Whig Organization in the General Election of 1790: Selections from the Blair Adam Papers [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520311312

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W h i g Organization in the General Election of 1 7 9 0



W h i g Organization in the General Election of 1790 Selections

from the Blair Adam

Papers

1§? Edited

by

Donald E. Ginter

Berkeley and Los Angeles UNIVERSITY

OF C A L I F O R N I A 1967

PRESS

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California Cambridge University Press London, England Copyright © 1967, by The Regents of the University of California Designed by Jörn B. Jorgensen Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 67-13999 Printed in the United States of America

Contents

Preface

vii

Introduction

xi

Abbreviations

lix

The Blair Adam Papers

i

General Index

261

Constituency Index

274

Preface

In the spring of 1 9 6 2 I was fortunate in being granted permission by Captain C. K . A d a m of Blair A d a m to assist him in sorting and arranging his family papers. I was surprised and gratified to find that these are one of the more remarkable collections of British papers remaining in private hands. N o n e of these papers had ever been systematically used, and it is hoped that the entire collection, which is an unusually large one, will eventually be arranged and made available to scholars. Meanwhile I had the pleasure of spending several months at Blair A d a m putting the papers of one generation of the family, those of William A d a m , into some sort of order, so that they may now be used. I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Captain A d a m and his gracious family, who accepted me into their home with a warmth and generosity which I shall always remember. I should like to express my appreciation to E a r l Fitzwilliam and the Trustees of the Wentworth-Woodhouse Estate, and to the staffs of the Sheffield City L i b r a r y , the Northamptonshire Record Office, the Department of Palaeography and Diplomatic of the University of Durham, the British Museum, the National L i b r a r y of Scotland, the Scottish Record Office, the University of Nottingham, and Duke University L i b r a r y who gave me permission to consult and to quote f r o m manuscripts which have been placed in their keeping. A special w o r d of thanks must be extended to the vii

PREFACE

W o o d r o w W i l s o n Foundation and to the Social Science Research Council, whose generous financial assistance supported three years of my research in Britain. I am also deeply indebted to P r o f e s s o r G e o r g e H . Guttridge, my mentor, and to M r . John B r o o k e , w h o first suggested that I w o r k on Opposition politics of the late eighteenth century. B o t h have continually been most generous with their time and knowledge. Finally, I must express an indebtedness to the late Sir L e w i s N a m i e r and to his team of researchers, which included John B r o o k e , that made the resources o f the History of Parliament available to students of the latter eighteenth century. T h e s e volumes have saved me an incredible effort, and my use of them has been so extensive that with a f e w exceptions I h a v e found it impracticable even to cite them in my notes. In accordance with the rules of transcription adopted by the editors of the Burke correspondence, a description of which may be f o u n d in P r o f e s s o r T h o m a s Copeland's p r e f a c e to the first volume ( C h i c a g o , 1 9 5 8 ) , I have retained the spelling, capitalization, punctuation, and paragraphing of the manuscript. In addition, I have f o l l o w e d the Burke editors in making three exceptions to this rule. Antique or commonplace abbreviations, about which there is no ambiguity, have been expanded without editorial comment, unless these abbreviations occur in proper names, date lines, or addresses. Punctuation has been added at the end of sentences only when there is no doubt of a break and when the next sentence begins with a capital. Similarly, if a stop is clearly present between two sentences, a capital has been added to the beginning of the second. A n g l e brackets indicate w o r d s or phrases which are illegible or doubtful, or which are missing f r o m the manuscript. Square brackets indicate editorial insertion or comment. Endorsements and postmarks have been retained only if they add to our knowledge of viii

PREFACE

the document and its circumstances, but not if they simply repeat information obtainable in the text. Unless otherwise indicated, all endorsements are in the hand of A d a m or his clerk. Italics throughout indicate underlined words. T h e documents included in this volume are f r o m the Blair A d a m papers unless otherwise indicated. But they are by no means a comprehensive collection of letters and papers relating to the general election of 1790. N o r do they include every item on that subject in the papers of W i l l i a m A d a m at Blair A d a m . I t has been my intention, however, to include a selection of documents which fully illustrates the scope and quality of the electoral activities of the Opposition organization during that period.

ix

Introduction

T h i s volume is specifically concerned with one aspect of one party in the late eighteenth century, that is, with the development of an electoral organization by the W h i g Opposition during the years leading to the general election of 1790. But since our l a r g e r concern is with the origins o f modern British parties, this essay will therefore not be confined to an analysis of the W h i g electoral organization. I t will attempt to place the developments of 1 7 8 4 - 1 7 9 0 in the l a r g e r context of British p a r t y history and to c l a r i f y our usage of the term " p a r t y " when writing of periods b e f o r e the late nineteenth century. Finally, w e will attempt to define and discuss the causes of the emergence of party organization in the late eighteenth century. U n f o r t u n a t e l y definitive answers must await more research and critical discussion. B u t it is hoped that this essay will at least p r o v o k e the latter by raising the questions in this context. B e f o r e analyzing the election and the problem of origins of party, however, it may be well to begin by discussing w h a t we mean by the terms " p a r t y " and " p a r t y system." T h e whole debate over the origins and continuity of " p a r t y " in English history touched off by N a m i e r ' s w o r k , has tended to center on such questions as whether there is " m i n d " in history, whether the forces at w o r k in political conflict are ideological or personal, or b o t h — and in w h a t proportion. Historians asking these questions have frequently assumed that ideology is a test f o r the

xi

INTRODUCTION

presence and reality of " p a r t y " without making clear or even carefully considering precisely h o w essential a t e s t it is, o r i f it is t h e o n l y o r m o s t i m p o r t a n t o n e . 1 I n d e e d t h e r e is c l e a r l y n o a g r e e m e n t , a n d c e r t a i n l y t h e r e has been inadequate discussion, o f w h a t w e m e a n w h e n w e employ the terms " p a r t y " and " p a r t y system." O n e distinguished historian recently suggested that the only alternatives w e r e either to restrict the term " p a r t y " to t h o s e c o m p l e x o r g a n i z a t i o n s w h i c h d e v e l o p e d in t h e peculiar political and economic conditions of the late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , o r e l s e t o a p p l y it i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y t o a l l p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s o f a n y d e s c r i p t i o n o p e r a t i n g in a n y p e r i o d . 2 B u t t h e r e is n o r e a s o n t o l i m i t o u r s e l v e s t o t h e s e 1. Perhaps the most influential definition of "party," that by Edmund Burke, significantly included ideology as an essential and determinative ingredient: " P a r t y is a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavors the national interest upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed" ( T h e Works and Correspondence of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, ed. E a r l Fitzwilliam and Sir Richard Bourke [London, 1852], I I I , 1 7 0 ) . It may well be that ideological expression is essential to the nature of "party," though some historians would wish to dispute that contention. B u t is it necessary to insist that the ideological expression of parties always be sincerely felt and meaningfully phrased? M a y it not be useful to allow a political group the name party even if they are united fundamentally to promote their personal ends, whether or not in the national interest, or even if their ideological expression is no more than a superficial façade for their real convictions and intentions? For example, by 1792 the W h i g Opposition found to their dismay and discomfort that the traditional toasts of the W h i g C l u b toasts which expressed an adherence to "the principles of the Glorious Revolution" and which had been blandly and unthinkingly mouthed by generations of politicians of every description— had suddenly become patently ambiguous and even dangerous in the context of the French Revolution. Ideology can be an anachronistic and meaningless cliché to an even greater extent than the politicians themselves realize. 2. J. P . Kenyon, History Today (December, 1 9 6 1 ) , 8 6 3 - 8 6 5 : " a great deal of time has been wasted in recent years in sterile xii

INTRODUCTION

two extreme alternatives. I f we can agree upon basic definitions of the terms " p a r t y " and " p a r t y system," then we should be able to apply them usefully and intelligibly to a large spectrum of political groupings and situations which more or less measure up to a minimal standard. T h e meaning of our terms must be determined by the prototypes we inevitably have in mind, the parties and p a r t y system of the later nineteenth century. In any case much of our interest in studying earlier political organizations presumably arises f r o m a desire to trace the origins and development of these later institutions; otherwise w e must admit to being antiquarians and not historians. B u t recognizing our prototypes does not solve the problem. It is admittedly difficult to contrast an earlier political grouping or situation which is in an elementary stage of development with the highly complex and sophisticated modern political party and party system. 3 M u c h of this difficulty disappears, however, if we recognize the complexity of the modern party and p a r t y system, define w h a t is peculiar to its nature, and distinguish the essential elements of its structure. T h e political party of the late nineteenth century was a multifarious phenomenon. P e r h a p s its most essential attribute, however, and that which distinguishes it decisively f r o m the personal political groupings of the middiscussions as to whether the name 'party' can be applied to this clique or that. W e have t w o alternatives. W e can resume the oldfashioned habit of labelling any coherent group of M . P . ' s a 'party,' right back to Sir John Neale's P u r i t a n 'choir' or even beyond; or w e can retain that title for the national organizations w h i c h arose w i t h and by means of such nineteenth-century inventions as the telegraph, the railway and the rotary press. T h e r e is no middle course." 3. T h i s is one difficulty which a historian has in utilizing the w o r k of sociologists or political scientists w h o have normally given insufficient attention to the fundamental problems of identification encountered by students of earlier historical phenomena. xiii

INTRODUCTION

eighteenth-century O p p o s i t i o n , is its o u t w a r d orientation. T h e inner g r o u p of a m o d e r n political p a r t y , f o r w h a t ever reasons it is bound t o g e t h e r ( a n d f o r the p u r p o s e o f determining " p a r t y " these seem less f u n d a m e n t a l than the question o f o r i e n t a t i o n ) , seeks the sources o f its p o w e r to a l a r g e and significant extent outside itself. W h a t e v e r means its m e m b e r s choose to employ, or n o t to employ, to pursue its ends, o r f o r w h a t e v e r m o t i v a tion, the m o d e r n political p a r t y does n o t rely simply upon the resources o f its o w n inner and p r o f e s s i o n a l or s e m i p r o f e s s i o n a l g r o u p . I t is n o t essentially introv e r t e d . I t seeks to m a k e itself indispensable to the continuance of g o v e r n m e n t b y g e n e r a t i n g massive s u p p o r t f r o m outside its o w n ranks, t h a t is, by winning elections and numerically d o m i n a t i n g the H o u s e , or by g e n e r a t i n g a p r o t e s t outside the H o u s e sufficient to lend irresistible w e i g h t to its o w n a r g u m e n t s within. B u t even if it is possible to a g r e e t h a t o u t w a r d orientation is an e s s e n t i a l — p e r h a p s the one e s s e n t i a l — q u a l i t y of a m o d e r n p a r t y , this a w a r e n e s s will n o t in itself c l a r i f y the discussion o f its historical origins. O u t w a r d orientation m a n i f e s t s itself n o r m a l l y in commitment to i d e o l o g y and in o r g a n i z a t i o n ; in f a c t it is these f e a t u r e s which w e h a v e a l w a y s e m p l o y e d as tests f o r the existence o f p a r t y . I t is quite r i g h t to e m p l o y t h e m as tests, and indeed it is difficult to see h o w w e could detect p a r t y w i t h o u t the presence of one o r the o t h e r to some d e g r e e . B u t in defining " p a r t y " these f e a t u r e s must be seen as ancillary to o u t w a r d orientation. In seeking the origins o f the m o d e r n p a r t y , then, the historian must concern himself w i t h the t w o dimensions t h r o u g h w h i c h o u t w a r d orientation is m a n i f e s t e d , the i d e o l o g i c a l dimension and the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l dimension. In its i d e o l o g i c a l dimension, p a r t y m a y be defined as a g r o u p o f men acting t o g e t h e r in P a r l i a m e n t 4 because o f 4. By restricting the term to those groups who act "in Parliaxiv

INTRODUCTION

ideas they hold in common or because these ideas may to some degree and at various stages have been imposed upon them. T h e second dimension of p a r t y m a y be defined as that organization which enables these groups to translate their principles into a legislative p r o g r a m , to enlist support f o r it f r o m the country out of doors, and to muster sufficient strength within doors either to push their p r o g r a m through the legislature and into law, or themselves into power, or both. T o distinguish between these two dimensions o f party is not of much use unless we also recognize the fact that they need not occur simultaneously. H o w e v e r much it may seem to a twentieth-century observer that the organizational dimension of p a r t y must arise as a natural extension of the ideological, so that whenever you find the one you should find the other as a natural corollary, nevertheless the two dimensions in fact seldom seem to have coincided in any highly developed f o r m b e f o r e the late nineteenth century. W h e n e v e r the one developed at all it did so in most cases alternately or even in the total absence of the other, and not on every occasion as the result of the same stimulus. 5 T h e ideological dimension is undoubtedly the more merit," w e exclude those organizations which act exclusively out of doors; for surely, in order to avoid confusion, the term "political party" should be restricted to those organizations which were "political" in the sense of operating within the framework of Parliamentary politics. T h i s would not necessitate excluding groups which aspired to parliamentary membership but had as yet secured no seats in the House. B u t undoubtedly this point w i l l require further discussion. 5. Perhaps the reason for this sporadic and uncoordinated development was that whereas the first dimension was sometimes forced upon men by conscience and moral necessity, the second was a question of expediency and efficiency which could arise at any given moment, equally well from personal and not particularly altruistic motives. XV

INTRODUCTION

difficult to analyze as well as the more dangerous to employ as a test. Close examination of a larger group which we may wish to call a " p a r t y " may reveal that the party is actually a coalition of smaller ideologically formed groups among whom there may be the most decided disagreement on the most deeply felt issues of the day. I t is difficult to say, under these conditions, whether a party as such is seeking to project a meaningful image or p r o g r a m into the country. Ideological evidence may in this instance argue against party. In the last analysis it may be decided t h a t outward orientation depends upon a sense of identity within the group, and this identity, if it seeks to project itself outward must do so through either a common organizational activity or a shared ideological expression, or both. I t may be well to emphasize, too, t h a t the shared ideological positions should ideally be involved in intrinsically party issues. T h e s e issues may be defined as those which are so fundamental, pervasive, and persistent that they take precedence over and color one's reactions to lesser issues or problems. If the cohesiveness of a group is to be based on shared principles, then these principles must be felt by its members to be of such importance that all other likely issues are subordinate to them; otherwise the shared principle may be anti-party insofar as it creates a wholly artificial situation in ideological terms and prevents the formation of potentially more permanent and politically useful groupings. T h i s is not to say that a political group which is outwardly oriented and bound together by transitory issues is not a party. But the distinction here made will assist in explaining why such parties—by perhaps being dependent upon temporary situations—frequently dissolve quickly and therefore tend to leave little permanent impression on national political alignments. In the period before modern political parties have xvi

INTRODUCTION

fully evolved, then, we should be willing to speak in terms of degrees or levels of party development among groups which have a sense of common identity and a demonstrably outward orientation. T h i s identity and orientation may be expressed organizationally or ideologically. T h e r e is no reason, however, why we should consider the ideological element to be the more essential or significant factor in the history of party development. Indeed the organizational is in some ways more significant, because it is the sophisticated product of a conscious effort; and since the history of p a r t y has shown it to be the last to appear, it presumably requires the more fundamental change in political attitude. T h e use of the phrase " p a r t y system" also becomes clearer if we employ the above distinctions. By party system we mean a condition in which political groups are competing not only among themselves but also f o r the attention and support of the political nation as a whole. T h u s a party system implies the existence of more than one outwardly oriented group. Ideally, the two or more groups, if we may be permitted a rough metaphor, should competitively fill up the political space of the nation. T o the extent that they fail to do so, a party system does not obtain. If they aspire to do so, but unsuccessfully, a party system may be said to be incipient. Thus, f o r example, the existence of a Court of Ministerial party, however much it seeks the support and good wishes of the nation, does not constitute a party system if it is merely in competition with introverted factions which do not seriously compete with it f o r support out of doors. T h e scholarship of the past thirty years on British politics of the middle decades of the eighteenth century has indicated that the opposition groups of t h a t period were not political parties. T h e y were not outwardly oriented nor were they significantly organized. T a k i n g xvii

INTRODUCTION

electoral activities as an example, those of even the largest and most sophisticated political connection of the 1770's, the Rockingham W h i g s , were restricted both in character and in scope. W h i l e Burke had assisted Rockingham in finding suitable candidates f o r seats and had gone to g r e a t lengths in assisting friends such as L o r d V e r n e y in his contest f o r Buckinghamshire, nevertheless the seats with which Burke and Rockingham were concerned were those in which Rockingham and his immediate friends and relations had a personal interest, the candidates suggested were known friends w h o w e r e to be associated with Rockingham's personal political group, and men such as Verney, w h o w a s not a Rockinghamite but had been an early patron of Burke and had long acted with the group in the H o u s e , had personal claims on their assistance. Burke helped Rockingham organize his resources and those of his friends and put them to best use; but the Rockinghams did not normally employ their resources to support candidates outside the circle of their own intimate political or family connections. N o r did they normally compete f o r seats where they had no personal interest. T h e r e were rare occasions when they did so, and there is no intention here to draw too fine a line between the 1780's and the t w o preceding decades. B u t when they did s o — w h e n they approached E d w a r d E l i o t f o r seats in 1780, f o r e x a m p l e — i t w a s as a last resort and on behalf of persons closely associated with Rockingham's personal connection. It is w o r t h noting, too, that even in this significant exception Rockingham himself displayed the greatest reluctance and inefficiency in the negotiations, much to the exasperation of the D u k e of Portland, through w h o m the contact had been made. W h i l e Rockingham was alive his group did not, on the whole, think of a general election as an opportunity to expand the bases of their political power beyond the bounds of their connection, and their eyes were xviii

INTRODUCTION

normally turned toward those constituencies where their personal political interests gave them their best opportunities rather than toward opportunities in the country as a whole. Where, then, are we to place the origins of modern British parties ? Historians writing in the late nineteenth century believed modern political parties originated in the seventeenth century. T h e y thought of the Whigs and Tories of the Stuart period as organized bodies enjoying some degree of ideological homogeneity, and assumed they evolved without serious interruption or discontinuity into the Liberal and Conservative parties of late Victorian England. T h i s view of the continuity of party development was destroyed several decades ago by the writings of N a m i e r and others, who insisted on the discontinuity of party in the middle decades of the eighteenth century. Since the Namierite revision, historians have laid increasing emphasis upon the period of the R e f o r m Bill as that in which modern parties, in the sense here employed, had their origins. I t is not clear what has been generally thought of the period f r o m 1 7 8 4 , which is the end of the period of Namier's special competence, to 1 8 3 2 , but most historians have felt that Namier's generalizations would continue to be applicable at least until the latter part of the third decade of the nineteenth century, when the agitation leading to the R e f o r m Bill had gained momentum. A preliminary study of the papers of William A d a m at Blair A d a m , and of other related collections, makes it clear that the decisive shift in political attitudes and atmosphere, the shift toward an outward orientation and competitive spirit which made possible the fuller development of political parties and the emergence of forces leading to a party system, occurred f o r the first time not in the late 1 8 2 0 ' s or early 1 8 3 0 ' s but rather some fifty years earlier, during the closing years of the Amerixix

INTRODUCTION

can war. 0 T h e disunity which characterized the opposition before that date had enhanced the impression which was so widespread in the country of a scramble f o r power at Westminster by self-seeking factions. Under those conditions it was difficult f o r an independent country gentleman with Country sentiments to identify with any particular professional group of politicians. But f o r nearly a decade a f t e r 1 7 8 3 every opposition group of any significance within Parliament identified itself to some degree with the W h i g party headed by the Duke of Portland and Charles J a m e s F o x . T h e " W h i g interest" became correspondingly more attractive in the country as it became the only alternative—and a less personal and more public one—to the Government in power. It was therefore potentially more capable of attracting the talents, energies, funds, and good will which previously had been dissipated among a myriad of opposition and independent Country interests. M o r e o v e r , coincidentally with its assuming an image of comprehensiveness and enhanced respectability, the W h i g party began to evolve an organizational structure which would enable it effectively to utilize its potential strength both within and out of doors; and, almost f r o m the outset, it found within itself the will so to use it. B y the later 1 7 8 0 ' s the W h i g opposition had centralized and organized itself under the formal leadership of the Duke of Portland to an extent unprecedented and indeed inconceivable in the middle decades of the century. Its organizational activities had come under the central direction of a political manager, William A d a m . A per6. This proceeded by stages. For the transition from a period of "personal" to a period of "political" parties in the 1770's, and for easily the most penetrating and authoritative analysis of the development of "party" as a political phenomenon in the middle and later decades of the eighteenth century, see John Brooke's introduction to the History of Parliament, I, 1 8 3 - 2 0 4 .

xx

INTRODUCTION

manent establishment h a d been erected f o r the

sending

of circular letters and f o r parliamentary canvassing,

and

t h e p a r t y ' s w h i p s w e r e e m p l o y e d in t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s

not

merely at the beginning but f r o m time to time each session of

Parliament.

Every

during

effort was made

increase a sense o f identity w i t h the p a r t y

a n d its

mediate objectives, and these efforts w e r e not

to im-

confined

to personal contact with one's friends, nor even to memb e r s o f the t w o H o u s e s . P o l i t i c a l clubs w i t h b o t h a parliamentary and a broad extraparliamentary

membership

w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d in t h e m e t r o p o l i s a n d in t h e and

were

specifically

designed

to

increase

the

counties, party's

strength a m o n g the electorate.7 A d d r e s s i n g and petitioning movements w e r e organized and partially directed by t h e p a r t y ' s m e n o f b u s i n e s s in L o n d o n

and

Edinburgh.

7. For political clubs before the 1780's, see note 30, below. T h e most important of the party's political clubs was the W h i g Club of Westminster, which was founded in M a y , 1784., as an election club in the interest of Charles James Fox. Similar Opposition clubs were founded in Britain and Ireland during the following decade, particularly in the home counties, and especially after the general election of 1790. A l l were consciously modeled to some degree on the Westminster club. Because the W h i g C l u b was Fox's o w n ; because it was located in the seat of Government and at the hub of national social l i f e ; and because its membership came to include nearly all the more important members of the party as well as much of the professional and wealthier mercantile interest of the metropolis, the club quickly transcended its local significance and became an institution of national importance. Its meetings were held on the first Tuesday of each month during the sitting of Parliament, and its proceedings, which came to be regularly reported in the W h i g press, were taken throughout the country to be accurate reflections of party sentiment. A f t e r the outbreak of the French Revolution the more liberal elements within the party attempted to capture the party imagery and organization by placing a series of resolutions before the club; and it was the proceedings at the W h i g Club from December, 1792, to February, 1793, which were the most decisive events leading to a dissolution of the old party alliance. xxi

INTRODUCTION

Pamphlets were written and distributed at the party's expense at moments of political crisis, while the party's subsidized press spread propaganda throughout the country on a more regular basis. A headquarters f o r these propaganda activities w a s established in the apartments above the shop of T h o m a s Beckett, a bookseller, in P a l l M a l l . A l l these activities in turn supported the party in the most critical, and at the same time the most political o f all political situations, the general election. T h e general election of 1 7 8 4 w a s the first in which an eighteenth-century opposition electoral organization showed signs o f developing an apparatus like that of a modern political party. T h e Opposition approached the general election of A p r i l , 1784, with more than the usual apprehension. In December the king had personally canvassed against F o x ' s India Bill during its passage in the H o u s e of L o r d s . T h i s open confirmation of the d i s f a v o r t o w a r d the Coalition, which everyone knew must exist within the Closet, w a s made even more blatant when F o x and N o r t h were dismissed. B u t the leaders of the Coalition did not expect to remain long out of power. T h e y were confident of retaining their m a j o r i t y in the lower H o u s e . T h e y fully expected Pitt's government would be outvoted and thus unable to pass the necessary M u t i n y A c t and the legislation f o r supplies, and would therefore be f o r c e d in turn to resign. In that event the king would have no alternative but to accept the Coalition back into office. A b o v e all, they hoped to forestall a general election until the issue with P i t t had been settled. U n f o r t u n a t e l y they were unable to achieve any of these objectives. Pitt w a s finally able to pass his measures as the Opposition majorities dwindled, and by M a r c h the party found itself forced into a general election with less than a month in which to make final preparations. L i k e all eighteenth-century opposition groups, they had a greatly exaggerated f e a r of T r e a s u r y influence

xxii

INTRODUCTION

in g e n e r a l elections. B u t T r e a s u r y f u n d s and the lure of possible g o v e r n m e n t p a t r o n a g e w e r e n o t negligible fact o r s w h e n opinion in the country also s w u n g strongly against the conduct of the Opposition, as it did increasingly in early 1 7 8 4 . B y M a r c h , 1 7 8 4 , it w a s a l r e a d y clear t h a t the O p p o s i t i o n could expect to lose much of its talent and m a n y men of influence in the H o u s e of C o m m o n s unless it p r o v i d e d them w i t h alternative seats which w e r e at the disposal of v a r i o u s m e m b e r s of the p a r t y o r o f their friends. W i l l i a m A d a m w a s d e l e g a t e d to coordinate this p o o l i n g and a p p o r t i o n m e n t of seats on behalf o f the p a r t y , and his efforts represent a m o r e e l a b o r a t e and calculated a p p r o a c h to the p r o b l e m s of a g e n e r a l election than h a d c h a r a c t e r i z e d those of the opposition g r o u p s in the p r e v i o u s decade. W i l l i a m A d a m ( 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 3 9 ) w a s the eldest son of J o h n A d a m of M a r y b u r g h , a p r o m i n e n t architect. H i s g r a n d f a t h e r and three uncles w e r e also m e m b e r s of t h a t p r o f e s s i o n , one being the well-known R o b e r t A d a m . E d u c a t e d at E d i n b u r g h and C h r i s t C h u r c h , O x f o r d , W i l l i a m A d a m w a s first returned f o r G a t t o n in 1 7 7 4 on the interest of a f r i e n d o f the f a m i l y . A d a m w a s an ambitious y o u n g man, and he w a s convinced that the r o a d to p r e f e r m e n t and respect in the H o u s e f o r a y o u n g Scotsman r e l a t i v e l y w i t h o u t connections w a s t h r o u g h a display o f abilities and studious independence. A l t h o u g h e a r l y a t t r a c t e d by the personality of C h a r l e s F o x , by 1 7 8 0 or 1 7 8 1 he h a d become a close political adviser of L o r d N o r t h and an intimate companion o f N o r t h ' s eldest son, G e o r g e A u g u s t u s . O n c e he h a d f o r m e d this connection, his political character seems to h a v e altered abruptly, and he r e m a i n e d steadily l o y a l first to N o r t h until the l a t t e r ' s political retirement in the l a t e r 1780's, and increasingly a f t e r 1 7 8 3 to P o r t l a n d and F o x . F r o m the outset of his career A d a m h a d pursued a reputation as a p a r l i a m e n t a r y m a n of business, specializing in elecxxiii

INTRODUCTION

tion committees. B y 1 7 8 3 he was one of the principal men of business of the North group and one of the negotiators of the Fox—North coalition. H i s career was continually diverted and hindered by the most extraordinary series of financial disasters, and f o r brief periods following 1 7 8 5 and 1 7 9 6 he was forced to retire largely f r o m public activity. But on the whole he was the most important man of business within the Portland and Foxite Oppositions during the last two decades of the eighteenth century. Much of A d a m ' s correspondence f o r the general election of 1 7 8 4 does not appear to have survived. F r o m what is extant, however, we may gain some idea of the scope and character of his activities. A t least forty-five candidates looked to A d a m f o r seats either with or without a contest. I t is important to note that a large percentage of these men do not appear to have been closely connected with the leaders of the party or their closest friends, and that many of them were new to politics and were seeking to enter Parliament f o r the first time. A number of the constituencies which appear in A d a m ' s list, moreover, were not pocket or close boroughs which were "within the p o w e r " of members of the party " t o dispose o f . " W e may conclude, therefore, that A d a m ' s activities extended beyond the limited scope he indicated in his letter to Aberdeen, included in the documents that follow. H o w much farther they extended does not appear in the evidence; but we do know that he seems to have been particularly interested and active in six Scottish constituencies, in the election of the Scottish representative peers, in F o x ' s Westminster contest and in securing an alternative seat f o r F o x at Knaresborough, in the Kirkwall Burghs, and in the Orkneys. But one can easily go too f a r in speculating about the scope of A d a m ' s activities in this general election. H e was not yet the principal political manager of the party. xxiv

INTRODUCTION

T h e duties of management seem generally to have been widely distributed within the party at this time, and much appears to have been l e f t to the initiative of the principal men of business. M u c h w o r k of the type p e r f o r m e d by A d a m in the general election was also undertaken by other members of the p a r t y — a n d not only by men of business—outside the constituencies in which they normally had an interest as individuals. 8 In any c a s e — w h e t h e r due to organizational deficiency, the influence of the C r o w n , or to issues and general u n p o p u l a r i t y — t h e Coalition f a r e d badly in the general election of 1784. A t the end of 1788 the Regency Crisis broke upon a W h i g Opposition which was beset with lassitude, despondency, and petty quarreling. T h e fortunes of the party had diminished considerably a f t e r the f r e n z y of 1784. By the later 1780's the younger bloods within the party, G r e y and his friends, were becoming increasingly exasperated with Burke's prosecution of Hastings, which was draining the political resources of the Opposition and distracting public attention f r o m issues which they believed would more immediately serve their political ambitions. F o x himself had l e f t the country in the early autumn f o r an extended tour on the Continent, and there w a s every expectation that the parliamentary session of 1788—1789 would be a fruitless one f o r Opposition. E v e n the most sanguine member of the party would have found it difficult to believe at that moment that they were about to come into p o w e r ; f o r not even the striking successes of recent years on the Irish propositions and the shop 8. O n 18 A p r i l the D u k e of Portland wrote to Adam, w h o was in Scotland seeing to his own election and to the interests of the party in other constituencies: " . . . as I am at this moment employed in the service of O u r Friends w h o are engaged in Contests in Herts, Bucks, & Middlesex, & have as I hope just launched an efficient Candidate for Cambridgeshire I must confine myself as much as possible to those subjects only which lay within the compass of Y o u r A c t u a l Sphere" (Blair A d a m M S S ) . XXV

INTRODUCTION

tax had brought them perceptibly closer to storming the Closet or even to destroying Pitt's normal majority in Parliament. In the session of 1 7 8 8 - 1 7 8 9 a determined Opposition might expect to effect alterations in various pieces of legislation; but if these were reasonable alterations, they could probably be carried by Opposition speakers by force of argument and without a full attendance of their supporters. Successes of this description did not bring down governments in the eighteenth century. Incentive f o r organization was at a low ebb. In November, 1788, the prospect f o r the coming session radically altered, and the political atmosphere, which had before been languid throughout the country, suddenly became electric. George I I I entered his first prolonged period of mental incapacity. F o r the first time in thirty years the Ministerial system seemed certain to be reversed by the placing of sovereign power in new hands. T h e Opposition was jolted into a frenzy of activity both by the prospect of acceding to office within a few short weeks and by the necessity of planning the tactics and securing an attendance f o r the battle with Pitt which was certain to f o r m the prologue to the establishment of a regency. In the event, the battle with Pitt was more prolonged than was expected; and the Opposition, having lost the initiative in proposing the terms of the regency, soon found that the natural inclination of the majority of both Houses was to f a v o r the restrictions Pitt proposed to place upon the power and patronage of the Prince's administration. A s in 1783, the highest expectations by the Opposition of at last acquiring durable power were frustrated unexpectedly, in this case by the recovery of the king in M a r c h , 1789, before the passage of the Regency Bill. Again, as in 1783, the party was faced with the odium in the country, which inevitably resulted in that period f r o m a seeming attempt to encroach on the legitimate xxvi

INTRODUCTION

dignity and power of the Crown. A s it also became increasingly clear that a general election was imminent, the party strained every resource to sustain and recoup its credit in the country, not only in order to secure future support for its activities out of doors or to gratify the dignity and sense of propriety of its members, but more importantly to prevent another disaster at the polls such as the party had suffered in 1784. Thus the Regency Crisis of 1788—1789 and the general election of 1790 precipitated the second period of accelerated development in the organizational dimension of Opposition politics. T h e general election of 1790 was far more elaborately organized by the parliamentary Opposition than had been any previous election of the century; full-scale preparations were begun more than eighteen months before the dissolution of Parliament in June of that year. In the eighteenth century, as in other periods, a number of contests were usually decided months or even years in advance of the general election. In relatively close constituencies, particularly in Scotland, elections were not so much openly fought at the time of the poll as settled by negotiation during the periods between elections. Negotiations among borough patrons and between patrons and candidates began in many instances at least three years in advance of the general election in 1790. Indeed in some constituencies the struggle for an increased electoral interest was incessant after 1784. In April, 1787, the ambitious F . H . Mackenzie was already engaged in a heated dispute over the boundaries of electoral interest in Ross-shire, and from this date he prepared for a general election at a brisk pace. In December of that year William A d a m approached his own patron L o r d Findlater f o r assurances of his return at the next election. In June, 1788, having received his answer in the negative, he immediately went to F o x to xxvii

INTRODUCTION

consult on obtaining another seat. By October Findlater had quarreled with H e n r y Dundas, and H e n r y Erskine suggested that A d a m open the question with him once again. T h i s too failed, and A d a m had to look further. Evidence of this pattern of almost continual intrigue and bargaining is to be found f o r innumerable constituencies throughout Britain f o r the six years preceding the general election in 1 7 9 0 . During the Regency Crisis the preparations f o r a general election suddenly assumed massive proportions, f o r it had gotten about W h i g circles that the Regency Government would probably consolidate its strength in the House by dissolving Parliament in the summer or autumn of 1 7 8 9 , provided the terms of the regency were as it desired. Sir Gilbert Elliot explained further contingencies to his wife, which must also have occurred to politicians not so well informed: " I t might possibly happen . . . that this Parliament should be so entirely devoted to Pitt as to disable the Prince f r o m carrying on even the ordinary business, in which case it might be necessary to dissolve it immediately." 9 B y the time Elliot wrote these words the party was in a f a r stronger position f o r fighting a general election than it had ever been while in opposition; f o r , so confident were its leaders that they were on the threshold of power, they had already begun to act like a Government. Much of their energies were devoted to anticipatory appointments to office, and the organizational functions which had been common to Government since the days of W a l p o l e were being distributed in advance to the 9. Sir G . Elliot to Lady Elliot, 25 December 1788, Minto M S S , National Library of Scotland. By mid-January the partiality of the House for Pitt made it appear that a dissolution would be indispensable to the success of the Prince's Government (Sir G . Elliot to Lady Elliot, 20 January 1789, The Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot, First Earl of Minto, ed. Countess of Minto [London, 1 8 7 4 ] , 1» 267, and Minto M S S ) . XXVlll

INTRODUCTION

party's men of business. M o s t importantly, t o w a r d the end of 1788 W i l l i a m A d a m was asked to undertake the office of patronage Secretary to the T r e a s u r y . H e thus became the political manager of the party and, by immediately and conscientiously taking up his duties, proceeded to centralize and regularize the organizational activities o f the party to a degree unprecedented in opposition politics since the H a n o v e r i a n succession. W h e n it became clear that the Regency would not assume the unrestricted f o r m at first envisaged by the party, and that it was likely A d a m would not receive a proper financial remuneration f o r his efforts, he nevertheless persisted in his duties. A s he explained to his father: the king was thought to be in a way not to live. . . . Since then much has been to be done & w h o was there to do it. I could not Stand by & let the cause suffer. I was as it were called forth by all descriptions, from the Prince w h o is to reign to the lowest person in the Party. I could do nothing less than act. W i t h o u t doing it neither any thing within or without the House of Commons would have been brought forward or executed.

E v e n when the king recovered and the prospects of the Opposition f o r office again receded, A d a m continued in his duties as secretary to the D u k e of P o r t l a n d and political m a n a g e r o f the party. T h e elaborate and more sophisticated organizational structure which he managed and helped to develop during those hectic months was also maintained by the party, until it w a s partially disrupted and readjusted by the dissolution of the old party alliances in 1 7 9 3 and 1 7 9 4 . A d a m m a n a g e d a variety of activities both within and outside the H o u s e s of P a r l i a m e n t ; but attention must here be focused upon his role in preparing the party f o r the general election. F r o m the beginning of 1789 when it w a s known that he w a s to manage the election, and xxix

INTRODUCTION

particularly f r o m the summer of that y e a r when the political w o r l d returned f r o m L o n d o n to their seats in the country, A d a m began receiving periodic and detailed reports of the state of interests in their constituencies f r o m a large number of possessors of interest, candidates, and their agents. In late M a r c h and early A p r i l , 1789, L o n don w a s convulsed with excitement at a rumor that P i t t had persuaded the king to dissolve Parliament immediately. 1 0 A d a m rushed to town f r o m his circuit and began final preparations; but this activity died quickly as it became evident that the k i n g would not dissolve the H o u s e f o r some months. Nevertheless the trumpet had been sounded and the troops were already in process o f formation. T h e D u k e of P o r t l a n d and A d a m began their close and frequent consultations and inquiries in July. T h e intensive preparations, which had scarcely begun b e f o r e they were f o r c e d to fruition in 1784, were in 1 7 9 0 permitted almost a y e a r to ripen b e f o r e the dissolution was finally announced. T h e activities of A d a m and P o r t l a n d in 1790, while not in every case different in kind f r o m those of 1784, were immensely extended and more systematically un10. According to Elliot, whose information was that of the Opposition leaders, the rumor was " o w i n g partly to the Stir amongst the Ministerial Election agents, partly to information given by some of the inferior people employed in the offices, & partly to the Idea that Pitt has wished for some time past to secure a favorable Parlt. for seven years more while his popularity lasts," Sir G . Elliot to Lady Elliot, 17 M a r c h 1789, M i n t o M S S . A f t e r the great fear of April, rumors of dissolution continued to flourish sporadically, thus maintaining the intense interest in preparation. W i n d h a m , upon his return from Paris in September, immediately hurried off to N o r f o l k amid a flurry of rumors ( W i l l i a m W i n d h a m to Edmund Burke, 15 September 1789, W e n t w o r t h Woodhouse M S S , Sheffield City L i b r a r y ) . Rumors were again general in M a r c h ( W i l l i a m Elliot of W e l l s to Sir G . Elliot, 15 M a r c h 1790, M i n t o M S S ) . Parliament was not dissolved until 12 June 1790 (Debrett, X X V I I , 7 1 2 ) .

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INTRODUCTION

dertaken; and there were a number of highly significant innovations which make the later election a m a j o r breakthrough in the development of modern p a r t y organization. T h e qualities which A d a m and P o r t l a n d principally contributed to the conduct of the election were coordination of resources and dissemination of information. A d a m seems to have operated out of his legal chambers in Lincoln's Inn Fields during most of the months of preparation, and while he was out of town his mail was f o r w a r d e d by his clerk. B u t during the more hectic m o n t h s — d u r i n g the Regency Crisis, or when rumors were flying in A p r i l , 1789, and as the summer of 1790 a p p r o a c h e d — t h e addresses on his correspondence indicate that he had set up offices in Burlington H o u s e , the D u k e of Portland's palatial residence in Piccadilly. 1 1 Between the two of them, A d a m and P o r t l a n d planned an electoral campaign which literally extended to every corner of Britain. It is a common mistake to r e g a r d F o x as the principal leader of the party in this period. H e was not. T h e correspondence which f o l l o w s clearly indicates that the D u k e of Portland, f a r f r o m being a cipher, as he is invariably portrayed, was both in title and in effect the leader of the party. It should be emphasized, in fact, that F o x could not in this period have been the f o r m a l leader of a party which included the old Rockinghams. H e did not have the aristocratic pretensions f o r such a role. A n d it is worth noting in the correspondence the number of instances in which people out in the counties, people personally unknown either to F o x or to Portland, expressed their attachment to " t h e interest of the D u k e of P o r t 1 1 . M o s t of the letters to A d a m in January, February, M a r c h , and A p r i l , 1789, and occasionally during the f o l l o w i n g year, are addressed to Burlington House, even w h e n the sender k n e w A d a m ' s private and professional quarters w e r e in Lincoln's Inn Fields. xxxi

INTRODUCTION

land" without any mention of Fox whatever. Fox was in many ways the most colorful and attractive figure within the party. His warm and open personality exerted a powerful influence upon the House, and he was immensely popular in the metropolis and increasingly so among the Dissenter and reforming interest. But much of the growing "Whig interest" in the country was aristocratic, or was reassured and flattered and encouraged by the respectability of a man such as Portland, or simply took more seriously than have later historians the fact that Portland possessed the formal leadership of the party. On the other hand one must not go to the other extreme by underrating the role of Fox within the party. H e was the leader in the House of Commons, and particularly in the midst of political debate was frequently decisive in altering the course of party strategy and tactics. His relationship with Portland and the aristocratic leadership was warm and close, and he was always consulted when important decisions were to be made. H e was exceptionally good at the role he played within the party, and the role was a paramount one; but the dimensions of that role must not be exaggerated. H e was not the final authority, however much weight his opinion carried. N o r did he attempt to offset his inferior position to Portland by activity or industry. H e was temperamentally unsuited to the daily business of politics and actively avoided it. People came to him with information and sought his opinions on political activity outside the House, but he rarely took the initiative in such matters. Through a great personal effort he would rouse himself at election times to appear in Westminster or to undertake some unpleasant activity on behalf of a friend. But the day-to-day business of politics outside the House of Commons for the most part was left to others and passed him by. The efficient leadership of the party when viewed outside the narrow context of the House of xxxii

INTRODUCTION

C o m m o n s — a s it ought to be v i e w e d — w a s exercised by the D u k e of Portland, a man of limited capacities undoubtedly, but utterly devoted to his responsibilities, untiring, w a r m and generous in support of his friends, and with an impeccable private l i f e which inspired the confidence of the country, and even to some degree of the king. But while a national figure such as Portland, along with his principal man of business, comprised the center of the electoral organization and exercised the limited authority that went with f o r m a l political leadership in that period, a number of subsidiary centers of organization and authority were essential to the successful functioning of the larger structure. M o s t notably, a group of politicians resident in Edinburgh, many of whom were not in Parliament, had f o r m e d around the leadership of H e n r y Erskine, the L o r d A d v o c a t e under the Coalition, in the days of the Coalition M i n i s t r y . T h e s e men were extraordinarily ambitious f o r the fortunes of the p a r t y ; and, luckily f o r their cause, they were g i f t e d with political imagination as well as energy. Since 1 7 8 4 they had been looked to, above and below the T w e e d , as the principal men of business and the organizational center f o r Opposition activities in Scotland. I t was they who had founded the Independent Friends in 1 7 8 5 . 1 2 I t w a s they again who had organized the extraordinary campaign in Scotland in opposition to Pitt's Irish propositions. T h e y 1 2 . T h e club had deliberately been given this innocuous name in order to d r a w into its membership men w h o w e r e normally disposed to oppose G o v e r n m e n t but w h o w o u l d not wish to identify themselves publicly w i t h any particular political group. T h e founders of the club hoped to bring such men gradually into habits of public cooperation w i t h Opposition leaders. T h i s w a s a more subtle approach than that adopted by the comparable W h i g C l u b in W e s t m i n s t e r , and w a s dictated by the relatively greater popularity and influence of the G o v e r n m e n t interest in E d i n burgh.

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INTRODUCTION

seem continually to have f e d information on Scottish affairs to the leadership in London which could be used against the Government on the floor of the House. In 1 7 8 9 they organized the Scottish addresses on the Regency at the same time that they were preparing f o r the impending general election. A number of individuals also played an essential role in the party's organization. Sir T h o m a s Dundas, along with A d a m , seems to have been the principal intermediary between Opposition interests in Scotland and England. Reputedly the greatest purveyor of ecclesiastical patronage in Scotland, with extensive property and interest in both parts of the kingdom, and the brotherin-law of L o r d Fitzwilliam, he was naturally looked to as a man of weight and confidence within the party. In addition, and not to be underestimated, there were the local magnates, men like F . H . Mackenzie or even the sometimes untrustworthy Sir Francis Basset, who, while essentially interested in furthering their family influence, were willing to varying extents to associate their interests with those of the party and to assist the party with information, influence or—the real test—funds, even when, on occasion, they could foresee no immediate profit to themselves. T h e problems of coordination and evaluation were greatly eased by the preparation of political surveys. T h e r e is no evidence that A d a m and Portland undertook the preparation of a grand survey of the entire kingdom, such as J o h n Robinson had formerly made f o r the Government. T h e Opposition surveys were instead concentrated on certain areas of England and Scotland. In at least one instance, Hill's survey of the political state of Scotland, a survey, not drawn up on the party's initiative, was offered to A d a m and Portland by an obviously ambitious young man who was unknown to them. In other instances the information of the more active magnates, xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

such as M a c k e n z i e in n o r t h e r n Scotland, a m o u n t e d in effect to a survey of their area of interest. B u t by f a r the m o s t e x t r a o r d i n a r y case, and the one m o s t significant because o f its indication o f a s h i f t t o w a r d a m o r e m o d e r n political attitude, is that o f J. J a c k m a n , a f o r m e r newsp a p e r editor, w h o w a s e m p l o y e d by the p a r t y as an a g e n t to survey the state o f interests in the cinque p o r t s . In this instance the p a r t y itself seems to h a v e t a k e n the initiative, in an effort to secure a f o o t h o l d in constituencies w h e r e they h a d no n a t u r a l political interests or connections. 1 3 T h e p a r t y w a s also active in the w r i t i n g and distribution of election literature, t h r o u g h the m e t r o p o l i t a n and county press and in the f o r m of p a m p h l e t s . B u t the extent of such activity is n o t clear. W e k n o w t h a t during the R e g e n c y Crisis the p a r t y u n d e r t o o k a b r o a d distribution o f literature on a plan suggested by L o r d P o r c h e s t e r . T h e r e is evidence, t o o , t h a t p a y m e n t s w e r e b e i n g m a d e to county n e w s p a p e r s during the m o n t h s preceding the g e n e r a l election. B u t it is not a l w a y s clear w h e t h e r such p a y m e n t s w e r e being m a d e f o r services recently o r y e t to be rendered, o r w h e t h e r they w e r e f o r services alr e a d y r e n d e r e d during the R e g e n c y Crisis. N o r is it clear w h a t the content of the literature m i g h t h a v e been. T h e r e is no indication t h a t the constituencies in which the p a r t y t o o k an interest w e r e contested on the basis of national issues. M a n y o f these activities w e r e m a d e possible b y w h a t w e r e the m o s t significant o r g a n i z a t i o n a l developments o f the d e c a d e : a g e n e r a l p a r t y f u n d and t w o special election funds. T h e g e n e r a l f u n d o r i g i n a t e d sometime 13. Other agents were sent down from London by Adam and Portland to assist party candidates in their elections, while still others, such as Walsh, were employed as messengers and writers. See the index for references to Walsh, Richardson, Jackman, Whiting, Hodgson, Reid, Kent, Carpenter, Morthland, and Hill.

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INTRODUCTION

during the early 1 7 8 0 ' s and w a s annually subscribed by a f e w of the more prominent and affluent members of the party. I t was originally conceived as a newspaper f u n d ; but while the greater portion of it w a s disbursed as subsidies to the party press, another sizable portion w a s used to offset the expenses of F r e d e r i c k W a l s h , who wrote the party's circular letters f o r attendance, and f o r quarterly payments to J o s e p h Richardson, the playwright, who was a party agent and nonparliamentary man of business. T h e subscription w a s never sufficient f o r the purposes of the f u n d and had never been designed to meet election expenses of any description. In 1 7 8 8 L o r d J o h n T o w n s h e n d w a s returned f o r Westminster in one of the most hotly contested bye-elections of the century. T h e expenses were staggering, something in excess of thirty thousand pounds, and because T o w n s h e n d had been called in as a party candidate and a large number of influential people in the party had actively engaged in the campaign, the feeling ran strong that the debt was a party rather than a personal one. A special subscription was initiated on a v e r y wide basis, and within the next two years it succeeded in paying the debts of the byeelection in full. A similar subscription w a s subsequently initiated with a f e w to a general election fund, and it enjoyed considerable success. B u t some of the debts of the general election were eventually inherited by the general fund, and this f u n d continued until the disintegration of the party in 1 7 9 3 . Some of the debts of the general election may never have been paid. 1 4 T h e reader of the following documents may well receive the impression that the W h i g Opposition, while organized, w a s nevertheless rather inept and that the 14. T h e development and administration of party funds has been described in detail in my article " T h e Financing of the W h i g Party Organization, 1 7 8 3 - 1 7 9 3 , " American Historical Review, L X X I (1965-1966), 421-440.

