Christianity and the History of Violence in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook 3825252854, 9783838552859, 382525285X, 9783825252854

Citation preview

utb 0000 5285

Eine Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Verlage Böhlau Verlag · Wien · Köln · Weimar Verlag Barbara Budrich · Opladen · Toronto facultas · Wien Wilhelm Fink · Paderborn Narr Francke Attempto Verlag · Tübingen Haupt Verlag · Bern Verlag Julius Klinkhardt · Bad Heilbrunn Mohr Siebeck · Tübingen Ernst Reinhardt Verlag · München Ferdinand Schöningh · Paderborn Eugen Ulmer Verlag · Stuttgart UVK Verlag · München Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht · Göttingen Waxmann · Münster · New York wbv Publikation · Bielefeld

PD Dr. Dirk Rohmann lehrt Alte Geschichte und Geschichte des Frühmittelalters an der Universität Wuppertal.

Dirk Rohmann

Christianity and the History of Violence in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook

Narr Francke Attempto Verlag Tübingen

Umschlagabbildung: Theophilus zerstört das Serapeum (Alexandrinische Weltchronik, ca. 6. Jh.). Aus: Adolf Bauer: Eine Alexandrinische Weltchronik. Text und Miniaturen eines griechischen Papyrus der Sammlung W. Goleniščev, Wien 1905. Tafel VI, verso. http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00002947/image_224. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar.

© 2019 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Internet: www.narr.de eMail: [email protected] Einbandgestaltung: Atelier Reichert, Stuttgart CPI books GmbH, Leck utb-Nr.: 5285 ISBN978-3-8252-5285-4 (Print) ISBN 978-3-8385-5285-9 (ePDF) ISBN 978-3-8463-5285-4 (ePub)

5

Table of Contents Abbreviations

11

Introduction

13

1.

Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

The Roman arena and the spectacle of power

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5

Military roots of the games: Valerius Maximus on the need to provide spectacular punishment The glory of fighting and dying in the arena: Livy 28.21 Why brutal spectacles can damage a philosophical character: Seneca, letter 7 A Roman emperor’s delight in the bloodshed of the games: Cassius Dio 60.13 People are attracted by the violence of the arena but disgusted by violence in real life: Tertullian, On the Games, 21-2

The Jewish War (66-70) and the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem

1.6

A Rabbinic account of the Roman Siege of Jerusalem: Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56 1.7 The Romans destroy Jerusalem: Josephus, Jewish War 1.8 Speech of the Jewish rebel Eleazar urging mass suicide at Masada Private spells, public danger: magic and superstition

1.9

Romans fear the fatal power of magical curse tablets: Tacitus, Annals, on Germanicus and Piso (defixiones) 1.10 Astrologers expelled from Rome under Claudius: Tacitus, Annals, 12.52 1.11 The origin of foul heresy in Simon Magus, Acts 8.9-24 1.12 ‘Make him her slave’: A fiercely possessive love-spell invoking the God of Abraham Pagan martyrs of conscience

1.13 A political martyr under Nero: Tacitus on the Pisonian conspiracy 1.14 A freedwoman tortured but refusing to provide evidence under torture: Tacitus, Annals, 15.57 Crime and punishment: condemnatio ad bestias and crucifixion

1.15

Condemnation to the beasts as a judicial punishment: Suetonius, Life of Caligula 1.16 The widow of Ephesus: a parody of resurrection? Petronius, Satyricon, 111-2

15 17 17 18 19 20 21 23 23 24 26 28 28 29 30 31 33 33 34 35 35 37

6

Table of Contents

1.17 400 slaves from a single household executed: Tacitus, Annals, 14.42-5 1.18 ‘Atheists’ condemned to the wild beasts under Domitian: Cassius Dio 67.14 ‘The instigation of Chrestus’: Jews and Christians in first-century Rome

1.19

The death of a first-century Jewish miracle-worker: Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, on Theudas 1.20 An emperor exiles the Jews from Rome: Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 25.4 1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace: Tacitus, Annals, 15.38 1.22 A variant report on the Great Fire of Rome: Suetonius, Life of Nero, 38 ‘Render unto Caesar’: The Christian debate on established authority

1.23 Christians should honour the emperor: First Letter of Peter 2 1.24 A magic spell appealing to the power of ‘Chrestos’ in times of violence Discipline for difficult provincials: the Pliny–Trajan correspondence

1.25

A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians: Pliny, Letters, Book 10

Christian debates with Jews and pagans

1.26 1.27 1.28 1.29 1.30 1.31 1.32

Vehement criticism of the heretic Marcion’s violent treatment of the Old Testament: Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 1 Claim that Jews are cursing Christians: Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho A defence of Christianity against pagan accusations: Justin Martyr, First and Second Apology A Christian demonises pagan religion: Minucius Felix, Octavius, 27 A Christian defence against charges of incest, cannibalism, and atheism: Athenagoras, A Plea for the Christians, 3 The Jews as murderers of Christ: Melito of Sardis, On the Passover, 99 Christians are loyal to the emperor: Tertullian, Address to Scapula, 2

The Great Persecution and its aftermath

1.33

2.

Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History

An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

‘By this sign you shall conquer’: Constantine’s conversion

2.1

The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful god for battlefield success: Eusebius, Life of Constantine 2.2 Battlefield opportunism or penance for a murdered son? Later interpretations of Constantine’s conversion: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, 1.3-5

40 42 43 43 43 44 47 48 48 49 50 50 53 53 54 56 58 59 60 61 63 63 67 71 71 74

7

Table of Contents

Divine punishment

2.3

Wrath of God directed at pagans: Lactantius, A Treatise on the Anger of God, 23-4 2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 5 & 33-4 Laws of the Constantinian dynasty

2.5

The cessation of religious violence: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 48, on the so-called Edict of Milan of Constantine and Licinius 2.6 The continuation of religious violence – the excesses of certain pagans: Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 3 2.7 ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious activity, Theodosian Code, 16.10 Arguments between Christians

2.8

Arius’ condemnation: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History

Julian: the last pagan emperor

2.9

Christian judgment of the motivation for a pagan emperor’s overtures of toleration: Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 4 2.10 Christians accused of arson: Ammianus Marcellinus on the fire in the temple of Daphne near Antioch Magic trials

2.11 Philosophers accused of treason and magic: Ammianus Marcellinus 29.2 2.12 A later account of the magic trials: Zosimus, New History Altar of Victory

2.13

3.

A war of words over the altar of Victory: Symmachus, Third Relatio & Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18

The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

Ambrose and Theodosius

3.1

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1): Ambrose, Letter 40 to Theodosius 3.2 Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (2): Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, 7, on Ambrose and Theodosius 3.3 Massacre and Penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (3): Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History, 5, on Theodosius’ Massacre at Thessalonike and Ambrose’s response 3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge, Theodosian Code, 16.10

76 76 78 81 81 84 85 86 86 89 89 90 91 91 93 95 95

99 102 102 107

108 112

8

Table of Contents

Destruction of cult sites

3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10

The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint: Libanius, Oration 30 A Christian bishop rails against paganism: John Chrysostom, Homily on the Acts of the Apostles 4 Militant monks impose order in Antioch at the expense of philosophers: Chrysostom, On the Statues 17 A Christian view of pagan rituals: Prudentius, Peristephanon 10 A Christian saint fells pagan trees: Sulpicius Severus, Life of Martin, 13 A Christian bishop hails the end of paganism: Theodoret, Curatio, 8

Arguments between Christians: Priscillian and the Donatist controversy

3.11 A trial over religious deviance ends in execution: Sulpicius Severus’ Chronicle 3.12 Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa: Acts of the Abitinian Martyrs and A Sermon on the Passion of the Holy Donatus and Advocatus 3.13 Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy: Augustine, Letters 173 & 88 Enforcing orthodoxy

3.14 Legal punishments for heresy: Theodosian Code, 16.5 3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation: John Chrysostom, Demonstration against the Pagans, 10 3.16 The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp: John Chrysostom, On Saint Barlaam 3.17 Christian soldiers violate sacred space in churches: John Chrysostom, Letter to Innocent, Bishop of Rome 1 3.18 Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence: Augustine, City of God, 18.51 3.19 ‘A thousand terrors of the law’ wielded against pagans by a Christian emperor: Novels of Theodosius, 3.8 Jews

3.20 Christian polemic against the Jews: John Chrysostom 3.21 Christian laws against the Jews: Codex Theodosianus, 16.8 Augustine on violence

3.22 The value of hell-fire: Augustine, On the Nature of the Good, 38 3.23 A defence of Rome’s military downfall: Augustine, City of God, 1 3.24 The practical problems of a physical resurrection: Augustine, City of God, 21 & 22

114 114 116 118 119 123 125 126 126

127 130 133 133 135 137 138 139 140 141 141 143 144 144 145 146

9

Table of Contents

A martyr of philosophy: Hypatia of Alexandria

3.25 The destruction of the Alexandrian temple to the god Serapis: Rufinus of Aquileia, Ecclesiastical History, book 11 3.26 A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History 3.27 Another view of the murder of Hypatia: Damascius, Life of Isidore 4.

148 148 151 154

Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

157

Unwelcome guests: Alaric the Goth, Geiseric the Vandal, and Attila the Hun

160

4.1 The desecration of churches and the execution of clerics during the Vandal conquest of Africa: Victor of Vita, History of the Vandal Persecutions, book 1 4.2 The Persians and the Huns as a divine scourge: Isidore of Seville, History of the Goths, 28-29 Banishing demons and spreading the gospel

4.3

Omitting a warlike book to discourage warlike tendencies: Philostorgius, Ecclesiastical History 4.4 The plague as God’s punishment: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.1 4.5 A Christian evangelist destroys pagan religious artefacts: Jonas of Bobbio, Life of Columbanus and Life of Vedast 4.6 Red blood on white garments: the slaughter of the newly baptised: Saint Patrick, Letter to Coroticus 4.7 Saint Patrick confronts the magicians: Muirchu, Life of Saint Patrick The Church and public order

4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15

Correcting the common people: Martin of Braga, On the Correction of the Uninstructed A bishop confronts a violent holy man in Merovingian Tours: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.25 The forced conversion of Jews by Avitus of Clermont: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 5.11 The vengeance of the martyr Pancratius A thief is rescued from a stern judge A virgin’s valour in the face of force: The Life of Austreberta, 2 Red, white and blue martyrdom in early medieval Ireland: Cambrai Homily Miracle cures at the grave of a royal martyr: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 3

Struggling with the flesh: asceticism and monasticism

4.16 Battling demons in the desert: Athanasius, Life of Antony, 6-7 & 22-23

160 161 162 162 163 165 167 168 171 171 172 175 176 177 178 180 181 183 183

10

Table of Contents

4.17 ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son, John Cassian, Institutes, book 4 4.18 The battle of the church against ‘heresy’: Prudentius, Psychomachia, 705-25 4.19 The extremity of asceticism: Baradatus lives in a box, Theodoret, History of the Monks in Syria, 27 4.20 Monks fighting the devil in the desert: The Rule of Saint Benedict, 1 on advanced monks 4.21 Day to day physical punishment in the Rule of Columbanus 4.22 Self-mortification and the power to heal: Venantius Fortunatus, Life of the Holy Radegund 1.20 & 25 4.23 Bringing up children under monastic discipline: Common Rule 6 Justinian’s religious policies

4.24 Defining, prohibiting and punishing heresy by law: Codex Justinianus, 1.5 4.25 The emperor Justinian bans pagan teaching and philosophy: John Malalas, book 18 4.26 Inquisitions under Justinian and the burning of pagan literature: Anonymous, Life of Simeon Stylites the Younger, 161 & 164 4.27 Reconquest justified in the name of true religion and political liberty: Novels of Justinian, 78.4.1 4.28 The miraculous survival of a mason thrown from on high by Satan: John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History 4.29 Justinian – fair or foul? Two opinions, one author: Procopius, Buildings and Secret History 5.

Bibliography

185 187 188 189 190 191 192 194 194 195 196 198 199 200 203

11

Abbreviations Abbreviations of biblical books follow The SBL Handbook of Style. Abbreviations for authors, works, series, and references that occur frequently in the introductions and bibliographical items are listed below. Cass. Dio

Cassius Dio

CCSL

Corpus Christianorum Series Latina

CIL

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum

Cod. Theod.

Codex Theodosianus

CSCO

Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium

CSEL

Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum

Eus. HE

Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica

GCS

Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte

Hom. Il.

Homer, Iliad

MGH Auct. ant.

Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctores antiquissimi

MGH SS rer. Germ.

Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum

MGH SS rer. Merov.

Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum

Oros.

Orosius

Petron.

Petronius

PG

Patrologia Graeca

PGM

Papyri Graecae magicae

PL

Patrologia Latina

PLRE

Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire

SC

Sources Chrétiennes

Suet. Claud.

Suetonius, Life of Claudius

Tac. Ann.

Tacitus, Annals

Vulg.

Vulgata

13

Introduction The present volume aims to bring together a number of sources with which to illustrate how violence and violent conflict emerged, developed, were rejected or approved in the world of Christianity from its beginning to the transitional period from the end of Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. This volume is an outcome of the Constantine’s Dream project, directed by Kate Cooper at the University of Manchester and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council UK from 2009 to 2012. I am particularly grateful to Kate Cooper for her contribution to the original research and to the manuscript emerging from this project. Other scholars have commented on, or otherwise contributed to, this volume as well. I owe very special thanks to James Corke-Webster, Melissa Markauskas, and Jamie Wood. All of the aforementioned have made a direct contribution to the selection of sources, the structure of the volume, the information provided in introductory sections, the bibliography, and the wording of source or section headings. The selection of sources in the present volume is a direct result of my research within the above-mentioned project, during which I endeavoured to browse through most, if not all, of the extant Christian writings from Late Antiquity, whether available in translation or not, while simultaneously working on another book project (‘Christianity, Book-Burning, and Censorship in Late Antiquity’). I have since substantially reworked the original manuscript before submission to the publisher. In particular, I have done my own translations from the Greek and Latin original texts and included the original texts, slightly adjusted for internal consistency (upper/lower case, consistent use of u rather than v). For some phrases, it appeared impossible to improve translations already published. I have therefore provided in the bibliography section of this volume a list of translations I have consulted. Naturally, the sources are selected in view of their relevance to the topic at hand. Nevertheless, my attempt was to give a somewhat representative range of narratives, discourses, and attitudes in relation to violence without stretching the evidence one way or the other, neither describing Christianity as a peaceful nor as a particularly violent religion, but rather trying to understand the specific Christian take on violence within its ancient context. In so doing, I have provided source material illustrating the ways in which Christians were subjected to violence by their pagan surroundings; how Christians thought about their role within the wider world of antiquity and how they responded to violence suffered; the development and scope of the very Christian ideas of martyrdom and of persecution; how Christians of various backgrounds thought about the violent nature of God and his direct interference in holy wars; the scope and limits of violence used as a coercive tool with which to encourage or enforce conversion; and finally the problem of violence within the worlds of late-antique and early medieval monasticism and asceticism. The volume can thus be used as a textbook for students of the field, but also, as I would like to hope, as a starting point for scholarly research into the manifold reciprocal effects between Christianity and the history of violence. Each source is preceded by a short introduction and scholarly commentary, including an introduction to the author of the source every time a new author is introduced, as well as

14

Introduction

further readings, either full books or articles or, when pertinent, single pages from a book or article. The introductory chapters to the four chronological sections provide some historical background to the reader, signposting some of the sources reproduced in the respective sections. It is therefore hoped that the present volume could also stimulate further research and challenge long-held assumptions or even partisan views on the topic of violence and Christianity.

15

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306) The Roman arena and the spectacle of power Whether by chance or by choice, the onset of Christianity coincides with the emergence of arena games as mass spectacles. During the fall of the Roman Republic, Roman strongmen vying for power took advantage of mass events like these to curry favour with the population. [. Military roots of the games] Gladiatorial performances, even fights against the wild beasts (something that was once a punishment for deserters), were connected to personal glory and sometimes undertaken voluntarily. [. The glory of fighting and dying in the arena] During the Imperial period, when the first Christians are attested to have died in the arena, the behaviour of the emperor underwent intense scrutiny, and the games themselves became a display of imperial power, as well as a stage for political communication between the emperor and his subjects. [. A Roman emperor’s delight in the bloodshed of the games] The arena therefore became an important tool to communicate the ideas of Christianity to a mass audience. Crime and punishment The origins of conflict between early Christians and the Roman state remain shrouded in mystery. This is because the extant Christian martyr acts are usually very late and unreliable narratives, written at a time when Christianity had no longer to fear ongoing persecutions but was instead interested in glorifying its ancient past. Roman pagan sources, on the other hand, are too scant to allow drawing any firm conclusions other than to say that they barely took notice of the rise of early Christianity. The present chapter aims to trace some of the sources which can combine to illuminate the origins of violent clashes between Christians and pagans in this period of time. A first source of conflict was the early Jewish resistance against Roman rule, the Jewish wars and destruction of the temple that ensued from this conflict [.- The Jewish Wars], Jewish discourses of martyrdom [. Speech of the Jewish rebel Eleazar urging mass suicide at Masada], and the Roman tendency to conflate Christianity with Judaism. [. An emperor exiles the Jews from Rome] A second key point is the Roman legislation against magic, harmful divination, and poison, all of which came to be seen as connected to political treason charges since they came to be used against republican strongmen and emperors since Augustus. Senatorial accounts of members of the elite classes conspiring against emperors like Nero were therefore popular in the first and early second centuries, and these accounts can be seen as typologically connected to the later Christian martyr acts. [.- Pagan martyrs of conscience] While there is only scant evidence for the use of magical spells in the Judeo-Christian tradition, nevertheless the secretiveness of Christianity no doubt occasioned a number of misunderstandings that can be appreciated in Pliny’s response to Emperor Trajan on how

16

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

to handle Christians that were denounced as such. [.- Private spells, public danger: magic and superstition] [. A magic spell appealing to the power of ‘Chrestos’ in times of violence] [. Discipline for difficult provincials: the Pliny-Trajan correspondence] Christian debates with Jews and pagans Christians addressed the problems they had with their non-Christian surroundings from a purely apologetic standpoint. As a result, it is safe to say that their writings barely allow us to trace the history of conflict between these various religious groups in a reliable way. Some patterns nevertheless emerge. For example, early Christian apologists such as Tertullian started to discuss questions of allegiance to the Roman empire before major persecutions of Christians even occurred. [. Christians should honour the emperor] [. Christians are loyal to the emperor] Christian authors developed a strategy of blame-shifting from the start. They were apparently convinced that much of the culture that constitutes the pagan world was the work of the devil and that therefore any conflict that arose from this view was, by definition, triggered from this devilish counter-world. [. A defence of Christianity against pagan accusations] [. A Christian demonises pagan religion] The same view applied to arguments within the Judeo-Christian tradition [. Claim that Jews are cursing Christians] [. The Jews as murderers of Christ], and within Christianity itself. Church leaders emerged from the start who argued that theirs is the only right way and that all the others are wrong, an attitude that inevitably gave rise to violent conflict in the centuries to come. [. Vehement criticism of the heretic Marcion’s violent treatment of the Old Testament] The Great Persecution and its aftermath The third-century crisis, the military setbacks and economic dislocations that came with it, occasionally gave rise to empire-wide persecutions of Christians. The scant literary production of this time period, however, provides insufficient evidence with which to understand the motivations, aims, and methods as far as the Roman imperial side is concerned. The best source of information are the Christian martyr acts which are, however, generally late and unreliable. Christian authors of all sorts of literary genres no doubt had a vested interest in creating narratives of persecution in line with the biblical saying: ‘Blessed are they who are persecuted because of righteousness, for the kingdom of heaven belongs to them’ (Matt 5:10). By the time Diocletian and his colleagues in the imperial office started to persecute Christians in 303, Christian literature had developed from a relatively narrow range of genres to include a number of Church historians such as Eusebius of Caesarea, a pioneer of this genre. Historical accounts of this kind nevertheless include a great deal of stereotypes, distortions, and literary topoi, which are themselves building on ancient precedents of rhetorical flourish. [. Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine] With the age of Diocletian (286 – 305) the period of Late Antiquity begins, and along with it the general tendency to control everybody’s life to a greater extent than in the past. Soon after, this regime change provided the backdrop against which Christianity emerged as the preferred religion of Roman emperors since Constantine.

1.1

Military roots of the games: Valerius Maximus on the need to provide spectacular punishment

The Roman arena and the spectacle of power 1.1

Military roots of the games: Valerius Maximus on the need to provide spectacular punishment

Source: Valerius Maximus 2.7.13-14 (Latin, early 1st century, Italy) Edition: K. K EMPF, Valerii Maximi Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem (Leipzig, 1888) Introduction: Valerius Maximus is the author of a handbook of historical examples. Not much is known about his life. He wrote his work in c. 27-31 CE while he accompanied his sponsor Sextus Pompeius, proconsul of Asia in 27, to Greece and Asia Minor. The passage below is the first known incident in which human beings were thrown to the wild beasts in the Roman Empire. The first incident mentioned below dates from the end of the third Punic War in 146 BCE, the second from the aftermath of the Third Macedonian War in 167 BCE. As a result of this war, the Greek world practically became part of the Roman Empire. At this time, condemnatio ad bestias was a military punishment for desertion. This type of punishment was meant to inflict a death more gruesome than on the battle-field. Deserters were not permitted a proper burial. Further reading: K.M. COLEMAN , ‘Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990), 44-73 See also: [1.15 Condemnation to the beasts as a judicial punishment]

2.7.13 For the younger Africanus, after he had destroyed the Carthaginian Empire, threw deserters of foreign origins to the wild beasts as part of spectacles that he wanted to offer to the people. 14 And Lucius Paulus, after he had defeated King Perseus, threw men, of the same kind and for the same offense, under elephants to be trampled. This was a most useful example, if indeed it is fair to give a judgment on the deeds of most excellent men, without being criticised for arrogance. For military discipline needs this kind of harsh and blunt punishment, because military strength relies on weapons, and when they stray from the right course, they will become oppressors unless they are oppressed. 2.7.13 nam posterior Africanus euerso Punico imperio exterarum gentium transfugas in edendis populo spectaculis feris bestiis obiecit, 14 et L. Paulus Perse rege superato eiusdem generis et culpae homines elephantis proterendos substrauit, utilissimo quidem exemplo, si tamen acta excellentissimorum uirorum humiliter aestimare sine insolentiae reprehensione permittitur: aspero enim et absciso castigationis genere militaris disciplina indiget, quia uires armis constant, quae ubi a recto tenore desciuerint, oppressura sunt, nisi opprimantur.

17

18

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

1.2 The glory of fighting and dying in the arena: Livy 28.21

Source: Livy 28.21.1-4 (Latin, late 1st century BCE, Rome) Edition: P.G. WALSH , Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri XXVI-XXVI (Leipzig, 1986) Introduction: Livy (c. 59 BCE – c. 17 CE), originally from Padua, is the most important historian from the age of Augustus, with whom he was personally acquainted, and the most important source for the early history of Rome. In over 40 years, he wrote 142 books ‘From the Foundation of the City’ (Ab urbe condita) to his own time. Of these, 35 books, mostly the early ones, are extant today. The excerpt below describes gladiatorial shows which Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus gave in Carthage in 206 BCE, during the Second Punic War. Scipio went on to defeat his adversary Hannibal in 202. This passage illustrates that, already in the early days of the gladiatorial games, free-born provincials and foreigners voluntarily chose to fight in the arena. Their main motivation was to perform in front of a huge audience. Gladiatorial games were of Etruscan origin and emerged as celebrations to honour the dead. In the Roman republic, gladiatorial fights were staged in the context of aristocratic burials. Further reading: A. F UTRELL , Blood in the Arena: The Spectacle of Roman Power (Austin, 1997); D.G. KYLE , Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome (London, 2001) See also: [1.5 People are attracted by the violence of the arena but disgusted by violence in real life] [1.18 ‘Atheists’ condemned to the wild beasts under Domitian]

28.21.1 […] Scipio returned to Carthage to pay his vows to the gods and to offer the gladiatorial show which he had prepared because his father and uncle had died. 2 The gladiatorial exhibition was not sourced from the kind of men which gladiatorial trainers are wont to produce, that is, slaves from the sales platform and free men who offer their blood for sale. The whole service of the fighters was voluntary and without compensation. 3 For some were sent by their chieftains to display an example of the manliness inbred in their tribe; 4 some declared themselves that they were going to fight out of gratitude to their general; emulation and competition convinced others to engage in combat or, if offered to do so, not to refuse; […] 28.21.1 […] Scipio Carthaginem ad uota soluenda dis munusque gladiatorium, quod mortis causa patris patruique parauerat, edendum rediit. 2 gladiatorum spectaculum fuit non ex eo genere hominum ex quo lanistis comparare mos est, seruorum de catasta ac liberorum qui uenalem sanguinem habent; uoluntaria omnis et gratuita opera pugnantium fuit. 3 nam alii missi ab regulis sunt ad specimen insitae genti uirtutis ostendendum, 4 alii ipsi professi se pugnaturos in gratiam ducis, alios aemulatio et certamen ut prouocarent prouocatique haud abnuerent traxit; […]

1.3 Why brutal spectacles can damage a philosophical character: Seneca, letter 7

1.3 Why brutal spectacles can damage a philosophical character: Seneca, letter 7

Source: Seneca, Letter 7.2-5 (Latin, mid 1st century, Italy) Edition: O. Hense, Ad Lucilium epistulae morales (Leipzig, 1938) Introduction: Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 – 65), originally from Corduba (Spain), was a politician in Rome, a philosopher of the Stoic branch, and tutor of the emperor Nero. As with Lucan, author of an epic poem on the civil war, and Petronius, author of the Satyricon, he was forced to commit suicide because of his alleged participation in the Pisonian conspiracy against the emperor Nero. He wrote his letters to Lucilius after he was removed from public life in 62 and from now on dedicated his time entirely to literature. The seventh letter to Lucilius is the most explicit account of the attitudes of the Roman nobility towards the violence displayed in gladiatorial shows. While some scholars have cited this passage in support of the assumption that Roman aristocrats like Seneca disdained violence in the arena, in context Seneca is actually concerned that the character of Lucilius, his young addressee, could take damage from engaging with a sensationalist crowd. If anything, Seneca disdains the excessive amount of violence displayed during the public executions at midday. He uses gladiatorial metaphors frequently throughout his work and often holds the view that convicted criminals deserved a violent, public death. Further reading: M. W ISTR AND, Entertainment and Violence in Ancient Rome: The Attitudes of Roman Writers of the First Century A.D. (Göteborg 1992); M. W ISTR AND, ‘Violence and Entertainment in Seneca the Younger,’ Eranos 88 (1990), 31-46 See also: [1.4 A Roman emperor’s delight in the bloodshed of the games]

7.2 […] But nothing is so damning to good character as to sit leisurely at the games; for then it is that vices creep in all too easily through the avenue of pleasure. 3 What do you expect me to say? I come home more greedy, more ambitious, more lustful, but even more cruel and inhuman, because I have been among human beings. By chance I happened to witness a mid-day exhibition, expecting games, wit, and some kind of recreation, – an exhibition at which human eyes come to a rest from human blood. But it was quite the opposite. Whatever happened in previous fights amounted to compassion; but now all the farce is put aside and it is pure murder. The men have no defensive armour. They are exposed to blows with their entire bodies, and never strike in vain. 4 Many prefer this to the ordinary pairs and professional fighters. And why not? There is no helmet or shield to deflect the sword. What is the need of protection, or skill? All that is just an obstacle to death. In the morning human beings are thrown to the lions and the bears, at noon, they are thrown to the spectators. The spectators demand that the slayers shall be thrown to those that will slay them in turn and they always reserve the winner for another kind of death. The end state of the fighters is death, and the means are fire and sword. This happens while the arena is empty. 5 “But he is a robber; he killed a man!” So what? As a murderer, he deserved this suffering, but why have you, poor fellow, deserved to watch this? “Kill him! Flog him! Burn him! Why does he meet the sword in so cowardly a way? Why does he kill with insufficient lust? Why does he die a bit unwillingly?

19

20

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

Let them strike his wounds! Let them receive blow for blow, with chests bare and exposed to the stroke!” And when the spectacle is paused, “Let men be strangled in the meantime, so that there is still something going on!” […] 7.2 […] nihil uero tam bonis moribus quam in aliquo spectaculo desidere. Tunc enim per uoluptatem facilius uitia subrepunt. 3 quid me existimas dicere? auarior redeo, ambitiosior, luxuriosior, immo uero crudelior et inhumanior, quia inter homines fui. casu in meridianum spectaculum incidi lusus expectans et sales et aliquid laxamenti, quo hominum oculi ab humano cruore adquiescant: contra est. quicquid ante pugnatum est, misericordia fuit. nunc omissis nugis mera homicidia sunt. nihil habent quo tegantur, ad ictum totis corporibus expositi numquam frustra manum mittunt. 4 hoc plerique ordinariis paribus et postulaticiis praeferunt. quidni praeferant? non galea, non scuto repellitur ferrum. quo munimenta? quo artes? omnia ista mortis morae sunt. mane leonibus et ursis homines, meridie spectatoribus suis obiciuntur. interfectores interfecturis iubent obici et uictorem in aliam detinent caedem: exitus pugnantium mors est. ferro et igne res geritur. haec fiunt, dum uacat harena. 5 “sed latrocinium fecit aliquis, occidit hominem.” quid ergo? quia occidit ille, meruit ut hoc pateretur: tu quid meruisti miser, ut hoc spectes? “occide, uerbera, ure. quare tam timide incurrit in ferrum? quare parum audacter occidit? quare parum libenter moritur? plagis agatur in uulnera, mutuos ictus nudis et obuiis pectoribus excipiant.” intermissum est spectaculum: “interim iugulentur homines, ne nihil agatur.“

1.4 A Roman emperor’s delight in the bloodshed of the games: Cassius Dio 60.13

Source: Cassius Dio 60.13 (Greek, early 3rd century) Edition: U.P. B OISSEVAIN , Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiae Romanae, 3 vols. (Berlin: 1955) Introduction: Cassius Dio was a Roman senator, originally from the province of Bithynia in the east. He flourished during the Severan dynasty, and held two consulships before he wrote his Roman history. The passage below illustrates the ways in which, during the Imperial period, it became important for the emperors to appear in front of the people of Rome. Spectacles, particularly gladiatorial games staged in the arena, were the right venue for social interactions between the emperor and his subjects. The arena displayed the social order of the empire. Privileged seats were reserved for the Roman nobility, which had otherwise lost much of their political power as a consequence of the constitutional changes associated with the first emperor Augustus. The audience communicated with the emperor through acclamation. In so doing, the spectators closely observed the emperor’s behaviour and his display of affection towards the crowd. Ancient authorities describe the emperor Claudius as someone who showed excessive delight in executions. Like most of the other Julio-Claudian emperors, he therefore gained the reputation of a cruel emperor keen on punishing senators. In the passage below, Claudius shows the greatest delight in those midday executions, which Seneca had in the passage above criticised for their excessive cruelty.

1.5

People are attracted by the violence of the arena but disgusted by violence in real life

Further reading: P. P L ASS , The Game of Death in Ancient Rome: Arena Sport and Political Suicide (Madison, 1995) See also: [1.3 Why brutal spectacles can damage a philosophical character]

60.13.1 Claudius was constantly giving gladiatorial contests. For he took great pleasure in them, so that he had a cause for this. Very few animals perished, but many human beings did, some of them fighting with each other and others being devoured by the animals. […] 3 So great was the number of those who perished in public, that the statue of Augustus which was erected in that place was moved elsewhere, as it should not either be understood to be watching the murder or else be always veiled. He was therefore laughed at, for he did not think that the inanimate bronze deserved to watch such things as he was himself satiated with. 4 He watched as most pleasing those who were cut down during the intermission in the spectacle at lunch time; and yet he had put to death a lion that had been trained to devour men and therefore greatly pleased the crowd because it was not fitting for Romans to watch such a spectacle. 5 But he was warmly praised for the fact that he engaged publicly with the crowd in the spectacles, granted all that they wanted, and also because he made very little use of heralds but instead published most events in writing on boards. 60.13.1 Ἐτίθει μὲν οὖν συνεχῶς μονομαχίας ἀγῶνας· πάνυ γάρ σφισιν ἔχαιρεν, ὥστε καὶ αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ σχεῖν· ἀπώλλυντο δὲ θηρία μὲν ἐλάχιστα ἄνθρωποι δὲ πολλοί, οἱ μὲν ἀλλήλοις μαχόμενοι οἱ δὲ καὶ ὑπ’ ἐκείνων ἀναλούμενοι. […] 3 τοσοῦτον δ’ οὖν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τῷ κοινῷ θνησκόντων ἐγίγνετο ὥστε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Αὐγούστου ἀνδριάντα τὸν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ ἐκείνῳ ἱδρυμένον ἑτέρωσέ ποι μετενεχθῆναι τοῦ δὴ μήτε ἐφορᾶν αὐτὸν τοὺς φόνους νομίζεσθαι μήτε ἀεὶ κατακαλύπτεσθαι. καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τούτῳ γέλωτα ὠφλίσκανεν, εἰ δὴ ὅσα μηδὲ τὸν χαλκὸν τὸν ἀναίσθητον δοκεῖν ὁρᾶν ἠξίου, τούτων αὐτὸς διεπίμπλατο· 4 τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα καὶ τοὺς διὰ μέσου τῆς θέας παρὰ τὸν τοῦ ἀρίστου καιρὸν κατακοπτομένους ἥδιστα ἐθεώρει, καίτοι λέοντα δεδιδαγμένον ἀνθρώπους ἐσθίειν καὶ πάνυ γε διὰ τοῦτο τῷ πλήθει ἀρέσκοντα ἀποκτείνας ὡς οὐ προσῆκον ὂν τοιοῦτό τι θέαμα ὁρᾶν Ῥωμαίους· 5 ὅτι δὲ δή σφισι κοινῶς τε ἐν τῇ θέᾳ συνῆν καὶ παρεῖχεν ὅσα ἐβούλοντο, καὶ κήρυξι μὲν ἐλάχιστα ἐχρῆτο, τὰ δὲ δὴ πλείω ἐς σανίδας γράφων διεδήλου, σφόδρα ἐπῃνεῖτο.

1.5

People are attracted by the violence of the arena but disgusted by violence in real life: Tertullian, On the Games, 21-2

Source: Tertullian, On the Spectacles 21-22 (Latin, late 2nd – early 3rd century, North Africa) Edition: E. D EKKERS , Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani opera, Pars I: opera catholica; adversus Marcionem, CCSL 1 (Turnhout, 1954), 227-53 Introduction: Tertullian was originally a lawyer who had received a classical education before he converted to Christianity. Flourishing in North Africa in the late second and early third century, he became one of the early Christian apologists and theologians who wrote in Latin. Considered

21

22

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

important by several later Christian authors, Tertullian was also widely criticised for expounding Montanist views. In his work On the Spectacles, Tertullian answered the question of why Christians should avoid the spectacles. He wrote this treatise with a view to contemporary Christians who actually attended the spectacles. Tertullian is concerned about the pagan elements and origin of the spectacles, as well as about their adverse effects on salvation, rather than about the violence staged in the arena. His argument is that true Christians should abandon this sinful kind of entertainment. In the passage below, Tertullian describes the spectators as easily shocked when they see violence and death in real life, but also as delighted with the violence staged in the arena, especially in cases of condemned criminals whom they thought suffered and died deservedly. Professional gladiators, on the other hand, were simultaneously despised as social outcasts, and admired because of their fame. Further reading: P. V EYNE , ‘Païens et chrétiens devant la gladiature,’ Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 111 (1999), 883-917 See also: [1.2 The glory of fighting and dying in the arena]

21. […] He, who in the streets stops or detests any fist fight, will in the stadium vote for fights far serious than that, and he who looks with horror on the corpse of one who has died under the common law of nature, will in the amphitheatre stare down with most patient eyes on bodies eaten alive, torn asunder and covered in their own blood. Indeed, the very person who comes to the show because they want to approve punishment for murder, drives the gladiator against his will to homicide with whips and rods, and the person who demands the lion for every murder case that stands out more than others, will require the wooden training sword for the furious gladiator, and reward him with the cap of liberty. They even want a defeated gladiator back to watch the show of his facial expression – with greater joy inspecting near at hand the man whom they wished to die at distance and with their attitudes even hardened if he did not wish to die. 22 Why does it surprise you? Inconsistencies like these are typical for people who confuse and change the nature of good and evil in their instability of feeling and constancy of judgment. The sponsors and managers of the spectacles, for the same reason for which they praise the charioteers, actors, and wrestlers, and those most loving gladiators – to whom men prostitute their souls, women even their bodies, and on whose account they come together to do what they detest – degrade and belittle them. Indeed, they condemn them openly to ignominy and the loss of their rights as citizens, excluding them from assembly places, public speeches, from senatorial and equestrian rank, and from all other offices as well as certain distinctions. What perversity! They love whom they punish; they belittle whom they admire; they praise the art and stigmatise the artist. […] 21 …qui in plateis litem manu agentem aut compescit aut detestatur, idem in stadio grauioribus pugnis suffragium ferat, et qui ad cadauer hominis communi lege defuncti exhorret, idem in amphitheatro derosa et dissipata et in suo sanguine squalentia corpora patientissimis oculis desuper incumbat; immo qui propter homicidae poenam probandam ad spectaculum ueniat, idem gladiatorem ad homicidium flagellis et uirgis compellat inuitum, et qui insigniori cuique homicidae leonem poscit, idem gladiatori

1.6 A Rabbinic account of the Roman Siege of Jerusalem: Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56

atroci petat rudem et pilleum praemium conferat, illum uero confectum etiam oris spectaculo repetat, libentius recognoscens de proximo quem uoluit occidere de longinquo, tanto durior, si non uoluit. 22 quid mirum? inaequata ista hominum miscentium et commutantium statum boni et mali per inconstantiam sensus et iudicii uarietatem. etenim ipsi auctores et administratores spectaculorum quadrigarios, scaenicos, xysticos, arenarios illos amantissimos, quibus uiri animas, feminae autem illis etiam corpora sua substernunt, propter quos in ea committunt quae reprehendunt, ex eadem parte qua magnifaciunt, deponunt et deminuunt, immo manifeste damnant ignominia et capitis minutione, arcentes curia, rostris, senatu, equite ceterisque honoribus omnibus, simul et ornamentis quibusdam. quanta peruersitas! amant quos multant, depretiant quos probant, artem magnificant, artificem notant. […]

The Jewish War (66-70) and the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem 1.6 A Rabbinic account of the Roman Siege of Jerusalem: Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56

Source: Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56a-b (Hebrew, early 3rd century) Edition: M. S IMON and I. E PSTEIN , The Babylonian Talmud, vol. 7: Gittin (London, 1936) Introduction: The Talmud is the central text of Rabbinic Judaism and a practical guide for the Jewish way of life. It records legal opinions and Rabbinic discussions of questions relating to Jewish life, tradition, and history. The term Talmud is often used synonymously with the Babylonian Talmud, which consists of documents compiled by Jewish scholars working in Mesopotamia in Late Antiquity. The Babylonian Talmud includes an account of the siege and capture of Jerusalem in 66-70 CE from the Jewish perspective. In the first extract below, the Romans in Judaea attempt to identify rebellious Jews and therefore force the Jewish population to demonstrate their loyalty through sacrifice. The rabbis, however, see this an affront to Jewish religion. The second extract describes how Titus allegedly desecrates the sanctuary of the Temple after the fall of Jerusalem, despoils the Temple, and brings the spoils of the Jewish War to Rome. This latter event is confirmed by archaeological evidence. Both the triumphal arch of Titus in Rome and the Colosseum (amphitheatrum Flavianum) attest that the booty from Jerusalem came to adorn the city of Rome. Further reading: A.J. S ALDARINI , ‘Johanan ben Zakkai's Escape from Jerusalem: Origin and Development of a Rabbinic Story,’ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Period 6 (1975), 189-204 See also: [1.7 The Romans Destroy Jerusalem] [1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians]

Bar Kamza went and said to the emperor, “The Jews are rebelling against you.” Caesar said to him, “How can I tell?” Bar Kamza said to him, “Send a sacrifice to them and see whether they offer it.”

23

24

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

So, Caesar sent a young calf with Bar Kamza. While on the way, Bar Kamza made a blemish on its upper lip, or as some say, on the white of its eye, in a place where we [the Jews] consider it a blemish, they [the Romans] do not. The Rabbis considered sacrificing it for political peace, but Rabbi Zechariah ben Abkulas said, “People will say that blemished animals are sacrificed on the altar.” They considered killing Bar Kamza so that he could not go and inform against them, but Rabbi Zechariah said to them, “People will say that one who blemishes a consecrated animal shall be killed.” Rabbi Yohanan said, “The discretion of Rabbi Zechariah ben Abkulas destroyed our House, burnt our Temple, and exiled us from our Land.” He sent Vespasian Caesar against them, who came and besieged Jerusalem for three years. There were three rich men there. […] These men were in a position to feed Jerusalem for twenty-one years. […] Vespasian sent Titus who said, “Where is their God, the rock in whom they trusted?” (Deut. 32:37). This is the wicked Titus who blasphemed and insulted heaven. What did he do? He grabbed a harlot by the hand and he went into the Holy of Holies and spread out a Torah scroll and performed a sinful act upon it. Then he drew a sword and pierced the curtain of the ark. A miracle occurred, and blood spurted out, and he thought he had killed God himself […]. He took the curtain and made it into a sort of basket and he brought all the vessels in the Temple and put them into it, and he put them on a ship to go and celebrate a triumph in Rome.

1.7 The Romans destroy Jerusalem: Josephus, Jewish War

Source: Josephus, Jewish War 6.260-66 (Greek, late 1st century) Edition: B. NIESE, Flavii Iosephi opera, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1955) Introduction: Flavius Josephus (c. 37 – c. 100 CE) was a Hellenistic Jewish historian. He was born into an aristocratic, priestly family in Jerusalem. During the Jewish rebellion against the Romans, he played a prominent role and was eventually captured alive by Vespasian, who at that time was sent by the emperor Nero to deal with the Jewish rebels. As a prisoner of war, Josephus predicted imperial succession to Vespasian. After the prediction came true, Vespasian (Flavius Vespasianus) had him released, and Josephus therefore received the nomen gentile Flavius as Vepasian’s freedmen. He went on to become advisor of Vespasian’s son Titus in the Jewish war. Out of gratitude to the Flavian family, Flavius Josephus tries not to blame the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem on Titus, however devastated he personally was by the event. Later Jewish authors tended to disdain the works of Josephus, but Christian authors regarded Josephus as authoritative for this this time period (cf. Eus. HE 3.9.2). The other important historical account of the Flavian dynasty was written by the Roman historian Tacitus (the Histories). Because the early parts of this work are the only sections preserved, Tacitus’ account of the destruction of the temple is lost, too.

1.7 The Romans destroy Jerusalem: Josephus, Jewish War

Further reading: E.M. S MALLWOOD, The Jews under Roman rule: From Pompey to Diocletian (Leiden, 1976) See also: [1.6 A Rabbinic account of the Roman Siege of Jerusalem]

6.260 Since Caesar was unable to restrain the run of his enthusiastic soldiers, and the fire prevailed, he stepped into the holy place of the temple, along with his commanders, and gazed at what was in it, which he found to be far superior to what the rumours of foreigners contained, but not inferior to our own praises and judgements. 261 But as the flame had not as yet reached the inside, but was still consuming the rooms located around the temple, Titus acknowledged what the fact was, that the artwork could still be saved. 262 He came forward and tried to encourage the soldiers to fight the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion of the spearmen around him to beat with their clubs the soldiers who refused to follow the order, and to restrain them. 263 But their mindset was stronger than the respect they had for Caesar as well as the dread they had of the commander who tried to restrain them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain hostile desire for destruction. 264 The hope of plunder urged many to go on because they thought that everything inside was full of money, and because they saw that everything around them was made of gold. 265 While Caesar ran out to hold back the soldiers, one of those that had come inside went on to throw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark. 266 For now the flame suddenly broke out from within, and the commanders withdrew, along with Caesar, and nobody any longer prevented those outside to set fire to the place. And so was the temple set on fire, against Caesar’s wishes. 260 Καῖσαρ δ’ ὡς οὔτε τὰς ὁρμὰς ἐνθουσιώντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατασχεῖν οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐπεκράτει, παρελθὼν μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο τοῦ ναοῦ τὸ ἅγιον καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ, πολὺ μὲν τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις φήμης ἀμείνω, τοῦ δὲ κόμπου καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς οἰκείοις δόξης οὐκ ἐλάττω. 261 τῆς φλογὸς δὲ οὐδέπω διικνουμένης οὐδαμόθεν εἴσω, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ναὸν οἴκους νεμομένης, νομίσας, ὅπερ ἦν, ἔτι σώζεσθαι τὸ ἔργον δύνασθαι προπηδᾷ, 262 καὶ αὐτός τε παρακαλεῖν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπειρᾶτο τὸ πῦρ σβεννύειν καὶ Λιβεράλιον ἑκατοντάρχην τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν λογχοφόρων ξύλοις παίοντα τοὺς ἀπειθοῦντας ἐκέλευσεν εἴργειν. 263 τῶν δὲ καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα αἰδῶ καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κωλύοντος φόβον ἐνίκων οἱ θυμοὶ καὶ τὸ πρὸς Ἰουδαίους μῖσος, καὶ πολεμική τις ὁρμὴ λαβροτέρα· 264 τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς ἐνῆγεν ἁρπαγῆς ἐλπίς, δόξαν τε ἔχοντας ὡς τὰ ἔνδον ἅπαντα χρημάτων μεστὰ εἴη, καὶ τὰ πέριξ ὁρῶντας χρυσοῦ πεποιημένα. 265 φθάνει δέ τις καὶ τῶν εἴσω παρεληλυθότων ἐκπηδήσαντος τοῦ Καίσαρος πρὸς ἐποχὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πῦρ εἰς τοὺς στροφέας ἐμβαλὼν τῆς πύλης † ἐν σκότῳ· 266 τότε γὰρ ἐξαπίνης ἔνδοθεν ἐκφανείσης φλογὸς οἵ τε ἡγεμόνες μετὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀνεχώρουν, καὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν οὐδεὶς ὑφάπτειν ἐκώλυεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν ναὸς οὕτως ἄκοντος Καίσαρος ἐμπίπραται.

25

26

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

1.8 Speech of the Jewish rebel Eleazar urging mass suicide at Masada

Source: Josephus, Jewish War 7.320-26, 330-36 (Greek, late 1st century) Edition: B. N IESE , Flavii Iosephi opera, vol. 6 (Berlin, 1955) Introduction: The siege at Masada was a key event in the direct aftermath of the first Roman-Jewish war. Masada was a Jewish fortress, built by Herod the Great, on top of a rock plateau in the Judaean desert, overlooking the Dead Sea. In 73 CE, 960 Jewish sectarians and resistance warriors collectively decided to commit suicide once the Romans succeeded in storming the fortress with giant battle machines. Flavius Josephus gives a very detailed account of the siege and the ensuing mass suicide. This episode seems to have particular resonance for Josephus. He was one of only two survivors of a mass suicide in a cave during the Roman siege of Yodfat, when he was himself captured by the Romans in 67 CE. The speech of the Jewish rebel leader Eleazar below, which is quite likely an invention by Flavius Josephus, nevertheless introduces a number of themes, to do with resistance and martyrdom, and God’s role in securing a heroic death – themes which later became standard discourses of martyrdom in Christian texts. Some Christian sectarian groups, like the Phrygian Montanists and other latter-day Christian groups, even went so far as to commit mass suicide themselves. Further reading: L.H. F ELDMAN , and G. H ATA , Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity (Leiden, 1987) See also: [2.3 Wrath of God directed at pagans]

7.320 Eleazar did not even consider running away, nor did he allow anyone else to do so. 321 When he saw that the wall was destroyed by fire, and he could think of no other way to be safe or show courage, he set before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they won, and advised that they should all die collectively. 322 Because he came to the decision that this was the best thing to do in the present circumstances, he gathered the manliest of his companions together, and encouraged them to do this with the following words: 323 “Since we, my dear friends, have long ago decided never to be slaves to the Romans or to anyone else than to God, who alone is the true and just Lord of humankind, the time has now come that requires us to carry out that resolution in practice. 324 Let us not bring shame upon ourselves, first to endure slavery without danger and now to opt for cruel vengeance along with slavery, in case we are still alive under Roman rule. We were the first of all to revolt against them, and we are the last to fight them. 325 I believe that this too is a favour granted to us by God, to be able to be slain in a beautiful and free manner, as it was not granted to others who were conquered unexpectedly. 326 It is obvious to me that we shall be taken within a day’s time, but the choice of a noble death, along with our friends, is open to us. Our enemies can by no means stop us doing this, when they promise to take us alive, but we can no longer fight and beat them. […] 330 “Therefore, observe how God has given us a demonstration that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the terrible state we are now in, beyond all hope. 331 For

1.8

Speech of the Jewish rebel Eleazar urging mass suicide at Masada

the nature of this fortress which could not be taken, has not turned out to be a means of our salvation, but – even though we still have abundance of food, a great quantity of weapons, and of other means more than enough, we are evidently excluded by God himself from hope of salvation. 332 For that fire which was driven against our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built, but this was the result of God’s anger against our many sins, which we have committed in rage against our countrymen. 333 In respect of these let us not receive atonement from the accursed Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these are more tolerable than the other. 334 Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have experienced slavery. After we have slain them, let us bestow that noble grace upon one another mutually, safeguarding our freedom as an excellent funeral monument for us. 335 But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire. For the Romans will be distressed, as I very well know, because they have no power over our bodies, and are also deprived of profits. 336 Let us leave behind just the food. For when we are dead, that will bear witness to the fact that we were not subdued because of famine, but as we have determined from the start, that we have chosen death over slavery.” 7.320 Οὐ μὴν οὔτε αὐτὸς Ἐλεάζαρος ἐν νῷ δρασμὸν ἔλαβεν οὔτε ἄλλῳ τινὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἔμελλεν ἐπιτρέψειν. 321 ὁρῶν δὲ τὸ μὲν τεῖχος ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναλούμενον, ἄλλον δὲ οὐδένα σωτηρίας τρόπον οὐδ’ ἀλκῆς ἐπινοῶν, ἃ δὲ ἔμελλον Ῥωμαῖοι δράσειν αὐτοὺς καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας [αὐτῶν], εἰ κρατήσειαν, ὑπ’ ὀφθαλμοὺς αὑτῷ τιθέμενος, θάνατον κατὰ πάντων ἐβουλεύσατο. 322 καὶ τοῦτο κρίνας ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἄριστον, τοὺς ἀνδρωδεστάτους τῶν ἑταίρων συναγαγὼν τοιούτοις ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν λόγοις παρεκάλει· 323 “πάλαι διεγνωκότας ἡμᾶς, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί, μήτε Ῥωμαίοις μήτ’ ἄλλῳ τινὶ δουλεύειν ἢ θεῷ, μόνος γὰρ οὗτος ἀληθής ἐστι καὶ δίκαιος ἀνθρώπων δεσπότης, ἥκει νῦν καιρὸς ἐπαληθεῦσαι κελεύων τὸ φρόνημα τοῖς ἔργοις. 324 πρὸς ὃν αὑτοὺς μὴ καταισχύνωμεν πρότερον μηδὲ δουλείαν ἀκίνδυνον ὑπομείναντες, νῦν δὲ μετὰ δουλείας ἑλόμενοι τιμωρίας ἀνηκέστους, εἰ ζῶντες ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐσόμεθα· πρῶτοί τε γὰρ πάντων ἀπέστημεν καὶ πολεμοῦμεν αὐτοῖς τελευταῖοι. 325 νομίζω δὲ καὶ παρὰ θεοῦ ταύτην δεδόσθαι χάριν τοῦ δύνασθαι καλῶς καὶ ἐλευθέρως ἀποθανεῖν, ὅπερ ἄλλοις οὐκ ἐγένετο παρ’ ἐλπίδα κρατηθεῖσιν. 326 ἡμῖν δὲ πρόδηλος μέν ἐστιν ἡ γενησομένη μεθ’ ἡμέραν ἅλωσις, ἐλευθέρα δὲ ἡ τοῦ γενναίου θανάτου μετὰ τῶν φιλτάτων αἵρεσις. οὔτε γὰρ τοῦτ’ ἀποκωλύειν οἱ πολέμιοι δύνανται πάντως εὐχόμενοι ζῶντας ἡμᾶς παραλαβεῖν, οὔθ’ ἡμεῖς ἐκείνους ἔτι νικᾶν μαχόμενοι. […] 330 Τοιγαροῦν ὁρᾶτε, πῶς ἡμᾶς ἐλέγχει μάταια προσδοκήσαντας κρείττονα τῶν ἐλπίδων τὴν ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς ἀνάγκην ἐπαγαγών· 331 οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡ τοῦ φρουρίου φύσις ἀνάλωτος οὖσα πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὠφέληκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τροφῆς ἀφθονίαν καὶ πλῆθος ὅπλων καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἔχοντες παρασκευὴν περιττεύουσαν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ περιφανῶς τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀφῃρήμεθα. 332 τὸ γὰρ πῦρ εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους φερόμενον οὐκ αὐτομάτως ἐπὶ τὸ κατασκευασθὲν τεῖχος ὑφ’ ἡμῶν ἀνέστρεψεν, ἀλλ’ ἔστι ταῦτα χόλος πολλῶν ἀδικημάτων, ἃ μανέντες εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἐτολμήσαμεν. 333 ὑπὲρ ὧν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθίστοις Ῥωμαίοις δίκας ἀλλὰ τῷ θεῷ δι’ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ὑπόσχωμεν· αὗται δέ εἰσιν ἐκείνων μετριώτεραι· 334 θνησκέτωσαν γὰρ γυναῖκες ἀνύβριστοι καὶ παῖδες δουλείας ἀπείρατοι, μετὰ δ’ αὐτοὺς ἡμεῖς εὐγενῆ χάριν ἀλλήλοις παράσχωμεν καλὸν ἐντάφιον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν φυλάξαντες. 335 πρότερον δὲ καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὸ φρούριον πυρὶ διαφθείρωμεν· λυπηθήσονται γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι, σαφῶς οἶδα, μήτε τῶν ἡμετέρων σωμάτων κρατήσαντες καὶ τοῦ κέρδους ἁμαρτόντες. 336 τὰς τροφὰς μόνας ἐάσωμεν· αὗται γὰρ ἡμῖν τεθνηκόσι μαρτυρήσουσιν ὅτι μὴ κατ’ ἔνδειαν ἐκρατήθημεν, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διέγνωμεν, θάνατον ἑλόμενοι πρὸ δουλείας.”

27

28

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

Private spells, public danger: magic and superstition 1.9

Romans fear the fatal power of magical curse tablets: Tacitus, Annals, on Germanicus and Piso (defixiones)

Source: Tacitus, Annals 2.69 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: Publius Cornelius Tacitus (c. 55-120) is a Roman historian whose works are among the main historical sources for the Roman Empire in the first century CE. He was a Roman senator, and became praetor in 88, consul in 97, and proconsul of Asia in 112/3. He started to write history after the emperor Domitian was assassinated in 96. His historical work is therefore influenced by the negative experience of the senatorial order during the principate of Domitian who put many senators to death. In the passage below, Tacitus seems to follow an official reading of the events surrounding the alleged murder of Germanicus, potential heir to Tiberius, by Piso, Roman senator and governor of Syria. Tacitus is the only ancient author who reports that magic tablets were allegedly found in Germanicus’ house, and then used to substantiate the accusations against Germanicus. The episode illustrates that magic charges were often used for political reasons. Magic could threaten the well-being of the emperor or of members of his family. It could cause agitation and riots against the imperial family. Harmful magic was outlawed in Rome since the Law of the Twelve Tablets. A new inscription on the details of the accusation has been brought to light (senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre). The charge of poisoning is not found in the inscription. Instead, Piso is primarily accused as a rioter. Further reading: F. G R AF, Magic in the Ancient World (Cambridge, MA, 1997); C. D AMON (ed.), The Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone Patre: Text, Translation, Discussion (Baltimore, 1999) See also: [1.10 Astrologers expelled from Rome under Claudius]

2.69.1 Germanicus meanwhile, as he was returning from Egypt, found that all his directions to the legions and to the various cities had been repealed or reversed. This brought Piso into serious disrepute, and his own attacks against Caesar were no less harsh. Piso then decided to quit Syria. 2 Soon he was detained because of Germanicus’ ill health, but when he heard of his recovery, and people were paying the vows they had offered for his safety, he went attended by his lictors and drove away the sacrificial animals placed by the altars with all the preparations for sacrifice, and the festal congregation in Antioch. Then he left for Seleucia and awaited the result of the illness which had again befallen Germanicus. 3 The terrible intensity of the malady was increased by the belief that he had been poisoned by Piso, and remains of human bodies were searched out and found in the floor and in the walls, as well as incantations and spells, and the name of Germanicus engraved on leaden tablets, half-burnt ashes smeared with blood, and other charms by which in popular belief souls are devoted to the infernal deities.

1.10 Astrologers expelled from Rome under Claudius: Tacitus, Annals, 12.52

At the same time there were complaints that the legates sent by Piso were investigating any progess of the disease. 2.69.1 At Germanicus Aegypto remeans cuncta, quae apud legiones aut urbes iusserat, abolita uel in contrarium uersa cognoscit. hinc graues in Pisonem contumeliae, nec minus acerba quae ab illo in Caesarem temptabantur. dein Piso abire Syria statuit. 2 mox aduersa Germanici ualitudine detentus, ubi recreatum accepit uotaque pro incolumitate soluebantur, admotas hostias, sacrificalem apparatum, festam Antiochensium plebem per lictores proturbat. tum Seleuciam degreditur, opperiens aegritudinem, quae rursum Germanico acciderat. 3 saeuam uim morbi augebat persuasio ueneni a Pisone accepti; et reperiebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et deuotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti aliaque malefica, quis creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. simul missi a Pisone incusabantur ut ualitudinis aduersa rimantes.

1.10 Astrologers expelled from Rome under Claudius: Tacitus, Annals, 12.52

Source: Tacitus, Annals 12.52 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: As said before, a number of emperors of the first century CE expelled professionals, such as astrologers and philosophers who were interested in fate and in future events. Accusations of astrology and divination were linked to treason charges because predicting a death within the imperial family could lead to conspiracies and assassination by magic, poison, or violence. However, any actions taken against astrologers were temporary and ineffective. In the first century, expulsions were limited to Rome or Italy because the emperor resided in Rome, and the atmosphere was such that riots could happen any time. If an emperor decided to expel astrologers, it does not follow that he personally disapproved of this art. Tiberius, for example, expelled astrologers (Suet. Tib. 63.1), but continued to consult his own court-astrologers. Further reading: B. L EVICK , Claudius (New Haven, 1990); D. R OHMANN , ‘Book Burning as Conflict Management in the Roman Empire (213 BCE – 200 CE),’ Ancient Society 43 (2013), 115-49 See also: [1.20 An emperor exiles the Jews from Rome] [2.10 Philosophers accused of treason and magic] [2.11 Magic trials in Antioch under the emperor Valens] [4.24 The emperor Justinian bans pagan teaching and philosophy]

12.52.1 In the consulship of Faustus Sulla and Salvius Otho, Furius Scribonianus was exiled on the ground that he was consulting the astrologers about the emperor’s death. His mother, Junia, was included in the accusation because it was alleged that she was unable to bear her own downfall in the past (she had been relegated). 2 Camillus, the father of Scribonianus, had raised an armed insurrection in Dalmatia. The emperor turned this case into a display of his own clemency, because he said that he once more wanted to spare the family, however

29

30

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

hostile. But the subsequent life of the exile was not of long duration. Whether he died a natural death, or through poison, was a matter of conflicting rumours, according to one’s own belief. 3 A decree of the senate was passed on the expulsion of the astrologers from Italy, harsh but inefficient. […] 12.52.1 Fausto Sulla Saluio Othone consulibus Furius Scribonianus in exilium agitur, quasi finem principis per Chaldaeos scrutaretur. adnectebatur crimini Vibia mater eius, ut casus prioris (nam relegata erat) impatiens. 2 pater Scriboniani Camillus arma per Dalmatiam mouerat: idque ad clementiam trahebat Caesar, quod stirpem hostilem iterum conseruaret. neque tamen exuli longa posthac uita fuit: morte fortuita an per uenenum exstinctus esset, ut quisque credidit, uulgauere. 3 de mathematicis Italia pellendis factum senatus consultum atrox et inritum.

1.11 The origin of foul heresy in Simon Magus, Acts 8.9-24

Source: Acts 8:9-24 (Greek, late 1st century) Edition: K. A L AND et al., Novum Testamentum Graece (Stuttgart, 1968) Introduction: The Acts of the Apostles are traditionally attributed to Luke the Evangelist and date from the second half of the first century. In this episode, Simon, a converted magician, asks Peter to sell him the gift of the Holy Spirit for money. Many later Christian authors therefore considered the figure of Simon Magus as the biblical source for illicit magic and ‘heresy’ (e.g. Eus. HE 2.1.11-12). In the Middle Ages, the term ‘simony’ came to be used for bribery or conflict of interests in the selection of candidates for church offices. The investiture of clerics by secular authorities as an act of simony triggered the Investiture Controversy, the major power conflict in Western Europe in the 11th and 12th century. Further reading: A. F ERREIRO , Simon Magus in Patristic, Medieval and Early Modern Traditions (Leiden, 2005) See also: [1.26 Vehement criticism of the heretic Marcion’s violent treatment of the Old Testament]

8.9 But there was a certain man, called Simon, who had previously practised magic in the same city and bewitched the people of Samaria, saying that he was someone great. 10 All of them, from the least to the greatest, listened to him eagerly, saying, “This man is the great power of God.” 11 And they listened eagerly to him because for a long time he had bewitched them with magic. 12 But when they believed Philip preaching the things concerning the kingdom of God, and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptised, both men and women. 13 Then Simon himself believed also: and when he was baptised, he continued with Philip, and wondered, beholding the miracles and signs which were done. 14 Now when the apostles which were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent to them Peter and John. 15 The two went down and prayed for them

1.12 ‘Make him her slave’: A fiercely possessive love-spell invoking the God of Abraham

that they might receive the Holy Spirit 16 (for as yet the Spirit had fallen upon none of them; only they were baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus). 17 Then Peter and John laid their hands on them, and they received the Holy Spirit. 18 And when Simon saw that through laying on of the apostles’ hands the Holy Spirit was given, he offered them money, 19 saying, “Give me also this power, that on whomsoever I lay hands, he may receive the Holy Spirit.” 20 But Peter said to him, “Your money perish with you, because you have thought that the gift of God may be purchased with money! 21 You have neither part nor lot in this matter: for your heart is not right in the sight of God. 22 Repent therefore of this your wickedness, and pray God, if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you. 23 For I perceive that you are in the gall of bitterness, and in the bond of iniquity.” 24 Then answered Simon, and said, “Pray to the Lord for me, that none of these things which you have spoken come upon me.” 8.9 Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ὀνόματι Σίμων προϋπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μαγεύων καὶ ἐξιστάνων τὸ ἔθνος τῆς Σαμαρείας, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτὸν μέγαν, 10 ᾧ προσεῖχον πάντες ἀπὸ μικροῦ ἕως μεγάλου λέγοντες, Οὗτός ἐστιν ἡ δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ καλουμένη Μεγάλη. 11 προσεῖχον δὲ αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ ἱκανῷ χρόνῳ ταῖς μαγείαις ἐξεστακέναι αὐτούς. 12 ὅτε δὲ ἐπίστευσαν τῷ Φιλίππῳ εὐαγγελιζομένῳ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἐβαπτίζοντο ἄνδρες τε καὶ γυναῖκες. 13 ὁ δὲ Σίμων καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπίστευσεν, καὶ βαπτισθεὶς ἦν προσκαρτερῶν τῷ Φιλίππῳ, θεωρῶν τε σημεῖα καὶ δυνάμεις μεγάλας γινομένας ἐξίστατο. 14 Ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀπόστολοι ὅτι δέδεκται ἡ Σαμάρεια τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Πέτρον καὶ Ἰωάννην, 15 οἵτινες καταβάντες προσηύξαντο περὶ αὐτῶν ὅπως λάβωσιν πνεῦμα ἅγιον· 16 οὐδέπω γὰρ ἦν ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιπεπτωκός, μόνον δὲ βεβαπτισμένοι ὑπῆρχον εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ. 17 τότε ἐπετίθουν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπ’ αὐτούς, καὶ ἐλάμβανον πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 18 ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Σίμων ὅτι διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων δίδοται τὸ πνεῦμα, προσήνεγκεν αὐτοῖς χρήματα 19 λέγων, Δότε κἀμοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἵνα ᾧ ἐὰν ἐπιθῶ τὰς χεῖρας λαμβάνῃ πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 20 Πέτρος δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν, Τὸ ἀργύριόν σου σὺν σοὶ εἴη εἰς ἀπώλειαν, ὅτι τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνόμισας διὰ χρημάτων κτᾶσθαι. 21 οὐκ ἔστιν σοι μερὶς οὐδὲ κλῆρος ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, ἡ γὰρ καρδία σου οὐκ ἔστιν εὐθεῖα ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ. 22 μετανόησον οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας σου ταύτης, καὶ δεήθητι τοῦ κυρίου εἰ ἄρα ἀφεθήσεταί σοι ἡ ἐπίνοια τῆς καρδίας σου· 23 εἰς γὰρ χολὴν πικρίας καὶ σύνδεσμον ἀδικίας ὁρῶ σε ὄντα. 24 ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Σίμων εἶπεν, Δεήθητε ὑμεῖς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν κύριον ὅπως μηδὲν ἐπέλθῃ ἐπ’ ἐμὲ ὧν εἰρήκατε.

1.12 ‘Make him her slave’: A fiercely possessive love-spell invoking the God of Abraham

Source: W ÜNSCH , Antike Fluchtafeln, no 5 (Greek, 3rd century, Hadrumetum, North Africa) Edition: R. W ÜNSCH , Antike Fluchtafeln (Bonn, 1912), no. 5, p. 21-26 Introduction: The extract below is taken from a lengthy wax tablet invoking a demon to activate a binding spell and love charm. This tablet was discovered in 1890 in an ancient cemetery in Hadrumetum (North Africa), rolled up and pierced with a nail. The purpose of defixiones of this kind was to send messages to a chthonic deity. Magic spells like this were very common in the

31

32

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

ancient world and taken seriously by many. Tacitus had in mind wax tablets of this kind when he wrote about the murder allegations against Piso (above). The wax tablet below probably dates from the 3rd century CE. The text of the spell contains a number of references to the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament (Isa 40:12, Jer 4:24, Prov 1:7, Ps 96:9-11), suggesting that the author, probably a freedperson like their spouse, was a Jew. Further reading: J.G. G AGER , Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World (Oxford, 1992), 112-15 See also: [1.9 Romans fear the fatal power of magical curse tablets]

[…] I invoke you, great, eternal and almighty God, whom the mountains and valleys throughout the whole earth fear, because of whom the lion gives up its prey and the mountains tremble with earth and sea, each becomes wise who has fear of the Lord eternal, immortal, all-seeing, hater of evil, knowing what has happened, good and evil, throughout the sea and rivers, and mountains and earth, Aoth Abaoth, the God of Abraham and Iao, the God of Jacob, Iao Aoth Abaoth, god of Israma, bring and unite Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, with Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, loving, frantic, tortured with love, passion, and desire for Domitiana, tο whom Candida gave birth; unite them in marriage and as companions in love for all the time of their lives. Make him submit to her as her loving slave, so that he will desire no other woman or girl apart from Domitiana alone, to whom Candida gave birth, and will keep her as his companion for all the time of their lives. Now, now! Quickly, quickly! ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν μέγαν τὸν αἰώνιον καὶ παντοκράτορα, ὃν φοβεῖται ὄρη καὶ νάπαι καθ’ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην, δι’ ὃν ὁ λείων ἀφείησιν τὸ ἅρπασμα καὶ τὰ ὄρη τρέμει καὶ [ἡ γῆ] καὶ ἡ θάλασσα, † ἕκαστον ἰδάλλεται ὃν ἔχει φόβον τοῦ κυρίου α[ἰ]ω[νίου] ἀθανάτου παντεφόπτου μεισοπονήρου ἐπισταμένου τὰ γ[ενόμ]ενα ἀγαθὰ καὶ κακὰ καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ ποταμοὺς καὶ τὰ ὄρη καὶ [τὴν] γῆ[ν] Αωθ Αβαωθ, τὸν θεὸν τοῦ Ἀβρααν καὶ τὸν Ἰάω τὸν τοῦ Ἰακου Ἰάω Αωθ Αβαωθ, θεὸν τοῦ Ἰσραμα, ἄξον ζεῦξον τὸν Οὐρβανόν, ὃν ἔτεκεν Οὐρβα(νά), πρὸς τὴν Δομιτιανάν, ἣν ἔτεκε Κανδιδά, ἐρῶντα μαι[ν]όμενον βασανιζόμενον ἐπὶ τῇ φιλίᾳ καὶ ἔρωτι καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς Δομιτιανῆς, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ζεῦξον αὐτοὺς γάμῳ καὶ ἔρωτι συμβιοῦτας ὅλῳ τῷ τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῶν χρόνῳ, ποίησον αὐτὸν ὡς δοῦλον αὐτῇ ἐρῶντα ὑποτεταχθῆναι, μηδεμίαν ἄλλη[ν] γυναῖκα μήτε παρθένον ἐπιθυμοῦντα, μόνην δὲ τὴν Δομιτια[νάν], ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, σύμβιον ἔχειν ὅλῳ τῷ τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῶ[ν χρόνῳ·] ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ.

1.13 A political martyr under Nero: Tacitus on the Pisonian conspiracy

Pagan martyrs of conscience 1.13 A political martyr under Nero: Tacitus on the Pisonian conspiracy

Source: Tacitus, Annals 16.35.1 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: In the passage below, the Roman historian Tacitus shows that the idea of ‘martyrdom’, in the sense of undergoing death in a conflict of individual views and beliefs, was not unique to the Judeo-Christian tradition, but inherent to pagan belief systems, like Stoic philosophy, too. In Tacitus’ historical narrative, senators often committed suicide for their political views. In some cases, like that of Thrasea Paetus below, this kind of political martyrdom has a strong religious dimension, which is apparent in his addressing Jupiter with the attribute ‘the Liberator’. Thrasea Paetus, senator and Stoic philosopher (he was in charge of safekeeping the prophetic Sibylline books), therefore stages the suicide forced upon him as a sacrifice to Jupiter, to whom he gives witness (‘martyr’ means ‘witness’). His death makes Thrasea Paetus a witness of political freedom and passive resistance against Nero. Further reading: E. C HAMPLIN , Nero (Cambridge, MA, 2003); M.T. G RIFFIN , Nero: The End of a Dynasty (New Haven, 1985); D. R OHMANN , Gewalt und politischer Wandel im 1. Jh. n. Chr. (Munich, 2006), 125-30 See also: [1.18 ‘Atheists’ condemned to the wild beasts under Domitian]

16.35.1 He now walked on to the colonnade, where the quaestor found him nearer to happiness than to pain, because he had found out that Helvidius, his son-in law, was merely debarred from Italy. Having accepted the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into the living room, stretched out the arteries of both his arms, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, called the quaestor nearer, and said, “I am dedicating this to Jupiter the Liberator. Watch, young man, and may the gods, indeed, avert that omen. Nevertheless, you have been born into times in which it is helpful to strengthen your mind with examples of steadfastness.” 16.35.1 Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Heluidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognouerat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Heluidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit: porrectisque utriusque brachii uenis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius uocato quaestore “libamus” inquit “Ioui liberatori. specta, iuuenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es, quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis”.

33

34

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

1.14 A freedwoman tortured but refusing to provide evidence under torture: Tacitus, Annals, 15.57

Source: Tacitus, Annals 15.57 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: Senatorial readers of the late first and early second century were interested in heroic death scenes. In this context, Tacitus mentions Epicharis as the outstanding example of a freedwoman who displayed contempt of death when she committed suicide under extraordinary circumstances lest to reveal information on senators she knew. Like Thrasea Paetus above, Epicharis too died in the aftermath of the Pisonian conspiracy of 65, when a group of senators were accused of having attempted to assassinate Emperor Nero. Tortures were regularly applied to slaves when questioned as witnesses in law cases. Because of their dependence, it was believed that slaves would give reliable evidence only under torture. Senators were normally exempt from torture; however, in cases of treason this exemption was waived. Further reading: P. A. B RUNT, ‘Evidence Given under Torture in the Roman Principate,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Romanistische Abteilung) 97 (1980), 256-65; P. D U B OIS , Torture and Truth (London, 1990); E. C HAMPLIN , Nero (Cambridge, MA, 2003) See also: [1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians]

15.57.1 Nero meanwhile realised that Epicharis was in custody on the information of Volusius Proculus, and assuming that her female body was not ready to withstand the pain, ordered her to be put on the rack. But neither the scourge nor fire, nor the fury of the men as they increased the torture that they might not be scorned by a woman, overcame her denial of the accusations. The investigation was therefore met with contempt on the first day. 2 On the next day, as she was being dragged back on a litter to the same torments (for with her limbs all dislocated she could not stand), she tied a band, which she had stripped off her breast, in the shape of a sling to the arched back of the chair, put her neck in it, and using just her body weight, squeezed out her spirit that was already diminished. All the nobler was this example set by a freedwoman, who at such a time of crisis protected strangers and people whom she hardly knew, because freeborn men, Roman knights, and senators, yet unscathed by torture, all betrayed exactly those amongst their next of kin that were dearest to them. 57.1 Atque interim Nero recordatus Volusii Proculi indicio Epicharin attineri ratusque muliebre corpus impar dolori tormentis dilacerari iubet. at illam non uerbera, non ignes, non ira eo acrius torquentium, ne a femina spernerentur, peruicere, quin obiecta denegaret. sic primus quaestionis dies contemptus. 2 postero cum ad eosdem cruciatus retraheretur gestamine sellae (nam dissolutis membris insistere nequibat), uinclo fasciae, quam pectori detraxerat, in modum laquei ad arcum sellae restricto indidit ceruicem et corporis pondere conisa tenuem iam spiritum expressit, clariore exemplo libertina mulier in

1.15

Condemnation to the beasts as a judicial punishment: Suetonius, Life of Caligula

tanta necessitate alienos ac prope ignotos protegendo, cum ingenui et uiri et equites Romani senatoresque intacti tormentis carissima suorum quisque pignorum proderent.

Crime and punishment: condemnatio ad bestias and crucifixion 1.15

Condemnation to the beasts as a judicial punishment: Suetonius, Life of Caligula

Source: Suetonius, Life of Caligula 26.5-27.4 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: M. I HM , C. Suetoni Tranquilli Opera, vol. 1: De vita Caesarum libri VII (Leipzig, 1908) Introduction: Like Tacitus, Suetonius (c. 70 – after 122) was a representative of the senatorial and equestrian orders of Rome. He too wrote his biographies of emperors in the early second century when the political climate had changed and he himself was secretary to the emperor and therefore had access to the imperial archives. Suetonius is negatively biased against previous emperors like Caligula whose memory was practically condemned because many senators hated him. As a result, Suetonius links condemnatio ad bestias (‘condemnation to the wild beasts’) in the arena to Caligula. According to the text below, Caligula introduced condemnatio ad bestias to the amphitheatre because he wanted to save money on feeding wild animals. Wild animals were staged in the arena because they represented the expansion of the empire in Rome as they were gathered from its periphery. (See also Suet. Claud. 14; Cass. Dio 59.10; 60.13; Petron. 45) However, condemnatio ad bestias probably first emerged as a military punishment, first attested for 167 BCE (see above, [1.1 Military roots of the games]). All offences described in the passage below fall under the category of treason, dealt with in maiestas trials which are also evidenced for Caligula’s predecessors, Augustus and Tiberius. It is interesting to note that denial to swear to the emperor’s genius (tutelage spirit) counted among these treason offences. There is a direct link from here to the later Christian trials. Further reading: D.G. KYLE , Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome (London, 2001); P.C. P L ASS , The Game of Death in Ancient Rome: Arena Sport and Political Suicide (Madison, 1995) See also: [1.1 Military roots of the games] [1.18 ‘Atheists’ condemned to the wild beasts under Domitian] [1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace] [1.22 A variant report on the Great Fire of Rome]

26.5 At the gladiatorial show, he would sometimes draw back the sunroofs at the hottest time of the day and would not allow anyone to leave. He would then remove the usual equipment, set the cheapest gladiators, which were worn out by old age, against frail animals and have mock fights between respectable patres familias who were known to be of good reputation but conspicuous for some physical disability. Sometimes he would shut down the granaries and inflict hunger on the people.

