Verbs in Medieval English: Differences in Verb Choice in Verse and Prose [Reprint 2013 ed.] 9783110823646, 9783110144260

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Verbs in Medieval English

W DE G

Topics in English Linguistics 17 Editor

Herman Wekker

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin • New York

Verbs in Medieval English Differences in Verb Choice in Verse and Prose

Michiko Ogura

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin • New York

1996

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

@ Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the A N S I to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Ogura, Michiko. Verbs in medieval English ; differences in verb choice in verse and prose / Michiko Ogura. p. cm. - (Topics in English linguistics ; 17) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-014426-3 (alk. paper) 1. English language - Middle English, 1100-1500 - Verb. 2. English language - Old English, ca. 450-1100 - Verb. I. Title. II. Series. PE585.038 1995 429'.5-dc20 95-4499 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek

— Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Ogura, Michiko: Verbs in medieval English : differences in verb choice in verse and prose / Michiko Ogura. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1996 (Topics in English linguistics ; 17) ISBN 3-11-014426-3 NE: GT

© Copyright 1995 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced ör transmitted in ahy form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any Information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing f r o m the publisher. Printing: Ratzlow-Druck, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

For Yuriko

Preface

This is intended to be an introductory study of one aspect of the verbal Syntax of Old and Middle English. Though students of philology have long suffered from a lack of good books on syntax, they now have Mustanoja's Middle English Syntax (1960), Visser's Historical Syntax (1963-73), and last but not least, Mitchell's Old English Syntax (1985). It is not my Intention to compete with these works but to write a book that is somewhat different in aim and emphasis. Since almost all the major syntactic changes occurred during the medieval period and most of them are in some way or another connected with verbs, it seems important to study those syntactic changes in verbs arising from either competitive or analogical environments among synonyms. Syntax and semantics are the warp and weft of sentences. When a verb was petrified syntactically, it often came to be archaic and consequently disappeared (e.g. cweöan). When a verb was used in various shades of meaning, it sometimes tended in the next stage to be restricted to one or two senses with limited syntactic structures and finally to be replaced by other verbs in the rest of the senses (e.g. tellan). From Old English to Middle English, verbs showed growth and decline, conflict of synonyms and replacement in each syntactic pattem and semantic field. This study aims to give an outline of OE and ME uses of verbs, showing the different choice of verbs in verse and prose, and describing the major resulting syntactic changes as clearly as possible. My thanks are due to Dr. Bruce Mitchell, Fellow Emeritus of St. Edmund Hall, Oxford, for the series of discussions on the content of this work and for detailed Information about various books and articles on OE verbs, and to Professor Fred C. Robinson, Yale University, for his helpful advice on several topics. The British Academy and the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science have supported me with their grants in completing the research.

Contents

Preface

Vll

Table of abbreviations

XV

Texts examined Chapter 1. Introduction to verbal syntax 1. Inflections 1.1. Streng verbs 1.2. Weakverbs 1.3. Preterit-present verbs 1.4. Anomalous verbs 2. Distinct forms of verbs 2.1. Present forms 2.2. Preterit forms 2.3. Infinitives — simple and inflected 2.4. Participles 2.5. Imperatives 2.6. Subjunctives 3. Morphological ambiguity 3.1. Theending-e 3.2. The endings -an, -on, and -en 3.3. The endings -af), -iajj, and -e/? (Late Old English and Middle English pl.) 4. Distinctive features of verbs 4.1. Intransitive and transitive 4.2. Copulas 4.3. 'Impersonal' verbs 4.4. Verbs with genitive (including reflexive)

xvii

1 1 1 5 6 7 10 10 11 12 13 14 14 15 15 15 16 17 17 18 19 22

IC

Contents

4.5. 4.6. 4.7. 4.8. 4.9. 4.10. 4.11. 4.12. 4.13. 4.14.

Verbs with dative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with genitive and dative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with genitive and accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with dative and accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with accusative and accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Verbs with accusative and adverbial dative Verbs with prepositional object Verbs with Infinitive Verbs with dependent clause

Chapter 2. Conflicts between native verbs 1. Be-verbs (beon,wesan, [ge]weordan) 2. Verbs of motion (gan,faran,feran, gewitan) 3. Verbs of saying, commanding, bidding and asking (cweÖan, secgan, tellan; [bejbeodan, hatan, uton; biddan, acsian, frignan) 4. Verbs of thinking and believing (hycgan, Jjencan, gefyencan, wenan; fultruwian, geliefan, geortruwian, truwian, belief an) 5. Verbs of knowing ([gejcnawan, ongitan, witan, oncnawan, understandan) 6. Verbs of seeing ([gejseon, locian, behealdan, [gejsceawian, hawian, wlitan) 7. Verbs of causing, making and allowing (don, Icetan, macian, fremman, wyrcan) 8. Verbs of getting and possessing (onfon, niman, [gejhealdan; habban, [njagan)

25 33 35 36 37 38 38 38 41 43 45 46 50

59

67 71 75 80 85

Contents

9.

(gedafenian, gerisan, sculan; purfan, bepurfan, neodian)

xi

Verbs of Obligation and necessity

90

10. WeThsofhe\pmg(fylstan,fultumian,helpan)

94

11. Yerhs

95

of teachmg(Iceran,

tcecan)

12. Verbs of giving (syllan, giefan)

97

13. Verbs of killing and dying ([ajcwellan,

[ofjslean;

beon dead, deadian, sweltan)

99

14. Verbs of living and dwelling (libban,

wunian,

eardian,buan, dwellen)

104

15. Other verbs that show conflicts 15.1 Verbs of esteeming, praising, worshipping

(weoröian, [gejeadmian, gebiddan, lofian, herg[i]an) 15.2 Gemetan and findan 15.3

Verbs of gathering

15.4 15.5

Verbs of opening (ontynan, openian) Verbs of refusing, opposing, forbidding

106 107

([gejsomnian,

108

[gejgadrian)

(forsacan, wi5sacan,forbeodan, werian) 15.6 Verbs of hating (laöian, feogan, hatian) 15.7 Verbs of deceiving (beswican, geswican, leogan) 15.8 Verbs of fearing (ondrcedan, drcedan, fylhtan) 15.9

106

109

110 III 112 113

Verbs of leading and bringing

([gejlcedan, [a-, ge-]teon, bringan) 15.10 Verbs of working (winnan, wyrcan, swincan)

114 115

15.11 Verbs of taking care and being anxious

about (gieman, carian, behealdan, sorgian, beon gemyndig, ymbhycgan) 15.12 Verbs of building (tymbrian,

arceran)

115 116

15.13 Verbs of listening, hearkening, Hearing

(hlystan, heorcnian, hieran)

116

xii

Contents

ChapterS. Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs A. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

B. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Native verbs vs. Old Norse loans Yerhs ofhappening (gelimpan, becuman, happen) Verbs of saying (cleopian, callen) Yerhs of thinking (Ijyncan, semen) Verbs of gQtting (niman, taken) Verbs of dreaming (mcetan, dremen) Other verbs that show conflicts 6.1 Werhs of ihio^mg {sendan, [ge]weorl)an,casten) 6.2 Auxiliary verbs {g0ra, can/con/gan, do, make) Native verbs vs. Anglo-French or Old French loans Verbs of liking and disliking (cwemen, lician, lystan, plesen) Verbs ofdouhting(tweo[ga]n,tweonian,douten) Verbs of judgment (deman, juggen) Verbs of remembering ([ge]myndi[g]an, mynegian, remembren) Verbs of serving (pegnian, geembehtan, serven, ministren) Other verbs that show conflicts 6.1 Verbs of enitr'mg (entren, comenigon) 6.2 Verbs of curing (gieman, lecnian, [gejhcelan) 6.3 Verbs of crymg(cleopian, crien) 6.4 Verbs of catching (cachfijer. Iahte,claurede, clahte)

Chapter 4. Verbs that became obsolete and archaic by the end of Middle English 1. The loss of prefixed verbs 2. The loss of poetic words 3. The influx of loan words

117 117 117 119 119 120 122 123 123 123 124 124 126 126 127 128 129 129 129 130 131

13 3 133 135 137

Contents

Chapter 5. Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle English 1. 2. 3. 4.

xiii

139

Passive vs./nfl«-periphrasis and active Transitive vs. reflexive and/or intransitive 'Impersonal' vs. personal Simple vs. periphrasis 4.1. Simple or prefixed verb vs. phrasal verb 4.2. Simple verb vs. 'verb + adjective/noun/participle'

139 142 143 145 145 155

4.3.

157

Simple verb vs. 'auxiliary + infinitive'

Chapter 6. Conclusion

169

Notes

175

Select bibliography

183

Appendix

191

Index of Old English verbs

227

Table of abbreviations

OE LOE EME ME LME MnE WS Goth L ON OF AF

Old English Late Old English Early Middle English Middle English Late Middle English Modem English West Saxon Gothic Latin Old Norse Old French Anglo-French

BT BTS BTC CHM OED OED 2 MED OES MCI MC2

Bosworth-Toller's AnAnglo-Saxon Dictionary Toller's Supplement to BT Enlarged Addenda and Corrigenda to BT Clark-Hall and Meritt's A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Oxford English Dictionary The Second Edition of OED Middle English Dictionary (A-S^^) Bruce Mitchell's Old English Syntax A Microfiche Concordance to Old English A Microfiche Concordance to Old English: The High Frequency Words Dictionary of Old English {D, C, B, and^E)

DOE

IE Gmc MnG

Indo-European language Germanic Modem German

V Aux Inf Adj N Pron Ptc

Verb Auxiliary Infinitive Adjective Noun Pronoun Participle

For Old English works I use the abbreviated titles proposed by Bruce Mitchell, Christopher Ball, and Angus Cameron in 'Short titles of Old English texts' (ASE 4 [1975], 207-221 and ASE 8 [1979], 331-333), such as And for Andreas, Beo for Beowulf, Guth for Guthlac, Jul for

xvi

Table of abbreviations

Juliana, PPs for The Paris Psalter, etc.). For Middle English works I follow MED, with the exception of Wyc EV and LV (the Wycliffite Bible, the Earlier Version and the Later Version), AW and AR (Ancrene Wisse, i.e. Ancr. [Corp-C], and Ancrene Riwle in other MSS), and a few other works specified under 'Texts examined'.

Texts examined

Old English poetry ASPR

Instr

The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, I-VI. eds. G.R Krapp and E.V.K. Dobbie. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1931-53. 'Instructions for Christians', ed. J.L. Rosien Anglia 82 (1964), 4-22, and 84 (1966), 74.

Old English glosses Li and Rul {Mt, Mk, Lk, Jn) Lindisfarne and Rushworth 1 versions of the Gospels in The Gospel according to Saint Matthew, Saint Mark, Saint Luke and Saint John, ed. W.W. Skeat. 1887, 1871, 1874, 1878; rpt. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1970. PsGlA The Vespasian Psalter, ed. S.M. Kuhn. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1965. PsGlB Der altenglische Junius-Psalter, ed. E. Brenner. Anglistische Forschungen 23. Heidelberg, 1908. PsGlC Der Cambridger Psalter, ed. K. Wildhagen. Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Prosa 7. 1910; rpt Darmstadt: WB, 1964. PsGlD Der altenglische Regius-Psalter, ed. F. Roeder. 1904; rpt. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1973. PsGlE Eadwine's Canterbury Psalter, ed. F. Harsley. EFTS, OS 92. London, 1889. PsGlF The Stowe Psalter, ed. A.C. Kimmens. Toronto Old English Series 3. Toronto, 1979.

xviii

PsGlG PsGlH PsGlI

PsGlJ PsGlK PsGlL

PsGlM

Texts

examined

The Vitellius Psalter, ed. J.L. Rosien Comell Studies in English 42. Ithaca: Comell Univ. Press, 1962. The Tiberius Psalter, ed. A.P. Campbell. Ottawa: Univ. of Ottawa Press, 1974. Der Lambeth-Psalter, I. Text und Glossar, ed. U. Lindelöf. Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, Tom. 35, No. 1. Helsinki, 1909. Der altenglische Arundel-Psalter, ed. G. Oess. AF 30. Heidelberg, 1910. The Salisbury Psalter, eds. C. Sisam and K. Sisam. EETS, OS 242. London, 1959. 'Der altenglischen Glossen im Bosworth-Psalter', ed. U. Lindelöf. Memoires de la Societe Neophilologique de Helsingfors 5 (1909), 139-231. The Bückling Glosses in The Bückling Homilies, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 58, 63, 73. rpt. London 1967, pp. 253263.

Old English prose CP(H)

Or Bo GD

BenR

King Alfred's West-Saxon Version ofGregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Henry Sweet. 2 Parts. EETS, OS 45, 50. London, 1871-72. The Old English Orosius, ed. J. Bately. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1980. King Alfred's Old English Version ofBoethius, ed. W. J. Sedgefield, 1899; rpt. Darmstadt: WB, 1968. Bischof Waerferths von Worcester Uebersetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen, ed. Hans Hecht. Bib. ags. Prosa 5. Leipzig: Georg H. Wigand, 1900. Die angelsächsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benediktinerregel, ed. Arnold Schröer. Bib. ags. Prosa 2. 1885-88; rpt. Darmstadt: WB, 1964.

Texts examined

Bede

Solil

BlHom

WSCp MCHom

JEHom Hex ^LS WHom Chron

xix

The Old English Version ofBede's Ecclesaistical History ofthe English People, ed. T. Miller. EETS, OS 95, 96, 110, III. rpt. London, 1959-63. König Alfreds des Grossen Bearbeitung der Soliloquien des Augustinus, ed. W. Endter. Bib. ags. Prosa 11. Hamburg, rpt. Darmstadt, 1964. The Bückling Homilies ofthe Tenth Century, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 58, 63, 73. 1874-80; rpt. London 1967. West Saxon Gospels in The Gospel, ed. W.W. Skeat (See Li and Rul). The Sermones Catholici, or Homilies ofMlfric, ed. B. Thorpe. 2 vols. 1843-46; rpt. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1971. Homilies of/Elfric, ed. J.C. Pope. 2 vols. EETS, OS 259, 260. London, 1967. The Old English Version of Hexateuch, ed. S.J. Crawford. EETS, OS 160. rpt. London, 1969. ^Ifric's Lives ofSaints, ed. W.W. Skeat. EETS, OS 76, 82, 94, 114. London, 1881-1900. The Homilies ofWulfstan, ed. Dorothy Bethuram. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957. Two ofthe Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Charles Plummer. 2 vols. 1892; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952.

Middle English poetry Orm

Las

The Ormulum, ed. R. Holt, with the Notes and Glossary of Dr. R.M. White. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1878. La^amons Brut, or Chronicle ofBritain, ed. Sir E Madden. 3 vols. 1847; rpt. AMS, 1970.

XX

Texts examined

StKath

Seinte Katerine, ed. S.R.T.O. d'Ardenne. EETS, SS 7. London, 1981. Cursor Cursor Mundi, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 57, 59, 62, 66, 68, 99, 101. 1874; rpt. London, 1961. Gawain Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, ed. L Gollancz. EETS, OS 210. London 1940, and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, eds. J.R.R. Tolkien and E.V. Gordon, 2nd. ed. Norman Davis. 1925; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967. Pearl, Cleanness, Patience Early English Alliterative Poems, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 1. 1869; rpt. London, 1934, and Pearl, ed. E.V. Gordon. 1963; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970. LeMorte Le Morte Arthur, ed. J.D. Bruce. EETS, ES 88. 1903; rpt. London, 1959. MorteArth Morte Arthure, ed. Edmund Brock. EETS, OS 8. 1871; rpt. London, 1961.

Middle English prose Vesp.D.Hom Early English Homilies from the Twelfth Century MS. Vesp. D. xiv., ed. Rubie D-N. Warner. EETS, OS 152. 1917; rpt. New York, 1971. BodHom Twelfth-Century Homilies in MS. Bodley 343, ed. A.O. Belfour. EETS, OS 137. 1909; rpt. London, 1962. VespA.Hom VespasianA. 22 Homilies in Old English Homilies, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 34, pp. 217-244. LambHom Lambeth Homilies in Old English Homilies. First Series, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 29, 34. 1886; rpt. New York: Greenwood Press, 1962, pp. 2-159. Wohunge PeWohunge ofure Lauerd 'm Old English Homilies, td. R. Morris. EETS, OS 34, pp. 269-287. TrinHom Trinity Homilies in Old English Homilies. Second Series, ed. R. Morris. EETS, OS 53. London, 1873, pp. 2-219.

Texts examined

HRood

xxi

History of the Holy Rood-Tree, ed. A. S. Naier. EETS, OS 103. London, 1894. HMeid Mali Meidenhad, ed. F.J. Fumivall. EETS, OS 18. London, 1922. StMarh Seinte Marharete, ed. EM. Mack. EETS, OS 193. London, 1934. StJul Pe Liflade ant te Passiun of Seinte Miene, ed. S.R.T.O. d'Ardenne. EETS, OS 248. London, 1961. SWard Sawles Warde in Old English Homilies. EETS, OS 34, pp. 245-267. AW Ancrene Wisse edited from MS. Corpus Christi College Cambridge 402, ed. J.R.R. Tolkien. EETS, OS 249. London, 1962. AR (Nero) The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle edited from Cotton NeroA. xiv, ed. Mabel Day. EETS, OS 225. 1952; rpt. London, 1975. AR (Titus) The English Text of the Ancrene Riwle edited from Cotton MS. Titus D. xviii, ed. P.M. Mack. EETS, OS 252. London, 1963. AR (Cleo) The English Text ofthe Ancrene Riwle edited from B.M. Cotton MS. Cleopatra C. vi, ed. E.J. Dobson. EETS, OS 267. London, 1972. AR (Pepys) The English Text ofthe Ancrene Riwle edited from Magdalene College Cambridge MS. Pepys 2498, ed. A. Zettersten. EETS, OS 274. London 1976. Wyc (EV, LV) The Holy Bible .. by John Wycliffe and his Followers, eds. J. Forshall and F. Madden. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1850. Malory The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. E. Vinaver. 3 vols. 2nd. ed. 1947; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973.

Chapter 1 Introduction to verbal syntax

This is an introductory chapter on verb forms and verbal rections. First I discuss the morphological rules and then exceptions and ambiguous forms, which may represent analogy or levelled inflections from the very early stage of Old English.

1. Inflections 1.1. Strong verbs The combination of the Indo-European five grades, i.e. normal grade (e), degre de flechi (o), third or zero grade (0), extended grade (e/ö), and reduced grade (3), plus a vowel or a constant produces a series of vowel changes, i.e. gradation or ablaut. The seven classes of Old English strong verbs are characterised by seven different series of vowel changes, in which the last class, class VII, is an exception, the evidence being restricted to Gothic and early Old English. The following diagram shows the series of vowel changes with representatives of each class. Class

Infinitive

Pret.Sg.

Pret.Pl.

RR

I

IE Gmc Goth OE e.g.

e+i 1 ei 1 drifan

0+i ai äi ä dräf

- +i i i i drifon

- +i i i i drifen

II

IE Gmc Goth OE e.g.

e+u eu iu eo creopan

0+u au äu ea creap

- +u u u u crupon

- +u 0 u 0 corpen

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

Class

Infinitive

IE OE e.g. IE OE e.g. IE OE e.g.

e+n+Cons o+n +Cons -+n+Cons i+n+Cons a+n+Cons u+n+Cons singan sang sungon e+l+Cons o+l+Cons -+l+Cons e+l+Cons ea+l+Cons u+l+Cons helpan hulpon healp e+r/h+Cons o+r/h+Cons -+r/h+Cons eo+r/h+Cons ea+r/h+Cons u+r/h+Cons wearp wurpon weorpan feohtan feaht fuhton

IE Gmc Goth OE e.g. cf.

e+r, 1, m e i e+r, 1, m heran stelan niman

o+r, 1, m a a ae+r, 1, m hasr stiel nam nöm

e+r, 1, m se e £e+r, 1, m bäron stffilon nömon nämon

3+r, 1, m o u o+r, 1, m boren Stolen numen

V

IE Gmc Goth OE e.g.

e+Cons e i e sprecan

o+Cons a a 32 sprac

e+Cons se e ae spräcon

e+Cons e i e sprecen

VI

IE Gmc Goth OE e.g.

o+Cons a a a scacan

ö+Cons ö ö ö scöc

ö+Cons ö ö ö scöcon

o+Cons a a a scacen

VII

Goth

e ai X

e.g.

cnäwan Istan

ai ai eo e cneowon leton

e ai

OE

ai al eo e cneow let

III (1)

(2)

(3)

IV

Pret.Sg.

Pret.Pl.

RR -+n+Cons u+n+Cons sungen -+l+Cons o+l+Cons holpen -+r/h+Cons o+r/h+Cons worpen fohten

X

cnäwen Iseten

Inflections

3

Class I includes many ordinary verbs, such as bidan, ndan, risan, scinan. There are synonyms for 'to go': gewitan, (a)sfigan, UÖan, scriöan (famous for Grendel's walk); and we may include ndan in a wider sense of the Word, while gän is an anomalous verb and gangan belongs to class VII. Class n includes ceowan, sceotan, and with a single vowl ü instead of eo, bügan and scüfan, and with the consonant change in Pret.Pl. and P.P., ceosan (das, curon, coren), leosan (leas, luron, loren), to name a few. Class n i has three subclasses, (1)« + Cons., (2) / + Cons., and (3) r or h + Cons. Under (1) are found bindan, drincan, swimman, irnan (which shows the result of metathesis of Gmc *rinnan but undergoes another metathesis later), onginnan (later supplanted by beginnan), gelimpan (which gives way to happen in the course of Middle English), and winnan (which means 'to strive' or 'to fight' in Old English, rather than 'to win'). Under (2) we have gieldan, giellan, meltan, and swelgan, and under (3), weoröan with the consontant change in the Pret.Pl. and the RR (weard, wurdon, worden). Berstan (which was made by a metathesis of Gmc *brestan),frignan (a Northumbrian counterpart of äcsian), and murnan also belong to this class. Class rV includes some verbs with modified vowel sequence, such as niman and cuman; the nasal caused Gmc e to change to i in the former, and *cweman was supplanted by *cwuman in the latter. In Bede, such spellings as cwom and cuoom are attested. Class V includes verbs whose stems end in a single consonant which is not a liquid or a nasal; thus brecan, a class-IV verb, should originally be in this class. Other verbs familiar to us are metan (in the sense 'to measure'), giefan, gietan, and tredan, and with the consonant change, cweöan (cwceö, cwcedon, cweden). Other important verbs with irregulär forms are etan (cet, ceton, eten), seon, (seah, säwon, sewen),^ and sittan (scet, setton, seten). Class VI includes dragan, scafan, standan, wascan, weaxan, and faran (cf. a weak verbßran). Verbs with contracted forms or umlauted vowels in the Pres, are slean (meaning 'to strike'), (ä)hebban, steppan, swerian (cf. a weak verb andswarian), and scieppan.

4

Introduction to verbal syntax

Class VII originally consisted of "reduplicating verbs"; they were so called because in Gothic the preterit forms of these verbs were made by repeating the initial consonant, adding ai, and prefixing them to the preterit stem, e.g. slepan: saislep, hätan: haihet (hence an Old English variant form of heht)?In the course of Middle English, the four principal forms are simplified into three, i.e. either the Pret.Sg. and the Pret.Pl. or the Pret.Pl. and the P.P. have fallen together, as is perceived in the following diagram. (I select some forms as representatives to save space; for other attested forms, see MED.) I

drifen driven

dröf(fe) drove dräf(e) dreve drivede

driven dreven droven dnveden

drifen driven

II

sheten shöten

shet shette shotte shäte (EM)

shöten shotten

shoten shotten

(1)

singen

sungen songen

sungen songen

(2)

helpen

hulpen holpen helpen (helpeden)

holpen hulpen help (helped)

(3)

fighten

sang song sunge halp he(a)lp holpe hulpe (helped) feht fa(u)ght

fuhten fo(u)ghten fa(u)ghten

fughten fo(u)ghten fouten

IV

beten beiren

beten bäten böten

böten

III

bär bSr beir bör

Inflections Stelen

stäl stöle

stalen stölen

Stolen

comen

cSm cöm

cömen cämen

comen cume

V

speken specken

spek spöke späk(e)

speken spöken späken

speken spöken

VI

shäken

shök scök (N)

shöken shäken (N)

shäken shäked

knouen kneuen (M) knaue (N)

kneue kneuen kneoue (WM&S) cneowen kneouede (M)

knouen kneue (M&K) knaun (N) knoued (M&S)

leten läten

let lette

leten letten läten

1.2.

leten läten

Weakverbs

Weak verbs are divided into three classes, according to their prehistoric suffixes (i) -j- / -i-, (ii) -öj- / -ö-, and (iii) -ai-. In the first class we find deman, cepan, fyllan, settan (cf. a streng verb sittan, class V), Icedan, metan, wendan, nemnan, hyngran, lecgan, etc. Agroup of verbs should also be included, which show the effect of umlaut only in the Pres, but not in the Pret. or P.P., e.g. tellan (denoting more frequently 'to count' or 'to account' than 'to teil'), sellan (meaning 'to give'), cwellan, bycgan, rcecan, tcecan, secan, wyrcan, fjencan, lyyncan, and bringan (var. brengan). The second class includes äcsian (var. äscian), ceteowian, baöian, bodian, dipian, gaderian, hopian, leornian, rician, löcian, lufian, sceawian, talian ('to esteem'; cf. tellan in the first class), etc.

6

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

Under the strong influence of the first and the second classes, most of the third-class weak verbs ceased to have their distinct paradigms, with the exception of habban, libban, secgan, hycgan, freogan ('to free'), and preagan ('to rebuke'). We must note that a considerable number of verbs got weak conjugations in Middle English (some as early as in Old English), e.g. class-II verbs like creopan, bügan, leosan; class-III verbs like gieldan, giellan, gielpan, helpan, meltan; class-V verbs like wrecan; class-VI verbs like hliehhan, hebban; class-VII verbs like slcepan, but many more verbs went out of use before long.

1.3. Preterit-present

verbs

A group of verbs, which originally had belonged to one of the classes of strong verbs, began to use the preterit forms for the present forms with the sense of the present tense, and consequently adopted new weak preterit forms. Of the following twelve Old English verbs, ägan, cunnan, magan, mötan, and sculan survive in the Modem English modal auxiliaries ought, can, may, must, and shall, with morphological, semantic, and slight syntactic changes. Orig. Class

Infinitive

Pres.3 Sg.

Pres.Pl.

Pret.3 Sg.

I I II

ägan witan dugan cunnan durran Jjurfan unnan munan sculan magan (ge)nugan mötan

äh wät deag cann, conn dearr {jearf ann, onn man, mon sceal maeg neah möt

ägon witon dugon connon durron Jjurfon unnon munon sculon magon nugon möton

ähte wisse, wiste dohte cüt)e dorste l)orfte üpe munde sceolde meahte, mihte nohte möste

m in m m IV IV V V VI

Inflections

7

These verbs change their forms in Middle English as follows.^ Infinitive owen/ö3en witen dugen cunnen dürren J)urfen

1.4. Anomalous

Pres.3 Sg. Owe wöt dowe can/con dar barf mon shal mal möt

Pres. PI. owe(n) wite(n) dowe(n) cunne(e)/cunneb dar burfe(n) shule(n) mowen möte(n)

Pret.3 Sg. ahte/o(u)3te Wiste douhte cübe/coude durste {jurfte mo(u)nde sholde mi5te/mu5te moste

verbs

Beon/wesan, dön, gän, and willan show conjugations peculiar to the respective verbs and are classified as anomalous verbs. They are so independent that the simplest way of explaining their inflections is to show paradigms for each of the four verbs. The paradigm of beon! wesan consists of three Indo-European roots, i.e. *bheu, *es/os, *wes/ wos. The preterit forms of gän are later supplanted by those of wendan, a first-class weak verb. Unlike all the other Modem English modal auxiliaries, willan, MnE will, was not a preterit-present verb in origin. Beon/wesan Indicative Subjunctive Pres. Pret. Pres. Pret. wasre Sg. 1 eom/beo wses Sg. 1,2,3 sle/beo 2 eart/bist wsere 3 is/bij) wffis PI. sindon/sind/sint/ WEeron PI. sien/beon waeren beotj/wesaJ) Imperative 2 Sg. beo/wes; 2 PL beoJ)/wesaJ) Infinitive beon/wesan; tö beonne, tö wesanne (N)'^ Pres.Part. beonde/wesende

8

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

Dön Indicative Subjunctive Pret. Pres. Pres. Pret. dö dyde, dsede Sg. 1,2,3 do dyde 1 2 dest dydest 3 dep dyde, deede döl3 dydon, dsedon PI. dön dyden Imperative! Sg. do; 2 PL do{) Infinitive don; to donne Pres.Part. donne Past.Part. dön Gän Indicative Pres. Pret. eode Sg. I gä 2 gaest eodest eode 3 gffij) eodon gab Imperative! Sg. gä; 2 PI. gäj) Infinitive gän; tö gänne Past.Part. gän

Subjunctive Pres. Pret. Sg. 1,2,3 gä eode

PI.

gän

eoden

Willan Indicative Subjunctive Pres. Pret. Pres. Pret. wille Wolde Wolde Sg. 1,2,3 Wille 1 2 wilt woldest 3 wile, Wolde wille PI. willal) woldon PI. willen wolden Infinitive willan, to willdenne, -anne Pres.Part. willende All four anomalous verbs take various forms in Middle English depending on the dialect to which they belong. In the following paradigms, I insert (N) (Northern), (M) (Midlands: W M for West-Midi, and E M for East-Midl.), (S) (Southern), and (K) (Kentish), to indicate forms peculiar to a particular dialect.

Inflections

Be(n) Indicative Pres Pret. Sg. 1 am, be (N), em (S, K) Sg. 1 was, wes (N, K) 2 ert (N), es (N), bes (N), 2 was (N), wes (N), art, best (S, EM) wgre (WM), were 3 es (N), bes (N), is, 3 was, wes (N) ys (M), be(o)l), byelp (K) PL äre (N), am (M), PI. wer (N), wäre (N), es (N), bes (N), wes (N), wgre (WM), be(o){), ben (EM), were(n) byel) (K) Subjunctive Pret. wär(e) (N), wgre (WM), were PI. be (N), ben, beon (S) PI. wär(e) (N), wgren (WM), were(n) Imperative 2 Sg. be, beo, (S); 2 PI. bes, (N), bej), beoj) (S) Infinitive be, ben, beon (S), b'i(en) (K) Pres.Part. beand(e) (N), being (EM) Past.Part. ben, i-be (S) Sg.

Pres be, beo (S), by (K)

Sg.

Dön Pres.Sg. 1 2 3 Pres.Pl. Pret. Imperative Infinitive Pres.Part. Past.Part.

Indicative Subjunctive dö dö dös (N), döst (M), dest (S) dös (N), döt) (M), del) (S) dös (N), dö(n) (M), dö]? (S) PL. dö (N), dö(n) dide, dede (S) PL dide, dede (S) Sg. dö PL dö(s) (N), dö|3 dö (N), dö(n); tö dön(n)e (S) döand(e) (N), döing (M), döinde (S) dön, i-dön (S)

10

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

Gön Indicative Subjunctive Pres.Sg. 1 gä (N), gQ Sg. gä (N), g? 2 gäs(N), ggst 3 gas (N), gQjj (M), gel3 (S) Pres.PL gas (N), gQ(n) (M), gOl) (S) PL gä (N), gQ(n) Pret. went (N), 5ede, 59de, eode (S) Imperative Sg. gä (N), gg; PI. gä(s) (N), gg^) Infinitive gä(n) (N), gg(n) Pres.Part.^ ggende (M), gginge (M), gginde (S) Past.Part. gän(e) (N), (y)gö(n) (M), i-gg (S) Wil(le) Indicative Pres.Sg. 1,3 wi\,vfi\{l)e, Sg. wüle (WM, S), wol(e) (M) 2 wilt, wolt, wült (WM, S) Pres.Pl. wilen, woln, wol, wüllej) (S) PI. Pret.Sg. 1,3 Wolde, walde, wulde, wilde 2 woldest Pret.PI. wolden, wilden, wild, wald Infinitive wil, wille(n) Past.Part. wold

Subjunctive wile, wole

wilen, woln

2. Distinct forms of verbs 2.1.

Presentforms

In Old English, both streng and weak verbs take -e, -(e)st, and -t/-(e)jj for the Ist, 2nd, and 3rd person ind. sg. Thus ridan (class I) has ic r'ide, fjü r'idest, he r'idejj/rit, and deman (first weak verb), ic deme, jjü dem(e)st, he dem(e)l). Besides, strong verbs have the 2nd and 3rd person pres. sg. forms both with and without umlaut. Thus beodan (class II) has ic beode but pü bietst/beodest and he biet(t)/beodelj; helpan (class IE) has ic helpe but fjü hilpst/helpest and he hilpJj/helpejj; cuman (class IV) has ic cume but jjü cymst/cumest and he cymp/cumejj, etc. The contract

Distinct forms ofverbs

11

verbs normally show umlauted forms: e.g. ic seo, siehst, he siehp, for seon, and ic fö, jjüßhst, heßhjj, for/ön. In the present plural, the strong verbs take -ap, or if contracted. Only with the Ist or 2nd personal pronoun in inverted order of VS does -e occur, as in r'ide we/ ge. The weak present plural is -(i)ap. Such are the Standard forms of West Saxon, not later than 1000 A.D., but many different forms are used in other dialects or in the same dialect in different periods, and of course, there have always been variant forms anytime, anywhere. For instance, in Li, a Northumbrian Version of the Gospels, -o and -u often occur beside -e for the Ist person sg., e.g. Mt 1.12) ic ondeto him l Öcem forÖon ncefra ic cude t oncneawu. In the 3rd person sg., -es occurs instead of -ef) (e.g. geheres and cueÖces), but in verbs of frequent use, one form is consistently used (e.g. biÖ and doeÖ, though they are both anomalous verbs). The pl. -ajj becomes -ejj in Late West Saxon; we may see the change in WSCp cweJjaÖ and WSH cweÖeÖ. In Middle English, the inflectional endings for strong verbs become indistinguishable from those for weak verbs, and, as their Substitutes, dialectal distributions begin to be noticeable. In the ind. sg., the ending for the Ist person becomes 0 in the North but -e elsewhere, and the endings for the 2nd and 3rd persons are -es in the North and the northem part of the Midlands, but -est and -ej[j, respectively, in the South and the southem part of the Midlands. For the plural, they are -es in the North, -es, -en, and sometimes -e in the Midlands, and -ep in the South. This means that both the 3rd person sg. and pl. may show the same endings {-es in the North and -e]j in the South), though we do not find so much inconvenience in actual contexts, e.g. Morte Arthur (1) 823-824 The bere ... Be-takyns the tyrauntez that tourmentez thy pople.

2.2.

Preteritforms

In strong verbs we have akeady seen the forms of Pret.Sg. and Pret.Pl. as principal parts, but the Pret.Sg. forms which show the ablaut system represent the Ist and 3rd person pret. sg. The 2nd person pret. sg. has

12

Introduction to verbal syntax

the same form as the subjunctive pret. sg. (and shares the root vowel with ind. pret. pl. and subj. pret. sg. and pl.), e.g. ic bead but bude for beodan; ic beer for beran. The Pret.Pl. has an ending -on. For weak verbs, the endings are Ist and 3rd. sg. -(e)de, 2nd sg. -(e)dest, and pl. -on, and so with anomalous verbs. The ending -de occurs when the verb stem ends in a voiced consonant, as in the cases of Icedde for Iddan and fylde for fyllan, and the ending -te is used when the verb stem ends in a voiceless consonant, as in those of sette for settan and cepte for cepan. In Late West Saxon to Early Middle English, -on becomes -an or -en, as we find in ChronA 874 (72.27) j pcet lond all geeodon and ChronE 874 (73.23) J Jjet land eall geeodan. In preteritpresent verbs, -on is an ending of Pres.Pl. In the same annal we find both -en and -on in both texts, i.e. ChronA 874 (72.32-72.33) habban wolden ... Icestan woldon and ChronE 874 (73.28-73.29) habban woldon ... gelcestan wolden. In Middle English, the strong verbs in the preterit are regularly used without any endings at all in the North, but with -e for the 2nd pers. sg. and -e(n) for the pl. elsewhere. Weak verbs have -(e)de or -(e)d for the Ist and 3rdpers. sg., -(e)dest for tht 2ndpers. sg., and -(e)de(n) for the pl. form (e.g. lovede[n], herde[n]). As is seen from Late Old English, -t- may occur instead of -d- when the verb stem ends in a voiceless consonant (e.g. feite).

2.3. Infinitives — simple and inflected In the simple Infinitive, strong verbs take the -an ending unless they are contract verbs like teon (< *teohan, class II), seon (< *sehan, class V), and slean (< *slahan, class VI). The second weak verbs take -ian, like lufian or wundrian, while the first and the third weak verbs take -an, with the exception of nerian (which, unlike the -ian in the second weak verbs, had -j- to cause umlaut in Gmc *naz-jan), wenian (< *wan-jan), trymian (< *trum-jan), and ferian (< *far-jan).^ In the inflected Infinitive or "gerund", orignally a dative govemed by tö, the West Saxon Standard ending is -enne, and variants are -anne (cf. BDS(WS) 3a to gehicgenne

Distinct forms of verbs

13

and (North.) to ymbhycggannae), or simply -an or -a (North., esp. Li: cf. Jn. 8.40 [interficere] (Li) to cuella i gecearfa and (WSCp) to ofsleanne). As is seen with the form of-sleanne, contract verbs take -onne or -anne according to their simple forms, e.g. to teonne, to seonne, to sleanne, etc. Towards the Late Old English and Early Middle English periods, we find such variant forms as -an, -en, -e, -enne, -anne, and -ende. It is obvious that the simple and the inflected forms of the Infinitive become confused with the present participle.

2.4. Participles Present participles take -ende and past participles, -en for strong verbs and -ed, -od, -d, or -t for weak verbs (though -ge seems optional). As we have seen in section 2.3., confusing forms tend to appear, e.g. Jn 7.25 [interficere] (Li) to a-cuellanne, (Rul) to acwellanne, (WSCp) to of-sleande, and (WSH) to of-sleanne. Though present participles are uninflected when used predicatively, both present and past participles are declined as adjectives. Thus in Bede's accounts of Caedmon we find: Bede 4.24 344.27-344.28 Pa he Öa hcefde fja wisan onfongne, l)a eode he harn to his huse. The past participle onfongne agrees with pa wisan, the object, and the clause may be properly rendered 'when he had his task (in the State of being) undertaken' rather than 'when he had undertaken his task'. How far the pluperfect was established in the Old English tense system may not be precisely stated, because we may be able to count the inflected participles of masculine and feminine singular accusative but unable to teil if they are inflected or not when in neuter Singular or plural accusatives of all genders. In Middle English the endings of the past participle become -(en) or -e(n) for strong verbs and -(e)doT -t for weak verbs, and the agreement with the subject or the object is no longer evident. The prefix i- or yi (elsewhere) for the plural. For the Ist and 3rd persons, let, do, make or Northern ger (< ON g0ra) serve the same purpose, besides the old use of the subjunctive.

2.6.

Subjunctives

The endings of the present subjunctive are -e for the singular and -en for the plural for both strong and weak verbs. Strong verbs take -e and -en with the preterit stem to form the preterit subjunctive, while weak verbs take -de and -den {-ode and -oden for the second-class weak verbs). These -e and -en endings are useful in distinguishing the subjunctive in form until the appearance in the indicative paradigms of so many ambiguous or levelled forms, which must have given a good reason for the use of the modal auxiliaries should, may, might, and would in the periphrastic subjunctive.

Morphological

ambiguity

15

3. Morphological ambiguity 3.1. The ending -e For the Ist person sg., the ending has always been -e for the indicative and the subjunctive in West Saxon, though the earliest texts show Anglian -u or -o (e.g. [Li] ic sello vs. [WSCp] ic sylle). In a sentence like Mt(WSCp) 7.23 ponne cweöe ic to him p ic eow ncefre ne cuÖe, we cannot say decisively from the purely methodological point of view that cuÖe is in the subjunctive. But the fact that cweöan frequently takes the subjunctive form of a verb in its governing clause makes us think of the possibility. In Li, however, the verb is not cweÖe but ondeto [confitebor] and the verb in the clause is L noui. Then we begin to seek the other possibility, i.e. the indicative. The bare Infinitive and then the inflected Infinitive Start to have the ending -e in the course of Middle English: cf. Mt 20.22 (WSCp) to drincenne, (WSH) to drinken, (Wyc EV) to drynke, and (LV) schal drynke.

3.2. Endings -an, -on, and -en -An is an inflectional ending for the Infinitive, the Ist person pl. imperative, and Late Old English weakened pret. pl. -On is originally an ending for the pret. pl. indicative and for the Infinitive of contract verbs. We must not forget the Northumbrian remnant of pret. pl. -un as in wcerun and cwomun. -En is for the subjunctive plural, present and preterit, and for the past part. of the strong verbs, but also for the Infinitive or the pret. pl. indicative in Late Old English and Early Middle English. When ChronA and ChronE are compared, dozens of examples of weakened inflectional endings can be found scattered everywhere. It is important to note that ChronA does not always show the Standard inflection of Old English. (Variations are given only for the verb forms involved.) Examples include ChronA 495 (14.18-14.20) her cuomon [E. coman] twegen aldor men on Bretene. ... jpy ilcan dcege gefuhtun [E. gefuhton] wip Walum, 755 {46.30-4S.l) Jpone bur utan beeode [E.

16

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

uton beeodon] cer hine l)a men onfunden [E. anfundan] Jje mid pam kyninge wcerun [E. wceron], 794 (56.1-56.2) HerÄdrianuspapa j Ojfa cyning forpferdon [E. fordferden]\ J /Epelred Norpan hymbra cyning wces ofsltsgen [E. wces ofslagan] from his agenre peode, 871 (72.1572.16) Jcyningespegnas oftradeonridon [E. on riden] ...Jpcesgeares wcerun ofslcegene [E. wceron ofslagene] -viU- eorlas J an cyning, 887 (80.11) J hi cucedon pcet hie pcet to his Honda healdan sceoldon [E. scoldan'\.

3.3. Endings -ap, -iap, and -ep (Late Old English and Middle English pl.) The second weak verbs have an -ian ending in the infinitive, and -iap for the indicative pl. and the imperative pl. They take -ap for the 3rd pers. sg. indicative, e.g. locap 'looks' but lociap iook'. -Ap is an ending for the indicative pl. of all the rest of the weak and streng verbs (we may include gäp and willap), and also for the imperative pl. The confusion between -iap and -ap is pointed out by Mitchell (1985: §601a). The two forms become -ep in Late Old English. This time, examples are from WSCp and WSH (together with -an/-on/-en variants: e.g. Mt(WSCp) 2.8 Farad [H. FareÖ] J axiaö [H. axiad] geornlice be pam cilde. J ponne ge hyt gemetaÖ [H. gemeteÖ'\ cypaÖ eft me, Mt(WSCp) 22.19 cetgywaÖ [H. atewia5] me pces gafoles mynyt. 5a brohton [H. brohten] hi him anne peninc, Mt(WSCp) 23.3 healdaÖ [H. healdeÖ] J wyrceaÖ [H. wyrcaÖ] swa hwcet swa hig secgeap [H. seggaö] j ne do ge na cefter heora worcum; Hig secgeaÖ [H. seggeÖ] j ne doÖ, Jn(WSCp) 7.36 ge seceap [H. secheÖ] me J ne findap [R.findeS]. J ge ne magon cuman [H. cumen] par ic eom, Jn(WSCp) 12.8 Ge habbaö [H. hcebbeÖ] symle pa pearfan mid eow. ac ge nabbaö [H. ncebbeÖ] me symle, Lk(WSCp) 11.48 eallunga ge cyöaö [H. kyÖed:] J ge pafiaÖ [H. pafieS] eower fcedera weorcum. forpam hig ofslogon [H. slogen] hig. J ge timbriaÖ [H. timbrieÖ] hira byrgena.

Distinctive features of verbs

17

4. Distinctive features of verbs The verbal rection is the main theme of this section. Since an exhaustive survey has been done by Mitchell (1985), it is not necessary for us to repeat his results in detail. We must first understand, however, which verb govems which case, which verb is used as a copula, and which verb takes a prepositional object, etc., before we go in for the conflict of synonyms, so that we may find a semantic influence eventually extending itself to a syntactic Innovation. Let us first see what the original landscape of Old English verbs was like.

4.1. Intransitive and transitive Visser (1963-1973: §129) classifies verbs without a direct object into four types: (1) the self-sufficient intransitive (e.g. we slapaÖ), (2) an intransitive verb alongside of which there exists an etymologically related transitive homonym (e.g. heofoncandel barn), (3) intransitive verbs that are usually construed with an indirect object (in the dative) or with a causative object (in the genitive) (e.g. ic miltsige and hit ne derap), and (4) the verb, though transitive, is used without the direct object it normally requires, and is ... used absolutely (e.g. ic befrine). Because of the limited number of extant Old English texts, we are not certain if a verb was always used intransitively or transitively. Mitchell (1985: §§602-606) has ah-eady pointed out the difficulty in the use of terms such as 'quasi-object' for the dative and 'partitive-object' for the genitive. Copulas and verbs of motion can be first thought of as intransitive verbs, and we might safely State that such verbs as cuman, faran, and gelimpan are intransitives (if we ignore the fact that the former two may sporadically take a pleonastic reflexive dative and the last as an 'impersonal' verb occurs with a dative of person). But even UÖan shows a possible transitive feature, as is quoted in BT: Beo 223b pa wcES sund liden (cf. ON üöa). (Ge)wendan shows three kinds of uses in ChronE, i.e. intransitive: 1001 (133.26) panon wendon in Wihtland, reflexive: 1048 (173.2) j wendon him pa up to pcere bürge

18

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

weard, and transitive: 1095 (232.14) jforfji geond eallpis land wurdon eoröwcestmas eall to medemlice gewende. We may be wise, therefore, to follow Mitchell (1985: §§602-605) and adopt the terms "verbs used intransitively" and "verbs used transitively". Though we do not use Visser's terminology, his type (2) verbs are Worth noting, because they tend to get a transitive use under the influence of their etymologically corresponding transitive verbs owing to morphological similarity. They are: abrecan, abreo5an, acirran, acuman, acweccan, acwician, astiewan, aststandan, aslacian, baöian, blawan, blissian, brecan, bregdan, buan, byman, chpian, cwanian, dragan, dwelian, dwellan, eardian, fleon, fon, geotan, gladian, healdan, hefigan, hildan, hlaenan, hweorfan, lacan, isestan, langian, mierran, miswendan, ofergan, oferfaran, openian, plegan, sadian, samnian, sargian, sarian, scotian, spyrian, toticgan, tostregdan, tostencan, tydran, beostrian, bringan, wanian, wlitigian,

though I should think most of them are transitive verbs often used absolutely. I may give leohtian (intr.) and lihtan (tr.) as one of the typical corresponding pairs; the latter occurs in PPs 143.7 Ib in the form of leohtaÖ. Pairs of verbs with morphological resemblance may pose a problem. For instance, cwelan 'to die' (st. 4) and cwellan 'to kill' (wk. 1) may have the same form of the pres. pl. ind., cwel(l)aÖ. The following two examples are cited as those of cwelan in DOE: CP 23.173.19 sua sua manegra cynna wyrta & grasu beoÖ gegaderad, sumu neat batigaÖ fore, sumu cuelaÖ (Cot cwelaÖ; cf. PL 77.49C: quia etplerumque herbce quce hcec animalia nutriunt, alia occidunt), and CP 59.449.19 hi libbaÖ Öeah oörum monnum, & cwelaö him selfum (cf. PL 77.120B: vivunt postremo aliis, et sibi moriuntur).