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INTRODUCTION

fruits of its labors seem hardly spectacular. Some of the more significant episodes, such as Jackman's mission to the cinque ports, read even ludicrously at times and somew h a t in the strain of comic opera. B u t questions of the Opposition's ability and success are quite beside the point in studying the origins and development of party and of party organization. T h e substantial significance of the W h i g organization lay in the very f a c t of its existence and implementation. L e t us examine, then, the quality and extent of the party's organizational activities during the general election of 1790 and the bye-elections which immediately preceded it. T h e reader should be cautioned that, although the evidence always points strongly at specific organizational activity, many times the limited nature of the reference does not allow certainty. A number of categories have been established and arranged in the order of their significance f o r party organization. Some effort has been made to be conservative in placing constituencies within these categories but the serious student is advised to pursue each constituency through the footnotes and index. M o r e particularly, it should be noted that the figures do not include those constituencies whose seats were at the disposal of patrons closely associated with the party but which were disposed of privately by the patron in the normal w a y without specific reference to the wishes of the party leaders in L o n d o n . Such activity was normal throughout the eighteenth century, and the figures are only intended to demonstrate the extent of activity which was qualitatively new. T h u s the boroughs of L o r d F i t z w i l l i a m are excluded, although F i t z w i l l i a m and P o r t l a n d were doubtless of one mind; the seat of the D u k e of B e d f o r d at O k e h a m p t o n is included, as B e d f o r d applied to P o r t l a n d f o r a list of candidates w h o might be available and interested. Bye-elections which occurred b e f o r e 1788 are also excluded. D u r i n g the years 1788 to 1790 the D u k e of Portland xxxvii

INTRODUCTION

and A d a m are known to have become involved organizationally, and in their capacity as leader and manager of the party, in at least eighty-three constituencies in E n g l a n d , W a l e s , and Scotland. O f these eighty-three, some forty-five had at least one incumbent member with an Oppositionist voting record in the Parliament of 1 7 8 4 , 1 5 another thirty-eight constituencies did not. 1 6 Thirty-seven of the constituencies were brought to the attention of the p a r t y by candidates who had elected to try their fortunes there on their own initiative, or by a local patron whose personal interest w a s involved; 1 7 forty-six of the constituencies were not brought to the p a r t y ' s attention by such a candidate or patron but were sought out on the initiative of Portland and A d a m , or alternatively by the E d i n b u r g h group or by such local magnates as M a c k e n z i e or M o r s h e a d . 1 8

15. Aberdeen Burghs, Aldeburgh, Arundel, Bath, Bletchingly, Bridport?, Bucks, Caithness, Carmarthen borough, Christchurch, Cockermouth, Colchester (bye-election), Cornwall, Dover, Dumfriesshire, Durham co., Exeter, Gloucester?, Haslemere, Helston, Honiton, Horsham?, Hythe, Lincoln, Linlithgowshire, Malmesbury, Morpeth (bye-election), Newport (I.o.W.), Norwich, Okehampton, Pembrokeshire, Petersfield, Renfrewshire, Rossshire, Rye, Seaford, S t a f f o r d , Surrey, Tregony, Wareham, IVendover, Westminster, Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, Winchelsea, and Wootton Bassett. Those constituencies in which at least one candidate who subsequently supported the party was successful have been italicized in this and subsequent footnotes. A question mark has been placed after cases where the evidence for the constituency is particularly unclear. These figures do not in themselves measure the effectiveness of the party's organization; successes are not necessarily due to the party's intervention. They only confirm a general impression of the effectiveness of the organization formed by an examination of the documents. 16. Appleby, Ayrshire, Bristol, Canterbury, Carlisle?, Carmarthenshire, Chester, Dysart Burghs, Evesham, Fowey, Fife, Glasgow Burghs, Grampound, Hastings, Hertford, Invernessshire, Ipswich, Lymington, Milborne Port, New Romney, Northhampton, Northern Burghs, Peeblesshire, Perthshire, Pontefract?, xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

T h e specific a c t i v i t i e s u n d e r t a k e n b y t h e p a r t y w i t h i n e a c h c o n s t i t u e n c y w i l l b e d i v i d e d i n t o five c a t e g o r i e s , w h i c h w i l l b e g i v e n in a s c e n d i n g o r d e r o f s i g n i f i c a n c e . 1 9 I n t h e first a n d l o w e s t c a t e g o r y f a l l s i x c o n s t i t u e n c i e s f r o m w h i c h r e p o r t s o f d i f f i c u l t y o r p r o g r e s s w e r e s e n t in t o A d a m a n d P o r t l a n d , a n d n o t s i m p l y in o r d e r t o s a t i s f y curiosity but w i t h the implication or an indication that s o m e a s s i s t a n c e m i g h t b e in o r d e r . B u t t h e e v i d e n c e d o e s not reveal that any assistance w a s given or offered.20 T h e s e c o n d c a t e g o r y c o m p r i s e s s o m e s i x t e e n c o n s t i t u e n c i e s in which the activity undertaken by the p a r t y w a s limited to the writing of letters o r to canvassing voters directly or indirectly, or to employing a messenger to deliver the Reading?, Rochester, Roxburghshire, St. M a w e s , Sandwich, Shaftesbury, Southampton, Stirling Burghs, Sudbury?, Suffolk, Sutherlandshire, T a u n t o n , and Thetford. 17. Aberdeen Burghs, Arundel, Ayrshire, Bath, Bridport?, Bristol, Bucks, Carmarthen borough, Christchurch, Cornwall, Dover, Durham co., Exeter, Fife, Glasgow Burghs, Gloucester?, Hythe, Lincoln, Linlithgowshire, Malmesbury, Morpeth (byeelection), Northern Burghs, Norwich, Okehampton, Renfrewshire?, Roxburghshire, Sandwich, Seaford, Southampton, Stafford, Sudbury?, Suffolk, Surrey, T a u n t o n , Wendover, Westminster, and W e y m o u t h and Melcombe Regis. 18. Aldeburgh, Appleby, Bletchingly, Caithness, Canterbury, Carlisle?, Carmarthenshire, Chester, Cockermouth, Colchester (bye-election), Dumfriesshire, Dysart Burghs, Evesham, Fowey, Grampound, Haslemere, Hastings, Helston, Hertford, Honiton, Horsham?, Inverness-shire, Ipswich, Lymington, Milborne Port, Newport ( I . o . W . ) , N e w Romney, Northampton, Peeblesshire, Pembrokeshire, Perthshire, Petersfield, Pontefract?, Reading?, Rochester, Ross-shire, Rye, St. M a w e s , Shaftesbury, Stirling Burghs, Sutherlandshire, Thetford, T r e g o n y , Wareham, Winchelsea, and Wootton Bassett. 19. Constituencies placed in the more significant categories may also show evidence of organizational activity appropriate to the less significant categories. 20. Caithness, Carmarthenshire, Christchurch, Inverness-shire, Pembrokeshire, and Suffolk. xxxix

INTRODUCTION

writ. 2 1 In the third category, which is f a r more significant, are placed some ten constituencies in which the party undertook to strike some kind of bargain, or to offer some type of patronage, or to send down f r o m L o n d o n an agent to assist in the return of the Opposition candidate. 2 2 B u t it is the final t w o categories which are easily the most significant and which reveal the most startling expansions of political vision and activity. T h e fourth category comprises some forty-three constituencies, in the m a j o r i t y o f which the party attempted to bring a constituency and candidate together, either by seeking a suitable candidate f o r a known constituency or by seeking a likely constituency f o r a known candidate. I t also includes those constituencies which were the objects of political surveys, either on the initiative of A d a m and P o r t l a n d (in which case the survey might be financed out of party funds) or of one of their associates, or in which A d a m and P o r t l a n d attempted to find a friend w h o would purchase an interest which w a s f o r sale. 23 In the 21. Aberdeen Burghs, Bridport?, Bristol, Bucks, Carmarthen borough, Gloucester?, Lincoln, Linlithgowshire, Norwich, Perthshire, Reading?, Renfrewshire, Seaford, Sudbury?, Surrey, and W endover. 22. Ayrshire, Cornwall, Durham co., Dysart Burghs, Fife, Hythe, Northern Burghs, Roxburghshire, Sandwich, and Stafford. 23. Aldeburgh, Appleby, Bletchingly, Carlisle?, Chester, Cockermouth, Dover, Dumfriesshire, Exeter, [ F o w e y ] , Grampound, Haslemere, Hastings, Helston, [ H e r t f o r d ] , Honiton, Horsham?, Ipswich?, Lymington, Malmesbury, Milborne Port, Morpeth (byeelection), Newport ( I . o . W . ) , N e w Romney, Northampton, Okehampton, Peeblesshire, Petersfield, Pontefract?, Rochester, Rossshire, Rye, St. M a w e s , Shaftesbury, Southampton, Stirling Burghs, [Sutherlandshire], Taunton, Thetford, Wareham, W e y m o u t h and Melcombe Regis, Winchelsea, and Wootton Bassett. Constituencies in which activities, initially undertaken by others, were vetoed or disapproved by the D u k e of Portland are placed in square brackets. None of the Scottish counties analyzed by H i l l in his Political State have been included unless specific reference has also been made to them in other documents. xl

INTRODUCTION

fifth c a t e g o r y a r e some eight constituencies which provide the ultimate test of the O p p o s i t i o n ' s character as a p a r t y , f o r in these constituencies P o r t l a n d and A d a m offered, or w e r e persuaded, to u n d e r w r i t e out of the subscribed g e n e r a l election f u n d a p o r t i o n of the O p position candidates' expenditures. 2 4 T w o final sets of figures w i l l be of interest. F i f t y - s e v e n persons f o u n d themselves w i t h o u t seats and l o o k e d to the p a r t y f o r likely constituencies. O f these, thirty-five w e r e n o t returned at the g e n e r a l election o r during its a f t e r m a t h , 2 5 and indeed less than h a l f of these thirtyfive seem to h a v e f o u n d constituencies. A n o t h e r six w e r e finally returned f o r constituencies w h e r e they h a d a natural interest and w h e r e they seem to h a v e decided to stand w i t h o u t the p a r t y ' s suggestion. 2 6 B u t as m a n y as sixteen w e r e returned at the general election or during its a f t e r m a t h f o r constituencies which h a d been s u g g e s t e d to them by the p a r t y . 2 7 T h e final set o f figures are the m o s t tenuous of all, f o r they a t t e m p t to answer the inevitable question, w h o w o n the election? T h i s is p r o b a b l y a question which should n e v e r be asked o f eighteenth-century g e n e r a l elections. 24. Arundel?, Bath, Canterbury?, Colchester (bye-election), Evesham, Glasgow Burghs, Tregony, and Westminster. 25. T . Assheton Smith, H. Aston, A. Blair, F. Calvert, Sir G. Cooper, E. Cotsford, G . Craufurd, Sir W . A . Cunynghame, Lord Daer, J. Fletcher Campbell, Sir J. Frederick, W . Fullarton, Gifford, C . Greville, Harford, Horseley, Hume, Ironside, R. P. Jodrell, R. Mackey, E. Morant, W . Nedham, J. Ord, G . Osbaldeston, Sir P. Parker, Sir R. Payne, Pembroke, Pocock, Prescott, J. Purling, R. Scott, T . Scott, Tempest, W . Tollemache, and W . Wrightson. 26. W . Baker, G . Byng, Lord Clive, G . A . North, B. Tarleton, and M . A . Taylor. 27. J. Anstruther, W . Braddyll, Lord Downe, Sir G . Elliot, W . Ellis, P. Francis, T . Grenville, Lord Grey, S. Lushington, Lord Melbourne, Lord Palmerston, J. St. Leger, Lord R. Spencer, J. Tarleton, T . Thompson, and Lord Titchfield. xli

INTRODUCTION

T h e ultimate test of a man's political allegiance is not what he professes in private, or even on his feet in the House, but rather how he tends to behave when the members of the House are called into the division lobbies. But published division lists are still rare in the 1 7 8 0 ' s ; and their value as evidence of political allegiance is further diminished by irregularity of attendance and by the almost total absence of party discipline. M o r e o v e r , while there was a rough notion of what normally constituted party and non-party questions, there was still a certain fuzziness about the matter, and the more independent members in particular would frequently find some point of principle which would cause them to divide against those whom they normally found themselves following into the lobbies. But despite these difficulties—and they should be emphasized most strongly—some tentative figures on the comparative voting potential of the Opposition in the House of Commons both before and a f t e r the general election will be offered. On the basis of voting records 28 the Opposition potentially was able to draw the support of some two hundred twenty-nine members during the Parliament of 1 7 8 4 . A f t e r the general election of 1 7 9 0 , during the sessions of 1 7 9 1 and 1 7 9 2 and before the split in the party, Opposition was able to draw upon the support of some one hundred ninety28. For references to the seven extant division lists for the Parliament of 1784, see the History of Parliament, I, 534. Emphasis has here been placed on how members voted on the Irish commercial propositions, Richmond's fortifications plan, and particularly on the Regency questions. There are two—but only two—good party divisions during the Parliament of 1790, one for each of the two first sessions. For the division on Grey's motion on the state of the nation, 1 2 April 1 7 9 1 , see Morning Chronicle, 13, 14, 15, 16 April 1 7 9 1 ; Debrett, X X I X , 1 5 4 - 1 5 7 . For the division on Whitbread's motion relative to the armament against Russia, 1 March 1792, see Debrett, X X X I , 399—400; Cobbett, Parliamentary History, X X I X , IOOO-IOOI. xlii

INTRODUCTION

three members. T h e resultant loss of thirty-six members cannot be taken as a very exact figure, particularly since it is based on only t w o d i v i s i o n s — a l t h o u g h v e r y g o o d o n e s — f o r the Parliament of 1790. T h e safest conclusion is that the Opposition, while it lost slightly, did remarkably well in holding its own, particularly when one remembers that the general election f o l l o w e d rather closely on the Regency Crisis, which had l e f t the party in bad repute and with newly dampened and even bitterly disappointed hopes. T h e y were fortunate not to have experienced a repetition o f 1784. G i v e n some timely mistakes by the M i n i s t r y and some unfortunate incidents abroad, which in f a c t occurred at N o o t k a Sound and O c z a k o w , the party was in a position to prosper, and might well h a v e done so had it not been torn asunder by the ideological tensions generated by the French Revolution. R a t h e r paradoxically, the period f r o m 1 7 9 2 to 1 7 9 6 saw both the extension and the disruption of Opposition organization. W h i l e much of w h a t has been described above, and particularly party finance, w a s temporarily disrupted when the P o r t l a n d and W i n d h a m i t e wings broke f r o m F o x and his y o u n g friends, nevertheless it w a s in this same period that Charles G r e y and those associated with the Friends of the People undertook a most ambitious and promising expansion of the extraparliamentary organization. B u t this ambitious new Foxite organization went into eclipse in its turn as the Pittite repression of all reformist extraparliamentary agitation became more severe. Shortly a f t e r the turn o f the century, however, as the Foxite secession f r o m Parliament broke down under the prospect of new political opportunities, organizational activity revived. Research is not yet sufficiently advanced to permit delineation of this later development in any detail, but it is already clear that the W h i g organization continued to expand graduxliii

INTRODUCTION

ally t h r o u g h o u t the first three decades of the nineteenth century, until the R e f o r m Bill p r o v i d e d the impetus f o r the next period of highly accelerated development. T h e s h i f t in political attitude which occurred during the closing years of the American w a r and which m a d e possible the emergence of an organized Opposition p a r t y is surely one of the most intriguing and yet elusive phenomena in English political history. A historian's task is not merely to describe it and its results, which is an imp o r t a n t and preliminary duty, but to explain it, if he can. But h o w does one explain such a t h i n g ? T h e answer is n o t yet clear, but it m a y move us closer to an answer if some effort is m a d e to define the problem. I n o r d e r to feel the full weight and significance of the change which occurred some attention might first be given to the special situation in which a p a r l i a m e n t a r y opposition found itself during the mid-eighteenth century and the mentality which p r e v e n t e d its overcoming the disadvantages of t h a t situation. I t is f r o m this context and the limitations of this mentality t h a t the F o x - P o r t l a n d Opposition f r e e d itself to some degree in the last two decades of the century. In a political w o r l d roughly divided between C o u r t and C o u n t r y it m a y be seen t h a t every political group which f o r m e d an administration in the eighteenth century enjoyed, temporarily at least, a distinct a d v a n t a g e over the p a r l i a m e n t a r y opposition in enlisting support f o r its measures both within and outside the doors of Parliament. T h e attitude underlying the conduct of the C o u r t interest within P a r l i a m e n t was positive: it was to support w h a t e v e r measures m i g h t be p r o p o s e d by Administration so long as t h a t A d m i n i s t r a t i o n retained its confidence. T h u s Administration could normally rely on a b r o a d supp o r t f o r its measures in the H o u s e , provided it could persuade its supporters to a t t e n d their duties in P a r liament. T h e C o u r t interest out of d o o r s was potentially xliv

INTRODUCTION

—if only potentially—a unified party capable of identifying itself with the Government in power and upon whom encouragements, inducements, and even pressures could be applied by that Government with some vestigial sense of propriety and some hope of success. T h e parliamentary opposition did not enjoy these advantages with respect to the Country interest. Whereas a man who reflected the Court interest could succumb to Government pressures and inducements with a relatively clear conscience, knowing that he was taking the line of his principles, as well as of his interest, a person who reflected the Country interest was not always prepared to follow the line of a particular, or indeed of any group within the parliamentary opposition. The political conduct of the Country voter and politician emanated from negative instincts. H e distrusted the power of the Crown and the ministers who wielded it. H e resented interference with local interests and administration. H e clung tenaciously to the inviolability of his property and of his privacy, and proclaimed the sacredness of the latter in support of the former in his opposition to excise. In sum, his inclination was not normally to support any particular program or any particular set of politicians. His attitude with regard to national politics was essentially negative. At his worst he was a destructive force in British politics; at his best, which was more normal, he was like Sir William Wyndham or Sir George Savile, a useful, disinterested, and responsible critic of government policy. Throughout the middle decades of the eighteenth century there is not much evidence that the parliamentary opposition was particularly inclined to overcome these disadvantages and to give attention to improving their strength out of doors, or at least they were not inclined to do so by a sustained, extensive, and systematic effort. The efforts of opposition groups were on the contrary xlv

INTRODUCTION

almost wholly oriented toward Parliament itself. Thus f a r it has not been possible to trace any widespread out of doors propaganda campaigns initiated and financed by an opposition group of this period after the collapse of the opposition to Walpole. County addresses and petitions were the result of exclusively county activity and were not stimulated by opposition central committees. General elections throughout the period were organized, fought, and financed by individuals through local ad hoc committees rather than by parliamentary opposition groups as such, while between elections there was little effort in the more open constituencies, apart from occasional patronage, to sustain an active interest with a view to the next election. 29 Moreover, the parliamentary opposition from the fall of Walpole to the final years of the American war was characterized by a disunity which dissipated its energies and resources and operated strongly against any one of its groups gaining substantial and firmly committed support either in or out of doors. National government in the eighteenth century was almost exclusively concerned with war, foreign policy, taxation, and various enabling legislation which was purely local in interest. There was not much scope within this framework for the elaboration of a party policy which would be a distinct and appealing alternative to that of Government or of other opposition groups, and what scope there was 29. For example, local election clubs which were closely connected with professional parliamentary groups were exceptional before the 1780's. I know only of the Rockingham Club in Y o r k shire. Such organizations as the Steadfast Society and the Union C l u b in Bristol, and one can find many similar organizations in the first volume of the History of Parliament, were purely local in their connections and inspiration and seem to have had no direct significance for the emergence of nationally based political parties. In some instances, in the more close constituencies, they were no more than organized agencies for electoral extortion. xlvi

INTRODUCTION

was not much utilized by eighteenth-century politicians. Except in time of national crisis parliamentary politics tended to be dominated by the manipulation of private interests and maneuvers f o r the realization of private ambitions, however much these maneuvers might be clothed in ideological anachronisms or myths and however much such politicians as Burke sincerely believed their country's best interests would be served by utilizing the peculiar talents of their own group. Opposition politics were conducted in a relaxed and informal, at times even despondent and pessimistic manner. T h e r e is as yet no evidence that an opposition group employed a formal whip on the floor of the House of Commons before the 1 7 8 0 ' s . Occasionally they may have sent letters requesting attendance at the opening of a session, and in rare instances f o r an important division during a session; but these letters were sent by individuals to their friends without system. T h e r e was in fact no organizational machinery with which the opposition groups of the mid-eighteenth century could have made themselves efficient and effective either within or out of doors. T h e r e was no one but the busy politicians themselves to write circular letters or to canvass f o r divisions. T h e r e was no opposition counterpart of J o h n Robinson to coordinate and efficiently utilize efforts and funds in a general election. N o r was there a general fund which opposition groups as such could employ to finance an organized endeavor of any nature either inside or outside Parliament. So long as they relied wholly upon individual efforts and refused or neglected to create an organizational machinery even comparable to that which Government had employed at least since the administration of Grenville, the opposition groups could not hope under normal circumstances to defeat the Government either at the poll or in the division lobby. T h e i r only possibility f o r power was to await xlvii

INTRODUCTION

a public calamity of such magnitude as to destroy public confidence in the present ministers and then to sweep their particular opposition group into power as an alternative Government. I t must be clear, then, that the eighteenth century Opposition was at a severe disadvantage in competing f o r political power within the state. Y e t it must strike the student of this period even more strongly that mideighteenth century Opposition politicians did not normally take what may to us appear to be obvious measures to overcome this disadvantage, namely, to broaden the bases of their power by extending their political resources more widely and deeply into the country. T h e r e is evidence that many of them recognized their problem, and that it distressed and frustrated them. 30 M e n of business like Burke occasionally suggested appropriate remedies, but they were rare and were not heeded. Extensive political involvement with the masses, or even with people "unknown" to the leaders of the party, was shied away f r o m as somehow degrading or unnecessary by the W h i g aristocrat who felt his "character" alone earned him the attention and respect of his countrymen. T h e r e seems indeed to have been a psychological barrier, an attitude deeply imbedded in the mid-eighteenth century personality, which prevented Opposition politicians f r o m acting in a manner which, while they felt it to be decidedly inappropriate and perhaps degrading, they must themselves have half-consciously recognized to be essential f o r the realization of their ambitions. Nevertheless a decided shift did take place in their political attitudes toward the end of the American war. 30. For example, see Archibald S. Foord, His Majesty's Opposition, 1714-1830 (Oxford, 1964), especially pp. 171—175; and the well-known letter from Burke to C . J . Fox, 8 October 1777, in The Correspondence of Edmund Burke, ed. George H. Guttridge (Chicago, 1 9 6 1 ) , III, 380-388. xlviii

INTRODUCTION

B y 1 7 8 4 the newly unified W h i g Opposition stopped relying entirely on its own resources and began to seek its strength in the country at large. T h e student is left with two related questions: W h y did the shift occur at all, and why did it occur when it did? In answering these questions one may employ the traditional mode of explanation by listing the relevant factors which coincided with and seem to have caused a change in the situation. T h e Rockinghams had been conditioned somewhat to the advantages of party by Burke. M o r e o v e r , a f t e r nearly twenty years in the wilderness it was a bitter disappointment to be cheated of the gratifications and emoluments of office first by fate, in the death of Rockingham, and then by the king, who dismissed the leaders of the Coalition in a manner which they considered both vindictive and unconstitutional. T h e Northites could scarcely have been less displeased and frustrated by 1 7 8 4 , f o r the contrary reason that they were accustomed to office and the f a v o r of the king. T h e implacably hostile attitude of the king, which was made startlingly clear in the months following December, 1 7 8 3 , added intensity to an already frustrating situation; and ironically, the central role within the party of the strangely lovable and talented F o x made him at once the party's greatest single asset and—by focusing the hostility of the king—its most serious liability. In the negotiations of 1 7 8 4 , and again in 1 7 9 2 , it was clear that F o x was unacceptable to the king (or at least that excuse was easily employed against him, as it had been employed against Pitt's father by Newcastle) and that his indispensable position as the party's leader in the House of Commons threatened to prevent indefinitely his party's return to office. T h e experience of 1 7 8 3 and early 1 7 8 4 had also given the Coalition's men of business an intensive lesson in political management and perhaps a taste of what might xlix

INTRODUCTION

be accomplished by it. D u r i n g the wildly competitive months of early 1 7 8 4 they f e l t compelled to turn to the country, first to publicize a constitutional position in which they f e l t secure, and then to justify themselves in the face o f a mounting tide o f public hostility and outrage. T o some extent the W h i g organization of the later 1780's seems to have been the result of sheer inertia emerging f r o m the struggles o f the earlier part of the decade. W h i l e organizational activity became increasingly more sporadic a f t e r the spring of 1784, it nevertheless continued and increased in variety and sophistication, until it received its next g r e a t impetus in the Regency Crisis and the general election which f o l l o w e d in 1790. T h e n , finally, the historian can turn to the larger context and note that the development of party organization coincides with and may be related to the humiliation of the A m e r i c a n w a r , the g r o w i n g sense that something fundamental w a s amiss in the British political system, and the emerging parliamentary r e f o r m and revitalized economical r e f o r m movements which aimed at p u r i f y i n g the political life of the nation. I f he wishes to wander f a r t h e r afield in search of explanation, he can further note the contemporary expansion of industrial activity and technology with the accompanying social dislocation and breakdown of traditional patterns of behavior and responsibility. H e might suggest that all of this is also linked somehow with the increasingly prominent and obvious role which the Dissenting community, with its deep involvement in the economic, scientific, and technological life of the country, w a s beginning to play in the constitutional and humanitarian r e f o r m movements. Indeed the r e f o r m movements, every variety of them, w e r e developing and employing on a national scale a sophisticated array of organizational devices which were difficult to ignore. T h e m o v e m e n t s — w h i l e they were not

1

INTRODUCTION

strictly p a r l i a m e n t a r y — w e r e outwardly oriented and sought their strength in o r g a n i z e d and vocal public opinion; and their success made a deep impression upon such politicians as F o x , Sheridan, and their associates, w h o themselves became caught up in these movements and tried with limited success to divert these energies partially to their own political ends. But how much have w e explained by listing these fact o r s ? H a v e we really explained w h y the shift occurred at all, and w h y it occurred when it did? Surely our explanations are partial. W e have described conditions which taken together make a shift understandable or, perhaps, possible; but w h a t happens if we take our f a c t o r s separately? T h e possibilities f o r returning to p o w e r must h a v e seemed desparate to the Opposition a f t e r 1784, as they had to the elder P i t t b e f o r e 1 7 5 6 ; but Pitt's reaction had not been to organize massive strength in the country or to look f o r his chance to bring in dependable friends at a general election. O n the contrary he and his Cousinhood remained introverted. T h e i r field of battle continued to be the H o u s e of Commons, and their object was, in the characteristic pattern set by W a l p o l e t o w a r d the end of the second decade of the century, to storm the Closet by making the conduct of Government impossible without their support. But significantly, their strategy failed. W h i l e they p a r a l y z e d debate in the H o u s e , they found themselves unable to win divisions. I t was the loss of M i n o r c a , a national disaster resulting f r o m an obvious Government blunder, which destroyed the confidence of the H o u s e — a t least so N e w c a s t l e w a s c o n v i n c e d — a n d brought the Government down. Burke's advocacy of party is weakened as explanatory evidence if w e remember how early he began to advocate i t — m o r e than a decade b e f o r e the organization began its full d e v e l o p m e n t — a n d how proportionately little li

INTRODUCTION

weight he carried in the inner counsels of the party a f t e r the death of Rockingham, which is the critical period. Indeed the problem becomes more perplexing when we note that since at least the late 1 7 6 0 ' s the Opposition had been exposed both to the advocacy of coordinated and extended effort and to the examples of organized activity practiced by the Government. Granted that ideas sometimes take a long time to win acceptance, but not invariably. W h y should they have in these circumstances ? It is not sufficient simply to emphasize that the political pressures of the early 1 7 8 0 ' s were unusually intense, unless one is then prepared to suggest that political pressure by its nature tends to generate party organization. Sheer pressure surely does not dictate direction of development. I t may be necessary, then, to rely upon all of these factors taken together in the larger context in order to explain the emergence of party organization. F o r we must note that the shift in political attitude and atmosphere was not peculiarly confined to professional politicians in this period. T h e entire country was awakening and coming alive politically in the late 1 7 7 0 ' s and early 1 7 8 0 ' s — n o t to mention the 1 7 9 0 ' s — i n a way which was wholly foreign to the middle decades of the century. T h e taste and style of politics during the last quarter of the century was moving away f r o m that of the 1 7 5 0 ' s with an increasing rapidity. And, perhaps simply because it was coincidental, this change seems intimately related to comparable changes in the economic, social and even religious life of the nation. But nevertheless, even considering these larger factors, we are left with one further matter f o r explanation, namely, why did all of these factors converge in the late eighteenth century? I t is surely the larger context, in fact, which is the most laden with significance, but which is also the most resistant to adequate explanation. lii

INTRODUCTION

A historian may at this point turn to comparative studies in order to broaden his context still further. It is perhaps useful and highly suggestive, f o r example, to learn that during this period party organization began significant development in the former American colonies as well as in Great Britain. 3 1 R . R . Palmer has indeed suggested that much of the political activity of the later eighteenth century was part of a fundamental change which was at that time occurring throughout the Western world. But comparative studies, while invaluable, are not in themselves sufficient; f o r the causes of change, even in the expanded context, remain unexplained by sheer enumeration of similar phenomena. 32 W i t h some trepidation it must be admitted that the changes in the quality and forms of political life which we are here considering bear the classic characteristics of a Gestalt shift. 3 3 People began to see and understand their problems differently, while the elements of their problems remained essentially the same—rather as one suddenly reconstructs the elements of an optical illusion. I t may be that in attempting to solve the problem of this shift, as with so many of the problems which confront the historian, it will be necessary to turn increasingly to methodologies and forms of explanation which have been developed outside our own discipline. 3 1 . A foundation for such a comparison has been laid by Noble E. Cunningham's The Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789—1801 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1 9 5 7 ) and The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party OperationSj 1801-1809 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1 9 6 3 ) . 32. R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution (Princeton, 1959—1964), 2 vols., where more is in fact attempted than sheer enumeration, but with limited success. Cf. J . Godechot, France and the Atlantic Revolution (London, 1 9 6 5 ) . 33. For an interesting application of the principles of Gestalt psychology to a problem of historical change, see N . R. Hanson, Patterns of Discovery: An Inquiry into the Conceptual Foundations of Science (Cambridge, 1 9 5 8 ) . liii

INTRODUCTION

It may be helpful to conclude this essay with a brief outline o f the emergence of p a r t y as a permanent feature of British political life in the light o f w h a t we now know of politics in the late eighteenth century, and to place this outline within the theoretical f r a m e w o r k proposed in the opening pages o f this essay. I f we begin with the proposition first put f o r w a r d systematically by N a m i e r and his associates that there were no political parties properly so-called in the middle decades of the eighteenth century, then w e must l o o k to the closing years of the A m e r i c a n w a r as the first decisive period of modern party development. B u t while the transition w a s dramatic enough, it should be emphasized that it w a s not altogether abrupt. F o r example, it could be argued that the Government interest during the earlier period gave indications of being a modern p a r t y within the terms discussed in this essay. I t displayed rudimentary organization and had a p r o g r a m which it wished to pass into law. But the danger here is in equating " G o v e r n m e n t " with professional groups in power. T h e outward orientation displayed to some degree by Government was not necessarily a characteristic of the professional groups, and one should be cautious of assuming that it was when it is recalled that these same groups failed to display o u t w a r d orientation when returned to the ranks of Opposition. M o r e o v e r , there w a s no real sense o f group identity between the C h a t h a m connection, f o r example, and the C o u r t and T r e a s u r y interest. Government w a s a term comprehending a number of disparate interests and loyalties. Elements of the change which occurred a f t e r 1780, then, are to be f o u n d during the two preceding decades, and particularly among G o v e r n ment and the Rockingham W h i g s ; but the b r o a d change itself did not occur until the closing years of the A m e r i can w a r . I t should be emphasized, moreover, that the political liv

INTRODUCTION

change which occurred in the 1780's was organizational. While it is true that the country was undergoing a broad ideological revolution from the late 1770's, the effects of that revolution did not make themselves fully felt on political party alignments and policy until after the outbreak of the French Revolution. T h e Fox-North Coalition had come, or rather had been thrown together, partly through sheer political self-interest, but also as a result of the American war. Indeed by 1783 the American war had become a good example of what is termed in this essay an anti-party issue. It had temporarily brought together under a single leadership a number of political groups which had nothing in common ideologically. If one looks at the W h i g Opposition of 1 7 8 4 1792 in ideological terms one finds the entire spectrum of contemporary parliamentary opinion, from the ultraconservative Northites on the right to the liberal and reformist Fox and later Grey and his friends on the left. W h e n the tensions produced by the French Revolution and war forced British political society to realign itself and to act more rigidly in conformity with constitutional principles, the organized but ideologically heterodox W h i g Opposition shattered. T h e first important phase in the development of modern party, then, occurred during the 1780's, and it was almost wholly an organizational phase. During the early 1790's the W h i g Opposition split, and the Foxite remnant, while it continued to develop organizationally, also found itself with a rather high degree of ideological homogeneity on what were to be the fundamental political and constitutional issues of the next four decades. For nearly a decade after the fall of Pitt in 1801, however, and largely due to the resultant shattering of the political right, British politics tended to revert to the personal and factional pattern of the mid-eighteenth century. But from the second decade of the nineteenth lv

INTRODUCTION

century party became an increasingly pervasive factor in British political life, and both organizational technique and ideological polarities continued to develop. T h e second important phase in the emergence of party occurred in the wake of the first R e f o r m Bill. E v e n more than the first phase, the second introduced little that was fundamentally new in organizational terms. T h e significance of the 1 8 3 0 ' s lay in the extent and intensity with which organizational techniques were developed and applied. Finally the third phase in the emergence of party occurred during the last two decades of the nineteenth century, when British parties entered the classic period of their development. T w o points should be particularly noted f r o m this outline of party development. First, a good deal of stress has been placed on the development of party among the parliamentary opposition. T h i s emphasis is of course partly due to the accidents of research. But it is also a calculated one, f o r it is surely of f a r greater significance that a parliamentary opposition should become outwardly oriented and organize itself than that the same should occur within Government. Government has the human and financial resources at its disposal with which to organize, and is constantly under public pressures which should incline it to do so. T h e same cannot be said f o r an opposition group, and political organization among such groups must be considered proportionately more significant in that it is less natural and easy to accomplish. Secondly, it should be noted that the organizational and ideological dimensions of party tended to develop out of phase with each other and not invariably as the result of the same stimuli. T h i s means that the political groupings of the earlier periods are not going to display many of the characteristics which we normally associate with the parties of the late nineteenth century. T h e W h i g Opposition of 1 7 8 4 - 1 7 9 2 , f o r example, was developed lvi

INTRODUCTION

organizationally but was totally lacking in ideological homogeneity. Does this mean that it should be placed in a class with the personal groupings or factions of the mid-eighteenth century? Surely not. I t was decidedly a different sort of thing, and it had f a r more in common with the political party of the late nineteenth century than it did with the B e d f o r d or Grenville connections of the earlier period. I t is f a r more useful, and meaningful, to describe it as a party which was in a rudimentary stage of development. N o t h i n g would be served by creating a third category of political phenomena. N o r , so long as important distinctions are kept in mind, is there any real danger of reading back into history what we know of a later period.

Ivii

Abbreviations

Adam, Pol.

State

Add. M S S . Debrett DNB

Furber, Dundas

H of P

Mackenzie, Pol.

Official

Returns

State

View of the Political State of Scotland in the Last Century. Edited by Sir Charles Elphinstone Adam. Edinburgh, 1887. British Museum Additional M a n u scripts. John Debrett, The Parliamentary Register. Dictionary of National Biography. Edited by Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee. 22 vols. O x f o r d , 1921-1922. Holden Furber, Henry Dundas, First Viscount Melville, 1742-1811. O x f o r d , 1931. History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790. Edited by Sir L e w i s Namier and John Brooke. 3 vols. London, 1964. A View of the Political State of Scotland at the Late General Election. [Edited by A . Mackenzie.] Edinburgh, 1790. [Official] Return of the Names of Every Member of the Lower House Scotof Parliaments of England, land, Ireland, 1213-1874. Parliamentary Papers, House of Commons, 1878, vol. L X I I , part ii. lix

ABBREVIATIONS

Universal British Directory

Whig Club

Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce, and Manufacture. Compiled by Peter Barfoot and John Wilkes. 5 vols. London, 3rd ed., [ 1 7 9 7 ] Whig Club, instituted in May, 1784. London, 1788 and 1792 editions.

lx

T h e Blair Adam Papers

Lord Elphinstone to William Adam 15 March 1784 Endorsed:

Lord Elphinstone / 15 M a r c h 1 7 8 4 — / C o n c e r n i n g managing / the D of P's Interests in / Scotland

John, n t h Baron Elphinstone (c.1739-1794), had estates and electoral interests in Stirlingshire and Lanarkshire; in Dunbartonshire his was the largest interest of the county. Laurence Hill noted in 1789 that Elphinstone habitually supported Pitt's ministry, but Hill also observed that "his connections are almost all in Opposition" (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 89, 96). His brother, G. K . Elphinstone, was an intimate friend of William Adam and supported Opposition in the House, while in 1777 his sister Eleanora had married Adam. T h e family was also deeply involved in East India Co. politics through Lord Elphinstone's brother William, whose successful contest for a directorship of that company in 1786 was at least partially organized by Adam. In 1784 Lord Elphinstone was standing his first contest for a seat as a representative Scottish peer.

Edinburgh Castle 15 March 1784 I wrote you some time ago how much I thought it necessary some person of a certain consideration, and who was known to be sufficiently attached to the Duke of Portlands interest should come down & take a lead here as I was well assured by the activity of the other party, 1 and the want of such a person the Dukes interest in this Country suffered considerably. I then mentioned L o r d Stormont 2 as a proper person in my idea for many obvious reasons, failing him I thought L o r d Mount Stuart 8 was very likely to gain friends and give infinite satisfaction. L o r d Kelly 4 who is strongly attached to the Portland party has been with me urging the necessity of some 3

LORD E L P H I N S T O N E TO ADAM

15 MARCH

1784

one haveing the entire confidence of the Duke Lord North & M r Fox being sent without delay as he as well as myself is very confident they have already suffered much and must do much more the nearer it approaches an election. Lord Kelly thinks that should Lord Stormont not be able to come down, Lord Cassillis B would be a proper person as he is generally known here. Lord Kelly is to write his own sentiments on this business this night, I have only to say I do wish you would communicate this my oppinion on this score it is evident it can proceed from no interested idea and I am very sensible it must be attended with salutary consequences. I can not tell you how much I am flattered by the success I have mett with on my canvas many more than you could conceive when I tell you I have not wrote but one letter not knowing I should be the object of the attention of either party, I do entreat you as f a r as you can move in this matter it is of great consequence not only to the return of the Peer's but Burroughs in particular I shall write you tomorrow. Ever yours ELPHINSTONE NOTES 1 . N o t e in this and subsequent letters h o w " t h e D u k e of P o r t land's interest" (that is, the political interest of the F o x - N o r t h Coalition) is taken to extend potentially throughout the country and to contests which in earlier decades w o u l d have been considered quite personal and local. T h e " o t h e r p a r t y " refers to the G o v e r n ment. 2 . D a v i d M u r r a y , 7 t h Viscount Stormont, later 2 n d E a r l of M a n s f i e l d ( 1 7 2 7 - 1 7 9 6 ) . Representative peer of Scotland 1 7 6 1 1 7 9 3 . Diplomatic posts at Dresden, V i e n n a and Paris. Secretary of State for the southern department, 1 7 7 9 - 1 7 8 2 , resigning w i t h N o r t h . Stormont w a s perhaps the most important of the N o r t h i t e political peers after 1 7 8 2 ; he adhered to Opposition until the party split, becoming President of the C o u n c i l in 1 7 9 4 3. J o h n Stuart, L o r d M o u n t s t u a r t ( 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 1 4 ) . E l d e s t son of J o h n , 3 r d E a r l of Bute, the early favorite and minister of G e o r g e

4

15 MARCH

LORD ELPHINSTONE TO ADAM

1784

I I I . Offensively arrogant and lacking perseverance, but with an ability to inspire confidence in some, he had attempted to assume the leadership in Scottish politics while a member of the lower house in 1 7 7 5 - 1 7 7 6 . T h e attempt failed, but he continued to feel an intense competition with Henry Dundas and the D u k e of Buccleuch, w h o became two of Pitt's principal supporters in Scotland. Perhaps partly because of this rivalry, he supported Opposition after 1784, despite both his own intense dislike for L o r d North and his father's strong predilection for any government enjoying the support of the king. 4. Archibald Erskine, 7th Earl of Kellie ( 1 7 3 6 - 1 7 9 7 ) . Kellie fared very badly the following M a y in his contest for a seat as a representative peer, see W i l l i a m Robertson, Proceedings Relating to the Peerage of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1 7 9 0 ) , pp. 422-423. 5. D a v i d Kennedy, 10th Earl of Cassillis (c. 1 7 3 0 - 1 7 9 2 ) . Described by Boswell as " a good honest merry f e l l o w " but no legislator or man of business, he had inherited an important interest in Ayrshire (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 19 i f . ) .

EPILOGUE

T h e cry of L o r d Elphinstone for coordinated Opposition management in Scotland increased during the 1780's, seemingly in proportion to the increasing reputation of Henry Dundas in that sphere. Francis Humberston Mackenzie of Seaforth ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 1 5 ; M . P . Ross-shire 1784-1790, 1 7 9 4 - 1 7 9 6 ) was one of the more powerful as well as ambitious political magnates of the north of Scotland. In 1788 W i l l i a m A d a m asked him for his support should A d a m stand for the Northern Burghs during the next general election. Mackenzie heartily agreed, but in his letter of 8 October (Blair A d a m M S S ) he hastened to point out the difficulties which every Scottish Opposition magnate faced in returning their candidates. T h e difficulties were " o w i n g to our party being in total want of any one in Scotland to unite our friends in one common mode of exertion & in short to superintend & manage our politics, while the opposite party have that indefatigable manoeuverer Dundas always at work, never missing the slightest opening for interference, & too too often successfull. Witness Sir J [ames]. G [ r a n t ] . who if tolerably managed had been ours till Doomsday—he left us merely as he has because w e have no System or regular cooperation in out Door business & because individuals unsupported had 5

R. A B E R D E E N

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

28

MARCH

1784

no chance against individuals supporting & supported." (Regarding the loss of Grant, see Holden Furber, Henry Dundas, First Viscount Melville, 1742-1811 [ O x f o r d , 1 9 3 1 ] , pp. 206-214.) O n 15 O c t . Mackenzie again wrote to A d a m (Blair A d a m M S S ) : " W h y do you not spirit up our friends to some active out door exertion. H a r r y Erskine will do me the justice to tell you I have long ago & often urged it & offered to chalk out the w a y in my part of the w o r l d — I have also long ago told him the situation of the Burroughs & Countys in the N o r t h — h e begins to find me r i g h t — L o r d M c L e o d is at the point of Death. It is worth while to consider in that case if w e cannot do something in Cromartyshire. A t least a little activity & information can do us no harm."

R. Aberdeen to William Adam 28 March 1784 Aberdeen's identity, the precise nature of his activities on behalf of the Coalition during the previous winter or of Lord Mountstuart's promise to him have unfortunately not been determined. But the following sentence appears in a letter from C . J. Fox to an unknown correspondent, dated St. James's Place, 6 Dec. 1783 ( D u k e University L i b r a r y ) : " Y o u may depend upon my inclination to obey your commands with respect to M r . Aberdeen, but I will fairly say that I doubt much whether there w i l l be any opening at present, as all the Officers of the India Company [added above line: "in the line for which you recommend h i m " ] will probably be continued." T h e remainder of the letter—which expresses gratitude for favorable sentiments expressed toward the Coalition A d ministration and requests an attendance for a division on 8 December—clearly indicates that the recipient was an independent supporter of the Coalition in the lower house, and certainly not William Adam.

P a r k L a n e — S u n d a y 28th. March

84

D e a r A d a m — I received Y o u r s of last night, about an hour a g o — T h e Declaration you made yesterday, did in

6

2 8 MARCH

1784

R. ABERDEEN TO WILLIAM

ADAM

truth so astonish me, & was so irreconcilable to my own feelings, as well as unexpected f r o m the longest habits of friendship & intercourse, that I am not now surprized at any warm expressions which may have escaped me on the occasion— Y o u r line of Conduct being now adopted, I have only to contrast my own behaviour, in a political situation, where you was personally engaged— Some time ago, a proposal was made to me, to stand f o r Genl. M o r r i s ' s Seat, 1 on the idea of my having many respectable friends and connections in that quarter, & having formerly had an interference with those Burghs, at M r . L o c k a r t ' s 2 election—Independent of interest f r o m my own friends, I was made certain of the late Advocate's 3 fullest wishes & exertions—Being naturally averse to any connection with Scots Burghs, I indeavoured to find out the chances of opposition, & learned to a certainty, you was to be a C a n d i d a t e — T h e moment I did so, D i d I not go to you, & gave you every friendly information & assistance—One powerful reason that influenced me, previous to that discovery, was the idea of quitting friends & principles, to which I had professed an attachment—Though never manifested by any publick situation—but these were not so powerful with me, as the Opposition to a private friend, with whom I had been connected f r o m the earliest i n f a n c y — T h e return that friend makes to me, is a declaration, " t h a t I must stand the last f o r even the chance of a seat being provided, & till all the friends of the party are s e r v e d — " When I said yesterday, "that your party would repent it," Y o u could not do me the injustice to think of my holding an idea of that nature, as from myself: Nobdy is more sensible of their own thorough insignificance—but I said so, & trust still, that if no attention is paid to L o r d Mountstuarts promise, he & his connections would resent i t — H a d it even not been an engagement, but only a wish, I perhaps 7

R. ABERDEEN TO WILLIAM

ADAM

2 8 MARCH

1784

too vainly imagine, some further consideration might have been due to h i m — Y o u flattered me, in the course of the W i n t e r , that my trivial services had been so useful, that I had the best claim on M r . F o x ' s f a v o r , when oportunity o c c u r r e d — i f my zeal had not been so f o r w a r d , I should not have met the displeasure of several friends, w h o thought it then, as it now proves, in my situation, ridiculous: O n e thing I may draw to your recollection, that on T u e s d a y evening I pressed you to obtain a final & positive answer f r o m M r . F o x — Y o u r answer was, " I cannot answer it to night, or even t o m o r r o w ; but in 48 hours, D e pend on it, as your situation with all its circumstances shall be fully laid b e f o r e t h e m " — I f this affair terminates in disappointment, I stand neglected & deserted by your party, & have justly ( f r o m interference) lost the confidence & friendship of the other — I f it shall be so, I have to wish you complete satisfaction in your publick friendships, & hope that you may never regret the loss of private a t t a c h m e n t s — W h e n the hour o f publick business subsides, private reflection may tell you, that I am an ill used M a n — Y o u r s &c &c R : ABERDEEN

W m . Adam Esqr NOTES

1. Staats L o n g M o r r i s ( 1 7 2 8 - 1 8 0 0 ) w a s M . P . E l g i n B u r g h s 1774—1784 on the G o r d o n interest. H e w a s succeeded in that seat by A d a m in 1784. 2. T h o m a s L o c k h a r t ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 7 7 5 ) Had been elected in M a r c h 1 7 7 1 on the G o v e r n m e n t interest, but w a s defeated by M o r r i s in 17743. H e n r y Erskine ( 1 7 4 6 - 1 8 1 7 ) , second son of H e n r y , 10th E a r l of Buchan, and elder brother of T h o m a s , later first L o r d Erskine and Chancellor under the T a l e n t s M i n i s t r y . H e n r y had been L o r d A d v o c a t e of Scotland under the Coalition. O d d l y

8

30 MARCH

1784

WILLIAM ADAM TO R. ABERDEEN

enough, though he was a highly personable man of great talents and wished to enter Parliament, he was able to sit in the House for only a f e w months during 1806-1807. A f t e r the fall of the Coalition in December 1783 he was thought of by Oppositionists in Scotland as the party's principal man of business residing continuously in the North. A s a result he was looked to and did tend to take the lead in managing the Opposition interest in that area.

