they were first-generation ex-slaves who saw their place or region of birth, indicated by the word natio, as an essential element of their identity. This held to such an extent that the only home-born slave among them uses the same word natio to explain that he was a verna (see Chapter 2). The two women stem from Phrygia in Asia Minor and from North Africa, probably Carthage.

When Gaius Caesar was dictator for the second time and Marcus Antonius his Master of the Horse, a burial place of 24 feet wide and 24 feet deep was bought from Quintus Modius, son of Lucius, of the voting tribe Quirina. Gaius Numitorius Nicanor, freedman of Gaius, a Theban by birth, eye doctor; Numitoria Philumina, freedwoman of Gaius, by birth a Phrygian (natione Phrygia); Gaius Numitorius Stabilio, freedman of Gaius, by birth a home-born slave (natione verna); [Left side] Publius Opitreius Butas, freedman of Gaius, by birth a Smyrnean, [Below] laid the foundations. [Right side] In their tomb is buried Numitoria Erotis, freedwoman of Gaius, [above] Punic by birth (natione Punica). Quintus Numitorius Isio, freedman of Gaius, [. . .] [Back] is buried here.

62 A Greek slave from Apameia IGUR 811 = IG 14, 1874a Rome. Late first–early second century AD

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A Greek inscription on a small marble tombstone commemorates a slave woman who came to Rome from Greek Apameia and used both a Greek name (Nike) and a Roman one (Marcellina). She was buried by a Greek fellow slave, who may have been her partner, on the land of a man named Celsus who probably was the master of both.

To the deities of the Underworld. Nike, who is also called Marcellina, from Apameia, aged thirty-five. Eugenes (made her tomb) on the land of master (kurios) Celsus here [text breaks off].

63 Captured in Jerusalem and freed in Italy CIL 10, 1971 = ILS 8193 = AE 1999, 455 Puteoli, Italy (1). AD 80–95 A travertine funerary stele from Puteoli commemorates Claudia Aster, who was probably taken captive by the army of Titus after the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70 and was brought to Italy as a slave. Judging by her name, she was freed by the imperial freedman Tiberius Claudius Proculus, who also set up her tomb in Puteoli and may have been her husband as well as her patron. The cognomen Aster is probably a Latinised version of the Jewish name Esther. Her epitaph is among our earliest testimonies of Jewish women in Rome and Italy.

Claudia Aster, a captive from Jerusalem. The imperial freedman Tiberius Claudius Proculus has taken care (that this was set up). I ask you, ensure by law that you take care that nobody knocks down my inscription. She lived twenty-five years.

64 A Jewish woman in Rome AE 2001, 777 = CapriAnt 28 Capreae, Italy (1). AD 130–200 A small weathered marble stele from Rome or Naples marked the grave of Marcia Curtia Euodia, a Jewish woman (indicated by the word Hebr(a)ea instead of the more common Iud(a)ea), who advertised her ethnicity and religious allegiance in an otherwise standard Latin grave inscription. She was married at the age of sixteen to Gaius Vetulenus Melissus, who was also her relative. The name of their son was added later in another hand under the inscribed field, which suggests that he died after his mother.

For Marcia Curtia Euodia, a Hebrew (Hebrea). Gaius Vetulenus Melissus made this for his wife and relative (cognata), who deserved well. She lived with him for thirty-two years and herself for forty-eight years. [Under the inscribed field] Also for Caius Vetulenus Euhodus, their son, who lived twenty-two years.

65 An imperial freedwoman from Asia Minor IGUR 1200 Rome. AD 161–9 or 198–211

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In a Greek verse epitaph on a marble plaque, broken into two parts, a son named Euprosdektos commemorated his mother Donata, who is praised for her good judgement. She came from Tralles in Caria (Asia Minor) as a slave of the emperors (possibly Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus or Septimius Severus and Caracalla), who freed her some time before her death at the age of forty-two. The epitaph plays with the opposite notions of ‘light’ (life) and ‘dark home of Hades’ or ‘night’ (death). Lethe is the river of forgetfulness the deceased had to cross before entering the Underworld.

Euprosdektos here buried his good mother Donata, lamenting her with lavish tears. She surpassed all other women in judgement (gnome). Trallian by birth, she came from the lovely land of Asia. From the emperors she received the gift of seeing this light in freedom, when she saw the light among mortal men, before through the night of forgetfulness (Lethe) she reached the dark home of Hades in her forty-third year of life.

66 Migrating from Same to Rome CIL 6, 20548 = IG 14, 1703 = IGUR 1239 Rome. Late first–early second century AD This bilingual (Latin and Greek) epitaph on a tombstone from the Via Tusculana in Rome (now lost) tells the sad story of a Greek woman who migrated from Same (on the Greek island Kephallenia) to Rome, where she died prematurely when eating a fish. Most likely, a fishbone got stuck in her throat. In Rome she had married Titus Flavius Alcimus, a Greek freedman of one of the Flavian emperors. They had a daughter who is not mentioned by name in the Greek inscription, but who may be identified with the Flavia Titiane who set up the tomb according to the Latin inscription. In the Greek inscription, which is in verse, the deceased herself addresses the passer-by.

[Latin] For Julia Laudice, daughter of Gaius, and for Titus Flavius Alcimus, imperial freedman. Flavia Titiane, daughter of Titus, made this for her excellent parents and for herself and her freedmen and freedwomen. [Greek, in verse] No long inscription on the stele will keep you by the wayside: stand still and after learning here who I am, go your way. Laudice is my name, my hometown Same. My husband Alcimus, my female child, my mother of grey-haired age and also my brother and sister – all of these I left behind in the light of the sun when dying prematurely. I was not consumed by fever and was free of disease nor did I suffer sorrows. No, when eating a fish my throat unspeakably cut off my breath.

67 A woman from Spain CIL 6, 13820 Rome. Mid-second century AD An epitaph on a broken marble plaque commemorates a woman with the cognomen Graecula (‘little Greek’), who was in fact of Spanish birth. The Greek cognomen of her husband, Menophilus, may point to a Greek background.

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Dedicated to the departed spirits of Caecilia Graecula, of Spanish stock (natione Hispana). She lived forty years. Publius Aelius Menophilus made this for his dearest wife [. . .].

68 An imperial priestess from Lyon who died in Rome CIL 13, 2181 = ILS 8098 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. Second century AD An inscription on a stele commemorates Julia Helias, an imperial priestess from Lugdunum, who died in Rome at the age of twenty-five. Her two sisters travelled to Rome to bring her body home and buried her in the family mausoleum near Lugdunum (CIL 13, 11180/1). Judging by their Greek cognomina, the parents were freed, but Julia Helias herself may have been freeborn. In any case, the family was sufficiently wealthy to own a mausoleum and to have a daughter who served as a flaminica and travelled to Rome. Moreover, they were able spend the time and money to repatriate her body (more examples of posthumous repatriation of women: no. 70 below and AE 1992, 813: from Trier to Ticinum in northern Italy; CIL 8, 2772: from Dacia to Lambaesis in Numidia; CIL 9, 5860: from Nikomedia in Bithynia to Auximum in Italy; and CIL 14, 3777: from Sardinia to Tibur near Rome).

To the departed spirits of Julia Helias, daughter of Sextus Julius Callistus and Julia Nike, priestess of the empress (flaminica Augustae), who lived twenty-five years and two months. Julia Heliane and Julia Callistate saw to it that the body of their sister, who was dearer to them than their own soul, was brought back from the City (Rome) and they buried her in a sarcophagus inside the mausoleum.

69 A Dacian royal family in Rome CIL 6, 1801 = ILS 854 Rome. AD 175–80 An inscription on a marble funerary altar, now lost, commemorates Zia, the Dacian wife of Pieporus, king of the Costoboci in northern Dacia. She died in Rome, where her grandchildren were held as hostages to ensure the good behaviour of the king. Though adopting the Roman epigraphic habit, the only slightly Latinised Thracian or Dacian names of all persons recorded in the inscription reflect their indigenous background.

To the departed spirits of Zia, of Dacian stock, daughter of Tiatus, wife of Pieporus, king of the Costoboci. Natoporus and Drilgisa set this up for their dearest and well-deserving grandmother.

70 From Gallia Belgica to Rome CIL 6, 15493 = ILS 7994 Rome. Late second century AD This epitaph on a marble funerary altar shows that Claudia Lepidilla, who belonged to the tribe of the Ambiani in the south-western part of Gallia Belgica (the region of the present Amiens), had moved from Gallia Belgica to Rome, where she died. We do not know the reason for her migration. The last two lines are in verse. They suggest that,

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after her cremation, her sons buried her ashes (cineres) in Rome in the funerary altar that carries this inscription, but brought her bones (ossa) back to her homeland to be buried in a tumulus (a burial mound covering a tomb). Such double commemoration, both in Rome and in the homeland, testifies to the importance that was attached to burial in the native country.

To the departed spirits of Claudia Lepidilla, an Ambianian woman from the province Belgica. Her sons Lepidus and Trebellius set this up for their excellent (optima) mother. [In verse] Here we have consecrated the ashes of our mother in a single altar. The earth that bore her holds her bones in a tomb (tumulus).

71 Following her husband from Crete to Rome IGUR 1262 = IG 14, 1819 Rome. Second–third century AD This Greek verse epitaph on a marble plaque commemorates Lyka, a Greek woman who migrated from Crete to Rome, following her husband. She was buried in Rome in a family tomb, which she presents as ‘empty’, since she is waiting for her husband to join her.

To the deities of the Underworld. Here I lie, Lyka. I came from Crete because of my husband and Queen Rome buried me here. I lie in an empty grave, for I await my husband.

72 A British woman in Rome CIL 6, 3594 Rome. Late second–third century AD A woman from Britannia followed her husband, a legionary centurion, to Rome, where she set up his marble funerary altar. Their non-Roman cognomina (Britto meaning Briton) reveal their British background.

To the spirits of the departed. His wife (coniunx) Catonia Baudia and his children made this for Flavius Britto, centurion of the Legio XIV Geminia, who deserved well.

73 A woman from Gallia Aquitania CIL 6, 2497 Rome. Late second–third century AD An epitaph on a marble funerary altar commemorates Valeria Justina, who belonged to the tribe of the Conveni in Gallia Aquitania. Her husband served in the Praetorian Guard in Rome and she therefore followed him to Rome.

To the departed spirits of Valeria Justina, by birth (nata) an Aquitanian of the tribe of the Conveni. She lived twenty-one years. Junius Valerianus, soldier of the third praetorian cohort, from the centuria of Felix, set this up for his welldeserving wife (coniunx).

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74 A Pannonian woman in Rome CIL 6, 3454 Rome. Third century AD An epitaph on a marble portrait stele was set up by a veteran soldier to commemorate his wife, who came from Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior, and their little son (Aurelius) Felicissimus (i.e. Happiest), who died at the age of two. The portrait shows a woman with a scroll and pointing two fingers as if reciting. The cognomen of the wife may be taken from Gorsium, a city not far from Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior. The text shows several inaccuracies in grammar and spelling.

To the spirits of the departed. The veteran Aurelius Justinus made this for Aurelia Gorsilla, from Aquincum by birth (natione), my well-deserving wife who always lived well with me, because of the merits of her chastity (castitas). She lived twenty-four years and six months. Also for our son Felicissimus, who lived two years, eight months and twenty-four days.

75 A Thracian family in Rome CIL 6, 2734 = CBI 937 Rome. Third century AD An epitaph on a broken marble plaque commemorates a woman of Thracian origin, who had the local citizenship of Promesiana. Her husband was a beneficiarius (privileged soldier with a special duty) in the Praetorian Guard in Rome. Together with her sister, her husband set up her tomb, a vaulted burial chamber, for the considerable sum of 100 denarii (400 sesterces). Judging by their common family name, all must have received Roman citizenship by the Constitutio Antoniniana in AD 212.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Aurelia Marcia, of Thracian origin with citizenship of Promesiana, who lived thirty-six years, five months and eight days. Aurelia Zenodora, her sister, and Aurelius Herodes, her husband, beneficiarius of the tribune of the tenth praetorian cohort, set up this burial vault costing 100 denarii for his well-deserving wife.

76 From Galatia to Rome IGUR 527 Rome. Imperial period A Greek epitaph from Rome, now lost, commemorates Euangelis, who, judging by her name, may have been a Christian. She migrated to Rome from Galatia and was buried in Rome by her husband and children.

To Good Fortune. Here I lie, Euangelis, Galatian by birth, having lived for thirty-five years and three months. Together with her children, Victor (made this tomb) for his greatly revered, child-loving and sweetest wife, in memory.

5 |

Religion

This chapter deals with women’s roles in the religious life of their cities. Most remarkable are their priesthoods of predominantly female deities and deified empresses (section I). Besides, women performed various other duties, most of them paid, as part of the cult personnel of a range of dieties (section II). Finally, a sample of their dedications to male and female deities gives an impression of their religious allegiancies and their participation in rituals (section III).

I | Priestesses I A Civic Priesthoods Public priesthoods were among the few civic offices in the Graeco-Roman world that women were allowed to hold on a regular basis. Besides the Vestals and the priestly couples of the flamen and flaminica Dialis and the Rex and Regina Sacrorum in Republican Rome, there were a few priestesses of cults and deities that have misleadingly been called ‘foreign’ or ‘matronal’ (Isis, Cybele/ Magna Mater and Bona Dea). In addition, Roman cities in Italy and the Latinspeaking provinces had priestesses of a few, mostly female, deities, such as Ceres, Venus, Tellus and Juno. The cult of Ceres in particular has left ample evidence of female priests: they are found in Italy (including Rome) from the Republican period onwards and, in the imperial period, also in North Africa. In addition, we find priestesses of the Cereres (the joint cult of Ceres/Demeter and her daughter Proserpina/Kore) and of Tellus in North Africa. Outside Rome, in the cities of Italy and the provinces, the introduction of the imperial cult gave rise to prestigious priesthoods for men and women. Priestesses of Roman cities are usually indicated in Latin as sacerdotes and, in the imperial cult, as flaminicae or sacerdotes (divae) Augustae. Since civic priesthoods, especially that of the imperial cult, were costly, most priestesses were of elite families, but there are a few wealthy, socially mobile freedwomen among them. Some wealthy priestesses served more than one deity or were priestesses of the same deity, or empress, in several cities. Numerous priestesses bestowed lavish benefactions on their cities, and some were granted the honour of a public funeral. Because of their benefactions, patronage or public honour, there is some overlap with Chapter 6. 221

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Further Reading Diluzio (2016); Hemelrijk (2009) and (2015); Rives (2013); Schultz (2006)

1 Munnia, priestess of Ceres CIL 10, 5073 = CIL 1, 1532 = ILS 3344 Atina, Italy (1). First century BC On the epitaph of Munnia, priestess of Ceres in Atina, a large sacrificial knife is depicted and a small sow, the usual victim in the cult of Ceres. They reflect the priestess’s involvement in animal sacrifice.

For Munnia, daughter of Gaius, priestess of Ceres (sacerdos Cereris).

2 Eumachia, public priestess in Pompeii CIL 10, 813 = ILS 6368 Pompeii, Italy (1). Early first century AD Eumachia is one of the best-known women of Pompeii because of her donation of the large multi-purpose building that bears her name (see Chapter 6 no. 2). In the rear of this building a statue was set up for her by the fullers, commemorating her public priesthood (Figure 47; see also CIL 10, 810–12). Being a public priestess (sacerdos publica) was highly prestigious. Sacerdotes publicae were elected by the local council from the leading families in the town. The priestesses officiated in the cult of the town’s tutelary deities, in most cases Ceres and Venus. We may therefore assume that Eumachia was a public priestess of Venus.

For Eumachia, daughter of Lucius, public priestess (sacerdos publica), the fullers set this up.

3 Mammia, public priestess in Pompeii CIL 10, 998 = ILS 6369 Pompeii, Italy (1). Early first century AD Mammia was a contemporary of Eumachia and from a family of the same (i.e. decurial) rank. Like Eumachia, she was a public priestess of Venus. Because of her public priesthood and her donation of the temple of the Genius Coloniae or Genius Augusti (respectively, the guardian spirit of the town or of the emperor Augustus) in the forum (CIL 10, 816), she received the honour of a public funeral: the city granted her a plot for a schola tomb in a prominent place near the city gate leading to Herculaneum. On this semi-circular curved bench with carved winged lion paws, this inscription was carved in large letters.

For Mammia, daughter of Publius, public priestess (sacerdos publica). Her place of burial was donated by decurial decree.

4 Staia Pietas, public priestess of Ceres CIL 10, 4794 = ILS 3347 Teanum Sidicinum, Italy (1). AD 20–70

Religion

Figure 47 Statue of Eumachia from the Building of Eumachia by the forum at Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. 6232. Photo D-DAI-ROM-89.113 (Anger).

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Religion A public statue was set up for Staia Pietas, ‘first public priestess of Ceres’ of her city. Since there are no indications of a hierarchy among public priestesses of Ceres, ‘first’ (prima) should probably be understood in a temporal sense. The location for the statue was granted by decurial decree.

For Staia Pietas, daughter of Marcus, first public priestess of Ceres (sacerdos Cereris publica prima). The location is donated by decree of the decurions.

5 Helvia Quarta, priestess of Ceres and Venus CIL 9, 3089 Sulmo, Italy (4). AD 30–70 A crudely adorned grave marker commemorates the freedwoman Helvia Quarta, priestess of Ceres and Venus. On the relief, there is a woman performing a preliminary sacrifice, probably of incense, at the altar. Next to her a sacrificial attendant carries a sack, or basket, on his head and in his left hand a miniature sow is depicted, the usual sacrificial animal for Ceres. The relief is framed by lighted torches.

Helvia Quarta, freedwoman of a woman, priestess of Ceres and Venus (sacerdos Cereris et Veneris) made this for herself during her lifetime.

6 Ninnia Primilla, a priestess of Ceres of modest descent CIL 9, 3358 = CLE 1125 Pinna Vestina, Italy (4). Second century AD This verse epitaph was composed for Ninnia Primilla by her children. Though born from poor parents, Ninnia Primilla received a liberal education and served as a priestess of Ceres (misspelled in the inscription as sacerdos Cereriae) in her home town. Her education and priesthood may have advanced the social standing of the family. She is presented as speaking to the passer-by. Since the lower part of the stone is heavily damaged, the text and translation of some lines are uncertain.

For Ninnia Primilla, daughter of Quintus, priestess of Ceres (sacerdos Cereriae). Venerable (sancta) woman, your children set this inscription up for you who deserve it. If it is no great trouble for you, stranger, weary though you are, we ask you – after reading her name – to read these few lines: ‘I was born of freed parents, who both were poor in property, but freeborn in morals. However, brought up in every respect with the care befitting a matrona, I am adorned with all good arts. I lived for [. . .] years. Deceased, I remain here, in this pious place. You who have read this when passing by, weary traveller, let life be sweet to you and let the earth rest lightly upon me.’

7 Licinia Rufina, perpetual priestess in three cities CIL 2, 5, 387 = ILS 6909 Ipsca, Hispania Baetica. Late second–early third century AD

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This inscription on a limestone statue base, re-used as the base for a cross, honours Licinia Rufina, perpetual priestess (sacerdos perpetua) of three cities in southern Spain: the colonia Claritas Julia (Ucubi) and the municipia Ipsca and Iliberris (modern Granada). Her priestly title does not record the deity she served, but it may well have been the living or deified empress or empresses. The addition perpetua was often granted as a special honour for imperial priests and priestesses. In Ipsca, where this inscription was found, she was addressed as ‘most loving towards her fellow citizens’ (amantissima civium suorum), which may point to benefactions or other services to the city. Because of these undefined ‘merits’, the populace collected money among themselves to set up a statue in her honour. Gratified by this, Licinia Rufina graciously decided to bear the costs herself.

For Licinia Rufina, daughter of Quintus, perpetual priestess (sacerdos perpetua) in the cities of Ucubi, Ipsca and Iliberris, most loving of her fellow citizens. Because of her merits (merita), the populace (plebs) of Ipsca gave her this statue, having collected the money. Having accepted the honour (of the statue), Licinia Rufina, daughter of Quintus, reimbursed the expenses.

8 A priestess of Juno CIL 8, 7093 = ILAlg 2, 1, 805 Cirta, Numidia. Imperial period The funerary stele for a priestess of Juno records a voting tribe (Quirina). It may have been that of her father, but recording a voting tribe as part of a filiation is highly unusual, if not unique. Obviously, as a woman, Baebia Casta could not vote. The addition of a voting tribe to her name is therefore odd and incorrect, but not unique for Roman Africa (see Chapter 4 no. 52 from Lusitania), and perhaps reflects the pride the family took in their Roman citizenship.

Baebia Casta, daughter of Publius, of the voting tribe Quirina, priestess (sacerdos) of Juno, lived fifty-four years. She lies here. May the earth rest lightly upon you.

9 A young priestess of Minerva CIL 9, 307 = SupIt 23 B, 3 = AE 1990, 202 Butuntum, Italy (2). Late second–early third century AD An inscribed sarcophagus commemorates a priestess of Minerva who died at the age of nine and was praised for her ‘indefatigable devotion’. We do not know what her priestly duties were, but since young children could be employed for basic ritual tasks, there is no reason to assume that her priesthood was merely honorific.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. For Petilia Secundina, daughter of Quintus, priestess (sacerdos) of Minerva. She lived nine years, seven months and eighteen days. Messia Dorcas, her most unhappy mother, made this for her sweetest well-deserving daughter because of her indefatigable devotion (infatigabilis pietas).

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10 A priestess of Minerva and Diana ILN 2, A, 15 Antipolis, Gallia Narbonensis. Late second century AD A damaged limestone statue base, once crowned by her statue, honours a priestess of Minerva and Diana. It was set up by the seviri Augustales (chief magistrates of the Augustales) of Antipolis in honour of her husband, who must have been an Augustalis himself.

For Ma[xima?] Marcella, priestess (sacerdos) of Minerva and Diana. The seviri Augustales of Antipolis set this up in honour of Calpurnius Hermes, her husband.

Priestesses of the Cereres and Tellus Priestesses of the Cereres (the plural stands for Ceres and Proserpina) and priestesses of Tellus were virtually restricted to Roman Africa. Unlike most priestesses of Ceres (and her Greek equivalent, Demeter) in Italy, they were usually of modest social status and of indigenous background. Our evidence is limited to funerary monuments, which present many of them as women of extremely old age (even over a hundred years). This is common practice in North African inscriptions, and should not be taken at face value. It may be caused by miscalculation or a deliberate exaggeration of a person’s age for reasons of prestige. Local variations in the spelling of the priestly titles (for instance, sacerda instead of sacerdos, perhaps an attempt to make a feminine form) reflect the localised forms that the cult of Ceres/the Cereres could take. The title ‘great priestess’ (sacerdos or sacerda magna) refers to the cult of the Cereres. Further Reading Hemelrijk (2015) 59–63

11 A long-serving priestess of the Cereres CIL 8, 12335 = ILS 4465 Gens Bacchuiana, Africa Proconsularis. Late first–early second century AD This epitaph on a funerary stele commemorates a priestess of the Cereres, whose indigenous cognomen suggests a local background. She died at the age of seventy-five, having served as a priestess for thirty-five years, which differs from the annual priesthoods that were common in Roman cities.

Aemilia Amotmicar, pious priestess of the Cereres (sacerdos Cererum). She lived seventy-five years and served as a priestess for thirty-five years.

12 A bilingual epitaph of a priestess CIL 8, 23834 = ILPBardo 320 Gales, Africa Proconsularis. Late first–early second century AD

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A bilingual inscription (Latin and neo-Punic) commemorates Quarta, a great priestess of the Cereres, who was the daughter of a man with the Punic name Nyptan. The name of the father-in-law is also Punic, but she herself and her husband bear Roman-sounding names. Their single names suggest that neither of them had Roman citizenship. As appears from the inscription, Quarta built her grave monument from her own resources. Her grave marker shows a relief of a priestess or basket-bearer (canistraria) framed by two serpents and carrying a sacred basket on her head. For the Punic inscription, see Adams (2003) 227.

Quarta, daughter of Nyptan, from Gales, wife of Celer, son of Mantis, great priestess (sacerdos magna), made this tomb from her own resources. The overseers were Saturus, Rogatus, Brutio, Manius, Namphamon and Valens, son of Celer; the builders were Rufus and Imilco from Tules(?). She lived fifty-nine years.

13 A great priestess of the Cereres CIL 8, 10575 Saltus Burunitanus, Africa Proconsularis. Second century AD As her indigenous cognomen suggests, Caecilia Zaba was of local extraction, which is confirmed by the local spelling of her priestly office.

Caecilia Zaba, great priestess (sacerda magna), lived eighty-five years.

14 A priestess of the Cereres dying at the age of 103 ILAlg 1, 886 = CIL 8, 5149 Thagaste, Numidia. Second century AD This funerary inscription commemorates Claudia Rufina, ‘great priestess’ (of the Cereres), who died aged 103. As said in the introductory note, we should not take her exceedingly old age at face value.

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Claudia Rufina, pious ‘great priestess’ (sacerdos magna), lived 103 years. She lies here.

15 A Greek priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros I. Napoli I 34 Neapolis, Italy (1). AD 150–200 A Greek inscription on a marble statue base that was once crowned by her statue, honours Cominia Plutogeneia, priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros and a member of a leading local family. Her great-grandson, who set up her public statue in accordance with the decision of the city council, had served as a demarchos, the highest magistrate of the city, and her husband, son and grandson had all served as archon (leading magistrate, the Greek equivalent of a duovir) or agoranomos (the Greek equivalent of an aedile). Her priesthood and high-ranking family connections boosted her social status and were therefore emphasised in the inscription.

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For Cominia Plutogeneia, priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros, daughter of Lucius, wife of the former archon Paccius Caledus and mother of the former agoranomos Paccius Caledianus, grandmother of the former archon Castricius Pollio. After completing his term as a demarchos, Tiberius Castricius Caledianus set up this statue for his great-grandmother because of her piety (eusebeia), according to a decision of the city council.

16 A priestess of Tellus CIL 8, 26237 Gillium, Africa Proconsularis. Second century AD

Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Julia Prima, pious priestess of Tellus (sacerdos Telluris), lived ninety-five years. She lies here. Her children and grandchildren made this for their most venerable (sanctissima) mother.

The Vestal Virgins The Vestal Virgins are the most famous priestesses of ancient Rome. Elected between the ages of six and ten from among daughters of distinguished families, they served the cult of Vesta in Rome for thirty years, during which they had to keep strictly to their vows of celibacy. Their respected position made them influential as patronesses seeking and gaining favours for their families and friends. After thirty years of service they retired, and were allowed to marry, which only a few of them did. Vestal Virgins were highly honoured, but, when suspected of breaking their vows of celibacy, were cruelly punished by being buried alive. In the imperial period, the cult of Vesta was not restricted to the city of Rome. We also find Vestal Virgins in three neighbouring cities that were closely connected to Rome’s mythical past: Bovillae, Lavinium and Tibur. Further Reading Diluzio (2016); Mekacher (2006); Wildfang (2006)

17 The patronal power of chief Vestals in Rome CIL 6, 2131 = ILS 4929 Rome. 12 May AD 240 An inscription on a marble statue base from the hall of the Vestals (Atrium Vestae) near the temple of Vesta in Rome testifies to the influence a chief Vestal (Virgo Vestalis Maxima) could wield. Campia Severina is honoured for the benefactions she bestowed on Aemilius Pardalas, for whom she secured equestrian rank and a military tribunate of a cohort of 1,000 soldiers. Both the base and the bronze statue that once crowned it are lost. For another inscribed statue base praising Campia Severina for her successful patronage, see CIL 6, 2132 (Chapter 4 no. 31b).

For Campia Severina, chief Vestal Virgin (Virgo Vestalis Maxima), most venerable and benevolent. Aemilius Pardalas, at her request adorned with a

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tribunate of the first cohort Aquitanica, set this up because of the privileges of equestrian rank and also of the second military grade conferred upon him. [Left side] Dedicated on the fourth day before the Ides of May (12 May), when Sabinus, for the second time, and Venustus were consuls.

18 The chief Vestal Flavia Mamilia CIL 6, 2133 Rome. 21 March AD 242 This inscription on a statue base in the Atrium Vestae honours Flavia Mamilia, chief Vestal, for her moral qualities and generosity.

For Flavia Mamilia, chief Vestal Virgin, whose extraordinary sanctity and venerable moral discipline and also watchful care for the gods the Senate approved with praise. Aemilius Rufinus, her brother, and Flavius Silvinus and Flavius Ireneus, the sons of her sister, military men, set this up because of her extraordinary devotion (pietas) towards them and her excellence (praestantia). [Right side] Erected on the twelfth day before the Kalends of April (21 March), when Gaius Vettius Atticus and Gaius Asinius Praetextatus were consuls.

19 A Vestal in Tibur InscrIt 4, 1, 213 Tibur, Italy (1). Mid-second century AD A marble funerary altar commemorates the Vestal Cossinia, a member of a well-known family from Tibur (Cic. Balb. 23, 53). At the front, her name is surrounded by a wreath. At the rear, a verse epitaph records that she served for sixty-six years and was granted a public funeral. At the sides, a patera and a jug are depicted.

[In a wreath] To the Vestal Virgin Cossinia, daughter of Lucius. [Below] Lucius Cossinius Electus set this up. [At the back] Because she served Vesta eleven times six (sixty-six) years, the virgin who lies here rests buried by the hands of the people. [Below] The burial place is donated by decree of the senate.