35

36

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

27.1 Through these acts he gave the clearest proof of his cruel character. When the cattle to feed the wild beasts he was going to provide for a show were too expensive, he designated criminals to be devoured, and reviewed the line of prisoners without examining individual records, but simply standing in the middle of the colonnade, he ruled that those ‘between the bald-heads’ were to be led away. 2 A man who had promised he would fight as a gladiator if the emperor were restored to health, he obliged to fulfil his vow, watched him as he fought sword in hand and did not let him off until he had won his fight and then only after much begging. Another, who had offered his own life for the same reason but had hesitated to fulfil his pledge, he handed over to his slaves with orders to drive the man, wearing sacred boughs and fillets, through the streets, demanding fulfilment of his vow, and eventually hurl him from a rampart. 3 Many men of honourable rank he first had disfigured with the marks of branding irons and then condemned to the mines, to road-building, or to the beasts or else he would force them into cages on all fours like animals, or have them sawn in half. Nor was this always for some serious offence but sometimes merely because they had criticised one of his shows or because they had never sworn by his genius. 4 He forced parents to attend the execution of their own children, and when one man excused himself on the grounds of ill health, he had a litter sent to collect him, another man he forced from the spectacle of execution direct to a banquet at which, all charm, he provoked him to laugh and joke. The manager of the games and beast fights he had beaten with chains for days on end, while he himself watched him, and only had him killed when he was offended by the smell of the man’s rotting brain. He had a composer of Atellan comedy burnt alive in the middle of the arena because one of his lines of verse contained a potentially dissident joke. When a Roman knight who had been thrown to the wild beasts loudly protested that he was innocent, he had him taken out, cut off his tongue, and thrown back. 26.5 gladiatorio munere reductis interdum flagrantissimo sole uelis emitti quemquam uetabat, remotoque ordinario apparatu tabidas feras, uilissimos senioque confectos gladiatores, + quoque + paegniaris patres familiarum notos in bonam partem sed insignis debilitate aliqua corporis subiciebat. ac nonnumquam horreis praeclusis populo famem indixit. 27.1 Saeuitiam ingenii per haec maxime ostendit. cum ad saginam ferarum muneri praeparatarum carius pecudes compararentur, ex noxiis laniandos adnotauit, et custodiarum seriem recognoscens, nullius inspecto elogio, stans tantum modo intra porticum mediam, a caluo ad caluum duci imperauit. 2 uotum exegit ab eo, qui pro salute sua gladiatoriam operam promiserat, spectauitque ferro dimicantem nec dimisit nisi uictorem et post multas preces. alterum, qui se periturum ea de causa uouerat, cunctantem pueris tradidit, uerbenatum infulatumque uotum reposcentes per uicos agerent, quoad praecipitaretur ex aggere. 3 multos honesti ordinis deformatos prius stigmatum notis ad metalla et munitiones uiarum aut ad bestias condemnauit aut bestiarum more quadripedes cauea coercuit aut medios serra dissecuit, nec omnes grauibus ex causis, uerum male de munere suo opinatos, uel quod numquam per genium suum deierassent. 4 parentes supplicio filiorum interesse cogebat; quorum uni ualitudinem excusanti lecticam misit, alium a spectaculo poenae epulis statim adhibuit atque omni comitate ad hilaritatem et iocos prouocauit. curatorem munerum ac uenationum per continuos dies in conspectu suo catenis uerberatum non prius occidit quam offensus putrefacti cerebri odore. Atellan[i]ae poetam ob ambigui

1.16 The widow of Ephesus: a parody of resurrection? Petronius, Satyricon, 111-2

ioci uersiculum media amphitheatri harena igni cremauit. equitem R. obiectum feris, cum se innocentem proclamasset, reduxit abscisaque lingua rursus induxit.

1.16 The widow of Ephesus: a parody of resurrection? Petronius, Satyricon, 111-2

Source: Petronius, Satyricon 111-12 (Latin, mid 1st century) Edition: K. M ÜLLER , Petronii Arbitri Satyricon reliquiae (Stuttgart, 1995) Introduction: Titus (Gaius?) Petronius ‘Arbiter’, author of the Satyricon, is in all likelihood identical with the Petronius, Nero’s ‘arbiter of elegance’ and consul of c. 60, mentioned in Tacitus (Ann. 16.18). He was forced to commit suicide in the aftermath of the Pisonian conspiracy in 66. Alongside Apuleius’ Golden Ass, the Satyricon (however fragmentary) is the most important novel written in Latin. Through the eyes of its protagonist Encolpius, the novel draws a satirical picture of the frivolous, dissimulating life-style of freedmen and the nouveau riche. Like Pliny the Younger, Petronius was also governor of Bithynia, where early Christianity was relatively widespread. Alongside the cena Trimalchionis (‘Trimalchio’s dinner party’), the ‘widow of Ephesus’ is probably the episode known best from the novel. This episode illustrates the various taboos associated with crucifixion, such as denial of proper burial for individuals who died on the cross. Although there is no general agreement on this question, it has long since been proposed that the Satyricon contains certain allusions to the first Christians. If this (and the Neronian date) is true, then the Satyricon could possibly be the earliest non-biblical reference to Christianity. For example, the passage below shows certain parallels to the account of Jesus’ resurrection in the Gospel of Mark, in terms of numbers and symbols mentioned, and of overall storyline. Further reading: T. VÖLKER and D. R OHMANN , ‘Praenomen Petronii: The Date and Author of the Satyricon Reconsidered,’ Classical Quarterly 61 (2011), 660-76; I. R AMELLI , ‘The Ancient Novels and the New Testament: Possible Contacts,’ Ancient Narrative 5 (2005), 41-68 See also: [1.3 Why brutal spectacles can damage a philosophical character]

111.1 A certain matron in Ephesus was so well known for her chastity that she even attracted women from the neighbouring nations to come and watch that spectacle of hers. 2 When she buried her husband, she was not content to follow the conventional funeral custom with her hair down, and to beat her naked breast in sight of the crowd, but she followed the deceased even into his final resting place. When the dead body had been placed into the subterranean vault, she began in accordance with the Greek custom to guard it, crying all day and all night. 3 Afflicting herself in such a manner and seeking death by starvation, neither parents nor relatives were able to get her out. Finally, the magistrates were turned away and left, and the lady, mourned by all as a singular example, dragged through the fifth day without food. 4 A most faithful maid attended to the poor woman, she either shed tears in support of the bereaved woman or replenished the lamp which was placed into the tomb, as often as it went out. 5 There was just the one fable in the entire city, people from all classes confessed that this

37

38

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

behaviour shone forth as the one true example of chastity and of love, while in the meantime the governor of the province ordered some robbers to be nailed to the cross next to that small chamber, in which the matron was bewailing her recent loss. 6 On the following night, a soldier who was standing guard over the crosses to ensure that no one would drag down one of the bodies for burial, noticed a light shining quite brightly between the tombs, and heard the sighs of someone grieving. Because of a vice common to humankind he desired to know who was there and what was going on. 7 So, he descended into the resting place and, catching sight of a most beautiful woman, he stood still, afraid at first that it was some apparition or shadow from the underworld. 8 Then, as he saw the body of the dead man lying there, and as he observed the tears and the face lacerated by the finger-nails, he indeed thought about what was going on, that the lady was unable to endure her desire for the dead man. He brought into the tomb his own small meal and encouraged the mourning woman not to persevere in vain grief and not to pull her breast apart in sighs of no avail. He said that the same end awaited us all, the same last resting place, and other platitudes by which afflicted hearts are recalled to sanity. 9 But oblivious to sympathy, she beat and lacerated her breast more vehemently than before and, tearing out her hair, she scattered it over the body of the dead man lying there. 10 However, the soldier would not leave, but with the same exhortation tried to give food to the poor woman, until the maid, seduced by the smell of the wine, was herself overcome and stretched out her hand to the human nature of their host. Refreshed by food and drink, she then began to fight the obstinacy of her mistress and said, 11 “Why would you want do die of hunger, or bury yourself alive, or breath out an uncondemned spirit before your fate demands it? 12 Do you think buried ashes or spirits can feel this? Do you want to resurrect the dead? Do you not want to shake off this womanish error and, as long as you can, enjoy the blessings of daylight? The very body of the dead man lying there should admonish you to live!” 13 No one listens unwillingly, when forced to eat food or to live. The lady, thirsty after an abstinence of several days, allowed her obstinacy to be broken, nor did she refresh herself with food less avidly than the maid who had first been overcome. 112.1 In short, you are aware of the temptations which frequently attack a full stomach. With the same lures with which the soldier achieved that the matron wanted to live, he also attacked her chastity. 2 To the chaste woman, the young man did not appear to be deformed or ineloquent, while the maid expressed her gratitude and repeatedly said, “Will you fight even against welcome pleasure?” Why should I keep you longer in suspense? The lady did not hold back even this part of her body, and the victorious soldier won both of his objectives. 3 So, they lay together, not only on the one night, in which they cohabited, but also the next, and even the third, shutting the doors of the resting place, of course, so that anyone, acquaintance or stranger, coming to the tomb, would be convinced that this most virtuous of wives had expired upon the body of her husband. 4 As for the soldier, so delighted was he with the beauty of his mistress and the secrecy of the intrigue, that he bought all the delicacies he could afford and brought them into the tomb as soon as darkness fell. 5 Therefore, the parents of one of the crucified individuals, as they observed the laxness of the watch, dragged the hanging corpse down at night and performed the last rite. 6 The soldier was thus ensnared while being idle, and when on the following day he saw one of the crosses without its corpse, he was in terror

1.16 The widow of Ephesus: a parody of resurrection? Petronius, Satyricon, 111-2

of punishment and explained to the lady what had happened. He said that he was not going to wait for the sentence of a judge but would do justice to his neglect of duty with his own sword. Let her prepare a place for one about to die, let that fatal vault serve both the lover and the husband! 7 “No,” the lady cried out, no less compassionate than chaste, “may the gods forbid that I should look at the same time upon the funerals of the two men dearest to me. I would rather hang the dead than have the living die!” 8 Following the address, she ordered the body of her husband to be lifted out of the coffin and nailed to the cross which was emptied. The soldier took advantage of the means invented by this very smart lady and the next day the whole population wondered how a dead man had gone to the cross. 111.1 Matrona quaedam Ephesi tam notae erat pudicitiae, ut uicinarum quoque gentium feminas ad spectaculum sui euocaret. 2 haec ergo cum uirum extulisset, non contenta uulgari more funus passis prosequi crinibus aut nudatum pectus in conspectu frequentiae plangere, in conditorium etiam prosecuta est defunctum, positumque in hypogaeo Graeco more corpus custodire ac flere totis noctibus diebusque coepit. 3 sic afflictantem se ac mortem inedia persequentem non parentes potuerunt abducere, non propinqui; magistratus ultimo repulsi abierunt, complorataque singularis exempli femina ab omnibus quintum iam diem sine alimento trahebat. 4 assidebat aegrae fidissima ancilla, simulque et lacrimas commodabat lugenti et quotienscumque defecerat positum in monumento lumen renouabat. 5 una igitur in tota ciuitate fabula erat, solum illud affulsisse uerum pudicitiae amorisque exemplum omnis ordinis homines confitebantur, cum interim imperator prouinciae latrones iussit crucibus affigi secundum illam casulam, in qua recens cadauer matrona deflebat. 6 proxima ergo nocte cum miles, qui cruces asseruabat ne quis ad sepulturam corpus detraheret, notasset sibi [et] lumen inter monumenta clarius fulgens et gemitum lugentis audisset, uitio gentis humanae concupiit scire quis aut quid faceret. 7 descendit igitur in conditorium, uisaque pulcherrima muliere primo quasi quodam monstro infernisque imaginibus turbatus substitit. 8 deinde ut et corpus iacentis conspexit et lacrimas considerauit faciemque unguibus sectam, ratus scilicet id quod erat, desiderium extincti non posse feminam pati, attulit in monumentum cenulam suam coepitque hortari lugentem ne perseueraret in dolore superuacuo ac nihil profuturo gemitu pectus diduceret: omnium eundem esse exitum [sed] et idem domicilium, et cetera quibus exulceratae mentes ad sanitatem reuocantur. 9 at illa ignota consolatione percussa lacerauit uehementius pectus ruptosque crines super corpus iacentis imposuit. 10 non recessit tamen miles, sed eadem exhortatione temptauit dare mulierculae cibum, donec ancilla uini [certum ab eo] odore corrupta primum ipsa porrexit ad humanitatem inuitantis uictam manum, deinde refecta potione et cibo expugnare dominae pertinaciam coepit et “quid proderit” 11 inquit “hoc tibi, si soluta inedia fueris, si te uiuam sepelieris, si antequam fata poscant, indemnatum spiritum effuderis? 12 id cinerem aut manes credis sentire sepultos? uis tu reuiuiscere? uis discusso muliebri errore, quam diu licuerit, lucis commodis frui? ipsum te iacentis corpus admonere debet ut uiuas”. 13 nemo inuitus audit, cum cogitur aut cibum sumere aut uiuere. itaque mulier aliquot dierum abstinentia sicca passa est frangi pertinaciam suam, nec minus auide repleuit se cibo quam ancilla quae prior uicta est. 112.1 Ceterum scitis quid plerumque soleat temptare humanam satietatem. quibus blanditiis impetrauerat miles ut matrona uellet uiuere, isdem etiam pudicitiam eius aggressus est. 2 nec deformis aut infacundus iuuenis castae uidebatur, conciliante gratiam ancilla ac subinde dicente: “placito ne etiam pugnabis amori? [nec uenit in mentem, quorum consederis aruis?]” quid diutius moror? ne hanc quidem partem corporis

39

40

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

mulier abstinuit, uictorque miles utrumque persuasit. 3 iacuerunt ergo una non tantum illa nocte qua nuptias fecerunt, sed postero etiam ac tertio die, praeclusis uidelicet conditorii foribus, ut quisquis ex notis ignotisque ad monumentum uenisset, putaret expirasse super corpus uiri pudicissimam uxorem. 4 ceterum delectatus miles et forma mulieris et secreto, quicquid boni per facultates poterat coemebat et prima statim nocte in monumentum ferebat. 5 itaque unius cruciarii parentes ut uiderunt laxatam custodiam, detraxere nocte pendentem supremoque mandauerunt officio. 6 at miles circumscriptus dum desidet, ut postero die uidit unam sine cadauere crucem, ueritus supplicium, mulieri quid accidisset exponit: nec se expectaturum iudicis sententiam, sed gladio ius dicturum ignauiae suae. commodaret modo illa perituro locum et fatale conditorium familiari ac uiro faceret. 7 mulier non minus misericors quam pudica “nec istud” inquit “dii sinant, ut eodem tempore duorum mihi carissimorum hominum duo funera spectem. malo mortuum impendere quam uiuum occidere”. 8 secundum hanc orationem iubet ex arca corpus mariti sui tolli atque illi quae uacabat cruci affigi. usus est miles ingenio prudentissimae feminae, posteroque die populus miratus est qua ratione mortuus isset in crucem.

1.17

400 slaves from a single household executed: Tacitus, Annals, 14.42-5

Source: Tacitus, Annals 14.42, 43-45 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: This passage is about a singular act of mass crucifixion in the Imperial period. Throughout the history of Rome, slaves sometimes rebelled against their owners. In the Imperial period, however, manumission of slaves was common, and slaves tended to be particularly loyal in order to earn their eventual freedom. L. Pedanius Secundus was a senator, suffect consul in 43 and urban prefect from 56 onwards. He was murdered by one of his slaves in 61. According to an ancient custom, all of the slaves in his household were to be executed to serve as a deterrent to others. Pedanius’ high position and the fact that he owned 400 slaves made his case remarkable. The passage shows that although even senators were concerned about whether or not this mass execution was in proportion to the crime, compassion arose primarily within groups of similar social standing. In his speech (as fashioned by Tacitus), Gaius Cassius Longinus argues in favour of their execution since he points to the ancestral custom and the danger caused by religious diversity. It is, however, doubtful that any ancient legislation existed in this case since the only precedent known dates from 10 CE. Further reading: V. R UDICH , Political Dissidence under Nero: The Price of Dissimulation (London, 1993) See also: [1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace]

14.42.1 Soon afterwards one of his own slaves killed the city-prefect, Pedanius Secundus, either because he had been denied his freedom, for which he had negotiated a price, or out

1.17

400 slaves from a single household executed: Tacitus, Annals, 14.42-5

of anger because he was in love with a young man and could not tolerate that his master was his rival. 2 Moreover, because it was required that the entire staff, which had lived under the same roof, should be dragged to execution according to an ancient custom, a crowd gathered, which wanted to save so many innocent lives. Even in the senate there was a strong feeling on the part of those who despised excessive rigour, though the majority held the opinion that nothing should change. Amongst them was Gaius Cassius, who argued in the following way, when it was his turn to give his verdict: 43.3 “[…] Who will be looked after by the number of his slaves when four hundred have not protected Pedanius Secundus? Who will be helped out by his staff, who disregard our dangers even in view of punishments? […] 44.3 “Our ancestors have always been suspicious of the attitudes of their slaves, even when they were born on the same estates or in the same houses and have immediately held their masters in high regard. However, since we now have in our households nations that practise diverse rites, have foreign religions or none at all, nothing but fear can restrain such scum. ‘But some are innocent and will also die.’ 4 Well, even when an army is routed and every tenth man is taken away, the lot falls also on the brave. There is some degree of injustice in every great precedent, which, although contrary to the interests of the few, has its compensation in the public advantage.” 45.1 While no one dared, on his own, to oppose the verdict of Cassius, nevertheless dissenting voices rose in reply from all who pitied the number, age, or sex, as well as the undoubted innocence of the great majority. Still, the party which voted for their execution prevailed. But the order could not be complied with because a crowd had gathered together, threatening to throw stones and firebrands. 2 Then the emperor reprimanded the people by edict, and had guarded by soldiers the entire route by which the condemned had to be dragged to execution. Cingonius Varro had proposed that even all the freedmen who had lived under the same roof should be deported from Italy. This was prevented by the emperor, as he did not wish an ancient custom, unchecked by compassion, to be aggravated by cruelty. 14.42.1 Haud multo post praefectum urbis Pedanium Secundum seruus ipsius interfecit, seu negata libertate, cui pretium pepigerat, siue amore exoleti incensus et dominum aemulum non tolerans. 2 ceterum cum uetere ex more familiam omnem, quae sub eodem tecto mansitauerat, ad supplicium agi oporteret, concursu plebis, quae tot innoxios protegebat, usque ad seditionem uentum est senatusque , in quo ipso erant studia nimiam seueritatem aspernantium, pluribus nihil mutandum censentibus. ex quis C. Cassius sententiae loco in hunc modum disseruit: 43.3 “[…] quem numerus seruorum tuebitur, cum Pedanium Secundum quadringenti non protexerint? cui familia opem feret, quae ne in metu quidem pericula nostra aduertit? 44.3 “suspecta maioribus nostris fuerunt ingenia seruorum, etiam cum in agris aut domibus idem nascerentur caritatemque dominorum statim acciperent. postquam uero nationes in familiis habemus, quibus diuersi ritus, externa sacra aut nulla sunt, conluuiem istam non nisi metu coercueris. at quidam insontes peribunt. 4 nam et ex fuso exercitu cum decimus quisque fusti feritur, etiam strenui sortiuntur. habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod contra singulos utilitate publica rependitur”.

41

42

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

45.1 Sententiae Cassii ut nemo unus contra ire ausus est, ita dissonae uoces respondebant numerum aut aetatem aut sexum ac plurimorum indubiam innocentiam miserantium: praeualuit tamen pars, quae supplicium decernebat. sed obtemperari non poterat, conglobata multitudine et saxa ac faces minante. 2 tum Caesar populum edicto increpuit atque omne iter, quo damnati ad poenam ducebantur, militaribus praesidiis saepsit. censuerat Cingonius Varro, ut liberti quoque, qui sub eodem tecto fuissent, Italia deportarentur. id a principe prohibitum est, ne mos antiquus, quem misericordia non minuerat, per saeuitiam intenderetur.

1.18 ‘Atheists’ condemned to the wild beasts under Domitian: Cassius Dio 67.14

Source: Cassius Dio 67.14.1-3 (Greek, early 3rd century) Edition: U.P. B OISSEVAIN , Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiae Romanae, 3 vols. (Berlin: 1955) Introduction: Flavius Clemens, Flavia Domitilla, and ‘the others’ mentioned below were probably Christians. If this is true, then they were early Christian victims of condemnatio ad bestias. Some of them voluntarily fought with wild beasts, apparently in order to achieve martyrdom. This episode was amongst the causes of the conspiracy against Emperor Domitian who was killed as a result. Glabrio was allegedly buried in the catacombs of Priscilla in Rome. Further reading: B.W. J ONES , The Emperor Domitian (London, 1992) See also: [1.2 The glory of fighting and dying in the arena]

67.14.1 […] And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens while he was consul, although he was his cousin and he was married to Flavia Domitilla, a member of the imperial family. 2 The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish customs were condemned, of whom some were put to death, and the others were at least deprived of their property. 3 Domitilla was merely banished to Pandateria. But he ordered the execution of Glabrio, who had been Trajan's colleague in the consulship, because he had been accused of the same crimes as most of the others, and also of fighting with wild beasts. The emperor was therefore very angry and jealous of him. […] 67.14.1 […] κἀν τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτει ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ τὸν Φλάουιον Κλήμεντα ὑπατεύοντα, καίπερ ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ αὐτὴν συγγενῆ ἑαυτοῦ Φλαουίαν Δομιτίλλαν ἔχοντα, κατέσφαξεν ὁ Δομιτιανός. 2 ἐπηνέχθη δὲ ἀμφοῖν ἔγκλημα ἀθεότητος, ὑφ’ ἧς καὶ ἄλλοι ἐς τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἤθη ἐξοκέλλοντες πολλοὶ κατεδικάσθησαν, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον, οἱ δὲ τῶν γοῦν οὐσιῶν ἐστερήθησαν· 3 ἡ δὲ Δομιτίλλα ὑπερωρίσθη μόνον ἐς Πανδατερίαν. τὸν δὲ δὴ Γλαβρίωνα τὸν μετὰ τοῦ Τραϊανοῦ ἄρξαντα, κατηγορηθέντα τά τε ἄλλα καὶ οἷα οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ὅτι καὶ θηρίοις ἐμάχετο, ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐφ’ ᾧ που καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ὀργὴν αὐτῷ ὑπὸ φθόνου ἔσχεν, […]

1.19 The death of a first-century Jewish miracle-worker: Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, on Theudas

‘The instigation of Chrestus’: Jews and Christians in first-century Rome 1.19 The death of a first-century Jewish miracle-worker: Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, on Theudas

Source: Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 20.97-9 (Greek, late 1st century) Edition: B. N IESE , Flavii Iosephi opera, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1955) Introduction: As said before, Flavius Josephus was a Hellenised Jew, who became prisoner of war and freedman of the emperor Vespasian. He wrote Jewish history with a distinctive Roman attitude. The passage shows that people similar to Jesus of Nazareth worked wonders in the Roman province of Judaea. Many contemporaries therefore regarded individuals like Jesus and Theudas as magicians, but the Roman authorities treated Theudas (in 44-46, after Jesus’ death) as a rioter. The miracles worked by Theudas bear a resemblance to Moses’ miracles. Further reading: M. H ENGEL , The ‘Hellenization’ of Judaea in the First Century after Christ (London, 1989) See also: [4.9 A bishop confronts a violent holy man in Merovingian Tours]

20.97 While Fadus was procurator of Judaea, a magician, a man named Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their belongings with them, and follow him to the river Jordan. For he told them that he was a prophet, and said that he would, by his own command, divide the river and make it easy to cross it. When he said this, he deceived many. 98 Fadus did not permit them to delight in this folly but sent out against them a troop of horsemen who attacked them unexpectedly, destroyed many, and captured many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, cut off his head, and carried it off to Jerusalem. 99 This happened to the Jews at the time when Cuspius Fadus was procurator. 20.97 Φάδου δὲ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἐπιτροπεύοντος γόης τις ἀνὴρ Θευδᾶς ὀνόματι πείθει τὸν πλεῖστον ὄχλον ἀναλαβόντα τὰς κτήσεις ἕπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν Ἰορδάνην ποταμὸν αὐτῷ· προφήτης γὰρ ἔλεγεν εἶναι, καὶ προστάγματι τὸν ποταμὸν σχίσας δίοδον ἔχειν ἔφη παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ῥᾳδίαν. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων πολλοὺς ἠπάτησεν. 98 οὐ μὴν εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀφροσύνης ὄνασθαι Φᾶδος, ἀλλ’ ἐξέπεμψεν ἴλην ἱππέων ἐπ’ αὐτούς, ἥτις ἀπροσδόκητος ἐπιπεσοῦσα πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Θευδᾶν ζωγρήσαντες ἀποτέμνουσι τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ κομίζουσιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. 99 τὰ μὲν οὖν συμβάντα τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις κατὰ τοὺς Κουσπίου Φάδου τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς χρόνους ταῦτ’ ἐγένετο.

1.20 An emperor exiles the Jews from Rome: Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 25.4

Source: Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25.4 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: M. I HM , C. Suetoni Tranquilli opera, vol. 1: De vita Caesarum libri VII (Leipzig, 1908)

43

44

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

Introduction: This short remark, in the context of a wider catalogue of bans and punishments which the emperor Claudius enacted, is the earliest piece of evidence to suggest that Christians agitated against the Roman state and were therefore banished from the city of Rome. Suetonius’ remark contradicts Cassius Dio’s later account of Claudius and the Jews (Cass. Dio 60.6.6): “he did not drive them out, but ordered them, while continuing their traditional mode of life, not to hold meetings.” However, verification for the expulsion is found in Acts 18.2. Before the principate of Claudius, the emperor Tiberius had also Jews expelled from Rome and Italy. (Tac. Ann. 2.85) Further reading: H. B OTERMANN , Das Judenedikt des Kaisers Claudius: römischer Staat und „Christiani“ im 1. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1996); B. LEVICK, Claudius (New Haven, 1990) See also: [1.10 Astrologers expelled from Rome under Claudius]

25.4 He expelled the Jews from Rome, since they were constantly in rebellion, at the instigation of Chrestus. 25.4 Iudaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantis Roma expulit.

1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace: Tacitus, Annals, 15.38

Source: Tacitus, Annals 15.38-44 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: H. H EUBNER , P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti (Stuttgart, 1994) Introduction: Tacitus’ passage is one of the very few pagan texts from the Roman Imperial period to mention Christians directly. He wrote the Annals at some time after 110 CE – shortly after Pliny mentioned Christians in his letter to Trajan as well (see 1.25, below). Tacitus’ account of the events surrounding the Great Fire of Rome is variously biased for different reasons. For example, Nero’s later decision to build his palace, the Golden House, on the site which was destroyed by the fire, was grounds for rumours that he might himself have commissioned the fire. Tacitus is also keen on portraying Nero as the inventor of unusual methods of execution, as in the passage below. However, punishments like burning alive were traditional legal methods with which to retaliate against arson, dating already from the Law of the Twelve Tablets (c. 450 BCE). This suggests that the Roman authorities did indeed see the Christians as guilty of arson. Perhaps it is because of this reason that Tacitus alludes to the reference to some ‘authority’ (i.e. the Judeo-Christian God?), who ordered the fire. It is also interesting to note that this account, along with that of the mass crucifixion of slaves following the murder of Pedanius Secundus (above, [1.17 400 slaves from a single household executed]), is among the very few in which a Roman author reports of compassion felt towards people of low status. Further reading: E. C HAMPLIN , Nero (Cambridge, MA, 2003)

1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace

See also: [1.22 A variant report on the Great Fire of Rome] [1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians]

15.38.3 The blaze in its fury ran first through the lower parts of the city, thereafter it rose to the hills, and again devastating everything underneath, it was faster than any attempt to fight it. So rapid was the disaster and so completely at its mercy the city, with its narrow winding roads and oversized neighbourhoods, which characterised old Rome. 4 Moreover, women who were trembling and wailing, men worn out by old age and inexperienced children as well as those who sought to save themselves or others, dragging out the disabled or waiting for them, some stopping, some hurrying: they all delayed everything. 5 Often, while they looked back, they were surrounded by flames on their side or in front of them, or if they reached a shelter close at hand, and this too was seized by the fire, they found out that even places, which they believed were remote, were in the same sad state. 6 Finally, they were in doubt where to go and where not to go, and therefore crowded the streets or spread out across the fields, while some who had lost all their belongings, and even their daily bread, perished along with others who could not rescue their loved ones and stayed, although escape was open to them. 7 And no one dared to step in, because a multitude of people was constantly threatening and preventing anyone from extinguishing the fire and because others were openly hurling flares and kept shouting that there was one who gave them authority, either in order to plunder more freely, or because of an actual order. 15.39.1 At the time Nero was at Antium and did not return to Rome until the fire approached his house, which he had built to connect the palace with the gardens of Maecenas. It could not, however, be stopped from devouring the palace, the house, and everything around it. 2 However, to relieve the people, driven out homeless as they were, he opened to them the Campus Martius and the public buildings of Agrippa, and even his own gardens, and built temporary houses to receive the helpless multitude. Supplies of food were brought up from Ostia and the nearby towns, and the price of corn was reduced to three sesterces. 3 These efforts, however popular, turned out to have been in vain, since a rumour pervaded that, at the very time when the city was in flames, the emperor appeared on a stage in his palace and sang of the destruction of Troy, comparing the present harm with that disaster of antiquity. 15.44.1 […] Soon after, an expiatory sacrifice was sought to placate the gods, and the Sibylline books were approached, with which to offer prayers to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpina. The matrons placated Juno too, first in the Capitol, then on the nearest part of the coast, from where water was drawn to sprinkle the temple and image of the goddess. Married women celebrated divine banquets and nocturnal rites. 2 But for all the human efforts, the donations of the emperor, and the propitiations of the gods, there was still gossip and belief that the fire was the result of an order. Consequently, to do away with that rumour, Nero produced as culprits, and inflicted the most exquisite punishments on, people hated for their infamous actions, called Christians by the populace. 3 Christus, from whom the name has its origin, was executed during the reign of Tiberius by order of the procurator Pontius Pilate. Although this malign superstition was suppressed for the time being, it again broke out not only through-

45

46

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

out Judaea, the place of origin of this evil, but even in Rome, where all things horrible and shameful from every part of the world come together and rise to fame. 4 Therefore, those who confessed were arrested first. Then, upon their information, an immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the crime of arson, as of hatred against humankind. Mockeries were added to their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and died, or were nailed to crosses, or were burnt alive, to serve as torches in the night, when daylight had expired. 5 Nero offered his gardens for this spectacle, and was exhibiting a circus show, while he mingled with the people in the dress of a charioteer or stood aloft on a car. Thus, even for proven criminals who deserved this unusual and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compassion, as if they were being destroyed not for the public good, but to satisfy the cruel character of a single person. 15.38.3 impetu peruagatum incendium plana primum, deinde in edita adsurgens et rursus inferiora populando anteiit remedia uelocitate mali et obnoxia urbe artis itineribus hucque et illuc flexis atque enormibus uicis, qualis uetus Roma fuit. 4 ad hoc lamenta pauentium feminarum, fessa aetate aut rudis pueritiae [aetas], quique sibi quique aliis consulebant, dum trahunt inualidos aut opperiuntur, pars mora, pars festinans, cuncta impediebant. 5 et saepe, dum in tergum respectant, lateribus aut fronte circumueniebantur, uel si in proxima euaserant, illis quoque igni correptis, etiam quae longinqua crediderant in eodem casu reperiebant. 6 postremo, quid uitarent quid peterent ambigui, complere uias, sterni per agros; quidam amissis omnibus fortunis, diurni quoque uictus, alii caritate suorum, quos eripere nequiuerant, quamuis patente effugio interiere. 7 nec quisquam defendere audebat, crebris multorum minis restinguere prohibentium, et quia alii palam faces iaciebant atque esse sibi auctorem uociferabantur, siue ut raptus licentius exercerent seu iussu. 15.39.1 Eo in tempore Nero Anti agens non ante in urbem regressus est, quam domui eius, qua Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuauerat, ignis propinquaret. neque tamen sisti potuit, quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. 2 sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia exstruxit, quae multitudinem inopem acciperent; subuectaque utensilia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis, pretiumque frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. 3 quae quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia peruaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum excidium, praesentia mala uetustis cladibus adsimulantem. 15.44.1 […] mox petita [a] dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Volcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque, ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac peruigilia celebrauere feminae, quibus mariti erant. 2 Sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia, quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit, quos per flagitia inuisos uulgus Chrestianos appellabat. 3 auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. 4 igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis conuicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent

1.22 A variant report on the Great Fire of Rome: Suetonius, Life of Nero, 38

aut crucibus adfixi [aut flammandi atque], ubi defecisset dies, in usu nocturni luminis urerentur. 5 hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi uel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam aduersus sontes et nouissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica, sed in saeuitiam unius absumerentur.

1.22 A variant report on the Great Fire of Rome: Suetonius, Life of Nero, 38

Source: Suetonius, Life of Nero 38 (Latin, early 2nd century) Edition: M. I HM , C. Suetoni Tranquilli opera, vol. 1: De vita Caesarum libri VII (Leipzig, 1908) Introduction: Suetonius’ account of the Great Fire of Rome is significantly different from Tacitus’ version. Suetonius thinks it was definitely Nero himself who laid fire to the city, whereas in Tacitus this is no more than a rumour that circulated among the population of Rome. He claims that Nero was in Rome, watched the fire and sang the Sack of Ilium; according to Tacitus, however, Nero was in Antium and did not return before his palace caught fire. Suetonius does not mention Christians at all in this passage, but he does mention Christians earlier in his biography of Nero (16.2: ‘Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a kind of people given to a new and mischievous superstition’). At any rate, the fact that according to Suetonius temples and ancient monuments were burnt could give an indication that early Christians were involved. Further reading: E. C HAMPLIN , Nero (Cambridge, MA, 2003) See also: [1.29 A Christian demonizes pagan religion]

38.1 For, as if he were upset by the ugliness of the old buildings and the narrow, winding roads, he set fire to the city, so openly indeed that many ex-consuls did not attack his chamberlains, when they were caught out equipped with kindling and torches on their own estates, and some granaries near the Domus Aurea – space which he greatly desired – were torn down and burnt using military machinery because their walls were made of stone. 2 For six days and seven nights destruction raged and the people were forced to take shelter in monuments and tombs. During that time, besides the enormous number of apartment blocks, the houses of great generals of old were burnt, together with the spoils of battle which still adorned them, the temples of the gods, too, which had been vowed and dedicated by Rome’s kings and later in the Punic and Gallic wars, and everything of interest or memorable that had survived from ancient times. Nero watched the fire from the tower of Maecenas, delighted with what he called the beauty of the flames, and sang ‘the Fall of Troy’, dressed in his stage attire. 3 In order to take control of as much spoil and booty as he could even from this, while promising the removal of the debris and dead bodies free of cost he allowed no one to come near the ruins of their own property. Not merely receiving contributions but extorting them, he nearly exhausted both the provinces and the fortunes of private individuals.

47

48

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

38.1 Sed nec populo aut moenibus patriae pepercit. dicente quodam in sermone communi: ἐμοῦ θανόντος γαῖα μειχθήτω πυρί, immo, inquit, ἐμοῦ ζῶντος, planeque ita fecit. nam quasi offensus deformitate ueterum aedificiorum et angustiis flexurisque uicorum, incendit urbem tam palam, ut plerique consulares cubicularios eius cum stuppa taedaque in praediis suis deprehensos non attigerint, et quaedam horrea circa domum Auream, quorum spatium maxime desiderabat, ut bellicis machinis labefacta atque inflammata sint, quod saxeo muro constructa erant. 2 per sex dies septemque noctes ea clade saeuitum est ad monumentorum bustorumque deuersoria plebe compulsa. tunc praeter immensum numerum insularum domus priscorum ducum arserunt hostilibus adhuc spoliis adornatae deorumque aedes ab regibus ac deinde Punicis et Gallicis bellis uotae dedicataeque, et quidquid uisendum atque memorabile ex antiquitate durauerat. hoc incendium e turre Maecenatiana prospectans laetusque flammae, ut aiebat, pulchritudine Halosin Ilii in illo suo scaenico habitu decantauit. 3 ac ne non hinc quoque quantum posset praedae et manubiarum inuaderet, pollicitus cadauerum et ruderum gratuitam egestionem nemini ad reliquias rerum suarum adire permisit; conlationibusque non receptis modo uerum et efflagitatis prouincias priuatorumque census prope exhausit.

‘Render unto Caesar’: The Christian debate on established authority 1.23

Christians should honour the emperor: First Letter of Peter 2

Source: 1 Peter 2.11-17 (Greek, late 1st/early 2nd century) Edition: K. A L AND et al., Novum Testamentum Graece (Stuttgart, 1968) Introduction: This epistle is attributed to the apostle Peter but probably written by an anonymous author. It gives early evidence for religious conflicts that originated within Christianity. Many Christians refused to participate in the social life of the community as this social live was often based on religion, for example, in cult activities, games and the theatre. In the second century, the imperial cult became increasingly important and was grounds for further conflict. (cf. [1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians], below) On the other hand, the letter encourages a life of passive resistance rather than outright rebellion, citing the punishments of sinners on Judgment Day. Further reading: W.H.C. F REND, The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia, 1984) See also: [1.32 Christians are loyal to the emperor]

2.11 Dearly beloved, I urge you as strangers and pilgrims, abstain from the desires of the flesh that wage war against the soul. 12 Have your conversation honest among the Gentiles: that, whereas they speak against you as evildoers, they may be your good works and glorify God when he comes to judge. 13 Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: whether it be to the emperor, as supreme; 14 or to governors, as sent by him for the punishment of evildoers, and

1.24 A magic spell appealing to the power of ‘Chrestos’ in times of violence

for the praise of them that do right. 15 For so is the will of God, that with doing right you may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. 16 As free, and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God. 17 Honour all men. Love the brotherhood. Fear God. Honour the emperor. 11 Ἀγαπητοί, παρακαλῶ ὡς παροίκους καὶ παρεπιδήμους ἀπέχεσθαι τῶν σαρκικῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν, αἵτινες στρατεύονται κατὰ τῆς ψυχῆς· 12 τὴν ἀναστροφὴν ὑμῶν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἔχοντες καλήν, ἵνα, ἐν ᾧ καταλαλοῦσιν ὑμῶν ὡς κακοποιῶν, ἐκ τῶν καλῶν ἔργων ἐποπτεύοντες δοξάσωσιν τὸν θεὸν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐπισκοπῆς. 13 Ὑποτάγητε πάσῃ ἀνθρωπίνῃ κτίσει διὰ τὸν κύριον· εἴτε βασιλεῖ ὡς ὑπερέχοντι, 14 εἴτε ἡγεμόσιν ὡς δι’ αὐτοῦ πεμπομένοις εἰς ἐκδίκησιν κακοποιῶν ἔπαινον δὲ ἀγαθοποιῶν· 15 ὅτι οὕτως ἐστὶν τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀγαθοποιοῦντας φιμοῦν τὴν τῶν ἀφρόνων ἀνθρώπων ἀγνωσίαν· 16 ὡς ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ μὴ ὡς ἐπικάλυμμα ἔχοντες τῆς κακίας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἀλλ’ ὡς θεοῦ δοῦλοι. 17 πάντας τιμήσατε, τὴν ἀδελφότητα ἀγαπᾶτε, τὸν θεὸν φοβεῖσθε, τὸν βασιλέα τιμᾶτε.

1.24 A magic spell appealing to the power of ‘Chrestos’ in times of violence

Source: PGM XIII 288-95 (Greek, 3rd/4th century) Edition: K. P REISENDANZ , Papyri Graecae magicae, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1931), 102 Introduction: This is a short spell contained within the Papyri Graecae magicae corpus, a collection of magical texts that originated primarily in Greco-Roman Egypt. The text dates from the third to the fourth century and was probably meant to encourage and strengthen steadfastness in times of persecution. Further reading: E. PACHOUMI , The Concepts of the Divine in the Greek Magical Papyri (Tübingen, 2017), 110-21 See also: [1.12 ‘Make him her slave’: A fiercely possessive love-spell invoking the God of Abraham]

Say, “Hear me, Christus, in tortures, come to my rescue in times of need, pitiful in times of violence, very powerful in the world, who created compulsion and punishment and torture. Twelve days hissing thrice eight times, say the whole name of Helios and Achebycrom. “Let every bond, every force be released, let every iron be broken, every rope, or every strap, every knot, every chain be opened, and let no one subdue me by force, for I am” (say the name). λέγε· “κλῦθί μοι, ὁ Χριστός, ἐν βασάνοις, βοήθησον ἐν ἀνάγκαις, ἐλ[ε]ήμων ἐν ὥραις βιαίοις, πολὺ δυνάμενος ἐν κόσμῳ, ὁ κτίσας τὴν Ἀνάγκη καὶ Τιμωρίαν καὶ τὴν Βάσανον.” ιβʹ ἡμ(έρας) συρίσας τρὶς ὀκτάκις λέγε τοῦ Ἡλίου τὸ ὄνομα ὅλον ἀπὸ τοῦ χεβυκρωμ. “λυθήτω πᾶς δεσμός, πᾶσα βία, ῥαγήτω πᾶς σίδηρος, πᾶν σοινίον ἢ πᾶς ἱμάς, πᾶν ἅμμ[α], πᾶσα ἅλυσις ἀνοιχθήτω, καὶ μηδείς με καταβιάσαιτο, ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι” (λέγε τ ὄνομα).

49

50

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

Discipline for difficult provincials: the Pliny–Trajan correspondence 1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians: Pliny, Letters, Book 10

Source: Pliny, Letters 10.96 (97) – 97 (98): Pliny to the emperor Trajan and Trajan to Pliny (Latin, early second century, Bithynia and Rome) Edition: M. S CHUSTER , C. Plini Caecili Secundi epistulae (Leipzig, 1958) Introduction: Pliny was governor in Bithynia from where he wrote a number of requests to bring to the attention of Emperor Trajan (98 – 117) in around 112. He claims never to have personally participated in Christian trials. His main question is whether the name of Christians or the crime associated with the name is liable to punishment. We do not know exactly which crime Pliny referred to; but it is probably the same charges that are mentioned in the Christian apologists of the early centuries: harmful writings (for example, [1.28 A defence of Christianity against pagan accusations], below), brother-and-sister love, cannibalistic eucharist. Tortures were often applied in order to question people of low rank, and this was the usual interrogation method for slaves. The letter accounts for the general tolerance of the second century. Unlike in the first century, anonymous information was not to be received (‘foreign to the spirit of the age’). Trajan deliberately wanted to distinguish himself from the Julio-Claudian and Flavian emperors. Christians were not to be sought out and they were to be released if they were ready to participate in the emperor cult. It is worth noting that Pliny names Christianity a ‘contagious superstition’ that causes ‘infection’. Christian authors and legal texts used similar medical terms to refer to pagan and non-conformist Christians after Christianity became the state religion. Further reading: A.N. S HERWIN -W HITE , The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary (Oxford, 1966), 693-7 See also: [1.29 A Christian demonises pagan religion] [1.30 A Christian defence against charges of incest, cannibalism, and atheism] [1.32 Christians are loyal to the emperor]

10.96 Pliny to Emperor Trajan 1 It is my custom, my lord, to report to you everything about which I am in doubt. For who can better guide my hesitation or instruct my ignorance? I have never participated in trials of Christians. I therefore do not know what to punish or investigate, and to what extent. 2 I am more hesitant than usually as to whether there is any difference in terms of age or no distinction between the very young and the more mature; whether pardon is to be granted for penitence or, if someone has been a Christian once, it does not help to quit; whether the name itself, even if void of offence, or only the offences attached to the name are punishable. Meanwhile, in cases of those who have been denounced to me as Christians, I have observed the following procedure: 3 I asked them if they were Christians. If they admitted it, I asked a second and third time, threatening them with punishment. If they persisted, I ordered them to

1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians

be executed. For I had no doubt that, whatever it was that they confessed, their stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy certainly deserved to be punished. 4 There were some possessed with a similar lunacy, but because they were Roman citizens, I signed an order for them to be sent to Rome. Soon the allegations went out of hand because of the prosecution itself, as often happens, and false accusations occurred. 5 An anonymous complaint was forwarded to me containing the names of several persons. Some denied they were or had ever been Christians, because they followed my guidance and invoked the gods, and offered prayers with incense and wine to your image (which for that purpose I had ordered to be brought, along with the statues of the gods), and even cursed Christ – none of which it is said can be forced upon those who are truly Christians: these persons I thought needed to be discharged. 6 Others were named by an informer and said they were Christians, but soon after denied it. Certain persons said they had been Christians, but ceased to be, either three or several or sometimes even twenty years ago. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ. 7 They acknowledged, however, that the whole of their guilt, or their error, was that they were accustomed to convene on a fixed day before daylight, to sing an anthem to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not for any criminal purposes, but in order not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not to bear false witness, nor to refuse to return a trust when asked to do so. They said it was their custom thereafter to separate, and come together again to have food, however common and innocent. Even this, they asserted, they had stopped doing after my edict by which according to your instructions I had forbidden religious associations. 8 I therefore thought it all the more necessary to extort the truth by torturing two female slaves and so-called deaconesses. I could discover nothing else but abject, excessive superstition. 9 I therefore postponed the investigation and proceeded to consult you. For it appears to be a matter deserving consultation, especially because of the number of those in danger. For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered. For the contagion of that superstition, which appears possible to be stopped and be corrected, has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms. 10 It is certainly quite clear that the temples, which have already been nearly deserted, have begun to be frequently visited, that the sacred religious customs, after a long interruption, are being resumed, and that from everywhere sacrificial meat is coming, for which until now buyers could hardly be found. It is therefore easy to guess what a multitude of people can be cured if there is an opportunity for repentance. 97 (98) Trajan to Pliny 1 You have followed the appropriate procedure, dear Secundus, in investigating the cases of those who were denounced to you as Christians. For it is not possible to lay down any general rule to establish a definite routine. They are not to be sought out. If they are denounced and proved guilty, they are to be punished, but in such a way that any person who denies that he is a Christian and truly proves it, that is by offering prayers to our gods, even though they were suspected in the past, shall obtain pardon through repentance. 2 Complaints forwarded anonymously must have no place in any accusation. For this is both a dangerous kind of precedent and quite foreign to the spirit of our age.

51

52

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

10.96 C. Plinius Traiano imperatori. 1 Sollemne est mihi, domine, omnia, de quibus dubito, ad te referre. quis enim potest melius uel cunctationem meam regere uel ignorantiam instruere? cognitionibus de Christianis interfui numquam; ideo nescio, quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat aut quaeri. 2 nec mediocriter haesitaui, sit ne aliquod discrimen aetatum, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robustioribus differant, detur paenitentiae uenia, an ei, qui omnino Christianus fuit, desisse non prosit, nomen ipsum, si flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini puniantur. Interim iis, qui ad me tamquam Christiani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. 3 interrogaui ipsos, an essent Christiani. confitentes iterum ac tertio interrogaui supplicium minatus; perseuerantes duci iussi. neque enim dubitabam, qualecumque esset, quod faterentur, pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. 4 fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos, quia ciues Romani erant, adnotaui in urbem remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet, diffundente se crimine plures species inciderunt. 5 propositus est libellus sine auctore multorum nomina continens. qui negabant esse se Christianos aut fuisse, cum praeeunte me deos appellarent et imagini tuae, quam propter hoc iusseram cum simulacris numinum adferri, ture ac uino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt re uera Christiani, dimittendos esse putaui. 6 alii ab indice nominati esse se Christianos dixerunt et mox negauerunt; fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante triennium, quidam ante plures annos, non nemo etiam ante uiginti. quoque omnes et imaginem tuam deorumque simulacra uenerati sunt et Christo maledixerunt. 7 adfirmabant autem hanc fuisse summam uel culpae suae uel erroris, quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem conuenire carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere se cum inuicem seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent. quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen et innoxium; quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse uetueram. 8 quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset ueri, et per tormenta quaerere. nihil aliud inueni quam superstitionem prauam, immodicam. 9 ideo dilata cognitione ad consulendum te decurri. uisa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime propter periclitantium numerum; multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, uocantur in periculum et uocabuntur. Neque ciuitates tantum, sed uicos etiam atque agros superstitionis istius contagio peruagata est; quae uidetur sisti et corrigi posse. 10 certe satis constat prope iam desolata templa coepisse celebrari et sacra sollemnia diu intermissa repeti passimque uenire uictimarum , cuius adhuc rarissimus emptor inueniebatur. ex quo facile est opinari, quae turba hominum emendari possit, si sit paenitentiae locus. 97. (98) Traianus Plinio. 1 Actum, quem debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. neque enim in uniuersum aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest. conquirendi non sunt; si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt, ita tamen, ut, qui negauerit se Christianum esse idque re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est supplicando dis nostris, quamuis suspectus in praeteritum, ueniam ex paenitentia impetret. 2 sine auctore uero propositi libelli nullo crimine locum habere debent. nam et pessimi exempli nec nostri saeculi est.

1.26 Vehement criticism of the heretic Marcion’s violent treatment of the Old Testament

Christian debates with Jews and pagans 1.26 Vehement criticism of the heretic Marcion’s violent treatment of the Old Testament: Tertullian, Against Marcion, book 1

Source: Tertullian, Against Marcion 1.1, 13, 19, 24, 26 (Latin, late 2nd – early 3rd century, North Africa) Edition: E. K ROYMANN , Tertulliani opera, CCSL 1 (Turnhout, 1954), 441-726 Introduction: Marcion is a Christian theologian of the second century and one of the earliest to be dubbed a ‘heretic’ by other Christian authors. As a result, his writings have not survived. Nevertheless, his thoughts are comparatively well known because his views, however distorted, often became the subject of ridicule and refutation by contemporary and subsequent Christian authors, such as Tertullian in the extracts below. Central to his theology was the view that the God of the Old Testament is separate from the God in the New Testament, who is Christian and merciful rather than Jewish and vindictive. As a result of this central thought, he was keen on purifying all Jewish elements from the gospels and biblical books, and therefore kick-started a process known as canon-formation. The extracts below bear witness to the early Christian understanding that heretical views and beliefs cause violent persecution and are therefore the origin of diseases among their group of followers because they introduce contradictory views to bible knowledge, for example, by assuming that God is not vindictive. Further reading: D.S. W ILLIAMS , ‘Reconsidering Marcion’s Gospel,’ Journal of Biblical Literature 108 (1989), 477-96; E.C. Blackman, Marcion and His Influence (London, 2004) See also: [3.14 Legal punishments for heresy]

1.1 […] Nothing, however, in Pontus is so barbarous and sad as the fact that Marcion was born there, nastier than any Scythian, more instable than their nomadic ways, more inhuman than the Massagete, more audacious than an Amazon, more obscure than its clouded sky, colder than its winter, more fragile than its ice, more deceitful than the Danube river, more precipitous than the Caucasus. Why? The true Prometheus, the almighty God, is being dismembered by Marcion’s own hands. Marcion is more impertinent than even the wild beasts of that barbarous region. For what beaver is such an emasculator of the flesh than he who has rejected any sexual intercourse? What Pontic mouse was so greedy as he who has gnawed on the gospels? […] 1.13 While we are expelling from this divine rank any god whom no deed so characteristic and worthy of God, as is the evidence of creation, designates as such, the most shameless followers of Marcion sniff at the work of the creator and turn to its destruction. […] 1.19 […] The separation of the law and the gospel is Marcion’s special and principal work, and his disciples will not deny that that they consider this most instrumental in initiating and confirming themselves in his heresy. For these are Marcion’s Antitheses, or contradictory

53

54

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

propositions, which try to set up the discord of the gospel against the law, arguing that the diverse contents of the two texts give proof of the diversity of gods also. […] 1.24 […] The pain of your flesh, follower of Marcion, produces fever attacks, weeds, and thorns. Having been exposed not only to the thunderbolts, wars, plagues, and other infestations of the creator, but also to his scorpions, how do you consider yourself liberated from his kingdom when its flies still trample on you? If you are unearthed in future, why not also in the present, as if you are living in perfection? Far different is our situation in the sight of God who is the author, the judge, the offended leader of our race! […] 1.26 But it is here sufficient to prove the extreme perversity of their god from their proclamation of his solitary goodness, in which they refuse to ascribe to him such emotions of mind as they reject in the creator. Now, if he is not jealous, angry, damning and punishing, unlike someone who is exercising judicial power, I cannot tell how any method of discipline can accompany him, let alone a nearly perfect one. For how is it possible that he should issue commands, if he does not mean to execute them, or forbid sins, if he intends not to punish them, but rather to decline the role of the judge, as being a stranger to all notions of severity and chastisement? 1.1 […] sed nihil tam barbarum ac triste apud Pontum quam quod illic Marcion natus est, Scytha tetrior, Hamaxobio instabilior, Massageta inhumanior, Amazona audacior, nubilo obscurior, hieme frigidior, gelu fragilior, Histro fallacior, Caucaso abruptior. quidni? penes quem uerus Prometheus, Deus omnipotens, blasphemiis lancinatur. iam et bestiis illius barbariei importunior Marcion. quis enim tam castrator carnis castor quam qui nuptias abstulit? quis tam comesor mus Ponticus quam qui euangelia conrosit? […] 1.13 Cum deum hoc gradu expellimus, cui nulla conditio tam propria et Deo digna quam creatoris testimonium praesignarit, narem contrahentes impudentissimi Marcionitae conuertuntur ad destructionem operum creatoris. […] 1.19 […] separatio legis et euangelii proprium et principale opus est Marcionis, nec poterunt negare discipuli eius quod in summo instrumento habent, quo denique initiantur et indurantur in hanc haeresim. nam hae sunt antithesis Marcionis, id est contrariae oppositiones, quae conantur discordiam euangelii cum lege committere, ut ex diuersitate sententiarum utriusque instrumenti diuersitatem quoque argumententur deorum. […] 1.24 […] at nunc et febriculas, o marcionita, et ceteros tribulos et spinas dolor carnis tuae tibi edit; nec fulminibus tantum aut bellis et pestibus aliisque plagis creatoris sed et scorpiis eius obiectus, in quo te putas liberatum de regno eius, cuius te muscae adhuc calcant? si de futuro erutus es, cur non et de praesenti, ut perfecte? alia est nostra condicio apud auctorem, apud iudicem, apud offensum principem generis. […]

1.27

Claim that Jews are cursing Christians: Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho

Source: Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 96, 137 (Greek, mid 2nd century) Edition: E.J. G OODSPEED, Die ältesten Apologeten (Göttingen, 1914)

1.27

Claim that Jews are cursing Christians: Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho

Introduction: Justin Martyr (c. 100 – c. 165) was among the earliest Greek-language Christian apologists. He was originally a pagan who was comprehensively educated in the classics and in pagan philosophy, but later claimed that this kind of learning did not convince him that any of the philosophers was in possession of the one and absolute truth. Like the other apologists, he believed that Christianity was the only true way and vastly superior to all other religions, philosophies, and schools of thought. For example, in his Dialogue with Trypho, a fictional dialogue between Justin himself and a Jew, Justin intends to demonstrate that Jesus is God and that the Christians rather than the Jews are his chosen people. He wrote this treatise in reaction to Jews cursing Christianity as a heretical group within Judaism, something that is reflected in texts like the Birkat Ha-Minim. Further reading: D. R OKEAH , Justin Martyr and the Jews (Leiden, 2002) See also: [1.31 The Jews as murderers of Christ]

96.1 For the saying in the Book of the Law, “Cursed is everyone that hangs on a tree,” raises our hope which hangs on the crucified Christ, not because God curses him who has been crucified, but because God foretold what would be done by all of you, and by those like yourselves, who do not understand that he is the one who was before all and is destined to be the eternal priest of God, and king, and Christ. 2 You will clearly see that this has come to pass. For you curse in your synagogues all those who have become Christians because of him, and other nations, putting that curse into effect, are destroying those who only confess themselves to be Christians. To all of them we say, you are our brothers; you better recognise the truth of God. While neither you nor they are persuaded by us, but both contend to have us deny the name of Christ, we better seize the opportunity to be put to death and stand our ground, having been persuaded that God will return to us all the good that he holds out through Christ. 3 And in addition to all this we pray for you that Christ may have mercy on you. For he taught us to pray for our enemies also, saying, “Love your enemies; be kind and merciful, as your heavenly father is.” For we see that the almighty God is kind and merciful, that “he lets his sun rise on the ungrateful and on the righteous, and lets it rain on the holy and on the wicked,” all of whom he has taught us he will judge. […] 137.2 Agree, therefore, not to abuse the son of God. Do not trust the Pharisaic teachers, and do never laugh at the King of Israel, as the rulers of your synagogues teach you to do, after your prayers. For if he who touches those who are not pleasing to God, is like one who touches the apple of God’s eye, how much more so is he who touches those beloved by him! That he is the one, has been shown sufficiently. 96.1 Καὶ γὰρ τὸ εἰρημένον ἐν τῷ νόμῳ, ὅτι “ἐπικατάρατος πᾶς ὁ κρεμάμενος ἐπὶ ξύλου,” οὐχ ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ καταρωμένου τούτου τοῦ ἐσταυρωμένου ἡμῶν τονοῖ τὴν ἐλπίδα ἐκκρεμαμένην ἀπὸ τοῦ σταυρωθέντος Χριστοῦ, ἀλλ’ ὡς προειπόντος τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ὑφ’ ὑμῶν πάντων καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων ὑμῖν, μὴ ἐπισταμένων τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν πρὸ πάντων ὄντα καὶ αἰώνιον τοῦ θεοῦ ἱερέα καὶ βασιλέα καὶ Χριστὸν μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι. 2 ὅπερ καὶ ὄψει ἰδεῖν ὑμῖν ἔστι γινόμενον· ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς ὑμῶν καταρᾶσθε πάντων τῶν ἀπ’

55

56

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

ἐκείνου γενομένων Χριστιανῶν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἔθνη, ἃ καὶ ἐνεργῆ τὴν κατάραν ἐργάζονται, ἀναιροῦντα τοὺς μόνον ὁμολογοῦντας ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι Χριστιανούς· οἷς ἡμεῖς ἅπασι λέγομεν ὅτι Ἀδελφοὶ ἡμῶν ἐστε, ἐπίγνωτε μᾶλλον τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ μὴ πειθομένων ἡμῖν μήτε ἐκείνων μήτε ὑμῶν, ἀλλὰ ἀρνεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀγωνιζομένων, θανατοῦσθαι μᾶλλον αἱρούμεθα καὶ ὑπομένομεν, πεπεισμένοι ὅτι πανθ’ ὅσα ὑπέσχηται ὁ θεὸς διὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀγαθὰ ἀποδώσει ἡμῖν. 3 καὶ πρὸς τούτοις πᾶσιν εὐχόμεθα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, ἵνα ἐλεηθῆτε ὑπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ. οὗτος γὰρ ἐδίδαξεν ἡμᾶς καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν εὔχεσθαι, εἰπών· “γίνεσθε χρηστοὶ καὶ οἰκτίρμονες, ὡς καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ οὐράνιος.” καὶ γὰρ τὸν παντοκράτορα θεὸν χρηστὸν καὶ οἰκτίρμονα ὁρῶμεν, “τὸν ἥλιον αὐτοῦ ἀνατέλλοντα ἐπὶ ἀχαρίστους καὶ δικαίους, καὶ βρέχοντα ἐπὶ ὁσίους καὶ πονηρούς,” οὓς πάντας ὅτι καὶ κρίνειν μέλλει ἐδίδαξε. […] 137.2 συμφάμενοι οὖν μὴ λοιδορῆτε ἐπὶ τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ, μηδὲ Φαρισαίοις πειθόμενοι διδασκάλοις τὸν βασιλέα τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ ἐπισκώψητέ ποτε, ὁποῖα διδάσκουσιν οἱ ἀρχισυνάγωγοι ὑμῶν, μετὰ τὴν προσευχήν. εἰ γὰρ ὁ ἁπτόμενος τῶν μὴ εὐαρέστων τῷ θεῷ ὡς ὁ ἁπτόμενος κόρης τοῦ θεοῦ, πολὺ μᾶλλον ὁ τοῦ ἠγαπημένου καθαπτόμενος. ὅτι δὲ οὗτος αὐτός ἐστι, καὶ ἱκανῶς ἀποδέδεικται.

1.28 A defence of Christianity against pagan accusations: Justin Martyr, First and Second Apology

Source: Justin Martyr, Apologies 1.2.4-3.1; 1.8.1-2; 2.12.3-6 (Greek, mid 2nd century) Edition: D. M INNS and P. PARVIS , Justin, Philosopher and Martyr: Apologies (Oxford, 2009) Introduction: Christian apologists, like Justin Martyr, often felt themselves persecuted by a hostile Christian surrounding. Since there is little evidence for persecutions of Christians in the second century, it is unlikely that these Christian authors had in mind actual trials of Christians conducted by the Roman authorities. It is rather more likely that the accusations mentioned by Justin below refer to gossip and polemical verbal attacks brought forward by some pagans. The exact nature of these accusations is not entirely clear, but the implication is that he alluded to charges of incest, blood-meals and illegitimate gatherings. Like Minucius Felix ([1.29 A Christian demonises pagan religion], below), Justin identifies demons as the cause for why pagans allegedly hated Christians, while being sexually aroused at the same time. Because Justin links these demonical activities to classical poetry and philosophy, especially Epicurean philosophy, a popular world view in the second and early third century, it also appears likely that the accusations mentioned by Justin and others originated in the pagan schools of rhetoric. It is interesting to note that Justin advocates the active search for martyrdom in his works, a desire which was eventually fulfilled. Further reading: W.H.C. F REND, The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia, 1984) See also: [1.25 A Roman governor asks the emperor’s advice about how to handle the Christians]

1.28 A defence of Christianity against pagan accusations: Justin Martyr, First and Second Apology

First Apology

2.4 For we think that no evil can be received from anyone, unless we are proven to be evil-doers or shown to be wicked. You can kill us, but not harm us. 3.1 But, lest anyone thinks these are unreasonable and reckless words, we pray that the charges made against ourselves be examined and, if they are shown to be true, they are to be punished as it is fitting. If no one has anything to prove, then true understanding does not, however, suggest to harm innocent people because of malicious reports, but rather to punish those who think it fit to commit actions on the basis of passion rather than judgement. […] 8.1 That we have said this on your behalf you can deduce from the fact that it is in our power to deny we are Christians when examined. 2 But we do not wish to be alive by giving false witness, for we desire the eternal and pure life, we zealously seek the way according to God the father and creator of all, and we are eager to confess our faith. We have been persuaded and believe that this can be obtained by those who have persuaded God through their actions that they were his followers and that they passionately desired the way prescribed by him where there is no obstruction from evil. Second Apology

12.3 The wicked demons have already achieved to do this through certain evil men. 4 For while these were killing some on the basis of a false report against us, they also dragged to tortures the slaves of our people – children or weak women – and through fearsome tortures they force them to make accusations of these mythological crimes, which they themselves openly commit. Since none of these pertain to us, we are not concerned, as we have the unbegotten and inexpressible God as witness of our thoughts and actions. 5 For what reason did we not also publicly confess these actions as good, and present them as divine philosophy, saying that we are celebrating the mysteries of Kronos by murdering, and by drinking blood, as it is said, the rites appropriate to the idol which you worship and sprinkle with the blood not only of irrational animals but also of humans – using the man most distinguished and noble among you to pour out the blood of the slain – having become imitators of Zeus and the other gods in homosexual intercourse and shameless heterosexual intercourse, and bringing forward as your defence Epicurus and the works of the poets? 6 Since we persuade people to shun these teachings as well as their practitioners and imitators, just as even now we have been striving to do through these words, we are attacked in various ways. […] 1.2.4 ἡμεῖς μὲν γὰρ πρὸς οὐδενὸς πείσεσθαί τι κακὸν δύνασθαι λελογίσμεθα, ἢν μὴ κακίας ἐργάται ἐλεγχώμεθα ἢ πονηροὶ διεγνώσμεθα· ὑμεῖς δ’ ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν δύνασθε βλάψαι δ’ οὔ. 3.1 Ἀλλ’ ἵνα μὴ ἄλογον φωνὴν καὶ τολμηρὰν δόξῃ τις ταῦτα εἶναι, ἀξιοῦμεν τὰ κατηγορούμενα ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐξετάζεσθαι καὶ ἐὰν οὕτως ἔχοντα ἀποδεικνύωνται κολαζέσθωσαν ὡς πρέπον ἐστίν· εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἔχοι τις ἐλέγχειν, οὐχ ὑπαγορεύει ὁ ἀληθὴς λόγος διὰ φήμην πονηρὰν ἀναιτίους ἀνθρώπους ἀδικεῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ κολάζειν τοὺς οἳ οὐ κρίσει ἀλλὰ πάθει τὰ πράγματα ἐπάγειν ἀξιοῦσι.

57

58

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

[…] 8.1 Λογίσασθε δ’ ὅτι ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ταῦτα ἔφημεν ἐκ τοῦ ἐφ’ ἡμῖν εἶναι ἀρνεῖσθαι ἐξεταζομένους. 2 ἀλλ’ οὐ βουλόμεθα ζῆν ψευδολογοῦντες, τοῦ γὰρ αἰωνίου καὶ καθαροῦ βίου ἐπιθυμοῦντες τῆς μετὰ θεοῦ τοῦ πάντων πατρὸς καὶ δημιουργοῦ διαγωγῆς ἀντιποιούμεθα, καὶ σπεύδομεν ἐπὶ τὸ ὁμολογεῖν, οἱ πεπεισμένοι καὶ πιστεύοντες τυχεῖν τούτων δύνασθαι τοὺς τὸν θεὸν δι’ ἔργων πείσαντας ὅτι αὐτῷ εἵποντο καὶ τῆς παρ’ αὐτῷ διαγωγῆς ἤρων ἔνθα κακία οὐκ ἀντιτυπεῖ. 2.12.3 ἤδη καὶ τοῦτο ἐνήργησαν οἱ φαῦλοι δαίμονες διά τινων πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων πραχθῆναι. 4 φονεύοντες γὰρ αὐτοί τινας ἐπὶ συκοφαντίᾳ τῇ εἰς ἡμᾶς καὶ εἰς βασάνους εἵλκυσαν οἰκέτας τῶν ἡμετέρων, ἢ παῖδας ἢ γύναια, καὶ δι’ αἰκισμῶν φοβερῶν ἐξαναγκάζουσι κατειπεῖν ταῦτα τὰ μυθολογούμενα, ἃ αὐτοὶ φανερῶς πράττουσιν, ὧν ἐπειδὴ οὐδὲν πρόσεστιν ἡμῖν οὐ φροντίζομεν, θεὸν τὸν ἀγέννητον καὶ ἄρρητον μάρτυρα ἔχοντες τῶν τε λογισμῶν καὶ τῶν πράξεων. 5 τίνος γὰρ χάριν οὐχὶ καὶ ταῦτα δημοσίᾳ ὡμολογοῦμεν ἀγαθὰ καὶ φιλοσοφίαν θείαν αὐτὰ ἀπεδείκνυμεν, φάσκοντες Κρόνου μὲν μυστήρια τελεῖν ἐν τῷ ἀνδροφονεῖν καὶ ἐν τῷ αἵματος ἐμπίπλασθαι, ὡς λέγεται, τὰ ἴσα τῷ παρ’ ὑμῖν τιμωμένῳ εἰδώλῳ, ᾧ οὐ μόνον ἀλόγων ζῴων αἵματα προσραίνετε ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπεια, διὰ τοῦ παρ’ ὑμῖν ἐπισημοτάτου καὶ εὐγενεστάτου ἀνδρὸς τὴν πρόσχυσιν τοῦ τῶν φονευθέντων αἵματος ποιούμενοι—Διὸς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν μιμηταὶ γενόμενοι ἐν τῷ ἀνδροβατεῖν καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀδεῶς μίγνυσθαι, Ἐπίκουρον μὲν καὶ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν συγγράμματα ἀπολογίαν φέροντες; 6 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ταῦτα τὰ μαθήματα καὶ τοὺς ταῦτα πράξαντας καὶ μιμουμένους φεύγειν πείθομεν, ὡς καὶ νῦν διὰ τῶνδε τῶν λόγων ἠγωνίσμεθα, ποικίλως πολεμούμεθα, […]

1.29 A Christian demonises pagan religion: Minucius Felix, Octavius, 27

Source: Minucius Felix, Octavius 27 (Latin, late 2nd or early 3rd century) Edition: B. KY T ZLER , M. Minuci Felicis Octavius (Leizpig, 1982) Introduction: Not much is known about the lives of early Christian authors, like Minucius Felix, apart from the information given in their own work. The only surviving work by Minucius Felix is the Octavius, and it is therefore known that he studied the classics and ancient philosophy before he converted to Christianity. Like Justin Martyr above, Minucius Felix too identifies demons with many aspects of Greco-Roman religion, such as the oracles and divination. He agrees that demons cause diseases, which can be cured by exorcism, and that therefore demons also cause pagans to hate Christians. Further reading: H. H AGENDAHL , Latin Fathers and the Classics (Göteborg, 1958) See also: [3.7 A Christian view of pagan blood rituals]

27.1 These unclean spirits, demons, as has been shown by the magicians, the philosophers, and by Plato, are hiding away under statues and consecrated images and, through their aspiration, they acquire the authority of a kind of present divinity, while sometimes they inspire prophets or lurk around temples, and sometimes they animate the fibres of sacrificial entrails,

1.30 A Christian defence against charges of incest, cannibalism, and atheism

or direct the flights of birds, or manage the drawing of lots, or produce oracles cloaked in many falsehoods. 2 They deceive themselves as well as others, since they do not know the truth proper, and that part which they know they do not confess to their own destruction. In so doing, they drag people down from heaven and divert them from the true God to the material world, they disturb their lives and trouble their slumbers, they even creep into their bodies stealthily, as subtle spirits, create diseases, terrify minds, distort the limbs in order to force people to their worship and make it look like, fattened by the fumes from altars and by flabby animal sacrifices, they have cured what in fact they themselves had inflicted. […] 5 All of this, as the greater part of you know, the demons themselves confess to be their work, as often as they are driven out by us from human bodies through the torture of words and the fire of prayer. […] 8 Therefore, having been planted into the minds of the unwary, they secretly sow hatred against us by means of fear. For it is natural to hate whom you fear, and, if possible, to afflict whom you dread. In so doing, they take possession of the souls and block the hearts, so that people begin to hate us before even knowing us, lest, when they come to know us, they may imitate us or be unable to condemn us. 27. 1 Isti igitur inpuri spiritus, daemones, ut ostensum magis, a philosophis et a Platone, sub statuis et imaginibus consecratis delitescunt et adflatu suo auctoritatem quasi praesentis numinis consequuntur, dum inspirantur interim uatibus, dum fanis inmorantur, dum nonnumquam extorum fibras animant, auium uolatus gubernant, sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt falsis pluribus inuoluta. 2 nam et falluntur et fallunt, ut et nescientes sinceram ueritatem et, quam sciunt, in perditionem sui non confitentes. sic a caelo deorsum grauant et a Deo uero ad materias auocant, uitam turbant, somnos inquietant, inrepentes etiam corporibus occulte, ut spiritus tenues, morbos fingunt, terrent mentes, membra distorquent, ut ad cultum sui cogant, ut nidore altarium uel hostiis pecudum saginati remissis, quae constrinxerant, curasse uideantur. […] 5 haec omnia sciunt plerique pars uestrum ipsos daemonas de semetipsis confiteri, quotiens a nobis tormentis uerborum et orationis incendiis de corporibus exiguntur. […] 8 ideo inserti mentibus inperitorum odium nostri serunt occulte per timorem; naturale est enim et odisse quem times, et quem metueris infestare, si posses. sic occupant animos et obstruunt pectora, ut ante nos incipiant homines odisse quam nosse, ne cognitos aut imitari possint aut damnare non possint.

1.30 A Christian defence against charges of incest, cannibalism, and atheism: Athenagoras, A Plea for the Christians, 3

Source: Athenagoras, A Plea for the Christians 3.1 (Greek, late 2nd century) Edition: W.R. S CHOEDEL , Athenagoras. Legatio and De resurrectione (Oxford, 1972) Introduction: Athenagoras (c. 133 – c. 190) was a philosopher before he converted to Christianity and became one of its leading early apologists. He too mentions accusations allegedly

59

60

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

brought against the Christians. One could therefore think that these accusations were the same as those mentioned by Pliny in his letter to Trajan. Thyestean feasts means incestuous cannibalism and alludes to the celebration of the eucharist, during which the flesh of Christ is eaten. Oedipodean intercourse means incest and alludes to Jesus’ commandment ‘to love one another’ (John 13:34). It is, however, unlikely that unspecified accusations such as these would have been taken seriously by any Roman court. These accusations therefore amount to no more than gossip. Further reading: O.F. Robinson, Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome (London, 2007), 116-48 See also: [1.29 A Christian demonises pagan religion] [1.32 Christians are loyal to the emperor]

3.1 There are three allegations against us: atheism, Thyestean feasts, and Oedipodean intercourse. But if this is true, spare no class: proceed against our wrongdoings; destroy us root and branch, with our wives and children, if at any rate some of our people live after the manner of wild animals. […] 3.1 Τρία ἐπιφημίζουσιν ἡμῖν ἐγκλήματα, ἀθεότητα, Θυέστεια δεῖπνα, Οἰδιποδείους μίξεις. ἀλλὰ εἰ μὲν ἀληθῆ ταῦτα, μηδενὸς γένους φείσησθε, ἐπεξέλθετε δὲ τοῖς ἀδικήμασι, σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶ προρρίζους ἡμᾶς ἀποκτείνατε, εἴ γέ τις ἀνθρώπων ζῇ δίκην θηρίων· […]

1.31 The Jews as murderers of Christ: Melito of Sardis, On the Passover, 99

Source: Melito of Sardis, On the Passover 99 (line 753-764) (Greek, late 2nd century) Edition: O. P ERLER , Méliton de Sardes: Sur la Pâque et fragments, SC 123 (Paris, 1966) Introduction: Melito of Sardis (died c. 180) was a bishop in western Anatolia. He was sometimes quoted by later Christian authors and therefore some fragments of treatises he wrote or sermons he gave have survived. The only work that survives in full is his sermon On the Passover, but only because it has been discovered among the Bodmer papyri (P Bodmer XIII). This sermon illustrates Christian attitudes towards Judaism in the second century and is the first text known to allege that the Jews are collectively responsible for murdering Jesus Christ and have therefore earned their cultural and religious destruction. Further reading: S.G. H ALL (ed.), Melito of Sardis: On Pascha and Fragments (Oxford, 2014) See also: [2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration] [3.20 Christian polemic against the Jews]

99 Why was it like this, O Israel? You did not tremble before the Lord. You did not fear the Lord. You did not wail for the Lord, yet you wailed aloud for your firstborn. You did not tear your garments at the crucifixion of the Lord, yet you tore your garments for your own who

1.32

Christians are loyal to the emperor: Tertullian, Address to Scapula, 2

were murdered. You deserted the Lord, you were not found by him. You dashed the Lord to the ground, you, too, were dashed to the ground, and lie quite dead. 99 Διὰ τοῦτο, ὦ Ἰσραήλ, ἐπὶ τοῦ κυρίου οὐκ ἐτρόμησας, ἐπὶ τοῦ κυρίου οὐκ ἐφοβήθης, ἐπὶ τοῦ κυρίου οὐκ ἐκώκυσας, ἐπὶ τῶν πρωτοτόκων σου ἀνεκώκυσας, τοῦ κρεμαμένου κυρίου οὐ περιεσχίσω ἐπὶ τῶν πεφονευμένων σου περιεσχίσω· Ἐγκατέλιπες τὸν κύριον, οὐχ εὑρέθης ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ. Ἠδάφισας τὸν κύριον, ἠδαφίσθης χαμαί.