William Adam to R. Aberdeen 30 March 1784 D r a f t in an unknown clerk's hand with ms corrections by A d a m .

30th. M a r c h 84. Dear Aberdeen I received your L e t t e r on Sunday E v e n i n g when I was at Elphinston's at dinner, & have not since had time to write— A s the conversation which passed between us gave rise to my first L e t t e r , it is a natural consequence that your L e t t e r should give rise to this, First of all I must say that I shall be extremely sorry that any altercation should arise between us by L e t t e r or otherwise; or that upon a clear understanding of the case our intercourse should not be as cordial as ever. I am ready to acknowledge your personal kindness to me to any extent, in rejecting a proposal to oppose me, but I cannot admit that there is any parrallel between that and my Situation as acting f o r others, F o r had I by any underhandealing or partiality p e r f e r r e d you to those I described in my last L e t t e r (and I could not have done it otherwise) I should have deserved every degree of Reprobation f r o m so G l a r i n g a breach of T r u s t — A s to my declarations " t h a t you were to stand the last 9

WILLIAM

ADAM

TO R.

ABERDEEN

30 MARCH

1784

of all the friends of the P a r t y f o r even the Chance of being provided in a Seat," N e i t h e r my L e t t e r nor any expression in Conversation authorize such any explanation of my meaning. M y Expressions are " M y first rule theref o r e w a s to take care that those w h o had lost their Seats in the last Parliament should upon equal terms, by pref e r r e d in the next, to any other Person. A f t e r those such as I knew to be attached to the P a r t y , & w h o m f r o m Private friendship I wished to succeed because I knew their Principles, Keeping this rule in V i e w I can assure you I always had your N a m e uppermost in my thoughts and Suggestions. But I could not without an A b s o l u t e Breach of T r u s t P u t it b e f o r e many Persons w h o were in the Situation I have discribed." M y Situation is different f r o m w h a t you seem to conceive it, H a d I any Place of my own to dispose of Y o u r Reasoning might have some foundation, B u t I am N o t disposing of w h a t is my O w n , I am only indeavouring to the best of my p o w e r to assist in the regulation of w h a t may f a l l within the power of others to dispose o f . I can assure Y o u I think now as I thought then, that I did Y o u no more than justice, when I said in the Course of the W i n t e r that your Services had been very usefull, nor did I confine that declaration to Y o u r Self only, I said it where I thought it could realy Serve Y o u , and had the C h a n g e of Administration not taken Place I can assure Y o u that you would have found that I had kept back the eager Solicitations of some of my N e a r e s t connections, that you might have no Competitor (as f a r as in me l a y ) to the object you then had in view. I Fox last; that that you

f a i t h f u l l y fullfilled my promise in speaking to M r . and put into his hands your N o t e on W e d n e s d a y A n d stated every circumstance of your Case, F r o m time till Sunday N i g h t he was so much engaged, I did not see him, But in the interim I mentioned repeatedly to the D u k e of Portland, on Sunday 10

30 MARCH

1784

WILLIAM

ADAM

TO R.

ABERDEEN

N i g h t again to M r . F o x , But while Sir G . Elliot, 1 M r . Beckford, 2 M r . Tollemache, 3 Sir R . Payne, 4 M r . Lushington 6 & many others, all of w h o m have lost their Seats, and are willing to g o f a r t h e r than Y o u to be returned again, A n d the last of w h o m paid a very great sum f o r a three M o n t h s Seat only, are unprovided. I cannot Possibly think I should be justifyed in A n y degree, or by any Person in A c t i n g otherwise than I have done, A n d I am sure a contrary conduct would have rendered me undeserving of any P r i v a t e friendship whatever, I can assure you therefore that my Opinion Cannot alter when the hour of Public Business Subsides, nor will private reflection tell me that you have been an ill used man as f a r as I am concerned, M y Conduct is founded on mature reflection & as I am convinced on the immutable principles of rectitude. I wish to make no Observation upon Y o u r Reflection that you wish me Complete Satisfaction in my Public friendships and hope I may never regret the loss o f private Attachment, Because I am perfectly conscious that no Circumstance bears you out in making it, A n d to observe upon it might encrease that difference which I wish to (see) allayed. NOTES

1. Sir Gilbert Elliot had withdrawn before the poll in Roxburghshire. H e subsequently tried Leominster, Bridgwater, Berwickshire, Forfarshire and N e w t o w n without success and was unable to return to Parliament until September 1786. 2. Richard Beckford (d. 1 7 9 6 ) , the W e s t India merchant and 1st (illegitimate) son of alderman W i l l i a m Beckford (the supporter of C h a t h a m ) , had been member for the expensive and unpredictable Bridport. H e did not stand during the general election of 1784 ( H of P), though he was prepared to do so (see the following document) ; but in June 1784 he was returned unopposed for A r u n d e l when Lord Surrey chose to continue sitting for Carlisle. Surrey—later n t h D u k e of Norfolk, like Beckford a staunch Foxite and a supporter of parliamentary reform—had been elected for Arundel and Hereford as well as his old seat at Carlisle. 3. Wilbraham Tollemache ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 8 2 1 ) , 2nd son of the 4th

11

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

Earl of Dysart, had sat for Northampton 1 7 7 1 - 1 7 8 0 on the interest of his cousin, L o r d Spencer. In 1780 his uncle by marriage, Shelburne, had obtained him a seat from E d w a r d Eliot at Liskeard; but in 1783 he followed his Spencer connections into opposition to Shelburne and support of the Fox-North Coalition. A s a result Eliot refused to return him in 1784. H e was never subsequently provided w i t h a seat, despite the occasional concern of Opposition to do so. 4. Sir Ralph Payne ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 8 0 7 ) , eldest son of an old established W e s t Indian family, had been a staunch supporter of the G r a f t o n and North governments. In 1780 he had been returned for Plympton on the Government interest and at considerable expense. In 1784 he was a supporter of the opposition to Pitt and thus found himself without Government support. H e failed to secure another seat until 1795. 5. Stephen Lushington ( 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 0 7 ) , a director of the East India Company almost without interruption from 1782 to 1805, several times chairman, and a leading supporter of the Portland interest in the company. In December 1783 he had been returned for Hedon at the recommendation of Portland and Fitzwilliam on the interest of the Rockinghamite Beilby Thompson. In 1784 he contested Hastings, but without success.

M e m o r a n d u m — [ 1 7 8 4 ] Endorsed: List of Persons desiring / Seats in Parliament / 1784 T h e memorandum and endorsement are in A d a m ' s hand. T h e list cannot be dated precisely; but the absence of Sir G . Elliot and Tollemache suggests an original date earlier than 30 March, while the placing of Wrightson at M a r l o w rather than A y l e s b u r y indicates a date earlier than 27 M a r c h .

O f the forty-four persons listed on this memorandum, seven had held Government or Pittite seats during the Parliament of 1780 and were now forced to look elsewhere. Sir Gilbert Elliot and W i l b r a h a m Tollemache should be added to this number. T h e pressure to seat these people, and the insecurity which most Northites must have felt in finding themselves suddenly Country rather than Court at the time of an election, may go far in explaining the immediate impetus toward organization in the spring of 1784. 12

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

Eleven of the forty-four found seats at the general election or shortly thereafter. One, John Stephenson, turned out to be Pittite and was crossed off the list. T h i r t y - t w o were not returned.

Persons

who will not stand a

Contest

M r B e c k f o r d 3000. or 600 a yr. L o r d Melbourne 1— L o r d Maitland 2 M r Aberdeen [crossed out] M r Lushington—Ld Fitzm. 3 Sir R. Payne-3000 Sir G. C o o p a r 4 £1000 L d Grandison B— Conway 6— M r Stephenson [crossed out] 7 M a j o r Gale. 8 —3000 or 3500 possibly M r O r d 9 2500. M r Snow-2500. M r M a c k a y . 1 0 2500. London Fields Hackney M r Aberdeen 2500 M a c k a y 2500 [name and figure crossed out] Persons who will stand a Contest. L o r d C. F i t z g e r a l d 1 1 M r C o t s f o r d - 12 Hindon M r . R. W i l b r a h a m 13 C o l : Keating 14 Wallingford Sir G. W e b s t e r 15 Aylesbury. Genl Dalrymple 16 Ipswich Sir A . H a m m o n d 17 M r Salt18 Aldborrough 19 M r Parkyns Stockbridge J. Wilkinson 20 M r Snow [crossed out] Sudbury M r A d e y 22 13

21

[crossed out]

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

M r Birt Wells 23 L . Damer 24 M r FisherSir N . N u g e n t 2 5 Aylesbury [crossed out] M r Trecothic 2500 M r O'Byrne-any money 26 M r Stephenson [crossed out] M r Baillie- 27 Honiton L o r d Grandison [crossed out] P. W y n d h a m - 28 Taunton M a j o r Gale [crossed out] Bond Hopkins. 3000 G 8 29 M r Beckford [crossed out] L o r d Templeton [added later] 30 Genl. FletcherMibourne [sic] Port M r Blair £2500 31 Wells [crossed out] M r Bruce 3000 M r W . Elphinstone 32 Stirling &c—lost. M r Aberdeen 2500 [name and figure crossed out] M r Bond any money Honiton M r W r i g h t s o n - 33 Marlow M a j o r Webber 3000 L o r d Macdonald 34 Milbourne Pt M r Taylor— Aylesbury. NOTES

1. Peniston Lamb, 1st Viscount Melbourne ( 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 2 8 ) , a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to the Prince of W a l e s and supporter of the Coalition. H e had been member for the Pittite George Selwyn's pocket borough of Ludgershall. In 1784 he was returned unopposed for Malmesbury, where the patron temporarily deserted Government and sold both seats to Opposition. 2. James, Viscount Maitland, later 8th E a r l of Lauderdale ( 1 7 5 9 - 1 8 3 9 ) . A n outspoken supporter and intimate friend of Fox, and perhaps for this reason he did not stand again for the D u k e of Northumberland's borough of Newport ( C o r n w a l l ) in 1784. H e was instead able to negotiate an unopposed return at Malmesbury. 3. W i l l i a m W e n t w o r t h Fitzwilliam, 2nd Earl Fitzwilliam

14

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 3 3 ) , nephew and heir to the estates and local political interests of L o r d Rockingham. H e was the most intimate of Portland's personal connections. 4. Sir G r e y Cooper (c. 1 7 2 6 - 1 8 0 1 ) , Secretary to the Treasury 1 7 6 5 - M a r c h 1782 and a lord of the Treasury April-December 1783, had sat in the House since 1765 on either a Treasury or Admiralty interest. In December 1783 he had followed North into opposition and was thus without a seat at the general election. H e was again brought into Parliament only in 1786 for one of Sir T h o m a s Dundas's seats at Richmond. 5. George Villiers, 2nd Earl Grandison ( 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 0 0 ) , had supported Government while member for L u d l o w 1774-1780, though he was frequently absent. H e declined standing in 1780 because he was abroad. T h e H of P describes him as " a spoilt only child" w h o "early developed extravagant tastes." H e married a daughter of the 1st Earl of Hertford, which perhaps helped to incline him toward Opposition in 1784. 6. Probably one of the Seymour Conways, sons of the 1st Earl of Hertford. George, H u g h , or Robert seem most likely, since Henry and W i l l i a m stood contests in 1784. A l l were returned but W i l l i a m , to whom Henry gave w a y in 1785. 7. Probably John Stephenson ( ? i 7 0 9 - 1 7 9 4 ) , London merchant in the Spanish and Portuguese trade and a seeker of government contracts. H e had closely identified himself politically w i t h L o r d Sandwich since his political debut in the 1750's. Returned for T r e g o n y on Treasury interest 1780-1784, he supported North, opposed Shelburne, and supported the Coalition. H e suddenly deserted Sandwich when the Coalition fell and supported P i t t ; thus he is crossed off this Opposition list. 8. Possibly Henry Richmond G a l e of Bardsea Hall, Lancashire, w h o was promoted L t . Col. in 1794 ( Universal British Directory, I, cxviii). G a l e joined the W h i g Club in April, 1790 ( W h i g Club, 1792 ed.) ; he was never returned to the House. 9. John O r d ( 1 7 2 9 - 1 8 1 4 ) , w h o had been returned for M i d hurst 1 7 7 4 and Hastings 1780 on Administration interest. A consistent supporter of North's government, he voted for Shelburne's peace preliminaries and for Fox's East India bill and w e n t into opposition w i t h the Coalition. In 1784 he was returned for W e n d o v e r after a contest; the electors of that borough were in revolt against the financially embarrassed L o r d Verney and the margin at the polls was overwhelming. O r d reportedly paid £3000 for the seat. Although he had opposed the Portlandite Verney in this contest, he supported Opposition in the Parliament of 1784. 10. Robert M a c k e y of London Fields, Hackney, was a livery-

15

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

man of the City of London and a member of the Joiner's Company (Universal British Directory, V , 89). A Robert M a c k e y of T a w i n , Herts, joined the W h i g Club in April, 1786 ( W h i g Club, 1792 ed.). H e never sat in the House. 11. Lord Charles James Fitzgerald ( 1 7 5 6 - 1 8 1 0 ) , second surviving son of James, 1st D u k e of Leinster, one of the leading Irish W h i g families. It is not known if Lord Charles stood in 1784; he sat only briefly in 1807. 12. E d w a r d Cotsford ( 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 1 0 ) , a nabob, returned to England in 1781 with a considerable fortune. H e contested the expensive Hindon in December, 1783, and again in 1784, but was badly defeated on both occasions. Returned for Midhurst without a contest when a vacancy occurred in June, 1784, he voted consistently against Pitt. 13. Roger W i l b r a h a m ( 1 7 4 3 - 1 8 2 9 ) was connected with the erratically ambitious and volatile Sir Francis Basset (who normally supported the North government and later the Portland opposition) and in 1784 contested both T r u r o and Mitchell on Basset's interest. Defeated at T r u r o , he gained a double return at Mitchell, but lost on petition. H e was returned for Helston in April, 1786, and actively supported Opposition. 14. T h o m a s Keating unsuccessfully contested W a l l i n g f o r d at a bye-election in January, 1784. H e joined the W h i g Club the following June ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.). According to the H of P, W a l l i n g f o r d was not contested during the general election. Keating stood at G r e a t M a r l o w instead and was again badly defeated. 15. Sir G o d f r e y Webster, 4th Bt. ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 0 0 ) , was a prominent figure in the reform movement in Sussex and was by this period connected with Fox. In 1784 he canvassed Bedford on Lord Upper Ossory's interest and unsuccessfully contested Hastings against Treasury candidates. In 1785 and 1786 he contested Seaford on the interest of Lord Pelham, who was trying to wrest control from the T r e a s u r y ; he was seated on petition in 1786. T h e H of P describes Aylesbury as "squalid and venal, and without an established patron." In 1784 the Government and Opposition each returned a member for the borough, the Foxite being W i l l i a m Wrightson, who is listed in this document for M a r l o w . 16. W i l l i a m Dalrymple ( 1 7 3 6 - 1 8 0 7 ) , younger brother of the 5th Earl of Stair. U p o n returning from the campaign in North America he stood a successful contest at the general election for the W i g t o w n Burghs on his brother's interest, an interest which had returned W i l l i a m A d a m for that constituency in 1780. H e was listed as " d o u b t f u l " by A d a m in his analysis of the Commons in

16

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

M a y , 1784, but he voted w i t h Opposition on the Regency. A n Opposition candidate does not appear to have come f o r w a r d at Ipswich in 1784, though the " y e l l o w " interest w a s at that time in search of a gentleman to contest the second seat. 1 7 . Sir A n d r e w Snape H a m o n d , 1st B t . ( 1 7 3 8 - 1 8 2 8 ) , son of a shipowner and himself a naval officer. G o v e r n o r of N o v a Scotia 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 3 and Commander-in-chief at the N o r e 1 7 8 5 - 1 7 8 8 . H i s political sentiments in 1784 are unknown. H e w a s not returned to the H o u s e until 1796. 18. Samuel Salt (c. 1 7 2 3 - 1 7 9 2 ) of the Inner T e m p l e . H e w a s the legal agent to E d w a r d E l i o t of P o r t E l i o t and sat on his interest at Liskeard 1 7 6 8 - 1 7 8 4 . Salt deviated f r o m Eliot, w h o supported Shelburne and P i t t , by voting against Shelburne's peace preliminaries and f o r F o x ' s India bill. Perhaps partly for this reason (though Salt had been permitted to support Opposition while E l i o t held office under N o r t h ) , E l i o t did not return Salt in 1784. Instead Salt bought a seat at A l d e b u r g h f r o m P . C . Crespigny, to w h o m Salt may have been introduced by Crespigny's brother, w h o had been a director of the South Sea C o m p a n y during Salt's governorship (but see note 21 b e l o w ) . Salt supported Opposition during the Parliament of 1784. 19. T h o m a s Boothby P a r k y n s ( 1 7 5 5 - 1 8 0 0 ) . " A friend of the Prince of W a l e s and connected w i t h the leaders of Opposition, P a r k y n s carried his election at Stockbridge [ 1 7 8 4 ] against the G o v e r n m e n t ; and voted against them in the H o u s e " ( H of P). 20. Jacob W i l k i n s o n (c. 1 7 1 6 - 1 7 9 1 ) , a wealthy L o n d o n merchant and heavy speculator in government loans, director of East India Company 1 7 8 2 - 1 7 8 3 . M . P . B e r w i c k 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 0 , Honiton 1 7 8 1 - 1 7 8 4 . H e voted w i t h the Opposition to N o r t h ' s ministry, against Shelburne's peace preliminaries, and f o r F o x ' s India bill in which he w a s named as one of the nine assistant commissioners. H e resigned his India directorship during the f u r o r over this bill, and the H of P finds no evidence of his having stood during the general election of 1784. 2 1 . Philip Champion Crespigny w a s thought to have a substantial interest in Sudbury at this time. H e had supported N o r t h ' s government, opposed Shelburne's peace preliminaries, supported F o x ' s India bill and w a s to oppose Pitt in the Parliament of 1784Sudbury's having been temporarily considered as a seat f o r Snow suggests that either A d a m or someone in the party approached Crespigny for support in returning Opposition candidates at Sudbury and A l d e b u r g h (seenote 18, a b o v e ) . 22. Stephen T h u r s t o n A d e y (d. 1 8 0 1 ) , a banker in P a l l M a l l ,

17

MEMORANDUM

[1784]

M . P . Higham Ferrers 1798-1801. O n 17 November 1783 Portland proposed both him and Lushington to L o r d Fitzwilliam as suitable candidates for Hedon, explaining that Lushington would be the more useful candidate "by his being able to assist us with his voice as w e l l as his vote" but urging deep obligations which he felt toward A d e y ( M i l t o n M S S , Northamptonshire Record Office). H e joined the W h i g C l u b 7 M a r c h 1785 ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.). 23. W i l l i a m Beckford of Fonthill and Clement T u d w a y , w h o by this period controlled one seat in the borough, were returned for W e l l s in 1784, apparently without a contest. 24. Lionel Damer ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 0 7 ) , 3rd son of Joseph, 1st Baron Milton. Damer and his brothers were close friends of F o x and particularly of L o r d Fitzwilliam, voting with Opposition after 1784 despite the politics of their father and his relations, the Sackvilles. Lionel had been seeking a seat since 1783, but was brought in for Peterborough by Fitzwilliam only in 1786. 25. Probably Sir Nicholas Nugent, Bt., w h o joined the W h i g C l u b in June, 1784 ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.). H e did not sit in the House. 26. N o t identified, but see The Historical and Posthumous Memoirs of Sir Nathaniel William Wraxall, 1772-1784, ed. H . B. Wheatley (London, 1884), V , 381-382. 27. A John Bailey contested Honiton in 1784, but was badly beaten. 28. Percy Charles W y n d h a m ( 1 7 5 7 - 1 8 3 3 ) , 2nd son of Charles, 2nd Earl of Egremont, was returned for Chichester in 1782 on the D u k e of Richmond's interest. In 1783 he deserted Richmond, w h o remained in Shelburne's and Pitt's governments, and followed Fox. T h e 1st Earl of Egremont had possessed a considerable interest in T a u n t o n . T h e r e appears to have been no contest in the borough in 1784; Hammet and Popham, the two members returned, represented the independent interest, which had opposed Government candidates in earlier contests. W y n d h a m was not returned until 1790. 29. Benjamin Bond Hopkins ( 7 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 9 4 ) , son of a T u r k e y merchant and inheritor of the considerable Hopkins estates through his wife. A n unsuccessful candidate in 1780 at O x f o r d and in 1783 in Surrey, where he had substantial property, he successfully contested Ilchester on the Lockyer interest in 1784. H e was classed as "Opposition" in Adam's analysis of M a y , 1784, but voted with Pitt on the Regency (his only recorded " p a r t y " v o t e ) . 30. Clotworthy Upton, 1st Baron Templeton ( 1 7 2 1 - 1 7 8 5 ) . He was not returned. 18

4 JANUARY

1789

LAURENCE

H I L L TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

31. A n Alexander Blair, of Portland Place, joined the W h i g C l u b in January, 1785 ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.), but Blair is a common surname. 32. W i l l i a m Fullarton Elphinstone ( 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 3 4 ) , 3rd son of Charles, 10th Baron Elphinstone, and a brother-in-law of W i l l i a m Adam. H e was elected an East India director in 1786 with Adam's assistance. H e was not returned in 1784. 33. W i l l i a m Wrightson ( 1 7 5 2 - 1 8 2 7 ) . Portland recommended him to Sir W i l l i a m Lee on 27 M a r c h 1784 as a candidate for Aylesbury, describing him as " a gentleman of as independent principles as fortune." H e was successfully returned for that borough without a contest and supported Opposition in the Parliament of 1784. A contest at M a r l o w fell instead to the luckless T h o m a s Keating (seenote 14, above). 34. Alexander, 1st Baron Macdonald (d. 1 7 9 5 ) , possessed large estates and interest in Inverness-shire. Described by H i l l in 1789 as "quite independent," Macdonald had some Opposition connections, though his younger brother, Archibald Macdonald, had married into the G o w e r family and followed their political lead ( H of P; Adam, Pol. State, 1 7 2 ) . T . H . Medlycott, the patron of Milborne Port, returned two Government candidates in 1784. L o r d M a c donald was not returned.

Laurence Hill to William Adam 4 January 1789 Address: W i l l i a m A d a m E s q r / M . P . Lincolns Inn fields/London Endorsed: L. Hill / 4th. Jany 1789 / on T h e Rolls of / Scotch Counties

T h e following correspondence of Laurence H i l l reveals that he was the unidentified compiler of the View of the Political State of Scotland in the Last Century, a Confidential Report on the Political Opinions, Family Connections, or Personal Circumstances of the 2662 County Voters in 1788. T h e Political State was edited and published in Edinburgh by Sir Charles Elphinstone A d a m in 1887. T h e contents of this invaluable compilation run to 353 published pages and include not only political data on a high percentage of the enrolled freeholders listed but also contain prognostications and evaluations of future contests in the counties, indicating the

19

LAURENCE

HILL

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

4

JANUARY

1789

nature and extent of the principal county interests, how they may be expected to align themselves and, in some instances, how they might be increased or attacked at a Michaelmas meeting of the county head court.

D e a r Sir I h a v e been employed f o r several weeks past in preparing a political state of every county in Scotland showing the names of the several freeholders distinguishing the absolute & confidential voters and by w h o m the confidential votes are made with a short scale at the end of each county showing at one view the present political force of each i n d i v i d u a l . — T h i s w o r k is in considerable f o r w a r d ness ; twelve of the counties I have already completed and in the course of a month or perhaps less I hope I shall be able to complete the whole. I t has been attended with much trouble & a g o o d deal of expense f o r access to the Rolls & Minutes of Freeholders but I do not in the least grudge t h i s . — W h e n completed it will f o r m a neat octavo volume and I mean to interleave it f o r notes & remarks on the circumstances situation & connections of each freeholder which may influence his political conduct — t h e r e are men of business here w h o have a pretty general acquaintance in each county and through their information I do not despair in a very short time of making these notes & remarks pretty complete. I dare say you will be sensible of the g r e a t advantages o f this state to any Minister or Secretary w h o is to have a superintendance of the government & affairs of Scotland — I t is only however a man of business w h o can make the proper use of i t — I t is a book f o r a desk and not f o r a table or a parlour w i n d o w — I intend one copy f o r you another f o r the D e a n of faculty 1 — a d d i t i o n s & alterations must be made on it a f t e r every M i c h a e l m a s head court 2 and therefore I mean to renew it every year in the humble 20

4 JANUARY 1 7 8 9

LAURENCE HILL TO WILLIAM ADAM

expectation that in the arrangements your friends when in power may have occasion to make it will be thought proper to make some provision f o r a service of this kind — w h i c h must indeed be equally beneficial to a party whether in or out of p o w e r — a n d I hope you will not think there is any meaness or impropriety in my mentioning t h i s — Indeed the state I am now preparing f o r m s but a part of a much larger & more comprehensive plan I have had f o r some time in contemplation viz. to show in one view not only the present political state of each county but w h a t force each Individual might exert by splitting & subdividing his e s t a t e — T w o of the counties viz. R e n f r e w & Dunbarton I have already laid down on this g r e a t scale and I have made g r e a t progress with (Stirlingshire) and have made notes & extracts f r o m the (Records) respecting other counties but in the present uncertain state of the political law of Scotland there is perhaps little occasion to look f a r t h e r than the Rolls as they now stand, besides the larger state I have mentioned will require a very long time to bring it to perfection and will be attended with so heavy an expense and would take me so much off my profession that I am a f r a i d to think of i t — A t any rate the other w o r k which I expect to complete in a month is of more immediate use, and indeed can alone be of use if an election comes on b e f o r e Summer 1 7 9 0 . — I h a v e the honor to be very respectfully D e a r Sir Y o u r most obedient humble Servant LAURENCE

HILL

E d i n 4 Jany 1789. NOTES 1. H e n r y Erskine had been elected D e a n of the F a c u l t y of A d vocates in December 1785, succeeding H e n r y Dundas. 2. In Scotland the rolls of county freeholders w e r e made up and

21

WILLIAM ADAM TO J O H N

ADAM

[8 JANUARY

1789]

subjected to revision each Michaelmas at the meeting of the county head court. T h e Scottish electoral franchise before the reform of 1832 was so complex that the county rolls were continuously either undergoing or being threatened with revision, and the meetings of the Michaelmas head court were annual trials of political strength in the county, their outcomes frequently being decisive and therefore of more political significance than the electoral contests which followed.

William Adam to John Adam of Maryburgh—[8 January 1789] Address:

London Jany Ninth 1789 / John A d a m Esqr. / E d i n r / W Adam Postmarked: J A 9 89 and J A 12 Endorsed: W . A . Junr. / Londo. Jan 9. 1789 / S. T h e eighth of January, 1789, fell on a T h u r s d a y .

T h e office of Secretary to the Treasury, which Portland intended that A d a m hold in the event a Regency Government was established, was the same office held during North's administration by John Robinson, whose organizational activities on behalf of the Government during general elections have long been well known (see T h o m a s W . Laprade, ed., The Parliamentary Papers of John Robinson, 1774-1784, Camden Society, 3rd series, V o l . X X X I I I [London, 1 9 2 2 ] ) . Thursday Night M y D e a r father I am absolutely determined to delay writing Y o u

no

l o n g e r , & r a t h e r c u r t a i l a l i t t l e S l e e p t h a n d o it. T h i n g s h a v e been so s t r a n g e t h a t a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the t o ' s & f r o ' s is i m p o s s i b l e . B u t w h a t y o u m a y h a v e h e a r d f r o m R e p o r t w a s a c t u a l l y f a c t & I m e a n t l o n g since h a d n o t t h i n g s s o b r o k e in u p o n it t o h a v e t o l d y o u s o — T h e W h o l e 22

party

[8 JANUARY

1789]

W I L L I A M ADAM TO J O H N

ADAM

with one voice & the Duke of Portland with the greatest affection said no person could do so meritorious an act as I would if I would undertake the Office of Secretary to the Treasury. T h e many handsome things that were said as to my Capacity to discharge that office need not be enumerated, nor the flattering things as to my having higher pretensions in point of R a n k — a s to profit there are f e w better f o r it is little short of £ 4 0 0 0 per Anm. I considered that I had a Profession to quit that I had a family to take care off. I found my situation such as to make it improper to attempt to take Rank in M y Profession, & my political Knowledge & Society such as would be drawing me perpetually aside f r o m my L e g a l pursuits until things were well settled. M y Old Place 1 beneath me — a n d place of more dignity incompatible with the L a w . Much time likely to be spent in the same way as if I were Secretary to the T r e a s u r y without profit but with L o s s , & without the same effect & good consequences. I found no B a r or difficulty to Securing to my family such Sinecures as I was well entitled to f r o m Labouring in the Office & quitting a Profession. I found too that that Profession was not so enlivening as it had been & that I considered it to be rather like a Stagnate W a t e r which was evaporating or at least f e d with Small Springs than as a very Plentifull & continually flowing Spring. A l l these things were before me when the King was thought to be in a way not to live & all these had made me take my determination. Since then much has been to be done & who was there to do it. I could not Stand by & let the cause suffer. I was as it were called forth by all descriptions, from the Prince who is to reign to the lowest person in the Party. I could do nothing less than act. Without doing it neither any thing within or without the House of Commons would have been brought f o r w a r d or executed. In short I have been Secretary to Treasury Since this Stir began without a Salary. T h e consequence of which 23

W I L L I A M ADAM TO J O H N

ADAM

[8 JANUARY

1789]

has been our exertions in the City, our Exertions in Surry Our Exertions at D o v e r . A Thousand Subordinate A r rangements & Businesses—& the keeping together even such a House as we have had. Things however are so f a r Altered & are on a footing less secure & yet Y o u will see I think that I cannot be the Person to object now or to change even if it were adviseable—I am told by all that I alone can do the duties of the Station. T h e Parliament is likely to restrain the Prince f r o m granting reversions. Can I, because I cannot be adequately secured owing to Pitt's infamy not my friends fault withdraw f r o m a Station because I am less Secure & it becomes more difficult. In proportion as its difficulty encreases I feel M o r e necessity to go on & more delicacy about withdrawing. N o w as to the real State of Things. Y o u may have heard f o r I understand the Doctrine is Dundas's that we are not to last six Months. If so it is but a short interruption to the Profession. But that is not my speculation. T h e Restrictions render Government weaker. But they don't render it so weak in reality as in appearance. T h e Court Places chiefly affect the House of L o r d s . T h e r e are but f e w in the House of Commons affected by it. T h e state of the Country is much Changed & much within a f e w Y e a r s . T h e funded interest the T r a d i n g interest the Manufacturing interest much overbalance the Landed interest & have sunk it. T h e Court governed this last. T h e T r e a s u r y governs the former. T h e great annual Revenue to be collected is a powerfull Engine. T h e interests [ o f ] those Classes flow all f r o m the Political P l a c e s — R e v e n u e — N a v y — A r m y . T h e r e f o r e in this country now, P o w e r & Popularity must go together & unless W e are powerfull we shall never be popular. When M r Pitt is no longer P o w e r f u l l he will not be so popular, & he will find it very difficult, if we go on prudently & wisely, to raise an opposition on any principle to a Government which he has crippled. These things lead me to think that we shall be more Permanent than they are 24

[ 1 0 January 1 7 8 9 ? ]

SANDWICH TO [DUKE OF PORTLAND?]

willing to believe & I am sure whatever the other side says they think so too otherwise there would not have been all this Stir about restraining. T h e y know what the Aversion or f a v o u r of a reigning Prince can do. A n d t h e [ y ] M u s t dread that when united to T h e Talents we h a v e — T h e Blood & the Property. 5 P o w e r f u l l D u k e s 2 & M a n y Earls. I would have gone into private A f f a i r s but I must leave this f o r another occasion it is now very late & I have discussed all the M o s t interesting M a t t e r — S o M a y God Bless & preserve you all of all Descriptions & A g e s W.A. NOTES 1. A d a m had been Treasurer of the Ordnance September, 1 7 8 0 - M a y , 1 7 8 2 , April-December, 1 7 8 3 . 2. T h e Dukes of Norfolk, Bedford, Portland, Devonshire and (after having struck a bargain for his supporters, the Armed Neutrality) Northumberland voted with Opposition on the Regency question (John Stockdale, Debates in the House of Lords on the Subject of a Regency [London, 1 7 8 9 ] , p. 1 9 0 ) .

Lord Sandwich to [Duke of Portland?] [ 1 0 January 1789?] Endorsed: Lord Sandwich / January 9th. The only election to occur on a Wednesday in January from 1784 to 1790 was the bye-election for Dover which was held on 14 January 1789. The preceding Saturday was 10 January. Henniker's Dover connection seems to confirm this subject and date.

M y Lord In consequence of a letter I recieved a f e w hours ago f r o m M r A d a m I enclose a letter f o r Sir R : Pearson, 1 I know not his direction. I have not the least objection to writing to Sir J : Hennicker, 2 but he is I believe, at Thornham near Ipswich & it seems to me impossible that any letter written

25

RICHARD TROWARD TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

[IL

JANUARY

1789]

to day can be of any use in an Election that is to come on next W e d n e s d a y . I wish these intimations had come to me sooner, as I think I could have been of much use in this Election if I had had timely notice. I am

Saturday evening

Y o u r Graces M o s t faithfull H u m b l e servant SANDWICH NOTES

1. P e r h a p s S i r R i c h a r d P e a r s o n ( 1 7 3 1 - 1 8 0 6 ) , a n a v a l officer (DNB). 2. S i r J o h n H e n n i k e r ( 1 7 2 4 - 1 8 0 3 ) , M . P . S u d b u r y 17611 7 6 8 and D o v e r 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 4 on t h e G o v e r n m e n t interest. A w e a l t h y R u s s i a m e r c h a n t a n d g o v e r n m e n t c o n t r a c t o r , he h a d rem a i n e d l o y a l to N o r t h a f t e r his f a l l . S a n d w i c h had been w r i t i n g l e t t e r s of this type to H e n n i k e r a n d a s m a l l g r o u p of M . P . ' s w i t h E a s t I n d i a interests since 1 7 6 1 .

Richard Troward to William Adam [11 January 1789] Endorsed:

M r T r o w a r d . / 12th Jany 1 7 8 9 . / L a i d before the / Duke. Same day / a n s w e r e d — / P a r l i a m e n t a r y Investig[ation]s / H i s own Object

R i c h a r d T r o w a r d w a s a p r o m i n e n t L o n d o n solicitor w h o seems to h a v e specialized in p a r l i a m e n t a r y p r a c t i c e a n d w a s w e l l k n o w n to t h e l e a d e r s of the p a r t y a n d its m e n of business. H e w a s solicitor to the M a n a g e r s of the H a s t i n g s i m p e a c h m e n t a n d w a s also c u r r e n t l y r e p r e s e n t i n g G e o r g e T i e r n e y on the C o l c h e s t e r c o m m i t t e e of the H o u s e of C o m m o n s .

Dear Adam, M y time must be yours, as yours is so much more i m p o r t a n t — I think you will approve the plan I propose to set going, and the more so as it will save you a great 26

[il

JANUARY

1789]

R I C H A R D T R O W A R D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

deal of t r o u b l e — I find it will be very useful to know who are the agents in town f o r the A t t o r n e y s (below) in the different Countys (as they generally are the people w h o influence the open B o r o u g h s . ) I h a v e therefore collected them all f r o m the C o m m o n Bail and appearance Rolls into my P o c k e t book, distinguishing which are U n d e r Sheriffs. T h e M a p s too I have g o t done which I find very useful, as it shews names and situations without opening a book. I t w a s not my intention to have said a w o r d about myself 'till it had been seen that my Services would apolog i z e f o r it and then perhaps it might have been unn e c e s s a r y — I f M r . W a l p o l e 1 does not accept the office I spoke of b e f o r e , namely Secretary and Register to Chelsea B o a r d , it is w h a t we shall be very glad o f ; I say we, f o r M r . W a l l i s 2 and I are equally interested in all business m a t t e r s — t h i s office is less an object to others than us, as it vacates a Seat and the constant acting G o v ernors ( M r . M o l l e s o n & Sir John D i c k ) are our particular friends. I f you think it proper, pray do me the f a v o r to mention this to the D u k e , and w h a t makes me trouble you on the subject now is, that I may not be too l a t e — Dear Adam Y o u r s most truly RD.

TROWARD

P a l l M a l l Sunday morng. P S . M r . M o l l e s o n dines with me, I am sorry we are not to see you. NOTES

1. Horatio W a l p o l e ( 1 7 5 2 - 1 8 2 2 ) of Wolterton, a connection and supporter of the D u k e of Portland, had been secretary and registrar of Chelsea Hospital in 1783. 2. A l b a n y W a l l i s was the law partner of T r o w a r d (Universal British Directory, I, V ) .

27

H E N R Y ERSKINE TO WILLIAM

ADAM

14 JANUARY

1789

Henry Erskine to William Adam 14 January 1789 Col. H u g h Montgomerie, a Pittite, had been returned for Ayrshire in 1784. T h e "long promised office" was the inspectorship of military roads in Scotland. According to Laurence H i l l in early 1789 the leading interests in Ayrshire were the Earls of Eglintoun, Glencairn, and Dumfries, Sir A d a m Fergusson and Sir John W h i t e foord. T h e Earl of Cassillis also carried great weight. A l t h o u g h Ayrshire had more voters than any county in Scotland (200), the politics of the county depended to a large extent upon the shifting pattern of alliances between these principal interests. In January, 1789, it appeared that Glencairn and Dumfries would go with Opposition. Cassillis was strongly in support of his cousin, Sir A n d r e w Cathcart, w h o was to be the Opposition candidate at the general election (Cathcart had declared his candidacy by midOctober, before the Regency Crisis had begun [ H e n r y Erskine to W i l l i a m Adam, 19 October 1788, Blair A d a m M S S ] ) . Eglintoun was said to have "lately divided with H . R . H . the Prince of Wales's friends against M r . Pitt, but he was bound by a previous agreement to support Sir A d a m Fergusson," who at this date was expected to be the Pittite candidate at the next election. (John Stockdale, Debates in the House of Lords on the Subject of the Regency, p. 191, lists both Eglintoun and Cassillis with the Opposition on 26 December 1788). Laurence H i l l noted that W h i t e foord "has separated from Sir Adam, whom he once supported, and is desirous of representing the County himself." In the event Montgomerie did not receive his office till the late summer, when a bye-election was held. Cathcart, Whitefoord, and James Boswell of Auchinleck then declared themselves to be candidates, but Government was able to bring in W i l l i a m M a c D o w a l l as a stop-gap for Fergusson, who was returned for the seat at the general election in 1790 without a contest. See A d a m , Pol. State, pp. 1 8 - 4 2 ; H of P; Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 60.

E d i n r . Jany 14. 1789 M y Dear Adam. I t is strongly rumoured here that C o l . M o n t g o m e r y is immediately to have the long promised Office which is said can be given by the T r e a s u r y alone without the 28

14 JANUARY

1789

H E N R Y ERSKINE TO WILLIAM

ADAM

Kings Sign manual. I f this be true W e shall have an immediate Election f o r A y r s h i r e — O u r Situation there is very critical. I meant to have communicated it to L d . Cassilis But f o r reasons that will readily occur to you I rather wish to say nothing to him till the opening shall be certain. I f you find it to be so I beg you will immediately see the Peer, and let him know that I am perfectly certain that if Sir Jn. W h i t e f o r d goes against us we shall be beat & that if he be with us we are s e c u r e . — I have done all I can to prevail with Sir John to give Sir A n d w C a t h c a r t an unconditional Support. B u t in vain. H e insists on his original proposal to L o r d C . of having the t w o or three first Sessions of the next Parliament. A n d says without this he will however unwillingly join the f o e . — I am clear that were Sir John ensured of being speedily provided f o r he would give up this Idea. Should this be impossible L d . Cassilis must determine whether rather than lose all he would not promise Sir John the t w o first Sessions and trust to these two Contingencies 1 either providing f o r him b e f o r e a General Election or its turning out impossible to carry him f r o m Sir A n d w s . Friends refusing to t r a n s f e r — A n d if this plan be adopted it is to be stipulated that if Sir John cannot be carried he must Support Sir A n d r e w . S a [ y ] 2 to the E a r l that the day of w r i t i [ n g ] [ b ] y post directly made me take [ t h ] i s mode o f Communication & f o r heavens sake bring him to a speedy decision Because O u r hopes in A y r s h i r e may be ruined if a Canvass shall come on b e f o r e I am in possession of L o r d Cassilis A u thority to settle matters with Sir John on w h o m I repeat it All d e p e n d s — I write this in great haste not to lose the P o s t Y o u r s ever truly H E N R Y ERSKINE NOTES

1. MS. Contengices. 2. T h e letters in square brackets are torn out of the ms.

29

LAURENCE HILL TO G. K. ELPHINSTONE

[24 JANUARY

1789]

Laurence Hill to George Keith Elphinstone—[24 January 1789] Address: Endorsed:

The Honble / George Keith Elphinstone / Hertford Street/M.P. London Postmarked: JA 24 and JA 27 89 Edinr Jany 24. 1789 / L . Hill to K. E l p : / Glasgow Burghs.

H i l l w a s apparently acting as an election agent for G e o r g e K e i t h Elphinstone in his contest for the G l a s g o w B u r g h s at the same time that he w a s compiling his Political State. I t is barely possible that one activity led naturally to the other, though w h i c h to w h i c h cannot be determined. G e o r g e K e i t h Elphinstone ( 1 7 4 6 - 1 8 2 3 ) , the younger brother of the n t h L o r d Elphinstone and brother-inl a w of W i l l i a m A d a m , w a s a distinguished naval officer (later created Baron K e i t h ) , a favorite of the Prince of W a l e s and Scottish secretary to the Prince since 1783. H e w a s to be offered assistance from party funds for his contest in the G l a s g o w Burghs (see infra, A d a m to K . Elphinstone, [ M a r c h or A p r i l 1 7 8 9 ? ] ) . I t should be remembered that H i l l w a s asking for his t w o clerkships during the height of the Regency Crisis, w h e n it appeared that such offices w o u l d soon be at the disposal of P o r t l a n d ' s party.

D e a r Sir I had the honor of your l a s t — T h e D e a n of faculty 1 was o f opinion that your letter to the P r o v o s t 2 should not be f o r w a r d e d till a f t e r the R e g e n t w a s a p p o i n t e d . — B l y t h s w o o d 3 has now declared himself and t h e r e f o r e I took it on me to send 20 guineas to the P o o r of Renf r e w and as much to the P o o r of Rutherglen being the first expense to which you h a v e been put respecting these b u r g h s . — a n d no more shall be distributed without your order—> I beg to return my most g r a t e f u l thanks f o r your goodness in thinking of the c l e r k s h i p — I t is an office which I would be extremely desireous to possess not only on account of its independance but of the leisure which it affords, and which I would have it in my power to dedi30

[24 JANUARY

1789]

L A U R E N C E H I L L TO G. K .

ELPHINSTONE

cate in a great measure to the service of my friends private & political—the present vacancy however I understand is filled up as I heard M r Fergusson 4 the other day declare in a mixed company that he had got through the Dean and Sir T h o s . Dundas 5 a promise f r o m the Duke of Portland. Indeed at any rate I could not think of your interfering on my account with any recommendation of the Dean to whom I never yet have ventured to hint at any provision of that kind though I think he may see that I have been and can be of some service and that I cannot in my circumstances afford to allow politics to interfere so much with my profession as they have done & must do till the plan I have on hand is accomplished— T h e office of clerkship to the admission of Notaries is at present held by an old man a M r Robertson Barclay W . S . — I believe it yields f r o m £ 1 5 0 . to £200. a year—if it was not presuming too f a r & would not interfere with the arrangements here to which I am an entire stranger I would solicit you to request that no promise might be given to renew this commission to another or to give away the next clerkship of the Session till I had an opportunity of showing the services which I am willing to render if appointed to one or other of these offices—Do you think you could learn whether any promise had yet been g i v e n — A s you say nothing of your health I presume you are better & shall allow myself to think so till I hear from you—1 W r i t e to (Holinshead).—& press (Houstoun) 6 f o r his answer— I am with sincere respect M y D e a r Sir Y o u r obliged Servant LAURENCE

31

HILL

JOHN

M O R T H L A N D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

7 FEBRUARY

[1789]

NOTES

1. Henry Erskine. 2. W h i c h is not certain, but probably of R e n f r e w or Rutherglen. For Rutherglen and Provost W h i t e , see infra, J. Morthland to W i l l i a m Adam, 9 February 1789. 3. John Campbell of Blythswood. " A Lieutenant-Colonel in the A r m y . Connected with the Prince of W a l e s , and Dukes of Y o r k and Clarence. A batchelor; of an independent estate. A popular officer, and well respected" ( A d a m , Pol. State, p. 223 [the section on Lanarkshire]). Blythswood does not appear in the published correspondence of the Prince for this period, and no pressure seems to have been applied to him from that direction. 4. Fergusson of Craigdanoch. Serious competition also came from Charles Innes of Edinburgh, w h o had been forward in the party's electoral management. 5. Sir T h o m a s Dundas, 2nd Bt. ( 1 7 4 1 - 1 8 2 0 ) , eldest son of Sir Lawrence Dundas, the great Scottish political magnate. In 1788 Alexander Carlyle described Dundas as "the Greatest L a y [ecclesiastical] Patron in Scotland" ( C a r l y l e to W i l l i a m Adam, 19 A p r i l 1788, Blair A d a m M S S ) . Dundas and A d a m seem to have been the two most important and active political links between the Scottish Opposition leaders and the Portland—Fox leadership in the south. 6. A n d r e w or Robert Houstoun? But both are listed in Adam, Pol. State, pp. 213, 220, 222, 226, as being closely connected with the D u k e of Hamilton in Lanarkshire politics.