Priestesses of Isis, Cybele, Bona Dea and a Few Others Women are frequently associated with the so-called foreign and matronal cults of Cybele, Isis and Bona Dea. The participation of women in these cults should not be overestimated, however. Men took part in all three cults, often in greater numbers, and predominated in all priestly offices of the cults of Isis and Cybele. The Bona Dea cult is an exception: there are only few priestesses (sacerdotes), but all lower religious functionaries known to us (magistrae and ministrae) were female. Moreover, the December festival in Rome, well known from the

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literary sources, was closed to men. Apart from this festival, however, men freely participated in the Bona Dea cult as devotees dedicating votive altars and other gifts to the goddess. The name ‘matronal’ or ‘women’s’ cult is therefore unwarranted. Priestesses of Isis, Cybele and Bona Dea are found mainly in the cities of Gaul and Italy.

Further Reading Brouwer (1989); Spickermann (2013)

20 A priestess of Isis in Rome CIL 6, 2246 = ILS 4404 = RICIS 2, 501/0160 Rome. 40 BC–AD 40 This marble tombstone with relief portraits, which was part of a grave monument on the Via Appia from the late Republican period (Figures 48a and b), portrays Gaius Rabirius Hermodorus and Rabiria Demaris, who judging by their shared name, were freed by the same owner (Gaius Rabirius Postumus of Cicero’s Pro Rabirio). On the right there is a woman with another family name, Usia Prima, who was a priestess of Isis. Her portrait is of later date than the other two (probably of the Claudian period) and seems to be a portrait of a man clumsily reworked into that of a woman. Apart from the fact that breasts are lacking, the shoulders are too broad, the (recut) head too small and the toga is reworked into an indeterminate garment. The sistrum (rattle) and patera (libation bowl), signs of her priesthood of Isis, were also added later, and her inscription is carved over an earlier one that has been erased. The reasons for the re-use of the tomb are unknown.

[Left] Gaius Rabirius Hermodorus, freedman of Postumus. [Middle] Rabiria Demaris [Right] Usia Prima, priestess (sacerdos) of Isis.

21 A priestess of Isis dying before her wedding day ILAlg 2, 1, 809 = RICIS 2, 704/0401 Cirta, Numidia. Late second–early third century AD A funerary altar with verse epitaph commemorates Julia Sidonia Felix, priestess of Isis and happy (felix) only in name. She died at the age of nineteen, before the day of, or on the day before, her marriage (the god Hymenaeus was invoked at weddings). Her priesthood of Isis is symbolised by the rattle (sistrum) and the reference to Egypt (Memphis).

To the spirits and the memory of the departed. Julia Sidonia Felix, happy (felix) only in name. Alas, the Fates (Parcae) cut the thread of her life – oh dreadful deed! – before the day her bridegroom touched the torches of Hymenaeus at the wedding. All lamented, the wood-nymphs mourned and Lucina (the goddess of birth) wept, the light of her torch turned downwards, since the virgin (virgo)

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(a)

(b)

Figure 48 Tomb on the Via Appia with marble funerary relief of Gaius Rabirius Hermodorus, Rabiria Demaris and Usia Prima. Museo Nazionale Romano, Palazzo Massimo, inv. 196633. Photos author.

was the only child of her parents. She had been a priestess (sacerdos) of the goddess of Memphis with her rattle (sistrum). Buried here, she is silent in the eternal gift of sleep. She lived nineteen years, four months and fourteen days. She lies here.

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22 A priestess of Leucathea I.Napoli II 94 Neapolis, Italy (1). Mid-first century BC–early first century AD This Greek dipinto (painted text) was crudely executed in black letters on a wall painting in an underground tomb chamber that was cut into the tufa rock at the Via dei Cristallini in Naples. It commemorates a Greek priestess of Leucathea (a spelling variant of Leucothea), a sea-nymph or goddess of the sea popular in Naples. Since the tomb remained in use for a long time, many epitaphs were painted and engraved on the walls, often on top of each other, and with each new burial the bones from an earlier one were thrown into a pit in the corner of the chamber. This may explain the curse by Aristagore’s father at the end of this epitaph, in which he tries to prevent the possible removal of the bones of his daughter.

Aristagore, daughter of Chaireas, priestess of Leucathea. It is forbidden to bury another female here, under the penalty of a sacred curse. Daughter, farewell.

23 Laberia Felicula, chief priestess of Cybele CIL 6, 2257 = ILS 4160 = CCCA 3, 258 Rome. First century AD A relief on a marble stele in Rome accompanies this brief inscription of a ‘chief priestess’ (sacerdos maxima) of Cybele (the Great Mother of the Gods). The priestess is shown in front of a shell, the back of her head covered by a slip of her mantle. She shows the insignia of her cult: in her hair the infula, a knotted priestly fillet, and in her hands a patera and a laurel garland. She wears a necklace with a bust of a bearded deity (Jupiter of Ida?) and offers a libation over a small altar. The inscription classifying her as ‘chief priestess’ (sacerdos maxima) suggests a priestly hierarchy in the cult of Cybele, which is confirmed by other inscriptions (see no. 60 below).

Laberia Felicula, chief priestess (sacerdos maxima) of the Great Mother of the Gods of Mount Ida (Cybele).

24 Metilia Acte, priestess of Cybele CIL 14, 371 = CCCA 3, 423 Ostia, Italy (1). AD 161–70 An ornate sarcophagus commemorates a priestess of Cybele in Ostia. Her husband was the chief magistrate (quinquennalis) of the Ostian association of carpenters. The ‘twenty-first lustrum’ is a dating formula based on the association’s foundation or re-organisation. The reliefs on the sarcophagus depict the myth of Alcestis, who voluntarily died instead of her husband Admetus, thus symbolising her selfless devotion and loyalty as a wife. The protagonists of the myth, Alcestis and Admetus, bear the portrait traits of Metilia Acte and her husband Gaius Junius Euhodus. In the centre of the relief, the death of Alcestis is depicted. At the right, Hercules brings Alcestis back from the Underworld to be reunited with her husband. Thus, the sarcophagus emphasises not only Metilia Acte’s premature death and her husband’s grief, but also her

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hoped-for triumph over death and the reunion of the couple after death. On the lid of the sarcophagus, two winged victories flank the central tabula with the inscription, symbolising her victory over death. The musical instruments (cymbals, drums, flutes), torches and masks of Attis on the corners refer to Metilia’s priesthood of Cybele.

To the spirits of the departed. Caius Junius Euhodus, of the voting tribe Palatina, chief magistrate of the Ostian association of carpenters during the twenty-first lustrum, made this for himself and for Metilia Acte, priestess (sacerdos) of the Great Mother of the Gods (Cybele) in Ostia, his most venerable (sanctissima) wife.

Further Reading Wood (1978)

25 A priestess of Bona Dea CIL 6, 2237 Rome. AD 51–200 An incomplete marble funerary plaque, set up by her ex-slave, commemorates Terentia Ampliata, priestess of Bona Dea. On the fragmentary relief, we find a leaping animal, perhaps a dog, and part of a jug.

To the spirits of the departed. For Terentia Ampliata, priestess (sacerdos) of Bona Dea, and for Petronia [. . .]. Terentia Thallusa made this for her welldeserving patroness.

26 An imperial freedwoman and priestess of Bona Dea CIL 6, 2240 = CIL 6, 4003 Rome. 30 BC–AD 41 A small marble funerary plaque from the Monumentum Liviae (the communal tomb of the slave and freed staff of Livia) on the Via Appia commemorates a freedwoman of the empress who was also a priestess of Bona Dea. Her son, a decurio of the domestic association of foot-servants (pedisequi) of Livia or perhaps a subsequent empress, was buried together with her.

[Left] Maenalus, decurio of the foot-servants. [Right] Philematio, freedwoman of the empress, priestess (sacerdos) of Bona Dea, mother of Maenalus.

27 A Greek priestess of Dionysos and Isis CIL 6, 32458 = IG 14, 1366 = IGUR 1150 Rome. Second–third century AD A bilingual verse inscription on a partly preserved marble sarcophagus commemorates Alexandria, a Greek priestess of Dionysos (in Latin: the Ogygian Bacchus, i.e. in

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Egyptian Thebes) and pastophoros (ceremonial attendant) of Isis. On the right side of the (incomplete) inscription a relief depicts a pastophoros holding a plaque. The last part of the Latin inscription suggesting an early death conflicts with her age in the Greek text and is too incomplete to allow certainty.

[Latin] Here lies the well-known priestess (sacerdos) of the Ogygian Bacchus and the always pure (pudica) pastophoros of the goddess of the Nile, Alexandria by name. She was in the flower of her youth when the hateful sign of the Parcae (goddesses of Fate) carried her to Dis (god of the Underworld). [Greek] Here lies Alexandria, maiden priestess of Dionysos and pastophoros of Isis, the holy goddess of the Nile, having completed a span of time of twice twenty years.

28 A priestess of a cult association of Caelestis CIL 6, 37170 = ILS 4438 Rome. 13 November AD 259 A marble statue base was set up by two ‘honourable women’ for Flavia Epicharis, priestess (sacerdotia, an uncommon variant of sacerdos) of a cult association of Caelestis in which her husband served as a priest. Caelestis was an important goddess in Roman North Africa, where she was mainly served by male priests. In Rome, an association of freedwomen (plus one freedman), possibly of North African descent, performed her cult. The word sacratae (female initiates) suggests a cult involving initiation, perhaps a mystery cult. The title honorifica femina, ‘honourable woman’, is unparalleled.

For Flavia Epicharis, priestess (sacerdotia) of the Virgin Goddess Caelestis, the most propitious divine power of the Tarpeian Hill, Sextia Olympias, honourable woman, and Chrestina Dorcadius, honourable woman, together with the initiates (sacratae) and the basket-bearers (canistrariae) set this up for this honourable and most worthy woman, the wife of Junius Hylas, the priest (sacerdos). [Left side] Dedicated on the Ides of November (13 November) when Aemilianus and Bassus were consuls.

29 A priestess of an indigenous cult CIL 8, 15779 = ILS 4470 Masculula, Numidia. Early third century AD This epitaph commemorates Sissonia, daughter of Missuhe, priestess of Mathamodes (sacerdos Mathamodis), an unknown Numidian deity. Her name and those of her mother Missuhe and her daughter Mamus are indigenous. Her possible grandson Aurelius, son of Bastresus, was the first in his family to receive Roman citizenship, probably in AD 212, when Roman citizenship was granted to virtually all freeborn inhabitants of the Roman Empire. Pride in his new citizenship may have induced him to put up a funerary inscription in Latin.

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Sissonia, daughter of Missuhe, pious priestess of Mathamodes (sacerdos Mathamodis), lived eighty-six years. She lies here. Dedicated to the spirits of the departed. Mamus, pious daughter of Sissonia, lived eighty-five years. Aurelius, son of Bastresus, commissioned this.

30 A Greek priestess of Heracles in Britannia RIB 1, 1129 = IG 14, 2554 Corstopitum, Britannia. Third century AD A sandstone altar with a verse inscription in Greek was set up by Diodora, the chief priestess (archiereia) of Heracles of Tyre (to be identified with Melquart, the tutelary god of Tyre). On the left side are depicted a sacrificial knife and a bucranium, suggesting that she performed animal sacrifice, and on the right a wreath. We may assume that Diodora migrated to northern Britain from Tyre, or from the Greek East, bringing the cult with her.

Diodora, chief priestess (archiereia), set this up for Heracles of Tyre.

I B Priestesses of the Imperial Cult Priestesses of the imperial cult are amply attested in inscriptions in the cities of Italy (except for Rome) and the Roman West. They served both the living and the deified empresses. Priests and priestesses of the imperial cult were mostly elected by the city council or the provincial assembly from leading local families. They had to pay a fee (summa honoraria) in order to take up their priestly office and, in addition, many of them bestowed large benefactions on their cities (see also Chapter 6 nos. 16, 17 and 19). Others were also patronesses or ‘mothers’ of cities (Chapter 6 II A and B). In accordance with their high status, most inscriptions recording imperial priestesses are honorific or building inscriptions. Numerous priestesses were granted public statues (see also Chapter 6 nos. 34 and 36) and a few public funerals. In the hierarchy of imperial priesthoods, the provincial and perpetual priesthood ranked highest. Like her male counterpart, the provincial priestess officiated in the provincial capital. The puzzling addition ‘perpetual’ may be an honorary title given to an imperial priest or priestess, suggesting that they kept the honour of the priesthood after their year of office. Some municipal priestesses served a particular woman of the imperial family, mentioned by name, but most are simply indicated as priestess of the Augusta (flaminica or sacerdos Augustae) or, after her death and deification, of the deified Augusta (divae Augustae). The cities of Italy and the provinces differed from the city of Rome not only in worshipping emperors and empresses during their lifetimes, but in some cities we also find priestesses of Augustae who had not been granted this title in Rome or of divae who had never been deified. In the following, first a sample of provincial priestesses is presented, followed by the other imperial priestesses in roughly chronological order.

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Further Reading Hemelrijk (2005a), (2006), (2007) and (2015) 69–107

31 A provincial and perpetual priestess CIL 2, 32 = ILS 6893 Salacia, Lusitania. Late first–second century AD A marble altar for Jupiter, now partly preserved, was set up by Flavia Rufina, who was provincial priestess of the imperial cult of Lusitania as well as perpetual priestess of the imperial cult in two cities of the same province. On the side an eagle is depicted with a thunderbolt as symbols of Jupiter.

To Jupiter, the Best and Greatest. Flavia Rufina, daughter of Lucius, from Emerita, provincial priestess (flaminica provinciae) of Lusitania and also perpetual (perpetua) priestess of Emerita and Salacia by decurial decree, set this up.

32 A provincial priestess giving birth to ten children AE 1995, 1793 = CLEAfrique 168 Caesarea, Mauretania Caesariensis. Late first–early second century AD This verse epitaph on an incomplete funerary altar commemorates Rubria Festa, who died at the age of thirty-six years and forty days, three days after giving birth to her tenth child. Five of her children survived her. She had been elected by the provincial council as a provincial priestess and adorned with the insignia of this priesthood: the golden band and the provincial crown. For breastfeeding, see Chapter 1 nos. 45–6.

This pyre of an everlasting altar Julius Secundus placed on this spot for Festa, his dearest wife (coniunx karissima). She lived thirty-six years and twice twenty days. After bringing forth into the light the tenth weight of her womb, she was carried off on the third day. Born of the illustrious family of the Rubrii, one of the foremost families, venerable (sancta) as to her habits, beautiful in her appearance, renowned for her prudence (prudentia), she was adorned with the highest honour by the great judgement of the fathers: the golden band and crown of the province of Mauretania. She also attained the greatest good from the gods in accordance with her merits: having obtained her prayers she left behind safe and sound and surviving her five children, whom she, their mother, had nursed with her own milk.

33 A public funeral for a provincial priestess CIL 2, 339 Collipo, Lusitania. Mid–late second century AD This incomplete epitaph for Laberia Galla, who was both provincial priestess and priestess of the imperial cult of Ebora, records that the city council granted her a public funeral, including the funeral expenses, a burial plot and a statue. Her husband probably set up the statue base. For Laberia Galla, see also CIL 2, 114.

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For Laberia Galla, daughter of Lucius, priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica) of Ebora and provincial priestess (flaminica provinciae) of Lusitania. By decree of the decurions of Collipo, the costs of her funeral, a burial place and a statue were granted to her. Lucius Sulpicius Claudianus [text breaks off].

34 A priestess of Antonia Augusta ILGN 638 Ruscino, Gallia Narbonensis. Before AD 37 or after AD 41 This fragmentary text on a marble statue base reveals that some cities worshipped members of the imperial family, who had never been deified in Rome, such as Antonia Minor. The absence of the word diva (deified) suggests that they did so during her lifetime. This conflicts with the title Augusta in the inscription. Antonia Minor, the mother of the emperor Claudius, rejected the title ‘Augusta’, when it was offered her by Caligula in AD 37. She died shortly afterwards. In AD 41 her son Claudius gave her the title posthumously. Valeria may have been a relative of Caius Valerius Paetus, who was the first flamen of the city in the first half of the first century AD (ILGN 635 = AE 1980, 615).

For Valeria, daughter of Quintus, priestess (flaminica) of Antonia Augusta.

35 The first priestess of the imperial cult in her city IAM 2, 439 Volubilis, Mauretania Tingitana. c. AD 54 This statue base in the forum of Volubilis (Figure 49) is set up in honour of Fabia Bira, the first imperial priestess of her city (see also IAM 2, 342, 368 and 440). As appears from her cognomen Bira and the name of her father, Izelta, she was of indigenous (Punic) family. Despite his Roman name, this also holds for her husband, Marcus Valerius Severus, who was the son of Bostar. He fulfilled various magistracies in Volubilis, was honoured for numerous benefactions and was the first flamen (priest of the imperial cult) of the newly created municipium (IAM 2, 448). This statue for Fabia Bira was set up by one of his freedmen. Her dutifulness towards the sui (family, relatives), which she is praised for, includes slaves and freedpeople.

For Fabia Bira, daughter of Izelta, first priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica prima) in Volubilis, most dutiful (piissima) towards her family and well deserving. Marcus Valerius Antiochus, freedman of Severus, donated this from his own resources and dedicated it.

36 Cantria Longina, priestess of Julia Augusta and of Cybele and Isis CIL 9, 1153 = ILS 6487 Aeclanum, Italy (2). After AD 91 This honorific inscription was carved on the base of a public statue set up by decree of the local council for Cantria Longina, a woman of a local elite family (of decurial or

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Figure 49 Statue base for Fabia Bira in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania Tingitana. Photo author.

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equestrian rank). As is recorded in the inscription, she was a priestess of the deified Julia Augusta (probably the daughter of Titus) and a sacerdos of Cybele and Isis. Cybele is indicated by her title ‘Great Mother of the Gods’ (Magna Mater deum) adding her provenance from Mount Ida in Anatolia and Isis is called Isis Regina. In honour of her priesthood (probably that of the imperial cult) she donated 50,000 sesterces to the city. She also set up a funerary altar with a verse epitaph for her husband, M. Pomponius Bassulus (CIL 9, 1164), in which she emphasises his high rank, political career and his ability to write plays as good as those of Menander. Her priesthoods, her donation to the city and her public statue advanced the prestige and social status of her family as well as her own.

For Cantria Longina, daughter of Publius, priestess of the deified Julia Pia Augusta (flaminica divae Iuliae Piae Augustae) and priestess (sacerdos) of the Great Mother of the Gods of Mount Ida and Isis Regina. In honour of her priesthood, she donated 50,000 sesterces to the city. Her statue was set up in public by decurial decree.

37 A silver statue in honour of an imperial priestess AE 1984, 528 = IRPCadiz 80 Barbesula, Hispania Baetica. AD 131–70 A richly decorated marble statue base, only the upper part of which has been preserved (Figure 50), was set up by decree of the local council for Juno Augusta in honour of Alfia Domitia Severina, priestess for life of the imperial cult. It was once crowned by a silver statue of 100 Roman pounds, which probably depicted her in the guise of Juno, thus associating her with the deity (cf. Chapter 1 no. 23 and below nos. 83–5). Judging by the Greek cognomen of her father and the fact that her parents shared the same family name (Alfius), they may have been freedpeople, who rose in status because of their wealth. This would make the prestigious priesthood of their daughter the more important for them.

Dedicated to Juno Augusta in honour of Alfia Domitia Severiana, perpetual priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica perpetua) by decree of the most splendid council, who decided that a silver statue of 100 pounds was set up for her. Her parents, Gaius Julius Alfius Theseus and Alfia Domitia Tertullina, and her brother Quintus Alfius Julius Severus Optatianus took care that it was made from 100 pounds of silver.

38 Antonia Picentina, imperial priestess and benefactress CIL 9, 5428 = ILS 5652 Falerio Picenus, Italy (5). AD 141–61 An inscription on a marble plaque dedicated to Antoninus Pius records the benefactions of Antonia Picentina, priestess of the deified Faustina the Elder. Another fragmentary inscription, CIL 9, 5429, also found in the theatre, contains the same text. They show that Antonia Picentina set up statues to embellish the local theatre and gave a handout to celebrate their dedication.

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Figure 50 Incomplete statue base in honour of Alfia Domitia Severina. Museo Arqueológico of Cadiz. Photo author.

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To the emperor Antoninus Pius. Antonia Picentina, daughter of Gnaeus, wife of the praetor and patron of the city Gaius C[. . .] Secundus, priestess of the deified Faustina (sacerdos divae Faustinae), put up the statues that she had promised to the citizens of Falerio to adorn the theatre and to celebrate the dedication she gave a handout to the decurions and the urban plebs.

39 Cossutia AE 1956, 232a = ILJug 1, 210 Iader, Dalmatia. After AD 140 A now incomplete marble statue base that was once crowned by her statue was set up in public by the citizens of Aquileia in honour of Cossutia, priestess of the deified Faustina (flaminica divae Faustinae) in Aquileia in northern Italy and in Iader in Dalmatia.

For Cossutia, daughter of Sextus, priestess of the deified Faustina (flaminica divae Faustinae) in Aquileia and Iader, the citizens of Aquileia set this up publicly.

40 Vibia Modesta, twice imperial priestess and benefactress AE 2001, 1185 = CILA 2, 2, 358 Italica, Hispania Baetica. Late second–early third century AD This inscription on the marble base of a silver statue dedicated to Victoria Augusta in the Traianeum in the colonia Italica was set up by Vibia Modesta. Though she was an immigrant to the city – she originated from Mauretania – she enjoyed the ‘repeated honour’ of an imperial priesthood and was also priestess of some other cult (see Chapter 4 for women’s travel and migration). She donated a silver statue to Victoria Augusta adorned with sumptuous jewellery, spelled out in the inscription, and with a golden crown covered with gems. In addition, she gave a golden crown of the imperial priesthood, which may have been worn by the priests and priestesses on special occasions, and golden busts of Isis, Ceres and Juno Regina.

To Victoria Augusta. Vibia Modesta, daughter of Gaius Vibius Libo, originating from Mauretania, twice enjoying the repeated honour of being priestess of the imperial cult (iterato honore bis flaminica), priestess (sacerdos) of Italica, donated a silver statue of 132 pounds and 2.5 ounces with earrings with ten pendants each consisting of three pearls, forty gemstones, eight beryls and a gem-encrusted golden crown with twenty-five gems and (100?) small gemstones. After having accepted the location granted by the most splendid council in their temple, she donated a golden crown of the flaminate, a golden bust of Lady Isis, another one of Ceres with silver hands and also one of Juno Regina.

41 An imperial priestess of four coloniae CIL 8, 18912 = ILS 6856 = ILAlg 2, 4686 Thibilis, Numidia. Second–third century AD

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A statue base (now lost) honours Clodia Vitosa Tertullina, priestess of the imperial cult of the confederation of four North African coloniae headed by Cirta (the other three are Rusicade, Milev and Chullu). The statue was set up by her cousin (son of her father’s brother) in a public location because of the affection she displayed towards him and her munificence (towards the town, we may assume). The honour of the ‘public horse’ (which means that he received a horse from the state) shows that her cousin was of equestrian rank.

For Clodia Vitosa Tertullina, priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica) of four colonies. Publius Clodius Quadratus, son of Publius, of the voting tribe Quirina, who is also called Scipio, her cousin from her father’s side, honoured with the public horse, decurio of the same colonies, gave and dedicated (the statue) from his own resources because of her notable affection towards him and her munificence (munificentia). The location was granted by decurial decree.

42 Botria Fortunata, perpetual priestess and benefactress of Thugga ILAfr 530 = Dougga 40 Thugga, Africa Proconsularis. AD 261 A damaged inscription on the limestone frieze of the porticus of the temple of Tellus records the donation of Botria Fortunata, the last imperial priestess of Thugga known to us. She built the temple from her own resources, thereby augmenting the summa honoraria, the mandatory entrance fee for holding the priesthood. To celebrate its dedication, she gave handouts and banquets. The first lines of the inscription, which record the dedication of the temple of Tellus for the well-being of the emperor Gallienus, his wife Cornelia Salonina and his entire house, are omitted from the translation.

[First lines omitted] Botria Fortunata, daughter of Victor, perpetual priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica perpetua), because of the honour of her priesthood built the temple of Tellus from her own resources from the ground upwards, furnished it and dedicated it after having given handouts to the decurions and banquets to the entire population.

II | Female Cult Personnel Apart from priesthoods, a wide range of lesser religious functions were open to women, most of them paid. For the performance of religious ceremonies, we find female musicians (flute players, players of cymbals and tympana, drums), dancers, basket-bearers and sacrificial attendants, as well as female templewardens and keepers of sacrificial animals. In addition to, or instead of, priestesses (sacerdotes), some cults had magistrae (superintendents), a puzzling title which may indicate functionaries overseeing the organisation of cult activities or the maintenance of the temple. They were sometimes assisted by ministrae. The title antistes or antistis, used for an unidentified priestly function or for a female overseer of a temple, is mainly found in the Isis, Magna Mater

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and, perhaps, Bona Dea cults. Unlike civic priestesses, most of whom were from wealthy upper-class families, the holders of these lesser positions were mostly of modest social background, many of them freedwomen. The inscriptions below are organised thematically, and within each theme, in chronological order.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2009) and (2015) 37–107; Schultz (2006)

43 A cult official CIL 12, 708 Arelate, Gallia Narbonensis. Early first century AD A broken marble plaque from a sarcophagus shows a relief of the upper part of a woman with a flaming torch in her right hand and a palm branch and a wreath in her left hand. It was commissioned by a female cult official for herself, her male partner, her female friend and her freedwoman.

Valeria Urbana, cult official (antistis), made this for herself and for Sextus Mantius Eros, her husband (vir), and for Octavia Hilara, her friend (amica), and for Charis, her freedwoman.

44 Magistrae of Bona Dea CIL 5, 757 = InscrAqu 1, 158 = ILS 4894 Aquileia, Italy (10). AD 26–75 A limestone plaque (Figure 51) records the restoration of a portico and shrine of Fonio (a local deity possibly associated with Bona Dea) funded by three superintendents (magistrae) of the Bona Dea cult. It appears from her filiation that Aninia Magna was freeborn. The other two may have been freedwomen.

Aninia Magna, daughter of Marcus, Seia Ionis and Cornelia Ephyre, superintendents (magistrae) of the cult of Bona Dea, restored the portico and shrine of Fonio.

45 An offering of garments by a magistra of Bona Dea ILS 3495 Signia, Italy (1). First century AD A marble plaque records the donations to Bona Dea by Aurunceia Acte, a magistra of the cult and daughter of an unknown father (Spurius). The garments were probably meant for the cult statue.

Aurunceia Acte, daughter of Spurius, superintendent (magistra) of Bona Dea, donated two greenish-blue tunics of fine cloth, a short cloak and a bronze lamp.

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Figure 51 Limestone plaque of magistrae of Bona Dea from Aquileia. Civico Museo di Storia ed Arte Trieste inv. 31597. Lupa.at/15995. Photo Ortolf Harl.

46 Magistrae and ministrae of Bona Dea CIL 5, 762a/b = InscrAqu 1, 159 and 166 Aquileia, Italy (10). First century AD Two limestone plaques from the same temple record the dedications of magistrae and ministrae of Bona Dea, who built the temple from their own resources. Though it is usually assumed that magistrae were higher in rank than ministrae, these inscriptions show that both functions could be fulfilled by freeborn and freed women alike. Pagana (from pagus, ‘country district’) is one of the epithets of Bona Dea.

To Bona Dea Pagana. The superintendents (magistrae) Rufria Festa, daughter of Gaius, and Caecilia Scylace, freedwoman of Quintus, from their own resources. Decidia Paulla, daughter of Lucius, and Pupia Peregrina, freedwoman of Lucius, cult assistants (ministrae) of Bona Dea built the temple from their own resources.

47 A magistra of Fortuna Melior CIL 11, 4391 Ameria, Italy (6). Second century AD In honour of Julia Felicitas, wife of a local magistrate and herself a cult official (magistra) of Fortuna Melior, a public statue was set up by the collegium centonariorum (association of textile workers) ‘because of her merits’ (ob merita eius). Despite the fact that her cognomen (Felicitas) and that of her husband (Eutyches) suggest freed or peregrine ancestry, both were well established within the community, where her husband held office as a quattuorvir (member of the board of four in charge of the jurisdiction). The nature of her earlier services to the civic association is unknown, but the inscription shows her to be very generous (though most of her generosity was aimed at commemorating herself ). Apart from paying for her statue, she distributed 20 sesterces to each

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member of the collegium and donated 5,000 sesterces to the treasury of the association in order to celebrate her birthday in perpetuity (for commemorative foundations, see Chapter 4 nos. 36 and 41).

For Julia Felicitas, daughter of Marcus, wife of the quattuorvir Gaius Curiatus Eutyches, and herself superintendent (magistra) of the cult of Fortuna Melior, the association of textile workers set this up because of her merits. Gratified by this honour, she reimbursed all expenses and because of the dedication (of her statue) she donated 20 sesterces to each member and in addition to this she donated 5,000 sesterces to their treasury. From the income of this sum they were to celebrate her birthday on the fifth day before the Ides of May (11 May) in perpetuity by holding a dinner and a distribution. (She stipulated) that, if the distribution is not made on the day written above, the entire sum will go to the association of public slaves (familia publica).

48 A ‘mother of the sacred rites’ CIL 13, 575 Burdigala, Gallia Aquitania. Late second–early third century AD A limestone votive altar – later recut for re-use in the city wall – was dedicated to Mercurius by Pompeia Thelegusa, ‘mother of the sacred rites’ (mater sacrorum). This puzzling title probably entailed supervision of religious ceremonies. It is found in several cults, including those of Isis and of Silvanus. In most cases, however, no deity is mentioned. The same text is carved at the front and the rear. At the side, under a patera, a name, possibly that of the stone-cutter, is carved in crude letters.