4.2. Copulas From this section to section 4.14., I first look into the verbs discussed by Visser (1963-1973), then compare them with Mitchell (1985), and

Distinctive features

ofverbs

19

then add my own examination. From 4.4. to 4.10.,I also refer to Wülfing (1894). Following are the Old English and Middle English verbs that are treated by Visser as copulas (in bis Index and §228 ff.). (* means tbat the verb takes otber syntactic structures as well, i.e., it may also appear in some otber, subsequent section(s). Middle English (or modemized) forms suggest tbat no sufficient evidence of the use of the particular verb is found in Old English.)^ abide, appear, *a£standan, awunian, *becuman, bego, begrow, belifan, beseem, *bidan, breide, *can, change, clif(i)an, *ciiman, *daw, derk, drink, duren, dwell, enduren, *faran, *feallan, forworthen, gebidan, gestandan, get, geweaxan, *geweorJ)an, *gewunian, *go, grow, hove, last, leng, leven, look, *make, prove, remain, *rest, retum, nm, *sculan, *seem, show, stem (?), swell, tum (out, up), *burhwunian, *byncan, wane, warian, wax, *weorJ)an, wunian Visser uses the term "quasi-copulas" for such verbs as *feel, *seomian, smell, snap, *standan, work, and yawn. He has two other categories, i.e. verbs with predicate adjuncts — act, breathe, die, *go, *laugh, *linger, live, *pass, *sittan, *standan, and verbs with adjunct of direction — adventure, *beon, *can, dare, genepan, *may, *might, *motan, purpose, shall, *woerl)an, *wilL

4.3. 'ImpersonaV verbs Verbs which are to be discussed in this section include so-called 'impersonal' verbs, i.e. used with a dative (or an accusative, or very rarely a genitive) of person that functions as the subject in a personal construction, and real impersonal verbs which originally occur without a dative (or an accusative) of person.^ Verbs in tbis section may also appear in other sections, because those 'impersonal' verbs are used either 'impersonally' or personally.^

20

Introduction to verbal syntax

Verbs expressing natural phenomena: asfenlaecan 'to grow towards evening', aefhian 'to grow towards evening', blowen, calan 'to become cool', calmen, clear, dagian, (> dawn), darken, *daw, dewen, drizzle, dusken, freosan (> freeze), frumlihtan 'to dawn', *geneah 'it is sufficient', *genealaecan 'to draw near', hagolian (> hail), nihtian 'to become night', ri(g)nan (> rain), sletan (> sleet), smerten, sniwan (> snow), styrman 'to storm', sumorlaecan 'to draw near to summer', sweorcan 'to become dark', l)unrian (> thunder), wederian (> weather), winterljecan 'to draw near to winter' Verbs of happening: *beon, *befeallen (> befall), *belimpan, *byrian, chaunce, *cuman, destinen, *faran, gebyrian, gedafenian, gelimpan, *gerisan, gesaelan, getimian (> time), getydan (> tide), *geweort)an, *happen, *limpan, misbefeallen, mishappen, *mislimpan, mistiden, mistimen, *ofergan, *pass, pertainen, *saelan, *standan, toscelan,'^ *weorJ)an, *misweort)anio Verbs expressing emotion: agrisen 'to be frightened', *aJ)reotan 'to weary', eglian (> all), *forsceamian 'to be greatiy ashamed', forjDynken, gehagian 'to please', *(ge)hreowan (> rue), *(ge)lician (> like), gelustfullian 'to be delighted', *(ge)sceamian (> shame), getweo(ga)n 'to doubt', *(ge)tweonian 'to seem doubtful', *gramian 'to be furious', greven, grisen, grullen, *hefigian 'to oppress', *hreowsian 'to be sorry', irken, *langian (> long), *lystan (> list), loathe, *ofhreowan 'to cause grief, *oflician 'to displease', *oft)yncan 'to cause regret', pleasen, repenten, sowen, *twynian (tweonian) 'to cause doubt', l^reotan 'to weary', vexen, yflian 'to afflict' Verbs expressing feeling: ache, deynen (> deign), *feel, (ge)hyngrian (> hunger), *merveillen, *l3yrstan (> thirst), werien (> weary), *wundrian (> wonder)

Distinctive features of verbs

21

Verbs of thinking or believing: beluven, *(ge)l)yncan 'to seem', *misj)yncan 'to give a wrong idea', *seem Verbs denoting necessity: bejjurfan 'to need', bus(e) (bos[s]), *motan 'to be obliged', neden, *agan (> owe), thar, *burfan 'to have need' Verbs of minor categories are: 'to cry, moan' — hleol)rian, meinen, menen, 'to be fitting' — *behofian, onhagian, 'to avail' — availen, (ge)spowan, misspowan}^ speden, 'to dream'— *dremen, (ge)mcetan, swefnian, 'to lack' — lacken, wanten, and the rest are alyfan 'to permit', *boot, buden, dohte,fealwian 'to wither', gainen, geyflian 'to become iir, ge(h)risan 'to fall away', genyhtsumian 'to suffice', gleden, *godian 'to be good', gemenen, *lihtan (> light), lacken, minnen, mister, mizzle, payen, recchen (> reck), repairen, *sitten, thawen, and wlatian 'to cause a person loathing'. In Visser's Index, we find the construction 'Hirn is —', where a nominative of thing is to be inserted in the blank. This kind of 'personal' construction with the subject of a nominative of thing and a dative of person is common in Old English. His list is: ar, ealuscerwen, ege(sa), eie, endedaeg, fasgemes, gad, grim, hyge, langung, masl, mürbe, need, neod, onsyn, pleoh, sib, sorwe (sorh), tweo, unbliss, Jjearf, wa, willa Most of these nouns have their derivative 'impersonal' verbs. Another construction occurs with (h)it instead of an explicit subject of a person or a thing. Visser lists the following verbs. accord, agasten, anoyen, appertian, *appear, avaunce, berisan, *behofian, besittan, bolden, *boot, *cwet)an, dowen, efferen, forthinken, fortunen, *make

22

Introduction

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syntax

4.4. Verbs with genitive (including

reflexive)

Visser uses "+ 2" for a causative object, and the following are the "verbs + 2" in bis list; some of tbem are from bis § § 3 7 8 - 3 9 1 and others from bis Index. He subdivides verbs by semantic groups, and I partly rearrange bis groups, referring to BT(S, C) and DOE (fascicles h, c, d, and ce). I use "beon + Adj" for Visser's list of adjectives. Verbs of rejoicing, mouming, sorrowing, regretting, fearing, feeling, boasting, wondering (Visser, §378): *agieldan 'to pay', ahlehhan 'to laugh at', *at)reotan 'to weary', begeomerian 'to lament', bemajnan (> bemoan), benugan 'to need', bewepan 'to weep Over', blissian 'torejoice','" *bodian (>bode),ii bon 'toboast', efen-blissian 'to rejoice equally', efen-gefeon 'to rejoice together', faegnian 'to rejoice', *felan (> feel), *feon 'to rejoice', fredan 'to feel', genugan 'to suffice', *gielpan (> yelp), gnomian 'to grieve', greotan 'to weep', heofan 'to lament', hlehhan (> laugh), *hreowsian 'to be sorry', *lustfullian 'to rejoice', *lystan, masnan 'to moan', *miltsian 'to have pity upon', *ofhreowan 'to cause grief, ofsceamian 'to put to shame', *ondra2dan 'to dread', onbracian 'to fear", *restan,i2 sargian 'to be sad', *sceamian (> shame), *t)ancian (> thank), wafian 'to be amazed', wepan (> weep), *wundrian (> wonder) Verbs of expecting, seeking, striving, asking, desiring, longing, boping, coveting, claiming, needing, persecuting, trying, etc. (Visser, §379):i3 abidan (> abide), *ascian (> ask), aefestian 'to envy', an(d)-bidian 'to expect', basnian 'to expect', befri(g)nan 'to ask', *behofian 'to have need o f , beburfan 'to need', *bidan (> bide), *biddan (> bid), efstan 'to hasten', ehtan 'to chase', fricgan 'to ask', friclan 'to desire', *fTignan 'to ask', fundian 'to strive', *geom(i)an 'to desLre', gitsian 'to covet', hentan 'to pursue', higian (> hie), hopian (> hope), manian 'to admonish', neosian 'to seek', onbidan (> abide), romian 'to strive after', saet(n)ian 'to lie in wait for', sinj)yrstan,i'^ *tilian 'to strive', *burfan 'to need', *byrstan (> thirst), *wenan (> ween), *willian 'to desire', *wilnian 'to desire', winnan (> win), *wrecan 'to drive', *wyscan (> wish)

Distinctive features

of verbs

12>

Verbs of caring, heeding, considering, listening, pledging, preferring, not caring, neglecting, forsaking, delaying, leaving off, failing to do, forgetting, etc. (Visser, §380): 15 ablinnan 'to cease', setsacan 'to deny', agiman 'to regard', amunan 'to consider', aslacian 'to slacken', aslawian 'to be dull', aweorpan 'to cast away', becepan 'to be heedful', begyman 'to take care of, *blinnan 'to leave ofF, cepan 'to observe', eft-gemyndgian 'to remember', foresettan 'to set before', forsettan 'to set before', forgitan 'to forget', forhtian 'to be afraid', *forsceamian 'to be greatly ashamed', gemynan 'to remember', gyman 'to care for', hawian 'to observe', hedan (> heed), *heorcnian (> hearken), hlosnian 'to listen', *hlystan (> list), *hycgan 'to consider', latian 'to be slow', *linnan 'to cease', locian (> look), lufian (> love), *metgian 'to consider', misgiman 'to neglect', *missan (> miss), mijjan 'to conceal', munan 'to remember', *myndgian 'to bear in mind', *mynegian 'to recall', ofergitan 'to forget', ofergitolian 'to forget', oflinnan 'to cease', *onsacan 'to deny a Charge',ot)sacan 'to deny', *reccan (> reck), *scrifan 'to care for','^ *scyldan (> shield), sinnan 'to care for', *slapan (> sleep), sweltan 'to die', *swican 'to desist, cease', *J)encan, wacian (> wake), weddian (> wed), *wit)sacan 'to refuse' Verbs of granting, loaning, refusing, depriving, withdrawing, robbing, etc. (Visser, §381): *beniman 'to deprive', *forwieman 'to refuse', lasnan 'to grant', *ofteon 'to withdraw', *onlaenan 'to lend, grant', *onleon 'to grant', *reafian 'to rob', *ti{)ian 'to grant', wiman 'to refuse' Verbs of helping, etc. (Visser, §382): *geocian 'to preserve', *helpan Verbs of getting, begetting, gaining, obtaining, acquiring, buying, hiring, taking, eaming, effecting, producing, losing, getting rid of, forfeiting, etc. (Visser, §383): begitan 'to get', *bycgan (> buy), *ceapian 'to buy', *ceosan (> choose), eamian (> eam), fremman 'to perform, commit', *fulgan(gan) 'to fulfil',

24

Introduction to verbal syntax

gripan (> gripe), hleotan 'to obtain by lot', *losian (> lose), niman 'to take', sciran 'to get clear', streonan 'to gain', strudan 'to spoil', J)olian 'to suffer', *wyrcan (> work) Verbs of eating, tasting, enjoying, partaking, employing, using, receiving, etc. (Visser, §384):18 abitan 'to bite', abrucan 'to eat', abyrgan 'to taste', afon 'to take', bitan (> bite), brucan 'to enjoy','^ *byr(i)gan 'to taste', ceowan (> chew), deelniman 'to take part', drincan, etan, *fon 'to receive', neotan 'to enjoy', notian 'to employ, enjoy', nyttian 'to make use of, onbitan 'to taste of, onbyr(i)gan 'to taste of, *onfon 'to take', Jjicgan 'to take, receive' Verbs of touching (Visser, §385): *a2thrinan 'to touch', *hrinan 'to touch', *onhrinan 'to touch', oJ)hrinan 'to touch' Verbs of trying, testing, tempting, proving, etc. (Visser, §386): acimnian 'to prove', afandian 'to try', costian 'to tempt', costnian 'to tempt', cunnian 'to prove', frasian 'to tempt', fundian 'to strive' Verbs of having power over, ruling, Controlling, directing, guiding, correcting, restraining, reproving, etc. (Visser, §387): basdan 'to require'.^o bajtan 'to bridle', ricsian 'to rule', *steoran (> steer), *wealdan (> wield) Verbs of having and possessing (Visser, §388): *habban, nagan (= ne agan) Verbs of knowing, understanding, doubting, believing, trusting, mistrusting, being mistaken, erring, etc. (Visser, §389): cunnan 'to know', dwelian 'to err', *geliefan 'to trust', ongitan 'to understand', *ortruwian 'to despair of, *truwian 'to trust', *tweogan 'to (cause) doubt', *tweonian 'to cause doubt', *witan (> wit)

Distinctive features

ofverbs

25

Verbs of being silent, abstaining from speaking (Visser, §390): adumbian 'to keep silence', forsugian 'to pass over in silence', forsweogian 'to pass over in silence', *stillan (> still), sweogian (swig[i]an) 'to be silent' Otber verbs (Visser, §391) are *bacan (> bake), *beladian 'to clear', *beran (> bear), *forbcernan 'to burn up', *geweorJjan 'to agree', *gewunian 'to dwell', *ofergan 'to be over', *onhweorfan 'to change', *onwreon 'to display', pleon 'to risk', secgan (> say), and wandian 'to tum aside'. In bis Index, Visser also gives anbugan 'to bend', awcegan 'to deceive' (in §373, one of the verbs which disappeared before the beginning of Middle English),/orcwe/ja« 'to rebuke', andforesittan 'to sit in front' (according to Mitchell, tbis verb also takes an acc. or dat.). Mitchell (1985: §1092) has aidlian 'to make useless', boeta {Mt[Li] 18.15), elcian 'to put o f f , and ondrincan 'to drink o f .

4.5. Verbs with dative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) A dative can be used as an object of verbs that do not govem an accusative, as an indirect object of the verbs that take an accusative or a genitive, as coreferential when verbs are used reflexively (or pleonastically), or as a subject-equivalent in so-called 'impersonal' constructions. I have discussed 'impersonal' verbs in section 4.3. separately, because in theory any verb can be used reflexively (or pleonastically with a coreferential pronoun) but the verbs that can be used 'impersonally' are much fewer in number. Here is a Classification based on Visser's list in §316 ff. and the Index; I add more verbs than he does to each group of his collection. Verbs of following, serving, (dis)obeying, etc.: abugan 'to bow', asfterfolgian 'to follow after', zefterspyri(g)an 'to inquire after', astfyligan 'to adhere to', ambehtan 'to minister', blotan 'to sacrifice', bugan (> bow), eadmodan 'to humble', folgian (> follow), forsittan 'to be absent from', fullfylgan 'to follow', gymeleasian 'to neglect', hieran (>

26

Introduction to verbal syntax

hear), beon (ge)hiersum 'to be obedient', hiersumian 'to be obedient', hnigan 'to bend', beon hneaw 'to be stingy', lasstan 'to follow', mishieran 'to disobey', oferfylgan 'to pursue', oferhieran 'to disregard', onbugan 'to bow', beon onbugende 'to submit', beon stEelwirJje 'to be serviceable', Jjegnian 'to serve', t)eowan 'to serve', underbugan 'to submit', underhnigan 'to subject to', underlicgan 'to submit', beon underjjeod 'to be subject to', wij)habban 'to withstand', wijjlicgan 'to oppose', wijireotan 'to clamour against', wit)winnan 'to resist' V e r b s of liking, disliking, hating, etc.: beon besorg 'to be dear to', beon deore (> dear), beon deorwyrjje 'to be dear to', forbugan 'to avoid', gelustian 'to take pleasure', beon hold 'to be kind', beon laf) (> loath), *lal)ian (> loathe), *lician (> like), beon leof (> lief), beon leoftasle 'to be gracious', la|)ettan 'to be odious', beon lustbzere 'to be desirable', lystan (> list), *mislician 'to displease', beon oferleof 'to be exceedingly dear', oflician 'to displease' V e r b s of Happening: *becuman, *befeallan, *byrian, *cuman, *feallan, *limpan, misbecuman, misbefeallan, misfeallan, misweorljan, *mistimian, onbecuman, oncuman, *saelan, timian, *tocuman, weaxan, *weort)an V e r b s of saying, confessing, reproaching, cursing, and threatening: acwel)an 'to say', astwitan 'to reproach', andettan 'to confess', andswarian, andwyrdan, arasdan 'to utter', bebeodan 'to command', beodan 'to command', *bodian (> bode), bysmerian 'to reproach', cidan (> chide), *clipian,2i *cwet)an,2i deman (> deem), gebiddan,^! *gielpan (> yelp), hearmcwej)an 'to speak ill o f , hwopan 'to threaten', hyspan 'to mock', lean 'to blame', meld(i)an 'to announce', miscwejjan 'to speak amiss',22 *oncwet)an 'to reply', onmaelan 'to address', onsecgan 'to renounce', ojjwitan 'to reproach with a fault', singan (> sing), *sprecan,2i sweotolian 'to make clear', |)rea(ga)n 'to reprove', *wiJ)cwejDan 'to gainsay', wijDsprecan 'to speak against', wyrgan 'to curse'

Distinctivefeaturesofverbs

27

Verbs of injuring, harming, protecting or the opposite: asteglan 'to torment', bebeorgan 'to defend oneself, beorgan 'to protect', brecan (> break), derian 'to injure', eglan 'to trouble', forstandan 'to defend', forpasran 'to pervert', fremian 'to profit', freo})ian 'to protect', *godian 'to be(coine) good', hearmian (> härm), *hefigian 'to oppress', beon haiwende 'to be healing', misdon 'to offend', onwinnan 'to attack', beon onsaege 'to be attacking', scendan 'to put to shame', sce^ban (> scathe), scildan (> shield) Verbs of pleasing, comforting, honouring, flattering or the opposite: abelgan 'to anger', beon an(t)sajte 'to be odious', beon arfasst 'to be honourable', beon arful 'to be venerable', arian 'to honour', cweman 'to give pleasure', edleanian 'to reward', forgifan (> forgive), beon gecwemlic 'to be agreeable', gehyrtan 'to encourage', beon gemede 'to be agreeable', beon getaese 'to be suitable', leanian 'to reward', beon übe (> lithe), libian 'to be(come) lithe', beon lufsum 'to be amiable', masbian 'to regard', *miltsian, *mirgan 'to be merry', beon mirige 'to be pleasant', miscweman 'to displease', *ofhreowan, *ofsceamian, *ofbyncan 'to cause regret', oleccan 'to soothe', *sceamian, beon sceandlic 'to be infamous', {jingian 'to intercede', beon unforcub 'to be honourable', beon ungecweme 'to be unpleasant', beon unlicwyrjje 'to be unpleasing', beon unwynsum 'to be unpleasant', wilcumian (> welcome), beon wynsum 'to be pleasant' Verbs of believing, trusting or the opposite: atweonian 'to cause doubt', belifan (> believe), forbencan 'to distrust', fultruwian 'to trust fully in', *gelifan 'to believe', (a)leogan (> lie), ofleogan 'to lie', *(ge)ortruwian 'to despair of, *swican 'to deceive', beon (ge)treowe (> true), *treow(i)an 'to trust', beon unalogen 'to be without deception', beon untreowe (> untrue), *wibsacan 'to deny' Verbs of helping: awrejjian 'to support', fullzestan 'to help', fultum(i)an 'to help', fylstan 'to help', *helpan

28

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

Verbs of approaching, adhering, touching or the opposite: aetclifian 'to cleave to', astfeolan 'to adhere', astsittan 'to sit by', *aetstandan 'to stand', aetbringan 'to take away', beon emnneah 'to be equally near', feolan 'to cleave', beon (un)feor (> far), beon getenge 'to be dose to', *hrinan, beon neah (> nigh), beon neahgangol 'to be in attendance', nea(h)la£can 'to draw near', onclifian 'to be inherent', *onhrinan, obclifan 'to cleave to', o^faran 'to escape', obfeallan 'to fall away', obfleon 'to flee away', o^bydan 'to hide away', obiman 'to run away', obsceotan 'to escape', obscufan 'to push away', beon toweard 'to come soon', (ge)beodan 'to join',23 wibscufan 'to push back' I add the following groupings, omitting some doubtful forms, such as frambugan, framfleon, framgewitan, and utwendan, which should be treated as two words. Verbs of motion (in a broader sense): acerran 'to tum', afeallan 'to fall down', agan 'to come to pass', astigan 'to go', aetfeallan 'to fall away', sthleapan 'to leap out', astlimpan 'to fall away', bregdan 'to move to and fro', edwendan 'to retum', fleogan (> fly), floterian (> flutter), foryman 'to run before', gegan 'to go', gewitan 'to go', hweorfan 'to tum', leoran 'to go', *onhweorfan 'to change', obglidan 'to glide away', stigan 'to go', ymbfleogan 'to fly around', (ge)yman (> run) Verbs of feeling, touching, hearing, seeing, and smelling: acan (> ake), ahrinan 'to touch', *a2thrinan, *heorcnian, *hlystan (blysnian), onlocian 'to look on' Verbs of giving, taking, depriving, being deprived of, or rejecting: befeallan 'to fall off, beleosan 'to let go', *fon, forsacan 'to oppose', offrian (> offer), stelan (> steal), *tibian 'to grant', wibceosan 'to reject', wibhycgan 'to be adverse in thought'

Distinctive features ofverbs

Verbs of thinking, remembering or the opposite: foret)encan 'to consider beforehand', gemunan 'to remember', *hopian,24 beon ingemynde 'to be in mind', beon bancful 'to be thoughtful', *byncan Verbs of belonging, befitting or the opposite: *belimpan 'to belong', dafenian 'to be seemly', beon gedefe 'to be proper', *gerisan 'to behove', beon unmedome 'to be unfit' Verbs of needing, lacking, etc.: abehofian 'to behove', beon behefe 'to be necessary', for})ohan 'to be deprived of, beon gad 'to be a lack', beon neodbehoefe 'to be necessary', nejjan 'to dare to do', beon neodful 'to be eamest', beon nid^earf 'to be necessary', beon oferbearf 'to be in extreme need', beon wan 'to be wanting' Verbs of getting, possessing or the opposite: forleosan 'to lose', *healdan, *losian *onfon, stealdan 'to possess', *streonan 'to gain', underfon 'to receive' Verbs expressing sorrow, grief, etc.: *earmian 'to feel pity', efensargian 'to be equally sorry', efen^rowian 'to be compassionate', beon emsarig 'to be equally sorry', beon geomor 'to be sad', beon hefigtime 'to be grievous', beon hefelic 'to be heavy', *hreowsian 'to be sorry', beon morgenseoc 'to be sick in the moming', of(h)earmian 'to cause grief, beon sorhlic 'to be sorrowful', beon swasre 'to be heavy', beon tearig 'to be tearful', beon tom 'to be grievous', beon unrot 'to be sad', beon weorce (> work) Verbs expressing anger: belgan 'to make oneself angry', beon gram 'to be furious', *gramian 'to be furious', beon irre 'to be in anger', beon re^e 'to be fierce', beon wrab(mod) (> wroth)

29

30

Introduction to verbal syntax

Verbs expressing joy, exaltation,etc.: beotian 'to become better', blissian 'to rejoice', beon blijje (> blithe), dryman 'to rejoice', feon 'to rejoice', gladian 'to be glad', *lustfullian 'to rejoice', mirgan 'to be merry', {)urhbrucan 'to enjoy thoroughly', wynsumian 'to rejoice' Verbs of hiding, escaping from, fleeing from: zetlutian 'to lie hid', aetwindan 'to wind ofF, beon bediglod 'to be hidden', befleon 'to flee', beon beheled 'to be covered', beon digol 'to be hidden', beon dyme 'to be hidden', *ofteon 'to withdraw', scrincan (> shrink), beon uögenge 'to be fugitive', wi^faran 'to escape', wijiteon 'to withdraw' Verbs of fighting (against), attacking, etc.: beatan (> beat), campian 'to fight', feohtan (> fight),^^ forgrindan 'to grind thoroughly', forgripan 'to preoccupy', gehrespan 'to tear", sceotan (> shoot), wit)feohtan 'to fight against', wipfon 'to lay hold on', *wij)standan (> withstand), beon wijjwinnend 'to be resisting', *wrecan Verbs expressing fear, terror, etc.: beon andrysne 'to be terrible', beon egeful 'to be fearful', beon egle 'to be troublesome', beon forht 'to be fearful', *ondra2dan, beon ungecyndelic 'to be unnatural' Verbs of shining, glittering, appearing, manifesting oneself: ascinan 'to shine forth', aeteowian 'to show', beon beorht (> bright), beon blac 'to be bright', *Uhtan 'to shine' Verbs expressing natural phenomena: abeostrian 'to overcloud', beon ceald (> cold), nipan 'to grow dark'

Distinctive features of verbs

31

Verbs denoting use, usefulness, sufficiency or the opposite: *brucan 'to use', beon bryce 'to be useful', bryc(s)ian 'to be of use', *geneah (genugan 'to be sufficient'), genihtsumian 'to be abound', beon idel 'to be useless', misbeodan 'to do wrong to', beon nyt(lic) 'to be useful', beon nytweorj) 'to be useful', beon {jearflic 'to be necessary', beon unnyt 'to be useless' Verbs of living, remaining, sitting, not moving, etc.: beon (ge)andweard 'to be present', bestandan 'to stand by', libban (> live), ofstandan 'to remain standing', onsittan 'to occupy', ol)standan 'to remain Standing', *seomian 'to remain suspended', *stillan, *{Durhwunian 'to continue', *wunian Other verbs are those denoting 'to repay' {*agildan, forgildan), 'to direct, advise, teach' {* leeran, rcedan, *steoran, wis(s)ian), 'to stir up' {asteoran, lyweran), 'to twist' (windan, wrijjan), 'to be certain {beon wislic, beon witod), 'to be bad or go wrong' {beon fracup, *mislimpan, *misspowan), 'to be well known' {beon brym, beon gefrcege, beon gemimor, beon hiewcup, beon mcere, beon namcufj); the rest are: beon abysgad 'to be preoccupied', beon agen (> own), amolsnian 'to corrupt', beon andfenge 'to be acceptable', andsacian 'to deny', beon ange 'to be narrow', beon anhende 'to be lame', beon anlic 'to be like', aswican 'to deceive', ateorian 'to fail', beon jelmesgeorn 'to be benevolent', *ajrendian 'to go on an errand', astberstan 'to break out', berstan (> burst),26 be bisibbe 'to be related by blood', betan 'to make better', bicni(g)an (> beckon), *blinnan 'to cease', be buhsum (> buxom), bysnian 'to give an example', be eher (> cheer), beon clasne (> clean), beon cuh 'to be known', cwician (> quicken), beon cystig 'to be benevolent', dihtan 'to set in order', beon earfe^e 'to be hard', beon earfojjlic 'to be irksome', beon earfoJ)rime 'to be difficult to be numbered', beon eat)e 'to be easy', edlaecan 'to repeat', beon edniwe 'to be anew', beon efenece 'to be co-etemal', efenlascan 'to be equal', efenmetan 'to make equal', efnettan 'to make even', beon efnmeahtig 'to be of equal might', emtegian (asmtegian) 'to be at leisure', beon emngod 'to be equally good', estan 'to hve luxuriously',27 beon fasstred 'to be steadfast', fedan (> feed), forberstan 'to burst asunder'.

32

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

forebeon 'to preside', foresteppan 'to prevent', forJ)la2Stan 'to accomplish', foret)ingian 'to intercede', fore-wisian 'to show the way before', forscrifan 'to condemn', forswerian (> forswear), *forwi(e)man 'to hinder', framian 'to avair, beon frecenlic 'to be dangerous', beon fremsum 'to be kind', frodian 'to be wise', *fulgan(gan) 'to fulfill', beon gecop(e) 'to be proper', beon gecoren 'to be chosen', beon gecynde 'to be natural', gedigan 'to endure', beon gemasne 'to be common', *geocian 'to preserve', gesibsumian 'to reconcile', beon gespraece 'to be eloquent', beon gesyne(lic) 'to be visible', beon gejjwzere 'to be united', beon gejjywe 'to be usual', geunjjwasrian 'to disagree', beon gewinful 'to be laborious', gieldan (> yield), beon giofol 'to be liberal', godspellian 'to declare the gospel', beon hisfus 'to be ready to go away', hlifian 'to tower up', hlinian (> lean), beon lasne 'to be granted', beon langsum 'to be long-enduring', leojjian 'to sing', *linnan 'to cease', maensumian 'to marry', masssian 'to say mass', *m£etan 'to dream', beon mannt)wa2re 'to be gentle', *metgian 'to assign due measure', metsian 'to fumish with provisions', miscian (> mix), *missian (> miss), *mis{)yncan, mistian 'to grow dim', beon nearu (> narrow), niwian 'to renew', oferwacian 'to keep watch over', ofhagian 'to be inconvenient', *ofniman 'to fail', onaslan 'to ignite', *beon onaeöele 'to be natural', onlihtan 'to enlighten', *onwreon 'to uncover', ol)eawan 'to show', beon oJ)hilde 'to be content', racian 'to direct', beon rasdlic 'to be advisable', beon reod (> red), rihtan (> right), beon ruramod 'to be too liberal', beon sjel (sei) 'to be good', sallettan 'to play on the harp', *sculan, beon searulic 'to be ingenious', beon sefte (> soft), beon seldsine (> seldom seen), beon sib 'to be related', *slapan, sparian (> spare), spowan 'to succeed', beon stime (> Stern), beon sti}) 'to be stifF, beon stra2C 'to be strict', beon swses 'to be one's own', swelgan 'to devour', beon sweotol 'to be manifest', beon swicol 'to be deceitful', swinsian 'to make music', *tilian, toberstan 'to burst asunder', tobrasdan 'to make broad', tosigan 'to fall to pieces', towettan 'to associate with', trucian 'to fail', t)ancian (> thank), l)eon 'to press', l^rowian 'to suffer', beon unacumendlic 'to be unbearable', beon unalifedlic 'to be not allowable', beon unbleoh 'to be not coloured', beon unclaene (> unclean), beon uncuj) 'to be unknown', beon undyrne 'to be not hidden', beon uneaj}e(lic) 'to be difficult', beon unforgifende (> unforgiving), beon ungebyrde 'to be not natural', beon ungefere 'to be impassable', beon ungelic 'to be unlike', beon ungemod 'to be disagreeing', beon ungerad 'to be stupid', beon ungescraepe 'to be inconvenient', beon ungesewenlic 'to be invisible', beon ungejjancful (> unthankful), beon ungejjwaere 'to be not in harmony', beon ungewilde 'to be not in subjection', beon

Distinctivefeaturesofverbs

33

unhearmgeom 'to be inoffensive', beon unhetol 'to be not malignant', *unnan, beon unJjancweorJ) 'to be unacceptable', wacan (> wake), *wandian 'to tum aside', wanian 'to lament', wamian (> warn), *wealdan (> wield), *willian 'to will', willwyrdan 'to be complaisant',^« *witan 'to guard', wit(e)gian 'to prophesy', *wi}3bre(g)dan 'to withhold', beon wijjerraede 'to be adverse', beon wijjerweard 'to be contrary', wijjfeolan 'to apply one's seif to', wit)scorian 'to refuse', wit)seon 'to plot against', wijjslean 'to counteract', wudian 'to cut wood', *wyrcan, beon wyrs(t) (> worse, worst), beon yjjdzede 'to be easy to do' From Mitchell (1985) I may add a-springan 'to be lacking to', beswapan 'to incite' ,fore-yman 'to run in front oT ,for-habban 'to abstain from', from-swican 'to desert', ge-rcecan 'to offer', ge-sceon 'to happen to', gesyngian 'to sin against', (ge)wendan (> wend) (used absolutely or with refl. dat.), ge-wifian 'to marry' (used abs. or with refl. dat.), hyrian 'to imitate', lyjfettan 'to flatter', *magan (> may), mipan 'to refrain from', sceadan 'to part from', sweltan 'to die o f , tidan 'to happen', jjegan 'to acquire', wifj-settan 'to oppose', and wrixlan 'to change'.

4.6. Verbs with accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Most of the verbs which take an accusative object are often accompanied by a dative of person or a genitive of thing that denotes causation. This is why the number of verbs whose occurrence with the sole accusative object attested in their uses is comparatively small: *can, complain, could, gedyrstlcecan, hint, *laugh, *merveillen, *may, *might, *motan, ought, oughtand, *agan (owe),perspire, smile, *wil, *wundrian, would, yearn. Half of the verbs are asterisked, i.e. they may occur in more than one syntactic construction. For instance, Mitchell notes that agan occurs with acc. and gen. (//omt/46.294.32) (1985: §1092). Visser subclassifies verbs with 'Direct Object + Predicative Adjunct' (e.g. /EHom II [Thorpe] 28.26 heo afunde pone hring gehalne) as: a) verbs of perception and knowing (§647):

34

Introduction to verbal syntax

afindan, behold, cunnan, discover, espye, feel, find, gemetan, hear, ongietan, see, understand, witan; b) verbs of considering, judging, reckoning (§648): account, (a)rette, believe, Charge, conclude, connt, gelyfan, guess, healdan, juggen, laetan, ongitan, onmunan, put, reckon, take, taUan, think, trow, unprove, ween; c) the verb have (§649), with Old English examples in the passive (e.g. Dial. Greg. 26, 6, He for his lifes geearnunge wces gehcefd [habebatur] micelre haliness man) and in the active (e.g. Rushw. Gosp, Luke XIV, 19 Hcefe me gilefene); d) verbs of bidding, wishing, wanting, etc. (§652): biddan, wish; e) verbs of calling, naming (§653): baptize, biclepen, call, Christen, cigan, clipian, cweöan, denomine, determine, endyte, entitle, hatan, namian, nemnan, secgan, write; f) verbs of declaring, confessing, granting, proclaiming, warranting (§654): adjust, betellan, claim, cry, cyjjan, denounce, gereccan, grant, knowledge, proclaim, vouche, Warrant, yeild (seid);

g) verbs of showing, betraying, dissembling, feigning, etc. (§655): feign (feyne), hiwian, proue, shew; h) verbs of keeping, Holding, leaving, etc. (§656): at-heold, forlastan, (ge)healdan, kepen, liefan, preserve;

Distinctive features ofverbs

35

i) verbs of making, rendering, breeding, tuming, etc. (§657): (ge)don, fremman, macian, put, scieppan, settan, take wrest, wyrcan; k) verbs of anointing, consecrating, constituting, electing, choosing, etc. (§658): (a)ceosan, anoynt, bless, consecrate, constitute, create, crown, dub, elect, hadian, halgian, ordain (ordeyne), shave; and he adds Old English verbs construed with a 'resultative' predicative adjunct: awcescan clcene, bindan orwi^nejeormian

clcene,

gescearfian

smale, gnidan smale, and Middle English verbs with the same structure: beaten small, chewen small, choppen small, dyen green/blue, eaten (the earth) bare, floberen foul, grinden small, painten black, rubben ruddy, searcen smothe, shaven smothe, shaven clene, swepen clene,

shriven

clene, strippen naked, washen clene, wipen clene/dry.

4.7. Verbs with genitive and dative (including 'impersonal'and

reflexive)

Verbs which take a dative of person and a genitive of thing are as follov^'s (Visser, § § 6 7 8 - 6 7 9 and Index): afyrsian 'to drive away', *a2rendian, asec(e)an 'to seek out', *behatan 'to promise', *beniman 'to deprive', beon {jearf 'to be in need', beon wana 'to be lacking', *biddan, *ceapian, *ceosan, *earmian, *forwieman, *fyllan, geandwyrdan 'to answer", gedripan 'to drip', gehatan 'to promise', gelyfan 'to allow', gescrifan 'to shrive', geswutelian 'to declare', gebafian 'to allow', gewyrcan 'to work', *gyman, *healdan, *hlystan, *hreowan, *hycgan, *ofhreowan, oflaetan 'to let o f f , *ofsceamian, *ofteon, *ofbyncan, ofunnan 'to begrude', *oncwet)an, *ondra2dan, *onla£nan, *onleon, *onwendan, plihtan 'to bring danger upon', *(ge)sceamian, *sprecan, *(ge)stieran 'to correct', *(ge)bancian, *bencan, *tilian, *(ge)tibian 'to grant', *tweoni(ge)an, *(ge)unnan, *wealdan, *wenan, *wiman 'to prevent', *wilman, *wibbre(g)dan, *wibcweban, *wibstandan, *(ge)wyscan 'to wish'

36

Introduction to verbal syntax

Mitchell (1985: §1092) gives to-lcetan (^CHomi.560.1), (ge)ryman {/ECHom i.222.9), and to-scelan ('impersonal'), in addition.

4.8. Verbs with genitive reflexive)

and accusative

(including

'impersonal'

and

Verbs with an accusative of person and a genitive of thing are not so rare but, as is noticeable, most of them disappear in the course of Middle English (Visser, § 6 7 9 and Index). *ascian, afyllan 'to feil', ageelan 'to hinder', *ahreddan 'to rid', aidlian 'to make useless', amyrran 'to hinder', asceadan 'to separate', astypan 'to bereave', *at)reotan 'to weary', aj)wean 'to wash out', awerian 'to ward ofF, bedaslan 'to deprive', *behatan, *beladian 'to clear', belecgan 'to lay upon', bemetan 'to compare', *ben£eman 'to deprive', *beniman 'to deprive', bensian 'to fall down in prayer', *beraedan 'to dispossess', *bereafian (> bereave), berypan 'to spoil', *bescerian 'to deprive', bestrypan 'to strip', beswican 'to deceive', beteon 'to draw over', *biddan, *forwieman 'to prohibit', *frignan, *fyllan, gaslan 'to hinder', gea5mtian 'to be unoccupied', geclaensian 'to purify', gedon 'to cause', gedwellan 'to deceive', gefreogan 'to free', gefrij)ian 'to guard', gefreolsian 'to set free', gefyllan 'to fill', gemanian 'to admonish', gemetan 'to measure', generian 'to save', geortruwian 'to distrust', getrumian 'to make strong', *getwaefan 'to separate', getwzeman 'to cut ofF, *geweort)an, hligan 'to allow one a reputation for anything', (ge)ladian 'to clear', *langian 'to cause longing', (ge)lettan 'to hinder', *lystan, *manian, *(ge)myn(d)gian, *oncunnan, *ongierwan , onmunan 'to esteera', *onsacan, onsecan 'to require something of a person', *onwendan, *reafian 'to plunder', *sceamian, teon 'to draw', *tweo(ga)n, tyjiian 'to grant' In Mitchell (1985: §1092) we find a-scirian 'to separate from', (etwrencan 'to cheat', fore-wregan 'to accuse', ge-treowsian 'to clear o n e s e l f , *of-teon 'to withdraw', on-reafian 'to despoil', un-ginvan 'to divest someone (acc.) of something (gen.)', ge-hcelan 'to heal' (which Visser classifies under "+ 3 + 4", *a-liesan 'to release' ("+ 4 + 5"), and *be-werian 'to restrain' ("+ 3 + 4" and "+ 4 + 5").

Distinctive features

4.9. Verbs with dative and accusative reflexive)

of verbs

37

(including 'impersonaV and

Verbs with a dative of person and an accusative of thing are most likely to survive up to Modem English owing to their syntactic environment, which is natural to the English language. Verbs with Old English and/ or Middle English examples cited in Visser are as follows (Visser, §682 and Index). aceorfan 'to cut off, *afyrran 'to remove', ateon 'to draw out', astbredan 'to take away', asthealdan 'to withhold', *bacan, *beran, *bereofan, *beniman, belucan 'to lock up', *biddan, *brecan, *(ge)bycgan, *(ge)ceosan, deprive, *don,29 facian 'to acquire', (a)findan, forbar (< forberan), *forbajman 'to bum up', forbrecan 'to break', fomiman 'to take away', *forsteal, geeamian 'to eam', gefeccan 'to fetch', gefreminan 'to perform', gehaslan 'to heal'.^o geniman 'to take', geniwian 'to renew', geopenian 'to open', gesmyrian 'to smear', getimbrian 'to build', *getwjefan 'to separate', *habban, *healdan, hladan 'to heap', *ofhiinan 'to fall', ofslean 'to kill', obbringan 'to force away from one', rauysh, *reafian, robben, scortian 'to get short', scufan (> shove), secan (> seek), tobrecan 'to break in pieces', burhdrifan 'to drive through', bwean 'to wash', upahebban 'to heave up',3i ut(a)don 'to take out',3i utsdcian 'to stick out',3i *wieman, withhold, writan (> write), *wyrcan There are many more verbs which are cited by Mitchell (1985: § 1092): cemtian, andwyrdan, be-ascian, beodan (a-beodan, be-beodan, gebeodan),for-beodan, be-diglian, (be)dyrnan,for-giefan, gehatan ("+ 3 + 2" in Yiss&r), for-helan, Icejjan, lafyettan, liefan (a-liefan, ge-liefan 'to allow'), wip-metan, (ge)ryman ('to make something [acc.] clear for someone [dat.]'), ge-strydan, (ge)tcecan ('to teach something [acc.] to someone [dat.]'), be-tcecan ('to show, deliver, entrust, someone or something [acc.] to someone [dat.]'), tellan ('to impute something [acc.] to someone [dat., prep. to, upponY), olj-picgan, be-weddian ('to betroth someone [acc.] to someone [dat.]'), (ge)wisian ('to show something [acc.] to someone [dat.]'), witan ('to lay a Charge [acc.] against someone [dat.]'), cet-witan, op-witan, cet-ycan.

38

Introduction

to verbal

syntax

4.10. Verbs with accusative and accusative (including 'impersonal' and reflexive) Only ten verbs are found in Visser (§698 and Index): *acsian, beacsian, *beniman, *biddan, *don, *frignan, gelceran, hatan, *lceran, tcecan. Most of them are verbs of asking, commanding, or teaching.

4.11. Verbs with accusative and adverbial dative Some verbs which take an accusative of person and a dative of thing are classified by Visser under " + 4 + 5", where + 5 means 'construed with ablative object', are as follovi's (Visser, §§ 680-681). *afyrran, aheawan 'to hew off *alisan 'to let loose', atieodan 'to disjoin', bebrecan 'to break ofF, beceorfan (becarve), *bedaelan, bedreosan 'to deprive', beheawan 'to beat', behreosan 'to rush down', beleosan 'to let go', *bena3man, beneotan 'to deprive of the enjoyment', *beniman, *berasdan, *bereafian (bereofan), *bescerian, beserian 'to rob', beslean 'to beat', beslitan 'to slit', besnzedan 'to cut', besnyöian 'to deprive', bestelan 'to steal away', *bewerian, forceorfan 'to cut out', *forstelan, genacodian 'to make bare', *ongierwan, onlysan 'to release', onscogan 'to unshoe', obgripan 'to snatch away', ojjwendan 'to tum away', tolisan 'to unloose', unscrydan 'to undress'

From Mitchell (1985: § 1092) I may add be-grindan 'to grind' and gegladian 'to make glad'.

4.12. Verbs with prepositional object Visser divides verbs with prepositional object into two categories, i.e. indirect object + prepositional object (§700) and direct object + prepositional object (§701), and adds examples from BT. Mitchell (1985: § 1092) has a rather traditional description using s.o. (someone) and s.t. (something). I try to rearrange their examples by semantic groups.

Distinctive features ofverbs

39

Verbs of saying, asking, reproaching, lamenting, etc.: (a)biddan zet, of, to, for (s.o.); (ge)acsian st, to (s.o.), aefter, be (s.t.); acigan fram (s.o.); (ge)cidan ongean, wiö (s.o.); on-cunnan be, for (s.t.); (be)frignan £efter, be, fram, of, ymb, (s.t.), aet, fram (s.o.); gilpan for (s.t.); (be)hreowsian for (s.o. or s.t.); sprecan to, wiö (s.o.); tellan to, uppon (s.o.) Verbs of thinking, believing, remembering or the opposite: (ge)hycgan, hogian on, to, ymb (s.o. or s.t.); (ge)liefan in, on (s.o. or s.t.); (ge)myndgian aefter (s.t.); ge-treowan in, on (s.o. or s.t.); (ge)truwian be, in, on, to (s.o. or s.t.); (ge)tweogan be, ymb (s.t.); (ge)tweonian be (s.t.); (ge)bencan be, on, ymb (s.t.); (ge)wenan on, to (s.o.), to (s.t.) Verbs of seeing, hearing, perception: hawian on, to (s.t.); locian ofer, on, to (s.o. or s.t.); hlosnian be (s.o. or s.t.) Verbs of motion: acirran fram (s.o. or s.t.); afyrran fram (s.o. or s.t.); ast-fleon to (s.t.); (ge)nea(h)-la2can to (s.o. or s.t.) Verbs of teaching, showing, guiding: (ge)bysnian to (s.t.); (ge)laeran to (s.t.); (ge)ta5can fram, to (s.o.); (ge)wissian to (s.t.) Verbs of request, asking for, following, etc.: gieman aefter, to (s.t.); hentan aefter (s.o. or s.t.); spyrian aefter (s.t.); (ge)wilnian to (s.t.) Verbs of getting, taking, being deprived of: aet-bregdan fram, of (s.o. or s.t.); be-daelan be (s.t.); fon on, to (s.o. or s.t.); (be)reafian aet (s.t.); be-raedan aet (s.t.); be-scierwan fram, of (s.t.)

40

Introduction to verbal syntax

Verbs of submitting, subjecting: a-bugan to (s.o.); on-bugan to (s.o.); under-Jjeodan under (s.t.) Verbs of caring, helping, looking after: gieman in, ymb (s.o. or s.t.); ge-haelan fram (s.t.); (a)hreddan aet, fram, of, on, wij) (s.t.); a-liesan zet, fram, of (s.t.); (ge)nerian aet (s.o.), wij) (s.t.), fram, of (s.o. or s.t.); (ge)reccan be (s.o. or s.t.), on (s.o.) Verbs of joy: (ge)fa2gnian, (ge)fagnian for, on (s.t.); ge-feon aefter, for, in, on (s.t.); (ge)lustfullian ofer, on (s.o. or s.t.) Verbs of abstraining, refraining, restraining; wib-bregdan fram (s.t.); faestan fram (s.t.); for-habban fram (s.t.); wibhabban fram (s.t.); (ge)styran fram (s.t.); werian wifi (s.o.); be-werian fram (s.t.) Other verbs: bicn(i)an to (s.o.); ge-byrgan of, to (s.t.); ge-byrian to (s.t.); a-, (ge)bysgian betwix, mid, on, ymbe (s.t.); (ge)campian for (s.o. or s.t.); ge-clifian to (s.t.); be-cuman ofer, on, to (s.o.); cunnan on (s.t.); ofer-drincan fram (s.t.); (ge)dwelian, (ge)dwellan fram, mid, of (s.t.); (ge)eamian asfter (s.t.), to (s.o.); elcian ongean, to (s.t.); (ge)feohtan on, wip (s.o.); be-fleon fram (s.t.); forhtian for, on (s.o. or s.t.); framian to (s.o. or s.t.); ge-freogan fram, of (s.t.); ge-freolsian of (s.t.); helan fram, wip (s.o.); hliehhan ofer, on (s.o. or s.t.); hopian on, to (s.o. or s.t.); losian of (s.o. or s.t.); magan wip (s.o. or s.t.); a-myrran aet (s.t.); ge-ortreowan be (s.t.); ge-ortruwian be (s.t.); ge-raecan to (s.o.); be-rypan aet (s.t.); a-sceadan fram, of (s.t.) (ge)-sceamian for (s.t.); a-scirian fram (s.t.); a-slacian fram, to (s.t.); bespanan on, to (s.t.); (ge)spowan st, mid, on (s.t.); on-styrian mid (s.o.) sweltan for, mid (s.t.); (ge)swican fram (s.o. for 'to depart'), fram (s.t. for 'to cease'); (ge)ortruwian be (s.t.); ge-twaeman fram (s.o. or s.t.) (ge)bingian for, wip (s.o.); ge-pwaerian mid (s.o.); wundrian aefter, be, fram, on, ymb (s.t.); pnrh-wunian on (s.t.)

Distinctive features ofverbs

4.13. Verbs with

41

infinitive

Verbs which take an infinitive listed by Visser (1963-1973) are so numerous that I Single out those with Old English and/or Middle English examples. Verbs expressing desire, liking, preference, etc. (Visser, § § 1 1 7 7 1179): cearian, *ceosan, claim, desire, geornian, giernan, gitsian, gieman, *hungryn, kepen, (a)longen, *lician, lufian, *lystan, reccan, *thursten, want, willian, wilnian, wiscan, woo, wood Verbs of emotion (Visser, §§1180-1181): blissian, delyten, disdain, douten, drjedan, dullen, eargian, fear, forhogian, forhycgan, forsceamian, forseon, gefeon, geunlustian, grudge, loathe, *lustfullian, *ondra2dan, rejoice, *sceamian Verbs of refusing, abstaining, failing, forgetting, omitting, etc. (Visser, §1182): decline, deny, escape, eschew, fail, fleon, forbear, forbugan, forgieman, forgitan, forgive, forgo, forhouen, forlzetan, forsake, forslow, forwerp, forwiman, grucche, *l2etan, leasian, leave, lose, miss, ofergitelian, omit, onsacan, onscunan, refuse, spare, waive, wandian, want, wirnan, *wiöcwe5an, *wiösacan Verbs of thinking (Visser, §§1185 and 1192): affy, anbidan, belyfan, desafien, (ge)hyhtan, *gelyfan, *gel)encan, *getreowian, guess, *hope, *know, remember, suppose, *bencan, trow, trust, *tweogan, *wenan, *witan Verbs of saying (Visser, §§1188 and 1190): *ask, avouch, (a)vow, *behatan, beodan, boast, *hatan, pray, profess, *say, sue, swerian, threaten, Warrant

42

Introduction to verbal syntax

Verbs of intending, aiming, designing, deciding, etc. (Visser, § 1191): aspy, attle, at)encan, await, cast, compass, conclude, decree, deem, fasstnian, forefon, forethink, gehogian, gemunan, gemyntan, gestihtan, geteohhian, geteon, get)ehtan, guess, hleonian, *hogian, *hycgan, mean, mind, mynian, myntan, purpose, sirwan, *smeagan, *tellan, *teohhian, tihtan, l)eahtian, *ljencan, wait Verbs of trying, attempting, undertaking (Visser, §1193): apply, aspy, (as)say, ataste, attempt, bewin, *cunnian, draw, enforce, entend, entremet, envy, fandian, fon, force, fraist, fundian, gefon, genasgan, gerilian, gewinnan, keep, labour, mum, muse, procure, press, prove, pursue, secan, stand (in), stem, study, swincan, taste, tilian, tosettan, underfon, undertake, winnan, wircan Verbs of 'he commanded to go' type (Visser, §§1195-1249): apprise, bebeodan, bebest, beodan, beseech, bewerian, cause, Charge, command, compel, deem, defend, dight, *do, egg, findan, forbeodan, forfend, fylstan, gar, gefri(g)nan, *gehatan, gehyran, genidan, *geseon, grant, *hatan, help, *hyran, lajjian, *la£ran, *l£etan, let (< lettan), make, ofseon, ordain, pray, rede, *seon, *sendan, stir, summon, *taecan, wise (< wissian), yark (< gearcian).33 Other verbs (Visser, §§1183, 1184, 1186, 1187, 1189, and 1194): feign, pretend; afford, attain, dight, perform, procure, shape; addle, deserve, *(ge)eamian; abide, endure, forbear, idree, suffer; accede, accord, appoint, condescend, consent, gemedemian, grant; aunter, bold, gedyrstigan, gejjrystlascan, jeopard, presume, *understandan Verbs of 'begin to Inf/'seem to Inf type (Visser's Slight Subordination, §§1250-1371): busk, efestan, fuse, gej)ringan, haste, hie, hradian, ofestan, rape, speed; abide, defer (differ), dra5hen, drech, dwell, elcian, first, fletch, forieldan, hesitate, heyne, ieldan, mum, postpone, slouthe, tarry; aunter, chaunce,

Distinctive features

ofverbs

43

fall, find, fortune, hap, happen; beseem, prove, seem; aginnan (onginnan), become, becomse, beginnan, break on, burst (on, out), comse, fall, fon (onfon, underfon), ginnan, grow, (to)settan, take, wax; abidan, aststandan, beleve, continue, (en)dure, hold on, hove, last, stand in, {jurbwunian; ablinnan, beleve, blinnan, cease, end, fill, fine, ho ('to cease'), leave (of), lin, rest, Stint, stutte, surcease, (ge)swican, withdraw; cuman, gan, licgan, sittan, standan;34 custom, haunt, gewunian, use, wone; t)urfan, mister, need Preterit-Present Verbs and/or auxiliaries: *durran, *munan, dugan, genugan, *beon/wesan/(ge)weoröan, *don, gan/ can, *sculan, *willan, *cunnan, *magan, *motan, *agan

4.14. Verbs with dependent

clause

Verbs which take a dependent clause are also numerous, even though the verbs with only Old English and/or Middle English examples are counted. We already know that the subjunctive is regularly used in Old English dependent clauses but not exclusively, and there are alternative indicative forms, ambiguous forms, and the 'Aux + Inf construction. We do not, therefore, take Visser's ' m m f (modally marked form, i.e. 'subjunctive') into account.35 abeodan, adjugen, adjuren, admonish, adverten, astiw(i)an, astwitan, afjestnian, affermen, agan J)earfe, agiemeleasian, aliefen, amonesten, aposen, ascian, assayen, astyrian, bebeodan, begyman, beodan, beorgan, besechen, beteon, bel)urfan, beware, bewamian, bewerian, biddan, carian, Charge, clipian, command, conjure, counseilen, covenant, cry, cweman, cwe5an, cyöan, decree(t), deem, defend, desire, do, eamian, elcian, enact, enjoin, entent, entice, eshew, exhort, expect, fleon, forbeodan, forberan, foresee, forewam, forgifan, forgitan, forhogian, forhycgan, forliöan, forlasran, forlsetan, forsacan, forseon, forv^^andian, forwieman, frignan, fultuman, gebeodan, gecweöan, gecyöan, gedon, geeamian, gehieran, gehogian, gehycgan, geleomian, gemunan, genidan, gerasdan, gereccean, gesecgan, geseon, gesettan, gesirwan, gestiran, geswican, getaecean, gejjafian, gel)encean, gel)ingan, gejjolian, gejjyldigian, gennnan, gewitan.