1.32

Christians are loyal to the emperor: Tertullian, Address to Scapula, 2

Source: Tertullian, Address to Scapula 2 (Latin, late 2nd – early 3rd century, North Africa) Edition: E. D EKKERS , Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani opera, Pars II: opera montanistica, CCSL 2 (Turnhout, 1954), 1127-32 Introduction: The extract below represents an early Christian call for toleration of their own religion, and reflects the question of whether and to what extent Christians should respect and honour the emperor. Tertullian denies that Christian behaviour could cause sufficient concern to justify accusations of treason, or is in any way comparable to the civil wars inflicted upon the Roman empire by a number of usurpers in the late second century. It is interesting to note that Tertullian is ready to pray for the emperor rather than to offer sacrifices, something that is mirrored in Galerius’ edict of toleration from 311. This work by Tertullian represents the Montanist rather than the Catholic Christian view, and is classified as such by the editors of Tertullian. Further reading: W.H.C. F REND, The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia, 1984) See also: [2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration]

2 We worship one God, whom you all naturally know, at whose lightnings and thunders you tremble, at whose benefactions you rejoice. You think that others, too, are gods, whom we know to be demons. However, all people have the human right and a natural allowance to worship what they feel like: the religion of one person neither harms nor helps another person. But it is beyond the remit of religion to enforce religion, which should be adopted out of free will, not by force, when even the sacrificial animals are required from a willing mind. Even if you compel us to sacrifice, you will therefore do your goods no favour. For they will not desire sacrifices from the unwilling, unless they are quarrelsome, and quarrelsome people are no gods. Accordingly, he who is true gives equally to the wicked and to his own people. He has therefore appointed an eternal judgment for both the grateful and ungrateful. However, you have never detected us, whom you reckon to be sacrilegious, in any theft, let alone in any sacrilege. All those who despoil temples swear by your gods, and worship them, they are not Christians, and are still found to be sacrilegious. It would take too long to unravel the other ways in which your gods are derided and despised by their own worshippers. So, too, we are

61

62

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

slandered with regard to treason against the emperor. Yet nowhere can Christians be found who are followers of Albinus, or Niger, or Cassius, but the very men who had until this day sworn by the genius of the emperors, who had offered and vowed sacrifices for their safety, who had often condemned the Christians, are found to be their enemies. A Christian is enemy to none, let alone to the emperor of Rome, who he knows has been appointed by his God, and so cannot but love, respect and honour, and wish him well, along with the entire Roman empire so long as the world shall stand – for so long as that shall Rome stand. We therefore worship the emperor in such a way as is lawful for us and good for him: as the human being next to God who from God has received all his power and is inferior to God alone. Even the emperor himself wants this. For thus he is greater than everyone else while he is inferior to the true God alone. Thus, he is greater than the very gods themselves, as they, too, are in his power. We therefore sacrifice for the emperor's safety, but to our God and his, but in such a way as God has prescribed, in pure prayer. For God, creator of the universe, has no need of odours or of any blood. These things are the nourishments of demons. Not only do we spit out those demons, but we also subdue them, we expose them every single day, and we exorcise them from human beings, as it is known to many. […] 2 Nos unum Deum colimus, quem omnes naturaliter nostis, ad cuius fulgura et tonitrua contremiscitis, ad cuius beneficia gaudetis. ceteros et ipsi putatis deos esse, quos nos daemonas scimus. tamen humani iuris et naturalis potestatis est unicuique quod putauerit colere; nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio. sed nec religionis est cogere religionem, qua sponte suscipi debeat, non ui, cum et hostiae ab animo libenti expostulentur. ita etsi nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum, nihil praestabitis diis uestris: ab inuitis enim sacrificia non desiderabunt, nisi si contentiosi sunt; contensiosus autem Deus non est. denique qui est uerus, omnia sua ex aequo et profanis et suis praestat. ideoque et iudicium constituit aeternum de gratis et ingratis. tamen nos, quos sacrilegos existimatis, nec in furto unquam deprehendistis, nedum in sacrilegio. omnes autem qui templa despoliant, et per deos iurant, et eosdem colunt, et Christiani non sunt, et sacrilegi tamen deprehenduntur. longum est si retexamus, quibus aliis modis et derideantur et contemnantur omnes dii ab ipsis cultoribus suis. sic et circa maiestatem imperatoris infamamur; tamen nunquam Albiniani, nec Nigriani, uel Cassiani inueniri potuerunt Christiani, sed idem ipsi qui per genios eorum in pridie usque iurauerant, qui pro salute eorum hostias et fecerant et uouerant, qui Christianos saepe damnauerant, hostes eorum sunt reperti. Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum imperatoris, quem sciens a Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut et ipsum diligat et reuereatur et honoret et saluum uelit, cum toto Romano imperio, quousque saeculum stabit: tamdiu enim stabit. colimus ergo et imperatorem sic quomodo et nobis licet et ipsi expedit, ut hominem a Deo secundum; et quicquid est a Deo consecutum est, solo tamen Deo minorem. hoc et ipse uolet. sic enim omnibus maior est dum solo uero Deo minor est. sic et ipsis diis maior est, dum et ipsi in potestate eius sunt. itaque et sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris, sed Deo nostro et ipsius, sed quomodo praecepit Deus, pura prece. non enim eget Deus, conditor uniuersitatis, odoris aut sanguinis alicuius. haec enim daemoniorum pabula sunt. daemonas autem non tantum respuimus, uerum et reuincimus, et cottidie traducimus, et de hominibus expellimus, sicut plurimis notum est.

1.33

Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine

The Great Persecution and its aftermath 1.33

Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History

Source: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.14 (Greek, early 4th century, Caesarea) Edition: G. Bardy, Eusèbe de Césarée: Histoire ecclésiastique, 3 vols., SC 31, 41, 55, (Paris, 1952-1958) Introduction: Eusebius (c. 260 – c. 340) became bishop of Caesarea in c. 313 when the Great Persecution of Christians had come to an end. He went on to author a Church history, from the beginning of the Church until the year 324, which was the first of its kind, as well as number of theological writings. Much of the material he used came from the ecclesiastical library of Casearea, which had their origins in earlier collections provided by Origen and Eusebius’ teacher Pamphilus, who suffered martyrdom in 309. As bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius also served as advisor to Emperor Constantine. Eusebius’ account of the Great Persecution, which he had personally witnessed, is interesting because, while still revealing religious bias, it is different from the earlier Acts of the Martyrs which were intended to construct social memory rather than to record historical events. Eusebius still employs a wide range of literary topoi which ancient historians also used to discredit rulers that they strongly disapproved of. A fairly typical means of discrediting pagans was to link them with magical practices and foretelling of future events. In the passage below, Eusebius portrays Maxentius as a tyrannical ruler and persecutor of Christians who was rightfully ejected by Emperor Constantine. Further reading: E. D E PALMA D IGESER , A Threat to Public Piety – Christians, Platonists, and the Great Persecution (Ithaca, NY, 2012) See also: [1.14 A freedwoman tortured but refusing to provide evidence under torture]

14.1 Maxentius his son, who established the tyranny at Rome, began to simulate our faith, in seductive flattery towards the Roman people and therefore commanded his subjects to end the persecution of the Christians, pretending that he had the right religion and that he might appear merciful and by far milder than his predecessors. 2 In his actions he did not appear to be such a person as was hoped, but veering towards all sorts of wickedness he left out not a single act of brutality and debauchery, committing adultery and every shade of sin. Having at any rate separated lawful wives from their husbands, he insulted them and sent them back dishonoured to their husbands, and with his attacks he pursued not only undistinguished and obscure people, but of all persons he carried away primarily the first citizens of the Roman senate and offended the most prominent individuals. 3 All his subjects, the people and the magistrates, the glorious and the inglorious, were afflicted by his terrible tyranny, and although they kept quiet and bore the bitter servitude, nevertheless there was no relief from the murderous cruelty of the tyrant. He once, on a small

63

64

1. Early Christianity and the Roman Empire: The Age of Persecution (66-306)

pretence, ordered a crowd to be slaughtered by his praetorians; and a great multitude of the Roman populace were slain in the midst of the city, with the spears and arms, not of Scythians and barbarians, but of their own fellow-citizens. 4 It would not be possible to recount the true number of senators who were killed in a plot against their property, when numerous persons were destroyed every time for different invented reasons. 5 To crown his sins, the tyrant drove headlong into sorcery, and in his magical devices he at one time ripped up pregnant women, and at another inspected the entrails of new-born children. He slaughtered lions and contrived unspeakable acts to invoke demons and avert war. For from this he derived all hope of coming out victorious. […] 16 […] But by far the most admirable was that woman at Rome, who was truly the most noble and chaste of all whom the local tyrant Maxentius, coming close to Maximinus, attempted to disgrace. 17 For when she learned that those who served the tyrant in these ways were at the house (she also was a Christian), and that her husband, although a prefect of Rome, would allow them out of fear to take and lead her away, she begged for a short delay to adorn her body, entered her chamber, and being alone, stabbed herself with a sword. Dying immediately, she left her body to the pimps, and by her actions, which speak louder than all words, she has shown to all men now and hereafter that of all riches the virtue found among Christians is the only one that is invincible and indestructible. 14.1 Τούτου παῖς Μαξέντιος, ὁ τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τυραννίδα συστησάμενος, ἀρχόμενος μὲν τὴν καθ’ ἡμᾶς πίστιν ἐπ’ ἀρεσκείᾳ καὶ κολακείᾳ τοῦ δήμου Ῥωμαίων καθυπεκρίνατο ταύτῃ τε τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τὸν κατὰ Χριστιανῶν ἀνεῖναι προστάττει διωγμόν, εὐσέβειαν ἐπιμορφάζων καὶ ὡς ἂν δεξιὸς καὶ πολὺ πρᾶος παρὰ τοὺς προτέρους φανείη· 2 οὐ μὴν οἷος ἔσεσθαι ἠλπίσθη, τοιοῦτος ἔργοις ἀναπέφηνεν, εἰς πάσας δ’ ἀνοσιουργίας ὀκείλας, οὐδὲν ὅ τι μιαρίας ἔργον καὶ ἀκολασίας παραλέλοιπεν, μοιχείας καὶ παντοίας ἐπιτελῶν φθοράς. διαζευγνύς γέ τοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὰς κατὰ νόμον γαμετάς, ταύταις ἐνυβρίζων ἀτιμότατα, τοῖς ἀνδράσιν αὖθις ἀπέπεμπεν, καὶ ταῦτ’ οὐκ ἀσήμοις οὐδ’ ἀφανέσιν ἐγχειρῶν ἐπετήδευεν, ἀλλ’ αὐτῶν δὴ μάλιστα τῶν τὰ πρῶτα τῆς Ῥωμαίων συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἀπενηνεγμένων ἐμπαροινῶν τοῖς ἐξοχωτάτοις. 3 οἱ πάντες δ’ αὐτὸν ὑποπεπτηχότες, δῆμοι καὶ ἄρχοντες, ἔνδοξοί τε καὶ ἄδοξοι, δεινῇ κατετρύχοντο τυραννίδι, καὶ οὐδ’ ἠρεμούντων καὶ τὴν πικρὰν φερόντων δουλείαν ἀπαλλαγή τις ὅμως ἦν τῆς τοῦ τυράννου φονώσης ὠμότητος. ἐπὶ σμικρᾷ γοῦν ἤδη ποτὲ προφάσει τὸν δῆμον εἰς φόνον τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν δορυφόροις ἐκδίδωσιν, καὶ ἐκτείνετο μυρία τοῦ δήμου Ῥωμαίων πλήθη, ἐπὶ μέσης τῆς πόλεως, οὐ Σκυθῶν οὐδὲ βαρβάρων ἀλλ’ αὐτῶν τῶν οἰκείων δόρασι καὶ πανοπλίαις· 4 συγκλητικῶν γε μὴν φόνος ὁπόσος δι’ ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνηργεῖτο τῆς οὐσίας, οὐδ’ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι δυνατόν, ἄλλοτε ἄλλαις πεπλασμέναις αἰτίαις μυρίων ἀναιρουμένων. 5 ἡ δὲ τῶν κακῶν τῷ τυράννῳ κορωνὶς ἐπὶ γοητείαν ἤλαυνεν, μαγικαῖς ἐπινοίαις τοτὲ μὲν γυναῖκας ἐγκύμονας ἀνασχίζοντος, τοτὲ δὲ νεογνῶν σπλάγχνα βρεφῶν διερευνωμένου λέοντάς τε κατασφάττοντος καί τινας ἀρρητοποιίας ἐπὶ δαιμόνων προκλήσεις καὶ ἀποτροπιασμὸν τοῦ πολέμου συνισταμένου· διὰ τούτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς νίκης κατορθωθήσεσθαι ἡ πᾶσα ἐτύγχανεν ἐλπίς.

1.33

Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine

[…] 16 […] ὑπερφυῶς γε μὴν θαυμασιωτάτη ἡ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης εὐγενεστάτη τῷ ὄντι καὶ σωφρονεστάτη γυνὴ πασῶν αἷς ἐμπαροινεῖν ὁ ἐκεῖσε τύραννος Μαξέντιος, τὰ ὅμοια Μαξιμίνῳ δρῶν, ἐπειρᾶτο. 17 ὡς γὰρ ἐπιστάντας τῷ οἴκῳ τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ τυράννῳ διακονουμένους ἐπύθετο (Χριστιανὴ δὲ καὶ αὕτη ἦν), τόν τε ἄνδρα τὸν αὐτῆς, καὶ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίων ὄντα ἔπαρχον, τοῦ δέους ἕνεκα λαβόντας ἄγειν αὐτὴν ἐπιτρέψαντα, ἐς βραχὺ ὑποπαραιτησαμένη, ὡς ἂν δὴ κατακοσμηθείη τὸ σῶμα, εἴσεισιν ἐπὶ τοῦ ταμιείου καὶ μονωθεῖσα ξίφος καθ’ ἑαυτῆς πήγνυσιν, θανοῦσά τε παραχρῆμα, τὸν μὲν νεκρὸν τοῖς προαγωγοῖς καταλιμπάνει, ἔργοις δ’ αὐτοῖς ἁπάσης φωνῆς γεγωνοτέροις, ὅτι μόνον χρημάτων ἀήττητόν τε καὶ ἀνώλεθρον ἡ παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς ἀρετὴ πέφυκεν, εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους τούς τε νῦν ὄντας καὶ τοὺς μετὰ ταῦτα γενησομένους ἐξέφηνεν.

65

1.33 Persecution of Christians and the adversary of the emperor Constantine: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384) ‘By this sign you shall conquer’: Constantine’s conversion The rise of Christianity is directly related to the reforms by Emperor Diocletian (284-305). Diocletian had created the tetrarchy, that is a system of four emperors, to make the Roman Empire more manageable in view of the threat of invasions and economic problems. Two senior emperors in charge of either the west or the east were accompanied by two junior emperors. The principle of succession was dynastic. Constantine was the son of Constantius I and his concubine Helena, a Christian of low origin. His hopes of succession were accordingly low. But at his father’s death in 306, Constantine found the support of his father’s army in Britain, which acclaimed him the new emperor. The consequence, as often, was civil war. In order to legitimise his position, Constantine marched onto Rome and defeated his rival Maxentius. Christianity, like other mystery religions, was relatively popular among the army. Constantine probably took advantage of this popularity, when he had his army carrying the chi-rho symbol (the first two Greek letters of Christ) on their shields during the battle at the Milvian Bridge in 312, just north of Rome. Religious tutelary symbols were common in ancient military contexts. Later Church historians claim that Constantine had a vision on the eve of the battle: ‘In this sign you will conquer.’ [. Battlefield opportunism or penance for a murdered son? Later interpretations of Constantine’s conversion] In 313, Constantine and his eastern colleague Licinius agreed on religious tolerance (including Christianity) in Milan. [. The cessation of religious violence] Licinius took this agreement as an excuse to marsh against his rival Maximinus Daia, who had revoked the edict of tolerance issued by Galerius in 311. With Constantine and Licinius being the only two emperors left, Constantine finally again took alleged persecutions of Christians as a propagandistic excuse to march against Licinius and to become sole ruler of the empire in 324. Perhaps it was Constantine’s dream to reconcile the diverse interests of all religious groups. While he took selective steps against few religious institutions which were suspicious even to many pagans [. The continuation of religious violence – the excesses of certain pagans], it was only his successors who ruled more seriously against paganism. Nevertheless, a single reference in a law ordained by his son and successor Constans implies that Constantine had already outlawed pagan sacrifices in full. [. ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious activity] It is not clear how serious Constantine was about his own Christianity. Like his father, Constantine was initially a worshipper of the sun god. The sun god was a monotheistic alternative to the Christian God in Late Antiquity. Constantine is therefore an example of an ancient person who followed and supported the god that promised and indeed granted him the greatest personal success. [. The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful god for battlefield success]

67

68

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

Divine punishment The new status of Christianity gave rise to new branches of Christian literature. Late antique Christian authors, like Lactantius and Augustine, received a classical education. They transformed classical literary genres into Christian productions, despite the pagan origin of the former, just like the biblical Hebrews despoiled the Egyptians of gold and silver when exiting their country. (Exod 12:36). Lactantius, a former teacher of rhetoric, for example, transformed the classical literary genre of ‘Deaths of famous people’ to accommodate the interests of Christian readers. His book on the ‘Deaths of the persecutors’ ranks among the most popular ancient Christian works throughout the Middle Ages. [. Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration]. Lactantius also penned philosophical treatises in a Christian garment, thinking about the role God’s anger played in the world. [. Wrath of God directed at pagans] Arguments between Christians With Christianity now being in a legitimate and even privileged position, bishops became better informed about internal controversies among Christian groups, as they took advantage of the imperial courier system, a privilege granted by Constantine. The main Christological controversy of that time was initiated by Arius, a Christian presbyter in Alexandria. Arius had put forward the idea that Jesus was different from God the father and can therefore not be a god himself, as the bible excluded any other god besides God. Constantine in 325 personally presided over the council of Nicaea to settle the Arian controversy. This was the first ecumenical council, gathering Christian bishops from everywhere. It formulated and decreed the Nicene (‘Catholic’) Creed, defining Jesus as the ‘true God from true God, begotten, not made, of one Being with the Father.’ Arius was exiled and his writings ordered to be searched out and burnt by threat of capital punishment. [. Arius’ condemnation] Julian: the last pagan emperor After the death of Constantine in 337, the empire was divided among his three sons. The soldiery murdered most of Constantine’s other male relatives, apparently to prevent another civil war because of potential dynastic claims. Further civil wars followed soon after, between Constantine’s sons and third parties, until Constantius II became sole ruler in 353. Emperor Julian (361-363) too was a member of the Constantinian dynasty. He is best known as the last pagan emperor of Rome. Julian has therefore been called ‘the Apostate’, that is a person who has renounced their religion, a derogatory term labelled on Julian in Christian sources, whereas contemporary inscriptions, reflecting a propagandistic view of Julian, mention the emperor in honorific terms such as ‘restorer of liberty and of Roman religion’ (CIL VIII 4326). However, the vast majority of sources on Julian are written by Christian authors hostile to the emperor. [. Christian judgment of the motivation for a pagan emperor’s overtures of toleration] They provide a biased picture on the emperor’s religious policy and achievements. On the other hand, even pagan authors after Julian’s death do not necessar-

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

ily agree with every aspect of Julian’s reign [. Christians accused of arson], such as the teacher edict and the revival of animal sacrifice. Julian escaped the massacre of Constantine’s relatives and was raised as an Arian Christian. As junior emperor he did not show his affinity to paganism openly but he came in contact with Neoplatonic teaching that seems to have influenced him. Julian became sole ruler after his army in Gaul raised him to the rank of full emperor, and his patron and cousin Constantius II died before he was able to respond to the usurpation. Julian’s reign was very short as he was among the few Roman emperors who died on the battlefield, during his overly-ambitious Persian campaign. Christian authors interpreted his death as a sign of divine punishment. Magic trials In 364, the Christians Valentinian I and his brother Valens became joint emperors in the western and eastern parts of the Roman Empire respectively. Characteristically for the early reign of many emperors of the fourth century, they were initially tolerant towards pagans, as they were trying to appeal widely to people of different religious backgrounds. However, both emperors came to conduct magic trials. Valens and his administration acted with particular brutality in trials in Antioch from 372 onwards and, later, in the entire east. As with the majesty trials of the first century, the emperors reacted to acts of divination concerning their own deaths. While some Christians were also charged with magic, the borderline between magic, divination and paganism was blurred. The pagan historian Ammianus claims that many philosophers were among the culprits. One of the most prominent victims of the first wave of magic trials in Antioch was Maximus, the philosopher who was believed to have converted Julian from Christianity to paganism. He was tortured to death. Ammianus also claims that books on ‘liberal arts’ were searched out and burnt, and people throughout the eastern provinces burnt their entire libraries out of fear of punishment. [. Philosophers accused of treason and magic] While there was a revival of Neoplatonic philosophers soon after, later Christian and pagan authors alike claim that the trials constituted a fatal blow to philosophy in an ancient understanding. [. A later account of the magic trials] A plea for religious tolerance: the controversy on the altar of Victory The controversy on the altar of Victory in 384 has often been read as the most eloquent expression of pagan resistance against Christianisation and of the pagan plea for religious tolerance. This case shows that, after Christianity had for centuries been regarded as an illegitimate superstition, the tables had now turned on the pagans. Augustus, the first emperor of Rome, had dedicated the altar alongside the statue of the goddess of Victory in the senate house to commemorate his victory over his rivals Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31 BCE. Ever since, the altar of Victory was a prestigious symbol of Rome’s glorious, pagan past. In 357, Constantius II removed the altar of Victory to demonstrate symbolically that Rome was now a Christian empire, while leaving many other pagan symbols of Rome untouched during his short stay there. The pagan emperor Julian restored

69

70

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

the altar. In 382, the Christian emperor Gratian, having been petitioned by Christian senators and despite the protest of a pagan senatorial embassy, finally removed the altar once more. When the child emperor Valentinian II succeeded Gratian in 384, the acclaimed orator and pagan senator Symmachus wrote a petition to restore the altar. The petition is considered to be a brilliant example of late antique rhetoric. The underlying reasons for the petition were financial cuts to the state cult, which the pagan senators were hoping to appeal. The backdrop for the petition were the military threats to Rome as well as a recent famine that the pagan party attributed to the ill-will of the gods, caused by neglect of the state cult, and particularly to the ill-will of Victory. Ambrose, bishop of Milan, in a letter (ep. 17) threatened Valentinian with excommunication should he agree to restore the ‘demon’ of Victory. In another letter (ep. 18) he directly refuted the arguments put forward by Symmachus. Ambrose was successful and Symmachus’ petition turned down. [. A war of words over the altar of Victory] This episode can therefore be seen as a showcase for pagan-Christian relations at the end of the fourth century.

2.1 The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful god for battlefield success

‘By this sign you shall conquer’: Constantine’s conversion 2.1 The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful god for battlefield success: Eusebius, Life of Constantine

Source: Eusebius, Life of Constantine 1.27; 1.37-8; 4.56 (Greek, early 4th century, Caesarea) Edition: F. W INKELMANN , Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin, GCS Eusebius 1.1, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1975 Introduction: Eusebius’ Life of Constantine is the main source for the age of Constantine and, like his Church history, a newly-invented genre of Christian literature, adapted from previous literary genres such as classical biography in the style of Suetonius, imperial panegyric, and hagiographical accounts of saints and martyrs. Eusebius’ version of Constantine’s conversion before the battle of the Milvian bridge focuses on the immediate reward that God promised in return for Constantine’s endorsement of the single Christian God over all the others. Archaeological evidence of Constantine’s conversion remains scant even for his later years, and there are doubts whether or not his conversion was genuine or whether or not he openly presented himself as a Christian. Surely Constantine’s father, Constantius Chlorus, was not a Christian, as insinuated by Eusebius, but rather he followed the late antique idea of monotheism by revering the sun god. Eusebius emphasises that God’s protection generates immediate battle success, both in Constantine’s civil wars against internal enemies and in preparation for his later Persian campaigns. Theologically, Eusebius therefore intends to demonstrate that the Christian God is indeed the true God as he alone has the power to grant real success. The early adoption of this concept of immediate reward left later authors at a loss to explain the increasing amounts of military setbacks suffered by many Christian emperors. Further reading: Averil C AMERON , ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini and the Construction of Constantine,’ in M.J. E DWARDS and S. S WAIN (ed.), Portraits: Biographical Representation in the Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1997), 145-74; H.A. D R AKE , ‘What Eusebius Knew: The Genesis of the Vita Constantini,’ Classical Philology 83 (1988), 20-38; R. VAN D AM , Remembering Constantine at the Milvian Bridge (Cambridge, 2011) See also: [2.2 Battlefield opportunism or penance for a murdered son? Later interpretations of Constantine’s conversion] [3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation]

1.27.1 Understanding it well that he would need more powerful help than his soldiers could supply because of the evil, magical deceits zealously pursued by the tyrant, he sought a god to help him, while he considered the numbers of heavy- and light-armed soldiers as secondary (for he believed that in the absence of help from a god these could not be successful) and he said that what comes from God’s assistance is irresistible and invincible. 2 He indeed thought about to what kind of god he should subscribe to help him, and during his search a thought came to his mind, that of the many who had in the past claimed sovereign command, those

71

72

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

who had hung their own hopes on many gods, and had conciliated them with libations, sacrifices and offerings, had first been deceived by flattering prophecies and oracles which promised welcome things, but then met an unwelcome end, nor did any god stand kindly at their side to warn them of divinely directed disaster; only his own father had taken the opposite course to theirs and condemned their error and he had throughout his life honoured the God who transcends the universe, and had found him a saviour and guardian of his empire and a provider of everything good. 3 […] Marshalling all these arguments in his mind, he understood that it was an act of foolishness to persist in the folly of the gods that do not exist, and, after so much proof, to be led astray, and he thought he should honour his father’s God alone. […] 1.37.1 Constantine, however, was moved to pity by all these occurrences, and began making every military preparation against the tyranny. Appointing, then, as his supreme god Christ, the saviour, and invoking him as his aid, and setting the victorious trophy, the truly salutary sign, in front of the soldiers around him, and of his guards, he led his entire army and endeavoured to obtain for the Romans the freedom of their ancestors. 2 Whereas Maxentius put his trust in his magical devices rather than in the goodwill of his subjects, and did not even dare to advance beyond the city gates, but guarded every place, district and city in his control with a countless multitude of soldiers and innumerable troops of guards, the emperor was equipped with help from God and advanced against the first, second, and third formations of the tyrant, overcame them all quite easily at the very first assault, and proceeded to occupy most of the land of Italy. 38.1 He was now very near to Rome itself. Lest he should be forced for the sake of the tyrant to fight against the Romans, God himself dragged the tyrant out, as if with chains, a long way outside the gates; and now the ancient stories against the infidels, widely disbelieved as the word of a fable, yet faithfully recorded in holy books for the faithful, by all his actions he proved to be true for every single eye which saw the miracle, believing and unbelieving alike. 2 For just as once in the time of Moses and the pious Hebrew tribe ‘Pharaoh’s chariots and his army he cast into the sea, and the best of its officers drowned in the Red Sea’ (Exod 15:4), in the very same way Maxentius and the soldiers and guards around him ‘sank to the bottom like a stone’ (Exod 15: 5), and at the same time, turning his back on the force which came from God with Constantine, he crossed the river which lay in his way, over which he had built a perfect bridge of boats and so designed an engine of destruction for himself, hoping thus to overcome the friend of God. 3 Constantine, however, had his God present at his right hand, and Maxentius cowardly constructed the secret engines against himself. Of him it could also be said that ‘he made a pit and dug it out, and fell into the hole he made. His trouble shall return on his head, and his violent dealing shall come down upon his own crown’ (Ps 7:1617). 4 So now by God’s command the engines for the bridge of boats and the trap concealed in it gave way unexpectedly before the right time, the crossover sank, and the boats suddenly went to the bottom of the river with all their men, at first the wretch himself, and then the soldiers around him and his guards, just as the divine sayings predicted: ‘He went down like lead in strong water’ (Exod 15:10). […]

2.1 The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful god for battlefield success

4.56.1 It also worthy of record that about the time in question, when there were reports of movements of barbarians in the east, he said that he was still in want of victory against them, and he hastened to declare war against the Persians. 2 Having made this decision, he put his legions in motion, and also consulted the bishops around him about the campaign, planning that some of those needed for divine worship should be there with him. 3 They said that they were exceedingly zealous to accompany him as he wished, and did not desire to shrink back, but would soldier with him and fight at his side with supplications to God. He was very much delighted with their promises and presented to them his campaign. 1.27.1 Εὖ δ’ ἐννοήσας ὡς κρείττονος ἢ κατὰ στρατιωτικὴν δέοι αὐτῷ βοηθείας διὰ τὰς κακοτέχνους καὶ γοητικὰς μαγγανείας τὰς παρὰ τῷ τυράννῳ σπουδαζομένας, θεὸν ἀνεζήτει βοηθόν, τὰ μὲν ἐξ ὁπλιτῶν καὶ στρατιωτικοῦ πλήθους δεύτερα τιθέμενος (τῆς γὰρ παρὰ θεοῦ βοηθείας ἀπούσης τὸ μηθὲν ταῦτα δύνασθαι ἡγεῖτο), τὰ δ’ ἐκ θεοῦ συνεργίας ἄμαχα εἶναι καὶ ἀήττητα λέγων. 2 ἐννοεῖ δῆτα ὁποῖον δέοι θεὸν βοηθὸν ἐπιγράψασθαι, ζητοῦντι δ’ αὐτῷ ἔννοιά τις ὑπεισῆλθεν, ὡς πλειόνων πρότερον τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐφαψαμένων οἱ μὲν πλείοσι θεοῖς τὰς σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀναρτήσαντες ἐλπίδας, λοιβαῖς τε καὶ θυσίαις καὶ ἀναθήμασι τούτους θεραπεύσαντες, ἀπατηθέντες τὰ πρῶτα διὰ μαντειῶν κεχαρισμένων χρησμῶν τε τὰ αἴσια ἀπαγγελλομένων αὐτοῖς τέλος οὐκ αἴσιον εὕραντο, οὐδέ τις θεῶν πρὸς τὸ μὴ θεηλάτοις ὑποβληθῆναι καταστροφαῖς δεξιὸς αὐτοῖς παρέστη, μόνον δὲ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐκείνοις τραπέντα τῶν μὲν πλάνην καταγνῶναι, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἐπέκεινα τῶν ὅλων θεόν, διὰ πάσης τιμήσαντα ζωῆς, σωτῆρα καὶ φύλακα τῆς βασιλείας ἀγαθοῦ τε παντὸς χορηγὸν εὕρασθαι. 3 […] ταῦτ’ οὖν πάντα συναγαγὼν τῇ διανοίᾳ, τὸ μὲν περὶ τοὺς μηθὲν ὄντας θεοὺς ματαιάζειν καὶ μετὰ τοσοῦτον ἔλεγχον ἀποπλανᾶσθαι μωρίας ἔργον ὑπελάμβανε, τὸν δὲ πατρῷον τιμᾶν μόνον ᾤετο δεῖν θεόν. […] 1.37.1 Ἀλλὰ γὰρ τούτων ἁπάντων οἶκτον ἀναλαβὼν Κωνσταντῖνος πάσαις παρασκευαῖς ὡπλίζετο κατὰ τῆς τυραννίδος. προστησάμενος δῆτα ἑαυτοῦ θεὸν τὸν ἐπὶ πάντων σωτῆρά τε καὶ βοηθὸν ἀνακαλεσάμενος τὸν Χριστόν, αὐτοῦ τε τὸ νικητικὸν τρόπαιον τὸ δὴ σωτήριον σημεῖον τῶν ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν τε καὶ δορυφόρων προτάξας ἡγεῖτο πανστρατιᾷ, Ῥωμαίοις τὰ τῆς ἐκ προγόνων ἐλευθερίας προμνώμενος. 2 Μαξεντίου δῆτα μᾶλλον ταῖς κατὰ γοητείαν μηχαναῖς ἢ τῇ τῶν ὑπηκόων ἐπιθαρροῦντος εὐνοίᾳ, προελθεῖν δ’ οὐδ’ ὅσον πυλῶν τοῦ ἄστεος ἐπιτολμῶντος, ὁπλιτῶν δ’ ἀναρίθμῳ πλήθει καὶ στρατοπέδων λόχοις μυρίοις πάντα τόπον καὶ χώραν καὶ πόλιν ὅση τις ὑπ’ αὐτῷ δεδούλωτο φραξαμένου, ὁ τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ συμμαχίας ἀνημμένος βασιλεὺς ἐπιὼν πρώτῃ καὶ δευτέρᾳ καὶ τρίτῃ τοῦ τυράννου παρατάξει εὖ μάλα τε πάσας ἐξ αὐτῆς πρώτης ὁρμῆς χειρωσάμενος, πρόεισιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὅσον τῆς Ἰταλῶν χώρας. 38.1 Ἤδη δ’ αὐτῆς Ῥώμης ἄγχιστα ἦν. εἶθ’ ὡς μὴ τοῦ τυράννου χάριν Ῥωμαίοις πολεμεῖν ἐξαναγκάζοιτο, θεὸς αὐτὸς οἷα δεσμοῖς τισι τὸν τύραννον πορρωτάτω πυλῶν ἐξέλκει, καὶ τὰ πάλαι δὴ κατ’ ἀσεβῶν ὡς ἐν μύθου λόγῳ παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις ἀπιστούμενα, πιστά γε μὴν πιστοῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις ἐστηλιτευμένα, αὐταῖς ἐνεργείαις ἅπασιν ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν πιστοῖς ἅμα καὶ ἀπίστοις ὀφθαλμοῖς τὰ παράδοξα θεωμένοις ἐπιστώσατο. 2 ὥσπερ γοῦν ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ ποτε Μωϋσέως τοῦ τε θεοσεβοῦς Ἑβραίων γένους “ἅρματα Φαραὼ καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ἔρριψεν εἰς θάλασσαν καὶ ἐπιλέκτους ἀναβάτας τριστάτας κατεπόντισεν ἐν ἐρυθρᾷ”, κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ δὴ καὶ Μαξέντιος οἵ τ’ ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ὁπλῖται καὶ δορυφόροι “ἔδυσαν εἰς βυθὸν ὡσεὶ λίθος,” ὁπηνίκα νῶτα δοὺς τῇ ἐκ θεοῦ μετὰ Κωνσταντίνου δυνάμει τὸν πρὸ τῆς πορείας διῄει ποταμόν, ὃν αὐτὸς σκάφεσι ζεύξας καὶ εὖ μάλα γεφυρώσας μηχανὴν ὀλέθρου καθ’ ἑαυτοῦ συνεπήξατο, ὧδέ πῃ ἑλεῖν τὸν τῷ θεῷ φίλον ἐλπίσας. 3 ἀλλὰ τῷδε μὲν δεξιὸς παρῆν ὁ αὐτοῦ θεός, ὁ δ’ ἄρα τὰς κρυφίους

73

74

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

μηχανὰς καθ’ ἑαυτοῦ δείλαιος συνίστη. ἐφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἦν εἰπεῖν, ὡς ἄρα “λάκκον ὤρυξε καὶ ἀνέσκαψεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐμπεσεῖται εἰς βόθρον ὃν εἰργάσατο. ἐπιστρέψει ὁ πόνος αὐτοῦ εἰς κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐπὶ κορυφὴν αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀδικία αὐτοῦ καταβήσεται.” 4 οὕτω δῆτα θεοῦ νεύματι τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ ζεύγματος μηχανῶν τοῦ τ’ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐγκρύμματος οὐ κατὰ καιρὸν τὸν ἐλπισθέντα ὑφιζάνει μὲν ἡ διάβασις, χωρεῖ δ’ ἀθρόως αὔτανδρα κατὰ τοῦ βυθοῦ τὰ σκάφη, καὶ αὐτός γε πρῶτος ὁ δείλαιος, εἶτα δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ὑπασπισταί τε καὶ δορυφόροι, ᾗ τὰ θεῖα προανεφώνει λόγια, “ἔδυσαν ὡσεὶ μόλιβδος ἐν ὕδατι σφοδρῷ.” […] 4.56.1 Κἀκεῖνο δὲ μνήμης ἄξιον, ὡς ἀμφὶ τὸν δηλούμενον χρόνον τῶν ἐπ’ ἀνατολῆς βαρβάρων κινήσεως ἀκουσθείσης, ἔτι ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν κατὰ τῶνδε νίκην λείπεσθαι φήσας, ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύειν ὡρμᾶτο. 2 τοῦτό τε κρίνας ἐκίνει τὰ στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα, καὶ δὴ τοῖς ἀμφ’ αὐτὸν ἐπισκόποις περὶ τῆς πορείας ἐκοίνου, συνεῖναι αὐτῷ δεῖν τινας τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐν θεοσεβείᾳ προμηθούμενος. 3 οἱ δὲ καὶ μάλα προθύμως συνέπεσθαι βουλομένῳ μηδ’ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐθέλειν συστρατεύειν δ’ αὐτῷ καὶ συναγωνίζεσθαι ταῖς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἱκετηρίαις ἔλεγον. σφόδρα δ’ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐπαγγελίαις ἡσθεὶς τὴν πορείαν αὐτοῖς διετύπου·

2.2 Battlefield opportunism or penance for a murdered son? Later interpretations of Constantine’s conversion: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, 1.3-5

Source: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History 1.3.1-5.2 (Greek, mid 5th century, Constantinople) Edition: J. B IDEZ and G.C. H ANSEN , Sozomenus: Kirchengeschichte, GCS 50 (Berlin, 1960) Introduction: This passage is an extract from the Ecclesiastical History by Sozomen (died c. 450), who wrote this in Constantinople in the 440s. Sozomen was probably brought up and educated by monks in Gaza, but later went on to become a lawyer. The work is dedicated to the emperor Theodosius, and echoes and continues Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History. This extract contains a late and dubious anecdote reported also by Zosimus (2.29), claiming that Constantine converted not at the battle of the Milvian bridge, but only much later and because the bishops, unlike the philosophers, promised him redemption after he had murdered his next of kin. The first section, on Constantine’s original vision, has the additional element that Constantine seeks advice from Christian priests, but does not necessarily subscribe to Christianity alone. In the second section Sozomen goes on to mention a pagan alternative account of Constantine’s conversion, claiming that Constantine had been rejected by the pagan philosophers because of his filicide and therefore resorted to Christian priests who were inclined to purge his sins nonetheless. It is interesting to note that Eusebius edited a final version of his Ecclesiastical History, in which he omitted all references to Crispus after his murder. Another contemporary biographer of Constantine, Praxagoras of Athens, even went so far as to say that Constantine remained a pagan throughout his life (καίτοι τὴν θρησκείαν Ἕλλην ὢν, provided this is in relation to Constantine rather than to Praxagoras, which seems to be the case because Photius purports to quote Praxagoras directly here). This early Life of Constantine, which predates Eusebius’ own account, is lost today but was still known to Photius in the ninth century who provides a short summary (cod. 62).

2.2

Battlefield opportunism or penance for a murdered son?

Further reading: H. L EPPIN , ‘The Church Historians (I): Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoretus,’ in G. M AR ASCO , Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 2003), 219-54 See also: [2.1 The emperor Constantine seeks and finds a more powerful God for battlefield success]

1.3.1 For we have received a report that several different events came together to convince Constantine to espouse the belief of the Christians, particularly a miracle that appeared to him. For at the time when he had decided to marsh against Maxentius, he was in doubt about how to carry on his military operations and how to find an ally. In the midst of such thoughts, he saw, in a dream, the sign of the cross shining in heaven. While he was amazed at this vision, divine angels stood by and said, ‘Oh, Constantine! By this symbol, conquer!’ 2 It is also said that Christ himself appeared to him, showed him the symbol of the cross, and commanded him to construct one like it, and to hold it as an ally in battle, as a donor of victory. Eusebius, who is also called Pamphilus, maintains that he heard confirmed by imperial oath that around midday, as the sun was already sinking, the emperor and the soldiers who were with him saw in heaven the trophy of the cross composed of light, and a writing next to it which said: ‘By this sign, conquer’. 3 For this miracle came to pass on his journey, while he was moving somewhere with his army. As he was thinking about what this was, night came. When he was asleep, Christ showed himself with the sign that appeared in heaven, and commanded him to construct an imitation of this, and to use it as his guard in battles against the enemies. 4 Since there was nothing further to be explained, but it was evidently proven to the emperor how he needed to believe in God, at daybreak he summoned the priests of Christ, and learned about their creed. They opened the holy books and expounded the belief in Christ. They demonstrated from the prophets that there are clear predictions about events which have been fulfilled. The sign which had appeared to him was the symbol, they said, of the victory over hell, which Christ accomplished when he came to the human beings, because he was crucified, died, and returned to life on the third day. 5 Because of this, they affirmed, there was hope that with the departure from this life here and at the end of the present age, all human beings would rise from the dead and be immortal, when those who had led a good life in their actions would receive rewards, and those who had done evil would be punished. […] 5.1 I am aware that the pagans say that Constantine, after destroying some of his next of kin, and particularly after assisting in the murder of his own son Crispus, repented and had communion with Sopater, the philosopher, who was at the time the appointed successor of Plotinus, in order to receive purification. He, however, declared – as they say – that there is no purification for sins like these. The emperor, saddened by this rejection, happened to be near some bishops who promised that he would be purified from all sin, and he was delighted with the words they spoke to achieve this purpose, was amazed by their creed, became a Christian, and led his subjects to the same faith. 2 It appears to me that this has been invented by persons who were eager to abuse the religion of the Christians. […]

75

76

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

1.3.1 Τούτῳ γὰρ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα συγκυρῆσαι παρειλήφαμεν, οἷς ἐπείσθη τὸ τῶν Χριστιανῶν δόγμα πρεσβεύειν, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν φανεῖσαν αὐτῷ θεοσημείαν. ἡνίκα γὰρ ἐπιστρατεῦσαι Μαξεντίῳ ἐβεβούλευτο, οἷά γε εἰκὸς ἠπόρει καθ’ ἑαυτὸν, ὅπως ἄρα τὰ τῆς μάχης ἀποβήσεται καὶ τίς αὐτῷ βοηθὸς ἔσται. ἐν τοιαύταις δὲ φροντίσι γενόμενος ὄναρ εἶδε τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ σημεῖον ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ σελαγίζον. τεθηπότι δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν παραστάντες θεῖοι ἄγγελοι “ὦ Κωνσταντῖνε,” ἔφησαν, “ἐν τούτῳ νίκα.” 2 λέγεται δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Χριστὸν ἐπιφανέντα αὐτῷ δεῖξαι τοῦ σταυροῦ τὸ σύμβολον καὶ παρακελεύσασθαι ἐοικὸς τούτῳ ποιῆσαι καὶ ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἔχειν ἐπίκουρον καὶ νίκης ποριστικόν. Εὐσέβιός γε μὴν ὁ Παμφίλου αὐτοῦ φήσαντος ἐνωμότως τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκηκοέναι ἰσχυρίζεται, ὡς ἀμφὶ μεσημβρίαν ἤδη τοῦ ἡλίου ἀποκλίναντος σταυροῦ τρόπαιον ἐκ φωτὸς συνεστὼς καὶ γραφὴν συνημμένην αὐτῷ “τούτῳ νίκα» λέγουσαν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ ἐθεάσατο αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιῶται. 3 πορευομένῳ γάρ πῃ σὺν τῷ στρατεύματι κατὰ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν τόδε τὸ θαῦμα ἐπεγένετο, λογιζομένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ὅ τι εἴη νὺξ ἐπῆλθε. καθεύδοντί τε τὸν Χριστὸν ὀφθῆναι σὺν τῷ φανέντι ἐν οὐρανῷ σημείῳ καὶ παρακελεύσασθαι μίμημα ποιήσασθαι τούτου καὶ ἀλεξήματι κεχρῆσθαι ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους μάχαις. 4 ἐπεὶ δὲ λοιπὸν ἑρμηνέως οὐδὲν ἔδει, ἀλλὰ περιφανῶς ἐδείχθη τῷ βασιλεῖ, ᾗ χρὴ περὶ θεοῦ νομίζειν, ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ συγκαλέσας τοὺς ἱερέας τοῦ Χριστοῦ περὶ τοῦ δόγματος ἐπυνθάνετο. οἱ δὲ τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους προϊσχόμενοι τὰ περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξηγοῦντο· καὶ πρὶν γενέσθαι, σαφῆ τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις πρόρρησιν ἐκ τῶν προφητῶν ἀπέδειξαν. τὸ δὲ φανὲν αὐτῷ σημεῖον σύμβολον εἶναι ἔλεγον τῆς κατὰ τοῦ ᾅδου νίκης, ἣν εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἐλθὼν κατώρθωσε τῷ σταυρωθῆναι καὶ ἀποθανεῖν καὶ τριταῖος ἀναβιῶναι. 5 κατὰ τοῦτο γὰρ ἔφασαν ἐλπίζειν μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς ἐνταῦθα βιοτῆς πρὸς τῷ τέλει τοῦ παρόντος αἰῶνος ἀνίστασθαι πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ἀθανάτους ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ ἀμοιβαῖς ὧν εὖ ἐβίωσαν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς πράγμασιν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τιμωρίαις ὧν κακῶς ἔδρασαν· […] 5.1 Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δέ, ὡς Ἕλληνες λέγουσι Κωνσταντῖνον ἀνελόντα τινὰς τῶν ἐγγυτάτω γένους καὶ τῷ θανάτῳ Κρίσπου τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ παιδὸς συμπράξαντα μεταμεληθῆναι καὶ περὶ καθαρμοῦ κοινώσασθαι Σωπάτρῳ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ κατ’ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ προεστῶτι τῆς Πλωτίνου διαδοχῆς· τὸν δὲ ἀποφήνασθαι μηδένα καθαρμὸν εἶναι τῶν τοιούτων ἁμαρτημάτων· ἀδημονοῦντα δὲ τὸν βασιλέα ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπαγορεύσει περιτυχεῖν ἐπισκόποις, οἳ μετανοίᾳ καὶ βαπτίσματι ὑπέσχοντο πάσης αὐτὸν ἁμαρτίας καθαίρειν, ἡσθῆναί τε τούτοις κατὰ σκοπὸν εἰρηκόσι καὶ θαυμάσαι τὸ δόγμα καὶ Χριστιανὸν γενέσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἀρχομένους ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἀγαγεῖν. 2 ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ ταῦτα πεπλάσθαι τοῖς σπουδάζουσι τὴν Χριστιανῶν θρησκείαν κακηγορεῖν. […]

Divine punishment 2.3 Wrath of God directed at pagans: Lactantius, A Treatise on the Anger of God, 23-4

Source: Lactantius, A Treatise on the Anger of God 23.13-24.2 (Latin, early 4th century) Edition: C. I NGREMEAU , Lactance: La colère de Dieu, SC 289 (Paris, 1982)

2.3 Wrath of God directed at pagans: Lactantius, A Treatise on the Anger of God, 23-4

Introduction: Like Eusebius, Lactantius (c. 250 – c. 325) was a personal adviser of the emperor Constantine and also tutor to Constantine’s son Crispus who was eventually put to death by Constantine. Lactantius worked as a rhetoric teacher in North Africa and even received and accepted an imperial call to teach rhetoric in Nicomedia, residence of the emperor Diocletian. At Diocletian’s court, Lactantius came into contact with philosophers such as Porphyry and Sossianus Hierocles who were instrumental in instigating the Great Persecution. When Lactantius taught in Nicomedia, he converted to Christianity, and as a result resigned his office before Christians were officially removed from the court and from public offices. Thereafter, he became a Christian apologist and defended Christianity from philosophical treatises which intended to show that Christianity was not the true and only philosophy. In the passage below, taken from Lactantius’ Treatise on the Anger of God, he argues against the Stoic and Epicurean philosophers who claim that God is mild and forgiving, and concludes that on the contrary God is punitive and vindictive, suggesting that staunch pagans, and pagan philosophers, should be punished in retaliation for the Great Persecution which had affected Lactantius personally. Later Christian authors, like Augustine, held similar views on the coercive nature of God, punishing both pagans and heretics. Further reading: E. D E PALMA D IGESER , The Making of a Christian Empire. Lactantius and Rome (Ithaca, 2000) See also: [3.22 The value of hell-fire]

23.13 If God is so mild, as the philosophers wish to have it, how is it that not only the demons and ministers of such great power, but even heaven and earth, and the entire system of the universe, tremble at his will? For if no one serves someone else except by coercion, it follows that every supreme power relies on fear, and fear on anger. For if anyone is not driven to act against a person unwilling to obey, he can not be forced into obedience. 14 Everyone should search their own feelings, and they will at once understand that no one can be forced to obey the supreme power without anger and chastisement. Therefore, where there is no anger, there will also be no supreme power. God, however, has supreme power; it is therefore necessary that he also has anger, on which supreme power relies. 24.1 No one should therefore be led astray by the vain talk of the philosophers, and educate himself to the contempt of God, which is the greatest sacrilege. 2 We must all love him because he is our father; and fear him because he is our Lord; and bestow honours upon him because he is kind; and dread him because he is strict. Both sides of his personality are adorable. 23.13 si tam lenis est quam philosophi uolunt, quomodo ad nutum eius non modo daemones et ministri tantae potestatis, sed etiam caelum et terra et rerum natura omnis contremescit? si enim nullus alteri seruit nisi coactus, omne igitur inperium metu constat, metus autem per iram. nam si non moueatur quis aduersus parere nolentem, nec cogi poterit ad obsequium. 14 consulat unus quisque adfectus suos, iam intelleget neminem posse sine ira et castigatione inperio subiugari. ubi ergo ira non fuerit, inperium quoque non erit. Deus autem habet inperium; ergo et iram, qua constat inperium, habeat necesse est. 24.1 quapropter nemo uaniloquentia philosophorum inductus ad contemptum se Dei erudiat, quod est

77

78

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

maximum nefas. 2 debemus hunc omnes et amare quod pater est et uereri quod dominus, et honorificare quod beneficus et metuere quod seuerus: utraque in eo persona uenerabilis.

2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 5 & 33-4

Source: Lactantius, The Deaths of the Persecutors 5, 33-4 (Latin, early 4th century) Edition: J.L. CREED, Lactantius: De mortibus persecutorum, Oxford Early Christian Texts (Oxford, 1984) Introduction: These short accounts of the gruesome deaths of pagan emperors were very popular during the Middle Ages. Christian authors in Late Antiquity widely believed that God interferes with the world by selectively sending diseases down to individuals in position of power but abusing their power because of sin. Detailed accounts of the deaths of rulers enjoyed popularity already in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. The extracts below include the deaths of Valerian, Galerius and Diocletian, who all have in common that they initiated persecutions of Christians. Valerian was the first emperor who was captured alive in battle and therefore earned a generally poor reputation. Galerius proclaimed Christianity a legitimate religion after the persecution was unsuccessful. According to Lactantius, he was allegedly forced to do so by divine revenge and disease (cf. below on the edict of Milan, 313). Galerius’ edict of toleration intended to ensure that Christians pray for the emperors and respect Roman law and the public order, which seems to indicate that some Christians had previously transgressed Roman law and acted against public order. While Lactantius grossly distorts his narratives of violent death scenes in order to account for the idea of divine punishment, he is generally reliable when he quotes imperial rescripts verbatim. Further reading: E. D E PALMA D IGESER , The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome (Ithaca, 2000) See also: [1.29 A Christian demonises pagan religion]

5.1 Soon after, Valerian was also seized by a similar rage, raised his wicked hands against God, and shed much righteous blood, although for a short period of time. God, however, punished him in a new and extraordinary manner, that he might serve as a testimony to future ages that the adversaries of God always receive a payback worthy of their crime. 2 After he had been captured by the Persians, he lost not only that power which he had exercised impudently, but also the freedom of which he had deprived others, and continued his life most shamefully in slavery. 3 For Shapur, the king of the Persians, who had captured him, every time when he chose to get into his carriage or to mount his horse, commanded the Roman to bow down and present his back, and, setting his foot on Valerian’s shoulder, he said, “This is true, and not what the Romans write on boards or temple walls,” while he mocked and laughed at him. 4 Valerian continued to be paraded around most deservedly in this manner and lived long

2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration

enough to make the Roman name an object of long-lasting scorn and derision amongst the barbarians. 5 His punishment was compounded by the fact that he had an emperor for his son but found that he would not come to revenge his captivity and extreme slavery, nor was there any attempt to bring him back. 6 After he had finished his shameful life under so great dishonour, he was flayed, and his skin, stripped from the flesh, was dyed with vermilion to be placed in the temple of the gods of the barbarians, to serve as a monument of this most famous triumph, and as eternal evidence for our ambassadors that the Romans should not put too much faith in their strength when they recognised that the flayed skin of their captured princeps was on display next to the barbarian gods. 7 Now since God punished the sacrilegious in such a manner, is it not astonishing that anyone would afterwards dare not only to act, but even to think about acting, against the majesty of the one God who directs and moderates the universe? […] 33.1 Galerius was already in the eighteenth year of his reign, when God struck him with a terminal plague. A malignant ulcer occurred in the lower end of his genitals, and spread by degrees. 2 The physicians cut it out and healed him. However, after the wound was scarred over, it ruptured again; a vein burst, and the blood flowed in such quantity as to endanger his life. […] 11. This happened in the course of a full year, when he was finally overpowered by his miseries and forced to confess God. When his intermittent urgent pain stopped for a while, he cried aloud that he would rebuild the temple of God and atone for his crime. On his deathbed, he issued an edict of the following kind: 34.1 “Amongst our other precautionary measures for the permanent advantage and interest of the state, we had previously wanted to correct everything according to the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans, and to see to it that even the Christians, who had abandoned the principles of their forefathers, should return to good attitudes. 2 For such wilfulness had somehow invaded these very Christians and such folly had taken possession of them, that they no longer followed those institutions of old, which possibly their own forefathers had first established, but that they made laws for themselves, in their sole discretion and as they saw fit, which they observed, and that they convened diverse populations in various regions. 3 “When our order finally came out, prescribing that the Christians should resort to the ancient institutions, many were subdued because of the impending danger, and many were also displaced. 4 Nevertheless, because most of them persisted in their resolution, and because we have perceived that they practise neither the cult nor the religion owed to the gods, nor yet worship the God of the Christians, and having regard to our most kind clemency and permanent custom to grant pardon to all human beings, we believe that we should extend our most willing toleration to these people, and to permit them again to be Christians, and to establish the places of their religious assemblies, however without acting against the public order. 5 “In a separate rescript we shall advise the judges what they should observe. Therefore, in consequence of this our toleration, the Christians should pray to their God for our welfare, and for that of the public, and for their own, guaranteeing that the state will be safe in every respect, and that they themselves can live securely in their homes.”

79

80

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

5.1 Non multo post Valerianus quoque non dissimili furore correptus impias manus in Deum intentauit et multum quamuis breui tempore iusti sanguinis fudit. at illum Deus nouo ac singulari poenae genere adfecit, ut esset posteris documentum aduersarios Dei semper dignam scelere suo recipere mercedem. 2 hic captus a Persis non modo imperium, quo fuerat insolenter usus, sed etiam libertatem, quam ceteris ademerat, perdidit uixitque in seruitute turpissime. 3 nam rex Persarum Sapor, is qui eum ceperat, si quando libuerat aut uehiculum ascendere aut equum, inclinare sibi Romanum iubebat ac terga praebere et imposito pede supra dorsum eius illud esse uerum dicebat exprobrans ei cum risu, non quod in tabulis aut parietibus Romani pingerent. 4 ita ille dignissime triumphatus aliquamdiu uixit, ut diu barbaris Romanum nomen ludibrio ac derisui esset. 5 etiam hoc ei accessit ad poenam, quod cum filium haberet imperatorem, captiuitatis suae tamen ac seruitutis extremae non inuenit ultorem nec omnino repetitus est. 6 postea uero quam pudendam uitam in illo dedecore finiuit, derepta est ei cutis et exuta uisceribus pellis infecta rubro colore, ut in templo barbarorum deorum ad memoriam clarissimi triumphi poneretur legatisque nostris semper esset ostentui ne nimium Romani uiribus suis fiderent, cum exuuias capti principis apud deos suos cernerent. 7 cum igitur tales poenas de sacrilegis Deus exegerit, nonne mirabile est ausum esse quemquam postea non modo facere, sed etiam cogitare aduersus maiestatem singularis Dei regentis et continentis uniuersa? […] 33.1 Iam decimus et octauus annus agebatur, cum percussit eum Deus insanabili plaga. nascitur ei ulcus malum in inferiori parte genitalium serpitque latius. 2 medici secant curant. sed inducta iam cicatrice scinditur uulnus et rupta uena fluit sanguis usque ad periculum mortis. […] 11. et haec facta sunt per annum perpetem, cum tandem malis domitus Deum coactus est confiteri. noui doloris urgentis per interualla exclamat se restituturum Dei templum satisque pro scelere facturum. et iam deficiens edictum misit huiusmodi: 34.1 “Inter cetera quae pro rei publicae semper commodis atque utilitate disponimus, nos quidem uolueramus antehac iuxta leges ueteres et publicam disciplinam Romanorum cuncta corrigere atque id prouidere, ut etiam Christiani, qui parentum suorum reliquerant sectam, ad bonas mentes redirent, 2 siquidem quadam ratione tanta eosdem Christianos uoluntas inuasisset et tanta stultitia occupasset, ut non illa ueterum instituta sequerentur, quae forsitan primum parentes eorundem constituerant, sed pro arbitrio suo atque ut isdem erat libitum, ita sibimet leges facerent quas obseruarent, et per diuersa uarios populos congregarent. 3 denique cum eiusmodi nostra iussio extitisset, ut ad ueterum se instituta conferrent, multi periculo subiugati, multi etiam deturbati sunt. 4 atque cum plurimi in proposito perseuerarent ac uideremus nec diis eosdem cultum ac religionem debitam exhibere nec Christianorum Deum obseruare, contemplationem mitissimae nostrae clementiae intuentes et consuetudinem sempiternam, qua solemus cunctis hominibus ueniam indulgere, promptissimam in his quoque indulgentiam nostram credidimus porrigendam, ut denuo sint Christiani et conuenticula sua componant, ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant. 5 alia autem epistola iudicibus significaturi sumus quid debeant obseruare. unde iuxta hanc indulgentiam nostram debebunt Deum suum orare pro salute nostra et rei publicae ac sua, ut undique uersum res publica praestetur incolumis et securi uiuere in sedibus suis possint.”

2.5 The cessation of religious violence: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 48

Laws of the Constantinian dynasty 2.5 The cessation of religious violence: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 48, on the so-called Edict of Milan of Constantine and Licinius

Source: Lactantius, The Deaths of the Persecutors 48.2-12 (Latin, early 4th century) Edition: J.L. CREED, Lactantius: De mortibus persecutorum, Oxford Early Christian Texts (Oxford, 1984) Introduction: In this passage, taken also from Lactantius, Constantine and Licinius agree on religious tolerance and legitimised Christianity. Perhaps it was Constantine’s dream to maintain peaceful and mutually tolerant co-existence of all major religions in the Roman Empire, but this dream soon clashed with the reality that Christian authorities, once the tables had turned, did not tolerate pagan traditions and institutions which instead they regarded as devilish soul traps with which to ensnare Christians. The edict of Milan goes beyond the earlier edict of toleration in that it not only granted religious freedom, but also required compensation for losses previously suffered by Christians during the persecution. Further reading: N. L ENSKI , ‘The Reign of Constantine,’ in N. L ENSKI (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine (Cambridge, 2006), 59-90 See also: [2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory]

48.2 “When I, Constantine Augustus, and also I, Licinius Augustus, fortunately convened at Milan, and considered everything pertinent to the common good and public security, we thought that amongst other affairs which seemed to us beneficial to most human beings, we should primarily provide a safeguard for the veneration of the divine, and to grant that the Christians and everyone else have the free choice to follow that religion which each of them wants, in order to ensure that whatever divine being there is in the realms of heaven, it can remain merciful and gracious both to us and to everyone who is placed under our rule. 3 “We therefore believed that we have to make that decision for a salutary and highly rightful reason, that we thought no one should ever be denied the opportunity to dedicate his mind to the reverence of the Christians or to that religion which he feels is the most suitable for himself, and to make sure that the supreme divine being, to whose worship we freely devote ourselves, bestows its common favour and benefaction on us in every regard. 4 It is therefore fitting that your highness knows about our decision to revoke in their entirety all instructions which have been included in previous rescripts forwarded to your office regarding the name of the Christians, and to repeal what seems to be entirely sinister and foreign to our clemency, and that every single one of those, who have the same desire to observe the religion of the Christians, shall now seek to observe just this, freely and easily, and without any concern or complaint against them. 5 We believed we had to bring this to the attention of your diligence in full, in order to let you know that we have granted to these Christians free and absolute

81

82

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

choice to cultivate their religion. 6 Since you can see that this has been granted to them by us, your highness understands that a similarly open and free allowance of their religion or observance has been conceded even to others, in consideration of the tranquillity of our time, and that everyone has the free choice to practise what they have endorsed. We have done this in order to ensure that neither reverence nor any religion seem to be diminished by us in any way. 7 Moreover, we have advised of our determination, regarding the status of the Christians, and concerning the places where they previously used to congregate, in relation to which a previous directive has been issued and letters were sent to your office: if some individuals seem to have acquired these, at a previous occasion, either from our exchequer or from anyone else, then they shall restore these places to the Christians, free of charge, with no claim of reimbursement, and you should not allow legal delay or loopholes; those who have taken possession of these places through a gift deed, should likewise return these forthwith to the same Christians; even if those who have purchased these places or taken possession of them through a gift deed, make some appeal to our benevolence, they should bring this request to the attention of the governor in order to receive advice in line with our clemency. 8 “It will be necessary that all these places are immediately handed over by your intervention to the community of Christians. 9 Because it is known that these Christians owned not only those places where they used to congregate, but also others which belonged to the jurisdiction of their community, that is of their churches, rather than to individuals, we order that all of these should be returned, by the law which we have embraced in the above and without any legal loophole or litigation whatsoever, to these Christians, that is to their community and congregations, notwithstanding the aforementioned provision that those who restore these places free of charge, as said before, can hope to receive an indemnity from our courtesy. 10 In all of this, you will have to show your most efficient intervention on behalf of the aforementioned community of Christians in order to ensure that our prescription is forthwith put into effect, and public tranquillity guaranteed though our clemency in this regard. 11 As recognised above, the divine favour towards us, which we have experienced in great affairs, shall continue to be favourable through all times and in our successes make our state happy. 12 “In order to bring the rescript of this criminal law and of our courtesy to the attention of all, it is advised that you disseminate this writing by your proclamation, to post it everywhere and bring it to the knowledge of all.” 13 After Licinius had issued these words, he requested verbally to restore the places of congregation to their previous state. From the destruction of the Church until its restoration, there was therefore a space of ten years and about four months. 48.2 “cum feliciter tam ego [quam] Constantinus Augustus quam etiam ego Licinius Augustus apud Mediolanum conuenissemus atque uniuersa quae ad commoda et securitatem publicam pertinerent, in tractatu haberemus, haec inter cetera quae uidebamus pluribus hominibus profutura, uel in primis ordinanda esse credidimus, quibus diuinitatis reuerentia continebatur, ut daremus et Christianis et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionem quam quisque uoluisset, quo quicquid diuinitatis in sede caelesti, nobis atque omnibus qui sub potestate nostra sunt constituti, placatum ac propitium possit existere.

2.5 The cessation of religious violence: Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 48

3 itaque hoc consilium salubri ac rectissima ratione ineundum esse credidimus, ut nulli omnino facultatem abnegandam putaremus, qui uel obseruationi Christianorum uel ei religioni mentem suam dederet, quam ipse sibi aptissimam esse sentiret, ut possit nobis summa diuinitas, cuius religioni liberis mentibus obsequimur, in omnibus solitum fauorem suum beniuolentiamque praestare. 4 quare scire dicationem tuam conuenit placuisse nobis, ut amotis omnibus omnino condicionibus quae prius scriptis ad officium tuum datis super Christianorum nomine uidebantur, nunc libere ac simpliciter unus quisque eorum, qui eandem obseruandae religionis Christianorum gerunt uoluntatem, citra ullam inquietudinem ac molestiam sui id ipsum obseruare contendant. 5 quae sollicitudini tuae plenissime significanda esse credidimus, quo scires nos liberam atque absolutam colendae religionis suae facultatem isdem Christianis dedisse. 6 quod cum isdem a nobis indultum esse peruideas, intellegit dicatio tua etiam aliis religionis suae uel obseruantiae potestatem similiter apertam et liberam pro quiete temporis nostri concessam, ut in colendo quod quisque delegerit, habeat liberam facultatem; honori neque cuiquam religioni aliquid a nobis . 7 atque hoc insuper in persona Christianorum statuendum esse censuimus, quod, si eadem loca, ad quae [quae] antea conuenire consuerant, de quibus etiam datis ad officium tuum litteris certa antehac forma fuerat comprehensa, priore tempore aliqui uel a fisco nostro uel ab alio quocumque uidentur esse mercati, eadem Christianis sine pecunia et sine ulla pretii petitione, postposita omni frustratione atque ambiguitate restituant; qui etiam dono fuerunt consecuti, eadem similiter isdem Christianis quantocius reddant; etiam uel hi qui emerunt uel qui dono fuerunt consecuti, si petiuerint de nostra beniuolentia aliquid, uicarium postulent, quo et ipsis per nostram clementiam consulatur. 8 quae omnia corpori Christianorum protinus per intercessionem tuam ac sine mora tradi oportebit. 9 et quoniam idem Christiani non [in] ea loca tantum ad quae conuenire consuerunt, sed alia etiam habuisse noscuntur ad ius corporis eorum id est ecclesiarum, non hominum singulorum, pertinentia, ea omnia lege quam superius comprehendimus, citra ullam prorsus ambiguitatem uel controuersiam isdem Christianis id est corpori et conuenticulis eorum reddi iubebis, supra dicta scilicet ratione seruata, ut ii qui eadem sine pretio sicut diximus restituant, indemnitatem de nostra beniuolentia sperent. 10 in quibus omnibus supra dicto corpori Christianorum intercessionem tuam efficacissimam exhibere debebis, ut praeceptum nostrum quantocius compleatur, quo etiam in hoc per clementiam nostram quieti publicae consulatur. 11 hactenus fiet, ut, sicut superius comprehensum est, diuinus iuxta nos fauor, quem in tantis sumus rebus experti, per omne tempus prospere successibus nostris cum beatitudine nostra publica perseueret. 12 ut autem huius sanctionis beniuolentiae nostrae forma ad omnium possit peruenire notitiam, praelata programmate tuo haec scripta et ubique proponere et ad omnium scientiam te perferre conueniet, ut huius nostrae beniuolentiae [nostrae] sanctio latere non possit.” 13 his litteris propositis etiam uerbo hortatus est, ut conuenticula statum pristinum redderentur. sic ab euersa ecclesia usque ad restitutam fuerunt anni decem. menses plus minus quattuor.

83

84

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

2.6 The continuation of religious violence – the excesses of certain pagans: Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 3

Source: Eusebius, Life of Constantine 3.55 (Greek, early 4th century, Caesarea) Edition: F. W INKELMANN , Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin, GCS Eusebius 1.1, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1975 Introduction: There are somewhat contradictory accounts extant on the question of whether or not Constantine banned the practice of pagan religion. The Codex Theodosianus does not contain any laws concerning the destruction of temples from the age of Constantine. In the extract below, however, Eusebius does say that Constantine personally oversaw the destruction of specific temples, but these examples are linked to problematic aspects of paganism, such as temple prostitution. The general picture is that Constantine, although favouring Christians, was tolerant of pagans, seeing that most of the senate and the majority of the population were not Christians. The phrase ‘womanish man’ quite possibly refers to Galli (priests of Cybele/Magna mater), and thus to a key theme of Christian polemics against the ‘oriental’ religions, which were imported from the previous Hellenistic world of the eastern Mediterranean and became popular in the Roman Empire of the later Imperial period. The phrase ‘superstitious persons among the pagans, who are wise men in their own conceit’ refers to philosophers, indicating that sanctions against philosophers existed long before the period of Constantine’s sons and successors, for which this is better evidenced. Further reading: N. L ENSKI , ‘The Reign of Constantine,’ in N. L ENSKI (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine (Cambridge, 2006), 59-90 See also: [2.11 Philosophers accused of treason and magic] [2.12 A later account of the magic trials]

3.55.1 The emperor thereafter started a bright fire, as it were, and investigated with his imperial eye whether or not any hidden remainder of error was still lurking around somewhere. As a sharp-eyed eagle flying through heaven espies from above the most distant objects on the earth, so did he, while walking around the imperial home in his fair city, see from afar some terrible soul trap lurking amongst the pagans in Phoenicia. 2 This was a grove and a temple-district, not located in a city centre nor in any public place, as is frequently the case to adorn the city, but it was off the beaten track away from main roads and junctions, set up for the shameful demon of Aphrodite, at Aphaca, on the summit of Mount Lebanon. 3 This was a school of wickedness for all who were undisciplined and had ruined their bodies with excessive indulgence. Womanish men, who were not men but had rejected the dignity of their nature, propitiated the demon with their female madness, and unlawful intercourse with women, adulterous defilement, and unspeakable, infamous practices were performed in that temple as in some illegal rogue place. There was no one to find out what was being practised because no honourable person dared to come near there. 4 But what was ritually performed there could not also escape the notice of the great emperor. Having witnessed even this with

2.7 ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious activity, Theodosian Code, 16.10

imperial forethought, he decided that such a temple was not fit to see the sun’s light, and ordered the whole building to be destroyed from its foundation, along with its consecrated objects. 5 On the emperor’s command the devices of licentious error were at once dissolved into nothing, and a detachment of soldiers was employed to purify the place. Those who had hitherto indulged themselves learned self-control from the emperor’s menace, just like the superstitious persons among the pagans, who are wise men in their own conceit (cf. Job 5:13; 1 Cor 3:19), were also to learn their own folly by practical experience. 3.55.1 Ἐπὶ τούτοις βασιλεὺς ὥσπερ τινὰ πολυφεγγῆ πυρσὸν ἐξάψας, μή πη λανθάνοι κρύφιόν τι πλάνης λείψανον, ὄμματι βασιλικῷ περιεσκόπει· οἷα δέ τις οὐρανοπετὴς ἀετῶν ὀξυωπέστατος ἄνωθεν ἀφ’ ὑψηλοῦ τὰ πορρωτάτω διεστῶτα κατὰ γῆς ἴδοι, ὧδε καὶ οὗτος τῆς αὐτοῦ καλλιπόλεως τὴν βασιλικὴν ἀμφιπολεύων ἑστίαν δεινόν τι ψυχῶν θήρατρον ἐπὶ τοῦ Φοινίκων λανθάνον ἔθνους ἐξ ἀπόπτου συνεῖδεν. 2 ἄλσος δὲ τοῦτ’ ἦν καὶ τέμενος, οὐκ ἐν μέσαις πόλεσιν οὐδ’ ἐν ἀγοραῖς καὶ πλατείαις, ὁποῖα τὰ πολλὰ κόσμου χάριν ταῖς πόλεσι φιλοτιμεῖται, τὸ δ’ ἦν ἔξω πάτου τριόδων τε καὶ λεωφόρων ἐκτὸς αἰσχρῷ δαίμονι Ἀφροδίτης ἐν ἀκρωρείας μέρει τοῦ Λιβάνου τῆς ἐν Ἀφάκοις ἱδρυμένον. 3 σχολή τις ἦν αὕτη κακοεργίας πᾶσιν ἀκολάστοις πολλῇ τε ῥᾳστώνῃ διεφθορόσι τὰ σώματα. γύννιδες γοῦν τινες ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες τὸ σεμνὸν τῆς φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι θηλείᾳ νόσῳ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο, γυναικῶν τ’ αὖ παράνομοι ὁμιλίαι κλεψίγαμοί τε φθοραί, ἄρρητοί τε καὶ ἐπίρρητοι πράξεις ὡς ἐν ἀνόμῳ καὶ ⸢ἀπροστάτῃ⸣ χώρῳ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νεὼν ἐπεχειροῦντο. φώρ τ’ οὐδεὶς ἦν τῶν πραττομένων τῷ μηδένα σεμνῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθι τολμᾶν παριέναι. 4 ἀλλ’ οὐχὶ καὶ βασιλέα τὸν μέγαν οἷά τ’ ἦν τὰ τῇδε δρώμενα λανθάνειν, αὐτοπτήσας δὲ καὶ ταῦτα βασιλικῇ προμηθείᾳ οὐκ ἄξιον εἶναι ἡλίου αὐγῶν τὸν τοιόνδε νεὼν ἔκρινεν, αὐτοῖς δ’ ἀφιερώμασιν ἐκ βάθρων τὸ πᾶν ἀφανισθῆναι κελεύει· 5 ἐλύετο δὴ αὐτίκα βασιλικῷ νεύματι τὰ τῆς ἀκολάστου πλάνης μηχανήματα, χείρ τε στρατιωτικὴ τῇ τοῦ τόπου καθάρσει διηκονεῖτο, σωφρονεῖν δ’ ἐμάνθανον ἀπειλῇ βασιλέως οἱ μέχρι τοῦδ’ ἀκόλαστοι, ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ τῶν δοκησισόφων Ἑλλήνων οἱ δεισιδαίμονες, οἳ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς σφῶν ματαιότητος ἔργῳ τὴν πεῖραν ἐμάνθανον.

2.7 ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious activity, Theodosian Code, 16.10

Source: Codex Theodosianus 16.10.2 (Latin, mid fifth century) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Codex Theodosianus, vol. 1.1/2: Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis (Berlin, 1905) Introduction: The Codex Theodosianus collected, edited and canonised Roman legislation since Constantine at the instigation of Emperor Theodosius II and was composed between 429 and 438. Laws include the ban of any pagan religious activity as high treason under the threat of capital punishments. The laws list various institutions to act as a religious police force, such as defenders, inquisitors and judges. It is, however, doubtful that the laws were efficient because emperors often had to repeat the laws of their predecessors. Most laws were the result of specific requests raised by imperial magistrates in the provinces, who themselves got approached

85

86

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

by local embassies, for example, of clerics, who therefore partook in the eventual wording of these laws. The laws included in the Codex Theodosianus themselves are extracts from these rescripts written in response to specific requests. The extract below was sent to L. Crepereius Madalianus (PLRE 1, Madalianus, 530), who was vicarius Italiae of the year 341 in Milan, in charge of the imperial administration in Northern Italy, but acting on behalf of the praetorian prefects of the regions of the Roman Empire. Constantine’s son, the emperor Constantius, signed this law which banned sacrifices in their entirety. This law cites an earlier precedent issued by Constantine himself but otherwise not preserved. It therefore appears that Constantine, too, abolished pagan sacrifices. Further reading: S. Bradbury, ‘Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century,’ Classical Philology 89 (1994), 120-39 See also: [2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory]

16.10.2 Imperator Constantius Augustus to Madalianus, acting on behalf of the praetorian prefects: superstition shall cease; the madness of sacrifices shall be abolished. For if anyone in violation of the law of the deified emperor, our father, and in violation of this decree of our clemency, should dare to perform sacrifices, they shall suffer the infliction of a suitable punishment and the effect of an immediate sentence. (341 CE) 16.10.2 Imp. Constantius a. ad Madalianum agentem uicem praefectorum praetorio. cesset superstitio, sacrificiorum aboleatur insania. nam quicumque contra legem diui principis parentis nostri et hanc nostrae mansuetudinis iussionem ausus fuerit sacrificia celebrare, competens in eum uindicta et praesens sententia exeratur.