[At the front and the rear] Dedicated to Mercurius. Pompeia Thelegusa, mother of the sacred rites (mater sacrorum), has fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly. [At the side, under the patera] Attalius.

49 Supervising the sacred rites CIL 5, 3416 = ILS 5023 Verona, Italy (10). AD 50–100 A (now incomplete) limestone funerary stele was set up by a Greek freedman for his Roman partner (contubernalis) who supervised the sacred rites, possibly those of Isis. The title sacrorum (literally ‘of the sacred rites’) could be used by men and women. In the case of women it was probably an abbreviation of mater sacrorum.

Gaius Julius Hymenaeus made this during his lifetime for his partner Ofillia Quinta, (mother of ) the sacred Roman rites (sacrorum), from Rome.

50 A ‘mother’ of synagogues CIL 6, 29756 = CIJ I, 523 = JIWE 2, 577 Rome. Third–early fourth century AD

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A marble sarcophagus, now lost, with an inscription in Latin followed by a few words in Greek (written in Latin letters) commemorates Veturia Paulla. She was a pagan Roman citizen who converted to Judaism, adopting the Jewish name Sara, and lived as a proselyte (converted to Judaism) for sixteen years. She eventually became a ‘mother’ of two synagogues (of the Campus Martius and of the unknown Volumnius) before she died at the age of eighty-six. A mater synagogae may denote a function in the administration of the synagogue and/or point to financial benefactions. Under the inscription a shofar (horn), a palm-branch and a menorah (seven-armed candelabrum) are depicted as symbols of Judaism. The text shows the spelling common at the date of the inscription, for instance the V is spelled as a B. For other mothers of synagogues, see CIJ 606 (a ‘female father’: pateressa) and 639 (a mater synagogae).

Veturia Paulla, a woman placed in this eternal home, who lived eighty-six years and six months. She was a proselyte for sixteen years under the name Sara and a mother of the synagogues (mater synagogarum) of Campus and Volumnius. [Greek rendered in Latin letters] May her sleep of death be in peace.

Further Reading Brooten (2000)

51 A basket-bearer for Ceres AE 1976, 737a Caesarea, Mauretania Caesariensis. Imperial period A limestone votive stele was set up for Ceres by Cestia Dubitata, bearer of the mystical basket in her cult.

Dedicated to Ceres Augusta. Cestia Dubitata, basket-bearer (canistraria), fulfilled her vow willingly and with pleasure.

52 A public pig-keeper ImpPomp 5OS Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 50–75 A marble funerary stele in the form of a stylised human torso and head (columella) commemorating Clodia Nigella was set up in a tomb complex of the distinguished Pompeian family of the Clodii. The tomb complex also includes the stele of Clodia, public priestess of Ceres (ImpPomp 5OS, see also CIL 10, 1074a). Clodia Nigella may have been her freedwoman, tending the pigs for the sacrifices to Ceres. On the backside, the remainder of an inscription for a patron suggests that a larger inscription from earlier date was re-cut and re-used for her headstone.

Clodia Nigella, freedwoman of a woman, public pig-keeper (porcaria publica). [At the rear] [. . .] for the patron by decurial decree.

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53 A female temple warden CIL 6, 2209 = ILS 5002 Rome. Early first century AD A marble funerary plaque was set up by a fellow slave for Doris, who was a warden of the temple of Diana. Their master may have been Gaius Asinius Gallus, consul in 8 BC.

For Doris, (slave) of Asinius Gallus, temple warden (aeditua) of Diana. Antiochus, her fellow slave, made this for her who deserved well.

54 A public player of the tympanon IPOstie-A, 142 = CCCA 3, 445 Portus, Italy (1). c. AD 117–38 A marble funerary plaque commemorates a freed couple who were both involved in the cult of Magna Mater/Cybele. Cymbals and tympana (drums) were instruments in the cult.

Gaius Julius Spiculus, priest of the Great Mother of the Gods and of Aesculapius, made this for himself and for his wife Ulpia Metropolis, public player of the drums (tympanistria publica), and for his children and grandchildren.

55 A tympanon player of Magna Mater CIL 6, 2264 = CCCA 3, 352 Rome. Imperial period The tympanon, a hand drum or tambourine, was associated with the rites of Cybele (see above no. 54 and Chapter 3 no. 89).

For Aelia Recepta, tympanon player (tympanistria) of the Great Mother of the Gods of Mount Ida.

56 A possible camilla ILTun 711 = ILPBardo 347 Thuburbo Maius, Africa Proconsularis. Second century AD A relief on a votive stele shows a girl, presumably the dedicant, with a jug and an incense box. Her sacrificial utensils suggest that she was a camilla, a young religious assistant.

Aninia Laeta, daughter of Marcus, fulfilled her vow.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2009); Mantle (2002)

Taurobolia Performed by Women Sacrificing a bull (taurobolium) to Magna Mater/Cybele – also referred to as the Mother of the Gods – was popular in the Roman West from the late second to

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early fourth centuries AD. Because of the costs of the victim, the sacrifice, the feast and the altar, taurobolia were very costly and only possible for men and women of wealth. In Roman Gaul in the late second and third centuries numerous taurobolia altars were set up by women; in Lactora (Gallia Aquitania) they even formed the majority. Priests and priestesses presided over the sacrifice, and lesser cult personnel, both male and female, were involved in the ceremony as musicians playing the flute (tibicen), the drums (tympanistria) or the cymbals (cymbalistria). However, men predominated in the higher priestly ranks, and male assistants performed the actual killing. Sensational stories about blood baptism during the performance of taurobolia go back to the Christian poet Prudentius (c. AD 400) and have been discredited by modern scholars. However, two altars, in Gaul and Germania, attest to the role of women in the ‘eviration’ (ritual castration or possibly self-castration) of galli, priests of the Magna Mater.

Further Reading Spickermann (2013)

57 The first taurobolium in Lactora CIL 13, 504 = ILS 4121 = CCCA 5, 222 Lactora, Gallia Aquitania. AD 160–76 An altar for Magna Mater was set up by Pompeia Philumene, whose name suggests that she was a freedwoman. She boasts that she was the first of her town to perform a taurobolium.

For the Mother of the Gods. Pompeia Philumene who was the first to perform a taurobolium at Lactora, set this up.

58 Two female devotees performing a taurobolium CIL 13, 1754 = ILS 4134 = CCCA 5, 395 Lugdunum, Gallia Lugdunensis. 4–7 May AD 197 An altar commemorating their taurobolium on behalf of the imperial family was set up by two women. One of the priests presiding over the sacrifice, Aemilia Secundilla, was also female. The elaborate ceremony took several days, from 4 to 7 May. The taurobolium altar was set up in a public place granted by decree of the decurions. On the sides, the heads of a bull and a ram are depicted.

For the well-being of the emperor Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Caesar, designated emperor, and Julia Augusta, mother of the army camps and their entire divine house and for the welfare of the city of Lugdunum, Septicia Valeriana and Optatia Siora performed a taurobolium because of their vow, under the lead of the priest Aelius Anthus, when Aemilia Secundilla was priestess (sacerdotia), Flavius

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Restitutus flute player (tibicen) and Vireius Hermetio sacrificial assistant. The sacrifice started at the fourth day before the Nones of May (4 May) and was completed on the Nones of the same month (7 May), when Titus Sextius Lateranus and Lucius Cuspius Rufinus were consuls. The location was granted by a decree of the decurions.

59 Sacrificing a ram and a calf CIL 9, 1538 = ILS 4185 = CCCA 4, 98 Beneventum, Italy (2). 9 April AD 228 A public freedwoman (see also Chapter 2 no. 54) dedicated an altar to Attis and to Minerva Berecynthia, who has been identified by some with Magna Mater, because of the sacrifice of a ram (criobolium) to Magna Mater. Several women took part: the dedicator, who was also a female cymbal player ‘of the second rank’ (which suggests a hierarchy among these musicians), and two priestesses who celebrated the ritual of the sacrifice (e.g. by handing over a ritual object). They had been appointed with the official approval of the Roman priestly college of the XVviri sacris faciundis.

Dedicated to Attis and Minerva Berecynthia. Concordia Januaria, freedwoman of the colony, cymbal player of the second rank (cymbalistria loco secundo), set this up because of the sacrifice of a ram (criobolium) to the Great Mother of the Gods (Magna Mater), the augur and priest Septimius Primitivus and the officially approved priestesses (sacerdotes XVvirales) Servilia Varia and Terentia Flaviana celebrating the ritual under the leadership of Mamius Secundus. On the order of the Mother of the Gods, she (Concordia Januaria) burnt on the taurobolic altar twelve sacrifices with a calf on the fifth day before the Ides of April (9 April), when Modestus for the second time and Probus were consuls.

60 A player of the tympanon performing a taurobolium CIL 9, 1542 = CCCA 4, 102 Beneventum, Italy (2). 21 July AD 228 A votive altar dedicated to Attis and Minerva Paracentia shows a female player of the tympanon (drum) performing a taurobolium and a priestess officiating at the ritual ceremony. Both were professionally involved in the cult of Attis and Cybele.

Dedicated to Attis and Minerva Paracentia. Trebulana Justina, player of the drums (tympanistria), set this up because of the taurobolium celebrated by Servilia Varia, first priestess (sacerdos prima), on the eleventh day before the Kalends of August (21 July).

61 Eviration AE 2007, 1047 Altiaia, Germania Superior. 11 November AD 237

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A decorated altar was set up by Pacatia Pacata, daughter of a decurio of the civitas (community) of the Treveri (modern Trier). The meaning of this inscription is contested. According to the most likely interpretation, it commemorates the eviration (ritual castration or self-castration) of Patricius Cybelicus as a gallus. Pacatia Pacata publicly received the testicles (vires; literally: masculine power) of Patricus Cybelicus, sacrificed them to the goddess and set up an altar commemorating the ceremony (cf. the following inscription). The priest Servandius Maternus presided over the sacrifice. A relief at the back of the altar shows a bull’s head framed by a Phrygian cap (left) and two flutes (right). The left side of the altar shows an oval shield with a staff. Patricius Cybelicus is also recorded as performing a ceremony for Magna Mater on an altar in Trier (AE 2007, 990).

For the Great Mother of the Gods and the masculine power (vires) of Patricius Cybelicus. Pacatia Pacata, daughter of Pacatius Pacatinus, decurio of the civitas of the Treveri, has completed (the ceremony) through Servandius Maternus, priest of the Mother of the Gods, on the third day before the Ides of November (11 November) when Perpetuus and Cornelianus were consuls.

62 Eviration: a woman receiving the testicles CIL 13, 510 = ILS 4127 = CCCA 5, 228 Lactora, Gallia Aquitania. 24 March AD 239 A marble altar with a patera and a jug on the sides shows that Valeria Gemina received (or removed) the testicles of Eutyches, who was probably consecrated as a gallus (eunuch-priest) of Magna Mater on 24 March, the ‘Day of the Blood’ (dies sanguinis). His single Greek name suggests that he was a slave, which accords with the Roman ban on castration for Roman citizens. Valeria Gemina, a woman from a distinguished local family, publicly dedicated the testicles to the goddess. The same Valeria Gemina features in CIL 13, 518 (AD 241), performing a taurobolium herself.

Dedicated to the Mother of the Gods. Valeria Gemina has received the masculine power (vires, i.e. testicles) of Eutyches on the ninth day before the Kalends of April (24 March) under the priesthood of Trajanius Nundinius when our Lord Gordianus and Aviola were consuls.

III | Dedicants and Devotees Alone, together with a relative or collectively (for instance, as an organisation of matronae), women of various classes and backgrounds set up votive altars and other dedications to a broad range of deities, both male and female and both Roman and ‘foreign’ or indigenous. Their dedications to these deities vary from brief inscriptions on stone plaques or small altars to large and elaborately decorated altars or even costlier donations to the deity (see also Chapter 6). Despite their ubiquity, votives set up by women form a minority among the dedications that have survived. The small sample below is meant to give an

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impression of the variety of deities women worshipped and of some of the rituals they were engaged in individually or collectively, but it is far from comprehensive. Collective actions are presented first, followed by individual dedications to deities, grouped together according to the name of the deity.

63 Women participating in the Secular Games of Augustus CIL 6, 877 = CIL 6, 32323/4 = ILS 5050 = AE 2002, 192 Rome. 17 BC Reviving the ancient tradition of celebrating the end of a saeculum (an ‘age’ reckoned at 110 years), Augustus celebrated the Ludi Saeculares in 17 BC. A huge marble inscription, preserved only in fragments, contains the records of the Board of Fifteen for performing sacrifices (XVviri sacris faciundis) led by Augustus and Agrippa, who were in charge of the ceremonies which took place from 31 May to 3 June (followed by an extra week of games and festivities). A hundred and ten married upper-class women (including Livia, the wife of Augustus) participated, one for each year of the saeculum. The women, variously indicated as matronae (matrons), matres familiae (mothers of the family), mulieres nuptae (married women) and feminae (women), had a significant role in the proceedings, holding sellisternia (ritual banquets during which images of the goddesses were placed on chairs or couches) for Juno and Diana, and collectively praying for the well-being of the state. This prayer, in which the women followed the words of Agrippa, repeats the earlier prayer by Augustus when sacrificing during the night of 31 May. The expression ‘the Roman people and the Quirites’ is meant to include the Roman people as a whole as well as the individual citizens (‘Quirites’). Only selections of the inscription are translated here following modern reconstructions where the original text is lost. The hymn referred to in the last line is Horace’s extant Carmen Saeculare. For another similar celebration of the secular games, see Septimius Severus’ celebration of the Ludi Saeculares in AD 204, in which the empress Julia Domna took part together with the Vestals and 109 matrons (CIL 6, 32327, 32329; AE 1932, 70).

[The night of 31 May. Lines 100–2] After the sacrifice was completed, the games began by night on a stage without a theatre and without setting up seats. A hundred and ten matrons (matronae), who had been chosen in advance by the decree of the Board of Fifteen, held ritual banquets (sellisternia) for Juno and Diana, after having set up two seats for them. [1 June. Lines 108–12 and 114] Then the Latin plays began in a wooden theatre which had been constructed on the Campus Martius along the Tiber. The mothers of families (matres familiae) held ritual banquets in the same way and the theatrical performances that had started during the night were not interrupted. And an edict was proposed. The Board of Fifteen decreed: since it was decided in agreement with good practice and in like manner repeated by numerous examples that women’s mourning should be restricted whenever there was a just cause for public joy [line 113 omitted] we have determined that it is our duty to announce by means of an edict to the women that they should restrict mourning.

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[2 June. Lines 123–31] Then Marcus Agrippa headed the 110 married mothers of families, who had been chosen in advance, in the following prayer: ‘Juno Regina. If there is anything better for the Roman people and the Quirites, we 110 married mothers of families on bended knee pray, beg and beseech that you increase the power and majesty of the Roman people and the Quirites in war and at home [words omitted] and that you may grant eternal victory and health to the Roman people and the Quirites and that you may favour the Roman people and the Quirites and the legions of the Roman people and the Quirites, and that you may safeguard and enlarge the state of the Roman people and the Quirites and that you may be favourable and well-disposed to the Roman people, to the Quirites, to the Board of Fifteen for performing sacrifices, to us, our houses and our families. [. . .] This we 110 married mothers of families of the Roman people and the Quirites on bended knee pray, beg and beseech.’ [Line 138] The matrons held ritual banquets (in the same way), [3 June. Lines 147–9] and when the sacrifice was completed, twenty-seven boys, who had been chosen in advance and whose fathers and mothers were still living, and as many girls, sang a hymn (on the Palatine) and in the same way on the Capitol. Quintus Horatius Flaccus composed the hymn.

64 Women in the Fasti Praenestini InscrIt 13, 2, 17 Praeneste, Italy (1). AD 6–9 Though incomplete and put together from numerous fragments, the marble calendar from Praeneste (the Fasti Praenestini) is a very important document for Roman religion, recording (or reinventing) festivities and religious rites from the past. It consisted of twelve tablets set up in a semi-circular construction on the forum and was allegedly drawn up by the famous grammarian and teacher of Augustus’ grandsons, Marcus Verrius Flaccus (Suet. Gram. 17.3). Here only two fragments have been selected that record women’s religious acts or their participation in rituals. Matronae, respectable married women of standing, are here distinguished from mulieres, ‘women’ more generally, including women of lower rank.

[1 March] A festival of Mars and Juno Lucina on the Esquiline, because on that day a temple was dedicated to her by the matronae that the daughter or wife of Albinus had vowed, if Juno would favour her child and herself when giving birth. [1 April] In great numbers, the women (mulieres) supplicate Fortuna Virilis. Those of lower rank likewise in the baths, because there the men are naked particularly in that part of the body that desires the beauty of women.

Women’s Dedications The following sample of women’s dedications is arranged by the deity receiving the dedication. First, male Roman gods are listed, followed by female deities

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and personifications and, finally, local deities with markedly non-Roman names. The variety of deities testifies to the wide-ranging practice of making dedications among men and women. The phrase v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito), translated here as ‘fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly’, is a standard expression in dedicatory inscriptions. It means that the dedicators gladly performed the promised dedication in gratitude for the blessings received from the god in answer to their prayers. Therefore, the deity deserved the dedication.

65 To Jupiter CIL 12, 5373 Narbo, Gallia Narbonensis. Imperial period

Fortunata fulfilled her vow to Jupiter willingly and with pleasure (animus).

66 To Jupiter and Juno CIL 13, 11221 Ambarri, Gallia Lugdunensis. Early third century AD

To Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Juno Regina, Afrania Afra set up an altar on her own land. She fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly.

67 To Dis Pater AE 1940, 134 Arausio, Gallia Narbonensis. Imperial period A woman with the Celtic name Dula set up a marble base (with a statue) for Dis Pater, the god of the Underworld.

Dula erected this (statue for) Dis Pater because of her vow.

68 To Mercurius CIL 13, 3658 = CSIR D 4, 3, 220 Augusta Treverorum, Gallia Belgica. Late second–early third century AD Respectia Victoria, a local woman with a Latinised name, set up a small votive altar for Mercurius.

To the god Mercurius. Respectia Victoria fulfilled her vow willingly.

69 To Mars Segomo Dunas CIL 13, 2532 = ILS 4538 Ambarri, Gallia Lugdunensis. Late second–early third century AD

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A local woman with a Roman name set up a large altar for the divine power of the emperor and for the indigenous god Segomo (‘the Winner’), who was identified with the Roman god Mars.

To the divine power of the emperor and to the god Mars Segomo Dunas. Cassia Saturnina set this up because of her vow. She fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly.

70 To Apollo CIL 13, 5001 Noviodunum, Germania Superior. Imperial period

Caesia Vegeta fulfilled her vow to Apollo willingly and deservedly.

71 To Hercules ILN 3, 158 = AE 1978, 475 Aquae Sextiae, Gallia Narbonensis. Second–early third century AD A small limestone altar was set up for Hercules by Fausta, whose single name suggests that she did not possess Roman citizenship.

Fausta fulfilled her vow to Hercules willingly and deservedly.

72 To Minerva CIL 11, 1305 = ILS 3135 Travi, Italy (8). Imperial period Tullia Superiana dedicated an anatomical votive, a terracotta head, to Minerva Memor, thanking her for the regrowth of her hair.

To Minerva Memor. Tullia Superiana fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly, because her hair was restored to her.

73 To Juno Regina CIL 11, 6300 = Pisaurum 11 Pisaurum, Italy (6). Early second century BC A votive stele was set up by the matrons (matronae) of Pisaurum for Juno Regina.

To Juno Regina. The matronae of Pisaurum donated this as a gift.

74 To Juno CIL 2, 7, 975 = CIL 2, 1036 Regina, Hispania Baetica. Second century AD A marble statue base, which was once crowned by a silver statue of the goddess, was ordered by Terentia Puella in her will.

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Dedicated to Juno. In her will, Terentia Puella ordered this to be set up of 50 pounds of silver.

75 To the Junones Augustales CIL 13, 914 = ILS 3118 Aginnum, Gallia Aquitania. Late second century AD A local couple, whose single names suggest that they may not have had Roman citizenship, record on a marble tablet their donation of a portico and the enclosing wall of a small temple of the Junones Augustales, female deities equated with Juno that were worshipped in Gallia and Germania.

To the Junones Augustales, Capito, son of Lucius, and his wife Julia donated a portico and the enclosing wall. They fulfilled their vow willingly and deservedly.

76 To the Nutrices Augustae AE 1986, 564 Poetovio, Pannonia Superior. Late second century AD A group of votives from Poetovio in Pannonia was dedicated to the Nutrices Augustae (Divine Nurses). These were local goddesses nursing and protecting newborn babies and infants, but the common addition Augustae lends them a Roman flavour. This votive (Figure 52) was set up by a local couple for their daughter, probably to thank the

Figure 52 Dedication to the Nutrices Augustae from Poetovio in Pannonia. Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj-Ormoz, inv. RL 972. Lupa.at/8762. Photo Ortolf Harl.

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Nutrices Augustae that she survived infancy. The worn marble relief shows two seated Nurses with swaddled babies on their laps. Between them, a standing woman with a small child pours a libation on a tripod that serves as an altar. For another example, see AE 1986, 567.

Dedicated to the Nutrices Augustae. Vitalis and Vintumila, his wife, fulfilled their vow willingly and deservedly on behalf of their daughter Maximilla.

77 To Pietas CIL 2, 5, 1165 = CIL 2, 1474 = AE 1988, 726 Astigi, Hispania Baetica. Mid–late second century AD On a low rectangular marble base a statue of Pietas, the divine personification of duty, loyalty and religiosity, was set up of 100 Roman pounds of silver (32.7 kilograms). Judging by the Greek cognomen of Caecilia Trophime and the fact that husband and wife shared the same family name, we may assume that they had been freed by the same owner or that the wife was freed by the husband. The testamentary dedication was set up by her heirs (probably all freedpeople, except for Caecilia Materna), who wanted it to be known that they paid the 5 per cent inheritance tax from their own pockets. One of the heirs, Decimus Caecilius Hospitalis, is known as a prominent merchant of olive oil (see CIL 15, 3762/3, 3769–71, 3773–81), which may be the basis of the family’s wealth.

Caecilia Trophime in her will ordered a statue of Pietas to be set up of 100 pounds of silver in her own name and that of Caecilius Silo, her husband. Decimus Caecilius Hospitalis and Caecilia Materna, daughter of Decimus, and Caecilia Philete, the heirs, set it up without any deduction of the 5 per cent (inheritance tax).

78 To Bona Dea CIL 6, 74 = ILS 3507 Rome. Late first–early second century AD A small altar with depictions of a simpulum (ladle) and a patera (libation bowl) on its sides was set up to Bona Dea Nutrix (‘the Nurturer’) by the imperial slave Onesimus together with his partner, probably a freedwoman, and their daughter. Since her father was a slave (but as a slave of the emperor a priviliged one), the daughter received the family name of the mother. This altar, like many others, confirms that Bona Dea was worshipped by both men and women.

To Bona Dea Nutrix. Onesimus Faustinus, slave of our Caesar, Valeria Spendusa and Valeria Pia, their daughter, donated this.

79 To Magna Mater/Cybele CCCA 6, 57 Stockstadt am Main, Germania Superior. Late second–early third century AD

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A small sandstone altar with neat letters from a Roman settlement near Stockstadt was set up by Flavia Donata to Magna Mater.

To the Mother of the Gods (Mater Deum). Flavia Donata, daughter of Flavius I(?), willingly, gladly and deservedly fulfilled her vow for her health and that of her relatives.

80 To Magna Mater CIL 6, 492 = ILS 4096 = CCCA 3, 218 Rome. Mid-first century AD A richly adorned marble altar (Figure 53) was set up for Magna Mater by a freedwoman of the Claudian family (see also CIL 6, 493). The relief refers to the well-known legend of Claudia Quinta (Prop. 4.11.51–2; Ov. Fast. 4.305–47) who in 204 BC proved her chastity by freeing the ship bringing Magna Mater to Rome when it was stuck in the river. Magna Mater is depicted sitting on a throne on the boat. Claudia Quinta stands on the shore on a pedestal and, compared to the size of the boat, is larger than life-size. It seems as if she is here heroised as the Saviour of the Ship (Navis Salvia) or perhaps the ship itself was worshipped as Saviour-Ship (see also CIL 6, 494). On the sides and the back of the altar there are cymbals, flutes and a Phrygian cap, emblems of the cult of Magna Mater.

To the Mother of the Gods and the Saviour of the Ship. Claudia Syntyche donated this in fulfilment of her vow.

81 To Bellona CSIR D 2, 10, 70 = CCCA 6, 59 Borbetomagus, Germania Superior. AD 200–50 A now incomplete sandstone statue base (Figure 54) was set up by a local woman with a Latinised name for Virtus Bellona, a local variant of the Cappadocian deity Ma Bellona. Depending on whether the word uxor (wife) or donum (gift) should be added before sacerdotis (‘of the priest/ess’), she may have been a priestess of the cult of Magna Mater herself or the wife of a priest. The words recording the priesthood are carved in smaller letters and seem to have been added as an afterthought.

To Virtus Bellona. Bassiana Tacita fulfilled her vow willingly, gladly and deservedly, (wife or gift) of the priest(ess) of the Great Mother of the Gods.

82 To Isis CIL 12, 1562 = ILN 7, 6 Dea Augusta Vocontiorum, Gallia Narbonensis. AD 160–250 Birria Secundilla, judging by her name a local woman with Roman citizenship, set up a small altar for Isis Regina (literally: Queen Isis)

To Isis Regina. Birria Secundilla set this up because of her vow.

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Figure 53 Marble altar for Magna Mater depicting Claudia Quinta leading the ship with Magna Mater to Rome. Musei Capitolini 321/ Montmartini, NCE 2405. Photo Arachne archive Mal317–02 (B. Malter).

83 A devotee portrayed in the guise of Isis CIL 2, 3387 = CILA 4, 132 Acci, Hispania Tarraconensis. Second century AD

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Figure 54 Sandstone statue base for Virtus Bellona from Borbetomagus in Germania. Speyer, Historisches Museum der Pfalz. Lupa.at/16798. Photo Ortolf Harl.

This inscription, on a marble base (now lost), was set up to commemorate Livia Chalcedonica, a worshipper of Isis and, judging by her name, a freedwoman. The base must have been crowned by a statue, or statuette, portraying the deceased adorned with precious jewellery in the guise of Isis. In this respect, it resembles dedications such as CIL 2, 3386 from the same town, which describes a silver statue adorned with numerous precious stones set up for Isis by Fabia Fabiana in honour of her deceased granddaughter, whose portrait was presumably depicted. Statues of the prematurely deceased in the guise of deities (in formam deorum) were a trend in late first- and second-century Rome and Spain, especially among freed people (see Chapter 1 no. 23 and here also nos. 84 and 85).

Livia Chalcedonica, devoted (devota) to the goddess Isis, lies here adorned as much as she could be. On her neck she has a necklace of precious stones and twenty emeralds on the fingers of her right hand [here the text breaks off].

Further Reading Rothenhöfer (2010)

84 A devotee in the guise of Fortuna CIL 6, 3679 = CIL 6, 30873 Rome. Early second century AD A marble portrait statue was dedicated to the Fortuna of Claudia Justa, a woman not otherwise known to us. The portrait head with a hairstyle typical of the late Trajanic period suggests that Claudia Justa herself is portrayed in the guise of the goddess Fortuna. At her right side there is a rudder (which is broken off ) on a globe, and in her left hand she holds a cornucopia (horn of plenty), Fortuna’s emblem of abundance. The inscription on the base suggests that Fortuna may perhaps be understood as the

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individual Fortuna of Claudia Justa, comparable to the Juno or Genius of the empress or emperor (see Chapter 7).

Dedicated to the Fortuna of Claudia Justa.

85 Initiated in the rites of Isis, but later presented as Pietas CIL 2, 5, 311 = CIL 2, 1611 = RICIS 2, 602/0401 Igabrum, Hispania Baetica. Second–early third century AD In an inscription on the limestone base of her portrait statue, the local council honours their fellow citizen Flaminia Pale for her merits. It is unclear whether these merits are related to the fact that she is recorded as an Isiaca, an initiate (or perhaps a priestess) in the cult of Isis. Her Greek cognomen Pale suggests that she was of foreign extraction, perhaps of freed family. In any case, she was a woman of some wealth, since she paid for her statue herself. At a later stage, she or someone else dedicated the statue to Pietas Augusta, adding the dedication in smaller letters above the honorific inscription. Her honorific statue was thus turned into a dedication to Pietas and may have been regarded as a statue of this divinity.

To Pietas Augusta. Flaminia Pale, an initiate of Isis (Isiaca) from Igabrum. To her, the council of the municipium of the Igabrians decreed a statue because of her merits. Having accepted this honour, she reimbursed the expenses.

86 To Mater Matuta CIL 11, 6301 = CIL 1, 379 = ILS 2981 Pisaurum, Italy (6). Early second century BC A limestone cippus was dedicated by two women, Mania Curia and Pola (Paulla) Livia, to Mater Matuta, an ancient Latin goddess associated, among other things, with childbirth. At her festival in Rome on 11 June, the Matralia, only respectable married women were admitted, who prayed for the welfare of their sisters’ children (Ov. Fast. 6.475 and 559–61; Plut. Cam. 5.2 and Quaest. Rom. 17 (Mor. 267E)). Mania Curia and Pola Livia, two women of prominent families, seem to have donated the votive as part of a group of matronae, married women of high standing. As is confirmed by an inscription mentioning the matrona(e) Pisaure(n)se(s) setting up a votive to Juno Regina (above, no. 73), there was an organisation of matronae in Pisaurum at the time (see also Chapter 4 on women’s organisations).