44

Introduction to verbal syntax

gifan, giman, giman, grant, greden, habban hlisan (nedj)earfe), halsian, hatan, hieran, hogian, hycgan, ildan, join, judge, kepen, lasran, leogan, leomian, lettan, licettan, lifan, lignan, locian, manian, monesten, monishen, myngan, myntan, nidan, niman to raede, oferhogian, oferhycgan, ondettan, onsacan, onscunian, onsittan, onteon, openian, ordain, pray, provide, provoke, rasdan, reccan, require, scyhtan, scyndan, secan, secgan, seon, sellan, send, settan, singan, sirwan, smeagan, spanan, sp(r)ecan, stiran, suffer, suppose, swerian, tascean, taslan, take care (heed, keep), talian, tellan, teohhian, tilian, toaetycan, trymman, tyhtan, Jjafian, {jencean, l>ingan, t)olian, jDreagan, unnan, vouchsafe, wacian, wandian, ward, warian, warnian, willan, wilnian, witan, wi5cwe5an, wiösacan, wyscan, ymbet)encan.

Chapter 2 Conflicts between native verbs

A comparison between different versions of the same text may serve the purpose of finding synonyms during a certain period of time. In Old English and Middle English, the Four Gospels and the Psalter seem most suitable. For the Gospels, I examine and compare the Lindisfame interlinear gloss {Li), the Rushworth paraphrases {Rul and Ru2), and the West Saxon versions (WSCp and WSH) as Old English materials, and the Earlier Version {EV) and the Later Version (LV) of the Wycliffite Bible as Middle English materials. For the Psalter glosses, the Vespasian Psalter (PsGlA) and the Regius Psalter (PsGlD) serve to represent the different choice in vocabulary in the Mercian and West Saxon dialects, and the Stowe Psalter (PsGlF) provides us with the choice of Late West Saxon words on the basis of the Gallican text of the Latin in contrast with the Roman text for the former two glosses. ^ For Old English ordinary prose (though again based on Latin) I choose the two versions of Gregory's Dialogues, (C) and (H), the revision, both of the 1 Ith Century. The two chronicles, ChronA and ChronE, also give US contrasting uses of verbs. The Lambeth and the Trinity MSS of the Poema Morale are compared as works of the transitional period, Lasamon A (al200) and B (cl300) for Early Middle Enghsh verse, Ancrene Wisse (CCCC 402) and Ancrene Riwle (Cotton Nero, and Titus, Cleopatra, and Pepys, whenever necessary) for Early Middle English prose, Cursor Mundi (C) and (G) (al325) and (F) and (T) (cl400) for Middle English verse, and Malory's Morte Arthur (Caxton and Winchester) for Middle English prose. Alongside the comparison of these versions of the same works, some more examples are added to show peculiar or interesting instances of the conflict.

46

Conflicts between native verbs

1. ße-verbs Beon/wesan and (ge)weoröan do not show a remarkable contrast in use except in a few works, since the former is preferred and predominant. In the Gospels we sometimes find a different choice of forms between beon and wesan, as in (1)

Mt 5.25 [Esto consentiens aduersario tuo cito dum es in uia cum eo ne forte tradat te aduersarius iudici et iudex tradat te ministro et in carcerem mittaris] Li', uces Öu geöafsum wiöerbracas öinum hraöe miööy bist in uoeg miö him öy laes gesellae Öec öe wiöerbraca 16e fiond to dome j Öe doema gesellass Öeh Öegne j in carc-em Öu bist gesended Rul: wces t beo Öu gemod [t] J)encende Jiinum Jjaem wiöerwearde hrasjje Jjanne J)u sie on wzege mid hine Jjy laes se wiöerwearde ])ec seile doeme j se doeme sellaÖ Öe his daegne j Jju se in carcem sended WSCp: Beo J)u onbügende J)inum wiöerwinnan hraÖe J)a hwile t)e Öu eart on wege mid him J)e laes t)e öin wiöerwirma t)e sylle |)am deman. j se dema Jje sylle Öam fjene. j Jju sy on cwertem send

(2)

Lk 14.33 [non potest meus esse discipulus] Li: ne masg min wosa öegn WSCp: ne maeg he beon min leoming-cniht

and between beon/wesan and geweoröan, as in (3)

M? 5.18 [donec transeat caelum et terra iota unum aut unus apex non praeteribit a lege donec ommz. fiant] Li: wiÖ Öa hwile liores heofon j eoröo foruord 1 pricle an 1 enne 1 enne pricle 1 stasfes heafod ne foreade l ne forgass from ae wiÖ Öa huile alle sie Rul: oJ){)aet geleorej) heofun j eorjje an i eJ)J)a an holstaefes ne geliorej) from ae asrjion all J)us geweorpe

Be-verfoj

47

WSCp: aerj^am gewite heofon j eoröe an .i. oööe an prica. ne gewit fram t)2ere .ae. aer^am ealle t)ing gewurÖan (4)

Jn 3.9 [quomodo possunt haec fieri] Li: huu magon Öas wosa l geuoröa WSCp: hu magon |)as J)ing J)us geweoröan

Factum est {facta est, factus est, factum fuerit, etc.) is most often rendered by aworden wces in Li, geworden wces or gelamp in Rul, and wces geworden or (ge)wearÖ in WSCp, but the present forms, such as aworden is and is geworden, can be used as variants, as in Mt 1.22 (also note the glosses for dictum est). Even is gedon may occur, partly because of confusion with a sense offacere 'to make' and partly because of its perfective sense, as in Lk 14.22.2 (5)

Mt 1.22 [hoc autem totum factum est ut adimpleretur id quod dictum est ä domino per prophetam dicentem] Li: Öis soölice all geworden is t gewearö p te sie gefylled p öaette gecueden is from drihten öerh öone witgo cuoeöende Rul: pas soplice eall geworden is i wces p gefylled waere pa2t acweden is t wces from drihtne purh esaiam pe witgu cwepende WSCp: Soplice eal pys wces geworden, p gefylled waere p fram drihtne gecweden wces. purh pone witegan

(6)

Lk 14.22 [domine factum est ut imperasti] Li: drihten aworden wces t is suas Öu ge-hehtes WSCp: hlaford. hit ys gedon swa pu bude.

Est alone can be rendered by is ge-worden (e.g. Mt(WSCp) 13.31). In PsGl, L f i e f i can be glossed beon in A and D, and beon or geweoröan in F (e.g. [7]). Factus esse, etc. is most frequently glossed geworden beon in all three versions. Geworden wesan is used ten times in A, in contrast with the usual geworden beon (46 times). Sedon (beon) is found three times in D (e.g. [8]). The choice between sindon/sind/sint and beofj, s'ie(n) and beo(n), is and bid, eom and beo, or eart and bist/sindon can sometimes be found (e.g. [9]).

48

Conflicts between native

verbs

(7)

Ps 68.23 \fiat mensa eorum coram ipsis in laqueum] A: sie biod heara biforan hirti in girene D: sie mese heora beforan him on 5ryne F: geweoröe myse heora beforan him on grine

(8)

P i 68.11 [et factum est mihi in opprobrium] A: j geworden is me in edwit D: j ^edon on hosp F: j geworden is on hosp me

(9)

81.6 [ego dixi dii estis et filii excelsi omnes] A: ic cweÖ godas ge earun j beam öes hean alle D: ic cwaeö jodas 5e syndon j beam Jiaes masran ealle F: ic cwasö godas ge syndon sunu J)a2s maran ealle

Cf.

Ps 138.8 [si acsendero in caelum tu illic, es si discendero in infemum ad, es] A: gif ic astigu un heofen Öu 6er earö gif ic dunestigu in helle Öu bist et D: 3if ic astise in heofon öu Ipxr eart jif ic dune stije on helle ast J)u eart F: gif astige to heofonum l)u öaer eart gyf ic nyöerastige on helle J)u 52er eart

In Old English poetry beon and wesan are non-alliterating verbs and rarely bear alliteration unless they occur in such works as PPs and Horn or put stress on the sense of existence (e.g. Az 113a WesaÖ and weaxaÖ ealle werpeode). WeorÖan is an alliterating verb and is often used in a /j-verse formula 'weorÖan + Aux (sceoldon, mote, etc.)' {GenB 577b, 631b, And 137b, Az 41b, Phoen 373b, Jul 425b, 611b, Rid 50 10b, JDay I 80b, Beo 3068b, Met 25 72b, Met 29 86b (cf. 88a), KtPs 12b, 104b). GD(H) shows particular fondness for weorÖan. When (C) and (H) are compared, in the lines where they have a different choice of words, wesan vs. weorÖan occurs 58 times (of which 48 times are wces vs.

Be-verfc

49

wearS), wesan vs. geweorÖan three times, and beon vs. weorÖan three times; for the remaining instances we have by}) vs. is four times, beovs. sy(nd)- seven times, sy- vs. beo ten times, wearÖ vs. is once, and gewearÖ vs. wearÖ once. In total, (C) uses (ge)weordan twice but (H) 64 times. Wesan and (ge)weordan are sometimes used as verbs denoting 'to happen', and correspond to gelimpan or becuman. I give some examples. (10) GD 32.15 C: öa wces so halja wer Equitius mid J)a2re acsun3e 5e{)read j jenyded, H: J)a wearÖ se hal5a wer ^Equitius mid J)aere axunje jeneadod, (11) GD 139.29 C: in J)a2re jsware minre acsunje me wearÖ cu}3 nu seo wise J)a2s rihtan 3esceades H: on J)aere andsware minre axunje me is seopenod nu se intin5a rihtes 3esceades (12) GD 15.35 [s\c(\\iQ factum ut, dum servo Dei unus suus caballus redditur] C: j swa hit ^elamp, {)a2t, t)a t)am 3odes msen bis a3en hors sejifen waes, H: j wces swa geworden, Jjast, J)a J)am 3odes t>eowe wass bis an bors asifen, (13) GD 170.14 [cum viro bora iam quietis exegerit] C: mid t)y J)a wces seo tid beora raeste j stilnesse beddes, H: soölice J)a |)a eallunsa becom se tima byra reste j stillnysse, Wulfstan likes to use weorÖan, as is found in WHom 12.47 j se louis wearÖ swa swyöe gal (cf. /EHom 22.113 Se louis wces swa swiöe gäl). Beon/wesan peripbrases were still unsettled in a strict tense system even after tbe Conquest. It is tbe forms of beon/wesan tbat basically represented the tense, but botb tbe meaning of tbe verb in tbe past

50

Conflicts between native verbs

participle and the meaning of the context often caused the set 'beonj wesan + p.p.' to convey a perfective sense. The following pairs of expressions may show something of the stylistic features of Wyc EV andLVthatrepresent the flexible tense system, as well as morphological contamination among the infinitive, the -ing form, and the past participle. EV

LV

Mt 7.28 Lk\.% Jn 13.19 Mt 9.22

[factum est] [factum est] [factum fuerit] [salua facta est]

is maad was don schal be don was maad saaf

was doon bifel is don was hool

Mk 12.20 Mk 15.44 Jn 13.31

[mortuus est] [mortuus esset] [exisset]

is deed hadde deied hadde gone out

diede were deed was gon out

9.44 10.1 L/tS.lO

[futurus est] [erat uenturus] [eris capiens]

is to comynge^ is to come was to comynge was to come schalt be takynge schalt take

[ego bibo] [tradendus est]

am to drynke is to be bitraied

schal drynke schal be bitraied

[surrexit] [surrexit]

is risun hath risun

hath rise is risun

Lk Lk

Mk Mt Mt Mt

10.38 17.22 21M

28.7

In AW and sometimes in A/?(Nero) we still find the use of (i)wurÖen, as in AW 38b.5 hit schal wurde (A/?(Nero) (wurden) and AW 94a.8-9 A sunne ful for^euelich. mei wurde (A/?(Nero) mei beon)ful deadlich.

2, Verbs of motion Among the basic verbs of motion there is an obvious conflict between the ^an-group {gan, gegan, gangan, geongan [Li]), with prefixed or following particles (e.g. in[n]gan and gan in[n]) and the faran-group. The latter needs a further explanation. The confusion between faran

Verbs of motion

51

(st. 7) a n d f ö r a n (wk. 1) has been noticeable from the very beginning of the Old English period, since both the semantic and the morphological distinctions of the two have not been clear enough. Thus in Li such double-glosses are found as Mt 14.34 [trans-fretassent] ofer p luh foerdon l fcerende woeron and Mt 21.33 [peregre profectus est]foerde fearr t ellöiodegde [t] fcerende wces, and feran is used 19 times and faran 14 times in Lk(WSCp), where the Latin has Ire. I put, therefore, (ge)faran and (ge)feran together with all prefixed varieties and name them the faran-group. The choice between the gan-group and the farangroup in the Four Gospels is as follows. (The occurrences of the other verbs, such as cuman, to-genealcecan, and geWitan, are omitted from the table. For double-glosses I take the first gloss.) gan-group//aran-group Li WSCp ire Mt Mli Lk Jn

23/4 8/2 25/15 5/2

10/16 4/6 4/33 5/2

Mt Mk Lk Jn

19/1 11/0 14/0 33/4

18/2 10/1 14/0 8/18

Mt Mk Lk Jn

25/1 9/3 5/8 11/15

4/21 1/10 0/13 6/16

Mt Mk Lk Jn

30/2 13/7 11/21 11/11

18/11 14/5 19/10 12/3

vädere

ab'ire

exire

52

Conflicts between native verbs

inträre/intwire Mt (24/4) Mk (3/24) Lk (33/7) Jn (1/13)

28/0 23/4 29/10 9/5

25/2 25/0 35/2 12/1

For Ire, Li chooses the gan-group and WSCp the faran-group; Lk often uses (ge)feran and (ge)faran, rather exceptionally, even in Li, and Jn prefers gan even in WSCp. For vädere, the gan-group is predominant, with the exception of Jn(WSCp). For abire the /ara«-group is chosen for WSCp-, but in Li the ga«-group is much more common in Mt and Mk, while the faran-group is more frequently used in Lk and Jn. In Mt, variants \ike from-gan(gan) in Li, gan awceg and awceg gan(gan) in Rul, and gan aweg and feran onweg in WSCp, represent the general tendency of the dement shift from particle-verb to verb-particle. For ex'ire the gan-group is chosen more often than the/aran-group in WSCp and Li (Mt and Mky, in Lk(Li),faran- outnumbers gan- (33 vs. 26 times) and in Jn(Li) they are equal in the number of occurrences. The order üt gan(gan) is preferred in both Li and WSCp, while gan(gan) üt is found once in Mt(Li) 10.14 (probably üt is a gloss for foras) and ten times in WSCp. Cuman (alone or with üt or of) is also used twice in Li and seven times in WSCp. Inträre and intrdire are used almost indiscriminately in the Vulgate and, as I put the numbers in the table (in brackets), Mt and Lk prefer using inträre. Both in Li and WSCp the gan-group is much more frequent than gan in(n); in(n-)feran and incuman {Lk[Li] 18.17) are found as well. An alternative use of cuman for gan and vice versa is not so rare in Old English, as has just been mentioned above. Venire is properly rendered by cuman, but gan occurs six times in WSCp (e.g. Mt(WSCp) 21.19) in contrast with 431 instances of cuman. Other counterparts are gecuman, becuman, faran, and feran, and for venturus esse, toweard beon, tocymende beon/wesan (Li), and (to)cumene beon/wesan (WSCp). For other Latin verbs I give some examples to show different choice of Old English counterparts in each version. (Examples are all from Mt in order to show the choice of RuL See also [3] M? 5.18 for transeat and pareteribit.)

Verbs ofmotion

53

(14) MtA.\2 [Cum autem audisset quod iohannes traditus esset secessit in galilaeam] Li: miÖ Öy soölice geherde p iohannes gesäld wäre Öona gewoende in galileam Rul: J)a he pa geherda3 paet iohannes waes afongen gewat in gahlea WSCp: SoÖHce pa se haelend gehyrde p iohannes belaswed wzes. \>aferde he to gaUleam (15) M? 4.23 [Et circum-ibat iesus totam galilaeam docens in synagogis eorum] Li: J ymb-eade hzelend alle galilea laerde in somnungum hiora Rul: j hgelend geond eade alle galilea leerende in heora synagogum 1 somnungum WSCp: J pa beferde se haelend ealle galileam. laerende on hyra gesomnungum. (16) Mt 6.10 [adueniat regnum tuum] Li: to-cymeö ric öin Rul: cume to pin rice WSCp: to-becume pin rice (17) Mf 1.18 [antequam conuenirent inuenta est in utero habens de spiritu sancto] Li: aer Öon hia gegeadradon l gecuomun bigetten 1 infunden wass 1 is in hrif haefde of haiig gaast Rul: aerpon hiae to-somne cwoman hio w£es gemoeted in hire innope hasbbende of p£em halgan gaste WSCp: aer hi tosomne becomun [H. to-somne coman] heo wass gemet on innoöe haebbende. of pam halegan gaste (18) Mt 24.35 [caelum et terra transibunt uerba uero mea non praeteribunt} Li: heofon j eoröo gelioraÖ wordo uutedlice mino ne gelioreÖ Rul: heofun j eorpe geleorafj word ponne min naefre ne leoraÖ WSCp: Heofone j eorpe gewitaÖ. witodlice mine word ne gewitaÖ

54

Conflicts between native verbs

The number of occurrences of the main Latin verbs of motion differs so much in Gosp and Ps that the mere comparison of the two works may give a wrong impression. But the most remarkable difference is the rare use of faraniferan in Ps as a counterpart of 'ire and exire. Examples are for vädere (only one instance), exire {utfaran occurs once in PsGlF), intröire, and transire (here Mercian leoran is used in contrast with y^S faraniferan and— though rarely— gewitan). (19) Ps 77.39 [et memoratus est quia caro sunt sps uadens et non rediens] A: j gemyndig is for Öon flaesc hie sind gas fearende j no eftcerrende D; j he 3emunde t)a2tte flaesc hy synd 5ast ^ewitende j na edwendende F: j he gemunde is for5on flaesc synd gast gongende j na edwendende (20) Ps 103.23 {exiet homo ad opus suum] A: utgaeÖ mon to werce his D: san^e mann to weorce his F: utfcerÖ [exhibit] man to weorce his (21) Ps: 142.2 [et non intres in iudicio cum seruo tuo] A; j ne ga Öu inn in dome mid öiowe Öinum D:} na Öu in^d on dorn mid J)eowe Öinum F: j na Öu inga on dome mid Öeowan Öinum Cf.

Ps 95.S [tollite hostias et introite in atria eius] A: uphebbaÖ onsegdnisse j ingaÖ in ceafurtunas his D: adoj) dura j ^aÖ in on csefertunas F: undoj) dura j ingaÖ on cafertune his

Verbs ofmotion

55

(22) Ps 89.6 [mane sicut herba transeat mane floreat et pertranseat uespere decidat induret et arescat] A: on mame swe swe wyrt leored on mame bloweÖ j ÖorhleoreÖ on efenne gefalleÖ forheardaÖ j adrugaö D: on mer3en swa wyrt ^ewiteÖ bloweÖ j fareÖ on aefen afylÖ astij)a6 j adruwaö F: on mergen swa wyrt gewiteÖ on mergen bloweÖ j fareÖ on asfen afylÖ astiöaj) j drugaö (Ge)wendan (bewendan), hweorfan, and (ge)cyrran are main verbs denoting 'to tum';'^ the former two are preferred in WSCp, while the last appears frequently in Li, as in (23) Lk S.31 [Ipse autem ascendens nauem reuersus est] Li: he Öonne astag p scipp eft-cerde i cerrende WSCp: Da wende he on scype agen (24) Lk 2.39 [reuersi sunt in galilasam in ciuitatem suam nazareth] Li: gecerdon t awoende woeron on galilea in ceastre his nazareth WSCp: hi ge-hwurfon on galileam on heora ceastre nazareth and also compare (25) Lk 22.32 [Et tu aliquando conuersus confirma fratres tuos] Li: j Öü huilum 1 oöer huile gecerred bist getrymeg broöro öino WSCp: And J)u aet sumum cyrre gewend j tryme J)ine gebroöru (26) Lk 14.25 [Ibant autem turbae multae cum eo et conuersus dixit ad illos] Li: foerdon 5a hergas msenigo miÖ hine j efne awoennde wces cuaeÖ to Öaem WSCp: Soölice mid him ferde mycel menego. t)a cwasö he to him bewend

56

Conflicts between native verbs

In PsGl, however, (ge-, a-,for-)cyrran is the commonest for bothA and D, e.g. (27) Ps 11AA [conuertit in sanguine flumina eorum] A: gecerde in blöde flodas heara D: he acyrde on blod flodas heora F: j he cyrde on blöde flodas heora (28) Ps 21.25 [neque auertit fadem suam a me] A: neforcerreÖ onsiene his from me D; j ne he acyrde onsyne his fram me F: ne he awende ansyne his fram me Verbs with a more specific sense tend to get an alliterating position more often than ordinary verbs. The alliterating ratio to the whole number of occurrences of the main verbs in Old English poetry is:^ gewendan 90.9%, wendan S2.5%, feran 61.5%, geferan 59.3%, hweorfan 52.4%, gefaran 50.0%, gangan 42.4%, cyrran 42.1%, faran 38.7%, gehweorfan 37.0%, gan 20.4%, gewitan 19.2%, and gecyrran 13.3%. (If the verbs are arranged in decreasing number of occurrences, the Order will be gewitan, gangan, faran, feran, gan, hweorfan, wendan, geferan, gehweorfan, cyrran, gecyrran, gefaran, and gewendan.) (Gejwendan is highly alliterating owing to its various shades of meaning; it is originally a verb of motion but often takes an accusative and means 'to tum something (into somethingY, 'to translate', etc. Feran has more chance to alliterate than faran, probably because it is often used in the formulas' gewit... feran' (GenA 1746a, etc.) and 'gewat ...feran' {And 786a, etc.). Then gewitan loses the quality to bear alliteration and tends to be used as an auxiliary with an Infinitive of a verb of motion in the pattem of 'gewat + feran, gangan, scriöan, etc.'. Com feran (GenA 852a, etc.), cwom gangan {Rid54 la, etc.), or com siöian {Beo 720b) is another set of verbs of motion. The most important distinction between those two verbs, gewitan and cuman, used as auxiliaries, is that the former eventually went out of use but the latter remained as an ordinary verb all through the medieval period. Gewitan had to suffer the

Verbs ofmotion

57

morphological confusion with witan 'to know' and (ge)witan 'to guard', which must have been the main reason for its disappearance. Hweorfan, wendan, and cyrran can be called synonymous, though cyrran is less alliterating (hence more ordinary) than the other two, as is seen in the pairs PPs 69.3 Ib hweorfaÖ and cyrraÖ (/i-allit.) and PPs 100.4 Ib wende and cyrde (w-allit.). These verbs of motion often form variations in verse lines. Here are examples with alliteration (29) and without alliteration (30). (29) ßeo356a-358a Hwearf\>a hraedlice J)asr HroÖgar sagt eald ond anhar mid his eorla gedriht; eode ellenrof, Jjast he for eaxlum gestod Deniga frean; cut)e he duguöe J)eaw. (30) MSo/282b-283a Ac hwaet is Öast wundor Öe geond Öas worold fcereö, stymenga gceÖ, staöolas beateö, aweceÖ wopdropan, winneÖ oft hider? In GD one verb of motion is replaced by another without showing any regularity. I give a few examples. (31) GD 149.13 [ite, et, sicut per visionem audistis, omne habitaculum monasterii construite] C: jflÖ miford j setimbriaÖ ealle J^a eardunsstowa J)a2S mynstres, H. faraÖ nu j ealle J)a2s mynstres eardunjstowe jetimbriaö, (32) GD 162.27 [ita ut quisquis ei clericus monachusve ante faciem venissit] C: swa J)a2t jif hwylc preost oJ)J)e munuc com to him beforan his onsyne, H: swa {)aet 3if hwilc preost oÖÖe munuc becom toforan his ansyne,

58

Conflicts between native verbs

(33) GD 88.27 [coepit ad aegrum pergere] C: J)a onsan heferan to J)am seocan men H: t)a on5an hefaran to })am seocan men Cf.

GD 127.34 [annis singulis de loco suo ad cellam ieiunus venire consueverat] C: se 3ewunode, J)£et he/or aslce 5aere of his asenre stowe, H: se 5ewunode, ^xt he aelce leareferde of his ajenum

La^A and B often choose different verbs of motion without showing any consistency. The following examples are given to illustrate the lexical variety in A, and the last one a use of turnen 'to tum' in ß as a counterpart of the commoner bi-wenden. (34) Las 27 A: Lasamö gon liöen. wide 5ond J)as leode. B: Loweman gan wende, so wide so was {)at londe. (35) Las 14237 A: forö he gon bu^en. p he to burh com. B: Fori) hü gönne wende. Jiat hü come to Jjan ende. (36) Las 19612 A: forö heo gunnen scriöen. into Scotlonde B: forj) hü gönne gon. riht into Scotlond (37) Las 20610 A: ArÖur mid his ferde, fusde to burh. B: Arthur mid his ferde. wende to borewe. (38) Las 26576 A: heo bi-wenden heom sone. wunder ane swiöe. B: Po tornden hü sone. wonderliche swijje. A similar choice is found in the versions of Cursor, with the alternative use of come and wend.

Verbs ofsaying, commanding, bidding and asking

59

(39) Cursor \\5A6 C: ^2Äferd al sauf in to l)air kyth G: J)ai ^ode alle sauf in-to J^air kith F: Save they went in-to theire kyth (40) Cursor 10290 C: And scam him thoght to ga J)an ham, G: And schäme him thoght to wend harne, (41) Cursor 1551 C: Wit ^is he come vnto {je place. G: wid t)is he went in-to J)e place. In the Wycliffite Bible some lexical and stylistic features are found as differences between EV and LV. Stilen, OE stigan, is still used in EV but is replaced by come or go in LV (e.g. Mk 6.45 sti^e vp vs. go up and Lk 24.38 stylen vp vs. comen vp). (In Old English versions Li uses astigan and WSCp [ajstigan or faran as counterparts of ascendare.) Entren is added among the synonyms, which I discuss in the next chapter. EV and LV often choose the same verb with different particles: e.g. Mk I.26 wente awey vs. wente out, Lk 22.62 gonforth vs. sede out, and Jn II.43 come thou out vs. come thouforth. The choices between come and go (e.g. M? \2AAcame outws. went out andL^ \ camdoun vs. ^ede doun) and between 'coming V(pret.)' or 'came Y-ing' and 'came, and V(pret.)' (e.g. Mt 2.9 cummynge stood aboute vs. came, and stood and Jn 12.18 cam metinge vs. cam, and mette) seem styUstic rather than syntactic or semantic.

3. Verbs of saying, commanding, bidding and asking In Ogura (1981) I made a thorough survey of the verbs of saying in medieval English and so far have found no examples that contradict my conclusion. What happened by the end of Middle English is that cweöan, the commonest verb of saying, began to show a tendency to

60

Conflicts between native verbs

morphological and syntactic petrifaction, i.e. used in the preterit singular cwceÖ with direct quotation following in most instances, while secgan was ready to take the place of cweöan in its major syntactic features of prep. to + dat. of person as the indirect object (instead of the bare dative) and introducing direct discourse (in contrast with indirect discourse), and consequently tellan, originally with multiple meanings, moved into the semantic field of saying to succeed secgan in its sense and syntax. One of the major conflicts in the Old English semantic field of saying is found between cweÖan, secgan, and cyöan. Their distribution in the three dialects (Northumbrian, Mercian, and West Saxon) is as follows. (Counterparts of dicere, ait, narrare, and (ad-/re-)nuntiare are taken into account.) Li (North.)

Rul (Merc.)

cweöan (95.9%)

cweöan (83.6%)

secgan (4.1%)

secgan (16.4%)

WSCp (WS) cweöan (70.0%) secgan (28.2%) cyöan (1.8%)

(42) Jn 16.29 [dicunt ei discipuli eius ecce nunc palam loqueris et prouerbium nullum dicis] Li: cuoedon 1 him Öegnas his heono nü eaunga 1 bagrlice Öu spreces ] geddum1nan Öu cueöes WSCp: His leoming-cnihtas cwcedon him. nu öu sprycst openlice. j ne segst nan big-spell (43) Jn 4.25 [dicit ei mulier scio quia messias uenit qui dicitur christus sum ergo uenerit ille nobis adnuntiabit omnia] Li: cueö to him p uif ic uat pte öe gecorena cuom seöe is gecueden crist miÖ Öy uutudlice gecymeÖ he iwh gescegeÖ \ alle WSCp: Dast wif cwcel) to him ic wat p messias cymÖ pe is genemned crist. ponne he cymÖ he cyÖ us ealle öing (44) Mt 28.10 [tunc ait illis iesus nolite timere ite nuntiate fratribus meis ut eant in galilaeam ibi me uidebunt]

Verbs ofsaying, commanding, bidding and asking

61

Li: Öa cueÖ to öaem Öe haelend nallaÖ gie ondreda gaaö scecgas broörum minum pte hea gae in gaeliomise Öer mec hia geseaÖ Rul: J)a CWCE}) heom to se haelend ne ondredeli inc ah gaej) scecgap brojjrum minum p hiae gangan in galilea Jiasr hi me geseoj) cypaö minum gebroJ)rum p hig faron on galileam paer hig geseoj) me Cyl)aÖ in Mt(WSCp) 28.10 corresponds to teile in Wyc. The conflict is Over before the 14th Century in most contexts. As is Seen in (43), cweöan, nemnan, ciegan, clipian, and hatan share the meaning 'to (be) call(ed)', especially when used in the past participle (with the exception of hatte; see [46] Mt(Rul) 2.23) and with a complement. In Gosp, ciegan is frequently found in Li, nemnan and hryman in WSCp, and clipian in both versions. (Note also the renderings of interpretatur in [45] and dictum est in [46].) (45) Jn 1.42 [tu es simon filius iohanna tu uocaueris cephas quod interpretatur petrus] Li: Öu arÖ sunu iohannes öu bist geciged p is getrahtad carr WSCp: pu eart simon iönan sunu pu bist genemned cephas. p is gereht petrus (46) Mt 2.23 [et ueniens habitauit in ciuitate quae uocatur nazareth ut adimpleretur quod dictum est per prophetas quoniam nazareus uocabitur} Li: j cuom gebyde in ceastra öy is genemned p sie gefylled Öast gecuoeden wces Öerh witga foröon Öe nazaresca geceiged biÖ Rul: j cumende j eardade in pasre caestre öe hatte nazarep pte gefylled waere pa^t acweden wces purh witgu pte he biÖ nazarenisc nemned WSCp: j he com pa j eardode on paere ceastre öe is genemned nazareth. p waere gefylled p ge-cweden wces purh Öone witegan. for pam öe he nazarenisc byÖ genemned (47) Mt 11.16 [Cui autem similem aestimabo generationem istam similis est pueris sedentibus in foro qui clamantes coaequalibus]

62

Conflicts between native verbs

Li: to huaem uutedlice gelic ic woeno cynn 5is gelic is cnaehtum sittendum is sprec Öa Öe 1 seöe gecliopadon l cliopende efnum aldum 1 heafodlinges Rul: hwaem Jjonne gelice ehtu ic cneorisse Jjas gelic is cnehtum sittende on prod-bore J)asm J)e clipende to heora gemeccum WSCp: SoJ)lice hwam teile ic Jjas cneorysse gelice. heo ys gelic sittendum cnapun on foretige. J)a hrymaÖ [H. ryma5\ to hyra efengelicon As noted in (47), tellan appears in WSCp, which corresponds to wenan (Li) and ehtan (Rul). OE tellan means (1) 'to account', (2) 'to count', and (3) 'to recount', the first sense being most frequent. The verb shares these three meanings with (1) wenan and talian, (2) riman, and (3) reccan, secgan, and cweöan, among other minor verbs. The semantic fields (1) and (3) overlap, however, due to the fact that the synonyms may take indirect discourse, an accusative object, (prep. to +) a dative of person, or a predicative. For example, (48) Jn 15.15 [iam non dico uos seruos quia seruus nescit quid facit dominus eius uos autem dixi amicos quia omnia quaecumque audiui ä patre meo nota feci uobis] Li: uutudlice ne scego ic l ne cuoeöo iuh Örasllas foröon öreell nät 1 ne conn huzed wyrcaÖ hlafard his gie uutudlice ic cuoeÖ friondas forÖon alle ÖaÖe 1 suse huzed ic geherde from feder minum cuöa l cyöigo ic worhte iuh WSCp: Ne teile ic eow to 5eowan. forJ)am se Öeowa nat hwast se hlafor[d] deö; Ic tealde eow to freondum. forJ)am ic cyöde eow ealle J)a {)ing Jje ic gehyrde ast minum faeder Fields (1) and (2) also overlap in the sense 'to esteem (as)'; compare/«/ 357 Ic pcet wende ond witod tealde /priste gejjoncge, fycet ic fje meahte / butan earfel>um anes crcefte / ahwyrfan from halor, and Part 10b Ge beoÖ me sifjfjan / torhte tireadge talade ond rimde, / beorhte gebropor on bearna stcel.

Verbs ofsaying,

commanding,

bidding and asking

63

Hatan is more commonly used with infinitives and shares the sense 'to command, bid' with (be)beodanß (Ge)biddan 'to pray, ask' is synonymous with giwian and wilnian (restricted in ocurrence). (49) Mt 1.24 [exurgens autem ioseph ä somno fecit sicut precepit ei angelus domini et accepit coniugem suam] Li: aras weotetlice iosep of slepe gedyde suae geheht him engel drihtnes j onfeng gebed his Rul: J)a arisende soJ)lice from slepe dyde swa him bebead se engel dryhtnes j feng wiue his WSCp: Da aras iosep of swefene. j dyde swa drihtnes engel him bebead. j he on-feng his ge-masccean (50) Mt 7.7 [Petite et dabitur uobis quasrite et inuenietis pulsate et äperietur uobis] Li: giwias t gebiddas ge j gesald biÖ iuh soecaÖ ge j ge infindes \ ge begeattas cnysaÖ 1 cnyllas ge j un-tyned biÖ iuh Rul: biddap j eow bij) sald soeca]) j ge gemoetaj) onyssaj) j eow bij) ontyned WSCp: Biddaf) j eow biÖ geseald. seceaj) j ge hit findaj). cnuciaÖ. j eow bij) ontyned OE ascian never occurs in the same semantic field with biddan but is synonymous with (ge)frignan and befrignan, as in (51) Mt 19.17 [quid me interrogas de bono unus est bonus deus] Li: hwaet mec befregnes öu of göd an is göd god Rul: hwaet Öu mec geaxast i frcegnast be göde an is göd god WSCp: Hwaet axast t)u me be göde an god ys göd (Ge)ascian inRul in (51) also occurs twice in Li {Mk 13.3 and 14.60). To answer a question we have a choice between andswarian and andwyrdan. In Gosp, andwyrdan seems regularly used in L/, andswarian in WSCp, and both in Rul. In fact, (ge)andwyrdan occurs 145 times in Li, ten times in Rul, 13 times in WSCp, and (ge)andswanan 57 times

64

Conflicts between native verbs

in Li, 34 times in Rul, and 164 times in WSCp. Examples are (52) with a double-gloss and (53) a less frequent instance. (52) Mt 25.37 [tunc respondebunt ei iusti dicentes] Li: 5a ondueardas i ondsuerigaÖ him soÖfassto cuoeÖas Rul: J)onne sswcerigap him J)a2m soJ)fa2Ste cwasjjende WSCp: Ponne jswariaÖ J)a rihtwisan j cweJ)aÖ (53) Mt 26.33 [Respondens autem petrus ait illi] Li: ondsuorode Öa cueö him to Rul: jswarade J)a petre cwagj) him to WSCp: Da rwyrde petrus him j t)us cwasÖ Two examples in Ps and one from GD may show that the two verbs are synonymous in WS, at least in glosses.^ (54) Ps 101.24 [respondit ei in uia uirtutis suae, paucitatem dierum meorum enuntia mihi] A: ondsweorede him in wege megnes his feanisse dega minra sege me D: heo andwyrde him on weje masjenes his jehwasdnesse dasa minra secyp me F: he andwyrde him on wege mihta his gehwaednysse dagena minra gecyÖ [nuntia] me (55) Ps 118.42 [et respondebo exprobrantibus mihi uerbum] A.- j ic ondsweoriu edwitendum me word D: i '\c antswari^e hyspendum me word F: j ic answarige of hyspendum me word (56) GD 19.3 C: 3re5orius him jswarode: 'in J)a2re astywnesse ... H: 3re5orius him andwyrde: 'on aetywednysse ... CweÖan is less poetic and less alliterating than secgan and any other verb of saying. For the purpose of alliteration and/or Variation, such

Verbs ofsaying, commanding, bidding and asking

65

verbs as hleoÖrian, reordian, maöelian,^ negan, gemcelan, meldian, and mcersian are employed in verse lines. Two examples may be enough to show the devices of Variation and alliteration. (57) £/404a-b-5b Elene maöelade one for eorlum sprcec, undeaminga ides reordode hlude for herigum: (58) P/ioen 632a-^a-5a Dus reordiaÖ ryhtfremmende, manes amerede, in J)a2re masran byrig; cynet)rym cypaÖ, caseres lof singaÖ on swegle soöfasstra gedryht, In the revision of De Falsis Diis, Wulfstan uses namian in the active and in the passive in contrast with iElfric's (ge)hatan. (59) ^Hom 22.114 seo wass gehdten luno, swiöe healic gyden. WHom 12.48 seo wass genamod luno, j heo wearÖ swyöe healic gyden zefter haeöenscype geteald. (60) ^ / / o w 22.143 Mercuries sunu, t)e hi OÖon hataS WHom 12.74 Mercuries sunu, J)e hi Oöon namiaÖ EME teilen becomes a füll member of the verbs of saying and is used where secgan, cyöan or reccan was expected in previous periods.

66

Conflicts between native verbs

(61) Las 13470 A: ich wulle suggen eow uorÖ rihtes. B: ich wolle teile ou sojjrihtes. (62) Las 14079 A: & ich J)e wuIIe rcecchen. deome runen. B: and ich Jje wolle teile, of deome rouriiges. (63) Las 26163 A: & cudde Jjan kinge. {)er i t^are cuÖÖe. B: and tolde to J)an kinge. Haten vs. bidde(n) (Laj 12750 and 19387) andfrmne(n) vs. axien (Las 17127) are also found between A and B, and most noticeable is the choice among the verbs denoting 'to (be) call(ed)'. (64) Las 2572 A: Ebrauc he wes i-cleped. seond al he wes cuÖ. B: Ebrac wces ihote. ouer al t)ä t)eode. (65) Las 6309 A: Bruttes nemnede J)a lasen, aefter t)är lafuedi. B: Bruttus cleopede J)e läse, after hire leafdi. A curious correspondence of seggen and clepien is found in Las Wyc; in the former example they introduce a Quotation and in the latter they take 'acc. and complement'. (66) Las 26472 A: J)a cleopede J)e kaisere. HaldeÖ heom haldeö. B: l)o Saide J)e caiser. HoldeJ) sam holdeJ). (67) Wyc 7n 15.15 (cf. [48]) EV: Now I schal not seye sou seruauntis, for the seruaunt woot not, what his lord schal do; forsothe I haue seid sou frendis,

Verbs of thinking and believing

67

LV: Now Y schal not clepe 50U seruauntis, for the seruaunt woot not, what his lord schal do; but Y haue clepid 50U freendis,

4. Verbs of thinking and believing In Ogura (1986c) I examined wenan, jjencan, gepencan, jjyncan, smeagan, gemunan, and some other minor verbs of thinking, and concluded that pencan survived the conflict because of its colorlessness, in contrast with wenan, which used to be the commonest and often occurred with negatives in either the principal or the subordinate clause. In the same article I classified Old English verbs of thinking into three groups, i.e. (I) 'to think' or 'to consider'— wenan, Jjencan, gepencan, pyncan, smeagan, (ge)teohhan, (a)hycgan, hogian, hyhtan, (II) 'to believe'or 'to doubt'—gelyfan, trywan, tweogan, and (EI) 'to remember' or 'to forget'— gemunan, gemyndigian, gemynegian, beon gemyndig, gepencan, forgiefan, etc. (1986c: 326). Here I may add further Information on the uses of those verbs. In Gosp, Old English counterparts of cogitare are pencan in WSCp, but gepencan, smeagan, gesmeagan and pencan in Li. Wenan is a rendering of putare. Wenan and pencan, therefore, are used as counterparts of different Latin verbs and, though they have a common syntactic feature of introducing indirect speech, rarely occur in the same context except for a device of Variation in poetry, as in (68)

Cf.

61.10 l a - 2 b NellaÖ ge gewenan welan unrihte oJ)J)e to reaflace raeda pencean. 61.11 A: nyllaö gehyhtan [sperare] in unrehtwisnesse j in gestrodu nyllaÖ gewillian [concupiscere]. D: nellen 36 hyhtan unryhtwisnesse j on reaflacum jytsian.

Pyncan is used for viden in WSCp and Rul, in contrast to beon gesene inL/.9

68

Conflicts between native verbs

(69) Mt 17.25 [quid tibi uidetur simon reges terrae a quibus accipiunt tributum uel censum ä filiis suis an ab alienis] Li: huast Öe gesegen is t de geöence cyninges eoröo from Öasm onfoas gaefil t penning-slzeht from sunum hiora oö5e from utacundum Rul: hwzet Öyncef} Jje simon petre cyningas eoröu from hwasm ondfoaÖ gaefle ojijje hemisse from beamum heora t)e from fremöum WSCp: Hwast fjincÖ Jje symon. agt hwam nimaö cyningas gafol oÖÖe toll, of hyra beamum. hwasöer Öe of fremedum Secan 'to seek' often occurs with verbs of motion like wendan but sometimes with verbs of thinking. Though it is used in Li to gloss sequi together with the regulär counterpart folgian, it can also be synonymous with smeagan in rendering quaerere or with other verbs in PsGl and PPs. (70) Mt 26.16 [et exinde quaerebat oportunitatem ut eum traderet] Li: j zefter öon he sohte Öa seel p te hine salde Rul: j seot){)an he gesohte sei l)aet he hinae salde heom WSCp: And syJ)J)an he smeade geomlice p he hyne wolde belaewan Cf.

£:/413b-4a Eodon pa fram rune, swa him sio rice cwen, bald in burgum, beboden haefde, geomormode, geome smeadon, sohton searopancum, hwa2t sio syn wasre

(71) Ps A: D: F:

118.59 [quia cogitaui uias tuas] for öon ic Öohte wegas Öine foröon ic jjohte wesas pine [cogitaui uias meas] ic sohte wegas mine

(72) PPs 118.129 2a-b Wundorlic is Öin gewitnes, wealdend dryhten; foröon heo min sawl smeaÖ and seceÖ geome.

Verbs ofthinking and believing

69

(73) PPs 118.81 2h Min saul gewearÖ swancur on mode, J)a2r ic on J)inre hzelu hogode and sohle, hu ic on J)inum wordum wel getrywade. GeJjencan seems a WS word for recordare, as is found in (74) Mt 5.23 [et ibi recordatus fueris quia frater tuus habet aUquid aduersum te] Li: j Öer eft-Öencende du bist i beöences eft foröon broöer Öin haefeö hwot-hwoego wiö Öec Rul: j öaer gemyne bist Jjast })in b[r]oJ)er hasbbe hwast hwugu wiÖ Öe WSCp: j t)u |)£er gepencgst p Öin broöor ha5fÖ aenig J)ing agen Öe. (75) Mt 16.9 [nondum intellegitis neque recordamini quique panum [in] quinque miha hominum et quot cophinos sumsistis] Li: ne Öa geana ge oncnauas ne eft-gemynas i geöencas fif hlafana fif öusendo monna j hu manig cewlas gie onfengon Rul: ne ge cujjhce ne ongetaj) ne ge ne myngaÖ J>ara fif hlafa fif t)usenda monna j hu monige monde genoman WSCp: ne understande ge gyt ne ge ne gepenceaÖ J)aera fif hlafa j fif t)usend manna j hu fela wyligena ge namon Pencan and gepencan are alternatives except for the syntactic feature of the latter taking a genitive and the meaning 'to remember'. In Late Old English they become less distinct and consequently lyencan survives the conflict among the verbs denoting 'to think'. Gepencan, with other Old English verbs denoting 'to remember', is doomed to be supplanted by a loan verb remembren, while hopian keeps its wide ränge of meaning, 'to think, suppose, believe', all through Old English without showing any conflict with pencan or wenan because of its infrequent occurrence and furthermore obtains the new field of 'to hope, expect' in East Midland in Middle English. Among other verbs, (ge)teohhian is still in use in Late Old English but is gradually replaced by (ge)pencan

70

Conflicts between native verbs

owing to its polysemy, and (a)smeagan can be used fox (gejpencan and gemunan (in the phrase smeagan on mode). Some examples are from GD. (76) GD 5.8 [perpendo quequid tolero] C: 3enoh jeome ic ^ehjc^e, J^set ic dreoge, H: 5enoh jeome ic ^epence, hwzet ic nu drecje, (77) GD 27.23 [postolavit ab eo ut eum Aequitio abbati committerit] C: j sehihte to him j 3ewilnode, J)aet he hine befaeste vEquitio 5am abbude, H: hopode he to him j sewilnode, he hine ^quitio t)am abbode befaeste to J^am, (78) GD 80. 16 [eorum prius studuit asperitatem placare] C: j tihhode, J)aBt he sceolde serest seUöian heora reönysse. H: pohte £erest, t^aet he wolde hyra reönysse sejladian (79) GD 32.22 [ea quae mihi loqueris, ego quoque mecum ipse pertracto] C: t)a wisan, J)e J)u nu to me sprecst, J)a ic me sylf aer swijje jeome ^emunde H: t)a J)in5, J)e J)u nu to me sprycst, l)a ic asr on minum mode swiöe 5eome me sylf smeade (80) GD 42.3 [nec quantus qualisque vir illic iaceret perpendere ac vereri curavit] C: J ne symde, i)a2t he ^epohte o|){)e him ondrede, hu mycel j hu arwuröe wer ^itr reste. H: j ne 3ymde na, J)aet he asmeade oÖÖe him ondrede, hu micel j hu magre wer Jiaer reste. For verbs denoting 'to believe', geliefan and trywan can be used as alternatives until beliefan appears in Late Old English.

Verbs of knowing

71

(81) GD 27.6 [ne se exemplo eius in hac re facile crederent et casuri temptarent donum] C: Jjaet hi naefre ^elyfdon heom sylfum to swiöe in Jiissere wisan, Jjast him waere eaöelic se wifhired to healdanne j to rihtanne j Jjonne J)urh J)aet swyt)ur cunnedon [jasre 3odes 5ife, H: Jjast hy of his bysene on t)ysum J)in3um him sylfum eaöelice ne ^etruwodon l)one wifhired to healdene j t)urh t)£et cunnodon J)a2re 3odes jife, (82) Mt 24.26 [Si ergo dixerint uobis ecce in deserto est nolite exire ecce in penetralibus nolite credere] Li: gif foröon cueöas iuh heonu in woestem is nallas gie geonga heonu in cofum nallaö gie gelefa Rul: forJ)on l)£eh l)e saecge eow sihjje 1 henu in w§stene he is ne gae^) ge ut henu in cofum innas ne ge p ne lefaÖ WSCp: Gyf hig eow secgeaÖ her he ys on westene ne fare ge üt. gyf hig secgeaÖ her he is on purh-ferun ne ge-lyfe ge EV: Therfore if thei schulen seie to 30U, Loo! he is in desert, nyle 5e go out; loo! in pryuey chambris, nyle 5e bileue. LV: Therfor if thei seie to 30U, Lo! he is in desert, nyle 36 go out; lo! in priuey placis, nyle 3e trowe. Bileven can be found in a parallel construction with geleven in Late Old English to Middle English, as the latter takes long to die: e.g. Vsp.D.Hom. 1116 Ge gelefeÖ on God, belefeÖ eac on me (MED).

5. Verbs of knowing Old English counterparts of four Latin verbs show an interesting distribution. The following diagrams should aid our general understanding.