Arguments between Christians 2.8 Arius’ condemnation: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History

Source: Sozomen 1.21.3-5; 2.32 (Greek, mid 5th century, Constantinople) Edition: J. B IDEZ and G.C. H ANSEN , Sozomenus: Kirchengeschichte, GCS 50, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1960 Introduction: After the official toleration of Christianity, renewed conflict soon broke out not only because pagans continued to perform sacrifices and visit temples, but also because various clerics disagreed among each other about the ways in which to expound the books of the bible. The most prominent religious controversy from the age of Constantine, and far beyond, was the Arian controversy, which was temporarily settled at the first Economical Council in Nicaea in 325. The new role of Christianity within the Roman Empire meant that bishops could take advantage of the imperial courier system, swiftly communicate with, and meet among, each other. As

2.8 Arius’ condemnation: Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History

Sozomen says in the second section below, this is in marked contrast to the period preceding the age of Constantine when there was comparatively little concern about theological disputes. As soon as Christianity rose to power in the Roman Empire, the clergy and imperial administration often had a shared interest in suppressing views contradicting the consent established in councils, through banishment, curbing of freedom of speech, and outright book-burning, as exemplified in the first section below. Sotades, mentioned below, was a Hellenistic poet, whose works are lost and who was temporarily imprisoned because he had insulted Ptolemy II Philadelphus in one of his offensive obscene poems. Eusebius (of Nicomedia), who was exiled along with Theognis (of Nicaea), returned in 329 and was afterwards instrumental in reconciling Constantine and his sons to his own view of Arianism. Further reading: D. Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity: Studies in Text Transmission (Berlin, 2016) See also: [4.26 Inquisitions under Justinian and the burning of pagan literature]

1.21.3 The council [of Nicaea] excommunicated Arius and those who held similar opinions. They declared that he should not enter Alexandria. They condemned not only the statements of his doctrine, but also the book that he had composed on this subject and entitled “Thalia”. This treatise, as I have learned (I have not read it), has a loose character, similar to the vanity of the songs by Sotades. One must know indeed that Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea did neither agree nor subscribe to Arius’ deposition, although they conceded on the document expounding the true faith. 4 The emperor punished Arius with banishment. He issued a law and wrote to the bishops and people everywhere that he and those that agree with him are considered as ungodly and that in case someone finds writings of these individuals, these are to be committed to the flames in order to ensure that no memory of Arius or of the doctrine which he had introduced might circulate. If anyone is found guilty of concealing such books and of not having immediately denounced and burnt them, then death shall be their penalty and decapitation. The emperor sent letters to every city against Arius and those who had the same views. 5 He commanded Eusebius and Theognis to leave the cities which they directed as bishops. He advised the church of Nicomedia that they are being kept off the faith which the council taught, that orthodox bishops are being appointed, and these should be obeyed, and that they should consign to oblivion the memory of the previous ones. He threatened to punish those who endeavoured to speak well of these exiled bishops, or to agree with their opinions. […] […] 2.32.1 Although the creed of Arius was studied by many persons in disputations, it had not as yet split into its own group or a group named by its founder, but all were members of the same church and participated in the same communion, except for the Novatians, the so-called Phrygians, the Valentinians, the Marcionites, the Paulianians, and perhaps some others who filled the ranks of heresies already in existence. 2 The emperor ordained a law concerning all of them and commanded that their houses of prayer should be taken away from them and that they should unite in churches and not assemble in their own private houses or in public. He proposed that it is better to be part of the Catholic Church, and he advised them to unite

87

88

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

in her. Because of this law, I think, these heresies nearly disappeared from living memory. 3 For during the age of ancient emperors, all who worshipped Christ, however different in their creeds, were considered to be the same in the eyes of the pagans and suffered the same harm. They could not possibly be troubled by these differences because of their shared suffering, and individual groups therefore united amongst themselves to pray in a church, frequently associated with one another, however small these groups were, and were not ripped apart. 4 After this law was passed, they were able to hold church neither in public, because they were forbidden to do so, nor in secret, because the bishops and clergy of each city were closely observing them. […] 1.21.3 ἡ δὲ σύνοδος ἀπεκήρυξεν Ἄρειον καὶ τοὺς ὁμοίως αὐτῷ φρονοῦντας· Ἀλεξανδρείας τε μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσαντο. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς λέξεις τῆς αὐτοῦ δόξης ἀπεκήρυξαν καὶ τὸ βιβλίον ὃ περὶ ταύτης συντάξας Θαλίαν ἐπέγραψε. τούτου δὲ τοῦ συντάγματος, ὡς ἐπυθόμην (οὐ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον), διαλελυμένος τίς ἐστιν ὁ χαρακτήρ, ὡς ἐμφερὴς εἶναι τῇ χαυνότητι τοῖς Σωτάδου ᾄσμασιν. ἰστέον μέντοι ὡς τῇ Ἀρείου καθαιρέσει οὔτε ἔθεντο οὔτε ὑπέγραψαν Εὐσέβιος ὁ Νικομηδείας καὶ Θεόγνιος ὁ Νικαεύς, καίπερ τῇ γραφῇ τῆς πίστεως συναινέσαντες. 4 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἄρειον μὲν ὑπερορίῳ φυγῇ ἐζημίωσε· καὶ τοῖς πανταχῇ ἐπισκόποις καὶ λαοῖς νομοθετῶν ἔγραψεν ἀσεβεῖς ἡγεῖσθαι αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς αὐτοῦ ὁμόφρονας καὶ πυρὶ παραδιδόναι, εἴ τι αὐτῶν εὑρίσκοιτο σύγγραμμα, ὥστε μήτε αὐτοῦ μήτε τοῦ δόγματος, οὗ εἰσηγήσατο, ὑπόμνημα φέρεσθαι. εἰ δέ τις φωραθείη κρύπτων καὶ μὴ παραχρῆμα καταμηνύσας ἐμπρήσῃ, θάνατον εἶναι τὴν ζημίαν καὶ τιμωρίαν εἰς κεφαλήν. καὶ ἄλλας δὲ κατὰ πόλιν ἐπιστολὰς διεπέμψατο κατὰ Ἀρείου καὶ τῶν ὁμοδόξων αὐτοῦ. Εὐσέβιον δὲ καὶ Θεόγνιον φεύγειν προσέταξεν ἃς ἐπεσκόπουν πόλεις· 5 τῇ δὲ Νικομηδέων ἐκκλησίᾳ ἔγραψεν ἔχεσθαι τῆς πίστεως ἣν ἡ σύνοδος παρέδωκεν, ὀρθοδόξους δὲ προβάλλεσθαι ἐπισκόπους καὶ τούτοις πείθεσθαι, τῶν δὲ λήθῃ παραδοῦναι τὴν μνήμην· τοὺς δὲ ἐπαινεῖν ἢ τὰ αὐτῶν φρονεῖν ἐπιχειροῦντας ἠπείλησε τιμωρεῖσθαι. […] […] 2.32.1 Τὸ δὲ Ἀρείου δόγμα, εἰ καὶ πολλοῖς ἐν ταῖς διαλέξεσιν ἐσπουδάζετο, οὔπω εἰς ἴδιον διεκέκριτο λαὸν ἢ ὄνομα τοῦ εὑρόντος, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἅμα ἐκκλησίαζον καὶ ἐκοινώνουν, πλὴν Ναυατιανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων Φρυγῶν, Οὐαλεντίνων τε καὶ Μαρκιωνιστῶν καὶ Παυλιανῶν, καὶ εἴ τινες ἕτεροι ἑτέρας ἤδη ηὑρημένας αἱρέσεις ἐπλήρουν. 2 κατὰ τούτων δὲ πάντων νόμον θέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς προσέταξεν ἀφαιρεθῆναι αὐτῶν τοὺς εὐκτηρίους οἴκους καὶ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις συνάπτεσθαι, καὶ μήτε ἐν οἰκίαις ἰδιωτῶν μήτε δημοσίᾳ ἐκκλησιάζειν. κάλλιον δὲ τῇ καθόλου ἐκκλησίᾳ κοινωνεῖν εἰσηγεῖτο καὶ εἰς ταύτην συνιέναι συνεβούλευε. διὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν νόμον τούτων τῶν αἱρέσεων οἶμαι τὴν πολλὴν ἀφανισθῆναι μνήμην. 3 ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν πρὶν βασιλέων, ὅσοι τὸν Χριστὸν ἔσεβον, εἰ καὶ ταῖς δόξαις διεφέροντο, πρὸς τῶν Ἑλληνιστῶν οἱ αὐτοὶ ἐνομίζοντο καὶ κακῶς ὁμοίως ἔπασχον. σφᾶς δὲ αὐτοὺς πολυπραγμονεῖν διὰ τὰς κοινὰς συμφορὰς οὐκ ἠδύναντο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ῥᾳδίως καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἕκαστοι συνιόντες ἐκκλησίαζον καὶ συνεχῶς ὁμιλοῦντες ἀλλήλοις, εἰ καὶ ὀλίγοι ἦσαν, οὐ διελύθησαν. 4 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν νόμον οὔτε δημοσίᾳ ἐκκλησιάζειν ἠδύναντο κωλυόμενοι οὔτε λάθρα τῶν κατὰ πόλιν ἐπισκόπων καὶ κληρικῶν παρατηρούντων. […]

2.9

Christian judgment of the motivation for a pagan emperor’s overtures of toleration

Julian: the last pagan emperor 2.9

Christian judgment of the motivation for a pagan emperor’s overtures of toleration: Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 4

Source: Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 4.57 (Greek, mid 4th century) Edition: PG 35:580-81 Introduction: Gregory (c. 330 – c. 390) was bishop first of Sasima (in Cappadocia) and later (after 381) of Constantinople, but he retired soon after his succession to the see of Constantinople. Highly educated, like many of the Christian authors of this time period, he is known best for his writings and is therefore counted among the Cappadocian fathers. In this extract from his speech against the emperor Julian below, which was written soon after Julian’s death, Gregory alleges that Julian abstained from openly persecuting Christians only because he wanted to avoid creating further martyrs, and therefore resorted to more subtle methods of suppression. In so doing, Julian was allegedly advised by the pagan philosophers at his court. This passage is exemplary for the wider question of why many rulers thought it was unwise, after the early period of persecutions, to put to death Christians of any denomination. Further reading: J.A. McGuckin, St. Gregory of Nazianzus: An Intellectual Biography (Crestwood, 2001) See also: [3.12 Exchanging accusations of violence in North Africa]

4.57 Since the fruit [of his demonical devices] came to dominate him, and the persecution broke out, he observed something, either as a man who was wise in his wickedness and overly zealous in his impiety, or because he was directed by those who had trained him in this subject. He understood that to take up the war openly, and to preside over this impiety with his own hands, was not only exceedingly arrogant and rude, but also entirely unsuitable for this aim. For he recognised that we become even more fond of victory when we are treated with violence and would set our religious zeal against tyranny. For noble spirits desire to be steadfast against those who rule by violence, just like a flame is fanned by the wind, to blaze up so much the more, the more violently they are blown down. He discovered this not only from logical calculation but had come to know it from the persecutions of the past, which had made Christianity more honourable rather than transitory and weak, as they exercised the souls in religious devotion and steeled them in danger, just like hot iron is hardened in water. If, on the other hand, he carried out the war with skill, discoloured his violent conduct with persuasion, and covered his tyranny with gentleness like a hook with bait, his contest would become ingenious and powerful at the same time. 4.57 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ὠδὶς ἐκράτει, καὶ ὁ διωγμὸς ἐξεῤῥήγνυτο, εἶδέ τι, εἴτ’ οὖν ἀνδρὸς σοφοῦ τὴν κακίαν καὶ περιττοῦ τὴν ἀσέβειαν, εἴτ’ οὖν ἐδιδάχθη παρὰ τῶν εἰς ταύτην αὐτὸν ἀλειφόντων. ὡς τὸ μὲν

89

90

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

φανερῶς ἀνελέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ προκαθεσθῆναι τῆς ἀσεβείας αὐτόχειρα, πρὸς τῷ λίαν εἶναι θρασὺ καὶ ἀπαίδευτον, ἔτι καὶ ἐναντιώτατον τῷ σκοπῷ παντελῶς· φιλονεικοτέρους γὰρ ἂν ἡμᾶς γε νέσθαι βιαζομένους, καὶ ἀντιθήσειν τῇ τυραννίδι τὴν ὑπὲρ εὐσεβείας φιλοτιμίαν. φιλεῖ γὰρ τὰ γενναῖα φρονήματα πρὸς τὸ βίᾳ κρατοῦν αὐθαδιάζεσθαι. καὶ καθάπερ φλὸξ ὑπὸ ἀνέμου ῥιπιζομένη, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον ἀνάπτεσθαι, ὅσῳ περ ἂν σφοδρότερον καταπνέηται. καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐκ τῶν λογισμῶν εὕρισκε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς προλαβοῦσι διωγμοῖς εἶχε γινώσκειν, οἳ τιμιώτερον τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν πεποιήκασι θᾶττον ἢ ἀσθενέστερον, ῥώσαντες τὰς ψυχὰς εἰς εὐσέβειαν, καὶ ὥσπερ σίδηρον θερμὸν ὕδατι, τοῖς κινδύνοις στομώσαντες. εἰ δὲ μετὰ τῆς τέχνης στρατεύσειε, καὶ τῷ πείθειν τὸ βιάζεσθαι χρώσειεν, ἢ καθάπερ χαλκῷ περιβάλλοι δέλεαρ τῇ τυραννίδι τὸ προσηνὲς, σοφόν τε οὕτως ἂν ἅμα καὶ δυνατὸν γενέσθαι αὐτῷ τὸ ἀγώνισμα.

2.10 Christians accused of arson: Ammianus Marcellinus on the fire in the temple of Daphne near Antioch

Source: Ammianus Marcellinus 22.13 (Latin, late 4th century, Rome) Edition: W. S EYFARTH , L. J ACOB -K AR AU , and I. U LMANN , Ammianus Marcellinus: Res Gestae, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1978) Introduction: Ammianus Marcellinus (born c. 330) is the last author of Late Antiquity who wrote history in a classical tradition in Latin and whose work survives in part in a manuscript tradition. He completed his Res gestae in c. 391. Ammianus was originally from the Greek East, learned Latin as a second language, and lived in Antioch where he personally witnessed the magic trials of the early 370s during the reign of Valens before he moved to Rome (more on this, below). He held military positions in the armies of Constantius II and of the last pagan emperor Julian, of whom he had a high opinion. Himself a pagan, Ammianus avoided to speak of Christianity in a polemical way, unlike many of the other pagan authors of that time period. Ammianus’ history describes Julian first as largely neutral in religious affairs, and only acting angrily against Christians after the temple of Apollo burnt down in Daphne near Antioch. This temple was originally built by Antiochus Epiphanes (c. 215 – 164), who is know as a persecutor of Jews in the Books of the Maccabees. Although the cause of the fire was not clear, Julian blamed the Christians. He had earlier attempted to displace a local martyr cult and therefore suspected that Christians burnt down the temple in retaliation. This episode is the best-known example of Julian’s religious policy after the teacher edict, which intended to bar Christians from teaching the classics. Julian used Antioch as a military base to start his Persian war, where he eventually died in battle. Further reading: P. ATHANASSIADI , Julian: An Intellectual Biography (London, 1992) See also: [3.1 Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1)]

2.11

Philosophers accused of treason and magic: Ammianus Marcellinus 29.2

22.13.1 At the same time, on the 22nd of October, the splendid temple of Apollo, at Daphne, which that furious and cruel king Antiochus Epiphanes had built, as well as the statue in it, which equalled the size of the image of Olympian Jupiter, were suddenly burnt down. 2 As the temple was suddenly destroyed in such a terrible event, his anger caused the emperor to give order that the inquiries should be conducted with greater intense than was usually the case and that a major church in Antioch should be closed down. For he suspected that the Christians had done it as they were driven by envy and grudgingly noted that this temple had ambitiously been adorned by a colonnade. 3 A rumour, however unfounded, was spread that the temple had been burnt because Asclepiades the philosopher, whom we have mentioned in our account of Magnentius, when he came to this suburb from far away in order to visit Julian, placed at the feet of the tall image a small silver statue of the heavenly Venus, which he used to carry with him wherever he went, lightened a wax candle as usual and left. At midnight, when no one was possibly there to help, some sparks emanating from the candle attached themselves to the ancient woodwork, a fire was kindled in that dry combustible material and burnt everything it could reach, however detached from it by the height of the building. 22.13.1 Eodem tempore diem undecimum kalendarum Nouembrium amplissimum Daphnaei Apollinis fanum, quod Epiphanes Antiochus rex ille condidit iracundus et saeuus, et simulacrum in eo Olympiaci Iouis imitamenti aequiperans magnitudinem subita ui flammarum exustum est. 2 quo tam atroci casu repente consumpto ad id usque imperatorem ira prouexit, ut quaestiones agitari iuberet solito acriores et maiorem ecclesiam Antiochiae claudi. suspicabatur enim id Christianos egisse stimulatos inuidia, quod idem templum inuiti uidebant ambitioso circumdari peristylio. 3 ferebatur autem licet rumore leuissimo hac ex causa conflagrasse delubrum, quod Asclepiades philosophus, cuius in actibus Magnenti meminimus, cum uisendi gratia Iuliani peregre ad id suburbanum uenisset, deae caelestis argenteum breue figmentum, quocumque ibat se cum solitus ferre, ante pedes statuit simulacri sublimis accensisque cereis ex usu concessit, unde medietate noctis emensa, cum nec adesse quisquam potuit nec iuuare, uolitantes scintillae adhaesere materiis uetustissimis ignesque aridis nutrimentis erecti omne quidquid contingi potuit, licet discretum celsitudine, concremarunt.

Magic trials 2.11

Philosophers accused of treason and magic: Ammianus Marcellinus 29.2

Source: Ammianus Marcellinus 29.2 (Latin, late 4th century, Rome) Edition: W. S EYFARTH , L. J ACOB -K AR AU , and I. U LMANN , Ammianus Marcellinus: Res Gestae, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1978)

91

92

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

Introduction: Ammianus personally witnessed the magic trials in Antioch in the early 370s. The initial accusation was that some philosophers resorted to pagan practices to predict the death of the emperor Valens and whether or not his successor would be a pagan. In order to track down the accomplices of this conspiracy, the imperial administration inflicted tortures on individuals allegedly involved, including pagan philosophers and previous advisers to the emperor Julian. Ammianus describes these in similar words as Christian authors described the trials of Christians. Because the Roman authorities confiscated and burnt books to provide evidence for the trials, the wider ramification was that men of learning, like Ammianus himself, had to destroy their books too, in order to avoid being dragged into the accusations, and that the trials were therefore a substantial blow to ancient learning and philosophy. Further reading: N.E. L ENSKI , Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D. (Berkeley, 2002), 218-34 See also: [1.11 The origin of foul heresy in Simon Magus] [2.12 A later account of the magic trials]

29.2.2 For having been granted the opportunity to denounce any persons he chose, without distinction of wealth, as men initiated into forbidden arts, like a huntsman who has learnt to mark the secret tracks of wild beasts, he ensnared many victims in his dire nets, some as being polluted with a knowledge of poisonings, others as confidants of those who desired to commit treason. 3 Lest the wives had time to bewail the miseries of their husbands, officers were sent at once to seal up their houses and, while searching the personal belongings of the devoted heads of their family, to plant some old women's incantations, or ridiculous love-tokens, designed to bring destruction on the innocent. These allegations were read out before the court, where neither law, nor conscience, nor equality separated truth from fiction. These individuals, though utterly void of offence, found their property confiscated, but were not heard in their defence. Young men and the old and disabled were indiscriminately dragged to execution in litters. 4 The consequence was that throughout the eastern provinces whole libraries were burnt by their owners for fear of a similar outcome; so great was the terror which affected everyone. For to speak briefly, we all crawled about at that time as if in Cimmerian darkness, filled with the same kind of fear as the guests of Dionysius of Sicily. While they were stuffed with a meal more terrible than any possible hunger, they dreaded the swords hung over their heads suspended by horse-hairs from the ceiling of the houses in which they were dining. 29.2.2 nanctus enim copiam nominandi sine fortunarum distantia, quos uoluisset, ut artibus interdictis imbutos ita ut ferarum occulta uestigia doctus obseruare uenator multos intra casses lugubres includebat, quosdam ueneficiorum notitia pollutos, alios ut appetitoribus imminuendae conscios maiestatis. 3 et ne uel coniugibus maritorum uacaret miserias flere, immittebantur confestim, qui signatis domibus inter scrutinia supellectilis patris addicti incantamenta quaedam anilia uel ludibriosa subderent amatoria ad insontium perniciem concinnata. quibus in iudicio recitatis, ubi non lex, non religio, non aequitas

2.12 A later account of the magic trials: Zosimus, New History

ueritatem a mendaciis dirimebat, indefensi bonis ablatis nullo contacti delicto promiscue iuuenes aliique membris omnibus capti ad supplicia sellis gestatoriis ducebantur. 4 inde effectum est per orientales prouincias, a domnis metu similium exurerentur libraria omnia: tantus uniuersos inuaserat terror. namque ut pressius loquar, omnes ea tempestate uelut in Cimmeriis tenebris reptabamus paria conuiuis Siculi Dionysii pauitantes, qui, cum epulis omni tristioribus fame saginarentur, ex summis domorum laqueariis, in quibus discumbebant, saetis nexos equinis et occipitiis incumbentes gladios perhorrebant.

2.12 A later account of the magic trials: Zosimus, New History

Source: Zosimus 4.14.2-15.2 (Greek, late 5th/early 6th century, Constantinople) Edition: F. PASCHOUD : Zosime: Histoire nouvelle, vols. 1-3.2 (Paris, 1971-1989) Introduction: Zosimus, who served as comes in the imperial administration of Constantinople, wrote his New History around the year 500 in Greek. He was the last author to write Roman history from a pagan standpoint against Christian apologetic histories and the first to write about the downfall of Rome. As a relatively late author, and because of his hostility against Christianity, his reliability is sometimes questioned. It is (to my mind) likely that the original text was purged by monastic scribes, keen on suppressing overly vehement criticism of Christianity, soon after the original publication, and that therefore the manuscript is entitled New History, i.e. a second edition of the original history. This was the understanding of Patriarch Photius of Constantinople in the ninth century (cod. 98). Photius had not seen the first edition of this work, but he had seen two different editions of a history written by the pagan Eunapius (both are lost today), which was likewise hostile to Christianity and a main source for Zosimus. This second edition was entitled ‘new edition’, too (cod. 77). The only manuscript containing Zosimus’ text (Vaticanus Graecus 156) was unavailable to the scholarly world until the mid 19th century. The text itself was known only because it was secretly transliterated from the one extant manuscript by a Humanist scholar in the 16th century. The manuscript itself contains only a fragment of the text because parts of it have been cut out, apparently because they were considered offensive or contained inconvenient information. The extract below tells us more about the magic trials mentioned also by Ammianus, above. Zosimus seems to draw on a range of literary topoi similar to the ones used by Christian authors to describe persecutions. Rufius Festus, mentioned below as the instigator of the trials, is probably identical with the author of a very short history of Rome (Breviarium rerum gestarum populi Romani). Further reading: N.E. L ENSKI , Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D. (Berkeley, 2002), 218-34 See also: [2.6 The continuation of religious violence – the excesses of certain pagans]

4.14.2 The emperor became extremely angry and suspected all of those who were renowned in the field of philosophy at the time or otherwise trained in eloquence as well as some who

93

94

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

were highly esteemed at court. For these were denounced for plotting against the emperor. From every direction wailing arose and universal mourning. 3 For the prisons were full of people detained without a cause, and a greater multitude was dragged through the roads than was left in the cities. Those military groups which were ordered to guard the men unjustly detained admitted that they were too few to guard them securely and that they were afraid the prisoners, being superior in numbers, would forcibly break out. 4 Informers did not run any risk because they were only forced to accuse others, while those condemned in an instance were sentenced to death without legal proof, and lost their property, leaving behind their children and wives and other relatives in dire need. For the aim of these manifold sacrileges was to collect a fortune for the treasury. 15.1 The first distinguished philosopher to die was Maximus, followed by Hilarius of Phrygia, as he clearly explained an ambiguous oracle, and by Simonides, Patricius of Lydia and Andronicus of Caria. All of these had reached the summit of education and were condemned out of envy rather than by a just sentence. 2 Anarchy was so widespread that informers along with the mob broke into houses at random, robbed everyone they encountered and handed them over to their appointed executioners without any trial. The arch-criminal was Festus, who was ready to commit every kind of cruelty and whom the emperor sent as proconsul to Asia, so that no educated person might be left alive. And this purpose was carried out; 3 for Festus located them all, killed those that he found without trial, and forced the rest to flee beyond the frontiers […] 4.14.2 πρὸς δὲ ὀργὴν ἄμετρον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναστὰς ὑπόπτως εἶχε πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐπὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ τηνικαῦτα διαβοήτους ἢ ἄλλως λόγοις ἐντεθραμμένους καὶ προσέτι τῶν ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τιμωμένων τινάς· καὶ οὗτοι γὰρ ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοντες τῷ βασιλεῖ προσηγγέλλοντο· καὶ δὴ ἐπέμποντο πανταχόθεν οἰμωγαὶ καὶ ἁπάντων κοινὸς ὀδυρμός. 3 ἦν γὰρ πλήρη τὰ μὲν δεσμωτήρια τῶν μάτην οἰκούντων αὐτά, διὰ δὲ τῶν ὁδῶν ἐφέρετο πλήθη πλείονα τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καταλελειμμένων· αἱ δὲ τὰς φυλακὰς τῶν μάτην ἀγομένων ἐπιτετραμμέναι φυλαὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν τῶν φυλαττομένων οὐκ ἀρκεῖν ὡμολόγουν, δεδιέναι τε μή πού γε πολλῷ πλείους ὄντες ἐκβιάσαιντο φυγὴν ἑαυτοῖς. 4 καὶ οἱ μὲν συκοφάνται δίχα παντὸς ἀνεχώρουν κινδύνου, κατηγορεῖν ἀναγκαζόμενοι μόνον, οἱ δὲ κρινόμενοι νῦν μὲν ἐτιμῶντο θανάτου δίχα νομίμων ἐλέγχων, οἳ δὲ τὰς οὐσίας ἀπώλλυον, παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην συγγένειαν ἐσχάτῃ τύχῃ καταλιπόντες· ἦν γὰρ τὸ σπουδαζόμενον ἐκ πολυτρόπων ἀσεβημάτων συλλογὴν τῷ δημοσίῳ πολλῶν γενέσθαι χρημάτων. 15.1 Πρῶτος μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐπὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ γνωρίμων ἀνῄρητο Μάξιμος, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον ὁ ἐκ Φρυγίας Ἱλάριος ὡς δὴ χρησμόν τινα λοξὸν εἰς τὸ σαφέστερον ἑρμηνεύσας, καὶ Σιμωνίδης ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ Πατρίκιος ὁ Λυδὸς καὶ ὁ ἐκ Καρίας Ἀνδρόνικος· ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι πάντες εἰς ἄκρον παιδείας ἐληλυθότες καὶ φθόνῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ψήφῳ δικαίᾳ κατεκρίθησαν. 2 οὕτω δὲ ὁμοῦ πάντα συνεταράττετο ὥστε καὶ τῶν προστυχόντων τὰς οἰκίας ἐπεισιέναι μετὰ πλήθους ἀνέδην τοὺς συκοφάντας, καὶ τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας ἁρπάζειν, ἐκδιδόναι δὲ τοῖς φονεύειν ἅπαντας καὶ δίχα κρίσεως τεταγμένοις· τῶν δὲ ἀτοπημάτων ἦν κολοφὼν Φῆστος, ὃν εἰς πᾶν εἶδος ὠμότητος πρόχειρον ὄντα τῆς Ἀσίας ἀνθύπατον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔστειλεν, ὡς ἂν μηδεὶς τῶν περὶ λόγους ἐσπουδακότων ἀπολειφθείη· καὶ εἰς ἔργον ᾔει τὸ βούλευμα. 3 πάντας γὰρ ὁ Φῆστος ἀναζητήσας, οὓς μὲν εὗρεν ἀκρίτως ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ὑπερόριον ἑαυτοῖς φυγὴν ἠνάγκασεν ἐπιθεῖναι· […]

2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory: Symmachus, Third Relatio & Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18

Altar of Victory 2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory: Symmachus, Third Relatio & Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18

Source: Symmachus, Relatio 3; Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18 (Latin, late 4th century, Rome and Milan) Edition: M. Z EL ZER , Sancti Ambrosii opera, vol. 10.3: Epistularum liber decimus, Epistulae extra collectionem, Gesta Concili Aquileiensis, CSEL 82.3 (Vienna, 1982) Introduction: Quintus Aurelius Symmachus (c. 342 – c. 403) was a senator, statesman and widely acclaimed orator in Rome. He is best known for his intercession in the controversy on the altar of Victory. The statue and altar of Victory had been dedicated to the senate house by Augustus after the battle of Actium against Mark Antony. Because of the changing religious climate, the altar was repeatedly removed and restored. Both the altar and the statue were prestigious symbols for the pagan part of the senate. Symmachus’ speech, in which he intended to persuade the young emperor Valentinian II to restore the altar to the senate house and to revoke other parts of anti-pagan legislation in 384, is widely seen as paradigmatic for similar grievances raised by the traditional upper classes against the new religious regime. In his speech, Symmachus appeals for religious tolerance and a variety of ways to approach the divine, using the rhetorical figure of the Rome-prosopopoeia (personification of Rome). Symmachus’ request was stopped by Ambrose, bishop of Milan, who swiftly sent a letter (17) to Valentinian II, reminding him of the commitments made by his late brother Gratian and father Valentinian I and indirectly threatening the emperor with excommunication and denial of salvation. As a result, Valentinian refused to grant Symmachus’ request. Ambrose later wrote a second letter (18) in which he intended to refute the individual points raised in Symmachus’ speech, including the above-mentioned personification of Rome, and in which he reminded Valentinian of the fate of Emperor Valerian (see [2.4 Wrath of God directed at persecuting pagan rulers and Galerius’ edict of toleration], above) Further reading: H. B LOCH ‘The Pagan Revival in the West at the End of the Fourth Century,’ in A. M OMIGLIANO (ed.), The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 1963), 193–218; Alan C AMERON , The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011) See also: [3.1 Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1)]

Symmachus, Relatio 3 2 In the exercise, therefore, of a twofold office, as your prefect I attend to public business, and as ambassador I recommend to your notice the advice given to me by the citizens. […] For to what is it more suitable that we defend the institutions of our ancestors, and the law and fate of our country, than to the glory of these times? This is all the greater when you understand that you should not act against the custom of your forefathers. 3 We therefore demand the restoration of that condition of religious affairs which has long been advantageous to the

95

96

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

state. Let the rulers of each sect and of each opinion be counted up; a late one practised the ceremonies of his ancestors, a later did not put them away. If the religion of the ancients does not make a precedent, let the tolerance of contemporaries do so. Who is so friendly with the barbarians as not to require an altar of Victory? We will be careful in future and avoid a show of such kind. But at least let that honour be paid to the name which is denied to the goddess – your eternal fame owes much and will owe still more to Victory. […] […] 9 Let us now imagine that Rome is present and addresses you in these words: “Excellent princes, fathers of your country, respect my years to which a pious rite has guided me. Let me use the inherited ceremonies, for I do not repent of them. Let me live in my way, for I am free. This reverence subdued the world to my laws, these sacred rites repelled Hannibal from the city-walls, and the Gauls from the Capitol. Have I been preserved for the purpose that in my old age I should be chastised? I shall consider the ways in which new regulations are deemed necessary, but tardy and troublesome is the correction of old age.” 10. We therefore ask for peace for the gods of our fathers and of our country. It is just that all worship should be considered as one. We look on the same stars, the sky is common, the same world surrounds us. What difference does it make by which understanding each person seeks the truth? We cannot attain to so great a secret on one way alone; but this discussion is rather for persons at leisure, we now offer prayers, not wars of words. 2 Gemino igitur functus officio et ut praefectus uester gesta publica prosequor et ut legatus ciuium mandata commendo. […] cui enim magis commodat, quod instituta maiorum, quod patriae iura et fata defendimus, quam temporum gloriae? quae tunc maior est, cum uobis contra morem parentum intellegitis nil licere. 3. Repetimus igitur religionum statum qui rei publicae diu profuit. certe numerentur principes utriusque sectae, utriusque sententiae; prior eorum pars caerimonias patrum coluit, recentior non remouit. si exemplum non facit religio ueterum, faciat dissimulatio proximorum. quis ita familiaris est barbaris ut aram Victoriae non requirat? cauti in posterum sumus et talium rerum ostenta uitamus. reddatur tamen saltem nomini honor, qui numini denegatus est. multa Victoriae debet aeternitas uestra et adhuc plura debebit; […] […] 9 Romam nunc putemus assistere atque his uobis cum agere sermonibus: “optimi principes, patres patriae, reueremini annos meos in quos me pius ritus adduxit. utar caerimoniis auitis; neque enim paenitet, uiuam meo more quia libera sum. hic cultus in leges meas orbem redegit, haec sacra Hannibalem a moenibus, a Capitolio Senonas reppulerunt. ad hoc ergo seruata sum ut longaeua reprehendar?” 10 Videro quale sit quod instituendum putatur, sera tamen et contumeliosa est emendatio senectutis. ergo diis patriis, diis indigetibus pacem rogamus. aequum est quicquid omnes colunt unum putari. eadem spectamus astra, commune caelum est, idem nos mundus inuoluit; quid interest qua quisque prudentia uerum requirat? uno itinere non potest perueniri ad tam grande secretum. sed haec otiosorum disputatio est; nunc preces, non certamina offerimus.

2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory: Symmachus, Third Relatio & Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18

Ambrose, Letter 17 (10.72)

15 […] What will you reply to your brother? Will he not say to you: “I did not believe that I had been defeated because I left you as emperor. I was not sorry to die, because I had you as my heir. I was not troubled about my loss of power because I believed that my orders, above all those related to the divine religion, would last throughout all centuries. I had erected these inscriptions of pious virtue. This was the booty of a victory over the world, the spoils taken from the devil, the trophies snatched from the enemy of humankind, which I offered to commemorate a victory which is eternal. What more could my enemy have taken away from me? You have abolished my decrees, which so far he who took up arms against me has not done. Now do I receive a more terrible wound in my body because my regulations are condemned by my own brother. My better part is endangered by you. My death was but the death of my body, this is the death of the good I have done. It is only now that my rule is being abolished, and what is more painful, it is being abolished by your family and abolished by my own family, and precisely those acts are being abolished for which even my adversaries have praised me. If you have consented willingly, you have condemned my faith; if you have budged against your will, you have betrayed your own. And so to make things worse, I am in danger because of you.” 16 What will you reply to your father as well? He will visit you in even greater pain and say to you: “You have judged very ill of me, my son, when you thought that I could grant forbearance to the pagans. No one ever reported to me that there was an altar in the Roman senate house. I never believed there was such a sin as that the pagans sacrificed in the common assembly house of Christians and pagans, that is to say that the pagans should insult the Christians who are present, and that Christians should be compelled against their will to be present at the sacrifices. Many and various crimes were committed whilst I was emperor, I punished such as were detected. If anyone was hiding away at the time, should I have to say that I approved of that which no one reported to me? You have judged very ill of me, if a superstition alien to me rather than my own faith preserved the empire.” 17 Since you therefore recognise, O Emperor, that injustice is being imposed firstly on God, secondly on your father and brother if you decide anything of that kind, I request that you do what you feel will benefit your salvation before God. 15. […] quid respondebis germano tuo? nonne tibi dicet: “uictum me esse non credidi, quia te imperatorem reliqui. mori non dolui, quia te heredem habebam. imperio me decedere non ingemui, quia imperia mea praesertim de religione diuina omnibus saeculis mansura credebam. hos ego titulos piae uirtutis erexeram, has de saeculo manubias, haec spolia de diabolo, has ego de aduersario omnium exuuias offerebam, in quibus aeterna uictoria est. quid mihi plus potuit meus hostis auferre? abrogasti decreta mea, quod adhuc ille qui contra me leuauit arma non fecit. nunc grauius telum corpore recipio, quod a fratre mea statuta damnantur. meliore parte mei apud te periclitor; illa enim mors corporis, ista uirtutis est. nunc mihi abrogatur imperium et quod est grauius abrogatur a tuis, abrogatur a meis et id abrogatur quod in me etiam mei aduersarii praedicarunt. si uolens acquieuisti, damnasti fidem meam, si inuitus cessisti, prodidisti tuam. ergo quod grauius est, et in te periclitor.”

97

98

2. An Emperor’s Dream: Christianity Takes Centre Stage (311-384)

16. Quid respondebis etiam patri, qui te maiore dolore conueniet dicens: “de me, fili, pessime iudicasti, qui putasti quod ego gentilibus coniuentiam praestitissem. nemo ad me detulit aram esse in illa Romana curia. numquam tantum nefas credidi quod in communi illo Christianorum gentiliumque concilio sacrificarent gentiles hoc est insultarent gentiles praesentibus Christianis et inuiti Christiani interesse sacrificiis cogerentur. multa et diuersa crimina me imperante commissa sunt, ultus sum quaecumque sunt deprehensa. si quis tunc latuit, debet ergo dicere me probasse quod ad me nemo detulerat? de me pessime iudicasti, si mihi superstitio aliena, non fides mea seruauit imperium.” 17. Vnde cum aduertas, imperator, Deo primum, deinde patri et fratri iniurias inrogari, si quid tale decernas, peto ut id facias quod saluti tuae apud Deum intellegis profuturum.

Ambrose, Letter 18 (10.73)

7 Away therefore with this spiteful complaint of the Roman people! Rome herself has not authorised it. She interrupts them with words of a different character: “Why do you stain me every day with the useless blood of innocent herds? Trophies of victory derive not from the entrails of cattle but from the strength of warriors. It was with different disciplines that I subdued the world. Camillus was a soldier, who slew those who had triumphed over the Tarpeian rock, and brought back the standards stolen from the Capitol. Courage crushed those whom cults failed to repel. Why should I mention Atilius, who fulfilled his duty to die? Africanus won his triumph not amongst the altars of the Capitol, but amongst the battle-lines of Hannibal. Why, I ask, do you bring up those examples of the ancients? I hate the rites of people like Nero. Why should I speak of the emperors of two months, and of the ends of kings closely connected to their beginnings? Or is it perhaps something altogether new that barbarians have crossed over from their territory? Are you trying to say those two were Christians, of whom the one was a captive emperor, setting a miserable and unprecedented example, while in the reign of the other the whole world was taken prisoner? Did they not demonstrate that their rituals, which promised victory, deceived them? Was there not an altar of Victory even at that time? I am ashamed of my error. White-haired with age, I am prone to blush with shame. But I do not blush to be converted with the whole world in my old age. Surely it is true that no age is too old to learn. 7 Facessat igitur inuidiosa illa populi Romani querela, non haec Roma mandauit. aliis illa eos interpellat uocibus: quid me casso cottidie gregis innoxii sanguine cruentatis? non in fibris pecudum sed in uiribus bellatorum tropaea uictoriae sunt. aliis ego disciplinis orbem subegi. militabat Camillus, qui sublata Capitolio signa caesis Tarpeiae rupis triumphatoribus reportauit; strauit uirtus quos religio non remouit. quid de Atilio loquar qui militiam etiam mortis impendit? Africanus non inter Capitolii aras sed inter Hannibalis acies triumphum inuenit. quid mihi ueterum exempla profertis? odi ritus Neronum. quid dicam bimenstres imperatores et terminos regum cum exordiis copulatos? aut forte illud est nouum barbaros suis excessisse finibus? numquid etiam illi Christiani fuerunt, quorum miserabili nouoque exemplo alter captiuus imperator, sub altero captiuus orbis fefellisse quae uictoriam promittebant suas caerimonias prodiderunt? numquid et tunc non erat ara Victoriae? paenitet lapsus, uetusta canities pudendi sanguinis traxit ruborem. non erubesco cum toto orbe longaeua conuerti. uerum certe est quia nulla aetas ad perdiscendum sera est.

2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory: Symmachus, Third Relatio & Ambrose, Letters 17 & 18

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476) Ambrose and Theodosius In the age of Theodosius (379 – 395), Christianity factually became the state religion. Valens, Theodosius’ predecessor in the east, who had initiated the magic trials in Antioch, died on the battlefield of Adrianopolis, where his army suffered one of the worst defeats ever in Roman history. Theodosius initially promised religious tolerance to most religions of the empire. But already in 380, he issued the edict cunctos populos (‘to all peoples’), declaring the Nicene Creed the only legitimate confession and everyone outside a madman and ‘heretic’ that was to be punished by divine and imperial judgment (Cod. Theod. 16.1.2; and similarly in 381: 16.5.6). Whether Theodosius himself was baptised at that time is doubtful. In 390/91 Theodosius issued the highest number of laws in Roman history, against various aspects of pagan religion, Jews, non-conformist Christians and ‘apostates’. These laws, alongside laws issued by Theodosius’ successors up to Theodosius II, were later compiled to form a single law collection, the Codex Theodosianus. [. Legal restraints to acquire knowledge] [. Legal punishments for heresy] [. Christian laws against the Jews] Late-antique Church historians agreed among each other that bishop Ambrose of Milan was the decisive factor to cause Theodosius’ change of mind. This is because in 390, Theodosius ordered his troops to punish the people of Thessalonica because they had killed one of his generals in a riot. As a result, a massacre took place. Ambrose sent a letter to the emperor (who was recently baptised), threatening him with refusal of the Eucharist, unless Theodosius publicly repents for his order. Theodosius did indeed comply. This episode has often been seen as an outstanding example of the power struggles between the church and the state. It is therefore often compared to the walk to Canossa by Henry IV, who in so doing underwent public penance to the pope Gregory VII in 1077, following the investiture controversy. [.- Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (-)] Destruction of cult sites Although many of their claims are wishful thinking, Christian authors unanimously agree that the age of Theodosius saw the end of the ancient pagan world. There is some truth in this claim. For example, in Alexandria violent conflicts frequently emerged, most prominently when the famous temple of Serapis was destroyed during a riot in 391. The emperor Theodosius directly interfered with this riot when he sent out military troops to deal with it. [. The destruction of the Alexandrian temple to the god Serapis] Libanius, a pagan author from the same time period, whose works survive to a surprisingly large extent, complains about monks commonly destroying pagan temples in the countryside, eager to eradicate the material culture of paganism in their fight against demons and even prepared to kill professed pagans who stand ready to defend their cultural patrimony. [. The problem of

99

100

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

temple destruction from a pagan standpoint] Christian authors of this time period, on the other hand, tend to speak very negatively of all aspects of pagan religion and culture, often reducing paganism to a distorted view of the practice of traditional animal sacrifices. [. A Christian view of pagan rituals] Libanius was also a witness of the event that occurred in Antioch in the same year 387, in which a riot broke out against the heavy taxation imposed upon the city by Theodosius. In consequence, the angered population pulled down imperial statues, something that was considered an act of treason. Concerned about potential punishments, many inhabitants fled from the city, and the local philosophers were scapegoated and expelled by militant monks from the nearby mountains. [. Militant monks impose order in Antioch at the expense of philosophers] Theodosius indeed abstained from most punishments and only banned the games and spectacles. John Chrysostom, future bishop of Constantinople, was a leading Christian figure in the aftermath of this riot. His voluminous sermons Against the Statues provide evidence for this time period from an extremist Christian standpoint. He was a student of Libanius before his conversion. He then became an ascetic Christian, who spent years living in a remote cave. His voluminous works therefore open a window into the world of conservative monasticism and represent the rigorous view, not widely shared among Christian laypersons, that the ideal Christian society should exclude anything somehow related to paganism. [. A Christian bishop rails against paganism] John Chrysostom is notorious for his violent rhetoric, with which he welcomes the demolition of the pagan world and temple culture [. The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation] [. The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp] and with which he rails against the Jews. [. Christian polemic against the Jews] Arguments between Christians: The Donatist controversy While Christian ecclesiastical authors show little concern about Christianity being threatened by pagan religion since the late fourth century, they were deeply worried about non-conformist Christian groups. While every single Christian group regarded itself as the true way, leading Christian authors categorised these groups under the terms of ‘heresy’ and of ‘schism’. For example, while Arians were considered a heretical group because they disagreed on doctrinal questions, others that did not, such as the Donatists, were considered schismatic. The Donatists were an influential Christian group in North Africa. They refused to accept some of the bishops ordained by the central authority in Carthage. These bishops had surrendered Christian scriptures to the Roman authorities during the Great Persecution of Diocletian in 303/4 and so avoided martyrdom. While the central authority granted pardon to these traditores, the Donatists considered it inappropriate that Christians who surrendered the Scripture should be allowed to serve as bishops and as such to celebrate the sacraments. The Donatist schism emerged in the early fourth century and continued into the age of Augustine (354–430), despite several persecutions. In fact, this schism is best known through Augustine’s writings. [. Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy] Little is left in writing by the Donatists themselves, because these texts were unlikely to be transmitted

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

by their adversaries. However, the Donatists are among the very few non-orthodox groups from which at least some writings have survived, illuminating the ways in which these Christian groups perceived the violent persecution committed by the Catholic side. [. Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa] Augustine on violence Augustine’s voluminous works can shed more light on religious justification of violence and the extents to which violence was accepted or rejected in late-antique theology. [. The value of hell-fire] [. The practical problems of a physical resurrection] His views are particularly interesting because they illustrate God’s assumed role in the violent downfall of the Roman Empire, alternating between a desire to coerce pagans and unconvinced Christians into preparing for Judgment Day and a willingness to aid those in distress. [. A defence of Rome’s military downfall] In a similar vein, Augustine also gives a bare minimum definition of what constitutes persecution and necessitates counter-violence. [. Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence] A martyr of philosophy: Hypatia of Alexandria The murder of Hypatia was a notable case of conflict between Christians and pagans in the ethnically-diverse metropolis of Alexandria, following the destruction of the Serapeum, the temple of Serapis, which was also a centre for ancient philosophy. Hypatia was a female pagan philosopher and mathematician who was murdered by fanatical Christians in a witch-hunt after rumours had spread that she was the cause for discord between the bishop and the prefect. [. A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria] [. Another view of the murder of Hypatia] Yet paganism had lost much of its attraction already by the fourth century. The state religion of Rome, in particular, had long become the relict of the elite classes but provided little comfort and means of participation to broader parts of the Roman society. The state religion was centred on the Capitoline gods (such as Jupiter and Minerva) and on the traditional institutions of augury and divination that evaluated the fate of the Roman Empire from natural signs occurring in the material world. Mystery religions from the eastern periphery, such as the religions of Mithras and of Cybele, became increasingly popular in the second and third centuries CE, as they offered to their adherents several opportunities to rise through the ranks of the local religious communities. Because the Roman Empire had a significant degree of mobility, it was particularly the soldiers who imported foreign religions from the eastern outskirts to the west, as soldiers were often required to move from one end of the empire to the other. All these religions have in common that, unlike monotheistic Christianity, they were not mutually exclusive. A priest of the Roman state cult, for example, could simultaneously be a priest of Mithras. Christians, on the other hand, were not allowed to participate in any religious practise of a non-Christian cult, including the cult of the emperors. After the ban of pagan cults, pagans (Hellenes) tended to self-identify as cultural pagans who shared a common literary heritage.

101

102

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

Ambrose and Theodosius 3.1

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1): Ambrose, Letter 40 to Theodosius

Source: Ambrose, Letters 40 (10.74).6-14, 18, 20-21, 29, 31, 33 (Latin, late 4th century, Milan) Edition: M. Z EL ZER , Sancti Ambrosii opera, vol. 10.2: Epistulae et acta, Epistularum libri VII – VIIII, CSEL 82.2 (Vienna, 1990) Introduction: Ambrose (339 – 397) was born into a high family and became prefect of the province Aemilia-Liguria before he became bishop of Milan in 374. He was one of the most influential ecclesiastical authors of Late Antiquity and had a great deal of political influence on the emperor Theodosius. Ambrose exerted his influence over Theodosius for the first time when he strongly rebuked the emperor in 388 for punishing Christian arsonists and demanding that the bishop responsible for burning a synagogue in Callinicum should make up for the damage. Ambrose argued that it was entirely unacceptable to ask the Christian church to be held accountable to Jews, going so far as to threaten Theodosius with excommunication. In so doing, his letter reveals a discourse of martyrdom and of persecution at a time when Christianity had long gained the upper hand. Theodosius at first refused to give in to Ambrose’s demands, seeing that he was acting in line with Roman law, but was later forced to do so as he was actually threatened with excommunication in the church. This episode therefore is the first in a series of incidences in which the emperor had to bow to the bishop. Further reading: N.B. M C LYNN , Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley, 1994) See also: [3.20 Christian polemic against the Jews] [3.21 Christian laws against the Jews]

40.6 A report was made by the military count of the East that a synagogue had been burnt down, and that this was done on the orders of the bishop. You have directed that the others should be punished, and the synagogue be rebuilt by the bishop himself. I do not claim that the bishop’s response had to have been waited for, for priests are there to moderate the crowds, and to strive for peace, except when even they are moved by some injustice against God, or insult to the Church. If we assume that this bishop was too zealous in the matter of burning the synagogue, and too timid in court, are you not afraid, O Emperor, that he might consent to your sentence, do you not fear that he might stray from the faith? 7 Are you not also afraid that he might verbally oppose your count, something that will surely happen? Necessarily, he will make him either an apostate or a martyr. Both are alien to your age, both are on a par with persecution if he is forced either to stray from the faith or to undergo martyrdom. You can see the direction towards which the outcome of the affair is verging. If you think that the bishop is steadfast, be wary of making him even more steadfast

3.1

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1)

and a martyr. If you think that he is instable, avoid causing the fall of one who is too frail. For he who has forced a weak person to fall is even more constrained. 8 Having presented his situation, I think that the bishop will say that he himself kindled the fire, instigated the crowd, gathered the people together, in order not to lose out on the opportunity of martyrdom, but to replace the weakness of the others with his own stronger personality. O happy falsehood, with which to acquire absolution for others and grace for himself! This is what I, too, demand, O Emperor, that you would rather punish me, and if you think this is a crime, would attribute it to me. Why do you order judgment against men in absence? If you have the guilty man present, you also have his confession. I cry out that I set fire to the synagogue, surely because I ordered them to make sure that there is no place where Christ is denied. If it is objected to me that I did not set it on fire in this case, I answer, it already began to be burnt by the judgment of God, and my work was overdue. And if the truth was searched for, I would have been too inactive precisely because I did not think that this could be punished. Why would I do something that remains unavenged and therefore yields no reward? These words touch on modesty but bring back grace, lest one by chance contracts an offence against the highest God. 9 Yet so it shall be, none of the bishops should show up for this task. For I have asked this of your clemency, and although I have yet to read that this was revoked, let us nevertheless assert that this has been revoked. What if others who are too afraid, since they are reluctant to lose their lives, offer to restore the synagogue at their own costs, or if the count finds out that this has been previously determined and himself orders it to be rebuilt out of the funds of Christians? You, O Emperor, will have an apostate count, and to him you will consign the victorious standards? Will you consign to him the labarum, consecrated as it is by the name of Christ, even though he restores the synagogue which knows not Christ? Order the labarum to be brought into the synagogue, and we shall see if they do not oppose it. 10 Shall, then, a place be built for the perfidy of the Jews out of the spoils of the Church, and shall the patrimony, which by the favour of Christ has been acquired for Christians, be transferred to the treasuries of the perfidious? We read that in ancient times temples were built for idols of the plunder taken from the Cimbri, and the spoils of other enemies. The Jews will write this inscription on the front of their synagogue: “The temple of impiety, erected from the plunder of Christians.” 11 But the cause of discipline motivates you, O Emperor. Which, then, is of greater importance, the pretence of discipline or the cause of religion? Verification should give way to religious devotion. […] 13 Yet what is your motive? Is it because a public building of whatever kind has been burnt, or because it was a synagogue? If you are motivated by the burning of a most worthless building (for what could there be in so mean a town?), do you not remember, O Emperor, how many prefects’ houses have been burnt at Rome, and no one avenged it? If, on the other hand, any emperor had desired to reject the act all too sharply, then they would only have compounded the case of anyone who was shattered by so great a loss. Which of the two, then,

103

104

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

should be considered worthier of punishment: a fire in buildings somewhere in the town of Callinicum, or in the city of Rome, if indeed this was the right thing to do? […] 14 For all this excitement, there is therefore no reason sufficient enough to punish the people so severely for burning a building, much less because a synagogue was burnt, a place of perfidy, a house of impiety, a hiding place for folly, which God Himself has condemned. […] 18 […] The buildings of our churches were burnt by the Jews, and nothing was repaid, nothing was reclaimed, nothing investigated. But what could the Synagogue have possessed in this far away town, when there is not much there anyway, nothing of value, and no affluence? What could the insidious Jews then lose by the fire? Those are the arts of the Jews who desire to bully you into commissioning an extraordinary military inquiry because of their moaning, and into sending a soldier, who will perhaps only say what this one once said, O Emperor, before your accession: “How will Christ be able to help us if we fight for the Jews against Christ and we are sent to rescue the Jews? They have destroyed their own armies, and wish to destroy ours.” […] 20 Will you grant this triumph over the Church of God to the Jews? This trophy over Christ’s people, this pleasure, O Emperor, to the perfidious? This celebration to the synagogue, this sorrow to the Church? The people of the Jews will include this solemn event amongst their holidays, and will at any rate count it amongst those on which they triumphed either over the Amorites, or the Canaanites, or were delivered from the hand of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, or of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. They will add this solemn event in order to commemorate that they have celebrated a triumph over the people of Christ. 21 Whereas they deny that they themselves are bound by the Roman laws to such an extent that they think these are crimes, now they think that they have to be avenged, as it were, by the Roman laws. Where were those laws when they themselves set fire to the roofs of the sacred basilicas? If Julian did not avenge the Church because he was an apostate, should you, O Emperor, avenge the injury done to the synagogue because you are a Christian? […] 29 How shall I respond in future if it is found out that by orders given from this place, some Christians have been killed by the sword, or by wooden or leaden clubs? How shall I purge this fact? How shall I excuse this to the bishops, who now mourn bitterly because some have held the rank of a priest for thirty and many more years, or have been ministers of the Church, and are now withdrawn from their sacred office, and consigned to serve in the local administration? For if those who fight for you serve for a fixed period of military service, how much more should you care for those who fight for God. How, I say, shall I excuse this to the bishops, who complain about the clergy and write that the churches are being ravaged by serious attacks? […] 31 […] I fear that you consign your case to the judgment of others. Everything is still uncorrupted for you. On this point I pledge myself to our God on your behalf, and you should not fear your oath. Will God be displeased by any correction that serves to bring honour to him? You should certainly not change anything in that letter, whether it has been sent or has

3.1

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1)

not yet been sent. Order another to be drawn up, which is full of faith, full of piety. You are at liberty to change for the better, I am not at liberty to hide the truth. […] 33 And now, O Emperor, I beg you not to disdain to hear me because I am worried both about you and about myself, for there is the saying of a saint: Why was I forced to see the destruction of my people? Is it to commit an offence against God? I have certainly done what could quite honourably be done to ensure that you listen to me in the palace rather than, if necessary, you listen to me in the church. 6 Relatum est a comite orientis militarium partium incensam esse synagogam idque auctore factum episcopo. iussisti uindicari in ceteros, synagogam ab ipso exaedificari episcopo. non astruo expectandam fuisse assertionem episcopi; sacerdotes enim turbarum moderatores sunt, studiosi pacis, nisi cum et ipsi mouentur iniuria Dei aut ecclesiae contumelia. sit aliqui iste episcopus feruentior in exustione synagogae, timidior in iudicio, non uereris, imperator, ne acquiescat sententiae tuae, ne praeuaricetur non times? 7 Non etiam uereris quod futurum est, ne uerbis resistat comiti tuo? necesse erit igitur, ut aut praeuaricatorem aut martyrem faciat; utrumque alienum temporibus tuis, utrumque persecutionis instar, si aut praeuaricari cogatur aut subire martyrium. uides quo inclinet causae exitus. si fortem episcopum putas, caueto martyrium fortioris, si inconstantem, declina lapsum fragilioris; plus enim astringitur qui labi infirmum coegerit. 8 Hac proposita condicione puto dicturum episcopum quod ipse ignes sparserit, turbas compulerit, populos conduxerit, ne amittat occasionem martyrii et pro inualidis subiciat ualidiorem. o beatum mendacium, quo acquiritur sibi aliorum absolutio, sui gratia. hoc est, imperator, quod poposci et ego ut in me magis uindicares et hoc si crimen putares mihi ascriberes. quid mandas in absentes iudicium? Habes praesentem, habes confitentem reum. proclamo quod ego synagogam incenderim, certe quod ego illis mandauerim, ne esset locus in quo Christus negaretur. si obiciatur mihi cur hic non incenderim, diuino iam cremari coepit iudicio, meum cessauit opus. et si uerum quaeritur ideo segnior fui, quia non putabam hoc uindicandum. quid facerem quod nullo ultore sine praemio foret? tangunt haec uerecundiam, sed reuocant gratiam, ne fiat quod Dei summi contrahatur offensio. 9 Esto tamen, nemo episcopum ad hoc munus conueniat; rogaui enim clementiam tuam et licet ipse hoc reuocatum adhuc non legerim reuocatum tamen constituamus. quid si alii timidiores dum mortem reformidant offerant, ut de suis facultatibus reparetur synagoga, aut comes ubi hoc compererit primo constitutum ipse de Christianorum censu exaedificari iubeat? habebis, imperator, comitem praeuaricatorem et huic uexilla committes uictricia, huic labarum hoc est Christi sacratum nomine, qui synagogam instauret quae Christum nesciat? iube labarum synagogae inferri, uideamus si non resistunt. 10 Erit igitur locus Iudaeorum perfidiae factus de exuuiis ecclesiae et patrimonium quod fauore Christi acquisitum est Christianis hoc transferetur ad donaria perfidorum? legimus templa idolis antiquitus condita de manubiis Cimbrorum, de spoliis reliquorum hostium. hunc titulum Iudaei in fronte synagogae suae scribent: “templum impietatis factum de manubiis Christianorum.” 11 Sed disciplinae te ratio, imperator, mouet. quid igitur est amplius, disciplinae species an causa religionis? cedat oportet censura deuotioni. […]

105

106

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

13 Quid tamen mouet, utrum quia quodcumque aedificium publicum exustum est an quia synagogae locus? si aedificio incenso moueris uilissimo – quod enim in tam ignobili castro esse potuit? –, non recordaris, imperator, quantorum Romae domus praefectorum incensae sint et nemo uindicauit? immo si quis imperatorum uoluit factum seuerius reprehendere, eius magis qui tanto est perculsus dispendio causam grauauit. quid igitur dignius ut Callinici castri in parte aliqua aedificiorum incendium an urbis Romae uindicandum aestimaretur, si oporteret tamen? […] 14 Non est ergo causa tantae commotioni idonea, ut propter aedificii exustionem in populum tam seuere uindicetur, multo autem minus quia synagoga incensa est, perfidiae locus, impietatis domus, amentiae receptaculum, quod Deus damnauit ipse; […] 18 […] incensae sunt a Iudaeis ecclesiarum basilicae et nihil redditum est, nihil repetitum, nihil quaesitum. quid autem habere potuit synagoga in castro ultimo, cum totum quicquid illic est non multum sit, nihil pretiosum, nihil copiosum? quid deinde incendio potuit rapi Iudaeis insidiantibus? artes istae sunt Iudaeorum uolentium calumniari, ut dum ista queruntur mandetur extra ordinem militaris censura iudicii, mittatur miles fortasse dicturus quod hic aliquando ante tuum, imperator, dixit aduentum: “quomodo nos poterit Christus iuuare qui pro Iudaeis aduersus Christum militamus, qui mittimur ad uindictam Iudaeorum? suos perdiderunt exercitus, nostros uolunt perdere.” […] 20 Hunc dabis triumphum Iudaeis de ecclesia Dei? hoc tropaeum de Christi populo? haec gaudia, imperator, perfidis? hanc celebritatem synagogae, hos luctus ecclesiae? referet Iudaeorum populus hanc sollemnitatem in dies festos suos et inter illos profecto numerabit, quibus aut de Amorreis aut de Chananeis triumphauit aut de Pharao rege Aegypti aut de Nabuchodonosor regis Babyloniae manu liberari potuit. addet hanc celebritatem significans se de Christi populo triumphum egisse. 21 Et cum ipsi Romanis legibus teneri se negent ita ut crimina leges putent, nunc uelut Romanis legibus se uindicandos putant. ubi erant istae leges cum incenderent ipsi sacratarum basilicarum culmina? si Iulianus non est ultus ecclesiam quia praeuaricator erat, tu, imperator, ulcisceris synagogae iniuriam quia Christianus es? […] 29 Quid respondebo postea, si compertum fuerit data hinc auctoritate aliquos Christianorum aut gladio aut fustibus aut plumbis necatos? quomodo hoc purgabo factum? quomodo excusabo apud episcopos qui nunc quia per triginta et innumeros annos presbyterii quidam gradu functi uel ministri ecclesiae retrahuntur a munere sacro et curiae deputantur grauiter gemunt? nam si qui uobis militant, certo militiae tempore seruentur, quanto magis etiam eos considerare debetis qui Deo militant? quomodo, inquam, hoc excusabo apud episcopos, qui queruntur de clericis et impressione graui uastari scribunt ecclesias? […] 31 […] meo ne causam tuam alieno committas iudicio. integra adhuc tibi sunt omnia. in hoc me ego Deo nostro pro te obligo nec uerearis sacramentum. numquid Deo displicere poterit quod pro eius emendatur honorificentia? nihil mutaueris certe in illa epistula siue missa siue nondum missa est; dictari iube aliam quae plena fidei, plena pietatis sit. tibi integrum est emendare, mihi non est integrum dissimulare. […] 33 Nunc te, imperator, rogo, ut non aspernanter acceperis me et pro te et pro me timentem; sancti enim uox est: ut quid factus sum uidere contritionem populi mei? ut offensam incurram Dei? Ego certe quod honorificentius fieri potuit feci, ut me magis audires in regia, ne si necesse esset audires in ecclesia.

3.2

3.2

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (2)

Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (2): Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, 7, on Ambrose and Theodosius

Source: Sozomen 7.25 (Greek, mid 5th century, Constantinople) Edition: J. B IDEZ and G.C. H ANSEN , Sozomenus: Kirchengeschichte, GCS 50 (Berlin, 1960) Introduction: The Church historian Sozomen was a contemporary of the other Church historians of that time period, Socrates and Theodoret, whose accounts are similar to each other. All of these authors are interested in foregrounding the moral and political authority of the Church. This is evident from their accounts of the second major power clash between Ambrose of Milan and Emperor Theodosius. Preceding this clash was the harsh imperial course of action in 390 when the crowd in Thessalonica started to riot and Theodosius had the population decimated. Ambrose again barred the emperor from communion and therefore forced him to repent in public. This power conflict is often seen as ranking alongside the investiture controversy of the Middle Ages, a similar power conflict between the Holy Roman Emperor and the bishop of Rome. It is interesting to note that Theodosius was initially more tolerant towards non-Christians than most of his predecessors. After his conflicts with Ambrose, however, he first factually made Nicene Christianity the state religion and later, in 390/91, suppressed all other beliefs and religions through legislation. By contrast, Sozomen dates this clash between Ambrose and Theodosius to the time period following Theodosius’ victory over Eugenius in 394, whose religious policy was favourable to the pagan part of the senate in Rome. This indicates that all of these accounts are biased and potentially distorted. Further reading: N.B. M C LYNN , Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley, 1994) See also: [2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory]

7.25.1 After the destruction of Eugenius, the emperor reached Milan, and attended the church to pray. When he came close to the doors, Ambrose, the bishop of the city, met him, grabbed his purple robe, and said to him in front of the multitude, 2 “Stop! for a man stained by sin, who has unjust blood on his hands, it is inappropriate to approach the sanctuary before he atones, or to partake of the divine mysteries.” The emperor was impressed by the priest because of his boldness of speech, became anxious and turned back, having been wounded with second thoughts. 3 The manner of his sin was as follows. When Butherichus was general of the troops in Illyria, a charioteer was peering obscenely down at the cupbearer, and tried to seduce him; he was arrested and put into prison. When some notable horse-race was scheduled to take place, the population of Thessalonica demanded his release because his participation was important for this contest. As they achieved nothing, they started a serious riot and finally killed Butherichus. 4 When the emperor was informed about this, he experienced excessive anger and ordered that a fixed number of random citizens should be executed. The city was therefore filled with the blood of many unjustly shed. For strangers, who had but just arrived there on their journey to other lands, were taken away. […] 7 Of these and other sins, which

107

108

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

likewise happened, Ambrose accused the emperor, barred him from entering the church, and excommunicated him. Theodosius publicly confessed his sin in the church and, during the time given to him to repent, did not wear his imperial ornaments, as is the custom of mourners. He also ordained by law that the officers entrusted with carrying out the imperial mandates should delay for thirty days the execution of the punishment in the case of those who have been sentenced to death, in order to allow some time to pass to appease the wrath of the emperor, and to give space for mercy and repentance once anger has cooled down. 7.25.1 Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Εὐγενίου καθαίρεσιν ἀφικόμενος εἰς Μεδιόλανον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εὐξόμενος. ὡς δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θύραις ἐγένετο, ὑπήντετο Ἀμβρόσιος ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς ἁλουργίδος ἐπὶ τοῦ πλήθους “ἐπίσχες,” ἔφη· 2 “ἀνδρὶ γὰρ ὑπὸ ἁμαρτίας βεβήλῳ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ᾑμαγμένας οὐκ ἐν δίκῃ ἔχοντι οὐ θεμιτὸν πρὸ μετανοίας τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιβαίνειν οὐδοῦ ἢ μυστηρίων θείων κοινωνεῖν.” ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς θαυμάσας τὸν ἱερέα τῆς παρρησίας, σύννους γεγονὼς ὑπέστρεφεν ὑπὸ μετα νοίας κεντούμενος. 3 ἦν δὲ τῆς ἁμαρτίας πρόφασις τοιάδε· Βουθερίχου τοῦ ἡγουμένου τότε τῶν παρ’ Ἰλλυριοῖς στρατιωτῶν ἡνίοχος τὸν οἰνοχόον αἰσχρῶς ἰδὼν ἐπείρασε, καὶ συλληφθεὶς ἐν φρουρᾷ ἦν. ἐπισήμου δὲ ἱπποδρομίας ἐπιτελεῖσθαι μελλούσης ὡς ἀναγκαῖον εἰς τὴν ἀγωνίαν ὁ Θεσσαλονικέων δῆμος ἐξῄτει ἀφίεσθαι· ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἤνυεν, εἰς χαλεπὴν κατέστη στάσιν καὶ τελευταῖον τὸν Βουθερίχαν ἀνεῖλε. 4 καὶ ἐπεὶ τάδε ἐμηνύθη, εἰς ἄμετρον ὀργὴν ἐμπεσὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς ῥητὸν τῶν προστυγχανόντων ἀριθμὸν ἀναιρεθῆναι προσέταξεν. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ πολλῶν ἀδίκων ἐνεπλήσθη φόνων ἡ πόλις· ξένοι τε γὰρ αὐτίκα προσπλεύσαντες καὶ ἐξ ὁδοῦ ἀφικόμενοι ἀδοκήτως ἥλωσαν· […] 7 τοιούτων δὲ καὶ ἑτέρων ὡς εἰκὸς συγκυρησάντων κακῶν ἐπαιτιώμενος Ἀμβρόσιος τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἷρξε καὶ ἀκοινώνητον ἐποίησε. δημοσίᾳ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὡμολόγησεν καὶ πάντα τὸν ὁρισθέντα αὐτῷ χρόνον εἰς μετάνοιαν, οἷά γε πενθῶν, βασιλικῷ κόσμῳ οὐκ ἐχρήσατο· καὶ νόμῳ προσέταξε τοὺς διακονουμένους τοῖς βασιλέως προστάγμασιν εἰς τριακοστὴν ἡμέραν ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν τιμωρίαν τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καταδεδικασμένων, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ἐν μέσῳ χρόνον μαλάσσειν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργὴν καὶ τοῦ θυμοῦ παρακμάζοντος ἐλέῳ καὶ μεταμελείᾳ γενέσθαι χώραν.

3.3

Massacre and Penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (3): Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History, 5, on Theodosius’ Massacre at Thessalonike and Ambrose’s response

Source: Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History 5.17 (Greek, mid 5th century) Edition: L. PARMENTIER and F. S CHEIDWEILER , Theodoret: Kirchengeschichte, 2nd edn., GCS 44 (Berlin, 1954) Introduction: Theodoret (393 – c. 460), bishop of Cyrus since 423, is best known for his Church history, but he also wrote theological works, including a late apologetical-polemical piece against pagans, and letters. His version of the power conflict between Ambrose and the emperor Theodosius is substantially more detailed than, and different from, Sozomen’s account above in that Theodoret and other sources link this power conflict to Theodosius’ stay in Milan in

3.3

Massacre and Penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (3)

390. Theodoret also offers a theological underpinning, of Ambrose’s decision to excommunicate the emperor, in the direct speeches which he adds to his narrative. These direct speeches are not meant to be understood as authentic, but rather they are means through which the author conveys his interpretation of the events. Further reading: N.B. M C LYNN , Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley, 1994) See also: [3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge]

5.17 Thessalonica is a large and populous city, belonging to the nation of the Macedonians, the capital of Thessaly and Achaia, and indeed of other great nations which are governed by the prefect of Illyricum. When a riot ensued in this city, several of the magistrates were stoned and violently treated. The emperor was set on fire because of the report, and unable to endure his desire for anger, did not hold back its rush by the curb of reason, but allowed it to bring about the sentence of punishment. Carrying out this kind of authority, like an unchecked tyrant breaking away from self-discipline and shaking off the yoke of reason, he unsheathed the swords of injustice against all human beings and killed the innocent and guilty alike. He destroyed seven thousand people, as they say, without preceding judgment and condemnation of those who carried out this terrible task, but just like ears of corn at harvest time they were all cut off at once. After he had heard of this mournful disaster, as I was often reminded, Ambrose met the emperor, outside the gates, who on his arrival at Milan wanted to enter the church as usually, forbade him to step over the sacred threshold, and said, “You are unaware, as it seems, O Emperor, of the severity of the bloody deed that has been done, nor has your reason yet recognised the deed, although your rage has subsided. Perhaps the authority of your imperial majesty does not allow you to recognise the sin, but your power stands in the way of reason. You must, however, know our nature and that it is perishable and fading away, as well as the ancestral dust from which we are created and towards which we will return, and not be led astray by the glow of your purple robe to ignore the weakness of our body that is dressed in it. You hold imperial sovereignty over subjects of the same nature as your own, O Emperor, who are in fact your fellow slaves. For there is just one lord and emperor of humankind, the creator of the universe. With what eyes will you then look on the temple of our common Lord? With what feet will you step on this holy floor? How will you stretch out your hands still dripping with the blood of unjust murder? How will you, in such hands, receive the all-holy body of the Lord? How will you present the precious blood to your mouth which has shed so much blood lawlessly through its words of anger? Go away then, try not to aggravate your first wrongdoing with a second one, and accept this restriction to which God the Lord of all agrees from above. He cures and protects your health.” The emperor bowed to these words (for he had been brought up in the divine sayings and recognised clearly what belonged to priests and what to emperors), and returned sighing and weeping to the palace. After a long time had passed (for eight months were wasted), the birthday festival of our Saviour arrived. The emperor sat in his palace crying, and wiping away

109

110

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

a stream of tears. Rufinus saw him (at that time he was master of the imperial household and enjoyed great boldness of speech, seeing that they were living together), approached him, and asked for the reason of his tears. The emperor wailed sharply, shed even more bitter tears, and said, “You are kidding yourself, Rufinus, because you have no idea of my troubles. I moan and wail about my misfortune, considering that the church is open for slaves and beggars, they can go in freely and supplicate to the Lord in his own house, but the church is closed to me, and the gate to heaven is shut in front of me. For I remember the voice of the Lord which explicitly says, `What you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven’ (Matt 18:8).” […] When Rufinus begged him and said that the emperor will return, the holy Ambrose was inflamed with divine zeal and said, “Rufinus, I tell you in advance that I shall prevent him from entering the holy gates. If he wants to replace his imperial power with tyranny, then I too will receive the deadly wound with pleasure.” Rufinus heard this and sent a messenger to inform the emperor of the aims of the archbishop, and to urge him to stay within the palace. The emperor had already reached the middle of the forum when he heard this and said, “I will go, and accept the madness I deserve.” When he arrived at its holy walls, he did not enter the church, but stood in front of the archbishop (he was seated in the reception building) and was trying to beseech him to remove the restriction. Ambrose called his arrival the act of a tyrant, and said that his madness was an affront to God and that he was trampling on his laws. The emperor said, “I am not acting boldly against the appointed laws nor am I incited violently to enter the holy gates, but I pray that you may soften the restriction, consider the loving kindness of our common Lord, and not shut the door before me, which the Lord opens to everyone submitting themselves to repentance.” The archbishop said, “What kind of repentance have you shown, then, after your tremendous wrongdoing? With what kinds of medicine have you treated the wounds that are hard to heal?” The emperor said, “It is your duty to show and mix the medicines, my duty is to receive what you administer.” […] Now the most faithful emperor was confident enough to go inside the church, and prayed to the Lord, not whilst standing or bending his knees, but lying prone on the floor he emitted the voice of David, “My soul clings to the ground, revive me according to your word.” With his hands he pulled out his hair, he beat his forehead, besprinkled the pavement with drops of tears and prayed to obtain mercy. When the time came for him to bring his oblations to the holy table, he stood up with as many tears as he shed in his palace and walked in. […] Both the archbishop and the emperor were illustrious in such great virtue. I, for one, admire both of them: the archbishop for his boldness of speech, the emperor for his obedience; the former for the fervour of his zeal, and the latter for the purity of his faith. 5.17 Θεσσαλονίκη πόλις ἐστὶ μεγίστη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος, εἰς μὲν τὸ Μακεδόνων ἔθνος τελοῦσα, ἡγουμένη δὲ καὶ Θετταλίας καὶ Ἀχαΐας καὶ μέντοι καὶ ἄλλων παμπόλλων ἐθνῶν ὅσα τῶν Ἰλλυρίων τὸν ὕπαρχον ἡγούμενον ἔχει. ἐν ταύτῃ στάσεως γενομένης τινὸς κατελεύσθησάν τε καὶ κατεσύρησαν τῶν ἀρχόντων τινές. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐξαφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀγγελθέντων οὐκ ἤνεγκε τοῦ θυμοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν οὐδὲ τῷ χαλινῷ τοῦ λογισμοῦ τὴν τούτου ῥύμην ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ τὴν ψῆφον ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς τιμωρίας ἐπέτρεψε.