To Mater Matuta. The matrons (matronae) donated this as a gift. Mania Curia and Pola Livia were the donors.

Further Reading Carroll (2019)

87 To an unidentified goddess CIL 10, 3817 = CIL 1, 1583 Capua, Italy (1). Early first century BC

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A remarkable group of about 160 tufa statues in Capua from the fifth to early first century BC, some with inscriptions but most without, show seated women with one or more (up to fourteen!) swaddled babies on their laps (Figure 55 portrays an uninscribed one with two babies on her lap). The crude-looking statues that were originally plastered and painted are probably thank-offerings to some deity protecting childbirth and infants and/or promoting fertility. The interpretation of the seated women is uncertain: in the past, they have been interpreted as statues of the goddess in her role of protectress of newly born babies and infants, but it is more likely that they represent the dedicating mothers with the children they had borne (or hoped to bear) or symbolise fertility and motherhood in general. The inscribed votive offering of Quarta Confleia (or Confuleia) presents a crudely carved portrait of a seated woman with eight swaddled babies on her lap. The inscription is carved on both sides of her head. For a similar example, see CIL 10, 3818 = CIL 1, 1584 (with six swaddled babies).

Quarta Confleia, freedwoman of Marcus, fulfilled her vow.

Further Reading Carroll (2019) 20–45

88 To the Matronae Gesahenae CIL 13, 7889 = ILS 4803 Iuliacum, Germania Inferior. Imperial period The Matronae or Matres are three Celtic goddesses who were worshipped especially in the Germaniae, Gaul and northern Italy. They have several – usually untranslatable – epithets and were worshipped by men and women alike. On the relief they are depicted with their characteristic round bonnets (except for the middle one, whose head is missing) and baskets of fruit on their laps. On the left and right side of the stone respectively a man and a woman (presumably the dedicators) are depicted sacrificing.

To the Matronae Gesahenae. Marcus Julius Valentinus and Julia Justina set this up on the order of the goddesses themselves, willingly and deservedly.

89 To the Matronae Boudunneihae RSK 98 = AE 1969/70, 440 Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, Germania Inferior. AD 151–200 A richly adorned limestone altar (Figure 56) was set up by a woman with a Latinised Celtic family name (Dossonia) for the Matronae Boudunneihae, one of the many epithets given to the Matronae. The relief depicts the three seated Matronae with their characteristic round bonnets (the head of the middle one is missing).

Dossonia Paterna set this up for the Matronae Boudunneihae.

90 To the Matres CIL 13, 5370 Vesontio, Germania Superior. Late second–early third century AD

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Figure 55 Tufa votive statue of a woman with two swaddled babies on her lap. Capua, Museo Provinciale Campano. Photo author.

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Figure 56 Limestone altar for the Matronae Boudunneihae, Cologne, Römisch– Germanisches Museum inv. 74.438. Photo courtesy of the museum.

A small altar with crude letters is dedicated to the Matres by Oxia, whose non-Roman name, and that of her father, points to a local background.

Dedicated to the Matres. Oxia, daughter of Messor, fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly.

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91 To the Proxumae CIL 12, 1331 Vasio, Gallia Narbonensis. Second–third century AD A votive altar was set up for the Proxumae, three (mother) goddesses comparable to the Matronae/Matres. Unlike the Matronae/Matres, however, the majority of the dedicants of the Proxumae are female. The altar shows a relief depicting a woman with a patera, who is probably the dedicant herself. In view of her non-Roman (Latinised) name and the Celtic name of her father (but with a Roman praenomen), she was a woman of indigenous family.

To the Proxumae. Potita, daughter of Gaius Codo, fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly.

92 To Candida Regina CIL 13, 6022 Ingwiller, Germania Superior. Imperial period An adorned votive stele was set up by a local woman for the goddess Candida, the Roman name for an unknown Celtic goddess. The relief shows the goddess between a male and a female worshipper.

To the goddess Candida Regina. Divixta, (wife or daughter) of Terentianus, fulfilled her vow.

93 To Borvo and Damona CIL 13, 5918 Bourbonne-les-Bains, Gallia Belgica. Imperial period A small votive column was set up by Maturia Rustica to two local deities.

To the god Borvo and Damona. Maturia Rustica fulfilled her vow willingly and deservedly.

94 To Medru CIL 13, 6017 = ILTG 435a Brocomagus, Germania Superior. Early third century AD The relief on a votive stele to the local Celtic deity Medru (Mars Mider) depicts him with a helmet, which looks like a Phrygian cap (with the top pulled forward), a spear in his left hand and his right hand on the head of an animal, possibly a bull (Figure 57). The single name of the dedicator and the indigenous name of her husband or father show that she was not a Roman citizen.

To the god Medru. Matutina, (wife or daughter) of Cobnertus, set this up.

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Figure 57 Votive stele for Mars Mider (Medru) from Marienthal. Musée Archéologique de Strasbourg inv. 30377. Photo Musées de Strasbourg, M. Bertola.

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Apart from holding public priesthoods (Chapter 5), numerous women of wealth in the Roman West bestowed lavish donations on their cities, and some were officially co-opted as patronesses or ‘mothers’ of cities and civic associations (collegia). In recognition of their merits as civic patronesses, benefactresses or priestesses they could be granted public honours, such as portrait statues and public funerals. This chapter focuses on women’s roles as benefactresses (section I), civic patronesses or ‘mothers’ (section II) and on the public honours granted to them (sections III and IV). The chapter closes with a sample of painted electoral programmata in Pompeii showing women publicly supporting a candidate for office (section V).

I | Civic Benefactresses In the Roman West, civic benefactresses are attested from the late Republic onwards. Numerous inscriptions in the cities of Italy and, from the late first century AD onwards, also in the Latin-speaking provinces testify to women’s munificence. Women of wealth financed public buildings (mainly temples, theatres or amphitheatres, bath-houses and porticos), endowed their cities with foundations, such as child-support schemes (alimenta), distributed money or food to their fellow citizens, or provided public banquets and spectacles. Their gifts brought them into contact with the city council accepting their donations and granting them a location for their constructions or statues. Most bestowed their gifts singly or in some cases together with a husband or a son. We may assume that all had married without manus, which gave women control over their property when their fathers had died. The Augustan ‘right of children’ freed these women sui iuris (literally ‘in their own right’, i.e. not under the power of a father or other male ascendant) from guardianship when they had borne three or more children (see Chapter 2 on the ius liberorum). Their legal independence enabled these women to bestow benefactions on their cities from their own resources, which were strictly separated from those of their husbands. Their descent from elite families, or from families aspiring to elite status, incited them to bestow lavish donations on their cities in order to maintain or enhance their social position. Munificence undertaken by entire families (husband, wife and children) was common too, but since the contribution of women in such family undertakings 266

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is usually not specified, only one example has been included here (no. 14). Some inscriptions presented below, however, show women restoring or adding to constructions bestowed by relatives or ancestors. By doing so they heightened the prestige of their families as well as their own social esteem as generous and dutiful family members. Since most benefactresses were women of wealth and high rank who also favoured their cities in other respects, for instance as a patroness of the city or a collegium or by undertaking an expensive civic priesthood, some overlap within this chapter and with Chapter 5 is inevitable.

Further Reading Gardner (1990) and (1993) 85–109; Hemelrijk (2013) and (2015) 109–80

1 Ansia Rufa CIL 10, 292 = InscrIt 3,1, 207 Teganium, Italy (3). Late first century BC In the Republican period, women’s donations were mostly of a religious nature. Ansia Rufa may serve as an example. She financed an enclosure-wall (maceria) for a sacred grove (lucus) in her home town, which was authorised by the local council and was probably part of a sanctuary.

Ansia Rufa, daughter of Tarvus, by decree of the local council, constructed an exclosure-wall around a sacred grove, and a wall and a doorway at her own expense (de sua pecunia).

2 Eumachia of Pompeii CIL 10, 810 = ILS 3785 Pompeii, Italy (1). Early first century AD Because of her donation of a large building at the forum of Pompeii, which is still named after her (the Eumachia building), Eumachia is perhaps the most widely known Roman benefactress. Two identical inscriptions, one on the frieze of the colonnade of the building and one on a marble plaque above its south-east entrance, testify to the magnificence of her gift. Eumachia’s idealised portrait statue, which was set up by the fullers, stood in the rear of her building (see Chapter 5 no. 2). The function of the monumental complex (with chalcidicum, crypta and porticus) is unclear. Economic or cultic functions have been suggested, but a multi-purpose building is more likely. The building may have been inspired by the porticus Liviae in Rome, which was dedicated to Concordia in 7 BC by Livia and her son Tiberius, but the similarity between the two buildings has been overestimated.

Eumachia, daughter of Lucius, public priestess (sacerdos publica), built in her own name and that of her son Marcus Numistrius Fronto the columnar porch (chalcidicum), the covered gallery (crypta) and the portico (porticus) at her own expense (sua pecunia) and she dedicated it to Concordia Augusta and to Pietas.

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Further Reading Cooley (2013)

3 Two sisters restoring the temple of Demeter CIL 10, 3685 = ILS 4040 Cumae, Italy (1). Early first century AD An inscription on a marble plaque, found in several pieces (see also CIL 10, 3686 and 3688), records that a father and son of the elite family of the Lucceii together re-established the cult of Demeter (sacra Demetros) in their town and that the women of the family restored the temple and its domain from their own resources. Restoration or redecoration of buildings set up by relatives or ancestors was common in the Roman world, and women participated in this just as men did. In this case, however, no trace of an earlier complex has been found, which may mean that their work involved a completely new construction, which was presented as the restoration of an ancient temple in order to make the cult more respectable.

Gnaeus Lucceius and Gnaeus Lucceius, son of Gnaeus, father and son, both praetors, restored the sacred rites of Demeter. Lucceia Polla Qui[. . .], daughter of Gnaeus, and Lucceia Tertulla Pia, daughter of Gnaeus and wife of Gallus, restored the temple of Demeter and the domain around the temple including the portico from their own resources.

Further Reading Thomas and Witschel (1992)

4 A temple to Bona Dea AE 1933, 143 Rome. Early first century AD Sulpicia Severa Maior donated a temple (aedes) and statue (signum) of Bona Dea. Under the inscription on a marble plaque two serpents are depicted crawling towards an altar in the middle. For Bona Dea, see also Chapter 5 nos. 25–6, 44–6 and 78.

Dedicated to Bona Dea. Sulpicia Severa Maior donated a temple with a statue and dedicated them.

5 A posthumous donation CIL 10, 1136 Abellinum, Italy (1). Early–mid-first century AD A damaged building inscription on a stone tablet records the testamentary donation a well-to-do freedwoman bestowed on her city. A member of the elite family of the Lucceii, Gaius Lucceius Moderatus, who, judging by his name, may have been her former owner, supervised the construction work with the authorisation of the city council.

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Lucceia Auxesis, freedwoman of Gaius, in her will ordered a portico to be built for 4,000 sesterces from her own money. By decurial decree, Gaius Lucceius Moderatus saw to it that it was made.

6 Junia Rustica, benefactress and priestess of Cartima CIL 2, 1956 = ILS 5512 Cartima, Hispania Baetica. Late first century AD This honorific inscription on a large marble statue base honours Junia Rustica, a woman of equestrian rank from Cartima in southern Spain who, apart from holding a prestigious priesthood, showered her town with benefactions. The base belonged to a group of three statues which also honoured her husband and son, but no benefactions are known from them.

Junia Rustica, daughter of Decimus, first and perpetual priestess (sacerdos perpetua et prima) in the municipium of Cartima, restored the public porticos that had decayed due to old age, gave land for a bath-house, restored the public taxes, set up a bronze statue of Mars in the forum, donated at her own cost porticos next to the bath-house on her own land, along with a pool and a statue of Cupid, and dedicated them after giving a feast and public shows. Having remitted the expense, she made and dedicated the statues that were decreed by the council of Cartima for herself and her son, Gaius Fabius Junianus, and she likewise made and dedicated at her own cost a statue for Gaius Fabius Fabianus, her husband.

Further Reading Donahue (2004)

7 Ummidia Quadratilla, benefactress of Casinum CIL 10, 5183 = ILS 5628 and AE 1946, 174 = AE 1992, 244 Casinum, Italy (1). AD 90–100 Ummidia Quadratilla, who belonged to a prominent senatorial family, is known to us from Pliny the Younger’s letter (Ep. 7.24) about her death at the age of almost seventynine. Focusing on her private life and family, Pliny in his obituary ignores the substantial benefactions she bestowed on her home town. Two inscriptions on plaques from the amphitheatre and the theatre of Casinum testify to her generous munificence. The plaque from the theatre is very damaged and heavily restored.

[From the amphitheatre] Ummidia Quadratilla, daughter of Gaius, built the amphitheatre and the temple for the citizens of Casina from her own resources (sua pecunia). [From the theatre] Ummidia Quadratilla, daughter of Gaius, from her own resources restored for the citizens of Casinum the theatre that had been adorned at the expense(?) of her father and had collapsed due to old age. To celebrate the dedication she gave a banquet to the decurions, the people and the women.

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8 The gift of a bath-house AE 1979, 352 = IRAlmeria 48 Tagilis, Hispania Baetica. Late first–early second century AD A building inscription on a large marble plaque records the donation of a bath-house, for which Voconia Avita also provided the land on which it was built. She also established a fund for the maintenance and perpetual use of the baths.

Voconia Avita, daughter of Quintus, built baths for her city of Tagilis on her own soil and at her own cost and she dedicated these same (baths) after having given circus games and a banquet. In order to provide for the maintenance of the building and the perpetual use of the baths, she donated 2,500 denarii (10,000 sesterces) to the city of Tagilis.

9 Self-commemoration CIL 14, 2827 = ILS 6294 Praeneste, Italy (1). Around AD 100 A curved marble plaque from a grave monument records two testamentary foundations of 100,000 sesterces each. Corellia Galla Papiana donated these capital sums to the cities of Minturnae and Casinum. From the interest of these sums, the cities were to provide annual distributions of mead (honey-wine) and pastry on her birthday in perpetuity. Such bequests were overtly self-interested: they were meant to ensure that the deceased would be commemorated after death in perpetuity (see Chapter 4 nos. 36 and 41).

For Corellia Galla Papiana, daughter of Gaius, wife of Gaius Corellius, son of Numerius, of the voting tribe Fabia. In her will, she donated to the city of Minturnae 100,000 sesterces and to Casinum 100,000 sesterces, on the condition that annually on her birthday, the seventh day before the Ides of March (9 March), pastry and honey-wine would be distributed. In her will she ordered (this tomb) to be made for 100,000 sesterces.

10 Agusia Priscilla, benefactress and priestess in Gabii CIL 14, 2804 = ILS 6218 Gabii, Italy (1). AD 138–40 This inscription on the marble base (Figure 58) of her public statue honours Agusia Priscilla, priestess of Spes and Salus Augusta (goddesses of Hope and of Augustan Health) in Gabii. Apart from a lavish performance of her priesthood, she had officially promised to restore the porticus of the temple of Spes and had funded spectacular games in honour of Antoninus Pius and his children. The religious garments she donated may have been meant for the cult statue or for the priests performing the ceremonies. The reference to the example of ‘illustrious women’ reveals a competition for public prestige among women of the local elite.

For Agusia Priscilla, daughter of Titus, priestess of Spes and Salus Augusta (sacerdos Spei et Salutis Augustae). By decree of the decurions, the citizens of

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Figure 58 Statue base of Agusia Priscilla in the Villa Borghese in Rome. Photo author.

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Gabii saw to it that her statue was publicly erected since, after having incurred expenses because of her priesthood following the example of illustrious women (illustres feminae), she has also promised the people that she will restore from her own resources (pecunia sua) the porticus of Spes that is damaged by old age, and since she has delighted everybody by financing spectacular games for the well-being of the emperor Antoninus Pius, father of the fatherland, and his children and by donating garments for the religious rites. Pleased with the honour of her statue, she reimbursed the expenses to the people. The place of the statue was granted by decurial decree.

11 Baebia Crinita CIL 2, 964 = ILS 5402 Arucci, Hispania Baetica. Second century AD A statue base in honour of Baebia Crinita, from nearby Turobriga, honours her for donating 200,000 sesterces for a temple of Apollo and Diana, whose priestess she may have been. This testamentary donation was liable to the 5 per cent inheritance tax, for which she seems to have provided in advance. In addition, she gave a banquet in honour of her promised donation and ordered a statue to be set up for herself.

For Baebia Crinita, daughter of Gaius, from Turobriga, priestess (sacerdos). She donated the temple of Apollo and Diana at the cost of 200,000 sesterces, from which sum 5 per cent inheritance tax of the Roman people had been deducted. After having given a banquet she ordered the temple to be built and this statue to be set up for herself.

12 Caelia Macrina, donor of a child-support scheme CIL 10, 6328 = ILS 6278 Tarracina, Italy (1). Mid-second century AD In her will, Caelia Macrina left 300,000 sesterces for the construction of an unidentified building in her native town and an unknown sum for its decoration and upkeep. On top of this she donated the enormous sum of 1,000,000 sesterces for a child-support scheme (alimenta). Child-support schemes were relatively common in Italy in the second century AD and could be bestowed on a city by the emperor or by private individuals. In most child-support schemes citizen boys were targeted: from the interest of the capital fund they received a monthly contribution to their livelihood. Girls, if included at all, were fewer in number and received lower amounts during a shorter period (usually until the age of fourteen, which was their average age of marriage). Unlike alimenta set up by male donors, the scheme funded by Caelia Macrina includes boys and girls in equal numbers (both 100), though boys are supported for a longer period and receive a higher allowance than girls. Like other such schemes, the foundation of Caelia Macrina was meant for eternity with younger children taking the place of those who reached fourteen (for girls) or sixteen (for boys).

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Caelia Macrina, daughter of Gaius, left 300,000(?) sesterces in her will for the construction of this building, and [. . .] sesterces for its decoration and upkeep. In memory of her son Macer, the same Macrina left 1,000,000 sesterces to the citizens of Tarracina, so that, from the income of this sum, under the title of alimenta, the following amounts are to be paid to 100 children (of both sexes): to each citizen boy 5 denarii (20 sesterces) per month, to each citizen girl 4 denarii (16 sesterces) per month, the boys up to the age of sixteen, the girls up to fourteen years of age, in such a way that always 100 boys and 100 girls in succession receive the payments.

13 Donating a temple IRT 370 Lepcis Magna, Africa Proconsularis. AD 153 A large inscription on five blocks of grey limestone in the local forum was carved on the temple donated by Calpurnia Honesta for the cult of an emperor, presumably the reigning emperor, Antoninus Pius, or his predecessor (see also IRT 371).

During the reign of Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, chief priest, with tribunician power for the sixteenth time, twice imperator, for the fourth time consul, father of the fatherland, Calpurnia Honesta built a temple of [. . .] Augustus at her own expense.

14 A joint venture CIL 8, 2630 = CIL 8, 18100 = RICIS 2, 704/0301 Lambaesis, Numidia. AD 158 Together with his wife and daughter, who accompanied him during his term of office, the provincial governor (legatus Augusti) of Numidia adorned the temple for Isis and Serapis, which his predecessors had started building and to which the Legio III Augusta that was based in Lambaesis had added a pronaos (a vestibule in front of the cella of a temple). He also donated columns from his own resources. Since the property of husband and wife was strictly separated in Roman marriage without manus, we may assume that his wife contributed to the work from her own resources. There was no legal necessity to include the name of their daughter; since her father was still living, she was unable to own property. Since the cost of the temple diminished her inheritance, however, her parents may have wished to include her in the honour, too.

To Isis and Serapis. Lucius Matuccius Fuscinus, legatus Augusti of praetorian rank, together with his wife Volteia Cornificia and his daughter Matuccia Fuscina, adorned the temple that had been started and raised by his predecessors and to which the Legio III Augusta had added a pronaos, having placed columns from his own resources.

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15 Cassia Victoria, benefactress and priestess of the Augustales of Misenum AE 1993, 477 Misenum, Italy (1). c. AD 165 A large building inscription is carved on the epistyle of the four-columned marble pronaos donated by Cassia Victoria to the Augustales of Misenum. To celebrate its dedication she gave a banquet, presumably to the Augustales, and 12 sesterces per person to all present. The pronaos, which embellished the small temple of the Augustales, is crowned by a large fronton (Figure 59) with the portraits of Cassia Victoria and her late husband, Lucius Laecanius Primitivus, who had been a prominent magistrate and benefactor of the Augustales. Their portraits are displayed in a wreath held by winged Victoriae (a pun on her cognomen Victoria) and closely resemble the deified emperor Antoninus Pius and his daughter Faustina Minor, which symbolically raises the munificent couple to an almost divine level.

Cassia Victoria, daughter of Gaius, priestess of the Augustales (sacerdos Augustalium), donated the pronaos with its columns and epistyle in her own name and that of her husband, Lucius Laecanius Primitivus, because of their (i.e. the Augustales’) extraordinary benevolence towards her (or: them). To celebrate the dedication, she gave a banquet and 12 sesterces each.

Figure 59 Relief of Cassia Victoria and her husband in the pediment of the temple of the Augustales in Misenum. Archaeological museum of the Castle of Baia. Photo courtesy of the Parco Archeologico dei Campi Flegrei, Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali.

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16 Indelvia Valerilla AE 1982, 682 Nemausus, Gallia Narbonensis. AD 161–200 This inscription on a limestone statue base re-used in a late antique wall shows a polite sequence of gift exchanges between the city council of Nemausus (modern Nîmes) and a wealthy female citizen. In return for her election as a flaminica perpetua (perpetual priestess of the imperial cult, see Chapter 5), Indelvia Valerilla set up a silver statue, the cost of which exceeded the entrance fee (summa honoraria) she was expected to pay for the priesthood. In gratitude, the local council decreed a public statue to her, which was to be financed by the public treasury. Delighted with the honour of the statue, she graciously offered to bear the costs herself.

For Indelvia Valerilla, daughter of Titus, perpetual priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica perpetua), who in return for this honour set up a silver statue with base in the basilica, to the cost of 50,000 sesterces. Because of her munificence (munificentia), the most venerable council decreed that a statue should be set up for her at public expense (de publico). Gratified by this honour, she reimbursed the expenses.

17 Annia Aelia Restituta, benefactress and imperial priestess of Calama ILAlg 1, 287 = CIL 8, 5366 Calama, Numidia. AD 161–9 Two almost identical inscriptions (for the second, see ILAlg 1, 286 = CIL 8, 5365) on the bases of public statues set up for Annia Aelia Restituta show that she received five public statues in her town in return for her ‘spontaneous promise’ to build a theatre to the cost of 400,000 sesterces. Since an official promise was legally binding, and even devolved upon the heir if the donor died before fulfilling it, the local council showed their gratitude by setting up these statues in her honour using public money.

For Annia Aelia Restituta, daughter of Lucius, perpetual priestess of the empresses (flaminica Augustarum perpetua), because of her outstanding generosity (liberalitas) towards her fellow citizens since she had spontaneously promised to embellish her home city (patria) with a theatre. To show their gratitude towards her, the city council unanimously decided to set up five statues from public funds (de publico).

18 Marcia Aurelia Ceionia Demetrias CIL 10, 5918 = ILS 406 Anagnia, Italy (1). Late second century AD Two marble statue bases were set up next to each other in the forum of Anagnia in honour of Marcia Aurelia Ceionia Demetrias and her husband Marcus Aurelius Sabinianus, nicknamed Euhodus (CIL 10, 5917 = ILS 1909), because of their joint restoration

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of the baths. Judging by his inscription, her husband was an imperial freedman, who through his munificence rose to the status of patron of the town and married a woman of decurial or equestrian rank (stolata femina, literally: a woman with the right to wear the stola). To celebrate the dedication of their statues both she and her husband distributed money to the decurions, the seviri Augustales and the people and provided a banquet for all. Her earlier identification with Marcia, the concubine of the emperor Commodus, is now discredited.

For Marcia Aurelia Ceionia Demetrias, a woman with the right to wear the stola (stolata femina). Because of the dedication of the baths, which they (i.e. Marcia and her husband) restored after a long time to their original appearance at their own expense, the senate and the people of Anagnia decreed that a statue be put up for her. Because of the dedication of the statue she gave to the decurions 5 denarii (20 sesterces) each, to the seviri 2 denarii (8 sesterces) each, and to the people 1 denarius (4 sesterces) each, and a banquet sufficient for all.

Further Reading Flexsenhar (2016)

19 A family affair CIL 2, 5, 69 = CIL 2, 1663 Tucci, Hispania Baetica. Late second century AD An inscription on a damaged marble base records that Lucius Lucretius Fulvianus in his will ordered a silver statue of Pietas Augusta to be put up in honour of his priesthood of the imperial house. It was set up by his daughter and (presumably) heir, Lucretia Campana, perpetual priestess (flaminica perpetua) of the imperial house. She added a golden crown to the statue and dedicated it after funding four days of plays and circus games, as well as a banquet for those present at the dedication. Both male and female members of wealthy families were eligible for the prestigious priesthood of the imperial cult (see Chapter 5), and were expected to shower benefactions on the city in return for this honour.

To Pietas Augusta. Lucius Lucretius Fulvianus, imperial priest (flamen) of the tax-free colonies of the province Baetica, and perpetual priest (pontifex) of the imperial house, in his will ordered this to be set up from [. . .] pounds of silver because of the honour of his priesthood. Lucretia Campana, daughter of Lucius, perpetual priestess (flaminica perpetua) of the imperial house, set it up after having given theatre plays during four days to celebrate the dedication and also circus games and after having supplied a banquet. In addition to this gift Lucretia Campana also affixed a golden crown (to the statue) in her own name and donated and dedicated it. [At the side] She dedicated it on the Kalends of June (1 June) during the consulate of [. . .].

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20 A couple donating a temple for Bona Dea CIL 8, 20747 Auzia, Mauretania Caesariensis. AD 235 Together with his wife Clodia Luciosa, Lucius Cassius Restitutus built a temple for Bona Dea in her manifestation as a goddess of Health (Valetudo). Because of the separation of property between husband and wife in Roman marriage, both contributed from their own resources. They donated the temple to the city in the 196th year of the province. For Lucius Cassius Restitutus and Clodia Luciosa, see also CIL 8, 9052 (a foundation for the perpetual commemoration of the couple).

For the most holy Bona Dea Valetudo. Lucius Cassius Restitutus, veteran cavalry officer and perpetual priest of the imperial cult of the colony, and his wife Clodia Luciosa built this temple with its furnishings at their own expense and dedicated it. They donated it to the state in the 196th year of the province.

II | Patronesses and ‘Mothers’ of Cities and Associations (Collegia) In the second and third centuries AD a small number of women were officially appointed as patronesses or ‘mothers’ of their cities and of civic collegia, for instance of the three principal collegia of Roman cities: the collegia centonariorum (of textile workers or rag makers), fabrum (of builders) and dendrophorum (of tree-bearers in the cult of Cybele). Like male patrons, patronesses and ‘mothers’ of collectives were ‘co-opted’, as it was called in the Latin terminology (cooptare), by a decision of the city council or the collegium in question. All were women from wealthy and distinguished families, though as a rule ‘mothers’ were of relatively lower standing than patronesses, who were mostly of senatorial or equestrian rank. Both patronesses and mothers were expected to use their wealth and social connections for the benefit of their client communities. Patronesses (but not ‘mothers’) were offered bronze tabulae patronatus (tablets of patronage) with the decurial decree commemorating their co-optation (cooptatio) as patronesses. Apart from a few tabulae patronatus that have been preserved, most evidence consists of honorific inscriptions on statues bases and of membership lists of collegia. In the translation of the tabulae patronatus, standard details such as the time and place of the meeting and the names of leading magistrates or delegates have been omitted. For women and collegia, see also Chapter 4 section III B.

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2004b), (2008), (2012) and (2015) 227–69; Nicols (1989)

II A Patronesses of Cities and Collegia Patronesses of cities and associations were usually women of elevated rank. Most were from senatorial or equestrian families, or at the very least they

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belonged to families of the decurial elite. Their patronage entailed a lifelong commitment to the client community, which in some cases continued that of their parents or relatives. Because of their high rank and their influential connections in Rome, patronesses of senatorial family were well suited to mediate between the cities they favoured and the capital. Most patronesses combined their patronage of a community with benefactions and/or a priesthood, and were highly regarded by the cities or associations they favoured. Below, some patronesses of cities are presented first, followed by patronesses of associations.

21 Abeiena Balbina, city patroness and priestess of the imperial cult CIL 11, 6354 = ILS 6655 Pisaurum, Italy (6). AD 180–92 This inscription on a large marble base once crowned by her public statue was set up in honour of Abeiena Balbina. Apart from being a patroness of Pitinum Pisaurense, she was priestess of the imperial cult in two nearby cities. Her statue was erected next to that of her husband during his year of office as a quinquennalis (chief magistrate) of Pisaurum, in recognition of the merits of both of them. This may refer to their civic offices as priestess and magistrate, but perhaps also to benefactions they bestowed on the city. Since she was granted the ‘right of three children’ (ius liberorum; see Chapter 2 nos. 61–3), Abeiena Balbina had full legal capacity over her property. The right is here called the ius commune liberorum, which may be interpreted as the ‘general right of children’, here awarded to her as a privilege (since she did not have the required number of children, we may presume). The name of the emperor who granted the ius liberorum has been erased. Probably it was Commodus, who was assassinated in AD 192 and suffered a damnatio memoriae after his death.