John Morthland to William Adam 7 February

Endorsed:

[1789]

Morthland / Glasgow

Burghs

T h e correspondence which follows on the contest in the Glasgow district of burghs illustrates at close view the variety of difficulties which the Opposition often encountered in attempting to capture largely hostile constituencies, even when the central organization of the party took an active interest in a strong and well-managed candidate, provided broad support by writing letters and canvassing

32

7 FEBRUARY

[1789]

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

a n d — t h e ultimate test of concern—provided some amount of funds to supplement the private means of the candidate and his local supporters and relations. T h e correspondence also helps demonstrate the impact of the Regency Crisis on electoral activities. For the parliamentary history of the district, see H of P. Suffice it to note that in the contest of 1784 Ilay Campbell, the Pittite L o r d Advocate for Scotland until October, 1789, had captured the votes of all four burghs (Glasgow, Dumbarton, Renfrew, Rutherglen). Elections in Scottish burgh constituencies were in the first instance fought in the councils of each burgh. Each council decided which candidate it favored. It was then required by law to cast only one vote in favor of that candidate at the final poll for the district. A n exception was made in districts composed of four burghs in order to avoid a tie (five out of the fourteen districts had only four burghs rather than five) ; each burgh in rotation was designated the "returning burgh," and the burgh performing that function was given a second vote. T h u s the G l a s g o w district could be won by capturing one burgh plus the returning burgh. T h e returning burgh of the G l a s g o w district for the bye-election of February, 1790, was to be R e n f r e w and for the general election of the following July, Rutherglen. John Morthland was a prominent Edinburgh attorney (Adam, Pol. State, p. 2 1 5 ) . 7th Feby M y Dear Friend T h e i n s t a n t I u n d e r s t o o d y o u r B r o t h e r - i n L a w ' s intentions respecting m y district (which by a strange and i n e x p e d i e n t husbandry of confidential communication) w a s by mere accident, I w r o t e to the governour-general o f R u t h e r g l e n t o h o l d h i m s e l f d i s e n g a g e d , & his i m m e d i ate r e t u r n w a s such I could w i s h — T h e p e r s o n I allude to is M r D a v i d S c o t t w r i t e r 1 in t h a t B u r g h , w h o f r o m p a r t i c u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h i c h a r o s e in a ten years j u d i c i a l c o n t e s t f o r t h e s o v e r e i g n t y in t h e t o w n - c o u n c i l , in w h i c h I w a s his C o u n s e l & ultimately prevailed, w o u l d do m o r e f o r m e t h a n f o r a n y o t h e r p e r s o n in t h e w o r l d — I n e e d not here a d d that he k n o w s I w o u l d never ask him to do any t h i n g c o n t r a r y to his interest— W h i l e t h i n g s w e r e in t h e b e s t p o s s i b l e t r a i n , a n a d d r e s s 33

JOHN

M O R T H L A N D TO W I L L I A M ADAM

^ FEBRUARY

[1789]

to the Prince 2 was moved in the Council the other day, and carried 1 2 to 6, as you must have l e a r n t — T h e first notice I had of this being even in agitation, was by a very angry letter sent me the day a f t e r the event, by a Capital fellow, known to L o r d Maitland, a Robt P a r k writer in Glasgow, on supposition the measure had been taken with my knowledge, and condemning it as precipitate & prejudicial— T h e fact is this, which I well k n e w , — M a j o r Spens, Scott's brother-in-law, made present Provost by the latter, has a beneficial lease f r o m Duke H . 3 near expiring, f o r a renewal of which he has been treating with M r Davidson here, the Dukes chamberlain —Spens's heart was with us, but the dependence of that treaty tied his tongue for the present—upon it's being finished, he was to have been ours decidedly—But by the address being unseasonably pushed, he necessarily was pushed to a Declaration, & accordingly voted in the minority with all the Common-counsellors he could carry with him and has since been obliged to be our declared ennemy—Now M y good Adam, you have just one course to t a k e — L e t the major understand that his military prospects with us, are brighter than his civil ones against us, and, my word f o r it, the Burgh is unanimously yours. — T h e 5 other minority men are of little importance & can at any rate be easily disposed o f — A s to Renfrew, I had occasion, when there, as M r Craufurd's 4 Counsel, at the General Election 1 7 8 4 , to observe with perfect accuracy, that there is just one, & but one method to secure it's Delegate—our friend Speirs 5 is unfortunately raw, and on the whole a damned bad canvasser—but his wealth & near residence give him much personal good will at least, & the all-powerful instrument weilded by a more practised & dextrous hand, must ensure your success in that q u a r t e r — T h e above is all that occurs in the moment, in answer 34

7 FEBRUARY

[1789]

J O H N MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

to yours of 4th current—But your business is to suggest whatever you wish, & fear not that I shall fail to move heaven & E a r t h f o r accomplishing i t — Y o u r letter stopped me just as I was stepping into a post-chaise f o r Glasgow, to concert measures with John Millar 6 for frustrating as f a r as possible, our Duke's 7 purpose of addressing Pitt f r o m Lanark-shire next tuesday— Y o u shall see Scotch Addresses p r e s e n t l y ! — & Pitt shall see them with a deserved vengeance—O damn him! damn him damn him I damn him NOTES

1. I. e., an attorney. 2. An address supporting the Prince's position during the Regency Crisis. 3. Alexander, 9th Duke of Hamilton ( 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 1 9 ) , premier peer of Scotland, had a predominant interest in Lanarkshire (43 out of 124 votes according to Adam, Pol. State, pp. 2 1 2 , 226, where it is described as "the controuling interest"). 4. John " F i s h " Craufurd of Auchenames ( ? i 7 4 2 - i 8 i 4 ) , old and close friend of Fox, had been member for Renfrewshire 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 0 and for Glasgow Burghs 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 4 . His return in 1780 had been on the interest of the Duke of A r g y l l ; when Craufurd followed the Coalition into opposition in 1784, that interest was withdrawn. There was no poll in the burghs in 1784, so that one concludes Craufurd withdrew early. 5. Archibald Speirs of Elderslie ( 1 7 5 8 - 1 8 3 2 ) . Hill (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 279—280) noted he had, "it is believed, the largest property estate in the County [Renfrewshire], and can make fifteen votes. He is steady in Opposition." 6. John Millar ( 1 7 3 5 - 1 8 0 1 ) , professor of law at Glasgow University, a man with decided reformist sentiments. He generally supported Fox's politics out of doors. 7. Hamilton.

35

J O H N MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

9 FEBRUARY

1789

John Morthland to William Adam 9 February 1789 Endorsed:

Edinr / 9th Feby 1789 / J . Morthland. / G l a s g o w Burghs

Glasgow 9th Feby 1789 W e l l I closetted Scott yesterday three whole hours— and now you shall know every thing material with precision—Your friend 1 had opened his campaign naturally enough by applying to the family's man of business George Smith, writer h e r e — B u t said George was the agent all along in the business mentioned in my last f o r the Burgh P a r t y in Rutherglen hostile to Scott, and of course is utterly obnoxious to the latter—Scott assured me that f r o m the time of getting my letter, he had resolved to prefer your friend; but on finding M r Smith interfering so much (which he could not suppose was without authority and communication with all concerned) he saw he must look not merely to his advantage, but to his very political existence in the town & his Brother-inlaw Spens had concurred in sentiment with h i m — T h a t the address was most irregularly gone about, the counsellors being called at 8 in a morning to meet that day, and no notice given to him the Clerk, without whom no meeting can regularly be held; & the vote was carried accordingly in his absence & without the knowledge of either himself or S p e n s — T h a t this not only provoked them both, but demonstrated the imminent danger of their being effectually undermined & ousted of all their significance in the town Council, and of the detested hostile,

36

9

FEBRUARY

1789

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

and formerly routed party obtaining the superiority again—And they thereon took their ground, & determined to listen to the other side, when that side should speak— In this critical ferment, arrives post from Edinr on Saturday last Lord Advocate, 2 followed soon after by her gentle Grace from Hamilton and (quid multa?) bound fixed nailed irrecoverably both Spens & Scott—In the hurry of my last I believe I called Spens the Provost. H e is the town's Treasurer, & not ex officio a councillor. M r White is Provost—I know him well—one of the most flexible of men—all means were tried with him—he promised—but he has already been of at least a dozen minds on the subject—he may be of a score more before the election, & we have our chance for the last mind being to our mind; assiduity and never ceasing importunity watching & praying are the best methods with him—I do not know that his views have ever been pecuniary—he is wealthy & unambitious—good natured—tolerably stupid with all—totally ignorant of men, credulous & easily moved—then just as easily moved the contrary way void Monsr Prevot!—Lord Adv. returned to Edr last night being to attend a Justiciary trial to day—& in his absence, the Dutchess gives a splendid entertainment this day at Rutherglen, to which, besides the whole councillors, every person in the Burgh, or of the neighbourhood having any thing to say in it, is invited—This somewhat surprizes me, as I am informed the Duke has assured your friend he has given no authority to any person to canvas, or use his name—This is a most important point to be instantly cleared up—Campbell Blythswood is here an active ennemy & I am told Cochran, 3 the Duke's Minister for Scotland, is an ennemy also not inactive, though behind the curtain—I shall soon know this,—I went to him be-

37

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

9 FEBRUARY

1789

fore leaving Edinr, (being his very old acquaintance) to put him on his guard respecting the County-Address— He assured me his opinion was that, propriety in the abstract required his inaction in all such matters, independent of immediate views of interest, and that he would take no part whatever in that business, or any of the sort, and that he had written so to the Dutchess—If, after this, I find he has been stirring mala fide—you shall know of it, and his merits & deserts shall be left for your future consideration—The above conference I desire you will consider as imparted strictly to yourself in confidence—• After turning the matter in all lights with Scott, I at last thus took upon me; " T o be at a word with you, M r Scott, I come here not merely as J . M . but as ministerially authorised—(well pushed) No mortal shall ever know what passes betwixt us—tell me M r Spens's ultimate wish, and your own— your objects, whatever they be, are within your r e a c h " — H e turned red and pale & faltered and sweated—at last he quavered scarce articulately "that I was just 24 hours too late"—for that yesterday (saturday) at the meeting with L d Adv. & her Grace, "both M r Spens & he were absolutely & unalterably bound"—He added he feared Provost White was fixed too, but he could not answer as to that, and the councillors at large were open to both parties, & probably would stick by the best bidder—And then expressing his regret that his influence must in this case be exerted contrary to his predilection, concluded with this epilogue "that his engagement was solely pro (haec) vice, and I might command him next election"—I shut the d o o r — The Adv.'s language is uniformly, " T h a t he goes out to be sure at present, but comes in two or at most three

38

9

FEBRUARY

1789

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

months hence, never to go out again. That the King is greatly better, & will certainly be on his throne before M a y next; and the other party driven from all sight of power, during the King's life which will be long—and meanwhile Fox is certainly dying, on which event the party will instantly crumble to pieces, and M r Pitt necessarily be assumed even by the Regent, and all the present opposition-leaders excluded, before the King's reassuming the reins— Now, M y friend, 1 must entreat you will tell me your real belief as to both those points—I know well enough what my language ought to be on the occasion, stand the fact as it may;—but, depend upon it, as a truth immutable as any in the Bible, that the malignants of this Country are kept together, high & low, wise & foolish, from no earthly considerations else than those of the kings speedy recovery, and fox's apprehended bad life—In this large & populous City, where I now write, including the College, you will not find six avowed Foxites—I believe some concealed ones there are, but the universal torrent over awes & stiffles them into silence—I have ventured to traverse the streets in blue & buff—& could you imagine it, a relation seriously told me "he thought it a dangerous dress in this town"—The first toast every where is " T h e king & his speedy recovery"—the 2d " M r Pitt"—and the name of " M r Rolle" which I had always felt on my ear as the parole of riducule—as the expressive sound of the quintessence of all that is stupid callous and gross in nature, is here mentioned without a laugh or wry f a c e ! 4 "Kill Fox—recover the King"—that is the mark on the foreheads of 50,000 beasts in this Royalty—And there is not any thing that could so effectually turn the tide all over Scotland as to impress a conviction (if there is ground for it) that the King's situation is desperate—& Fox's health re-established—verbum sapienti— 5

39

J O H N MILLAR TO WILLIAM ADAM

9 FEBRUARY

1789

NOTES 1. G . K . Elphinstone. 2. Ilay Campbell. 3. W i l l i a m Forrester Cochrane of A r r a n . 4. John R o l l e ( 1 7 5 6 - 1 8 4 2 ) , the rather independent member for D e v o n w h o tended to support P i t t in the House, and whose violent dislike of F o x and B u r k e f o l l o w i n g the fall of the Coalition had earned him the place of honor in the great W h i g lampoon, the Rolliad. 5. In early F e b r u a r y the rumors of the king's recovery could still have been only w i s h f u l thinking, but by the middle of the month the situation w a s to change entirely. Public and medically undisputed announcements of the king's convalescence began to appear by 17 February. B y 23 February even the Prince of W a l e s and the D u k e of Y o r k were permitted to see their father (John W . D e r r y , The Regency Crisis and the Whigs, 1788-9 [Cambridge, 1 9 6 3 ] , pp. 1 8 7 - 1 8 8 ) . B u t neither w a s F o x at this time in any real danger. H e had been forced to return f u l l tilt from a tour in northern Italy at the outset of the Regency Crisis, fell ill almost immediately w i t h dysentery, and by 27 January had retired to B a t h . B u t whether he w a s in reality near death or not, many well-informed persons—indeed F o x h i m s e l f — f e a r e d his physical decline w o u l d be permanent and terminal, and this fear w a s given w i d e publicity (see ibid., especially pp. 5 6 - 5 7 , 1 0 6 - 1 0 7 ) .

John Millar to William Adam 9 February 1789

Address:

William Adam Esqr / M.P. / London Postmarked: FE 12 89

M y D e a r Friend It gives me great pleasure to learn that so near a connection of yours, and so good a man as M r . K. Elphinston, is a candidate for our boroughs. I can only say that I wish I could contribute any thing besides good wishes. T h e T o w n Council of Glasgow I look upon as immovea40

IO F E B R U A R Y

1789

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

ble on the other side. The dispute will probably turn upon Rutherglen and Renfrew. And every thing will depend upon attention and prudent management in those quarters. A f t e r an appearance in our favour by the majority of the Council in Rutherglen, which produced an address. The L d . Ad—te 1 dined with them on Saturday, and I understand boasts of his success. The difficulty lies in their being people of very inferior rank and therefore very wavering. Your ever JOHN

MILLAR

Glasgow 9th. Febry 1789 NOTE 1. I l a y Campbell.

John Morthland to William Adam 10 February 1789 Endorsed:

Edinr n t h Feby 89. / M r Morthland. / T h e G l a s g o w Burghs A d a m misread Morthland's date, which w a s faintly penned in places.

Edinr ioth Feby 1789 A f t e r writing yesterday I saw the Provost—he assured me of his being with us—& that he should certainly preserve his majority in the Council—I was happy to learn that Spens had been his competitor for the Dignity of Provost, & on being beat, swore, that he, White, might be Provost, but by God he, Spens, should be Delegate 1— This impolitic & intemperate conduct has produced a happy personal animosity between the Treasurer & Provost, & their respective adherents, which will con41

JOHN

MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

IO FEBRUARY

1789

tribute powerfully to our aid, & I hope will even ensure absolutely our success, by keeping our friends s t e a d y ; — the bad part of them supplying all defects of the good. I also saw M r Smith, who along with some persons of weight & popularity in the town, will keep up the right spirit till the election—all this very g o o d — A s to R e n f r e w — y o u know, I presume, that in case Blythswood stood, Speirs was to take no active part against h i m — I t seemed odd that L d A d v . should be the ostensible Candidate, & Blythswood yet appear f o r w a r d in the canvass, without declaring his own determination as to offering his services to the District, or n o t — I n my way hither f r o m Glasgow last night, I understood Mcdowal2 had posted west on Sunday—he posted back again y e s t e r d a y — L d A d v : had been expressing, at the Inns, the utmost anxiety to see h i m — I have just been informed, mirabile dictu, that M c d o w a l is to declare himself candidate in room of L d A d v . — T h i s must be in the idea that he possesses a prevalent interest in the Burgh of R e n f r e w , & that Glasgow & Dumbarton are sure, which last no doubt is the c a s e — H o w e v e r that be; certain it is, that a majority of the R e n f r e w Council have already declared properly, and as Speirs will now immediately open his canvass in person, I expect, more than hope victory t h e r e — M a n y of the Inhabitants found cause to repent their former unnatural & imprudent support of L d A d v : in opposition to the Candidate of a family so capable to do essential services to their families as Speirs's, 3 and f r o m the detail of circumstances of which I am fully apprized, unnecessary to trouble you with, I do not even think Mcdowals westindia purse, (the engine no doubt meant to be played against us) need alarm you; though it undoubtedly ought to quicken our attention to all the motions of the ennemy —adieu— W e go on triumphantly in F i f e — 42

4

II

FEBRUARY

1789

J O H N MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

NOTES

1. F o r the return of a member at the district poll. 2. W i l l i a m M c D o w a l l ( ? I 7 4 9 - I 8 I O ) , described by the H of P as " a non-practising l a w y e r , concerned mainly w i t h the management of the family estates [in Renfrewshire and W i g t o w n ] and W e s t Indian enterprises." Ambitious for his political interest in Scotland and a supporter of Pitt, he w a s currently seeking a seat, having in 1786 surrendered his for Renfrewshire in consequence of a political agreement made at the general election of 1784. In A u g u s t , 1789, he w a s to be returned for A y r s h i r e as a stop-gap until the general election for his close friend, Sir A d a m Fergusson. A t the general election in 1790 he w i l l be returned by all four burghs for the G l a s g o w district. 3. Both M c D o w a l l and Speirs had heavy concentrations of property near R e n f r e w . 4. H e n r y Erskine w a s the Opposition candidate for F i f e . T h i s reference may be to a Regency address, however.

John Morthland to William Adam II February 1789

Address:

William Adam Esqr / Lincoln's-Inn-Fields / MP London Postmarked: FE n and FE 14 89 Endorsed: Morthland. / Edinr Feby 10th Edinr n t h

Feby 1789

(Re)ferring to my

former,

I have n o w only to

mention

t h a t y e s t e r d a y t h e r e w a s industriously s h o w n a b o u t , a letter f r o m the T r e a s u r e r of the N a v y the

Solicitor,2

t o h i s s o n in L a w ,

bearing as follows, " I h a v e the pleasure to

acquaint you that D o c t o r W a r r e n of W a l e s

1

3

w a i t e d on the Prince

(such a d a y ) and told him, he, D r W . ,

thought

it h i s d u t y t o i n f o r m h i s R o y a l H i g h n e s s , t h a t f r o m s e v eral s y m p t o m s , particularly, his o b s e r v a t i o n o f his M a j -

43

J O H N MORTHLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

II

FEBRUARY

1789

esty's eye, he had now solid grounds to believe his M a j e s ty would obtain a speedy r e c o v e r y " — I did not see the letter, but these words, or these with mere insignificant variations, have been reported to me by several persons who said they saw the letter. I need not add, a f t e r w h a t I wrote formerly that it would be of no mean advantage to have it in our p o w e r to give the T r e a s u r e r the l i e — D i d D r W . or did he not, make the said visit & speech imputed to him ? — I am getting myself made an elder at present, in order to qualify f o r being elected a member of next General Assembly 4 to vote f o r your friend P r o f . D a l z e l 5 — M y view is to get in f o r one of Sir J o h n A n s t r u t h e r ' s Burghs 6 — W i l l you, when you see our honest friend John, speak to him to mark me d o w n — Arse-y 7 has now declared f o r the Burg (. . .) so little Ilay must look out elsewhere—Speirs opens his house f o r t h - w i t h — & I hope the best—perseveranti d a b i t u r — NOTES

1 . Henry Dundas, later Lord Melville ( 1 7 4 2 - 1 8 1 1 ) . 2. Robert Dundas of Arniston ( 1 7 5 8 - 1 8 1 9 ) , whose father was the half-brother of Henry Dundas, later Lord Melville. Robert had been solicitor-general for Scotland since 1784 and was one of Henry Dundas's principal agents in Scotland. 3. D r . Richard Warren was one of the physicians in attendance on the king during his insanity. He had become associated with the W h i g view of the seriousness of the king's illness and had always been reluctant to indicate any sign or hope of recovery. 4. Of the Church of Scotland. 5. Andrew Dalzel ( 1 7 4 2 - 1 8 0 6 ) , professor of Greek in Edinburgh University. Later in this year he was to be elected principal clerk to the General Assembly, but only after a close contest and scrutiny. 6. Anstruther Easter Burghs. 7. This apparently refers to M c D o w a l l .

44

13

FEBRUARY

[1789]

J O H N MORTHLAND TO W I L L I A M ADAM

John Morthland to William Adam 13 February [1789] Address:

W i l l i a m A d a m Esqr / M P / Lincoln's Inn F i e l d s / L o n d o n Postmarked: F E 13 and F E 16 89

Feby E d r F r i d a y 13th L a s t night I made some important discovery. Col. C a m p b e l l 1 disgusted by the ill usage of the D u c a l 2 P a r t y in dropping him, a f t e r L d A d v . 3 quitted the field, and substituting Arsey, 4 gives us his hearty active s u p p o r t — H e will even (if I mistake not) vote with us in R e n f r e w County—but mum—Hamilton of Wishaw, 5 a very considerable heritor of Lanarkshire, and also a freeholder of Renfrewshire, moreover disgusted at our Duke, assured me last night he would go all lengths in supporting M r Elphinston's interest in the B u r g h s — A n d had our Friend M r Shaw S t e w a r t 6 been at his hand when in the humour in which he spoke to me, his vote in the county would have been secured—He will join in calling a Lanark-shire meeting to address the Prince; &, with the influence I know he possesses, particularly over an important branch of the Clan Hamilton, I look upon him as a capital c a r d — T h e accession of him & Campbell, in my mind, ensure your friend's success—However I should be glad to see him in person among us as soon as convenient— Since the Treasurer's letter, we are told, it is all follow to think of a change of Ministry or dissolution of Parliament—• P r a y let me know what to trust to in these r e p o r t s — I wish in every thing that deeply interests myself & friends, to know the blackest & worst side— 45

WILLIAM ROBERTSON TO WILLIAM ADAM

1 5 FEBRUARY

1789

NOTES

1. O f Blythswood. 2. Hamilton. 3. Ilay Campbell. 4. M c D o w a l l . 5. W i l l i a m Hamilton of W i s h a w is an intriguing example of the possible effectiveness of Opposition organization out of doors. Adam, Pol. State, under Renfrewshire (pp. 2 8 0 - 2 8 1 ) , notes that "at last election [he] supported M r . M ' D o w a l l , but has lately joined the friends of Opposition." Hill, the compiler, also comments on Hamilton under Lanarkshire (p. 2 1 9 ) : " G o o d estate. Opposition principles. A n Indépendant Friend." T h e Independent Friends was an Opposition political club organized in February, 1785, by Opposition leaders in Edinburgh precisely in order to instill and strengthen Opposition sentiments in men of Hamilton's description ( W i l l i a m Robertson the younger to W i l l i a m Adam, 28 February 1785, Blair A d a m M S S . ) . 6. John Shaw Stewart ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 8 1 2 ) , M . P . Renfrewshire 1780-1783 and 1 7 8 6 - 1 7 9 6 , possessed the leading interest in that county. H e was a consistent supporter of Opposition.

William Robertson to William Adam 15 February 1789 W i l l i a m Robertson (1753—1835), advocate and eldest son of W i l liam Robertson, the historian, was one of the principal men of business in the Edinburgh coterie, apparently headed by Henry Erskine, which took the lead in initiating and organizing Opposition extraparliamentary activities in Scotland. It was this same circle, for example, which had organized both the Independent Friends and the propaganda against Pitt's Irish propositions in early 1785. N o w it was preparing for a general election at the same time that it was organizing a movement for Regency addresses. H i l l concluded in his survey ( A d a m , Pol. State, pp. 339, 342) that "the influence of the Countess of Sutherland and Earl G o w e r 1 [in Sutherlandshire] is almost insurmountable, and has been exerted in the creation of liferent votes which exceed in number those of the real Freeholders [a liferenter, or person given possession of a property for life, had the right to vote in Scottish l a w ] . T h i s circumstance, as well as others, has, however, had the effect of exciting 46

15 FEBRUARY

1789

WILLIAM ROBERTSON TO WILLIAM ADAM

discontent among a f e w ; and perhaps something might be done in opposition to the G o w e r interest by starting a real proprietor, f o r instance M r . D e m p s t e r , 2 against i t ; but such an attempt at next Election, it is thought, w o u l d be entirely fruitless." H i l l adjudged 2 2 out of 3 4 votes in the county to the S u t h e r l a n d - G o w e r interest.

M y D e a r Sir When going through the Rolls of Freeholders in the different Counties, an idea occurred that a successful attempt might be made on the County of Sutherland, notwithstanding the powerful influence of the Sutherland family. This idea originated f r o m some hints conveyed to us f r o m a leading interest in the County. It is unnecessary to trouble you at present with any views of the interests in that County, to state to you the grounds on which our hopes are founded, or to enter into any detailed account of a scheme which is yet in embryo, & which was conceived only yesterday at a meeting with the Dean, 3 L o r d Ankerville 4 M c L e o d Bannatyne 5 & me. A difficulty however occurred f o r the solution of which we agreed to apply to you, & as all operations must be suspended till it is removed we beg to hear f r o m you as soon as possible. Although L o r d Gower by his fathers connections goes alongst with M r Pitt, yet he has been represented as being strongly attached to M r F o x & his friends & as a man who would most cordially support them were he at liberty to act according to his own inclinations. I f the fact is so, & if there is any prospect of his coming round, perhaps our friends would not wish any attack to be made upon him in his own County. If they are restrained by these motives the attempt must be abandoned, if they are not our operations must be begun immediately, & every thing will depend on the most profound secrecy. T h e business of addressing 6 goes on well. Addresses have already been sent up f r o m the T o w n Councils of 47

WILLIAM ROBERTSON TO WILLIAM ADAM

1 5 FEBRUARY

1789

Burntisland, Dysart, Rutherglen, Lauder, Jedburgh, & f r o m the Burgesses & Inhabitants of Burntisland, P e r t h , K i n g h o r n , D y s a r t & D u m b a r t o n — I presume the Stirlings h i r e A d d r e s s w o u l d b e c a r r i e d y e s t e r d a y & in t h e c o u r s e o f this w e e k there will be m a n y m o r e . W i l l Sir J a m e s Erskine

7

never write about the F i f e election. I ever a m

Edinr 15th. F e b y :

M y D e a r Sir Y o u r s most sincerely

1789:

W M ROBERTSON.

William Adam Esqr NOTES

1. Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland (b. 1 7 6 5 ) , had succeeded her father, the 18th Earl, when only a year old. In 1785 she had married George Granville Leveson G o w e r , styled L o r d G o w e r , eldest surviving son of the 1st Marquess of Stafford. Stafford was Privy Seal in Pitt's Ministry. Y o u n g G o w e r sat on the family interest in Staffordshire and voted w i t h Pitt on the Regency. 2. George Dempster ( 1 7 3 2 - 1 8 1 8 ) , member for the Perth Burghs 1761—1768 and 1769-1790, was a man of great integrity and independent views, tending (though not without many exceptions) to be a critic of whatever government was in power and voting with Opposition during the Regency. In 1786 he had purchased the estate of Skibo in Sutherlandshire, and H i l l anticipated that he would be placed on the roll of freeholders for that county in 1790 ( A d a m , Pol. State, p. 3 4 2 ) . H e was, but did not vote (Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 1 8 6 - 1 8 9 ) . 3. Henry Erskine. 4. David Ross of Inverchasley, Lord Ankerville, is listed by Hill as a voter in Sutherlandshire in the Sutherland-Gower interest (Adam, Pol. State, p. 340). In his section on Ross-shire, where A d a m was to stand in 1790 on the interest of Francis Humberston Mackenzie, H i l l wrote that Ankerville, w h o "inclines to Opposition, is connected with the L o r d P r i v y Seal [presumably of Scotland, James Stuart Mackenzie of Rosebaugh], L o r d Mountstuart, etc. . . . N o t a very large estate. H e has a good deal of personal interest in this County, but it is thought will oppose M r . H u m berston M ' K e n z i e , from an aversion to his great interest founded on his liferent votes" (ibid., p. 294). 5. Bannatyne M c L e o d was described by H i l l as a lawyer, sheriff of Bute, a "friend o f " and "influenced b y " Lord Mountstuart, and "a friend of the Dean's" (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 76, 172, 2 6 1 - 2 ) .

48

[MAR. OR APR. 1 7 8 9 ? ]

WILLIAM ADAM TO G. K.

ELPHINSTONE

6. F o r the Regency. 7. S i r J a m e s St. C l a i r Erskine ( 1 7 6 2 - 1 8 3 7 ) , nephew and heir of L o r d Loughborough, w h o governed his political conduct. Erskine had a considerable personal interest in F i f e , and L o u g h borough w a s ambitious that Sir J a m e s represent the county.

William Adam to George Keith Elphinstone—[c. March or April 1789?] Endorsed: M r . A d a m s / Letter to / Captn. K . Elphint. Corrected d r a f t in the hand of A d a m . T h e endorsement is in the hand of A d a m ' s clerk. T h e reference to dissolution suggests M a r c h or early April, 1789. T h e letter w a s found in a bundle of letters of 1789, mostly from the Duke of Portland.

D e a r Keith I have conversed fully with the Duke of Portland & he desires me to communicate freely to you, in confidence, as follows. I f Parliament were to be dissolved immediately there would be no fund. But if it is put off there is a plan on foot likely to produce a very respectable O n e — I f that plan does take place (which though not a certainty yet is next to one) H i s Grace will certainly consider as highly proper to give such a sum as you mention. T h e r e is I think (in spite of the reports) no chance of an immediate dissolution: & I really think there is so f a i r a prospect of the fund, that I would advise you, with the prospect you have of success, by no means to desist. A t the same time I do not wish to represent the fund as an absolute certainty, as I should perhaps in doing so be going beyond what the Duke of Portland would wish, as he never wishes to promise when he cannot positively ensure performance. Y o u r s ever W .

49

ADAM

GEORGE NORTH TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

3 APRIL

[1789]

George Augustus North to William A d a m 3 April [1789] Endorsed:

B a t h A p r i l 3d. 1789 / M r N o r t h . / A b o u t a seat i n / the E v e n t of a Dissolution

George Augustus North (1757—1802), ist son of Frederick, L o r d North, and grandson of the ist Earl of Guilford, was M . P . H a r wich 1 7 7 8 - 1 7 8 4 , W o o t t o n Bassett 1784-1790, Petersfield J u n e December, 1790, and Banbury December, 1790 to 5 August, 1792, when he succeeded his father as 3rd E a r l of Guilford. H e was an intimate friend of W i l l i a m A d a m .

B a t h A p r i l 3. Dear Adam T h e report of Dissolution encreases so fast that I can not but believe it. I have written to St. John 1 to know his determination about W o t t o n Basset, but not to depend on one thing, D o seize upon a seat f o r me if you can find any to be sold tolerably cheap; Annuity all things considered I think would suit me better than the gross S u m — yet the Parsons Juice that you told me of was enormous. A t all events let me know if this event takes place before I come to town, which will be on the 20th. A d i e u believe me Sincerely yours G . A . NORTH Tierney should be spoken to, not to start (2) candidates— 2

50

6 APRIL

1789

L A U R E N C E HILL TO WILLIAM ADAM

NOTES 1 . H e n r y S t . J o h n ( 1 7 3 8 - 1 8 1 8 ) , 2 n d surviving son of J o h n , 2 n d Viscount St. J o h n . T h e S t . J o h n s strongly influenced the return of one member at W o o t t o n Bassett. A l t h o u g h the family had been closely tied to the C r o w n through place and pension, H e n r y and his brother J o h n w e n t into opposition w i t h the fall of the Coalition. 2. George Tierney (1761-1830) had contested Wootton Bassett unsuccessfully in 1 7 8 4 as a Pittite on the H y d e interest. B y December, 1 7 8 8 , he w a s a F o x i t e and contesting a bye-election at Colchester. A double return w a s made, and he w a s not declared elected until 6 A p r i l 1 7 8 9 . T h e reference to his activities here is therefore not clear.

Laurence Hill to William Adam 6 April 1789 Endorsed:

L . Hill. E d r . 6th A p l / 1 7 8 9 / with a State of / O r k e n e y — / T o be shewen to S i r / T . D . / T o mention to him / Ross of C r o m a r t y — 1

Edinr. 6th. A p r i l 1 7 8 9 D e a r Sir I wrote to you sometime ago and as I have received no answer I presume the request I made of presenting my compilation to the Duke of Portland was improper, so I have dropt all thoughts of going to London though I shall still go on with my w o r k . — I am writing it out in alphabetical order but I have gone out of my way to send you the inclosed copy of the part respecting Orkney. Without the g i f t of prophecy I f e a r I may foretell that that county will be lost—by a little activity it might have been kept. I f the enclosed is thought of any importance and that you should advise with Sir T h o m a s on the subject I earnestly request you will get a copy made by a Clerk of

51

L A U R E N C E H I L L TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

6 APRIL

1789

y o u r own as I w o u l d not wish to h a v e it k n o w n that the i n f o r m a t i o n came t h r o u g h m e and y e t I f e a r it will be s u s p e c t e d — S i r T h o m a s is a m o s t respectable g o o d man but he is surely no v e r y active politician. 2 M y I n f o r m a t i o n in O r k n e y w a s chiefly g o t f r o m a v e r y intelligent man f r o m the north w h o m I met with by accident and w h o w a s no w a y connected w i t h either p a r t y . — I think there are other counties in Scotland that will be lost f r o m w a n t of c a r e — P r o f e s s i o n a l men when they are connected with p a r t y h a v e their attention occupied with their b u s i n e s s — a n d men of f o r t u n e will not give themselves the trouble to do the d r u d g e r y of o p p o s i t i o n — I a m with esteem D e a r Sir Y o u r m o s t obedient f a i t h f u l humble S e r v a n t LAURENCE HILL

NOTES

1. Alexander G r a y Ross of Cromarty. H e had inherited a great estate in Cromartyshire from George Ross ( 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 8 6 ) , M . P . W h e n H i l l drew up his "state," he thought Ross would be a candidate for Cromarty in opposition to the Government candidate, Alexander Brodie. H i l l does not mention Ross in connection with Orkney, nor does he appear on the list of Orkney freeholders in 1790. See Adam, Pol. State, pp. 8 4 - 8 5 ; Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 1 4 0 - 1 4 2 . 2. " S i r Thomas Dundas, whose respectable and independant character is above eulogium, has by f a r the most considerable estate and interest in this County [ O r k n e y ] , and should naturally return the Member. A spirit of jealousy among the smaller proprietors has produced an opposition to him" (Adam, Pol. State, p. 243, introduction to O r k n e y ) .

52

IO APRIL

[1789]

GEORGE N O R T H TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

George Augustus North to William Adam 10 April [1789] Endorsed:

Bath 10th Apl. 17S9. / G. A. North—/Seat. Ld Gd. will give / an Annuity.

Dear Adam I am much obliged to you f o r the trouble you have t a k e n : It is now particularly necessary, as L o r d G u i l f o r d will pay an annuity, but has declined W o t t o n Basset as he thought £3000 a sum to large to be conveniently advanced at once. L o r d R o b e r t 1 is to have W o t t o n Basset, as that is entirely out [ o f ] the question. B o b D r u m m o n d says he has f r o m the most perfect authority assurances that the Parliament will not be dissolved in the course of 1 7 8 9 : I f that is so W e shall live till September 1790. A d i e u believe me ever yours GEO A U G N O R T H

Bath A p r i l 10. NOTE

1. L o r d Robert Spencer ( 1 7 4 7 - 1 8 3 1 ) , 3rd son of Charles, 3rd D u k e of M a r l b o r o u g h . L o r d Robert w a s an intimate social companion of F o x and since 1781 had followed F o x in his political conduct, despite the G o v e r n m e n t sympathies of his family. Since 1 7 7 1 he had been returned for O x f o r d city on his father's interest. In 1790 M a r l b o r o u g h switched the Pittite Francis Burton from N e w W o o d s t o c k to his maverick son's seat at O x f o r d , and L o r d Robert looked to the party for another opportunity. H e w a s an unusually f o r w a r d supporter of F o x in Westminster, an odd fact in v i e w of L o r d Robert's retiring disposition.

53

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT TO LADY ELLIOT

II

APRIL

1789

Sir Gilbert Elliot to Lady Elliot 11 April 1789 Source:

Minto M S S , National Library of Scotland.

In 1786 L o r d Delaval had been called to the upper House and had thus vacated his seat at Berwick. Both Sir Gilbert Elliot and John Hiley Addington (brother of Henry, later Lord Sidmouth) came forward as candidates. Although the latter enjoyed both the interest of Delaval and of Government, Pitt having even assured him that he would be at no expense, the election was carried by Elliot, w h o apparently enjoyed the support of John Vaughan, the other member for the borough. It was clear, however, that Elliot could not be returned again for the constituency; he wrote to his w i f e on 28 February 1789 ( M i n t o M S S ) that " L o r d Delaval has already secured the seat for Capt. [Charles] Carpenter at the General Election," as indeed happened. Elliot's greatest hope—and an object toward which he had long been planning—was that he might find it feasible to stand at the general election for Roxboroughshire, his home county for which both he (1777—1784) and his father before him had been members. B u t Elliot felt he had no prospect for the county if Parliament were to be dissolved before mid-1790. T o w a r d the middle of March, 1789, in the wake of the Regency Crisis, the most alarming and convincing rumors began to circulate that a dissolution was imminent. B y that period Elliot had established himself as one of the leading men of business among the W h i g opposition, and he apparently felt it natural to turn to his party for assistance in finding a seat. H e also reminded his brotherin-law, L o r d Malmesbury, of his former intimations that Elliot might be returned for Christchurch, a borough which had long been controlled by Malmesbury's elderly cousin, E d w a r d Hooper (whose heir Malmesbury w a s ) . Malmesbury, the renowned diplomat, found it impossible to tell a straight story; and Elliot, w h o was already disgusted at w h a t he believed to have been Malmesbury's equivocal and self-seeking conduct during the early stages of the Regency Crisis, quickly became convinced that his relation was playing a double game and was perhaps seeking once again to regain the favor of Government. Elliot was increasingly inclined, then, to turn to the party for a seat. H e wrote to his w i f e on 19 M a r c h

54

II

APRIL

1789

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT TO LADY ELLIOT

( M i n t o M S S ) that he would "immediately speak to the D u k e of Portland about a seat, but as I cannot contribute money towards it, & as I know how f e w they have to dispose of without money I see a strong possibility of my being left out once more, if the dissolution should take place as soon as it is expected." B y 21 M a r c h {ibid.) he had "seen the D of Portland & talked over the C h . Church business with him as much as I could, & perhaps more than I ought q u i t e — I could not help letting out my distrust of L o r d M a l m [ e s b u r y j ' s sincerity on the occasion—I let him know distinctly however that I had no prospect of a seat except by the D u k e & his friends. H e is very friendly as possible & intends very sincerely to take care of me, but w h a t the difficulties may be cannot yet be known." A resolution to Elliot's difficulties came in mid-April.

P a r k St. Saturday n t h . A p : 1789 T h e extreme shortness of this letter must be made up by a satisfactory piece of intelligence which it will give you. I am now sure of a seat in the next Parliament without expence. T h i s is, however, all that I can tell you on the subject, f o r it is all that I know m y s e l f — T h e D . of Portland sent f o r me to day, & told me that as there w a s no longer a prospect of a dissolution taking place immediately, the subject he wished to speak to me about was perhaps not so important; but he had so much satisfaction in it himself that he wished to communicate it to me as much f o r his own pleasure as f o r relieving my mind f r o m any anxiety I might feel on the s u b j e c t — H e then told me that there was a seat secure f o r m e — B u t that he could not tell me a w o r d m o r e ; & that I must not ask him a w o r d more about it. H e expressed in the kindest manner possible the relief it had been to his mind, & the g r e a t satisfaction he felt in accomplishing this o b j e c t — H e then added that having thus provided f o r w h a t was most essential, by securing my seat, he had next felt a g r e a t desire to turn this circumstance to still better a c c o u n t — T h a t his g r e a t wish w a s to see me member f o r the County of Roxburgh, which he knew was w h a t I should p r e f e r myself to any 55

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT TO LADY ELLIOT

II

APRIL

1789

other place, & was the sort of representation which he thought became me best, & was also most suitable to the other objects which he wished to see obtained f o r m e — T h a t the seat which was secured f o r me might be given to any body he pleased, & that it h a d struck him that Sir G. Douglas 1 might be induced by the offer of a certain & quiet seat, to relinquish the County & joyn me. T h a t the seat should be given either to him or to any other person who could place me in the County of Roxburgh—& he desired to know whether I thought this plan practicable— Certainly nothing was ever more thoroughly kind, or considerate than this proposal. I told him t h a t I thought no such arrangement could take place immediately, on account of the w a r m t h of the Court Politicks, which would render the Duke of Roxburgh altogether intractable at present; but that with a little time, f o r the passionate p a r t of the Politicks to subside, I thought there was a prospect of success in that way. Either by Sir G. Douglas — o r even M r R u t h e r f u r d 2 — F o r if I can f o r m such a strength as to hold the ballance & turn the Election to either of my opponents that I choose, which I hope will be the case, I think t h a t rather than lose the seat entirely one of them may consult his own interest so f a r as to accept of this offer, & support me in the C o u n t y — T h a t I shall make it my business however to examine this question, & that I shall direct my County operations towards the accomplishment of this p l a n — T h e Duke said he was ready to act immediately, & that he should indeed have settled the whole business himself before he had spoke to me at all on the subject, if he had not been a f r a i d to venture without consulting me as to the prudence of attempting it—But that the thing would always be open, & would do just as well, so f a r as related to the other seat, herea f t e r as now, & that he should wait my instructions on the subject—All This is like him & nobody else—I have not time f o r another syllable—only t h a t I think you had bet56

II

APRIL

1789

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT TO LADY ELLIOT

t e r n o t s a y a w o r d o n t h e s u b j e c t t o any body, Eleanor—

3

not even to

T i l l w e c o n s i d e r w h a t e f f e c t it m i g h t h a v e in

t h e C o u n t y i f it w e r e k n o w n t h a t I w a s p r o v i d e d

else

w h e r e — A s f o r the other scheme of a compromise,

that

o u g h t c e r t a i n l y t o be p e r f e c t l y secret, till the t i m e c o m e s f o r trying that expedient, & the admiral

4

could not k n o w

it w i t h o u t its b e i n g k n o w n t o M r Elliot,® & t h e r e f o r e t o M r R u t h e r f u r d — G o d bless y o u a l l — NOTES

1. Sir George Douglas, 2nd Bt. ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 2 1 ) , M . P . Roxburghshire 1784—1806 on the interest of the D u k e of Roxburgh, was a prominent and firm supporter of Pitt. 2. John Rutherfurd (c. 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 3 4 ) of Edgarstoun, w h o stood for the county in 1790 but lost to Douglas, was related to Sir Gilbert by marriage. 3. Sir Gilbert's sister, who in 1776 had married W i l l i a m Eden, a close friend of Elliot, but since 1786 a prominent Government man of business. 4. John Elliot, an uncle of Sir Gilbert. 5. A n d r e w Elliot (d. 1 7 9 7 ) , uncle of Sir Gilbert and formerly Governor of N e w Y o r k . T h e eldest sister of A n d r e w and John, another Eleanor, had married a Rutherfurd. EPILOGUE

O n 14 A p r i l Sir Gilbert was disabused of his suspicions of Lord Malmesbury, w h o on that day showed him a letter he had received from Hooper. " I t gives him an account of the state he found the Borough in, which is very little less than totally lost to M r Hooper & his f a m i l y — M r [George] Rose, secretary to the Treasury, has been carrying on an intrigue there for a considerable time & has succeeded so far that the Electors declare their resolution to choose him at the next e l e c t i o n — T h e y say at the same time that from respect to M r Hooper they w i l l again choose L [ o r ] d M a l m [ e s bury]'s friend, M r [ H a n s ] Sloane, & that if he will content himself with one & one, there w i l l be no further attempt made at present to molest h i m — O n looking over the list of Electors with L [ o r ] d M a l m [ e s b u r y ] it appears clearly that his interest there is entirely defeated; & that there is a most decided majority ag[ains]t 57

SIR GILBERT

ELLIOT

TO L A D Y

ELLIOT

II

APRIL

1789

him, so that the wonder is that they consent to give him even one member. T h e effect of this is much worse than the loss of a member at present, for by the constitution of the B o [ r o u g h ] [Christchurch was a corporation borough] whoever has a majority once may keep it for ever & gain entire possession of the Bo [rough] by proper management. A n d there is little doubt of M r Rose managing it properly. . . . T h i s plot ag[ains]t M r Hooper's interest in iavour of the Treasury was begun in L [ o r ] d North's time by Jack Robinson; & has been carrying on during the whole of M r Pitt's administration notwithstanding his assurances to the contrary to L [ o r ] d M a l m [ e s b u r y ] who had an explanation with him on the subject when he first accepted of the Hague [in 1 7 8 4 ] " (Elliot to Lady Elliot, 14 April 1789, M i n t o M S S ) . O n 24 April Elliot wrote a letter to his w i f e ( M i n t o M S S ; published in Countess of Minto, ed., Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot [London, 1874], I, 3 5 5 - 3 5 6 ) which not only relates the outcome of this prolonged negotiation but also provides an unusual insight into the qualities of Portland as a party leader. " I passed the whole evening yesterday, that is, from half after nine to almost one in the morning, with the D u k e of Portland a l o n e — W e talked over, fully & confidentially all that relates to the subject of our correspondence, & I have found in every word fresh reason for loving his kind & affectionate heart, & for revering the true greatness & nobleness of his m i n d — I t is needless to repeat the particulars of our conversation ; but its whole tendency was to put my mind at rest, & to make me satisfied with myself, and to remove every notion of obligation to h i m — T h i s is not like all the Lords with whom I have nearer connexions, nor is it indeed perfectly like any man but himself that I have ever s e e n — H e expressly approved of my resolution as proper, & as necessary in the circumstances of my Family [grave financial difficulties were forcing Elliot to spend more time on his Scottish estates, which made him consider retiring from Parliament rather than ask for a party s e a t ] — B u t he pressed on me the propriety of continuing in P a r l [ i a m e n ] t (not of attending) & said repeatedly that he considered it as of importance to our cause & to our Party that I should be in the House of Commons, whether I should ever attend a single day or not, for 2, 3, or even four or five years to c o m e — H e said that he saw no difficulty & that the only thing to be done was to make my own mind easy on the sub-

58

2 7 APRIL

1789

SIR WILLIAM C U N Y N G H A M E TO WILLIAM

ADAM

ject—I asked him whether I should open the matter to M r F o x & he advised me to do i t — T e l l i n g me that of all men he was the most liberal & the most considerate of private interests & duties — I shall therefore explain my situation fully to F o x — B u r k e — [Sylvester] D o u g l a s — & Sir George [ C o r n e w a l l ] — I have already to [ W i l l i a m ] Elliot [of W e l l s ] — b u t I do not propose to carry the confidence further." Fox was of course leader in the House of Commons; Burke, Douglas, Cornewall, and Elliot of W e l l s were close personal and family connections. Elliot was still hopeful in July of coming to terms with the D u k e of Roxburgh for the county (same to same, 14 July 1789, M i n t o M S S ) ; but that negotiation never succeeded. In 1790 he was returned for Helston and, he was surprised and gratified to find, through the intervention of Lord Malmesbury (same to same, 15 M a y 1790, in Minto, Life and Letters, I, 362).

Sir William Augustus Cunynghame to William Adam—27 April 1789 Sir W i l l i a m Augustus Cunynghame ( 1 7 4 7 - 1 8 2 8 ) , 4th Bt., had been member for Linlithgowshire since 1774. A close adherent of Lord Mountstuart and an outspoken defender of Scottish interests, he was returned in 1774 with the support of the Hopetoun interest. H e supported the North Ministry, voted against Shelburne's peace preliminaries and consistently and actively supported the Coalition both before and after its fall. Henry Dundas had attempted to unseat him in 1784 in a heated contest, but without success. In 1790 Cunynghame was to lose his seat when the Pittite Earl of Hopetoun withdrew his support and put forward his brother, John Hope, as a candidate; nor was Cunynghame able to find another seat, despite the efforts of the party.

Livingstone Monday 27th. April 1789 Dear Adam I am really anxious to hear, if you have been able to do any thing with respect to M r . James Johnstone's Interest 59

SIR WILLIAM C U N Y N G H A M E TO W I L L I A M ADAM

2 7 APRIL

1789

with his Brother, 1 in the Disposal of his Vote, & Interest in the County of Linlithgow at the next Election, which f r o m the Desertion of Sir R t . Dalyell, 2 is now become a M a t t e r of great Consequence, as M r . Johnstone of Straiton, has given the L i f e Rent Vote, which his Brother J a m e s refused to accept, to John G r a y the T o w n Clerk of Edinr. Y o u will recollect that M r . J . Johnstone uses the N e w Y o r k Coffee House, & is supposed to have some Connexion in Bussiness with Gurnell, H o a r e , & Harrisons H o u s e ; I dread very much M r . B a r o n 3 coming f r o m Stockholm to Vote against me, I find that he is a Relation of M r . Listons 4 who is our Minister there, a W o r d f r o m Sir Gilbert Elliot to Liston, would at least keep M r . Baron in Sweden, if it did not make him vote f o r me; I shall be happy to hear that M r s . A d a m & all your Family are well; N o N e w s here of any kind, I find Dundas, & his Son in L a w the Sollicitor, 5 moving H e a v e n & E a r t h against me, which I shall resist to the utmost of my power, and by the Assistance of my Friends hope to prevail. W i t h much real regard I ever am Y o u r s Sincerely (While) W A CUNYNGHAME

Wm. Adam Esqr. NOTES

1. Alexander Johnston of Straiton. 2. Sir Robert Dalyell of Binns. 3. Alexander Baron of Preston, of whom Hill notes: "A small estate in this County. Succeeded to an estate in Sweden, where he resides. A relation of Dundas of Dundas's" (Adam, Pol. State, p. 229). 4. Sir Robert Liston ( 1 7 4 2 - 1 8 3 6 ) was envoy extraordinary at Stockholm 1 7 8 8 - 1 7 9 3 and a former tutor and intimate friend of Sir Gilbert Elliot and his brother Hugh. 5. Robert Dundas of Arniston.