72

Conflicts between native

intellegere

verbs

Li WSCp (&Rul) oncnawan (72.0%) ongytan (92.0%)

PsGl (A, D, F) ongytan

ongetan Li(& Rul) cognoscere ongetan (83.6%) (+ agnoscere)

noscere

scire

WSCp PsGl(A,D) gecnawan (30.1%) oncnawan oncnawan (27.4%; (acnawan) witan (24.7%)

Li witan (57.1%) cunnan (33.3%)

WSCp cunnan (55.0%) witan (30.0%)

PsGl (A,D,F) cunnan (51.3%) witan (41.0%)

Li witan (94.6%)

WSCp(& Rul) witan (81.8%)

PsGl (A,D,F) witan

cunnan (14.1%) If I add instances that are not frequent but are important to show conflicts, understandan appears in WSCp, where it corresponds to intelligere (see [75] Mt 16.9), undergytan and cunnan may occur also in WSCp for cognoscere ([83] and [84]), a double-gloss of conn t wat in Li for noscere (85), and ne can and nat in WSCp for ne scire (86), among other co-occurring examples.^® (83) Mt 7.16 [ä fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos] Li: from uasstmum hiora ongeatas ge t oncnauces his 1 Öailco Rul: from wzestmum eora ge ongetap heo WSCp: fram hyra wasstmun ge hi undergytaS EV: of her fruytis 5e shulen knowe hem. (84) Jn 10.15 [Sicut nouit me pater et ego agnosco patrem] Li: suae uat mec Öe fasder j ic ongetto Öone faeder WSCp: Swa min fzeder can me. ic can minne fasder.

Verbs ofknowing

73

(85) Jn 8.55 [et non cognouistis eum ego autem noui eum et si dixero quia non scio eum ero similis uobis mendax sed scio eum et sermonem eius seruo] Li: j ne ongeto gie hine ic uutudlice conn l wat j gif ic cuoeöo pte ic hine nat ic beom gelic iuh leas ah ic uat hine j word his ic haldo WSCp: J ge ne cuöon hine; Ic hyne cänn. j gif ic secge p ic hine ne cunne. ic beo leas j eow gehe, ac ic hyne cann j ic healde his spra2ce (86) Lk 13.25 [nescio uos unde sitis] Li: ne connic iuih huona gie aron WSCp: Ne can ich eow. nat ic hwanon ge synt [H. Ne can ich eow naht (sie) ich hwanen ge synde] Ongytan in GD(C) corresponds to oncnawan in (H) in most instances, but once er twice to cunnan (33.15), understandan (44.18), undergytan (105.9 and 174.19), witan (127.26), or gewitan (172.9). The following are a few examples of ongytan and of gecnawan and oncnawan in GD(C). (87) GD 32.34 [Vellim patris huius etiam opus agnoscere] C: ic W o l d e })aes haljan faeder w e o r c a nu 3 y t ma witan J onjytan, H: ic W o l d e nu j i t a ma oncnawan J)ara w e o r c a t)ises halsan faeder, (88) GD 44.18 [perpende igitur, Petre, cuius meriti iste vir fuerit] C: ac on^t nu, Petrus, hwylcre jeeamunje Jies waer wa3re, H: understand nu, Petrus, hwilcere 5eeamun5e Jjaes wer wasre, (89) GD 174.19 [Videor mihi utiliter non intellexisse, quae dixeras] C: me sylfum J)ynceö, J)a2t ic na ne o n ^ t e fomytlice j nyd|)earflice J)a word, t)e t)u sjedest, H: me JjinceÖ, t)a2t ic füll nyttlice ne under^ite na J)a J)in5, J)e J)u saedest.

74

Conflicts between native verbs

(90) GD 127.17 [recognuscentes cuncta, quae egerant] C: hi secneowon sona ealla J)a t)in5, t)e hi sylfe aer dydon, H: J)a oncneowon hi ealle t>a J)in5, J)e hy eer dydon, (91) GD 173.20 [dum sub se conspicit, exaltata conpraehendit, quam breve sit, quod conpraehendere humiliata non poterat] C: J J)onne heo besyhÖ under hi sylfe, heo on^teÖ hi upp ahafene, j hu lytel j sceort waes, J)aet J)e heo ne mihte ymbfon J oncnawan, H: t)2et t)onne heo up ahafen besih5 under hi sylfe, J)onne oncncewö heo, hu sceort Jjast is, J)£et heo on lichaman jeeaömodad on^tan ne mihte. Forstandan antedates understandan, as in CP(H) 7.23 swce swce ic hie forstod and GenB 769b seife forstodon his word onwended, but quickly becomes obsolete, probably because of the confusion ^iihför-standan (a 'separable' verb meaning 'to withstand'). Both cunnan and witan can be called non-alliterating verbs and, taking accusatives, form variations in Beo, i.e. (92) Beo 180b-181b (and 182b) metod hie ne cupon, daeda demend, ne wiston hie drihten god ne hie huru heofena heim herian ne cupon, wuldres waldend. In AW and AR cnawen (> knowen) and witen occur in parallel and cuöen and cnawen in the past participle in pairs. (In [93] note the pair bit i hat as well.) (93) AW^ 2a. 16-18 1 hwet se he bit i hat hire in obedience J)e cnaweö hire manere i wat hire strengöe. A/?(Pepys) 3.16 And J)e seruauntes Jiat knowen J)e manere of hem i witen her strengjje.

Verbs ofseeing

75

(94) AW I6a.2-^ 1 leareö him p is icumen hire forte learen. walde bi hire tale beon sone wiÖ wise icuÖÖet i icnawen. A/?(Titus) 9.28-30 i leares him p is cumen hire for to learen. Walde bi hire tale sone with {je wise beo cuÖÖet t cnawen. There is still found an alternative use of AW 34a. 12 under^eoten and AR (Nero) understonden. Generally witen in EV corresponds to knowen in LV (e.g. Jn 7.27 and 29), but knowen may occur in EV (e.g. Jn 7.49) and witen in LV (e.g. Jn 9.21), owing to the similarity of the syntactic features of these verbs.

6. Verbs of seeing Penttilä's Appendices to The OldEnglish Verbs of Vision (1956) clearly teil US the semantic overlapping of those verbs, but let me summarize my survey on Gosp and Ps to see if I can add some Information to her study. In so far as Li and WSCp are concemed, ceteowian (or cetywan, adeowian (Li), with variant spellings) is used to render apparere, ostendere, a few instances of parere (ge-eawian in most cases) in both versions, demonstrare and manifestare in Li. Geseon corresponds to videre in most instances, and so with PsGlA, D, and F. But other verbs are in a somewhat chaotic State, especially as the counterparts of aspicere, respicere (cf. PsGlA regularly uses gelocian), considerare, and pospicere; such verbs as seon, geseon, beseon, behealdan, sceawian, besceawian, locian, gelocian, swutelian, warnian, etc. are used without showing any particular distribution. Some examples are necessary to illustrate the confusing semantic overlapping. From Gosp (sometimes with Wyc EV and/or LV for comparison), e.g. (95) Mt 6.6 [et pater tuus qui uidet in abscondito reddet tibi] Li: j fader öin seöe gesiiÖ t locas in degelnisse forgeldes öe

76

Conflicts between native verbs

Rul: j J)in faeder sejje gesihÖ in degulnisse geldej) Öe WSCp: j J)in faeder t)e ge-syhÖ on dihlum hyt agylt {)e (96) Mt 6.16 [exterminant enim facies suas ut pareant hominibus ieiunantes] Li: mis-begaas foröon onsione hiora ^ hia se gesene monnum fasstende Rul: forJ)on hif weorfaj) heora andwliotu p hie sie geseanae monnum fasstende WSCp: big fomymaö hyra änsyna p big cet-eowün mannum faestende (97) Mt 6.26 [respicite uolatilia caeli] Li: behaldas l locas öa flegende fuglas beofnes Rul: geseop i behaldep beofun fuglas WSCp: Be-healdaÖ beofonan fuglas EV: Beholde 3e tbe fleejinge foulis of tbe eir (98) Mt 6.28 [considerate lilia agri quomodo crescunt non laborant neque nent] Li: sceauiges i locas i behaues Öast wyrt londes buu wasxas ne wynnes jne nestas Rul: sceawigal) lilia londes bu bie waexap ne winnap ne spinnap WSCp: BesceawiaÖ ascyres lilian hu big weaxaÖ. ne swmcaÖ big ne big ne spinnaÖ EV: Beholde j e tbe blies of tbe feelde, how thei wexen. (99) Mt 16.21 [Exinde coepit iesus ostendere discipulis suis quia oporteret eum ire bierosolymam ...] Li: of 5on ongann öe baelend cet-eaua Öegnum bis foröon rebtlic is bine l be gegae bierusalem ... Rul: asfter pon ingonn se baslend eawan bis leomeras past be scylde fzeran to bierusalem ... WSCp: SyÖÖan be ongan swutelian bys leoming-cnibtum p be Wolde faran to bierusalem

Verbs ofseeing

11

EV: Fro that tyme Jhesus bygan for to shewe to his disciplis, that it byhouith hym to go to Jerusalem, (100) M? 3.7 [progenies uiperarum quis demonstrauit uobis fugere ä futura ira] Li: cynn settema hua ced-euaÖ luh geflea from toweard wuraöo Rul: ge nedrana cynn hwa getahtce eow p ge flugan from l)aem towardan eorre WSCp: La naeddrena cyn. hwa geswutelode eow to fleonne fram J)an toweardan yrre EV: Generaciouns of eddris, who shewide to 50U for to flee fro wrath to cumme? (101) Mr 24.4 [uidete nequis uos seducat] Li: geseas p naenig monn iuih gesuica Rul: gesedep p naenig eow forleere WSCp: warniad p eow nan ne beswice EV: Se 3e, that no man disceyue 50U. LV: Loke je, that no man disseyue 50U. and from Ps, e.g. (102) Ps 24.16 [respice in me et miserere mei] A: geloca in mec j mildsa min D: beseoh on me jemiltsa min F: beheald on me j gemildsa min (103) Ps 44.5 [speciem tuam et pulchritudinem tuam intende prospere procede et regna] A: heow Öin j fegemisse Öine behald gesundfullice forögaa j ricsa D: wlite pinum j fsesemisse pinre beloca t beheald jesentfullice foröjewit rixa F: wlite pinum j fasgemysse Öin begym gesundfullice forögewit j rice

78

Conflicts between native

verbs

(104) Ps 83.10 [protector noster aspice ds et respice in faciem xpi tui] A: gescildend ur geloca god j geloca in onsiene cristes öines D: 3escyldend ure ^eseoh j ^eseoh on ansyne J)ines F: gescyldend ure beheald god j geseoh on ansyne cristes t)in The most problematic verb of all is behealdan, which may mean 'to hold, guard', like (ge)healdan, 'to take care' like (be)gieman, or 'to see, behold' like (ge)seon. Further examples are found in GD. {105) GD 24.12 [in nomine Ihesu praecipio tibi ut aditum istum custodias, ac furem huc ingredi non permittas] C: ic J)e bebeode on drihtnes naman haslendes Cristes, t)a2t t)u Öa sti5ole behealde, j t)u ne laste J)one Jjeof her in5an5an. H: on J)ass haelendes naman ic Jje bebeode, J)a2t J)u ^ehealde J)as sto5ole, j t)u ne laete J)one Jjeof her innsansan. (106) GD 77.1 [ostentatione potius intendisse quam operi, ut meliora quam episcopus fecisse videretur] C: J)agt we mason ma behealdan J)ysne wer, J)e J)one awyr5dan 5ast on 5estliJ)nysse onfenj in asteownysse t)aes idlan sylpes t)urh t)a deofollican costunje, H: t)ast we majon Jjysne wer, J)e Jjone awyrjedan 3ast on cumliönysse underfenj, swyöor be^man on boun5e ideles Sylpes, (107) GD 124.15 [ut et sanum illud quoquinae aedificium adsistere cemerent, et flammas, quas antiquus hostis infinxerat, non viderent] C: j {)a2t hio na len5 be beheoldon ^a lijeas, J)ae se ealda feond leaslice 5ehiwode J)urh his scincraeft. H: j hi na ne ^esawon t)a lijeas, J)e se ealda feond leaslice 3ehiwode. Other verbs also show semantic overlappings with verbs of saying and knowing, denoting 'to show', 'to make known', 'to consider', etc.

Verbs ofseeing

79

(108) GD 21.24 [tunc ille a fundo cordia considerans asperitatem et duritiam suam] C: j he t)a se abbud in his heortan injehijdum sceawode his sylfes reönysse j his asene heardnysse. H: J)a se abbod of inneweardre his heortan besceawode his asene reönysse j heardnysse, (109) GD 137.7 [qui, ut se ostenderet nosse quae Dei sunt, adiuncxit] C: eac se ylca Paulus, to {)an J^aet he ^ecyöde hine sylfne cunnan, hwylce wasren 3odes sestihtinje, he t)as word 5eecte j l)us cwasÖ H: eac se ylca Paulus Jiasr to jeihte, pxt he cetywde hine sylfne cunnan J)a J)in5, t)e syndon 3odes sestihtunse, he cwaeÖ (110) GD 141.11 [qua in re Pauli vicem vides tenuisse Benedictum] C: in J)aere wisan ic ^eseo, Jjast Benedictus hasfde Paules jewrixle, H: on t)am l)in3e ic oncnawe, J)aet Banadictus hasfde Paulus Sewrixle, A similar sort of overlapping is found in PPs, representing the renderings of PsGl, as in (111)m

Cf.

141.1 3b-4a geara ic sceawade, geseah on J)a swyöran, ne me sylfne J)a2r asnig mid gode ongitan wolde.

Ps 141.5 [considerabam ad dextris et uidebam et non erat qui agnosceret me] A: ic sceawade to Öere swiöran j gesaeh j ne wes se oncneowe mec D: ic besceawode to Jiasre swijjran j ic geseah j nass se ancneowe

but in other poems a different type of choice is found, e.g.

80

Conflicts between native verbs

(112) El 69b-71a Pa weard on stepe sylfum cetywed |)am casere, J)aer he on coröre swaef, sigrerofum gesegen swefnes woma. (113) ChristC 1104b-5a On J)a forhtlice firenum fordone, swearte synwyrcend, sorgum wlitaö, geseoÖ him to bealwe J)aet him betst bicwom. It is clear that, among the verbs of vision, see, look, behold, and show survive the conflict, while the loan verbs aperen and semen come into the field to replace OE cetywan and (be)sceawian.

1. Verbs of causing, making and allowing Verbs that take an Infinitive have a more or less causative force. Here I discuss dort, Icetan, macian, fremman, and wyrcan. Don and wyrcan can be used in rendering facere; the former is preferred in WSCp and the latter especially in Li. (We have already seen that is/wces gedon can be used as an alternative to is/wces geworden ior factum est in [6] and [8]). (114) Mr 3.3 [uox clamantis in deserto parate uiam domini rectas/acjVe semitas eius] Li: stefn cliopende in woestem gearuas woeg drihtnes rashta doeö i wyrcas stiga his Rul: Stenn cegende in westinne gearwigaö drihtnes wa5g wircaf) rihte his stigas WSCp: Clypiendes stefn wass on westene. gegearwiaÖ drihtnes weg. dolj his siöas rihte EV: A voice of a cryinge in desert, Make 5e redy the wayes of the Lord; make 5e rijtful the pathes of hym.

Verbs of causing, making and allowing

81

(115) Mr 5.36 [neque per caput tuum iuraueris quia non potes unum capillum alhum facere aut nigrum] Li: ne Öerh heafod öin suere Öu foröon ne meehtu enne her huit geuirce t blaec Rul: ne t)urh t)in heafud haj) seile 1 swerigae forJ)on t)e t^u ne mzeht asnne loc hwitne gewirce oJ)t)e blascne WSCp: Ne Öu ne swere Jjurh |3in heafod. forJ)am |)e t)ü ne miht asnne locc gedön hwitne oööe blacne EV: neither thou shalt swere by thin heued, for thou malst not make oon heer whyt, or blak (116) Mt 6.2 [cum ergo fades elemosyna noli tuba canere ante te sicut hipocritae faciunt in synagogis et in uicis ut honorificentur ab hominibus] Li: miÖ Öy Öonne Öu doas sehnessa nelle Öu bema 1 stocc singa before öec suae legeras gewyrcas in somnungum j in londum 1 in gemaerum p his se ge-aröad from monnum Rul: fort)on J)onne t)u wirce aelmisse ne blau t)u beman for J)e swa liceteras doan in heora somnungum j in tunum p hie sie weorpade from monnum WSCp: Eomustlice ponne öu pine aelmessan sylle. ne blawe man byman beforan pe swa liceter as doÖ on gesomnuncgum j on wlcum p hi sin ge-ärwurpode fram mannum EV: Therfore when thou dost almesse, nyle thou synge byfore thee in a trumpe, as ypocritis don in synagogis and streetis, that thei ben maad worshipful of men It is interesting to see that in Ps (ge)don is exclusively used in PsGlA for facere but wyrcan and fremman appear in West Saxon glosses. See the diagram and the following examples. PsGlA don 167 11 gedon 1 /

PsGlD don 147 wyrcan 15 11 / 5edon 5 fremman 1

PsGlF don 116 wyrcan 33 22 / gedon 5 gewyrcan 3

82

Conflicts between native verbs

(117) P j 7.16 [lacum aperuit et effodit eum, et incidit in foueam quam fecit] A: seaö ontynde j dalf 5one j ingefeol in seaö Öone Öe he dyde D: seaö openude j adealf hine hreas on seaÖ J)one he worhte F : seaö he openode j adealf hine j he hreas on seaö l on pit t)one he worhte (118)

9.17 [cognoscitur dns i u d i c i a i n operibus mannum suarum conpraehensus est peccator] A: oncnaweÖ dryhl dryht domas donde in wecum honda his bifongen biÖ se synfulla D: biÖ oncnawen domas fremmende on weorcum handa his 5e5ripen is se synfulla F: biÖ oncnawen driht domas wyrcende on weorcum handa heora gegripen is synfulra

These verbs, as well as other verbs of making except macian, occur in parallel or in Variation with one another. (119) PPS 142.10 3h laer me, hu ic l)inne willan wyrce andfremme, forJ)on t)u min god eart, J)u me god dydest. Cf.

Ps A: D: F:

142.10 [doce me facere uoluntatem tuam quia tu es ds meus] laer mec doan willan Öinne for Öon öu earö god min laer me don willan J)inne foröon t)u eart 5odd min laer me wyrcan willan J)inne forJ)on god min eart t)u

(120) Da« 23b-24a Pa geseah oc J)a gedriht Israhela cyn unriht don, wommas wyrcean.

in gedwolan hweorfan,

Verbs ofcausing,

making and allowing

83

(121)Anrf780b-781a beodan Habrahame mid bis eaforum twasm of eoröscraefe sextsifremman, Icetan landreste, leoöo gadrigean, {\ll)GenA

190a

Man ne cuöon dort ne dreogan, ac bim dribtnes waes bam on breostum bymende lufu. A Word pair gescop and geworhte seems to be one of Wulfstan's idioms: e.g. WHom 12.15-16 pe hy to mannum gescop j geworhte (cf. /EHom 22.81 fje hy gesceop to mannum) and 12.34 pe ealle Öing gescop j geworhte (cf. MHom 22.98 pe ealle ping ges[c]eop). AW and AR sbow an alternative use of don and maken, e.g. (123)Al^l4b.5 ba dude bim sunegin on bire A/?(Nero) 24.16 beo makede bim sunegen on bire and EV and LV sbow tbe contrasting use of maken and don, e.g. (124) M/: 11.23 EV: and doutitb not in bis berte, but bileuetb, for wbat euere be scbal seye, be it maad, it schal be maad to bim. LV: and doute not in bis berte, but bileuetb, tbat wbat euer be seie, schal be don, it schal be don to bym. (125) M 16.16 EV: and ecb man makith violence in to it LV: and ecb man doith violence in to it (126)

21.28

EV: Sotbli tbes tbingis bigynnynge to be don, LV: And wbanne tbese tbingis bigynnen to be maad,

84

Conflicts between native verbs

With these verbs I may note such expressions as Lk 1.62 maden a syngne (vs. [LV] bikeneden), Lk 12.20 hast maad redy (vs. [LV] hast arayed), Lk 12.45 makith tariynge (vs. [LV] tarieth), Jn 10.24 dost a wey (vs. [LV] takist awei), and Mt 20.12 diden worche (vs. [LV] wrou^ten). It is obvious that macian, which has been infrequent in occurrence during the Old English period, comes to be a füll member of the semantic field of 'to make' as a füll verb in (127) Las 16971 A: he {)ohte wurche J)er a werc. wüder ane ueire. B: he t)ohte makien an worc. (128) Cursor 1664 C: It sal be wroght o suare tre, G: It sal be mad of quarid tre, and as a causative auxiliary in (129) Cursor 4332 C: Sco waited him wit a werr tum, Hir-self in godds gram and gilt. And almast did him to be spilt. G: Scho waited him wid a wie turne, Hir-self in godes grame and gilt. And almast made him to be spilt. T: She waited him euel turne hir seif had |)e grame & gilt Almest also he had him spilt As soon as makien becomes an alternative of don, leten, Häven, and Northern ger, as a causative auxiliary, it also shows a tendency to be used in other semantic and syntactic fields common to those verbs, as in (130) Cursor 5912 C: He sal do mani man mislike G: He sal ger mani a man mislike T: he shal make mony men mis liehe

Verbs of getting and possessing

85

Leten is the commonest of causative verbs when haten goes gradually out of this field, (be)beoden is weakened in sense through the confusion with bidden, and other minor verbs are restricted in context. (131) Las 7763 A: He hehte wurchen ane tur. wunderliche faeier. B: He lette makie anne tour. wonderliche hende.

8. Verbs of getting and possessing Some typical groups of verbs are discussed here: habban and (n)agan in the sense 'to get, possess', onfon, (ge)niman, underfon, (ge)healdan 'to receive, take, hold', and cennan (beon acenned), (ge)strienan, onfon 'to beget'. Northumbrian agnian and Mercian agan correspond to West Saxon habban, as in (132) Mt 10.9 [nolite possidere aurum neque argentum neque pecuniam in zonis uestris] Li: nallas ge agnege gold ne sulfer ne feh on gyrdilsum iurum Rul: ne sculon ge agan göld ne sylfur ne feoh in gyrdels eowrum WSCp: ncebbe ge gold ne seolfer ne feoh on eowrum bigyrdlum EV: Nyl 5e weiden gold, nether syluer, ne money in 50ure girdlis, (133)L^18.12 [ieiuno bis in sabbato decimas dö omnium quaepossideo] Li: ic fassto tuigo in wico teigöuncgas ic sello allra öaöe ic ah l agnigo WSCp: Ic feeste tuwa on ucan, ic sylle teot)unga ealles t)£es t)e ic hcebbe EV: I faste twyes in the woke, I jyue tythis of alle thingis whiche I haue in possessioun. In GD (ge)agnian occurs without showing any conflict with habban.

86

Conflicts between native

verbs

(134) GZ) 35.5 [quis est iste vir rusticus, qui auctoritatem sibi praedicationis arripuit, et officium apostolici nostri domini sibimet usurpare indoctus paresumpsit?] C: hwaet is Jjes ceorlisca wer, ^e |)us haraÖ him sylfum jenumen {)a ealdorlicnysse Jjaere haljan lare j nej)et) t)us unjelaered, J)2et he a^nad him sylfum Jia t)enun5a ures apostolican hlafordes? H: hwaet is J)es ceorl, Jje J)us hasfÖ him to 3enumen J)a ealdorlicnysse to bodianne Ipa. haljan lare j t)us unjelaered SedyrstlascÖ, Jjaet he him sylfum ^easnaÖ Jja |)enun5e hures apostolican hlafordes? La5 has two instances of the a^en-habben

correspondence.

(135) Las 7079 A: Pe seht Jie Lud king ahte J)is lond. hehte Lundene Trinouät. B: t»e 5et J)at Lud king hadde Jjis lond. Londene heht Trinauant. (136) Las 18842 A: & neoöeles he scal a^e. J)a hende Ygseme. B: And nojjeles he sal habbe. t)e hendi Igeme. Cursor also shows the agen-hauen correspondence as a füll verb denoting 'to possess' and the agen to-hauen to correspondence as an auxiliary of Obligation as well. (137) Cursor 5\A5 C: Sir, be J)e faith i haue to you, J)us er J)ai knightes, als i tru G: Sir, bi |)e faith i aw to 30U, J)ai er knithes, als i trou (138) Cursor 2075 C: Bi me has t)ou noght to duell, l)i wonning sted es made in hell G: Bi me au J)u noght to duell, J)i woning place es made in hell F: bi me JJOU sal nost dwelle. J)i wonyng stede ys made in hei

Verbs ofgetting

and possessing

87

As an auxiliary, agen usually corresponds to shal, taking a to-Inf (or Inf, more often in Middle English than in Old English),!' as is found in (138). The field 'to hold, receive, take' is much more complicated. The LatinOld English correspondence can be summarized as follows.

tollere tenere sumere recipere suscipere capere accipere

Li (ge)niman (ge)healflan geniman/onfon onfon onfon (ge)niman onfon

WSCp niman (ge)niman niman onfon/underfon onfon (ge)fon/befon niman/onfon/underfon

Rul uses (ge)niman in most instances. Sometimes each of the four Gospels shows its idiosyncracy in the use of major verbs as well as minor ones. For accipere, Mt, Mk and Lk in WSCp use onfon and niman (about 6:4) but Jn has niman and underfon with much the same frequency. (139) Mt 2.14 [qui consurgens accepit puerum et matrem eius nocte et recessit in aegyptum] Li: Öe aräs onfeng Öone cnaeht j moder his in nasht j eft-gewoende in aegypt Rul: he arisende genom t)one cneht j his moder on niht j gewat in aegypti WSCp: He aras J)ä j nam p cild j his modor on niht. j ferde on egyptum. EV: The which Joseph, rysynge vp, toke the chijld and his modir by ny3te, and wente into Egipt, (140)/n 3.11 [et quod uidimus testamur et testimonium nostrum non accipitis] Li: j p ue gesegun we getrymes 1 j cyönisse l uitnessa usa l usema ne onfoas gie

88

Conflicts between native verbs

WSCp: j we cyöaö p we gesawon. j ge ne under-foÖ ure cyönesse EV: and that that we han seyn, we witnessen, and 56 taken not oure witnessing. A few infrequent instances may be added to show various correspondences. (141) Mf 19.12 [qui potest capere capiat] Li: seöe mzege genioma geniomas Rul: sej)e masg nioman nime WSCp: under-nyme se{)e under-nyman masge EV: He that may take, take he. (142) Mk 12.13 [Et mittunt ad eum quosdam ex pharisaeis et herodianis ut eum caperent in uerbo] Li: j sendon to him sume from aslaruas j herodes öegnum pte hine genome t geteldon in word WSCp: Pa sendon hi to him sume of phariseum j herodianum p hi befengon hine on his worde EV: And thei senden to him summe of the Farisees and Erodians, for to take hym in word. (143) Lk: 9.11 [et excepit illos et loquebatur illis de regno dei et eos qui cura indigebant sanabat] Li: j genom hia j spraecc him of ric godes j öailco öaöe gemnise behofadon gehaglde WSCp: J)a onfeng he hig j spaec to him be godes rice. j pa he gehaelde öe lacnunga beporftun EV: And he receyuyde hem, and spak to hem of the Icingdom of God; and heelide hem that hadden nede of eure. GD also shows variety; begietan occurs as a possible rendering of tollere in (145).

Verbs of getting and possessing

89

(144) GD 155.10 [quod dum factus fuissit, susceptum corpus eius terra tenuit, nec ultra proiecit] C: {)aet waes }3a swa jeworden, J)£et seo eoröe ^ehcefde his t)one onfan^enan lichaman j na ofer J)a2t hire fram ne awearp. H: öa t)a J)aet wass sona swa 5edon, J)a ^eheold seo eorÖe his underfan^enan lichaman j hine ofer J)a2t hire fram ne awearp. (145) GD 25.22 [hinc ad me ingredere, et quae tu cum peccato laboras tollere, ego tibi devotus dabo] C: 5a J)e her to me, j Jjast {)u asr mid unrihte on urum seswince be^eate, ic t)e t)aEt mid estfulnesse sylle. H: 5an5 t)u hider in to me, j t)aBt J)u zer mid unrihtum jeswince genante, J)aet ic J)e mid estfullum mode sylle. In poetry an alliterating pair of habban and gehealdan is found in Beo 658a Hafa nu ond geheald, PPs 102.19 4a habbaÖ and healdaÖ, and Maid 236a habban and healdan. A Variation is seen in (146)MaW167a-168a ne mihte he gehealdan waspnes wealdan

heardne mece,

and in MCharm 11 22a-b eall me gehealdon, me gewealdon. A word pair of healdan and wealdan (and wealdan and healdan, according to the demands of alliteration) is found in Rid 40 5a, 22b, PPs 75.9 2b, and PPs 122.1 2b. In ChronD an Old Norse loan verb taken suddenly joins in as a member of the field 'to take' (see the next chapter), and the -/on-group quickly goes out of use. In the field 'to beget' the following three kinds of Old English verbs are used in Gosp, instead of begietan (cf. [145]). (147) Mt\.2 [abrahamgenuitisaac isaacautemgenuitiacob iacob autem genuit iudam et fratres eius] Li: ... cende t gestrionde ... uutotlice cende ... soölice cende ... j broöa his

90

Conflicts between native verbs

WSCp: Soölice abraham gestrynde isaac. isaac gestrynde iacob; lacob gestrynde iudam j bis gebro5ra. EV: Abraham gendride Ysaac. Ysaac forsothe bigate Jacob. Jacob forsothe bigate Judas and bis bretberen. (148) Mt 1.20 [quod enim in ea natum est de spiritu sancto est] Li: p foröon in Öaer 1 in Öaem acenned is of gast haiig is Rul: Jjaette soJ)lice in hire akenned is of Jiaem halgan gaste is WSCp: p on hire acenned ys [H. gekenned ys]. hyt ys of pam halgan gaste EV: forsothe that thing that is born in hire is of the Holy Goost

9. Verbs of Obligation and necessity An Old English semantic field 'to be necessary' consists of fjurfan, befjurfan, behofian, and neodian (infrequent, and an alternative expression is habban neod), while a field 'to befit' includes gebyrian, gedafenian, gerisan, and behofian. When behofian begins to move to the latter field in its 'impersonal' constructions, neodian gradually becomes predominant in the f o r m e r . 12 I give typical Old English counterparts of Latin verbs of necessity in Gosp, with examples following.

oportere

debere decere

Li reht(lic) beon/ gerisan/gedafnian/ gedaefnas beon agan/beon rehtlic gedzefnad beon

Rul sculan

WSCp gebyrian

sculan sculan

sculan gedafenian

(149)/« 3.7 [non mireris quia dixi tibi oportet uos nasci denuo] Li: ne uundra Öu forÖon ic cuoeÖ Öe geriseÖ t behofaÖ {gedcefneÖ iuc snude l WSCp: Ne wundra pu foröam. pe ic saede pe. eow gebyraÖ p ge beon acennede edniwan

Verbs of Obligation and necessity

91

EV: Wondre thou not, for I seye to thee, It bihoueth 30U for to be bom asein. (150) L^ 16.5 [quantum debes domino meo] Li: huu micel aht Öu to geldanne hlaferde minum WSCp: hu mycel scealt t)ü minum hlaforde EV: Hou moche owist thou to my lord? (151) M? 3.15 [sine modo sie enim decet nos implere omnem iustitiam] Li: buta tua suas foröon gedcefnad is us p we gefylle alle soÖfa2s[t]nisse RuL- let pus nu forÖon Öe t)us we sculon gefyllan asghwilce soJ)fa2stnisse WSCp: Last nu. })us unc gedafnaö ealle rihtwisnesse gefyllan. EV: Suffre now, for so it becummeth vs for to fulfille all rijtwisnesse. LV: Siffre nowe, for this it fallith to vs to fulfille al ri5tfulnesse. Ps shows another choice. (152) Ps 32.1 [gaudete iusti in dno rectos decet conlaudatio] A: gefioö rehtwise in dryht rehtwise gedeofenaÖ efenherenis D: 5efeo5aö rythwise on dryhtne ryhtwise serist somodherinj Behofian and behoflic beon in Li corresponds to bepurfan in Rul and beon betere in WSCp. (153) Mt 5.29 [expedit enim tibi ut pereat unum membrorum tuorum quam totum corpus tuum mittatur in gehenna] Li: behoflic is foröon Öe pte dead sie enne liomana Öinra Öon all ichoma Öin gesendad biÖ in tintergo l in cursung Rul: forpon pe pe befyerfeÖ p to lore weoröe an pine lioma ponne all pin lichoma siae sended in helle WSCp: Soölice pe ys betere p an pinra lima forwurpe. poime eal pin lichama sl on helle äsend

92

Conflicts between native verbs

EV: for it speedith to thee, that oon of thi membris perische, than al thi body go in to helle, (154) Mr 18.6 [expedit ei ut suspendatur mola asinaria in collo eius et demergatur in profundum maris] Li: behofas t behoflic him p he gehongiga coem-stan asalda l asales byröen-stan in suire his j of-gedrenced sie in greund sases Rul: bepearfep him p ahongen sig cwem esules on swira his j he se besenked on gründe seass WSCp: betere him ys p an cwym-stan si tö hys swyran gecnytt. j si besenced on saes grund EV: it spedith to hym that a myln stoon of assis be hanged in his neeke, and be drenchid in to the depnesse of the see. GD uses niedan 'to compel', (en)force' in the passive, instead of neodian which often takes an 'impersonal' construction and becomes synonymous with fjurfan or gedafnian. An alternative phrasal expression is pearflneod habban. (155) GD 44.20 [perpende igitur, Petre, cuius meriti iste vir fuerit, qui, necessitate conpulsus, elimenti naturam mutavit] C: ac on3yt nu, Petrus, hwylcre seeamunje pes wasr wasre, pe wces swa mid nyde senyded for elelaeste, paet he sewaende paes waeteres 3ecynd on eles picnesse. H: understand nu, Petrus, hwilcere 3eeamun5e paes wer waere, pe wces for eleleaste swa ^eneadod, paet he awennde pass waeteres 3ecynde on eles picnysse. (156) GD 79.5 [caritate cogente, emit quod necessarium non habebat] C: pa nydendre pasre lufe he jebohte, paet him nan fjearfnces to habbenne. H: j pa neadiendre paere soöan lufe he sebohte paet, pjet him nan neod nces to hcebbenne.

Verbs of Obligation and necessity

93

In La5 a(g)ht and in Cursor aght, bihoues and thar are used alternatively to sal, mot/most, and sometimes will and Northem bos, with slight but often necessary syntactic changes. (157) Las 2379 A: for euer ulc god mon. ah his lauerdes heste to don. B: for euerech god mon. mot his louerdes his (sie) don. (158) Cursor 4960 C: J)air will most we sujfer here G: Jjair will bihouis V5 suffre here (159) Cursor 6696 C; Til hir husband men aght to giue Mendes t)at men sais es right, G: Till hir hosband sal he giue Nedis t)at men sais es right, F: til hir housbande him agh to giue. amendis atte men saise ys ri5t (160) Cursor 8520 C: For he J^at mikel has for to teil J)e scortliker he aght to spell. G: For he J)at mekil has forto teil J)e schortlyer Jjan bos him spell. F: for he t)at mykil has to teile. t)e mare shortly moste he Spelle T: For he J)at mychel haj) to teile J)e shorter mot nede be his Spelle (161) Cursor 4096 C: "Fader," he said, "i will füll fayn, J)i bod i aght noght to stand agayn." G: "Fader," he said, " i will ful fain, J)i bidding wil i noght stand agayn." (162) Cursor 23401 C: And yeitt thar naman dred t)at he Sal brighter J)an t)e sun be F: for-J)i hit motes nede atte he. brister t)en J)e sunne to be

94

Conflicts between native verbs

In these verse lines an infinitive that follows aght may occur either with or without (for) to: e.g. Cursor(C) 13809 bedd noiper aghtpou her ne drau (cf. [G] pi bedd suld }ju noujjer bere ne draü), 16627 (C) pare pai aght pam for to scon (cf. [G] Sare pai agh paim drede), and 11198 (C) pat aght pis eild alfor to quitte (and note [G] pat suld pis Seilde all for to quite).

10. Verbs ofhelping Fylstan,fultumian, and helpan are commonly used in Old English. Other verbs like fremman and (ge)swidan can be synonymous with them. (163) Ps 36.40 [et adiuuabit eos dns et liberabit eos et eripiet eos a peccatoribus] A: j gefultumeÖ hie dryhl j gefreoö hie j genereö hie from synfullum D: ^efylsteÖ hy alysej) hy jenereJ) hy fram synfullum F: j gefylstep Wg driht j alysej) hlg j generaÖ fram synfullum (164) PPs 88.19 la-2b Heo him fultumeÖ and min faele earm, and hine mid mycle maggene geswyÖeÖ. Cf.

PsGlA 88.20 \posui adiutorium super potentem et exaltaui electum de plebe mea] ic settafultum ofer Öone mashtgan j upahof Öone gecorenam of folce minum

(165) GD 109.7-109.8 [maxime si e vicino causae subpetant, quae fructum Deo valeant ferre meliorem] C: j eac ealle J)e swyJ)or, 3if on neawiste ^enihtsumiaÖ Jja wisan, j ^efultumiap, fjast t)a 5odan ma5on brinjan betran waestm, H: j swyöost, 5if on neawiste ^estran^iaÖ t)a J)in3, {)e 3ode ma5on brinsan selran waestm,

Verbs of teaching

95

(166) GD 81.13 [scio quia tibi non expedit, quod me contristato discendis] C; ic wat, J)aet l)e na ne helpeÖ, t)Jet 5a fram me t)us unrotum. H: ic wat, Jiaet J)e na ne fremaö, J)aet J)u jewite fram me J)us unrotum. Helpan seems to show no obvious conflict with fultumian; they both take a dative, but helpan often occurs with a genitive: e.g. CP(H) 45.445.5 foröonöe he nyle giefan Öcet kirn God geaf, & helpan Öcesfolces mid 5am Öe he his healp. Helpan does not share its environment with fylstan, either, because the latter is an alliterating verb: e.g. GenA 2632b Pa wces ellfjeodig ... wif Abrahames ... Iceded / on fremedes fceÖm. Hirn pcerfylste {ja / ece drihten. In Late Middle English Malory Morte Arth, in Winchester MS we find botenen (< OE *bötnian 'to [be] heal[ed]; to avail') corresponds to helpan in Caxton, as in 1189.16 hit boteneth me nat vs. it helpeth not.

11. Verbs of teaching Leeran and tcecan mean 'to teach', while (ge)leornian and rcedan denote 'to leam (by reading)'. Thus we have Instr 75b gelceran and tcecan and Season 114b leornan [Iceran] and tcecan^^ (both /-allit.), and as counterparts of docere PsGlA and D have l(eran and F tcecan, as in (167) Ps 17.35 [qui docet manus meas ad proelium et posuit ut arcum aereum branchia mea] A: se laered honda mine to gefehte j sette swe swe bogan asrenne earmas mine D: se IcereÖ handa to 5efeohte j he jesette swa swa bo5an cyperenne earmas mine F: se Öe toecÖ handa mine to gefeohte j he gesette swa swa boga lyft earm min

96

Conflicts between native verbs

As counterparts of legere, Li has (ge)leornian and WSCp rcedan. (168) Mr 12.3 [non legistis quid fecerit dauid] Li: ne leornade ge huast dyde Rul: ah ge hreordep hwaet dyde dauiÖ WSCp: ne rcedde ge hweet dauid dyde EV: Whether 5e han nat rad, what Dauith didde, GD shows somewhat different correspondences (and not exact in [169] either). (169) GZ) 145.30 [quod cum fratres cernerent, Domino gratias referentes, dedicerunt iam de habundantia nec in aegestate dubitare] C: J)a J)2et J)a broJ)ru 5esawon, hi ^eleornodon, Jjaet hi sasdon drihtne t)ancas for J)a2re jenihtsumnysse j na ofer t)a2t nasron ormode ne ne jetweodon in t)aere wasdle. H: 6a {ja broöru jesawon, hi J)a drihtne {)anciende eallunsa on^eaton, Jjast his na to twynienne be 3odes mildheortnesse naöor ne for senihtsumnysse ne on wasdlunje. (170) GD 106.15 [dumque cottidiae illorum incorrectione fatigatus minus curaret sua, et se forsitan relinqueret et illos non invenirit] C: he 5ymde jiy lass his ajenra J)earfa j wenunja hine sylfne forlete j na J)y hrafjor hi ^elcerde fram heora wohnesse. H: j J)aet he J)e laes be5ymde his ajen lif, J)onne he daejhwamlice weere jeswenced on hyra rihtin5e, j J)aet he wenun3a forlete hine sylfne j na t)e hraöor hi ne ^erihtlcehte fram hyra wohnysse. It takes time for leren (< leeran) to give way to techen, in spite of its morphological and consequent semantic confusion with le(o)rnen}^ probably because these verbs had multiple meanings through Old English and Middle English and could be synonymous with verbs of knowing, saying, etc. I add two instances from Cursor.

Verbs ofgiving

97

( I I I ) Cursor 3121 C: He lered him first drightin do dred G: He lerid him first godd for to drede F : and ta^t him first god to drede (172) Cursor 3644 C; I sal t)e ken ful gode a gin G: I sal t)e teche hou }?u sal da F: 1. sali J)e teyche a gode gynne

12. Verbs of giving Giefan, (ge)syllan,forgiefan, and bebycgan are major verbs of giving. In Mt 5.42, giefan is used as a counterpart of petere in Li (meaning 'to ask for something'?), syllan is used for dare in all Old English versions, while bebycgan (or beon beboht) and gesyllan are used for uenundari. In FFs giefan and sellan are used in Variation, while FsGl in the corresponding verse chooses sellan. (173) Mt 5.42 [qui petit ä te da ei et uolenti mutuari a te ne auertaris] Li: seöe giueÖ from Öe sei him j Öaem nedende t Öaem 5reatende huerfa Öec ne acerre Rul: all t sej)e bidde t)e sele him j J)aem Öe wille on borg nioma aet J)e ne beo ungej)waere WSCp: Syle J)am Öe J^e bidde j t)am Öe [wylle] aet J^e borgian ne wym J)u him EV: Forsothe jif to hym that axith of thee, and turne thou nat awey fro hym that wol borwe of thee. (174) Mr 18.25 [cum autem non haberet unde redderet iussit eum dominus uenundari] Li: miÖ Öy uutetlice ne hasfde hona gulde heht hine Öe hlaferd ßte were beboht

98

Conflicts between native

verbs

Rul: t)a he J)a nasfde hwonan he agefe hebt hine se hlaford his bebycgan WSCp: J l)a he naefde hwanon he hyt agulde. hyne het hys hlaford gesyllan. EV: Trewly whanne he hadde nat wherof to jelde, his lord comaundide hym to be sold, (115) PPS 67.12 l a - 2 a God gifeö gleaw word syleÖ him modes masgen Cf.

godspellendum,

67.12 [dns dabit uerbum euangelizantibus uirtute multa] A: dryhX seleÖ word godspelliendum megene micle D: seid word t)am jodspe^endum maesenu maneja

GD uses (ge)sellan, forgiefan, and bebycgan in various contexts. (176) GD 154. 30 [ut ei suam gratiam largire dignaretur] C: Jjaet he his forjifnysse sealde J^am unlifi5endan cnihte. H: J)a2t he his mildse for^eafe I)am unlibbendum munuccnapan. (177) GD 69.19 [ut daret qui sie celeriter possit quae petisset accepere] C: forJ)on J)e he J)am cnihte swylce jife for^cef, t)aet he swa hraedlice mihte onfon swa hwaet swa he basd. H: t)aet he sealde swa micel swa he wolde, se J)e swa hrasdlice mihte onfon t)a t)in3 J)e he baede. (178) GD 63.25 [Alio quoque tempore praedictus Constantinus presbiter nepus eius equum suum duodecim aureis vindedit] C: Eac hit 5elamp on sumre tide, Jjast se forecwedena masssepreost Constantius t)a;s biscopes swustersunu bebohte his hors to twelf mancussum H: Eac on oörum timan hit j e l a m p , J)aet se f o r e c w e d e n a maessepreost Constantius t)aes bisceopes swustorsunu sesealde his hors wiö twelf mancosum

Verbs ofkilling and dying

99

ChronC 158.26(1036) sume M man wiöfeo sealde antedates GD(H) in (178) and shows that the sense 'to seil' goes back to 'to give away/up (in exchange for money, etc.)'.

13. Verbs of killing and dying In Ogura (1982) I presented four divisions in the lexical field of dead, that is, (I)— dead (which consists of the adjective dead and its synonyms), (II)—fallen (or dying) (the past participle of die with its synonyms and the present participle of die with its synonyms), (III)— lifeless (the adjective living with its synonyms with negative elements), and (IV)— killed (the past participle of kill and its synonyms). Through the investigation of Gosp (in Goth, Old High German, Old English, Middle English, and Modem English) and alliterative poems (in Old English, Old Norse, Old High German, and Old Saxon), I have become convinced that the conceptual (or semantic) field of 'dead' includes all these four divisions, because 'being dead' may mean 'being fallen (in battle)', 'being lifeless', or 'being killed (by someone in a fight, etc.)'. Divisions (I) and (IV) are the main ones in Old Saxon and Old Norse poems, while in Old English, (I) occupies half of the field and (III) and (IV) take the other half, with a very few instances of (II). In Gosp, (I) occupies 75-90% of the field except Goth, (IV) 10-20%, and (II) the rest. Beon dead or deadian is found in Li, in contrast with sweltan and beon foröfaren in WSCp. Examples (180) and (181) illustrate the renderings of 'die the death' with 'death' in the instr. dat. or in an ofphrase. (179) Mt 2.19 [defuncto autem herode ecce apparuit angelus domini in somnis ioseph in aegypto] Li: deadade i dead wces soölice herodes heonu aedeawade engel drihtnes in soefnum iosephe in asgypt Rul: J)a herodes wces sojjlice dead henu drihtnes engel aeteaude in slepe iosep in asgypto

100

Conflicts between native

verbs

WSCp: Soölice {ja herodes wces forÖ-faren. witodlice on swefne drihtnes engel aet-ywde iosepe on egyptum. EV: Sothely Erode \LV: was] dead, loo! the angel of the Lord apeeride in sleep to Joseph in Egipt, (180)Mr 15.4 [nam deus dixit honora patrem tuum et matrem et qui maledixerit patri uel matri morte moriatur] Li: foröon god cueö wuoröig faeder Öin j moder j seöe yflecuoeöaes 1 werges 5aem feder t Öasr moeder ofdeaöe sie acwelled Rul: witodlice [1] forjion god cwaet) are fasder l)inum j moder t)in j sej)e wasrge faeder oJ){)e moder deaöa swceltep WSCp: witodlice god cwasjj wurjia {)inne faeder j modor j se J)e wyrgö hys faeder j modor swelte se deaße EV: and he that cursith fadir or modir, dye he by deth. (181)/« 18.32 [quem dixit significans qua esset morte moriturus] Li: Öone t p cuoeö becnade 1 ofhucelcum deaöe uere dead l WSCp: pe he cwaeÖ pa he geswutelode hwylcon deaÖe he swulte EV: which he seide, signyfiynge bi what deeth he was to deiynge [LV: he schulde die] OE deagan, though very infrequent in occurrence, is found (possibly) in poetry. (182) ßeo 850ai5 Deaöfaege deog, siööan dreama leas in fenfreoöo feorh alegde, haepene sawle; pzer him hei onfeng. Dydan 'to put to death' is found in PsGlK, with a variant of adydan in G (cf. cwylmian in F and forspillan in A). (183) Ps 36.32 [considerat peccator iustum et queret perdere eum] A: sceawaÖ se synfulla öone rehtwisan j soeceö forspildan hine F: besceawaÖ se synfulla ponne rihtwisan j secÖ cwylmian [mortificare] hine

Verbs ofkilling

and dying

101

G: [ ]waÖ synfullan rihtwisne j secö adydan [mortificare] hine K: bescewa}) se synfulla rihtwise sehÖ dydan [mortificare] hine The sense 'to fall, to die, to perish' is conveyed by (ge)feallan, (a-,ge-) hreosan, forweoröan, losian, etc. Examples are from Ps. (184) P5 7.5 [si reddidi retribuentibus mihi mala, decidam merito ab inimicis meis inanis] A: gif ic agald Öaem geldendum me yfel ic gefallu bi gewyrhtum from feondum minum idelhende D: 5if ic ajeald jyldendum me yfelu ic ahreose be 5ewyrhtum fram feondum minum idel F: gyf ic ageald gyldendum me yfelu ic areose be gewyrhtum fram feondum minum on idel (185) Ps 9.31 [inclinabit se et cadet dum dominabitur pauperi] A (9.30): onh§ldeÖ hine ifalleÖ öonne he waldeö öearfan D: he onhylde5 hine j ^ehreosel? Jjonne he wealdej) Jjam öearfan F: he onhyldeÖ hine j gereoseÖ J)onne he wealdeÖ Öa Öearfan (186) Ps 36.28 [iniusti autem punientur et semen impiorü peribii] A: öa unrehtwisan siölice bioÖ wicnade j sed arleasra/onveorÖeS D: unryhtwise beoÖ witnode sasd arleasra/orweor/)e5 F: unrihtwise beoÖ witnode j sasd ärleasra losaÖ In poetry (ge)dreosan is used with these synonyms, as is found in Wan 63a dreoseÖ andfeallef) and JDay II 100 dreosaÖ and hreosaÖ. A Variation with gedreosan and gefeallan is in (187), and losian and forweoröan, like (186), occur in non-alliterating positions. {m)Beo

1754b-1755a Hit on endestasf J)a2t se lichoma faege gefealleÖ;

eft gelimpeÖ Izene gedreoseö,

102

Conflicts between native verbs

(188)/MJ287b-288a Her ys geswutelod ure sylfra forwyrd, toweard getacnod Jjaet t)aere tide ys mid niöum neah geörungen, J)e we sculon nyde losian, somod aet sascce forweoröan. Variations with sweltan are found in Maid 292b-293b oÖÖe on here crincgan, / on wcelstowe wundum sweltan and PPs 77.30 3b—4b and heora mcenige mane swultan, / ceöele Israhela eac forwurdan. GD(H) revises (ge)feallan to befeallan in some instances (e.g. [189]) and alters phrases 'to die' (literal renderings of the Latin, e.g. [190]) and 'to be lost' (e.g. [191]) into simple verbs. (189) GD 151.4 [quia cuius cor sese in alta suspenderat, nequaquam verbs de ore illius incassum cadebant] C: ac forjjon J)e bis heorte hi seife ahen3 in heanesse, ne feollon nanra ])in5a })as word on idelnysse of bis muöe. H: forJ)ani J)e bis heorte hi sylfe abenj on heahnysse, Jjaet na to [)aes hwon t)a word of bis muÖe be befeollon on idelnysse. (190) GD 53.3-53.20 [ceteri autem in eo ordine ex carne educti sunt, ... , dum venerabilis vir Anastasius de corpore exiret] C: J ]ja eft Jja o5re brojiru wceron of lichaman ^elcedde be aendebyrdnysse, ... J)ast J)a t)a se arwyröa wer Anastasius utferde of bis licbaman, H: j Ipa eft J)a oöre hroöm foröferdon be endebyrdnysse, ... J)2et Jja {)a se arwuröa wer Anastasius fordferde, (191) GD 68.30 [quod quasi anni subsidia perdedissit] C: Jjaet bire to lore ^edon wcere ealles J)aes 3aeres bijleofa H: {)a2t Jjaes 5eares belp hiie forspilled wcere As is Seen in (190), fordferan often means 'to die', and so does gewitan. In the fields 'to die' and 'to kill', as I explained earlier, the passive and the active constructions can be used altematively. Examples are from Chron.