For Abeiena Balbina, daughter of Gaius, priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica) of Pisaurum and Ariminum, patroness (patrona) of the municipium Pitinum Pisaurense. For her the urban population of Pisaurum set up this statue in the year of the chief office of her husband, Petinius Aper, because of their merits (i.e. of Abeiena and her husband). The emperor [erased: Marcus Aurelius Commodus?] granted her the general right of children. The location (for her statue) has been granted by decree of the decurions.

22 Seia Potitia Consortiana, patroness and benefactress of Thibaris ILAfr 511 = AE 1913, 13 Thibaris, Africa Proconsularis. AD 190–200 A public statue was set up by the city of Thibaris in memory of Seia Potitia Consortiana, a woman of senatorial rank from this North African town. In gratitude for her numerous benefactions and for her patronage the city set up a posthumous statue advertising its prestigious relationship with this high-ranking woman.

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For Seia Potitia Consortiana, in memory of this senatorial woman, mother of Roscius Potitius Memmianus, a man of senatorial rank, patroness (patrona) by decree of the city council, because of her extraordinary and innumerable acts of generosity (liberalitas), by which she enhanced the city council and her home town (patria) by her gift. The city of Thibaris set this up with public money (pecunia publica).

23 Oscia Modesta, patroness of Avioccala in Roman Africa a. CIL 8, 23832 Avioccala, Africa Proconsularis. Early third century AD A damaged inscription on a statue base in the small North African town (civitas) Avioccala honours a woman with the long name Oscia Modesta Ulpia(?) Cornelia Patruina Publiana as its citizen and patroness (civis et patrona). Her son was honoured as a civis et patronus on an adjacent inscription (CIL 8, 23831). Evidently the city prided itself on its association with members of this distinguished senatorial family and presented itself as their home town (patria). Oscia Modesta is one of the few patronesses whose life may to some extent be reconstructed. As a woman of a prominent senatorial family and the wife and mother of consuls, she lived at least part of her life in Rome, where she probably took part in the Ludi Saeculares (Secular Games) of AD 204. She must have travelled widely, visiting not only her native Avioccala in North Africa but also accompanying her husband to Antioch in Pisidia, where he was honoured as a patron (CIL 3, 6810–12). After the death of her husband and her children, she educated her grandson in Rome. He later commemorated her as his ‘dearest grandmother and sweetest educator’ (CIL 6, 1478: avia carissima et educatrix dulcissima).

For Oscia Modesta Ulpia(?) [. . .] Cornelia Patruina Publiana, a woman of senatorial rank, citizen and patroness (civis et patrona), because of her conspicuous merits (merita) in rendering illustrious the home town (patria) of her origin. The city of Avioccala put this up by decurial decree with public money. b. IGUR 1311 = IG 14, 1960 Rome. Early third century AD This inscription in archaising Greek verses on a large marble funerary altar in Rome presents the deceased as reflecting on her life in the first person. It may have been composed by Oscia Modesta herself during her lifetime and records her pride in her (single) marriage and ancestry, her grief for the early death of her children and the comfort she found in the field of the Muses (for instance, in poetry).

Here I lie, wife of a consul, the proud hero, my dear Arrius, with whom I was wed in single marriage. From my ancestors I once received the name Publiana (they were descendants of the Scipiones and distinguished for their noble birth). I myself remained a widow for the rest of my life, and I was consumed with grief over the early death of my children. In my life I endured much suffering in distress. My mind found pleasure in the Muses alone.

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24 Nummia Varia, city patroness and priestess CIL 9, 3429 = ILS 6110 Peltuinum Vestinum, Italy (4). AD 242 A decree of the city council of the small town Peltuinum Vestinum was engraved on a large bronze plaque (tabula patronatus), of which only a drawing has been preserved. It commemorates the official co-optation of Nummia Varia as a city patroness. Her exceedingly high rank – she was of consular family – is reflected by the deferential attitude of the decree, which bristles with words denoting her splendour and dignity. Moreover, the decree expresses the hope that, by interceding for the city with the imperial government, she would ‘protect us and keep us safe’. Apart from referring to her authority (auctoritas), the decree uses emotional terms to describe the patronal relationship, stressing Nummia Varia’s time-honoured attitude of affection (adfectio, pronus animus) and kind benevolence (benevolentia, benignitas) towards the city, which continued a similar affection shown by her parents. The affection attributed to her may refer to her willingness to undertake the priesthood of Venus Felix, but it may also point to financial benefactions bestowed or hoped for.

[Time and place of the meeting and names of leading magistrates] Since all decreed that Nummia Varia, a woman of senatorial rank, priestess of Venus Felix (sacerdos Veneris Felicis), has started to act with such affection (adfectio) and good will (pronus animus) towards us in accordance with her custom of benevolence (benevolentia), just as also her parents always did, that she should rightfully and unanimously be made patroness (patrona) of our city, in the hope that by offering this honour, which is the most important honour in our community, to her so illustrious excellency (claritas), we may be more and more renowned by the distinction (dignatio) of her benignity (benignitas) and in all respects be safe and protected. When asked for their opinion on this matter they decided as follows: all members of the council have decided to bestow upon Nummia Varia, a woman of senatorial rank, priestess of Venus Felix, in accordance with the splendour (splendor) of her dignity (dignitas), the patronage (patrocinium) of our city, and to ask from her excellency (claritas) and extraordinary benignity (benignitas), that she deigns (dignetur) to regard this honour we offer to her with willing and favourable inclination and to accept us individually and our state universally under the patronage (clientela) of her house. And in whatever matters it may reasonably be required, may she intervene with the authority ensuing from her dignity (auctoritas dignitatis suae) and keep us safe and protected. And they decided that a bronze tablet with the text of this decree of ours is to be offered to her by the chief magistrates Avidiaccus Restitutus and Blaesius Natalis, and by Numisenus Crescens and Flavius Priscus, the foremost men of our order.

25 Marcia Ulpia Sossia Calligona, patroness of a youth association AE 1956, 77 = AE 1958, 177 Tibur, Italy (1). Late second–early third century AD

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The honorific inscription was carved on the base of a public statue set up for the patroness of a local youth association taking its name from Hercules. Youth associations brought together boys (and sometimes girls) of respectable local families for the purpose of cult, sport and sociability (see also Chapter 4 nos. 34–5 and 41). The words stolata matrona (a matron with the right to wear the stola) indicates that Marcia Ulpia Sossia Calligona was from a family of equestrian (or perhaps decurial) rank: see no. 18 above.

For Marcia Ulpia Sossia Calligona, daughter of Marcus, a matron with the right to wear the stola (stolata matrona). The Herculean youth association (sodalicium iuvenum Herculanorum) set this up for their patroness (patrona).

26 Ancharia Luperca, patroness of the association of builders CIL 11, 2702 = ILS 7217 Volsinii, Italy (7). 23 January AD 224 This decree of the association of builders (collegium fabrum), one of the most important Roman collegia, was engraved on a large bronze plaque with triangular top commemorating her patronage (tabula patronatus) and lists the considerations of the builders to co-opt Ancharia Luperca as their patroness. The plaque, which is lost, was found in a house in Volsinii that must have belonged to Ancharia Luperca and her husband Laberius Gallus, who was a man of equestrian rank (vir egregius, literally: outstanding man). At first sight, the collegium seems to co-opt her in honour of her decurial father and her equestrian husband, both of whom were men of merit, who were held in great esteem by the association. Her statue was to be set up in the clubhouse next to that of her husband, a patron of the collegium, who is praised for his ‘love’ and ‘affection’ towards the association. Ancharia Luperca is praised in traditional terms for her sexual purity (castitas) and old-fashioned habits (prisca consuetudo), but the fact that the collegium refers to her devotion (pietas) towards them and addresses her as their ‘most worthy patroness’ (dignissima patrona) is an unmistakable sign of her past favours and the high expectations they had of her for the future.

[Time and place of the meeting and names of chief magistrates] The chief magistrates declared: with how much love (amor) and affection (adfectio) Laberius Gallus, primipilaris (centurion of the first military unit) and an outstanding man, has made it his practice to act towards our collegium is confirmed by his benefactions, which he has showered on us for a long time. Let us therefore co-opt as a patrona of our collegium his wife, Ancharia Luperca, the daughter of the late Ancharius Celer, of blessed memory, whose offspring and family fulfilled all magistracies of our home city in a sincere and trustworthy manner. Let us co-opt her in honour of them and because of her chaste morals (castitas morum) and the purity (sanctitas) of her pristine habits. Let us also set up for her a bronze statue in the clubhouse of our collegium next to that of her husband, Laberius Gallus. When asked for their opinion all unanimously decided that: our chief magistrates have rightly and deservedly proposed that we should co-opt Ancharia Luperca, an honourable matrona of venerable character and habit (sancta indoles et disciplina) and a woman

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endowed with feelings of religious veneration, in honour of her husband Laberius Gallus, primipilaris, an outstanding man and a patron of our collegium, and in memory of her father, the late Ancharius Celer, as a most worthy (dignissima) patroness, and that we should erect a bronze statue of her in the clubhouse of our collegium next to that of her husband, Laberius Gallus, so that her devotion (pietas) towards us and our goodwill (voluntas) towards her may be observed in the public view and also that a tablet commemorating her patronage is to be attached (to a wall) in her house.

27 Vesia Martina, patroness of the association of textile workers CIL 11, 5749 = ILS 7221 Sentinum, Italy (6). 18 August AD 261 In August 261, the association of textile workers (collegium centonariorum) of Sentinum in central Italy drafted a decree to award their patrons Coretius Fuscus, his wife Vesia Martina and their son Coretius Sabinus with a bronze tabula patronatus confirming and commemorating their patronage. All members of this prominent local family had already been co-opted individually as patrons of the collegium centonariorum by means of a written document (per duplomum). The present decree praises the patrons for their benefactions (beneficia, munificentia), merits (merita) and, more generally, for their disposition of love and benevolence (amor, adfectio, benevolentia) towards the collegium, and expresses the hope that they may continue to shower favours and benefactions on the association in the future. Because of its unusual phrasing and the long and tortuous sentences, the sense of some of the expressions is not entirely clear.

[Time and place of the meeting; names of chief magistrates making the proposal] Since it is suitable to stand by those who display frequent benefactions and a disposition of love towards our association and to reward their munificence, as the opportunity presents evidence (?), therefore, if it seems good to all, (it is proposed) to present a bronze tablet of patronage to Coretius Fuscus, splendid decurion of our home city but also patron of the three main associations, and to his wife Vesia Martina, our patroness (patrona), and also to Coretius Sabinus, their son, who have long ago been co-opted by our association as patrons by means of a written document, so that it becomes known with well-deserved honour in accordance with their merits. When asked for their opinion all decided: since, in the past, we have received outstanding benefactions (beneficia) from Coretius Fuscus, our patron, from Vesia Martina, our patroness, and from Coretius Sabinus, their son, in agreement with their love (amor), we hope that in the future, too, things not dissimilar from what we experience now will perpetually come forth from their house with the same feeling of affection (adfectio). And therefore all decided to agree with the motion of the good men, Casidius Severus, father of our association, and Heldius Peregrinus, its parent, and to reward their benevolence (benevolentia) in the hope that they deign to accept the honour

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that is worthily offered to them the more splendidly and favourably. And it has been decided that the decree be carved for them in a bronze tablet coming forth from us and that delegates are appointed who are to present this tablet (to the patrons) in a worthy manner [the names of sixteen delegates offering the tabula patronatus follow].

II B ‘Mothers’ of Cities and Collegia The title ‘mother’ (mater) was granted to women of special merit for their towns or associations. Like patrona, the title was given for life. The recipients were of different social status, however: mothers of cities belonged to prominent families of the local elite, whereas mothers of collegia were mostly from non-elite families, including freedwomen. As women of wealth and merit, mothers of cities also showed their care for their cities by benefactions or by undertaking a costly priesthood. Mothers of collegia were from the same social class as most male officials of civic associations, to whom some were actually related, and bestowed smaller benefactions. In the Latin-speaking West, inscriptions recording mothers of cities are rare and found exclusively in central Italy, but mothers of collegia are spread more widely, including, apart from Italy, the Balkan and Danubian provinces. All these women were intimately involved in the social life of the cities and collegia that elected them, which is reflected by the emotional value of the title ‘mother’. Two mothers of cities are presented below, followed by some mothers of associations.

28 Cantia Saturnina, imperial priestess and mother of her city CIL 11, 407 = ILS 6657 Ariminum, Italy (7). After AD 123 An inscription on the base of her statue honours Cantia Saturnina, who was priestess of the imperial cult and in particular of the deified Plotina in two Italian cities, Ariminum and Forum Sempronii (for female priesthoods, see Chapter 5). In Ariminum she was awarded the title ‘mother of the city’ and a public statue was set up in her honour by decree of the city council.

For Cantia Saturnina, daughter of Lucius, mother of the city (mater coloniae), imperial priestess (flaminica) and priestess of the deified Plotina (sacerdos divae Plotinae) here and in Forum Sempronii, (this statue) was publicly (publice) set up by decree of the city council.

29 Numisia Secunda Sabina, imperial priestess and mother of her city AE 1998, 416 Interamnia Praetuttiorum, Italy (5). Second half of the second century AD This inscription in honour of Numisia Secunda Sabina was carved on a marble plaque that was attached to the base of her statue. According to the inscription, she was the first

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For Numisia Secunda Sabina, wife of Claudius Liberalis, priestess of the empress (sacerdos Augustae), mother of the city (mater municipii et coloniae) of Interamnia Praetuttiorum. Because of her munificence (munificentia), the people (plebs) of the city having collected money set up a statue for her, as the first of all women (to be honoured in this way). Because of the dedication of the statue, she gave them 4 sesterces each. The location for the statue was granted by the city council.

30 Gavillia Optata, mother of the association of textile workers CIL 9, 2687 Aesernia, Italy (4). Imperial period This funerary inscription on a limestone plaque (now incomplete) was set up for Gavillia Optata by her partner. The beginning of the text is lost. The term partner (contubernalis) instead of legally wedded wife (coniunx) suggests that her partner did not possess Roman citizenship.

[. . .] For Gavillia Optata, his partner (contubernalis), mother of the association of textile workers (mater collegii centonariorum).

31 Mother of the fullers CIL 9, 5450 = AE 1999, 599 = ILS 7248 Falerio Picenus, Italy (5). Late first–early second century AD On a decorated limestone funerary stele, a freed couple is commemorated by their freeborn and freed sons. Both husband and sons were magistrates of the local association of builders (collegium fabrum) and the husband also of that of the fullers. His wife Claudia was ‘mother of the fullers’ (mater sodalicii fullonum). For the epitaphs of their sons, Titus Sillius Karus, who was named after his father, and Tiberius Claudius Philippus, perhaps born while she was still a slave and later freed, see CIL 9, 5472 and AE 1981, 300.

For the spirits of the departed. For Titus Sillius Priscus, freedman of Titus, twice master and twice quaestor of the association of the builders, master and quaestor of the association of fullers, and for his wife Claudia, freedwoman of Tiberius, mother of the association of fullers (mater sodalicii fullonum). Their sons, Titus Sillius Karus and Tiberius Claudius Philippus, masters and quaestors of the association of builders, set this up for their most devoted parents.

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32 Salvia Marcellina, mother of the association of Asclepius and Hygieia CIL 6, 10234 = ILS 7213 Rome. 11 March AD 153 The statute of the association of Asclepius and Hygieia (in the inscription spelled Aesculapius and Hygia) is carved on a large marble plaque (Figure 60), which was attached to a wall in the clubhouse for all members to see. It is devoted to regulations following the prolific donations by Salvia Marcellina, whose name is recorded in large letters at the beginning of the text. In memory of her late husband, the freedman Marcus Ulpius Capito, Salvia Marcellina donated, among other things, 50,000 sesterces to the collegium as a perpetual fund for distributions and banquets among its members, to be given on festive days, such as the anniversary of the emperor and that of the association itself, and on days for commemorating the dead, such as the Day of the Violets (dies violaris), of the Roses (dies rosae) and the Cara Cognatio (also called the Caristia, celebrated on 22 February). Her benefactions earned her the title mater collegii and a place of honour in the distributions, on a par with the chief magistrates of the association. Yet, since a woman was not supposed to drink, she was excluded from a share in the distribution of wine. Only the pertinent parts of this long inscription have been translated.

Statute of the association of Aesculapius and Hygia. In memory of Flavius Apollonius, imperial overseer in charge of the picture galleries, and of the imperial freedman Capito, his assistant, who was her excellent and most devoted husband, Salvia Marcellina, daughter of Gaius, donated to the collegium of Aesculapius and Hygia the site of the shrine with a pergola, a marble statue of Aesculapius, and an adjoining roofed terrace, in which the members of the said collegium may dine. [Lines omitted] In addition, the same Marcellina gave and donated to the collegium mentioned above 50,000 sesterces for sixty men on the condition that no more members are to be elected than the above-mentioned number and that in the place of deceased members, the positions (of membership) are to be sold and that free persons are to be elected or if someone wishes to bequeath his position to a son or a brother or a freedman, (this will be permitted) provided that he will contribute to our treasury half of his burial allowance (funeraticium). And (it is stipulated) that they (i.e. the members of the association) are not to use the sum mentioned above for other purposes, but that from the income of that sum they are to meet at the site (of the shrine) on the days listed below. From the interest of this sum – if they have obtained some – they will distribute handouts (sportulae) to the sixty members, on the basis of the decree that was voted unanimously in the temple of the deified emperors, in the shrine of the deified Titus, when all were present. [Lines omitted] (It is decided) that on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of October (19 September), on the most felicitous birthday of our Emperor Antoninus Pius, Father of our Fatherland, they are to distribute handouts in the temple of

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Figure 60 Statute of the collegium of Aesculapius and Hygieia in Rome recording the donations of Salvia Marcellina, ‘mother’ of the collegium. Rome, Vatican Museums. Photo author.

the deified emperors, in the shrine of the deified Titus: for the perpetual quinquennalis (chief magistrate), Gaius Ofilius Hermes, or whoever will be in charge at the time, 3 denarii; for Aelius Zenon, father of the collegium, 3 denarii; for Salvia Marcellina, mother of the collegium, 3 denarii; for the immunes (members free from charges) 2 denarii each; for the curatores (officials overseeing admissions, distributions and fees) 2 denarii each, and for the ordinary members (populus) 1 denarius each. In addition, it is decided that on the day before the Nones of November (4 November), the anniversary of the association, they are to distribute the following handouts from the above-mentioned interest to those present in our clubhouse (schola) near the temple of Mars: for the quinquennalis 6 denarii, for the father of the collegium 6 denarii, for the mother of the collegium 6 denarii, for the immunes each 4 denarii, for the curatores each 4 denarii, and (for the ordinary members?) bread worth 3 asses. Measures of wine: for the quinquennalis 9 pints; for the father of the collegium 9; for the immunes 6 each; for the curatores 6 each and for the ordinary members 3 each. In addition, it is decided that on the day before the Nones of January (4 January) they are to distribute New Year’s presents (strenae) in the same way as written above for the thirteenth day before the Kalends of October (19 September). In addition, on the eighth day before the Kalends of March (22 February), on the day of the Cara Cognatio, they are to distribute handouts of bread and wine

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in the same place near the temple of Mars, in the same way as written above for the day before the Nones of November (4 November). In addition, in the same place, on the day before the Ides of March (14 March), the banquet is to be provided that the quinquennalis Ofilius Hermes has promised annually to all present, or handouts in the same way as he used to do. In addition, in the same place, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of April (22 March), the Day of the Violets, handouts of wine and bread are to be distributed to those present in the same way as on the days mentioned above. In addition, in the same place, on the fifth day before the Ides of May (11 May), the Day of the Roses, handouts of wine and bread are to be distributed to those present in the same way as on the days mentioned above on this condition, which in the meeting has been decided unanimously: that the handouts of bread and wine for those who, on the days mentioned above, had not attended the banquet, are to be sold and (the revenues) distributed among those present, with the exception of those who will be overseas or who are impeded by an enduring infirmity. In addition, Publius Aelius Zeno, imperial freedman, gave and donated to the same association mentioned above 10,000 sesterces in memory of Marcus Ulpius Capito, imperial freedman, his most devoted brother, so that from the income of this sum a contribution was to be made to the distribution of the handouts [Followed by penalties if the money was not used for the purposes listed above].

33 Fabia Lucilla, mother of the builders and textile workers CIL 3, 1207 = IDR 3, 5, 2, 483 Apulum, Dacia. Third century AD In an inscription on a lost stele or statue base, set up by Fabia Lucilla in memory of her father-in-law, who had been a local magistrate and priest of equestrian rank, she presents herself as mother of the associations of builders and textile workers. It seems she regarded the title as an important element of her social identity.

For Publius Aelius Silvanus, son of Publius, of the voting tribe Papiria, former duumvir and priest of the colonia Apulum and a Roman knight of blessed memory. Fabia Lucilla, daughter of a man of blessed memory, mother of the associations of builders and textile workers (mater collegiorum fabrum et centonariorum) of the above mentioned colony, set this up for her most loving father-in-law.

III | Public Statues Compared to the men of their class, and to women of the imperial family (Chapter 7), comparatively few elite women were the recipients of public

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portrait statues, and even fewer were honoured with public funerals. More often, women set up public statues for others, mostly relatives, recording their own names in the inscriptions alongside those of the honorands. Nevertheless, a small percentage of the countless public statues set up in Roman towns honour women of the senatorial, equestrian and decurial elite. There are great regional and local differences in their numbers, but the statues themselves seem to have been remarkably uniform. They were heavily draped, standing statues set up in a public location by the local council, the people, a collegium, or by the relatives of the woman in question with the consent of the local council. In gratitude for the honour, many women paid for the statues themselves. Judging by the inscriptions on the bases of these statues, the women were honoured for their civic merits (for instance, their benefactions, priesthood, or city patronage) and/or received a public statue because of their high-ranking family, which brought fame to their home town or, if they were living in Rome, to their city of origin. (Receiving a public statue in the city of Rome was the privilege of the emperor and his family.) Some statues were part of a statue group set up in honour of a prominent family, but most seem to have been erected individually. Particularly meritorious women might even receive multiple (up to five!) public statues in their cities. Unlike their funerary statues and women’s public statues in the Greek East, the inscriptions on the bases of public statues for women in the Roman West only rarely record traditional female virtues. Instead, they focus on their civic merits and/or their high-ranking families. A special category is formed by statues of prematurely deceased girls set up by the city as a consolation for their distinguished parents, a custom which stems from the Greek East. Such statues testify to the high expectations local cities had of children of eminent families, girls included, and their consequent regrets for their untimely deaths. Unfortunately, from late antiquity onwards many statues were burnt in lime kilns, and almost all have been separated from their bases, which were often re-used as building materials. Therefore, we can only rarely relate an individual inscription to a surviving statue (see for three examples, Eumachia in Chapter 5 no. 2, Minia Procula and Clodia Anthianilla, below nos. 36 and 37).

Further Reading Hemelrijk (2015) 271–338; Van Bremen (1996)

34 A statue in the forum for a priestess of the imperial cult CIL 2, 1341 = IRPCadiz 541 Saepo, Hispania Baetica. Imperial period The city council decreed a statue for Pomponia Rosciana, priestess for life of the imperial cult, to be set up in the local forum. She financed it herself and gave a banquet to celebrate its dedication.

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Pomponia Rosciana, daughter of Marcus, perpetual priestess of the deified emperors and empresses (sacerdos perpetua divorum divarum) [. . .]. For her the most splendid council of the municipium of Saepo resolved (to set up a statue). Having accepted the location, she erected the statue in the forum from her own resources after having given a banquet. By decree of the decurions.

35 A statue for Varia Italia, priestess of Ceres and Venus AE 1954, 166 Capena, Italy (7). Second century AD A marble statue base was set up in honour of a priestess of Ceres and Venus by the decurions, the Augustales and the inhabitants of her neighbourhood, who collected money from among themselves.

For Varia Italia, wife of Pacatus Faustus, most worthy priestess and worshipper (sacerdos et cultrix dignissima) of Ceres and Venus. The decurions, the honoured Augustales and the inhabitants of the neighbourhood set this up for her because of her merits (merita) after having collected money, and they decreed a place for her statue in public (publice).

36 Minia Procula, priestess of the imperial cult CIL 8, 25530 Bulla Regia, Africa Proconsularis. Mid-second century AD The statue of Minia Procula (Figure 61) was set up by her son in the forum of Bulla Regia with the authorisation of the local council. It shows an elderly woman dressed in a stola and a palla which covers the back of her head. Her right hand is raised in prayer. Together with other statues from the forum, it was transferred in late antiquity to the courtyard of the temple of Apollo, adjacent to the forum.

For Minia Procula, daughter of Gaius, wife of Gaius Sallustius Dexter, perpetual priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica perpetua). Gaius Sallustius Praenestinus set this up for his excellent mother from his own resources. By decree of the decurions.

37 A consolatory statue AE 1910, 203 Brindisium, Italy (2). AD 144 A marble base records the decurial decree in honour of Clodia Anthianilla, the prematurely deceased daughter of a prominent local family of equestrian rank (Figure 62b). Because of the merits of her father, who was a patron of the city and a local benefactor (he donated among other things the schola where the council met), public mourning was announced and she was awarded a public statue in ‘the most frequented location’, probably the forum. The statue, found together with its base but missing the head, portrays her standing in the so-called Pudicitia pose (Figure 62a). She may have been in

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Figure 61 Statue of Minia Procula from Bulla Regia in the Bardo Museum in Tunis. Photo author.

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Figure 62 Headless statue and inscribed base of Clodia Anthianilla. Archaeological museum of Brindisi. Photos author.

her late teens. Though she was married, the statue commemorating her was set up as a consolation to her parents rather than to her husband. Gratified by the honour of the statue, her father paid for it from his own resources, as is indicated by the abbreviated formula h(onore) a(ccepto) i(mpensam) r(emisit) at the end of the inscription.

For Clodia Anthianilla, daughter of Lucius, wife of Marcus Cocceius Geminius, commander of a cavalry unit. During the consulship of Lucius Lollianus Avitus and Titus Statilius Maximus, on the tenth day before the Kalends of April (23 March), a meeting was held in the schola (clubhouse) of Pollio. When asked for their opinion about honouring the deceased Clodia Anthianilla, they decided the following: since, by a most grievous death, Clodia Anthianilla – a most distinguished young woman, whose development flourished even beyond her age, and who was expected to be among the ornaments of our city (municipium) – has been taken away from her parents, Clodius Pollio, patron of our city and a most splendid Roman knight who deserves well from our city, and

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her mother Seia Quintilia, a woman of distinction whose sorrow is shared by the public mourning of our city, the decurions have decided that, as a consolation for them, and in memory of the most honourable young woman (honestissima puella), a place for eternity (grave monument) is to be given. In addition, they decreed that a statue is to be set up publicly in the most frequented location. Having accepted the honour for his most dutiful (piissima) daughter, her father Lucius Clodius Pollio, son of Lucius, reimbursed the expenses.

38 A generous couple CIL 11, 405 Ariminum, Italy (8). 13 January AD 169 The inscription on a statue base set up for Aurelia Calligenia honours her both for her traditional virtues and for her munificence (and that of her husband) towards the local association of builders (collegium fabrum). In the Roman West, praise for traditional virtues is rare in honorific inscriptions such as this, though common in funerary inscriptions.

For Aurelia Calligenia, (wife) of Titius Sabinianus, Roman knight, a most chaste (pudicissima) and honourable (honorificentissima) woman. The association of builders of the most splendid city of Ariminum set this up because of the munificence (munificentia) of both towards them. The location was granted by decree of the decurions. The statue was dedicated on the Ides of January (13 January) when Quintus Sossius Priscus Senecio and Publius Coelius Apollinaris were consuls. To celebrate its dedication, 4 sesterces each were donated to the decurions.

39 A family group CIL 2, 5, 796 = CIL 2, 2018 Singilia Barba, Hispania Baetica. Late second century AD A public statue was set up by decurial decree for Acilia Septumina, as part of a family group financed by her mother Acilia Plecusa (see also Chapter 2 no. 34 and Chapter 4 no. 9; for the granddaughter of Acilia Plecusa: CIL 2, 5, 803 = CIL 2, 2020).

For Acilia Septumina, daughter of Manius, of Singilia Barba, the city of Singilia Barba set this up by decurial decree. Having accepted the honour, her mother Acilia Plecusa reimbursed the expenses.

40 Statues honouring the family of a provincial governor ILAlg 2, 3, 7907 Cuicul, Numidia. AD 176–8 A statue for Julia Celsina, the wife of the governor of Numidia, was part of a family group, which also included the statue of her daughter Julia Pisonina (ILAlg 2, 3, 7909) and her son Aulus Julius Celsus (ILAlg 2, 3, 7903). Her husband, who was also a patron of the city, seems to have been the main honorand of the group. From the late second

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century AD onwards women of senatorial families received the title clarissima femina indicating their rank.

For Julia Celsina, of senatorial rank (clarissima femina), (wife) of Aulus Julius Pompilius Piso Levillus, imperial governor of praetorian rank (legatus Augusti pro praetore), consul-designate, patron of the city, by decree of the decurions with public money (pecunia publica).