60

29

MAY

1789

LAURENCE

H I L L TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

Laurence Hill to William Adam 29 May 1789 Edin 29 M a y 1 7 8 9 Dear Sir— I wrote to you some posts ago on the subject of D r Blairs commission to be Chaplain to the Prince of W a l e s about which I see the Dean of Faculty 1 grows daily more & more anxious that it should not be delivered and I f e a r I cannot with propriety delay much longer to deliver it unless I have o r d e r s — I am averse to trouble Capt. Elphinstone about it on account of his state of health and I hope you will therefore have the goodness to excuse me f o r giving you this trouble though I am sensible that I have not a good title to plague you at all about this m a t t e r — I f Capt. Elphinstone approves of it the Commission may ly in my hands till he comes to this country when he can settle the matter with the Dean of Faculty himself— 2 T o d a y I was receiving some money on another account f r o m M r Drummond of P e r t h s 3 Agent when he requested I would receive f o r you and remit one years interest on M r . Drummonds b o n d — I accordingly enclose a bill of Forbes & H a y s at par f o r £ 7 5 . and you will send down a receipt to be given to M r Drummonds Agent. I am ashamed at not having sent you sooner the two small vols, of my s t a t e — T h e hurry of the term & some other causes prevented it—but I think I may pledge myself to have it in your hands in fourteen days at f a r t h e s t . — I wish to compare it with the scroll myself & must set apart a day f o r the purpose. I have the honor to be with much esteem M y D e a r Sir Y o u r most obedient Servant LAURENCE HILL

61

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

24 JULY

1789

NOTES

1. Henry Erskine. 2. Elphinstone's involvement was presumably as Scottish secretary to the Prince. Hill's connection with Erskine, and whether this patronage is connected with electoral activity, is not clear. It is barely possible that H i l l has been drawn into the broad activities of the Edinburgh coterie, and that he has coordinated his efforts on the survey with those described by Robertson in his letter of 15 February, supra. 3. James Drummond of Perth was described by H i l l as having " a very large estate, and considerable interest [in Perthshire]. H e got his estate from the present Administration, in consequence of the A c t disannexing the forfeited estates in Scotland from the C r o w n . H e is moderate in party, but from gratitude attached to M r . Pitt and Dundas. H e married a sister of L o r d Elphinstone's, by whom he has an only daughter. Captain Keith Elphinstone and M r . W i l l i a m A d a m are his brothers-in-law" ( A d a m , Pol. State, pp. 2 5 6 - 2 5 7 ) . H e voted for the Government candidate in 1790 (Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 1 5 6 ) . T h e reference here seems to be to a private financial transaction.

Duke of Portland to William Adam 24 July 1789 Friday night 24 July

1789

Dear Adam C u n y n g h a m e is c o m e u p & g o e s t o m o r r o w t o B r i g h t o n to secure the priority of the D . o f Y-s application to L d T o r p h i c h e n 1 w h o is n o w o n his r o a d t o t o w n a t t h e instance of D u n d a s & P i t t — C u n y n g h a m e deserves every exertion that can be m a d e f o r H i m , & I trust will meet w i t h t h e success to w h i c h h e h a s so j u s t l y intitled h i m s e l f . I send Y o u the inclosed f r o m M a c b r i d e , & wish Y o u could find time t o s p e a k a g a i n to E r s k i n e t h a t I m a y be enabled to g i v e M - such an a n s w e r as m a y p u t an end to 62

24 JULY

1789

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

this boat about Fowey, which I am persuaded can end in no good. 2 When You call at Tunbridge desire L d North to take an early opportunity of exerting his influence with L d Dartmouth M r (Chertis) & M r Wright for their interest in Bucks for L d Verney, 3 & don't forget to inquire of H i m the purport of the Bp of Winton's answer respecting Shebbeare. 4 [bottom portion of page torn o f f — f o l l o w i n g is at top of verso]

A s I fear I shall not see Y o u before the end of the Circuit 5 let me remind Y o u of (Wilthe) & the supervisorship of Tin. 6 & of the Chaplainship for Skinner's friend D r : Wilgress. 7 If Y o u should pass ever an evening in town unengaged previous to the conclusion of the Circuit let me know it & I will meet You. Your's ever P NOTES

1. James Sandilands, 9th Baron Torphichen ( 1 7 5 9 - 1 8 1 5 ) . H i l l described him as an army officer with a small estate, w h o "can make several votes" in Linlithgowshire and will support Hope, the Government candidate ( A d a m , Pol. State, p. 2 2 7 ) . T h e influence of the D u k e of Y o r k in this case was undoubtedly military. 2. Capt. John Macbride (d. 1800), a doughty naval officer of mercurial temper, had successfully contested one seat at Plymouth in 1784 against the Government interest and as a member of the Commons had supported the Opposition. It would appear here that he had become involved in attempts to extend the Prince's political influence in the Duchy of Cornwall, or at least in Fowey. T h e franchise in Fowey was vested in tenants of the Prince ( w h o was lord of the manor) capable of being port-reeves and in inhabitants paying scot and lot. Political interest in the borough, however, was principally distributed between the Rashleigh and Edgcumbe families, both of which tended to be Pittite. A t the general election of 1790 some friends of Opposition were to make an assault on the interests of these two families in the borough by means of a manipulation of the Prince's Duchy patronage. T w o Opposition candi63

JOHN

MACBRIDE TO D U K E OF P O R T L A N D

ig

JULY

1789

dates, Sir Ralph Payne and Molyneux, Baron Shuldham ( ? I 7 I 7 ~ 1 7 9 8 ) , were put forward. T h e y were successful at the poll in an exceedingly close contest, but their opponents were later seated on petition. For information on this contest and on the further manipulation of Duchy patronage in Fowey and elsewhere, see A . Aspinall, ed., The Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales 1770-1812 ( N e w Y o r k , 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 4 ) , vols. I and II. T h o m a s Erskine was attorney-general to the Prince of W a l e s . 3. W i l l i a m Legge, 2nd Earl of Dartmouth ( 1 7 3 1 - 1 8 0 1 ) , had been Secretary of State under L o r d North. Chertis and W r i g h t are unidentified. Ralph, 2nd Earl Verney ( 1 7 1 4 - 1 7 9 1 ) , the early patron of the Burkes and connection of the Rockinghams, had in his lifetime squandered a fortune and dissipated a very considerable political interest. A f t e r having been a member for Buckinghamshire since 1768, he was narrowly defeated in 1784 by 24 votes. Seriously in debt, he was forced to spend the next six years on the continent to avoid prosecution. B y 1790 he was able to return to England and to stand once again for Buckinghamshire. H e was returned unopposed at the general election. 4. B r o w n l o w North ( 1 7 4 1 - 1 8 2 0 ) , Bishop of Winchester ( W i n t o n ) , was the elder half-brother of Frederick, Lord North, to whom he owed his rapid preferment. Shebbeare is not identified, nor is the patronage (presumably ecclesiastical) which is apparently involved. 5. Adam's legal circuit through the home counties. 6. T h e supervisorship is a Duchy of C o r n w a l l office. 7. Rev. D r . John Wilgress, D . D . Skinner has not been identified. T h e chaplainship was evidently on the Prince's establishment.

John Macbride to Duke of Portland 1 9 July 1789 Endorsed

by Portland:

Portsmouth 19 July 1 7 8 9 / C a p t : M a c b r i d e / R x 20 Enclosed in P o r t l a n d to A d a m , 24 July 1789.

P o r t s m o u t h 1 9 t h July

ij8g

I have just received the Enclosed f r o m my Friend at F o w e y which I think necessary to Enclose f o r your 64

13

JULY

1789

DORMER &

AUSTEN

TO C A P T .

MACBRIDE

Grace's information. Surely my Lord Something ought to be done upon the Occasion if the Borrough can be recovered it is of Importance. I shall await your Grace's answer before I reply to the letter—There are Seven Sail of the Line assembled here, it is Said in order to Maneuvre. I think it looks Very like a Spithead fight. I am my L o r d Duke with great regard & respect

Duke of Portland &c

your Graces most faithfull Humble Servant JNO.

MACBRIDE

Thomas Dormer and Joseph Austen to Capt. John Macbride—13 July 1789 Fowey the 1 3 July 1789 Dear Sir/ W e think it necessary to inform you of our Proceedings relative to certain affairs in the most early manner from the friendly and decided part you have hitherto taken in them—and are to hope they will meet your Approbation. From Circumstances lately occuring which we shall explain more at large when we shall have the honor to meet you, as well as the following Reasons, we have thought fit to recommend M r . H a r v e y 1 to be appointed Deputy Steward to this Manor instead of our good Friend M r . Tonkin 2 who can more eminently serve the Interest by claiming his right as Dutchy Tenent by which we shall gain a Majority in the Homage in the Dutchy Court, and likewise M r . Tonkin will become a fit Person to be elected Port-Reeve, who is the returning Officer—At the same time we beg leave to observe the Stewardships in their present State are unattended with Emolument, un65

SYLVESTER DOUGLAS TO WILLIAM ADAM

31

JULY

[1789]

less a C o n t e s t shoud arise f r o m this B o r o u g h , in t h a t case w e h a v e so settled m a t t e r s that M r . H a r v e y is to share profits with y o u r f r i e n d M r . T o n k i n . W e are D e a r S i r / with the sincerest R e g a r d y o u r much obliged & v e r y Humble Servants T H O M A S DORMER JOSEPH A U S T E N 3 C. Macbride. NOTES

1. John Harvey was a mason by trade ( U n i v e r s a l British Directory, I I I , 1 2 9 ) . 2. Peter Tonkin, an attorney, alderman, and member of the corporation of Plymouth, was Macbride's agent during the general election ( c f . Universal British Directory, I V , 264, 2 6 5 ) . 3. See Aspinall, ed., Corresp. of Prince of Wales, I I , 2 1 4 . Thomas Dormer was listed among the local gentry by the Universal British Directory, I I I , 128.

Sylvester Douglas to William Adam

31 July [1789]

Address:

William A d a m Esq / Lincoln's Inn / Fields— Endorsed: S. Douglas / 30th J u l y 89 T h e thirty-first of July, 1789, fell on a F r i d a y .

Sylvester Douglas ( 1 7 4 3 - 1 8 2 3 ) , later created Baron Glenbervie, was at this time a practicing barrister with close connections in W h i g society. O n 26 September 1 7 8 9 he was to marry Catherine Anne North, eldest daughter of Frederick, L o r d North. H i s "arrears" were to be paid from the subscription which had been instituted in the summer of 1 7 8 8 to cover the expenses of L o r d John Townshend, the party's candidate in the great bye-election for Westminster. It would appear that he had advanced money during the contest, probably as an agent of the party, and on the understanding that it would be reimbursed.

66

31

JULY

[1789]

SYLVESTER DOUGLAS TO WILLIAM

ADAM

M y Dear A d a m — I am just g o i n g to set out f o r M o n m o u t h — I presume you are now at T u n b r i d g e , & if you are M i s s N o r t h will have told you my history b e f o r e you receive this letter which I only write to request most earnestly that you will, as f a r as you can, without inconvenience to yourself or impropriety, hasten the payment of my arrears in the Westminster e l e c t i o n — I t makes you k n o w p a r t (near 700£) of the money I am to pay to you & the other t w o trustees in our marriage settlement, & I shall feel extremely mortified if I have it not forthcoming in the beginning of September. P r a y write to me & inform me that the close of your Circuit has been profitable in the present and as promising f o r the future as its c o m m e n c e m e n t — E v e r most affectionately yours S. D O U G L A S

F r i d a y . 31 July

EPILOGUE

O n 4 August 1789 Douglas again wrote to Adam, this time from Herefordshire (Blair A d a m M S S ) : " I dined & slept at Lord John's [ T o w n s h e n d ] on my way to join the Circuit, & found from him that the scheme of collection rests still a scheme. T h i s has a little augmented my sollicitude, which however I of course I [sic] did not discover to h i m — N o r w i l l you let him perceive that I have mentioned the subject to you." A g a i n on 15 August he wrote from his circuit at Haverford W e s t (Blair A d a m M S S ) : " I have just received your letter & thank you most cordially for the pains you have taken & promise to take on my account. I am very unhappy about the business, but w i l l hope that it will still be settled more speedily than you apprehend."

67

T H O M A S K E N N E D Y TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

5 AUGUST

1789

Thomas Kennedy to William Adam 5 August 1789 Endorsed:

T . Kennedy / 5th A u g t 89

T h o m a s Kennedy of Dunure ( ¿ . 1 8 1 9 ) had in 1779 married Jean Adam, eldest daughter of John of M a r y b u r g h and sister of W i l liam.

Greenan 5th A u g : 1789 Dear Adam M a c d o w a l l carried his election on the 3d by a m a j o r i t y of 21 votes when w e came to call the roll f o r the M e m ber. W e put the O a t h of T r u s t to most of L o r d Eglintounes & Sir A d a m Fergussons V o t e r s w h o all took it, which put an end to our hopes as we knew f o r certain f o r some time past that if these gentry came well up and took the oath that they must greatly out number us. L o r d D u m f r i e s ' s interest almost totally failed and part of L o r d Glencairn's; Sir John W h i t e f o o r d s was very effective & L o r d Cassillis's friends mostly real were almost all present. I f the present opposition keep together and do w h a t is in their power cordially it is certainly possible still to beat Sir A d a m . H o w e v e r unless they exert themselves it [ i s ] useless I think to move at all. I have declared this most explicitly to some of the principals and mean to call upon them to declare without delay. W h a t I have said as to the possibility of beating Sir A d a m can only be true, provided the Parliament is not dissolved f o r more than a year a f t e r this time. 1 A t the time when I made applications to you f o r M r A n d r e w Blane, 2 when I saw he had little chance of succeeding as to the object he had then in view even if there had been a change of Ministers, I advised him to ask f o r something else or f o r a promise. H e did not desire to

68

5 AUGUST

1789

T H O M A S K E N N E D Y TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

press that then, but f r o m the answer he made and f r o m w h a t has happened since he expects f r o m L o r d Cassillis and me that we should do whatever is in our p o w e r to obtain f r o m the D u k e of P o r t l a n d a promise that in case of his coming into power he would take an early opportunity o f giving something to M r B . fit f o r him to accept. L o r d Cassillis has promised to write to you upon this subject desiring that you may lay it b e f o r e the D u k e of Portland. H o w e v e r as his L o r d s h i p is rather uncertain as to performance in such matters, I should be very g l a d if you would do it as soon as you have a proper opportunity even if you have no letter f r o m him, and at the same time as L o r d C . ought & really intends to make the application I think it may be done in his name. T h i s letter is carried by D o c t o r B l a n e 3 w h o came down to vote having missed a letter that was written to him to let him k n o w he was tied off. 4 I have not seen him but was informed by his B r o t h e r he w a s to set out f o r L o n d o n immediately & I thought it better to write by him than by the Post. W e are tolerably well here and send our L o v e to M r s A d a m and all your Infants, the eldest of them I am a f r a i d will not be pleased with that name. Believe me always Y o u r s &c T.K. NOTES

1. Parliament was to be dissolved 12 June 1790. 2. A n d r e w Blane, W r i t e r to the Signet, brother to T h o m a s and D r . Gilbert Blane, all of them voters in Ayrshire and supporters of Cathcart (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 37, 4 0 - 4 1 ) . 3. D r . Gilbert Blane was physician to the Prince of W a l e s . 4. T h e more usual term is "paired o f f " ; i.e., formal arrangement had been made for both Blane and one other voter of known opposite sentiments whereby each was bound not to vote, thereby cancelling the effect of their absences. In the eighteenth century this

69

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

7 AUGUST

1789

was considered a perfectly acceptable substitute for voting when attendance was impossible or might impose unusual difficulties, although it was realized that a man's presence carried weight apart from his vote.

Duke of Portland to William Adam 7 August 1789 L o n d o n F r i d a y E v e n : 7 A u g u s t 1789 M y Dear Adam I infer f r o m Y o u r ' s that the D . of Y . was not able to make any impression on L d Torphichen, & I am heartily sorry f o r it. B u t yet I will not despair as Cunynghames activity & merits ought to command the success which is so justily their d u e — Y o u l e f t the business respecting the D of Q . in as safe hands as it could be placed, but it would still have been better f o r some person to have been empowered by the P - to negotiate with the D u k e & I should have thought, ignorant as I am of the reasons of F o x ' s disinclination to undertake that commission, that he was the fittest f o r that purpose. 1 P r a y let me see Y o u b e f o r e Y o u take any steps respecting F o w e y . I must be in town again on T h u r s d a y or F r i d a y next when I hope to meet Y o u , & as nothing seems to pass & Y o u will be glad to pass some days at home a f t e r the business Y o u have been engaged in, I will not desire Y o u to come over to Bulstrode 2 till W e have met here in town. H o w do Y o u explain Cathcarts dismission f r o m the P o s t Office. I have sent to C h e a p about M a i t l a n d s business & expect to see H i m t o m o r r o w morning. 3 sincerely Y o u r ' s ever PORTLAND

70

7

AUGUST

1789

DUKE

OF P O R T L A N D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

NOTES

1. W i l l i a m Douglas, 4th D u k e of Queensberry (d. 1 8 1 0 ) , had the "commanding interest" in Dumfriesshire and the "controuling interest" in Peeblesshire (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 97, 2 5 0 ) . A t the general election Sir Robert Laurie, w h o had occasionally supported Opposition in the Parliament of 1784, was to be returned again for Dumfriesshire. W i l l i a m Montgomery, the eldest son of James Montgomery, L o r d Chief Baron of Exchequer, was to be returned for Peeblesshire. In 1784 Queensberry and the Chief Baron had agreed upon the return of David M u r r a y , a Pittite, until the young Montgomery was available. H i l l noted in early 1789 that the two families had already agreed that W i l l i a m was to come in at the general election, but he was not certain whether W i l l i a m would follow the line of the Queensberry and Townshend connections of his family or incline toward Government (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 250, 2 5 4 ) . W i l l i a m Montgomery does not appear in the Opposition minority lists of 12 April 1791 or 1 M a r c h 1792. 2. T h e Buckinghamshire country seat of the D u k e of Portland. 3. B y at least 1 7 7 4 the control of Malmesbury had passed into the hands of Edmund Wilkins, a Malmesbury apothecary and former agent of L o r d Suffolk. W i l k i n s was in the habit of selling his two seats; one in 1774 and two in 1780 had gone to Government. In 1784 he had returned two Opposition candidates, Lords Melbourne and Maitland. O n 17 August 1789, his father having died, Maitland succeeded as 8th E a r l of Lauderdale and automatically vacated his seat. In 1790 he was to be returned to the House of Lords as a representative peer. M e a n w h i l e the Opposition scurried to find a successor at Malmesbury, curiously beginning their search more than two weeks before the death of the 7th Earl. O n 2 A u g u s t 1789 F o x wrote to Portland ( A d d . M S S . 47561, f. 1 1 3 ) : " A n application to Cheap is the only right measure about Malmsbury [sic] as I know nothing of the terms upon which Maitland came in." In the event W i l k i n s returned a candidate recommended by Pitt at the bye-election of February, 1790, while at the general election he returned the same candidate, Paul Benfield, along with Benjamin Bond Hopkins, w h o during the previous Parliament had proven himself a Pittite. Cheap has not been identified.

71

C H A R L E S J A M E S FOX TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

9 AUGUST

[1789]

Charles James Fox to William Adam 9 August

[1789]

Address:

W i l l i a m A d a m Esqr. / Richmond P a r k Endorsed: M r F o x / A u g t 9th 89 A d a m had a cottage in Richmond P a r k , w h e r e he l i v e d w h e n business did not keep him in London.

T h e right of election in the combined boroughs of W e y m o u t h and Melcombe Regis was vested in the freeholders, w h o numbered about 300. T h e constituency returned four members. T h e sole patron of the boroughs since 1779 had been Gabriel Steward. In 1790 Steward was to sell his property and interest in the boroughs to Sir W i l l i a m Pulteney for a sum which the H of P (article on Steward) stipulates at £30,000 but which T . H . B . Oldfield (An Entire and Complete History . . . of the Boroughs of Great Britain [London, 2nd ed., 1794], I, 189) cites at £63,000 (the figure is not mentioned in other editions of O l d f i e l d ) . Pulteney was a prominent and rather independent member who had generally praised and supported Pitt in the Parliament of 1784. A t the general election he returned four candidates for W e y m o u t h w h o had not held seats during the previous Parliament and w h o do not appear on the Opposition lists for the sessions of 1791 and 1792. T w o staunch Oppositionists w h o had been sitting for the constituency, W e l b o r e Ellis and John Purling, were forced to look for other seats, Purling without success and Ellis only in 1 7 9 1 .

Dear Adam I wish v e r y much y o u w o u l d m a k e some inquiries about W e y m o u t h . I f S t e w a r d is i n c l i n e d t o s e l l f o r s o s m a l l a s u m a s y o u m e n t i o n e d a n d t h e r e is a n y r e a s o n a b l e g r o u n d f o r thinking the thing safe I k n o w a v e r y g o o d M a n w h o w o u l d p u r c h a s e it i m m e d i a t e l y . P r a y a n s w e r this d i r e c t ing to me at Brighton. yours ever C. J. F o x St. A n n e ' s H i l l 9. A u g u s t .

72

[27

AUGUST

1789]

JOHN

A N S T R U T H E R TO WILLIAM

ADAM

John Anstruther to William Adam [27 August 1789] Address: Willm. Adam Esq /Richmond Park / Surry Postmarked: AU 28 89 / M A R G A T E Endorsed: J. Anstruther / Margate / 27. Augt. 1789 J o h n Anstruther ( 1 7 5 3 - 1 8 1 1 ) had been returned on the family interest for his father's constituency, Anstruther Easter Burghs, in J a n u a r y 1 7 8 3 . H e had been a vocal and prominent supporter of Opposition in the Parliament of 1 7 8 4 . B y early 1789 he had broken with his father politically and was thrown upon his own resources in seeking a new seat at the general election (Adam, Pol. State, p. 1 2 5 ) . A f t e r making several attempts over a period of months, the party finally secured Anstruther a seat at Cockermouth, one of L o r d Lonsdale's boroughs. T h e approach to Lonsdale was made through Alexander Wedderburn, 1st Baron Loughborough ( I 7 3 3 — ! 8 o 5 ) , which may provide the context for the postscript (but Loughborough had also handled the negotiations of 1 7 8 4 in returning his nephew, Sir James Erskine, f o r Carlisle's borough).

Dear Adam I n Consequence of w h a t you w a s so g o o d as to say to F o x at B r i g h t o n I w r o t e to P e l h a m 1 upon the subject and am s o r r y to find f r o m his answer that O l d Q 2 says he will bring in t w o friends but will take no recommendation. I a m s o r r y f o r it as it ends m y V i e w s in that Q u a r t e r and p r o b a b l y in any other so that I suspect I shall be f a t e d to be one of the f e w M a r t y r s o f the Y e a r 1 7 9 0 . H a v i n g E s c a p e d the M a r t y r d o m of 1 7 8 4 I m i g h t h a v e thought m y self s a f e but in spite of all I a m a f r a i d I shall like m o s t other M a r t y r s w e a r the C r o w n against m y will. I mention P e l h a m s a n s w e r to you least any thing should occur in the summer o r if you see T o m that you m a y E n q u i r e h o w f a r it m a y o r m a y not be possible to w o r k on O l d Q . — I t has occurred to m e that C a r l i s l e 3 must h a v e somebody f o r M o r p e t h as his son will not be 73

JOHN ANSTRUTHER TO WILLIAM ADAM

[ 2 7 AUGUST

1789]

of age—and I presume he will not sell—Do you know if he has any Views to any one ? If so write to me about it. W e had L d Tichfield here for two days. I picked him up miserable waiting for a packet he looked into the Books saw the name of Adams which he took for you being told he was in Parliament went and Called and to his astonishment found a M a n whose face he never saw, when he found my name he was afraid to Venture a Second Mistake and it was by accident I met him in the street. The Great M r Hastings is here in Splendid Poverty and the Mountstuarts are near almost all the rest are hoc Omne. The Shepherds tired of us and are gone to Ramsgate. M r s A is much better for her dipping and will I hope get through the winter without Rheumatism. She begs her Love to you M r s Adam & the Elphinstones & believe me Yours Ever J

A n s t r u t h e r

Pray do you know if Loughborough be gone

NOTES 1 . T h o m a s Pelham of Stanmer ( 1 7 5 6 - 1 8 2 6 ) , a close friend of many leading Opposition politicians and supporter of the party as member f o r Sussex. 2 . T h e D u k e of Queensberry. 3 . Frederick H o w a r d , 5 t h E a r l of Carlisle ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 2 5 ) , w a s the patron of M o r p e t h , w h e r e he had the return of t w o members. I n 1 7 8 4 he had returned t w o staunch Oppositionists, S i r J a m e s Erskine and Peter D e l m é . D e l m é died 1 5 A u g u s t 1 7 8 9 , and it is this vacancy about which A n s t r u t h e r enquires. A t the bye-election in September Carlisle returned F r a n c i s G r e g g , a close friend to w h o m the family o w e d obligations; G r e g g w a s to occupy the seat until Carlisle's son might come of age. H e voted w i t h Opposition 1791-1792. 74

[30 AUGUST

1789]

JOHN TOWNSHEND TO WILLIAM ADAM

Lord John Townshend to William Adam \_ante 30 August

1789]

Endorsed: L o r d J. T o w n s h e n d / W e s t m i n s t e r Subscription T h i s letter must be dated b e f o r e that f r o m L o r d Robert Spencer to A d a m of 30 A u g u s t 1789 [infra).

T h e subject of this letter is the subscription for Townshend's expenses in the Westminster bye-election of 1788. T h e subscription had been instituted immediately following the election, but the early response had been inadequate to the huge expenses incurred. Lord John Townshend (1757—1833), 2nd son of George, 1st M a r quess Townshend, was a lord of the Admiralty under the second Rockingham and Coalition governments. A n intimate friend of F o x from his youth, he had been "martyred" for his political attachments at the general election of 1784. B u t even without a seat he continued to be active as an Opposition man of business and political writer, as well as a popular member of W h i g society.

F e l t h a m Place Dear Adam I enclose you the letter which I submitted to the D . of P o r t l a n d some days ago. I cannot help thinking that this plan, or something like it, is the only chance we have l e f t . M y chief doubt is with respect to the Postscript. I f e a r if it is so w o r d e d that most of our friends will subscribe only i o o £ . I think it would be the better w a y to specify the particular sums which certain persons h a v e subscribed, & selecting these according to the person to w h o m you are applying. F o r instance a letter to L d C h o l m o n d e l e y 1 might state that such & such persons have subscribed 5 0 0 - a letter to L d P o w i s 2 or L d M a l m e s b u r y 3 that such & such had given 200—to Sir J. St. A u b y n 4 or Sir H . B r i d g e m a n 5 that such & such subscribed 100. T o the last class ( f o r I hope we shall g o no lower than fifties) that such & such have subscribed $o&. 75

J O H N TOWNSHEND TO WILLIAM ADAM

[ 3 0 AUGUST

1789]

H o w e v e r you will consider all this with the D u k e & L d Robert. 6 Settle it as you like, but pray let something be settled. & when the f o r m of the letter is agreed on (which is the least material p a r t ) do pray take some steps f o r an immediate application to those w h o m w e propose to be of the Committee & settle directly through w h o m the applications are to be made. L d R o b t must urge L d Fredk. 7 D u d l y N o r t h will write to P e l h a m 8 & Sir G e r d Vanneck. 9 T h e D u k e to C o k e 1 0 - A n y of us can speak to L d W m Russel. 1 1 W h o shall ask L d Clive 1 2 & M . A n g e l o 13 you must settle at B u l s t r o d e — B u t p r a y let it be done. F o r if you miss this opportunity of arranging the business at Bulstrode, we shall do nothing b e f o r e winter. P r a y let me hear f r o m you when you return. Believe me yours E v e r M o s t sincerely &c J:TI think L d R o b t should certainly sign the letters, if you don't. NOTES

1. George James, 4th Earl of Cholmondeley (174.9-1827). 2. George E d w a r d Henry A r t h u r Herbert, 2nd Earl of Powis (1755-1801). 3. James Harris, 1st Earl of Malmesbury ( 1 7 4 6 - 1 8 2 0 ) . 4. Sir John St. Aubyn, 5th Bt. ( 1 7 5 8 - 1 8 3 9 ) . 5. Sir Henry Bridgeman, 5th Bt., later 1st Baron Bradford (1725-1800). 6. Lord Robert Spencer. 7. L o r d Frederick Cavendish ( 1 7 2 9 - 1 8 0 3 ) , 3rd son of the 3rd D u k e of Devonshire, uncle of the "unpolitical" 5th Duke, and brother of Lord George Augustus and L o r d John Cavendish. 8. Charles Anderson Pelham ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 8 2 3 ) , later 1st Baron Yarborough. Reported in 1780 to be "one of the richest commoners in England," he had been returned unopposed as member for Lin-

76

[30 AUGUST

1789]

J O H N TOWNSHEND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

colnshire since 1774. H e had opposed the N o r t h and Shelburne administrations and had consistently and actively supported Opposition since 1784. 9. Sir Gerard W i l l i a m Vanneck, 2nd Bt. ( ? i 7 4 3 ~ i 7 9 i ) , one of the most wealthy of London merchants, had been member for the family seat at D u n w i c h since 1768, an opponent of the G r a f t o n and North administrations and a consistent though silent supporter of Opposition since 1784. 10. T h o m a s W i l l i a m Coke ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 4 2 ) of Holkham, Norfolk, renowned even in his own day for agricultural experimentation. A warm admirer and personal friend of Fox, he had been one of " F o x ' s M a r t y r s " and did not sit during the Parliament of 1784. Returned again for N o r f o l k in 1790, he retained that seat almost without interruption for the next forty years. 11. Lord W i l l i a m Russell ( 1 7 6 7 - 1 8 4 0 ) , 3rd son of Francis, Marquess of Tavistock, and younger brother of Francis, 5th Duke of Bedford. T h e Russells, of course, were one of the great W h i g families, as were the Cavendishes, immensely wealthy and with political interests centered in the home counties. Lord W i l l i a m , having just come of age, had been returned unopposed for Surrey on 19 January 1789. 12. E d w a r d , 2nd Baron Clive (Irish) ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 3 9 ) , brotherin-law and eventual heir to the title of the 2nd Earl of Powis, who w a s also his political ally in Shropshire. A connection of Alexander Wedderburn, he supported the North administration and followed the Coalition into opposition. 13. Michael Angelo T a y l o r ( ?i757—1834) bas first entered the House as a member for Poole in 1784. A t first he actively and vocally supported Pitt, who had assisted him in securing his seat at the election, and was a government teller on Richmond's fortifications bill in February, 1786. By the following M a y , however, he was being drawn into Opposition circles through his support of the impeachment against W a r r e n Hastings, for which he became a manager. By 1789 he was entirely Foxite and continued to be so through the period of the French Revolution.

77

C I R C U L A R LETTER

FOR T H E W E S T M I N S T E R

SUBSCRIPTION

Circular Letter for the Westminster Subscription Endorsed:

Proposed C i r c u l a r Letter / f o r the W e s t m i n s t e r Subscription T h i s is a copy of the letter submitted in T o w n s h e n d ' s letter to A d a m of ante 30 A u g u s t 1789. T h e letter and the endorsement are in A d a m ' s hand. Both T o w n s h e n d ' s letter and this copy of his enclosure w e r e found in the same bundle of A d a m ' s p a r l i a m e n t a r y papers.

I take the liberty of acquainting you that the following Gentlemen have at the desire of several others of our common friends, formed themselves into a Committee for the purpose of collecting subscriptions; in order to defray certain accumulated expences, which from a variety of concurrent circumstances, have unavoidably accrued: & which, after many heavy ones already paid, remain unliquidated. T h e Gentlemen who compose this Committee are L d . F r e d k : Cavendish L d . W m : Russel L d . Robt r Spencer T h e Earl of Lauderdale L d . Clive Sir G e r : Vanneck M . A . T a y l o r Esqr [crossed out] T . W . Coke Esqr. Dudly North Esqr 1 C h a : A n d : Pelham Esqr X W m A d a m Esqr [crossed out with " X " in front] I am also requested to inform you that the debts to be discharged amount to no less a Sum than twelve thousand Pounds. In order to raise this Sum, we find ourselves under the necessity not only to recur to those upon whom former expences have already fallen very severely, but to extend our applications to a larger circle of our friends. Under these circumstances, where the honour of the

78

[30

AUGUST

1789?]

ROBERT S P E N C E R

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

party is so materially at stake, the Committee desire me to express their hope that they shall not too much trespass upon you by taking the liberty to solicit your assistance on the present occasion. Y o u will permit me to entreat as early an answer as you can conveniently f a v o u r me with. I have the honour to be &c. P:S: T h e Committee have further desired me to inform you that upon the occasion of the last subscription (except in the instance of three or four individuals, who subscribed some thousands) the sums contributed by our friends in general varied f r o m 1 0 0 to 3 0 0 £ — NOTE

i . Dudley L o n g North ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 2 9 ) w a s one of the principal and most valued men of business among the Opposition, though a speech impediment prevented his contributing to debate in the House. A connection of the Cavendishes, he w a s currently sitting for G r e a t Grimsby on the interest of Charles Anderson Pelham.

Lord Robert Spencer to William Adam [ 3 0 August 1789?] Address: William Adam Esqr. /Richmond Park Endorsed: Lord Robt Spencer / Sepr 1789. / Wesr Subscrip. Spencer wrote from Petworth with a postmark of 3 September 1789, which fell on a T u e s d a y ; thus this letter must be dated Sunday, 30 August 1789.

Dear Adam, I have seen L o r d Frederick, 1 who consents to be of the Committee, but he rather thinks it would be better not to specify the sum wanted, and I am inclined to agree with him as the postscript will give people a hint of the kind of sum they are expected to subscribe : however it is not very material. Y o u f o r g o t to add Sir J a m e s St Clair. 2 I have just been recommending my Cook to the D of

79

DUKE

OF

P O R T L A N D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

31

AUGUST

1789

C l a r e n c e — p r a y back my recommendation if you have an opportunity. H e cannot have a better C o o k — I only part with him f o r the sake of taking Delme's, w h o is an old acquaintance & w h o will also be a kind of M a i t r e d ' H o tel, which will be a g r e a t convenience to me. I'll write to you f r o m P e t w o r t h 3 when I have seen L d John. 4 Y o u r s ever sincerely R

SPENCER

Richmond Sunday NOTES 1. L o r d Frederick Cavendish. 2. Sir James St. C l a i r Erskine. I t is not clear whether his name was to be added to the committee or to a list of persons to w h o m applications were to be made. 3. Petworth, in Sussex, w a s the chief seat of the W y n d h a m s , Earls of Egremont. 4. L o r d John T o w n s h e n d .

Duke of Portland to William Adam 31 August 1789 Bulstrode M o n d a y E v e n 31 A u g u s t 1789 M y Dear Adam I have this moment received a L e t t e r f r o m our friend Philipps of C a r m a r t h e n informing me of his having just learnt Sir W m : M a n s e l ' s intention of opposing H i m at the general Election, & desiring me to apply amongst others to M r : M e r e d i t h Price of Lincolns Inn f o r his vote & interest in his Philipps's behalf. A s I have not the least acquaintance with or knowledge of M r Price I am obliged to give Y o u this trouble as I am persuaded Y o u will think Philipps intitled to every exertion W e can make in his f a v o r . 1 80

31

AUGUST

1789

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

H a v e You ever had any conversation with Baldwin relative to Leicester & Worcester since our meeting at B. House? 2 Lushington writes me word that he has given his voyage to Ld Fitzwilliams recommendation, & seems surprized after Jacob Wilkinson's conversation with me upon the subject (the substance of which I related to You) that he had not heard from L d F. or me upon it.8 I wish the state of Hythe could be represented to Ld North, as it may be very material before Evelyn goes there again which Shove tells me he will be obliged to do very shortly. 4 Your's Ever P [ T h e following notes appear on verso in the hand of Adam and are crossed out as indicated:]

Duke of Portland (Hill)Anstruther [crossed out] Gibbs— JacksonShove- [crossed out] Pelham [crossed out] Ld Lauderdale [crossed out] D. North [crossed out] L d Clive [crossed out] Douglas [crossed out] Ld Robert (no list from T d - ) [ " R o b e r t " crossed out] Cunningham [crossed out] Kennedy— [crossed out] K. Elphinstone [crossed out] (Murry) [crossed out—the name could be " M e r r y " ] Cotsford. W . Adam 81

DUKE OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

31

AUGUST

1789

NOTES 1. J o h n G e o r g e P h i l i p p s ( ? I 7 6 I - I 8 I 6 ) of C w m g w i l i , w h o h a d i n h e r i t e d the d o m i n a n t p o l i t i c a l interest in C a r m a r t h e n f r o m his f a t h e r , h a d been r e t u r n e d unopposed f o r the b o r o u g h in 1 7 8 4 and h a d s u p p o r t e d O p p o s i t i o n d u r i n g t h e e n s u i n g P a r l i a m e n t . S i r W i l l i a m M a n s e l , 9 t h B t . ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 8 0 4 ) , an i n f l u e n t i a l C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e squire, h a d been r e t u r n e d unopposed f o r t h e c o u n t y in 1 7 8 4 as a f o l l o w e r of P i t t . H i s a t t e n d a n c e f o r i m p o r t a n t divisions i n t h e H o u s e w a s m o s t i n f r e q u e n t , h o w e v e r , a n d it has been suggested ( H of P) t h a t f o r this reason G o v e r n m e n t w i t h d r e w its s u p p o r t f r o m h i m d u r i n g t h e g e n e r a l election of 1 7 9 0 . B y A u g u s t , 1 7 8 9 , he w a s c a n v a s s i n g C a r m a r t h e n b o r o u g h , as c a n be seen h e r e . I n the e v e n t M a n s e l did n o t stand a contest a n d P h i l i p p s w a s a g a i n returned. 2. T h i s is s u r e l y W i l l i a m B a l d w i n ( c . 1 7 3 7 — 1 8 1 3 ) , a L o n d o n a t t o r n e y w h o at this t i m e w a s a p r i n c i p a l n e g o t i a t o r i n s e t t l i n g the debts of t h e P r i n c e of W a l e s a n d w h o w a s a l e a d i n g W h i g m a n a g e r in W e s t m i n s t e r elections. I n 1 7 9 5 he w a s b r o u g h t into P a r l i a m e n t by L o r d F i t z w i l l i a m as m e m b e r f o r M a l t ó n , r e p l a c i n g the r e c e n t l y deceased son of E d m u n d B u r k e . I t w o u l d a p p e a r h e r e t h a t a m e e t i n g ( p r o b a b l y c o m p r i s i n g o n l y A d a m a n d P o r t l a n d ) at B u r l i n g t o n H o u s e in P i c c a d i l l y , the t o w n residence of P o r t l a n d , h a d s u g g e s t e d he m i g h t find a n o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a seat a t L e i c e s t e r or W o r c e s t e r , t h o u g h t h e r e is no c l e a r e v i d e n c e t h a t h e so m u c h as canvassed a c o n s t i t u e n c y in 1 7 9 0 . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , B a l d w i n m a y m e r e l y be seeking a position as an election a g e n t , a n o t i n f r e q u e n t a c t i v i t y f o r m e n in his profession. 3. S t e p h e n L u s h i n g t o n w a s at this t i m e a d i r e c t o r of the E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y , and the s u b j e c t here is a w r i t e r s h i p o r some such c o m p a n y p a t r o n a g e at t h e disposal o f L u s h i n g t o n w h i c h w o u l d e n a b l e a m a n to seek his f o r t u n e w i t h the c o m p a n y i n t h e E a s t . Such patronage had great reputation and w a s eagerly sought. Jacob W i l k i n s o n (c. 1 7 1 6 - 1 7 9 1 ) , a wealthy L o n d o n merchant, w a s a f o r m e r d i r e c t o r and R o c k i n g h a m s u p p o r t e r w i t h i n t h e c o m p a n y . 4. W i l l i a m E v e l y n ( ? i 7 3 4 - i 8 i 3 ) h a d been m e m b e r f o r H y t h e since 1 7 6 8 . B o t h he a n d S i r C h a r l e s F a r n a b y R a d c l i f f e , his f e l l o w m e m b e r f o r t h e b o r o u g h since 1 7 7 4 , h a d s u p p o r t e d N o r t h ' s a d m i n istration a n d opposed S h e l b u r n e ' s peace p r e l i m i n a r i e s . B u t a f t e r 1783 F a r n a b y Radcliffe continued to support G o v e r n m e n t w h i l e E v e l y n w e n t into opposition. G o v e r n m e n t h a d c o n t i n u e d to s u p p o r t E v e l y n in his c a n d i d a c y in 1 7 8 4 , b u t p r o b a b l y m o r e o u t of opposition to the bid f o r interest w h i c h the r a d i c a l J o h n S a w b r i d g e h a d been m a k i n g in the b o r o u g h since 1 7 7 4 t h a n f r o m p a r t i c u l a r p r e f e r ence f o r E v e l y n . E a r l i e r in t h e c e n t u r y the L o r d W a r d e n of the

82

3 1 AUGUST

1789

RICHARD TROWARD TO WILLIAM ADAM

Cinque Ports had exercised a considerable political influence in the borough, but since 1774 the influence of that office had diminished. Lord North had held that office since 1778. In 1790 Evelyn and Farnaby Radcliffe were once again returned. A . H . Shove was a barrister of Lincoln's Inn and a founding member of the W h i g Club ( W h i g Club, 1792 ed.).

Richard Troward to William Adam 31 August 1789 Endorsed:

M r . T r o w a r d / 30th. A u g t . 89 / Hertford

T h e H of P describes Hertford as "an independent borough, generally reckoned one of the most uncorrupt in the kingdom. . . . T h e representatives were nearly all drawn from local gentry." Although there were a few leading families, "almost any substantial Hertfordshire country gentleman would have had a chance." W i l l i a m Baker ( 1 7 4 3 - 1 8 2 4 ) came of a wealthy mercantile family with estates in Hertfordshire. His father had been a prominent M . P . , a political connection of Newcastle and later of Rockingham. T h e younger Baker had himself been a connection of Rockingham, whose assistance he had sought in obtaining a seat in 1774 and whose instrument he had been to some extent in metropolitan politics. In 1780 Baker had successfully contested Hertford on his own interest. In 1783-1784 he actively supported the Coalition, was defeated at the general election, and was forced to remain out of Parliament until the general election of 1790, when he was returned for Hertfordshire in a major Opposition triumph. Baker also contested Hertford, but John Calvert, whose record in the preceding Parliament had been in support of Pitt, was once again returned for the borough, along with Nathaniel Dimsdale, whose father had occupied that seat since 1780 and who had also generally supported Government. W i l l i a m Hale (d. 1793) of King's W a l den, Herts, referred to here, was the descendant of Paggen Hale, who had been member for the county ( i 7 4 7 _ I 7 5 5 ) rather than the borough. Hale was connected by marriage with Sir Charles Farnaby Radcliffe and Lord Grimston, both families being oriented toward a support of Government (John Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland [London, 1st ed., 1833], I I I , 1 4 ) . In 1790 he unsuccessfully contested the county.

83

DUKE

OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

3 SEPT.

ADAM

1789

Dear Adam, T h e leading men of H e r t f o r d some time ago had a meeting upon the subject of M e m b e r s f o r the next P a r liament and the Deligation given their Chairman (which extends to one Seat only) has been by him communicated to me and he expects a recommendation f r o m m e — W h a t further I have to say I don't know how to write, and as I presume you are frequently in town pray let me see you on the subject that we may determine w h a t to do. Dear Adam Y o u r s truly RD.

T r o w a r d

N . P . 3 1 s t . A u g 1789. I should think you & I might lock ourselves up in P a l l M a l l 1 f o r a f e w forenoons to a g o o d p u r p o s e — I can attend you at any time. [the following is at the head and upside d o w n : ]

P.S. Since writing this the inclosed c a m e — H a l e is the Chairman of the party whose ancestors used to represent the B o r o u g h . NOTE

1. T h i s may refer to the apartments above Becket's.

D u k e of Portland to William A d a m 3 September 1789 Bulstrode T h u r s d a y m o r n : 3 S e p t r : 1 7 8 9 Dear Adam I am much obliged to Y o u f o r Y o u r L e t t e r to M r Kennedy it is exactly w h a t I could have wished to h a v e 84

3 SEPT. 1 7 8 9

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

been said to L d Cassillis, & certainly as frank as prudence & fairness will admit of being said to any one in the present state of Our Political W a r f a r e . I have forwarded it under my frank & Seal as I have that to Shove which I rather fear they will think rather cold. I will write to Baldwin by this nights post—a Loser hand than Hale does not exist—I know he has been hawking about his pretended interest in Hertford to every body that he thought would bite. H e wrote me a letter during the Regency business for the purpose of introducing himself which occasioned me to inquire about him of Our Friends & from them I give You my description of Him. Since that business & I believe about a month or six weeks ago I had another Letter from Him containing the same offer he has made through Troward but full of impertinence & injustice to Baker to which I returned a very short answer, & can not therefore give or be supposed to give any sanction to Hale or any proposition which originated with H i m — I am sure with such a man as Baker at their door who will represent them if they chuse it there can be no hurry for acceding to the proposition, & I believe the only view in pressing it is to open Houses & to put money into M r . Hale's pocket. From this You see I cant forward the Letter to Cunninghame. 1 & I think it had better be deferred till some inquiry can be made respecting the names in Trowards Letter which I will send this evening to Byng 2 — M y hopes of our new Ally 3 were never very sanguine, but yet I think the P—4 might have managed him to a better purpose. sincerely Your's ever P NOTES 1 . S i r W i l l i a m A u g u s t u s C u n y n g h a m e , w h o w a s n o w despairing of success in Linlithgowshire. 2 . E i t h e r the elder G e o r g e B y n g , a staunch old Rockinghamite w h o did not die until 2 7 October 1 7 8 9 , or his son, the younger

85

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

3 SEPT.

1789

George Byng ( 1 7 6 4 - 1 8 4 7 ) , member for Middlesex 1790-1847, who was soon to become a leading Foxite. 3. Duke of Queensberry. 4. Prince of Wales.

Duke of Portland to William Adam 3 September 1789 Address:

T o / W i l l i a m A d a m Esqre. / Lincolns Inn Fields / London

Sir William Molesworth ( 1 7 5 8—1798), 6th Bt., of Pencarrow, Cornwall, had been returned without opposition as member for Cornwall at both the bye-election and general election in 1784. He was a highly independent member of the House. A t first he tended to support Government, and seconded the Address in May, 1 7 8 4 ; but as the Parliament wore on he tended more frequently to support Opposition, voting with them on the Richmond fortifications bill and the Regency. By the late summer of 1789 the Government had decided to support an opposition to Molesworth at the general election. Francis Gregor ( c . 1 7 6 0 - 1 8 1 5 ) , of Trewarthenick, Cornwall, was successfully returned against the Opposition candidate. Sir Francis Basset ( 1 7 5 7 - 1 8 3 5 ) , 1st Bt., of Tehidy, Cornwall, M . P . Penryn 1780-1796, was one of the most powerful political figures in the southwest of England. A naturally aggressive man with intensely but sporadically felt ambitions, highly jealous of his interests and with a mercurial temper, he had put forward ten candidates and contested five Cornish boroughs in the general election of 1784. He returned four members and was moderately successful in four out of five of the constituencies. In Parliament Basset had supported North's administration and later followed the Coalition into opposition.

Bulstrode T h u r s d a y E v e n : 3 S e p t r : 1 7 8 9 Dear Adam I have just received a L e t t e r from Sir F . Basset acquainting me that an opposition is to be made, at the

86

3 SEPT.

1789

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

instance & under the patronage of Administration, to Sir W m : M o l e s w o r t h at the next general Election; the name o f the person (as well as I can make it out in Sir F r a : ' s character) is G r e g o r , & he states him to be as formidable an opponent as could have been fixed upon. H e desires me to write to the D u k e s of Bolton B e d f o r d & N l a n d & the E . of Bucks. & wishes f o r an application to L d Carteret, which I think I can procure through L d F o l e y without committing myself. 1 Sir F r a s : is much hurt at the R e p o r t of Kerney's being appointed to the Stewardship of F o w e y as Kimber held that office at his (Sir F ' s ) recommendation, & he wishes very naturally that the appointment of Kerney might be Stopped. I f it should not be completed, I therefore have now an additional reason f o r wishing it to be reconsidered at least. 8 Y o u r ' s ever P NOTES

1. Bolton had not voted on the Regency. Bedford, Northumberland, and Buckinghamshire had voted with Opposition. Carteret had voted with Pitt, Foley with Opposition (John Stockdale, Debates in the House of Lords on the Subject of a Regency, pp. 190-192). 2. T h e H of P, I I I , 397, identifies a J. Kimber in 1777 as the "steward of Philip Rashleigh," the highly independent member for Fowey whose family interest in the borough Basset temporarily disturbed in 1784. In 1797 a John Kimber, an attorney, was an alderman and T o w n Clerk of Fowey (Universal British Directory, III, 129).