Verbs ofkilling

and dying

103

(192) Chron 961 A(114.1): Her ge wat Odo arceB. j See Dunstan feng to arceB rice. F(114 fn.): Hex forSferde Oda se goda arB. j Dunstanus wearÖ gecoren to arB. (193) Chron 837 A(62.33): j t)a Deniscan ahton w?el stowe gewald, j pone aldor mon ofslogon £(63.28): j se ealdor man wcerÖ ofslcegen. J t)a Deniscan ahton waelstowe geweald. (194) Chron 946/948 A(112.1): Her Eadmund cyningforöferde ön Scs Ägustinus massse daege. E (113.1): Her ^Edmund cyning wearÖ ofstungen. For verbs of killing the next example has ofslean, cwelman, and forden. (195) Mt 10.21 [tradet autem frater fratrem in mortem et pater filium et insurgent filii in parentes et morte eos ajficieni] Li: geseleÖ uutedlice broöer Öone broöer in deaö j fader öone sunu j wiÖ arrlssas suna in äldrum j miÖ deaÖe hia ofslaes Rul: sellaj) Jjonne brot)er ot)eme in dead j fasder sunu j ärisej) suna wiÖ freondum j deajje hiae cwelmajj WSCp: Sot)lice brofjur sylp hys broöur to deaÖe. j faeder hys sunu. j beam arisaj) ongen magas J to deape M fordop. EV: Sothely the brother shal take the brother in to deth, and the fadir the sone, and the sonys shulen ryse a5eins fadir and modir, and shulen tourmente hem bi deth. The original meaning of slean is 'to strike', as is seen in GD 20.27 \ferire] (C) to sleanne vs. (H) to persceanne, and both senses 'to strike' and 'to kill (i.e. to strike to death)' linger on to Modem English, while kill (< cwellan), originally used in the sense 'to torment (to die)', comes

104

Conßicts

between native

verbs

to be an ordinary verb in this field during the 14th Century. Here are two examples are from Laj, illustrating the process. (196) Las 16488 A: Aldolf bis gode sweord adroh. & uppen Hangest sloh. B: Aldolf bis sweord drob, and toward Hengest he smot. (197) Las 23152 A: & 5if beo t)at nolden. alle beo he wolde a-slan. B: and 5ef hü J)at nolde. be jan wolde a-cwelle. For verbs of dying, sweltan is not used in Wyc but has only recently completely died out, while deadian and deagan, infrequent in occurrence in Old Englisb, widen their ränge in Middle Englisb. The strict distinction between be dead 'to be no longer alive' and die 'to stop living' was not establisbed during the period owing to the immaturity of the tense system, but some device (like the use of a temporal prepositional phrase) is found, as in Malory MorteArth. (W) 1230.231230.241 muste nedis be dede by the owre ofnoone vs. (C)I must dye.

14. Verbs of living and dwelling Verbs like libban, wunian, eardian, and (in)buan are used in this field. Let US look at some correspondences from glosses and prose, e.g. (198) Mr 23.21 [et qui iurauerit in templo iurat in illo et in eo qui inhabitat in ipso] Li: j sejje suerias in temple sueras in öaem j in öeet ilco seöe inbyeÖ in Ögsm Rul: j sej)e sweraj) on tempel be sweraj) j in bim j in öaem Öe eardaf} in bim WSCp: j sejje swereÖ on temple. be swereö on bim j on J)am J)e bim on eardiaÖ EV: And be that swerith in the temple, swerith in it, and in hym that dwellith in the temple.

Verbs ofliving

and dwelling

105

(199) Ps 48.2 [avdite haec omnes gentes aurib: percipite qui habitatis orbem] A: geheraÖ Öas alle Öeode mid earum onfo5 Öa Öe eardiaÖ ymbhwyrf D: 5ehyraö t)as ealle t)eoda earum onfoÖ J)e bu^iaÖ ymbhwyrft F: gehyraÖ J)as ealle Öeoda mid earum underfoh ealle pa t)e eardiaÖ ymbwyrfte (200) GD 97.30 [quae res in loco eodem a cunctis est agnita, adque in tanta admiratione habita] C: seo wise in J)aere stowe waes onjyten fram eallum J)am, Jie J)aer eardodon, H: J)eos daed J)a wearö cuö eallum t)am, J)e on J)a2re stowe wunedon, and three examples of Variation in verse lines, i.e. (201)Sat591b-592a J)2er bis hired nu haiig eardaÖ, wunaÖ in wynnum, (202) ChristA 438b-439b t^aer he gesaslig sij)t)an eardaÖ, ealne widan feorh wunaÖ butan ende. (203) ChristB 621b-622a,b Ic t)ec ofer eoröan geworhte, on Ipxre Jju scealt yrmj)um lifgan, wunian in gewinne ond wrasce dreogan. As is seen from EV in (198), dwell joins this field in Middle English through the semantic influenae of ON dvelja 'to delay, tarry'. Thus the major sense of (E)ME dwellen 'to linger, tarry' is found in cl350 MPPsalter 3.24 My God, dwelle [vr. tary] nou^t (MED) and Wyc Mt(EV) 25.5 the spouse, makynge dwellynge [LV: whilis the hosebonde tariede], MED cites al325 Lord fjat lenest 20 In helle wip deueles he shulle duelle as the first example of the meaning 'to live'.

106

Conflicts between native

verbs

In EME wunien can still be an alternative of libben, as in (204) Las 1161 A: Pe wile J)eo on J)an eit-londe. wes folc woniende. B: E>. wile {)e in {)an ylond. waren men libbende.

15. Other verbs that show conflicts Those Old English counterparts of the Latin and variants in different versions of the same text which are explained in sections 1 to 14 are used altematively or chosen in one Version or another because they are synonymous and have some syntactic structure(s) in common. Thus, cweÖan and secgan, witan and cnawan, seon and behealdan, pencan and wenan, and niman and/on, share one syntactic feature or another, together with their meaning, and consequently are used in very similar contexts. I add several other verbs that are not as explicit as the abovementioned in showing conflict.

15.1. Verbs of esteeming, praising,

worshipping

Verbs denoting 'to esteem, praise, worship'are weorÖian, gebiddan, lofian, and herg(i)an.

(ge)eadmian,

(205) Mt 2.2 [uidimus enim stellam eius in Oriente et uenimus adorare eum] Li: gesegon we foröon sterra 1 tungul his in east-dael j we cumon to woröianne hine Ruh: we gesegon so{)lice steorra his in east-dzele j cuomon to gebiddenne to him WSCp: SoÖlice we ge-sawon hys steorran on east-dasle. j we comon US him to ge-eadmedenne EV: forsothe we han seyn his sterre in the este, and we comen/or to wirshipe hym.

Other verbs that show conflicts

107

(206)^5' 71.11 [et adorabunt eum omnes reges terrae omnes gentes seruient ei] A: j weoröiaö hine alle cyningas eoröan alle ÖeoÖe öeowiaö him D: j ^ebiddaf) ealle J)eoda J)eowien him (207)/m/ 76a,b-77a het me fremdne god, ofer t)a oJ)re J)e we aer cut)on, welum weorfjian, wordum lofian, on hyge hergan, ot)J)e hi nabban. A verb wuröscipen first appears in Early Middle English TrinHom (see OED, 5.V. worship [v.]), takes the place of weoröian, and gives part of its semantic ränge to the borrowed honour.

15.2. Gemetan and findan Gemetan and findan are used as renderings of invenire. Mt(Li) prefers (in-, on-, ge-)findan, Mk(Li) and Mk(WSCp) use gemetan and (in-, on-) findan equally, Mt(WSCp), Lk(WSCp), and Jn(WSCp) prefer gemetan, and Lk(Li), Jn(Li), and Rul choose gemetan in most instances.i^ PsGl uses gemetan much more frequently than findan. Two examples are given from Gosp; geseon appears in WSCp in (209). (208) Mr 2.11 [et intrantes domum inuenerunt puerem cum maria matre eius] Li: j inneadon hus gefundun Öone cnasht miÖ maria moder his Rul: j ingangende p hus gemoettun J)one cneht mid maria moder his WSCp: J gangende into J)am huse hi gemettin p cild mid marian hys meder. EV: And they, entrynge the hous, founden the child with Marie, his modir

108

Conflicts between native verbs

(209) Lk 24.24 [et abierunt quidam ex nostris ad monumentum et ita inuenerunt sicut mulieres dixerunt ipsum uero non inueneruni] Li: j foerdon t eadon sume from usra to Öasm byrgenne j suas gemoeton suae Öa wifo cuoedon hine uutedlice nege moeton l WSCp: j t)a ferdun sume of ürum to l)aere byrgyne j swa gernetton swa J)a wif saedon hine big ne gesawon EV: And sum men of oure wenten to tbe graue, and ihei founden so as tbe wymmen seiden, but thei founden not bim. GD sbows a similar cboice, i.e. (210) GD 145.12 [ut non plus quam quinque ad refectionis boram fratribus invenire potuissent] C: l5£et ne mihte beon na ma ^emette J)onne .V. l^am broörum to nytte on Jja tid beora jereordnysse. H: swa J)aet J)a2r ne mihton beon fundene na ma J)onne fif blafas J)am broörum to byra jereordunstide. Bothfindan and (ge)metan bave senses 'to find' and 'to meet (witb)'; (ge)metan is still used in botb meanings in Chron but tbe conflict seems settled before 1300.

15.3. Verbs

ofgathering

(Ge)somnian and (ge)gadrian, togetber witb cetsomne and cetgcedere, sbow conflict in tbe field of 'to gatber'. (211) M? 2.4 [et congregans omnes principes sacerdotum] Li: j gesomnade alle öa aldormenn biscopa 1 mesa-preasta Rul: j gesomnade ealle aldur-sacerdos WSCp: J }ja gegaderode berodes ealle ealdras Jjasra sacerda EV: And be, gedrynge to gidre alle tbe princis of prestis

Other verbs that show conflicts

109

(212) GD 50.29 [eas collegi praecepit, in praelo mitti] C: J)a heht he J)a ^esomnian j don on bydene, H: J)a het he J^a ^e^aderian j don on eletreddan, {l\3)Phoen

269a-269b t)onne he of greote his lic leoJ>ucraeftig, Jjaet aer lig fomom, somnaö, swoles lafe, searwum gegcedraö ban gebrosnad, zefter baelJ)raBce,

(214) Las 12568 A: somned alle Jja uerde. feole cunnen aerde. B: Hü gaderede al t)e ferde. of mani cunnes erjje.

15.4. Verbs of opening In the semantic field 'to open', ontynan (or beon ontyned) and openian (or beon open) show conflict up to Early Middle English, when ontynan loses its prefix, as in (218). (215)

105.17 [aperta est terra et degluttiuit dathan et operuit super synagoga abiron] A: ontyned wes eoröe j forswalg j oferwrah ofer gesomnunge abirones D: openud is eorÖe j forsweals j oferwreah ofer jesomnunsa F: geopenod is eorÖe j forswealh dathan j oferwreah ofer gegasderunga abyron

(216) GD 56.3 [Quia secretum ratio aperuit] C: fort)on J)2et rihtsescead me ontynde Jia deo3olnesse J)urh t)ine 3esa23ene, H: forJ)am J)e t)aet rihtsescead me ^eopenode Jia dijolnysse t)urh Jjine sejene.

110

Conflicts between native

verbs

(217) GuthB 992b-993a ac him duru sylfa on pa sliönan tid sona ontyneÖ, ingong geopenaÖ. (218)AW24h.24-24h.25 as J)e ehe openeÖ. ah ancres bisperret her. schulen beo J)er A/? (Nero) 41.17^1.18 ant ase öe eie openeneö J tuneö. auh ancren bituned her. schulen beon

15.5. Verbs ofrefusing,

opposing,forbidding

Verbs denoting 'to refuse, oppose, forbid' show conflict between forsacan, wi5sacan,forbeodan, and werian. (219) Mt 3.14 [iohannes autem prohibebat eum dicens ego a te debeo baptizari et tu uenis ad me] Li: soöhce fore-soc l forbead hine cueÖ ic from Öe rehtra is gefulwia j Öu cuom 1 cymes to me Rul: iohannes J)onne werede him cwej)ende ic sceal from J)e beon t wesa deped t fullwihted j öu cymest to me WSCp.- Johannes pa soölice forbead him j cwasÖ; Ic sceal fram t)e beon gefullod. j cymst Öu to me EV: Soothly Joon forbeed hym, sayinge, 'I owe for to be cristned of thee, (220) GD 82.5 [pueros quos redditurum se episcopo omnino negaverat, ad medium deduxit] C: he jelaedde Ipa cnihtas toforan him, J)e he eallinja aer forsoc, Jiaet he hi zefre a5yfan wolde, H: Jja het he tomiddes forÖ selasdan J)a cnapan, Jje he eallinsa aer wiösoc to asifenne J)am bisceope,

Other verbs that show conflicts

111

MEforsaken is still synonymous with verbs meaning 'to refuse', but gradually moves to the field 'to leave, forsake'. Compare EV and LV in the following examples. (221) Mk 14.31 [esti oportuerit me simul commori tibi non te negabo] Li: gif 1 j 5aeh ic seile 1 becyme mec aedgeadre p ic efnegesuelta Öe ne Öec onscecco ic WSCp: J t)eah me ge-byrige mid t)e to sweltene. ne cet-sace ic J)in. EV: And if it bihoue me to dye to gidere with thee, I schal not denye thee. LV: Thou5 it bihoueth, that Y die togider with thee, Y schal not forsake thee. (222) Mt 4.20 [at illi continuo relictis retibus secuti sunt eum] Li: soÖ öa ilco söna forleorton netta gefylgdon him Rul: j hie hraejje foletende p nett heora folgedun him WSCp: j hi IpxT-Tihte forleton hyra net j him fyligdon EV: And anon her nettis/or^a^n, they sueden hym. EV: And anon thei leften the nettis, and sueden hym. Forbeodan, after the merge of beodan and biddan in Early Middle English, occurs in various forms until the modern form forbid gains ground: e.g. PMor (Trin-C) 307 Late we{jat godforbet [Eg (2): forbut; Dgb: vorbiet] alle mankenne (MED).

15.6. Verbs ofhating Verbs denoting 'to hate' are laöian (in Li),feogan and hatian (in Rul, WSCp and WS glosses)

(in Rul and PsGlA),

(223) Mt 5.44 [diligite inimicos uestros benefacite his qui oderunt uos] Li: lufas ge fiondas iurre uel doeÖ 1 doas öaem öa Öe IceÖas t laededon luih

112

Conflicts between native

verbs

Rul: lufigat) eowre fiondas j döej) wael Jjsm t)e eowic hatep i fieg(e WSCp: lufiaÖ eowre fynd. j do{5 wel J)am Öe eow yfel doÖ. (224) P^ 17.18 [eripuit me de inimicis meis fortissimis et ab bis qui oderunt me] A: generede me of feondum minum Öaem strongestum j from Öissum 6a.fiodon me D: be nerede of feondum minum öam strensestum j fram öyssum J)e hatedon F : be generode me of feondum minum J)am strengston j fram Öysum t)a öe hatudon me Feogan dies out, laöian survives in tbe forms of ME lothen (v.) and 'impersonal' ben loth, and hatian becomes an ordinary verb hate(n) in Middle English and Modem Englisb.

15.7. Verbs ofdeceiving Beswican is a major verb meaning 'to deceive'. Tbe verb is used as a variatum in Gen witb various synonymous expressions. (225) GebB 45lh-452a Wolde deamunga dribtnes geongran, mid mandaedum men beswican, forlcedan and forlceran, l)2et bie wurdon laÖ gode. (226) GenB 601b-602a Pa meabte beo wide geseon J)urb J)£es laöan la;n J)e bie mid ligenum beswac, deamenga bedrog, J)e bire for bis daedum com, (227) GenA 897a-898a "Me nasdre beswac

and me neodlice

Other verbs that show conflicts

113

to forsceape scyhte and to scyldfrece, fah wyrm J)urh fasgir word, Geswican, 'to lie, deceive', is an alternative of leogan. {11%) Mt 5.11 [Beati estis cum male-dixerint uobis et cum persecuti uos fuerint et dixerint omne malum aduersum uos mentientes propter me] Li: eadge aron gie miÖ öy yfle hia gecuoeöas iuh j miö öy oehtas iuih j cuoeöas eghwelc yfel wiÖ iuih gesuicas t wceges fore mec Rul: eadig ge beoj) t)onne eowic wasrgaj) mennisc j eower hehtende beot)an j cwsejjan seghwilc yfel wiÖ eow ligende for mec WSCp: Eadige synt ge Jjonne hi wyriaÖ eow j ehtaÖ eow. j secgeaÖ aslc yfel ongen eow. leogende for me Beswican and geswican can be alternatives of each other; see (101) Mr 24.2 gesuica (Li) and beswice (WSCp) for seducat.

15.8. Verbs offearing Ondrcedan, drcedan, and fylhtan, which often occur with a reflexive pronoun, are used in the field 'to fear', as in (229) Mt 28.5 [nolite timere uos] Li: nallas gie ondrede iuh Rul: nt forhtige eow WSCp: Ne on-drcede ge eow EV: Nyle je drede (A)fceran means 'to frighten' and caimot be synonymous with these verbs unless it is used in the passive: e.g. Exo AAldi Folc W(BS afcered. Forhtian occurs in paris with afceran in the passive in: BenR 5.14-5.15

114

Conflicts between native

verbs

ne beo ßu purh Jjiforht and afcered. Prototypes of 'to be afraid of may be found in ChronE: 215.3(1083) //ja wceron{ja munecas swiöe äferede ofheom and 263.3(1135) Wurljen men suiöe of uundred j ofdred. Even in Middle English the verb occurs with a nom. of thing and an acc. of person, as in WBible (1) 2 Esd.6.9 Alle these fereden v j [WBible (2): maden V5 aferd] (MED). But the meaning of the non-prefixed feren becomes ambiguous, as in Cursor(C) 8101 Seen V5 {je trefjatal salfere {MED gives the meaning '? to respect'), and finally takes a nom. of person, e.g. (230) Cursor 12622 C: Leue sun, qui has J)ou gloppend hus? T: leue son whi hastou fered vs In Wyc LV be afraied is used as a variant of be disturblid (Lk 1.12 and Jn 14.1) or troublid {Lk 24.37)

15.9. Verbs of leading and bringing (Ge)lcedan, (a-, ge-)teon, and bringan can be used in the same or similar context in their senses 'to lead' and 'to bring'. Their alternative uses, including prefixed vs. non-prefixed forms and particle-verb combinations, are noticeable in GD. (231) GD 116.15 [adque ipsum me ex aquis educere considerabam] C: j J)a ylcan ic 3eseah me upp ^elcedan of J)am waetere H: j ic jeseah hine sylfne teon me up of J)am waetere (232) GD 101.22 [et per cutis vulnera eduxit a corpore vulnus mentis] C: j J)a t)urh J)aere hyde wunde he ut ^elcedde of his lichaman t)a wunde his modes, H: j J)urh t)a2re hyde wunda he ateah of his lichaman his modes wunde,

Other verbs that show conflicts

115

(233) GD 139.25 [quae de ore eius prolata fuerint] C: Jjonne hi beoÖforÖ ^elcedde t)urh 3od, H: Jjonne hi beoÖ foröbrohte purh 3od, Their synonymy seems to continue for a very short period because in La3 teon has already become a verb of motion.

15.10. Verbs

ofworking

Winnan belongs to two semantic fields; one is 'to fight' and the verb shares it with feohtan, as in Rid 16 l a - b Oft ic sceal wip wcege winnan ond wil? wind feohtan, and the other is 'to work', which includes wyrcan and swincan as well. (234)Mt \\.28 [Uenite ad me omnes qui laboratis et onerati estis et ego refliciam uos] Li: cymes to me alle ge öa öe wyrcas i Winnes j hefege ge aron j ic gefroefre luih Rul: cumet) to me alle ge J)e winnaf) j gebyrde sindun j ic geregrde eow WSCp: Cuma}) to me ealle t)e swincaÖ j gesymede synt. j ic eow geblissige.

15.11. Verbs oftaking

care and being anxious about

The meanings 'to take care' and 'to be anxious about' can be expressed by gieman, carian, behealdan {GD 77.1), sorgian, beon gemyndig, ymbhycgan (Mt(WSCp) 6.25), etc. as in (235) Mt 6.34 [nolite ergo esse solliciti in crastinum crastinus enim dies sollicitus erit sibi ipse sufficit diei malitia sua] Li: naelleö ge Öonne sie gemendo in meme morgem foröon daes gemende biÖ him seolfum wel meeg 1 wel llcas öass daeg werignise his

116

Conflicts between native verbs

Rul: ne fort)on sorgigap ge in morgen se morgen for{)on daeg sorgafj (sie) beofj selfa him genoh weotudlice daege wea his WSCp: Ne beo ge na hogiende ymb l)a morgenlican neode. soölice se morgenlica daeg caraÖ ymb hyne sylfne; ^ g h w y l c daeg haefÖ genöh on hys agenum ymbhogan Since all these verbs are used in various meanings, none of them properly Claims the field except gieman (ME fernen), but at the same time such alternative expressions appear as nimen ^eme, nimen hede, together with taken hede.

15.12. Verbs ofbuilding OE byldan (< bold 'house') seems scarcely used to build a house: e.g. C.D.iii. 367,6 Onbüton done croft de Wynstän bylde; on da die de he gedicte (BTS). The ordinary verbs of this sense are tymbrian and arceran: e.g. GD(C) 147.33 hwcer je sceolon cyrican tymbrian {H: arceran; L aedificare].

15.13. Verbs oflistening,

hearkening,

hearing

OE hlystan 'to listen' and heorcnian 'to hearken' do not show obvious conflict with hieran 'to hear', but in Early Middle English they can be variants: e.g. AW 20b.28 hwi pe an hit seide. i te ober hit lustnede [A/?(Nero): hercnede] and AW 21a.3-4 nawt ane ß hit spekeÖ. ah p hit hercneÖ [A/?(Cleo): iheredl

Chapter 3 Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

Two explanations instantly come to mind when a new verb is involved in a conflict:, i.e.: (i) that there has been no strong opponent to a given native verb in a certain semantic field but its use comes to be fossilized, or (ii) that there has been a serious conflict between native verbs with multiple meanings for control over a certain semantic field, and neither of them has succeeded in governing it entirely. The first case tends to occur among native verbs, and a minor Old English verb (like neodian in the field of 'to be necessary') may become an ordinary verb in the next period. For a loan verb, the second case is relevant, and the consequent semantic changes occur to every member of the field, often causing some verbs to become obsolete, dialectal, or archaic. Another factor we should remember is that the influence of a cognate verb may cause an old (and infrequent) verb to revive. OE deagan, for instance, comes into revival under the influence of ON deyja, and in Middle English both dien and deden (< OE deadian) are used, the former finally surviving the morphological conflict.

A. Native verbs vs. Old Norse loans 1. Verbs of happening The polysemy of (ge)limpan, gebyrian, gedafenian, and gerisan, denoting 'to happen', 'to befit', and 'to belong', causes a necessary introduction of a new verb into each field. For the field of 'to belong', OE langian and lengan develop into ME langen, which corresponds to limpen in the syntactic feature of taking a to-phrase, and finally, probably because of the analogy of belimpan, obtains the prefix be- to become belangen. Examples without prefixes are found in

118

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

(236)AVri3.6 {)e hwite UmpeÖ ariht to hwit meidenhad i to cleannesse. AÄ(Pepys) 18.10-18.11 Pe white croice longe^j to white Maydenhode and chastite and cleannesse In the field of 'to happen', befeallan is chosen among the native verbs. The verb is an alternative of gefeallan and means 'to fall' during the Old Enghsh period in most instances, as in GD(C) 113.26 sefeoll [H: befeoll] on Öone seaÖ. In Late Old English and Early Middle English it begins to move into the fields that formerly were occupied by gelimpan and belimpan. (237) VespAMom. 231.10-11 Pa be-fel hit swa t)at him a J)ance befell to underseite wä an alle his cyne rice him were frend oöer fend. hold oöer fä. BTS and CHM cite the following example of OE hceppan, which may lead to the modern use; BTS takes its meaning as 'to move accidentally (?), to slip' and CHM 'to go by chance'. (238) ^ L S 31.477 J)a sloh sum ha£t)en man to J)am halgan were. ac mid J)am swenge hcepte J)a2t swurd him of handum. The noun hap occurs in La3, but the verb happen appears in the second half of the 14th Century and becomes frequent at the end of the same Century. Wyc mes fallen {Mt(LV) 3.15), bifallen {Lk(EV) 21.13), or becummen {Mt(EV) 3.15). In Malory Morte Arth, we find such correspondences as (W) hit mysfortuned hym vs. fC) it myshapped hym (1161.15,1177.32), and in BK II (66.34) iffhitmay happe me to wynne hym.

Verbs of thinking

119

2. Verbs of saying OE ceallian, found in Maid 91a, revives through the influence of ON kalla. ME callen comes to be added to the synonyms of 'to call', at first makes a word pair with clepian, as in StMarg (7)6/18 clepien & callen (MED), and then becomes alternative to another Old English remnant, hight/het. The following examples illustrate the active, passive, and /na«-periphrasis Variation, as well as the lexical choice. (239)AW^25b.l9-25b.20 he cleoped me ich mot

gan.

A/?(Titus) 23.14-23.15 H e Calles m e Ich m o t Gan.

(240)Aiy26b.l3 Peose fif wittes. he cleopeö tichnes. A7?(Titus) 24.26 Peose fif wittes he cal-les tichnes. {2A\) Cursor 1\A6 C: He was king and prest o salem J)at now men clepes ierusalem, G: He was king and preist o salem, J)at now es cald ierusalem, F: he was kyng and prince of salem now ys hit calde ierusalem. T: Of salem prest & kyng he was J)at now het Jerusalem in plas Clipien is still used in Wyc but is supplanted by call in Tyndale. Another sense of OE cleopian, 'to cry', is taken over by cry (see B.6.3.).

3. Verbs of thinking LOE seman with a possible modern sense in a modern construction first appears in Pe Wohunge ofure laured: 271.30 For he purh pe jjat wisdom art al pis world wrahte and dihteÖ hit and dealeÖ as hit best semeö} but the influence of ON sxma becomes noticeable in Early

120

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

Middle English. In Las the verb means 'to beseem', as in LajA 10207 ase per to mihte semen (cf. [B] ase hit were neode), though the sense 'to seem, appear' is already found in Orm (D 66 alls it semefjJj). Cursor has many examples, e.g. (C) 2751 It semes not to be pi will, without showing any conflict with other synonyms. Wyc shows a choice between semen and an Old French loan, aperen. (242) Mt 23.28 [sie et uos aforis quidem paretis hominibus iusti] Li: suae j gie 1 suelce ec gie uta uutedlice ge gesene biÖ monnum soÖ-faeste Rul: swa j eow utan ek ceteawep monnum sot)fest§ WSCp: j swa ge cetywaÖ mannum utan rihtwise EV: So and 5ee forsothe with outen forth aperen iuste to men LV: So 36 with outforth semen iust to men Malory uses mesemeth and mesemed (e.g. MorteArth. side oimethynkis (e.g. MorteArth. 1162.17).

1195.10) by the

4. Verbs of getting The first instance of taken (< ON taka) appears in ChronD, and from the very beginning shows conflict with nimen, e.g. (243) ChronD 208.29(1072) j se kyng nam heora scypa j waepna. j manega sceattas. j Jia menn ealle he töc. j dyde of heom p he wolde. Rynell (1948) gives some useful statistics: inD 1064-1079 niman occurs four times (with one instance of ofniman) and tacan, four times; in E 1122-1131 niman occurs six times (with two instances of beniman) and tacan, twice; and in E 1132-1154 nimen occurs nine times (with one instance of benimen) and tacen, seven times. In Orm, he says, takenn occurs 339 times, in contrast to nimenn, which occurs 23 times, and unnderrtakenn, which occurs once (in 10310; cf. [141] Mt(WSCp) 19.12

Verbs of getting

121

and LambHom 55.25 and uwilc mon hes undernim). The adjustability of tacen is proved in the following phrases, where it denotes 'to succeed' and 'to marry'. (244) C/iran£: 268.4(1140) j te eorl of Angaeu wasrd ded. j his sune Henri toc to pe rice. Cf. ChronD 185.8-185.9(1053) j Leofwine/eng to pam B rice ast Licedfelde. (245) Cf.

268.6(1140) j scae com to {)e iunge eorl Henri, j he toc hire to wiue. C/ironE 257.8(1127) Pes ilce Willelm hcefde aeror numen öes eorles dohter of Angeow to wife

Taken and nimen are often used in parallel throughout Middle English, as in A^ 13b. 17 t toc hire last per toward. i nom i et prof. i ^ef hire laured, or in ilA€)AW26h21 tac t)erto i leaf me hwen t)e swa is leouere. A^(Nero) 44.24 nim J)erto i lef me hwon Öe so is leouere. In Wyc taken widens its syntactic and semantic ränge by being used in various contexts. For instance, taken and taken vp are used as variants in the sense of the simple verb: Mk(EV) 2.12 And anoon he roos vp, the bed taken vp [LV: and whanne he hadde take the bed] and Jn(EV) 5.12 Taak thi bed, and wandre [LV: Take vp thi bed, and go]. In Jn the phrase do a wey in EV corresponds to LV take awey, taking both a thing and a person as objects, e.g. (247)/« 15.2 EV: Ech syoun, not berynge fruit in me, he schal do a wey it D/: Ech braunch in me that berith not fruyt, he schal take awey it

122

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

(248)/n 19.15 EV: Do a wey, do a wey; crucifie hym. LV: Take awei, take awei; crucifie him. In Mk(EV) bytaken occurs in place of taken: 10.33 and thei schulen dampne him by deeth, and thei schulen bytake [LV: take] him to hethene men.

5. Verbs of dreaming OE 'impersonal' mcetan and personal swefnian (restricted in occurrence) with a noun swefn are doomed to be ousted by ME dremen and drem. Because of the semantie borrowing from the Old Norse cognate, OE dream changes its meaning from 'joy, music' to 'dream'. Mcetan may take a nom. of thing and an acc. of person, e.g. Gen 37.9 oöer swefen hine mcette, and sometimes an obvious dative, e.g. Deut 13.1 Gif he secge dcet him mcette swefen (both cited from Van der Gaaf [1904]). In La5 and Cursor, meten occurs in both 'impersonal' (with a nom. of thing)2 and personal constructions. (249) Las 25552 A: alse t)e king slepte. a sweuen him imette. B: al so J)e king slepte. a sweuen he i-mette. (250) Cursor 4454 C: Bot als liai lai in t)at prisun, A-naght pam mete a visiun, G: Bot als J)ai lay in J)at presun A-niht, pai mett a visioun, In Las dremen still means 'to make a noise' and drem 'joy', but in Cursor the noun drem can be an alternative to sweuen (e.g. 4464 [C] and [T]). Wyc shows a phrase 'dream a dream' in old and new lexical combinations: e.g. WBible (1) Joel. 2.28 3our old men shuln mete sweuens [WB(2): dreme dremes] (MED).^

Other verbs that show conflicts

123

For verbs denoting 'to sleep', the native hnappian and slepan can be used either distinctively or synonymously. Cf. PsGlA 3.6 [ego dormiui et somnum coepi] ic hneappade J slepan ongon (PsGlD has ic slep alone for dormiui), and CP(H) 192.24 Ne slapige no Öin eage, ne ne hnappigen Öine brcewas.

6. Other verbs that show conflicts 6.1.

Verbs of throwing

Since OEprawan means 'to twist, tum round', ordinary verbs denoting 'to throw, cast' are sendan and (ge)weorpan. (251) Mr 7.6 [Nolite dare sanctum canibus neque mittatis margaritas uestras ante porcos] Li: nellas ge sella haiig hundum ne sendas ge meregrotta iurre before berg Rul: ne sellaÖ ge haiig hundum ne gewearpaf) ercnan-stanas eowre beforan swinum WSCp: Nellen ge syllan p haiige hundum. ne ge ne wurpen eowre meregrotu toforan eowrum swynon. Gasten (< ON kasta) is used at first in the sense 'to let go one end of (e.g. LambHom 51), then 'to toss (a ship)' (e.g. TrinHom 177), and then 'to throw' (e.g. StKath 1964). In Wyc cast frequently occurs either in EV or LV, or sometimes in both versions {Mt 27.5), and cast out can be an alternative to send out (Mt 5.13), da out (Mt 7.5), put out (Jn 12.42), and droofout {Jn 2.15), cast doun to throw doun (Mk 9.20), etc. 6.2.

Auxiliary verbs

ON g0ra is borrowed in the Northern dialect in Middle English to be alternative to caniconigan, do, make, and let, as a preterit auxiliary and/or a causative auxiliary. Cursor(C) and (G) illustrate those uses.

124

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

(252) Cursor 6219-6220 C: His folk all armed did he call, And cuppel did his cartes all G: His folk all armid did he call, And gart to couipil his cartis all (253) Cursor 17434 C: Yon iesu all sal ger tru in him F: Iesu shalle make alle to hym bow

B.

Native verbs vs. Anglo-French or Old French loans

1.

Verbs of liking or disliking

It is often said that in Old English there was a personal verb cweman beside 'impersonal' lician and lystan. But in fact both lician and lystan often occur with nom. of thing and can be alternative to each other in either construction, and then lician at times occurs with nom. of person so that it can be used in place of cwemanA (254) GD 20.5 [Übet quod dicis] C: me lystep wel {)a2S t)u sasast. H: wel me licaÖ tiaes t)e t)u sae5st. (255) Ps 55.13 [qüm eripuisti animam meam de morte oculos meos a lacrimis, pedes meos a labsu, utplaceam coram dno in lumine uiuentiü] A: for öon öu generedes sawle mine of deaöe egan min from tearum, foet mine frö slide, Öast ic licie biforan dryhl in lehte lifgendra. D : J)u 5eneredest of deaj)e easan mine fram tearum fet fram slide t)a2t ic cweme beforon on leohte lifiendra In Ogura (1990) I explained three things. (1) In personal constructions (including those with a nom. of thing), Old English used cweman and sometimes lician; in the course of Middle English, cwemen became

Verbs of liking or disliking

125

less and less frequent, while liken increased in number of occurrences until it encountered a new rival in a loan verbplesen. (2) In 'impersonal' constructions, lician occupied the whole field of 'to be pleased' until LME plesen again came to share a part of it. (3) The two constructions differ in the strength of the volition of the person, i.e. personal constructions are direct and intentional but 'impersonals' are indirect, depending not on the will of the person in dat./acc. but on other factors. The following example illustrates the second point. (256) Mr 14.6 [Die autem natalis herodis saltauit filia herodiadis in medio et placuit herodi] Li: daeg uutedlice cennisse geplaegde dohter herodiaöes in middum j geUcade Özem cyninge Rul: on dzeg J)a gebyre herode pleagade dohter J)ara herodiade in midie j licade herodes WSCp: Da on herodes gebyrd-daege tumbude t)a2re herodiadiscean dohtur beforan him j hit Ucode herode EV: Forsothe in the day of Eroudis birthe, the doujter of Erodias leepte [LV: daunside] in the mydil, and pleside to Eroude [LV: and pleside Heroude]. Van der Gaaf gives Hoccleve, Minor Poems III, 416 Despende on me a drope ofthy largesse ... ifit thee lyke & plese (1904: 22). For the third point I quoted CP(H} 209.15 hie Gode misliciaÖ and Num 22.34 gyföe min fcereld mislicaÖ and explained the different shades of meaning based on the structural difference. A similar kind of confusion happens to ME displesen, as I discussed in Ogura (1991c); since the verb can be used 'impersonally' and reflexively, its form in Gawain 1839 displease yow no^ is explained as the impersonal subjunctive by Davis (1967: Glossary) but as the reflexive imperative by MED (cf. Gawain 2439 displeses yow neuer). The distinction between plesaunt and plesyng is not yet made in Wyc: Jn(EV) 8.29 for I do euere tho thingis, that benplesaunt [LV:plesynge] to him.

126

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

2. Verbs of doubting Tweo(ga)n and tweonian are the main Old English verbs of doubting; both can be used either personally or 'impersonally'. ME douten is adopted at first to the field of 'to be afraid' and can be synonymous with dreden mdferen in similar syntactic environments. Three typical examples of douten are cited from MED. (257)Ancr(Nero) 192/11 Hire meiden mei Jjauh techen sum lutel meiden J^et were dute o/[Corp-C: pet were pliht of\ forto leomen among gromes. WBible (2) Is.29.9 Be 3e astonyed and wondre, wake je and dou^e je [WB(1): wagereth; L vacillate] SLeg. Becket(Ei\) p. 73 Ac ich douti [Ld: drede], for mi wrecche gult, that wors schal beo the ende. Around the end of the 13th Century the verb attains another meaning, 'to doubt': e.g. Cursor(C) 12321 For sco was traist and duted noght, pat godds wil ne suld be wroght.

3. Verbs of judgment BT gives the following senses to OE deman: 'to deem, judge, think, consider, estimate, reckon, determine, examine, prove, doom, condemn'. Owing to its various shades of meaning, deman forms variations with such verbs as eahtian (Jul lb-2a, Beo 3173a-3174a), meldan (Rid 28 IIb-12a), and reccan {Fates 10b-IIa). Its polysemic feature is handed down to ME demen in alliterative poems; it may mean 'to considef (Gawain 1529 je demen me to dille), 'to teil' {Gawain 1322 to deme were wonder), or 'to judge' {Pearl 313 Deme now pyself if pou con dayly As man to God worden schulde heue). The verb still differs in its senses and uses from the borrowed iuggen, which denotes 'to assign'

Verbs of remembering

127

(Gawain 1856 Hit were a juel for pe joparde fjat hym iugged were) or 'to appraise' (Pearl 7 Quere-so-euer I jugged gemmes gaye, I sette hyr sengeley in synglere). In Wyc the frequent use of demen is still not noticeable, as in (258), but iuggen appears as a variant of demen in (259). (258)/n 8.15-8.16 [uos secundum camem iudicatis ego non iudico quemquam et si iudico ego iudicium meum uerem est] Li: gie aefter lichoma gedoemas ic ne doemo aenigne monno j Öa2h ic gedoemo dorn min soö is WSCp: ge demaÖ aefter flassce. ic ne deme nanum men j gif ic deme. min dorn is soÖ EV: Forsoth je demen vp the fleisch, I deme not ony man; and if I deme, my dorn is trewe, LV: For je demen aftir the fleisch, but Y deme no man; and if Y deme, my doom is trewe. {159) Jn 5.30 [non possum ego ä me ipso facere quicquam sicut audio iudico et iudicium meum iustum est] Li: ne masg ic from mec seolfe wyrca asnight suje ic geherde ic doemo j dom min soöfasst is WSCp: Ne maeg ic nan t)ing don fram me sylfum ic deme swa swa ic gehyre j min dom is ryht EV: I may not of mysilf do ony thing, but as I heere, I iuge, and my dom is iust, LV: Y may no thing do of my silf, but as Y here, Y deme, and my doom is iust,

4. Verbs of remembering L recordän is rendered by eft-gemynan or beon (eft)gemyndig in Li, by myngian or beon gemyne in Rul, by gefjencan or gemunan in WSCp, and by bethenken or habben mynde in Wyc (e.g. [74] Mt 5.23, [75] Mt 16.9, Mk 11.21), or literally by recorden, as in (260)/« 12.16 [sed quando glorificatus est iesus tunc recordati sunt^

128

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

Li: ah Öa 1 Öonne auuldrad t uses se haslend öa eftmyndigo i uoeron WSCp: ac Jja se haslend W2es gewuldrod. {ja gemundon hig EV: but whanne Jhesu is glorified, thanne thei recordiden [LV: hadden mynde], Remembren also seems to occur at first as a literal rendering: WBible (1) (Bod 959) Ps 77.35 Pei ben remembridfor [WB(2): thei bithousten that; L rememorati sunt quia] god is fjeir helpere. (Cf. PPs 77.34 la ongeaton, fjat...).

5. Verbs of serving Several verbs serve as renderings of servire and ministrare, and serven (< OF servir) comes to join them and settles the conflict. (261) Mr 4.10 [dominum deum tuum adorabis et illi soli seruies] Li: drihten god Öinne geworöa Öu j him anum gehere du t geembehte Öu Rul: to dryhtne t)inum gode Öu} to gebidde j him anum Öewige WSCp: to drihtne t)inum gode J)u 6e ge-eaÖmetsÖ (sie) j him anum jjeowast (262) MM. 11 [Tune reliquit eum diabolus et ecce angeli accesserunt et ministrabant ei] Li: Öa forleort hine diowl j heonu englas to-geneolocedon j geembehtadon him Rul: Jja hine forlet p deoful j henu englas cwoman j Öcegnadun him WSCp: Da forlet se deofol hine j englas genealaehton j him penodon (263) Mk 1.31 [et continuo dimisit eam febris et ministrabat eis] Li: j reconlice forleort hia häl from februm j ge-emb-ehtade him Rul: j ricenlice forlet hio hal from ridesohte l gedrif j gepceignade heom

Other verbs that show conflicts

129

WSCp: j hrsedlice se fefor hi forlet. j heo Jjenode him EV: and anoon the feuere left hire, and she mynystride to hem [LV: seruede hem] Earlier instances of serven are: LambHom 81.29 hu me sulde godalmihti serue and PMor{Tnn-C) 323 3iefwe serueden god half (MED).

6. Other verbs that show conflicts 6.1. Verbs of entering Entren (< OF entrer) often occurs in Wyc versions and corresponds to 'comenigon + adv./prep.': e.g. Mk 1.21 (EV) wenten forth vs. (LV) entriden, Lk 11.26 (EV) gon yn vs. (LV) entren, Lk 15.28 (EV) wolde not entre vs. (LV) wolde not come in; and further, 18.15 (EV) entride in vs. (LV) entride.

6.2. Verbs ofcuring For L curare, gieman is typically used in Mt(Li), lecnian in Lk(Li), and (ge)hcelan in Rul and WSCp. (264) Mt 12.10 [si licet sabbatis curare ut accussarent eum] Li: gif is gelefed on sabbatum gerne t gelecnia p te he gefraspgedon 1 geteldon hin Rul: mot monn on restedagum hcelon t)ast hie cwaemdon t acuste hine WSCp: Ys hyt alyfed to hcelenne on reste-dagum p hi wrehton hyne. EV: 3if it is leeful to heele in the sabot? LV: Whether it be leueful to hele in the sabot? (265) Lk 7.21 [in ipsa autem hora curauit multos ä languoribus et plagis et spiritibus malis]

130

Conflicts between native verbs and loan verbs

Li: in öailca Öonne tid lecnade monigo of adlum j teissum 1 cualmum j of gastum yflum WSCp: SoÖlice on J)a2re tide he ge-hcelde manega of adlum. ge of witum j of yfelum gastum Curen (< OF eurer) is borrowed to render L curare, as in WBible (1)2 Tim.2.15 Bisyli eure, or kepe [L cura],/or to ^ue thi seif.. able, werk man to God. The noun c(o)ure has also got involved in conflicts with other nouns and phrases: cf. Arth.&M. 6159 To mi conseil nimel? coure and Chaucer CT.Prol.A. 303 Of Studie took he moost eure and moost heede.

6.3. Verbs oferying OE eleopian was replaced by callen in the sense 'to call', and by erien (< OF crier) in the sense 'to cry'. Once borrowed, erien begins to be used in the senses 'to cry', 'to weep', 'to yell', and 'to beg'. Examples are quoted from MED. (266) Wooing Lord 219 Alle |)ai erieden o wode wulues wise, 'Heng Heng J)at treitur, ihesus, on rode.' SLeg. Pass.iHrl: C. Brown) p. 17 Ac in J)e neo5eJ)e tide of J)e dai oure louerd gan erie [Pep: wepe] & grede ffor grete angusse. SLeg. BrendaniUrl: Wright) p. 22 Tho hi [devils] ne mi3te come ther nes, hi gönne to erie [Ld: ^eolle] faste. Lofsong LefdiiRoy) 305 Ich cnawe me schuldi and erie lefdi merci.

Other verhs that show conflicts

131

6.4. Verbs ofcatching AF cach(i)er is borrowed to mean 'to capture' (La3 4547), 'to obtain', 'to receive', and then 'to catch, seize' (all found in Ancr). In the following example the verb is used altematively with Iahte (< lacchen 'to catch, seize, take' < OE Iceccan), claurede (< claveren 'to catch, claw at'; cf. OE clifrian), and clahte (< decken 'to seize, catch' < OE *cl(Bcan). {261) AW 26h. 19-20 HweÖer J)e cat of helle cahte eauer towart hire. i Iahte wiÖ cleaures heorte heued? A/?(Nero) 44.20 hweöer J)e cat of helle claurede euer toward hire. i cauhte mid his cleafres hire heorte heaued? A/?(Titus) 24.32-33 Hweöer J)e cat of helle clahte eauer toward hire. i Iahte wiÖ his clokes hire herte heaued.

Chapter 4 Verbs that became obsolete and archaic by the end of Middle English

If Middle English appears different from Old English from a linguistic viewpoint, it is because of morphological changes, borrowing from Old Norse and Old French, and the revival of words that were rarely used in Old English but were reinforced through the influenae of Old Norse cognates or survived the rivalry. The first and third factors tend to be esteemed less than the second; but the general appearance of word forms like cwceö and quod, mcege and mowe, wyrcan and wurchen, gecnawan and iknowen, and gescegd and isaid, and the growing use of make(n), deie(n), loke(n), nede(n), and bileue(n) may give readers a totally different Impression. Even though these changes were not as serious as they appeared, a change in vocabulary is nonetheless apparent. These differences between Old English and Middle English lexical distributions are due to three factors: (1) the loss of Compounds, (2) the loss of poetic words, and (3) the influx of loan words. In the case of verbs, the loss of the prefixed forms is remarkable as the first point. In this chapter I discuss verbs that became obsolete and archaic due to each of these three factors in tum.

1. The loss of prefixed verbs A tremendous number of Old English prefixed verbs are lost in Early Middle English. To be more precise, prefixed verbs with boundmorphemes (on- > a-, be- and ge-) had mostly gone out of use, with some exceptions (like arise and abide), or given way to the verb-particle construction (e.g. astigan come/go up)\ prefixed verbs with freemorphemes either remained {t.g.forgive, withstand, and overcome) or developed into the verb-particle construction (e.g. ymbsprecan -> speak oflabout, up[a]hebban heave/lifl up).

134

Verbs that became obsolete or archaic

Verbs with a bound-morph prefix took longer to disappear, being used in prose as well as verse lines and probably reinforced by Old French prefixed loan verbs. Thus in AW and A/?(Nero) we find the following contrasting choice.

32b.24-25 34a.21 35a. 10-11 38b.5 103b.6

AW

AR(NeTo)

reaueÖ reimin reopen Irinnen hit schal wuröe meistrin

birea-ueö i binimeÖ acwiten i aremen arepen i arechen hit schal iwuröen ameistren

It is often said that the prefix ge- is gradually supplanted by be-, and the following examples from Chron seem to provide good evidence of this. (268) Chron 865 A(68.8-68.11): Her sast haej)en here on Tenet, j genamon frij) wi^) Cantwarum, j Cantware him feoh geheton wij) J)am frijje, j under J)ani frijje j {jam feoh gehate se here hiene on niht up bestasl, j oferhergeade alle Cent eastewearde; £(69.3-69.6): Her saet se hasöene here on Tenet, j genam friÖ wiÖ Cantwarum. j Cantware heom feoh beheton wiÖ Öam friöe. j on J)ani feoh behate se here hine on niht up bestasl. j oferhergode ealle Cent eastwarde. I may add ChronA 94.13(905) gespon vs. ChronE 115.13(959: verse) bespeon. But the ge- vs. be- Variation is already found in ChronA: e.g. 92.3(901) geradws. 92.12(901) berad, 92.13(901) gebodws. 94.6(905) bebod, and 91.23(898) gefor vs. 94.7(905) befor In any case, verbs with a öe-prefix mostly went out of use (with some exceptions, like behold, betake and believe), and one of the reasons might be the loss or redundancy of be-'s function of transitivization, which the öe-prefix

The loss of poetic words

135

shared with (or took over from) the ^e-prefix.^ A similar contrast of bound-morph prefixes is still found in La5: e.g. 12750 (A) hateÖ us biwinnen vs. (B) biddejj V5 a-winne. Among the free-morphs,/or- in an emphatic sense is to be lost. Thus we find Mt 19.14 [sinite paruulos] (Li) forletas 5a lytlo vs. (WSCp) Icetedpa lytlingas, and in AW llOa-112 ha mot Uten vs. A/?(Nero) heo mot forleten. In AW^ 84a. 19 hefde ilosed vs. A/?(Nero) heuede uorloren or Al¥ 88a.25 haueÖ ilosed vs. A/?(Nero) haueÖ forloren, we see the choice between an i-{< ^e-)prefixed weak verb and a /or-prefixed strong verb.^ One of the reasons why the development of phrasal verbs took so long may be the usefulness of these prefixed verbs in the distinction of various shades of meanings. I have discussed in Chapter 2 the synonyms of a certain semantic field and have seen that both simplex and prefixed verbs are used as alternatives. Thus in the field of killing, we have of-slean, a-cwellan, and to-heawan beside the simplex; in the field of taking, ge-niman, on-fon, and ge-healdan; and in the field of knowing, on-gytan, on-cnawan, and ge-cunnan. At the same time, however, there are verbs in which the simplex and prefixed forms have different meanings, such as fordon, behealdan, and understandan. As long as the prefixes are useful for the semantic distinction from the simplex, a prefixed verb survives unless another verb appears and takes its place.^ There will be a further discussion of prefixed verbs in the next chapter.