3.3

Massacre and Penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (3)

ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐκεῖνος λαβών, οἷα δὴ αὐτόνομός τε καὶ τύραννος τὸν δεσμὸν ἀπορρήξας καὶ τοῦ λογισμοῦ διαφυγὼν τὸν ζυγόν, ἄδικα ξίφη κατὰ πάντων ἐγύμνωσε καὶ τοὺς ἀθώους μετὰ τῶν ὑπευθύνων κατέκτεινεν. ἑπτὰ γάρ, ὥς φασιν, ἀνθρώπων ἀνῃρέθησαν χιλιάδες, οὐ κρίσεως ἡγησαμένης καὶ τῶν τὰ δεινὰ ἐκεῖνα τετολμηκότων κατακριθέντων, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἐν ἀμήτῳ πάντων ὁμοῦ δίκην ἀσταχύων κατατμηθέντων. Ταύτην μαθὼν τὴν ὀδυρμῶν γέμουσαν συμφορὰν Ἀμβρόσιος ἐκεῖνος, οὗ πολλάκις ἐμνήσθην, ἀφικόμενον εἰς τὴν Μεδιόλανον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ συνήθως εἰς τὸν θεῖον εἰσελθεῖν βουληθέντα νεὼν ὑπαντήσας ἔξω τῶν προθύρων, ἐπιβῆναι τῶν ἱερῶν προπυλαίων τοιάδε λέγων ἐκώλυσεν· “οὐκ οἶσθα ὡς ἔοικεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς εἰργασμένης μιαιφονίας τὸ μέγεθος, οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ θυμοῦ παῦλαν ὁ λογισμὸς ἐπέγνω τὸ τολμηθέν· οὐκ ἐᾷ γὰρ ἴσως τῆς βασιλείας ἡ δυναστεία ἐπιγνῶναι τὴν ἁμαρτίαν, ἀλλ’ ἐπιπροσθεῖ ἡ ἐξουσία τῷ λογισμῷ. χρὴ μέντοι εἰδέναι τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὸ ταύτης θνητόν τε καὶ διαρρέον καὶ τὸν πρόγονον χοῦν ἐξ οὗ γεγόναμεν καὶ εἰς ὃν ἀπορρέομεν, καὶ μὴ τῷ ἄνθει τῆς ἁλουργίδος ἀποβουκολούμενον ἀγνοεῖν τοῦ καλυπτομένου σώματος τὴν ἀσθένειαν. ὁμοφυῶν ἄρχεις, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ μὲν δὴ καὶ ὁμοδούλων· εἷς γὰρ ἁπάντων δεσπότης καὶ βασιλεὺς ὁ τῶν ὅλων δημιουργός. ποίοις τοίνυν ὀφθαλμοῖς ὄψει τὸν τοῦ κοινοῦ δεσπότου νεών; ποίοις δὲ ποσὶ τὸ δάπεδον ἐκεῖνο πατήσεις τὸ ἅγιον; πῶς δὲ τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτενεῖς ἀποσταζούσας ἔτι τοῦ ἀδίκου φόνου τὸ αἷμα; πῶς δὲ τοιαύταις ὑποδέξῃ χερσὶ τοῦ δεσπότου τὸ πανάγιον σῶμα; πῶς δὲ τῷ στόματι προσοίσεις τὸ αἷμα τὸ τίμιον, τοσοῦτο διὰ τῶν τοῦ θυμοῦ λόγων ἐκχέαντι παράνομον αἷμα; ἄπιθι τοίνυν, καὶ μὴ πειρῶ τοῖς δευτέροις τὴν προτέραν αὔξειν παρανομίαν καὶ δέχου τὸν δεσμόν, ᾧ ὁ θεὸς ὁ τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης ἄνωθεν γίγνεται σύμψηφος· ἰατρικὸς δὲ οὗτος καὶ πρόξενος ὑγείας.” Τούτοις εἴξας ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς λόγοις (τοῖς γὰρ θείοις λογίοις ἐντεθραμμένος ᾔδει σαφῶς τίνα μὲν τῶν ἱερέων, τίνα δὲ τῶν βασιλέων ἴδια), στένων καὶ δακρύων ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια. χρόνου δὲ συχνοῦ διελθόντος (ὀκτὼ γὰρ ἀναλώθησαν μῆνες), κατέλαβεν ἡ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν γενέθλιος ἑορτή· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ὀλοφυρόμενος καθῆστο, τὴν τῶν δακρύων ἀναλίσκων λιβάδα. τοῦτο θεασάμενος Ῥουφῖνος (μάγιστρος δὲ τηνικαῦτα ἦν καὶ πολλῆς μετεῖχε παρρησίας ἅτε δὴ συνηθέστερος ὤν), προσελθὼν ἤρετο τῶν δακρύων τὸ αἴτιον. ὁ δὲ πικρὸν ἀνοιμώξας καὶ σφοδρότερον προχέας τὸ δάκρυον· “σὺ μέν,” ἔφη, “ὦ Ῥουφῖνε, παίζεις· τῶν γὰρ ἐμῶν οὐκ ἐπαισθάνῃ κακῶν. ἐγὼ δὲ στένω καὶ ὀλοφύρομαι τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ συμφοράν, λογιζόμενος ὡς τοῖς μὲν οἰκέταις καὶ τοῖς προσαίταις ἄνετος ὁ θεῖος νεὼς καὶ εἰσίασιν ἀδεῶς καὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον ἀντιβολοῦσι δεσπότην, ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἄβατος καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ μοι ὁ οὐρανὸς ἀπο κέκλεισται. μέμνημαι γὰρ τῆς δεσποτικῆς φωνῆς ἣ διαρρήδην φησίν· “ὃν ἂν δήσητε ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἔσται δεδεμένος ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς.” […] ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἠντιβόλει καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἔλεγεν ἥξειν, ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου ζήλου πυρποληθεὶς Ἀμβρόσιος ὁ θεσπέσιος· “ἐγώ,” ἔφη, “ὦ Ῥουφῖνε, προλέγω ὡς κωλύσω τῶν ἱερῶν αὐτὸν ἐπιβῆναι προθύρων· εἰ δὲ εἰς τυραννίδα τὴν βασιλείαν μεθίστησι, δέξομαι κἀγὼ μεθ’ ἡδονῆς τὴν σφαγήν.” τούτων ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἀκούσας ἐμήνυσε διά τινος τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως σκοπὸν καὶ μένειν εἴσω τῶν βασιλείων παρῄνεσεν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κατὰ μέσην τὴν ἀγορὰν ταῦτα μαθών· “ἄπειμι.” ἔφη, “καὶ τὰς δικαίας δέξομαι παροινίας.” ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοὺς ἱεροὺς περιβόλους κατέλαβεν, εἰς μὲν τὸν θεῖον οὐκ εἰσελήλυθε νεών, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα παραγενόμενος (ἐν δὲ τῷ ἀσπαστικῷ οἴκῳ οὗτος καθῆστο) ἐλιπάρει λυθῆναί οἱ τὸν δεσμόν. ὁ δὲ τυραννικὴν ἐκάλει τὴν παρουσίαν, καὶ κατὰ θεοῦ μεμηνέναι τὸν Θεοδόσιον ἔλεγε καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνου νόμους πατεῖν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς· “οὐ θρασύνομαι», ἔφη, “κατὰ τῶν κειμένων νόμων οὐδὲ παρανόμως ἐπιβῆναι τῶν ἱερῶν προθύρων ἐφίεμαι, ἀλλὰ σὲ λῦσαί με τῶν δεσμῶν ἀξιῶ καὶ τὴν τοῦ κοινοῦ δεσπότου

111

112

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

φιλανθρωπίαν λογίσασθαι καὶ μὴ κλεῖσαί μοι θύραν ἣν πᾶσι τοῖς μεταμελείᾳ χρωμένοις ὁ δεσπότης ἀνέῳξεν”. ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεύς· “ποίαν οὖν”, ἔφη, “μεταμέλειαν ἔδειξας μετὰ τοσαύτην παρανομίαν; ποίοις δὲ φαρμάκοις τὰ δυσίατα ἐθεράπευσας τραύματα;» ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς· “σὸν ἔργον,” ἔφη, “τὸ καὶ δεῖξαι καὶ κεράσαι τὰ φάρμακα, ἐμὸν δὲ τὸ δέξασθαι προσφερόμενα.” […] Οὕτως ὁ πιστότατος βασιλεὺς εἴσω γενέσθαι θαρρήσας τοῦ θείου νεώ, οὐχ ἑστὼς τὸν δεσπότην ἱκέτευεν οὐδὲ τὰ γόνατα κλίνας, ἀλλὰ πρηνὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ δαπέδου κείμενος τὴν Δαυϊτικὴν ἀφῆκε φωνήν· “ἐκολλήθη τῷ ἐδάφει ἡ ψυχή μου, ζῆσόν με κατὰ τὸν λόγον σου,” καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀποτίλλων τὰς τρίχας καὶ τὸ μέτωπον τύπτων καὶ ταῖς τῶν δακρύων σταγόσι τοὔδαφος καταρραίνων συγγνώμης ἠντιβόλει τυχεῖν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ καιρὸς ἐκάλει τῇ ἱερᾷ τραπέζῃ τὰ δῶρα προσενεγκεῖν, ἀναστὰς μετὰ τῶν ἴσων δακρύων τῶν ἀνακτόρων ἐπέβη· […] τοσαύτῃ καὶ τηλικαύτῃ καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς διέλαμπον ἀρετῇ· ἀμφοτέρων γὰρ ἔγωγε ἄγαμαι, τοῦ μὲν τὴν παρρησίαν, τοῦ δὲ τὴν εὐπείθειαν, καὶ τοῦ μὲν τὴν τοῦ ζήλου θερμότητα, τοῦ δὲ τὴν τῆς πίστεως καθαρότητα.

3.4

Legal restraints to acquire knowledge, Theodosian Code, 16.10

Source: Codex Theodosianus, 16.10.12, 24-25 (Latin, mid fifth century) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Codex Theodosianus, vol. 1.1/2: Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis (Berlin, 1905) Introduction: Following these power conflicts with Ambrose, Theodosius signed off an unprecedented number of laws against pagans, heretics and Jews, preserved in the Codex Theodosianus. There is, however, scant evidence that these laws were enforced during Theodosius’ own lifetime. Nevertheless, his children and successors continued to issue laws against the non-orthodox, intended to root out heresy and paganism, both as visual remains and as ideas. At times, heretics and pagans faced open persecution, but without causing their extinction in the fifth century. Cod. Theod. 16.10.12 dates from this early wave of anti-pagan legislation and was issued by Theodosius. This law shows that the Christian emperors were keen on protecting themselves and their families from prophecies concerning their health in order to ward off unpleasant rumours, disobedience, and conspiracies. In so doing, they prohibited an unspecified array of knowledge, including philosophical investigations into nature, as there was a grey area between material, useful knowledge and the realm of the illegal. Laws such as these indicate that Christianity had long begun to pervade the private lives of Roman citizens, aligning all branches of knowledge with their biblical root. It is interesting to note that the recipient of this law and of several others was no one else than the above-mentioned Flavius Rufinus (PLRE 1, Rufinus 18, 778-781) who gave consolation to Theodosius during his term of excommunication. The other two examples (16.10.24 and 25) show that imperial legislation aimed at protecting citizens from bodily harm caused by outbreaks of violence on one hand, but also at removing the visual traces of paganism on the other, if possible, without blood-shed. Temples did indeed

3.4

Legal restraints to acquire knowledge, Theodosian Code, 16.10

disappear over the course of the fifth century, either destroyed or abandoned, or the pagan buildings were desecrated and the buildings themselves preserved for alternative use. Further reading: M.R. S AL ZMAN , ‘“Superstitio” in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans,’ Vigiliae Christianae 41 (1987), 172-88 See also: [2.7 ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious activity]

16.10.12.1 But if any man should dare to immolate a victim for the purpose of sacrifice, or to consult the quivering entrails, then he is guilty in line with the precedent of treason, shall be denounced by an accusation which is permitted to all persons, and shall receive the equivalent sentence, even if he has inquired nothing contrary to the welfare of the emperors, or concerning their welfare. For it is sufficient for the seriousness of this crime that any person should wish to suspend the very laws of nature, to investigate what is illegal, to uncover what is hidden, to attempt what is forbidden, to seek to know the end of another’s life, to promise the hope of another person’s death. (8 November 392) 16.10.24.1 But in particular we advise those persons who are truly Christians or who are said to be, not to dare to lay violent hands on Jews and pagans who are living quietly and attempting nothing disorderly or contrary to law, and so to abuse the authority of religion. For if they should be violent against persons living in security or should plunder their goods, they shall be compelled to restore not only that property which they took away, but after suit to restore triple or quadruple that amount which they robbed. […] (8 June 423) 16.10.25 […] We prescribe that all their sanctuaries, temples, and shrines, if even now any remain intact, shall be destroyed by command of the magistrates and be expiated by attaching the sign of the venerable Christian religion. All persons shall know that if it has been established, by suitable proof before a competent judge, that any person has mocked this law, he shall be punished with death. (14 November 435) 16.10.12.1 Quod si quispiam immolare hostiam sacrificaturus audebit aut spirantia exta consulere, ad exemplum maiestatis reus licita cunctis accusatione delatus excipiat sententiam competentem, etiamsi nihil contra salutem principum aut de salute quaesierit. sufficit enim ad criminis molem naturae ipsius leges uelle rescindere, illicita perscrutari, occulta recludere, interdicta temptare, finem quaerere salutis alienae, spem alieni interitus polliceri. 16.10.24.1 Sed hoc Christianis, qui uel uere sunt uel esse dicuntur, specialiter demandamus, ut Iudaeis ac paganis in quiete degentibus nihilque temptantibus turbulentum legibusque contrarium non audeant manus inferre religionis auctoritate abusi. nam si contra securos fuerint uiolenti uel eorum bona diripuerint, non ea sola quae abstulerint, sed conuenti in triplum et quadruplum quae rapuerint restituere compellantur. […]

113

114

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

16.10.25 […] interdicimus cunctaque eorum fana templa delubra, si qua etiam nunc restant integra, praecepto magistratuum destrui collocationeque uenerandae Christianae religionis signi expiari praecipimus, scientibus uniuersis, si quem huic legi aput competentem iudicem idoneis probationibus illusisse constiterit, eum morte esse multandum.

Destruction of cult sites 3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint: Libanius, Oration 30

Source: Libanius, Oration 30.8-9 (Greek, late 4th century, Antioch) Edition: R. F OERSTER , Libanii opera, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1903-1908) Introduction: Libanius (c. 314 – c. 393) was a cultural pagan and the city-rhetor of Antioch. The amount of violence described by Libanius in the passage below, from a speech dating from 386/7, was rare. At least the historical sources written by Christians indicate that monks should not harm human beings while destroying temples and other religious items, except when they meet resistance. As with the rhetoric of Christian authors like John Chrysostom, Libanius’ style is highly exaggerated, in line with the rhetorical tradition of Late Antiquity. Nevertheless, a photograph published first in Cumont (1903) and discussed in greater detail by Sauer (2003) suggests that Christians could actually resort to violence in their campaign against the material remainders of paganism. The photograph shows the skeleton of a Mithras priest found on the altar of the Mithraeum of Sarrebourg, apparently handcuffed and buried alive by Christians in the 390s. Further reading: F. CUMONT, Die Mysterien des Mithra: Ein Beitrag zur Religionsgeschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit, transl. by G. G EHRICH (Leipzig, 1903), 155-6; E. S AUER , The Archaeology of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World (Stroud, 2003), 157-9; M. G ADDIS , There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005), 210-50 See also: [4.16 Battling demons in the desert]

8 […] These people dressed in black, who devour more than elephants and, by the quantities of drink they consume, cause distress to those that accompany their drinking with the singing of hymns, who conceal this behaviour under an artificially acquired paleness – these people, O Emperor, while the law yet remains in force, storm out against the temples, carrying sticks and stones and iron bars, while some additionally use their hands and feet. Then, the building is a prey to all, they take down the ceiling, demolish the walls, desecrate the statues, overthrow the altars, and the priests must either keep quiet or die. When the first temple lies in ruins, there is a run on a second and third, and trophy is piled on trophy, in contravention of the law. 9 Such hardship occurs even in the cities, as well as frequently in the countryside. In

3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint: Libanius, Oration 30

each attack the enemies are many, but after their countless wrongdoings this scattered rabble congregates, and they require each other to account for their accomplishments and think it is a disgrace not to commit the greatest harm possible. […] 8. […] οἱ δὲ μελανειμονοῦντες οὗτοι καὶ πλείω μὲν τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἐσθίοντες, πόνον δὲ παρέχοντες τῷ πλήθει τῶν ἐκπωμάτων τοῖς δι’ ᾀσμάτων αὐτοῖς παραπέμπουσι τὸ ποτόν, συγκρύπτοντες δὲ ταῦτα ὠχρότητι τῇ διὰ τέχνης αὐτοῖς πεπορισμένῃ μένοντος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ κρατοῦντος τοῦ νόμου θέουσιν ἐφ’ ἱερὰ ξύλα φέροντες καὶ λίθους καὶ σίδηρον, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἄνευ τούτων χεῖρας καὶ πόδας. ἔπειτα Μυσῶν λεία καθαιρουμένων ὀροφῶν, κατασκαπτομένων τοίχων, κατασπωμένων ἀγαλμάτων, ἀνασπώμενον βωμῶν, τοὺς ἱερεῖς δὲ ἢ σιγᾶν ἢ τεθνάναι δεῖ· τῶν πρώτων δὲ κειμένων δρόμος ἐπὶ τὰ δεύτερα καὶ τρίτα, καὶ τρόπαια τροπαίοις ἐναντία τῷ νόμῳ συνείρεται. 9 τολμᾶται μὲν οὖν κἀν ταῖς πόλεσι, τὸ πολὺ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς. καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν οἱ καθ’ ἕκαστον πολέμιοι, ἐπὶ δὲ μυρίοις κακοῖς τὸ διεσπαρμένον τοῦτ’ ἀθροίζεται καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλους ἀπαιτοῦσι τῶν εἰργασμένων καὶ αἰσχύνη τὸ μὴ μέγιστα ἠδικηκέναι. […]

Handcuffed skeleton in the ruins of the Mithras temple of Sarrebourg. F. CUMONT : Die Mysterien des Mithra: Ein Beitrag zur Religionsgeschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit, transl. by G. G EHRICH (Leipzig, 1903), 156.

115

116

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

3.6 A Christian bishop rails against paganism: John Chrysostom, Homily on the Acts of the Apostles 4

Source: John Chrysostom, Homily on the Acts of the Apostles 4.4; John Chrysostom, Discourse on Babylas against Julian and the Pagans 13-15 (Greek, late 4th/early 5th century, Constantinople/Antioch) Edition: PG 60:47-8; M. S CHATKIN , Discours sur Babylas, SC 362 (Paris, 1990) Introduction: John Chrysostom (c. 349-407) was born into a high family, received a classical education in Antioch, where Libanius was his teacher, before he was baptised, forfeited his secular career, and became first an ascetic in the desert, then a priest in Antioch, and finally bishop of Constantinople. He is one of the most prolific Christian writers of antiquity, given the number of sermons and treatises that have been preserved. In his works John Chrysostom condemns the entire pagan culture and frequently mocks pagans for the ongoing destruction of their religious and cultural heritage. Both passages are examples of this scornful attitude, the first taken from a sermon given in Constantinople in the 390s, the latter from a treatise probably written in Antioch in c. 387. They both show that John saw the ongoing destruction of temple sites and the annihilation of pagan thought and philosophy as two sides of the same coin, as a well-deserved fate since pagans had previously mocked Christianity, and as a visual demonstration that Christianity is the true religion. Further reading: A.M. H ARTNEY, John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City (London, 2004) See also: [3.25 The destruction of the Alexandrian temple to the god Serapis]

Homily on the Acts of the Apostles

4 “Why, then, did Christ not operate in Plato or in Pythagoras?” they say. Because the soul of Peter was far more philosophical than the souls of these. For the former were in truth children, overthrown on every side by their vainglory. This man, however, was a philosopher, and capable of receiving the grace at that. If you laugh at these words, it is no wonder; since they too laughed at that time, and said, the men were full of new wine. But later – since they suffered this cruel fate, harder to bear than anything else, since they saw their city falling in ruins, the fire ignited, and the walls brought down to the ground, and those manifold orgies of destruction, which no one is able to express in words – they did not laugh any longer. Nor will you therefore laugh at the time when the day of judgment has arrived, when the fire of hell is ignited. But why do I speak of a future event? Do you want me to demonstrate who Peter is, and who is Plato?

3.6 A Christian bishop rails against paganism: John Chrysostom, Homily on the Acts of the Apostles 4

4 Τί οὖν οὐκ εἰς Πλάτωνα ἐνήργησεν ὁ Χριστὸς, οὐδὲ εἰς Πυθαγόραν, φησίν; ὅτι πολλῷ φιλοσοφωτέρα ἦν ἡ Πέτρου ψυχὴ τῶν ψυχῶν ἐκείνων. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ παῖδες ὄντως ἦσαν, ὑπὸ τῆς κενῆς δόξης περιτρεπόμενοι πανταχοῦ· οὗτος δὲ ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος, καὶ δεκτικὸς τῆς χάριτος. εἰ δὲ γελᾷς ταῦτα ἀκούων, οὐ θαυμαστόν· ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ τότε ἐγέλων, καὶ γλεύκους αὐτοὺς ἔλεγον εἶναι μεστούς· ἀλλ’ ὕστερον, ὅτε ἐπεπόνθεσαν τὰ πικρὰ ἐκεῖνα, καὶ πάντων χαλεπώτερα, ὅτε τὴν πόλιν κατερειπομένην εἶδον, καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἀναπτόμενον, καὶ τὰ τείχη ῥιπτούμενα χαμαὶ, καὶ τὰς ποικίλας βακχείας ἐκείνας, ἃς οὐδεὶς παραστῆσαι δύναται λόγῳ, οὐκ ἔτι ἐγέλων. οὕτω καὶ ὑμεῖς τότε οὐ γελάσεσθε, ὅταν ὁ τῆς κρίσεως ἐπιστῇ καιρὸς, ὅταν τὸ τῆς γεέννης ἀναφθῇ πῦρ. ἀλλὰ τί περὶ μελλόντων λέγω; βούλει δείξω τίς ἐστι Πέτρος, τίς δὲ Πλάτων;

Discourse on Babylas against Julian and the Pagans

13 […] Therefore, although this satanic laughter has not been completely wiped off the face of the earth, what has already happened is sufficient for you to know that this will happen in future. 14 Because the greater part has been destroyed in a very short time, no one will any longer argue over the remainder. Nor yet, when a city has been captured, its walls razed, its council buildings, theatres, and colonnades burnt down, and all those in the prime of life slain, and someone sees half-burnt porticoes, a few houses still standing and partially preserved, and old witches with small children, would he deny the conqueror, who has prevailed over the greater part, that he is able to subdue what remains. But this is not the fate of the fishermen; on the contrary, they flourish day after day. And this is because Christianity was brought into our life not freely and easily, but through affliction, wars, and combat. 15 As Hellenism had been spread all over the earth and possessed the souls of all humanity, so it came that later, after so much force and progress, it was destroyed by the power of Christ. […] 13 […] ὥστε εἰ καὶ μὴ τέλεον ὁ σατανικὸς οὗτος ἐξήλειπται γέλως ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀλλ’ ἱκανά γε τὰ ἤδη γενόμενα πιστώσασθαι καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν μελλόντων ὑμᾶς. 14 Τοῦ γὰρ πλείονος καθαιρεθέντος ἐν οὕτω χρόνῳ βραχεῖ περὶ τοῦ λειπομένου οὐδεὶς φιλονεικήσει λοιπόν. οὐδὲ γὰρ πόλεως ἁλούσης καὶ τειχῶν κατενεχθέντων καὶ βουλευτηρίων καὶ θεάτρων καὶ περιπάτων κατακαυθέντων καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ πάντων ἀνῃρημένων στοάς τις ἰδὼν ἡμικαύστους καὶ οἰκιῶν ὀλίγων ἑστῶτα μέρη καὶ γραίδια μετὰ παιδίων μικρῶν ἀμφισβητήσειε τῷ νικήσαντι καὶ περιγενομένῳ τοῦ πλείονος ὡς οὐ δυναμένῳ κατεργάσασθαι τὸ περιλειφθέν. ἀλλ’ οὐ τά γε τῶν ἁλιέων τοιαῦτα, ἀλλὰ καθ’ ἑκάστην ἀνθεῖ τὴν ἡμέραν· καὶ ταῦτα οὐ δι’ εὐρυχωρίας τινὸς καὶ ἀνέσεως εἰς τὸν ἡμέτερον εἰσαχθέντα βίον ἀλλὰ διὰ θλίψεως καὶ πολέμων καὶ μάχης. 15 Ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἑλληνισμὸς πανταχοῦ τῆς γῆς ἐκταθεὶς καὶ τὰς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ψυχὰς κατασχὼν οὕτως ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν τοσαύτην ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν ἐπίδοσιν ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ κατελύθη δυνάμεως· […]

117

118

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

3.7

Militant monks impose order in Antioch at the expense of philosophers: Chrysostom, On the Statues 17

Source: John Chrysostom, Homily on the Statues 17.1 (late 4th century, Greek, Antioch) Edition: PG 49:173-174 Introduction: The historical context of this sermon given by John Chrysostom is the statue riot of 387, one of the major episodes of religious violence during the early reign of Theodosius. During the riot, imperial statues were pulled down and mutilated in protest against heavy taxation. Nitrian monks took the initiative and expelled wandering philosophers as scapegoats, like Christians had been scapegoated in the past, although it is unclear if they were actually responsible for the riot. As a result, Theodosius refrained from punishing the population. Instead, he shut down the theatre and other institutions which provided public entertainment, but were also of religious origin. John Chrysostom, to whom true philosophy means an ascetic lifestyle devoid of literacy, played an instrumental role in the Christian reaction to the riot. One of the key points of his sermons is that Theodosius’ sanctions were actually a blessing for Antioch. Further reading: W. M AYER and P. A LLEN (ed.), J OHN C HRYSOSTOM (London, 2000); F. VAN DE PAVERD, St. John Chrysostom, the Homilies on the Statues: An Introduction (Rome, 1991) See also: [3.26 A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria]

17.1 Now where are those wearing shabby cloaks tossed over their shoulders, showing off a thick beard and carrying a staff in their right hand – the pagan philosophers, dog-like outcasts who are more pitiful than dogs under the table and do everything for the sake of their stomachs? At that time, they all left the city, they all leapt off and hid in caves. […] The monks, on the other hand, were poor people who had nothing more than a lowly garment and lived a life in the countryside, who seemed before that to be nobodies, being used to mountains and valleys like lions. With great and lofty faith, while everyone was anxious and cowering, they stood at the forefront and did away with the danger, not over many days but in a short moment of time. Just like noble warriors, who do not engage with their opponents, but simply appear in the battle-line and shout, defeat the adversaries, so too, in one day, these monks came down, and preached, and did away with the misery, and went up again to their own abodes. So great is the philosophy that was brought by Christ to human beings. 17.1 Ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οἱ τοὺς τρίβωνας ἀναβεβλημένοι, καὶ βαθὺ γένειον δεικνύντες, καὶ ῥόπαλα τῇ δεξιᾷ φέροντες, οἱ τῶν ἔξωθεν φιλόσοφοι, τὰ κυνικὰ καθάρματα, οἱ τῶν ἐπιτραπεζίων κυνῶν ἀθλιώτερον διακείμενοι, καὶ γαστρὸς ἕνεκεν πάντα ποιοῦντες; Πάντες κατέλιπον τότε τὴν πόλιν, πάντες ἀπεπήδησαν, εἰς τὰ σπήλαια κατεκρύβησαν, […] οἱ δὲ μοναχοὶ, ἄνθρωποι πένητες, ἱματίου πλέον οὐδὲν ἔχοντες εὐτελοῦς, ἐν ἀγροικίᾳ βεβιωκότες, οὐδένες εἶναι δοκοῦντες ἔμπροσθεν, ὄρεσι καὶ νάπαις ὁμιλοῦντες, καθάπερ τινὲς λέοντες, μετὰ μεγάλου καὶ ὑψηλοῦ φρονήματος, πάντων δεδοικότων καὶ κατεπτηχότων, εἰς τὸ μέσον στάντες τὸ δεινὸν ἔλυσαν, οὐκ ἐν πολλαῖς ἡμέραις, ἀλλ’ ἐν βραχείᾳ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ. Καὶ καθάπερ οἱ γενναῖοι τῶν ἀριστέων οὐ συμπλακέντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ φανέντες ἐπὶ τῆς παρατάξεως

3.8 A Christian view of pagan rituals: Prudentius, Peristephanon 10

μόνον, καὶ βοήσαντες τρέπονται τοὺς ἀντιπάλους· οὕτω δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ καὶ κατέβησαν, καὶ διελέχθησαν, καὶ τὴν συμφορὰν ἔλυσαν, καὶ πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀνέβησαν καταγώγια. Τοσοῦτόν ἐστιν ἡ παρὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἰσενεχθεῖσα φιλοσοφία.

3.8 A Christian view of pagan rituals: Prudentius, Peristephanon 10

Source: Prudentius, Peristephanon 10.1008-1095 (Latin, late fourth/early fifth century) Edition: J. B ERGMAN , Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina (Vienna, 1926) Introduction: Prudentius is the most accomplished Christian Latin poet of antiquity. Originally from Spain, he had a career in the public service before he wrote Christian poetry. The passage below is the only available ‘description’ of the taurobolium, which was perhaps the most commonly performed ritual during the high empire (it was practised by worshippers of both Cybele and Mithras). Early research considered it to be a reliable account, while modern scholars dismiss it as a highly polemical piece. In fact, at least those senatorial taurobolists who were known to Prudentius probably performed a traditional animal sacrifice rather than the blood shower described below. However, the ‘Gabine girdle’ mentioned below refers to the toga worn by traditional Roman magistrates and priests of high status. The poem as a whole, and this passage in particular, is a justification for the destruction of cult sites, arguing that this was the final crown won by the martyrs. Further reading: N. M CLYNN , ‘The Fourth-Century “taurobolium”,’ Phoenix 50 (1996), 312-30; Alan C AMERON , The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011), 159-63 See also: [2.7 ‘Let superstition cease’: a law prohibiting all pagan religious]

“[…] Do you recognise, most miserable pagan, the sacred blood of your bull, which you slaughter and sacrifice in order to get soaked in his blood? The high priest of course is lowered down into the depths of the earth, to be consecrated in a trench dug deep in the ground, wearing a strange headband, solemnly binding his temples with fillets, and then combing his hair with a golden crown, fixing his silken robe with the Gabine girdle. Above him they create a stage made out of planks, which is full of holes as it is a structure loosely connected with beams. Thereafter they cut and bore through the floor, and perforate the wood frequently with a needle so that it has a great number of little holes. Hither is led a great bull with a grim, shaggy forehead, tied down with garlands of flowers around his legs and horns. The forehead of the victim glitters as well with gold, a shiny gold foil saturates his hair. When the beast has been stationed here to be sacrificed, they cut his breast open with a consecrated hunting-spear. The great wound disgorges a stream of hot blood, a river of steam pours onto the plank-bridge below and spreads billowing out. Then through the many ways provided by a thousand slots a heavy shower pours down, like pus-filled rain, which the priest in the pit below absorbs, subjecting his ugly head to every drop and getting gory on his robe and whole body. Indeed, he puts his mouth up and offers his cheeks to the stream, placing his

119

120

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

ears under it, exposing lips and nostrils, bathing his very eyes in the liquor, not even keeping the roof of his mouth off it but he keeps wetting his tongue, until the whole of him drinks in the dark gore. After the carcass gets stiff because all blood is spent and the priests of Mithras drag it away from the stage, the high priest comes forth from his place, horrible to watch, and shows off his wet hair, his stinking beard, his dripping fillets and soaking garments. Defiled as he is with such pollution and stained with the gore of the victim just slain, they all salute and adore him from a distance because worthless blood and a dead bull have showered him while he was hiding in a horrible hole. “Do you want me to mention that hecatomb of yours as well, when a hundred beasts at a time fall by the knife and the gore from all the separate slaughters swells into a flood, so that the augurs can hardly move and have to swim through the read sea of blood? But why do I complain about that cushioned fat meat for the gods, and the butchers who lacerate the great herds and are all bloody from the flesh that they have disembowelled? It is sacred when you castrate yourselves, your pain is an offering even when it chops off a certain part of your body. A raging worshipper thrusts the knife into his arms and is a pleasure to the Mother goddess when his forearm is cut open. Raving and rolling are thought to be the rule of her mysteries. A hand that is spared from cutting is considered to be ungodly, and the cruelty of wounds merits heaven. But this one declares that he will lop off his private parts. Appeasing the divinity by cutting out his loins, he becomes half a man and offers a shameful gift to the goddess. The blood vessel of the male seed is pulled out and nourishes her who is thus increased through the flow of blood. Both sexes are displeasing to her holiness. He retains a middle gender between the two, ceases to be a man, but does not become a woman. The mother of the gods happily earns herself beardless servants with gentle razors. What happens when they who are about to be consecrated receive their tattoos? They put tiny needles in furnaces, and go on to burn their limbs with them, as soon as they are burning hot. Whatever part of the body is branded with the mark of the hot iron they boast to be thus consecrated. Thereafter, when the spirit has left the dead body and the funeral procession is passing to the tomb, leaves of gold are impressed all over these very parts, a splendid plate of gold covers their skin. What has been burnt in fire, is covered in metal. “Such are the punishments paganism is forced to suffer, such is the law by which the gods coerce their worshippers: this is how the demon himself mocks those whom he has taken captive, teaches them to endure accursed troubles, and ordains that marks of torture be branded on his unhappy victims. But our blood flows from your cruelty, it is you who suck the gore out of the bodies of the innocent by virtue of your godless tyranny. If you leave us alone, we live without bloodshed, but if we are made to suffer bloodshed, we win […]” agnoscis illum quem loquor, miserrime pagane, uestri sanguinem sacrum bouis, cuius litata caede permadescitis? Summus sacerdos nempe sub terram scrobe acta in profundum consecrandus mergitur, mire infulatus festa uittis tempora

3.8 A Christian view of pagan rituals: Prudentius, Peristephanon 10

nectens, corona tum repexus aurea, cinctu Gabino sericam fultus togam. Tabulis superne strata texunt pulpita rimosa rari pegmatis conpagibus, scindunt subinde uel terebrant aream crebroque lignum perforant acumine, pateat minutis ut frequens hiatibus. Huc taurus ingens fronte torua et hispida sertis reuinctus aut per armos floreis aut inpeditis cornibus deducitur, nec non et auro frons coruscat hostiae saetasque fulgor brattealis inficit. Hic ut statuta est inmolanda belua, pectus sacrato diuidunt uenabulo; eructat amplum uulnus undam sanguinis feruentis inque texta pontis subditi fundit uaporum flumen et late aestuat. Tum per frequentes mille rimarum uias inlapsus imber tabidum rorem pluit, defossus intus quem sacerdos excipit guttas ad omnes turpe subiectans caput et ueste et omni putrefactus corpore. Quin os supinat, obuias offert genas, supponit aures, labra, nares obicit, oculos et ipsos perluit liquoribus, nec iam palato parcit et linguam rigat, donec cruorem totus atrum conbibat. Postquam cadauer sanguine egesto rigens conpage ab illa flamines retraxerint, procedit inde pontifex uisu horridus, ostentat udum uerticem, barbam grauem, uittas madentes atque amictus ebrios. Hunc inquinatum talibus contagiis, tabo recentis sordidum piaculi omnes salutant atque adorant eminus, uilis quod illum sanguis et bos mortuus foedis latentem sub cauernis lauerint. Addamus illam, uis, hecatomben tuam, centena ferro cum cadunt animalia uariaque abundans caede restagnat cruor, uix ut cruentis augures natatibus possint meare per profundum sanguinis?

121

122

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

Sed quid macellum pingue puluinarium, quid maximorum lancinatores gregum euiscerata carne crudos criminor? sunt sacra, quando uosmet ipsi exciditis, uotiuus et cum membra detruncat dolor. Cultrum in lacertos exerit fanaticus sectisque Matrem bracchiis placat deam, furere ac rotari ius putatur mysticum; parca ad secandum dextra fertur inpia, caelum meretur uulnerum crudelitas. Ast hic metenda dedicat genitalia, numen reciso mitigans ab inguine offert pudendum semiuir donum deae, illam reuulsa masculini germinis uena effluenti pascit auctam sanguine. Vterque sexus sanctitati displicet, medium retentat inter alternum genus. mas esse cessat ille nec fit femina. felix deorum mater inberbes sibi parat ministros lenibus nouaculis. Quid cum sacrandus accipit sfragitidas? acus minutas ingerunt fornacibus, his membra pergunt urere, ut igniuerint; quamcumque partem corporis feruens nota stigmarit, hanc sic consecratam praedicant. Functum deinde cum reliquit spiritus et ad sepulcrum pompa fertur funeris, partes per ipsas inprimuntur bratteae, insignis auri lammina obducit cutem, tegitur metallo quod perustum est ignibus. Has ferre poenas cogitur gentilitas, hac di coercent lege cultores suos: sic daemon ipse ludit hos quos ceperit, docet execrandas ferre contumelias, tormenta inuri mandat infelicibus. At noster iste sanguis ex uestra fluit crudelitate, uos tyrannide inpia exulceratis innocentum corpora. si uos sinatis, incruente uiuimus, at si cruente puniamur, uincimus.

3.9 A Christian saint fells pagan trees: Sulpicius Severus, Life of Martin, 13

3.9 A Christian saint fells pagan trees: Sulpicius Severus, Life of Martin, 13

Source: Sulpicius Severus, Life of Martin 13 (Latin, late 4th/early 5th century, Gaul) Edition: J. F ONTAINE , Sulpice Sévère: Vie de Saint Martin, SC 133 (Paris, 1967) Introduction: Like many other Christian authors of Late Antiquity, Sulpicius Severus (c. 363 – c. 425) was born into a high family. He therefore received a rhetorical education and practised law. After his wife had died in 394, he renounced his wealth and embraced an ascetic lifestyle. He then went on to write the life of his monastic hero, Martin, who was bishop of Tours and a legendary monastic pioneer in Gaul. The passage below is one out of many such scenes in hagiographical literature, which focus on the cutting down of sacred trees. Naturally, the aesthetic of violence is very different from the graphic descriptions found in Libanius or John Chrysostom. Rather than emphasising the cruelty of the destruction of cult sites, Sulpicius presents Christianity as culturally, morally, and spiritually superior to paganism in order to justify the violence committed. Further reading: M. G ADDIS , There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005) See also: [3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint] [3.6 A Christian bishop rails against paganism]

13.1 When Martin had likewise destroyed a very ancient temple in a certain village and had ventured to cut down a pine tree which was near the shrine, then indeed the priest of the temple and the rest of the band of pagans began to oppose him. 2 Even though these same men, by the will of the Lord, had kept quiet whilst their temple was being destroyed, they could not endure that the tree was felled. He assiduously lectured them that there was no true religious value in a tree trunk, that they should follow the God whom he himself served, and that the tree needed to be cut down because it was dedicated to a demon. 3 Then, one of them, who was bolder than the others, said, “If you have any faith in your God whom you say you worship, we ourselves will cut down the tree. You can catch the falling tree, and if your Lord is with you, as you say, you will get away.” 4 Then Martin, intrepidly trusting in the Lord, promises that he would do this. At this point, the entire band of pagans agreed to such a condition and they regarded the loss of their tree a small matter, if only they could bury the enemy of their rites by its fall. 5 Therefore, when that pine tree was verging towards one direction, so that there was no doubt to what side it would fall once cut, Martin was bound, and in accordance with the wishes of the rustics, placed in that location where no one doubted the tree was about to fall. 6 They therefore began to cut down their own pine tree, with great joy and pleasure. In some distance a crowd of wondering spectators were present. And now the pine tree gradually began to dither, and was about to fall down to threaten its own ruin. 7 The monks at a distance grew pale, and, intimidated by the danger ever coming nearer, had lost all hope and faith, expecting only the death of Martin. 8 But he, trusting in the Lord, waited intrepidly when the pine tree was already collapsing and had uttered the sound of its crash,

123

124

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

and while it was now falling, while it was just rushing upon him, he raised his hand against it and put in its way the sign of salvation. Then indeed it was driven back in the manner of a whirlwind – one would have thought – and came down at the other side, to such a degree that it almost crushed the rustics, who stood in a safe place. 9 Then indeed a shout was raised to heaven, the pagans were amazed by the miracle, the monks wept for joy, and the name of Christ was widely praised by all. The well-known result was that on that day salvation came to that region. For there was hardly anyone of that immense multitude of pagans who did not desire to be baptised and believe in the Lord Jesus, having left behind the error of impiety. Certainly, before the times of Martin, very few, if any, had in those regions received the name of Christ. Through Martin’s miracles and example, his name gained such strength that there is now no longer any place in the area that is not filled with much-frequented churches or monasteries. For wherever Martin destroyed temples, there he immediately built churches or monasteries. 13.1 Item cum in uico quodam templum antiquissimum diruisset et arborem pinum quae fano erat proxima esset adgressus excidere tum uero antistes loci illius ceteraque gentilium turba coepit obsistere. 2 et cum idem illi dum templum euertitur imperante domino quieuissent succidi arborem non patiebantur. ille eos sedulo commonere nihil esse religionis in stipite Deum potius cui seruiret ipse sequerentur arborem illam excidi oportere quia esset daemoni dedicata. 3 tum unus ex illis qui erat audacior ceteris: “si habes” inquit “aliquam de Deo tuo quem dicis te colere fiduciam nosmetipsi succidemus hanc arborem tu ruentem excipe et si te cum est tuus ut dicis dominus euades.” 4 tum ille intrepide confisus in domino facturum se pollicetur. hic uero ad istius modi condicionem omnis illa gentilium turba consensit facilemque arboris suae habuere iacturam si inimicum sacrorum suorum casu illius obruissent. 5 itaque cum unam in partem pinus illa esset adclinis ut non esset dubium quam in partem succisa corrueret eo loci uinctus statuitur pro arbitrio rusticorum quo arborem esse casuram nemo dubitabat. 6 succidere igitur ipsi suam pinum cum ingenti gaudio laetitiaque coeperunt. aderat eminus turba mirantium. iamque paulatim nutare pinus et ruinam suam casura minitari. 7 pallebant eminus monachi et periculo iam propiore conterriti spem omnem fidemque perdiderant solam Martini mortem expectantes. 8 at ille confisus in domino intrepidus opperiens cum iam fragorem sui pinus concidens edidisset iam cadenti iam super se ruenti eleuata obuiam manu signum salutis opponit. tum uero uelut turbinis modo retro actam putares diuersam in partem ruit adeo ut rusticos qui tuto in loco steterant paene prostrauerit. 9 tum uero in caelum clamore sublato gentiles stupere miraculo monachi flere prae gaudio Christi nomen in commune ab omnibus praedicari satisque constitit eo die salutem illi uenisse regioni. nam nemo fere ex inmani illa multitudine gentilium fuit qui non impositione manus desiderata dominum Iesum relicto impietatis errore crediderit. et uere ante Martinum pauci admodum immo paene nulli in illis regionibus Christi nomen receperant. quod adeo uirtutibus illius exemploque conualuit ut iam ibi nullus locus sit qui non aut ecclesiis frequentissimis aut monasteriis sit repletus. nam ubi fana destruxerat statim ibi aut ecclesias aut monasteria construebat.

3.10 A Christian bishop hails the end of paganism: Theodoret, Curatio, 8

3.10 A Christian bishop hails the end of paganism: Theodoret, Curatio, 8

Source: Theodoret, Treatment of Greek Diseases 8.68-9 (Greek, early 5th century, Cyrus) Edition: P. C ANIVET, Théodoret de Cyr: Thérapeutique des maladies helléniques, 2 vols., SC 57 (Paris, 1958) Introduction: Theodoret (393 – c. 460), bishop of Cyrus since 423 and known best for his Church history, also wrote a late apologetical-polemical piece against pagans, the Treatment of Greek Diseases, in which he defends the faith and attacks pagans. His view in this treatise is that the knowledge of the gospel is a cure from remains of the pagan past. Writing at a relatively late point of time during the Christianisation of the Roman Empire, he claims that the physical remains of cult sites are now entirely removed and no longer visible and that the pagan festivals are replaced with Christian celebrations. Although there is no certainty on this question, surveys of temple destruction do indeed confirm that cult sites were frequently taken apart down to the level of their foundations and used as a source of cheap stone at some point in time. Further reading: B. WARD -P ERKINS , ‘The End of the Temples: An Archaeological Problem,’ in J. H AHN (ed.), Spätantiker Staat und religiöser Konflikt: Imperiale und lokale Verwaltung und die Gewalt gegen Heiligtümer (Berlin, 2011), 187-99 See also: [3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint] [3.16 The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp]

8.68 Why should I talk about the philosophers, emperors and generals? For the martyrs have wiped out the memory of their so-called gods from the minds of human beings. For their temples have been destroyed so entirely that not even a shape of their appearance survives and that no human being now is aware of how their altars once looked like, and their building material has been dedicated to the tombs of the martyrs. 69 For the Lord has introduced those who died on his behalf instead of your gods, he has demonstrated that these are utterly ruined, and he has heaped upon them the glory of the martyrs. For instead of the Pandia, Diasia, Dionysia, and your other festivals, the feasts of Peter, Paul, Thomas, Sergius, Marcellus, Leontius, Panteleemon, Antoninus, Mauricius, and the other martyrs are celebrated; and instead of ancient abuse, shameless and obscene conduct, chaste orations in their praise are now being held, where there is no amount of drunkenness, binging and laughing, but only divine hymns, listening to divine sayings, and prayer adorned with tears that are worthy of praise. 8.68 Καὶ τί λέγω φιλοσόφους καὶ βασιλέας καὶ στρατηγούς; καὶ γὰρ αὐτῶν τῶν καλουμένων θεῶν τὴν μνήμην ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐξήλειψαν διανοίας. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκείνων οὕτω παντελῶς διελύθη τεμένη, ὡς μηδὲ τῶν σχημάτων διαμεῖναι τὸ εἶδος, μηδὲ τῶν βωμῶν τὸν τύπον τοὺς νῦν ἀνθρώπους ἐπίστασθαι, αἱ δὲ τούτων ὕλαι καθωσιώθησαν τοῖς τῶν μαρτύρων σηκοῖς. 69 τοὺς γὰρ οἰκείους νεκροὺς ὁ δεσπότης ἀντεισῆξε τοῖς ὑμετέροις θεοῖς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φρούδους ἀπέφηνε, τούτοις δὲ τὸ ἐκείνων ἀπένειμε γέρας. ἀντὶ γὰρ δὴ τῶν Πανδίων καὶ Διασίων καὶ Διονυσίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑμῶν ἑορτῶν Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου καὶ Θωμᾶ καὶ Σεργίου καὶ Μαρκέλλου καὶ Λεοντίου καὶ Ἀντωνίνου καὶ Μαυρικίου

125

126

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μαρτύρων ἐπιτελοῦνται δημοθοινίαι· καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς πάλαι πομπείας καὶ αἰσχρουργίας καὶ αἰσχρορημοσύνης σώφρονες ἑορτάζονται πανηγύρεις, οὐ μέθην ἔχουσαι καὶ κῶμον καὶ γέλωτα, ἀλλ’ ὕμνους θείους καὶ ἱερῶν λογίων ἀκρόασιν καὶ προσευχὴν ἀξιεπαίνοις κοσμουμένην δακρύοις.

Arguments between Christians: Priscillian and the Donatist controversy 3.11 A trial over religious deviance ends in execution: Sulpicius Severus’ Chronicle

Source: Sulpicius Severus, Chronicle 2.50-51 (Latin, late 4th/early 5th century, Gaul) Edition: K. H ALM , Sulpicii Severi libri qui supersunt, CSEL 1 (Vienna, 1866) Introduction: Sulpicius Severus completed his Chronicle, or Sacred History, in c. 404. This is a history of the world from Adam and Eve to Sulpicius’ own days. The early sections are based on the chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome, but he worked independently on his account of contemporary history. The passage below deals with the trial of Priscillian, the only heretic who was executed in the west. This passage tells us a great deal about the reasons why both clerical and secular authorities abstained from executing heretics as they were worshipped as martyrs thereafter. The usual punishment for heretics was exile instead. Further reading: V. B URRUS , The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy (Berkeley, 1995) See also: [2.8 Arius’ condemnation]

2.50.6 Finally, as long as Martin was in Trier, the trial was suspended. When he was about to die, he obtained, by his extraordinary authority, a solemn promise from Maximus, that no cruel punishment should be determined against the respondents. 7 But thereafter, the emperor, being ensnared by Magnus and Rufus, was turned away from that comparatively mild advice, and entrusted the case to the prefect Evodius, a man of stern and severe character. 8 Priscillian was heard in a double trial, and convicted of magic. He did not deny that he had studied offensive doctrines and that he had been accustomed to hold nocturnal conventions of dishonourable women, and to pray naked. Accordingly, Evodius pronounced him guilty, and sent him back into custody, until he had time to consult the emperor. The judicial proceedings were handed over to the palace, and the emperor advised that Priscillian and his associates should be put to death. 51. […] 5 In that sort of way, men who were most unworthy of the light of day, were either put to death or punished with exile, in order that they might serve as a terrible example to others. […] 7 Nevertheless, after the death of Priscillian, not only was the heresy not sup-

3.12

Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa

pressed, which, under him, as its author, had broken out, but it was fortified, and more widely disseminated. For his followers who had previously honoured him as a saint, began to worship him as a martyr thereafter. 8 The bodies of the executed men were brought to Spain, and their funerals were celebrated with great pomp. Indeed, it was thought to be the pinnacle of religion to swear by Priscillian. But an eternal war of discording opinions raged around our people. That war has now for fifteen years been carried out with appalling disagreements, and could not by any means be put to rest. 50.6 denique quoad usque Martinus Treueris fuit, dilata cognitio est: et mox discessurus egregia auctoritate a Maximo elicuit sponsionem, nihil cruentum in reos constituendum. 7 sed postea imperator per Magnum et Rufum episcopos deprauatus et a mitioribus consiliis deflexus causam praefecto Euodio permisit, uiro acri et seuero. 8 is Priscillianum gemino iudicio auditum conuictumque maleficii nec diffitentem obscenis se studuisse doctrinis, nocturnos etiam turpium feminarum egisse conuentus nudumque orare solitum, nocentem pronuntiauit redegitque in custodiam, donec ad principem referret. gesta ad palatium delata censuitque imperator, Priscillianum sociosque eius capite damnari oportere. 51. […] 5 hoc fere modo homines luce indignissimi pessimo exemplo necati aut exiliis multati: […] 7 ceterum Priscilliano occiso, non solum non repressa est haeresis, quae illo auctore proruperat, sed confirmata latius propagata est. namque sectatores eius, qui eum prius ut sanctum honorauerant, postea ut martyrem colere coeperunt. 8 peremptorum corpora ad Hispanias relata magnisque obsequiis celebrata eorum funera: quin et iurare per Priscillianum summa religio putabatur. at inter nostros perpetuum discordiarum bellum exarserat, quod iam per quindecim annos foedis dissensionibus agitatum nullo modo sopiri poterat.

3.12

Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa: Acts of the Abitinian Martyrs and A Sermon on the Passion of the Holy Donatus and Advocatus

Sources: Acts of the Abitinian Martyrs 20; A Sermon on the Passion of Saints Donatus and Advocatus Given on the 4th Day before the Ides of March 6, 8 (Latin, early 4th century, North Africa). Edition: P. F R ANCHI DE ’ C AVALIERI , Note agiografiche 8 = Studi e Testi 65 (Vatican City, 1935), 66-7; PL 8:755-6 Introduction: Because writings hostile to the orthodox church were suppressed and deliberately left unpreserved, few texts survive which give an inside view into the mindset of heretics in Late Antiquity. The surviving Donatist martyr acts are therefore exceptional. The extract below was written by anonymous authors in North Africa. The Donatists were a schismatic group that refused to hold allegiance with the Catholic bishops who had surrendered their sacred books to be burnt during the Great Persecution of 303/4. The first passage relates to the trial of a number of martyrs from Abitina whom the Roman authorities sent to nearby Carthage where they were kept under guard by Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, and his deacon and eventual successor

127

128

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

Caecilianus. The Donatists considered both of them as traitors of the Christian faith, not least because they prevented the supporters of the Abitinian martyrs from entering the prison with food and other supplies. The text does not mention that there was an imperial edict in force that prohibited feeding those condemned to starvation in prison (Eus. HE 10.8.11). Following the refusal to accept the Catholic bishops and the ensuing backlash, the second text illustrates that schismatics regarded their own allegiance as the only way to salvation, ideally by seeking out martyrdom. This passage likewise depicts Catholic clerics, normally portrayed as victims, as cruel tyrants, similar to the pagan persecutors in earlier Christian martyr accounts. Further reading: M. TILLEY (ed.), Donatist Martyr Stories (Liverpool, 1996), 25-7; 51-53 See also: [3.13 Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy] [3.18 Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence]

Acts of the Abitinian Martyrs

20.2 For that holy spirit of the confessors is indeed alive, who revelled in the eternal air and the divine conversation after the cruel and ferocious storm of their time and the horrible threats of the persecutor. 3 While tyrannical rage infested the Christian religion, they knew that one day will be the most holy of days, on which the eternal peace of the Christian name rises up again purer and brighter from its losses and shines forth, and that neither the most cunning fraud of all the traitors will go unnoticed nor the pestilential conspiracy of those who are wrecked, which was arranged by diabolical art to attack the faith under the guise of religion, overturn law and disturb divine rights. This was all the more true since Mensurius, once the bishop of Carthage, now polluted by the recent handing over of scripture, repented of the insanity of his crime, but then began to reveal greater atrocities; surely he should have been the one to beg and implore from the martyrs pardon for burning the books; but instead he added insult to injury because he raged against the martyrs in the same spirit in which he had handed over the divine laws. 4 More ruthless than the tyrant, more gruesome than the executioner, he chose Caecilianus his deacon as a suitable minister of his crime and he stationed him before the doors of the prison, armed with whips and lashes so he could shut out from entrance and access all those who brought food and drink to the martyrs in prison, and who were already wronged by grave injustice. 5 People who came to nourish the martyrs were struck down everywhere by Caecilianus. The cups for the thirsty confessors inside in chains were broken at the entrance to the prison. Food was scattered only to be torn apart by the dogs. 6 The fathers of the martyrs and their most holy mothers were lying before the doors of the prison. Excluded from a last farewell to their children, they kept their strict vigil day and night at the front door of the prison. 7 There was the dreadful weeping and the bitter lamentation by all who were there. To keep the pious from the embrace of the martyrs and to bar Christians from their duty of piety, Caecilianus was more ruthless than the tyrant and more gruesome than the executioner.

3.12

Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa

20.2 uiuit enim, uiuit sanctus ille spiritus confessorum, qui aeternis auris et diuino colloquio pascebantur post crudelem ac saeuam sui temporis tempestatem ac persecutoris horribiles minas. 3 qui, d Christianam religionem tyrannica rabies infestabat, fore quondam sanctissimum diem sciebant, quo se iterum purior ac serenior ab iacturis extollens Christiani nominis pax aeterna lucesceret, nec defuturam traditorum omnium callidissimam fraudem conspirationemque pestiferam naufragorum diabolica arte compositam, quae sub praetextatu religionis impugnaret fidem, euerteret legem diuinaque iura turbaret, maxime cum iam Mensurius, Kartaginis quondam episcopus, recenti scripturam traditione pollutum post paenitendam sui sceleris amentiam peiora coepisset facinora publicare; quippe qui ambustorum ueniam librorum a martyribus poscere atque implorare debuerat; ut delicta sua flagitiis maioribus cumularet, eo animo saeuiebat in martyres, quo diuinas tradiderat leges. 4 etenim hic tyranno saeuior, carnifice crudelior, idoneum sceleris ministrum diaconum suum elegit Caecilianum, eundemque loris ac flagris armatum ante fores carceris ponit, ut ab ingressu atque aditu cunctos qui uictum potumque in carcere martyribus afferebant, graui affectos iniuria propulsaret. 5 et caedebantur a Caeciliano passim qui ad alendos martyres ueniebat; sitientibus intus in uinculis confessoribus pocula frangebantur ante carceris limina, cibus passim lacerandus canibus spargebatur. 6 iacebant martyrum patres ante carceris fores matresque sanctissimae, et ab extremo conspectu liberorum exclusi, graues noctu dieque uigilias ad ostium carceris exercebant. 7 erat fletus horribilis et acerba omnium qui aderant lamentatio, prohiberi a complexu martyrum pios et diuelli a pietatis officio Christianos, Caeciliano saeuiente tyranno et crudeli carnifice.

A Sermon on the Passion of Saints Donatus and Advocatus Given on the th Day before the Ides of March 6 Let us proceed to the final events, which erupted in open threats and apparent fury once their deceits failed and the machinations of their treacheries wore out. At that time, one could see bands of soldiers serving the furies of the traitors. They were rented to carry out mercenary work of evil character. They ultimately stood around with most attentive curiosity, while seeing to it that their mercenary cruelty was not permitted to act all too kindly. They declared that they were eager to participate in such a curious spectacle not so much because they wanted to defend a depraved assertion, but because they wanted to shed blood as they were hired to do. But even though the people of God might indeed have heard in advance of rumours of the coming bloodshed and known about it from the arrangements being made, they did not flee out of fear of an imminent tragic death. On the contrary, they hurried all the more courageously to the house of prayer with a vow to suffer. When their faith was nourished there with sacred readings, and their prescribed fasting fed with continual prayers, and when their souls were delivered into the hands of the unjust, but because of their prayer they were actually in the hand of God (cf. Lk 23.46), behold, in imitation of the Lord’s passion, this cohort of soldiers left their camp to suffer the deaths of Christians, being led on by latter-day Pharisees. Against innocent hands stretched out to the Lord, their right hands are armed with clubs (cf. Matt 26.47), as if they would have said that the martyrdom of those who are slaughtered by clubs rather than by the sword in this impious massacre was worth less. […]

129

130

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

8 Finally, the end of such hatred is always sealed with bloodshed, and thus also now did the soldiers endorse the contract and the covenant of crime in no other way than by the seal of blood, as each age group and sex was slain, with eyes shut tight, and killed in the midst of the basilica. It is this basilica, I say, between whose walls so many bodies were cut down and buried, from where, in the inscriptions, the memory of the names of the Caecilianist persecution is extended until the end of time, lest one day after the end of his episcopate the parricide deceives others who are uninvolved in the things done in his name. 6 Ad ultima ueniamus illa quae deficientibus fallaciis et fatigatis insidiarum machinamentis in apertas minas, manifestasque furias eruperunt. erat tunc uidere militum manus traditorum furiis ministrantes, quae ad perpetrandum tanti facinoris opus memoratorum mercede conductae sunt: circumstabant denique diligentissima curiositate, inspicientes ne quid illic mitius gerere crudelitati mercenariae licuisset, quae illam tam curiosi spectaculi intentionem non tam defensio prauae assertionis, quam exactionem locati sanguinis profitebatur. at uero populus Dei ante, licet opinionem futurae caedis et audierit et ex ipsa dispositione cognouerit, non solum fugatus non est imminentis exitiosae mortis metu, quin potius ad orationis domum uoto passionis animosius conuolauit, ubi cum fides sacris lectionibus pascitur et imerata ieiunia continuis precibus saginantur, eumque ipsa prece in manu Dei commendantur animae iniquorum manibus propinatae, ex castris ecce ad instar dominicae passionis cohors militum progreditur ad Christanorum necem a Pharisaeis neotericis procurata. manus contra innocuas ad Dominum extensas aramantur fustibus dexterae, quasi minus martyrium dicerent, qui non gladiis, sed impia caede fustibus trucidabantur. […] 8 Denique huius odii semper exitus effusione sanguinis signatus est sicut et nunc pactum conuentionemque sceleris non aliter quam consignatione sanguinis transegerunt, cum omnis aetas et sexus clausis admodum oculis caesa in media basilica necaretur. basilica, inquam, intra cuius parietes et occisa et sepulta sunt corpora numerosa, et illic ex titulationibus nominum persecutionis etiam Caecilianensis usque in finem memoria prorogatur: ne alios quandoque post modum episcopus nomine gestae rei expertes deceperit parricida.

3.13

Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy: Augustine, Letters 173 & 88

Source: Augustine, Letters 173.1, 88.6, 8-9 (Latin, early 5th century, North Africa) Edition: A. G OLDBACHER , Sancti Augustini opera, sect. 2: Epistulae, ps. 2: Epistulae 31-123, CSEL 34.2 (Vienna, 1898); ps. 3: Epistulae 124-184, CSEL 44 (Vienna, 1904) Introduction: Augustine (354 – 430) was bishop of Hippo Regius (in North Africa) from 395 onwards. He earlier was a Manichaean and worked as a rhetoric teacher in North Africa and Spain before he converted to Christianity. Augustine is among the most influential Christian authors of Late Antiquity. He often defended Christianity and attacked other groups in writing.

3.13

Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy: Augustine, Letters 173 & 88

One of his major adversaries were the remaining Donatists in North Africa, something that is detailed by his biographer Possidius. In these two letters from the early fifth century (ep. 173 from 416, ep. 88 from 406 – 410), Augustine raises a number of grievances about acts of sectarian violence committed against the Catholic clergy by Donatists and by Circumcellions (an extremist group of latter-day Christians linked to the Donatists). Letter 173 shows that sectarian clerics were keen on seeking out martyrdom and that Catholic clerics were therefore eager to not provide an opportunity for martyrdom. Letter 88 (addressed to Ianuarius, Donatist Bishop of Casae Nigrae) seeks to diffuse narratives of persecution and martyrdom as positive arguments with which to justify such extreme acts of violence as the practice of throwing acid in the eyes of adversaries. Apparently, attempts to encourage conversion through persuasion were seen as outright acts of persecution by the other side. Further reading: B.D. S HAW, Sacred Violence: African Christians and Sectarian Hatred in the Age of Augustine (Cambridge, 2011) See also: [3.12 Christians martyred by Christians: “persecution of heretics” in North Africa]

173 To Donatus, Priest of the Donatist Party, from Augustine, bishop of the Catholic Church 1 […] It displeases you that you are being drawn to salvation, when you have drawn so many of us to destruction. For what do we want other than to arrest you, to parade you, and prevent you from dying? As to your having sustained some bodily injury, you have done that to yourself, as you would not use the donkey which was immediately brought to you, and then dashed yourself violently to the ground. For at least someone else, who was brought along with you as your companion, arrived uninjured, precisely because he did not do such harm to himself as you did. […] 173 Donato presbytero partis Donati Augustinus episcopus ecclesiae catholicae. 1 […] displicet tibi, quia traheris ad salutem, cum tam multos nostros ad perniciem traxeritis. quid enim uolumus, nisi te comprehendi et praesentari et seruari, ne pereas? quod autem aliquantum in corpore laesus es, ipse tibi fecisti, qui iumento tibi mox admoto uti noluisti et te ad terram grauiter conlisisti. nam utique alius, qui adductus est te cum collega tuus inlaesus uenit, quia talia sibi ipse non fecit.

88 To Januarius, from Catholic clerics of the region of Hippo Regius (c. 406) […] 6 You have no reason to complain about us, and yet the kindness of the Church would have led us to abstain from even enforcing the orders of the emperors, had not your clergy and Circumcellions by their most monstrous infamies and furious acts of violence disturbed our peace, and destroyed us, and therefore forced us to have these orders revived and put in force again. For before these more recent laws about which alone you complain had come into Africa, these people laid ambush for our bishops on their journeys, tormented our fellow clergy with monstrous blows, inflicted most serious wounds also on the laity, and set fire to their habitations. […]

131

132

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

8 […] You say that you are suffering persecution, and it is us who are killed with clubs and swords by your armed men. You say that you are suffering persecution, and it is our houses which are plundered and destroyed by your armed robbers. You say that you are suffering persecution, and it is our eyes which are blinded with lime and acid by your armed man. Moreover, even if they inflict voluntary death upon themselves, they want that these deaths make us look spiteful, and them glorious. They do not blame themselves for what they do to us, but they blame us for what they do to themselves. They live as robbers, they die as Circumcellions, they are honoured as martyrs, and we have yet to hear of actual robbers who have ever blinded those whom they have plundered. Robbers remove those they have killed from the light of day, but they do not take away the eyesight from those who stay alive. 9 Meanwhile, if we ever detain your people, with great love we keep them unharmed. […] If they do not want to consent to the unity of Christ, they are released unharmed, just as they were also detained unharmed. We also exhort our lay people as far as we can to detain them unharmed, and bring them to us to be rebuked and instructed. But some of them listen to us and do this, if they can. Others deal with them as they would with robbers, because they actually suffer from them as they do from robbers. Some repel the blows that threaten their bodies by striking back, lest they are first struck by them. Others bring before the magistrates those they have arrested and do not spare them despite our intercessions since they fear to suffer monstrous evils from them. In all of this, they do not abandon the actions of robbers, and they demand for themselves the honour of martyrs. 88 Ianuario clerici catholici regionis Hipponiensium Regiorum. 6 de nobis ergo quid queramini, non habes et tamen ecclesiae mansuetudo etiam ab his imperatorum iussionibus omnino conquieuerat, nisi uestri clerici et Circumcelliones per suas immanissimas inprobitates furiosasque uiolentias quietem nostram perturbantes atque uastantes haec in uos recoli et moueri coegissent. nam prius quam recentiores leges istae, de quibus modo querimini, uenissent in Africam, insidias in itineribus nostris episcopis tetenderunt, conclericos nostros plagis immanissimis quassauerunt, laicis quoque et plagas grauissimas inflixerunt et intulerunt eorum aedificiis incendia. […] 8 uos dicitis pati persecutionem et nos ab armatis uestris fustibus et ferro concidimur: uos dicitis pati persecutionem et nostrae domus ab armatis uestris compilando uastantur; uos dicitis pati persecutionem et nostri oculi ab armatis uestris calce et aceto extinguntur; insuper, etiam si quas mortes sibi ultro ingerunt, nobis uolunt esse inuidiosas, uobis gloriosas. quod nobis faciunt, sibi non inputant et, quod sibi faciunt, nobis inputant. uiuunt ut latrones, moriuntur ut Circumcelliones, honorantur ut martyres et tamen nec latrones aliquando audiuimus eos, quos depraedati sunt, excaecasse: occisos auferunt luci, non uiuis auferunt lucem. 9 nos interim si quando uestros tenemus, cum magna dilectione seruamus inlaesos, […] si […] unitati Christi consentire noluerunt, sicut inlaesi retenti sunt, sic a nobis dimittuntur inlaesi. hoc, quantum possumus, monemus etiam laicos nostros, ut eos inlaesos teneant et nobis corripiendos instruendosque perducant. sed aliqui nos audiunt et, si possunt, faciunt; alii cum illis quem ad modum cum latronibus agunt, quia eos re uera tales patiuntur; aliqui ictus eorum suis corporibus imminentes feriendo repellunt, ne ab eis ante feriantur; aliqui adprehensos iudicibus offerunt nec nobis intercedentibus eis parcunt, dum

3.14

Legal punishments for heresy: Theodosian Code, 16.5

ab eis pati mala immania pertimescunt. in quibus omnibus illi non deponunt facta latronum et honorem sibi exigunt martyrum.

Enforcing orthodoxy 3.14

Legal punishments for heresy: Theodosian Code, 16.5

Source: Codex Theodosianus, 16.5.9, 21, 34, 51-2 (Latin, mid fifth century) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Codex Theodosianus, vol. 1.1/2: Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis (Berlin, 1905) Introduction: Laws against heretics are brought together in the fifth section of the Codex Theodosianus. None of these laws account for a general persecution of heretics in the Roman Empire, but rather the laws are individual rescripts to deal with specific local requests on a case to case basis. Nevertheless, some patterns emerge. For example, the methods employed to identify heretics were similar to the ones used to identify Christians during the persecutions, i.e. all citizens had to assemble and demonstrate their faith in public. However, the normal method to identify heretics was information against these individuals in the same way as Christians were previously denounced as such to the authorities by members of the public. Informants would normally risk punishment if the allegation was found to be untrue, but informants against heretics did not have to fear any negative consequences (16.5.9). While denunciation normally was a voluntary act, property owners were legally obliged to denounce suspicious activities and to correct any heretical views of their slaves and tenants (15.5.21, 16.5.52). In theory, conviction of heresy could be liable to capital punishment (16.5.51), but there is very little evidence of enforcement. In reality, capital punishment served as a threat with which to encourage repentance. Even in cases of persistent stubbornness, Christian clerics and Roman authorities had little interest to apply the death penalty because they wanted to avoid creating martyrs. In these cases, the normal punishment was expulsion and banishment while book-burning was an additional means to curtail the circulation of heretical views and beliefs (16.5.34). Further reading: L. B ARNARD, ‘The Criminalisation of Heresy in the Late Roman Empire: A Sociopolitical Device?’ Journal of Legal History 16 (1995), 121-146; D. H UNT, ‘Christianising the Roman Empire: The Evidence of the Code,’ in J. H ARRIES and I. W OOD (ed.), The Theodosian Code: Studies in the Imperial Law of Late Antiquity (London, 1993), 143-58 See also: [2.8 Arius’ condemnation]

16.5.9.1 [regarding Manichaeans] Your Sublimity shall therefore appoint inquisitors, shall open court, and shall receive informers and denouncers, without the negative consequences associated with denunciation. […] 2 Moreover, the search shall be conducted with the greatest care, so that if any persons should not convene in the same place on the day of Easter, in

133

134

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

compliance with religion, they shall without a doubt be regarded as persons condemned by this law. (31 March 382) 16.5.21 […] But should it be established that the owner was unaware of this activity, inasmuch as it was done secretly, we prescribe that the landlord of that property, if he should be freeborn, shall pay ten pounds [of precious metal] to our exchequer, if he should be descended from servile dregs and should despise the penalty of monetary loss because of his poverty and low degree, he shall be beaten with clubs and condemned to deportation. […] (15 June 392) 16.5.34 The clerics of the Eunomian and the Montanist superstitions shall be expelled from the association and residence of all municipalities and cities. If by chance they should dwell in the countryside and should be proved either to congregate the people or to enter a convention, they shall be deported for ever. The trustee of the property shall suffer the supreme penalty, and the landlord shall be deprived of the property, in which, with their knowledge and acquiescence, these unfortunate and condemned conventions are proved to have been performed. If indeed they should be found, after the formal publication of this order, in any city whatsoever or should be proved to have entered any house for the purpose of celebrating their superstition, their goods shall be confiscated and they themselves shall suffer the supreme penalty. The houses which they have entered in the aforesaid manner shall be awarded to the public treasury without delay, unless these heretics should be immediately expelled by the landlord or the landlady of the house and reported to the authorities. 1 We command that the books which indeed contain the doctrine and material of all their crimes shall subsequently be sought out with the greatest astuteness and produced with the full rigour of the law, and they shall subsequently be burnt in the fire under the supervision of the judges. If by chance any person should be convicted of having hidden anything from these books under any pretext or fraud whatsoever and of not having produced it, he shall know that he shall suffer capital punishment, as a retainer of harmful books and of writings amounting to the crime of magic. (4 March 398) 16.5.51 Now that the oracle by which those persons were creeping to their own rites of heretical superstition has been entirely removed, all enemies of the holy law shall know that they will suffer the punishment both of proscription and of blood if they should attempt further to convene publicly, in the accursed boldness of their crime. (25 August 410) 16.5.52.4 Slaves shall also be recalled from the depraved religion by the admonition of their masters, and tenant farmers by frequent flogging, unless the masters and landowners themselves, even if they are Catholics, should prefer to be held liable to the aforesaid fines. (30 January 412) 16.5.9.1 […] sublimitas itaque tua det inquisitores, aperiat forum, indices denuntiatoresque sine inuidia delationis accipiat. nemo praescriptione communi exordium accusationis huius infringat. […] 2 ac

3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation

summa exploratione rimetur, ut, quicumque in unum paschae die non obsequenti religione conuenerint, tales indubitanter, quales hac lege damnauimus, habeantur. 16.5.21 […] quod si id possessorem, quippe clanculum gestum, ignorasse constiterit, conductorem eius fundi, si ingenuus est, decem libras fisco nostro inferre praecipimus, si seruili faece descendens paupertate sui poenam damni ac uilitate contemnit, caesus fustibus deportatione damnabitur. […] 16.5.34 Eunomianae superstitionis clerici seu Montanistae consortio uel conuersatione ciuitatum uniuersarum adque urbium expellantur. qui si forte in rure degentes aut populum congregare aut aliquos probabuntur inire conuentus, perpetuo deportentur, procuratore possessionis ultima animaduersione punito, domino possessione priuando, in qua his consciis ac tacentibus infausti damnatique conuentus probabuntur agitati. si uero in qualibet post publicatam sollemniter iussionem urbe deprehensi aut aliquam celebrandae superstitionis gratia ingressi domum probabuntur, et ipsi ademptis bonis ultima animaduersione plectantur et domus, in qua ea sorte, qua dictum est, ingressi nec statim a domino dominaue domus expulsi ac proditi fuerint, fisco sine dilatione societur. 1 codices sane eorum scelerum omnium doctrinam ac materiam continentes summa sagacitate mox quaeri ac prodi exerta auctoritate mandamus sub aspectibus iudicantum incendio mox cremandos. Ex quibus si qui forte aliquid qualibet occasione vel fraude occultasse nec prodidisse conuincitur, sciat se uelut noxiorum codicum et maleficii crimine conscriptorum retentatorem capite esse plectendum. 16.5.51 Oraculo penitus remoto, quo ad ritus suos haereticae superstitionis obrepserant, sciant omnes sanctae legis inimici plectendos se poena et proscriptionis et sanguinis, si ultra convenire per publicum execranda sceleris sui temeritate temptaverint. 16.5.52.4 seruos etiam dominorum admonitio uel colonos uerberum crebrior ictus a praua religione reuocabit, ni malunt ipsi ad praedicta dispendia, etiam si sunt catholici, retineri.