87

WILLIAM

CUNYNGHAME

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

3 SEPT.

1789

Lord Robert Spencer to William Adam [3 September 1789] Address:

W i l l m A d a m E s q r / Richmond P a r k / Surrey Postmarked: SE 3 8 9 / P E T W O R T H Endorsed: L o r d JRobt S p e n c e r — / Sepr 89. W e s t r . S u b —

Petworth Dear Adam T o w n s h e n d 1 a g r e e s w i t h L o r d F r e d . 2 & me about l e a v i n g o u t the sum t o t a l w a n t e d : T h e P o s t s c r i p t must also be l e f t out to those w h o h a v e a l r e a d y subscribed: W h e n I see the list I can m a r k those p r e t t y e x a c t l y : T o w n s h e n d will send it to y o u — t h e list I m e a n — a s soon as he g e t s b a c k — H e says he shall stay at his o w n house or thereabouts f o r some t i m e — I think t h e r e f o r e y o u h a d b e t t e r not attend to the e n g a g e m e n t f o r f r i d a y in next week—Adieu Y o u r s ever R

SPENCER

NOTES

1. Lord John Townshend. 2. Lord Frederick Cavendish.

Sir William Augustus Cunynghame to William A d a m — 3 September 1789 Address:

W m . A d a m E9qr. / Lincolns Inn Fields / M . P . London Postmarked: S E 8 89 Endorsed: Sir W . A . C u n i n g h a m e / 3d Sepr 1789 / Scotch Politics E i t h e r the postmark is that of London, w h i c h w o u l d indicate date of rec e i p t ; o r C u n y n g h a m e d e l a y e d m a i l i n g the letter.

88

3

SEPT.

1789

WILLIAM

CUNYNGHAME

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

Livingstone Thursday 3 d Septr. 1 7 8 9 M y Dear Adam I should sooner have thanked you, f o r your Friendship in exerting yourself so much with the Prince, & Duke of Y o r k , about Old Q , 1 had I not waited to endeavour to find out, what were the Motives, that induced L d . Torphichen to pay so little attention to the Duke of Y o r k s Letter, and to be so decidedly a Government M a n , the Exact & Specific Promises, which they have made him I known [sic] not, but it was all done by Rose, 2 without the least Knowledge of Dundas, and the Connexion commenced between Rose & the Torphichen Family in February last, by his procuring a Ship in the County T r a d e in India, f o r the Son of Captain Sandilands who was in the Regiment with us, this he did at the desire of L d . Marchmont, 3 who paid the Expence of Riging out this Youth. L d . Torphichen finding Roses Power entered into T e r m s with him, & in order to make himself of Consequence, split his Superiorities 4 in this County, f o r he has no Estate in it; upon this being done, Rose wrote him to come to London, but no Bargain was concluded with Rose nor had L d . Torphichen even seen him untill T w o days a f t e r I delivered the Duke of Y o r k ' s Letter to him, & the Bargain will only be fulfilled, in case the Parliament lasts long enough to make his Votes effectual; which if it does, I am really a f f r a i d , that my Hopes of Success in this County are over f o r the present, but as nothing short of such great exertions of Government, could have beat me, of Course I, & my Family, will have it, when ever any change takes place; In the meantime, I shall exert myself, & spare neither my Purse or Person in the Cause, had all our Friends in this Country done the same, we should have made a better figure in Scotland at next Election, than I expect we shall do; f o r my Own part I see no 89

WILLIAM

CUNYNGHAME

TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

3

SEPT.

1789

Chance I have except f r o m Q , & w a s he to change his Opinions I should certainly give him up the Seat, in whatever P e r i o d of the Parliament it w a s ; although I should not hold myself indebted to him f o r it, but to the Prince & the P a r t y . R e n f r e w 5 & Stirling 6 is certainly ours, A b e r deen 7 & Roxburgh 8 I have little hopes o f , Raith 9 will carry his T o w n s , as I hope Elphinstone 10 will, to w h o m and Family, & to M r s . A d a m p r a y remember L a d y C. & me in the kindest manner. I am much affraid of F i f e , 1 1 & dread Orkney, 1 2 Sir T h o s D u n d a s has made no C o m p r o mise with H o n y m a n , which I so much wished, & H o n y man is at last gone to Orkney, I imagine to assist the opposite Interest. Sir J. Sinclair 13 & the N o r t h e r n Burrows, 1 4 are both thought to be in a g o o d W a y ; Sandy Brodie is to be their Candidate f o r C r o m a r t y . 1 5 I recollect my D e a r Friend, nothing further to trouble you with at present, excuse this long Scrawl, f a v o r me with a f e w Lines, when you are at Leisure and believe me ever yours Sincerely (While) W

A

CUNYNGHAME

P.S. Colonel A . S t e w a r t 1 6 will be staunch with us, if they give a Regiment over him to Colonel Chas. S t u a r t 1 7 or L d . Ballcarrass [sic]. 1 8 Otherwise he is wavering. L d . A b e r c o r n 19 is thought dying. NOTES

1. Queensberry. 2. G e o r g e Rose ( 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 1 8 ) , John Robinson's successor as secretary to the T r e a s u r y , w a s the G o v e r n m e n t ' s manager for general elections and patronage in E n g l a n d as D u n d a s was in Scotland. 3. H u g h , 3rd E a r l of M a r c h m o n t ( 1 7 0 8 - 1 7 9 4 ) . 4. F o r a concise explanation of the complex electoral structure and procedure of Scotland, see especially H of P, I, 38 fif. 5. John S h a w S t e w a r t w a s returned for Renfrewshire by 22 votes to 21 against A l e x a n d e r C u n i n g h a m e of Craigends ( M a c k e n zie, Pol. State, pp. 1 6 5 - 1 6 7 ) .

90

3 SEPT.

1789

W I L L I A M C U N Y N G H A M E TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

6. T h e reference is undoubtedly to Stirlingshire, where Sir Thomas Dundas was returned by 28 votes to 22 against Sir Alexander Campbell of Ardkinlass (Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 1 8 3 - 1 8 5 . 7. George Skene of Skene ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 8 2 5 ) had come in for Aberdeenshire at the bye-election of 1785 on his own interest and that of Lord Fife, his relation, but on the understanding that he would support Government. In the House he took a rather independent line, and he joined the Independent Friends, the club founded by the Opposition leaders in Edinburgh. By September, 1788, F i f e was so dissatisfied with Skene as to withdraw his support and to enter an alliance with Dundas and others for the return of James Ferguson of Pitfour ( 1 7 3 5 - 1 8 2 0 ) , a close friend of Dundas who had unsuccessfully contested the county against Skene in 1785. Skene began his campaign in the autumn of 1788, voted with Opposition during the Regency Crisis, and was forced to withdraw from the contest in Aberdeenshire before it went to the poll. Skene remained out of Parliament until 1806. See H of P; Adam, Pol. State, p. 5 ; Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 48. 8. Opposition undoubtedly preferred John Rutherfurd to Sir George Douglas, the latter being the candidate of the Dukes of Buccleugh and Roxburgh and a firm supporter of Government. Douglas was returned 30 votes to 25 (Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 174-177)-. 9. William Fergusson of Raith: " M a r r i e d a sister of the Countess of Dumfries. Opulent. Much attached to Opposition. A family. Present Candidate for the Burghs in F i f e , " i.e., the Dysart Burghs (Adam, Pol. State, p. 1 4 1 ) . In September, 1788, Henry Dundas had persuaded Robert Lindsay, brother of the Earl of Balcarres, to stand in the place of the incumbent, Sir Charles Preston, a wavering Pittite. Lindsay withdrew within the year due to the expense; he was replaced by Charles Hope of Waughton, son of the E a r l of Hopetoun (Furber, Dundas, pp. 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 ) . T h e Opposition seems to have had its troubles as well, for it was John Craufurd of Auchinames rather than Ferguson who stood a poll in 1790. Craufurd carried Dysart and Burntisland, but Hope carried Kirkcaldie and Kinghorn, the returning burgh, thus winning the election (Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 2 3 3 ) . 10. G . K . Elphinstone. 1 1 . Hill noted Henry Erskine as Opposition candidate for F i f e in early 1789 (Adam, Pol. State, p. 1 4 3 ) . A s late as 30 March 1790 the Duke of Portland wrote to Erskine congratulating him on "the prospect you give us of your success in Fifeshire" and apparently agreeing to assist him in his contest, though by what means is 91

WILLIAM C U N Y N G H A M E TO WILLIAM ADAM

3 SEPT.

1789

not specified ( A l e x . Fergusson, Henry Erskine [Edinburgh, 1882], p. 321, w h o mistakenly records his candidacy to have been for the Dysart B u r g h s ) . A t the general election Erskine apparently declined a poll, for W i l l i a m Wemyss, a firm Pittite, w a s unanimously returned (Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 9 7 ) . 12. H i l l had warned in early 1789 that " a spirit of jealousy among the smaller proprietors has produced an opposition to him [ D u n d a s ] . A m o n g these the most considerable is M r . Honeyman of Graemesay, who has now divested himself of his estate (reserving his vote) in favor of W i l l i a m Honeyman the Lawyer, his eldest son, w h o was made Sheriff of Lanarkshire through the interest of M r . [ H e n r y ] Dundas, and is son-in-law to the L o r d Justice-Clerk, preferred to that office by the same interest. . . . T h i s is the best estate in Orkney next to Sir T h o m a s ' s " ( A d a m , Pol. State, pp. 243—245). In the event Sir T h o m a s Dundas's candidate, his cousin T h o m a s Dundas of Fingask, was defeated 13 votes to 19 by John Balfour, who was a nabob just returned from India and was supported by the Honymans ( A d a m , Pol. State, p. 246; Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 142—144). Balfour does not appear on minority division lists 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 2 . Furber notes that Sir Thomas's family "did not regain its power in the far North until 1807 or later" (Furber, Dundas, p. 2 4 8 ) . 13. Sir John Sinclair ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 3 5 ) of Ulbster had the dominant interest in Caithness, was first returned for that county in 1780 and subsequently at every election in which that county returned a member until 1812 (Caithness alternated with Buteshire in returning a member at general elections). H e was essentially an independent man, but in the early 1780's he began to associate himself w i t h Pitt through a common interest in financial and commercial policy. H e at first tended to vote with Government in the Parliament of 1784, in which he sat as member for Lostwithiel on the Government interest. But by 1788, finding himself less intimate with Pitt than he would have liked, he was beginning to revert to independence, and voted with Opposition on the Regency questions. A t the general election of 1790 he was unanimously returned for Caithness and continued to vote with Opposition on party questions 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 2 . H of P; Adam, Pol. State, p. 7 7 ; Mackenzie, Pol. State, p. 7 4 ; Debrett, X X I X , 1 5 7 ; ibid., X X X I , 400. Henry Dundas contemplated an attack on Caithness in 1790, but apparently it never came off (Furber, Dundas, pp. 226—227). 14. O n the Northern or T a i n Burghs, see the correspondence of F. H . Mackenzie and D . Macleod of Geanies, below. 15. Alexander Brodie ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 1 2 ) , M . P . Nairnshire 1785— 92

3 SEPT.

1789

WILLIAM C U N Y N G H A M E TO WILLIAM ADAM

1790, Elgin Burghs 1 7 9 0 - 1 8 0 2 , a wealthy nabob and brother of Brodie of Brodie. A firm supporter of Government in the House, he was in turn strongly supported by Dundas in rather extensive electoral activities in the north of Scotland. But even with Government support he was narrowly defeated in Cromartyshire in 1790 by 4 votes to 3, the deciding vote being cast by the praeses or chairman of the election meeting. T h e successful candidate, Duncan Davidson of Tulloch, a wealthy West Indian, does not appear in the Opposition minority lists for 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 2 . H of P; Adam, Pol. State, pp. 8 4 - 8 8 ; Mackenzie, Pol. State, 7 5 ; Furber, Dundas, pp. 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 . 16. Alexander Stewart (c. 1 7 3 9 - 1 7 9 4 ) , M . P . Kirkcudbright Stewartry 1 7 8 6 - 1 7 9 4 , had long been seeking preferment from the Government, but without success. He finally came to vote with Opposition during the Regency, but Hill reported in early 1789 that he was "not steady in Opposition" and that it was "uncertain how he will g o " (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 34, 2 0 8 ) . In June, 1789, he was flatly told by Dundas that any chance of preferment had been obviated by his Regency votes ( H of P). He does not appear on the Opposition minority lists for 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 2 . 17. Charles Stuart ( 1 7 5 3 - 1 8 0 1 ) , 4th surviving and favorite son of John, 3rd Earl of Bute, and younger brother of Lord Mountstuart. M . P . Bossiney 1 7 7 6 - 1 7 9 0 , A y r Burghs 1 7 9 0 - 1 7 9 4 , Poole 1 7 9 6 - 1 8 0 1 . Stuart tended to waver in his parliamentary conduct (when he was present) between the staunchly Government politics of his father and the opposite political sentiments of his two brothers and his own social circle, finally voting with Pitt on the Regency. H e had been seeking preferment since the closing years of the American W a r and was highly dissatisfied with his treatment by Government. 18. Alexander Lindsay, 6th Earl of Balcarres ( 1 7 5 2 - 1 8 2 5 ) , supported Henry Dundas in Scottish politics (Furber, Dundas, pp. 225, 2 3 3 - 2 3 4 ) 19. James Hamilton, 8th E a r l of Abercorn, died 9 October 1789 while enroute to London. H e possessed a small interest in Renfrewshire (Adam, Pol. State, pp. 281 f f ) .

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D. C . Fabian to Duke of Portland 5 September 1789 Endorsed,

by Portland:

H a l f moon Street 5 S e p t r : 1 7 8 9 / M r : F a b i a n / R x 6 / Is the w r i t e r or his application / w o r t h y of attention. / T h e cause of my sendi n g Venison to / the B u l l ' s h e a d in Stratton Street / w a s one of the S t e w a r d s h a v i n g been / an old S e r v a n t of mine.

O n e of the most interesting and significant organizational devices to emerge from the Westminster bye-election of 1788 was the permanently established (or so it was intended) parish political club. French Laurence described one such club to Edmund Burke in a letter of 16 August 1788 ( The Correspondence of Edmund Burke, ed. Holden Furber [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965], V , 4 1 0 ) : " I was again obliged to postpone my visit [to Burke at Beconsfield] in consequence of the arrival of half a buck for the St Anne's committee; and I am, I believe, the only person in T o w n to meet such of the Parishioners, as w e have thought proper to invite; and to settle with them, w h a t is absolutely necessary to our future success in the Parish, a Parochial C l u b to assemble once a month during every session of Parliament. W e are to have our Venison on M o n d a y at 6s a head, wine included. I know, that it would be of infinite importance to our future objects if you could make it convenient to attend." T h e meeting was to be held at the King's Arms, Compton Street, which had been the Townshend parish headquarters during the bye-election ( T h e Times, 16 July 1 7 8 8 ) . These parish clubs were obviously designed for men whose social rank was below the membership of the Westminster W h i g Club, of which neither Fabian nor T h o m a s Rose were members (Whig Club, 1792 ed.). But the W h i g Club, which had emerged from the Westminster election of 1784, also met once a month during the parliamentary session, and the annual dues of the senior club ran to only £2.12.6 which, given some seven to eight meetings a year, was surprisingly close to the six shilling dinner of the St. Anne's club. T h e Middlesex Freeholders Club, which was socially comparable to the Westminster W h i g Club, also sold its tickets at 6s {e.g., Morning Chronicle, 3 February 1 7 9 1 ) . T h e supporters of Government interests founded similar parish and freeholders clubs in this period, but their clubs seem never to have been the first in

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the field and they seem generally not to have prospered so w e l l or to have survived so long as the Opposition clubs. A lack of evidence makes it impossible to determine h o w long these particular parish clubs in W e s t m i n s t e r remained active.

H a l f M o o n Street Septr. 5th. 1 7 8 9 M y L o r d Duke Being desirous of giving every information to your Grace that may tend to Cement unanimity in a cause in which I have the honor to be engaged, I trust your Grace will not deem it impertinent in me in relating the following circumstance. Soon a f t e r the last Election f o r Westminster 1 it was thought necessary, that a Club should be established among the Tradesmen in the Parish of St. George Hanover S q u a r e — M r T h o m a s Rose of Davies Street Grocer exerted himself with such Success so as to be able to f o r m a very respectable Society who meet once a Month at the Braunds head Bond Street 2 f o r the purpose of Communicating any information that may be beneficial to the Interest of M r . F o x in the next Westminster Election. Independent of this Club there are several others in Grosvenor M e w s , Davies Street, and Bruton M e w s , where M r Rose constantly attend, and a f e w nights since at one of these meeting a M e m b e r declared " t h a t the Duke of Portland had sent a whole Buck to the Bulls head in Stratton Street, but that no Venison had found its way there; notwithstanding the Promises of L d . Robert Spencer and Col Byron 3 of sending s o m e — " I beg leave to hint to your Grace that a Dinner will be held in the course of next week at one of those houses and if some Venison was sent it would be the means of removing that kind of Jealousy that prevail among the Tradesmen who frequent these houses, under an Idea that they are neglected—With respect to myself I beg leave to

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9

SEPTEMBER

1789

refer Your Grace to M r Fox, M r Byng, L d Robert Spencer, L d John Townshend, Col Byron &c I have the honor to be Y o u r Graces most obedient & Devoted humble Servant D . C. FABIAN NOTES

1. T h e bye-election of 1788. 2. T h e committee rooms for the T o w n s h e n d party in St. George's, H a n o v e r Square, during the bye-election had also been at the Braund's H e a d , Bond Street {The Times, 22 J u l y 1 7 8 8 ) . T h e four other locations mentioned below did not enjoy that type of distinction. 3. T h o m a s Byron, of P o r t u g a l Street, Grosvenor Square, w a s a charter member of the W e s t m i n s t e r W h i g C l u b ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.) and w a s the chairman of the T o w n s h e n d parish committee in St. George's, H a n o v e r Square, during the bye-election of 1788 {The Times, 16 J u l y 1 7 8 8 ) .

Duke of Portland to William Adam 9 September 1789 Address:

T o / W i l l i a m Adam Esqre: / Lincolns Inn Fields / London

Bulstrode Wednesday E v e n : 9 Septr: 1789 M y Dear Adam I am much obliged to Y o u for Y o u r three last Letters. W i t h respect to Cornwall I had ventured before the receipt of Your's of Saturday to alter the applications I had made the preceding day in favor of Sir W : M . 1 & insert the name of Sir J. St Aubyn so that no time was lost & they were dispatched by that nights post. & this morning I received a very favorable answer from the D s s : of Bolton who is the only one of my correspondents on that sub96

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ject from whom I have yet heard. 2 Meredith Price has written me the handsomest letter possible in regard to our friend Philipps. 3 & I endeavoured above a week ago to make Your friend M r Hill 4 as sensible as I could of the very high opinion I entertained of his Services & Ability in support of the Cause. Douglas 5 who left us this morning will inform You of the strange confusion of interests which prevails in the County 6 & Borough of Carmarthen. I am very sorry to find from Him that Philipps's success is uncertain, & that unless Campbell 7 himself could be prevailed upon to stand for Pembrokeshire that the Representation of that County must remain in its present state—I can't guess how Keene 8 could know that my information respecting W. 9 came from You, I asked him whether he thought L d H. 1 0 would be likely to treat f o r it in case it should be at liberty, but I did not mention Your name to Him. & am persuaded that the two persons only mean one. I had a Letter of inquiry from him yesterday, & in that he tells me that he has had a great deal of conversation with W . Ellis 1 1 upon the subject & that L d H . is inclined f«f ready to purchase. Do You know whether L d Porchester 1 2 makes any stay in town. Yours' ever P NOTES 1. Sir W i l l i a m Molesworth. 2. M o l e s w o r t h w i t h d r e w w i t h some indignation f r o m the contest in C o r n w a l l at the first sign of an opposition by G o v e r n m e n t . Sir F r a n c i s Basset then brought f o r w a r d his first cousin and political dependent, S i r J o h n S t . A u b y n . St. A u b y n lost and w a s not again returned to Parliament until 1 8 0 7 . G r e g o r w a s returned at the general election and continued to hold the seat until 1 8 0 6 . 3 . J o h n G e o r g e Philipps, candidate for C a r m a r t h e n borough. 4. L a u r e n c e H i l l . 5 . Sylvester D o u g l a s , w h o had just completed his W e l s h circuit. 6. I n 1 7 9 0 the county returned G e o r g e T a l b o t R i c e ( 1 7 6 5 1 8 5 2 ) . Control of the county had f o r many years alternated

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between his family and that of their rivals, the Vaughans of Golden Grove. Rice does not appear in Opposition minority lists during the Parliament of 1790. 7. John Campbell ( 1 7 5 5 - 1 8 2 1 ) of Calder, N a i r n ; Stackpole Court, P e m b . ; and Llanvread, Card. M . P . Nairnshire 1 7 7 7 1780, Cardigan Boroughs 1780-1796. Reared in England and W a l e s rather than Scotland, Campbell was commonly believed to be ambitious to stand for Pembrokeshire. H e had been a staunch supporter of North's administration; and, after a wavering beginning, had finally come into steady support of Opposition in the Parliament of 1784. 8. Whitshed Keene (c. 1 7 3 1 - 1 8 2 2 ) , M . P . W a r e h a m 1 7 6 8 1774, Ludgershall 1774, Montgomery 1 7 7 4 - 1 8 1 8 , a Northite within the W h i g Opposition during the 1784 Parliament. 9. W e y m o u t h . 10. Francis C o n w a y (c. 1 7 1 9 - 1 7 9 4 ) , 1st E a r l (later 1st M a r quess) of Hertford, was the political patron of Whitshed Keene. H e already had the nomination of two members at O r f o r d . Six of his seven sons sat in Parliament during this period, but at the date of this letter only five were provided w i t h seats. T h e H of P (article on Francis Seymour C o n w a y ) neatly sums him up politically : "his principal aims in politics were to provide for his children and obtain a marquessate." But he and his sons followed Lord North into opposition and opposed Pitt during the Parliament of 1784. 1 1 . W e l b o r e Ellis ( 1 7 1 3 - 1 8 0 2 ) had been continuously a member of Parliament since 1741, and during two periods, 1 7 4 7 - 1 7 6 1 and 1774-1790, he was a member for W e y m o u t h and Melcombe Regis. A n old and constant supporter of Government, he had nevertheless followed L o r d North into opposition in 1784. 12. Henry Herbert, 1st Baron Porchester ( 1 7 4 1 - 1 8 1 1 ) .

Duke of Portland to William Adam 16 September 1789 Endorsed:

Duke of Portland— / Sepr 16th 1789. / Ld R. S's s e a t — Jarvis's / M o n e y — Winchelsea 386).

Sunday four o'clock D e a r Sir Upon due consideration of what you was kind enough to mention to me this morning I have resolved not to give any thing like the sum required for a Seat in Parliament, though I have every wish of rendering myself usefull to your friends in that way, & shall hope for some favorable opportunity occurring in future. I consider myself how194

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ADAM

ever equally obliged to you, & wishing you better health & a g o o d journey to Scotland remain sincerely D e a r Sir Y o u r m o s t obedient Servant GEORGE CRAUFURD. N o 4 W o o d s t o c k street O x f o r d Street W i l l i a m A d a m E s q r . Lincolns Inn fields

Duke of Portland to William Adam 30 June 1790 Endorsed:

D . of P. 30th June 9 0 / R d . 16th J u l y — / i n Ross shire

W e d n e s d a y 30 June 1 7 9 0 M y Dear Adam H a v i n g never h e a r d of Y o u since Y o u l e f t G r a n t h a m 1 I trust Y o u r journey has been as beneficial to Y o u as I wished it, & that Y o u r health is p e r f e c t l y r e e s t a b l i s h e d — N o w t h e r e f o r e to b u s i n e s s — I have received no other L e t t e r s f o r Y o u but those which I send inclosed by which Y o u will see that all O u r W e s t e r n Speculations h a v e f a i l e d completely, as I expected, & I am sorry to add that those in the South h a v e been equally unsuccessfull, at which perhaps Y o u will not be much disappointed. I dont p e r f e c t l y understand the amount of C a r p e n t e r s expenses, nor do I see any particular a d v a n t a g e to arise f r o m the generosity he recommends to be extended to the 16 o r 18 p o o r men at T r e g o n y but if the Opinion of our friends inclines to the f a v o r a b l e side as an act of C h a r i t y I certainly shall not resist it. T h e d r a f t mentioned in Y o u r s f r o m W a l l I h a v e not h e a r d o f , but my silence I hope con195

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

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vinced Y o u of my readiness to attend to it as Y o u desired. If Seaforth 2 succeeds I certainly shall be the last man in the world to object to his availing himself of his success in the way he wishes, & I should hope that Sir T h o m a s 3 will not refuse his assent. If it is to be put upon those terms which I think very f a i r & reasonable how would it suit Fullarton ? I only throw this out without meaning to give even a decisive hint. Or what think Y o u of Crauf u r d ? 4 Or is there any other friend north of T w e e d to whom it would be more desireable & adviseable to offer it? I suppose Seaforth is under no engagement, but I beg to be clearly understood, that notwithstanding, I don't wish to propose, if he has any thing like a preference in his own mind, or that our friends should be of opinion that the Cause can be better served by any other means. I heartily congratulate with Y o u on Bakers success in Herts, 5 it is the most brilliant Event & as much so & as honorable in every respect as could be wished—The fate of Hants I dare [ s a y ] does not surprize Y o u 6 — S u r r y is very satisfactory, L d W m : Russell had upwards of 1200 single Votes 7 — I tremble f o r K e n t — L a s t nights poll brought M a r s h a m within 55 of Honywood & all Knatchbulls split votes are thrown upon M a r s h a m . F o r Knatchbull is 1 3 4 2 above Honywood 8 — I am not dissatisfied with returns in general but I shall lose this nights conveyance as I have everyone f o r this week past if I add more. P r a y tell H . E . 9 that I will endeavour to write by the same conveyance to Him, L d s Stormont & Lauderdale tomorrow or eightday at farthest. Y o u r ' s ever

P

NOTES 1. A d a m w a s enroute to Scotland. H i s o w n election for Rossshire w a s to be on 1 6 J u l y . 2. F . H . Mackenzie.

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3. Sir T h o m a s D u n d a s . 4. U n d o u b t e d l y J o h n C r a u f u r d of A u c h e n a m e s , w h o had lost the D y s a r t B u r g h s . 5. T h e poll in H e r t f o r d s h i r e tallied W i l l i a m P l u m e r 1 8 3 1 , W i l l i a m B a k e r 1302, W i l l i a m H a l e 1 0 3 1 . B a k e r also contested the borough of H e r t f o r d , but unsuccessfully, the poll being J o h n C a l v e r t 3 1 9 , N a t h a n i e l D i m s d a l e 290, B a k e r 223. O l d f i e l d , History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4 . P l u m e r had been member for the county since 1 7 6 8 and a loyal supporter of R o c k i n g h a m and the Coalition. 6. T h e poll in H a m p s h i r e tallied Sir W m . H e a t h c o t e 2 0 1 3 , W i l l i a m C h u t e 1805, L o r d J o h n Russell 1290, J . C . Jervoise 1232 ( O l d f i e l d , History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 2 6 0 ) . H e a t h c o t e and C h u t e w e r e both G o v e r n m e n t supporters in the P a r l i a m e n t of 1 7 9 0 ; neither had sat in the H o u s e before. Jervoise C l a r k e Jervoise ( ? i 7 3 3 - i 8 o 8 ) w a s M . P . Y a r m o u t h I . o . W . 1 7 6 8 - 1 7 6 9 and 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 7 9 , Hampshire 1 7 7 9 - 1 7 9 0 , Y a r m o u t h I . o . W . 17911808. H e had opposed N o r t h and supported the C o a l i t i o n both in and out of p o w e r . L o r d J o h n Russell ( 1 7 6 6 - 1 8 3 9 ) , later 6th D u k e of B e d f o r d , w a s the y o u n g e r brother of Francis, 5th D u k e of B e d f o r d , and elder brother of L o r d W i l l i a m Russell. U p o n coming of age Russell had unsuccessfully attempted to come in for W i n d sor at a bye-election. A year later in 1788 he w a s returned for the f a m i l y seat at T a v i s t o c k . O n 27 D e c e m b e r 1 7 9 0 he w a s again returned for T a v i s t o c k in the place of P e r c y C h a r l e s W y n d h a m , w h o had elected to sit for M i d h u r s t . L o r d J o h n strongly supported the F o x i t e Opposition, as did the other members of his f a m i l y . 7. A c c o r d i n g to O l d f i e l d ( H i s t o r y of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I I , 1 2 8 ) F i n c h and Russell w e r e returned " b y a considerable m a j o r ity." 8. C h a r l e s M a r s h a m (1744-1811) was M . P . Maidstone 1 7 6 8 — 1 7 7 4 and K e n t 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 9 0 . M a r s h a m w a s a highly independent member of the H o u s e . H e had been a co-chairman of the St. A l b a n ' s T a v e r n group w h i c h had attempted to reconcile P i t t and F o x in early 1 7 8 4 ; P i t t ' s refusal seems to have offended M a r s h a m , and he normally supported Opposition d u r i n g the P a r liament of 1784. F i l m e r H o n y w o o d (c. 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 0 9 ) , M.P. Steyning 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 0 , K e n t 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 9 6 and 1 8 0 2 - 1 8 0 6 , had generally supported Opposition since his entry into P a r l i a m e n t . T h e r e had not been a contest in K e n t since 1 7 5 4 . A c c o r d i n g to O l d f i e l d ( H i s t o r y of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 3 2 1 ) , the success of Sir E d w a r d K n a t c h b u l l , the G o v e r n m e n t candidate in 1790, " w a s o w i n g more to the w a n t of a j u n c t i o n of interests b e t w e e n M r .

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Honeywood and the Hon. M r . Marsham . . . than to the weight of all this [Government admiralty, ecclesiastical and personal] influence united." T h e final state of the poll was Knatchbull 4285, Honywood 3101, Marsham 2724 (ibid., I, 3 2 4 ) . 9. H e n r y Erskine.

Duke of Portland to William Adam 5 July 1790 Endorsed:

London 5th July 1 7 9 0 / D u k e iSth J u l y —

of P o r t l a n d — / R d .

London Monday 5 July 1790 Dear A d a m A s Y o u say nothing of Your health, I am willing to conclude it is perfectly reestablished—I have seen Craufurd 1 again this morning & he will certainly go down to Renfrewshire if necessary, but I must say that our friend Shaw Stewarts accounts are so incorrect, or at least so lamely justify the conclusions he draws from them, that I do not much wonder at the Fish's reluctance, & wish Shaw had never sent Him any statement of the relative interests of Himself & Cunninghame 2 — Y o u r information respecting Dundas 3 whether in Sterlingshire or the Orkneys is very satisfactory indeed, Y o u may possibly have seen Your Brother K.E. 4 I hope the P—s 5 message to H i m will intirely obviate any ill consequences which might have been apprehended from His Father in L a w 6 — I think Y o u had better take a friend who is willing to advance what is necessary than one who stands in need of assistance from the Fund, for I don't find it has flourished much since You left Us, nor have I much hope of its thriving—& I think either of the names I suggested in my last 7 would answer the purpose & be thankfull for the 198

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offer. T h e fish had been tampering with Geanies 8 to try if Ross 9 would not give up to Him, but unsuccessfully. P r a y what is this story of Geanies's having broke his word with H . Dundas about the appointment of the Cromartie Election? If it is true, the first & great error consists in his having given D . any hopes. 1 0 I am not at all disappointed with respect to Roxburgheshire & I hope our friend 1 1 will have no reason to be so with his return f o r H e l s t o n e — I heartily wish Y o u joy of little Thompsons success at Evesham, he was within 1 1 of Rushout & polled 2 5 7 single Votes. 1 2 I very much f e a r f o r Sir J E d e n — H e was 1 1 9 below Burdon on Friday the 5 t h : days P o l l 1 3 — Y o u must not be alarmed about Cornwall f o r Basset writes me word that we must expect, f r o m various circumstances, too many to repeat, that G r e g o r will have the lead of St Aubyn f o r the two first d a y s — G r e g o r polled the first day 1 8 9 — & St Aubyn only 166 1 4 — I see Y o u leave the Peers to take care of themselves by not saying one word upon that subject— 1 5 sincerely Yours ever P. Halliday has applied f o r assistance in case of a Petition, which I have not given H i m the least hope o f , & he calls amuch for immediate help. T h e last account which was the tenth days Poll was as u n d e r — H a m m e t 1 6 6 — Halliday 1 6 0 — P o p h a m 1 5 3 — M o r l a n d 149. T h e y never have polled above 40 Voters in a day. 1 6 NOTES

1. John " F i s h " Craufurd of Auchinames, who was credited by Hill with influence over three votes in Renfrewshire (Adam, Pol. State, p. 2 8 5 ) . 2. Alexander Cuninghame of Craigends, Shaw Stewart's opponent. 3. Sir Thomas Dundas, whose principal interests were in Stirlingshire, the Orkneys, and the borough of Richmond (Yorks). 4. G . K . Elphinstone.

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5. Prince of Wales. 6. William Mercer of Aldie, Kinross-shire, whose eldest daughter and co-heiress had married Elphinstone in 1787 and had died December, 1789. 7. Fullarton and Craufurd. 8. Donald Macleod. 9. Sir Charles Lockhart Ross of Balnagown, who was to be returned for the T a i n Burghs on 1 2 July. 10. For this story see Furber, Dundas, pp. 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 . 1 1 . Sir Gilbert Elliot. 12. Oldfield (History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I I , 263) gives these figures: Rushout 4 1 8 , Thompson 407, Sullivan 374. 1 3 . Sir John Eden ( 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 1 2 ) , 4th Bt., M . P . Durham County 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 9 0 , elder brother of William Eden, 1st Baron Auckland, a leading Coalition man of business who had notoriously defected to Pitt in late 1785. Sir John had continued to support Opposition even after his brother's defection, but his attendance in the House was poor. It was said that his brother opposed his reelection for the county in 1790. Rowland Burdon (c. 1757—1838), an independent supporter of Government, and the Oppositionist Ralph Noel Milbanke were returned. 14. T h e highly independent Sir William Lemon, who normally supported Government but had voted with Opposition on Richmond's fortifications plan and had split his vote during the Regency, was again returned for the county. Gregor beat St. Aubyn for the second seat. T h e poll closed with Lemon 2250, Gregor 1270, and St. Aubyn 1 1 3 6 (Henry Stooks Smith, The Parliaments of England [London, 1844], I, 3 6 ) . 15. For the election of the Scottish representative peers which occurred on 23 J u l y 1790, see Furber, Dundas, pp. 231—236; Mackenzie, Pol. State, pp. 1 - 4 0 . 16. T h e final state of the poll at Taunton on 6 J u l y gave Hammet 2 9 1 , Popham 257, Halliday 239, Morland 183 (Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I I , 5 7 ) . Halliday and Morland petitioned the House in December, 1790, but for some reason dropped the proceedings a few days later (Journals of the House of Commons, X L V I , 16 and 9 1 ) .

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GEORGE REID TO WILLIAM

ADAM

George Reid to William Adam [ 3 0 June 1790?] Address: W i l l i a m A d a m Esqr. / Lincoln's Inn Fields T h i s letter w a s found enclosed in Portland's to A d a m of Monday, 5 July 1790. Portland's previous letter to A d a m w a s dated Wednesday, 30 June. It seems likely that this letter w a s written on Wednesday, 30 June, but reached Portland too late for enclosure in that day's packet; note that the letter first went to A d a m ' s chambers, then w a s f o r w a r d e d to Burlington House, from whence Portland f o r w a r d e d it to A d a m in Scotland.

Basil W i l l i a m Douglas ( 1 7 6 3 - 1 7 9 4 ) , styled Lord Daer, was the 1st surviving son of Dunbar Hamilton, 4th Earl of Selkirk. Since 1774 Lord Selkirk had led the independent party at the elections of the representative peers. Lord D a e r was also highly independent, but he was a radical as well and became deeply involved in Scottish reform politics in the 1790's. In 1790 he engaged with L o r d Haddo and the popular interest in a radical contest at Poole, where he may have damaged the interest of another Foxite, M . A . T a y l o r ( O l d field, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 2 3 3 - 2 3 5 ) ; meanwhile he was also the Opposition candidate at Canterbury, where George Reid (Jr. or Sr.) and E d w a r d K e n t were his agents. Sir John Honywood and George Gipps, an incumbent and another Pittite, were returned at the election on 19 June. L o r d Daer was unable to find a seat.

Wednesday 1/2 past 3

Morng

D e a r Sir I a m this m o m e n t setting o u t t o m e e t L o r d D a e r at C a n t e r b u r y f r o m w h e n c e I shall r e t u r n on f r i d a y o r S a t u r d a y — I f therefore you are enabled to do any thing in t h e m a t t e r m e n t i o n e d b y M r . S h e r i d a n it m u s t b e s o contrived as not to interfere with this e n g a g e m e n t on

201

D U K E OF P O R T L A N D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

II

AUGUST

179O

which account I trouble you with this l e t t e r — W i t h many wishes f o r the restoration of your health I remain Yours

very

faithfully

GEO REID [by Portland on v e r s o : ]

W m : A d a m Esqre I don't know to w h a t the contents allude but something perhaps that may be embarassing unless Y o u r absence is supplied effectually

Duke of Portland to William Adam 11 August 1790 L o n d o n W e d n e s d a y n A u g u s t 1790 M y Dear Adam Possibly on Y o u r landing but certainly when Y o u g o t to Edinburgh Y o u learnt how unnecessary it was f o r Y o u to proceed f a r t h e r Southward till Y o u r health w a s perfectly reestablished, & my first & principal wish & prayer is that all Y o u r attention may be bestowed on punctually observing those directions which may be given Y o u by the Faculty f o r the purpose of Y o u r complete recovery. W h e n that is effected & ascertained I shall be very happy in seeing Y o u & all that belong to Y o u at W e l b e c k 1 as soon as Y o u please. I mean to be there myself some time next week, but the A n t w e r p business 2 ( o f the success of which I am now more doubtfull than ever f r o m the A g e n t s employed in it besides those w h o alone ought to be concerned in it) will probably detain me here till the end of it, & it is possible that I may not get there till M o n d a y or T u e s d a y . But this is only troubling Y o u 202

II

AUGUST

I790

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

unnecessarily as I have not the smallest expectation of meeting Y o u there nor indeed do I wish it till Y o u can send me a clear Bill of health—Sir W . Cunynghame dined here yesterday he gives me a good account of Stirlingshire & does not despond in respect to Orkney or the Aberdeen District. 3 I forgot to ask H i m if there was any chance of the D y s a r t Boroughs f o r which I heard from L d Loughborough that the F i s h 4 was a Petitioner. 5 Upon the whole Sir W m reckons that we have ten certain in Scotland, 6 which is exactly I am Sir, your most obedient humble Servant Wm: Richards

j u n r :

NOTE i . Charles Rashleigh ( 1 7 4 7 - 1 8 2 3 ) , of St. Austell, Cornwall, 7th son of Jonathan Rashleigh, M . P . F o w e y 1 7 2 7 - 1 7 6 4 ; and younger brother of Philip Rashleigh ( 1 7 2 9 — 1 8 1 1 ) , M . P . Fowey 1765—1802, an independent supporter of Pitt. Charles was also a Steward of the Stannary Courts in the Duchy of Cornwall. In 1 7 9 0 he acted as Barwell's agent. See Aspinall, ed., The Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales 17JO—1812, II, 1 4 3 , 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 , 344-

Lord Robert Spencer to William Adam

5 September [1790]

Address:

Willm Adam E s q r . / G e o r g e Street/New Town / Edinburgh Postmarked: SE < . . . > 90 Endorsed: Lord Robt Spencer / Petworth Sepr 5th 90 / Rd Edr 9th / Sep / Wesmr Money— / Answered

Petworth Sep. 5 — Dear Adam, Finding that there is a prospect of raising very shortly a sum of money equal to the discharge of the debts, I called the other day to look at Sir T . Dundas's account at 209

SIR W. A. C U N Y N G H A M E TO WILLIAM ADAM

7 SEPT.

IjgO

Hercy's where I saw that you had drawn f o r 8oo£. N o w I wish you would let me know whether that was applied to the payment of any debts standing on account in the list which Sir T h o s Dundas possesses. If it was applied to any other purpose it really should at any rate be immediately repaid, f o r it would be excessively hard & provoking to those; who have now agreed to Subscribe a large sum, to find it unequal to the discharge of the whole debt, which was stated to them, and indeed it is on that condition, that the money is subscribed. P r a y write me a line in answer to Berkeley Square as soon as you can. Adieu Y o u r s most sincerely R SPENCER [the following is added in the hand of A d a m : ]

W r o t e by return of Post. T h a t £ 2 0 0 of the sum was on account of T h e Duke of Portlands advance f o r Country N e w s Papers. T h a t H i s Grace had authorised the application of it to General Election Purposes. T h a t the remaining sum was f o r the same purposes. T h e subscription f o r that purpose not having been got in in time to answer the Purpose of the Dissolution—That by a late Letter f r o m T h e Duke of Portland there was no doubt of its being repaid very shortly—

Sir William Augustus Cunynghame to William Adam—7 September 1790 N 2 3 Berners Street Tuesday 7th. Septr. 1 7 9 0 Dear Adam Accept our best thanks f o r your kind attention in lending us your L o d g e , but of which f r o m a Variety of Acci210

7 SEPT. 1 7 9 0

SIR W. A. CUNYNGHAME TO WILLIAM ADAM

dents we have never been able to avail ourselves, nevertheless we are equally obliged both to you, & M r s . Adam, to whom & yourself Lady C. joins me in desiring to be remembered in the kindest Manner. W e have as you will see, by the Date of this Letter, taken possession of ( . . . ) House, who proposes going abroad next Week, and as we shall be here when you arrive, Lady C. and I expect that you, M r s . Adam and the Bairns, will live with us, untill your own House is arranged. As you advised I spoke last W e e k to Sheridan, who promised me he would mention it to the Prince; L o r d Lonsdale it is said has come over to Opposition, if that is true, and the Prince asks him, I may have some chance, as he has two Seats 1 to give, one of which is held by Jenkinson 2 who is to sit for Rye, and the other by Colonel L o w t h e r ; 3 L o r d Lonsdale I am well assured, is to be in Town by the 2 9 t h . Currant to arrange all his Seats, so that a very little time must decide who [ h e ] is to bring in. Dick Pen 4 who was beat at Lancaster, will probably have one o f the Seats, but Ld. Lonsdale has not yet said so. I long much for your coming to Town, as I have more dependence upon your Friendship than any thing whatever. No News except of a W a r , which is generally believed, and I imagine, that they do not intend, that Parliament shall meet before November, Adieu and believe me ever with much real regard and esteem Yours Sincerely < . . . > W A

CUNYNGHAME

W m . Adam Esqr. NOTES 1 . Haslemere and A p p l e b y . 2 . Robert Bankes Jenkinson had been returned for both A p p l e b y and R y e at the general election. H e elected to serve f o r R y e and w a s replaced at A p p l e b y the f o l l o w i n g J a n u a r y by W i l l i a m G r i m ston ( 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 1 4 ) , brother of L o r d Grimston and an independent supporter of Pitt. 3 . J a m e s L o w t h e r ( 1 7 5 3 — 1 8 3 7 ) had been member for W e s t -

211

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM ADAM

2 5 SEPT.

1790

morland since 1775. A t the general election he apparently stood also for Haslemere as a stop gap. T h e seat was taken by Penn in December, when Lowther resumed his county seat. 4. Richard Penn ( ?i734—1811 ), M . P . Appleby 1784-1790, Haslemere 20 December 1790-June, 1791, Lancaster 1796-1802, Haslemere 1802—1806. H e was a consistent supporter of Pitt, and did not desert with the other Lonsdale members during the Regency.

Duke of Portland to William Adam 25 September 1790 Address:

W i l l i a m A d a m Esqre / Lincolns Inn Fields

W e l b e c k Saturday night 25 S e p t r : 1 7 9 0 Dear Adam I am excessively sorry indeed to hear of G N o r t h ' s loss, & most sincerely pity H i m H e r & the whole family, f o r w h o m something like experience has taught me to sympathize. I hope & am willing, f r o m the stile of Y o u r L e t t e r , to believe Y o u found Y o u r Son's health & strength reestablished. I trust his Recovery is perfect & that Y o u will have no cause of future alarm. I have written to Baldwin f r o m w h o m as well as f r o m Y o u r s e l f I have received an unwelcome L e t t e r this evening. I will come up as soon as Y o u or the P — 1 please a f t e r next T h u r s d a y , notwithstanding I differ with Y o u in opinion. & think that no arrangement can be attempted till the event of the A n t w e r p N e g o t i a t i o n is K n o w n — I have sent B. 2 my L e t t e r to the P . 1 & have told H i m that I was sure Y o u would let Y o u r s e l f be employed by H i m either as a Scribe or a Messenger to H . R . H . P r a y let me know if it should be necessary f o r me to come up next F r i d a y f o r I

212

[ 2 8 SEPT. I 7 9 0 ? ]

WILLIAM ADAM TO LORD LOUGHBOROUGH

shall not stir till I hear again f r o m Y o u or B. 2 or f r o m the P r i n c e — Y o u r ' s ever P. Basset writes me w o r d that St A u b y n & R o g e r s have determined, (without prejudice to the present return & Petition) to give up Helleston upon account of the expense it puts them to. T h a t they have signified their intention to the rest of the C o r p o r a t i o n who immediately dispatched 3 of their B o d y to negotiate as B - supposes with the D of L e e d s . H e asks me if W e have any friend w h o would engage in i t — b u t how can he without the C o r p o r a t i o n ? In short w h a t to make of this I don't even g u e s s — 3 NOTES

1. Prince of W a l e s . 2. Baldwin. 3. For the ludicrous and complex legal situation in Helston, see H of P and Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 83-85. John Rogers ( 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 3 2 ) was a former mayor, member ( 1 7 8 4 1 7 8 6 ) , and presently recorder for Helston. T h e D u k e of Leeds seems to have regained the dominant interest in the borough shortly after the general election. A t the general election a double return was made; Sir Gilbert Elliot and Stephen Lushington were returned by order of the House of Commons on 23 December 1790. T h e displaced Government candidates were the incumbent James Bland Burges, w h o was Leeds's Undersecretary of State, and Charles Abbot, the future Speaker of the House.

William Adam to Lord Loughborough [ante 2 8 September 1 7 9 0 ? ] Source:

Lord Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors (Philadelphia, 2nd A m e r i c a n from 3rd London edition, 1851), VI, 184-185. T h i s letter w a s presumably written before the postscript in Portland's letter to A d a m of 28 September 1790 (infra).

213

W I L L I A M ADAM TO LORD LOUGHBOROUGH

[ 2 8 SEPT.

1790?]

MY DEAR LORD, T h e following lines are written in consequence of a conversation I had yesterday with the Prince of Wales, when I had the honor to be with his Royal Highness, and in which he expressed himself with the utmost anxiety, and at the same time under difficulty about the mode of obtaining w h a t H . R . H . has so much at heart. A t the same time that I am executing the commands of H . R . H . , I need not inform your Lordship how much those commands coincide with the wishes of the Duke of Portland and all our friends. I t is understood that L o r d Lonsdale has two seats yet to fill up—one f o r Haslemere and one f o r Appleby, and that he has not fixed upon the persons who are to fill those places. H . R . H . is extremely anxious that Sir William Cunnyngham should be recommended to L o r d Lonsdale. But under the circumstances in which H . R . H . says he stands with L o r d Lonsdale, he thinks it can not flow directly f r o m him. W h a t he has desired me to do, therefore, is to request of your Lordship to open this m a t t e r to L o r d Lonsdale, to assure him of Sir William Cunnyngham's attachment to H . R . H . , and of his being ready at any time to vacate his seat, if Lord Lonsdale should signify to him his disapprobation of his politics; and that if the Prince is r e f e r r e d to by L o r d Lonsdale, his Lordship will find his Royal Highness most anxiously zealous f o r Sir William's success. Ever, my dear L o r d , Yours most faithfully, WILLIAM ADAM.