2. The loss of poetic words Poetic words mostly disappeared in the Old English and Middle English periods. A count of the words used in the Old English prose Boethius and in The Metres of Boethius reveals 1169 words used in both prose and verse, 1248 words appearing only in prose, and 547 words confined to verse. Compare the following corresponding passages of prose and verse.

136

Verbs that became obsolete or archaic

(269) ß o 4.10.5 & Jja sunnan }3U gedest p heo mid heore breohtan sciman J)a J)eostro adwcEscd Jjasre sweartan nihte. swa deÖ eac se mona mid his blacan leohte Jjaet t)a beorhtan steorran dunniaÖ on t)am heofone, ge eac hwilum Jia sunnan heore leohtes bereafajj, J)onne he betwux us & hire wyrÖ Cf.

Met 4 9a Swylce seo sunne sweartra nihta öiostro adwcBsceÖ öurh Öine meht. Blacum leohte beorhte steorran mona gemetgaÖ öurh Öinra meahta sped, hwilum eac J)a sunnan sines bereafaÖ beorhtan leohtes, t)onne hit gebyrigan maeg t)aet swa geneahsne nede weoröaö.

Three verbs — adwcBscan 'to extinguish', bereafian 'to deprive o f , and weoröan 'to be' — are used unchanged, but dunnian 'to grow dark or dim' (according to DOE, used exclusively in Bo) is changed to gemetgian 'to measure out, control', although the m-alliteration is not necessary in this Position. There is a variant reading of dimmaÖ for dunniaÖ, but dimmian means '(of the eyes) to grow dim'. The alternative use of gemetgian in Met, then, is possibly to avoid the use of this ambiguous nonce word dunnian. To give some more statistics, among the headwords of the DOE fascicle D there are 131 words that are used exclusively, eight that are used mainly, four that are used frequently and one that is used chiefly in poetry; these comprise 144 words in all, or 16.1% of the total. Of these 144 words, 42 are simplex and 102 are Compound. Among the Dheadwords in MED, 351 have counterparts in DOE. Only 11 poetic words survive: daroj}, domian, dryht-folk, drut, dyhtig, dyrne (adv.), gedyrst, deajj-dceg, deor (adj.), dreosan, and dimm. Only two Compounds remain. Even though this is an investigation of the D-words alone, it is obvious that the marked decrease in Compounds and poetic words changed the structure of the vocabulary in Middle English.

The influx of loanwords

137

3. The influx of loan words If I use the statistics on the D-words in DOE and MED again, the nativeforeign distribution is illustrated as follows.

D-words Gmc F and/or L Other origins

DOE OE 878 19

MED 12C(OE?) 115 16

13C 183 102

14C 160 580 6

15C 208 1033 20

N.B. Gmc: OE, OE & ON, OS or OFrank, OA, ON, Ol, MDu, LG F and/or L: OF, AF, CF ML, AL, OF & L, ML & OF, AF & CF AF & ML, L & OE, OF & OE Other origins: Celt, OScot, Gk, and orig. unknown The increasing use of loan words and forms is noticeable from the table. Since number indicates the number of D-words, not the number of occurrences, French and/or Latin words (derivatives, in most cases) increase as time passes. Native derivates and Compounds still increase at a steady pace. Hybrids like descamen, i.e. bishamen + defamen, I put in the category of 'F and/or L' because these words, though of Germanic root, would never have been bom without the influence of Old French words (in this case, defamen). As I explained in Chapter 3, many native verbs were supplanted by loan verbs. Niman was replaced by taken, though we must not forget the conflict between the natives, i.e. (ge)niman vs. (ge-, on-, under-) fon. Pyncan was succeeded by semen, though there was a choice between gesene beon, pyncan, ceteowian, swutelian, and the loans semen and aperen, on the one hand, and, on the other, a morphological confusion of the preterit forms pohte and puhte and a subsequent merger of the 'impersonal' pinken into the personal penken, which resulted in MnE think. Cleopian was supplanted by callen in the sense 'to call' and by crien in the sense 'to cry'; the verb was also involved in the native conflict with nemnan, hatan, (ge)ciegan, and cweöan in the sense 'to (be) call(ed)'. Sweltan was supplanted by deagan, though other native

138

Verbs that became obsolete or archaic

expressions like foröferan, deadian, and beon dead were also responsible for its disappearance. Remembren came to be used in place of gemyndian, gemynegian, beon gemyndig/gemyne, gemunan, and gepencan, of all native verbs with a genitive. Plesen did not wholly take the place of lician, but the obsolescence of the personal cweman and the decline of lystan can be attributed partly to the adoption of this loan verb. All the examples mentioned above suggest that the borrowing of a verb ought not to be considered as the only reason for the obsolescence of a native word. Several other factors, i.e. conflicts among synonyms, morphological contaminations, syntactic peculiarities, etc., may contribute to it at the same time.

Chapter 5 Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle English

Chapters 2 to 4 of this study were confined to lexical and semantic aspects of verbs. In this chapter I try to present some major syntactic constructions in Old English and Middle English and to show which were possible in Old English and which exemplified a change, a tendency, or variety in the medieval period.

1. Passive vs. maAi-periphrasis and active There seems to be a long-standing assumption about Old English syntax that the language preferred the passive to the active and the subjunctive to the indicative. The first of these impressions was probably formed by the frequent use of 'beon/wesan + past participle' constructions for the renderings of Latin passives, deponents, and other forms with passive meanings, and for the perfective or the State of being with verbs in the intransitive use: e.g. PsGl 118.46 [non confundebar] (A) ne biom gescended vs. (D) na ic ascamude, and in (270) M 17.20 [Interrogatus autem ä pharisaeis quando uenit regnum dei] Li: gefrognen wces Öonne from huoenne cymmeÖ rlc godes WSCp: Pa ahsodon hine t)a farisei hwasnne godes rice come (271) M? 19.25 [auditis autem his discipuli mirabantur ualde dicentes quis ergo poterit saluus esse] Li: weron gehered uutedlice Öas word Öa Öegnas gewundradon suiöe cuedon hua foröon maeg hal wosa Rul: t)a ge-yrdon t)a2t J)a leomeras wundradun [1] j-dreordun swit)e cwet)ende hwa J)orme masg hal beon WSCp: Da hys leoming-cnihtas |)is ge-hyrdon. hig wundrodun j cwaedon. hwa masg ]jis gehealdon.

140

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

When the three versions of the Gospels are compared, we find an undeniable influenae of the Latin constructions on Li and Rul, on the one hand, and the occasional use of the man-periphrasis or the active — in spite of the Latin original, even in these glosses and paraphrases, as well as in WSCp — on the other. Thus we have already seen an example of the Variation between 'to be killed of death' and 'to die the death' in (180) Mt\5A [morte moriatur] (Li) ofdeaöe sie acwelled vs. (WSCp) swelte se deape. A passive and /na«-periphrasis Variation is found in (212) Mt 14.11 [et allatum est caput eius in disco et datum est puellae et tulit matri suae] Li: j gebroht i gefered W(ES heafud his in disc j gesdld wces Öasr magdne j brohte moder hire WSCp: j man brohte J)a his heafod on änum disce. j sealde Jiam masdene j p masden hyre meder. We find similar examples in Chron: e.g. 837 A (62.33) j pa Deniscan ahton wcelstowe gewald, j Jjone aldormon ofslogon vs. £(63.28) j se ealdor man wcerd ofslcegen, j pa Deniscan ahton wcelstowe geweald. The relative clause in A gives readers necessary Information in: 882 A(78.2) jpa men ofslcegene wceron pe Öcer on wceron, and cf. £(79.1) j pa men ofslogon. When -on is levelled to -en, the pret. pl. might be taken for the p.p. with the copula unexpressed: e.g. 911 A(96.14) j his offoron Öone here hindan, pa he hamweard wces, j him pa wip gefuhton, j pone here ^efliemdon, j his fela pusenda ofslogon, j pcer wces Ecwils cyng ofslcegen, and cf. D(97.21) ... j his feola ofslogen. j pcer wces Ecwilisc cyng ofslcegen. The further levelling of the vowel gradation comes a Httle later: e.g. 1095 £(231.15) j pa pe mid him wceron sume ofslogan. sume lifes gefengon. 'To die' has an aspect of 'to be killed'^ and the two meanings present alternative expressions, especially when the man who was killed is much more worth mentioning than the person who killed: e.g. Chron 946 A(112.1) Her Eadmund cyning forÖferde and £(113.1) Her /Edmund cyning wearö ofstungen. These shades of meaning can be expressed in

Passive V5. man-periphrasis

and active

141

poetry in the form of Variation. Since one of the typical expressions of Old English (or any other ancient language) is a personification of supematural phenomena like 'death' and 'dream', 'Death takes a person' means 'to die'. Thus reads And 994b-995a Ealle swylt fornam, druron domlease. (Note the change of the subject; the lines are translated in BT as 'death tore them all away, hapless they feil'.) In Beo 'to be dead' can be equal to 'being lifeless': {113) Beo 467b-468b 6a wces Heregar dead, min yldra masg unlifigende, beam Healfdenes; Cf.

Beo 1308b-1309b syÖpan he aldorpegn unlyfigendne, / Jjone deorestan deadne wisse.

Latin 'perfect ptc + esse' constructions are usually rendered periphrastically by Old English in interlinear glosses and d o s e paraphrases. This can be called a Latinism; and, even in interlinear glosses, WS glosses often use the simplex, e.g. (274) Ps 105.38-105.40 [(Et) infecta (interfecta) est terra in sanguinibus (eorum), et contaminata est in operib: eorum. et fornicati sunt in obseruationibus suis et iratus est animo dns in populum suü et abominatus (abhominatus) est hereditatem suam] A: of siegen wes eoröe in blodum j bismiten wes in wercum heara j dernlicgende werun in gehaeldü heara j eorre wes on mode dns in floc his j onsuniende wes erfewordnisse his D: j 5ewemmed is eorÖe on blodum heora j besmiten is on weorcum heora j hyfyrenli^eredon on be5imin5um his j eorsode of mode on folc his J he ascunode yrfeweardnesse his Latin words in brackets mean the forms in the Roman text of PsGlD. I observe the tendency to use the simplex particularly strongly in PsGlD (and PsGir).

142

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

The choice between the passive and the /nan-periphrasis continues to be seen in Early Middle English works, especially with verbs meaning 'to (be) call(ed)', e.g. TrinHom 3.2 5e hohe tidpat me clepedaduent vs. 3.9 1)6 ben cleped aduent, and in Middle English works, as in (241) Cursor2\A6 (C)^atnowmen clepes ierusalem vs. (G) nowys hitcalde ierusalem. Finally the choice between the two constructions seems a matter of stylistics: e.g. Cursor 1394 (C)Ar pat oile pe may be send vs. (F) pat he salle po oyle sende. The passive-active contrast, therefore, is not a historical feature of verbs in general, but of verbs denoting 'to die (be dead)', 'to be ashamed', 'to (be) call(ed)', etc. Phrases used for glosses or literal translations have been reconsidered and only those natural to the language have survived the test.

2. Transitive vs. reflexive and/or intransitive As I mentioned in Chapter 1, 4.5., any verb can be used reflexively. Transitive verbs may take an object and/or a reflexive object, while intransitive verbs occur with a reflexive object alone, as Mitchell explains (1985 §§ 1056-1058). Apart from the inappropriate terminology, Hermodsson (1952), through the studies by Deutschbein (1917) and Curme (1935), is aware of the changing tendency of transitive verbs, which are sometimes used only with a reflexive object and eventually get an intransitive use. Deutschbein's intransitivization (e.g. wendan 'tum something' > 'tum oneself > 'go'), is not a historical change but a synchronic Variation, as he himself chooses three examples from Old English poetry. The three stages — transitive, reflexive, and intransitive — can be found as variants in a given text. Even in glosses there is variety: e.g. PsCa 7.15 [satiatus est] (A) gefylled wes vs. (D) he ^efylde hine, and PsGl 106.12 [adiuuaret] (A) gefultumade vs. (F) himfultumode. As most of the Old English reflexives are pleonastic, the coreferential pronoun can be left unexpressed or inserted for various reasons rather

'Impersonal'

vs. personal

143

easily: cf. Az 2a Hirn l)a Azarias ingeponcum / hleoprede haiig purh hatne lig, and Dan 280a Da Azarias ingepancum / hleoörade haiig purh hatne lig (quoted in Ogura [1989: 12]). Most of the verbs of motion with the coreferential dative, such as cumanjaran (often with acc.), feran, gan(gan) irnan, ridan, (ge)wenden, gewitan, and the verbs of rest, such as licgan, (ge)restan (with acc. throughout Old English and in Las), sittan, standan, wesan, come to leave the coreferential pronoun unexpressed in the course of Middle English except in verse, especially under the influence of Old Norse and Old French reflexive verbs. Thus in Middle English, the transitive-reflexive/intransitive shift may occur between native and loan verbs: cf. Mt 6.16 (WSCp) hig fornymaÖ hyra dnsyna p hig cet-eowün mannum fcestende and Wyc (LV) for thei defacen hem silf, to semefastyng to men (for Old English varieties see [96]).

3. 'Impersonal' vs. personal Thanks to the results of a number of studies made in the 1980s from both philological and linguistic viewpoints, we have now confirmed that there was a shift from 'impersonal' to personal expressions in the course of the transition from Old English to Middle English, though most 'impersonal' verbs had a personal construction in Old English. I use the term 'impersonal' to denote an expression with a dative of person that functions as the subject in personal constructions, and those verbs used 'impersonally' in Old English took (1) a dative or an accusative of person, (2) hit, (3) a combination of (1) and (2), or (4) the nominative of thing (often with [1]). I still believe that the choice between 'impersonal' and personal expressions is a choice between indirect and direct ways of describing, and the choice, therefore, is stylistic as well as syntactic. In the following example, Rul alone has an 'impersonal' expression, while Li and WSCp show personal ones for the deponent misereor (not an 'impersonal' miseret).

144

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

(275) Mt 1532 [misereor turbae quia triduo iam perseuerant mecum] Li: willic milsa Öreatas \ Öasm menigum foröon Örio dogor gee Öerh-uunas mec miÖ Rul: mec hreowejj J)as mengu Öe hie i forJ)on J)reo dagas is nu fjaet hie J)urh-wunadun mid mec WSCp: Disse menegu ic ge-miltsige forJ)am hig {)ry dagas mid me wunodon. A syntactic change of 'rmpersonal' to personal involves reflexives as personal expressions. It is often said that in an 'impersonal' construction the dement order is Dat(Pers) V, because the Dat(Pers) plays the subject role, while in the reflexive the order will be V Pron, because it is a reflexive object, as in: Chaucer CT.Pars.l. 159 me remembreth ofthe day ofdome vs. CT.Cl.B. 881 Remembre yow. The confusion of the two constructions may occur when the verb is in the preterit singular, as in: Chaucer CT.WB.T>. 630-632 (Ellesmere) repented me and (Cmb.Gg.) me repentede {MED cites the former as an example ofthe reflexive and the latter ofthe 'impersonal'). In Ogura (1991b) I have already argued that the order is not a crucial factor in identifying these two constructions, even as late as the 15th Century, quoting an example of V Pron order of the 'impersonal' and one of Pron V order of the reflexive with the verb disdeyn (1991b: 78): Yk.Pl. 22/11 We were faire and bright, Perfore me thoght pat he The kynde of vs tane myght,Andper-at dedeyned me vs. Walton Both. p. 278 Right as a [strong] man schulde hym noght disdeyne When pat he herep rumour ofbataille. Some verbs take the 'impersonal' and the reflexive constructions, with variations of 'be + past participle' with Dat(Pers) or Nom(Pers). Atypical verb is scamian, which keeps this feature through Old English to Middle English: e.g.PsGl24.2 [non erubescam] (G) icsceamige (InebysmriaÖ) vs. (I) ic ne sy aswcemed l. pcet me ne sceamige, Vsp.D.Hom. 104/1415 Se pe him scamige pcet he beforen mannen egen synegie, swyöer him sceal scamigen pcet he beforen Codes egen cenig unriht wyrcÖ, 98/ 29 For pan sceal celc mcen sceamigen pcet he ofermod seo, and WBible (1) Is.1.29 See shulen ben shamed vp on the gardynes that ^ee hadden

Simple vs. periphrasis

145

chosen (quoted in Ogura [1981: 115] and [1991c: 82]). Some Old English verbs obtain a reflexive feature in Middle English and become verbs of motion; scieppan 'to create' is used in a 'Dat(Pers) + be + past ptc' construction to mean 'to be destined' in Early Middle English and then used in a reflexive construction to mean 'to betake oneself and 'to go': cf. TrinHom 105 Pe unbilejfulle ... seid, 'na was me no bet shapen' and Chaucer CTFkl. E 809 The knyght... Shoop hym to goon (quoted in Ogura [1991c: 82]). Verbs of motion often take a reflexive (precisely a pleonastic) pronoun in Old English and the feature comes dose to being fashionable in chronicles and romances in Early Middle English, which causes several verbs to take a reflexive construction to simply denote 'to go' and to produce stylistic Variation and then to die out.

4. Simple vs. periplirasis 4.1. Simple or prefixed verbs vs. phrasal verbs It is often difficult to decide whether the prefixed element of a verb (whether it is written separately or in one word with the verb) is a free morpheme or a bound morpheme.^ Even in glosses we find Variation between an element-for-element translation, a prefix and a verb separated by another element, a non-prefixed rendering, and a verb plus adverb (or 'postposed prefix'?): e.g. PsGl 25.4 [non introibo] (A) ic in ne ga vs. (F) na ic infare l inga, 87.9 [non egrediebar] (A) ut ne eode vs. (D) na ic uteode, 132.2 [descendit] (A) astag vs. (D) asta^ niper, 132.3 {descendit] (A) astigeÖ vs. (D) adune asta^, 118.131 [adtraxi] (A) togeteh vs. (D) ic ateah to, 31.6 {non adproximabunt] (A) to ne geneolaecaö vs. (D) na to^enealcecaÖ, 20.14 {exaltare] (A) hefe up vs. (D) upahefe, etc. The negative particle ne can be inserted in between the prefix and the verb, while the negative adverb na is too heavy to be put in (though PsGlD shows a fondness for using na in most instances). We find an order 'free-morph + bound-morph + verb' in to^enealcecaÖ and suspect the next stage, '(bound-morph) + verb + free-morph'as in hefe up? We may not always expect modern order in

146

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

EngUsh

a free translation rather than a gloss, e.g. Mk 1.34 [eiciebai] (Li) fordraf üt i afirde vs. (WSCp) ut adraf. In WSCp it is possible that ut is stressed so as to produce a natural rhythm ut adraf, but cf. Mr 21.12 [eiciebat] (Li) fordraf vs. (Rul) wearp ut and (WSCp) adraf üt. The rhythmical condition seems insufficient to explain the choice between ut adraf and adraf ut, but it is obvious that a- cannot be a ^article in itself owing to the lack of stress."^ PsGlD 95.8 [introite] saÖ in can be considered a set expression in the imperative and consequently come to be used in other constructions in general. In Ogura (1992) I examined the distribution of simple verbs and prefixed verbs in GD(C) and (H), in PsGlA and D, and in LajA and B, in the lines where the two versions choose different words or phrases. Compare the three diagrams, in which 0 means the simplex; boundmorph (= bound-morphemes) means ge-, be-, a-, on- (> an- > a-), un-, and ed- (though infrequent); and free-morph (= free morphemes) means prepositions and adverbs. I classify/or- denoting emphasis of perfective aspect and to- denoting Separation as free-morphemes, simply because they have corresponding prepositions which are not morphologically distinguishable, but the notable difference is that the to-V allows an Insertion of ge- in between the two elements (i.e. to-ge-W) but the forV does not.^ Be- (as in behatan) and on- (as in oncnawan, which may be weakened to acnawan) cause no problem if we regard them as boundmorphemes, because they can never be separated from the verb by another bound-morph.) GD(C) 0

bound-morph free-morph bound-morph 0 free-morph 0 bound-morph free-morph

vs.

GD(H)

0 bound-morph free-morph 0 bound-morph 0 free-morph free-morph bound-morph

321 (34.0%) 266 (28.2%) 24 (2.6%) 88 (9.3%) 172 (18.2%) 5 (0.5%) 19 (2.0%) 40 (4.2%) 9 (1.0%)

Simple vs. periphrasis

PsGlA

vs.

PsGlD

0

0

bound-morph free-morph bound-morph 0 free-morph 0 bound-morph free-morph

bound-morph free-morph 0 bound-morph 0 free-morph free-morph bound-morph

La^A 0 bound-morph free-morph bound-morph 0 free-morph 0 bound-morph free-morph

vs.

147

Lasß 0 bound-morph free-morph 0 bound-morph 0 free-morph free-morph bound-morph

2229 (42.1%) 1806 (34.1%) 363 (6.9%) 428 (8.1%) 250 (4.7%) 57 (1.1%) 25 (0.4%) 70 (1.3%) 70 (1.3%)

620 109 16 47 17 8 6 10 5

(74.0%) (13.0%) (1.9%) (5.6%) (2.0%) (1.0%) (0.7%) (1.2%) (0.6%)

As is Seen from the diagrams, two contrasting points are noticeable. The first is the percentages of boun-morphs vs. 0 and 0 vs. boundmorph in GD and Ps. That is, GD(C) and PsGlD represent the WS preference for non-prefixed forms, while GD(H) shows that the prefixed verbs with bound-morphs (especially with ge-) increase in number in LWS. The second point is that in L a j the ratio of 0 vs. 0 becomes twice as much as that in GD, at the expense of the ratio of bound-morph vs. bound-morph. That is, the prefixed verbs with boundmorphs radically decrease in frequency of occurrence in Early Middle English. Is there any variety in other texts? Li a revised text of Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel (787-1001 A.D.),^ which focusses on the period of the Danish invasions, I count the verbs that occur in both ChronA and ChronE, and the following are the results.

148

Resulting syntactic

non-prefixed prefixed

changes in Old and Middle

ChronA 242 100 32 15 14 9 8 7 4 3 3 1 438

geforl)aofforonbetooferymbunder-

Total

English

ChronE 233 106 32 17 14 8 8 9 4 3 3 1 438

Places where different verb forms are found can be classified as: 1) instances where ChronA has a prefixed form and ChronE a nonprefixed form:

868

874 878 881

gefultumadon gesagt ofslog wearj) gehorsod

E fultumedon sast sloh warö horsad

2) instances where ChronA has a non-prefixed form and ChronE a prefixed form:

800 851 866 871 874 875 877 879 885 885

A mette secgan namon namon laestan hergade mette sast metton metton

E gemette gesecgan genamon genamon gelasstan gehergode gemette gesset gemastton gemetton

Simple vs.periphrasis

149

3) instances where ChronA has a different prefix from ChronE:

835 865 865 882

A gefliemde geheton gehate wasron forslasgene

E aflymde beheton behate wasron ofslagene

4) instances where ChronA has a doube-prefixed form and ChronE a single-prefixed form:

790 887

/i ofaslean n£es togeboren

E ofslean nass geboren

5) instances where ChronA has a single-prefixed or a PV form and ChronE a double-prefixed form or a 'P + prefixed-V form:

797 886 887

yi astungon to cirde ut draefde

E ut astungon togecyrde ut adrasfde

Porp- is used solely to mskeforöferan. It tums out to htföröferan, foröferan, because we find earlier examples o f f e r a n forÖ^ i.e.

not

{216)Bede A2.\5 ferde he forÖ [morte obiit] on Breotone BedeAGAAl Ferde he forÖ [defunctus est] on his mynstre, Though the figures are comparatively small, it is interesting to note that ChronE prefers using bound-morphs. Changes from ge- to be- are Seen in the case of the verbs gehatan and behatan, but as I mentioned in Chapter 4, both forms are used in ChronA when the noncorresponding parts are taken into account. Gurions are the instances in 4); ofaslean in ChronA loses its bound-morph a- in ChronE, but

150

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

togeboren is spelled without its free-morph to- in ChronE. For the instances in 5), I have no intention of deciding whether ut is a particle or a prefix, but it is a free-morph preposed to '(bound-morph) + V . Another point on which I cannot express my opinion clearly is whether ofaslean and ut adrcefde are at the same stage of development into a verb-adverb combination. I am certain that, in the case of to cirde, to or the preposed particle can be considered a particle if ge- is inserted in between to and the verb without difficulty, and I am inclined to think that a- has a similar function in relation to ge-. In short, we find the following pattems.^ (i)

bound-morph + bound-morph -i- V e.g. ge-un-tnxmod, ge-ed-Xtznz^ «n-ge-axod, «n-^e-smitted

(ii) free-morph + bound-morph -i- V e.g. fo-ge-brecan, to-ge-cyrde, «p-a-hebbe, except: PsGlA 4.5 [conpungmini] ge-in-hryrde. (< onbryrdnes), and PsGlD 26.14 [sustine] ge-an-bida (< anbid) (iii) free-morph -H V + free-morph e.g. PsGlD 31.10 [circumdabit] ymb-sel6 utan Type (ii) is a possible prototype of the verb-adverb combination when we imagine that the free-morph in the first position may be postposed to fall together with a prepositional phrase following, and consequently the bound-morph in the second position may disappear, as in (277) Ps 7.7 [Exurge Domine in ira tua et exaltare in finibus inimicorum tuorum] A: aris dryhten in eorre Öinum j hefe up in endum feonda öinra D: aris on eorre J)inum upahefe in endum feonda Jjinra, though a much more modern type of form and element order is found in A. A 'bound-morph + V + free-morph' can be found, as in PsGlA

Simple Vi. periphrasis

151

82.3 [extulerunt] ahofun up sndPsGlD 118.131 [adtraxi] ateah to, as a transitional form. In Ogura (1991d) I stressed the point that literal and figurative meanings could be conveyed by either the prefix/particle verb order or the verb-particle order. Thus oferhieran in (278) means 'to disregard' but in (279), 'to hear'; and oferseon in (280) denotes 'to neglect' but in (281), 'to see'; we can understand the meanings from the context, though they may have been obvious as soon as they were pronounced. (278) O r 3 10.75.33 Ac he Pa[pi]rius J)a biscepas for J)aere sasgene swij^e bismrade j J)aet fserelt swa J)eh gefor j swa weorfdicne sige hsefde swa he aer unweorölice Jiara goda biscepun oferhirde. (219) Orl 12.34.10 j eac })aet se aejieling aegöer hzefde, ge his plegan ge his gewill, l)onne he Jiara manna tintrego oferhierde. ( 2 8 0 ) / / o m t / 4 0 ( N a p 50) 145 Dencan t)a nu, t)e to l)am J)riste syn, Jiaet hig god oferseoö and swa maeniges haiiges mannes dorn, (281) ß o 4.10.25 Eala min Drihten, t)u J)e ealle gesceaft ofersihst, hawa nu mildelice on J)as earman eorJ)an, & eac on eall moncyn. Also in the verb-particle order the different meanings can be found; thus pass Over in (282) means 'to disregard' but in (283) 'to go over'. (282) Chaucer CT.NP.B. 4452 But for I noot to whom it myghte displese, If I conseil of wommen wolde blame, Pass ouer, for I seyde it in my game.

152

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

(283) WBible(l) (Bod 959) 2Esdr.2.14 I passede ouer [L transivi] to J>e jate of t)e well & to Jje water condute of {)e king, &])er was no place to t)e beeste Jjat sat on f)at he myste passen ouer [L transiret], The same meaning can be conveyed by either order, as we have already Seen hy forÖferan and feranforÖ, and in the following example of the two versions of the Wycliffe Bible. (284) L^ 17.6 [diceretis huic arbori moro eradicare et transplantare in mare et obediret uobis] EV: 5e schulen seye to this more tree, Be thou drawun vp by the roote, and be plauntid ouer in to the see, and it schal obeye to 30U.

LV: 3e schulen seie to this more tre, Be thou drawun vp bi the rote, and be ouerplauntid in to the see, and it schal obeie to 50U.

The element order of 'a free-morpheme + verb' quickly decreases in Late Old English, but we still have overcome and understand. Hiltunen says that "as prefixes, prep. advs. survive in some inseparable combinations as late as Modem English (e.g. to overcome, to understand) thanks to the metaphorical meaning that preserves the morphology" (1983: 222). In Ogura (1993a) I explained that the two verbs maintained their morphological make-up (1) because they were used in their metaphorical meanings, their literal sense in the particleverb order being used as element-for-element renderings of Latin, (2) because ofer- (> over-) and under- kept their productivity of new words as living prefixes up to the Modem English period, and (3) because the two verbs survived the rivalry between their respective synonyms, both prefixed and simple verbs. The first point can be illustrated by the comparison between L/ (and Ru) and WSCp versions, where the former uses ofer-cuman for the rendering of super-uenire while the latter chooses (be)cuman, as in

Simple vs. periphrasis

153

(285) L/: 1.35 [spiritus sanctus superueniet in te uirtus altissimi abumbrabit tibi] Li: gaast haiig ofer-cymeÖ on Öeh j maeht öass heisto ofer-wrigaÖ Öe Ru2: gast haiig ofer-cymeÖ on öed j masht Öaes hesta ofer-wriö öec WSCp: Se halge gast on J)e becymp J {lass heahstan miht J)e ofersceadaö (286) Jn 6.23 [aliae uero superuenerunt naues ä triberiade iuxta locum] Li: oöero aec 1 ofercuomon l scioppo of Öasm londe neh Öasr stoue Ru2: oöre soöhce ofer comon sciopu of Öasm ealonde neh Öasr stowe WSCp: oöre scypu comon fram tiberiade wiö Jja stowe Lk 11.22 shows the contrasting renderings of superuenire and uincere, i.e. (287) L^ 11.22 [si autem fortior illo superueniens uicerit eum] Li: gif Öonne biö strongra his se ofercymmend gebindeÖ t forecymeÖ hine Ru2: gif öonne strongra him ofer-cymes gibinde iforcyme hine WSCp: Gyf J)onne strengra ofer hine cymÖ. j hine ofer-winÖ \WSH: ofer-swiS]. where in double-glosses for(e)cuman, instead of ofercuman, is used in Li and Ru2. Ofergan(gan) did attain the meaning 'to afflict', when sleep or disease occurs as its subject (e.g. And 464b slcep ofereode). But the sense is not so obvious in the following example from /ELS, where ofercom definitely means 'overcame' but ofereode can be interpreted as either 'afflicted' or 'went over'. {!%?,) JELS (Memory of Saints) 22 Noe eac for his rihtwisnysse ofercom J)a2t m i e d e flod J)e eabie middaneard ofereode swa J)aet Öurh hine wearö eft eall mancynn geedstaJ)elod.

154

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

The element-for-element translation of sub-sistere to understandan is found in PsGlE and J, i.e. (289) Ps 139.11 [cadent super eos carbones ignis in igne deicies eos in miseriis non subsisteni] A: fallaö ofer hie colu fyres in fyre Öu aweorpes hie in ermÖum ne wiÖstondaÖ E: GefezelleJ) ofer he gliedze fier on firre aewirpej) hie on yrmj)um ne understondet (290) PsGU 102.16 [Quoniam spiritus pertransibit in illo et non subsistet et non cognoscet amplius locum suum] ForÖon gast farej) on him & na understent & na oncnawa|) ma stowa his Cf. A: [non erit] ne biÖ As I have already mentioned in Chapter 2,5.,forstandan 'to understand' occurs in GenB 769b, CP(H) 7.23, and I may addBo 5.12.29 UneaJje ic mcegforstandan pine acsunga. In the cases offorcuman andforstandan, the prefix/or- seems to be an earlier choice than ofer- or under-, But this does not always mean that/or- (Goth fra- or faur-) appears earlier than ofer- (Goth ufar-), when ofergitan (frequent in PsGlD [and £]) and forgitan (particularly found in PsGlI and PPs) are compared.^ It seems that Old English prefixed verbs did not have a strict separable/ inseparable distinction as Modem German has. The Situation was rather like Modem Dutch verbs; some verbs were used either separably or inseparably according to the stress shift, which cannot clearly be attested to in Old English written materials. Thus we find Bede 464.17 ferde forÖ 'died', Bede 316.2 foröferde 'died', and BlHom 2 19.11 ferde Jjcer forjj 'went forth', HomU 12 26-31 oferferaÖ 'go across' and feraÖ ofer 'go across'M (L/j 1.35 [superueniet] ofer-cymeÖ 'comes',/^LS(Memory of Saints) 22 ofer com 'overcame', Exod 10.21 cuman ofer 'come upon', and ME Gen & Ex 315 ouercumen 'overcome' and 1633 ouer-cam 'came Over'. Both 'prefix-verb' and 'verb-particle' can be used in the same meaning (or similar meanings). Moreover, the shift between prefixes,

Simple vs. periphrasis

155

as is Seen between forcuman and ofercuman or between forstandan and anderstandan, seem to illustrate a comparatively loose stage of connections between the prefix and the verb stem.

4.2.

Simple verbs vs. 'verb + adjective/noun/participle' constructions

The degree of Latin influenae on Old English texts varies from glosses and glossaries to free translations. Wherever the Latin sources should be considered, the following four types of styhstic varieties are attested, i.e.: (1) when a Latin construction is translated literally into Old English; (2) when a Latin 'V + Adj/N/Ptc' construction corresponds to an Old English Simplex; (3) when a Latin simplex corresponds to an Old English 'V + Adj/N/Ptc' construction; and (4) when the choice of a simplex and a 'V + Adj/N/Ptc' construction is found in Old English without an apparent force of Latin forms. The combinations (1) and (2) or (1) and (3) are to be found in glosses. Thus we find Mk 12.14 [licet] (Li) is gelefed vs. (WSCp)Alyß, Lk 2.49 [oportet] (Li) gerisenlic vs. (WSCp) gebyraÖ, P i 118.139 [obliti sunt] (A) ofergeotule sind vs. (D) ofer^eaton, Ps 118.146 [saluum me fac] (A) halne mec doa vs. gehcel me, etc. As is seen in the last example, 'to make whole' is rendered in several ways, together with the various translations of facere. Two more examples are from Gosp. (291) Mt 9.22 [confide filia fides tua te saluamfecit et salua facta est mulier ex illa hora] Li: getriu l gelef dohter gleafo öin öec hal dyde j hal geworden w(Es wif of öaem 1 Öasr tiÖ Rul: geleafa J)in J)ec halne dyde j warö Öa hal p wif of J)a2re hwile 1 tide WSCp: Gelyf dohtor J)m geleafa t)e gehcelde j p wif wces gehceled on pasre tide EV: Dou3ter, haue thou trust; thi faith hath made thee saaf. And the womman was maad saafiro that houre. LV: Doujtir, haue thou trist; thi feith hath maad thee saaf. And the womman was hool fro that our.

156

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

For examples of type (4) I must give the native Variation of hyngrianbeon hyngrig and fjyrstan-beon Ijyrstig. It is curious to see that the 'beon + Adj' constructions occur in Li. {192) Mt 25.35 [esuriui enim et dedisti (sie) mihi manducare sitiui et dedistis mihi bibere] Li: ic gehyncgerde i ic wces hincgrig foröon j Öu gesaldes me eatta ic wces Öyrstig j gesaldon me dringe WSCp: Me hingrode j ge me sealdon etan. me pyrste j ge me sealdun drincan. Beon betere/scyldig/gyltig or fjearf/neod/neodjjearf occurs beside behofian, Jjurfan, bejjurfan, neodian, etc., mostly in 'impersonal' constructions in contrast with a more gloss-bound beon reht(lic)/ behoflic. Beon dead is the most ordinary expression among the synonyms of dying. Beon gemyne/gemyndig is a rival expression of gepencan in the field of 'to remember'. Beon gesene, on the other hand, is adopted as a rendering of videfi in contrast to a more natural gejjyncan (e.g. Mt 25.29 [quod uidetur] [Li] p geseen biÖ vs. [WSCp] p hym pincÖ), but is also used in poetry: e.g. Sat 228a Nu is gesene pcet we syngodon uppe on earde, GenA 2807a Sweotol is and gesene pcet pe sod metod on gesiÖÖe is, and Beo 3058a Pa wces gesyne pcet se siÖ ne Öah. 'Habben + N' or 'don + N' as an alternative of a simple verb becomes fashionable in Middle English. Thus in Wyc we find Mf 18.13 and Lk 1.14 (EV) enjoye vs. (LV) haue ioye, M 7.13 (EV) meuydvs. (LV) hadde reuthe, Mk 1.15 (EV) forthinke ^ee vs. (LV) do jepenaunce; the opposite case is also found in Lk 10.20 (EV) haue joye vs. (LV) ioye, Mt 25.29 (EV) haue plente vs. (LV) encreese, and both versions may have new constructions as in Lk 13.3-13.5 (EV & LV) haue penaunce ... do penaunce, Mt 19.9 and Lk 16.18 (EV) doth avowtrie vs. (LV) doith letcherie.

Simple vs. periphrasis

157

4.3. Simple verb vs. 'auxiliary + infinitive' Subjunctive forms are frequently used in Old English as a common morph for the subjunctive, the hortative, the optative, etc., in the Germanic and Indo-European periods, which gives modern readers the impression that it was overused. According to Behre (1934: 10-15), Old English subjunctives are used for the hortative subjunctive (or the subjunctive of exhortation), the optative subjunctive (or the subjunctive of wish), the preceptive subjunctive (or the subjunctive of Obligation or propriety), and the concessive subjunctive (or the subjunctive of challenge or defiance). He also adds subjunctives in independent sentences, i.e. the subjunctive of volition and the subjunctive of conditionality. The subjunctive, as Behre (1934:15) puts it, "serves to denote a mental attitude on the part of the Speaker towards the verbal activity". Because of this quality, he discusses (w)uton or (w)utan as an equivalent of the Ist pers. pl. of the hortative subjunctive (i.e. the adhortative subjunctive). Quoting examples from poetry, he is v^'ell aware of the fact that the Mton-construction and the adhortative subjunctive can be alternatives and may form variations (see his example, Sat 298-301a Vton cyöan pcet! deman we on eorÖan cerror lifigendon, lucan mid lustum locen waldendes, ongeotan gastlice!) and that the sculan-construction may often be juxtaposed with (or, more precisely, followed by) an imperative (see his example, GenA 2310-2312a Pu scealt halgian hired pinne: sete sigores tacn so5 on gehwilcne wcepnedcynnes . . B e h r e names common negative expressions 'ne purfan ...' and 'ne sculan . . . ' t h e prohibitive subjunctive (1934: 20-21). Since the subjunctive concems the mental attitude of the Speaker, it is quite natural to have 'Modal Aux + Inf as an alternative expression. In the course of Old English and Middle English, subjunctives are supplanted by indicatives or periphrases of 'Aux + I n f . To illustrate the Old E n g l i ^ use of auxiliaries, I give the following table to show how many examples can be found in Gosp of the use of auxiliaries without Latin counterparts. It is obvious that (i) even in Li glossators use

158

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

auxiliaries without Latin counterparts, especially in Mt, and (ii) in WSCp Mt and Jn show a tendency to use auxiliaries, especially wolde/woldon in Jn. Examples are scalt (293), sceold (294), woldon (295), and mot (296). (293) Mr 11.3 [tu es qui uenturus es an alium expectamus] Li: 6u ar5 \ arö Öu seöe to cymende wces i is oÖÖe oöer we bidas Rul: ffrej) sgcgaj) arj)u se|)e cwome scalt J)e we oJ)res bide}? WSCp: eart {5Ü t)e tö cumenne eart oö5e we oJ)res sceolon abidan (294) Jn 4.4 [Oportebat autem eum transire per samariam] Li: uces gedcefenlic 1 uutudlice hine l pte oferfoerde Öerh samaria öa burug WSCp: him gebyrode p he sceolde faran purh samaria land (295) Jn 4.7-8 [uenit mulier de samaria haurire aquam ... discipuli enium eius abierant in ciuitatem ut cibos emerent] Li: cuom uif of öaer byrig to Iddanne \ ua3ter ... öegnas foröon bis foerdon in öa ceastre pte metto bochton 1 ceapadon WSCp: pa com pasr an wif of samaria wolde waeter feccan; ... His leoming-cnihtas ferdon pa to paere ceastre woldon him mete bicgan. (296) Mt 20.15 [aut non licet mihi quod uolo facere] Li: } ne is rehtlic me p ic willo doa Rul: ah me is alcefed to sellan min paet ic wille doan WSCp: oppe no mot ic dön p ic wylle.

Simple vs. periphrasis

sculan

pres. pret.

willan

pres. pret.

motan magan

pres. pret. pres. pret.

cunnan onginnan uton last. Total

pres. pret.

Li Ist gloss 2nd gloss Mt 3, Lk 1 M t 3

Rul

159

WSCp

Mt4

Mt 3, Mk 1 Lk3, Jn 1 Lk 1 Mk 1 Mt 2, Lk 1 Mt3 Jn7 Mt 8, Mk 1 Mt 3, Jn 2 M t 2 Mt 4, Lk 2 Lk 1, Jn2 Jn5 Mt 5, Mk 1 Jn 1 Mt 2, Jn 1 Mt 6, Lk 7 Lk 3, Jn 4 Jn20 Mtl Mt3 Mt 1 Jn3 Mt 1 Mt5 Mt 2, Mk 1 Mt 2, Mk 1 Lk 2, Jn 1 Mt l , M k 4 M k 3 Mkl,Lkl Mk 1 Lk4 Jn 1 Mtl Mt 1 Mkl Mt2 Mtl Mtl Mt 1 Mt 24, Mk 6, Mt 8, Mk 5, Mt 14, Mk 2, Mt 25, Mk 3, Lk 10, Jn 6 J n 3 Jn 1 Lk 16, Jn 38 46 17 82 16

Habban can also be used as a future auxiliary in 'habban + to-lnf and the perfect could be expressed by 'habban + past ptc'. See the following examples. (297) Mt 20.22 [nescitis quod petatis potestis bibere calicem quem ego bibiturus sum] Li: ne uutuge huaet ge giwas 1 bidas magage drinca calic 5one ic drincende beom i drinca willo Rul: ge nytan hwast ge bidaj) magon git Öene kaelic drincan Jje ic drincande beom WSCp: Gyt nyton hwagt gyt biddaj). mage gyt drincan J)one calic Öe ic to drincenne hcebbe

160

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

(298) Mt 26.1 [Et factum est cum consummasset iesus sermones hos omnes dixit discipulis suis] Li: j geworden wces t gewarö miÖÖy ge-endade 15a geendade öe haelend word Öas alle cweö öegnum his Rul: j geworden was Jja ge-endade se haslend word Jjas eall cwaej) se haelend to his leomeras WSCp: Witodlice {)a se haelend hcefde ealle J)as spraeca ge-endud t)a cwaeö he to hys leoming-cnihtum For the construction 'habban + past ptc', as far as (298) is concemed, the element order (though not always reliable) suggests that this should be better considered 'habban + Acc + Acc Adj' with a strong perfective sense which comes from ge-endud. In (138) 'has + to-Inf, 'au + to-Inf, and 'sal + Inf are used as alternatives in Cursor, denoting 'to be obliged to, have to'. OE habban and agan shared the sense 'to have, possess', agan and sculan, the sense 'to be obliged to', and sculan and habban, the use as a future auxiliary. 'Agan + to-Int', then, can be a blend of 'habban + to-Inf (from which it obtained the feature [Aux of futurity]) and 'sculan + Inf (from which it got [Aux of Obligation]), and sculan also attains futurity partly from its original sense of prediction and partly from 'habban + ro-Inf. This probably explains why agan alone among the present-preterit verbs takes to-Inf. To make the relation between agan and sculan more clear, see the following three examples, where ahte to geldenne 'has to pay' in Li correponds to the füll verb sculan in Rul and WSCp. {199) Mt 18.24 [et cum coepisset rationem ponere oblatus est ei unus qui debebat decem milia talenta] Li: j miÖ Öy ongann rehtnise setta gebroht waes him enne seöe ahte to geldanne 1 tea öusendo craeftas Rul: j ])a he ingonn gerihtes monige broht wass him an set)e scalde ten t)usende WSCp: j J)a J)e p geräd sette. him w£es an broht se him sceolde tyn J)usend punda

Simple vs. periphrasis

161

(300) Mr 18.28 [egressus autem seruus ille inuenit unum de conseruis suis qui debebat ei centum denarios et tenens suffocabat eum dicens redde quod debes] Li: gefoerde soölice Öegn 5e gefand l gemitte enne of efne-Öegnum his seöe ahte to geldenna hundraö scillinga j geheald hine cuoeöende geld p 5u aht to geldanne Rul: üt-gangende t)a se esne gemoette zenne a2fn-J)ara his sej)e sculde him hundred denera j genimende smorede hine cw£et)ende agef {)£et Öe scealt WSCp: t>a se t»eowa üt-eode he ge-mette hys efen-J)eowan. se him sceolde an hund penega. j he nam hyne }3a j fort)rysmede hyne j cwseÖ; Agyf p pu me scealt If the use of 'Aux + Inf resolves the morphological ambiguity of the simplex, the number of 'Aux + Inf must increase in Late Old English and Early Middle English when the inflectional levelling was in progress. I examined the numbers of simplex and periphrases in GD(C) and (H), Layi and B, Cursor(C), (G), (F) and (T), and Wyc EV and LV, and found that all the works investigated use simplex for about TOTS % of all verbal expressions and periphrases for about 20-25%; the interchangeability of the simplex with periphrases and vice versa is under 3%. For instance, simplex in EV correponds to periphrasis in LV in 1.5% of all examples, but periphrasis in E F corresponds to simplex in LV in 3.0%; this is partly because LV^prefers the use of the present forms instead of 'shall + Inf (e.g. Jn 18.39 [EV] schal dismytte vs. [LV] delyuere, Mt 22.11 [EV] shulde see [in a dependent clause] vs. [LV] to se). I may conclude, then, that the use of 'Aux + Inf was comparatively stable through Old English to Middle English. But when I compare AW and A/?(Nero), a simplex in AW corresponds to a periphrasis in A/?(Nero) in 20 instances, while the opposite occurs in only four instances. There must be a stylistic choice. Compare the following figures.

162

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

Cursor sal/suld wil/wold may/might augh/aught mot/most cuth/cowde dar/durst behoue/behoued nede thar bos

AR 366 240 322 43 34 27 2 4 2 4

345 252 311 44 27 27 5 5 2 5

schal/schuld wull/wolde mei/muhte mot/moste ah/ouhte cunne t»earf/J)urfte wilni/wilnede durste mot nede (C) 2048 607 703 177 67 44 38 10 2 4

English

(G) 2032 619 707 163 54 43 37 11 2 4 8

(F) 1951 680 656 143 76 48 35 9 2

(T) 1867 700 660 142 78 42 35 1 2 1

Figures in AW and AÄ(Nero) do not differ much, but AW outnumbers in wull/wolde and A/?(Nero) in schall schulde, mei/muhte and ah/ouhte. The use of wilni/wilnede should be differentiated from wull/wolde. In Cursor the increasing use of wil/wolde mirrors the decreasing use of sal/suld. The use of bos in (GJ is a Northern feature. The following two examples are from Cursor. (301) Cursor 955-956 C: t)e oile o merci most Jjou bide, I hight ar send it sum tide. G J)e oile of merci bos 50U abide, I hete to send it 30U sum tide. F • J)e wille of me J)ou sal a-byde Jjou sal haue mercy jet sum tide T: l)e oile of mercy ^e mot abide I hete to sende hit 50U sum tide

Simple Vi. periphrasis

163

(302) Cursor 5808 C: "Lauerd," said moyses, "wil i tru t)at pharaon sal me mistru." G: "Lauerd," said moyses, "wele i trow Jjat Pharao wil me mistrow." Wilnen has a double feature of a füll verb and an auxiliary. An example of a füll verb (or rather a pleonastic) is found in Ai?(Nero). (303)AH^19a.24-25 hwa se wule J)enne p godes eare beo neh hire tunge yy?(Nero) 33.10 hwo se wule wilnen p godes eare beo neih hire tunge OE wilnian was an ordinary verb in WS, and (ge)will(i)an was its Mercian counterpart in PsGlA, as in (304)

41.2 [sicut ceruus desiderat ad fontes aquarü ita desiderat anima mea ad te ds] A: swe swe heorut gewillaÖ to waellum wetra sw? gewillaÖ sawul min to Öe god D: swa swa heort wilnaÖ to wyllum wa5tra swa wilnaÖ sawl min

(305)Pj III. 1 [Beatus uir qui timetdnminmandatis eiuscupietnimis] A: eadig wer se Öe ondredeÖ dryht in bibodum his willaÖ swiöe D: eadi5 wer öe andrasdej) on bebodum his wilnaÖ swiöe In OD, wilnian in (C) usually corresponds to gewilnian in (H), as in (306) CD 61.8 [quantinus et magnae humilitatis sit quod sua opera taceri appetunt] C: j J)£et byÖ mycelre eadmodnesse, t)aet hi wilniaÖ, H: swa t)aet hit si for miceh-e eadmodnysse, J)£et hi ^ewilniaÖ, but in one instance curious combinations appear, i.e.