3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation: John Chrysostom, Demonstration against the Pagans, 10

Source: John Chrysostom, Demonstration against the Pagans that Christ is God 10.1-3, 5 (Greek, late 4th century, Antioch) Edition: PG 48:826-7 Introduction: John Chrysostom wrote his Demonstration against the Pagans that Christ is God probably in Antioch in 387. John’s overall aim in this treatise is to show that Christianity is true, and Christ true God, because the temple of Jerusalem was destroyed after the Jews had murdered Christ, and God gave Christians the power to destroy pagan temples after a period of persecution and philosophical ridicule. In addition to this overall aim, the passage below argues that Christ is the true God because the cross has been turned from shameful instrument of torture and symbol of an accursed death to the symbol of salvation. The cross therefore now has

135

136

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

the power to shut the mouths of adversaries arguing against Christianity, to destroy paganism, and to banish demons, all scourges which God has sent onto humankind, while coming up with the cross as a means of rescue from these traps. Further reading: W. M AYER and P. A LLEN (ed.), John Chrysostom (London, 2000); J. P ERKINS , The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London, 1995) See also: [1.21 The Great Fire of Rome, Christian scapegoats, and the compassion of the populace] [2.3 Wrath of God directed at pagans]

10.1 […] Inquisitors have many forms of punishment at their disposal. They have stocks and pillories, thongs, claws, lead-tipped scourges, instruments to flog the body, and racks to pull limbs from joints. 2 Who would choose to bring these instruments of torture into his home? Who would want to touch the hand of the public executioners who put these instruments to work? Or get close enough to watch? Do not most men loathe these instruments? Do not some men shun them as evil omens and avoid touching them or looking at them? Do they not flee far away from them? Do they not turn away their eyes? 3 The cross was such an instrument of torture in ancient times. Ιt was even far more painful than these. As said before, it was not only the symbol of death, but it was the symbol of an accursed death. So, tell me how can it be that today everyone desires it so much, everyone longs for it, as the most precious thing of all? […] 5 For this symbol of death – I shall not stop saying this time and time again – became the subject of manifold blessings, a wall to make us secure on every side, a timely blow against the devil, a rein with which to subjugate the demons, a muzzle for the power of those who speak out against us. This sign has done away with death, it has shattered the brazen doors of hell and crushed their iron bars, it has destroyed the citadel of the devil, it has cut out nerves of sin. The cross has rescued the whole world, which was lying dead by divine judgment. It has suppressed the plague which God has sent upon our human nature. 10.1 […] ἔστι τοῖς δικάζουσι πολλὰ βασανιστηρίων εἴδη, ξύλον, ἱμάντες, ὄνυχες, μολιβδίδες, δι’ ὧν ξέουσι τὰ σώματα καὶ διασχίζουσι τὰ μέλη καὶ ἐξαρτῶσι. 2 τίς γοῦν ἂν ἕλοιτο ταῦτα εἰς οἰκίαν ἀγαγεῖν; τίς δ’ ἂν καταδέξαιτο χειρὸς ἅψασθαι τῶν ταῦτα ἐργαζομένων δημίων ἢ πλησίον γενέσθαι ἰδεῖν; οὐχὶ μυσάττονται οἱ πλείους, ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ οἰωνίζονται, καὶ οὐδὲ τῆς ἀφῆς, οὐδὲ τῆς ὄψεως ἀνέχονται; οὐ πόῤῥω φεύγουσιν; οὐκ ἀποστρέφουσι τὸ ὄμμα; 3 τοιοῦτον δή τι καὶ ὁ σταυρὸς ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν, μᾶλλον δὲ τούτων πολὺ χαλεπώτερος· ὅπερ γὰρ ἔφθην εἰπὼν οὐχ ἁπλῶς θανάτου, ἀλλὰ θανάτου τοῦ ἐπαράτου τοῦτο σύμβολον ἦν. πόθεν οὖν, εἰπέ μοι, πᾶσιν οὕτω νῦν περισπούδαστος, πᾶσιν οὕτω ποθεινὸς γέγονε, πάντων προτιμότερος; […] 5 τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ τοῦ θανάτου σύμβολον (οὐ γὰρ παύσομαι συνεχῶς τοῦτο λέγων) ἐγένετο εὐλογίας ὑπόθεσις πολλῆς, καὶ παντοδαπῆς ἀσφαλείας τεῖχος, διαβόλου καιρία πληγὴ, δαιμόνων χαλινὸς, κημὸς τῆς τῶν ἀντικειμένων δυνάμεως· τοῦτο θάνατον ἀνεῖλε, τοῦτο τοῦ ᾅδου τὰς χαλκᾶς πύλας συνέκλασε, τοὺς σιδηροῦς μοχλοὺς συνέθλασε, τοῦ διαβόλου τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κατέλυσε, τῆς ἁμαρτίας τὰ νεῦρα ἐξέκοψεν, ὑπὸ καταδίκην κειμένην τὴν οἰκουμένην ἅπασαν ἐξήρπασε, θεήλατον φερομένην κατὰ τῆς φύσεως τῆς ἡμετέρας πληγὴν ἀνέστειλε.

3.16 The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp: John Chrysostom, On Saint Barlaam

3.16 The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp: John Chrysostom, On Saint Barlaam

Source: John Chrysostom, On Saint Barlaam the martyr 4 (Greek, late 4th century, Antioch) Edition: PG 50:680-81 Introduction: The passage below served as a moral exhortation in a sermon which John Chrysostom delivered in Antioch to commemorate the martyr Barlaam. The city of Antioch was an important place for early Christianity and many martyrs were buried there. The date of the sermon is unknown. John Chrysostom says in the beginning of the sermon that it is the feast day of the martyr. The overall aim of this sermon is to guide the audience to a true Christian life-style, imitating the life of the martyr and shunning luxury as well as the spectacles, while describing the glory of the martyr in words echoing the spectacle of violence in the arena. Further reading: W. M AYER , The Homilies of St John Chrysostom – Provenance: Reshaping the Foundations (Rome, 2005), 59, 86, 439 See also: [1.2 The glory of fighting and dying in the arena]

4 […] We have brought you to the tombs of the holy martyrs so that by seeing them you will be encouraged to show fortitude and to be ready for zeal like theirs. For a hero’s fame elevates the warrior. This spectacle is much more magnificent if the warrior enters the camp of the hero and sees the blood-splattered sword, the head of the enemy lying around, the spoils of war hung up high, fresh blood dripping from the hands of him who erected this trophy, and everywhere booty, shields, bows and all other kinds of arms lying around. We have come together here for the same reason. For the tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp; if you open the eyes of faith, you will see the corslet of Justice lying here, the shield of Faith, the helmet of Salvation, the gaiters of the Gospel, the sword of the Holy Spirit and the head of the devil itself thrown down to the ground. Whenever you see a man possessed by a demon, lying upside down at the tomb of a martyr and frequently convulsing, you will see nothing else than the head of sin chopped off. So too these weapons are prepared just now for the warriors of Christ, and just as kings have buried heroes along with their weapons, so too did Christ: he buried the saints along with their weapons in order to show all their glory and power even before resurrection. Therefore, do recognise their spiritual armoury, and you will return the greatest profits from here! Great is your fight against the devil, my darling, great indeed and ever-lasting. […] διὰ τοῦτο ὑμᾶς καὶ παρὰ τὰς θήκας τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων ἠγάγομεν, ἵνα καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως λάβητέ τινα παράκλησιν ἀρετῆς, καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπαποδύσησθε ζῆλον. καὶ γὰρ στρατιώτην ἀνίστησι μὲν καὶ ἀκοὴ ἀριστέως· πολλῷ δὲ πλέον ὄψις καὶ θεωρία, καὶ μάλιστα ὅταν εἰς αὐτὴν τοῦ ἀριστέως τὴν σκηνὴν εἰσελθὼν ἴδῃ τὸ ξίφος ᾑμαγμένον, τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ πολεμίου κειμένην, τὰ λάφυρα ἄνω κρεμάμενα, τὸ αἷμα νεαρὸν τῶν χειρῶν ἀποστάζον παρὰ τοῦ τὸ τρόπαιον στήσαντος, πανταχοῦ δόρατα καὶ ἀσπίδας καὶ τόξα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἅπασαν παντευχίαν κειμένην. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐνταῦθα συνεληλύθαμεν. σκηνὴ γάρ

137

138

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

ἐστι στρατιωτικὴ τῶν μαρτύρων ὁ τάφος· κἂν ἀνοίξῃς τοὺς τῆς πίστεως ὀφθαλμοὺς, ὄψει τὸν θώρακα τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἐνταῦθα κείμενον, τὸν θυρεὸν τῆς πίστεως, τὴν περικεφαλαίαν τοῦ σωτηρίου, τὴν κνημῖδα τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου, τὴν μάχαιραν τοῦ Πνεύματος, αὐτὴν τοῦ διαβόλου τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπεῤῥιμμένην χαμαί. ὅταν γὰρ ἴδῃς δαιμονῶντα ἄνθρωπον παρὰ τὸν τάφον τοῦ μάρτυρος κείμενον ὕπτιον, καὶ σπαράσσοντα ἑαυτὸν πολλάκις, οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἀλλ’ ἢ τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Πονηροῦ τετμημένην ὁρᾷς. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν παράκειται ταῦτα τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς τοῦ Χριστοῦ στρατιώταις, καὶ καθάπερ τοὺς ἀριστέας μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων θάπτουσιν οἱ βασιλεῖς, οὕτω καὶ ὁ Χριστὸς ἐποίησε, καὶ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων αὐτοὺς ἔθαψεν, ἵνα καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἀναστάσεως δείξῃ πᾶσαν τὴν δόξαν, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ἁγίων. μάθε τοίνυν τὴν παντευχίαν αὐτῶν τὴν πνευματικὴν, καὶ μέγιστα κερδάνας ἀναχωρήσεις ἐντεῦθεν. πολὺς καὶ σοὶ πόλεμος πρὸς τὸν διάβολον, ἀγαπητὲ, πολὺς, καὶ μέγας, καὶ διηνεκής.

3.17

Christian soldiers violate sacred space in churches: John Chrysostom, Letter to Innocent, Bishop of Rome 1

Source: John Chrysostom, Letter to Innocent, Bishop of Rome 1.3 (Greek, early 5th century, Constantinople) Edition: PG 52:533 Introduction: In this letter to pope Innocent, written shortly before his exile from Constantinople in 404, John Chrysostom complained about the violation of the sacred space of churches. In so doing, his account echoes the discourse of martyrdom which Nicene Christians developed during the Arian conflict in the mid-fourth century. Passages such as these demonstrate that Christians felt to be the victims of persecution at any time. John likens this particular account, of which he learned from hearsay, to his own pending expulsion. Further reading: M. G ADDIS , There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005), 80-81 See also: [3.18 Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence]

3 […] A dense crowd of soldiers, on the great Sabbath itself, as the day was passing towards evening, rushed into the churches, violently drove out all the clergy who were with us, and surrounded the sanctuary with arms. And women from the houses of prayer who had undressed themselves for baptism at that time, fled naked, out of fear arising from this evil attack, not being allowed to put on the appropriate dresses which are suitable for women. Many received wounds before they were expelled, the baptismal pools were filled with blood, and the sacred water reddened by it. Nor did the horror come to an end here. But the soldiers, several of whom as we know were unbaptised, entered the place where the holy vessels were stored, saw what was inside, and the most holy blood of Christ, as might happen in the midst of such confusion, was spilt upon the garments of the aforesaid soldiers. The suffering was in all respects akin to barbarian captivity. […]

3.18

Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence: Augustine, City of God, 18.51

3 […] ἀθρόον στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος αὐτῷ τῷ μεγάλῳ σαββάτῳ, πρὸς ἑσπέραν λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπειγομένης, ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπεισελθόντες, τὸν κλῆρον ἅπαντα τὸν σὺν ἡμῖν πρὸς βίαν ἐξέβαλον, καὶ ὅπλοις τὸ βῆμα περιεστοίχιστο. καὶ γυναῖκες τῶν εὐκτηρίων οἴκων πρὸς τὸ βάπτισμα ἀποδυσάμεναι κατ’ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν γυμναὶ ἔφυγον ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου τῆς χαλεπῆς ταύτης ἐφόδου, οὐδὲ τὴν πρέπουσαν γυναιξὶν εὐσχημοσύνην συγχωρούμεναι περιθέσθαι· πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ τραύματα δεξάμεναι ἐξεβάλλοντο, καὶ αἵματος αἱ κολυμβῆθραι ἐπληροῦντο, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἀπὸ τῶν αἱμάτων ἐφοινίσσετο νάματα. καὶ οὐδὲ ἐνταῦθα εἱστήκει τὸ δεινόν. ἀλλ’ ἔνθα τὰ ἅγια ἀπέκειντο εἰσελθόντες οἱ στρατιῶται, ὧν ἔνιοι, καθὼς ἔγνωμεν, ἀμύητοι ἦσαν, πάντα τε ἑώρων τὰ ἔνδον, καὶ τὸ ἁγιώτατον αἷμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὡς ἐν τοσούτῳ θορύβῳ, εἰς τὰ τῶν προειρημένων στρατιωτῶν ἱμάτια ἐξεχεῖτο· καὶ ὡς ἐν αἰχμαλωσίᾳ βαρβαρικῇ πάντα ἐτολμᾶτο. […]

3.18

Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence: Augustine, City of God, 18.51

Source: Augustine, City of God 18.51 (Latin, early 5th century, North Africa) Edition: B. D OMBART and A. K ALB , Aurelii Augustini opera, vol. 2: De civitate Dei libri 11–22, CCSL 48 (Turnhout, 1955) Introduction: The treatise City of God against the Pagans is no doubt Augustine’s most important work. Throughout the Middle Ages only the bible surpassed its influence. In this work, Augustine lays much of the groundwork for Catholic theology, including an eschatological interpretation of the downfall of the Roman Empire and responses to a number of theodicy questions, such as a justification for the existence of sin, pagans, and heretics. In this passage Augustine understands that persecution is not only defined by bodily suffering, but also caused by the existence of ideas and opinions contrary to one’s own, something which therefore justifies corrective violence. Further reading: M. G ADDIS , There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2005) See also: [3.13 Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy]

18.51 […] The heretics themselves also, since they are thought to have the Christian name and sacraments, Scriptures, and profession, cause great pain in the hearts of the pious, both because many who wish to be Christians are forced by their dissensions to hesitate, and many detractors also find in them the material for blaspheming the Christian name, because even they are somehow called Christians. By these and similar depraved habits and errors of men, those who want to live piously in Christ suffer persecution, even when no one attacks or tortures their body. They certainly suffer this persecution, not in their bodies, but in their hearts. […]

139

140

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

18.51 […] ipsi quoque haeretici, cum cogitantur habere nomen et sacramenta Christiana et scripturas et professionem, magnum dolorem faciunt in cordibus piorum; quia et multi uolentes esse Christiani propter eorum dissensiones haesitare coguntur et multi maledici etiam in his inueniunt materiam blasphemandi Christianum nomen, quia et ipsi quoquo modo Christiani appellantur. his atque huius modi prauis moribus et erroribus hominum persecutionem patiuntur, qui uolunt in Christo pie uiuere, etiam nullo infestante neque uexante corpus illorum. patiuntur quippe hanc persecutionem non in corporibus, sed in cordibus. […]

3.19 ‘A thousand terrors of the law’ wielded against pagans by a Christian emperor: Novels of Theodosius, 3.8

Source: Novels of Theodosius 3.8 (Latin, mid 5th century) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Codex Theodosianus, vol. 2: Leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes (Berlin, 1905) Introduction: The Novels include own legislation by Theodosius II and his successors from 438 to 468, particularly from the western empire. As opposed to the previous laws in the Codex Theodosianus, these texts are not heavily edited, compiled or shortened, but contain the original wording and full context. This passage shows that despite ‘a thousand terrors of the laws’ some pagans were unwilling entirely to give up even the practice of animal sacrifice, which had been forbidden a century ago. This law is addressed to Flavius Florentius (PLRE 2, Florentius 7, 478-80), who was praefectus praetorio Orientis, suggesting that pagan activity remained noteworthy in the eastern half of the Roman Empire. Further reading: D. H UNT, ‘Christianising the Roman Empire: The Evidence of the Code,’ in J. H ARRIES and I. W OOD (ed.), The Theodosian Code: Studies in the Imperial Law of Late Antiquity (London, 1993), 143-58 See also: [3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge]

3.8 A thousand terrors of the laws that have been promulgated, the penalty of exile that has been announced, do not restrain them. If therefore they cannot be corrected, at least they might learn to abstain from their mass of crimes and from the dirt of their sacrificial victims. But sins are being committed outright with such a boldness of fury and our patience is abused by such attempts of these impious persons that even if we desired to forget them, we could not ignore them. (31 Ian. 438) 3.8 quos non promulgatarum legum mille terrores, non denuntiati exilii poena compescunt, ut, si emendari non possint, mole saltem criminum et inluuie uictimarum discerent abstinere. sed prorsus ea furoris peccatur audacia, iis inproborum conatibus patientia nostra pulsatur, ut, si obliuisci cupiat dissimulare non possit.

3.20

Christian polemic against the Jews: John Chrysostom

Jews 3.20

Christian polemic against the Jews: John Chrysostom

Source: John Chrysostom, Against the Jews 1.2, 6 (Greek, late 4th century, Antioch) Edition: PG 48:845-6, 852-3 Introduction: John Chrysostom delivered his series of sermons against the Jews in Antioch in 387. The first passage contains the main argument of Christian Anti-Judaists, that the Jews had crucified Jesus of Nazareth. This passage reveals the ambiguous attitudes towards Jews among Christian authors of Late Antiquity. On the one hand, Christianity originated as a Jewish sect, and the Jews were the chosen people according to the Old Testament; on the other, the Jews had rejected Christianity. Christian polemics against Jews are similar to the polemics against pagans. Both groups are commonly charged with committing human sacrifices. Further reading: P.W. H ARKINS (ed.), Saint John Chrysostom: Discourses against Judaizing Christians (Washington, DC, 1979); J.N.D. K ELLY, Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom (London, 1995) See also: [1.31 The Jews as murderers of Christ] [3.1 Massacre and penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (1)]

1.2. Do not be astonished if I have called the Jews wretched. For they are really wretched and miserable since so many blessings from heaven have come into their hands, yet they have expelled and overthrown them with great eagerness. The sun of righteousness rose early on them, and they expelled its beams and lived in darkness. But we, who grew up in darkness, faced the light and absorbed it, and we were released from the gloom of error. They were branches of the holy root, but broke off. We have no root in common with them and bring forth the fruit of orthodoxy. They read the prophets from the first age, and they crucified the one foretold by the prophets. We have not heard the divine sayings, and we worship the one foretold by the prophets. This is why they are wretched, because when others seized and embraced the blessings sent to them, the Jews got rid of them. […] But where does this stubbornness come from? From gluttony and drunkenness. Who says this? Moses himself: “Israel ate, and he was filled up and got fat, and the beloved became stubborn” (cf. Deut 32:15). For just as beasts devoid of reason, whenever they enjoy large quantities of fodder, turn out to be too fat, and become contentious and hard to hold, and neither the yoke, nor the rein, nor the hand of the driver can restrain them, so also the Jewish people, by drunkenness and overindulgence have descended to the ultimate evil. […] Such beasts devoid of reason, not being fit for work, become fit for slaughter. This has also happened to the Jews. Because they made themselves useless for work, they have become fit for slaughter. This is why Christ said: “Those who hate me, who did not want me for their king, bring them here and murder them” (Lk 19:27).

141

142

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

6 […] So, tell me: is a place where demons live not a place of impiety even if there is not a statue standing there? Where slayers of Christ meet, where the cross is persecuted, where God is blasphemed, where the father is ignored, where the son is insulted, where the grace of the Spirit is denied, is the harm arising from this place not far greater when they themselves are demons? In a pagan temple the impiety is clear and plain and can not easily seduce or deceive anyone who is in their right mind and sane. In the synagogue, on the other hand, they say that they worship God and reject idols, and that they have the prophets and honour them, but with these words they very much lay out the bait, tricking the simple and foolish to fall unwittingly into their snares. Therefore, their impiety is equal to that of the Greeks, but the amount of deception they use is more harmful. […] “They sacrificed their sons and their daughters to demons.” (Ps 106:37) They disregarded nature, forgot the pains of childbirth, trampled on childrearing, turned the laws of kinship upside down, and they became wilder than all wild beasts. For wild beasts often give up their lives and disregard their own safety to protect their young. But the Jews, without any necessity, slaughtered their offspring with their own hands in order to serve the wicked demons who hate our way of life. Which of their acts is more disgusting? Their impiety or their cruelty and inhumanity? That they sacrificed their sons or that they sacrificed them to demons? But have they not, in terms of insolence, surpassed the most lustful behaviour of beasts devoid of reason? 2 Μηδὲ θαυμάσητε, εἰ ἀθλίους ἐκάλεσα τοὺς Ἰουδαίους. ὄντως γὰρ ἄθλιοι καὶ ταλαίπωροι, τοσαῦτα ἀπὸ τῶν οὐρανῶν ἀγαθὰ εἰς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῶν ἐλθόντα ἀπωσάμενοι καὶ ῥίψαντες μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς σπουδῆς. ἀνέτειλεν ἐκείνοις πρώϊμος ὁ τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἥλιος· κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἀπώσαντο τὴν ἀκτῖνα, καὶ ἐν σκότῳ κάθηνται· ἡμεῖς δὲ οἱ σκότῳ συντραφέντες, πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἐπεσπασάμεθα τὸ φῶς, καὶ τοῦ ζόφου τῆς πλάνης ἀπηλλάγημεν. ἐκεῖνοι τῆς ῥίζης τῆς ἁγίας ἦσαν κλάδοι, ἀλλ’ ἐξεκλάσθησαν· ἡμεῖς οὐ μετείχομεν τῆς ῥίζης, καὶ καρπὸν εὐσεβείας ἠνέγκαμεν. ἐκεῖνοι τοὺς προφήτας ἀνέγνωσαν ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας, καὶ τὸν προφητευθέντα ἐσταύρωσαν· ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἠκούσαμεν θείων λογίων, καὶ τὸν προφητευθέντα προσεκυνήσαμεν, διὰ τοῦτο ἄθλιοι, ὅτι τὰ πεμφθέντα αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ ἁρπαζόντων ἑτέρων, καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἐπισπωμένων, αὐτοὶ διεκρούσαντο. […] ἀλλὰ πόθεν αὕτη γέγονεν ἡ σκληρότης; ἀπὸ ἀδηφαγίας καὶ μέθης. τίς τοῦτό φησιν; Αὐτὸς ὁ Μωϋσῆς· “ἔφαγεν Ἰσραὴλ, καὶ ἐνεπλήσθη καὶ ἐλιπάνθη, καὶ ἀπελάκτισεν ὁ ἠγαπημένος.” καθάπερ γὰρ τὰ ἄλογα, ἐπειδὰν δαψιλοῦς ἀπολαύσῃ φάτνης, εἰς πολυσαρκίαν ἐκβάντα, φιλονεικότερα καὶ δυσκάθεκτα γίνεται, καὶ οὔτε ζυγοῦ, οὔτε ἡνίας, οὔτε ἡνιόχου χειρὸς ἀνέχεται· οὕτω καὶ ὁ τῶν Ἰουδαίων δῆμος, ὑπὸ τῆς μέθης καὶ πολυσαρκίας εἰς κακίαν ἐσχάτην κατενεχθέντες, […] τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα ἄλογα, πρὸς ἐργασίαν οὐκ ὄντα ἐπιτήδεια, πρὸς σφαγὴν ἐπιτήδεια γίνεται. ὅπερ οὖν καὶ οὗτοι πεπόνθασι, καὶ πρὸς ἐργασίαν ἀχρήστους ἑαυτοὺς καταστήσαντες, πρὸς σφαγὴν ἐπιτήδειοι γεγόνασι. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ὁ Χριστὸς ἔλεγεν· “τοὺς ἐχθρούς μου, τοὺς μὴ θελήσαντάς με βασιλεῦσαι ἐπ’ αὐτῶν, ἀγάγετε ὧδε, καὶ κατασφάξατε αὐτούς.” 6 […] εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, ὅπου δαίμονες οἰκοῦσιν, οὐχὶ ἀσεβείας χωρίον ἐστὶ, κἂν μὴ ξόανον εἱστήκῃ; Ὅπου Χριστοκτόνοι συνέρχονται, ὅπου σταυρὸς ἐλαύνεται, ὅπου βλασφημεῖται Θεὸς, ὅπου Πατὴρ ἀγνοεῖται, ὅπου Υἱὸς ὑβρίζεται, ὅπου Πνεύματος ἀθετεῖται χάρις, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν ὄντων δαιμόνων, οὐ μείζων ἐντεῦθεν ἡ βλάβη; ἐκεῖ μὲν γὰρ γυμνὴ καὶ περιφανὴς ἡ ἀσέβεια, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἐπισπάσαιτο, οὐδὲ ἀπατήσειε τὸν νοῦν ἔχοντα καὶ σωφρονοῦντα· ἐνταῦθα δὲ λέγοντες Θεὸν προσκυνεῖν, καὶ εἴδωλα

3.21

Christian laws against the Jews: Codex Theodosianus, 16.8

ἀποστρέφεσθαι, καὶ προφήτας ἔχειν καὶ τιμᾷν, τοῖς ῥήμασι τούτοις πολὺ κατασκευάζοντες τὸ δέλεαρ, τοὺς ἀφελεστέρους καὶ ἀνοήτους ἀφυλάκτως εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐμβάλλουσι πάγας. ὥστε τὰ μὲν τῆς ἀσεβείας ἴσα αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἕλλησι, τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀπάτης χαλεπώτερον ὑπὸ τούτων δρᾶται. […] ἔθυσαν τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας αὐτῶν τοῖς δαιμονίοις· τὴν φύσιν ἠγνόησαν, ὠδίνων ἐπελάθοντο, παιδοτροφίαν κατεπάτησαν, τῆς συγγενείας τοὺς νόμους ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν βάθρων ἀνέτρεψαν, θηρίων ἁπάντων γεγόνασιν ἀγριώτεροι. Τὰ θηρία μὲν γὰρ καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐπιδίδωσι πολλάκις, καὶ τῆς οἰκείας καταφρονεῖ σωτηρίας, ὥστε ὑπερασπίσαι τῶν ἐκγόνων· οὗτοι δὲ οὐδεμιᾶς ἀνάγκης οὔσης τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν φύντας ταῖς οἰκείαις κατέσφαξαν χερσὶν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τῆς ἡμετέρας ζωῆς, τοὺς ἀλάστορας θεραπεύσωσι δαίμονας. τί ἄν τις αὐτῶν ἐκπλαγείη πρότερον, τὴν ἀσέβειαν ἢ τὴν ὠμότητα, καὶ τὴν ἀπανθρωπίαν; ὅτι τοὺς υἱοὺς ἔθυσαν, ἢ ὅτι τοῖς δαιμονίοις ἔθυσαν; ἀλλὰ ἀσελγείας ἕνεκεν οὐχὶ καὶ τὰ λαγνότατα τῶν ἀλόγων ἀπέκρυψαν;

3.21

Christian laws against the Jews: Codex Theodosianus, 16.8

Source: Codex Theodosianus 16.8 (Latin, mid 5th century) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Codex Theodosianus, vol. 1.1/2: Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis (Berlin, 1905) Introduction: Despite the harsh rhetoric of Christian authors like John Chrysostom, imperial legislation sought to protect Jews, who had been granted the status of religio licita since the days of Caesar and Augustus, against excessive abuse by Christians. The aim of the two laws below, for example, was to constrain violence committed by Jews against converts to Christianity, on the one hand, and violence committed by Christians against Jews and synagogues on the other. Since the imperial rescripts preserved in the Codex Theodosianus reacted to specific requests by provincial magistrates, the inference is that these kinds of violent acts actually happened at the time. Further reading: R.L. W ILKEN , John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the late 4th Century (Berkeley, 1983) See also: [4.10 The forced conversion of Jews by Avitus of Clermont]

16.8.1 We want that the Jews and their elders and patriarchs are informed that if, after the publication of this law, anyone should dare to attack with stones or with any other kind of madness – something which we understand is happening now – any person who has fled their pernicious sect and has looked back to the worship of God, then they shall be immediately delivered to the flames and burnt, with all their accomplices. (18 October 315) 16.8.9 It is sufficiently known that the sect of the Jews is forbidden by no law. We are therefore deeply shocked that their assemblies have been forbidden in certain places. Your Sublime Magnitude will therefore, after receiving this order, restrain with corresponding severity the

143

144

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

excesses of those persons who, in the name of the Christian religion, dare to commit any unlawful acts and attempt to destroy and to despoil the synagogues. (29 September 393) 16.8.1 Iudaeis et maioribus eorum et patriarchis uolumus intimari, quod, si quis post hanc legem aliquem, qui eorum feralem fugerit sectam et ad Dei cultum respexerit, saxis aut alio furoris genere, quod nunc fieri cognouimus, ausus fuerit adtemptare, mox flammis dedendus est et cum omnibus suis participibus concremandus. 16.8.9 Iudaeorum sectam nulla lege prohibitam satis constat. unde grauiter commouemur interdictos quibusdam locis eorum fuisse conuentus. Sublimis igitur magnitudo tua hac iussione suscepta nimietatem eorum, qui sub Christianae religionis nomine illicita quaeque praesumunt et destruere synagogas adque expoliare conantur, congrua seueritate cohibebit.

Augustine on violence 3.22 The value of hell-fire: Augustine, On the Nature of the Good, 38

Source: Augustine, De Natura Boni 38 (Latin, late 4th/early 5th century, North Africa) Edition: J. Zycha, Sancti Aureli Augustini opera, vol. 6.1: De utilitate credendi, CSEL 25 (Vienna, 1891), 855-89 Introduction: Augustine wrote the treatise On the Nature of the Good against the Manichaeans during his early years as bishop, at a time when the memory of his own Manichaean belief was still fresh and he was therefore an ardent opponent of Manichaeism, either to show that his conversion was complete or because he had a very strong feeling about his own sinful past. It is therefore striking that it is in this treatise that he justifies tortures as a means to facilitate correction and to prevent harsher punishments in the afterlife. Further reading: G. B ONNER , St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies (London, 1963), 206; A.D. F IT ZGER ALD et al., Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids, 1999) See also: [4.8 Correcting the common people]

38 For not even the eternal fire which is to torment the impious is of evil nature, as it has its own measure, form and order, and is not depraved by any unrighteousness. But tortures are evil to those who are condemned, for whose sins they are the due reward. Nor is light of evil nature because it tortures those with watery eyes. 38 nam nec ipse ignis aeternus, qui cruciaturus est impios, mala natura est habens modum et speciem et ordinem suum nulla iniquitate deprauatum: sed cruciatus est damnatis malum, quorum peccatis est debitus. neque enim et lux ista, quia lippos cruciat, mala natura est.

3.23 A defence of Rome’s military downfall: Augustine, City of God, 1

3.23 A defence of Rome’s military downfall: Augustine, City of God, 1

Source: Augustine, City of God 1.1 (Latin, early 5th century, North Africa) Edition: B. D OMBART and A. K ALB , Aurelii Augustini opera, vol. 1: De civitate Dei libri 1–10, CCSL 47 (Turnhout, 1955) Introduction: Augustine started to write the City of God against the Pagans in reaction to the downfall and sack of the city of Rome in 410. His view was that God had temporarily allowed Rome to flourish that it might prepare the groundwork for the rise of Christianity. In God’s plan the time was also ripe to send afflictions on human kind, to let them repent and prepare for Judgment Day, Augustine thought. In expounding this eschatology, Augustine was addressing the concerns of highly-educated pagans who instead blamed the military setbacks on the Christians, while Augustine was arguing that these same pagans owed their lives to God when they sought refuge from the Visigothic invaders in the churches of Rome. Further reading: P. H EATHER , The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (Oxford, 2006) See also: [2.13 A war of words over the altar of Victory]

1.1 […] For it is from this earthly city (Rome) that our adversaries emerge, against whom the City of God must be defended. Many of these adversaries have, however, become appropriate enough citizens of this city after the error of their impiety has been corrected. Many, however, burn so fiercely with fires of hatred against her and are so ungrateful to the manifest blessings of their Redeemer, as to forget that they would now be unable to move their tongues against her, had they not found in her sacred places, as they fled the swords of the enemies, that life in which they pride themselves. […] In this way, many escaped who now depreciate these Christian times and impute to Christ the evils which that city suffered. But the good which they received when, in honour of Christ, they were permitted to live: this they impute not on our Christ, but on their fate; whereas, if they were truly wise to some degree, they would rather attribute the severities and hardships, which they suffered from the enemies, to that divine providence which is wont to reform and to crush the depraved habits of men by wars, and likewise to exercise the just and praiseworthy life of humankind with such afflictions, either transferring them to a better world, if they have passed the trial, or detaining them still on this earth for further service. […] And now with ungrateful pride and most ungodly madness they resist his name in their perversity of heart, and so incur the punishment of eternal darkness, who once took refuge in that name with treacherous countenance for the sake of enjoying the light of this brief life. 1.1 ex hac namque existunt inimici, aduersus quos defendenda est Dei ciuitas, quorum tamen multi correcto impietatis errore ciues in ea fiunt satis idonei; multi uero in eam tantis exardescunt ignibus odiorum tamque manifestis beneficiis redemptoris eius ingrati sunt, ut hodie contra eam linguas non mouerent, nisi ferrum hostile fugientes in sacratis eius locis uitam, de qua superbiunt, inuenirent. […] sic euaserunt

145

146

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

multi, qui nunc Christianis temporibus detrahunt et mala, quae illa ciuitas pertulit, Christo inputant; bona uero, quae in eos ut uiuerent propter Christi honorem facta sunt, non inputant Christo nostro, sed fato suo, cum potius deberent, si quid recti saperent, illa, quae ab hostibus aspera et dura perpessi sunt, illi prouidentiae diuinae tribuere, quae solet corruptos hominum mores bellis emendare atque conterere itemque uitam mortalium iustam atque laudabilem talibus adflictionibus exercere probatamque uel in meliora transferre uel in his adhuc terris propter usus alios detinere; […] et nunc ingrata superbia atque impiissima insania eius nomini resistunt corde peruerso, ut sempiternis tenebris puniantur, ad quod nomen ore uel subdolo confugerunt, ut temporali luce fruerentur.

3.24 The practical problems of a physical resurrection: Augustine, City of God, 21 & 22

Source: Augustine, City of God 21.24; 22.12 (Latin, early 5th century, North Africa) Edition: B. D OMBART and A. K ALB , Aurelii Augustini opera, vol. 2: De civitate Dei libri 11–22, CCSL 48 (Turnhout, 1955) Introduction: Augustine goes into more detail about Judgment Day in the final books of the City of God against the Pagans. It appears logical to him that pagans can still be rescued from eternal condemnation and that the Church therefore should by all means try to correct them. He goes on to discuss the physical probabilities of resurrection in the flesh. The key point here is that Augustine refutes a number of counterarguments which were in the past brought forward by pagans and apparently are still being brought forward. This section is a unique testimonial about the ways in which educated pagans, rhetoricians and philosophers had in the past cast ridicule on core views of the bible, pointing out physical impossibilities and mutual contradictions in the key belief of resurrection in the flesh. Augustine directly cites the Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry (c. 233 – c. 305), who was among the instigators of the Great Persecution, but the implication is that many more individuals in past and present came up with arguments like these. Chief among them was the argument that flesh devoured by beasts can not be restored, apparently a scornful allusion to Christians dying in the arena as well as to the Eucharist. Further reading: D. R OHMANN , ‘Reading Sin: Textual Exclusion Strategies and Christological Controversies,’ in E. B UCHBERGER and Y. F OX (ed.), Inclusion and Exclusion in the Late Antique and Early Medieval Mediterranean (Turnhout, 2009), 47–68 See also: [1.15 Condemnation to the beasts as a judicial punishment]

21.24 […] This reason, therefore, which now prevents the Church from praying for the wicked angels, whom she knows to be her enemies, is the same reason which shall prevent her, however perfected in holiness, from praying at the Last Judgment even for those men who are to be tortured in eternal fire. For at present she prays for her enemies among humankind, because there is still time for fruitful repentance. […]

3.24 The practical problems of a physical resurrection: Augustine, City of God, 21 & 22

22.12 […] Concerning the question of the corruption and dissolution of dead bodies, – when, for example, one is turned into dust, and another evaporates into the air, when some are devoured by beasts, some by fire, others perish by shipwreck or all sorts of drowning in such a way that putrefaction dissolves their flesh into liquid – these questions cause serious concern, and they do not believe all that can be collected again and reconstructed into flesh. They go on to investigate even some deformities and physical handicaps caused by accident or birth, where with horror and derision they cite monstrous births, and inquire which of the deformities will be resurrected in future. For if we say that nothing of this kind returns to the body of a human being, they presume that they will confute our response by citing the marks of the wounds with which we preach the Lord Christ rose from the dead. But of all these, the most difficult question is, into whose flesh that flesh shall return which has nourished the body of another human being, who feeds on human entrails, induced by hunger. For it has been converted into the flesh of the man who lives off this kind of food, and it has filled up empty spaces created by loss of weight. Whether it therefore returns to that man whose flesh it has been first, or rather to that man whose flesh it later became: these questions they explore in order to make fun of our faith in resurrection and to promise, like Plato, that the human soul undergoes alternating states of true unhappiness and false blessedness, or they confess, like Porphyry, that after many transmigrations into as many different bodies, it ends its miseries and never more returns to them; not, however, by having an immortal body, but escaping every kind of body. 21.24 […] haec igitur causa, qua fit ut nunc ecclesia non oret pro malis angelis, quos suos esse nouit inimicos, eadem ipsa causa est, qua fiet ut in illo tunc iudicio etiam pro hominibus aeterno igne cruciandis, quamuis perfecta sit sanctitate, non oret. nunc enim propterea pro eis orat, quos in genere humano habet inimicos, quia tempus est paenitentiae fructuosae. […] 22.12 […] de ipsis etiam corruptionibus et dilapsionibus corporum mortuorum, cum aliud uertatur in puluerem, in auras aliud exhaletur, sint quos bestiae, sint quos ignis absumit, naufragio uel quibuscumque aquis ita quidam pereant, ut eorum carnes in umorem putredo dissoluat, non mediocriter permouentur atque omnia ista recolligi in carnem et redintegrari posse non credunt. consectantur etiam quasque foeditates et uitia, siue accidant siue nascantur, ubi et monstrosos partus cum horrore atque inrisione commemorant, et requirunt, quaenam cuiusque deformitatis resurrectio sit futura. si enim nihil tale redire in corpus hominis dixerimus, responsionem nostram de locis uulnerum, cum quibus dominum Christum resurrexisse praedicamus, se confutaturos esse praesumunt. sed inter haec omnia quaestio difficillima illa proponitur, in cuius carnem reditura sit caro, qua corpus alterius uescentis humana uiscera fame compellente nutritur. in carnem quippe conuersa est eius, qui talibus uixit alimentis, et ea, quae macies ostenderat, detrimenta suppleuit. utrum ergo illi redeat homini cuius caro prius fuit, an illi potius cuius postea facta est, ad hoc percontantur, ut fidem resurrectionis inludant ac sic animae humanae aut alternantes, sicut Plato, ueras infelicitates falsasque promittant beatitudines aut post multas itidem per diuersa corpora reuolutiones aliquando tamen eam, sicut Porphyrius, finire miserias et ad eas numquam redire fateantur; non tamen corpus habendo inmortale, sed corpus omne fugiendo. […]

147

148

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

A martyr of philosophy: Hypatia of Alexandria 3.25 The destruction of the Alexandrian temple to the god Serapis: Rufinus of Aquileia, Ecclesiastical History, book 11

Source: Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History 11.22-4 (Latin, late 4th/early 5th century, Italy) Edition: Th. M OMMSEN , Eusebii Caesariensis Historia ecclesiastica: Rufini continuatio, GCS 9.2 (Leipzig, 1908) Introduction: The destruction of the Serapeum in Alexandria in 391, at the instigation of the bishop Theophilus, was a powerful symbol of the changing religious landscape. Described as one of the most beautiful buildings of the world, the Serapeum also housed the Ptolemaic library which was presumably destroyed at the time (Oros. 6.15.31-2). While several other authors (most of them Christians) mention the end of the Serapeum, Rufinus of Aquileia (c. 345 – c. 411) preserves the most detailed account of the destruction and the events preceding it. Like Jerome, Rufinus travelled to the east, and spent several years in Egypt, Jerusalem, and Palestine, to learn more about monasticism. The Serapeum was destroyed while he was staying in the east before he returned to the west and came to Rome in 397, but the account below is not an eyewitness account and surely includes a lot of apologetical elements to justify the destruction. Rufinus translated Origen and Eusebius into Latin. The account below is an extract from Rufinus’ Ecclesiastical History, which itself is a translation of Eusebius’ Greek-language Ecclesiastical History up to the year 324, including two books (11 and 12) of continuation into Rufinus’ own time period up to 395. Further reading: M. A. E L-A BBADI , The Life and Fate of the Ancient Library of Alexandria, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1992); M. A. E L-A BBADI , ‘The Demise of the Daughter Library,’ in M. A. E L-A BBADI and O.M. FATHALL AH (ed.), What Happened to the Ancient Library of Alexandria? (Leiden, 2008), 89-94; J.S. M CK ENZIE , S. G IBSON , and A.T. R EYES , ‘Reconstructing the Serapeum in Alexandria from the Archaeological Evidence,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 94 (2004), 73-121 See also: [3.3 Massacre and Penance: a power struggle between bishop and emperor (3)] [3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge]

11.22 Meanwhile, in Alexandria riots were instigated against the church, which were unheard of and in opposition to the faith of the times, and which arose from the following occasion. There was an ancient basilica built for public use, but entirely untended, which the emperor Constantius was said to have donated to the bishops who had preached his own perfidy, and which long neglect had so reduced that only the walls were still solid. The bishop who presided over the church during that time decided to ask the emperor for it, in order to ensure that the number of the houses of prayer might keep pace with the growing population of the faithful. When he received it and wanted to adorn it, some hidden caverns, dug into the earth, were discovered, which were suited for robberies and crimes rather than for religious ceremonies.

3.25 The destruction of the Alexandrian temple to the god Serapis

Those pagans therefore, who saw the hiding places of their crimes and the caverns of their outrages being uncovered, could not bear to have disclosed the sins concealed for so many centuries and covered in darkness, but began all of them, as though they had drunk the serpents’ cup, to become insane and to rage in public. Both parts of the population endeavoured to fight not just with verbal seditions, as usual, but with hands and weapons, to engage in frequent conflicts in the streets and to come together in open battle. Our side far outweighed the other in numbers and strength, but was less savage due to the mild character of our religion. As a result, many of ours were wounded in the repeated conflicts, and some were even killed. Then they took refuge in a temple, using it as a stronghold. They took with them some of the Christians whom they had captured and forced them to sacrifice at the lit-up altars, those who refused they put to death with new and refined tortures, putting some into pillories and breaking the legs of others and pitching them into the caverns which curious antiquity had built to receive the blood of sacrifices and the other impurities of the temple. […] Messengers, however, were sent to them to remind them of the power of the Roman government, of the legal penalties, and of the normal consequences of behaviour of the sort, and since the place was so fortified that nothing could be done against those putting this madness into motion, except by force majeure, the incident was reported to the emperor. Being more inclined to correct than to destroy those gone astray because of the inborn clemency of his mindset, he wrote back that revenge was not to be sought for those whom the blood shed before the altars had made martyrs, because in their cases the glory of their merits had overcome the pain for their deaths; but that otherwise the cause of their sins and the roots of the discord which had come in defence of the idols needed to be cut out in their entirety, so that once these had been banned, the reason for the wars might simultaneously come to a rest. When this rescript arrived and both parts of the population had come together at the temple to listen to it following a sort of short-term truce, no sooner had the first page of the letter been read out, the introduction to which incriminated the vain superstition of the pagans, than a vast shout was raised by our people, while shock and fear seized the pagans, each of whom sought a hiding place, searched out narrow trails through which to flee, or slipped unnoticed among our people. As a result, all who were there recognised that by God’s presence, which bestows courage upon his people, the fury of the devil, who had earlier raged among the pagans, was put to flight. 23. I think that everyone has at least heard of the temple of Serapis in Alexandria, and that most have even got to know it. The site was elevated, not naturally but artificially, to a height of a hundred or more steps, its enormous rectangular premises extending in every direction. […] Now as we started to say, when the imperial letter had been read out, the part of the population that belonged to us were ready to overthrow the author of error, but a certain belief had been spread by the pagans themselves that if a human hand touched that statue, the earth would split open on the spot and crumble into the underworld and the sky would suddenly fall down. This caused confusion among the people for a little while, until, lo and behold, one of the soldiers, armed with faith rather than weapons, seized a double-headed axe, drew himself up, and struck the old fraud on the jaw with all his might. A shout was raised from both parts of the population, yet the sky did not fall, nor did the earth collapse. Then, attacking

149

150

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

it time and time again, he felled the smoky ghost of rotten wood, which upon being thrown down burnt as easily as dry wood when it was set on fire. After this the head was wrenched from the neck, the bushel having been taken down, and dragged off; then the feet and other members were chopped off with axes and dragged apart with ropes attached, and piece by piece, each in a different place, the frail old man was incinerated before the eyes of Alexandria, his worshipping city. Last of all the torso which was left was burnt in the amphitheatre, and this was the end of the vain superstition and ancient error of Serapis. […] 24. Afterwards, when the very head of idolatry had been thrown down, all of the images, or one should rather say monsters, which existed in the entire city of Alexandria, were confiscated, and destroyed and disgraced in a similar way through the efforts of its most vigilant priest. The mind shudders to speak of the snares laid by the demons for wretched mortals, the corpses, the crimes uncovered in what they call “sanctuaries”, the number of decapitated children’s heads found in gilded basins, and of pictures of excruciating deaths of poor wretches. When these were brought to light and carried into public view underneath the sky, even though the pagans fled from their own confusion and shame, still those who could stay were amazed at how they had been enmeshed for so many centuries in such godless and shameful deceptions. This is why many of them, having condemned this error and realised their crime, embraced the faith of Christ and the worship of the true religion. 11.22 Interea apud Alexandriam noui motus et contra temporum fidem aduersum ecclesiam concitantur ex occasione huiuscemodi oborti. basilica quaedam publici operis uetusta et admodum neglecta fuit, quam Constantius imperator donasse episcopis perfidiam suam praedicantibus ferebatur, quae longa incuria nihil ualidum praeter parietes habebat. uisum est episcopo, qui per idem tempus gubernabat ecclesiam, hanc ab imperatore deposcere, ut crescentibus fidelium populis orationum quoque crescerent domus. quamque cum acceptam uellet excolere, reperta in loco sunt antra quaedam latentia et terrae defossa latrociniis et sceleribus magis quam caerimoniis apta. igitur gentiles, qui retegi criminum suorum latebras et flagitiorum cauernas uiderent, non ferentes operta tot saeculis mala et tenebris obtecta reserari, uelut draconum calice potato insanire omnes ac palam furere coeperunt. nec uocibus iam et seditionibus, ut solebant, sed manu ferroque decertare nituntur, crebros conflictus agere in plateis belloque aperto uterque populus inter se coire. at nostri numero et potentia multo plures, sed modestia religionis minus feroces erant. ex quo frequenter nostrorum plurimis uulneratis, aliquantis etiam interfectis ad templum quasi ad arcem quandam refugiebant. quo nonnullos ex Christianis captos se cum abducentes accensis aris immolare cogebant, renitentes nouis et exquisitis suppliciis excruciatos necabant, alios patibulis adfigentes, alios confractis cruribus in speluncas praecipitantes, quas ob sacrificiorum sanguinem ceterasque inpuritates delubri recipiendas uetustas curiosa construxerat. […] missis tamen ad eos nuntiis de Romani imperii potestate, de uindicta legum et de his, quae talia solerent subsequi, commonebant, cumque loci munitio nihil aduersum uesana molientes agi nisi ui maiore sineret, res gesta ad imperatorem refertur. ille, qui ingenita mentis clementia errantes mallet emendare quam perdere, rescribit illorum quidem uindictam, quos ante aras sanguis fusus martyres fecit, non esse poscendam, in quibus dolorem interitus superauerit gloria meritorum; de cetero uero malorum causam radicesque discordiae, quae pro simulacrorum defensione ueniebant, penitus debere succidi, quibus exterminatis etiam bellorum causa pariter conquiesceret. cumque haec scripta uenissent et uelut post in-

3.26 A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History

dutias parui temporis ad audiendum uterque populus conuenisset ad templum, statim ut prima epistulae pagina reserata est, in cuius exordio uana gentilium superstitio culpabatur, clamor a nostris immensus adtollitur, stupor ac pauor gentilium populos inuadit, latebras unusquisque quaerere, angustos fugae calles rimari aut nostris se latenter immergere, ut ab omnibus, qui aderant, nosceretur Dei praesentia populo suo audaciam tribuente furorem daemonis, qui in illis prius debacchatus fuerat, effugatum. 23 Serapis apud Alexandriam templum auditum quidem omnibus puto, plerisque uero etiam notum. locus est non natura, sed manu et constructione per centum aut eo amplius gradus in sublime suspensus, quadratis et ingentibus spatiis omni ex parte distentus, […] uerum ut dicere coeperamus, rescripto recitato parati quidem erant nostrorum populi ad subuertendum erroris auctorem, persuasio tamen quaedam ab ipsis gentilibus fuerat dispersa, quod, si humana manus simulacrum illud contigisset, terra dehiscens ilico solueretur in chaos caelumque repente rueret in praeceps. quae res paululum stuporem quendam populis dabat, cum ecce unus ex militibus fide quam armis magis munitus correptam bipennem insurgens omni nisu maxillae ueteratoris inlidit. clamor adtollitur utrorumque populorum, neque tamen aut caelum ruit aut terra descendit. inde iterum atque iterum repetens, putris ligni fumosum genium caedit, quodque deiectum, igni adhibito tam facile quam lignum aridum conflagrauit. post hoc reuulsum ceruicibus et depresso modio trahitur caput, tum pedes aliaque membra caesa securibus et rapta funibus distrahuntur, ac per singula loca membratim in conspectu cultricis Alexandriae senex ueternosus exuritur. ad ultimum truncus qui superfuerat in anphitheatro concrematur uanaeque superstitionis et erroris antiqui Serapis hic finis fuit. 24 Post haec capite ipso idolatriae deiecto, studiis uigilantissimi sacerdotis quaecumque fuerant per totam Alexandriam portenta potius quam simulacra pari exitu et simili dedecore publicantur. horret animus dicere, qui miseris mortalibus laquei a daemonibus praeparati sunt, quae funera, quae scelera in illis, quae dicebant adyta, tegebantur, quot ibi infantum capita desecta inauratis labris inuenta sunt, quot miserorum cruciabiles mortes depictae. quae cum proderentur in lucem ac sub auras prolata ferrentur, licet confusione ipsa gentiles et pudore diffugerent, tamen si qui adesse potuit, mirabatur tot saeculis se illis tam nefariis et tam pudendis fraudibus inretitum. unde et plurimi ex his condemnato errore et scelere deprehenso fidem Christi et cultum uerae religionis amplexi sunt.

3.26 A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History

Source: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History 7.14-15 (Greek, mid 5th century, Constantinople) Edition: P. M AR AVAL and P. P ERICHON , Socrate de Constantinople: Histoire ecclésiastique, 4 vols. (Paris, 2004-2007) Introduction: Along with Sozomen und Theodoret, Socrates Scholasticus (after 381 – after 439) wrote a Church history modelled on, and in continuation of, the Church history by Eusebius. He was probably a layman, who lived in Constantinople. As he notes in his introduction, his teachers in Constantinople included Helladius and Ammonius, two pagans who had personally been involved in the defence of the Serapeum and therefore had to flee Alexandria. The passage

151

152

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

below is the most comprehensive and contemporary account of the murder of the philosopher Hypatia, daughter of Theon who was the last school head of the Museion in Alexandria, a research institute which probably did not survive Theophilus’ purge in Alexandria in connection to the destruction of the Serapeum. Socrates is reasonably critical of the role which Theophilus’ successor, Cyril of Alexandria, who openly hated pagan philosophy in his work Contra Iulianum, played in Hypatia’s murder. Socrates also intimates that Hypatia’s ‘philosophical knowledge in its entirety’ (not just the parts tolerated by Christians) was the reason why she fell foul of the Christian community. Further reading: M. D ZIELSK A , Hypatia of Alexandria (Cambridge, MA, 1995); E.J. WAT TS , ‘The Murder of Hypatia: Acceptable or Unacceptable Violence,’ in H.A. D R AKE (ed.), Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices (Aldershot, 2005), 333-42 See also: [3.7 Militant monks impose order in Antioch at the expense of philosophers] [3.27 Another view of the murder of Hypatia]

7.14.1 Some of the monks in the mountains of Nitria, who had a passionate faith and who had been led by Theophilus since he had unjustly armed them against the monks around Dioscorus, eagerly acquired religious zeal at that time, and devoted themselves to fight for Cyril. 2 About five hundred men therefore disbanded from their monasteries, came to the city, and waited for the prefect coming forth in his chariot. 3 They approached him, called him an idolater and a pagan, and insulted him in many other ways. 4 He suspected that this was a plot devised against him by Cyril, and proclaimed that he was a Christian, and had been baptised by Atticus the bishop at Constantinople. 5 As the monks gave but little heed to his words, one of them, Ammonius by name, hit Orestes with a stone on his head. 6 The prefect was all covered in blood from the wound, his officers withdrew with few exceptions, merging with the crowd, everyone in a different direction, and so avoided being stoned to death themselves. 7 In this situation the population of Alexandria streamed together, eager to separate the monks from the prefect. They put all the others to flight, caught Ammonius, and brought him before the prefect. 8 Subjecting him publicly to legal examination, the prefect tortured him to such an extent that he killed him. Not before long he submitted an account of the events to his superiors. Cyril did not object to the emperor. 9 However, having received Ammonius’ body and having placed it in one of the churches, he awarded him an honorary title, called him Thaumasius, “the wonderful”, and ordered him to be enrolled among the martyrs, praising his faith in the Church as one who has taken up the fight for the cause of true religion. 10 However, those with a good understanding, although they were Christians, did not welcome Cyril’s zeal concerning him. 11 For they believed that Ammonius had been punished for his rashness, and that he surely had not died under torture because he was forced to deny Christ. Cyril therefore saw to it that a veil of silence covered the affair in a short amount of time. 12 However, the terrible amount of rivalry between Cyril and Orestes did not stop at this point, but was kindled afresh by an occurrence similar to the preceding. 15.1 There was a woman at Alexandria named Hypatia. She was the daughter of the philosopher Theon. She advanced the arts and sciences to such an extent that she surpassed the

3.26 A female philosopher, Hypatia, is murdered in Alexandria: Socrates, Ecclesiastical History

philosophers of her time, succeeded to the Platonic school handed down from Plotinus, and explained philosophical knowledge in its entirety to those who were willing. Therefore, those who were willing to study philosophy from every angle gathered around her. 2 Because of her noble liberty of speech to which she was accustomed in accordance with her education, she came cautiously close to those in power and was not ashamed to be in the company of men. 3 For everyone respected and admired her all the more because of her extraordinary chastity. 4 Then envy rose up against her. For since she met Orestes more often than before, this behaviour caused hatred against her among the people of the Church, as if she was the one who did not allow Orestes to be on friendly terms with the bishop. 5 Now religiously-zealous men, who agreed with this and who were led by a certain reader named Peter, were on the lookout for that poor woman when she returned to her house from somewhere. Throwing her out of her carriage, they dragged her to the church called Caesarion, tore off her clothing, and killed her with potsherds. When they had cut her to pieces limb from limb, they took the parts of her body to a place called Cinaron, and burnt them in fire. This act brought no small amount of blame on Cyril and on the Church of Alexandria. For murder and fighting, and everything of that sort, are entirely alien to those who know Christ. 7 This happened in the fourth year of Cyril’s episcopate, under the tenth consulate of Honorius and the sixth of Theodosius, in the month of March, in the period of fasting before Easter. 14.1 Τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τῆς Νιτρίας μοναχῶν τινες ἔνθερμον ἔχοντες φρόνημα ἀπὸ Θεοφίλου ἀρξάμενοι, ὅτε αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τῶν περὶ Διόσκορον ἀδίκως ἐξώπλισε, ζῆλόν τε τότε κτησάμενοι προθύμως καὶ ὑπὲρ Κυρίλλου μάχεσθαι προῃροῦντο. 2 ἀφέμενοι οὖν τῶν μοναστηρίων ἄνδρες περὶ τοὺς πεντακοσίους καὶ καταλαβόντες τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτηροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ ὀχήματος προϊόντα τὸν ἔπαρχον, 3 καὶ προσελθόντες ἀπεκάλουν θύτην καὶ Ἕλληνα καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ περιύβριζον. 4 ὁ δὲ ὑποτοπήσας σκευωρίαν αὐτῷ παρὰ Κυρίλλου γενέσθαι ἐβόα Χριστιανός τε εἶναι καὶ ὑπὸ Ἀττικοῦ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει βεβαπτίσθαι. 5 ὡς δὲ οὐ προσεῖχον τοῖς λεγομένοις οἱ μοναχοί, εἷς τις ἐξ αὐτῶν Ἀμμώνιος ὄνομα λίθῳ βάλλει τὸν Ὀρέστην κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς. 6 καὶ πληροῦται μὲν αἵματι ὅλος ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος, ὑποχωροῦσι δὲ οἱ ταξεῶται πλὴν ὀλίγων, ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ ἐν τῷ πλήθει διαδύναντες, τὸν ἐκ τῆς βολῆς τῶν λίθων θάνατον φυλαττόμενοι. 7 ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ συνέρρεον οἱ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων δῆμοι, ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς μοναχοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐπάρχου προθυμούμενοι. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους πάντας εἰς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν, τὸν Ἀμμώνιον δὲ συλλαβόντες παρὰ τὸν ἔπαρχον ἄγουσιν· 8 ὃς δημοσίᾳ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἐξετάσει αὐτὸν ὑποβαλὼν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐβασάνισεν, ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι. οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ καὶ τὰ γενόμενα γνώριμα τοῖς κρατοῦσιν κατέστησεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Κύριλλος τὰ ἐναντία ἐγνώριζεν βασιλεῖ, 9 τοῦ δὲ Ἀμμωνίου τὸ σῶμα ἀναλαβὼν καὶ ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἀποθέμενος, ὄνομα ἕτερον αὐτῷ ἐπιθεὶς Θαυμάσιον ἐπεκάλεσεν καὶ μάρτυρα χρηματίζειν ἐκέλευσεν, ἐγκωμιάζων αὐτοῦ ἐπ’ ἐκκλησίας τὸ φρόνημα ὡς ἀγῶνα ὑπὲρ εὐσεβείας ἀνελομένου. 10 ἀλλ’ οἱ εὖ φρονοῦντες, καίπερ Χριστιανοὶ ὄντες, οὐκ ἀπεδέχοντο τὴν περὶ τούτου Κυρίλλου σπουδήν· 11 ἠπίσταντο γὰρ προπετείας δίκην δεδωκέναι τὸν Ἀμμώνιον, οὐ μὴν ἀνάγκῃ ἀρνήσεως Χριστοῦ ἐναποθανεῖν ταῖς βασάνοις. διὸ καὶ Κύριλλος κατὰ βραχὺ τῷ ἡσυχάζειν λήθην τοῦ γινομένου εἰργάσατο. 12 ἀλλ’ οὐχ ἕως τούτου ἔστη τὸ δεινὸν τῆς μεταξὺ Κυρίλλου καὶ Ὀρέστου φιλονεικίας· ἀπέσβεσε γὰρ ταύτην ἕτερόν τι ἐπισυμβὰν τοῖς φθάσασι παραπλήσιον.

153

154

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

15.1 Ἦν τις γυνὴ ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ τοὔνομα Ὑπατία. αὕτη Θέωνος μὲν τοῦ φιλοσόφου θυγάτηρ ἦν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο δὲ προὔβη παιδείας, ὡς ὑπερακοντίσαι τοὺς κατ’ αὐτὴν φιλοσόφους, τὴν δὲ Πλατωνικὴν ἀπὸ Πλωτίνου καταγομένην διατριβὴν διαδέξασθαι καὶ πάντα τὰ φιλόσοφα μαθήματα τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐκτίθεσθαι. διὸ καὶ οἱ πανταχόθεν φιλοσοφεῖν βουλόμενοι συνέτρεχον παρ’ αὐτήν. 2 διὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν αὐτῇ ἐκ τῆς παιδεύσεως σεμνὴν παρρησίαν καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν σωφρόνως εἰς πρόσωπον ἤρχετο, καὶ οὐκ ἦν τις αἰσχύνη ἐν μέσῳ ἀνδρῶν παρεῖναι αὐτήν· 3 πάντες γὰρ δι’ ὑπερβάλλουσαν σωφροσύνην πλέον αὐτὴν ᾐδοῦντο καὶ κατεπλήττοντο. 4 κατὰ δὴ ταύτης τότε ὁ φθόνος ὡπλίσατο. ἐπεὶ γὰρ συνετύγχανεν συχνότερον τῷ Ὀρέστῃ, διαβολὴν τοῦτ’ ἐκίνησε κατ’ αὐτῆς παρὰ τῷ τῆς ἐκκλησίας λαῷ, ὡς ἄρα εἴη αὕτη ἡ μὴ συγχωροῦσα τὸν Ὀρέστην εἰς φιλίαν τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ συμβῆναι. 5 καὶ δὴ συμφρονήσαντες ἄνδρες τὸ φρόνημα ἔνθερμοι, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Πέτρος τις ἀναγνώστης, ἐπιτηροῦσι τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἐπανιοῦσαν ἐπὶ οἰκίαν ποθέν, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ δίφρου ἐκβαλόντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ᾗ ἐπώνυμον Καισάριον, συνέλκουσιν, ἀποδύσαντές τε τὴν ἐσθῆτα ὀστράκοις ἀνεῖλον, καὶ μεληδὸν διασπάσαντες ἐπὶ τὸν καλούμενον Κιναρῶνα τὰ μέλη συνάραντες πυρὶ κατανήλωσαν. 6 τοῦτο οὐ μικρὸν μῶμον Κυρίλλῳ καὶ τῇ Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίᾳ εἰργάσατο· ἀλλότριον γὰρ παντελῶς τῶν φρονούντων τὰ Χριστοῦ φόνοι καὶ μάχαι καὶ τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια. 7 καὶ ταῦτα πέπρακται τῷ τετάρτῳ ἔτει τῆς Κυρίλλου ἐπισκοπῆς ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ὁνωρίου τὸ δέκατον καὶ Θεοδοσίου τὸ ἕκτον ἐν μηνὶ Μαρτίῳ νηστειῶν οὐσῶν.

3.27 Another view of the murder of Hypatia: Damascius, Life of Isidore

Source: Suda, s.v. Hypatia, Y166 I.4 644-5 A DLER = Damascius fr. 163-4 Z INT ZEN (Greek, 6th/10th century) Edition: C. Z INT ZEN , Damascius: Vitae Isidori reliquiae (Hildesheim, 1967); A. A DLER , Suidae Lexicon, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1928–35) Introduction: The extracts below are taken from the Byzantine encylopedic work Suda. As it stands, the work was completed in the 10th century. This does not, however, mean that the Suda is unreliable. On the contrary, most of the texts included there were originally compiled in the sixth century. Even these sixth-century compilations were drawn from earlier texts, which are no longer extant today. In the case of the article on Hypatia, the source has been identified as Damascius’ Life of Isidore, the biographical account of a Neoplatonic philosopher. Damascius (c. 462 – after 538) was the last school head of the Neoplatonic Academy in Athens until the Academy was shut down by Emperor Justinian, and Damascius was forced to flee to Persia in 529. The account below, although potentially cleansed by Christian scribes, is therefore the only one extant of Hypatia, written by a pagan. It is interesting to note that Damascius puts greater emphasis, than Socrates above, on Cyril’s role in Hypatia’s murder and her knowledge in astronomy justifying this. Further reading: E.J. WAT TS , Hypatia: The Life and Legend of an Ancient Philosopher (Oxford, 2017); J.M. R IST, ‘Hypatia,’ Phoenix 19 (1965), 214-25 See also: [3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge]

3.27 Another view of the murder of Hypatia: Damascius, Life of Isidore

Hypatia: daughter of Theon, the Alexandrian philosopher who taught geometry; she was also a philosopher herself and widely known. She was the wife of Isidorus the philosopher. She flourished during the reign of the emperor Arcadius. She wrote a commentary on Diophantus, an astronomical canon, and a commentary on the Conic Sections of Apollonius. She herself was torn to pieces by the Alexandrians, her body suffered outrage and was scattered throughout the entire city. She suffered this because of envy and her extraordinary wisdom, particularly with regard to the field of astronomy. Some say that this was devised by Cyril, others say that this happened because of the arrogant, seditious disposition of the Alexandrians. For they did this also to many of their own bishops. Just look at Georgius and Proterius. […] Because Hypatia was like this, both skilled and logical in her words, and intelligent and political in her deeds, one part of the city welcomed her, as was to be expected, and variously adored her, and the currently-appointed magistrates of the city were the first to resort to her, as it continued to happen also in Athens. For even if the occupation of philosophy had been destroyed, its name still seemed to be magnificent and admirable to those who had the most prominent roles in politics. Now it happened that at some point in time Cyril, who was bishop of the hostile school, passed by the house of Hypatia and saw a great disputation carried out in front of the doors, ‘a gathering of men and horses’ (Hom. Il. 21.16), some arriving, some leaving, and some standing by. He asked what kind of crowd this was, and why various opinions were being voiced in front of the house, and was instructed by her followers that this was a public address by the philosopher Hypatia and that this was her house. Realising this, his soul was hurt so much that he soon plotted a murder against her, the most unholy of all murders. When she was going out as she was accustomed to do, many beastlike persons attacked her at once, truly merciless people, who recognised neither the vengeance of the gods nor the wrath of human beings, killed the philosopher and therefore brought the greatest guilt and disgrace on their fatherland. The emperor would have been angry at this, if Aedesius had not been bribed. He suspended the prosecution of the murderers, but drew this on himself and his family, and his offspring paid the penalty. 166 Ὑπατία: ἡ Θέωνος τοῦ γεωμέτρου θυγάτηρ, τοῦ Ἀλεξανδρέως φιλοσόφου, καὶ αὐτὴ φιλόσοφος καὶ πολλοῖς γνώριμος· γυνὴ Ἰσιδώρου τοῦ φιλοσόφου. ἤκμασεν ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας Ἀρκαδίου. ἔγραψεν ὑπόμνημα εἰς Διόφαντον, τὸν ἀστρονομικὸν Κανόνα, εἰς τὰ Κωνικὰ Ἀπολλωνίου ὑπόμνημα. αὕτη διεσπάσθη παρὰ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων, καὶ τὸ σῶμα αὐτῆς ἐνυβρισθὲν καθ’ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν διεσπάρη. τοῦτο δὲ πέπονθε διὰ φθόνον καὶ τὴν ὑπερβάλλουσαν σοφίαν, καὶ μάλιστα εἰς τὰ περὶ ἀστρονομίαν· ὡς μέν τινες ὑπὸ Κυρίλλου, ὡς δέ τινες διὰ τὸ ἔμφυτον τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων θράσος καὶ στασιῶδες. πολλοῖς γὰρ καὶ τῶν κατ’ αὐτοὺς ἐπισκόπων τοῦτο ἐποίησαν· τὸν Γεώργιον σκόπει καὶ τὸν Προτέριον. […] οὕτω δὲ ἔχουσαν τὴν Ὑπατίαν, ἔν τε τοῖς λόγοις οὖσαν ἐντρεχῆ καὶ διαλεκτικὴν ἔν τε τοῖς ἔργοις ἔμφρονά τε καὶ πολιτικήν, ἥ τε ἄλλη πόλις εἰκότως ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ προσεκύνει διαφερόντως, οἵ τε ἄρχοντες ἀεὶ προχειριζόμενοι τῆς πόλεως ἐφοίτων πρῶτοι πρὸς αὐτήν, ὡς καὶ Ἀθήνησι διετέλει γινόμενον. εἰ γὰρ καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀπόλωλεν, ἀλλὰ τό γε ὄνομα φιλοσοφίας ἔτι μεγαλοπρεπές τε καὶ ἀξιάγαστον εἶναι ἐδόκει τοῖς μεταχειριζομένοις τὰ πρῶτα τῆς πολιτείας. ἤδη γοῦν ποτε συνέβη τὸν ἐπισκοποῦντα τὴν

155

156

3. The Road to Christendom: Christianity from Theodosius to the Fall of Rome (379-476)

ἀντικειμένην αἵρεσιν Κύριλλον, παριόντα διὰ τοῦ οἴκου τῆς Ὑπατίας, ἰδεῖν πολὺν ὠθισμὸν ὄντα πρὸς ταῖς θύραις, ἐπιμὶξ ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων, τῶν μὲν προσιόντων, τῶν δὲ ἀπιόντων, τῶν δὲ καὶ προσισταμένων. ἐρωτήσαντα δὲ ὅ τι εἴη τὸ πλῆθος καὶ περὶ οὗ κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν ὁ θόρυβος, ἀκοῦσαι παρὰ τῶν ἑπομένων, ὅτι προσαγορεύοιτο νῦν ἡ φιλόσοφος Ὑπατία καὶ ἐκείνης εἶναι τὴν οἰκίαν. μαθόντα δὴ οὕτω δηχθῆναι τὴν ψυχήν, ὥστε φόνον αὐτῇ ταχέως ἐπιβουλεῦσαι, πάντων φόνων ἀνοσιώτατον. προελθούσῃ γὰρ κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ἐπιθέμενοι πολλοὶ ἀθρόοι θηριώδεις ἄνθρωποι, ὡς ἀληθῶς σχέτλιοι, οὔτε θεῶν ὄπιν εἰδότες οὔτ’ ἀνθρώπων νέμεσιν ἀναιροῦσι τὴν φιλόσοφον, ἄγος τοῦτο μέγιστον καὶ ὄνειδος προστρεψάμενοι τῇ πατρίδι. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἠγανάκτησεν ἐπὶ τούτῳ, εἰ μὴ Αἰδέσιος ἐδωροδοκήθη. καὶ τῶν μὲν σφαγέων ἀφείλετο τὴν ποινήν, ἐφ’ ἑαυτὸν δὲ καὶ γένος τὸ ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ ταύτην ἐπεσπάσατο, καὶ ἐξέπλησε δίκην ὁ τούτου ἔκγονος.

3.27 Another view of the murder of Hypatia: Damascius, Life of Isidore

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751) Unwelcome guests The fourth century witnessed ever greater migration movements and invasions into the territory of the Roman Empire, a process that culminated in the end of the western half of the empire in 476. These Germanic invaders were looking for a better life, but also for pillage and plunder. This does not mean that Germanic outsiders were always unwelcome. It was, on the contrary, Roman imperial policy to invite Germanic people to serve in the army, allowing a number of newcomers to rise through the ranks. While emperors were increasingly concerned with protecting the borders, they also allowed whole tribes to settle within Roman territory as foederati. While these methods of conflict management were temporarily successful, the increasing number of Germanic people within Roman territory also meant an increasing process of internal fragmentation. Roman views on the Germanic invaders were therefore predominantly negative, and these negative views were further reinforced by the fact that many Germanic tribes were Christianised in the mid-to-late fourth century, at a time when the Arian branch of Christianity was dominant in the Roman Empire. Latin sources describe Germanic invaders such as the Vandals in North Africa, or the Huns, as outright barbaric and extremely violent, interpreting their role within God’s creation as that of a scourge, especially since Germanic tribes of Arian belief tended to extirpate the remains of Nicene (‘Catholic’) Christianity that was coveted by the indigenous Romanised population. [. The desecration of Churches and the execution of Clerics during the Vandal conquest of Africa] [. The Persians and the Huns as a divine scourge] Although the use of literacy is attested for the new emerging Germanic kingdoms, and a transliteration invented to reproduce Gothic language [. Omitting a warlike book to discourage warlike tendencies], there is no corrective account of events extant today to challenge this tendentious view from the Catholic upper echelons of society of the previous Roman Empire. Banishing demons and spreading the gospel The literature extant from this time period, that is the transitional period from the end of the Roman Empire to the emergence of Germanic successor states, is largely dominated by hagiographical accounts highlighting Roman Catholic efforts to convert the remaining pagan population of Europe and beyond. The main literary strategy is to interpret God’s influence in the world as almighty and, in so doing, to demonstrate that Christianity is the true religion – a strategy which had been deployed to convert the pagan Roman Empire since the onset of Christianity. The narratives included in these hagiographical accounts are sometimes near contemporary to the events they describe and sometimes purely legendary. [. Saint Patrick confronts the magicians] At any rate, all such narratives heavily rely on a number of set lit-

157

158

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

erary topoi. Nevertheless, their discourses of violence reveal the same patterns as those which can be appreciated in authentic documents from this period of time. [. The plague as God’s punishment] [. Red blood on white garments: the slaughter of the newly baptized] The Church and public order Despite this problematic and fragmented state of our sources, some patterns of conflict management emerge for the post-Roman successor states. For example, charismatic holy men came up in the Germanic successor states in similar ways as in the Byzantine world of the east, but particularly in the west they were not always canonised as saints, but could instead be viewed as heretics, suggesting that the Christian community was strongly centred around the bishop. [. A bishop confronts a violent holy man in Merovingian Tours] Jews did likewise enjoy a smaller degree of freedom of religion than in the Roman Empire. [. The forced conversion of Jews by Avitus of Clermont] Martyrs and saints of the ancient past, on the other hand, continued to attract common belief in their accompanying powers to work miracles, and cure diseases. [. The vengeance of the martyr Pancratius] [. A thief is rescued from a stern judge] These discourses of supernatural powers attached to the idea of martyrdom therefore gave rise to new concepts and perspectives within which to achieve martyrdom in a world where persecutions of Christians were nothing more than the memory of a long gone past. [. A virgin’s valour in the face of force] [. Red, white and blue martyrdom in early medieval Ireland] [. Miracle cures at the grave of a royal martyr] Struggling with the flesh: asceticism and monasticism Before the rise of Christianity, some philosophical schools of antiquity, such as the Cynics and Pythagoreans, had led a quasi-ascetic lifestyle. Christian monasticism and asceticism emerged in Egypt in the late third century, when Antony, a pioneer of asceticism, flourished, whose Life is written by Athanasius, himself a champion of the Nicene faith who frequently suffered exile for his beliefs. Antony’s spiritual teaching, of suppressing one’s own sexuality and evil thoughts through a number of mental techniques, became the cornerstone for the emerging monastic communities. His spiritual life in the desert consisted in fighting the demons, often associated with wealth, sexuality and paganism. He provided miracle-healing through exorcism and so encouraged conversion. [. Battling demons in the desert] Monks and ascetics were often uneducated and, like Antony, despised classical education and the wisdom of this world. John Cassian (360–435) was himself an ascetic, influenced by Antony and by his patron John Chrysostom, and relocated first to Rome and later to Marseilles. He imported many of the ideas of Egyptian asceticism to the west, where monastic communities developed similarly. For example, monks were aloof from family relations. [. ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son] Prudentius, a famous Christian poet of Spanish origin, who versified the battle in the soul of men, fought between virtues and opposing vices, adopted this ascetic concept that circulated in the west through John Cassian’s writing. To Prudentius, the final allegorical battle of the Church was against ‘heresy’ as a movement tearing apart the unity of the Church. [. The battle of the church against ‘heresy’]

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Monastic life became increasingly regulated in the centuries leading up to the Middle Ages. Monasticism further developed to be based on strict hierarchies, punishment and obedience [. Day to day physical punishment in the Rule of Columbanus], and self-inflicted pain, celebrated in the Lives of Saints. [. The extremity of asceticism: Baradatus lives in a box] [. Self-mortification and the power to heal] A prime task of monks in the transitional period from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages was to use these mental and structural techniques in their paramilitary service of removing the visual remains of paganism, associated with the evil thoughts they were trained to expel. [. Monks fighting the devil in the desert] Justinian’s religious policies The former two parts of the Roman Empire were again reunited when Emperor Justinian (527565) managed to reconquer parts of the lost territory in the west. It is interesting to note that this reconquest itself was staged as part of his overall effort to enforce orthodoxy throughout the empire, that is to take back control of territories that had came under Germanic-Arian rule during the preceding two centuries. [. Reconquest justified in the name of true religion and political liberty] Nevertheless, this effort to enforce orthodoxy also gave rise to brutal actions against pagans, surpassing previous imperial efforts to convert pagans. These actions include a general ban on pagan teachers and any teaching opposed to the orthodox faith [. Defining, prohibiting and punishing heresy by law] [. The emperor Justinian bans pagan teaching and philosophy], the search for, and destruction of, pagan books [. Inquisitions under Justinian and the burning of pagan literature], and the deployment of holy men to build monasteries and destroy the remains of paganism in its remaining strongholds. [. The miraculous survival of a mason thrown from on high by Satan] The contemporary view on Justinian was therefore ambiguous: no doubt a successful ruler, but also a brutal tyrant who did not hesitate to murder his subjects. [. Justinian – fair or foul? Two opinions, one author]

159

160

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Unwelcome guests: Alaric the Goth, Geiseric the Vandal, and Attila the Hun 4.1 The desecration of churches and the execution of clerics during the Vandal conquest of Africa: Victor of Vita, History of the Vandal Persecutions, book 1

Source: Victor of Vita, History of the Vandal Persecution 1.4-6 (Latin, late 5th century, North Africa) Edition: M. P ETSCHENIG , Victor episcopus Vitensis: Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae, CSEL 7 (Vienna, 1881) Introduction: Victor (c. 430 – after 490) was bishop of Vita in the province of Byzacena in Africa. He wrote the History of the Vandal Persecution at around 490 in order to provide a narrative of the Vandal regime in North Africa from the perspective of the old Roman upper classes that found their common cultural root in their Nicene faith. Like most of the Germanic invaders of the fifth century, the Vandals were converted to Christianity in the mid-fourth century, at a time when the Arian version of Christianity found the official support of Roman emperors, and Nicene clerics often themselves in exile. Victor’s account of the events, which is our main source for the history of the Vandals (who have not left themselves any historical account), is therefore heavily biased, and the narratives of the martyrdoms suffered are often based on literary topoi liberally drawn from martyr acts. It nevertheless appears that the Vandals were more interested than most other Germanic invaders in replacing the old upper strata of society with an Arian elite. Further reading: P. H EATHER , The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (Oxford, 2006) See also: [3.11 A trial over religious deviance ends in execution]

1.4 In particular, they raged in the churches and basilicas of the saints, in cemeteries and monasteries atrociously enough to burn houses of prayer with fires greater than those they used against the cities and all the towns. When they happened to find the doors of a venerable church closed they competed with each other to open up a way with the strokes of their axes, so that thereupon it could rightly be said: ‘They broke its gates in pieces with their axes as if they were in a forest of trees, they cast it down with axe and hatchet: they set your sanctuary on fire: they cast the tabernacle of your name to the ground and polluted it.’ (Ps 73:5-7 Vulg.) 5 How many distinguished bishops and noble priests were killed by them at that time with different kinds of punishments, as they were told to hand over any gold and silver they had as their own property or that of the Church! And when their possessions were handed over too easily under coercion and punishment, they inflicted cruel tortures a second time on those who had produced something, alleging that they had produced some part but not the whole. And the more a person gave, the more they believed that they still had more.