2.14

2 8 SEPT.

1790

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

Duke of Portland to William Adam 28 September 1790 W e l b e c k T u e s d a y E v e n : 28 S e p t r : 1790 M y Dear Adam T h e inclosed was put into my hands this morning by Sir T h o s : D u n d a s w h o called here in his w a y back to Scotland, & we agreed that Y o u were the best person to w h o m Sedley could be addressed. Sir T h o s : answers f o r his attachment to the P a r t y , & f o r his integrity in all respects, he is a sort of Banker or rather as Sir T h o s : explained it a Remitter f r o m Ireland. T h e Depositors are L d C o n y n g h a m 1 & Sir John Leicester, 2 but S. intimated some doubt of the first upon account of his pretentions to a claim of Paramountship over the whole isle of T h a n e t in establishing which he fancies Government may do him much service. Sir T h o s : had one or t w o conversations with Sedley, while he was last in town, upon this subject, & recommended it to him to try Fownes Luttrell 3 or Medlicott, 4 but I suppose he did not meet with them bef o r e Sir T h o s : set out, & he accordingly wishes f o r the result of S — investigation to be communicated directly to Y o u . I f any conduct on the part of M o r t i m e r could surprize me, it would be that which is taken notice of in the inclosed. I can not help doubting it, & yet even B r y a n t himself is not a very g o o d surety f o r the g o o d behaviour of M o r t i m e r . I hope Y o u r Son is quite & completely recovered— sincerely Y o u r s ever P 215

D. SEDLEY TO SIR THOMAS DUNDAS

2 4 SEPT.

179O

Y o u must send for S e d l e y — f o r Sir T h o s : does not mean to write to H i m — D o Y o u know any thing of the effect of the application in behalf of Sir W m Cuninghame ? — NOTES 1. H e n r y C o n y n g h a m ( 1 7 6 6 - 1 8 3 2 ) , 3 r d B a r o n and 1st V i s c o u n t C o n y n g h a m , in 1 8 1 6 c r e a t e d M a r q u e s s C o n y n g h a m in the p e e r a g e of I r e l a n d a n d in 1 8 2 1 B a r o n M i n s t e r in the p e e r a g e of the U n i t e d K i n g d o m . H e w a s a consistent s u p p o r t e r of A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n Irish politics. 2 . S i r J o h n F l e m i n g L e i c e s t e r ( 1 7 6 2 - 1 8 2 7 ) , 5 t h B t . , of T a b ley, C h e s h i r e , l a t e r c r e a t e d B a r o n de T a b l e y , son of Sir P e t e r Leicester, 4th Bt., M . P . Preston 1 7 6 7 - 1 7 6 8 . M . P . Y a r m o u t h ( H a n t s ) 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 6 , H e y t e s b u r y 1 7 9 6 - 1 8 0 2 , Stockbridge 1807. 3. J o h n F o w n e s L u t t r e l l (1752-1816), M.P. Minehead 1 7 7 4 - 1 8 0 6 , 1 8 0 7 - 1 8 1 6 . T h e r e is n o r e c o r d of his h a v i n g v o t e d d u r i n g the P a r l i a m e n t s of 1 7 8 4 a n d 1 7 9 0 ; b u t he r e g u l a r l y ret u r n e d himself and a G o v e r n m e n t n o m i n e e f o r M i n e h e a d , of w h i c h he w a s the p a t r o n . 4. T h o m a s H u t c h i n g s M e d l y c o t t of M i l b o r n e P o r t , w h o also n o r m a l l y r e t u r n e d a G o v e r n m e n t n o m i n e e . I t is p u z z l i n g w h y S i r T h o m a s s h o u l d h a v e s u g g e s t e d these t w o m e n .

D. Sedley to Sir Thomas Dundas 24 September 1790 Address: Sir Thomas Dundas Bart / M . P — / Inkley / Leicester Shire / If Sir Thomas has left Inkley / forward this < . . . > ost to up S e a t h a m . ( . . . ) York Shire Enclosed in Portland to A d a m of 28 September 1790 (supra). T h e r i g h t of election in S h a f t e s b u r y l a y in i n h a b i t a n t s p a y i n g scot and lot. O l d f i e l d w r o t e of the b o r o u g h in 1 7 9 4 ( H i s t o r y of Boroughs, 2 n d ed., I, 1 9 6 ) : " T h i s b o r o u g h consists of a b o u t f o u r h u n d r e d houses, t w o h u n d r e d of w h i c h a r e the p r o p e r t y of H a n s W i n t h r o p M o r t i m e r , esq. sixty b e l o n g to M r . B r y a n t , C l e r k of the papers a t t h e K i n g ' s B e n c h P r i s o n ; t h i r t y to P a u l B e n f i e l d , esq.

216

2 4 SEPT.

1790

D. SEDLEY TO SIR THOMAS

DUNDAS

and about one hundred are divided amongst individuals in the t o w n . " Hans Winthrop Mortimer ( 1 7 3 4 - 1 8 0 7 ) , M . P . Shaftesbury 1 7 7 5 - 1 7 8 0 and 1 7 8 1 - 1 7 9 0 , a supporter of Pitt in the Parliament of 1784, had only gained complete ascendancy over the borough in 1784, and in 1786 he had been able to return a member without a contest. But shortly before the general election in 1790 his principal opponent in the borough had sold his property to Paul Benfield ( 1 7 4 1 - 1 8 1 0 ) , a notorious nabob w h o had purchased an interest in Cricklade in 1780 and was known to fight elections by wholesale bribery. A t the general election on 18 June 1790 two Government candidates had been returned on Benfield's interest, the state of the poll being Charles Duncombe 224, W i l l i a m G r a n t 224, Mortimer 67, W i l l i a m Bryant 67 {ibid., I, 1 9 7 ) .

Lisson Green L o n d o n 24 Sepr. 1 7 9 0 Sir W h e n I had the pleasure of seeing you on T u e s d a y last, a Circumstance escaped me which I intended to have Communicated to you, and that is, M r . M o r t i m e r gave me to understand that he should Sell Shaftsbury, theref o r e if you know of any o f your f f r i e n d s that you should wish to have it, I shall with pleasure make all necessary enquiries f o r them, and I believe that the Estate, and B o r o u g h may be had a g r e a t Bargain, owing to his present situation. Y o u will observe that he intends to Petition against the present representatives, and I have g r e a t reason to believe that H e will succeed, particularly as Certain People have held out a Compromise. I suppose you have heard of the D e a t h of the D u k e of M o n t r o s e , 1 by his Demise, the M a r q u i s of G r a h a m 2 Ascends the upper H o u s e , and the B o r o u g h of G r e a t Bedwin in W i l t s lays open a new return, pray shall that strengthen your Interest. I shall be g l a d to hear f r o m you about the Certainty of w h a t we talked o f , f o r Y o u n g M e n cant be well trusted with large Sums of M o n e y , therefore when you are sure 217

DONALD MACLEOD TO JOHN CRAUFURD

3 OCTOBER 1 7 9 0

of Success, I shall directly have the Money paid into a Bank where they shall have no power over it, and I think it is better it should be there in time, than to be looking f o r it in a H u r r y when wanted, also it will be such a T y e on them as will keep their minds even, and prevent their Ideas f r o m Wandering, f o r what Young L a d s may be M a d f o r to D a y , the D a y following may be Obnoxious to them, therefore be so kind as to Advise me what you think of it. Y o u gave me to understand that you do expect another from a Quarter who you cant perfectly R y l y on, if so, on two more I believe I can do the same by them as by the others, at five thousand Guineas. I am Sir with great Regard, Your most Obedient and very Humble Servant D

SEDLEY

NOTES 1. William Graham, 2nd Duke of Montrose, died 2 3 September 1790. 2. James Graham ( 1 7 5 5 — 1 8 3 6 ) , styled Marquess of Graham, eldest son of William, 2nd Duke of Montrose. M . P . Richmond 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 4 , Great Bedwyn 1 7 8 4 - 2 3 September 1790. Great Bedwyn was in the control of the Earls of Aylesbury, who supported Pitt and returned Government members during this period.

Donald Macleod of Geanies to John Craufurd of Auchinames—3 October 1790 Address:

John Craufurd Esqr

M y D e a r Sir I have very great Pleasure in assuring you that I never attributed your Silence to any neglect, Indeed f a r the Re218

3 OCTOBER

I790

DONALD MACLEOD TO J O H N

CRAUFURD

verse. M y letter to you was Explanatory of Circumstances, which I wished you to know, that you might make your Arrangements Accordingly, & did not in fact Require an A n s w e r . — T h a t I Possess your Friendship is a Circumstance highly flattering to me, & that I may M e r i t to Continue in the Possession of it shall be my Study. W i t h Respect to the Burgh's, 1 Seaforth & Sir Thomas keep their hold Firmly, & though Sir Chas. Ross has at the Michaelmass Election which has just taken Place, by the most Secret & underhand dealing & in Palpable Contradiction to his A v o w e d Declarations, outwitted me a little, & debauched two of those I considered my Friends on the Council, by which he has got an Apparent Victory, I consider myself to Stand on fully as good Ground as I ever did, if not better, as his Conduct gives me an opportunity of Acting Openly & Avowedly in opposition to him, which I had some Delicacy about before. T o Secure the Point, T h e Sinews of W a r will be wanted, but not to any very Considerable Extent. £ 1 0 0 0 at the utmost.—Is it prudent f o r me to lay out so much? M y Idea is, that you call f o r A d a m & Settle with him, that if you are at the outlay necessary to Secure T a i n , you shall have Another two. I f not, we must either Shop, or they must find me the means, & let whoever gets the Seat, Indemnify the outlay—I shall pledge my H o n o r that there shall not be a Shilling unnecessarily laid out, & that I shall render a faithfull Account as f a r as it is Practicable in such Circumstances.—I shall Still go further, that I f I do not Succeed, the money I draw, I shall Consider as a loan & Indemnify E v e r y Shilling—I hope this Proposal will meet with your Approbation f o r if I get the T o w n , I mean it Positively to your Disposal in the first Place, & failing of your Acceptance to the Prince's or Duke of P o r t l a n d ' s — I n case A d a m may not be returned to T o w n Y o u are best J u d g e whether a Communication with the Duke & Sir T h . Dundas would not Answer the Pur219

LORD LOUGHBOROUGH TO W I L L I A M ADAM

3 OCTOBER

1790

p o s e — I would have the money to be lodged with Sir Robt. Herries or any other Banker you may chuse rather than with M r Coutts—on Account of Sir H r . Munro's Connection with that H o u s e — I shall Expect the Pleasure of a few lines f r o m you Soon & in the mean time I remain with the most Sincere R e g a r d M y D e a r Sir yours most faithfully & Affectionately DOND M ' L E O D

Geanies 3 d Octr 1790— P.S. Though at so great a Distance f r o m a General Elecion it is necessary to make the Exertion now, as they have commenced their Plans f o r Securing the T o w n in their Interest, & if I once get hold, my Popularity in the Place & neighbourhood, will Prevent their ever being able to make any future Impression. NOTE

1. T h e Northern ( T a i n ) Burghs.

Lord Loughborough to William Adam 3 October 1790 Rudding H a l l 3 d Octr: 1 7 9 0 M y Dear Adam Y o u cannot doubt of the Satisfaction I should receive f r o m any share I could take to myself in serving Sir W m . Cunynghame, nor of my readiness to obey H : R : H :'s commands; But my Situation with respect to L d : Lonsdale precludes me even f r o m bearing a message to H i m on the Subject of filling up any of his Seats, f o r H e had told me distinctly that in giving a Seat to Anstruther H e had postponed a friend of his own. It would be still more 220

3 OCTOBER

179O

LORD DAER TO WILLIAM

ADAM

impossible f o r me having recently received one obligation f r o m H i m , to appear to sollicit a second & I confess to Y o u I feel that I should lose all credit with H i m by the A t t e m p t . T h e obvious A n s w e r to me would be, Y o u know that by serving a friend of yours I have still a friend of my own u n p r o v i d e d — I am aware that the P r o p o s a l ought not to come directly f r o m H : R : H : though It would certainly be most likely in that shape to ensure Success. But the Reason applys with much greater force against the communication of the plea by me, and in my opinion the only w a y in which the chance can be tried is by finding some Person w h o at a proper time could Suggest to L d : Lonsdale the Idea of making an offer to the Prince, & it would be best that this should be done by some of the L a d y s of his own f a m i l y . — I had flatterred myself that there w a s a possibility of your calling here upon your return f r o m Scotland as this place is but five miles f r o m W e t h e r b y , but the reason f o r your passing me was too good. A d i e u M y D e a r A d a m & believe me ever most Sincerely Y o u r s , LOUGHBOROUGH

Lord Daer to William Adam 3 October 1790 Endorsed:

St M a r y Isle Octr 3. 1 7 9 0 / L o r d D a e r / Canterbury Accounts.

D e a r Sir, T h e Accounts about my unlucky Canterbury business are never yet all settled. M r Kents 1 were delayed till you 221

LORD DAER TO W I L L I A M

3 OCTOBER

ADAM

179O

should be in the way; as it was agreed you should settle them. I really cannot tell exactly what he has to account for, as several of my friends paid him & others money. But I believe it is 1,000. vizt 200 paid to himself, by my cousin; 300 paid through his hands to one of the name of Reid, whom he recommended; & 500 paid to his own account in some Bankers house, by M r Chalmer. Of this, M r Reid paid 200 to one Fox 2 & others in Canterbury which Fox has accounted f o r . Kent paid nothing of Canterbury expenses, only London & the carriages taking voters down & up. So that I always expected back a considerable ballance: but the sooner it is settled the better.—• M a y I also beg you to speak to M r Baldwin about the information he got f r o m one W m E p p s at Canterbury ( M r Beckfords agent) 3 of their being able to prove bribery against my opponents: & concert if tis worth enquiring into. M r Reid wrote to me that M r Baldwin had spoke to him about it. I trust you will excuse the trouble I am thus putting you to. Yours very Sincerely DAER

I wrote to M r Kent that I had got a letter f r o m one in London by which it appeared that some of our people there were not yet satisfied. T h a t should be done properly. But warn him to take care that whilst we are seeking f o r proofs of bribery against my opponents; nothing is done which can be interpreted as bribery against me. M r W Adam NOTES

i . Edward Kent, of Gerard Street (in 1788) and Henrietta Street (by 1792), Westminster. In September, 1790, it was reported by Charles Hyndes, whose already pregnant wife Kent had

222

4 OCTOBER

[l790]

LORD ROBERT SPENCER TO WILLIAM

ADAM

allegedly seduced and run off with, that K e n t " w a s formerly in the Coal T r a d e , but broke." H e had joined the W h i g Club at its founding on 13 M a y 1784 and was probably active in supporting F o x during the Westminster election of that year. D u r i n g the byeelection of 1788, in which he was an agent of Lord John T o w n shend, he seems to have been in charge of the accounts and expenditures of the Select Committee of which M o r r e l l was secretary and which met at Ireland's in B o w Street. T h i s committee was responsible for detecting and exposing in the public prints any irregularities, illegalities, or particularly any violent practises among the supporters of Hood. It may also have had charge of the W h i g gangs. D u r i n g the general election of 1790 he was Daer's agent at Canterbury and seems to have run assorted errands for the party in the south of England. In 1793, when A d a m was winding up the finances of the party, he paid K e n t £200 " f o r services at various times he never having received any thing." Whig Club, 1788 and 1792 eds. Charles Hyndes to W i l l i a m A d a m , 27 September 1790, Blair A d a m M S S . The Times, J u l y - A u g u s t , 1788, passim. W i l liam A d a m to Lord Fitzwilliam, 19 September, 31 October 1793, Milton M S S . 2. Samuel Fox, a freeman of Canterbury, was a woollen draper and mercer (Universal British Directory, II, 5 0 5 ) . 3. A W i l l i a m Epps of Canterbury had joined the W h i g Club on 10 November 1789 ( W h i g Club, 1792 ed.). H e was a grocer by profession (Universal British Directory II, 505). W h i c h Beckford is not clear; but Richard Beckford stood a poll at Leominster in 1790 on the D u k e of Norfolk's interest. H e ran third on the poll but was seated by petition to the House of Commons on 28 M a r c h 1791 (Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ; Official Returns).

Lord Robert Spencer to William Adam 4 October [1790] W i l l m A d a m Esqr / Richmond Park / Surrey Address: Postmarked: T H E T F O R D and O C 5 90 Endorsed: Lord Robert Spencer / T h e t f o r d 4 Octr 1790. / Westmr Subscr / refunding i t —

223

LORD ROBERT SPENCER TO WILLIAM ADAM

4 OCTOBER

[1790]

Thetford Octr fourth Dear Adam, I f you can be absolutely certain of paying the whole in N o v r ; I see no g r e a t objection to your d e f e r r i n g it till that time. Y o u are only to consider that H e r c y & Birch 1 are considerably overdrawn, but I dont believe they mind that much if you make them some excuse f o r not paying the money immediately. I shall probably see you in the course of a fortnight & we will then talk over the other arrangements you mention. I do not quite despair yet of getting the debts paid, but the prospect is not so g o o d as when I w r o t e to you last. I am yours M o s t sincerely R

SPENCER

NOTE

i . H e r c y , Birch, Chambers, and H o b b s w a s a banking house in N e w Bond Street.

EPILOGUE

O n 25 O c t o b e r 1790 Portland w r o t e A d a m f r o m W e l b e c k ( B l a i r A d a m M S S ) : " T o say the truth I do not perfectly understand the state of the account Y o u sent me in Y o u r s of the 1 7 t h : but this I am clear of, that if the balance is to be employed it had best be applied to the demands of H . & B . but if nothing presses I should rather wish it to remain in Y o u r hands till w e meet." L o r d Robert Spencer w r o t e again f r o m M i l t o n on 18 N o v e m b e r 1790 ( B l a i r A d a m M S S ) : " A l t h o u g h I see no w a y at present of our paying our debts I think it w o u l d be a good thing, if you w o u l d just look over your papers & memorandums before the meeting of Parliament for the purpose of ascertaining the exact sum that is wanted."

224

5 OCTOBER

D U K E OF P O R T L A N D TO W I L L I A M

179O

ADAM

Duke of Portland to William Adam 5 October 1790 Endorsed:

D of P. W e l b e c k / 5th Octr 1 7 9 0 / R d 9th Octr

WelbeckTuesday Even: 5 Octr: 1 7 9 0 — M y Dear Adam I should not have beleived it possible that C a p t n : B could have met with such a disappointment had I not learnt it f r o m Y o u , or some equally g o o d a u t h o r i t y — I have already written to L u s h i n g t o n 1 in the strongest terms in which I was able to express myself, & dare say if the case is remediable, that immediate redress will be obt a i n e d — I agree intirely in opinion with Y o u , because I never saw any thing in that quarter that was not straight f o r w a r d & direct, & I am persuaded that the reason assigned f o r withholding the signature w a s the real one & had made that impression upon his mind which he represented, though I do not see the force or the prudence of it myself. I will write to H i m whenever Y o u think it necessary, but perhaps till it shall be so it may be as well to d e f e r it. 2 W e must not expect to get rid of the people one of w h o m Y o u met & the other Y o u heard of till we can shew them to be unnecessary as well as prejudicial & there is but one effectual means of bringing that to bear. I now very much regret Coutts's 3 absence. I t is a g r e a t loss, I am sure, at this moment, & will, I f e a r , be felt in the remainder of this transaction. 4 I wish with all my heart that the application f o r our friend Sir W . C . 5 had been made directly & immediately, & yet I could not have advised that or any other to be made f r o m the quarter f r o m whence my wishes would in this instance lead me to be225

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO W I L L I A M ADAM

5 OCTOBER

179O

lieve it most effectual. But I am generally an enemy to all applications f r o m that quarter to any person of any description save one, & there I should not have the least objection to his applying d a i l y — I shall be very happy to hear that all Y o u r anxiety f o r Y o u r Son is at an end by his being sent back to the C h a r t e r H o u s e . sincerely Y o u r ' s ever P P r a y forget to send the P. 6 the proposal. I am sure he will not remember it. [the following is added verso by Portland:]

I don't know w h a t to think of Sedley he has been asking M i c h l A n g e l o 7 if he would give FIVE. & I don't understand that he has any consideration even to offer f o r it. I have just got a L e t t e r f r o m M a c b r i d e , he is ordered f o r foreign service, though H i s Ship is very foul & has not been in dock f o r these 3 y e a r s — H e has sent f o r his L a w A g e n t to Portsmouth. NOTES

1. Undoubtedly Stephen Lushington, w h o was currently a director of the East India Company. 2. T h e subject to this point seems to concern East India Company patronage. 3. T h o m a s Coutts ( 1 7 3 5 - 1 8 2 2 ) , the banker, who with A d a m was a trustee of the D u k e of Y o r k . 4. T h i s portion of the letter relates to the loan for the royal princes. 5. Sir W i l l i a m Cunynghame. 6. Prince of W a l e s . 7. Michael Angelo T a y l o r .

226

30.

OCT.

1790

SIR C. BAMPFYLDE TO D U K E OF PORTLAND

D. Sedley to William Adam [11 October 1790] Endorsed:

Address: W m . A d a m Esqr. Sedley. Lisson G r e e n / n t h Octr 1790

Sir O n Saturday last I was f a v o u r e d with a L e t t e r f r o m Sir T h o m a s Dundas, who desired me to wait on you, and to shew Y o u his L e t t e r , but as I have not been fortunate enough to find you at H o m e , if you will f a v o u r me with a Line by the Penny Post, and say when I shall wait on you, I shall avail myself the pleasure of doing so. I am Sir Your most Obedient and most H u m b l e Servant D

SEDLEY

Lisson Green M o n d a y morning Should you happen to come to T o w n to D a y , and write to me there, I shall not receive your f a v o u r untill to m o r r o w N i g h t , but if you will send a porter to our Counting H o u s e any time b e f o r e 4 O C l o c k to D a y , to N 2 7 — N i c h o l a s L a n e L o m b a r d Street, directed to me only, I shall receive it, and wait on you when you please.

Sir Charles Bampfylde to Duke of Portland—30 October 1790 Endorsed

by Portland:

30 Octr: 1 7 9 0 / S i r C h a s : Bampfylde Bt: /Rn 2 N o v r :

227

SIR C. BAMPFYLDE TO D U K E OF PORTLAND

T h e following Portland dated the postscript : possible to hold

3 0 OCT.

179O

was forwarded to A d a m enclosed in a note from Welbeck, 2 November 1790, which concluded with " I have just received the inclosed, w h a t hope is it out to him ?"

L o n d o n 30th. October 1 7 9 0 M y Lord, M y embarrassments of which I apprehend Y o u r G r a c e may be in part apprized, have imposed upon me a most m o r t i f y i n g and painful seclusion f r o m all society; and being thoroughly conscious that in Y o u r Grace's feelings I shall find a ready apology f o r the liberty I am about to take, I have the less repugnance in troubling you, with an unreserved statement of my very humiliating situation; a situation replete with every possible present inconvenience, and painful privation, and w h a t is perhaps more formidable, with the greatest prospective danger of my personal liberty; even to the extent of my l i f e — I t most unfortunately occurs that the nature of the greater part of the pecuniary demands upon me would render a retreat to the Continent as insecure as my remaining in this Country, where it is impossible to hope the most cautious privacy can avail me to a much longer period— H a d I the alternative of living abroad however contrary to my wishes, I should p r e f e r all the inconveniences of Exile, to the subjecting Y o u r Grace, to the smallest trouble on my account, and if I have presumed too f a r I trust it will be remembered, as some excuse f o r my having intruded myself upon your Notice, that this address is dictated, by the terrors of perpetual imprisonment, which, perhaps it may be in Y o u r Grace's power to a v e r t — A s I have no doubt Y o u r G r a c e is informed, a Petition is ready to be p r o f e r e d by the Electors of Exeter, and if I can rely on the assurances of my Council, and those ac-

228

3 0 . OCT. 1 7 9 0

SIR C. B A M P F Y L D E TO D U K E OF PORTLAND

quainted with the Demerits of M r . Barings 1 return, the Event must necessarily make H i s Election v o i d — I have every reason to assure myself that Ministry will not venture a second Contest, and if they should, as I shall be able to meet it with much greater Energy, & a very large super addition of support, that I could not command at the last hard fought one, I am little less than certain that it would not be unsuccessfull— I am aware, that there are not very many double returns, in the returned list, but aided as I am by the protection, & good wishes of the Prince of Wales, to which I am sure I may add those of Y o u r Grace, and M r . Fox, I have ventured to entertain a hope, that, some Gentleman devoted to you individualy, or to the party in general, might be induced by Y o u r obliging intercession, to make a sacrifice of H i s seat, till the depending petition, in which I am so deeply interested, shall be decided— Whether any person attached to the party & Y o u r Grace, whose being in Parliament a year sooner or later was no very material objection to it, or Himself would not render it more essential service by such relinquishment, than in the holding of H i s Seat, is not a question f o r me to determine, but I cannot help suggesting, that the chance of the Petitions succeeding will be essentially diminished, by my not being able to attend its operation— I will not now take up more of Y o u r Grace's time, than to entreat, that when you reflect upon my situation, you will bear in mind, that mine is not a case of common convenience, but that the Alternative to my obtaining what I have now presumed to sollicit, is total and immediate ruin with respect to my self, & the consequent loss to the party, of the feeble support, yet strenuous and consistent attachment it has derived f r o m me, through the whole course of my Parliamentary l i f e — 2

229

DONALD MACLEOD TO WILLIAM ADAM

I O DECEMBER

179O

I have the honor to be, with the greatest Respect & Regard, M y L o r d , Your Grace's most devoted & most Obedient humble Servant CHAS. BAMPFYLDE

PS: M i g h t I trouble Y o u r Grace to address any answer you might do me the honor to send to this Letter, under cover to Messrs. Grahams, Lincolns Inn. NOTES

1. John Baring ( 1 7 3 0 - 1 8 1 6 ) , M . P . Exeter 1776-1802, a Pittite in the Parliament of 1784. T h e poll at Exeter concluded with James Buller 1106, Baring 588, Bampfylde 550 (Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 1 3 6 ) . Bampfylde lost his petition. 2. In the Parliament of 1784 Bampfylde had voted with the party against Pitt's Irish propositions, Richmond's fortifications plan, and on the Regency questions—a good record.

Donald Macleod of Geanies to William Adam—IO December 1790 M y Dear Sir I did myself the favour of Writing you on the 14th. Octr. last now near two Months A g o , & have not Since had the Pleasure of hearing from y o u — I hope there was nothing in my Letter Improper or any Circumstance Suggested that could Incur your Displeasure, or even Disapprobation; Even if there had your Representing the Impropriety would have more readily brought about a Correction, than Silence.—But I am perfectly Inconscious of any Intention either to A c t W r o n g or give offence—I know well your Engagements & Avocations 230

IO DECEMBER

179O

DONALD MACLEOD TO WILLIAM

ADAM

are great, & I have some fears that bad health may have had some Share of your time—But I do not Expect or look for a frequent Correspondence, nor will I give you the trouble of it on my Part, there were however two or three Circumstances in my last Letter that I had reason to Expect an Answer to; T h e Enquiry respecting A Proper Academy for my two Boys which you was so obliging as [to] Undertake when h e r e — T h e Reminding M r Elphinston to obtain the Appointment to India f o r M r Gordon, A n d your opinion on the Occurrences in the Tain Politicks. W i t h respect to the latter I am going on with my Complaint before the Court of Session, & have assurance from my Counsel of Success — I t will however be a hard Case indeed, if by my Exertions in that Cause I forfeit the friendship & good W i l l of some of my Country Neighbours, make myself Obnoxious to Sir Chas. Ross & his Supporters; & Receive neither Countenance Advice or Support from those for whom I am fighting this B a t t l e — I shall however persevere untill I have the Decision of that Court; further I shall not S a y — A s I wish to send the Commodore to Sea this Spring, & as there is to be no W a r I wish to put him in to T h e India Service, I have used the freedom to W r i t e a few Lines to M r . Elphinston on the Subject, Requesting his Advice how he ought to be Placed & his Assistance to get him out with Some Acquaintance, which I here inclose, & you may deliver or not as you think my Request Proper or otherwise—With Best Respects to M r s A d a m & your Young Family I remain with great Regard M y Dear Sir Yours faithfully DOND M ' L E O D

Geanies ioth. Deer. 1790 M r Adam 231

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO W I L L I A M ADAM

[ 2 0 DECEMBER

1790]

William Adam to Donald Macleod of Geanies—\_post 10 December 1790] Endorsed: Copy t o / G e a n i e s — / D e e r 1790 This is a copy in Adam's hand. It is clearly in reply to the previous letter.

Our idea is that at so long a period before any use could be made of the interest with the various chances of change of circumstances by deaths and otherwise it would be idle to make the advance—and I cannot disagrea f r o m any p a r t of the Determination. And W h a t has occured as the best determination to take is f o r you to have the complaint made in the Court of Session and According to the turn which it takes there we can decide what more can be done. T o the extent of the expence of the Suit in the Court of Session there is no difficulty in finding the M e a n ' s as it cannot be very considerable and According to what appear's there it can, or not, be decided to go f a r t h e r . Because if the L a w should prove to be Against us there would be no use in persisting upon any other ground than that of regaining the Council by Canvass— T h i s plan if you approve may be immediatly executed, and I will write to H Erskine and W i g h t who as a P a r t y concerned will do the L a w business W i t h o u t Fees—

Duke of Portland to William Adam [20 December 1790] Address: T o / William A d a m Esqre / House of Commons Endorsed: D of P. / & T r o w a r d / Deer 20th / 1790

Dear Adam I think You had better not move the writ f o r Petersfield without speaking again to Joliffe & if moved on 232

IO SEPT. 1791

DUKE OF PORTLAND TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

Wednesday it will answer all the purposes of its being moved t o d a y — T r o w a r d or Tierney is unintelligible for if Tierney has paid between 7 & 8ooo£ as he told me he had for Colchester T r o w a r d must surely be paid in f u l l — 1 1 hope Y o u are now quite well. Your's ever P [added verso by Portland:]

Y o u may keep Sir W m till after Wednesday by Fox's saying one word to Him. NOTE

i . O n 3 October 1806 ( G r e y M S S , University of D u r h a m ) Richard T r o w a r d , who had been Tierney's solicitor for the Colchester committee in 1788—1789, wrote Charles Grey, then L o r d Howick, that his "exertions before a six weeks com[mitt]ee with 20 witnesses in town procured M r . Tierney the seat, & that the whole expense was paid by me as solicitor to the great leaders then forming the heads of the party." T r o w a r d , without strict justice, appealed to H o w i c k as "head of the party on whose account the debt was incurred" ( F o x then being dead). H e placed the total expense at £3400, of which he claimed he had received only £1000 "through M r . T i e r n e y . " Grey's reply is not extant, and there is no evidence that T r o w a r d was ever further reimbursed. A t the general election George Jackson, the Government candidate whom Tierney had unseated in 1789, was again returned for Colchester. Tierney did not return to the House until 1796.

Duke of Portland to William Adam IO September 1791 Welbeck Saturday E v e n : 10 Septr: 1791 M y Dear Adam W h e n I come to town which will probably be some time in the course of November I will take care to satisfy 233

DUKE

OF P O R T L A N D TO W I L L I A M

ADAM

IO SEPT.

1791

Halliday, though I must confess he has not satisfied me, & by this information I hope Y o u will be able to quiet M o r land & to procure at least a suspense f r o m his vexation— With respect to L d R o b t : 1 I can not but think there must be some misunderstanding, & yet considering his accuracy & great correctness I can not but suspect my own memory, & even my account Book. I find there that on the 19th October 1 7 8 9 I gave You an order on Child & C o : f o r £ 2 0 0 on the account on which he says he is in advance f o r me, & on the 1 5 t h February 90 I also find that I gave him an order on Child & C o to Bearer f o r the like sum on the like account. A s f o r my other £ 5 0 due on this years account Y o u shall have it whenever Y o u please & I would advise Y o u to apply to L d Frederick 2 who is returned to Twickenham P a r k f o r the subscriptions of the two Georges 3 to whom I understood him to have spoken but L d J o h n 4 is so unsatisfied with the conduct of the N e w s Writers that L d F . 5 tells me he will not continue his subscription any longer & will not give his money to propagate opinions which are not only not consonant to those he professes but highly injurious to that P a r t y of which H e is a Member & very pernicious to the Community at l a r g e - W h a t the D of C. e has told Y o u & particularly the latter part of it surprizes me very much, though indeed I ought to be ashamed of being surprized at any thing of that sort that originates or happens at C . H . 7 but I think it very necessary that L d M . 8 should be informed of it & I shall write to him by this nights post f o r reasons which I will communicate to Y o u when W e m e e t — I can not fancy Parliament will meet till a f t e r Christmas notwithstanding R - s intelligence. W h a t is the reason of the Weymouth expedition? 9 T h e D s s : is much obliged by the good accounts of H e r Godson & begs M r s . A d a m ' s acceptance of H e r best wishes f o r them both. Y o u r ' s ever P 234

IO SEPT.

1791

D U K E OF PORTLAND TO WILLIAM

ADAM

I should very much like to see the D of Y - s 1 0 L e t t e r to Y o u & Coutts. I return Y o u M o r l a n d s & send Y o u one of Geo : Reids for your amusement & observation—

NOTES

1. Lord Robert Spencer. 2. Lord Frederick Cavendish. 3. Lord George Augustus Cavendish ( ? 1 7 2 7 - 1 7 9 4 ) , 2nd son of William, 3rd Duke of Devonshire and brother of Lords Frederick and John Cavendish; M . P . Weymouth and Melcombe Regis 1 7 5 1 - 1 7 5 4 , Derbyshire 1 7 5 4 - 1 7 8 0 and 1 7 8 1 - 1 7 9 4 . Lord George Augustus Henry Cavendish (1754—1834), 3rd son of William, 4th Duke of Devonshire, and brother of the 5th Duke; M . P . Knaresborough 1 7 7 5 - 1 7 8 0 , Derby 1780-1796, Derbyshire 1 7 9 7 - 1 8 3 1 . Lords Frederick, G.A., G . A . H., and John Cavendish each subscribed £ 5 0 annually to the party's general fund. The Dukes of Portland and Devonshire, Lord Fitzwilliam, and Lord Robert Spencer each contributed £200, while Lord Derby's subscription was £ 1 0 0 (William Adam to Lord Fitzwilliam, 4 July 1793, Milton M S S ) . 4. Lord John Cavendish ( 1 7 3 2 - 1 7 9 6 ) , 4th son of William, 3rd Duke of Devonshire. M . P . Weymouth and Melcombe Regis 1754-1761, Knaresborough 1761-1768, York 1768-1784, Derbyshire 1794-1796. Lord John, and not the 5th Duke, was the political leader of the Cavendish family. He had been a lord of the Treasury under the first Rockingham ministry and Chancellor of the Exchequer under the second Rockingham and Coalition governments. 5. Lord Fitzwilliam. 6. Duke of Clarence. 7. Carlton House, residence of the Prince of Wales. 8. Probably Lord Malmesbury, who was enroute to Berlin to attend the marriage of the Duke of York and the daughter of the King of Prussia. He had been secretly commissioned by the Prince of Wales to negotiate a loan with the King of Prussia. See Aspinall, ed., Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales 1770-1812, II, passim. 9. T h e king had gone to Weymouth at the beginning of September. Following the Regency Crisis the Opposition was continually watching for signs of a break in the king's health. 10. Duke of York. 235

RICHARD P E R R Y M A N TO W I L L I A M ADAM

2 NOVEMBER

1791

Richard Perryman to William Adam 2 November 1791 Address:

W i l l i a m A d a m Esqr. M . P . — / Lincolns Inn F i e l d s - / London—

Tregony Novr. 2nd 1791 Dear Sir I have made Free to trouble you with this Letter concerning the Borough of Tregony in the late Election as I am the only Person and manager of the whole Business in your behalf. I find there have been many persons applying to you and M r . Carpenter for Cash. I much wonder at such large expences as I have taken all the Trouble and all my expences I never received one Farthing for it the Cash M r . Carpenter put in my hands for this Business I returned to him again to Farthing which I hope you already know to be true. If some Persons had not interfered I would warrant the plan to succeed as I had carryed on the same plan for a great while with Doctor Mein of Fowey and attempt several Boroughs besides this all to my own expences. I wrote many Letters to M r . Carpenter touching the poor Men and Myself to have something for them as he promised there should be a sum of money Distributed amongst them they have not received a Farthing to this Day nor myself. I spoke with M r . Carpenter in Cornwall about Myself and they poor Men he told me the Gentlemen had not settled their Business as yet but will be soon done, I desired Carpenter to lay my Letter before you which I sent him as he promised me it should be done. I held a small sinecure under the Prince of Wales of Twenty pounds a Year and it is kept back from being paid me by whom I know not. N o Man can't be served so ill as I am for doing all this for the party, only the whole Business to Sir John 236

14

NOVEMBER

1791

JOHN

R. COCKER

TO T H O M A S

LOWTEN

M o r s h e a d and then you will be to a certainty of the whole affair. Please to shew this Letter to M r . Carpenter and see if he have any thing to say against it or to Sir John Morshead. Y o u r Answer D e a r Sir will oblige Y o u r sincere Friend & humble Servant RICHARD PERRYMAN

John Robert Cocker to Thomas Lowten 14 November 1791 Address:

Tho9. Lowten Esqr. / Temple

Nassau Street 1 4 November 1 7 9 1 D e a r Sir I have used my utmost endeavors to make out another Account respecting my Concerns in the Election of L o r d J o h n Towshend, but finding it utterly impossible to do so with any tolerable degree of accuracy I waited in expectation of the arrival in T o w n of Sir T h o m a s Dundas when I hoped that the Accounts so long since delivered by me to L o r d Robert Spencer (and which I understood after being laid by H i s Lordship before the Gentlemen who met at Sir T h o m a s Dundas's in the beginning of last Y e a r had been allowed by them and a provision agreed to be made f o r the ballance) might probably be found amongst the other papers then submitted to the Consideration of those Gentlemen. A s H i s Lordship lately objected to the payments of fifty pounds and twenty five pounds which were made to M r . Reid Junr. by desire of M r . Sheridan and charged to the Club at Beckets 1 — I concluded that the same objection would be made to the three hundred pounds paid to M r . Reid Senr. and charged in the Election Account—I 237

JOHN

R. COCKER TO T H O M A S L O W T E N

1 4 NOVEMBER

I79I

have therefore claimed (but not received) that 3 0 o £ and the 5 o £ and 2 $ £ f r o m M r . Sheridan and the amount must therefore be deducted f r o m my Account. I think it necessary to observe that when I sold out the two thousand pounds Stock to enable me to defray the Expence of defending L o r d J o h n Townshends Petition I acquainted L o r d Robert Spencer with the Circumstance who then informed me that the Interest should be Repaid m e — O n this Account I have paid f o r two Y e a r s Dividends the Sum of one hundred and twenty pounds besides the difference of one hundred fifty eight pounds two Shillings and six pence which I also paid on replacing the S t o c k — A f t e r I have been encouraged to expect that I shall not be a loser by this transaction I am convinced (if H i s Lordships M e m o r y still serves him) he will not now make an objection to these C h a r g e s — I f however H i s Lordship insists on a deduction of the £ 1 2 0 . Dividends and the £ 1 5 8 . 2 . 6 L o s s on replacing the Stock besides the £ 8 2 . 1 0 . 9 paid to Messrs. Hercy f o r Interest the 3 0 0 £ to M r . Reid Senr. and the £ 7 5 to M r . Reid J u n r . my situation compels me to submit to H i s Lordships decision although each of those Sums were actually paid by me, and in that Case which I cannot consider otherwise than as extremely hard the ballance due to me will be reduced f r o m twelve hundred eighty eight pounds and three pence to five hundred fifty two Pounds and Seven Shillings. T h e L o s s I shall sustain on this Account if M y Claim is so settled will be nearly double the Sum which I received f o r the labour of eleven Months during the Westminster Election and Scrutiny in the Y e a r 1 7 8 4 independent of the delay which may happen in obtaining the 3 7 5 £ f r o m M r . Sheridan. I am D e a r Sir Y o u r most obedient Servant JNO

Thos. Lowten E s q r 238

ROBT.

COCKER

1 9 APRIL

1792

WILLIAM FROGATT TO WILLIAM

ADAM

NOTE

i . For a number of years the party had been in possession of apartments above the shop of Thomas Becket, a bookseller in Pall M a l l patronized by the Prince of Wales. The rental of the apartments and the expense of furnishing them with such items as stationery and newspapers were defrayed from the party's annual subscription. The apartments were employed as a club or headquarters where the party's men of business might meet and work, over a glass of claret. It was in these apartments that the famous Rolliad seems to have been written in 1785; and, in addition to being a center for political writing of all kinds, they appear in this letter to have been an organizational center during Westminster elections. A Samuel Massingham was continuously attached to the club as a messenger. The party paid him one guinea a week (a total of £138.12.0) for his "attendance" at Becket's from 9 November 1788 (the outset of the Regency Crisis) to 22 M a y 1791, and by June, 1791, he also billed the party ¿36.1.2 for "Moneys Disbursted at Different times at M r . Becketts." T . Becket to W i l liam Adam, 29 August 1789; S. Massingham to William Adam, 11 June 1791, Blair Adam M S S . See W . Sichel, Sheridan (London, 1909), I, 454-455 ; II, 87-93-

William Frogatt to William Adam 1 9 April

1792

Dear Sir: If Y o u will Indulge me with an Account of what Y o u paid for the Seaford Writ—I will Introduce it into my Bill— I have the honor to be Dear Sir Yours most obediently W M FROGATT

Castle Street 19th April 92 239

U N K N O W N TO [WILLIAM

ADAM?]

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

I790]

Duke of Portland to William Adam [early

1790?]

Address: T o / W i l l i a m A d a m Esqre Endorsed: D of P d — / T a u n t o n T h i s letter w a s found among a bundle of Portland's letters to A d a m of 1790.

As far as one I will take upon myself to answer unconditionally except with regard to H—s 1 engaging positively to Us. Your's ever P Friday one o'clock

if more is required I must write to Ld F. & I like the two in my way for M. 2 & L. 3 better than one unconditionally— [a line is drawn through the first ten letters of the last word] NOTES

1. John Halliday of Taunton. 2. Milborne Port? 3. Lymington?

Unknown to [William Adam?] [ 1 7 8 9 or 1 7 9 0 ] Endorsed by Adam: Bootle & C r e w e T h e final portion and cover of this letter has been lost. It w a s found among a bundle of A d a m ' s correspondence and papers concerning the general election of 1790.

240

[1789

OR

I790]

UNKNOWN

TO

[WILLIAM

ADAM?]

" T h e G r o s v e n o r family, seated at E a t o n H a l l , f o u r miles f r o m Chester, had considerable influence in the c o r p o r a t i o n ; and their record of parliamentary service to the borough w a s almost u n i q u e : between 1 7 1 5 and 1 8 7 4 they held one seat w i t h o u t a break, and for 42 o u t of these 1 5 9 years both seats" ( H of P). T h o m a s G r o s v e n o r ( 1 7 3 4 - 1 7 9 5 ) , brother of R i c h a r d , 1st E a r l G r o s v e n o r ( 1 7 3 1 - 1 8 0 2 ) , h a d represented the borough since 1 7 5 5 , as had Richard W i l b r a h a m Bootle ( 1 7 2 5 - 1 7 9 6 ) , of R o d e H a l l , Cheshire, since 1 7 6 1 . B o t h w e r e independent supporters of P i t t in the P a r l i a m e n t of 1784. T h e r e had l o n g been an independent party in Chester, but it had rarely contested the G r o s v e n o r interest. I t did so in 1784, h o w e v e r , w h e n it unsuccessfully put f o r w a r d as its candidate J o h n C r e w e , probably the only son of J o h n C r e w e ( 1 7 4 2 - 1 8 2 9 ) , of C r e w e H a l l , Cheshire, member f o r the county 1 7 6 8 - 1 8 0 2 and close friend of F o x . In 1 7 9 0 the elder T h o m a s G r o s v e n o r w a s again returned. W i l b r a h a m Bootle retired f r o m P a r l i a m e n t , and R o b e r t G r o s v e n o r ( 1 7 6 7 - 1 8 4 5 ) , styled V i s c o u n t B e l g r a v e , eldest s u r v i v i n g son of L o r d G r o s v e n o r , w a s returned for his seat. T h e y o u n g e r T h o m a s G r o s v e n o r ( 1 7 6 4 - 1 8 5 1 ) , third son of the elder T h o m a s , did not sit f o r Chester until the death of his father in 1 7 9 5 .

D e a r Sir I now sit down to answer, in as particular a manner as I am able your enquiry concerning the state of politics in this City & with w h a t probability a stand might be made on behalf of the Whig-interest at the approaching Elect i o n — I shall first state w h a t I apprehend to be the difficulties in the w a y o f an opposition, and then the circumstances which may seem to encourage such an attempt. In r e g a r d to your general question whether L o r d G . intends to exert his interest f o r returning both members, there is not the smallest particle of doubt on that h e a d Indeed the papers I have just sent you will afford abundant p r o o f that the Corporation, at his L o r d s h i p ' s instance no doubt, mean to maintain their ground to the last. A t the general Election in 1784 there were about 1200 241

UNKNOWN

TO

[WILLIAM

ADAM?]

[1789

OR

I790]

f r e e m e n of w h o m 6 2 6 v o t e d f o r M r B o o t l e & 4 2 0 f o r M r C r e w e s e v e r a l votes w e r e divided between M r G r o s v e n o r & M r C r e w but scarcely any between M r B o o t l e & M r C r e w e — T h e f o r m e r m a y t h e r e f o r e be l e f t out of the question & the latter be deemed to g i v e the true state of the strength of each p a r t y . Y o u can not be unacquainted with the nature of Corporation-influence which goes (with the exception of a v e r y f e w individuals of the B o d y ) in f a v o u r of the G r o s v e n o r f a m i l y ; & their long possession of the representation & their repeated triumphs o v e r an hitherto ill-conducted opposition are circumstances which of themselves give additional strength to their cause. Besides these they h a d the g o o d f o r t u n e a f e w y e a r s a g o to get a lease f r o m the C r o w n of s e v e r a l tenements in the C i t y which they let at v e r y l o w rents & since the last election h a v e taken care that they shall be in the hands of f r e e m e n only. T h e C o r p o r a t i o n also immediately a f t e r the election created a considerable number of h o n o r a r y f r e e m e n , of such as they thought attached to their interest so that it must be confessed they h a v e apparently an accession of strength since the last contest. T h e arguments they u r g e d in opposition to us ( & it must be owned there w a s some w e i g h t in t h e m ) w e r e the imp r o p r i e t y of turning out an old member & a man of respectable character, f o r such M r B o o t l e certainly is to m a k e r o o m f o r one whose principles w e r e unknown & w h o f r o m his relationship to M r C r e w e of C r e w e might be suspected of f a v o u r i n g M r F o x against w h o m you must remember there w a s at that time an almost univ e r s a l o u t c r y — I must also tell you candidly that if an opposition w e r e now attempted, no dependence ought to be placed on receiving pecuniary assistance f r o m the inhabitants. W h a t they did at the election & h a v e since done in support of the Q u o W a r r a n t o cause has run pretty f a r into their spare C a s h — & you must observe that this is a place of v e r y little t r a d e & consequently moneyed people 242

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

I790]

UNKNOWN TO [WILLIAM ADAM?]

among us are v e r y r a r e — o r if there be any of that description they are mostly such as would as soon p a r t with an ounce of their blood as a single guinea in a cause to which they might wish never so w e l l — L e t me n o w give you the per contra state of the A c c o u n t — T h e Election of M e m b e r s is, by a vote of the house in 1 7 4 7 confined to resident freemen only so that the charge of bringing voters f r o m a g r e a t distance is entirely a v o i d e d — Y e t notwithstanding this material narrowing of the ground of contest the successful party obtained their m a j o r i t y at the last election at no less a charge than 24,ooo£ while the expense on the side of the opposition did not much exceed 5000, of which it was a f t e r w a r d s found much might have been spared. O f the 24,OOO£ above mentioned there is still remaining full 5000 unpaid to different persons chiefly Innkeepers to the number of 50 or 60 w h o were all obliged to give receipts in full f o r the composition paid them, so that in all probability the G r o s v e n o r family would have to discharge all o r the greatest part of these arrears or lose the votes, & probably the interest which would be considerable, o f the persons to w h o m they are d u e — M r C r e w e ' s friends lost many votes even by their honourable proceedings upon the c a n v a s — Being avowedly the friends of liberty it would have been inconsistent in them to use any methods but those of f a i r p e r s u a s i o n — But no sooner was ground broke by the other side but threats & promises were dealt about without reserve, & if we may judge by the magnitude of the sum expended other measures still more exceptionable w e r e resorted to in no common degree, so that I do not think popularity has much weight in their scale, & I believe many would have voted against them had it not been f o r the f e a r of oppression. I think their influence in these matters as well as in the King's tenements might receive a h e a v y blow, if previous to an election i o o o £ were deposited in the hands of a banker with 243

U N K N O W N TO [ W I L L I A M

ADAM?]