164

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

(307) GD 61.11 [Non ergo voluit Dominus quidquam fieri, et minime potuit; sed quid velle ejus membra debeant, quidve de eis etiam nolentibus fiat, doctrinae magisterio exemplum dedit] C: nis hit na {jast, Petrus, t)£et drihten wolde aht swylces beon j ne mihte beon, ac he sealde J)a bysene mid J)y lareowdome bis sylfes lare, hiwaet bis leomu sceolan wilnian J)a2t we wasron, oÖÖe bwast hi sceolan nyllan. H: eomostlice drihten nolde na, J)a5t asni J)in5 swilces 5ewurde j hit na beon ne mihte, ac he sealde bysene mid lareowdome bis sylfes lare, hwa2t bis limu scylon sewilnian, oö5e hwaet eac be him nellendum ^ewuröan sceoldon. in which nyllan in (C) can be a contamination of ne wilnian and ne willan. Again in Middle English, Wyc EV uses schal wilne and schulen wilne where other versions use a simple willan, e.g. (30^) Jn IM EV: If ony man schal wilne to do bis wille, he schal knowe of the techinge, LV: If ony man wole do bis wille, he schal knowe of the techyng, (309)/« 15.7 EV: If 56 schulen dwelle in me, and my wordis schulen dwelle in 50U, wbat euere thing 56 sculen wilne, je schulen axe, and it schal be do to 30U. LV: If 5e dwellen in me, and my wordis dwelle in you, wbat euer thing 5e wolen, 5e schulen axe, and it schal be don to 50U. For the use of double auxiliaries in Middle English, I have pointed out in Ogura (1991c) and (1993b) the combination schal (not) mowe. Wyc is peculiar in using this combination in Mk 3.26, Lk 1.20, 13.24. 16.2 (only for 20.36. and 21.15, e.g.:

Simple vs.periphrasis

165

(310) Lk 1.20 [Et ecce eris tacens et non poteris loqui usque in diem quo haec fiant] Li: j heono Öu bist suigende j ne mcege Öu gesprece o5ö on doege of Öasm Öas geworöes WSCp: And nu J)u byst suwiende. j J)u sprecan ne miht. oö Jjone daSg t)e Öas öing gewuröaj). EV: And loo! thou shalt be stille, and thou schalt not mowe speke til in to the day, in which thes thingis schulen be don LV: And lo! thou schalt be doumbe, and thou schalt not mow speke til in to the dai, in which these thingis schulen be don As is cited in MED, the combination seems to appear first in Orm and is found often in Northern works, up to Malory (e.g. Bk IV 129.30 [W] they woll make such dole that they shall nat helpe [C: shalle not mowe helpe] hemself). I suggested the influence of ON mumu skulu, which might help to revive the construction latent through the Old English period (Ogura [1993b: 547]). Conicanigonigan, do, ger, and let can be used for the preterit auxiliary and the causative auxiliary, together with make. In La5 'gan + V (Inf)' is equivalent to V (pret.), as in La^ 27745 (A) & bi-halues him eode vs. (B) and he bi-halues gan gon and 14072 (A) &fceire hine gon greten vs. (B) and faire hine grette. As the preterit form of *-ginnen, gon/gan may also mean 'began', and 'gan + Inf and 'gan + to-Int' are alternatives: e.g. La3 26116 (A) gon to resten vs. (B) gan reste, 27817 (A)gon beouien vs. (B) gan to biuie, 28005 (A) gon sturie vs. (B) gon to storie, and 30263-4 (A) gon to slcepen ... gon to wepen vs. (B) gan sleape ... gan wepe. In Cursor the same features are found with gan, bat the conflict between these auxiliaries becomes obvious; see the following correspondences.

166

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

Cursor

(C)

(G)

(F)

873 1936 2008

gan take did to raise gan dight

con take dud take gert to rayse let reise bi-gan to dijt dud bigynne

2129

gan to tak did to rais bigan for to dight can to brede

con sprede

2439

did him win

3016 3056 3311 3492 4857 4870 5323

can make did to fle can seme did call did waitte can gar be don did writte

bigan to sprede gart him wine gan mak gan to fle bigane seme did to call gart waite can gar be do did write

7539 10710

for to gar To do brek

to gar To ger breke

made him win con make dide fle con seme con call wayded con make be don lete make write for to make To make breke

(T)

bigon to speede made him wynne dud make gon to fle dud seme dud Calle

lete waite con make be do lete write to make To make breke

As is Seen from Cursor 7539, gar and make can be alternative to each other as a füll verb denoting 'to make', and they can also be used as the causative auxiliary in 2439 and 4870. Con/can/gon/gan, do, ger, and biginne are used with to-Inf as well as with Inf, and the difference between the two constructions is not always clear. Let me give another diagram, which shows the frequency of these auxiliaries. Cursor

do/did biginAiigan can (con) gan (gon) make/made let ger/gert get/gat

(C)

(G)

(F)

288 188 194 21 4 10 24 2

244 188 70 130 9 14 41 2

220 203 164 21 45 17 13 2

(T) 222

189 68 88 45 26 2

Simple vs. periphrasis

167

Conican is expected to go out of use, owing to the morphological ambiguity with can (< conne < OE cunnan)}^ as in Cursor 8013 (C) can sai vs. (F) may say. Gon/gan is preferred in (G), and ger is also dialectally restricted and disappears in (T), while make increases in occurrence. The double feature of the preterit-causative auxiliary of do and let can still be detected in Malory MorteArth.: 1227.1 he lete make [C: he dyd do make] lettirs as thoughe that they had come frome beyonde the see, where lete may have a preterit-and-(though redundantly) causative function and dyd do in C may be a combination of preteritand-(though redundantly or possibly emphatically) causative auxiliaries; cf. 1250.24 And that nyght he lete make a dole [C: he made a dole]. 'Uton + Inf is used as an alternative of the imperative for the first person plural. As I explained in Ogura (1989: 38-40), it often occurs with the coreferential pronoun us in poetry and Late Old English prose. 'Uton + Inf is welcomed in PsGlD in contrast with 'V + we' in PsGlA. Compare (311)

94.1 [uenite exultemus dno iubilemus dö salutari nostro] A: cumaö gefen we dryhl wynsumie we gode Öasm halwyndan urum D: cumaö uton blissian drihtne uton dryman 5ode haelende urum

Cf.

PPS 94.1 la-b Cumaö nu togaedere, wutun cweman gode, wynnum drihten wealdend herigean, urum haslende hyldo gebeodan.

(312) Ps 94.2 [praeoccupemus faciem eius in confessione, et in psalmis iubilemus ei] A: abisgien we onsiene his in ondetnisse j in salmum wynsumie we him D: we oßriccen ansiene his on andetnesse j on sealmum we drymen him

168

Cf.

Resulting syntactic changes in Old and Middle

English

PPS 94.2 la-b Wutun his ansyne aerest secean, t)aet we andettan ure fyrene and we sealmas him singan mid wynne.

(313) Ps 94.6 [venite adoremus etprocidamus ante dmploremus coram dno qui fecit nos] A: cumaÖ weoröien we j foröluten we biforan god woepen we biforan dryhtne se dyde usic D: cumaÖ uton ^ebiddan j uton apenian beforon 3od we wepen beforon drihtne Jje worhte Cf.

PPS 94.6 la-b CumaÖ him fore and cneow bigeaÖ on ansyne ures drihtnes, and him wepan fore Öe us wrohte eer.

In (312) PPs alone has the construction. Though it produces an Early Middle English variant 'uton we + Inf (e.g. TrinHom 209.16 Ute we bergen us and PMor(L) 333 vte we us bi-werien), this periphrasis, together with 'V + we', gives way to Het us ...'.

Chapter 6 Conclusion

Since most verbs take an accusative object and/or indirect discourse, any synonyms with these features can be interchanged unless there are other conditions, such as a verb's being poetic, infrequent, or glossbound. In fact, there must be several reasons for a verb's becoming obsolete: phonological, morphological, syntactic, semantic, stylistic, and fashion. Factors like 'simplicity', 'ordinariness', or 'colorlessness' may also be considered in choosing a main verb. In this book I have focused particularly on semantic-syntactic conflicts between verbal synonyms in a particular semantic field (i.e. of a particular sense), because the verb is the core of a sentence, which has to be chosen properly in each context, and a choice must be made among the synonyms so that the verb may fit a given syntactic enviroiunent. I summarize conflicts among the native words and between the native and loan verbs discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. (1) In öe-verbs, beon/wesan was chosen to survive, because (gejweoröan was too heavy as a copula, was likely to occur in the passive construction, and had become closely associated with a few works like GD(H) and WHom. (2) In verbs of motion, gan in the ga«-group won the conflict because of its simplicity and because of the confusion between faran and feran, while the chiefly poetic gewitan and the Mercian leoran went out of use. (Ge)nealcecan, with its unwieldy length, was no rival for cuman. (Ge)wendan had a wider semantic ränge than cyrran, but, after its suppletion in the paradigm of gan, relinquished its place in favor of the once-infrequent verb tyrnan. (3) Among verbs of saying, cweöan was the commonest until secgan succeeded to its syntactic environments, giving in tum part of its function to tellan. Nemnan, ciegan, cleopian, and hatan were used in both active and passive constructions, until callen supplanted the latter three chiefly in the passive. Biddan, after it ousted hatan and giwian, seemed to

170

Conclusion

survive the morphological conflict with (be)beodan with a slight semantic change, while ascian ousted (ge)frignan. Andwyrdan was preferred in Li and andswarian in WSCp (in Ogura [ 1981:37] I explained that andwyrdan was often found in the works of Alfred and ^Ifric, while andswarian was widely used in both verse and prose); the survival of andswarian might have been fostered by the frequent occurence of the neun form. Various other minor verbs disappeared because they were limited to poetic use. (4) In verbs of thinking, Ijencan, after the morphological conflict with the 'impersonal' fyyncan, won out owing to its colorlessness, while wenan became restricted because of its predominant use in negative clauses. Gelyfan was supplanted by bileuen. All Old English verbs denoting 'to remember' gave way to a loan verb remembren, probably because they all govemed the genitive and so changed to a new phrase, be mindful of, and gepencan, after the decline of the prefix ge-, was hardly distinguished from fyencan (which was also changing in form). Pyncan, with its 'impersonal' use, lived through the medieval period, while semen became its rival (as is evidenced in the forms methinks and meseems) and finally replaced it. (5) In verbs of knowing, after all the bound-morph prefixes were gone, cnawan and witan survived the conflict and coexisted for a while until the latter became restricted in use. Forstandan was succeeded by understandan, while undergytan seemed to die with ongytan. Cunnan became an auxiliary. (6) In verbs of seeing, Mercian locian and West Saxon (ge)seon survived, while behealdan with its various meanings suffered conflicts with (ge)healdan and gieman. Sceawian outlived ceteowian and swutelian, while besceawian gave way to behealdan. (7) In verbs of causing and making, don, wyrcan, Icetan, andfremman (a comparatively infrequent West Saxon word) were used altematively. Don and wyrcan were main verbs meaning 'to work', while don and Icetan shared the syntactic feature of taking an infinitive and functioned as causative auxiliaries. Don finally settled into its solely syntactic function, and then Icetan and the once-infrequent macian began to show rivalry in their causative sense.

Conclusion

171

(8) In verbs of possessing habban and agan shared the field long enough to influence each other in the function of auxiliary of Obligation (e.g. [138]). In verbs of taking niman outlived the/on-group until it encountered a new rival, taken. (9) In verbs of Obligation and necessity, agan (with to-Inf) again was used beside sculan (with Inf), while gebyrian, gedafenian, and gerisan went out of use with their 'impersonal' construction, but behofian remained. As a füll verb, neodian, infrequent in Old English, took the place of (be)l)urfan and well-wom gedafenian. (10) In verbs of helping, helpan with dat. and/or gen. supplanted fultumian and fylstan, as the noun help supplanted fulturne. (11) In verbs of teaching, tcecan finally ousted Iceran, after the latter suffered a morphological confusion with leornian in Middle English. (12) In verbs of giving, bebycgan went out of use, though the nonprefixed bycgan survived the conflict with ceapian in the sense 'to buy', forgiefan gave way to the non-prefixed giefan and moved to another semantic field, and sellan came to be restricted to the meaning of 'to give away/up' in Late Old English. (13) In verbs of killing, cwellan and slean outlived cwelman and fordon, and the older slean became semantically restricted. In verbs of dying, sweltan was gradually replaced by beon dead; foröferan! foröfaran died because of its length and the confusion between the non-prefixed feran and faran, and deagan, a comparatively new member, came into common use. In the sense 'to fall (to die), lose (one's life), perish', forweordan disappeared as the non-prefixed form declined, (h)reosan with morphological variety and dreosan in its poetic use gave way to feallan and losian in general use. (14) In verbs of living and dwelling, libban survived owing to its colorlessness, while dwellan, an Early Middle English newcomer to the field 'to dwell', ousted the three verbs in conflict, wunian, eardian, and (in)buan. For the other semantic fields, in verbs of happening, (ge)limpan, gebyrian, gedafenian, and gerisan were used altematively in their 'impersonal' constructions, belonging to other fields 'to befit' and 'to belong' (and 'to be necessary' for the latter three), as well, until befeallan

172

Conclusion

and belimpan gained ground in Late Old English in place of all geverbs, and finally happen ended the conflict. Dremen moved from one field to another, from 'to make a noise' to 'to dream', together with the noun drem, and replaced swefnian and swefn mcetan. The adoption of plesen narrowed the semantic field of lician in personal, 'personal' (with nom. of thing and dat. of person), and 'impersonal' constructions and drove the old personal verb cweman out of use. These shifts of verbs in various semantic fields are necessarily accompanied by some syntactic changes. In Chapter 5, I selectively discussed some parallel constructions, such as passive vs. active and 'impersonal'vs. personal. Those syntactic changes I mentioned not only happen historically but also synchronically, and specifically rather than generally. For instance, the passive-man-periphrasis/active shift is often found with verbs of emotion (e.g. beon gescended vs. [a]scamian), verbs denoting a certain condition (e.g. beon acwelled vs. sweltan), verbs meaning 'to (be) call(ed)' (e.g. ben cleped vs. men clepes). The transitive-reflexive/intransitive shift is found with verbs of motion (e.g. he gceö [him], he resteö [hine]) and verbs of emotion (e.g. ich was awrake vs. ich me awrake\ see Ogura [1991c: 84-85]). The 'impersonal'personal shift (including 'personal') is found with verbs of emotion (e.g. him licajj vs. he cwemaÖ, mec hreowep vs. ic milsä), verbs of happening (e.g. me gelamp p vs. hit gelamp p), etc. Developments of prepositions and auxiliaries are notable changes from an ancient to a modern stage of the language. Prefixed verbs and verb-particle combinations had been used side by side in Old English and Early Middle Enghsh (e.g. ingan vs. gan in, up[a]hebban vs. hefe up), as long as the distinction between prefixed verbs and non-prefixed verbs was significant and as long as Old French prefixed verbs had a considerable influence on them. It is noteworthy that in Late Old English, bound-morph prefixed verbs ige-, be-, and a-) increased in number, while free-morph prefixed verbs are either preserved, abandoned, or changed to the verb-particle combination. 'Aux + Inf constructions were alternative to simple subjunctive forms and were able to appear without the influence of Latin periphrases. The choice between simple and periphrastic constructions seems stylistic, but the choice of the specific auxiliaries,

Conclusion

173

such as sculan or agan {to), or sculan or willan, sculan or magan, and the choice among all the varieties in (Early) Middle English works, can be dialectal or diachronic as well as stylistic. The occurence of double auxiliary constructions like shal (not) mowe may represent a transitional stage of the development of the whole auxiliary system. Finally, I shall summarize the main points of my study. (1) Morphological ambiguity can be a strong cause of syntactic and semantic changes. (2) Many changes appear greater than they actually are, owing to morphological changes (i.e. variant spellings). (3) Native conflicts are often more important and influential than the conflicts between native words and loan words. (4) Alongside actual loan verbs, it is Old Norse influence that reinforced Old English cognates of infrequent occurrence and caused morphological replacements. (5) Most of the replacements of one synonym by another, either native or foreign, are made rather easily because of the common syntactic features.

Notes

Chapter 1 1.

2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

1.

8. 9. 10.

Verbs with contracted forms originally has their stems which ended in -h, but, after the /-umlaut, lost -h and got a long vowel or a dipthong in compensation. They are />eon and wreon in class l,fleon and teon in class ll,ßolan in class lll,feon and seon in class V, slean and Jjwean in class VI, and fön and hön in class VII. See also 2.3. For the reduplication in Latin and Greek and the comparison between those and Germanic preterit systems, see Moore et al. (1977: 177-178). According to Mosse'(1952), mon, which goes back to OE munan, is found only in the North, and unnen (< OE unnan) was still in use in the 12th Century. No mention is made of (ge)nugan. Exclusively in the Northumbrian dialect. Mosse (1952) explains the North form gangand for a present participle as a survivor of that of the strong verb gangan (class VII). Three Middle English verbs cited in MED, i.Q.fären (< OEfaran and ßran), ferien (< OE ferian), and ferren (< OE feorian and firran), must have suffered confusion based on their morphosemantic similarity. See MED, s.v.fären. Verbs with only Modem English examples are befall, commence, continue, cut up, encrease, graduate, hold (out), keep, kithe, knit, leave o f f , linger, loom, paint, per severe, persist, result, set, sham, stay, stop, take, wear, and win. For further discussion see Ogura (1986b). Verbs with only Modem English examples are cloud, hurt, itch, shade, and wet. These verbs are added from Mitchell (1985: § 1092).

176

11.

12.

13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18. 19.

20. 21.

22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Notes

Visser classifies this verb here according to the context, i.e. vElfred, Boeth. (Cardale) 102,19, he hine swa orgellice upahofand bodode d(BS pcet he uöwita wcere, but the meaning of bodode alone may be 'declared'. This is actually gerestan and means 'to rest'. Again, Visser classifies the verb from the contextual meaning: Wfl. 39 forljon ic cefre ne mceg pcere modceare minre gerestan. I omit ceosan, which is also found under verbs of getting, etc. The only occurrence is in the pres. part. amd BT gives a sense 'ever thirsting': Or 130.31 he wces sinpyrstende monnes blödes. I omix felan, which has already been mentioned under verbs of rejoicing, etc. I also exclude sceamian, which is in verbs of regretting, etc. The sense seems best illustrated in Dan 225b and 450a. Met 10 29b, Met 25 53b, and CP(H) 323.16. I omit niman, which is in verbs of getting, etc. MRune 72 Gif he mot Öcer rihtes and gerysena onbrucan, cited in Visser, § 384, should be read on brucan. Cf. ASPR, MRune 72b73a. Bcedan, as Mitchell (1985: § 1092) says, means 'to require' when it takes a genitive, but 'to urge' when with an accusative. Toclipian (PPs [Bright] 4.4), tocwepan (Mk[WS] 14.65), togebiddan (MtfRu] 4.10), and tosprecan (Bede [Smith] 575.32), cited in Visser, § 323, should be read 'to + clipian/cwepan/ gebiddan/sprecan', though in Mt(Ru) 4.10, to also appears with the dative: to dryhtne Jjinum gode Öu togebidde {to gebidde in Skeat [1970]). Misseggen appears from Ancr(Nero) 186.82.21: bid-deö ^eorne uor peo Öet ou eni vuel doÖ. oper mis siggeÖ. Togepeodan can be accepted as a rendering of adjungere. Tohopian in Visser, § 323, PPs (Bright) 17.29 he is gefripiend celces Jjara Jje him tohopaÖ should be read to hopaS. Onfeohtan in Visser, § 323, Or 80.27 pcet him mon sceolde an ma healfa onfeohtan ponne on ane should be read on feohtan. Utberstan in Visser, § 323, should be read berstan ut.

Notes

27. 28. 29.

30. 31.

32. 33. 34. 35.

\11

The sense is quoted from CHM for W'/ZornCNapier) 190.17 Wa pam hirdum, ... Jje estaÖ heom silfum. See Visser, § 323, p. 309, fn.: "= to coax, not in B. & T., but see Clark Hall". Visser recognizes that the verb occurs with the reflexive object. But ofdon in § 696 should be 'o/ + don': Beo 671 pa he him of dyde isernbyrnan. Mitchell states that gehcelan takes acc. of person and gen. or prep. fr am + thing. These verbs should be considered as 'uplut + V , whether they are written with or without space after upjut. See Mitchell (1978), c. Prepositional adverbs used with transitive verbs. Ofaheawan in Visser, § 681, should be read aheawan'. For the interpretation of this nonce example, see Visser, § 1249. GeWitan must be added as a verb of motion. See Mitchell (1985), § 601: "... Visser proposed the terms 'modally zero' or 'modally non-marked form' and 'modally marked form', the latter being in practice a Substitute for both 'imperative' and 'subjunctive'. I give my reasons for rejecting these terms in Mitchell 1979b, pp. 537-538. But we must recognize that in practice there are in Old English four, not three, formal categories — indicative forms, imperative forms, subjunctive forms, and ambiguous forms such as woldest".

Chapter 2 1.

2. 3.

I avoid using the Lambeth Psalter (PsGlI) here because of its peculiar idiosyncrasy. For further reference see M.C. Morrell, A Manual of Old English Biblical Materials (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1965). For further discussion on 'Copula + Past Participle' of 'impersonal' verbs see Ogura (1986a; for is geworden, see p. 30 ff.). For this form see Mustanoja (1960), p. 525.

178

4. 5.

6.

7.

8. 9. 10.

11. 12. 13. 14.

15. 16.

Notes

Cf. Weman (1933), Chapter V. I follow the morphological forms cited in the Concordance to ASPR. For a verb with multiple meanings, like wendan ('to go', 'to tum [one's way]', 'to tum something into something', etc.), I count all instances. Sometimes onbeodan can be used as an altemative to bebeodan: e.g. GD(C) 172.5 [religioso viro Theopropo mandavit] he onbead l)am cewfestan were Theoprobo vs. (H) pam eawfcestan were Theoprobo jjcer rihte bebead. In a phrase 'gave an answer' in poetry, ondsware seems predominant. We have ageaf ondsware in And 285b, 617b, 643b, 1184b, 1345b, 1375b, El 455b, 462b, 662b, GuthB 1163b, 1224b, Jul 105b, 117b, 130b, 147b, 175b, 319b, and ondsware agefmAnd 628b, but ondwyrd ageaf occurs only once in El 619b. The verb is still found in AW^ (e.g. 18b.20 hare muö mapeled euer). For the altematives {jync}) and is gefyuht, see Ogura (1986a). For further discussion see S. Ono, "The Old English Verbs of Knowing", Studies in English Literature, English Number 1975: 33-60, and "Undergytan as a 'Wincester'Word", in D. Kastovsky and A. Szwedek (eds.), Linguistics across Historical and Geographical Boundaries in Honor of Jacek Fisiak, Berlin: Mouton, 1986: 565-577. For the investigation of Old English works, see Ono (1989). See Ogura (1981), pp. 205-206, and Ogura (1986a) for 'impersonal' periphrases like gedcefned beon. For this emendation see the notes in ASPR VI. ME le(o)rnen can be used in the sense 'to teach' (e.g. Orm 19613), and leren in the sense 'to leam' (e.g. Bestiary 328). See Ogura (1981), p. 46. For the explanation of the form doeg, see ASPR IV, notes, p. 158. Mt(Li) uses gemetan five times (in contrast to [in-, on-, ge-]findan 17 times) after Mt 20.6, and Jn(WSCp) uses findan eight times (in contrast to gemetan 12 times) after Jn 7.34.

Notes

179

Chapter 3 1. 2.

3.

4.

I mentioned this in Ogura (1986b), p. 104. As I used the terms in Ogura (1986b), I distinguished impersonal from 'impersonal' (with dat./acc. pers.) and personal from 'personal' (with dat./acc. pers. and nom. thing). For a short history of these synonymous nouns and verbs, see B.C. Ehrensperger, "Dream Words in Old and Middle English", PMLA 46 (1931), 80-89. Examples are not confined to glosses; cueme & licige is found in CP(H} 147.20 and 147.21. (Ge)lystan, because of its double meanings of volition and emotion, becomes synonymous with willan (GD 34.29) as well as (ge)lician. See Ogura (1986b), Chap. III, D.

Chapter 4 1.

2.

3.

See Visser, § 144: "It is possible that in the process of transitivation a röle was also played by the dropping into disuse of almost all the transitive verbs formed by means of the prefix be- from intransitive verbs, e.g. bebark, bedwell, bechirp, beflow, befly, begaze, beglide, beglitter, bego, behoot, beleap, belie, bemew, berain, beride, berow, beshite, beshriek, besit, bescramble, bescratch, besparkle, beswink; OE befaran, betihtlian, betimbran, bewitan, bewlatian. For the study of Old English prefixed verbs, particularly from the viewpoint of the meanings of Old English prefixes, see Brinton (1988), especially p. 202 ff., and also see Juan M. de la Cruz, "Old English pure prefixes: structure and function", Linguistics 145 (1975), 47-82. Sometimes, often in biblical contexts, prefixed verbs can be preserved: e.g. Wyc Lk(EV) 20.18 schal be brysid ... schal breke vs. (LV) schal be to-bhsid ... schal to-breke.

180

Notes

Chapter 5 1. 2.

3.

4.

5.

6. 7.

See Chapter 2, 13., and Ogura (1985). For this subject see David Denison, "Aspects of the History of English Group-Verbs, with particular attention to the syntax of the Oraiulum", diss. Oxford (1981) for linguistic viewpoints, Risto Hiltunen, "The decline of the prefixes and the beginnings of the English phrasal verb", diss. Oxford (1982) for Old English and Early Middle English prose, and Denise Cavanaugh, "The verb and particle collocation in Old English poetry", diss. Oxford (1986) for Old English poetry. For a discussion of the terminology see Mitchell (1978). When PsGlA and D are compared, the following correspondences are found (the most frequent forms are used for citation): hefe up vs. upahefe six times (Ps 7.7, 20.14, 36.34, 56.6, 56.12, 107.6), hefe up vs. ahefe once (93.2), ahofun up vs. ahofon once (82.3), upahefen vs. upahefen 31 times, upahof\s. ahof six times, and uphebbe vs. upahebbe 14 times. Cf. Cavanaugh (1986: 294, Chap. IV B — The P-V Sequence): "(1) it appears that P [particle] cannot be used to form a verbal Compound unless it belongs to the set of particles which may occur without stress." She makes notes on the exception to this Statement, i.e. denominative verbal Compounds, e.g. utlagian from ütlag. See also Hiltunen (1982: 17-20). A crucial morphological difference is that Old English had to use for(e)- for both MnG ver- and vor- (because fore- 'before' tended to be written as for-) and to- for zer- and zu-. In my forthcoming article entitled "The interchangeability of OE verbal prefixes" I am going to emphasise a much more separable (or independent from the verb stem and interchangeable) feature of Old English prefixes than of Modem German prefixes. Charles Plummer and John Earl, eds., (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889). The former example is cited by Denison (1981: 59) and the latter by Cavanaugh (1986: 297) as "sufficient proof that the sequence is not a Compound".

Notes

181

8. 9.

For a more detailed investigation see Ogura (1992). See D.R. McLintock, "To Forget' in Germanic", TPS (1972), 79-93. 10. He may be right in saying: "In so far as this combination is not merely of a stylistic or rhythmical nature, the 5CM/an-construction adds to the command or exhortation an authoritative or preceptive tone" (1934: 20). If the simple subjunctive appears first and then comes the sculan-construction, I should say that the subjunctive form is not strong enough to convey the hortative sense. But in fact the Order is quite the opposite and sete is used in the alliterating Position, instead of an infinitive setan, which is more likely to occur. 11.

Cursor(C) 9290 sal cun knau is another example of the pleonastic use of con/can by the contamination with conne. Cf.(G) sal knaw and (T) shal to know.

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Appendix

This appendix aims to list all the variant forms of the verbs examined in this study in the versions of Gosp and Ps. Numbers in brackets refer to the examples in Chapters 2 to 5. For Gosp I enumerate the forms of the verbs in L (the Vulgate on Li), Li, Ru {1 and 2), WSCp, WSH, Wyc EV and LV, and for Ps, L for the Roman texts (with L for the Gallican texts and variant forms in square brackets) and glosses A to M and P (Bright & Ramsay [1907] for Ps 1-50 and PPs for Ps 51-150, with underlined consonants indicating alliteration).

(2)Lk 14.33 (3)Mr5.18 (4) Jn 3.9 (5) MM .22

L Esto es mittaris esse fiant fieri factum est

(6) Lk 14.22 (14) Mf 4.12 (15) Mf 4.23 (16) Mf6.10 (17) Mf 1.18

dictum est factum est secessit circum-ibat adueniat conuenirent

(l)Mf5.25

(18) Mf 24.35 (23) Lk 8.37

transibunt non praeteribunt reuersus est

(24) Lk 2.39

reuersi sunt

Li uaes bist bist gesended wosa sie wosa 1 geuoröa geworden is 1 gewear5 gecueden is aworden wzes 1 is gewoende ymb-eade to-cymeö gegeadradon \ gecuomun gelioraÖ ne gelioreÖ eft-cerde \ cerrende gecerdon 1 awo-

Ru wass 1 beo sie se sended wosa geweorJ)e wosa geworden is l wass acweden is \ waes aworden wjes gewat geond eade cume to to-somne cwoman geleoraj) ne leoraÖ

gicerdun 1 woemde

192

Appendix

(l)Mf5.25

(2) Lk 14.33 (3)Mf5.18 (4) Jn 3.9 {5)

Mtl.22

(6) Lk 14.22 (14)MM.12 (15) Mr 4.23 (16) Mf6.10 (17) Mf 1.18 (18) Mf 24.35 (23) Lk 8.37 (24)

Lk239

WSCp

WSH

Beo eart sy send beon gewuröan geworöan Waes geworden gecweden wass hit ys gedon ferde beferde to-becume tosomne becomun gewitaö ne gewitaö wende agen ge-hwurfon

Beo eart syo gesend beon gewuröan ge-wuröon Waes geworöan gecwa;öen wass hit is ge-don ferde beferde to-becume to-somne coman gewitoö ne gewiteÖ wende on-gen hwurfon

Appendix

{\)Mt 5.25

(2) Lk 14.33 (3) M? 5.18 (4) 7« 3.9 {5)Mt 1.22 (6) LÄ: 14.22 (14) Mf 4.12 (15) Mf 4.23 (16) Mf 6.10 (17) Mf 1.18 (18) Mf 24.35 (23) Lk 8.37 (24) U 2.39

WycEV Be art be sente be be don be don was don was seid it is don wente enuyraunyde cumme to shulden come to gidre shulen passe shulen nat passe tumed a5ein tumyden a3en

LV Be art be sent be be doon be don was don was seid it is don wente 5ede aboute come to camen schulen passe schulen not pa tumede asen tumeden a5en

193

Appenaix

(25) Lk 2 2 . 3 2 (26) Lk 14.25

L conuersus conuersus

Li gecerred bist efne awoennde

Ru gicerred bist efne ast-edwed

Waes

( 4 2 ) / « 16.29

(43) Jn 4.25

(44) Mr 28.10 ( 4 5 ) 7 « 1.42 (46) Mt 2.23

(47) M M 1.16

dicunt loqueris dicis dicit dicitur adnuntiabit ait nuntiate uocaueris interpretatur uocatur dictum est uocabitur aestimabo clamantes

( 4 8 ) / n 15.15

non dico

(49) Mt 1.24 (50) Mt 1.1 (5l)Mt\9.\l (52) Mt 25.37

dixi precepit Petite interrogas respondebunt

(53) Mf 26.33 (69) Mt 17.25

Respondens uidetur

(70) Mr 26.16 (74) Mt 5.23

quaerebat recordatus fueris recordamini

(75) Mt 16.9

cuoedon spreces cueöes cueö is gecueden gessgeö cueö saecgas bist geciged is getrahtad is genemned gecuoeden waes geceiged biÖ woeno gecliopadon l cliopende ne saego \ ne cuoeöo cuoeö geheht giwias t gebiddas befregnes ondueardas l ondsuerigaÖ ondsuorode 6e gesegen is 1 Öe geöence sohte eft-Öencende bist l beöences eft eft-gemynas 1

cwedun spreces cweöes cwasö gi-sasgeÖ cwasj) saecgaj) bist giceged is gitrahtad hatte acweden waes biö nemned ehtu clipende ne cwe5o cwaeö bebead biddaj) geaxast 1 frasgnast jswasrigat) jswarade öyncet) Jie gesohte gemyne bist myngaÖ

Appendix

(25) Lk 22.32 (26) Lk 14.25 (42) Jn 16.29

(43) Jn 4.25

(44) Mf 28.10 {A5)Jn 1.42 (46) Mt 2.23

(47) Mf 11.16 (48)7/1 15.15 (49) Mf (50) Mf (51) Mf (52) Mt (53) Mf (69) Mf (70) Mf (74) Mf (75) Mf

1.24 7.7 19.17 25.37 26.33 17.25 26.16 5.23 16.9

cyrre gewend bewend cwjedon sprycst segst cwzej) is genemned cyÖ CWEEÖ cyj5aÖ bist genemned is gereht is genemned ge-cweden wass byÖ genemned teile hrymaö Ne teile tealde bebead BiddaJ) axast jswariaÖ jwyrde t)incÖ t)e smeade gejjencgst geJjenceaÖ

WSH cyre ge-wend be-wend cwaeöen sprecst segst cwasö ys ge-nemned cyö cwaeÖ kyöeö beost ge-nemned ys ge-reht is genemned gecweöen wass byÖ genemned teile rymaÖ Ne teile tealde bebead ByddeÖ axost andsweriaÖ answerede {jincö {je smeagde gejjencst geJjenceÖ

195

196

Appendix

(25) Lk 22.32 (26) Lk 14.25 (42) Jn 16.29

(43) Jn 6.25

(44) Mt 28.10 (45) Jn 1.42

(46) Mt 2.23

(47) Mr 11.16 ( 4 8 ) / n 15.15 (49) Mf (50) Mt (51) Mf (52) Mt (53) Mf (69) Mt (70) Mf (74) Mf (75) Mt

1.24 7.7 19.17 25.37 26.33 17.25 26.16 5.23 16.9

WycEV

LV

conuertid mmed Seyen spekist seist seyden seyde seie seith teile be clepid is interpretid is clepid is Said shal be clepid shal gesse cryinge schal not seye haue seid comaundide Axe axist shulen answere answerynge

conuertid tumede seiden spekist seist seiden seide seie seide teile ys clepid is to seie ys clepid was seid shal be clepid schal gesse crien schal not clepe haue clepid comaundide Axe axist answerynge answeride

sou5te shalt bythenke han mynde of

sou5te bithenkist han mynde of

Appendix

(82) Mt 24.26 (83) Mf 7.16 (84)7« 10.15 (85) Jn 8.55

(86) Lk (95) Mt (96) Mf (97) Mf (98) Mt

13.25 6.6 6.16 6.26 6.28

(99) Mt 16.21 (100) Mf3.7 (101) Mt 24.4 (114) Mf 3.3 (115) Mf 5.36 (116) Mf 6.2 (124) M)t 11.23 (125) Lyt 16.16 (126) L/t 21.28 (132) Mf 10.9 (133) L/: 18.12 (139) Mf 2.14

L credere cognoscetis nouit agnosco non cognouistis noui non scio scio nescio uidet pareant respicite considerate ostendere demonstrauit uidete facite facere facies faciunt fiat fiet facit fieri nolite possidere possideo accepit

Li gelefa ongeatas l oncnauaes uat ongetto ne ongeto conn l wat nat uat ne connic gesiiÖ \ locas se gesene behaldas 1 locas sceauiges 1 locas 1 behaues ast-eaua asd-euaÖ geseas doeS l wyrcas geuirce doas gewyrcas sie biÖ gesald wyrcas to wosanne nallas agnege ah l agnigo onfeng

197

Ru lefaö ongetaj) wutun ongeto ne ongetun watt ne waet watt ne con gesihÖ sie geseanae geseojj t behaldef) sceawiaj) eawan getahtas geseäej) wircaj) gewirce wirce doan sie sald

ne sculon agan ah genom

198

Appendix

(82) Mf 24.26 (83) Mf 7.16 (84)/M 10.15 (85) Jn 8.55

(86) Lk 13.25 (95) Mf 6.6 (96) Mf 6.16 (97) Mf 6.26 (98) Mt 6.28 (99) Mt 16.21 (100) Mf 3.7 (101) Mf 24.4 (114) Mf 3.3 (115) Mf 5.36 (116) Mf 6.2 (124) M)t 11.23 (125) U 16.16 (126) LÄ: 21.28 (132) Mf 10.9 (133) Lfc 18.12 (139) Mit 2.14

WSCp ge-lyfe undergytaö can can ne cuöon cänn ne cunne cann Ne can ge-syhÖ agt-eowün Be-healdaö BesceawiaÖ swutelian geswutelode wamiaö dol) gedön sylle doÖ gewuröe gewyrÖ wyrcaö

WSH gelyfe under-gyteÖ can can ne cuöan can ne cunne can Ne can sihö jeteowun Behealded BescewiaÖ swutelian geswutolode Wamiaö doÖ don sylle doö ge-wuröe ge-wurö

nasbbe hasbbe nam

nasbben hasbbe nam

Appendix

(82) Mt 24.26 (S3)Mt7A6

(84)/n 10.15 (85) Jn 8.55

(86) Lyt 13.25 (95) Mt 6.6 (96) Mf 6.16 {91) Mt

6.26

(98) Mf 6.28 (99) Mt 16.21 (100) Mf 3.7 (101) M? 24.4 (114) Mf 3.3 (115) 5.36 (116) M? 6.2 (124) M/: 11.23 (125) M 16.16 (126) LÄ: 21.28 (132) Mf 10.9 (133) L/t 18.12 (139) Mf 2.14

WycEV

LV

bileue shulen knowe hath knowun knowe han not knowen haue knowe woot not woot knowe not Seeth seme Beholde Beholde for to shewe shewide Se make make dost don be maad schal be maad makith to be don Nyl 3e weiden haue toke

trowe schulen knowe hath knowun knowe han not knowun haue knowun knowe knowe knowe not Seeth be not Seen Biholde Biholde to schewe shewide Loke make make doist doon schal be don schal be don doith to be maad Nyle 5e weide haue took

199

200

Appendix

L accipitis (140)/« 3.11 (141)Afn9.12 capere capiat (142) MÄ: 12.13 caperent (143) M 9.11 excepit (147) M H . 2 genuit genuit genuit (148) MM .20 natum est (149)//j 3.7 oportet (150) Lyt 16.5 (151)M?3.15 (153) Mf 5.29 (154)Mn8.6 (168)Mn2.3 (173) Mf5.42 (174) Mf 18.25 (179) Mf 2.19 (180) Mt 15.4 (181)7/118.32

(195)Mn0.21 (198) Mr 23.21 (205) M? 2.2 (208) Mr 2.11 (209) LÄ: 24.24

debes decet expedit expedit non legistis petit dä uenundari defuncto morte moriatur qua esset morte moriturus morte afficient inhabitat adorare inuenerunt inuenerunt inuenerunt

Li Ru onfoas onfoas nioman genioma nime geniomas genome l geteldon ginomun l giteldun on-gan genom cende l gestrionde cende cende akenned is acenned is geriseÖ t behofaö geriseö 1 bihofaÖ t gedjefneö aht to geldanne sculon gedjefnad is bel)erfe5 behoflic is behofas l behoflic bejjearfej) ah hreordej) ne leomade bidde giueö sele sei pte were beboht bebycgan wass dead deadade 1 dead wass deaöa swaeltej) of dea5e sie of huaslcum deaöe of hwelcum were deoöe deod uere dead miÖ deaöe ofslaes deat)e cwelmaj) inbyeÖ to woröianne gefundun gemoeton moeton

earda^) to gebiddenne gemoettun gimoetun ge-segun

Appendix

(140)/« 3.11 (141) Mf 19.12 (142) M/t 12.13 (143) M 9.11 (147) Mf 1.2

(148) Mr 1.20 (149) Jn 3.1 (150) Lk 16.5 (151) M? 3.15 (153) M? 5.29 (154)Mn8.6 (168) Mt 12.3 (173) Mt 5.42 (174)Mn8.25 (179) Mf 2.19 (180) Mf 15.4 (181)7« 18.32 (195) Mf 10.21 (198) Mf 23.21 (205) Mt 2.2 (208) Mf2.11 (209) Lk 24.24

WSCp under-foÖ under-nyme under-nyman befengon onfeng gestrynde gestrynde gestrynde acenned ys gebyra5 scealt gedafnaÖ ys betere betere ys ne raedde Syle bidde gesyllan w£es forö-faren swelte deat)e hwylcon deaöe swulte to deal)e fordet) eardia5 to ge-eadmedenne gemetton gemetton gesawon

WSH under-foÖ under-nime under-nymen be-fengen onfeng gestreonede gestrenode gestreonede gekenned ys ge-bered scealt geJjafenaÖ is betere betere ys ne redde Syle bidde ge-syllan Waes forö-faren swelte deaöe hwilcen deaÖe swulte to deaöe fordoö eardiaÖ to ge-eadmedenne metten ge-metton seagen

201

202

Appendix

(140)/n 3.11 (141) MJ 19.12 (142) M/t 12.13 (143) LÄ: 9.11 (147)Mn.2

(148) Mr 1.20 (149) Jn 3.7 (150) LÄ: 16.5 (151) M? 3.15 (153) Mf5.29 (154)Mn8.6 (168) Mf 12.3 (173) Mr 5.42 (174) Mt 18.25 (179) Mf 2.19 (180)Mn5.4 (181) y« 18.32 (195)Mn0.21 (198) A/f (205) Mt (208) Mr (209) Lk

23.21 2.2 2.11 24.24

Wyc EV taken take take take receyuyde gendride bigate bigate is bom bihoueth owist becummeth speedith spedith han nat rad 5if axith to be sold dead dye by deth bi what deeth he was to deiynge shulen tourmente bi deth dwellith for to wirshipe founden founden founden

LV taken take take take resseyuede bigat bigat bigat is borun bihoueth owist fallith spedith spedith han not red 3yue axith to be seid was deed die bi deeth bi what deth he schulde die schulen turmente bi deeth dwellith to worschipe founden founden founden

Appendix

1

L

Li

Ru

(261) MM. 10

congregans prohibebat negabo relictis oderunt mentientes timere laboratis esse solliciti sollicitus erit paretis tollet tolle tolle mittatis placuit iudicatis iudico iudico iudico recordati sunt seruies

gesomnade werede onsaeco foletende hatej) \ fiegas ligende forhtige winnaj) sorgia}) sorgat) (sie) beoj) asteawef) nimeö nim nim gewearpaj) licade ge-doemas doemu doemu dome eft-gimyndge werun Öewige

(262) MM. 11 (263) MÄ: 1.31 (264) Mk 12.10 (265) Lk 7.21

ministrabant ministrabat curare curauit

gesomnade fore-soc l forbead onsaecco forleorton laeöas 1 laeÖedon gesuicas 1 waeges ondrede wyrcas 1 winnes sie gemendo gemende biÖ gesene biö nimeö nim nim sendas gelicade gedoemas doemo gedoemo doemo eftmyndigo l uoeron gehere 1 ge-embehte ge-embehtadon ge-emb-ehtade gerne l gelecnia lecnade

(211) Mf 2.4 (219) Mf3.14 (221) M/: 14.31 (222)MM.20 (223) Mt 5.44 (228) Mf 5.11 (229) Mt 28.5 (234) Mf 11.28 (235) Mt 6.34 (242) Mt 23.28 (247) Jn 15.2 (248)7« 19.15 (251) Mf 7.6 (256) Mt 14.6 (258) y« 8.158.16 (259) Jn 5.30 (260)/« 12.16

Öasgnadun gej}a2gnade haelon

204

Appendix

(211) Mr 2.4 (219) Mf 3.14 (221) MÄ: 14.31 (222) Mf 4.20 (223) Mt 5.44 (228) Mf 5.11 (229) Mt 28.5 (234) Mf 11.28 (235) Mt 6.34 (242) Mt 23.28 (247) Jn 15.2 (248)/« 19.15 (251) Mf 7.6 (256) Mt 14.6 (258)/n 8.15-8.16

(259) Jn 5.30 (260)/n 12.16 (261) Mr 4.10 (262) M M . 11 (263) MÄ: 1.31 (264)Mn2.10 (265) Lk 7.21

WSCp gegaderode forbead ast-sace forleton yfel doÖ leogende on-drasde swincaÖ hogiende caraÖ astywaÖ deö aweg nim nim wurpen licode demaö deme deme deme gemundon ge-eaömetsö (sie) l)enodon {jenode to hzelenne ge-ha:lde

WSH gegaderede forbead a5t-sace forlasten yfel doÖ leogende on-draede swinkeÖ hugiende chareÖ atewiaö deö aweig nym nym ge-wurpen likede demaö deme deme deme ge-munden ge-eadmestÖ (sie) J)egneden {)enode to haslen ge-haside

Appendix

(211) (219) (221) (222) (223) (228) (229) (234) (235)

Mr 2.4 Mt2>.\A Myt 14.31 Mt 4.20 Mt 5.44 Mf5.ll Mt 28.5 Mf 11.28 Mt 6.34

(242) Mt 23.28 (247) 7« 15.2 ( 2 4 8 ) / n 19.15 (251) Mf 7.6 (256) Mt 14.6 (258)7/18.15-8.16

(259) Jn 5.30 ( 2 6 0 ) / « 12.16 (261)MM.10 (262) Mf 4.11 (263) Mit 1.31 (264) Mt 12.10 (265) Lk 7.21

Wyc EV gedrynge forbeed denye forsakyn baten lee5ing drede traueilen be besie shal be besie aperen schal do a wey Do a wey do a wey sende pleside to demen deme deme iuge recordiden shalt serue serueden mynystride to to heele heelide

LV gederide forbede denye leften hatiden liynge drede tarueilen be bisy shal be bisi semen schal take awey Take awei take awei caste pleside demen deme deme deme hadden mynde shalt serue serueden seruede to hele heelide

205

206

Appendix

(270) M 17.20 (271)Mn9.25 (272)Mn4.11

Interrogatus auditis saluus esse allatumest

(275) M H 5.32 (284) Lk 17.6

datum est misereor transplantare

(285) Lk\35 (286) Jn 6.23 (287) Lk 11.22

superueniet superuenerunt superueniens uicerit

(291) M? 9.22 (292) Mt 25.35

saluamfecit salua facta est esuriui

(293) Mf 11.3

sitiui uenturuses

expectamus Oportebat transire (295)/« 4 . 7 ^ . 8 haurire emerent (294) Jn 4.4

(296) Mf 20.15 (297) Mt 20.22

non licet mihi bibiturus sum

(298) Mr 26.1

Factum est consummasset

Li Ru gefrognen wass gifrognen wass weron gehered ge-yrdon hal wosa hal beon gebroht l gefered broht wass wses gesäld wass sald wass willic milsa mec hreowejj ofer-plontia 1 of plontum gisette gesette ofer-cymeö ofer-cymeö ofercuomon ofer comon ofercymmend ofer-cymes gebindeÖ i gebinde 1 forcyme fore-cymeS hal dyde hahie dyde hal geworden waes warö hal ic gehyncgerde t mec yngrade (sie) ic wass hincgrig ic waes öyrstig mec t)yrste to cymende cwome scalt wses 1 is bidas bide}) uajs gedaefenlic waes gidaefendlic oferfoerde oferfoerde to lädanne to hladanne bochton 1 bohtun ceapadon ne is rehtlic me ah me is alasfed drincende beom 1 drincande beom drinca willo geworden waes geworden was l gewarÖ ge-endade ge-endade 1geendade

Appendix

(270) Lk 17.20 (211) Mt 19.25 (272) Mf 14.11 (275) Mt 15.32 (284) Lk 17.6 (285) Lit 1.35 (286) Jn 6.23 (287) L/t 11.22 (291) Mr 9.22 (292) Mt 25.35 (293) Mr 11.3 (294) Jn 4.4 (295) / n 4 . 7 ^ . 8 (296) Mt 20.15 (297) Mt 20.22 (298) M? 26.1

WSCp ahsodon ge-hyrdon gehealdon man brohte sealde ic ge-miltsige sy ... aplantud becymt) comon ofer ... cymÖ ofer-winö gehaslde wass gehaeled Me hingrode me Jjyrste tö cumenne eart sceolon abidan him gebyrode sceolde faran Wolde feccan woldon bicgan ne mot ic to drincenne hasbbe haefde ge-endud

WSH axoden ge-hyrdon ge-healden man brohte sealde ich gemiltsige syo ... aplanted be-kymd coman ofer ... cym5 ofer-swi5 helde wass ge-hffiled Me hingrede me {)yrste to cumene ert sculon abyden hym ge-byrode scolde faran Wolde feccan woldon beggen ne mot ic to drinken hasbbe hafde ge-endod

207

208

Appendix LV

(270) M 17.20 (271) Mr 19.25 (272) Mf 14.11 (275) Mt 15.32 (284) M 17.6 (285) L/: 1.35 {2S6)Jn6.23

(287) LÄ: 11.22 (291) Mr 9.22 (292) Mt 25.35 (293) Mt

11.3

(294)/n 4.4 (295)7« 4 . 7 ^ . 8 (296) Mi 20.15 (297) Mt 20.22 (298) Mr 26.1

answeride herd be saaf is brou5t is 30uen haue rewthe be plauntid ouer schal come camen comynge aboue ouercome hath made saaf was maad saaf was hungry thristide art to cummynge abiden bihofte to passe for to drawe schulden bye is nat leful to me am to drynke is don hadde eendid

answerde herd be saaf was brou3t was 50uun haue reuthe be ouerplauntid schal come camen come vpon ouercome hath maad saaf was hool hungride thristide schal come abiden bihofte to passe to drawe to bie is not leuefui to me schal drynke was doon hadde endid

Appendix

(299) Mt 18.24 (300) Mr 18.28 (30S)Jn7.n

(309)

Jn

15.7

(310)1/: 1.20

L

Li

Ru

debebat debebat debes uoluerit facere cognoscet manseritis manserint uolueritis petetis fiet non poteris loqui

ahte to geldanne ahte to geldenna aht to geldanne uaelle geuyrca ongetteö wunias gewunias ujelle giuas \ biddeÖ bi5 sald ne masge gesprece

scalde sculde scealt willige ongeataÖ wunigas wunigo welle giowiga bis sald ne masge gispreaca