4.2 The Persians and the Huns as a divine scourge: Isidore of Seville, History of the Goths, 28-29

6 They forced others to keep their mouths open by using mouth gags with metal nails, and inserted stinking excrement into their throats in order to extract a confession about the money. Some they tortured by stretching their front body and shins until one could hear their muscles break apart. They mostly offered sea water, to others vinegar, the lees of olive oil, fish sauce and many other cruel foods, while full wine skins were mercilessly placed near their mouths. Neither the weaker sex, nor regard for nobility, nor reverence for the priesthood softened their cruel hearts; on the contrary, when they noticed any honourable behaviour of officeholders, the wrath of their fury was therefore increased. 1.4 Praesertim in ecclesiis basilicisque sanctorum, cymiteriis uel monasteriis sceleratius saeuiebant, ut maioribus incendiis domos orationis magis quam urbes cunctaque oppida concremarent. ubi forte uenerabilis aulae clausas reppererant portas, certatim ictibus dextralium aditum reserabant, ut recte tunc diceretur: quasi in silua lignorum securibus consciderunt ianuas eius in id ipsum, in securi et ascia deiecerunt eam incenderunt igni sanctuarium tuum; in terra polluerunt tabernaculum nominis tui. 5 Quanti tunc ab eis praeclari pontifices et nobiles sacerdotes diuersis poenarum generibus extincti sunt, ut traderent si quid auri uel argenti proprium uel ecclesiasticum haberent! et dum, quae erant, urguentibus poenis facilius ederentur, iterum crudelibus tormentis oblatores urguebant, autumantes quandam partem, non totum oblatum; et quanto plus dabatur, tanto amplius quempiam habere credebant. 6 Aliis palorum uectibus ora reserantes fetidum caenum ob confessionem pecuniae faucibus ingerebant, nonnullos in frontibus et tibiis neruis remugientibus torquendo cruciabant; plerumque aquam marinam, aliis acetum, amurcam liquamenque et alia multa atque crudelia, tamquam utribus inbutis, ore adpositis sine misericordia porrigebant. non infirmior sexus, non consideratio nobilitatis, non reuerentia sacerdotalis crudeles animos mitigabat; sed quin immo ibi exaggerabatur ira furoris, ubi honorem conspexerant dignitatis.

4.2 The Persians and the Huns as a divine scourge: Isidore of Seville, History of the Goths, 28-29

Source: Isidore of Seville, History of the Goths, second redaction 28-29 (Latin, early 7th century, Spain) Edition: MGH Auct. ant. 11:278-9 Introduction: Isidore (c. 560 – 636), bishop of Seville, stands at the intersection of ancient and medieval cultures. Some of his works exerted a great deal of influence on the Early Middle Ages. Isidore himself had witnessed the slow transition of the Visigothic Empire from Arianism to Catholicism, and the enforced conversions and expulsions of Jews. His work is designed to sell Catholicism as the only true way for all of the Visigothic Empire, and the Visigoths themselves as God’s chosen people who had rightfully taken over from Roman rule. In so doing, he assigns a different eschatological significance to the other Germanic invaders.

161

162

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Further reading: J. W OOD, ‘Religiones and gentes in Isidore of Seville’s Chronica maiora: The Visigoths as a Chosen People,’ in W. P OHL and G. H EYDEMANN (ed.), Post-Roman Transitions: Christian and Barbarian Identities in the Early Medieval West (Turnhout, 2013), 125-68 See also: [3.23 A defence of Rome’s military downfall]

28 […] It is worth noting that, while every battle is damaging to the peoples involved, the Huns actually served a purpose when they mutually killed each other. This is because they are destined for the discipline of the faithful, just like the nation of the Persians. 29 For they are the rod of the wrath of God, and as often as his indignation went forth against the faithful, he punished them through the Huns, so that, chastened by the attacks of the Huns, the faithful would force themselves away from the desire of this world and from sin, and seize the inheritance of the heavenly kingdom. […] 28 […] in quibus mirum illud est, ut, dum omne proelium detrimentum habeat populorum, isti uice uersa cadendo proficient: sed proinde, quia in disciplina fidelium positi sunt, sicut populus gentis Persarum. 29 uirga enim furoris Dei sunt et, quotiens indignatio eius aduersus fideles procedit. per eos flagellantur, ut eorum adflictionibus emendati a saeculi cupiditate et peccato semet ipsos coerceant et caelestis regni hereditatem possideant.

Banishing demons and spreading the gospel 4.3

Omitting a warlike book to discourage warlike tendencies: Philostorgius, Ecclesiastical History

Source: Photius, Epitome of Philostorgius’ Ecclesiastical History 2.5 (Greek, original: early 5th century, epitome: 9th century) Edition: J. B IDEZ and F. W INKELMANN , Philostorgius: Kirchengeschichte, 3rd ed., GCS (Berlin, 1981) Introduction: Philostorgius (c. 368 – c. 439) was a Church historian, who was leaning towards the radical branch of Arianism represented by Eunomius of Cyzikus whom he had met personally and whose teachings were banned by Emperor Theodosius. Because of their Arian character, the works of Philostorgius are generally no longer extant, but Patriarch Photius of Constantinople in the ninth century was able to epitomise from a lost text of the original Church history extracts which have therefore survived to give an outline of the Arian controversy. The passage below provides unique evidence that the Arian bishop Wulfila (Urphilas) omitted the books of kings from the Gothic translation of the bible because of their military character. The Gothic version of the bible is the only known work written in the Gothic language. Because of its Arian character, the Gothic king Reccared ordered all copies of this text to be destroyed

4.4 The plague as God’s punishment: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.1

when the Visigothic kingdom of Toledo turned from Arianism to Catholicism, and the original text has therefore not survived. Further reading: C. FALLUOMINI , The Gothic Version of the Gospels and Pauline Epistles: Cultural Background, Transmission and Character (Berlin, 2015) See also: [3.16 The tomb of the martyrs is like a warrior camp]

2.5 […] Now this Urphilas was the leader of the Gothic expedition of pious persons, and became their first bishop. He was appointed under the following circumstances: having been sent out by the person who had authority over the Gothic pagans at the time of the emperor Constantine, as part of an embassy along with others (for that barbarian tribe in that area had been subjected to the emperor), he was ordained bishop of the newly converted Christians among the Goths, by Eusebius and the other bishops that were with him. He took care of everything else pertaining to them and, having invented a written form of their native language, translated into their mother tongue all the holy Scriptures, except for the Books of Kings, seeing that these contained a history of wars, and that their tribe was fond of war and therefore in want of forcible constraints on, rather than of incitements to, their desire for battle. These very books, however, have the power to do that which is regarded as particularly worthy of admiration and as a training in obedience to the worship of God. […] 2.5 […] ὁ τοίνυν Οὐρφίλας οὗτος καθηγήσατο τῆς ἐξόδου τῶν εὐσεβῶν, ἐπίσκοπος αὐτῶν πρῶτος καταστάς. κατέστη δὲ ὧδε· παρὰ τοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπὶ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων εἰς πρεσβείαν σὺν ἄλλοις ἀποσταλείς (καὶ γὰρ καὶ τὰ τῇδε βάρβαρα ἔθνη ὑπεκέκλιτο τῷ βασιλεῖ), ὑπὸ Εὐσεβίου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐπισκόπων χειροτονεῖται τῶν ἐν τῇ Γετικῇ χριστιανιζόντων· καὶ τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῶν ἐπεμελεῖτο καὶ γραμμάτων αὐτοῖς οἰκείων εὑρετὴς καταστάς, μετέφρασεν εἰς τὴν αὐτῶν φωνὴν τὰς γραφὰς ἁπάσας, πλήν γε δὴ τῶν Βασιλειῶν, ἅτε τῶν μὲν πολέμων ἱστορίαν ἐχουσῶν, τοῦ δὲ ἔθνους ὄντος φιλοπολέμου καὶ δεομένου μᾶλλον χαλινοῦ τῆς ἐπὶ τὰς μάχας ὁρμῆς, ἀλλ’ οὐχὶ τοῦ πρὸς ταῦτα παροξύνοντος. ὅπερ ἰσχὺν ἔχει ταῦτα ποιεῖν, σεβάσμιά τε μάλιστα νομιζόμενα καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ θείου θεραπείαν τοὺς πειθομένους καταρυθμίζοντα. […]

4.4 The plague as God’s punishment: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.1

Source: Gregory of Tours, Ten Books of Histories 10.1 (Latin, late 6th century, France) Edition: MGH SS rer. Merov. 1.1:479-80 (oratio Gregorii papae ad plebem) Introduction: Gregory of Tours (538 – 594) was a Gallo-Roman aristocrat, bishop and historian. His Ten Books of Histories from the beginning of the world to his present day give a universal history in which the Franks take centre stage and which is therefore the main contemporary source for the early history of the Franks. The grammar of his Latin often departs from classical usage. The passage below reproduces the speech Gregory the Great gave at the occasion of an outbreak of the plague in Rome in the winter of 589–90, shortly before Gregory became pope.

163

164

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Since earthly medicines had failed, Gregory the Great regarded the plague as an affliction sent deliberately by God, illustrating the general feeling of the late sixth century that the end of the world might be near. Further reading: Th.F.X. N OBLE , ‘Gregory of Tours and the Roman Church,’ in K. M ITCHELL and I. W OOD (ed.), Gregory of Tours and his World (Leiden, 2002), 145-61; W. P OHL , ‘The Empire and the Lombards: Treaties and Negotiations in the Sixth Century,’ in W. P OHL (ed.), Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 1997), 75-133 See also: [3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation]

10.1 […] It is the right thing to do, my dearly beloved brothers, that we at least fear those scourges of God which are present and known to us, when we must fear them even if they are still to come. Let our pain open the door to conversion, and let that very punishment that we suffer dissolve that hardening of our hearts, as was foretold by the testimony of the prophet: “The sword reaches unto the soul” (Jer 4:10). Behold, for my entire people is struck by the sword of heavenly wrath, and everyone of them is devastated by sudden slaughter. Faintness does not precede their deaths, but death comes before that period of faintness, as you can see. Everyone struck with the disease is snatched away from us before they can repent and bewail their sins. Weigh carefully, therefore, in what state they appear before our stern judge, if they did not have the time to deplore what they did. Our residents are taken from us not one at a time, but collapse together. Houses are left empty, parents witness the funerals of their children, their heirs overtake them on their journey to death. Let everyone of us therefore take refuge in bewailing and repenting our sins, as long as there is time to wail before we are struck down. Let us review, before our spiritual eye, what we have done in error, and let us avenge, through tears, what we have carried out wickedly. […] Because the sword of this dire punishment is therefore hanging over us, let us press on in shedding reckless tears. For this very recklessness, which is wont to be unwelcome to human beings, is pleasing to the judgment of truth because the pious and merciful God wants us to call for his mercy through prayers, but does not want to be angry with us, however much we deserve it. He therefore tells us through the psalmist: “Call upon me in the day of trouble; I shall rescue you, and you will glorify me.” (Ps 49:15) He thus bears witness of himself that he desires to have mercy on those who call upon him, and admonishes us to call upon him. Therefore, my dearly beloved brothers, with our hearts crushed and our works corrected, let us come together, as day dawns on the Wednesday of this week, to devote our minds to tears, in the order of the sevenfold litanies designated below. Let us pray that when the stern judge recognises that we ourselves punish our sins, he may spare us from this sentence of damnation which he has proposed for us. […] 10.1 […] Oportet, fratres karissimi, ut flagella Dei, quae metuere uentura debuemus, saltim praesentia et experta timeamus. conuersionis nobis aditum dolor aperiat, et cordis nostri duritiam ipsa quam patimur poena dissoluat; ut enim profeta teste praedictum est, “peruenit gladius usque ad animam.” ecce! etenim cuncta plebs caelestis irae mucrone percutitur, et repentina singuli caede uastantur; nec langor mortem

4.5 A Christian evangelist destroys pagan religious artefacts

praeuenit, sed langoris moras, ut cernitis, mors praecurrit. percussus quisque ante rapitur, quam ad lamenta paenitentiae conuertatur. pensate ergo, qualis ad conspectum districti Iudicis peruenit, cui non uacat flere quod fecit. habitatores quique non ex parte subtrahuntur, sed pariter corruunt; domus uacuae relinquuntur, filiorum funera parentes aspiciunt, et sui eos ad interitum heredes praecedunt. unusquisque ergo nostrum ad paenitentiae lamenta confugiat, dum flere ante percussionem uacat. reuocemus ante oculos mentis, quicquid errando commisimus, et quod nequiter egimus, flendo puniamus. […] imminente ergo tantae animaduersionis gladio, nos inportunis fletibus insistamus. ea namque, quae ingrata esse hominibus inportunitas solet, iudicio ueritatis placet, quia pius ac misericors Deus uult a se praecibus ueniam exigi, qui quantum meremur non uult irasci. hinc etenim per psalmistam dicit: “inuoca me in die tribulationis tuae et eripiam te, et magnificabis me.” ipse ergo sibi testes est, quia inuocantibus miserere desiderat, qui ammonet, ut inuocetur. proinde, fratres karissimi, contrito corde et correctis operibus, ab ipso feriae quartae dilucolo septiformis laetaniae iuxta distributionem inferius designatam deuota ad lacrimas mente ueniamus, ut districtus iudex, cum culpas nostras nos punire considerat, ipse a sententia propositae damnationis parcat. […]

4.5 A Christian evangelist destroys pagan religious artefacts: Jonas of Bobbio, Life of Columbanus and Life of Vedast

Source: Jonas, Life of Columbanus 1.27, Life of Vedast 7 (Latin, mid 7th century) Edition: MGH SS rer. Germ. 37:213-14, 315-16 Introduction: Jonas of Bobbio (c. 600 – after 659) was a monk and hagiographer. He entered the monastery of Bobbio in 618, became secretary of Abbot Attalus and later of Abbot Bertulf who commissioned from him, in the early 640s, a hagiographical account of Columbanus, who was the founder of the monastery and also acted as missionary to the Irish. Since Columbanus had died in 615, Jonas asserted he based his account on eye-witness reports. A few years earlier Jonas wrote the Life of Vedast, the first Frankish Bishop of Arras, while assisting with missionary work among the pagans in what is now Belgium and northern France. Both holy men, Columbanus and Vedas, are believed to have worked a magic trick involving an exploding vessel. The two accounts are so close that it is likely that Jonas made liberal use of literary topoi and standard narrative patterns to impress his target audience. Further reading: I.N. W OOD, The Missionary Life: Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe, 400-1050 (Harlow, 2001), 33-5 See also: [3.9 A Christian saint fells pagan trees]

165

166

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Life of Columbanus

1.27 While he was staying there and was travelling around the inhabitants of that place, he found that they wanted to offer a profane sacrifice, and that a large vessel, which they commonly call a barrel and which could hold forty gallons more or less, was placed in their middle full of beer. The man of God approached it and asked what they wanted to happen about it. They said they wanted to pour a libation to their God, Wodan by name, whom others, as they themselves say, call Mercury. Upon hearing about their pernicious work, he blew on the vessel, and miraculously the vessel dissolved with a bang and broke for no apparent reason, and a sudden force burst out along with the liquid of beer, and a proof was provided with which to understand that hidden in the vessel was the devil, whose intention it was to catch the souls of those offering the sacrifice through profane liquid. When the barbarians saw this, they were astonished and said that the man of God had a very strong breath, capable of dissolving the vessel that was secured with cords. Having chastised them with gospel words prescribing that they should refrain from these sacrifices, he ordered them to return to their homes. Many of them were from this time onwards converted to the faith of Christ by the blessed man’s advice and doctrine, and received baptism. Others, who were still detained by their profane error, although already washed off in the font, he led back to the worship of the evangelical doctrine with his admonitions, as a good pastor at the bosom of the Church. 1.27 quo cum moraretur et inter habitatores loci illius progrederetur, repperit eos sacrificium profanum litare velle, vasque magnum, quem uulgo cupam uocant, qui XX modia amplius minusue capiebat, ceruisa plenum in medio positum. ad quem uir Dei accessit sciscitaturque, quid de illo fieri uellint. illi aiunt se Deo suo Vodano nomine, quem Mercurium, ut alii aiunt, autumant, uelle litare. ille pestiferum opus audiens, uas insufflat, miroque modo uas cum fragore dissoluitur et per frustra diuiditur, uisque rapida cum ligore ceruisae prorumpit; manifesteque datur intellegi diabolum in eo vase fuisse occultatum, qui per profanum ligorem caperet animas sacrificantum. Videntes barbari, stupefacti aiunt magnum uirum Dei habere anhelitum, qui sic possit dissoluere uas ligaminibus munitum; castigatusque euangelicis dictis, ut ab his segregarentur sacrificiis, domibus redire imperat. multique eorum tunc per beati uiri suasum vel doctrinam ad Christi fidem conuersi, baptismum sunt consecuti; aliosque, quos iam lauacro ablutus error detinebat profanes, ad cultum euangelicae doctrinae monitis suis ut bonus pastor ecclesiae sinibus reducebat.

Life of Vedast

7 As a result [of the barrel bursting] the king was struck by the miracle and the whole band of noblemen asked what the cause of the event was, and that he should tell them openly. The venerable man Vedast said to him: “O king, glory of your Franks, you can see how cunning the astuteness of diabolic delusion is in deceiving the souls of human beings. For what do you think has been the prediction of the demons here, who try and subject to eternal death through this liquor of beer the hearts of the unfaithful, suffocated by prevarication, although

4.6

Red blood on white garments: the slaughter of the newly baptised

the art of the demon is now driven out and put to flight by divine strength? You all need to know how Christians learn to take refuge in the wholesome medicines of true faith and strive with every effort to let go these superstitions of the pagans.” As a result, he brought many who were present to salvation, for many therefore took refuge in the grace of baptism and bowed their necks to holy religion. 7 unde rex miraculo perculsus ac omnes procerum caterua sciscitare, quid gestae rei causa fuerit, et sibi in propatulo narraret. cui uenerandus uir Vedastus ait: “O rex, tuorum decus Francorum, caernere potes, quanta sit diabolicae fraudis astutia ad animas hominum decipiendas. nam quam putas hic demonum fuisse coniecturam, quae per hunc ligorem ceruisae corda infidelium, praeuaricationem suffocata, aeterne mortis subdere studerent, sed nunc uirtute diuina pulsata ac effugata demonis arte? scire cunctis necessarium est, qualiter ad salubria medicamenta uere fidei Christiani descant confugire et has superstitiones gentilium omni nisu studeant pretermittere.” quae causa multis qui aderant profuit ad salutem; nam multi ex hoc ad gratiam baptismi confugerunt ac sanctae relegionis colla submiserunt.

4.6

Red blood on white garments: the slaughter of the newly baptised: Saint Patrick, Letter to Coroticus

Source: Patrick, Letter to Coroticus 2-4 (Latin, 5th century) Edition: R.P.C. H ANSON , C. B L ANC, Saint Patrick: Confession et Lettre à Coroticus, SC 249 (Paris, 1978) Introduction: Along with the Confession, the letter to Coroticus is generally considered an authentic work by Patrick (c. 400 – c. 460 or 493), who was the main missionary to the Irish. Patrick wrote the letter to Coroticus while he was bishop in Ireland. Coroticus was a British warlord who had kidnapped and killed many of Patrick’s Christian converts (neophytes, i.e. newly baptised). In this letter Patrick excludes Coroticus from the fellowship of ‘the holy Romans’ (sancti Romani), i.e. from Christian communion, assigning him instead to the realm of the devil, something that emphasises the union of Romanitas and Christianitas. Further reading: E.A. THOMPSON , ‘St. Patrick and Coroticus,’ The Journal of Theological Studies 31 (1980), 12-27 See also: [4.7 Saint Patrick confronts the magicians]

2 With my own hand I have written and composed these words, to be given, delivered, and sent to the soldiers of Coroticus – I do not say, to my fellow citizens, or to citizens of the holy Romans, but to citizens of the demons, because of their evil works. Like our enemies, they live in death, allies of the Scots and the apostate Picts. As bloody people, they are bloodthirsty for the blood of innocent Christians whom I have produced in great number for God and confirmed in Christ!

167

168

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

3 The day after the neophytes were anointed with chrism in white garments – the fragrance was still on their foreheads when they were cruelly slaughtered and sacrificed with the sword by the above-mentioned people – I sent a letter through a holy priest, whom I had taught from his childhood, and other clerics, asking them to grant us some of their booty, or of the baptised prisoners they had seized. They made a laugh of them. 4 I therefore do not know what to bewail more: those who have been slain, or those whom they have taken captive, or those whom the devil has seriously ensnared. Together with him they will take possession of hell in eternal punishment, for he who commits sin is a slave and will be called a son of the devil. 2 Manu mea scripsi atque condidi uerba ista danda et tradenda, militibus mittenda Corotici, non dico ciuibus meis neque ciuibus sanctorum Romanorum sed ciuibus daemoniorum, ob mala opera ipsorum. ritu hostili in morte uiuunt, socii Scottorum atque Pictorum apostatarumque. sanguilentos sanguinare de sanguine innocentium Christianorum, quos ego in numero Deo genui atque in Christo confirmaui! 3 Postera die qua crismati neophyti in ueste candida – flagrabat in fronte ipsorum dum crudeliter trucidati atque mactati gladio supradictis – misi epistolam cum sancto presbytero quem ego ex infantia docui, cum clericis, ut nobis aliquid indulgerent de praeda uel de captiuis baptizatis quos ceperunt: cachinnos fecerunt de illis. 4 Idcirco nescio quid magis lugeam: an qui interfecti uel quos ceperunt uel quos grauiter zabulus inlaqueauit. perenni poena gehennam pariter cum ipso mancipabunt, quia utique qui facit peccatum seruus est et filius zabuli nuncupatur.

4.7

Saint Patrick confronts the magicians: Muirchu, Life of Saint Patrick

Source: Muirchu, Life of Saint Patrick 1.17.4-6; 1.20.8-21.2 (Latin, 7th century, Ireland) Edition: L. B IELER , The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh (Dublin, 1979) Introduction: The legend of Patrick of Ireland was rehearsed in two texts from the seventh century, written by Muirchú and Tírechán, a monk and a bishop from Ireland, respectively, and contained in the Book of Armagh. They both describe the missionary work of Patrick as a battle against magicians. Alluding to Dan 3:19-29, the passage below recounts a fire miracle carried out by Patrick in competition with a so called ‘magician’ who was advisor to the Irish king Loigaire of Temoria. According to the narrative, Patrick succeeds and converts many of the king’s people, but not the king himself. Neither of these seventh-century legendary texts is of interest to scholars of the fifth century, but they have historical value for the time in which they were written. The term ‘magician’ (or ‘druids’ elsewhere in the text) is quite likely a cypher for learned pagans of that time, acting as advisors to regional warlords of the British Isles. Further reading: D. R OHMANN , Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity: Studies in Text Transmission (Berlin, 2016), 264-73

4.7

Saint Patrick confronts the magicians: Muirchu, Life of Saint Patrick

See also: [2.11 Philosophers accused of treason and magic] [4.6 Red blood on white garments: the slaughter of the newly baptised]

1.17.4 As they started their academic dialogue, one of the magicians, Lochru by name, was bold in the presence of the saint, daring to detract from the Catholic faith, with towering words. 5 Saint Patrick was looking at him coming up with such words, and, as Peter once said about Simon, so too did he say with a certain power and a loud voice confidently to the Lord, “O Lord, who can do everything, and everything rests on your power, who has sent me here, let this impious man who blasphemes your name now be lifted forth and swiftly die.” 6 And at these words, the magician was lifted up into the air, and again cast down from above, and because his brain was directed at a stone, he was smashed to pieces and died in their presence, and the pagans stood in fear. […] 1.20 […] 8 After this contest between the magician and Patrick in the king’s presence, the king said to them, “Cast your books into the water, and him whose books remain unharmed, we shall adore.” Patrick answered, “I will do so,” and the magician said, “I do not wish to come to a trial by water with that man, for he considers water as his god.” Clearly, he heard that baptism was provided by Patrick with water. 9 And the king answered and said, “Permit a trial by fire.” And Patrick said, “I am ready.” But the magician did not want to and said, “This man worships every other year in turn now water now fire as his god.” 10 And the Saint said, “Not so, but you yourself and one of my boys together with you shall go into a separate and locked house, and your garment shall be on him, and mine on you, and so you two shall be set on fire at the same time and be judged in the presence of the Highest.” 11 And this plan prevailed, and a house was constructed for them, half of which was made of green timber, and the other half of dry, and the magician was sent into the green part of the house and one of the boys of Saint Patrick, Benineus (“the benign”) by name, with the magic vest, into the dry part of the house; the house was therefore locked from outside and set on fire in the presence of the entire crowd. 12 And it came to pass in that hour, because of Patrick’s prayer, that the flame of the fire consumed the magician together with the green half of the house and that only the garment of Saint Patrick remained intact, which the fire did not touch. 13 But Benineus, on the contrary, together with the dry part of the house, was happy: according to what is said of the three children, the fire did not touch him at all, and neither did it make him sad nor did it bring any kind of discomfort on him, while only the magician’s garment which enclosed him was burnt, not without God’s command. 14 And the king was very enraged against Patrick, on account of the death of his magician, and he had nearly launched himself at him, wishing to kill him, but God prevented him. For at the prayer of Patrick, and at his voice, the wrath of God descended upon the impious people, and many of them died. 15 And Saint Patrick said to the king, “If you do not believe now, you will die in no time, because the wrath of God has descended upon your head.” And the king greatly feared, and his heart was shaken, and the entire city with him.

169

170

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

1.21.1 Having, therefore, assembled the elders, and all his senate, king Loíguire said to them, “It is better for me to believe than to die”, and after this decision was taken, he believed, following their prescript, on that day, and converted to the Lord the eternal God, and many others believed there. 2 And Saint Patrick said to the king, “Because you have resisted my doctrine, and have been a scandal to me, although the days of your reign may be prolonged, nevertheless, none of your offspring shall for ever be king.” 1.17.4 incipientibusque illis sermocinari ad inuicem alter magus nomine Lochru procax erat in conspectu sancti audiens detrachere fidei catholicae tumulentis uerbis. 5 hunc autem intuens turuo oculo talia promentem sanctus Patricius ut quondam Petrus de Simone cum quadam potentia et magno clamore confidenter ad Dominum dixit: “Domine, qui omnia potes et in tua potestate consistunt, quique me missisti huc, hic impius qui blasfemat nomen tuum eleuetur nunc foras et cito moriatur.” 6 et his dictis eliuatus est in aethera magus et iterum dimissus desuper uerso ad lapidem cerebro comminutus et mortuus fuerat coram eis, et timuerunt gentiles. […] 1.20 […] 8 his autem omnibus gestis in conspectu regis inter magum Patriciumque ait rex ad illos: “libros uestros in aquam mittite et illum cuius libri inlessi euasserunt adorabimus.” respondit Patricius: “faciam ego,” et dixit magus: “nolo ego ad iudicium aquae uenire cum isto; aquam enim Deum habet;” certe audiuit babtisma per aquam a Patricio datum. 9 et respondens rex ait: “permitte per ignem.” et ait Patricius: “prumptus sum.” at magus nolens dixit: “hic homo uersa uice in alternos annos nunc acquam nunc ignem Deum ueneratur.” 10 et ait sanctus: “non sic, sed tu ipse ibis et unus ex meis pueris ibit tecum in separatam et conclaussam domum et meum erga te et tuum erga me erit uestimentum et sic simul incendemini in conspectu altissimi.” 11 et hoc consilium insedit et aedificata est eis domus cuius dimedium ex materia uiridi et alterum dimedium ex arida facta est, et missus est magus in illam domum in partem eius uiridem et unus ex pueris sancti Patricii Benineus nomine cum ueste magica in partem domus aridam; conclussa itaque extrinsecus domus coram omni turba incensa est. 12 et factum est in illa hora orante Patricio ut consumeret flamma ignis magum cum demedia domu uiridi permanente cassula sancti Patricii tantum intacta, quam ignis non tetigit. 13 felix autem Benineus e contrario cum demedia domu arida, secundum quod de tribus pueris dictum est, non tetigit eum ignis omnino neque contristatus est nec quicquam molestiae intulit cassula tantum magi quae erga eum fuerat non sine Dei nutu exusta. 14 et iratus est ualde rex aduersus Patricium de morte magi sui et inruit poene in eum uolens occidere, sed prohibuit illum Deus. ad praecem enim Patricii et ad uocem eius discendit ira Dei in populum inpium et perierunt multi ex eis. 15 et ait sanctus Patricius regi: “nisi nunc credideris cito morieris, quia discendet ira Dei in uerticem tuum.” et timuit rex uehimenter et commotum est cor eius et omnis ciuitas cum eo. 1.21.1 Congregatis igitur senioribus et omni senatu suo dixit eis rex Loguire: “melius est credere me quam mori,” initoque consilio ex suorum pracepto credidit in illa die et conuertit ad Dominum Deum aeternum, et ibi crediderunt multi alii. 2 et ait sanctus Patricius ad regem: “quia restitisti doctrinae meae et fuisti scandalum mihi, licet prolonguentur dies regni tui, nullus tamen erit ex semine tuo rex in aeternum.”

4.8

Correcting the common people: Martin of Braga, On the Correction of the Uninstructed

The Church and public order 4.8

Correcting the common people: Martin of Braga, On the Correction of the Uninstructed

Source: Martin of Braga, On the Correction of the Uninstructed 14 (Latin, late 6th century, Spain) Edition: C.W. B ARLOW, Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia (New Haven, 1950), 183-203 Introduction: This important text was probably first delivered as a sermon and then put in writing in north-west Spain a little after 572. Its author, Martin of Braga, intended to castigate and to correct the religious practices of the common people at his see. He seems to try and demand from his audience to give up practices remaining from the pre-Christian past rather than to refute heretical or pagan beliefs. His aim is to encourage correct Christian practice and to ensure that his audience understood that baptism meant entering the Christian community and rejecting pre-Christian cult practices in full. The passage below illustrates the methods used to sway the general population and particularly the uneducated, especially since the author intends to spark the imagination of his audience and to sell the text of the bible both as mystical and as intellectually demanding. Further reading: C.W. B ARLOW (ed.), Iberian Fathers, vol. 1: Martin of Braga, Paschasius of Dumium, Leander of Seville (Washington, DC, 1969) See also: [3.22 The value of hell-fire]

14 When the end of this world has come, all nations and every human being who has his origin from those first human beings, that is, from Adam and Eve, shall rise from the dead, both the good and the evil; and all shall come before the judgment of Christ and, then, those who have been during their lives faithful and good shall be separated from the evil and shall enter the kingdom of God with his holy angels, and their souls shall be with their flesh in eternal rest, nevermore to die, where there shall be no labour and no pain, no sorrow, no hunger nor thirst, no heat nor cold, no darkness nor night, but ever happy, saturated, in light, in glory, they shall be like the angels of God, because they have now deserved to enter that place from which the devil and the angels who consented with him fell. There, all who have been faithful to God shall therefore remain for ever and ever. For those who have been unbelievers or have not been baptised or, when they have been baptised, have at any rate returned after their baptism to idols and homicide or adultery or to perjury and to other sins and have died without repentance: all who have been found as such are condemned along with the devil and with all the demons whom they worshipped and whose works they performed and are sent with their flesh to eternal fire in hell, where that inextinguishable fire lives forever and that flesh now restored at the resurrection is forever

171

172

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

tortured, while it moans. It desires to die a second time that it may not feel the punishments, but it is not permitted to die that it may endure eternal torments. Behold, this is what the law says, this is what the prophets say; to this the Gospel of Christ, to this the apostle, to this all Holy Scripture bears witness; and this we have only told you in few words selected from a great many, and in simple terms. […] 14 Cum autem finis mundi istius uenerit, omnes gentes et omnis homo qui ex illis primis hominibus, id est ex Adam et Eua, ducit originem omnes resurgent et boni et mali; et omnes ante iudicium Christi uenturi sunt, et tunc qui fuerunt in uita sua fideles et boni separantur a malis et intrant in regno Dei cum angelis sanctis, et erunt animae illorum cum carne sua in requiem aeternam numquam amplius morituri, ubi iam nullus illis erit aut labor aut dolor, non tristitia, non famis aut sitis, non calor aut frigus, non tenebrae aut nox, sed, semper laeti, saturi, in luce, in gloria, similes erunt angelis Dei, quia iam in illo loco meruerunt intrare unde diabolus cum sibi consentientibus angelis cecidit. ibi ergo omnes qui fideles Deo fuerunt permanent in aeternum. nam illi qui increduli fuerunt aut non fuerunt baptizati aut certe, si baptizati fuerint, post baptismum suum iterum ad idola et homicidia uel adulteria uel ad periuria et ad alia mala reuersi sunt et sine poenitentia sunt defuncti, omnes qui tales fuerint inuenti damnantur cum diabolo et cum omnibus daemoniis quos coluerunt et quorum opera fecerunt, et in aeterno igne cum carne sua in inferno mittuntur, ubi ignis ille inextinguibilis in perpetuum uiuit, et caro illa iam de resurrectione recepta in aeternum cruciatur gemens. Desiderat iterum mori, ut non sentiat poenas, sed non permittitur mori, ut aeternos perferat cruciatus. ecce hoc loquitur lex, hoc loquuntur prophetae, haec euangelium Christi, haec apostolus, haec omnis scriptura sancta testatur; quae uobis modo uel pauca ex multis simpliciter diximus.

4.9 A bishop confronts a violent holy man in Merovingian Tours: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.25

Source: Gregory of Tours, Ten Books of Histories 10.25 (Latin, late 6th century, France) Edition: MGH SS rer. Merov. 1.1:517-19 Introduction: This extract illustrates the ways in which bishops came to monopolise holiness despite popular opinion assigning holiness to men and women of their liking. The extract also shows that asceticism, miracle-healing, and prophecy were widespread features of late antique and early medieval life. Apparently, bishops had at their disposal strongmen to kill and torture charismatic individuals that were perceived to be heretics rather than holy women and men proper. Gregory of Tours’ narrative liberally draws on a range of stereotypes and motifs with which to debunk and discredit the spiritual powers, charity, and doctrinal views of the ascetic in question.

4.9 A bishop confronts a violent holy man in Merovingian Tours: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 10.25

Further reading: G. H ALSALL , ‘Transformations of Romanness: The Northern Gallic Case,’ in W. P OHL , C. G ANTNER , C. G RIFONI , and M. P OLLHEIMER -M OHAUP T (ed.), Transformations of Romanness: Early Medieval Regions and Identities (Berlin, 2018), 41-58 See also: [1.19 The death of a first-century Jewish miracle-worker] [3.13 Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy]

10.25 […] For while a certain man of Bourges, as he himself declared afterwards, entered a wooden valley and cut trees to fulfil the necessary requirements for a certain work, a swarm of flies surrounded him, as a result of which he was considered crazy for two years; therefore, it can be understood that this was a wickedness sent out by the devil. After this he passed through the neighbouring cities and came to the province of Arles and there, dressed in skins, he prayed like a devout person. In order to make a fool of him, the evil side gave him the power of divination. Therefore, in order to make progress in his criminal activities, he was pushed away from this place, left the province mentioned, and crossed the border to enter the region of Gévaudan, showing off that he was a great man and not afraid to proclaim that he was Christ, having taken as wife someone who was like a sister to him, whom he arranged to be called Mary. A multitude of people flocked to him bringing the sick, whom he touched and restored to health. They who came to him brought him also gold and silver and garments. This he spent among the poor to deceive them the more easily, and throwing himself on the ground, pouring out a prayer with the woman in question, and rising up again, he ordered the bystanders to adore him. For he foretold the future and announced that diseases would come to some, to others losses and to few persons health in future. But all this he did by some unknown kind of diabolical arts and prophecies. A vast multitude of people was seduced by him, not only relatively-simple people but also priests of the church. More than three thousand people followed him. Meanwhile, he began to spoil and plunder some persons whom he encountered on his journey; the booty, however, he gave to those who had nothing. He threatened with death bishops and citizens, because they disdained to adore him. He crossed the border to enter Velay and came to the place called Le Puy and stopped with his entire army at the nearby church, instructing his battle-line on how to make war on Aurilius who at that time had taken up the office of bishop there, and sending messengers in advance, men who danced and played with bare bodies, and announced his coming. The bishop was astonished and directed strong men against him to ask what the purpose of his behaviour was. When one of them, who was their senior, bent down as if he intended to kiss his knees and discuss his way, he ordered him to be seized and spoiled. But the other at once drew his sword and cut him into bits, and that Christ who ought rather to be named the Antichrist fell down and died; “and all who were with him were dispersed” (2 Kgs 25:5). That Mary was subjected to torture and revealed all his apparitions and illusions. But the men whom he had incited to believe in him through the snares of the devil never regained mental health, but they continued to proclaim that this man was always like Christ and that this Mary had a share in divinity. But through all the Gauls many appeared who used prophecies to attach themselves to certain women, who

173

174

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

raved and confessed that these are holy men, and they showed off to the people that they are great. I myself have seen many of them, and although I rebuked them, I was unable to recall them from their error. 10.25 […] quidam enim ex Biturigo, ut ipse postmodum est professus, dum saltus siluarum ingressus ligna caederet explendam operis cuiusdam necessitatem, muscarum eum circumdedit examen, qua de causa per biennium amens est habitus; unde intellegi datur, diabolici emissionis fuisse nequitiam. post haec, transactis urbibus propinquis, Arelatensim prouintiam adiit ibique indutus pellibus quasi relegiosus orabat. ad quem inludendum pars aduersa diuinandi ei tribuit facultatem. ex hoc, ut in maiori proficeret scelere, commotus a loco, prouintiam memoratam deserens, Gabalitanae regiones terminum est ingressus, proferens se magnum ac profiteri se non metuens Christum, adsumptam se cum mulierem quendam pro sorore, quam Maria uocitari fecit. confluebat ad eum multitudo populi, exhibens infirmos, quos contingens sanitati reddebat. conferebant etiam ei aurum argentumque ac uestimenta hi qui ad eum conueniebant. quod ille, quo facilius seduceret, pauperibus erogabat, prosternens se solo, effundens orationem cum mulierem memorata, et surgens se iterum a circumstantibus adorare iubebat. praedicebat enim futura et quibusdam morbus, quibusdam damna prouenire denuntiabat, paucis salutem futuram. sed haec omnia diabolicis artibus et praestigiis nescio quibus agebat. seducta est autem per eum multitudo inmensa populi, et non solum rusticiores, uerum etiam sacerdotes eclesiastici. sequebantur autem eum amplius tria milia populi. interea coepit quosdam spoliare ac praedare, quos in itinere repperisset; spolia tamen non habentibus largiebatur. episcopis ac ciuibus moenas mortis intentabat, eo quod ab his adorari dispiceretur. ingressus autem Vellauae urbis terminum, ad locum quem Anicium uocitant accedit et ad basilicas propinquas cum omni exercitu restitit, instruens aciem, qualiter Aurilio, ibidem tunc consistentem episcopo, bellum inferret, mittens etiam ante se nuntios, homines nudo corpore saltantes adque ludentes, qui aduentum eius adnuntiarent. quod stupens episcopus, direxit ad eum uiros strenuos, inquerentes, quid sibi uellent ista quae gereret. unus autem ex his, qui erat senior, cum se inclinasset, quasi osculaturus genua eius ac discussurus uiam illius, iussit eum adprehensum spoliari. nec mora, ille, euaginato gladio, in frustra concidit, ceciditque Christus ille, qui magis Antechristus nominare debet, et mortuus est; dispersique sunt omnes, qui cum eo erant. Maria autem illa suppliciis dedita, omnia fantasmata eius ac praestigias publicauit. nam homines illi, quos ad se credendum diabolica circumuentione turbauerat, numquam ad sensum integrum sunt reuersi, sed hunc semper quasi Christum, Maria autem illa partem deitatis habere profitebantur. sed et per totas Gallias emerserunt plerique, qui per has praestigias adiungentes sibi mulierculas quasdam, quae debacchantes sanctos eos confiterentur, magnus se in populis praeferebant; ex quibus nos plerosque uidimus, quos obiurgantes reuocare ab errore nisi sumus.

4.10 The forced conversion of Jews by Avitus of Clermont: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 5.11

4.10 The forced conversion of Jews by Avitus of Clermont: Gregory of Tours, Histories, 5.11

Source: Gregory of Tours, Ten Books of Histories 5.11 (Latin, late 6th century, France) Edition: MGH SS rer. Merov. 1.1:205-6 Introduction: In this passage Gregory of Tours proudly narrates the story of several hundreds of Jews who converted to Christianity on the instigation of his friend and former teacher Avitus of Clermont in 576. Gregory gives a clear appraisal of Avitus and his accomplishments, and the whole narrative is very close to Gregory’s descriptions of miracles performed by holy men. Its subtle allusions to violence still suggest that the conversions were enforced and therefore by no means as peaceful as the fictional speech of Avitus wants us to think, since conversions of Jews were very rare outside of Visigothic Spain where they too were enforced. Further reading: W. Goffart, Rome’s Fall and After (London, 1989), 293-318 See also: [3.20 Christian polemic against the Jews]

5.11 And since our God always deigns to glorify his priests, I shall disclose what happened to the Jews in Clermont this year. Although the blessed bishop Avitus often exhorted them to abandon the veil of the Mosaic law and to understand the content in its spiritual sense, and to contemplate with pure hearts in the sacred writings that Christ, son of the living God, had been promised by the authority of the prophets and of the law, there remained in their hearts, I am no longer saying, that veil which overshadowed the face of Moses, but a wall. The priest prayed also that they should be converted to the Lord and that the veil of the letter should be torn from them, and one of them asked to be baptised on holy Easter, and being reborn in God by the sacrament of baptism, he joined the procession in white robes, himself dressed in white. When the people entered the city gate, one of the Jews poured stinking oil on the head of the converted Jew, on instigation of the devil. And when all the people were horrified at this and wanted to stone him, the bishop did not allow it to happen. But on the blessed day on which the Lord ascends to heaven in glory after the redemption of human kind, the priest was walking in procession from the church to the basilica singing psalms, and then the entire multitude of followers rushed upon the synagogue of the Jews, which was destroyed from the foundations, and the location was levelled down to the ground. On another day the priest sent messengers to them saying: “I do not persuade you by force to confess the Son of God, but I still preach him and I deliver to your hearts the salt of wisdom. […]” While they were long in turmoil and in doubt, on the third day, as I believe, because of the pretext of the bishop, they united into one and sent their decision to him saying: “We believe in Jesus, son of the living God, promised to us by the words of the prophets, and therefore we ask to be purified by baptism and to remain no longer in this sin.” The bishop rejoiced in the message, and having celebrated the holy midnight mass of Pentecost Sunday, he came out to the baptistery beyond the walls; and there the whole multitude prostrated themselves in his

175

176

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

presence and begged for baptism. Weeping for joy, he cleansed all with water, he anointed them with ointment and gathered them at the bosom of the mother church. Candles were lit, lamps burnt brightly, the entire city was whitened because the crowd was dressed in white, and the joy in the city was no less than the joy that Jerusalem once deserved to see when the holy spirit descended on the apostles. Those that were baptised were more than five hundred. But those who refused baptism left that city and returned to Marseilles. 5.11 Et quia semper Deus noster sacerdotes suos glorificare dignatur, quid Aruerno de Iudaeis hoc anno contigerit pandam. cum eosdem plerumque beatus Auitus episcopus commoneret, ut, relicto uelamine legis Moysaicae, spiritaliter lecta intellegerent et Christum, filium uiuentis Dei, prophetica et legali auctoritate promissum, corde purissimo in sacris litteris contemplarent, manebat in pectoribus eorum, iam non dicam, uelamen illud, quod facies Moysi obumbrabatur, sed paries. sacerdos quoque orans, ut, conuersi ad Dominum, uelamen ab eis litterae rumperetur, quidam ex his ad sancta pascha ut baptizaretur expetiit, renatusque Deo per baptismi sacramentum, cum albatis reliquis in albis et ipse procedit. ingredientibus autem populis portam ciuitatis, unus Iudaeorum super capud conuersi Iudaei oleum foetidum, diabulo instigante, diffudit. quod cum cunctus aborrens populus uoluissent eum urguere lapidibus, pontifex ut fieret non permisit. die autem beato, quo Dominus ad caelos post redemptum hominem gloriosus ascendit, cum sacerdos de aeclesiam ad basilicam psallendo procederet, inruit super sinagogae Iudaeorum multitudo tota sequentium, distructamque a fundamentis, campi planitiae locus adsimilatur. alia autem die sacerdos eis legatos mittit, dicens: “ui ego uos confiteri Dei filium non inpello, sed tamen praedico et salem scientiae uestris pectoribus trado. […]” illi autem diu aestuantes atque dubitantes, tertia die, ut credo, obtentum pontificis coniuncti in unum, ad eum mandata remittunt, dicentes: “credimus Iesum, filium Dei uiui, nobis prophetarum uocibus repromissum; et ideo petimus, ut abluamur baptismum, ne in hoc delicto permaneamus.” gauisus autem nuntio pontifex, noctem sanctam pentecosten uigilias caelebratas, ad baptistirio forasmoraneum egressus est; ibique omnis multitudo coram eo prostrata, baptismum flagitauit. at ille prae gaudio lacrimans, cunctos aqua abluens, crismate liniens, in sinu matris eclesiae congregauit. flagrabant caerei, lampades refulgebant, albecabat tota ciuitas de grege candido, nec minor fuit urbi gaudium, quam quondam, spiritu sancto discendente super apostulos, Hierusalem uidere promeruit. fuerunt autem qui baptizati sunt amplius quingenti. hii uero qui baptismum noluerunt discedentes ab illa urbe, Massiliae redditi sunt.

4.11 The vengeance of the martyr Pancratius

Source: Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Martyrs 38 (Latin, late 6th century, France) Edition: MHG SS rer. Merov. 1.2:62-3 Introduction: Pancratius (Pancras) of Rome suffered martyrdom allegedly during the Great Persecution under Diocletian in 303 or 304, but the exact circumstances of his death are in all likelihood invented. The church mentioned in the text below is the Basilica of San Pancrazio,

4.12 A thief is rescued from a stern judge

founded originally by pope Symmachus in the early sixth century. Gregory of Tours started to write the Glory of the Martyrs in around 585. The aim of this work was to propagate the miraculous powers of holy men in the Frankish empire. No doubt Pancratius was a popular saint at that time since Gregory the Great sent Augustine of Canterbury, carrying relics of the martyr, to England in 596. Further Reading: R. VAN D AM , Glory of the Martyrs (Liverpool, 1988); D.L. S MAIL and K.L. G IBSON (ed.): Vengeance in Medieval Europe: A Reader (Toronto, 2009), 110 See also: [4.28 The miraculous survival of a mason thrown from on high by Satan]

38 Not far from the walls of this city [of Rome] there is also the martyr Pancratius, who is a powerful avenger in cases of perjury. When the insane mind of some person wishes to put forward a false oath at the tomb of the martyr, before he approaches his tomb, that is, before he accesses the area up to the barriers which are underneath the arch, where the clerics singing psalms are wont to stand, immediately he is either seized by a demon or he falls to the pavement and breathes out his spirit. Therefore, any person who wishes to elicit a guarantee about something from someone and wants to know whether or not it is true, they send them to no other place other than his church. For some say that although many people loiter around the churches of the apostles or of the other martyrs, they visit no other place other than the sanctuary of the blessed Pancratius for occasions like that, in order to believe the truth when they hear it, because the supervision of the strict martyr distinguishes truth from false, or they witness the judgment of the blessed martyr in proportion to the deceit. 38 Est etiam haud procul ab huius urbis muro et Panchratus martyr ualde in periuribus ultor. ad cuius sepulchrum si cuiusquam mens insana iuramentum inane proferre uoluerit, priusquam sepulchrum eius adeat, hoc est, antequam usque ad cancellos, qui sub arcu habentur, ubi clericorum psallentium stare mos est, accedat, statim aut arripitur a daemone aut cadens in pauimento amittit spiritum. ex hoc enim quisque fidem cuiuscumque rei ab alio uoluerit elicere, ut ueram cognoscat, non aliter nisi ad huius basilicam destinat. nam ferunt, plerosque iuxta basilicas apostolorum siue aliorum martyrum commanentes non alibi pro hac necessitate nisi templum expetere beati Panchrati, ut, eius seueritatis censura publice discernente, aut ueritatem audientes credant, aut pro fallatia iudicium beati experiantur.

4.12 A thief is rescued from a stern judge

Source: Gregory of Tours, Glory of the Martyrs 72 (Latin, late 6th century, France) Edition: MHG SS rer. Merov. 1.2:86-7 Introduction: Gregory of Tours includes among his tales of martyrs this account of the miracles of a local martyr in Northern France. Quintinus, after whom the city of Saint-Quentin is named, is one of the very few Gallic martyrs and therefore of particular importance to Gregory. Quintinus’ Life is dubious, but it is thought that he died during the reign of Diocletian and Maximinus.

177

178

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Further Reading: R. VAN D AM , Glory of the Martyrs (Liverpool, 1988); D.L. S MAIL and K.L. G IBSON (ed.), Vengeance in Medieval Europe: A Reader (Toronto, 2009), 112 See also: [4.15 Miracle cures at the grave of a royal martyr]

72 […] In this city [Saint-Quentin], therefore, one of the thieves secretly stole a priest's horse; he was found by the priest and handed over to the judge. There was no delay: the thief was arrested, bound in chains, and subjected to torture. He revealed his deed with his own confession and was condemned to the gallows. But the priest was afraid that because of his accusation the soul of this man could be taken away, and he begged the judge that he spare his life and that the man accused of this crime be released from this penalty. The priest said that he was satisfied with what had already been done, because during so many types of torture the thief had confessed what he had done. But the strict character of the judge could be bent by no prayers, and he condemned the accused man to the gallows. Then the priest prostrated himself in tears before the tomb of the holy martyr and suppliantly begged for mercy, saying: “Please, most glorious athlete of Christ, pull this poor man out of the hand of an unjust death. Do not put me to shame if this man dies as a result of my accusation. I beg you, show your power, and release that man whom human harshness could not rescue, by means of the direction of your gentle piety.” While the priest was praying in tears, the chains on the gallows broke and the accused man fell to the ground. When the judge heard of this, he was struck by fear and admired the divine virtue. He did not dare to harm him any longer. 72 In hac igitur urbe unus ex latronibus equum presbiteri furtim abstulit; inuentus a presbitero, iudici manifestatur. nec mora, adprehensus et in uincla conpactus, supplicio subditur; opus suum ore proprio indicans, patibulo diiudicatur. sed presbiter metuens, ne ob sui damni causam anima hominis auferreretur, iudicem deprecans, ut concessa illi uita, hic culpa reus absolueretur a poena, dicens, satis sibi esse iam factum, quod per tot tormentorum genera latro quae gesserat declarasset; sed seueritas iudicis cum nullis precibus potuisset inflecti, reum patibulo condemnauit. tunc presbiter cum lacrimis prostratus ad beati martyris tumulum, suppliciter deprecatur, dicens: “quaeso, gloriosissime athleta Christi, ut eruas hunc pauperem de manu mortis iniquae, ne mihi fiat in obprobrium, si per meam accusationem moriatur hic homo. ostende, deprecor, uirtutem tuam, ut, quem asperitas humana nequit absoluere, lenis pietatis moderamine tu dissoluas.” haec sacerdote cum lacrimis deprecante, disruptis uinculis patibuli, reus ad terram ruit. quod audiens iudex, timore perterritus et diuinam admirans uirtutem, nihil illi ultra nocere praesumpsit.

4.13 A virgin’s valour in the face of force: The Life of Austreberta, 2

Source: Life of Austreberta 2.12 (Latin, early 8th century) Edition: Acta Sanctorum, Feb. II (Paris, 1864), 420-24 (BHL 831), modernised

4.13 A virgin’s valour in the face of force: The Life of Austreberta, 2

Introduction: Austreberta (c. 630 – 704) was an aristocratic Merovingian woman who turned down a pre-arranged marriage and became a nun instead. She later became abbess of the newly-founded monastery of Pavilly in Northern France in 662 and contributed a great deal to the emergence of female ascetic communities. She was part of a general trend, of aristocratic Merovingian women taking the veil and rising to leading positions within Frankish monasteries. In this passage of her anonymous Life, she volunteers for execution at the hands of those wishing to harm her monastery, perhaps as a result of conflicts within her monastery. Although she is not executed, the hagiographer aligns her behaviour with the spirit of martyrs within the early church. In so doing, the author adopts a biblical narrative (Dan 3:19-29). Further reading: J.A. M C N AMAR A , J.E. H ALBORG , and E.G. W HATLEY (ed.), Sainted Women of the Dark Ages (Durham, 1992), 304-306; J.A. M C N AMAR A , ‘The Power of Prayer,’ in J.A. M CN AMAR A , Sisters in Arms: Catholic Nuns Through Two Millennia (Cambridge, MA, 1996), 94-119 See also: [3.13 Competing for the moral high ground in the Donatist controversy] [4.7 Saint Patrick confronts the magicians]

2.12 […] For to such an extent had the cunning craft of the ancient enemy prevailed that they held a great hatred against her, and even planned to kill her. But when God prevented this and they were unable to do this, Amalbert, the aforementioned man, who was great in the world, but not in God, arrived, and now they accused her very seriously with fabricated lies. As he was cruel of mind and terrible of aspect, he believed the lies, had God’s handmaiden brought before him, and began to rebuke her in the harshest terms. Filled with rage, he drew his sword with which he was girded, and made an attack on her. She estimated that the time was right for martyrdom, and showing that she had by no means the heart of a woman, but that of a man in her breast, she put that finely woven veil she wore on her head quite tightly around her throat, held out her hand, and with her face bowed down, she offered her neck to the assassin. He was astonished, as they say, and stood motionless for a long time, admiring the woman’s steadfastness, which he had never seen in any man. Very frightened, he put his sword back into its place. From this it can be concluded that if this woman had lived in those times when the earth was cleansed from the filth of idols by the blood of the martyrs, she would not have waited for the ministers of the executioners to arrive, to be carried off as a victim against her will, but would have voluntarily rushed to be slaughtered, in order to be the first of all victims to seize the prize of blood. She surely would not have feared the Babylonian punishment and not have hesitated to enter the sevenfold heated furnace for the sake of the kingdom of heaven: she who entered a burning fire for a few loaves of bread in order to avert harm from her monastery. By these signs, the Lord Christ proved that his handmaiden did not dread martyrdom. For it is proven that the crown of martyrdom was not missing out on her, but it was him who was missing out on her crown of martyrdom. 2.12 […] intantum enim praeualuerat antiqui hostis uersutia, ut magno eam odio habentes, etiam interficere molirentur. sed cum, domino prohibente, hoc facere nequiuissent; superueniente praedicto magno

179

180

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

saeculi, non Dei, uiro Amelberto, structo mendacio, grauissime eam accusauerunt. ille autem, ut erat mente crudelis, uultu terribilis, credens mendaciis coepit increpare: repletusque furore, arrepto gladio, quo erat accinctus, impetum fecit in eam. illa existimans congruum tempus esse martyrii, nequaquam cor femineum, sed uirile se habere ostendens in pectore, subtilissimum illud uelamen, quo in capite utebatur, collo circumdans strictius, manum tetendit, inclinatoque uultu ceruicem praebuit percussori. attonitus ille, ut aiunt, diu stetit immobilis, admirans constantiam feminae, quam in nullo uiro unquam uidisset; pauensque multum, recondidit gladium in locum suum. qua ex re colligi potest, si haec illis temporibus extitisset, cum a sordibus idolorum terra martyrum sanguine lauaretur, non expectatis ministris carnificum, uti inuita traheretur ad uictimam, sed ultro se truncandam ingerens, prima omnium uictimarum, palmam sanguinis occupasset. certe nec illud Babylonicum supplicium pertimescens, septempliciter caminum accensum pro caelorum regno ingredi dubitasset, quae pro paucis panibus, ne damnum monasterio inferret, ardentem ignem ingressa est. his autem indiciis probauit Christus dominus, famulam suam non formidasse martyrium. nam non illa martyrio, sed ei martyrium defuisse probatur.

4.14

Red, white and blue martyrdom in early medieval Ireland: Cambrai Homily

Source: Cambrai Homily (Old Irish/Latin mixed, 7th/early 8th century, Ireland) Edition: S. W HITLEY and J. STR ACHAN , Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus: A Collection of Old-Irish Glosses Scholia Prose and Verse, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1903), 244–7 Introduction: The Cambrai Homily is the earliest known Irish sermon, and dates from the 7th or early 8th century. It is written partly in old-Irish vernacular and partly in Latin. Since Ireland was never part of the Roman Empire and Christianity was introduced relatively late when it had already become the ruling religion of the Roman Empire, people in Ireland did not have the opportunity to undergo a violent death in defence of Christianity. The notion of martyrdom that got introduced was therefore a post-persecution discourse. The idea that self-inflicted suffering amounts to ‘white’ martyrdom originated in Jerome’s Life of Paul the Hermit. This concept offered an alternative to the unattainable ‘red’ (bloody) martyrdom from previous centuries. By contrast, ‘blue’ (or ‘green’) martyrdom was a new term implying an aggravated, more advanced form of asceticism. Further reading: C. STANCLIFFE , ‘Red, White and Blue Martyrdom,’ in D. W HITELOCK , R. M CK ITTERICK , and D. D UMVILLE (ed.), Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe: Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes (Cambridge, 1982), 21-46 See also: [3.18 Heretics persecute true Christians by their very existence] [4.16 Battling demons in the desert]

Now there are three types of martyrdom which are considered as a cross to a man. These are called white martyrdom, blue martyrdom, and red martyrdom. It is a white martyrdom to man when he gets rid of everything he loves for the sake of God, although he does suffer

4.15

Miracle cures at the grave of a royal martyr: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 3

fasting or labour in so doing. It is a blue martyrdom to him when by these means he gets rid of his desires, or endures hardship in penance and repentance. It is a red martyrdom to him to bear a cross or be destroyed for Christ's sake, as has happened to the apostles in the persecution by the wicked and in teaching the law of God. These three types of martyrdom are comprised in the carnal ones who resort to good repentance, who get rid of their desires, who pour forth their blood in fasting and in labour for Christ’s sake. Now there are three types of martyrdom which are precious in God’s eyes and for which we receive rewards when we fulfil them: chastity in the youth, steadfastness in abundance. Not to receive obligations which overthrow right judgments. filus trechenéœ martre daneu adrímiter ar chruich du duiniu, madesgre báanmartre ocus galsmartre ocus dercmartre issí in bánmartre du duiniu intain scaras ar Dea fri cach réet caris, cé rucésa áini nú laubir n-oco· issí ind glasmartre dó intain scaras fria thola leó céssas sáithor ippenit ocus aithrigi· issí in dercmartre dó foditu chruche ocus diorcne ar Chríst amail tondeccomnuccuir dundaib abstolaib oc ingrimmim inna clóen ocuis oc forcetul recto Dée· congaibetar inna trechenél martre so issnib colnidib tuthégot dagathrigi, scarde fria tola, céste sáithu, tuesmot a fuil i n-áini ocuis i laubair ar Chíst· filus daneu trechenéle martre ata lógmára le Dea, aranetatham-ni fochrici ma nos-comalnnamar – castitas in iuuentute, continentia in habundantia. De muneribus peruertentibus recta iudicia non recipiendis.

4.15

Miracle cures at the grave of a royal martyr: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 3

Extract: Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation 3.9 (Latin, early 8th century) Edition: A. C RÉPIN , M. L APIDGE , P. M ONAT, and Ph. R OBIN , Histoire ecclésiastique du peuple anglais, vol. 2, SC 490 (Paris, 2005) Introduction: Bede (c. 673 – 735), also known as Beda Venerabilis in Latin, was an English Benedictine monk, scholar, and author. He is best known for his work The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation, which earned him the title ‘the father of English history’. Much of his work is written in appraisal of the kings of Northumbria who had first converted to Christianity in the early seventh century. In Bede’s view, these Northumbrian kings became martyrs when they died in battle against the pagan Anglo-Saxons. In the passage below Bede highlights the healing powers which King Oswald of Northumbria received in reward for his martyrdom when he died in battle against a pagan king in 641 or 642. Further reading: J.T. R OSENTHAL , ‘Bede’s Use of Miracles in “The Ecclesiastical History”,’ Traditio 31 (1975), 328-35; C. STANCLIFFE , ‘Oswald, “Most Holy and Most Victorious King of the Northumbrians”,’ in C. STANCLIFFE and E. C AMBRIDGE (ed.), Oswald: Northumbrian King to European Saint (Stamford: 1995), 33-83 See also: [4.22 Self-mortification and the power to heal]

181

182

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

3.9.1 Oswald, the most Christian king of the Northumbrians, reigned for nine years, including even that year which the deadly impiety of the king of the Britons and the insane apostasy of the English kings have rendered detestable. As said before, however, it has been established by the unanimous consent of all that the name and the memory of apostates should be entirely abolished from the catalogue of the Christian kings, and no year recorded in their reign. Having fulfilled this cycle of years, he was killed, after he had initiated a great war, by the same pagan nation and by the pagan king of the Mercians, who had also slain his predecessor Edwin, at a place called Maserfelth in the English language, in the thirty-eighth year of his age, on the fifth day of August. 2 How great his faith in God was, and how devoted his mind, has become clear by the miracles of his virtues even after his death. For in the place where he fought for his country and was killed by the pagans, sudden recoveries of sick persons and cattle continue to be celebrated to date. It therefore happened that many took away the very dust from the land where his body fell down, put it into water, and through this brought much advantage to their sick next-ofkin. Evidently, this habit became so common that over time the earth was carried away from there, with the result that a hole remained as deep as the height of a man. Nor should it come as a surprise that the sick were healed in the death place of the king, who never, as long as he lived, stopped to care for the sick and the poor, to give them alms, and to bring them help. […] 1 Regnauit autem Osuald Christianissimus rex Nordanhymbrorum nouem annos, adnumerato etiam illo anno, quem et feralis impietas regis Brettonum et apostasia demens regum Anglorum detestabilem fecerat. siquidem, ut supra docuimus, unanimo omnium consensu firmatum est, ut nomen et memoria apostatarum de catalogo regum Christianorum prorsus aboleri deberet, neque aliquis regno eorum annus adnotari. quo completo annorum curriculo occisus est, commisso graui proelio, ab eadem pagana gente paganoque rege Merciorum, a quo et prodecessor eius Eduini peremtus fuerat, in loco qui lingua Anglorum nuncupatur Maserfelth, anno aetatis suae XXXVIII, die quinto mensis Augusti. 2 Cuius quanta fides in Deum, quae deuotio mentis fuerit, etiam post mortem uirtutum miraculis claruit. namque in loco ubi pro patria dimicans a paganis interfectus est, usque hodie sanitates infirmorum et hominum et pecorum celebrari non desinunt. unde contigit ut puluerem ipsum, ubi corpus eius in terram corruit, multi auferentes et in aquam mittentes suis per haec infirmis multum commodi adferrent. qui uidelicet mos adeo increbruit, ut paulatim ablata exinde terra fossam ad mensuram staturae uirilis altam reddiderit. nec mirandum in loco mortis illius infirmos sanari, qui semper dum uiueret infirmis et pauperibus consulere, elemosynas dare, opem ferre non cessabat.

4.16

Battling demons in the desert: Athanasius, Life of Antony, 6-7 & 22-23

Struggling with the flesh: asceticism and monasticism 4.16

Battling demons in the desert: Athanasius, Life of Antony, 6-7 & 22-23

Source: Athanasius, Life of Antony 6-7, 22-3 (Greek, mid 4th century) Edition: G.J.M. B ARTELINK , Athanase d’Alexandrie: Vie d’Antoine, SC 400 (Paris, 2004) Introduction: Athanasius (c. 298 – 373) was bishop of Alexandria and adversary of Arianism, a champion of the Nicene faith for which he was frequently exiled. He left behind a great number of ecclesiastical works, including the Life of Antony, who was a leading pioneer of monasticism, while the work itself was pioneering for the hagiographical genre. The Life was translated into Latin and served as a role model for monastic communities in both the east and the west. In this work, Antony displays the values typical for a holy man: being of low education, he earns his fame by successfully exorcising demons which cause evil thoughts and try to tempt Antony, just like Jesus was tempted in the desert. The Life of Antony gives an illuminating outline of the methods which late antique and early medieval monks employed to try and suppress any feelings of sexual arousal. Further reading: D. B R AKKE , Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism (Oxford, 1995) See also: [3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint] [3.15 The cross: torture instrument turned symbol of salvation] [4.18 The battle of the church against ‘heresy’] [4.20 Monks fighting the devil in the desert]

6.1 Finally, when the dragon did not have the power to overthrow Antony even with this temptation, but noticed that he himself was dragged out of his heart, he gnashed his teeth as it is written, and as it were besides himself, he later appeared to Antony in a vision as a black boy, in accordance with the state of his mind. As if in awe, he no longer came upon him with arguments (for his deceitful shape had been rejected), but finally used a human voice and said, “I have deceived many and I have overthrown most. Now, though, as with others I was too weak for you and your sufferings.” 2 Then Antony asked, “Who are you to talk to me in this way?” He at once uttered with a woeful voice, “I am the friend of promiscuity. I am responsible for the inhibition and the thrill this is causing among young people, and I am called the spirit of promiscuity. How many have I deceived who desired to practise self-control! How many, who pretended to do this, have I tickled, and so persuaded to change! 3 I am the one who causes even the prophet to blame those who have fallen into sin, when he says: ‘You have been deceived by the spirit of promiscuity.’ For because of me they stumbled. I am the one who has often harassed you and who has been turned away by you just as often.” 4 But Antony thanked the Lord, boldly resisted the dragon, and said to him, “So you happen to be a very sleazy person. For you are black-minded and your existence is that of a weak child. I do not care about you any more, ‘For the Lord is my helper, I shall look down on my enemies.’”

183

184

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

(Ps 118:7) 5 Having heard this, the black one fled at once, cowering at the words and afraid even to come near the man. 7. […] 6 For he kept guard to such an extent that he often spent the whole night without sleep. Because he did this not once but very often, he was admired. He ate once a day, after sunset, sometimes once in two days, and often even in four. His food was bread and salt, his drink, water only. 7 For it is unnecessary to speak of meat and wine since nothing of that kind was found with the other zealous men. A rush-mat was enough to sleep in, but most of the time he lay on the bare ground. […] […] 23.1 “When the demons, therefore, see all Christians, but especially monks, being industrious and making progress, they first try and seduce us, and set up traps to keep us off our path. Their snares are filthy thoughts. 2 But we need not fear their suggestions. For by prayer, fasting, and faith in the Lord they are destroyed at once. But even when they are destroyed, they do not die, but come forward once again, wickedly and treacherously. For whenever they fail to have the power to deceive the heart openly with filthy pleasure, they attack us again in a different way. And then, conjuring up fantasies, they pretend to terrify us, changing their shapes and resembling women, wild beasts, snakes, the greatness of bodies and multitude of soldiers. But not even then need you fear their fantasies. 4 For they are nothing and quickly disappear, especially when one fortifies himself with faith and the sign of the cross. 5 But they are bold and extremely shameless. For when they are defeated in this way, they attack us again with a different method. And they pretend to practise divination and to predict events days in advance, and to show themselves as tall, reaching to the roof, and as wide in stature, in order to lead astray with such fantasies those whom they were not able to deceive with arguments. 6 But when they find even in this case the soul strengthened by faith and by hope of mind, then they bring their ruler to their aid.” 6.1 Τέλος γοῦν, ὡς οὐκ ἠδυνήθη τὸν Ἀντώνιον οὐδ’ ἐν τούτῳ καταβαλεῖν ὁ δράκων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔβλεπεν ἑαυτὸν ἐξωθούμενον ἀπὸ τῆς καρδίας αὐτοῦ, τρίζων τοὺς ὀδόντας, κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον, καὶ ὥσπερ ἐξιστάμενος, οἷός ἐστι τὸν νοῦν, τοιοῦτος ὕστερον καὶ τῇ φαντασίᾳ μέλας αὐτῷ φαίνεται παῖς. καὶ ὥσπερ ὑποπίπτων οὐκέτι μὲν λογισμοῖς ἐπανέβαινεν (ἐκβέβλητο γὰρ ὁ δόλιος), λοιπὸν δὲ ἀνθρωπίνῃ χρώμενος φωνῇ, ἔλεγεν· “πολλοὺς μὲν ἠπάτησα καὶ πλείστους κατέβαλον· νῦν δέ, ὡς ἐπ’ ἄλλοις καὶ ἐπὶ σοὶ καὶ τοῖς σοῖς πόνοις ἠσθένησα.” 2 εἶτα τοῦ Ἀντωνίου πυθομένου· “τίς εἶ σὺ ὁ τοιαῦτα λαλῶν παρ’ ἐμοί;” εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνος οἰκτρὰς ἠφίει φωνάς· “ἐγὼ τῆς πορνείας εἰμὶ φίλος· ἐγὼ τὰ εἰς ταύτην ἔνεδρα καὶ τοὺς ταύτης γαργαλισμοὺς κατὰ τῶν νεωτέρων ἀνεδεξάμην καὶ πνεῦμα πορνείας κέκλημαι. Πόσους θέλοντας σωφρονεῖν ἠπάτησα. Πόσους ὑποκρινομένους μετέπεισα γαργαλίζων. 3 ἐγώ εἰμι δι’ ὃν καὶ ὁ προφήτης μέμφεται τοὺς πεσόντας λέγων· ‘πνεύματι πορνείας ἐπλανήθητε.’ δι’ ἐμοῦ γὰρ ἦσαν ἐκεῖνοι σκελισθέντες. ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ πολλάκις σοι ὀχλήσας, τοσαυτάκις δὲ ἀνατραπεὶς παρὰ σοῦ.” 4 ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος εὐχαριστήσας τῷ Κυρίῳ καὶ καταθαρρήσας αὐτοῦ φησὶ πρὸς αὐτόν· “πολὺ τοίνυν εὐκαταφρόνητος τυγχάνεις· καὶ γὰρ μέλας εἶ τὸν νοῦν καὶ ὡς παῖς ἀσθενὴς ὑπάρχεις· οὐδεμία μοι λοιπόν ἐστι φροντὶς περὶ σοῦ· ‘κύριος γὰρ ἐμοὶ βοηθός, κἀγὼ ἐπόψομαι τοὺς ἐχθρούς μου.’” 5 ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ μέλας εὐθὺς ἔφυγε καταπτήξας τὰς φωνὰς καὶ φοβηθεὶς ἔτι κἂν ἐγγίσαι τῷ ἀνδρί.

4.17 ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son, John Cassian, Institutes, book 4

7. […] 6 ἠγρύπνει γὰρ τοσοῦτον, ὡς πολλάκις καὶ ὅλην τὴν νύκτα διατελεῖν αὐτὸν ἄϋπνον. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ οὐχ ἅπαξ ἀλλὰ καὶ πλειστάκις ποιῶν ἐθαυμάζετο. ἤσθιε τε ἅπαξ τῆς ἡμέρας μετὰ δύσιν ἡλίου, ἦν δ’ ὅτε καὶ διὰ δύο, πολλάκις καὶ διὰ τεσσάρων μετελάμβανεν. καὶ ἦν αὐτῷ ἡ τροφὴ ἄρτος καὶ ἅλας, καὶ τὸ ποτὸν μόνον ὕδωρ. 7 περὶ γὰρ κρεῶν καὶ οἴνου περιττόν ἐστι καὶ λέγειν, ὅπου γε οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις σπουδαίοις ηὑρίσκετό τι τῶν τοιούτων. εἰς δὲ τὸν ὕπνον ἠρκεῖτο ψιαθίῳ· τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς μόνης κατέκειτο. […] […] 23.1 “Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν, ἐὰν ἴδωσι καὶ πάντας μὲν χριστιανούς, μάλιστα δὲ μοναχούς, φιλοπονοῦντας καὶ προκόπτοντας, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπιχειροῦσι καὶ πειράζουσιν ἐχόμενα τρίβου τιθέναι σκάνδαλα· σκάνδαλα δὲ αὐτῶν εἰσιν οἱ ῥυπαροὶ λογισμοί. 2 οὐ δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς φοβεῖσθαι τὰς ὑποβολὰς αὐτῶν· εὐχαῖς γὰρ καὶ νηστείαις καὶ τῇ εἰς τὸν Κύριον πίστει πίπτουσιν εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνοι. ἀλλὰ καὶ πεσόντες οὐ παύονται, αὖθις δὲ πάλιν προσέρχονται πανούργως καὶ δολίως. 3 Ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ἐκ φανεροῦ καὶ ῥυπαρῶς δι’ ἡδονῆς μὴ δυνηθῶσιν ἀπατῆσαι τὴν καρδίαν, ἄλλως πάλιν ἐπιβαίνουσιν. καὶ λοιπὸν φαντασίας ἀναπλάττοντες ἐκφοβεῖν προσποιοῦνται, μετασχηματιζόμενοι καὶ μιμούμενοι γυναῖκας, θηρία, ἑρπετὰ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων καὶ πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν. ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ οὕτως δεῖ τὰς τούτων φαντασίας δειλιᾶν. 4. οὐδὲν γάρ εἰσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταχέως ἀφανίζονται, ἐὰν μάλιστα τῇ πίστει καὶ τῷ σημείῳ τοῦ σταυροῦ τις ἑαυτὸν περιφράττῃ. 5 τολμηροὶ δέ εἰσι καὶ λίαν ἀναιδεῖς. ἐὰν γὰρ καὶ οὕτως ἡττηθῶσιν, ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ πάλιν ἐπιβαίνουσιν. καὶ προσποιοῦνται μαντεύεσθαι καὶ προλέγειν τὰ μεθ’ ἡμέρας ἐρχόμενα, δεικνύειν τε ἑαυτοὺς ὑψηλοὺς ἄχρι τῆς στέγης φθάνοντας καὶ πλατεῖς τῷ μεγέθει ἵνα, οὓς οὐκ ἠδυνήθησαν ἀπατῆσαι τοῖς λογισμοῖς, κἂν ταῖς τοιαύταις φαντασίαις ὑφαρπάσωσιν. 6 ἐὰν δὲ καὶ οὕτως εὕρωσι τὴν ψυχὴν ἠσφαλισμένην τῇ πίστει καὶ τῇ ἐλπίδι τῆς διανοίας, λοιπὸν ἐπάγονται τὸν ἄρχοντα ἑαυτῶν.”