41 A statue for a Greek woman from Sicily? IGUR 61 = IG 14, 1091 Rome. Late second–early third century AD A Greek honorary inscription on a statue base (now lost) that once carried her portrait statue was set up in Rome by the council and people of Tauromenium in Sicily in honour of Iallia Bassia (or Bassiana?), a woman of senatorial rank, as indicated by the Greek equivalent (lamprotates) of the Latin word clarissima. The name Iallia Bassia, which is composed of two gentilicia (family names), is rare and the nature of her connection with Tauromenium in Sicily unknown. Judging by the fact that council and people of the town honoured her with a statue, she may have stemmed from the city or bestowed benefactions on it, but the inscription honours her for her high rank and traditional female virtues. In this respect, it resembles honorific inscriptions for highranking women in the Greek East.

The council and the people of the illustrious city of the Tauromenians erected (this statue) for Iallia Bassia, a woman of senatorial rank, outstanding in all respects for virtue, prudence (sophrosune) and wisdom (sofia).

42 A descendant of consuls CIL 9, 2333= ILS 1133 Alifae, Italy (4). c. AD 230 This inscription on her statue base honours Acilia Manliola as a descendant of three generations of consuls.

For Acilia Manliola, daughter of Manius, of senatorial rank, greatgranddaughter of the consul Manius Acilius Glabrio Senior, granddaughter of Manius Acilius Glabrio, twice consul, daughter of the consul Manius Acilius Faustinus, the city council set this up.

IV | Public Funerals Being awarded a public funeral was a special honour that was even rarer than a public statue. Apart from the burial place and the cost of the burial itself, the award of a public funeral might entail a eulogy in the forum, one or more public statues, a public procession to the pyre and costly aromatics to be burnt along with the body. Cities seem to have differentiated among the recipients, granting

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some the full honour of a public funeral but others only the burial place or a contribution to the costs of the funeral. Originally awarded only to politicians or magistrates of special merit, the honour was expanded in the imperial period to other members of prominent families, including women. Though some of these were women of civic merit themselves, most were awarded the honour of a public funeral because of their distinguished families.

43 Septumia AE 1913, 71 Pompeii, Italy (1). 20 BC–AD 10 A marble funerary plaque records that, for reasons unknown to us, the local council of Pompeii granted Septumia a public burial place and 2,000 sesterces as a contribution to her burial costs. Her daughter set up the tomb and its inscription. On her tomb a verse graffito is scratched singing the beauty of a girl called Sabina (CIL 4, 9171, see Chapter 4 no. 24).

To Septumia, daughter of Lucius, by decree of the decurions a burial place is donated publicly and 2,000 sesterces for the funeral. Antistia Prima, daughter of Publius, her daughter, made this.

44 Grattia Paulla AE 1989, 341m = ILSicilia 43 Catina, Sicilia. First half of the first century AD On a stone plaque once attached to her statue base, Grattia Paulla, wife and mother of men who had been chief magistrates (duumviri) of Catina in Sicily, was granted a public burial including a procession and a statue in the forum.

Grattia Paulla, daughter of Gaius, wife of Gaius Ofillius, mother of Gaius Ofillius Verus, both former chief magistrates (duumviri). By decree of the decurions she was carried out for a public burial, buried in a public place and granted a statue in the forum.

45 Aemilia Sextina IAM 2, 430 Volubilis, Mauretania Tingitana. c. AD 110 A statue in the forum of Volubilis (Figure 63) was set up in honour and commemoration of Aemilia Sextina from Vienna (in Gaul), who had migrated with her husband to Mauretania, where she was priestess of the imperial cult twice. Her husband was prefect of a cohort of Iberians in the province of Mauretania. Aemilia Sextina was granted a public funeral because of her own merits and those of her husband. For women’s travels and migration, see Chapter 4 section IV.

For Aemilia Sextina, daughter of Decimus, from Vienna, twice priestess of the imperial cult (flaminica). Because of her extraordinary uprightness (probitas)

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Figure 63 Statue base of Aemilia Sextina in the forum of Volubilis in Mauretania. Photo author.

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and the merits of her husband, Nammius Maternus, prefect of the cohort of Asturians and Callaeci, the council of Volubilis decided to grant her a burial place, the costs of the funeral and a statue. Gratified by the honour, Nammius Maternus reimbursed the expenses and erected (the statue) at his own cost.

46 A statue and a portrait shield CIL 10, 4761 Suessa Aurunca, Italy (1). Early second century AD Apart from a statue, Epidia Procula received the unusual honour of a portrait shield (clipeus), which is not preserved, as part of a public funeral granted to her by the city council. The honour of receiving a portrait on a circular tondo resembling a shield was usually reserved for men.

For Epidia Procula, daughter of Lucius, the local council held a public funeral and decreed a portrait shield and a statue.

47 A public funeral for a girl of a freed family CIL 2, 2021 = CIL 2, 5, 798 Singilia Barba, Hispania Baetica. Mid-second century AD Possibly as a consolation for her early death, the local council of Singilia Barba offered the funerary expenses and a burial place for the daughter of a man who, judging by his name, may have been a freedman of an important family. The parents themselves added a statue of their daughter, of which the limestone base has been preserved.

For Cornelia Blandina, citizen of Singilia, Lucius Cornelius Themison, her father, and Cornelia Blanda, her mother, set this up. For her the council of the citizens of the free municipium of Singilia decreed the expenses of her funeral and a burial place.

48 A public funeral for Gavia Marciana CIL 10, 1784 = ILS 6334 Puteoli, Italy (1). AD 187 A large statue base in Puteoli has preserved the memory of Gavia Marciana, the daughter of a local magistrate and the young wife and sister of Roman knights. Because of her premature death, the city granted her a public funeral, including aromatic herbs, and three public statues. Her father financed the statues, adding the decree of the decurions on the side of the base. The two inscriptions are complementary, the decurial decree showing that Gavia Marciana was honoured primarily because of her prominent husband and father, whereas her father in the inscription on the front emphasises her premature death and her female virtues.

[On the front] For Gavia Marciana, daughter of Marcus, a matron of honourable and incomparable moral discipline, daughter of the councillor Gavius Puteolanus, who has fulfilled all civic offices, wife of the illustrious Roman

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knight Curtius Crispinus, who has fulfilled all civic offices, and sister of the illustrious Roman knight Gavius Justus. Because of her extraordinary purity (pudor) and admirable chastity (castitas), the city granted her – when she was carried off by an untimely and grievous death – a public funeral and also fragrant herbs and three statues. Pleased with the honour of the decree, Marcus Gavius Puteolanus, her father, set up this (statue) with his own money. The location was granted by decree of the decurions. [On the side] During the consulate of Lucius Bruttius Crispinus and Lucius Roscius Aelianus, on the fifth day before the Kalends of November (28 October). In the temple of the deified Pius, Caepio Proculus, Cossutius Rufinus, Claudius Priscus and Calpurnius Pistus were present to draft the decree on the proposal of Annius Proculus, an excellent man, about granting a public funeral for Gavia Marciana, daughter of Marcus, a woman of blessed memory, and also about conceding ten pounds of fragrant herbs and the permission to use three locations, which they (i.e. her male relatives) may choose themselves, in which statues may be erected for the same Marciana in agreement with the request of the same Proculus. When the duovir Publius Manlius Egnatius Laurinus asked for their opinion, they decided as follows: indeed all of us, both singly and universally, in honour of Curtius Crispinus, our magistrate and foremost man, and of Gavius Puteolanus, his father-in-law and a very honourable man, would have wished to grant these honours to Gavia Marciana, a woman of most venerable memory, during her lifetime rather than to proceed to a decree of this nature, so that we search for a consolation for the living and therefore also what pertains to honouring the memory of the girl herself. Therefore the council resolves to grant her a public funeral and to send ten pounds of fragrant herbs and to allow permission, in accordance with the request of Annius, an excellent man, that they (i.e. her male relatives) obtain the locations they choose for setting up three statues with our consent.

V | Women and Electoral Notices in Pompeii Among the more than 2,500 painted electoral notices (programmata) that have been found in Pompeii, about fifty show women supporting a candidate for political office (aedile or duumvir), either singly or together with another supporter. Though women were unable to vote, let alone stand for office, the electoral posters recording them as supporters (rogatores) testify to their engagement in local politics. The precise meaning of their inclusion is unclear, however, and we should be careful not to overinterpret their political involvement. It has been convincingly argued that electoral campaigns in Pompeii were organised by the candidates themselves, employing friends, relatives, clients and other connections (for instance, neighbourhood ties) to endorse their candidacy. Instead of taking the initiative, male and female rogatores thus

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played only a subordinate role. Yet, the unproblematic inclusion of women of various ranks as supporters and their sponsorship of these electoral notices suggest their social and public significance, or else their backing would have been useless. The programmata involving female rogatores all stem from Pompeii in the last decades before the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79.

Further Reading Bernstein (1988); Milnor (2014) 97–135; Mouritsen (1988) and (1999)

49 CIL 4, 1168 Junia asks you to please elect Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.

50 CIL 4, 3678 = ILS 6414 Statia and Petronia ask you to please elect Marcus Casellius and Lucius Albucius as aediles. May there be such citizens in the colony forever!

51 CIL 4, 3527 = ILS 6408a This electoral notice endorsing the election of M. Pupius Rufus to the duovirate is painted in a tabula ansata on both sides of the entrance to a small fuller workshop (fullonica VI.15.2–3). The name Pupius is written in very large letters.

Appuleia, together with her neighbour Mustius, the fuller and Narcissus, asks you to please elect Pupius as duumvir for administering justice.

52 CIL 4, 7866 = JIWE 1, 217 This text is painted in red letters on the wall of a tavern where hot drinks were sold (thermopolium IX.11.2). Her name suggests, but does not prove, that Maria was Jewish.

Maria asks you to please elect Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as an aedile who is worthy of the state.

53 CIL 4, 7230 This electoral notice was posted on a tavern (I.7.6) along the Via dell’Abbondanza.

Primilla asks (you to elect) Gaius Calventius Sittius Magnus as duumvir.

54 CIL 4, 7873 This electoral notice on the wall of a tavern along the Via dell’Abbondanza (IX.11.2–3) is not the only one posted by Asellina (see CIL 4, 7863).

Asellina asks (you to elect) Ceius Secundus as duumvir for administering justice.

7 |

Imperial Women

This chapter selects some of the plentiful epigraphic evidence for women of the imperial family, ranging from the relatives of the emperor Augustus around the beginning of the Christian era to the empresses of the Severan dynasty in the early third century AD. In comparison to the rich literary sources describing the lives of imperial women and criticising many of them for their alleged vices, the public inscriptions are much less sensational. Yet, like coins, inscriptions add a dimension to the history of imperial women that we would miss when focusing only on the literary texts. By throwing light on their public image, their titles, their personal staff and their economic undertakings, inscriptions allow a dispassionate view of imperial women vilified by the ancient literary authors, such as Livia, Messalina and Agrippina Minor, and shed some light on empresses neglected by the literary sources, such as Plotina, the Matidias and Sabina. In the following, their inscriptions are grouped together under three headings: life, death and deeds (section I); titles and cult (section II); and wealth and staff (section III). Though women of the foremost Republican families in Rome in many respects resemble the women of the imperial family, they are known to us mainly through the literary tradition, leaving hardly any trace in inscriptions. Nevertheless, I will start with two prominent women of leading Republican families, who may be considered as forerunners of the women of the imperial family and who were subject to a similar black-and-white judgement by the ancient authors: the virtuous Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, and the muchcriticised Fulvia, wife of Marcus Antonius.

1 Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi CIL 6, 10043 = CIL 6, 31610 = ILS 68 Rome. 31 BC–AD 14 This large statue base (Figure 64) from the porticus Octaviae in Rome, where it was still to be seen in the elder Pliny’s day (Plin. HN 34.31), was set up by the emperor Augustus for a famous Roman woman: Cornelia. She was the daughter of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who defeated Hannibal at Zama in 202 BC, and mother of the famous tribunes of the plebs and reformers, Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus. She was known for her extraordinary mix of traditional virtuousness, social prominence and intellectual acumen. Such was her renown and that of her family that the simple agnomen Africanus

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Figure 64 Statue base of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi. Rome, Musei Capitolini. Photo author.

sufficed to identify her father on the inscription and that the word ‘mother’ was considered superfluous to indicate Cornelia’s relationship to the Gracchi. Though the reputation of Cornelia’s sons was contested, Cornelia was so well known for her traditional virtue that Augustus could set her up as an example for the women of his own days, re-using and partly reworking a (now lost) Greek statue of a seated goddess to portray her and adding a new (Latin) inscription over the erased Greek one. The words ‘work of Tisicrates’ have been added later (in the Severan period) and are not related to the statue of Cornelia. The authenticity of the extant letters attributed to Cornelia is debated.

[On top] The work of Tisicrates. [On the base] Cornelia, daughter of Africanus, (mother) of the Gracchi.

Further Reading On her statue: Hemelrijk (1999) 65–7 and (2005b); Ruck (2004) On her letters: Dixon (2007) 26–9; Hemelrijk (1999) 193–7

2 Fulvia and the battle of Perusia Lead sling-bullets found in, and around, Perugia testify to the siege of Perusia in 41–40 BC by Octavian. Claiming to defend Mark Antony’s interests, his brother Lucius Antonius, consul in 41 BC, and Antony’s wife Fulvia held Perusia against Octavian. Octavian’s soldiers besieging the city stamped short messages on the lead sling-bullets before flinging them at the enemy. Some of these messages were obscenities targeted at

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Fulvia, thus trying to insult and humiliate her. On the first sling-bullet below, the words are stamped on three sides and on the fourth a thunderbolt is depicted. The second sling-bullet is lost but known from drawings.

a) CIL 11, 6721, 5 = ILLRP 1106 Perusia, Italy (7). 41–40 BC I seek Fulvia’s clitoris. b) CIL 11, 6721,14 = ILLRP 1112 Perusia, Italy (7). 41–40 BC Lucius Antonius, bald head! Fulvia spead wide your arsehole.

Further Reading Hallett (1977) and (2015); Hemelrijk (2004a)

I | Life, Death and Deeds The inscriptions selected below record events in the lives of women of the imperial family that were considered worthy of inscribing in stone or bronze. These are epitaphs on grave stones, building inscriptions on public monuments funded or restored by women of the imperial family and honorific inscriptions on their statue bases, some of these testifying to the posthumous damnatio memoriae of the imperial woman in question or her relatives. Members of the imperial family had the privilege to build and receive public honour in Rome, but some also donated buildings to local towns in Italy or to cities in the provinces with which they had ties. Personal details are unlikely to be carved in stone or bronze, but the senatorial decree on the trial of Calpurnius Piso unexpectedly allows us a glimpse of Livia’s friendship with Piso’s wife Plancina and her power to intervene on her friend’s behalf.

3 Commemoration of Octavia and Marcellus CIL 6, 40356 = AE 1994, 219 Rome. 11–10 BC An epitaph on a large marble block in the Mausoleum of Augustus in Rome commorates in two separate columns Augustus’ sister Octavia (died in 11 BC) and her prematurely deceased son Marcus Claudius Marcellus (died in 23 BC), who was Augustus’ son-in-law through his marriage to Julia. It was set up after Octavia’s death and may have served as a base for their statues. For Octavia’s marble urn in the same mausoleum, see AE 1994, 220 = CIL 6, 40357.

[Left] Marcus Marcellus, son of Gaius, son-in-law of Augustus Caesar. [Right] Octavia, daughter of Gaius, sister of Augustus Caesar.

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4 A memorial of two freedmen of Augustus’ daughter Julia SupIt 5 RI, 16 = AE 1995, 367 Regium Iulium, Italy (3). After AD 42 This epitaph on a marble plaque was set up by a freedman of Augustus’ daughter Julia for his parents in Regium Julium, where Julia died in exile in late AD 14. Both he and his father had been manumitted by Julia, but his mother was freed by Livia after she had received the title Julia Augusta by her testamentary adoption by Augustus in AD 14. As it seems, Livia had sent Julia two of her own slaves as a gift to look after her during her exile, which may offer a different perspective on their relationship from that of the literary sources. Yet modern interpretations are contradictory, and the Roman historian Tacitus is suspicious about Livia’s motives for supporting the younger Julia during her exile (Tac. Ann. 4.71.4). The monument was set up after Livia’s deification, i.e. after AD 42.

Gaius Julius Gelos, freedman of Julia, daughter of the deified Augustus, in his will ordered this (monument) to be made for himself and for his father Gaius Julius Thiasus, freedman of Julia, daughter of the deified Augustus, sevir Augustalis, and for his mother [name lost], freedwoman of the deified Julia Augusta.

Further Reading Gardner (1988); Linderski (1988)

5 Livia’s friendship with Plancina AE 1996, 885 and CIL 2,5, 900 Irni, Hispania Baetica. 10 December AD 20 On a bronze plaque, found in numerous fragments, was carved a senatorial decree of 176 lines recording the trial of Cnaeus Calpurnius Piso, the former governor of Syria, who had been accused of poisoning Germanicus in AD 19 (cf. Tac. Ann. 2.55, 57, 69–84; 3.1–19). Piso had committed suicide two days before the trial, and was posthumously condemned. The decree was published in all major cities of the empire, but the surviving text has been pieced together from numerous fragments found in Irni and a few other small cities in Hispania Baetica. Lines 109–20 have been translated below, dealing with the charges against Piso’s wife Plancina and with Livia’s role in securing her acquittal by her successful intercession with Tiberius. The inscription shows that Livia’s influence with her son Tiberius made her a very powerful patroness, as was openly acknowledged by the Senate, and testifies to the enduring friendship between Livia and Plancina. This friendship resembled patronage in that Plancina trusted in her friendship with Livia to such an extent that she did not bother to formally defend herself in court. Livia, on the other hand, is praised for her sparing use of her considerable and, in the eyes of the Senate, well-deserved influence. In the last part of the decree (not translated here), the Senate commends Julia Augusta (i.e. Livia), Germanicus’ wife Agrippina Major, his mother Antonia and his sister Livia (also called Livilla) for their restraint in mourning the death of Germanicus.

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[Lines 109–20] As regards the case of Plancina, against whom numerous very serious accusations had been brought: since she acknowledged that she put all her hope in the compassion of our princeps and of the Senate, and since our princeps has often and thoughtfully requested from this order that the Senate be content with the punishment of Cnaeus Piso the Elder and spare his wife just as his son Marcus, and since he himself has interceded on behalf of Plancina at the request of his mother and has accepted the very just reasons she put before him, on account of which he wanted his mother to obtain her request, (for all these reasons) the senate judges that public support and indulgence should be granted to Julia Augusta, who has deserved the best from the state not only because she gave birth to our princeps but also because of her numerous and great favours to men of every order – a woman who, although she rightly and deservedly should have the greatest influence in whatever she had to ask from the Senate, used that influence most sparingly – and to the extraordinary devotion (pietas) of our princeps to his mother. (Therefore the Senate) decides that the punishment of Plancina should be remitted.

Further Reading Cooley (1998); Eck, Caballos and Fernández (1996) (translation in German); Potter (1998) and Potter and Damon (1999) (translation in English)

6 Livia and Julia Domna restoring the temple of Fortuna Muliebris CIL 6, 883 Rome. 27 BC–AD 14 and AD 198–209 A fragment of a marble architrave, possibly from the temple of Fortuna Muliebris on the Via Latina, contains two very damaged inscriptions. The inscription on top shows that Livia, who presents herself in the Republican tradition first as the daughter of Drusus and then as the wife of Augustus, built or restored the temple. Two centuries later the emperor Septimius Severus, his sons Caracalla and Geta and his wife Julia Domna restored it, adding their inscription under that of Livia. According to Roman legend the temple was originally built in 493 BC in honour of the women who caused Coriolanus to withdraw from Rome. Livia’s restoration may be connected to the Augustan religious and moral revival, and Julia Domna may have been inspired by Livia’s public image as a virtuous wife.

[On top] Livia, daughter of Drusus and wife of Caesar Augustus, [. . .]. [Below] Imperator Caesar Severus Augustus (Septimius Severus) and Imperator Caesar Antoninus Augustus (Caracalla) [lost: and most noble Caesar Geta] and Julia (Domna) Augusta, mother of the Augusti [. . .], restored this.

7 Livia as a civic benefactress CIL 11, 3322 Sutrium, Italy (7). AD 14–29

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A fragmentary inscription on a marble block records that Livia donated an aqueduct or water supply to the community of Vicus Matrini, north of Rome.

[. . .] Augusta Julia, daughter of Drusus, (widow) of the deified Augustus, provided water for the villagers of Vicus Matrini at her own expense.

8 Antonia Minor as priestess of the deified Augustus CIL 6, 921(b) = ILS 222 Rome. AD 51–4 The second column of a large inscription on a marble plaque that was part of a Claudian statue group near the Arch of Claudius in Rome accompanied the statue of Antonia Minor, the mother of the emperor Claudius. The arch had been erected to celebrate Claudius’ victories in Britain, and the same probably holds for this family group, which carried statues of the emperor Claudius himself, his brother Germanicus, his mother Antonia, his wife Agrippina Minor, his adopted son (of Agrippina) Nero, his son (with Messalina) Britannicus, his daughter (with Messalina) Octavia and possibly his father Drusus. The most remarkable feature of this inscription is its reference to Antonia’s priesthood of the deified Augustus, to which she was appointed by Caligula a few months before her death: see Cass. Dio 59.3.4. Together with Livia’s priesthood of her deified late husband Augustus (Ov. Pont. 4.9.107, Cass. Dio 56.46.1–2 and Vell. Pat. 2.75.3) and Agrippina’s priesthood of her deified husband Claudius (Tac. Ann. 13.2.5), Antonia seems to have been one of the very few priestesses of an emperor. Municipal and provincial priestesses of the imperial cult served the empresses or other female members of the imperial family (see Chapter 5).

To Antonia Augusta, (wife) of Drusus, priestess (sacerdos) of the deified Augustus, mother of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus, father of the fatherland.

9 The tomb of Agrippina the Elder CIL 6, 40372 = CIL 6, 886 = ILS 180 Rome. AD 37 An inscription on a large marble block (Figure 65) from the Mausoleum of Augustus with a cavity in the top to hold an urn commemorates Agrippina Maior. In AD 37 her son Caligula brought her ashes from Pandateira, where she had died in exile, to the Mausoleum of Augustus in Rome (Suet. Calig. 15). In the inscription Agrippina is identified by her most important male relatives, including Caligula himself. In the Middle Ages the cavity for her urn was widened to make it fit for measuring grain.

The bones of Agrippina, daughter of Marcus Agrippa, granddaughter of the deified Augustus, wife of Germanicus Caesar, mother of the princeps Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (Caligula).

10 The damnatio memoriae of Messalina CIL 6, 918 = ILS 210 Rome. AD 47/8

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Figure 65 Marble block from the Mausoleum of Augustus with a cavity in the top to hold the urn of Agrippina Major. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2924. Photo author.

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With this inscription on a rectangular marble plaque from the forum of Augustus, Gaius Julius Postumus, prefect of Egypt, dedicated an unidentified object, possibly a small statue, of 16 Roman pounds of gold to the emperor Claudius, his wife Messalina and their children. The name of Messalina was erased after her death and damnatio memoriae in AD 48 (cf. Tac. Ann. 11.38). To remove all memory of her, even the word ‘their’ in ‘their children’ was erased from this public inscription. This conspicuous removal of Messalina’s name results in drawing the attention of the reader and thereby adds to her public disgrace.

For the health of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, pontifex maximus, holder of tribunician power for the seventh time, consul for the fourth time, imperator for the fifteenth time, father of the fatherland, censor, [erased: and of Valeria Messalina Augusta] and [erased: their] children. In fulfilment of his vow, Gaius Julius Postumus, son of Sextus, of the voting tribe Cornelia, prefect of Egypt of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, dedicated this (statuette?) of 16 pounds of gold.

Further Reading Carroll (2011b); Flower (2000)

11 Best wishes for Nero’s wife Octavia CIL 4, 8277 Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 62 A now lost graffito wishes well for Claudia Octavia, daughter of Claudius and Messalina, and wife of Nero until her divorce, exile and death on Nero’s orders in AD 62. According to the literary sources (Tac. Ann. 14.60–1; Suet. Ner. 35.2) she was loved by the people, and her exile and death were much resented.

Octavia, (wife) of Augustus, may you fare well and enjoy good health(?).

12 Best wishes for Nero’s wife Poppaea Sabina CIL 4, 10049 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 63–5 A graffito outside a small house in Pompeii (I.9.17) wishes well to Poppaea adding the title Augusta, which she received in AD 63. Poppaea had been the mistress of Nero during his marriage to Claudia Octavia. After Octavia’s divorce and death in AD 62, she became his second wife until her death in AD 65. She stemmed from Pompeii and maintained strong social connections to the town, bestowing gifts to the community and owning a villa in its neighbourhood. This may explain her local popularity.

Good wishes for Poppaea Augusta, good wishes!

13 A gift by Poppaea Sabina, wife of Nero AE 1977, 217 = AE 1985, 283 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 62–5

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A metrical graffito incised on a wall in the kitchen of the House of Gaius Julius Polybius on the Via dell’Abondanza (IX.13.3) records Poppaea’s gift of jewellery to Venus, the chief goddess of Pompeii. Possibly it was a necklace for the cult statue. The house was in the process of being renovated after the earthquake of AD 62. Directly under this graffito another graffito records the donation of ‘thousands of thousands of pounds of gold’ (AE 1985, 284: millia milliorum ponderis auri; probably an exaggeration) by Nero to Venus.

Poppaea sent gifts to the most holy Venus: a beryl and a drop-shaped pearl together with a single large pearl.

14 Praise of the decisions of Nero and Poppaea CIL 4, 3726 = ILS 234 Pompeii, Italy (1). AD 63–5 This graffito on a taberna is one of the eight graffiti referring to the judgements or decisions (iudicia) of Nero, some of which include Poppaea (e.g. CIL 4, 1074, 3525). They may refer to political favours, such as Nero’s grant of colonial status to Pompeii or to Poppaea’s influence on Nero’s decision to lift the senatorial ban on gladiatorial combat in Pompeii, which had been passed in AD 59 after the riot in the amphitheatre (Tac. Ann. 14.17). The couple was thus popular in Pompeii, that there seems to have been a faction calling themselves the ‘Neropoppaeenses’ (CIL 4, 259, 1499 and 2413i).

To the judgements (iudicia) of Augustus (Nero), father of the fatherland, and of Poppaea Augusta, good fortune!

Further Reading Franklin (2001)

15 Hadrian’s laudation of Matidia the Elder CIL 14, 3579 = InscrIt 4, 1, 77 Tibur, Italy (1). After AD 119 A large fragment of a statue base from Tibur (now lost) contained part of the speech Hadrian delivered in honour of his deceased mother-in-law Matidia (the Elder), the daughter of Trajan’s sister Marciana and mother of Hadrian’s wife Vibia Sabina and of Matidia the Younger. Matidia the Elder died in AD 119 and was subsequently deified receiving many tokens of honour from Hadrian (SHA Hadr. 9.9 and 19.5). The identification of the inscription as a funeral oration has recently been questioned in favour of a speech to the senate requesting her deification, but the text is too fragmentary to gain certainty. The damaged text will be translated below from line 23 onwards, after a description of her close relation with Trajan, whom she ‘revered like a daughter’, and of Hadrian’s own sorrow at her death. In the translated fragment Matidia is not only praised for her traditional female virtues, but also for her restraint in asking favours from Hadrian (see also Cass. Dio 69.10.3a). In a similar vein, Livia is praised in no. 5 above for using her influence sparingly.

[Line 23] Most dear to her husband, she lived in a very long widowhood after him though being in the flower of her years and a woman of the greatest beauty.

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She was most chaste (castissima), very obedient to her mother, herself a very kind (indulgentissima) mother, a most dutiful (piissima) relative, helping all, burdensome to no one, for no one a reason for sorrow. As far as it pertains to me, she was of singular [. . .], later of so great modesty (modestia) that she never asked anything of me [. . .], and often she did not ask for things I would have wished to be asked for. [Line 29 is omitted] She wished to rejoice in my fortune rather than profit from it. [The last fragmentary lines are omitted]

Further Reading Jones (2004)

16 A clubhouse of the matrons, founded by Sabina and restored by Julia Domna CIL 6, 997 = ILS 324 Rome. AD 119–37 and 209–11 An inscription on an architrave (now lost) from the forum of Trajan records the dedication by Hadrian’s wife Sabina of a building for the matronae, which may perhaps be identified with the clubhouse of the conventus matronarum (assembly of matrons) known from the literary sources (Suet. Galb. 5; SHA Elegab. 4.3). Julia Domna later restored the building adding her inscription above that of Sabina. For her titles, see section II of this chapter.

[Above] Julia Augusta, mother of the Augusti (i.e. Caracalla and Geta) and of the army camps (mater castrorum), restored this for the matrons (matronae). [Below, in large letters] Sabina Augusta for the matrons.

17 Matidia the Younger as a civic benefactress AE 2006, 317 Suessa Aurunca, Italy (1). AD 138–61 Fragments of a monumental frieze found near the porticus behind the theatre of Suessa Aurunca testify to the benefactions of the younger Matidia, who repaired the local theatre, perhaps also taking care of its water supply. Matidia the Younger was an extraordinarily wealthy childless woman, who among other things had estates in the neighbourhood of Suessa Aurunca, where she also set up a library that was named after her (CIL 10, 4760: bybliotheca Matidiana) and where at least five public statues were erected in her honour (CIL 10, 4744–7: see no. 29 below, and AE 1986, 148). She also bestowed donations on other towns in Italy, among which 2,000,000 sesterces for an alimentary foundation (Fronto Ad Am. 1.14.1). In the inscription on the theatre she is defined by her relations through the female line which, however distantly, bound her to the reigning emperor Antoninus Pius and his predecessors.