[1789

OR

I790]

a public & general intimation that out of that fund redress should be afforded to any person who could bring sufficient proof of his having been oppressed for giving his vote according to his conscience. From popular argument (so f a r as that would go) opposition would have every thing to hope. The plea of attachment to old Members would be urged with very little propriety if, as I am informed, M r Grosvenor & M r Bootle retire to make room for Lord Belgrave & M r Thos. Grosvenor— Perhaps M r Grosvenors withdrawing may depend upon the circumstance whether there be a contest or not, but of M r Bootle's there is no reason to doubt. The transactions developed in the course of the cause would give their opponents every handle against them that could be wished for, and I do believe would have weight with several independent men who voted with them last time merely from considerations of something like gratitude & respect to which it now appears they have not the least title & something might be expected from several freemen who did not vote at all in the last election & who may be supposed if their minds were unbiassed to join that party which appears to have most reason & justice on its side. As to the honorary freemen there is strong reason to doubt of their title to vote as I am informed by a Gentleman of the L a w on whom I can safely rely for a good opinion on the case. There are a few circumstances of a general nature which it may be proper to mention. The question concerning the residency of voters with other incidental enquiries protracts the election considerably the whole being a continued scrutiny—that in 1784 lasted 1 1 days & expences were incurred in opening houses of entertainment a week before it began—The Sheriffs are the officers

244

HARRIET BOUVERIE TO WILLIAM

[1790]

ADAM

John Coxe Hippisley to D u k e of Portland [1789 or 1790] Address: His Grace / the Duke of Portland Found in a bundle of A d a m ' s correspondence and papers relating to the general election of 1790.

M y Lord Duke I j u s t l e f t R a n s o m s B a n k in P a l l M a l l w h e r e M r . R o b ert F r a z e r (a B r o k e r at the H u n g e r f o r d Coffee H o u s e ) l e f t a N o t e intimating that H e h a d 4 Seats to dispose o f — 2 at £5000 each f o r 7 Sessions & r e e l e c t i o n s — 2 — a t 3 5 0 0 b u t c o n t e s t e d , & i f « « s u c c e s s f u l w h i c h was scarcely p r o b a b l e — a t a r i s q u e o f £ 5 0 0 o n l y . I am Y o u r Grace's very faithful J COXE H I P P E S L Y .

Harriet Fawkener Bouverie to William A d a m — [ 1 7 9 0 ] Endorsed:

M r s . Bouverie / about / Northampton / 1790.

E d w a r d Bouverie ( 1 7 3 8 - 1 8 1 0 ) , of Delapre Abbey, Northamptonshire, M . P. Salisbury 1 7 6 1 - 1 7 7 1 , Northampton 1790-1810. In 1764 Bouverie had married Harriet Fawkener, and both he and his w i f e were close social and political friends of Fox. Charles Compton ( 1 7 6 0 - 1 8 2 8 ) , styled L o r d Compton, eldest son of Spencer, 8th Earl of Northampton, was M . P . Northampton 1 7 8 4 1796. T h e Earls of Northampton had a dominant interest in Northampton and usually returned one member for the borough 245

MEMORANDUM BY CHARLES STUART

[ 1 7 8 9 OR 1 7 9 0 ]

during this period. T h e r e does not seem to have been a contest at Northampton in 1790. Williams has not been identified.

Dear Sir M r Bouverie desires me to say how much obliged to you he is for the trouble you have taken about Northampton, he thinks the best thing to be said to M r . Wms is, that you imagine from what you know of [the] Town of Northampton that a third Candidate would be to the full as troublesome to Ld Compton as to M r Bouverie, and that it would only be making a disturbance, without a chance of success, which I really believe is the true state of the case. I find the account I gave you this Morning of the four People M r Williams mentioned was a true one. I must once more thank you for the trouble you have had, am dear Sir Your Sincere Humble Servant H Bouverie Saturday Old Bur Street

Memorandum by Charles Stuart [1789 or 1790] Endorsed by the ivriter of the memorandum.: Mr Stuarts / Easy / and almost / Certain / Plan / For securing a strong / Party in / The New Parliament Endorsed by Adm. Sir Charles Adam: Papers relating to t h e / General Election / 1790 For information on Charles Stuart, who was a journalist and newspaper editor, see Aspinall, Politics and the Press, and W e r k meister, London Daily Press. It is not entirely clear whether Stuart's plan was implemented, but some correspondence from Stuart to A d a m published by Aspinall (pp. 4 4 7 - 4 4 8 ) , in which

246

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

I790]

MEMORANDUM BY CHARLES STUART

Stuart claims payment from the party of " £ 5 0 for the Excise business," gives some ground for believing that it was. Compare M u r r a y of Broughton's plan for regularly inserting columns in the country newspapers in the event of a Regency, also published by Aspinall (pp. 4 4 5 — 4 4 6 ) . Excise w a s a theme much played upon in the Westminster bye-election of 1 7 8 8 ; and the Opposition had recently made an attack upon the shop tax, for example, a cardinal point in their strategy against Pitt in the House. Perhaps an examination of local newspapers would reveal that excise was an issue in various constituencies during the general election of 1 7 9 0 , but there is no evidence of this fact in the private papers of the leaders and men of business of the party.

M r Stuart's Plan f o r an auspicious General Election. I t may be perceived that as the Period approaches, all schemes to operate generally upon the public mind, are likely to be absorbed in the partial attention of candidates, and While it is highly necessary to attend to particular canvassing, it is surely as necessary to embrace every plan that can bias the public mind. Of all schemes able to effect this, there are none equal to holding up the Minister's Intention of A General Excise. T h e most effectual method to make this answer, is, by having all the Public Bodies in Britain meet, to Declare, "that they will not support any Candidate, who will not solemnly affirm, that he will not give his vote to any measure of the Minister, until he has not only repealed the Tobacco Act, but until he and his partizans recant their destructive doctrine, by declaring, that they will on no pretence whatever introduce any more laws of Excise, and that they will support any feasible code that may be introduced, f o r softening the rigour of those now exist• _ >> mg. T o obtain such Meetings, and such Declarations, it 247

MEMORANDUM BY CHARLES

STUART

[1789

OR

I7go]

might in a great measure be accomplished in three weeks, by some such scheme as this: ( M r B e l l 1 is of this opinion.) Let there be Posting-bills, and Hand-bills printed, on which are M r Dundas's 2 Declaration, and underneath a Test to the Candidates similar to the above. L e t there be likewise three or four good caricatures done. L e t four persons be appointed to go with some thousands of each to the country. One all down the west to Exeter, Bristol, and from thence to Birmingham, Liverpool, Manchester and Leeds. Another to go the Midland, as f a r as York. A third to take the Norwich, Hull, Durham, and Newcastle route. A Fourth, Winchester, Southampton, Portsmouth, Chicester, Canterbury, Rochester, Chelmsford, Colchester, and Ipswich. M r Bell would furnish letters of introduction to the Tobacco manufacturers in all these places. A certain number of each to be left with every one to be properly distributed, and pasted up by him, but not till a day after the Courier leaves him. Besides this,—bold, good queries, &c. to be put in all the capital country papers, but not by the courier, but by the manufacturer, after the courier is gone, he leaving money with him for that purpose. These queries, &c. should be local, not general—For instance. For the Hereford paper, the Excise on Cyder. For the Gloster paper, the Excise on woolens in the loom —and so on—speaking home to the feelings of every county by the idea of excizing their staples. The tobacco-manuf. in all parts, after the courier left them, to call meetings themselves for the Test, or to influence for instance, the cloathiers in Glostershire, the 248

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

1790]

MEMORANDUM BY CHARLES STUART

cyder-makers in Herefordshire, to stand forth, with indignant declaratory Resolutions against Excise, and proposing a Test to their parliamentary candidates. In a few weeks, and this is M r Bell's opinion, by such a plan, numbers of public bodies would assemble, to Declare their abhorrence of Excise-laws, and to propose the Test to their candidates. Excise, besides, is so odious, that M r Pitt could not procure one body in the island to meet for counterdeclarations, unless Excisemen themselves ! The minds of the People being thus prepared—what a vast acquisition that would be, whenever the Dissolution happened? About T w o Hundred Pounds would effect all this mighty purpose, which might certainly be accomplished in a month ! Irish Test Mess. Ogilvie, Curran, 3 and F o r b e s 4 could carry a Test for Ireland, " T h a t each candidate solemnly should declare, " T h a t they would never support the introduction of any Excises, and that they would do every thing in their power to soften the rigour of those in existence. " T h a t they would vote for a Declaratory L a w , that extreme Bail was unconstitutional, and censuring the Judges for the excessive Bail, in the case of . " T h a t they would vote for a L a w to put Ireland on the footing of England, in respect to Members vacating their seats, on accepting any place, or pension. " T h a t they would not support the measures of any Minister, until he acceded to these terms, in the beginning of the New Parliament, as questions of Privilege to the People, before he entered on any other business." 249

MEMORANDUM

BY C H A R L E S

STUART

[1789

OR

I790]

T h e above gentlemen could get Dublin to declare, and the rest of the K i n g d o m would soon f o l l o w . M r S [ t u a r t ] at the time of the Propositions, 5 made every county, city, borough, and volunteer company in the kingdom meet in three weeks, and declare their abhorrence of them, as M e s s . Ogilvie, Forbes, &c. will know. Remarks. W i t h o u t some such plans as the above are immediately put in execution, that millstone, Excise, now about the Minister's neck, will be of little detriment to him at p r e s e n t ; — b u t , properly used, it certainly could be made to weigh him down, and pinion him. I f the popular mind be not rouzed b e f o r e the Dissolution, the odious hue and cry at the General Election will be of small avail. T h e N e w Parliament and his M a j o r i t y will appear bef o r e the popular indignation can in such a case take place. N o w is the t i m e ; — a n d with submission S. thinks not a moment ought to be lost, a f t e r the Repeal of the T o b . act is thrown out. T h e Dissolution cannot be put off longer than a twelvemonth; therefore the sooner the public mind is rouzed, the better, f o r a chance of a M a j o r i t y , or such a very strong minority as may shake ministry in the first sessions. NOTES

1. John Bell ( 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 3 1 ) , the printer and bookseller in the Strand, was a highly experienced publicist. See Aspinall, Politics and the Press, and Werkmeister, London Daily Press. 2. Henry Dundas. 3. John Philpot C u r r a n ( 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 1 7 ) , a leading Oppositionist in the Irish Parliament. 4. John Forbes (d. 1 7 9 7 ) , also an Oppositionist in the Irish Parliament. 5. Pitt's Irish commercial propositions of 1785.

250

[1789]

MEMORANDUM

Memorandum—[1789] Endorsed:

Friends who lose / their present seats & still / unprovided for— T h e memorandum and endorsement are in A d a m ' s hand.

T e n of the nineteen members listed below did not find seats during the Parliament of 1790. Some may not have seriously wished to do so, of course; that is, they may not have been willing to pay the price.

5

10

15 17

Anstruther John 1 Cooper Sir Grey 2 Cunnyngham Sir W . A . Cotsford E — 3 Downe L o r d 4 Ellis Rt Hon. W . 5 Francis P h — 6 Greville Hon. Chas 7 Lee John 8 Melbourn L d [added later] North G. A . O r d John 10 Osbaldiston G. 1 1 Nedham [added later] 12 Palmerston L o r d 13 Parker Sir P. 1 4 Scott T h o s 15 Spencer L o r d R t 1 6 Wrightson W m — 17

9

NOTES

i . Anstruther contested Pontefract and petitioned against the return (Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., II, 2 8 7 ) , both without success. H e was returned for Cockermouth while awaiting the outcome of the petition. 251

MEMORANDUM

[1789]

2. S i r T h o m a s D u n d a s required C o o p e r ' s seat at R i c h m o n d f o r his e l d e s t son, L a w r e n c e D u n d a s ( 1 7 6 6 - 1 8 3 9 ) , l a t e r 1st E a r l of Z e t l a n d . N o seat w a s f o u n d f o r C o o p e r at the g e n e r a l election a n d he n e v e r a g a i n sat in the H o u s e . 3. M i d h u r s t , f o r w h i c h C o t s f o r d sat in the P a r l i a m e n t of 1 7 8 4 , had been sold to L o r d E g r e m o n t in 1 7 8 7 f o r £ 4 0 , 0 0 0 , a n d a t t h e g e n e r a l election E g r e m o n t b r o u g h t in t w o f a m i l y members, P e r c y C h a r l e s W y n d h a m ( 1 7 5 7 - 1 8 3 3 ) , w h o had been o n e of " F o x ' s M a r t y r s " in 1 7 8 4 , a n d C h a r l e s W i l l i a m W y n d h a m (17601 8 2 8 ) , b o t h of w h o m s u p p o r t e d O p p o s i t i o n 1 7 9 1 - 1 7 9 2 . C o t s f o r d did n o t a g a i n sit in P a r l i a m e n t . 4. J o h n C h r i s t o p h e r B u r t o n D a w n a y , 5 t h V i s c o u n t D o w n e ( 1 7 6 4 - 1 8 3 2 ) , M . P . P e t e r s f i e l d 1 7 8 7 - 1 7 9 0 on the J o l l i f f e interest, W o o t t o n B a s s e t t 1 7 9 0 - 1 7 9 6 on t h e S t . J o h n interest. I n 1 7 9 0 D o w n e simply exchanged w i t h G . A . N o r t h , w h o found W o o t t o n B a s s e t t too expensive. 5 . W e l b o r e E l l i s , w h o c o u l d n o l o n g e r be r e t u r n e d f o r W e y m o u t h , w a s u n a b l e to find a seat at the g e n e r a l election. H e w a s r e t u r n e d f o r P e t e r s f i e l d in A p r i l , 1 7 9 1 , w h e n L o r d T i t c h f i e l d succeeded L o r d V e r n e y as m e m b e r f o r B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e . 6. P h i l i p F r a n c i s ( 1 7 4 0 - 1 8 1 8 ) , the a n t a g o n i s t of W a r r e n H a s t i n g s a n d at this t i m e close f r i e n d of both F o x and B u r k e . H e h a d been m e m b e r f o r Y a r m o u t h ( I . o . W . ) since 1 7 8 4 . I n 1 7 9 0 L e o n a r d T r o u g h e a r H o l m e s , the p a t r o n of b o t h Y a r m o u t h a n d N e w p o r t ( I . o . W . ) , returned L o r d s M e l b o u r n e and Palmerston ( w h o also appear on this l i s t ) f o r N e w p o r t . E d w a r d R u s h w o r t h ( 1 7 5 5 - 1 8 1 7 ) , H o l m e s ' s s o n - i n - l a w a n d a s u p p o r t e r of O p p o s i t i o n , w a s m o v e d f r o m his seat at N e w p o r t to the o n e seat at Y a r m o u t h o v e r w h i c h H o l m e s had c o n t r o l . A seat w a s f o u n d f o r P h i l i p F r a n c i s at B l e t c h i n g l e y , w h e r e he w a s r e t u r n e d w i t h the i n c u m b e n t p a t r o n , Sir R o b e r t C l a y t o n . 7. C h a r l e s F r a n c i s G r e v i l l e ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 8 0 9 ) , y o u n g e r b r o t h e r of G e o r g e , 2 n d E a r l of W a r w i c k . M . P . W a r w i c k 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 9 0 . L o r d W a r w i c k w a s the n a t u r a l p a t r o n of his b o r o u g h , b u t he f r e q u e n t l y had difficulty w i t h a strong independent party. In 1784 Charles G r e v i l l e h a d b r o k e n p o l i t i c a l l y w i t h his f a m i l y w h e n he resigned his office in the h o u s e h o l d a n d f o l l o w e d the C o a l i t i o n into opposition to P i t t . H e d e c i d e d to stand f o r W a r w i c k despite this, a n d in 1 7 8 4 he w a s r e t u r n e d w i t h a n o t h e r c a n d i d a t e on the i n d e p e n d e n t interest. " G r e v i l l e seems to h a v e canvassed W a r w i c k at the g e n e r a l election of 1 7 9 0 , b u t r e t i r e d b e f o r e the p o l l " ( H of P; cf. O l d f i e l d , History of Boroughs, 2 n d ed., I I , 1 7 2 ) . H e h a d been in serious

252

MEMORANDUM

[1789]

financial difficulties for a number of years, which may explain why the party was unable to find him another seat. 8. John Lee ( ? I 7 3 3 - I 7 9 3 ) , M . P . Clitheroe 1 7 8 2 - 1 7 9 0 , Higham Ferrers December, 1 7 9 0 - 1 7 9 3 . An old connection and legal adviser of Rockingham, he had been solicitor general AprilJuly, 1782, and April-November, 1783, and attorney general November-December, 1783. His patron at Clitheroe, the staunch Oppositionist Thomas Lister ( 1 7 5 2 - 1 8 2 6 ) , had in 1 7 8 0 captured both seats in the borough from the Curzon family, with whom he had previously shared the return of one member each. By 1790 Lister had agreed once again to share the borough with the Curzons, who were Pittites. T h e Curzons returned a family member for Clitheroe at the general election; Lister returned Sir John Aubrey ( 1 7 3 9 - 1 8 2 6 ) , 6 t h Bt. Aubrey, who had been returned for Buckinghamshire in 1784 as a supporter of Pitt and was a lord of the Treasury, had deserted Government at the time of the Regency. H e voted with Opposition in the Parliament of 1790. Lee was without a seat at the general election. In December, 1790, Lord Fitzwilliam brought him in for Higham Ferrers when Lord Duncannon elected to sit for Knaresborough. 9. Melbourne's patron at Malmesbury, who had deserted to Opposition in 1784, had taken once again to returning Government nominees by 1789. 10. Ord did not sit in the House after 1790. 11. George Osbaldeston ( ? I 7 5 3 - I 7 9 3 ) , M . P . Scarborough 1 7 8 4 - 1 7 9 0 . H e was a Yorkshire friend of Lord Fitzwilliam and it had been assumed that he would support Fitzwilliam's friends when in Parliament—indeed Fitzwilliam had offered him a seat at Hedon in 1784, but Osbaldeston had chosen to stand for Scarborough on his family interest. At the general election, however, he denied his opposition to P i t t ; and in Parliament he supported Government until the time of the Regency, when he began to veer towards Opposition. T h e two principal patrons of Scarborough had been the Duke of Rutland and Lord Mulgrave, both members of Pitt's Government; Mulgrave and the Duchess of Rutland, who managed the family interest after the death of the 4th Duke in 1787, undoubtedly made it impossible for Osbaldeston to be returned for their borough in 1790, and he did not again sit in the House. 1 2 . William Nedham ( ? i 7 4 C ) - i 8 o 6 ) , M . P . Winchelsea 1 7 7 4 and 1 7 7 5 - 1 7 8 0 , Pontefract 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 4 , Winchelsea 1 7 8 4 - 1 7 9 0 . H e had opposed North and Shelburne and supported the Coalition

253

[1789]

MEMORANDUM

(though not very frequently by his attendance and vote) both in and out of office. H e lost his seat at Winchelsea when Nesbitt, his patron, sold his interest in the borough to Barwell and Darlington. He did not find another seat. 1 3 . Palmerston was unable to stand again for Boroughbridge, where his patron, the Pittite Duke of Newcastle, had withdrawn his support. 14. Sir Peter Parker ( ? I 7 2 I - I 8 I I ) , 1st Bt., M . P . Seaford 1 7 8 4 - 1 7 8 5 and 1 7 8 5 - 1 7 8 6 , Maldon 1 7 8 7 - 1 7 9 0 . A prominent naval officer during the American W a r , Parker had been brought forward at Seaford as a Government candidate, as he was again at Maldon in 1787. But Parker voted against the Government on Richmond's fortifications plan in 1786, and by November, 1788, he had been won over to Opposition at least partly through the good offices of Lord Sandwich. H e did not find another seat in 1790. 15. Thomas Scott ( 1 7 2 3 - 1 8 1 6 ) , M . P . Bridport 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 9 0 . A brickmaker by trade, he had opposed North's government, supported Shelburne, and opposed the Coalition until its fall, from which time he voted steadily in Opposition. H e had been returned for Bridport on the Sturt interest; but Sturt was unable to return more than one member in 1790, and Sturt himself and a Government supporter were returned at the general election. Scott did not again sit in the House. 16. A seat was finally found for Lord Robert at Wareham, which was a pocket borough in the hands of John Calcraft ( 1 7 6 5 1 8 3 1 ) . T h e borough had been managed during Calcraft's minority by his uncle, who had returned Government nominees; but Calcraft, when he came of age, replaced his stepfather in one of the seats and voted with Opposition during the remaining four years of the Parliament. Gen. Richard Smith ( 1 7 3 4 - 1 8 0 3 ) , the other member returned for Wareham in 1790, had been one of " F o x ' s Martyrs" in 1784 and he supported Opposition during 1 7 9 1 1792. 17. For some reason, perhaps because of the enormous expense required, Wrightson did not again contest Aylesbury in 1790. Another Oppositionist, Gerrard Lake ( 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 0 8 ) , was returned in his stead. Wrightson instead contested Downton on Robert Shafto's rather shaky interest; he and Shafto lost their Downton contest, as they did again in 1796. Shafto ( ? i 7 3 2 - 1 7 9 7 ) had been reputedly Oppositionist as late as 1788, but he had voted with Pitt on the Regency.

254

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

MEMORANDUM

I790]

Memorandum—[1789 or 1790] Endorsed: Candidates / Unfixed— The memorandum and endorsement are in Adam's hand.

Eighteen of the thirty candidates appearing on this list (Aston, Blair, Calvert, Campbell, Cunynghame, Horseley, Jodrell, Ironside, Mackey, Morant, Pocock, Prescott, Scott, Assheton Smith, Tollemache, Hume, Harford, and Daer) did not sit during the Parliament of 1790. Of those eighteen only four (Cunynghame, Jodrell, Tollemache, and Daer) are definitely known to have canvassed or contested a constituency at the general election, and one of the four (Jodrell) seems to have contested as a Government candidate. T w o of the candidates were eventually returned (Payne and Tempest), but not until late in the Parliament.

5

1o

15

Aston Hervey 1 Blair A l e x r 2 [crossed o u t ] Bradyll W i l s o n B y n g G . J u n r 3 [crossed out] C a l v e r t Felix 4 Campbell J . Fletcher 5 Cunningham W m 6 Clive Edwd— Grey L o r d Horseley Jodderell R . P . 7 Ironside Lushington St. 8 M a c k y R o b t — Q . who. 9 Morant E.10 P a y n e Sir R . Pocock11 Prescott Scott R o b t 1 2

255

MEMORANDUM

20

24

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

I790]

Smith T . Ashton 13 St Leger J. 14 fixed Oakhampton Tarlton 1 5 —Liverpool 1 6 fixed Seaford Tempest—Junr Tollemache Hon W m Tarlton Colonel— 1 7 Hume—18 Harford—19 Lord Daer fixed Canterbury

[added aslant and upside down]

Bodmyn 20 W m Popham J. Purling 2 1 NOTES

1. Col. Henry Hervey Aston, of Clarges Street (in 1788) and Portman Square (by 1 7 9 2 ) , had joined the W h i g Club on 16 July 1788. H e had campaigned for Townshend during the Westminster bye-election of 1788, and in 1795 he was appointed a Groom of the Bedchamber to the Prince of W a l e s . H e never sat in the House. See Whig Club, 1788 and 1792 eds.; Aspinall, ed., Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales 1770-1812, II, 539 n. 2. Alexander Blair, of Portland Place, had joined the W h i g Club on 17 January 1785. He may be the same Blair for whom the party attempted to find a seat in 1784. H e was never returned to the House. His profession and connection with the party are unknown. 3. T h e younger George B y n g was returned for N e w p o r t ( I . o . W . ) on 28 January 1790. A t the general election he was returned for Middlesex. His name might have been crossed out when he became fixed for Newport, or later when he decided to stand for Middlesex. 4. Felix Calvert, of Portland Place, had joined the W h i g C l u b on 6 February 1787 ( W h i g Club, 1788 ed.). His profession and connection with the party are unknown; he was never returned to the House. 5. John Fletcher Campbell was promoted L t . General in 1793. Possibly this is the G e n . Fletcher for whom a seat was sought in 1784. H e was never seated. 6. Sir W i l l i a m Cunynghame. 7. Richard Paul Jodrell ( 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 3 1 ) , classical scholar and 256

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

MEMORANDUM

I790]

dramatist, stood for Seaford at the general election as a Government candidate and in opposition to Tarleton, w h o is also on this list. T a r l e t o n was finally returned on petiton in the place of Jodrell. DNB; Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I I , 389. 8. In 1790 Lushington was returned for Helston with Sir Gilbert Elliot. 9. Presumably the same Robert Mackey w h o sought a seat in 1784. H e was never returned to the House. 10. Edward M o r a n t ( 1 7 3 0 - 1 7 9 1 ) , M . P . Hindon 1 7 6 1 - 1 7 6 8 , Lymington 1774-1780, Yarmouth ( I . o . W . ) 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 7 . A n independent supporter of Opposition in the Parliament of 1784, he had been returned for Y a r m o u t h on the Clarke Jervoise interest and had vacated his seat in 1787 when the latter's son came of age. H e did not again sit in the House. 11. N o t identified, unless this is George Pocock ( 1 7 6 5 - 1 8 4 0 ) , son of the admiral, who was returned for Bridgwater in 1796. 12. Probably Robert Scott ( ? i 7 4 6 - 1 8 0 8 ) , a wealthy wine merchant, w h o in 1782 had married Emma, daughter of T h o m a s Assheton Smith. H e was M . P . W o o t t o n Bassett 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 0 as a Government candidate on the St. John interest. W h i l e in Parliament he had voted with Opposition. H e was not returned to the House after 1780. 13. T h o m a s Assheton Smith (c. 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 2 8 ) , M . P . Caernarvonshire 1774—1780, Andover 1 7 9 7 - 1 8 2 1 . H e had voted consistently with Opposition during the Parliament of 1774. 14. John St. Leger ( 1 7 5 6 - 1 7 9 9 ) , L t . Col. 1782, M a j . Gen. 1 7 9 5 ; a Groom of the Bedchamber to the Prince of Wales. M . P . Okehampton 1790-1796. H e joined the W h i g C l u b on 16 November 1790 ( W h i g Cluba 1792 ed.). 15. John T a r l e t o n ( 1 7 5 5 - 1 8 2 0 ) , younger brother of Banastre Tarleton. H e was returned on petition for Seaford. 16. A d a m must have jotted this note hastily. I t may be that John was at one time intended for Liverpool, but it was his brother Banastre w h o contested the city at the general election. In 1796 John contested Liverpool in opposition to his brother. 17. Banastre Tarleton ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 3 3 ) , a distinguished cavalry officer during the American W a r . L t . Col. 1782; Col. November, 1 7 9 0 ; Gen. by 1812. Tarleton was the 3rd son of John Tarleton, a merchant and mayor of Liverpool in 1764. H e had unsuccessfully contested Liverpool in 1784. Oldfield maintains that in 1790 he was nominated in his absence by an independent group of freemen, w h o returned him without expense to himself in opposition to Bamber Gascoigne and Lord Penrhyn, the Government and Opposition candidates respectively, w h o had united their interests in the 257

MEMORANDUM

[ 1 7 8 9 OR

I79o]

hope of avoiding a contest. T a r l e t o n topped the poll w i t h 1257 votes to Gascoigne's 887 and Penrhyn's 716. Penrhyn seems indeed to have w i t h d r a w n early in disgust. T a r l e t o n w a s member for Liverpool 1 7 9 0 - 1 8 0 6 and 1 8 0 7 - 1 8 1 2 . D u r i n g the Parliament of 1790 he staunchly supported Opposition. Annual Register, 1833, pp. 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 ; Oldfield, History of Boroughs, 2nd ed., I, 3 4 2 3 4 3 ; DNB. 18. Perhaps Sir A b r a h a m H u m e ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 8 3 8 ) , 2nd Bt., M . P . Petersfield 1 7 7 4 - 1 7 8 0 , Hastings 1 8 0 7 - 1 8 1 8 . I n 1780 H u m e had asked the Rockinghams for a recommendation to a seat, and Portland had endorsed his application; but Rockingham doubted "his patriotic principles" ( H of P). 19. Perhaps H e n r y H a r f o r d , of N e w Cavendish Street, W e s t minster, w h o joined the W h i g C l u b on 10 November 1789 {Whig Club, 1792 e d . ) . H e w a s never returned. 20. Bodmin, where the Opposition candidates were Sir John Morshead and Roger W i l b r a h a m . 2 1 . P u r l i n g stood for T r e g o n y .

Memorandum—[1789 or 1790] Endorsed: Scheme of / Certain Seats T h e memorandum and endorsement are in A d a m ' s hand.

i. 1. 2. 2. 1. 1. 1.

Aldborrough—Suffk.1 Bletchingley Malmesbury2 Newport Hants Petersfield Winchelsea L o r d R o b e r t - b y F o x ) W o o t o n Basset

4.000

upwards L o r d Grey 4500£ M r B y n g 4 108, 109, 130, 131, 131-132, 136, 152, 153, 186, 234, 235, 237-238, 251, 254, 259; letters from, 79-80, 88, 100102, 131-134, 209-210, 223-224 Spens, M a j o r , 34, 36-38, 4 1 - 4 2 Stanley, E d w a r d Smith, 12th E a r l of D e r b y , 235 Stanley, John, 171 S t e a d f a s t Society, x l v i Stephens, Philip, 165, 166 Stephenson, John, 13, 14, 15, 191 S t e w a r d , G a b r i e l , 72, 185 Stewart. See S h a w S t e w a r t Stewart, A l e x a n d e r , 90, 93, 175, 205 Stormont, Viscount. See Murray, David Stuart, C h a r l e s ( j o u r n a l i s t ) , memo r a n d u m from, 246-250 Stuart, Hon. Charles, 90, 93 Stuart, John, 2nd B a r o n Mountstuart, 4th E a r l and 1st M a r q u e s s of Bute, 3, 4-5, 48, 59, 74, 93 Sturt, 165, 254 Suffolk, E a r l of. See H o w a r d , John Sullivan, M r . , 141, 143, 200 Surrey, E a r l of. See Howard, Charles Sutherland, Elizabeth, Countess of, 46-47, 48, 114, 162 Swann, [ M r . ] , 165 T a r l e t o n , B a n a s t r e , 1st Bt., xli, 256, 257-258 T a r l e t o n , John, xli, 157-158, 256, 257 T a y l o r , M r . , 14 T a y l o r , M i c h a e l A n g e l o , xli, 76, 77, 78, 201, 226, 259 T e m p e s t , John, xli, 255, 256, 258

271

GENERAL

INDEX

T e m p l e , H e n r y , 2nd V i s c o u n t P a l m erston, xli, 107, 108, 251, 254, 259 Templeton, Baron. See Upton, Clotworthy T h o m p s o n , T h o m a s , x l i , 141, 142, H S . 199, 200 T h u r l o w , E d w a r d , 1st B a r o n , 259 T h y n n e , T h o m a s , styled V i s c o u n t W e y m o u t h , 104 T i e r n e y , G e o r g e , 26, 50-51, 233 T i t c h f i e l d , M a r q u e s s o f . See B e n tinck, W i l l i a m H e n r y C a v e n d i s h Scott T o b a c c o t a x , 158, 246-250 T o c k e r , T h o m a s W h e a r e , 175, 176, 207-209 T o l l e m a c h e , W i l b r a h a m , xli, 1 1 - 1 2 , 109, n o , 144, 146, 185, 255, 256, 259 T o n k i n , P e t e r , 65-66 T o r p h i c h e n , B a r o n . See S a n d i l a n d s , James T o r r i n g t o n , V i s c o u n t . See Byng, George T o w n s h e n d , L o r d John, x x x v i , 66, 67, 80, 88, 94, 96, 186, 2 3 7 - 2 3 8 ; letters f r o m , 75-79, 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 T r a c y , T h o m a s C h a r l e s , 6th V i s count, 145, 148 T r e c o t h i c , M r , 14 T r e v a n i o n , John, 109, n o , 141 T r o w a r d , R i c h a r d , 85, 86, 233; letters f r o m , 26-27, 83-84 T u d w a y , Clement, 18 Union Club (Bristol), xlvi Upton, C l o t w o r t h y , 1st B a r o n T e m pleton, 14, 18 V a n e , H e n r y , 2nd E a r l of D a r l i n g ton (d. 1 7 9 2 ) , 100, 172, 254 V a n e , W i l l i a m H a r r y , styled V i s count B a r n a r d , 3rd E a r l of D a r lington, 100, 169, 172 V a n n e c k , G e r a r d W i l l i a m , 2nd Bt., 76, 77. 78, 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 V a n n e c k , J o s h u a H e n r y , 135 V a s s a l l F o x , H e n r y R i c h a r d , 3rd B a r o n H o l l a n d , 107, 108 V a u g h a n , John, 54, 98, 145-146, 148 V e r n e y , R a l p h , 2nd E a r l , x v i i i , 15, 63, 64, 146, 148, 252 V i l l i e r s , G e o r g e , 2nd E a r l G r a n d i son, 13, 14, 15

W a l e s , George, Prince of, xxviii, 14, 17, 23, 24, 25, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34. 35. 40. 43. 45. 61, 62, 63, 64, 69, 70, 82, 85, 86, 89, 90, 100, 1 0 2 103, I " , 124, 132, 145, 147. 156. 157, 160, 164-165, 172, 198, 202, 204, 206, 207, 2 i i , 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 , 214, 219, 220-221, 226, 229, 234, 235, 236, 239, 256, 257 W a l k e r , Robert, 150, 151 W a l l , [ M r . ] , 195 W a l l i s , A l b a n y , 27 W a l p o l e , H o r a t i o , 27 W a l p o l e , Robert, i s t E a r l of O r f o r d , x l v i , li Walsh, Frederick, xxxv, xxxvi, 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 , 192, 203 W a l t e r , J a c o b , 170, 173 W a l w y n , J a m e s , 152, 153 W a r r e n , D r . Richard, 43-44 W a r w i c k , E a r l of. See Greville, George W a t s o n W e n t w o r t h , C h a r l e s , 2nd M a r q u e s s of R o c k i n g h a m , x v i i i , x l i x , Iii, 15, 82, 253, 258 W e b b e r , M a j o r , 14 W e b s t e r , G o d f r e y , 4th Bt., 13, 16, 1 7 1 ; letter f r o m , 1 5 7 - 1 5 8 Wedderburn, Alexander, ist Baron L o u g h b o r o u g h , 73, 74, 77, 125, 130, 181, 203; letter f r o m , 2202 2 1 ; letter to, 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 W e l l w o o d . See Moncrieff Wellwood W e m y s s , W i l l i a m , 92, 164 Wentworth. See Watson Wentworth W e s t m i n s t e r p a r i s h clubs, 94-96 W e y m o u t h , V i s c o u n t . See T h y n n e , Thomas W h i g C l u b of W e s t m i n s t e r , xii, x x i , x x x i i i , 15, 16, 18, 19, 83, 94-95, 96, 102, 136, 142, 144, 178, 186, 223, 256, 257, 258 W h i t e , committee clerk of H o u s e of Commons, 135-136 W h i t e , of R u t h e r g l e n , 30, 32, 37, 38, 4 1 - 4 2 , 43 W h i t e f o o r d , Sir John, 28, 29, 68 W h i t i n g , C h a r l e s : letter f r o m , 1 7 7 1 7 8 ; letter to, 1 6 7 - 1 7 3 W i g h t , 232 W i l b r a h a m , G e o r g e , 177 W i l b r a h a m , R o g e r , 13, 16, 188, 189,

272

GENERAL

208-209, 2 S 8 ; letters from, 175177, 183-184 W i l b r a h a m Bootle, Richard, 241244 Wilgress, Rev. Dr. John, 63, 64, 102, h i Wilkins, Edmund, 71, 107, 108, 174, 259 Wilkinson, Jacob, 13, 17, 81, 82 Williams, Mr., 246 Wilthe, [ M r . ] , 63 Windham, W i l l i a m , xxx, xliii, 192; letter from, 180-181 Windsor, Other Hickman, 5th Earl of Plymouth, 140-141, 142 Woodgate, Mr., 170

273

INDEX

Wright, Mr., 63, 64 Wrightson, W i l l i a m , xli, 14, 16, 19, 251, 254 Wyndham, Charles William, 252 W y n d h a m O'Brien, George, 3rd Earl of Egremont, 80, 152, 153, 252 W y n d h a m , Percy Charles, 14, 18, 197, 252 W y n d h a m , W i l l i a m , 3rd Bt., x l v Yarborough, Baron. See Anderson Pelham, Charles Yonge, George, 5th Bt., 131 York, Frederick, Duke of, 32, 40, 62, 70, 89, 160, 226, 235

CONSTITUENCY Aberdeen Burghs, xxxviii, xxx!x, xl, i i o - i i i , 126-129, 136-138, 203, 204 Aberdeenshire, 90, 91, 128 Aldeburgh, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 13, 17, 104, 206, 207, 258, 259 Anstruther Easter Burghs, 44, 73 Appleby, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 2 1 1 , 212, 214, 216, 220-221, 225-226 Arundel, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 1 1 , 141, 143 Aylesbury, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, 254 A y r Burghs, 93 Ayrshire, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 5, 2829, 43, 68-69, 84-85, 174-175 Banbury, 50, 116,207 Bath, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 104, 107, 108, 109, 130, 146 Bedford, 16 Berwick, 54 Berwickshire, 1 1 Bletchingley, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 99, 252, 258 Bodmin, 1 1 2 , 176-177, 184, 188, 256, 258 Boroughbridge, 254 Bossiney, 93, 191 Bridgwater, n Bridport, n , xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 165, 254 Bristol, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 106, 165166 Buckinghamshire, xviii, xxv, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 63, 64, 104, 146, 148, 252, 253 Caithness, xxxviii, xxxix, 90, 92, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 , 122, 204 Callington, 1 1 2 Cambridgeshire, x x v Canterbury, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 201, 221-223, 256 Carlisle, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 1 1 , 145, 146-147

INDEX

Carmarthen, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 80, 82, 97, 146, 148 Carmarthenshire, xxxviii, xxxix, 82, 97-98, 148 Cheshire, 144, 241 Chester, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 240-244 Chichester, 18 Chippenham, 161 Christchurch, xxxviii, xxxix, 54-58, 176 Clitheroe, 253 Cockermouth, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 73, 251 Colchester, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 26, Si, 233 Cornwall, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 86—87, 96, 97, 102-103, '06, m , 1 1 2 , 129, 142, 143, 145, 147, 199 Coventry, 106 Cricklade, 217 Cromartyshire, 6, 51, 52, 90, 93, 124, 199, 205 Derby, 235 Derbyshire, 235 Dorset, 165 Dover, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 24, 25, 26, 109, n o , 1 4 1 , 143 Downton, 254 Dumfriesshire, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 70, 71, 73-74, 85-86, 89-90, 205 Dunbartonshire, 321 Dunwich, 77, 135 Durham County, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 193, 194, 199, 200 Dysart Burghs, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 90, 91, 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 , 122, 124-125, 196, 197, 203, 204 Elgin Burghs, xxvii-xxviii, 7, 8, 92-93 Evesham, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 130, 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 , 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 , 133-134, i 4 ° - i 4 i , 1 4 2 143, 145, 152, 199, 200

274

CONSTITUENCY Exeter, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 130, 227229, 230 Fife, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 42, 4.3, 48, 49. 9°. 91-9^, 163-164 Forfarshire, 11, 128 Fowey, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 62-63, 6364, 64-65, 70, 87, 102, 129, 142, 176, 209, 236 Gatton, 172 G l a s g o w Burghs, xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 30, 32-46, 49, 90, 154-155 Gloucester, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 148 Grarapound, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 185, 186, 187-191, 195, 203 G r e a t Bedwyn, 217, 218 G r e a t Grimsby, 79 G r e a t M a r l o w , 12, 14, 16, 19 Haddington Burghs, 151, 204 Hampshire, 196, 197 Harwich, 50 Haslemere, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 2 1 1 212, 214, 216, 220—221, 225-226 Hastings, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 12, 15, 16, 167-174, 177-179 Hedon, 12, 18, 253 Helston, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 16, 5859, 102, 103, 199, 213, 257 Hereford, 11, 153 Hertford, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 83-84, «5. 197 Hertfordshire, x x v , 83, 196, 197 Heytesbury, 259 H i g h a m Ferrers, 253 Hindon, 13, 16, 259 Honiton, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 14, 17, 18, 130-131 Horsham, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 145, 146, 151 Huntingdonshire, 166 Hythe, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 81, 82-83, 85 Ilchester, 18 Inverness-shire, xxxviii, xxxix, 19, 119, 122 Ipswich, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 13, 17, 134-135 Kent, 196, 197-198 Kincardineshire, 128 Kinross-shire, 163-164, 205

INDEX

Kirkcudbright Stewartry, 93, 154, 175, 205 Knaresborough, xxiv, 153, 253 Lanarkshire, 3, 32, 35, 45, 46, 92 Lancaster, 146, 211, 212 Leicester, 81, 82 Leominster, 11, 223 Lichfield, 147-148 Lincoln, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 180 Lincolnshire, 76-77 Linlithgow Burghs, 204-205 Linlithgowshire, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 59-60, 62, 63, 70, 85, 89-93, 139, 140 Liskeard, 12, 17 Liverpool, 256, 257-258 London, 24 Lostwithiel, 92 Ludgershall, 14 Ludlow, 15, 147 Lymington, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 99100, 206, 240 Maldon, 254 Malton, 82 Malmesbury, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 14, 71, 107, 108, 173-174. 253, 258, 259 Middlesex, x x v , 86, 94, 256 Midhurst, 15, 16, 197, 252 Milborne Port, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 14, 19, 99, ioo, 206, 216, 240 Minehead, 216 Mitchell, 16 Montgomery, 98 Morpeth, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 73—74, 125 Nairnshire, 92-93 Newport ( C o r n w a l l ) , 14 Newport (I. 0. W . ) , xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 252, 256, 258 N e w Romney, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 167-174, 177-179 Newtown, 11 N e w Woodstock, 53 Norfolk, 77 Northampton, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 12, 245-246 Northern Burghs. See T a i n Burghs Norwich, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 180-181

275

CONSTITUENCY

INDEX

Okehampton, x x x v i i , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 1 5 1 - 1 5 3 , 256, 257 O r f o r d , 98, 1 0 1 , 147 O r k n e y a n d Shetland, x x i v , 5 1 - 5 2 , 90, 92, 198, 199, 203, 204 O x f o r d , 18, 53 Peeblesshire, x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 70, 7i, 73-74..85-8M9-9° P e m b r o k e s h i r e , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , 97, 98 P e n r y n , 86 P e r t h B u r g h s , 48 P e r t h s h i r e , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , xl, 62, 106, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 P e t e r b o r o u g h , 18 Petersfield, x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 50, 206, 207, 2 3 2 - 2 3 3 , 252, 258 Plymouth, 63, 66, 189 Plympton, 1 2 Pontefract, x x x v i i i , x x x i x , xl, 2 5 1 , 253 Poole, 77, 2 0 1 , 259 R e a d i n g , x x x i x , xl, 165, 166 Renfrewshire, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 21, .35. 43. 45. 46. 90, 93. 198, 199, 204 R i c h m o n d , 1 5 , 199, 2 1 8 , 2 5 2 Rochester, x x x i x , x l , 207 Ross-shire, x x v i i , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 48, 1 1 5 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 , 1 8 1 , 196, 204 R o x b u r g h s h i r e , x x x i x , x l , 1 1 , 54—59, 90, 9 1 , 199 R y e , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , xl, 167—174, 177-179, 2 1 1 St. M a w e s , x x x i x , x l , 1 8 4 S a n d w i c h , x x x i x , xl, 165, 166, 180 S c a r b o r o u g h , 253 Scottish r e p r e s e n t a t i v e peers, election o f , x x i v , 3 - 6 , 199, 200, 2 0 1 , 206, 207 S e a f o r d , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 16, 1 5 7 158, 187, 239, 254, 256, 2 5 7 S h a f t e s b u r y , x x x i x , xl, 1 1 3 , 2 1 5 2 1 8 , 226, 227 Shropshire, 77 Southampton, x x x i x , xl, 1 5 9 - 1 6 0 , 161 S t a f f o r d , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 193, 194 S t a f f o r d s h i r e , 48 Steyning, 145, 148 S t i r l i n g B u r g h s , x x x i x , x l , 14, 1 2 5 126, 1 4 9 - 1 5 1

Stirlingshire, 3, 2 1 , 90, 9 1 , 198, 199, 203, 204 Stockbridge, 1 3 , 1 7 Sudbury, x x x i x , xl, 13, 17, 192 Suffolk, x x x i x , 1 3 5 , 1 9 2 S u r r e y , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 1 8 , 24, 77. 99. 156. 1 5 7 . 176, 196. 197 Sussex, 74 Sutherland, x x x i x , x l , 46-48, 163

162-

Tain (Northern) Burghs, xxiv, x x x v i i i , x x x i x , xl, 5, 90, 92, 1 1 4 1 2 2 , 1 8 2 - 1 8 3 , 196, 199, 200, 2 1 8 220, 2 3 1 - 2 3 2 T a u n t o n , x x x i x , x l , 14, 18, 106, 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 , 1 4 5 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 3 , 199, 200, 2 3 3 - 2 3 4 , 235, 240 Tavistock, 197 T e w k e s b u r y , 1 4 7 , 148 T h e t f o r d , x x x i x , x l , 101—102 T r e g o n y , xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 15, 1 0 6 - 1 0 7 , 129, 1 4 2 , 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 , 1 8 3 , 184, 185, 186, 1 8 7 - 1 9 1 , 195, 203, 207-209, 2 3 6 - 2 3 7 , 258 T r u r o , 16, 1 0 7 , 1 8 8 W a l l i n g f o r d , 1 3 , 16 W a r e h a m , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 254 Warwick, 252-253 W e l l s , 14, 1 8 Wendover, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 15, 185, 1 8 7 Wenlock, 1 1 2 Westminster, x x i v , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , xli, 53, 66-67, 75-8o, 82, 88, 94-90, 1 0 1 , 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 , 186, 2 0 9 - 2 1 0 , 2 2 2 223, 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 , 234, 2 3 7 - 2 3 9 , 247, 256 Westmorland, 2 1 1 - 2 1 2 W e y m o u t h and M e l c o m b e R e g i s , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 72, 97, 98, 106, 185, 2 5 2 Wigan, h i , i i 2 W i g t o w n B u r g h s , 16, 43 W i n c h e l s e a , x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 98, 99, 100, 1 0 1 , 1 6 7 - 1 7 4 , 1 7 7 - 1 7 9 , 253—254. 258 Windsor, 197 Wootton Bassett, x x x v i i i , x x x i x , x l , 5 0 - 5 1 , 53. >01, 252, 258 W o r c e s t e r , 8 1 , 82 Yarmouth (Hants), 216 Y a r m o u t h ( I . o. W . ) , 197, 252, 257 York, 235