4.17 ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son, John Cassian, Institutes, book 4

Source: John Cassian, Institutes 4.27 (Latin, 5th century) Edition: M. P ETSCHENIG , Iohannis Cassiani opera, vol. 1: De institutis coenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum remediis libri XII, CSEL 17 (Vienna, 1888) Introduction: John Cassian (c. 360 – c. 435), ascetic and founder of a monastery in southern Gaul, imported monasticism to the west from the east where it originated. Monasticism and asceticism therefore developed similarly in both parts of the Roman Empire. John Cassian’s writings centre on the idea of the true Christian life being a spiritual battle against sin and evil thoughts, as outlined in the above extract from Athanasius. His ascetic works, particularly the Institutes, laid the groundwork for western monasticism as established by Benedict of Nursia in the sixth century. The passage below shows that monastic communities valued strict obedience and hierarchies highly. Family ties were dissolved in favour of monastic fraternity. Further reading: A.M.C. C ASIDAY, Tradition and Theology in St John Cassian (Oxford, 2006) See also: [4.14 Red, white and blue martyrdom in early medieval Ireland] [4.23 Bringing up children under monastic discipline]

185

186

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

4.27.2 In order to prove more thoroughly whether he would appear to value affection and love for his own flesh and blood more than obedience and mortification in Christ (something which all who renounce the world need to prefer on account of their love to Christ), he was made to neglect his little son intentionally. Dressed in rags rather than in proper clothes, and so covered and disfigured with dirt that he could disturb rather than please the eyes of his father whenever he saw him, he was also exposed to punches and slaps from different people, which the father most of the time watched with his own eyes inflicted on his little son, although he was innocent and did not deserve this treatment. As a result, he never saw his cheeks unstained with filthy marks of tears. 3 Although the child was mistreated in this way every single day before his eyes, nevertheless the father’s heart remained hard and unmoved at all times on account of his love to Christ and by virtue of his obedience. For he no longer considered him his son, as he had offered him equally with himself to Christ, nor was he concerned about his present injuries, but rather he rejoiced because he could see that the suffering caused by these wounds always yielded positive results, as he thought little of his son’s tears, but was concerned about his own humility and perfection. The senior of the monastery saw through this sternness and steadfast rigour of his mind, and when one day he had seen the child crying, he pretended that he was annoyed with him and ordered the father to throw him into the river, so he could perfectly prove the constancy of his mindset. 4 Then, as if this had been ordered to him by the Lord, he straightaway snapped up his son in fast run, and carried him in his own arms all the way to the river’s bank to throw him in. Indeed, in the heat of his faith and obedience this would have been carried out in act, had not some of the brothers been purposely tasked to man the banks of the river in a state of alarm, and when the child was already thrown in, had somehow seized him from the bed of the stream, revoked the execution of the order, which was fulfilled by the obedience and devotion of the father, and prevented the completion and result of his deed. 4.27.2 quod ut plenius probaretur, utrum uidelicet plus faceret affectionem sanguinis ac suorum uiscerum caritatem, an oboedientiam et mortificationem Christi, quam renuntians quisque pro eius debet amore praeferre, de industria neglegebatur paruulus, pannis potius quam uestimentis indutus, sordibus quoque ita obsitus ac foedatus, ut offendere potius quam delectare paternos oculos posset, quotiens ab eo fuisset aspectus, sed etiam colaphis atque alapis expositus diuersorum, quas plerumque sub obtutibus suis innocenti paruulo etiam gratis cernebat infligi, ita ut numquam genas eius nisi lacrimarum sordentibus uestigiis uideret infectas. 3 cumque taliter infans sub oculis eius per dies singulos ageretur, pro amore nihilominus Christi et oboedientiae uirtute rigida semper atque inmobilia patris uiscera permanserunt. non enim reputabat iam suum filium, quem se cum pariter obtulerat Christo, nec curabat de praesentibus eius iniuriis, sed potius exultabat, quod eas nequaquam infructuose tolerari cernebat, parum cogitans de lacrimis eius, sed de propria humilitate ac perfectione sollicitus. quam districtionem mentis illius atque inmobilem rigorem peruidens coenobii senior, ad conprobandam penitus animi eius constantiam, cum plorare quadam die uidisset infantem, simulans se aduersus eum commotum praecepit patri, ut tollens eum iactaret in flumen. 4 tum ille, uelut a domino sibi esset prae-

4.18 The battle of the church against ‘heresy’: Prudentius, Psychomachia, 705-25

ceptum, confestim celeri cursu rapiens filium ulnis propriis usque ad oram fluminis iactaturus aduexit. quod profecto feruore fidei et oboedientiae eius fuisset opere consummatum, ni procurati fuissent de industria fratres, qui sollicite ripam fluminis obsiderent, proiectumque iam et quodammodo de fluminis alueo paruulum rapuissent, et consummationem praecepti obsequio patris ac deuotione conpletam ab effectu operis atque ab ipso fine reuocassent.

4.18 The battle of the church against ‘heresy’: Prudentius, Psychomachia, 705-25

Source: Prudentius, Psychomachia 705-25 (Latin, late 4th/early 5th century) Edition: J. Bergman, Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina (Vienna, 1926) Introduction: The passage below contains the last of the seven allegorical battles in Prudentius’ Psychomachia (Battle in the Soul). The death scenes follow an aesthetic principle of direct retaliation. The allegory of Heresy is torn asunder because she has torn apart the unity of Christians. In ancient belief, being devoured by wild animals was considered an extremely gruesome kind of death. This barred dying individuals from entering the underworld in a single piece. Christians thought differently as they were killed in the arena and firmly believed that their flesh will be restored at Judgment Day. Heresy’s speech alludes to Christological controversies, Belial to demons. Further reading: K.R. H AWORTH , Deified Virtues, Demonic Vices and Descriptive Allegory in Prudentius’ Psychomachia (Amsterdam, 1980); D. R OHMANN , ‘Vicious Virtues. The Aesthetic of Violence in Prudentius’, in S. H EILEN et al. (ed.), In Pursuit of Wissenschaft, Festschrift William Calder, Hildesheim 2008, 379-91 See also: [3.24 The practical problems of a physical resurrection]

Quickly with drawn swords the hole army of the Virtues surrounds her, inquiring in a heated turmoil about her ancestry and name, her country of origin and her school of thought, which God she worships, of what nation he is that sent her. And she, all pale with distressing fear, says, “I am called Discord, and my surname is Heresy. The God I have is coloured, sometimes smaller or larger, now twofold and now again simple; when I please, he is made out of thin air and a phantom-like apparition, or again a begotten soul, whenever I want to deride his divinity. My teacher is Belial, my home and region the world –” No further could Faith, the Virtues’ queen, bear the blasphemies of the captive monster, but stopped her words, while she was still speaking, and blocked the passage of her voice with a javelin, piercing her polluted tongue with its hard point. Countless hands tear the infernal beast in pieces. Each pick up little bits to scatter to the winds, or cast to the dogs, or offer voluntarily to the greedy ravens, or pour into the sewers dirty with steaming excrement, or give to the sea-monsters for their own. The whole corpse is torn asunder and parcelled out to unclean animals, the frightful Heresy dies, rent limb from limb.

187

188

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Circumstat propere strictis mucronibus omnis uirtutum legio exquirens feruente tumultu et genus et nomen, patriam sectamque, deumque quem colat et missu cuiatis uenerit. illa exsanguis turbante metu: “discordia dicor, cognomento Heresis, deus est mihi discolor,” inquit, “nunc minor aut maior, modo duplex et modo simplex, cum placet, aerius et de fantasmate uisus, aut innata anima est, quotiens uolo ludere numen; praeceptor Belia mihi, domus et plaga mundus.” non tulit ulterius capti blasfemia monstri uirtutum regina Fides, sed uerba loquentis inpedit et uocis claudit spiramina pilo pollutam rigida transfigens cuspide linguam. carpitur innumeris feralis bestia dextris; frustatim sibi quisque rapit, quod spargat in auras, quod canibus donet, coruis quod edacibus ultro offerat, inmundis caeno exhalante cloacis quod trudat, monstris quod mandet habere marinis. discissum foedis animalibus omne cadauer diuiditur, ruptis Heresis perit horrida membris.

4.19 The extremity of asceticism: Baradatus lives in a box, Theodoret, History of the Monks in Syria, 27

Source: Theodoret, History of the Monks in Syria 27.2 (Greek, 5th century) Edition: P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen, Théodoret de Cyr: L’histoire des moines de Syrie, vol. 2, SC 257 (Paris, 1979) Introduction: Theodoret of Cyrus, best known for his Church history, wrote the History of the Monks in Syria (or Historia religiosa) in the 440s. This monastic history, as the passage below illustrates, gives evidence to the fact that ascetics tried to outdo others in inflicting voluntary sufferings on themselves. A common way of doing this was to live in confinement, for example, on top of a pillar or in a box in seclusion. This kind of lifestyle was spiritual in nature, considered close to the lives of Jesus of Nazareth and of the apostles, and also caught the attention of hagiographers, encouraging others to follow the example of famous ascetics. Further reading: R.M. P RICE (ed.), Theodoret: A History of the Monks in Syria (Kalamazoo, 1985); P. B ROWN , The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988); V.L. W IMBUSH and R. VAL ANTASIS , Asceticism (Oxford, 1998) See also: [4.22 Self-mortification and the power to heal]

4.20

Monks fighting the devil in the desert: The Rule of Saint Benedict, 1 on advanced monks

27.2 […] At first Baradatus shut himself off for a long time in a small hut and wanted to enjoy divine consolation only. He therefore climbed on the top of a mountain ridge and constructed a wooden box for himself. This box was very small and did not fit the size of his body. He lived in this box, constantly forced to stoop. For the height of the box did not fit the height of his body. Nor was the box fitted together with planks, but it had many openings like a lattice und resembled windows that have rather large holes for daylight. This box therefore did not provide shelter from the pouring rain nor refuge from the heat of the sun. He tolerated both similarly to others who lived in the open air. He surpassed them only in his sufferings of confinement. 27. 2 […] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν οἰκίσκῳ χρόνον πολὺν ἑαυτὸν καθείρξας τῆς θείας μόνης ψυχαγωγίας ἀπέλαυεν. ἐκεῖθεν τὴν ὑπερκειμένην καταλαβὼν ῥαχίαν καὶ κιβωτόν τινα βραχεῖαν οὐδὲ τῷ σώματι σύμμετρον ἐκ ξύλων κατασκευάσας ἐν αὐτῇ διῆγε, κατακύπτειν διηνεκῶς ἠναγκασμένος· οὐ γὰρ εἶχεν ὕψος ἰσόμετρον τῷ μήκει τοῦ σώματος. οὐ σανίσι δέ γε αὕτη συνήρμοστο, ἀλλὰ ταῖς κιγκλίσι παραπλησίως διήνοικτο καὶ ταῖς φωταγωγοῖς ἐῴκει ταῖς εὐρυτέρας ἐχούσαις τοῦ φωτὸς τὰς εἰσόδους· οὗ χάριν οὔτε τῆς τῶν ὑετῶν ἀπηλλάττετο προσβολῆς οὔτε τῆς ἡλιακῆς ἠλευθεροῦτο φλογός, ἀλλ’ ἀμφότερα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὑπαιθρίοις παραπλησίως ἐδέχετο· ἐπλεονέκτει δὲ μόνῳ τῷ τῆς καθείρξεως πόνῳ.

4.20

Monks fighting the devil in the desert: The Rule of Saint Benedict, 1 on advanced monks

Source: The rule of Benedict 1.3-5 (Latin, mid 6th century, Monte Cassino) Edition: A. de VOGÜE and J. de N EUF VILLE , La règle de Saint Benoît, vol. 1, SC 181 (Paris, 1972) Introduction: Benedict of Nursia (c. 480 – c. 550) was a pioneering founder of monasteries in the west, most notably of Monte Cassino in 529, and name patron of the Benedictine Order. His monastic rule, written in Monte Cassino, was highly influential throughout the Middle Ages. Like Athanasius, Benedict regarded as the highest duty of the monks to fight against evil powers, thoughts and sins, according to the bible verse: ‘For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.’ (Eph 6:12) This is in line with the actual activities of monks and holy men who were eager to root out the material basis of paganism while abstaining, if possible, from injuring human beings. Further reading: B.L. V ENARDE (ed.), The Rule of Saint Benedict (Cambridge, MA, 2011) See also: [3.5 The problem of temple destruction from a pagan standpoint] [4.16 Battling demons in the desert] [4.18 The battle of the church against ‘heresy’]

1.3 The second kind are anchorites, that is, hermits, who are no longer novices in the ire of monastic life but long tested in a monastery, 4 who have learned, by now trained in the comfort of the multitude, to fight against the devil. 5 Well instructed among a battle line of brothers

189

190

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

for single combat in the wilderness, by now confident even without another’s encouragement, they are ready, with God’s help, to fight the sins both of the flesh and of thoughts with hand and arm alone. 1.3 deinde secundum genus est anachoritarum, id est heremitarum, horum qui non conuersationis feruore nouicio, sed monasterii probatione diuturna, 4 qui didicerunt contra diablum multorum solacio iam docti pugnare, 5 et bene extructi fraterna ex acie ad singularem pugnam heremi, securi iam sine consolatione alterius, sola manu uel brachio contra uitia carnis uel cogitationum, Deo auxiliante, pugnare sufficiunt.

4.21

Day to day physical punishment in the Rule of Columbanus

Source: Columbanus, Rule of the Monks 1.1-3, Rule of the Monastic Community 1 (Latin, early 7th century, Southern France/Northern Italy) Edition: G.S.M. WALKER , Sancti Columbani Opera, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 2 (Dublin, 1957) Introduction: Columbanus (543 – 615) was an Irish monk and missionary who travelled to the European continent where he founded a number of monasteries, most notably at Luxeuil and Bobbio, spreading Irish monastic practices including a monastic rule that put comparatively more emphasis than continental rules on strict obedience and corporal punishment for insubordination, as the passage below indicates. Columbanus also introduced to the continent the penitential practice of confessing one’s sins to a priest in private. Further reading: P. Fouracre, ‘Francia in the Seventh Century,’ in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 1: c. 500 – c. 700 (Cambridge, 2005), 371-96; D. Ó C RÓINÍN , ‘A Tale of Two Rules: Benedict and Columbanus,’ in M. B ROWNE and C. Ó C L ABAIGH (ed.), The Irish Benedictines: A History (Dublin, 2005), 11-24. See also: [4.17 ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son]

Rule of the Monks (Regula Monachorum)

1 About Obedience At the first word of a senior, all on hearing need to get up to obey because obedience is bestowed on God, as our Lord Jesus Christ says: ‘He who hears you hears me.’ (Lk 10:16) 2 If therefore anyone on hearing the word does not get up immediately, he must be judged disobedient. But he who disagrees incurs the crime of stubbornness, and thus is not only charged with disobedience, but also, by opening access to disagreement for others, must be regarded as the destroyer of many. 3 But if anyone is grumpy, he too, as though not obeying on request, must be considered disobedient. So, let his work be rejected, until his goodwill is recognised. But up to what measure is obedience defined? Up to death it is certainly prescribed because Christ obeyed the Father up to death for us. […]

4.22

Self-mortification and the power to heal: Venantius Fortunatus, Life of the Holy Radegund 1.20 & 25

1 De oboedientia ad primum uerbum senioris omnes ad oboediendum audientes surgere oportet, quia oboedientia Deo exhibetur, dicente domino nostro Iesu Christo: “qui uos audit me audit.” 2 si quis igitur uerbum audiens non statim surrexerit inoboediens iudicandus est. qui autem contradixerit contumaciae crimen incurrit, et ideo non solum inoboedientiae reus est, sed etiam contradictionis aditum aliis aperiens multorum destructor aestimandus est. 3 si quis uero murmurauerit, et ipse tamquam non ex uoto oboediens inoboediens putandus est. idcirco opus eius abiiciatur, donec illius bona uoluntas cognoscatur. oboedientia autem usque ad quem modum definitur? usque ad mortem certe praecepta est, quia Christus usque ad mortem oboediuit patri pro nobis.

Rule of the Monastic Community (Regula Coenobialis)

1 […] Thus him who has not kept grace at table and has not responded “Amen”, it is ordained to correct with six blows. In a similar way, him who has spoken while eating, not in necessary response to another brother, it is ordained to correct with six. If one has called anything his own, with six blows. And him who has not blessed the spoon with which he sups with six blows, and him who has spoken noisily, that is, has emitted a sound higher than usual, with six blows. […] 1 […] ergo qui non custodierit ad mensam benedictionem et non responderit Amen, sex percussionibus emendare statuitur. simili modo qui locutus fuerit comedens non necessitate alterius fratris, VI emendare statuitur. [qui dixerit suum proprium aliquid, sex percussionibus.] et qui non signauerit coclear quo lambit [sex percussionibus] et qui locutus fuerit in plausu, id est altiore sono solito sonauerit, VI percussionibus.

4.22 Self-mortification and the power to heal: Venantius Fortunatus, Life of the Holy Radegund 1.20 & 25

Source: Venantius Fortunatus, Life of the Holy Radegund, 1.20, 25 (Latin, late 6th century, Gaul) Edition: MGH SS rer. Merov. 2:371-3 Introduction: Venantius Fortunatus (c. 540 – between 600 and 610) was the last Roman poet of Late Antiquity. His works mark the transition to early medieval poetry. He was born and educated at Ravenna, where he even studied classical poets in the mid sixth century. He went on to practise the art of poetry at the Merovingian court and was eventually appointed Bishop of Poitiers around 600. Besides his poems he also wrote a hagiographical Life of one of his patrons, Queen Radegund, who founded a nunnery in Poitiers after the death of her husband, Chlothar I. Venantius Fortunatus speaks highly of her ability and desire to undergo extensive sufferings, exceeding the sufferings of ascetics before her and thus giving her comparatively great healing powers.

191

192

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Further reading: J. M C N AMAR A and J.E. H ALBORG (ed.), Sainted Women of the Dark Ages (Durham, 1992) See also: [4.19 The extremity of asceticism: Baradatus lives in a box]

1.20. Yet, with God’s help, she shone forth in a different miracle. Finally, if anyone had lost all hope of getting rid of a wound of blisters, the deaconess would offer a vine leaf to the saint, pretending that this was her duty. As soon as the saint made the sign of the cross over it, the deaconess would take it to the desperate person, and placing it on the wound, a cure would soon occur. […] 25. […] Once, when during the forty days of fasting she bound her neck and arms with three broad iron circlets, and inserted three chains in them, until she had squeezed her body tightly, the hard iron locked up her body, ligating her delicate flesh all over. After the fasting period was over, when she wished to remove the chains locked under her skin and was unable to do this, her flesh was cut so deeply by the circlet all over her back and breast because of the iron chains, that the blood shed during the procedure had drained her little body to the last drop. 1.20 Quae tamen, praestante Deo, diuerso fulsit miraculo. denique, si quis pustulae desperaret de uulnere, offerebat ministra sanctae folium pampani, mentiens sibi opus hoc esse. sic uix obtento signaculo, portans ad desperatum, uulneri superposito, mox occurebat remedium. 25 […] quadam uice, dum sibi latos tres circulos ferreos diebus quadragesimae collo uel brachiis nexuit, et tres catenas inserens, circa suum corpus dum alligasset adstricte, inclusit durum ferrum caro tenera supercrescens. et transacto ieiunio, cum uoluisset catenas sub cute clausas extrahere nec ualeret, caro per dorsum atque pectus super ferrum catenarum est incisa per circulum, ut sanguis fusus ad extremum exinaniret corpusculum.

4.23

Bringing up children under monastic discipline: Common Rule 6

Source: Common Rule 6 (Latin, 7th century, Spain) Edition: J. Campos Ruiz, I. Roca Melia, San Leandro, San Isidoro, San Fructuoso: Reglas monásticas de la España visigoda, Los tres libros de las “Sentencias” (Madrid, 1971), 182-3 Introduction: Some manuscripts preserving the text attribute to the monastic rule below the authorship of Fructuosus of Braga (c. 600 – 665), but it seems more likely that the text was written by more than one author, although contemporary to Fructuosus, in the Visigothic kingdom. The extract below illustrates the ways children were raised in a monastery, and attracted to the monastic way of life. Further reading: C.W. Barlow (ed.), Iberian Fathers, vol. 2: Braulio of Saragossa, Fructuosus of Braga, The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation 63 (Washington, DC, 1969), 176-206 See also: [4.17 ‘Thinking little of his son’s tears’: an ascetic father mistreats his son]

4.23

Bringing up children under monastic discipline: Common Rule 6

6 Let the children be brought up among both parents until they learn a little about the rule, and let them always be instructed so that both boys and girls are summoned to the monastery where they are going to live. And we shall plainly show the ways in which the children should be fed in the monastery if the Lord gives us permission: Let a cellar master be chosen, proven for his good patience, whom the general association has chosen and who is excused from all monastery service and from kitchen duties, in such a way that he always occupies the storeroom next to the infants, the aged, the sick, and guests. And if the congregation is relatively large, let a junior be given to him to run through the service itself in the way how the children themselves are gathered together by his command at suitable hours, and receive their food. From holy Easter to the 24th of September, let them eat four times every single day; From the 24th of September to the first of December, three times; from the first of December to holy Easter, let the matter be under the discretion of the cellar master himself. But let them otherwise be instructed in such a way that they should put nothing in their mouths without a blessing and command. Let each of these children have their dean who knows more about them, so that he watches the observance of the Rule over them, and they are always admonished by him not to do or say anything in disagreement with the Rule; or not to be caught lying, stealing, and swearing falsely. For if they are caught in one of the aforementioned sins, let them at once be corrected by their dean with a rod. 6 sed inter utrosque foueantur quousque quantulumque regulam cognoscant et semper instruantur, ut siue sint pueri siue puellae monasterio prouocentur, ubi habitare futuri erunt. et qualiter ipsi infantes in monasterio nutriantur planam ostendimus uiam si Dominus dederit comeatum, si Dominus dederit comeatum. eligatur cellararius bonae patientiae probatus quem communis elegerit conlatio et ab omni excusetur monasterii seruitio et coquinae officio, ita ut semper cellarium teneat propter ipsos paruulos, senes, infirmos uel hospites; et si maior fuerit congregatio, iunior ei detur pro ipso seruitio discurrendo qualiter ipsi infantes ab ipsius imperio ad horas congruas copulentur, et accipiant alimentum. a sancto pascha usque octauo kalendas octobris manducent per singulos dies quatuor uices. ab octauo kalendas octubris usque ad kalendas decembris tres uices. a kalendas decembris usque ad sanctum pascha in potestate sit ipsius cellarii. ceterum uero sic instruantur, ut absque benedictione et imperio nihil in ore suo mittere debeant; qui et ipsi infantes suum habeant decanum qui plus de eis intellegit, ut regulam super eos obseruet et ab eo semper admoneantur, ne aliquid absque regula faciant aut loquantur. aut certe in mendacio, furto uel periurio deprehendantur. quodsi in aliquo quae diximus deprehensi fuerint, continuo ab ipso suo decano uirga emendentur.

193

194

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Justinian’s religious policies 4.24

Defining, prohibiting and punishing heresy by law: Codex Justinianus, 1.5

Source: Codex Justinianus 1.5.2; 1.5.18.4 (Latin/Greek, mid 6th century) Edition: P. K RÜGER , Th. M OMMSEN , R. S CHÖLL , and W. K ROLL , Corpus iuris civilis, vol. 2: Codex Justinianus, 11th ed. (Berlin, 1954) Introduction: Promulgated in 534, the Codex Justinianus is a collection of legal constitutions compiled on behalf of the emperor Justinian (527-565) and taking account of previous imperial legislation. Central to its religious legislation is the fact that the code defines ‘heresy’ as any form of deviance from orthodoxy in action, communication, or thought, and that pagans are therefore also understood to be heretics. This is similar to, but more explicit than, a previous law by Emperor Theodosius in 380 that factually made Christianity the state religion, which formed a part of the earlier Codex Theodosianus (16.1.2). By contrast, the heresy law of the Codex Justinianus was worded in the year before, but not included in the earlier law code. This definition of heresy fits well into Justinian’s own law banning pagan teaching, which was issued in 529, a few years before the promulgation of the code proper. The law probably targeted the Platonic academy in Athens, which was closed by Justinian in the same year, but was also meant to be a general law against pagan teachers in the Byzantine empire. Some scholars therefore consider the year of 529 as an epochal date marking the end of antiquity from a cultural standpoint since not only the Academy was shut down but also the medieval monastery in Monte Cassino founded by Benedict. Further reading: Alan C AMERON , ‘The Last Days of the Academy at Athens,’ Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, n.s. 15 (1969), 7-29 See also: [2.11 Philosophers accused of treason and magic] [2.12 A later account of the magic trials]

1.5.2 The emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius Let all heresies, forbidden by law and by divine and imperial constitutions, rest forever and let no one any longer attempt either to teach or to learn any profane doctrines they have come across: lest the bishops of the same people dare to profess a faith which they do not have, and elect ministers, something which they are not: lest through forbearance of the judges and of all those who, through the constitutions of our forefathers, have been entrusted with the pertinent duty of care, audacity of this kind is neglected, and reinforced. 1 Comprised under the designation of “heretics”, and in need of subjection to the wide-ranging sanctions against them, are persons who have been detected to have strayed off the judgment and path of the Catholic religion, even by a slight argument. (3 Aug 379)

4.25 The emperor Justinian bans pagan teaching and philosophy: John Malalas, book 18

1.5.18.4 Concerning all the other heresies (we call heresies those who think and worship differently from the catholic, apostolic church and the orthodox faith) we wish that the law once enacted by us and by our father of blessed memory to be in force. In this law are prescribed the appropriate measures not only concerning them but also concerning the Samaritans and pagans, namely that those affected by such a disease shall not be in the military service or enjoy any position of rank. They shall not under the disguise of a teacher of any discipline divert the minds of the simple to their own error, and in this manner render them more indifferent toward the true and pure faith of the orthodox but we permit only those to teach and receive public salary who are of the orthodox faith. (529) 1.5.2 Imperatores Gratianus, Valentinianus, Theodosius omnes uetitae legibus et diuinis et imperialibus constitutionibus haereses perpetuo conquiescant et nemo ulterius conetur quae reppererit profana praecepta uel docere uel discere: ne antistites eorundem audeant fidem insinuare, quam non habent, et ministros creare, quod non sunt: ne per coniuentiam iudicantium omniumque, quibus per constitutiones paternas super hoc cura mandata est, eiusmodi audacia neglegatur et crescat. 1. Haereticorum autem uocabulo continentur et latis aduersus eos sanctionibus debent succumbere, qui uel leui argumento iudicio catholicae religionis et tramite detecti fuerint deuiare. 1.5.18.4 ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἁπάσαις αἱρέσιν (αἱρέσεις δὲ καλοῦμεν τὰς παρὰ τὴν καθολικὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τὴν ὀρθόδοξον πίστιν φρονούσας τε καὶ θρησκευούσας) τὸν ἤδη τεθέντα νόμον παρά τε ἡμῶν καὶ τοῦ τῆς θείας λήξεως πατρὸς ἡμῶν κρατεῖν βουλόμεθα, ἐν ᾧ οὐ μόνον περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Σαμαρειτῶν καὶ Ἑλλήνων τὰ προσήκοντα διατέτακται· ὥστε τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα νοσοῦντας μήτε στρατεύεσθαι μήτε τινὸς ἀξιώματος ἀπολαύειν, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ ἐν σχήματι διδασκάλου παιδείας δῆθέν τινος τὰς τῶν ἀπλουστέρων ψυχὰς εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀνθέλκειν τλάνην καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς ἀργοτέρους περὶ τὴν ἀληθῆ καὶ καθαρὰν τῶν ὀρθοδόξων πίστιν, μόνοις δὲ ἐκείνοις διδάσκειν καὶ σιτήσεως δημοσίας τυγχάνειν ἐφίεμεν τοῖς τῆς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως οὖσιν.

4.25 The emperor Justinian bans pagan teaching and philosophy: John Malalas, book 18

Source: John Malalas 18.47 (451 Dindorf) (Greek, mid 6th century, Constantinople) Edition: H. Thurn, Ioannis Malalae chronographia, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Series Berolinensis 35 (Berlin, 2000) Introduction: John Malalas was in the imperial service and wrote a chronicle covering the period up to the reign of Justinian. In the short passage below, Malalas attests that Justinian’s ban on pagans teaching or receiving a public salary was enforced in Athens where the Neoplatonic academy was shut down in 529. This extract also shows that pagan philosophy and astronomy were both linked to illegal dice games, and all of these crimes to illegal prophecies.

195

196

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

Further reading: E.J. Watts, ‘Justinian, Malalas, and the End of Athenian Philosophical Teaching in A.D. 529,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 94 (2004), 168–82 See also: [3.4 Legal restraints to acquire knowledge]

18.47 [AD 529] During the consulship of this Decius, the emperor himself decreed a command and sent it to Athens ordering that no one should teach philosophy nor expound astronomy and that dice gambling should not take place in any city, since some dice-players in Byzantium were found involved in terrible blasphemies, their hands were cut off and they were paraded around on camels. 18.47 Ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ὑπατείας τοῦ αὐτοῦ Δεκίου ὁ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς θεσπίσας πρόσταξιν ἔπεμψεν ἐν Ἀθήναις, κελεύσας μηδένα διδάσκειν φιλοσοφίαν μήτε ἀστρονομίαν ἐξηγεῖσθαι μήτε κόττον ἐν μιᾷ τῶν πόλεων γίνεσθαι, ἐπειδὴ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ εὑρεθέντες τινὲς τῶν κοττιστῶν καὶ Βλασφημίαις δειναῖς ἑαυτοὺς περιβαλόντες χειροκοπηθέντες περιεβωμίσθησαν ἐν καμήλοις.

4.26

Inquisitions under Justinian and the burning of pagan literature: Anonymous, Life of Simeon Stylites the Younger, 161 & 164

Source: Life of Simeon 161, 164 (van de Ven) (Greek, mid 6th century) Edition: P. van de Ven, La Vie ancienne de S. Syméon Stylite le Jeune (521-592), Subsidia Hagiographica 32 (Brussels, 1962), 143-6 Introduction: The hagiographical Life of Simeon Stylites the Younger was written by an anonymous student and contemporary of Simeon, who was a popular pillar saint in the Antioch area in the age of Justinian. The passage below illustrates the ways religious conformity was systematically enforced in the age of Justinian ‘in the entire east’. Amantius (PLRE 3, Amantius 2, 52-4) is known as magister militum per orientem in 555 CE. He was in office at the time of the Samaritan revolt at Caesarea in Palestine in July of that year. It is worth noting that the inquisitors burnt non-conformist Christian literature alongside pagan books, particularly books on Epicurean philosophy (automatism). Further reading: D. R OHMANN , Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity: Studies in Text Transmission (Berlin, 2016), 102-109 See also: [2.11 Philosophers accused of treason and magic]

161 After the saint [Simeon] had predicted all this, the chief, Amantius by name, arrived three months later, having put to death a high number of culprits searched out by him on his way, before he entered the city of Antioch, so that all people were terrified by his presence. For everywhere did he reprimand all misdeeds, from spoken word to deed, castigating almost to death all those who had strayed, to such an extent that henceforward even those whose conduct had

4.26

Inquisitions under Justinian and the burning of pagan literature

been beyond reproach feared his presence. For he did away with every controversy, injustice, violence, and every infamous action, as much as he could in the entire East. After all this had happened, God approached his servant showing him also another vision, which he reported to us in this way: “A decision has been made by God against the pagans and the heterodox that this chief shall search out the error concerning idolatry, to collect all their books and to burn these in the fire.” After Simeon had anticipated and announced the events, zeal for God overcame the chief, and after having conducted an inquisition, he found that the majority of the first citizens of the city and many of its inhabitants had been involved in paganism, Manichaeism, astrology, automatism, and other gruesome heresies. These he had detained, thrown in prison, and having brought together all of their books, which were a great many, he had these burnt in the middle of the stadium. He also had their idols along with the gruesome vessels collected and hung up in all the streets of the city, and their wealth was consumed by many fines. […] 164. […] The next day, the judge was sitting on his tribunal and inflicting individual punishments on those among them who had committed a great number of terrible misdeeds inspired by their impiety. On some he imposed to serve in guest-houses, others, who called themselves clerics, he sent for schooling to monasteries. Still others he had exiled; from these, some he even sentenced to death, although he released the majority among them who alleged their ignorance and promised to repent, by order of the emperor without prosecution. And so, having been corrected, all dispersed and none of them remained in prison, except for a single one who had often been the cause of agitation in the course of civil upheaval, wherefore it is just and fitting to commemorate the judgments of God and to glorify his love towards ourselves, which is beyond words. 161 Ταῦτα πάντα προειπόντος τοῦ ἁγίου, εἴσω τετραμηνιαίου χρόνου παραγέγονεν ὁ ἄρχων ἐκεῖνος, Ἀμάντιος ὄνομα αὐτῷ, ὃς καὶ πρὸ τοῦ εἰσελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ Ἀντιόχου πόλει πολλοὺς τῶν ἀδίκων κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς εὑρηκὼς ἀπώλεσεν, ὥστε φρῖξαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀπὸ προσώπου αὐτοῦ· πανταχῇ γὰρ πᾶσαν κακοπραγίαν ἀπὸ λόγου καὶ ἕως ἔργου ἀνέστειλεν, παιδεύων ἄχρι θανάτου τοὺς παραπίπτοντας, ὡς ἐντεῦθεν καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἀμέμπτῳ πολιτείᾳ δεδιέναι τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ· περιεῖλε γὰρ ὡς δυνατὸν ἦν ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ἀνατολῇ πᾶσαν μάχην καὶ ἀδικίαν καὶ μάχαιραν καὶ πᾶσαν αἰσχροπραγίαν. Τούτων τε οὕτως γενομένων, προσέθηκεν ὁ Θεὸς τοῦ δεῖξαι τῷ θεράποντι αὐτοῦ καὶ ἄλλην θεωρίαν, ἣν ἐξαγγείλας ἔφη πρὸς ἡμᾶς· “ἐξῆλθε,” φησίν, “ἀπόφασις ἀπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ κατὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ἑτεροδόξων τοῦ ἐξευρεῖν τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦτον τὴν τῶν ἀθέων περὶ τὴν εἰδωλολατρείαν πλάνην καὶ ἐπισυναγαγεῖν πάσας αὐτῶν τὰς βίβλους καὶ πυρὶ καῦσαι.” ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ προεωρακότος καὶ ἀπαγγείλαντος, προσετέθη ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἄρχοντι ζῆλος Θεοῦ, καὶ ἐξερευνήσας ηὗρε τοὺς πλείους τῶν πρώτων τῆς πόλεως καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν κατοικούντων αὐτὴν ἑλληνισμῷ καὶ μανιχαϊσμῷ καὶ ἀστρολογίαις καὶ αὐτοματισμῷ καὶ ἄλλαις δυσωνύμοις αἱρέσεσι κατεχομένους, οὓς συλλαβόμενος κατέκλεισεν ἐν δεσμωτηρίοις, καὶ συναγαγὼν πάσας αὐτῶν τὰς βίβλους πολλὰς οὔσας σφόδρα κατέκαυσεν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ σταδίου, καὶ τὰ εἴδωλα αὐτῶν σὺν τοῖς μιαροῖς σκεύεσι προσενέγκας ἐκρέμασε κατὰ πάσης πλατείας τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ὁ πλοῦτος αὐτῶν ἐν πολλαῖς ζημίαις κατηναλώθη. […] 164 […] τῇ ἑξῆς προκαθίσας ὁ δικαστὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν μερικαῖς τιμωρίαις ὑπέβαλε πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ ὁμολογήσαντας κακὰ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀσεβείαις διαπεπράχθαι, τινὰς δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς ξενῶσιν ὑπηρετεῖν προσέταξεν, καὶ ἄλλους κληρικοὺς δῆθεν ἑαυτοὺς ὀνομάζοντας ἐν μοναστηρίοις

197

198

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

κατηχηθῆναι παραδέδωκεν, ἑτέρους δὲ ἐξορίαις παρέπεμψεν, τινὰς δὲ καὶ πρὸς θάνατον κατεδίκασεν, τοὺς δὲ πλείους αὐτῶν ἀγνοίαν προβαλλομένους καὶ μετανοεῖν ἐπαγγελλομένους ἀνεξετάστους ἐκ βασιλικῆς διατάξεως ἀπέλυσεν. καὶ οὕτως ἐγένετο πάντας αὐτοὺς παιδευθέντας διασκεδασθῆναι καὶ μηδένα αὐτῶν ἀπομεῖναι κατάκλειστον, πλὴν ἑνὸς στάσεις πεποιηκότος πολλὰς ἐν ταῖς δημοτικαῖς ταραχαῖς, δι’ ὃν καὶ ἄξιον ἐπιμνησθῆναι εὐκαίρως τῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ κριμάτων καὶ τὴν ἄφατον αὐτοῦ περὶ ἡμᾶς ἀνυμνῆσαι φιλανθρωπίαν.

4.27

Reconquest justified in the name of true religion and political liberty: Novels of Justinian, 78.4.1

Source: Novels of Justinian 78.4.1 (Latin/Greek, mid 6th century) Edition: R. Schöll and W. Kroll, Corpus iuris civilis, vol. 3: Novellae, 6th ed. (Berlin, 1954) Introduction: Justinian’s novels is a compilation of laws enacted by Justinian (525 – 565) after promulgation of the Codex Justinianus in 534. As such, these laws are far more comprehensive and detailed than the short selections included in the Codex Justinianus. They are part of the Corpus Iuris Civilis, the entire legal collection compiled in the age of Justinian. This short extract below indicates that Justinian justified the re-conquest of the former Roman Empire as a holy war. His justification was to establish orthodoxy. Further reading: C. H UMFRESS , ‘Law and Legal Practice in the Age of Justinian,’ in M. Maas (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian (Cambridge, 2005), 161-84 See also: [4.1 The desecration of churches and the execution of clerics during the Vandal conquest of Africa]

78.4.1 […] As proven, our whole interest is in keeping grants of freedom in force, to confirm them, and to make them flourish and grow in our state. Indeed, because of this desire we have undertaken such great wars in Libya, and in the West, in order to restore both the religion that is right for God and equal liberty for our subjects. 78.4.1 nobis autem omne extat studium subsistere libertates atque ualere et in nostra florere et augeri republica. Etenim huius causa desiderii et in Libya et in Hesperia tanta suscepimus bella et pro recta ad Deum religione et pro subiectorum pariter libertate.

4.28 The miraculous survival of a mason thrown from on high by Satan: John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History

4.28 The miraculous survival of a mason thrown from on high by Satan: John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History

Source: John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History 3.3.36 (Syriac, 6th century) Edition: E.W. B ROOKS , Iohannis Ephesini Historiae Ecclesiasticae pars tertia, CSCO 105 (Louvain, 105) Introduction: John of Ephesus (c. 507 – c. 586) was a leader of the Syriac orthodox church and wrote Church history in Syriac. He first enjoyed a good relationship with Emperor Justinian, who sent him on a mission to convert the remaining pagans of Asia Minor in 542. His fortune changed when Justinian’s successor, Justin II, began a rigorous persecution of Monophysites in 571, which forced John into exile. John himself gives an account of his sufferings in the third part of his Ecclesiastical History. The extract below is part of John’s account of his missionary activities in Asia Minor, where he built a number of churches and monasteries from the spoils of temples he had destroyed. John describes this conflict with the local pagans as a battle against the devil, in which a builder is thrown from a cliff – a story that is akin to the death of James the Just, an early leader of the Jerusalem church who was allegedly thrown from the pinnacle of a temple (Eus. HE 2.23.12-19). Further reading: F.R. TROMBLEY, ‘Paganism in the Greek World at the End of Antiquity: The Case of Rural Anatolia and Greece,’ The Harvard Theological Review 78 (1985), 327-52. See also: [3.9 A Christian saint fells pagan trees] [4.7 Saint Patrick confronts the magicians]

3.36 […] Right from the start Satan was envious about this monastery, and stirred up against it many plagues and fierce enemies from all quarters. For the demons who used to dwell there in times past, and to feast on the blood of the sacrifices offered to them, on which they would sit in swarms like flies on putrid ulcers, openly showed themselves, and contended first with the builders, when the site was under construction, and then with a cleric. They lifted him up in the air, and threw him down on a rock below, from which he was dashed to a rock still further down, which was even more massive. John and the other builders gazed in horror as they watched him fly along, and fall headlong on his face, and roll down from cliff to cliff. At daybreak he climbed down and examined the rock, which was no less than a thousand cubits below the place from which he was thrown. When they saw the man who had fallen down, they cried “Kyrie eleison”, and assumed that his brains must be beaten out, and scattered on the rocks against which he was dashed, and that his entrails must be poured out on the ground. They ran, therefore, with loud lamentations to collect though it were only the fragments of his bones, and give them burial, but on reaching the spot they found him unhurt, and in a sitting posture, and looking at them. As they saw him alive, they were astonished and full of joy, and praised God, who had saved him from a bitter death by the machinations of these pestilent demons. Nor had Christ permitted him to receive even a single injury except that he had hurt his nose a bit. And all who saw and heard it were in astonishment at the miracle which had been done by our Lord Jesus Christ.

199

200

4. Men of Arms and Men of God: Latin Europe after the Fall of Rome (476-751)

4.29

Justinian – fair or foul? Two opinions, one author: Procopius, Buildings and Secret History

Source: Procopius, Buildings 1.1.6-10; Procopius, Secret History 18.1-4; (Greek, mid 6th century) Edition: G. Wirth, Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1964) Introduction: Procopius was born in Caesarea (in Palestine) probably between 490 and 507. He was a high-ranking member of the staff of Justinian’s general Belisarius. He probably wrote the Secret History in 550 (perhaps later) and The Buildings between 553 and 555. The Secret History is a pamphlet directed against the emperor Justinian and claims to report scandals that could not officially be published. The passage from the Buildings gives an encomiastic praise of the emperor Justinian, celebrating his achievements in re-conquering many parts of the former Roman Empire in the west, in establishing religious unity and in commissioning a new law code (the Corpus Iuris Civilis which includes the Codex Justinianus). By contrast, much of the Secret History describes Justinian as a mass murderer who ruthlessly persecuted non-orthodox people. Further reading: Averil Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century (Berkeley, 1985) See also: [4.24 Defining, prohibiting and punishing heresy by law]

Buildings 1.1.6, 9-10

1.1.6 In our own age there has been born the emperor Justinian, who took over the state when it was wrongfully in rebellion, and has not only made it greater in size, but also much more glorious, because he expelled from it those barbarians who had since ancient times treated it violently, as I have made clear in detail in the Books on the Wars. […] 9 Finding that the theological doctrine had earlier strayed into error and had been forced to go into many directions, he annihilated all the paths leading to these errors, and accomplished that it stood on the firm foundation of a single faith. 10 Moreover, understanding that the laws were obscure because they had grown out of proportion, and in obvious confusion because they disagreed with each other, he purified them from the mass of their subtleties, firmly controlled their discrepancies, and so preserved them. He voluntarily dismissed the charges against those who plotted against him, and made those who were in want saturated with wealth, and crushing the spiteful fortune that oppressed them, he wedded the state to a life of prosperity. 1.1.6 ἐν χρόνῳ τῷ καθ’ ἡμᾶς Ἰουστινιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς γέγονεν, ὃς τὴν πολιτείαν πλημμελῶς κινουμένην παραλαβὼν μεγέθει μὲν αὐτὴν μείζω τε καὶ πολλῷ ἐπιφανεστέραν εἰργάσατο, ἐξελάσας ἐνθένδε τοὺς ἐκ παλαιοῦ βιασαμένους αὐτὴν βαρβάρους, ὥσπερ μοι λεπτολογουμένῳ ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν πολέμων δεδήλωται λόγοις. […] 9 πλανωμένην δὲ εὑρὼν τὴν ἀμφὶ τῷ θεῷ δόξαν τὰ πρότερα ἐς πολλά τε ἀναγκαζομένην ἰέναι, συντρίψας ἁπάσας τὰς ἐπὶ τὰς πλάνας φερούσας ὁδούς, διεπράξατο ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς πίστεως ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἑστάναι κρηπῖδος. 10 πρὸς δὲ καὶ τοὺς νόμους λαβὼν τῷ τε παμπληθεῖς οὐ δέον γεγονέναι σκοτεινοὺς ὄντας καὶ ξυγχεομένους διαφανῶς τῷ ἀπ’ ἐναντίας ἀλλήλοις ἰέναι, καὶ τοῦ μὲν

4.29

Justinian – fair or foul? Two opinions, one author: Procopius, Buildings and Secret History

ὄχλου αὐτοὺς τῆς τερθρείας ἀποκαθάρας, τὸ δὲ [τῷ] ἐς ἀλλήλους διχοστατεῖν βεβαιότατα κρατυνόμενος διεσώσατο, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐπιβουλεύουσιν αὐτεπάγγελτος τὰς αἰτίας ἀφείς, τοὺς δὲ βίου δεομένους πλούτῳ πεποιημένος κατακορεῖς καὶ τύχην αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐπηρεάζουσαν βιασάμενος, εὐδαίμονι βίῳ τὴν πολιτείαν ξυνῴκισεν.

Secret History 18.1-4

18.1 And that he was no human being, but some demon, as has been intimated, in human form, one might infer from estimating the magnitude of the sins which he committed against humanity. 2 For the magnitude of his crimes reveals the power of the perpetrator. 3 To state accurately the number of those who were destroyed by him would never be possible, I think, for any human being, or for God. 4 For one might more quickly, I think, count all grains of sand than the number of people whom this emperor destroyed. But if I wanted to enumerate the greatest territory which has become destitute of inhabitants, I should say that a myriad myriad of myriads were destroyed. 18.1 Ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἄνθρωπος, ἀλλὰ δαίμων τις, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἀνθρωπόμορφος ἦν, τεκμηριώσαιτο ἄν τις τῷ μεγέθει σταθμώμενος ὧν εἰς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους κακῶν ἔδρασεν. 2 ἐν γὰρ τῷ ὑπερβάλλοντι τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ ἡ τοῦ δεδρακότος δύναμις ἔνδηλος γίνεται. 3 τὸ μὲν οὖν μέτρον ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς φράσαι τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀνῃρημένων οὐκ ἄν ποτε, μοὶ δοκεῖ, τῶν πάντων τινὶ ἢ τῷ θεῷ δυνατὰ εἴη. 4 θᾶσσον γὰρ ἄν τις, οἶμαι, τὴν πᾶσαν ψάμμον ἐξαριθμήσειεν ἢ ὅσους ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ἀνῄρηκε. τὴν δὲ χώραν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διαριθμούμενος, ἥνπερ ἔρημον τῶν ἐνοικούντων ξυμπέπτωκεν εἶναι, μυριάδας μυριάδων μυρίας φημὶ ἀπολωλέναι.

201

5. Bibliography

5. Bibliography Editions and Translations Adler, Ada (ed.): Suidae Lexicon, 4 vols., Leipzig: Teubner 1928-1935 Aland, Kurt, Matthew Black, Carlo M. Martini, Bruce M. Metzger, and Allen Wikgren (ed.): Novum Testamentum Graece, Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt 1968 Arbesmann, Rudolph, Emily J. Daly, and Edwin A. Quain (ed.): Tertullian, Apologetical Works, and Minucius Felix, Octavius, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1977 Bardy, Gustave (ed.): Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire ecclésiastique, 3 vols., SC 31, 41, 55, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1952-1958 Barlow, Claude W. (ed.): Iberian Fathers, vol. 1: Martin of Braga, Paschasius of Dumium, Leander of Seville, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1969 — (ed.): Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia, New Haven: Yale University Press 1950 — (ed.): Iberian Fathers, vol. 2: Braulio of Saragossa, Fructuosus of Braga, The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation 63, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1969 Bartelink, Gerhard J.M. (ed.): Athanase d’Alexandrie: Vie d’Antoine, SC 400, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 2004 Bergman, Johan (ed.): Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina, Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky 1926 Betham, Sir William: Irish Antiquarian Researches, vol. 2, Dublin: William Curry, Jun. and Co. 1827 Bidez, Joseph, and Friedhelm Winkelmann (ed.): Philostorgius: Kirchengeschichte, 3rd ed., GCS, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1981 Bidez, Joseph, and Günther C. Hansen (ed.): Sozomenus: Kirchengeschichte, GCS 50, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1960 Bieler, Ludwig (ed.): The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh, Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies 1979 Boissevain, Ursulus P. (ed.): Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiae Romanae, 3 vols., Berlin: Weidmann 1955 Bolland, Johann, and Gottfried Henschen (ed.): Acta Sanctorum Februarius, vol. 2, Paris: Palmé 1864 Brehaut, Ernest (ed.): Gregory of Tours: History of the Franks, New York: Columbia University Press 1916 Brooks, Ernest W. (ed.): Iohannis Ephesini Historiae Ecclesiasticae pars tertia, CSCO 105, Louvain: Peeters 1935 Cameron, Averil, and Stuart Hall (ed.): Eusebius: Life of Constantine, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1999 Campos Ruiz, Julio, and Ismael Roca Melia (ed.): San Leandro, San Isidoro, San Fructuoso: Reglas monásticas de la España visigoda, Los tres libros de las “Sentencias”, Madrid: Ed. católica 1971 Canivet, Pierre, and Alice Leroy-Molinghen (ed.): Théodoret de Cyr: L’histoire des moines de Syrie, vol. 2, SC 257, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1979 Cary, Earnest, and Baldwin Foster (ed.): Dio’s Roman History, vol. 7, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1924

203

204

5. Bibliography

Church, Alfred J., William J. Brodribb, and Moses Hadas (ed.): Complete Works of Tacitus, New York: Modern Library 1942 Creed, John L. (ed.): Lactantius: De mortibus persecutorum, Oxford Early Christian Texts, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1984 Crépin, André, Michael Lapidge, Pierre Monat, and Philippe Robin (ed.): Histoire ecclésiastique du peuple anglais, vol. 2, SC 490, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 2005 de Vogüé, Adalbert, and Jean de Neufville (ed.): La règle de Saint Benoît, vol. 1, SC 181, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1972 Dekkers, Eligius, Jan W.P. Borleffs, Radbodus Willems, François Refoulé, Gerard F. Diercks, and Emil Kroymann (ed.): Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani opera, pars I: Opera catholica; adversus Marcionem, CCSL 1, Turnhout: Brepols 1954 Dewing, Henry B., and Glanville Downey (ed.): Procopius: On Buildings, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1940 Dombart, Bernhard, and Alfons Kalb (ed.): Aurelii Augustini opera, vol. 2: De civitate Dei libri –, CCSL 48, Turnhout: Brepols 1955 — (ed.): Aurelii Augustini opera, vol. 1: De civitate Dei libri –, CCSL 47, Turnhout: Brepols 1955 Dyson, Robert W. (ed.): The City of God against the Pagans, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998 Edwards, Catherine (ed.): Suetonius, Lives of the Caeasars, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2000 Foerster, Richard (ed.): Libanii opera, 4 vols., Leipzig: Teubner 1903-1908 Fontaine, Jacques (ed.): Sulpice Sévère: Vie de Saint Martin, SC 133, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1967 Franchi de’ Cavalieri, Pio (ed.): Note agiografiche 8 = Studi e Testi 65, Vatican City: Tipografia poliglotta Vaticana 1935 Gerlo, Alois, Emil Kroymann, Radbodus Willems, Jan H. Waszink, Jan W.P. Borleffs, August Reifferscheid, Georg Wissowa, Eligius Dekkers, Johannes J. Thierry, Ernest Evans, and Adolf Harnack (ed.): Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani opera, pars II: Opera montanistica, CCSL 2, Turnhout: Brepols 1954 Goldbacher, Alois (ed.): Sancti Augustini opera, sect. 2: Epistulae, ps. 2: Epistulae -, CSEL 34.2, Vienna: Tempsky 1898 — (ed.): Sancti Augustini opera, sect. 2: Epistulae, ps. 3: Epistulae -, CSEL 44, Vienna: Tempsky 1904 Goodspeed, Edgar J. (ed.): Die ältesten Apologeten, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1914 Gummere, Richard M. (ed.): Lucius Annaeus Seneca: Ad Lucilium epistulae morales, vol. 1, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1917 Hall, Stuart G. (ed.): Melito of Sardis: On Pascha and Fragments, Oxford: Clarendon Press 2014 Halm, Karl F. (ed.): Sulpicii Severi libri qui supersunt, CSEL 1, Vienna: Gerold 1866 Hanson, Richard P.C., and Cécile Blanc (ed.): Saint Patrick: Confession et Lettre à Coroticus, SC 249, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1978 Harkins, Paul W. (ed.): Saint John Chrysostom: Discourses against Judaizing Christians, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1979 Hense, Otto (ed.): Ad Lucilium epistulae morales, Leipzig: Teubner 1938 Heubner, Heinz (ed.): P. Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt, vol. 1: Ab excessu divi Augusti, Stuttgart: Teubner 1994 Ihm, Max (ed.): C. Suetoni Tranquilli opera, vol. 1: De vita Caesarum libri VII, Leipzig : Teubner 1908 Ingremeau, Christiane (ed.): Lactance: La colère de Dieu, SC 289, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1982

5. Bibliography

Kempf, Karl (ed.): Valerii Maximi Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem, Leipzig: Teubner 1888 King, Charles W. (ed.): Julian the Emperor, Containing Gregory Nazianzen’s Two Invectives and Libanius’ Monody, with Julian’s Extant Theosophical Works, London: Bell 1888 Krüger, Paul, Theodor Mommsen, Rudolf Schöll, and Wilhelm Kroll (ed.): Corpus iuris civilis, vol. 2: Codex Justinianus, 11th ed., Berlin: Weidmann 1954 Krusch, Bruno (ed.): Fredegarii et aliorum chronica, vitae sanctorum, MGH SS rer. Merov. 2, Hannover: Hahn 1888 — (ed.): Ionae vitae sanctorum, Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis, MGH SS rer. Germ. 37, Hannover: Hahn 1905 Krusch, Bruno, and Wilhelm Levison (ed.): Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis libri historiarum X, MGH SS rer. Merov. 1.1, 2nd ed., Hannover: Hahn 1951 Kytzler, Bernhard (ed.): M. Minuci Felicis Octavius, Leizpig: Teubner 1982 Liebeschuetz, John H.W.G. (ed.): Ambrose of Milan: Political Letters and Speeches, Translated Texts for Historians 43, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 2005 Maraval, Pierre, and Pierre Périchon (ed.): Socrate de Constantinople: Histoire ecclésiastique, 4 vols., Paris: Éditions du Cerf 2004-2007 Mayer, Wendy, and Pauline Allen (ed.): John Chrysostom, London: Routledge 2000 McNamara, Jo Ann, John E. Halborg, and E. Gordon Whatley (ed.): Sainted Women of the Dark Ages, Durham, NC: Duke University Press 1992 McNeil, John T., and Helena M. Garner (ed.): Medieval Handbooks of Penance, New York: Columbia University Press 1938 Meeks, Wayne A., and Wilken, Robert L. (ed.): Jews and Christians in Antioch in the First Four Centuries of the Common Era, Missoula: Scholars Press 1978 Migne, Jacques P. (ed.): Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca), vol. 35; 48; 49; 50; 52; 60, Paris: Migne, 1857-1862 — (ed.): Patrologiae cursus completus (series Latina), vol. 8, Paris: Vrayet, 1844 Minns, Denis, and Paul Parvis (ed.): Justin, Philosopher and Martyr: Apologies, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2009 Mommsen, Theodor (ed.): Codex Theodosianus, vol. 1.1/2: Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis, Berlin: Weidmann 1905 — (ed.): Codex Theodosianus, vol. 2: Leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes, Berlin: Weidmann 1905 — (ed.): Chronica minora, Saec. IV. V. VI. VII, vol. 2: MGH Auct. ant. 11, Berlin: Weidmann 1894 — (ed.): Eusebii Caesariensis Historia ecclesiastica: Rufini continuatio, GCS 9.2, Leipzig: Hinrichs 1908 Moorhead, John (ed.): Victor of Vita: History of the Vandal Persecution, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1992 Müller, Konrad (ed.): Petronii Arbitri Satyricon reliquiae, Stuttgart: Teubner 1995 Niese, Benedikt (ed.): Flavii Iosephi opera, vol. 6, Berlin: Weidmann 1955 Norman, Albert F. (ed.): Libanius: Selected Orations, vol. 2, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1977 Parmentier, Léon, and Felix Scheidweiler (ed.): Theodoret: Kirchengeschichte, 2nd edn., GCS 44, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1954 Paschoud, François (ed.): Zosime: Histoire nouvelle, vols. 1-3.2, Paris: Les Belles Lettres 1971-1989 Perler, Othmar (ed.): Méliton de Sardes: Sur la Pâque et fragments (SC 123), Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1966

205

206

5. Bibliography

Petschenig, Michael (ed): Iohannis Cassiani opera, vol. 1: De institutis coenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum remediis libri XII, CSEL 17, Vienna: Tempsky 1888 — (ed.): Victor episcopus Vitensis: Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae, Accedit incerti auctoris passio septem monachorum et notitia quae vocatur, CSEL 7, Vienna: Gerold 1881 Pharr, Clyde (ed.): The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1952 Preisendanz, Karl (ed.): Papyri Graecae magicae, vol. 2, Leipzig: Teubner 1931 Price, Richard M. (ed.): Theodoret: A History of the Monks in Syria, Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications 1985 Ridley, Ronald T. (ed.): Zosimus: New History, Canberra: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies 1982 Roberts, Alexander, and James Donaldson (ed.): The Ante-Nicene Christian Library: Translations of the Fathers down to A.D. , 24 vols., Edinburgh: T&T Clark 1866-72 Rotelle, John E. (ed.): The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the st Century, part 2: Letters, vol. 1: Letters -, Brooklyn: New City Press 2001 Schaff, Philip (ed.): A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, vol. 1: The Confessions and Letters of St. Augustin, with a Sketch of His Life and Work; vol. 2: Saint Augustin’s City of God and Christian Doctrine; vol. 9: Saint Chrysostom: On the Priesthood, Ascetic Treatises, Select Homilies and Letters, Homilies on the Statues; vol. 11: Saint Chrysostom: Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistle to the Romans, Edinburgh: T&T Clark 1886-1889 Schaff, Philip, and Henry Wace (ed.): A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, vol. 1: Eusebius: Church History from A.D. -, Life of Constantine the Great, Oration in Praise of Constantine; vol. 2: Socrates: Church History from A.D. -, Sozomenus: Church History from A.D. -; vol. 3: Theodoret, Jerome and Gennadius, Rufinus; vol. 4: Athanasius: Select Writings and Letters; vol. : Ambrose: Select Works and Letters; vol. 11: Sulpicius Severus, Vincent of Lerins, John Cassian, New York: Christian Literature Company 18901894 Schatkin, Margaret A. (ed.): Discours sur Babylas, SC 362, Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1990 Schatkin, Margaret A., and Paul W. Harkins (ed.): John Chrysostom Apologist, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1985 Schoedel, William R. (ed.): Athenagoras: Legatio and De resurrectione, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1972 Schöll, Rudolf, and Wilhelm Kroll (ed.): Corpus iuris civilis, vol. 3: Novellae, 6th ed., Berlin: Weidmann 1954 Schönfelder, Joseph M. (ed.): Die Kirchengeschichte des Johannes von Ephesus aus dem Syrischen übersetzt, Munich: Lentner 1862 Schuster, Mauriz (ed.): C. Plini Caecili Secundi epistulae, 3rd ed., Leipzig: Teubner 1958 Seyfarth, Wolfgang, Liselotte Jacob-Karau, and Ilse Ulmann (ed.): Ammianus Marcellinus: Res Gestae, 2 vols., Leipzig: Teubner 1978 Simon, Maurice, and Isidore Epstein (ed.): The Babylonian Talmud, vol. 7: Gittin, London: Soncino Press 1936 Smail, Daniel L., and Kelly L. Gibson (ed.): Vengeance in Medieval Europe: A Reader, Toronto: University of Toronto Press 2009 Smith, Robert P. (ed.): The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John Bishop of Ephesus, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1860 Thomson, Henry J. (ed.): Prudentius, 2 vols., London: Heinemann 1949

5. Bibliography

Thorpe, Lewis (ed.): Gregory of Tours: The History of the Franks, Harmondsworth: Penguin 1974 Thurn, Hans (ed.): Ioannis Malalae chronographia, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Series Berolinensis 35, Berlin: de Gruyter 2000 Tilley, Maureen (ed.): Donatist Martyr Stories, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1996 Van Dam, Raymond (ed.): Glory of the Martyrs, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1988 van de Ven, Paul (ed.): La Vie ancienne de S. Syméon Stylite le Jeune (-), Subsidia Hagiographica 32, Brussels: Societé des Bollandistes 1962 Venarde, Bruce L. (ed.): The Rule of Saint Benedict, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 2011 Walford, Edward (ed.): The Ecclesiastical History of Sozomen, Comprising a History of the Church from A.D.  to A.D. , also The Ecclesiastical History of Philostorgius as Epitomized by Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, Whitefish: Kessinger Walker, George S. M. (ed.): Sancti Columbani Opera, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 2, Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies 1957 Walsh, Gerald G. (ed.): Niceta of Remesiana, Sulpicius Severus: Writings, Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press 1970 Walsh, Patrick G. (ed.): Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri XXVI-XXVI, Leipzig: Teubner 1986 Whiston, William (ed.): The Works of Flavius Josephus, London: Simms and M’Intyre 1852 Whitley, Stokes, and John Strachan (ed.): Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus: A Collection of Old-Irish Glosses Scholia Prose and Verse, vol. 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1903 Winkelmann, Friedhelm (ed.): Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin, GCS Eusebius 1.1, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1975 Wirth, Gerhard (ed): Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia, vol. 4, Leipzig: Teubner 1964 Wolf, Kenneth B. (ed.): Conquerors and Chronicles of Early Medieval Spain, 2nd ed., Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1999 Wood, Ian N.: The Missionary Life: Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe, -, Harlow: Longman 2001 Wünsch, Richard (ed.): Antike Fluchtafeln, 2nd ed., Bonn: Marcus und Weber 1912 Yonge, Charlotte D. (ed.): The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus, London: H.G. Bohn 1862 Zelzer, Michaela (ed.): Sancti Ambrosii opera, vol. 10.2: Epistulae et acta, Epistularum libri VII – VIIII, CSEL 82.2, Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990 Zelzer, Michaela (ed.): Sancti Ambrosii opera, vol. 10.3: Epistularum liber decimus, Epistulae extra collectionem, Gesta Concili Aquileiensis, CSEL 82.3, Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky 1982 Zintzen, Clemens (ed.): Damascius: Vitae Isidori reliquiae, Hildesheim: Olms 1967 Zycha, Joseph (ed.): Sancti Aureli Augustini opera, vol. 6.1: De utilitate credendi, CSEL 25, Vienna: Tempsky 1891

Secondary Literature Athanassiadi, Polymnia: Julian: An Intellectual Biography, London: Routledge 1992 Barnard, Laurette: ‘The Criminalisation of Heresy in the Late Roman Empire: A Sociopolitical Device?’ Journal of Legal History 16 (1995), 121-46 Blackman, Edwin C.: Marcion and His Influence, London: SPCK 2004 Bloch, Herbert: ‘The Pagan Revival in the West at the End of the Fourth Century,’ in A. Momigliano (ed.): The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1963, 193–218

207

208

5. Bibliography

Bonner, Gerald: St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies, London: SCM Press 1963 Botermann, Helga: Das Judenedikt des Kaisers Claudius: römischer Staat und „Christiani“ im . Jahrhundert, Stuttgart: Steiner, 1996 Bradbury, Scott: ‘Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century,’ Classical Philology 89 (1994), 120-39 Brakke, David: Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1995 Brown, Peter: The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity, New York: Columbia University Press 1988 Brunt, Peter A.: ‘Evidence Given under Torture in the Roman Principate,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte (Romanistische Abteilung) 97 (1980), 256–65 Burrus, Virginia: The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy, Berkeley: University of California Press 1995 Cameron, Alan: ‘The Last Days of the Academy at Athens,’ Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, n.s. 15 (1969), 7–29 — The Last Pagans of Rome, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2011 Cameron, Averil: ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini and the Construction of Constantine,’ in Mark J. Edwards and Simon Swain (ed.): Portraits: Biographical Representation in the Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1997), 145–74 — Procopius and the Sixth Century, Berkeley: University of California Press 1985 Casiday, Augustine M.C.: Tradition and Theology in St John Cassian (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006) Champlin, Edward: Nero, Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003 Coleman, Kathleen M.: ‘Fatal Charades. Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990), 44–73 Cumont, Franz V.M.: Die Mysterien des Mithra: Ein Beitrag zur Religionsgeschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit, transl. by Georg Gehrich, Leipzig: Teubner 1903 Damon, Cynthia (ed.): The Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone Patre: Text, Translation, Discussion, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 1999 DePalma Digeser, Elizabeth: A Threat to Public Piety: Christians, Platonists, and the Great Persecution, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press 2012 —: The Making of a Christian Empire. Lactantius and Rome, Ithaca: Cornell University Press 2000 Drake, Harold A.: ‘What Eusebius Knew: The Genesis of the Vita Constantini,’ Classical Philology 83 (1988), 20–38 DuBois, Page: Torture and Truth, London: Routledge 1990 Dzielska, Maria: Hypatia of Alexandria, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1995 El-Abbadi, Mostafa A.: The Life and Fate of the Ancient Library of Alexandria, 2nd ed., Paris: UNESCO 1992 —: ‘The Demise of the Daughter Library,’ in Mostafa A. El-Abbadi and Omnia M. Fathallah (ed.): What Happened to the Ancient Library of Alexandria?, Leiden: Brill 2008, 89–94 Falluomini, Carla: The Gothic Version of the Gospels and Pauline Epistles: Cultural Background, Transmission and Character, Berlin: de Gruyter 2015 Feldman, Louis H., and Gohei Hata: Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity, Leiden: Brill 1987 Ferreiro, Albert: Simon Magus in Patristic, Medieval and Early Modern Traditions, Leiden: Brill 2005 Fitzgerald, Allen D., et al.: Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1999

5. Bibliography

Fouracre, Paul: ‘Francia in the Seventh Century,’ in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 1: c. -c. , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005, 371–396 Frend, William H.C.: The Rise of Christianity, Philadelphia: Fortress Press 1984 Futrell, Alison: Blood in the Arena: The Spectacle of Roman Power, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press 1997 Gaddis, Michael: There Is No Crime for Those Who Have Christ: Religious Violence in the Christian Roman Empire, Berkeley: University of California Press 2005 Gager, John G.: Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992 Goffart, Walter A.: Rome’s Fall and After, London: Hambledon Press 1989 Graf, Fritz: Magic in the Ancient World, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1997 Griffin, Miriam T.: Nero: The End of a Dynasty, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985 Hagendahl, Harald: Latin Fathers and the Classics: A Study on the Apologists, Jerome and Other Christian Writers, Göteborg: Elander 1958 Halsall, Guy: ‘Transformations of Romanness: The Northern Gallic Case,’ in Walter Pohl, Clemens Gantner, Cinzia Grifoni, and Marianne Pollheimer-Mohaupt (ed.): Transformations of Romanness: Early Medieval Regions and Identities, Berlin: de Gruyter 2018, 41–58 Hartney, Aideen M.: John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City, London: Duckworth 2004 Haworth, Kenneth, R.: Deified Virtues, Demonic Vices and Descriptive Allegory in Prudentius’ Psychomachia, Amsterdam: Hakkert 1980 Heather, Peter: The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006 Hengel, Martin: The ‘Hellenization’ of Judaea in the First Century after Christ, London: SCM Press 1989 Humfress, Caroline: ‘Law and Legal Practice in the Age of Justinian,’ in Michael Maas (ed.): The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005, 161–84 Hunt, David: ‘Christianising the Roman Empire: The Evidence of the Code,’ in Jill Harries and Ian Wood (ed.): The Theodosian Code: Studies in the Imperial Law of Late Antiquity, London: Duckworth 1993, 143–58 Jones, Brian W.: The Emperor Domitian, London: Routledge 1992 Kelly, John N.D.: Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom, London: Duckworth 1995 Kyle, Donald G.: Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome, London: Routledge 2001 Lenski, Noel E.: Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D., Berkeley: University of California Press 2002 — ‘The Reign of Constantine,’ in Noel Lenski (ed.): The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, 59–90 Leppin, Hartmut: ‘The Church Historians (I): Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoretus,’ in Gabriele Marasco (ed.): Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity, Leiden: Brill, 2003, 219–54 Levick, Barbara: Claudius, New Haven: Yale University Press 1990 Martindale, John R. (ed.): The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 1: A.D.  – ; vol. 2: A.D.  – ; vol. 3A-B: A.D.  – , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1971; 1980; 1992 Mayer, Wendy: The Homilies of St John Chrysostom – Provenance: Reshaping the Foundations, Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale 2005

209

210

5. Bibliography

McGuckin, John A.: St. Gregory of Nazianzus: An Intellectual Biography, Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press 2001 McKenzie, Judith S., Sheila Gibson, and Andres T. Reyes: ‘Reconstructing the Serapeum in Alexandria from the Archaeological Evidence,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 94 (2004), 73–121 McLynn, Neil B.: ‘The Fourth-Century “Taurobolium“,’ Phoenix 50 (1996), 312–30 — Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital, Berkeley: University of California Press 1994 McNamara, Jo Ann: ‘The Power of Prayer,’ in Jo Ann McNamara (ed.): Sisters in Arms: Catholic Nuns Through Two Millennia, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1996, 94–119 Noble, Thomas F. X.: ‘Gregory of Tours and the Roman Church,’ in Kathleen Mitchell and Ian Wood (ed.) Gregory of Tours and his World, Leiden, Brill 2002, 145–61 Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí: ‘A Tale of Two Rules: Benedict and Columbanus,’ in Martin Browne and Colmán Ó Clabaigh (ed.): The Irish Benedictines: A History, Dublin: The Columba Press 2005, 11–24 Pachoumi, Eleni: The Concepts of the Divine in the Greek Magical Papyri, Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2017 Perkins, Judith: The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era, London: Routledge 1995 Plass, Paul: The Game of Death in Ancient Rome: Arena Sport and Political Suicide, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1995 Pohl, Walter: ‘The Empire and the Lombards: Treaties and Negotiations in the Sixth Century,’ in Walter Pohl (ed.): Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity, Leiden: Brill 1997, 75–133 Ramelli, Ilaria: ‘The Ancient Novels and the New Testament: Possible Contacts,’ Ancient Narrative 5 (2005), 41–68 Rist, John M., ‘Hypatia,’ Phoenix 19 (1965), 214–25 Robinson, Olivia R.: Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome, London: Routledge 2007 Rohmann, Dirk: ‘Book Burning as Conflict Management in the Roman Empire (213 BCE – 200 CE),’ Ancient Society 43 (2013), 115–49 — Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity: Studies in Text Transmission, Berlin: De Gruyter 2016 — Gewalt und politischer Wandel im . Jh. n. Chr., Munich: Utz 2006 — ‘Reading Sin: Textual Exclusion Strategies and Christological Controversies,’ in Erica Buchberger and Yaniv Fox (ed.): Inclusion and Exclusion in the Late Antique and Early Medieval Mediterranean, Turnhout: Brepols, 2009, 47–68 — ‘Vicious Virtues. The Aesthetic of Violence in Prudentius,’ in Stefan Heilen et al. (ed.): In Pursuit of Wissenschaft, Festschrift William Calder, Hildesheim: Olms, 2008, 379–91 Rokeah, David: Justin Martyr and the Jews, Leiden: Brill 2002 Rosenthal, Joel T.: ‘Bede’s Use of Miracles in “The Ecclesiastical History”,’ Traditio 31 (1975), 328–35 Rudich, Vasily: Political Dissidence under Nero: The Price of Dissimulation, London: Routledge, 1993 Saldarini, Anthony J.: ‘Johanan ben Zakkai's Escape from Jerusalem: Origin and Development of a Rabbinic Story,’ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Period 6 (1975), 189–204 Salzman, Michele R.: ‘“Superstitio” in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans,’ Vigiliae Christianae 41 (1987), 172–88

5. Bibliography

Sauer, Eberhard: The Archaeology of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World, Stroud: Tempus 2003 Shaw, Brent D.: Sacred Violence: African Christians and Sectarian Hatred in the Age of Augustine, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2011 Sherwin-White, Adrian N.: The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1966 Smallwood, Edith M.: The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian, Leiden: Brill 1976 Stancliffe, Claire: ‘Red, White and Blue Martyrdom,’ in Dorothy Whitelock, Rosamond McKitterick, and David Dumville (ed.): Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe: Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1982, 21–46 Stancliffe, Clare: ‘Oswald, “Most Holy and Most Victorious King of the Northumbrians”,’ in Clare Stancliffe and Eric Cambridge (ed.): Oswald: Northumbrian King to European Saint, Stamford: Watkins 1995, 33–83 Thompson, Edward A.: ‘St. Patrick and Coroticus,’ The Journal of Theological Studies 31 (1980), 12–27 Trombley, Frank R.: ‘Paganism in the Greek World at the End of Antiquity: The Case of Rural Anatolia and Greece,’ The Harvard Theological Review 78 (1985), 327–352 Van Dam, Raymond: Remembering Constantine at the Milvian Bridge, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2011 Van de Paverd, Frans: St. John Chrysostom, the Homilies on the Statues: An Introduction, Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium 1991 Veyne, Paul: ‘Païens et chrétiens devant la gladiature,’ Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 111 (1999), 883–917 Völker, Thomas, and Dirk Rohmann: ‘Praenomen Petronii: The Date and Author of the Satyricon Reconsidered,’ The Classical Quarterly 61 (2011), 660–76 Watts, Edward J.: Hypatia: The Life and Legend of an Ancient Philosopher, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2017 — ‘Justinian, Malalas, and the End of Athenian Philosophical Teaching in A.D. 529,’ The Journal of Roman Studies 94 (2004), 168–82 — ‘The Murder of Hypatia: Acceptable or Unacceptable Violence,’ in Harold A. Drake (ed.): Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices, Aldershot: Ashgate 2005, 333–42 Wilken, Robert L.: John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late th Century, Berkeley: University of California Press 1983 Williams, David S.: ‘Reconsidering Marcion’s Gospel,’ Journal of Biblical Literature 108 (1989), 477–96 Wimbush, Vincent L., and Richard Valantasis: Asceticism, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1998 Wistrand, Magnus: ‘Violence and Entertainment in Seneca the Younger,’ Eranos 88 (1990), 31–46 — Entertainment and Violence in Ancient Rome: The Attitudes of Roman Writers of the First Century A.D., Göteborg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis 1992 Wood, Jamie: ‘Religiones and gentes in Isidore of Seville’s Chronica maiora. The Visigoths as a Chosen People,’ in Walter Pohl and Gerda Heydemann (ed.): Post-Roman Transitions: Christian and Barbarian Identities in the Early Medieval West, Turnhout: Brepols 2013, 125–68

211