Matidia, daughter of the deified Matidia Augusta, granddaughter of the deified Marciana Augusta, sister of the deified Sabina, maternal aunt of the imperator Antoninus Augustus Pius, father of the fatherland, from her own resources

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restored the theatre that was ruined by an earthquake and likewise the portico that was attached to it.

Further Reading Boatwright (1991) and (1992); Bruun (2010)

18 The model marriages of the Faustinae CIL 14, 5326 = AE 2008, 46 Ostia, Italy (1). AD 140–1 A large marble plaque (Figure 66), re-used in late antiquity for the pavement of the baths next to the forum of Ostia, was originally attached to a large statue base in the forum carrying the statues of Antoninus Pius and his wife Faustina Major (deified in AD 140). Because of the exemplary harmony of this imperial marriage, all brides and bridegrooms were to offer supplications to their statues in order to achieve a similar marital harmony. Cass. Dio 72.31.1–2 records a senatorial decree in Rome ordering the erection of silver statues of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina Minor (deified in AD 176) in the temple of Venus and Rome, where all bridal couples were to offer sacrifice to them. We may assume that there was a similar senatorial decree in honour of the harmonious marriage of Antoninus Pius and the Elder Faustina that was followed by the decurions in Ostia. Coins of Antoninus Pius and Faustina Major with the legend Concordiae S(enatus) C(onsulto) depict their statues and a couple offering to them.

Figure 66 Cast of a decurial decree in Ostia ordering bridal couples to offer supplications to the statues of Antoninus Pius and Faustina Major. Ostia Antica. Photo author.

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By decree of the decurions for the Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, father of the fatherland, and for the deified Faustina, because of their extraordinary harmony (concordia) and in order that on this altar the virgin brides (virgines) who marry in the colonia of Ostia, and also their husbands, may supplicate them.

19 A ‘Faustinian girl’ CIL 6, 10222 = ILS 6065 Rome. After AD 176 An epitaph on a marble plaque commemorating Sextia Saturnina, six years old, proudly records that she had been enrolled in the alimentary scheme of Faustina Minor, which is here presented as an extension of the frumentationes, the public grain distributions for (part of) the freeborn adult male citizen population in Rome. Judging by the shared family name of her parents and the Greek cognomen of her father, Sextia Saturnina was the freeborn daughter of freed parents. It was thus a sign of social enhancement and a source of pride for the parents that their daughter was included in this programme. The ‘Faustinian girls’ (puellae Faustinianae) were the recipients of an alimentary foundation set up posthumously in honour and memory of the two Faustinae (SHA Ant.Pius 8.1 and Marc.Aur. 26.7). Usually alimentary foundations favoured boys, who received a monthly allowance as a contribution to their upbringing, but these foundations redressed the balance by providing for girls only. For another child-support scheme including girls, see Chapter 6 no. 12.

To the departed spirits of Sextia Saturnina, daughter of Gaius Sextius Daphnus and Sextia Saturnina, who lived six years, seven months and fourteen days. She was registered in the public grain scheme (frumentum publicum) of the deified Faustina Minor.

20 Vibia Aurelia Sabina, daughter of Marcus Aurelius, as city patroness ILAlg 1, 241 = CIL 8, 5328 = ILS 388 Calama, Numidia. AD 211–17 An inscription on a statue base set up by the decurions of Calama in North Africa honours Vibia Aurelia Sabina, the youngest daughter of the emperor Marcus Aurelius and sister of Commodus, for her patronage of their city (see Chapter 6, section IIA). She was married to Lucius Antistius Burrus from Thibilis in Numidia, where she was honoured with a statue because of her ‘singular affection’ towards the city (ILAlg 2, 4661), which was probably manifested by benefactions. Because of his fictive adoption into the family of his predecessors, the Antonine emperors, Septimius Severus presented her as his sister, and she continued to be presented as such after his death.

For Vibia Aurelia Sabina, daughter of the deified Marcus (Aurelius), sister of the deified (Septimius) Severus, patroness of the city (patrona municipii), by decurial decree with public money.

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II | Titles and Cult In the course of the empire, women of the imperial family received an increasing number of honorific titles. Starting with Livia, who at the death of Augustus received the title Augusta along with her testamentary adoption, most empresses were granted the title Augusta at some point in their lives, usually after the birth of a child or at the accession of their husbands as emperors. From Faustina the Younger onwards, the title ‘mother of the army camps’ (mater castrorum) was bestowed on some empresses as an additional token of honour, especially on those who had accompanied their husbands to the military camps. To these titles, the title ‘mother of the fatherland’ (mater patriae), later extended to ‘mother of the army camps, the senate and the fatherland’ (mater castrorum, senatus et patriae), was added from Julia Domna onwards. Though Julia Domna was a particularly prominent empress, the cumulation of titles bestowed on empresses after her does not necessarily indicate that they became ever more influential. Rather, these titles show that that the wives and mothers of reigning emperors participated in the honour of the emperor and that this was increasingly acknowledged in public. As part of the imperial house they were also employed to promote certain (female) virtues endorsed by the emperor, such as pudicitia and pietas (sexual purity and piety or dutifulness), as is especially visible in coins. Thus, they were staged as exemplary women, and imperial marriages were presented as models of harmony, in agreement with Roman ideals of concordia (see no. 18 above). Like the emperor, but less frequently, women of the imperial family might be deified after death, thus becoming a diva (divine). Official deification by decree of the senate was a prerequisite for their cult in Rome. Outside Rome, however, numerous women of the imperial family received cult already during their lifetimes (see Chapter 5) or were posthumously worshipped as divae without being officially deified in Rome. They received multiple tokens of honour, including temples with a priesthood serving their cult and public buildings named after them. With the exception of Livia and the Faustinae, however, the cult of most empresses was short-lived and ceased after the end of their dynasty. After the Faustinae, priestesses were usually appointed to serve the cult of the deified empresses collectively.

Further Reading Flory (1988)

21 To the Juno of Livia a. CIL 8, 16456 = ILS 120 Zama, Africa Proconsularis. 3 BC

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Together with his wife, Maria Galla, Gnaeus Cornelius Rufus set up a votive statue to the Juno of Livia (the female guardian spirit, see under b) or perhaps to Juno Livia, which would assimilate Livia to the goddess Juno. This association with, or assimilation to, a deity or divine power lends the honorand a semi-divine status. The reason for their dedication may have been that Rufus and his wife had been preserved from raids by the Gaetulians, a nomadic tribe that waged war against Roman occupation.

Dedicated to the Juno of Livia, wife of Augustus. When the imperator Lucius Passienus Rufus held Africa (as governor), Gnaeus Cornelius Rufus, son of Gnaeus, of the voting tribe Cornelia, and Maria Galla, daughter of Gaius, (wife) of Gnaeus, because of their salvation, fulfilled their vows willingly and deservedly. b. CIL 11, 3076 = ILS 116 Falerii Novi, Italy (7). AD 4–14 Before the official deification of Augustus, offerings could be made to his genius (guardian spirit) to avoid direct worship. An altar dedicated to the Genius of Augustus and Tiberius and the Juno of Livia parallels the guardian spirit (genius) of the emperor to the Juno of the empress.

To the Genius of Augustus and Tiberius Caesar and the Juno of Livia, the freedman Mystes set this up.

Further Reading Rives (1992)

22 Livia, ‘mother of the world’ CIL 2, 5, 748 = CIL 2, 2038 Anticaria, Hispania Baetica. AD 14–29 On a much-damaged limestone statue base erected for Livia after her testamentary adoption by Augustus, she is praised as ‘mother of the world’ (genetrix orbis). This may reflect an association with Venus Genetrix, ancestress of the Romans and of the Julian house. In Rome, the title ‘mother of the fatherland’ (mater patriae) proposed for Livia by the Roman Senate, was prohibited by Tiberius. It seems that provincial cities were not hampered by such considerations, granting her the title ‘mother of the country’ and ‘mother of the world’ on statue bases and coins.

For Julia Augusta, daughter of Drusus, (widow) of the deified Augustus, mother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, princeps and preserver (conservator), and of Drusus Germanicus, mother of the world (genetrix orbis). Marcus Cornelius Proculus, priest of the Caesars, set this up.

23 Livia as ‘daughter’ of Augustus CIL 11, 1165 Velleia, Italy (8). AD 14–37

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An inscription on a broken marble plaque, once attached to her statue base, presents Livia as the daughter of the deified Augustus instead of his wife (or rather widow). Because of her testamentary adoption by Augustus and the grant of the title Augusta, her name became Julia Augusta. The inscription also identifies her as the mother of the emperor Tiberius, who is presented as Augustus’ son (by adoption), and of Drusus, who had died in 9 BC.

To Julia Augusta, daughter of the deified Augustus, mother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, son of the deified Augustus, and of Nero Claudius Drusus [text breaks off].

24 Divine cult for Livia EAOR 8, 43 = AE 1927, 158 Cumae, Italy (1). AD 14–29 An incomplete limestone plaque from the temple of Apollo on the acropolis of Cumae contains several decurial decrees in honour of Gaius Cupiennius Satrius Marcianus and his mother, who belonged to one of the leading families of Cumae. Among other things, they were granted a place for a litter in the amphitheatre and the services of a public slave. At the dedication of statues for Tiberius and his mother Livia (then Julia Augusta), Cupiennius and someone whose name is lost were to perform animal sacrifices paid for by public money. Only the relevant lines of this fragmentary inscription have been translated.

[. . .] and for his mother, wife of Macer, a public slave to accompany [. . .]. It is decreed that she should also have the right of seating in [. . .] Likewise, they unanimously decided to grant Gaius Cupiennius Satrius Marcianus a place for a litter in the amphitheatre [. . .] that at the dedication of the statues of Tiberius Caesar Augustus and Julia Augusta they were to perform animal sacrifices with large victims out of public funds [. . .] they were to wear the toga praetexta and be accompanied by a public slave.

25 Celebration of Livia’s birthday and the erection of imperial statues CIL 11, 3303 = ILS 154 Forum Clodii, Italy (7). AD 18 A long decree in Forum Clodii regulates the ceremonies accompanying the dedication of a shrine and a group of statues to the deified Augustus, Tiberius and Livia (Julia Augusta) in the local forum. The animal sacrifices and other annual offerings at the birthdays of Augustus and Tiberius are spelled out in detail, to be followed by simpler celebrations at the birthday of Livia and at the dedication of the statues. On Livia’s birthday women were singled out for a distribution of honey-wine and cakes, which took place at the temple of Bona Dea, perhaps as a reference to the fact that Livia restored the temple of Bona Dea in Rome (Ov. Fast. 5.157–8). Only the pertinent lines (15–19) have been translated. The ‘we’ in the inscription refers to private benefactors paying for the ceremonies.

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[Lines 15–19] On the birthday of the Augusta (i.e. Livia) we gave honey-wine and cake at the temple of Bona Dea to the women of the neighbouring districts (mulieribus vicanis) at our own expense. Likewise, at the dedication of the statues of the Caesars and of the Augusta we gave honey-wine and cakes at our own expense to the decurions and the people and we have sworn to give these in perpetuity on the day of that dedication.

26 Livia as a goddess CIL 10, 7464 = ILS 119 Haluntium, Sicilia. Before AD 29 A brief inscription on a broken marble statue base, which was re-used in the steps of a Capuchin monastery, presents Livia as a goddess using the word dea (goddess) instead of diva (deified, divine). It is often assumed to date after her deification by Claudius in AD 42, but this clashes with the inscription that presents her as Livia, wife of Augustus, rather than Julia Augusta. For this reason, it seems more likely that it was set up during her lifetime. If so, Livia was worshipped as a goddess in Sicily during her lifetime.

To the goddess (dea) Livia, (wife) of Augustus, the city set this up.

27 Antonia Augusta CIL 10, 1417 = ILS 150 Herculaneum, Italy (1). AD 49–50 A rectangular marble tablet from the base of a statue was found in the Augusteum (temple devoted to the imperial cult) in Herculaneum together with the feet of a marble statue. It was set up in honour of Antonia Minor, mother of the emperor Claudius, by the freedman Lucius Mammius Maximus, a wealthy benefactor who himself received a statue in the local theatre. In AD 41 Claudius posthumously granted his mother the title Augusta, which she had rejected when it was offered to her by Caligula in AD 37.

To Antonia Augusta, mother of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, chief priest (pontifex maximus). Lucius Mammius Maximus set this up from his own resources.

28 Divine cult for Caligula’s sister Drusilla CIL 11, 3598 Caere, Italy (7). AD 38–41 An inscription on a marble plaque from the theatre of Cervetri honours Julia Drusilla, daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina the Elder and younger sister of the emperor Caligula (Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus). It was attached to the base of her statue, which was part of a family group. A statue found nearby has been identified as diva Drusilla. Drusilla allegedly was the favourite sister of Caligula, who deified her after her early death in AD 38. After his own death and damnatio memoriae in AD 41 his name was erased from the inscription.

For the deified Drusilla, sister of [erased: Gaius Caesar] Augustus Germanicus.

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29 Public honour for Matidia the Younger CIL 10, 4744 Suessa Aurunca, Italy (1). AD 139–61 At least five public statues were erected for Matidia the Younger in Suessa Aurunca (see no. 17). This statue base was set up in her honour by the people of Minturnae. Like the others, the inscription stresses her relationship to the reigning emperor through the female line.

For Matidia, daughter of the Augusta (Matidia the Elder), granddaughter of the deified Marciana Augusta, sister of the deified Sabina Augusta, maternal aunt of the Imperator Antoninus Augustus Pius, father of the fatherland, the citizens of Minturnae set this up by decurial decree.

30 A temple for Faustina the Elder CIL 14, 2416 Bovillae, Italy (1). AD 138–40 A very damaged inscription on a marble plaque in Bovillae near Rome (now lost) records that a small temple with four columns was set up for Faustina Major during her lifetime, after she received the title Augusta in AD 138. The local benefactors who erected the shrine also donated at least five golden statues (probably cult statues) and a statue in the proscenium of the theatre. The garments mentioned in the inscription were probably used for adorning the statues. In Rome, the famous temple for the deified Faustina Major (to which the deified Antoninus Pius was added in AD 161) still stands in the forum (see CIL 6, 1005). It was later converted into a church.

[. . .] small temple [. . .] having added clothes [. . .] they set up five [. . .] golden statues [. . .] an open space [. . .] a marble temple with four columns of Faustina Augusta with a statue in the theatre (proscenium) [. . .] with a steelyard (weighing apparatus?). Before the dedication of the temple they gave a banquet and donated 1 denarius each to the decurions and Augustales.

31 Faustina Minor as Augusta InscrIt 10, 1, 671 Nesactium, Italy (10). AD 147–61 An inscription on a limestone statue base in honour of Faustina Minor, daughter of the reigning emperor Antoninus Pius, addresses her as Augusta. Faustina was awarded the title Augusta before her husband was Augustus. It was granted her by her father in AD 147 after the birth of her first child. Her husband Marcus Aurelius, though effectively co-ruler with Antoninus Pius, still remained a Caesar, receiving the title Augustus when he became emperor in AD 161.

To Faustina Augusta, daughter of Aelius Antoninus Augustus Pius, wife of (Marcus) Aurelius Caesar, by decree of the decurions.

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32 Julia Domna as mater castrorum CIL 14, 120 = CIL 6, 1049 Ostia, Italy (1). AD 195–8 An inscription on a marble statue base presents Julia Domna as ‘mother of the army camps’ (see also Chapter 5 no. 58). Julia Domna received the additional titles ‘mother of the Senate and the fatherland’ after Severus’ death in AD 211.

Julia (Domna) Augusta, mother of the army camps.

33 Julia Domna as Juno IRT 291 Lepcis Magna, Africa Proconsularis. AD 193–217 A limestone statue base was dedicated to Julia Domna on the forum of Lepcis Magna. She was worshipped during her lifetime as ‘goddess Juno of the entire world’ (dea Iuno orbis terrae). We may perhaps connect this to the Juno of Livia and to Livia’s title genetrix orbis (nos. 21 and 22 above).

To Julia Domna Augusta, goddess Juno of the entire world, Quintus Fulvius Dida Bubulianus fulfilled his vow.

34 Julia Domna and damnatio memoriae in her family CIL 6, 1035 = ILS 426 Rome. AD 204 and shortly after AD 212 The marble arch of the Argentarii was set up in AD 204 by the bankers and cattle merchants of the Forum Boarium in Rome in honour of the imperial family: Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna and their sons Caracalla and Geta (Figures 67a and b). Julia Domna is depicted in a frontal position next to Septimius Severus, who is performing a sacrifice. Following the murder of Geta by Caracalla in late AD 211 and his damnatio memoriae (damnation of memory) in early AD 212, Geta was removed from this family group and his name replaced by additional titles of Caracalla. Julia Domna’s titles ‘mother of the Senate and the fatherland’ were added after the erasure of the names of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus and his daughter Fulvia Plautilla. The latter had been Caracalla’s wife but was divorced, exiled and eventually murdered (in AD 211) as a result of Plautianus’ fall from grace and death in AD 205. Both father and daughter underwent a damnatio memoriae and their names and images were removed from the arch. As explained in the introduction, the angular brackets indicate words written over an erasure.

For Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus Arabicus Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus, strongest and most auspicious chief priest (pontifex maximus), twelve times holder of tribunician power, imperator for eleven times, thrice consul, father of the fatherland, and Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus (i.e. Caracalla), seven times holder of tribunician power, thrice consul, [erased: and Publius

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(a)

(b)

Figure 67 Inscription and relief of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna on the arch of the Argentarii in Rome. Photos author.

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Septimius Geta, the most noble Caesar], and for Julia Augusta, mother of our Augustus [erased: two Augusti] and of the army camps, [erased: and for Fulvia Plautilla Augusta, the wife] of Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus [erased: daughter of Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, of senatorial rank, most noble priest, prefect of the praetorian guard, twice consul and associate of the Augusti], the bankers and cattle-dealers of this [in smaller letters: place, who import (cattle)], set this up devoted to their divine power (numen).

35 More titles for Julia Domna CIL 6, 419 = CCID 422 Rome. AD 200–5 and after AD 212 A marble base was dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus for the health and well-being of Septimius Severus and his family. As in no. 34 above, the names of Plautilla and Geta were erased after their damnatio memoriae and replaced by additional titles of Caracalla and of his mother Julia Domna. Apart from her titles recorded above, these include the additional title ‘mother of the Roman people’ (mater populi Romani).

To Jupiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus, for the health of the emperors Lucius Septimius Severus Augustus and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus [erased: and Geta Caesar] and Julia Augusta, mother of the Augustus (or: Augusti) and [erased: Plautilla Augusta and the entire divine family] , the priests set this up.

36 Julia Domna’s divine power CIL 7, 963 = RIB 1, 976 Castra Exploratorum, Britannia. AD 213 A partially preserved text on a block of sandstone at Hadrian’s Wall, which may have been part of a small shrine or an altar (now lost), shows that a Spanish military cohort set up a dedication to Caracalla and his mother Julia Domna recording her titles ‘mother of the army camps, the senate and the fatherland’ and paying homage to her (or his?) divine power (numen). For her numen see also no. 34 above and CIL 13, 6531.

[. . .] to Julia Augusta, mother of our Augustus Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and of the army camps, the senate and the fatherland, the First Aelian auxiliary cohort of Spaniards of a thousand men set this up under the supervision of Gaius Julius Marcus, legate of the Augusti with the rank of praetor, because of their piety and communal devotion to her (or: his?) divine power (numen).

37 Julia Domna as the goddess Caelestis CIL 13, 6671 = CSIR D 2, 4, 113 Mogontiacum, Germania Superior. AD 214–17

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An inscription on an incomplete sandstone altar with floral adornment along the rim, which was dedicated to Julia Domna by a legionary soldier, identifies her with the North African deity Caelestis while also recording her honorary titles.

To Julia (Domna) Augusta, goddess Caelestis, mother of the emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus (i.e. Caracalla), the greatest conqueror of Parthia, Britannia and Germania, and also (mother) of the senate, the fatherland and the army camps, [name lost], of the voting tribe Quirina, of the Legio XXII Antoniniana Primigenia Pia Fidelis, set this up in her honour.

38 Titles and damnatio memoriae of Annia Aurelia Faustina, third wife of Elegabal IAM 2, 2, 400 = AE 1937, 24 Volubilis, Mauretania Tingitana. AD 221–2 Annia Aurelia Faustina was a great-granddaughter of the emperor Marcus Aurelius and, in AD 221, the third wife of the emperor Elegabalus, by a marriage which connected him to the Antonine emperors. Elegabalus granted her the title Augusta, but divorced her in the same year. After the assassination and damnatio memoriae of Elegabalus in AD 222 the name of Annia Aurelia Faustina was also removed from public inscriptions, as in this inscription on a statue base from Volubilis. It was set up for her after Alexander Severus, here presented as her son, was granted the title Caesar in AD 221 and before the death of Elegabalus.

For [erased: Annia Faustina] Augusta, [erased: wife of our Augustus] and mother of our Caesar (i.e. Alexander Severus), the community of Volubilis, most devoted to their divine power (numen), set this up by decurial decree.

39 The titles of Julia Mamaea CIL 2, 3413 = ILS 485 Carthago Nova, Hispania Tarraconensis. AD 222–35 An inscription on a statue base erected by the assembly of Carthago Nova honours Julia Mamaea, the mother of the emperor Alexander Severus. Her titles include not only those of Julia Domna, who was honoured as the mother of the reigning emperor(s) and as ‘mother of the army camps, the senate and the fatherland’ (see nos. 34–7), but also contains the title ‘mother of the entire human race’ (mater universi generis humani). This is vaguely reminiscent of Livia’s title genetrix orbis (no. 22 above). This inscription somehow escaped the damnatio memoriae to which Julia Mamaea fell victim after her violent death in AD 235 (for an inscription on which her name and titles have been erased, see CIL 2, 14, 14).

For Julia Avita Mamaea Augusta, mother of our most venerable lord Imperator Severus Alexander Pius Felix Augustus and of the army camps, the senate and the fatherland and of the entire human race (mater universi generis humani), the regional assembly of Carthago set this up.

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40 Titles and damnatio memoriae of Julia Maesa and Julia Soaemias CIL 8, 2564 = ILS 470 Lambaesis, Numidia. AD 219–22 This inscription on a damaged statue base was set up by the duplicarii (Roman soldiers receiving double the standard pay) and a few military specialists of the Legio III Augusta after their return from the East in AD 219. They had been summoned by Caracalla to Syria for an expedition against the Parthians, but returned after his assassination. The statue base was dedicated to the well-being, divine power and majesty of the emperor Elegabalus and his grandmother Julia Maesa, sister of Julia Domna and mother of Julia Soaemias (Elegabalus’ mother) and Julia Mamaea (mother of the emperor Alexander Severus). After the damnatio memoriae of Elegabalus in AD 222 the names of his mother and grandmother were erased in this inscription, despite the fact that his grandmother Julia Maesa was deified after her death. The numerous erasures make the inscription hard to read, also in translation. Only the inscription on the front of the base has been translated. On the sides the names of the duplicarii who set up the stone were listed.

For the well-being of our lord Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus (i.e. Elegabalus), chief priest, father of the fatherland, with tribunician power, consul [. . .], proconsul, son of the deified Magnus Antoninus, grandson of the deified Pius Severus and of [erased: Julia Maesa Augusta, grandmother of our Augustus], mother of the army camps and the senate and [erased: of Julia Soaemias Bassiana] Augusta, [erased: mother of our] Augustus, the duplicarii of the Legio III Augusta Pia Vindex [erased: Antoniniana], returned from a most fortunate expedition to the East, set this up devoted to their divine power (numen) and majesty. [The names of more than 180 dedicators are listed on the sides]

III | Wealth and Staff The basis of the wealth of men and women of the Roman elite was landed property. We may assume that most, if not all, women of the imperial family possessed large estates, spread over various regions of the empire, which they administered through their slaves and freedmen. Their land ownership can in some cases be ascertained by stamped water pipes, though the meaning of the names stamped on these lead pipes is often hard to decide (see Chapter 3). Do they designate the owner of the estate, the donor of a public building with a water supply (for instance a bath-house) or the manager of the workshop producing the pipes? As owners of land with clay beds in the neighbourhood of Rome, some imperial women were also involved in the manufacture of ceramics (bricks and pottery). The actual work was organised in workshops managed by officinatores. Brick stamps recording the names of the owners of clay deposits suggest

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that the percentage of female landowners, including members of the imperial family, varied between 25 and 50 per cent, against only 6 per cent of the managers (officinatores). Some female owners had female managers alongside male ones. Though they were a minority, they will be foregrounded here (see also Chapter 3 section VII).

Further Reading Bruun (1991) and (1995); Helen (1975) 112–13; Setälä (1977) and (1998)

41 Livia’s brick workshops Stamped tiles in Pompeii and Herculaneum with the names of female slaves of Livia, the wife of Augustus, suggest that these women were managers of brick workshops owned by Livia. We may therefore assume that she possessed clay pits in the region. Similar stamps from cities in the region (CIL 10, 8042, 60a–g) mention her as Julia Augusta, the name she received after her testamentary adoption by Augustus. In the stamps, the genetive (‘of Abda’ etc.) is used as a shorthand for ‘under the management of’.

a) CIL 10, 8042, 41a Herculaneum, Italy (1). Before AD 14 Of Abda, (slave) of Livia. b) CIL 10, 8042, 41b/c Pompeii, Italy (1). Before AD 14 Of Dama, (slave) of Livia.

42 Brick workshop of Plotina CIL 15, 693 Rome. Early second century AD Nineteen identical brick stamps attest the production of bricks by a workshop managed by Valeria Nike using clay beds in the domain of the empress Plotina. (For Plotina’s bricks see also CIL 15, 441–2, 691–5 and 698–703.)

Brick from the domain of Plotina Augusta, from the workshop of Valeria Nike.

43 A lead water pipe of Trajan’s sister Ulpia Marciana LIKelsey 281 Cumae, Italy (1). AD 98–105 A lead water pipe (fistula) stamped with the name of Ulpia Marciana suggests that Trajan’s sister owned property in the area of Cumae.

Of Ulpia Marciana.

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44 Brick workshop of Arria Fadilla, mother of Antoninus Pius CIL 15, 73 Rome. AD 123 Ten identical brickstamps record Arria Fadilla (mother of the emperor Antoninus Pius) as owner of clay beds (figlinae). She employed a female manager, Cassia Doris, for the production of the bricks. The figlinae Caepionianae were located on the left bank of the Tiber.

From the Caepionian domain of Arria Fadilla, (under the management) of Cassia Doris during the consulate of Glabrio and Torquatus.

45 Brick workshops of Domitia Lucilla, mother of Marcus Aurelius Domitia Lucilla Major, wife of Marcus Annius Verus and mother of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, was an extremely wealthy woman. Her landed property is known from around a hundred brickstamps dated between AD 123 and 154. She was the owner of several clay areas, among them the figlinae Caninianae, Licini, Domitianae, Fulvianae and Terentianae, and she had at least twenty-three male (and a few female) managers, who were in charge of production.

a) CIL 15, 139 Rome. c. AD 140 From the domain of Domitia Lucilla, from the Caninian clay deposits from the Licinian harbour. The workshop of Statia Primula. b) CIL 15, 140 Rome. c. AD 140 Statia Primilla is probably the same woman as Statia Primula above.

Brick of Statia Primilla, from the clay beds of Domitia Lucilla. c) CIL 15, 1049 Rome. AD 145–55 Between AD 145 and 155 Domitia Lucilla identified herself as Lucilla Veri (Lucilla, the wife of Verus). The slave Earinus signed bricks and tiles as her actor, slave agent.

Brick of Earinus, agent of (Domitia) Lucilla, (wife) of Verus.

46 Brick workshops of Faustina the Younger, wife of Marcus Aurelius CIL 15, 133, 2 and CIL 15, 211, 1 Rome. AD 147–61 Numerous brick stamps testify to the estates and clay pits owned by Faustina the Younger. The two following brick stamps may serve as an example.

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a) From the domain of Faustina Augusta, from the Caninian clay deposits. Brick from the workshop of Brittidius Priscinus. b) Brick from the domain of Faustina, our Augusta, from the Faunian clay deposits (under the management) of Julius Priscus.

Urban Staff Women of the imperial family also had large domestic staffs of slaves and freedmen, some of whose names and functions have come down to us carved on small marble slabs labelling the niches for urns in the communal tombs (columbaria) where they were buried. Since the majority of the slave and freed personnel were male (and men more often recorded their functions), the small selection of mostly female slaves and freedwomen presented below is not representative of their actual staff. It is meant to give an impression of the range of tasks carried out by the female staff of the imperial family, most of whom were employed for the personal care and entertainment of the empress and other imperial women as well as for their male and female staff (see also Chapter 3). Because of the preservation of large columbaria of the slave and freed staff of Livia and of other imperial women of her day, the evidence is skewed to the early imperial period. Further Reading Treggiari (1975a)

47 A silk worker of Marcella CIL 6, 9892 = ILS 7600 Rome. Late first century BC A small marble funerary plaque from a columbarium commemorates a slave of Claudia Marcella, one of the two daughters of Augustus’ sister Octavia from her marriage with Marcellus. Thymele was employed as a silk worker or perhaps she was in charge of the silk dresses of her mistress.

Thymele, (slave) of Marcella, silk worker (siricaria).

48 A seamstress of Antonia CIL 6, 4434. Rome. Late first century BC A marble funerary plaque from the columbarium of Marcella at the Via Appia commemorates two female slaves. Onomaste served an unidentified person as a librarian and Athenais was a slave of Antonia Minor, daughter of Marcus Antonius and Augustus’s sister Octavia. She served Antonia as a seamstress before Antonia’s marriage to Drusus, the younger son of Livia.

[Left] Onomaste, (slave) of Laryx, librarian (a bybliotheca). [Right] Athenais, (slave) of Antonia, seamstress (sarcinatrix).

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49 A masseuse of Antonia CIL 6, 9097 = ILS 1790 Rome. Late first century BC–early first century AD A marble funerary plaque was set up for a slave masseuse of Antonia Minor, mother of the later emperor Claudius. Her husband Drusus (the son of Livia and brother of Tiberius) died in 9 BC, but she may have kept the addition wife (or widow) of Drusus after her name until her death in AD 37.

For Chia, (slave) of Antonia, wife of Drusus, masseuse (unctrix).

50 A singer of Antonia CIL 6, 33794 = ILS 1696 Rome. Late first century BC–early first century AD A marble plaque from a columbarium (Figure 68) commemorates a freed couple formerly belonging to Antonia Minor. The wife served Antonia as a singer. The husband was a rogator, who was probably in charge of petitions presented to the empress.

[Left] (Funerary niche) of Maritimus, freedman of Antonia, wife of Drusus, in charge of the petitions (rogator). [Right] (Funerary niche) of Quintia, freedwoman of Antonia, wife of Drusus, singer (cantrix).

Figure 68 Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating a couple freed by Antonia Minor. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 49. Photo author.

51 A midwife of Livia CIL 6, 8948 Rome. Early first century AD

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Judging by her name, Prima Asterope was a freedwoman, but not of Livia’s. Livia employed her as a midwife, possibly for her slave staff. For a freedwoman of Livia serving as a midwife, see CIL 6, 8949. Her epitaph was set up by her mother-in-law.

Prima Asterope, wife of Maximus, midwife (obstetrix) of Livia. Epicharis, mother of Maximus (made this).

52 A masseuse of Livia CIL 6, 4045 Rome. Early first century AD A marble funerary plaque (Figure 69) from the columbarium of Livia commemorates a slave masseuse of Livia. Livia received the family name Julia through her testamentary adoption by Augustus in AD 14, when she was also granted the title Augusta.

Galene, (slave) of Livia, masseuse (unctrix). [Other side] of Julia (Augusta)

Figure 69 Marble plaque from the columbarium of Livia commemorating her masseuse. Musei Capitolini. Photo author.

53 A hairdresser of Livia CIL 6, 8958 = ILS 1784 Rome. AD 14–42 An adorned marble funerary plaque (Figure 70) from a columbarium was set up in memory of the freedwoman Julia Dorcas, who was born as a slave of the imperial family in Capri and, in Rome, served Livia as a hairdresser. It was set up for her Juno (guardian spirit), see above no. 21.

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Figure 70 Marble plaque from a columbarium commemorating Livia’s hairdresser. Rome, Musei Capitolini, NCE 2557. Photo author.

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For the Juno of Dorcas, freedwoman of Julia Augusta, homeborn slave (verna) from Capri, hairdresser (ornatrix). Her fellow freedman Lycastus, in charge of the petitions, set this up for his dearest wife and for himself.

54 A seamstress of Livia CIL 6, 9038 Rome. Early first century AD

Fausta, freedwoman of Livia, seamstress (sarcinatrix).

55 A female reader of Livilla CIL 6, 8786 Rome. Before AD 32 A (lost) epitaph commemorates a slave couple belonging to Claudia Livia Julia, also named Livilla, daughter of Antonia Minor and sister of the later emperor Claudius and of Germanicus. She married Tiberius’ son Drusus and was notorious for her alleged affair with Sejanus. She died shortly after Sejanus’ fall from power and underwent a damnatio memoriae in AD 32.

(The bones) of Cyrenaeus, (slave) of Livia, the wife of Drusus, in charge of the bedroom. Cnide, his wife, reader (lectrix), cared for his bones.

56 A female physician of Livilla CIL 6, 8711 = ILS 7803 Rome. Early first century AD A marble funerary plaque commemorates Secunda, who was a slave and physician of Livilla, sister of the later emperor Claudius and wife of Tiberius’ son Drusus (see the preceding inscription). In all likelihood, Secunda was buried together with her partner, an imperial freedman.

[Left] Secunda, (slave) of Livilla, physician (medica). [Right] Tiberius Claudius Celer, freedman of the emperor, warden of the temple of Vesta.

57 A female tailor of Agrippina the Elder CIL 6, 5206 = ILS 1755 Rome. AD 14–33 A marble plaque from a columbarium at the Via Appia in Rome commemorates two slaves taking care of the clothing of the elder Agrippina (the wife of Germanicus). For reasons unknown to us, the name of the man has been partly erased, changing it from Chrysippus into Chrysaspis. The female slave, who was employed as Agrippina’s tailor, had a daughter by the imperial slave Narcissus. The addition Augustianus to his name

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suggests that he had been inherited by one of the heirs of Augustus. Their daughter died at the age of three, followed by her mother exactly three years later.

[Left][[Chrysippus]], (slave) of Agrippina, in charge of the wardrobe. [Right] Heliconis, daughter of Narcissus Augustianus and Heliconis, lived three years. Heliconis, (slave) of Agrippina, tailor (vestifica), lived twenty-six years. She died three years after her daughter, on the same day.

58 A foot-servant of Messalina, mother-in-law of Nero CIL 6, 6335 Rome. First half of the first century AD A marble plaque (Figure 71) from the columbarium of the Statillii commemorates a young female attendant of (Valeria) Messalina, who by her marriage to Titus Statilius Taurus became the mother of Statilia Messalina, the third wife of the emperor Nero.

Logas, (slave) of Messalina, foot-servant (pedisequa), lived sixteen years. Aphrodisia, her mother, made this.

59 A teacher of Aemilia Lepida CIL 6, 9449 = ILS 1848 Rome. After AD 36

Figure 71 Marble plaque from the columbarium of the Statillii. Rome, Museo Nazionale Romano, inv. 33266. Photo author.

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A marble funerary plaque from the Via Appia was set up for Pudens, a teacher and procurator (financial administrator) of Aemilia Lepida, daughter of the consul Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and wife of Drusus, son of Germanicus and son by adoption of Tiberius, who probably is the Caesar mentioned in the inscription. Pudens was a freedman of Aemilia’s father. As a grammarian (grammaticus) he probably taught her literature, especially poetry, but he also was responsible for her moral education. In AD 36 she was charged with adultery and forced to commit suicide (Tac. Ann. 6.40.3). Pudens’ funerary inscription, set up by another former pupil, has Pudens reproach Aemilia Lepida (by then also dead) for her morals, suggesting that her adultery would not have happened if he had still been alive. By thus distancing Pudens from the disgrace of his former pupil, his reputation was posthumously rescued.

Pudens, freedman of Marcus Lepidus, grammarian. I was the procurator of Lepida and guided her morals. While I lived, she remained the daughter-in-law of Caesar (i.e. the emperor Tiberius). Philologus, his pupil, set this up.

60 A midwife of Antonia CIL 6, 8947 = ILS 1840 Rome. After AD 41 An epitaph on a small marble urn commemorates Thallusa, a freedwoman of Antonia Minor, mother of the emperor Claudius. Thallusa had served in the household of Antonia as a midwife. Claudius posthumously awarded his mother the title Augusta in AD 41, which establishes the date after which the inscription was set up.

For Thallusa, freedwoman of Antonia Augusta, midwife (obstetrix).

61 A hairdresser of Claudia Octavia CIL 6, 5539 = ILS 1786 Rome. AD 41–53 A marble funerary tablet from the columbarium of Pomponius Hylas in Rome commemorates a slave couple of Claudia Octavia, daughter of the emperor Claudius (and later the first wife of the emperor Nero). For contubernales, see Chapter 2.

[Left] For Paezusa, (slave) of Octavia, daughter of Caesar Augustus, hairdresser (ornatrix). She lived eighteen years. [Right] Philetus, (slave) of Octavia, daughter of Caesar Augustus, in charge of the silver, made this for his dearest partner (contubernalis carissima) and for himself.

62 A wet nurse of the offspring of Vespasian CIL 6, 8942 = ILS 1839 Rome. Late first century AD

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A badly damaged epitaph commemorates a woman with the non-Roman name Tatia Baucyl(is?), who was employed as a wet nurse for the children and grandchildren of Vespasian. Flavius Clemens was the grandson of the brother of Vespasian. With his wife Flavia Domitilla (Vespasian’s granddaughter) he had at least two sons.

Tatia Baucyl(is?), wet nurse (nutrix) of seven children and (great-) grandchildren of the deified Vespasian, of the sons of Flavius Clemens and his wife Flavia Domitilla, granddaughter of the deified Vespasian. After having received a burial plot by his (i.e. Vespasian’s) favour, I made this tomb for my freedmen and freedwomen and their descendants.

63 A hairdresser of Domitia, wife of Domitianus CIL 6, 8959 = ILS 1786a Rome. Late first century AD A marble plaque commemorates Telesphoris, a hairdresser of Domitia Longina, the wife of the emperor Domitian. Judging by her Greek name, she may have been Domitia’s slave or freedwoman.

To the spirits of the departed. For Telesphoris, who lived twenty-five years, three months and eleven days, hairdresser (ornatrix) of Domitia, wife of Domitianus. Theopompus set this up for his wife.

64 In charge of the jewellery of Faustina CIL 6, 8896 Rome. Mid-second century AD Two male slaves ‘in charge of the jewellery’ of one of the Faustinae set up a tombstone for a friend. Since both Faustinae received the title Augusta (Faustina the Elder in AD 138 and her daughter, Faustina the Younger, in AD 147), it cannot be determined which of them is meant.

To the spirits of the departed. For Atimetus, physician. Basileus and Parthenopaeus, slaves of Faustina Augusta in charge of her jewellery (ab ornamentis), set this up for their well-deserving friend.

65 A cithara player of Faustina CIL 11, 870 = CIL 6, 10139 Mutina, Italy (8). After AD 141 Since both Faustinae were deified (in AD 140 and 176 respectively), it cannot be determined whose cithara player is commemorated here.

To the spirits of the departed. Procha, cithara player (psaltria) of the deified Faustina made this for herself. Tiburtius Serotinus made this.

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Index

The index uses page numbers (in regular type) for the introductory chapter and for the separate introductions to the various themes. The translated inscriptions and commentary are cited by chapter and inscription number in bold type, for instance, 1.45 (Chapter 1 no. 45), 2.12, 23 (Chapter 2 nos. 12 and 23). actresses, 160, 206, 3.77–84, 4.44 adultery, 15, 1.10, 68, 73, 3.96, 7.59 age, old, 226, 1.66, 85, 5.11, 13–14, 16, 50, 6.7; see also marriage, age at Agrippina (the Elder and the Younger), 299, 7.5, 8–9, 57 Alcestis, 1.24, 5.24 alimenta, 266, 6.12, 7.17, 19 Allia Potestas, 2.53 alumna, 63, 1.84–8 Antonia (the Elder and the Younger), 5.34, 7.8, 27, 48–50, 60 army, 7, 11, 118, 198, 209, 214, 311, 1.33, 46, 64, 89, 2.36–7, 65, 73–82, 3.21, 90, 4.2, 7, 29, 30, 32, 72–5, 5.17, 6.20, 7.2, 32, 34–7, 39, 40 assimilation to deities, 1.22–3, 44, 47, 59, 5.37, 83–4, 7.21–2; see also statues to mythological heroines, 1.24, 29, 66 associations, 5, 8, 124, 2.8, 5.24, 26 mothers of, 200, 277, 283, 6.30–3 patronesses of, 277–8, 4.39, 6.25–7 women in, 11, 200, 3.82, 4.33–43, 5.28, 47, 63–4, 73, 86, 6.25, 38 attendants personal, 69, 2.7, 8, 7.49, 52, 58 sacrificial, 242, 5.5, 27; see also sacrifice Augustales, 2.19, 52, 4.35–7, 42, 57, 5.10, 6.15, 18, 35 bar, personnel of, 160, 3.96–9 barbers, 140, 3.42–3; see also hairdressers baths, 207–8, 1.7, 12, 3.125–6, 4.46–7, 5.64, 6.6, 8, 18 benefactresses, 1, 5, 208, 266–7, 3.7, 4.37, 46, 5.3, 38, 40–2, 6.1–22, 29, 32, 38, 7.6, 7, 17, 20

342

Bona Dea, cult of, 221, 229–30, 242–3, 5.25–6, 44–6, 78, 6.4, 20, 7.25 breastfeeding, 39, 130, 1.45–6, 3.18, 23, 5.32 bricks, production of, 171–2, 320–1, 3.109–15, 7.41–2, 44–6 burials, see funerals Caelestis, 2.74, 5.28, 7.37 castitas, 12, 15, 1.1, 4, 7, 8, 10, 13, 15, 22, 27, 39, 42, 3.28, 72, 4.56, 74, 6.26, 48, 7.15; see also virtues; wives Ceres/Cereres, 221, 226, 1.23, 5.1, 4–6, 11–14, 40, 51–2, 6.35 childbirth, 45, 128, 130, 1.11, 48–53, 80, 2.16, 20, 5.32, 86–7 childlessness, 63, 105, 1.3, 15, 2.48, 7.17 childminders, 38, 60, 69, 130, 133, 1.76, 83, 3.17, 24–8; see also mamma; pedagogue; tata Christians, 3, 248, 1.35, 2.79, 81, 3.70, 4.58, 76 citizenship local, 209, 2.71, 4.43, 51–2, 58, 75, 6.12, 23, 47 Roman, 7, 13–14, 68, 73, 104–5, 106–7, 118, 1.5, 15, 46, 59, 71, 80, 2.19, 31, 37, 62, 64–70, 73, 75, 3.12, 87, 119, 4.51, 75, 5.8, 29, 50, 82 collegium, see associations concordia, 16, 23, 311, 1.3, 14, 15, 20, 30, 2.47, 3.77, 7.18; see also marriage, ideals of concubinage, 72, 90–1, 1.38, 2.8, 19, 31, 42, 44, 47, 50, 3.49, 4.33, 5.49, 6.18, 30, 7.61 concubina, see concubinage contubernalis, see concubinage contubernium, see concubinage

Index

Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi), 7.1 craftswomen, 10, 124, 143, 3.44–70, 109–20; see also brick production; jewellers; managers; textile workers; trade cults devotees, 229–30, 250–1, 2.30, 5.57–94 imperial, 221, 235, 4.53, 55, 5.31–42, 6.13, 16–17, 19–21, 28–9, 34, 36, 45, 7.8, 27–8, 30, 33, 36–7 personnel, 242–3, 248, 5.43–56 see also magistra; mater sacrorum; ministra; priestesses curses, 3, 6, 189, 1.68–9, 4.11–21, 5.22 Cybele, 200, 221, 229–30, 242–3, 277, 3.89, 4.36, 40, 5.54–5, 79–81 castration, 5.61–2 priestesses of, 5.23–4, 36, 58–60, 81 taurobolium, 247–8, 5.57–60, 62 damnatio memoriae, 301, 1.68, 6.21, 7.10, 28, 34–5, 38–40, 55 dance, 160, 242, 2.51, 3.79, 81, 83, 91–3, 4.41 daughters, 50, 1.40, 42, 44, 53–5, 58–73, 83, 2.23, 51, 59, 3.72, 4.41, 45, 48, 5.9, 22, 76, 6.14, 37, 47–8, 7.19; see also alumna; stepdaughters deification, 235, 311, 1.23, 44, 5.36, 38–9, 7.4, 15, 21, 26, 28, 33, 36, 38, 40; see also assimilation delicata/delicium, see slave, favourite dextrarum iunctio, 16, 23, 1.15, 2.31, 43, 4.1; see also marriage Diana, 1.23, 44, 5.10, 53, 63, 6.11 divorce, 35, 65, 73, 1.3, 36, 7.11, 12, 34, 38 docta, 1.21, 66, 2.51, 3.29, 90; see also education dress local, 68, 106–7, 1.46, 80, 2.33, 64, 66–71, 75, 5.88–9 Roman, 106–7, 1.15, 44, 48, 59, 2.31, 48, 62, 3.3; see also stola Drusilla (sister of Caligula), 7.28 education, 38, 133, 138, 1.44, 2.21, 51, 3.1, 15, 28-34, 5.6, 6.23, 7.59 empresses, 299, 301, 311, 320–1, 7.3–63; see also cult, imperial erasure, 12, 1.36, 38, 68, 3.61, 4.19, 5.20, 6.21, 7.1, 10, 28, 34–5, 38–40, 57 ethnicity, 14, 68, 106–7, 118, 214–15, 1.48, 2.64–73, 4.50, 61, 63–5, 67, 69, 73–6, 5.12, 35 Eumachia, 288, 5.2, 6.2

343

Faustina (the Elder and the Younger), 311, 5.38–9, 6.15, 7.18–19, 30–1, 46, 64–5 finances, 178, 266–7, 3.125–36 foster daughters, see alumna foundations commemorative 200, 2.26, 4.36, 41, 5.47, 6.9, 20 see also alimenta freedwomen, 2, 8, 10–11, 14, 68–9, 72–3, 89, 90–1, 102–3, 105, 124, 128, 130, 133, 138, 140, 143, 159, 160, 169, 175, 176, 221, 242–3, 283, 1.1, 14–15, 26–7, 38, 40, 42, 44, 54, 58–60, 64, 68–9, 77, 82, 86–7, 89, 93, 2.6, 9, 19–54, 60, 63, 3.1, 4, 10–11, 15, 17, 19, 20, 22, 25, 27, 30, 32–4, 39, 40, 43–4, 46–8, 50, 53–9, 61–5, 68–9, 73, 80, 83–4, 86, 91, 98, 108, 118, 121–2, 124, 129, 4.1, 3, 4, 8, 9, 33, 37, 61, 66, 5.5, 25, 28, 43–4, 46, 52, 56–7, 59, 77–8, 80, 83, 87, 6.5, 31, 7.62 Junian Latin, 68, 73, 103 marrying their former masters, 73, 82, 2.28–37, 42, 48, 70, 79, 3.64 of the emperor/empress, 323, 1.23, 2.47, 49, 4.65, 5.26, 7.1, 4, 50–1, 53-4, 60, 63 public, 2.54, 5.59 friendship, 11, 183–4, 198, 297, 301, 2.4, 34, 43, 82, 3.51, 61, 65, 4.1–10, 5.43, 7.5, 64 frugality, 15, 1.1, 4–5, 8, 14, 3.71; see also virtues Fulvia, 7.2 funerals, 1.70, 2.20, 51, 53, 4.44 cost of, 1.57, 6.43, 45 double, 6, 2.20, 4.70 laudation, 1.3, 43, 7.15 public, 221, 235, 266, 288, 293–4, 1.57, 5.3, 19, 33, 6.43–8 gladiators, 160, 206, 3.94–5, 4.26, 44 graffiti, 2, 3, 4, 11–12, 45, 169–70, 194, 1.49–50, 57, 2.13, 3.77, 94, 96, 107, 134–6, 4.22–9, 6.43, 7.11–14 grammarians, 133, 3.28, 7.59 grandmothers, 59, 1.5, 9, 74–6, 4.51, 69, 5.15–16, 6.23, 7.40 guardianship, 68, 104–5, 266, 1.82, 2.58, 3.128; see also law hairdressers, 10, 69, 124, 140, 2.8, 3.35–41, 7.53, 61, 63 illegitimacy, 63, 65, 72, 103, 1.71, 89, 2.15, 58, 3.125, 5.45 industry, 15, 1.2, 5–6, 8, 13, 43, 2.53; see also virtues

344

Index

infamia, 160, 2.53, 4.44 Isis, cult of, 221, 229–30, 242–3, 1.59, 5.20–1, 27, 36, 40, 48–9, 82–3, 85, 6.14 jewellers, 3.44–8, 7.64; see also craftswomen Jewish, 2.62, 72, 4.63–4, 5.50, 6.52 Julia (daughter of Augustus), 7.3–4 Julia (daughter of Titus), 5.36 Julia Augusta, see Livia Julia Domna, 311, 5.63, 7.6, 16, 32–7, 39 Julia Maesa, 7.40 Julia Mamaea, 7.39 Juno, 221, 5.8, 37, 40, 63–4, 66, 73–5, 7.21, 33, 53 lanifica, 1.3–4, 43, 65, 3.59; see also wool work law ius liberorum, 68, 101, 104–5, 159, 266, 1.43, 46, 2.61–3, 6.21 marital law, 72–3, 90–1, 118, 266, 1.26, 43, 93, 2.29, 47, 65, 70, 73, 79, 3.41, 93, 4.54, 6.14, 20 librarians, 138, 7.48 Livia, 299, 301, 311, 323, 5.63, 6.2, 7.4–8, 21–6, 33, 39, 41, 51–4 magistra, 229–30, 242–3, 5.44–7; see also cults Magna Mater, see Cybele mamma, 60, 130, 1.82–3, 93, 3.15–17; see also childminders managers, 10, 171–2, 174, 175, 320–1, 3.51, 110–24, 7.41–2, 44–5; see also vilica marriage age at, 1.11, 32, 44, 2.30, 3.98, 4.64, 6.12 death before, 54, 1.67, 5.21 marital ideals, 15–16, 23, 311, 1.3, 7, 10–34, 39, 43, 2.15, 47, 6.23b, 7.18; see also concordia; univira; virtues; wives remarriage, 35, 67, 1.26, 36–9, 43; see also divorce; widowhood unhappy, 37, 1.40–1 see also law, marital mater sacrorum, 5.48–9; see also cults Matidia (the Elder and the Younger), 299, 7.15, 17, 29 matrona, 15, 200, 250, 1.3, 5, 9, 11, 32, 2.61, 70, 3.3, 99, 4.42, 5.6, 63–4, 73, 86, 6.25–6, 48, 7.16 Matronae/Matres, 5.88–91 medica, 125, 3.1–8, 7.56 midwives, 69, 128, 2.5, 3.9–13, 7.51, 60 migration, 11, 118, 209, 214–15, 1.24, 48, 2.37, 55, 76–81, 3.83, 4.48–59, 61–76, 5.30, 40, 6.45; see also travel

Minerva, 5.9–10, 59–60, 72 ministra, 229–30, 242–3, 5.46; see also cults modesty, 12, 15, 1.15, 43, 3.71, 7.15; see also virtues; wives mother ideals and role of, 38–9, 65, 102–3, 1.5, 9, 27, 42–7, 52–7, 64, 70, 88, 2.15, 68, 81–2, 3.16, 121, 4.43, 48, 65, 70, 5.16, 63, 87, 6.36, 37, 7.1, 5, 15 of city, 277, 283, 6.28–9 of synagogue, 5.50 see also associations, mothers of; mater sacrorum murder, 189, 1.3, 40–1, 69, 73, 7.34 musicians, 160, 242, 248, 3.84–90, 5.54–5, 58–60, 7.50, 65 nutrix, see wet nurses obsequium, 12, 15, 1.3, 32, 43, 2.32, 53, 81; see also virtues; wives Octavia (sister of Augustus), 7.3, 47 Octavia (wife of Nero), 7.11–12, 61 ornatrix, see hairdressers patronesses, 198, 4.30–2, 5.17, 7.5 of city, 277–8, 4.39, 6.21–4, 7.20; see also associations, patronesses of marrying their former slaves, 72–3, 89, 2.38–41, 3.57 peculium, 102, 1.58, 2.55, 4.18; see also slaves pedagogues, 60, 133, 1.76, 82, 2.6, 3.24, 26; see also childminders Petronia Justa, 102–3, 2.58–60 philosophers, 3.29 pietas, 13, 15, 38, 311, 1.1, 3–5, 7, 9, 11, 16, 27, 41, 44, 55, 80, 84, 88, 2.15, 17, 41, 61, 64, 68, 75, 77–8, 82, 3.12, 4.31c, 43, 56, 59, 5.9, 18, 35, 6.26, 37, 7.5, 15, 43, 47, 48; see also virtues Plotina (wife of Trajan), 299, 4.28, 7.42 Poppaea (wife of Nero), 1.22, 7.12–14 priestesses, 214, 221, 226, 229–30, 235, 243, 248, 311, 4.36, 43, 53, 55, 68, 5.1–16, 20–42, 52, 58–60, 81, 6.2, 6, 10–11, 15–17, 19, 21, 24, 28–9, 34–6, 45, 7.8; see also cults; Vestals privigna, see stepdaughters programmata, 297–8, 6.49–54 prostitution, 72, 118, 160, 169–70, 2.13, 3.96–7, 100–8, 4.22 pudicitia, 12, 15, 311, 1.1, 3–5, 8, 15, 22, 32, 39, 43, 45, 4.31b, 54, 5.27, 6.38, 48; see also virtues; wives

Index

readers, 138, 3.30–2, 7.55 Sabina (wife of Hadrian), 299, 7.15–17, 29 sacrifice, 247–8, 2.24, 26, 4.18, 5.1, 5, 23, 30, 52, 56–63, 88, 7.18, 24–5, 34; see also Cybele, taurobolium sanctitas, 13, 1.20, 27, 34, 38, 41, 44, 2.48, 53, 79, 3.8, 27, 99, 4.6, 31, 36, 5.6, 16, 24, 32, 6.26 secretaries, 138, 3.33–4 singers, see musicians sisters, 60, 118, 1.3, 41, 55, 77–81, 2.72, 74, 80, 3.85, 4.2, 43, 68, 75, 5.86, 6.3, 48, 7.3, 17, 20, 28–9, 43 slaves, 2, 3, 7–8, 10–11, 13–14, 60, 63, 65, 68–9, 72–3, 91, 103, 124–5, 128, 130, 133, 138, 140, 143, 160, 169, 172, 175–6, 178, 183, 200, 209, 214, 320, 323, 1.18, 38, 40, 49, 51, 60, 63, 83, 87, 90, 2.1–8, 23, 32, 44, 50, 54–5, 3.2, 18, 24, 27, 29-31, 33–8, 49, 77–8, 83–6, 92, 109, 127, 130–1, 133, 4.1, 12–14, 18, 19, 29, 62–3, 5.53, 6.5 favourite (delicata/delicium), 72, 2.18–21, 3.15, 50 home-born (verna), 72, 1.93, 2.11–17, 22, 64, 3.93, 4.3, 6, 20, 61, 7.53 of the imperial family, 323, 2.49, 3.93, 4.54, 65, 5.78, 7.41, 47–9, 52–3, 55–8, 61, 63–4 public, 2.54, 4.17, 5.47, 7.24 sub-slaves, 102, 1.58, 2.4, 55–7 spindle, 15, 2.64, 68, 70; see also wool work sport, 205–6, 4.45 statues consolatory, 10, 287–8, 6.37, 44–8 in formam deorum, 1.23, 5.37, 83–4, 7.21, 33; see also assimilation public, 4–5, 183, 200, 235, 287–8, 293, 4.9, 10, 34, 37, 39, 43, 53, 55, 5.2, 4, 7, 15, 33, 36, 47, 85, 6.2, 6, 10–11, 16–18, 21–2, 26, 28–9, 34–42, 44–6, 48, 7.1, 8, 17–18, 20–33, 38–40 stepdaughters, 65, 1.89–93 stepmothers, 67, 1.94–5 stola, 15, 106, 2.61, 6.18, 25, 36, see also dress synagogue, see mother of

345

tata, 60, 1.76, 83; see also childminders taurobolium, see Cybele Tellus, 221, 226, 5.16, 42 textile workers, 69, 2.1–3, 3.49, 56–61, 4.36, 38, 5.47, 6.27, 30–1, 33, 7.47–8, 57 trade, 124, 143, 159, 175, 209, 2.52, 64, 3.54–5, 59, 64–76, 127–33 travel, 11, 118, 209, 214, 1.35, 2.55–6, 74, 76–81, 3.71, 4.48–50, 54, 59, 60, 6.23 tutela, see guardianship Ummidia Quadratilla 1, 59, 6.7 univira, I. 5, 10–11, 26, 2.81 Venus, 221, 1.23, 3.77, 5.2–3, 5, 6.24, 35, 7.13, 18 Vestals, 198, 206, 221, 228, 3.30, 4.31, 5.17–19, 63 verna, see slaves, home-born vicaria, see slaves, sub-slave vilica, 176, 3.121–4 virginity, 12, 1.7, 21, 67, 72, 2.15, 3.15, 5.21, 7.18; see also Vestals virtues, 12–13, 15–16, 288, 311, 1.1–15, 26, 43, 45, 65, 2.47, 53, 68, 70, 3.71, 99, 6.38, 41, 45, 48, 7.1, 15; see also castitas; frugality; industry; modesty; obsequium; pietas; pudicitia; sanctitas; wives wet nurses, 69, 130, 1.45, 82, 2.11, 44, 3.14–23, 7.62 widowhood, 23, 1.25–6, 4.37, 6.23b, 7.15, 22–3 witchcraft, 54, 1.32, 2.48 wives ideals and virtues of, 15–16, 1.1–20, 22–4, 27, 30, 32, 34, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 52, 2.15, 32, 47, 61, 76–9, 81–2, 3.8, 27, 28, 41, 71, 99, 4.36, 54, 56, 60, 76, 5.24, 32, 6.48, 7.15; see also castitas; frugality; industry; lanifica; modesty; obsequium; pietas; pudicitia; sanctitas; virtues; wool work wool work, 15, 1.2–4, 8, 43, 65, 2.9, 53, 64, 70