209

210

Appendix

(299) Mt 18.24 (300) Mf 18.28 (308)7« 7.17 (309) Jn 15.7

(310)

Lk\.10

WSCp

WSH

sceolde sceolde scealt wyle don gecwemö (sie) wunia5 wunia5 biddaÖ wyllon byÖ sprecan ne miht

scolde scolde scelt wile don ge-cnaw5 wuniaö wuniaÖ biddaÖ willed beod sprasken ne miht

Appendix

(299) Mt 18.24 (300) Mt 18.28 (308)/n 7.17 (309) / n 15.7

(310) U 1.20

Wyc EV ow3te 0U5te owist schal wilne to do schal knowe schulen dwelle schulen dwelle schulen wilne schulen axe schal be do schalt not mowe speke

LV

ou5te ou5te owest wole do schal knowe dwellen dwelle wolen schulen axe schal be don schalt not mow speke

211

212

Appendix

Roman fiat factum est estis es (ad)es (19) Ps 77.39 uadens (20) Ps 103.23 exiet ( 2 1 ) ^ 5 142.2 intres introite Ps 95.8 (22) Ps 89.6 transeat pertranseat (27) Ps 77.44 conuertit auertit ( 2 8 ) ^ 5 21.25 (54)/>s 101.24 respondit enuntia ( 5 5 ) ^ 5 118.42 respondebo (68) PÄ 61.11 sperare concupiscere {l\)Ps 118.59 cogitaui (72) Ps 118.129 scrutata est speraui (73) Ps 118.81 (102) P s 24.16 respice (103) Ps 44.5 intende (104) Ps 83.10 aspice respice ( 1 1 1 ) ^ 5 141.5 considerabam uidebam (7) Ps 68.23 (8) Ps 68.11 (9) P 5 8 I . 6 Ps 138.8

A sie geworden is earun earÖ bist fearende utgaeÖ ga inn ingaÖ leoreÖ ÖorhleoreÖ gecerde forcerreö ondsweorede sege ondsweoriu gehyhtan gewillian Öohte scmegende wes gehyhte geloca behald geloca geloca sceawade gesaeh

B sie 5eworden is sindon bist bist farende ut3®d 5a in in5ad leored durhleored 5ecerde forcirred ondswarode ssese andswari5e 5ehyhtan 3ewilnian l)ohte smea5ende is 5ehyhte 5eloca behald 3eloca 5eloca sceawode 5eseah

Appendix

(7) Ps 68.23 (8) Ps 68.11

sy 3ewordyn hit ys syndon (9) ^5 81.6 eart Ps 138.8 eart farynde (19) Ps 77.39 (20) Ps 103.23 ut5aBÖ 5a inn (21) Ps 142.2 inn3aÖ Ps 95.8 leoryÖ (22) Ps 89.6 JjurhleoryÖ Secyrde (27) Ps 77.44 forcyrryö (28)21.25 (54) Ps 101.24 5eandswarode se5e (55) Ps 118.42 5eandswari3e 5ehihtan (68) Ps 61.11 3ewilnian (71) P j 118.59 Jjohte (72) Ps 118.129 smea3ynde waes {l?,)Ps 118.81 3ehihte (102) PslA.ie 5eloca beheald (103) 44.5 (104)^5 83.10 3eloca Seseoh sceawode ( l l l ) P j 141.5 3eseah

D sie 5edon

E

syndon eart eart 3ewitende 3an3e in3ä 5aÖ in 5ewite5 fareÖ acyrde acyrde andwyrde 5ecyt) antswari3e hyhtan 3ytsian l)ohte scrundnode hyhte beseoh beloca l beheald 3eseoh 3eseoh besceawode 5eseah

sindon is

beo geworden is

gangende geÖ gonge inganga5 feraet Jjurhferet acerde acyrde andswerode onsiege andswerige wenaen 1 hyhten gytsian Öohte smeaegende is wene locs 1 syoh beheasld loca loca gesceaewige gesio

213

214

Appendix

(7) Ps 68.23 (8) Ps 68.11 (9)81.6 Ps 138.8 (19) Ps 77.39 (20) Ps 103.23 (21) Ps 142.2 Ps 95.8 (22) Ps 89.6

(27) Ps 77.44 (28) Ps 21.25 (54) Ps 101.24 [nuncia] (55) Ps 118.42 (68) Ps 61.11

F geweoröe geworden is syndon eart eart gongende utfaerö inga ingaö gewiteö fareö

cyrde awende andwyrde gecyö answarige hopian gytsian (71) Ps 118.59 sohte (72) Ps 118.129 smeagende is (73) Ps 118.81 [spersperaui] ofer opude (102) Ps 24.16 beheald begym (103) Ps 44.5 (104) Ps 83.10 beheald geseoh sceawode ( l l l ) P s 141.5 geseah

G sy gedon is syndon eart eart farende gange inga ingaö gewiteö [transeat] faraö acyrde onweg acyrreÖ andswarode gecyö

H sie gedon is sindon

gewitende gange gaÖ in gewiteö [tra(n)seat] far(eö) acyrde andswarude gecyt)

hyhtan g[]hihtan gytsian gytsian {johte scrudnod is [supersperaui] oferhihte beseoh \ beheald beseah []heald t loca beloca 1 beh geseoh geseoh geloca 1 beheald geloca besceawode geseah

Appendix

(7) Ps 68.23 (8) 68.11 (9) Ps ^1.6 Ps 138.8 (19) Ps 77.39 (20) Ps 103.23 (21) Ps 142.2 Ps 95.8 (22) Ps 89.6 [transeat] (27) Ps 11.44 (IS) Ps

21.25

(54) Ps 101.24

(55) Ps 118.42 (68) Ps 61.11 (71) Ps 118.59 (72) Ps 118.129 (73) Ps 118.81 (102) Ps 24.16 (103) Ps 44.5 (104) Ps 83.10 ( l l l ) P s 141.5

/

J

K

beo hit is geworden syndon eart eart farende [exihibit] utfasrö 1 utgasj) far infarat) gewitej) gewite^) gewasnde framawende t acyrde andwyrde cyö

sy geworden is sindon eart eart [exibit] gange inga ingat) gewitej) faraj) acirde aweg cirreÖ

5ewyr{3e don is beoÖ ert eart farende [exibit] 3an5e in3a ingaö 5ewita5 5ewitat) 3ecyrde cyrde

ajjwirde [nuncia] gecytje swerige hyhtan gytsian sohle smeagende is [supersperaui] ofer hihte geloca beheald geseoh geseoh besceawode

andswerode [nuncia] 5ecy]3 andswarode hüitan 5idsian [johte scrudnode [supersperaui] ofer hihte beseoh beheald geseoh jeseoh besceawode

geseah

3eseh

andswarige truwian gewilnian geöohte asmeagende is [spersperaui] swyöe hopade beseoh begem beheald loca gesceawode l beheold geseah

215

216

Appendix

(7) Ps 68.23 (8) Ps 68.11 (9) P 5 8 I . 6 Ps 138.8 (19) Ps 77.39 (20) Ps 103.23 (21) Ps 142.2 Ps 95.8 (22) Ps 89.6 (27) Ps 77.44 (28) Ps 21.25 (54) Ps 101.24

L sie geworden is

ga in

andswarige

(71) PÄ 118.59 (72) Ps 118.129 (73) F i 118.81 (102) P i 24.16 ( 1 0 3 ) ^ 5 44.5 (104) Ps 83.10

sot)te smeagende is gehihte

gangende gain

acyrde andswarode saege j gecyö

P weoröe synd sittest byst

gewitende

(55) PÄ 118.42 (68) 61.11

(III) Ps 141.5

M

in gangaö gewiteö wende gecyrraÖ

gecyt) andwyrde gewenan Jjencean {jence smeaÖ i seceö hogode j sohte geseoh geheald beseoh oncnaw sceawade

Appendix

Roman (117) F i 7.16 fecit faciens (118) Ps 9.17 (119) Ps 142.10 facere decet (152) Ps 32.1 (163) Ps 36.40 adiuuabit (164) Ps 88.20 posui adiutorium (167) Ps 17.35 docet (175) Ps 67.12 dabit (183) Ps 36.32 considerat queret perdere decidam (184) Ps 7.5 cadet (185) Ps 9.31 (186) Ps 36.28 peribit habitatis (199) Ps 48.2 (206) 71.11 adorabunt (215)^5 105.17 aperta est (224) Ps 17.18 oderunt (255) Ps 55.13 placeam (274) Ps 105.38- infecta est contaminata est 40 fomicati sunt iratus est abominatus est

dyde donde doan gedeofenaÖ gefultumeÖ setta fultum laered seleÖ sceawaÖ soeceÖ forspildan gefallu falleÖ forweorÖeÖ eardiaö weoröiaö ontyned wes fiodon ic licie ofslegen wes bismiten wes demlicgende werun eorre wes onsuniende wes

B dyde donde don 5eda ... 3efultumad

sette fultum lasred seid sceawad soeced forspildan 5efalle

falled forwyrd eardiad weordiad ontyned wass feodon lici5e bewoeledu wass besmiten wses unryhthaemende wasron eorre wass onscuniende was

217

218

Appendix

C worhte (117) i ' i 7.16 (118) Ps 9.17 donde (119) Ps 142.10 don (152) Ps 32.1 5edafenaö (163) Ps 36.40 5efultumaÖ (164) Ps 88.20 sette fultum (167) Ps 17.35 lasryö (175)/»i 67.12 sylyÖ (183) Ps 36.32 sceawaÖ secyÖ forspillan (184) Psl.5 5efealle (185) Ps 9.31 feally5 (186) Ps 36.28 forwyrÖyÖ (199) Ps 48.2 eardiaÖ (206) PÄ 71.11 wut5iaö (215) 105.17 ontynyd ys {11^) Ps 17.18 feodun (255)^5 55.13 3elici5e (274) Ps 105.38- ofsla5yn waes 105.40 besraityn ys dymlic3ynde synd yrre wass inscuniynde ys

D wrohte fremmende don 5erist 3efylste5 asette fultum lasreö selÖ besceawaö secÖ forspillan ahreose 5ehreosel) forweorJjeÖ bu5ia6 3ebiddat) openud is hatedon ic cweme [interfecta est] jewemmed is

E worhte

don gerist gefylstej) sette to fultome lerej) seleÖ beosceawaj) secj) töforspillan ahreose gehreoseÖ forweorJ)et) eaerdiaej) gebiddaf) geoponod is hateden licige [interfecta est] betwioh acweaeldon is besmiten is onsecgende is fyrenlijeredon efehylsiende sindon eorsode irre is [abhominatus est] frzem weaeldendi ascunode

Appendix

F (117) Psi.ie worhte wyrcende (118) Ps9.\l (119) Ps 142.10 wyrcan (152) Ps 32.1 gerist (163) Ps 36.40 gefylstej) (164) Ps 88.20 asette fultum (167)^5 17.35 tzecö selj) besceawaÖ secö [mortificare] cwylmian (184) Ps 7.5 areose (185) 9.31 gereoseö (186) Ps 36.28 losaö eardiaÖ (199) Ps 48.2 (206) Ps 71.11 gebiddaö (215) Ps 105.17 geopenod is (224) Ps 17.18 hatudon (225) Ps 55.13 cweme (274) Ps 105.38- begleddod is 105.40 besmiten is fyrenligeredon yrsode is [abhominatus est] ascunigende is

(175)^5 67.12 im)Ps 36.32

G gewyrce5 donde don gedafenaÖ gefylsteÖ asette fultum [doces] lasre5 syleÖ [ ]waÖ secö [mortificare] adydan gefealle fealleÖ forweorÖ eardiaÖ gebiddaö

219

H worhte fremmende gerist) gefylstej) asette fultum laereö selÖ besceawaÖ secö [mortificare]

areose gehreowe^) forweort)eö bugiaÖ gebiddaö openud is [][]S hatedon hatedon cweme cweme [interfecta est] [interfecta est] ungewaemmed is ongewasmmed is besmiten is bismif.n is fyrenlygeredon fyrealigeredon ersode yrside us [abhominatus est] he ascunode a[ ]unode is

220

(117) (118) (119) (152) (163)

Appendix

Psl.\6 Ps 9.17 Ps 142.10 P i 32.1 Ps 36.40

(164)/»j (167) Ps (175) P j (183)

88.20 17.35 67.12 36.32

(184) Psl.5 ( 1 8 5 ) ^ 5 9.31 (186) Ps 36.28 ( 1 9 9 ) ^ 5 48.2 (206) 71.11

(215) P5 105.17 (224) 17.18 (255) Ps 55.13 (274) Ps 105.3840

/ geworhte wyrcende wyrcan gedafenaö l gerist gefultumajj 1 gehelpeÖ gesette fultum laeret) 1 taecö selÖ besceawaj) 1. bewlataj) sec5 [mortificare] to cwylmianne fealla fylö forwyrö oneardiaÖ gebiddaj)

geopened wearÖ hatedun licie [interfecta est] ofslagan besmiten is unrihtlice hasmdon Waes geeorsod onscunade

J

K

geworhte donde don gedafenal) gefultumat)

macode donde don gerisasÖ gefylstej)

asette fultum laerde sylef)

sete fultum docej) selÖ

besceawaj)

bescewat)

secej)

sehö

[mortificare] to forspillanne gefealle feallel) forweorJ)eö bugiaj) [adhorabunt] weor|)iaJ) t togebiddaö openung is hatodon cweme [interfecta est] gewEemmed is besmiten is fyrenligera irre is [abhominatus est] ascunigende wass

[mortificare] dydan fealleÖ forwyröaf) bogiaj) 5ebiddaÖ

anopenod is hatodan ... cweme [interfecta est] 3ewemmed is besmiten is fymliseredon 3eyrsod is [abhominatus est] ascunud is

Appendix

L (117) P i (118) (119) P i (152)/Ȁ (163) Ps (164)^5

7.16 9.17 142.10 32.1 36.40 88.20

(167) Ps 17.35 (175) Ps 67.12 (183) Ps3632

(184) Psl.5 (185) P j 9.31 (186) Ps 36.28 (199) Ps 48.2 (206)^5 71.11 (215)^5 105.17 (224) Ps 17.18 (255)^5 55.13 (274) Ps 105.3840

M

don gerist

P adylfÖ wyrce j fremme gerist gefultumaö fultumeÖ... geswyÖeÖ gelaerde syleö hopaj) secÖ to fordonne (ofslean me) aiylö forwyrÖ buiaÖ weor5iaö togaan hatedon licode

221

222

Appendix

(277) Ps 7.7 Ps 82.3

Roman exaltare extulerunt

Ps 118.131 adtraxi (289) Ps 139.11 non subsistent (290) Ps 102.16 erit cognoscet (304) Ps 41.2 desiderat desiderat (305) Ps 111.1 cupiet (311)^5 94.1 exultemus iubilemus (312) Ps 94.2 praeoccupemus iubilemus (313)/»j 94.6 adoremus procidamus ploremus

hefe up ahofun up togeteh ne wiÖstondaÖ biÖ oncnaweÖ gewillaö gewillaÖ willaö gefen we wynsumie we abisgien we wynsumie we weorÖien we foröluten we woepen we

B hefe up [extollerunt] upahofon toteah ne witstondaÖ biÖ oncnaweÖ 5ewilnad 5ewilnad 3ewilnad 5efeon we wynsumien we abisi5ien we wynsumien we 5ebidden we fordluten we wepen we

Appendix

(277) Ps 7.7 Ps 82.3

C

D

E

uppahefe ahofon upp

upahefe [extollerunt] ahofon ateah to na wiösrandaj) biö oncnawÖ wilnaö wilnaö wilniaÖ

upaheue nima5

Ps 118.131 tojeteah (289) Ps 139.11 ne wiöstandaö (290) Ps 102.16 biö oncnaswÖ (304) 41.2 5ewilnaö 5ewilnaö wilnaÖ (305) Ps 111.1 (311) P5 94.1 (312) Ps 94.2 (313) Ps 94.6

5efeon we wynsumiyn we abys5iyn we wynsumiyn we we weoröiyn for51utim we wepyn we

uton blissian uton dryman we oföriccen we drymen uton 5ebiddan uton at)enian we wepen

wiöteash ne understonde biö oncnewej) wylnaet) wilnasj) [cupit] wilnaet) Uten cweman . herigean wutun seceaen we singasn bigeaö wepan

223

224

Appendix

F (277) Ps 7.7 upahefe afon Ps 82.3 Ps 118.131 ateah to (289) Ps 139.11 na witstandaö (290) Ps 102.16

(304)^5 41.2 (305) P5 111.1 (311) PÄ 94.1 (312) Ps 94.2 (313) Ps 94.6

oncnaweÖ wilnaÖ wilnaö [uolet] wile uton blissian uton dreman we oferöryccan we dryman uton gebiddan uton aöenian we wepan

G upahefe upahofon [attraxi] a[ ]eohte ne wiöstanda5 [subsistet] wiöstent oncnawaÖ wilnaö wilnaö [uolet] wile uton blissian [ ]ton dryma[ ] we oct)riccen we dryman uton gebiddan uton at)enian w[]

H upahefe ahofon

oncnawj) wilnaj) wilnaö

uton blissian uton dryman we ofl)riccen we dryman uton gebiddan uton ajjenian we wepen

Appendix

(277) Ps 7.7 Ps 82.3

si upahafen upahofan

Ps 118.131 [attraxi] ateah (289) Ps 139.11 ne wiöstandaj) (290) Ps 102.16 biö

(304)

41.2

(305) PÄ 111.1 ( 3 1 1 ) / ' j 94.1 (312) Ps 94.2 (313)^5 94.6

ocnawÖ gewilnaj) gewilnaö [uolet] wilna5 l wile utan blissian utan fegnian utan forhradian utan fzegnian utan gebiddan utan nijjerfeallen uton wepan

J upahefe [extollerunt] ahofon ateah to na witjstandaj) [subsistet] understent oncnawaj) wibiiat) gewilnaö [uolet] wile uton bletsian uton dreman we oft)riccan we driman [adhoremus] uton gebiddan uton al)enian J)e wepan

K upahefe ahofan [a(d)traxi] teah na wiJjstandeÖ

biö cnawen wilnaj) wilnaÖ [uolet] wyllaö Ute blissian drymat) Ute ofjjriccan we [...] Uton gebiddan ajjenian wepan

225

226

Appendix

M (277) Ps 7.7 Ps 82.3 Ps 118.131 togeteah (289)^5 139.11 (290) Ps 102.16 (304) Ps 41.2 (305)^5 111.1 (311) Ps 94.1 (312) Ps 94.2 (313) Ps 94.6

[extollerunt] ahofon

P rasr hofan

forweorÖeÖ wat wilnaÖ wilnaö healdeÖ ... mid willan wutun cweman ... herigean Wutun secean bigeaö wepan

Index to Old English verbs

äbehöfian 'tobehove' 29 äbelgan 'to anger' 27 äbeodan 'to proclaim, command' 37, 43 äb'idan 'to abide, remain' 22, 43, 158 äbisgian 'to busy' 40, 167 äbitan 'to bite, tear to pieces' 24 äblinnan 'to cease' 23, 43 äbrücan 'to eat' 24 äbügan 'to bow' 25, 40 äbyrgan 'to taste' 24 acan 'to ache' 28 äcennan 'to bring forth' 85, 90 äceorfan 'to cut off 37 äcerran, äcirran 'to tum' 18,28,39,55,56 äcigan 'to call' 39 äcnäwan 'to know, recognize' 72, 146 äcsian, äscian, äxian 'to ask' 3, 5, 16, 22, 36, 43, 63, 97, 139, 170 {ge)äcsian 'to ask, hear of 39, 63 äcuman 'to come' 18 äcunnian 'toprove' 24 äcwellan 'to kill' 13,100, 104, 135, 140, 172 äcweöan 'to say' 26, 47, 61 ädrcefan 'to drive away' 149, 150 ädrifan 'to drive (away)' 146 ädumbian 'to keep silence' 25 ädwcescan 'to put out, quench' 136 cefenlxcan 'to grow towards evening' 20 cefestian 'to follow after' 22 cefnian 'to grow towards evening' 20 cefterfolgian 'to follow after' 25 cefterspyn(g)an 'to inquire after' 25

228

Index

cemtian 'to empty' 31,37 cerendian 'to go on an errand' 31, 35 cetberstan 'to break out' 31 cetbredan 'to take away, deprive of 37 cetbregdan 'to take away, deprive of 39 cetclifian 'to adhere' 28 ceteglan 'to harm' 27 (Bteowan, cEtiw(i)an 'to show' 5, 16, 18, 30, 43, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 120, 137, 143, 170 cetfeallan 'to fall (out)' 28 ceßolan 'to stick to' 28 cetfleon 'to flee away' 39 cetfyligan 'to adhere' 25 cethealdan 'tokeepback' 37 cethleapan 'to run away' 28 cethrinan 'to touch' 24, 28 cetlimpan 'to fall away' 28 cetlütian 'to lurk' 30 cetsacan 'to deny' 23, I I I cetsittan 'to sit by' 28 cetstandan 'to stand still' 1 8 , 1 9 , 2 8 , 4 3 cetpringan 'to take away from' 28 cetwindan 'to escape' 30 cetwitan 'to reproach (with)' 2 6 , 3 7 , 4 3 cetwrencan 'to seize by fraud' 36 cetycan 'to add to' 37 äfandian 'to try' 24 äfcestnian 'tofixupon' 43 äfeallan 'to fall down' 28 äfindan 'to find (out)' 33, 37 äfön 'to receive' 24 äfyllan 'to fill (up)' 36, 37 äfyrran 'to remove' 38, 39 äfyrsian 'to remove' 35 ägan, nägan '(not) to have' 6, 21, 24, 33, 43, 85, 90, 91, 140, 160, 161, 171, 173

Index

agän 'togo(by)' 28 ägcelan 'to hinder' 36 ägieldan 'to pay, repay' 22, 31 ägiemeleasian 'to neglect' 43 äg'iman 'to regard' 23 äginnan 'to begin' 43 (ge)ägnian 'to own' 85, 86 äheawan 'to cut off 38 ä(h)reosan 'to fall (down)' 101 ährinan 'to touch' 28 äidlian 'to make useless' 25, 36 äüefan 'to allow' 21, 37, 155, 158 äri(e)san 'toletloose' 36,38,40 ambehtan 'to minister' 25 ämolsnian 'to decay, corrupt' 31 ämunan 'to consider' 23 ämyrran 'to hinder' 36, 40 anbidan 'to expect' 41 an(d)bidian 'to wait, expect' 22 anbügan 'tobend' 25 andettan 'to confess' 26 andsacian 'to dispute' 31 (ge)andswarian 'to answer' 3, 26, 63, 64, 170 (ge)andwyrdan 'to answer' 26, 35, 37, 63, 64, 170 ärcedan 'to appoint, utter' 26 ärceran 'to lift up' 116 ärian 'to honor' 27 äscamian 'to feel shame' 139, 172 äsceadan 'to separate' 36, 40 äscinan 'to shine forth' 30 äscirian 'to cut off, separate' 36, 40 äsec(e)an 'toseekout' 35 äslacian 'to become slack, slacken' 18, 23, 40 äsläwian 'to be dull, become sluggish' 23 äsmeagan 'to consider' 70 äspringan 'to spring up' 33

229

230

Index

ästeoran 'to guide' 31 äsfigan 'to go, ascend' 28, 59, 133, 145 ästingan 'to pierce out' 149 ästypan 'to deprive' 36 ästyrian 'to stir up, move (forward)' 43 äswxman 'to roam' 144 äswican 'to desert, deceive' 31 äteon 'todraw(up)' 37, 114, 145, 151 äteorian 'to fail' 31 ätweonian 'to cause doubt' 27 äpencan 'to think out, devise' 42 äpenian 'to Stretch out' 168 äpeodan 'to separate' 38 äpeostrian 'to become dark' 30 äpreotan 'to weary' 20, 22, 36 äpwean 'to wash (off)' 36 äwcegan 'to deceive' 25 äweorpan 'to throw (away)' 23 äwendan 'to tum aside, change' 55, 56 äwerian 'to defend, ward off from oneself 36 äwreccan 'to arouse' 172 äwrepian 'to support' 27 bacan 'to bake' 25,37 bcedan 'to require' 24 bdetan 'tobridle' 24 bäsnian 'to expect' 22 batian 'toheal' 18 baöian 'to wash, bathe' 5 , 1 8 beäcsian, beäscian 'to ask advice' 37 beatan 'tobeat' 30 bebeodan 'to offer, bid' 26, 37, 42, 43, 63, 134, 170 bebeorgan 'to defend oneself 27 bebycgan 'to seil' 97, 98, 171 bebrecan 'to break to pieces' 38 beceorfan 'to cut (off)' 38

Index

becepan 'to be heedful, take notice of 23 becuman 'to come, happen' 19, 26, 40, 49, 52, 53, 57, 152, 153 bedcelan 'to deprive' 36, 38, 39 bediglian 'to conceal' 37 bedragan 'to beguile' 112 bedreosan 'to deprive' 38 befaran 'to go, traverse' 134 befeallan 'to fall, deprive of 20, 26, 28, 102, 118, 171 beßran 'to Surround' 53 befleon 'to flee (from)' 30, 40 befön 'to Surround, seize' 87, 88 befri(g)nan 'to question, ask' 17, 22, 39, 63 begän 'to go over, go to, beset' 15, 168 begeomerian 'to lament' 22 begi(e)tan 'to get, receive' 23, 88, 89, 90, 168 beginnan 'to begin, attack' 3, 43 begrindan 'to grind, deprive of 38 begyman 'to take care of 23, 43, 77, 78 behätan 'to promise' 35, 36, 41, 134, 146, 149 behealdan 'to hold, guard, consider' 75, 76, 77, 78, 106, 115, 135, 170 beheawan 'to cut (off from)' 38 behöfian 'to have need of, want' 21, 22, 90, 91, 92, 156, 171 behößic beon 'to be necessary' 91,92,156 behreosan 'to fall, cover' 38 belädian 'to excuse, clear' 25, 36 belecgan 'to lay upon, attribute to' 36 beleosan 'to be deprived of 28, 38 belgan 'to be angry' 29 beUfan 'to be left' 19 belimpan 'to belong to, happen' 20, 29, 117, 118, 172 belöcian 'tobehold' 77 belücan 'to lock (up)' 37 belyfan 'to believe' 27, 41, 70, 71 bemcenan 'tobemoan' 22 bemetan 'to account' 36

231

232

Index

benceman 'to take away, deprive of 36, 38 beneotan 'to deprive of 38 beniman 'to take, deprive of 23, 35, 36, 37, 38 bensian 'to pray, fall down in prayer' 36 benugan 'to need' 22 beodan 'to command' 10, 12, 26, 37, 41, 42, 43, 63, III, 170 beon 'to be' 7, 11, 19, 20, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 139, 159, 169 beorgan 'to save, guard' 27, 43 beotian 'to become better' 30 beran 'to bear' 2, 12, 25, 37, 149 bercedan 'to deprive' 36,38,39 bereafian 'to bereave, deprive of 36, 38, 136 bereofan 'to bereave, deprive' 37 beridan 'to ride around' 134 berstan 'toburst' 3,31 berypan 'to spoil' 36, 40 besceawian 'to consider, look to' 75, 76, 79, 80, 170 bescerian 'to deprive of 36, 38 bescierwan 'to deprive of 39 beseon 'to see, observe' 75, 77 beserian 'torob' 38 besittan 'to Surround' 21 beslean 'to strike, cut off 38 besätan 'to slit' 38 besnütan 'to defile' 141 besncedan 'to cut' 38 besnyöian 'torob' 38 bespanan 'to lead astray' 40, 134 bestandan 'to stand around, beset' 31 bestelan 'to steal away' 38 bestrypan 'to strip, plunder' 36 beswäpan 'to clothe, protect' 33 beswican 'to deceive' 36, 112, 113 betan 'to amend, make good' 31 betdcan 'to deliver, entrust' 37 beteon 'to cover, bestow' 36, 43

Index

betellan 'to speak about, defend oneself 34 betera beon 'to be better' 91, 92, 156 bejjencan 'to consider, remember' 69 bepurfan 'to need, have need of 21, 22, 43, 90, 91, 92, 156, 171 bewarnian 'to guard against' 43 beweddian 'tobetroth' 37 bewendan 'to tum' 55 bewerian 'to guard' 36,38,40,42,43 bewepan 'to weep over, bewail' 22 bicn(ig)an 'tobeckon' 31,40 bidan 'to stay, wait for' 3, 19, 22, 158 biddan 'to ask, command' 22, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 43, 63, 97, III, 169 (ä)biddan 'tobeg, ask' 39 biernan 'to give light' 17 bindan 'to bind' 3, 35, 153 b'itan 'tobite' 24 blawan 'toblow' 18 bletsian 'to bless, extol' 14 blinnan 'to leave off, lose' 23, 31, 43 blissian 'to be glad, rejoice' 18, 22, 30, 41, 167 blötan 'to sacrifice' 25 bodian 'to teil, preach' 5,22,26 boeta {Li) 'to gain' 25 bön 'toboast' 22 brecan 'to break' 3, 18, 27, 37 bregdan 'to move quickly' 18, 28 bringan 'tobring' 5, 16, 114, 140 brücan 'to use, enjoy' 24, 31 bryc(s)ian 'to use, enjoy' 31 büan 'to stay' 18, 104, 105, 171 bügan 'to bow' 3, 6, 25 (ge)bycgan 'to buy, pay for' 5, 23, 37, 158, 171 byldan 'to build' 116 byrian 'to happen, belong to' 20, 26 byr(i)gan 'totaste' 24

233

234

Index

byrnan 'to bum' 18 (ge)bysgian 'to trouble, occupy' 40 bysmerian 'to mock, blaspheme' 26 (ge)bysnian 'to give an example' 31,39 calan 'to grow cool' 20 (ge)campian 'tofight' 30,40 carian 'to care for' 43, 116 ceallian 'to call' 119 ceapian 'to buy' 23, 35, 171 cearian 'to care for' 41, 115 cennan 'to bring forth' 85, 89 (ä)ceosan 'to choose' 35 (ge)ceosan 'to choose' 3,23,35,37,41 ceowan 'to chew' 3, 24 cepan 'to seize, keep' 5, 12, 23 cidan 'to contend, chide' 26, 39 (ge)c-igan 'to call' 34,61,137,169 cleopian, clipian 'to call, cry out' 1, 5, 18, 26, 34, 43, 61, 62, 119, 130, 137, 142, 169, 172 cnäwan 'to know' 2, 74, 106, 170 costian 'to tempt, try' 24 costnian 'to tempt, try' 24 creopan 'to creep' 1, 6 cuman 'to come' 3, 10, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 26, 43, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 59, 129, 143, 152, 154, 158, 169 cunnan 'to become acquainted with' 6, 11, 24, 33, 40, 43, 72, 73, 74, 159,167,170 cunnian 'to try, experience' 24, 42 cwelan 'to die' 18 cwellan 'to kill' 5, 18, 103, 171 cwelman 'to die' 103, 171 cweman 'to please' 27, 43, 124, 138, 167, 172 cweöan 'to say' 3, 11, 15, 21, 26, 34, 43, 47, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 106, 133,137,169

Index

235

cwician 'to quicken' 31 cwylmian 'to suffer, kill' 100 cyrran 'to tum' 55, 56, 57, 149, 150, 169 (ä)cyrran 'totum' 56 cyÖan 'to proclaim, make known' 11, 15, 16, 34, 43, 60, 61, 65, 157 (ge)cydan 'to make known' 64 ddelniman 'to take part' 24 (ge)dafenian 'tobefit' 29 dagian 'to dawn' 20 deadbeon 'tobedead' 99, 138, 141, 156, 171 deadian 'to die' 99, 104, 117, 138 deagan 'to die' 100, 104, 117, 137, 171 deman 'to judge, deem' 5, 10, 26, 126, 127, 157 derian 'to damage, injure' 17, 27 dihtan 'to arrange' 31 dimmian 'to become dim' 136 dömian 'to glorify' 136 dön 'to do, make, perform' 7, 8, 11, 34, 37, 38, 43, 47, 48, 80, 81, 82, 83, 123, 170 drcedan 'to dread, fear' 41, 113 drcefan 'to drive (out)' 149 dragan 'to draw' 3,18 dreogan 'to lead a life' 83, 105 dreosan 'to fall, perish' 101,136, 171 dnfan 'to drive' 1 drincan 'to drink' 3, 15, 24, 159 dryman 'to sing aloud, rejoice' 30, 167 dugan 'to avail, be capable of 6, 43 dunnian 'to darken' 136 durran 'to dare' 6, 43 (ge)dwelian 'to go astray, lead astray' 18,24,40 (ge)dwellan 'to lead astray' 18,40,171 (ä)dydan 'to destroy' 100, 101 (be)dyrnan 'to keep secret, conceal' 37

236

Index

(ge)eadmian 'to worship' 106 eadmödan 'tohumble' 25 eahtian 'to esteem' 126 eardian 'to dwell' 18, 104, 105, 171 eargian 'to shun, fear' 41 earmian 'pity' 29,35 (ge)earnian 'to eam, win' 23, 40, 42, 43 eawan, lawan 'to show, reveal' 75, 76 edlcecan 'to repeat' 31 edleanian 'to reward' 27 edwendan 'toretum' 28 efen-blissian 'to rejoice equally' 22 efen-geßon 'to rejoice together' 22 efenlcecan 'to be like, match' 31 efenmetan 'to assemble together, compare' 31 efensärgian 'to commiserate' 29 efenpröwian 'to compassionate' 29 ef(e)stan, ofestan 'to hasten' 22, 42 efnettan 'to equal, make even' 31 eft-cierran 'to retum' 55 eft-gemynan 'to remember' 69, 127 eft-gemyndgian 'to remember' 23 eft-pencan 'to remember' 69 egl(i)an 'to trouble, afflict' 20, 27 ehtan 'to attack, pursue' 22, 62 elcian 'to put off 25, 40, 42, 43 (ge)embehtan, ambihtan 'to minister, serve' 128 (ge)endian 'to end, destroy' 160 estan 'to live luxuriously' 31 etan 'to eat' 3,24 facian 'to try to obtain' 37 (ge)fcegnian,(ge)fagnian 'to rejoice' 22,40 (ä)fceran 'to frighten' 113, 114 fcestan 'to fasten' 40

Index

Iii

fcestnian 'to fasten' 41 fandian 'to try, attempt, tempt' 42 faran 'to go, travel' 3, 16, 17, 19, 20, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 143, 158, 169, 171 feallan 'tofall' 19, 26, 101, 102, 171 feccan 'to fetch' 158 ßdan 'tofeed' 31 ßlan 'to touch, feel' 22 ßogan 'tohate' I I I , 112 (ge)feohtan 'to fight, win' 2, 15, 30, 40, 115, 140 ßolan 'to cleave' 28 ßon 'torejoice' 22,30 ßran 'to go, depart, travel' 3, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 143, 149, 152, 154, 169, 171 ßrian 'to carry' 12, 140 findan 'to find, meet with' 16, 37, 42, 107, 108 fleogan 'to fly' 28 fleon 'toflee' 18,41,43 (ge)ßeman 'to put to flight' 140, 149 floterian 'to flutter, float' 28 folgian 'tofollow' 25,68 ßn 'to take, catch, receive' 11, 18, 28, 39, 42, 43, 87, 89, 106, 121, 137, 171 forbcernan 'to cause to bum' 25, 37 forbeodan 'to forbid, refuse' 37,42,43, 110, I I I forberan 'to forbear, endure' 37, 43 forberstan 'to burst asunder' 31 ßrbrecan 'to break in pieces' 37 forbügan 'to bend from, refrain from' 26, 41 forceorfan 'to carve out' 38 forcierran 'to tum aside' 56 forcuman 'to come before, overcome' 153, 154, 155 forcweöan 'to speak ill of 25 fordön 'to undo, destroy' 103, 135, 171 fordnfan 'to drive (away)' 146

238

Index

forebeon 'to preside' 32 forefön 'to prevent' 42 for(e)settan 'to set before' 23 foresittan 'to preside over' 25 foresteppan 'to precede, prevent' 32 foreffencan 'to consider beforehand' 29 forefjingian 'to plead for, intercede' 32 fore-wisian 'to show the way before' 32 forewregan 'to accuse' 36 foreyman 'to run in front of 33 forgi(e)fan 'to give, forgive' 27, 37, 43, 67, 97, 98, 171 forgleman 'to neglect' 41 forgi(e)tan 'to forget' 23, 41, 43, 154 forgildan 'to pay for' 31 forgrindan 'to grind down' 30 forgnpan 'to seize, preoccupy' 30 forhabban 'to restrain, refrain from' 33, 40 forhelan 'to conceal' 37 forhtian 'to be afraid' 23,40, 113, 114 forhogian 'to neglect' 41, 43 forhycgan 'to disdain' 41,43 forieldan 'to put ofF 42 forlcedan 'to lead astray' 43, 112 forlderan 'to lead astray' 43, 112 forlcetan 'to let go, abandon' 34, 41, 43, III, 135 forleosan 'to lose, destroy' 29 forliÖan 'to suffer shipwreck' 43 forniman 'to take away, deprive of 37, 141, 143 forpceran 'to tum away, pervert' 27 forsacan 'to reject, deny' 28,43, 110 forsceamian 'to make ashamed, be ashamed' 20, 23, 41 forscr'ifan 'to decree, condemn' 32 forseon 'to overlook, despise' 41,43 forsittan 'to neglect, absent oneself 25 forslean 'to cut through' 149

Index

239

forspillan 'to lose, destroy' 100, 102 forstandan 'to defend, withstand, understand' 27, 74, 154, 155, 170 forstelan 'to steal (away)' 37, 38 forsugian 'to pass over in silence' 25 forsweogian 'to pass over in silence' 25 forswerian 'to swear falsely' 32 forpencan 'to mistrust, despise' 27 foröfaran 'to depart, die' 99, 100, 171 forößran 'to depart, die' 16, 102, 103, 138, 140, 149, 152, 154, 171 forjjldstan 'to accomplish' 32 forjjlütan 'to lean forward, fall down' 168 forfjolian 'to go without' 29 forwandian 'to hesitate' 43 fonveoröan 'toperish' 101, 102, 171 forwi(e)rnan 'to hinder, refuse' 23, 32, 35, 41, 43 foryrnan 'to run before' 28 framian 'to avail' 32, 40 fräsian 'to ask, tempt' 24 fredan 'to feel' 22 fremian 'to avail, do good' 27 fremman 'to further, make, accomplish' 23, 34, 80, 81, 82, 83, 94, 95,170 freogan 'to free' 6 freosan 'tofreeze' 20 freopian 'to protect' 27 fricgan 'to ask' 22 friclan 'to desire' 22 frignan 'to ask' 3, 22, 36, 38, 43, 63 (ge)frignan 'to ask, leam by inquiry' 63, 170 frödian 'to be wise' 32 from-gan(gan) 'to go from' 52 fromswican 'to desert' 33 frumrihtan 'to dawn' 20 fulgan(gan) 'to fulfill' 23, 32 fullcestan 'tohelp' 27

240

Index

fullfylgan 'to follow' 25 fultrüwian 'to trust fully in' 27 (ge)fultum(i)an 'to help' 43, 94, 95, 142, 148, 171 fundian 'to tend to, strive after' 22, 24, 42 fylhtan 'to dread' 113 fyllan 'to fill (up), complete' 5, 12, 35, 36, 142 fylstan 'to support, help' 27, 42, 94, 95, 171 (ge)gaderian 'to gather' 5, 53, 108, 109 gCelan 'to hinder' 36 gän 'to go, walk' 3, 7, 8, 16, 43, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 59, 129, 143, 145, 146, 172 gangan 'to go' 3, 50, 52, 54, 56, 143 gecemtian 'to be unoccupied' 36 gearcian 'to prepare' 42 gebeodan 'to command' 37, 43, 167 gebiddan 'to beg, ask, pray' 26, 63, 106, 107, 168 gebyrgan 'tobury' 40 gebyrian 'to happen, belong to' 20, 40, 90, 117, 155, 158, 171 gecearfan 'to cut (down)' 13 geclcensian 'to cleanse' 36 geclifian 'to adhere' 40 gecnäwan 'to know' 72, 73, 74, 133 gecuman 'to come, arrive' 52, 53 gecunnan 'to become acquainted with' 135 gecwedan 'to say, agree' 43 gecyrran 'to tum, retum' 55, 56, 149 gecyöan 'to make known' 43, 79 gedafenian 'to befit' 20, 90, 91, 92, 117, 171 gedigan 'to endure' 32 gedön 'to do, make' 36, 43, 81, 102 gedreosan 'to perish' 101 gednpan 'to drip' 35 gedwellan 'to lead astray' 36 gedyrstigan 'to dare, presume' 42

Index

gedyrstlcEcan 'topresume' 33 geearnian 'to eam, win' 37, 43 geeadmedan 'to humble oneself 128 gefaran 'to go, attack' 56, 134 gefeallan

'to fall' 101, 118

gefeccan 'to fetch' 37 gefeon 'to rejoice' 40,41, 167 geferan 'to go, accomplish' 56 gefön 'to take accept' 42, 87, 137 gefremman 'to make, accomplish' 37 gefreogan 'to free' 36, 40 gefreolsian 'to deliver, set free' 36, 40 gefn(g)nan 'to ask, leam by inquiry' 42, 139 gefripian 'to make peace with, guard' 36 gefyllan 'to make complete, fill' 36 gefylstan 'tohelp' 94 gegärt 'to go, conquer' 12, 28, 50 gehabban 'to have, hold' 89 gehdlan 'to heal' 36, 37, 40, 139 gehagian 'to please, suit' 20 gehätan 'to command' 35, 37, 42, 63, 65, 134, 149 gehergian 'to plunder, harry' 148 gehogian 'to think about' 42, 43 gehreosan gehrespan

'to fall' 101 'to Strip, spoil' 3 0

ge(h)risan 'to shake' 21 gehweorfan 'to tum' 55, 56 gehyhtan 'to hope, rejoice' 27 gehyrtan 'to cheer' 42 gel(Eran 'to teach' 38, 96 geri(e)fan, gelyfan 'to believe, trust' 24, 27, 34, 35, 37, 41, 67, 70, 71, 170 gelimpan 'to happen, belong to, befit' 3, 17, 20, 49, 117, 118, 171, 172 geVioran 'to go, die' 53

241

242

Index

gelöcian 'to look, observe' 75, 77, 78 gelustian 'to delight in' 26 gemanian 'to remind, admonish' 36 gemedemian 'to humble' 42 gemetan 'to measure' 16, 36 gemetgian 'to moderate' 136 gemunan 'to be mindful of 29, 42, 43, 67, 70, 127, 138 gemynan 'to remember' 23 gemyndig beon 'to be mindful of 67, 115, 127, 128, 138, 156 gemyne beon 'to be mindful of 69, 127, 138, 156 gemyntan 'to intend' 42 genacodian 'to lay bare, Strip' 38 gencegan 'to approach' 42 genepan 'to grow dark' 19 generian 'to save' 36 genidan 'to compel' 42, 43 geniman 'to take, grasp' 37, 85, 87, 88, 89, 137, 148 genugan, geneah 'to suffice' 6, 20, 22, 31, 43 genyhtsumian 'to suffice' 21,31,94 geocian 'to preserve' 23, 32 geongan {Li) 'to go' 50 geopenian 'to open' 37, 110 georn(i)an 'to desire' 22, 41 geortreowan 'to doubt' 40 geortrüwian 'to despair, doubt' 36, 40 gercecan 'to offer' 33,40 geridan 'to ride (over)' 90, 134 gerisan 'to fit, behove' 20, 29, 90, 91, 117, 171 gescieppan 'to shape' 83 gesceon 'to happen to' 33 gescrifan 'to shrive' 35 gesecan 'to seek' 68 gesene beon 'to be seen' 67, 68, 76, 80, 120, 137, 156 geseon 'to see, perceive' 42, 43, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 107, 108, 170 gesibsumian 'to reconcile' 32

Index

gesirwan 'to be deceitful' 43 gesittan 'to sit' 148 gesmeagan 'tothink' 67 gesmyrian 'to smear' 37 gesprecan 'to speak' 165 gestihtan 'torule' 42 gesüran 'to steer' 43 gestrangian 'to strengthen' 94 gestnenan 'to acquire' 85, 90 gestrydan 'to stride' 37 geswican 'to deceive' 43, 113 geswutelian 'to declare' 35, 77 gesyllan 'to give' 97,98 gesyngian 'to sin' 33 getdecan 'to show, teach' 43 geteon 'to draw' 42, 114, 145 getreowan 'to trust in' 39 getreowian 'to trust in' 41, 71 getreowsian 'to clear oneself 36 getrumian 'to make strong' 36, 150 getwcefan 'to separate' 36, 37 getwceman 'to cut off 36, 40 gepafian 'to allow' 35,43 gepehtan 'to consider' 42 gepencan 'to think, remember' 41, 43, 67, 68, 69, 70, 127, 138, 156, 170 gepingan 'to thrive' 43 gepringan 'topress' 42 geprystMcan 'topresume' 42 gepwdrian 'to agree' 40 gepyldigian 'to be patient' 43 geunlustian 'to loathe' 41 geunnan 'to grant' 43 geunpwcerian 'to disagree' 32 gewealdan 'to control' 89

243

244

Index

gewendan 'to tum' 18, 53, 56 geweorjjan 'to become' 19, 20, 25, 36, 80 gewircan, gewyrcan 'to work' 35, 81, 83 gewifian 'to take a wife' 33 gewitan 'to know' 43,73 gewltan 'to guard, depart' 3, 28, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 102, 103, 143, 169 gi(e)fan 'to give' 3, 44, 97, 98, 171 gieldan 'to yield' 3, 6, 32, 91, 160, 161 giellan 'to yell' 3 , 6 gielpan 'to boast' 6, 22, 26, 39 gieman, gyman 'to care for, take Heed to' 40, 41, 44, 78, 115, 116, 129,170 giernan, gyman 'to yeam, desire' 2 3 , 3 5 , 3 9 , 4 1 , 4 4 gietan 'to get' 3 ginnan 'tobegin' 43 gitsian 'tocovet' 2 2 , 4 1 , 6 7 giwian 'to ask' 63, 169 (ge)gladian 'to be glad' 18, 30, 38 gnornian 'to complain, lament' 22 gödian 'to get better, make better' 21,27 godspellian 'to preach the gospel' 32 gramian 'to anger' 20, 29 greotan 'to greet' 22 gripan 'to get hold of 24 gymeleasian 'to neglect' 25 habban 'to have' 16, 24, 37, 44, 85, 86, 89, 92, 159, 160, 171 hädian 'to ordain' 35 (ge)hman 'to heal' 129, 130, 139, 155 hceppan 'to go by chance' 118 hagolian 'to hail' 20 häl beon 'to be whole' 155 häl dön 'to make whole' 155 hälgian 'to hallow' 35, 157 hälsian 'to adjure, swear' 44

Index

245

hätan 'to command, call' 4, 34, 38, 41, 42, 44, 65, 137, 169 hatian 'to hate' I I I , 112 häwian 'to gaze upon, observe' 23, 39 (ge)healdan 'to hold, control, keep, observe' 16, 18, 34, 35, 37, 78, 85, 87, 89, 135, 170 hearmcweöan 'to speak ill of 26 hearmian 'to härm, injure' 27 (ä)hebban 'toheave, exalt' 3, 6, 14, 145, 150, 151, 172 hedan 'toheed' 23 hefig(i)an 'to make heavy' 18,20,27 helan 'to conceal' 40 helpan 'to help' 2, 6, 10, 23, 27, 94, 95, 171 hentan 'topursue' 22,39 heofan 'to lament' 22 heorcnian 'to hearken, listen' 23, 28, 116 herg(i)an 'to plunder, harry' 148 herian, hergan 'to praise' 106, 107, 167 (ge)hleran 'to hear' 25, 42, 43, 44, 139 hiersumian 'to obey, be obedient' 26 higian 'to hie, hasten' 22 hiwian 'to form, feign' 34 hladan 'to lade, heap up' 37 (ä)hlehhan 'to laugh at' 22 hleonian 'to cherish' 42 hleotan 'to cast lots, get by lot' 24 hleoörian 'to sound, speak' 21, 65, 143 hliehhan 'to laugh' 6 , 2 2 , 4 0 hUfian 'to rise high, tower up' 32 hUgan 'to allow one a reputation for anything' 36 hlinian 'to lean' 32 hlosnian 'to listen' 23, 39 hlystan 'to listen, attend to' 23, 28, 35, 116 hnappian 'to doze, slumber' 123 hn'igan 'to bow oneself 26 hogian 'to think about' 3 9 , 4 2 , 4 4 , 6 7 , 6 9 hopian 'to hope, expect' 5 , 2 2 , 2 9 , 4 0 , 6 9 , 7 0

246

Index

(ge)horsian 'to provide with horses' 148 hradian 'to hasten' 42 (ä)hreddan 'to free from, rescue' 36,40 (ge)hreosan 'to fall (down), rush' 101,171 (ge)hreowan 'to grieve' 20, 35, 144, 172 hreowsian 'to feel sorrow' 20, 22, 29 (be)hreowsian 'to rue, repent of 39 hr'inan 'to touch, seize' 24, 28 hryman 'tocryout' 61,62 hweorfan 'to tum, change, go' 18, 28, 55, 56, 57 hwöpan 'to threaten' 26 (ä)hycgan 'to think' 67 (ge)hycgan 'to think, consider' 6, 23, 35, 39, 42, 43, 44, 69, 70 (ge)hyhtan 'to hope, rejoice' 41, 67, 70 (ge)hyngr(i)an 'to be hungry' 5, 20, 41, 156 hyngrig beon 'to be hungry' 156 hyrian 'tohire' 33 hyspan 'to mock' 26 ieldan 'to delay' 42 Jldan 'to delay' 44 inbüan 'toinhabit' 104,171 infaran 'to enter' 52, 145 in(n)gän 'to go in, enter' 50, 54, 145, 172 (ge)irnan 'to run' 3, 28, 143 (ge)lädian 'to exculpate oneself 36 (ge)lcedan 'to lead, guide' 5, 12, 114, 115 Mnan 'to lend' 23 (ge)lceran 'to teach, advise' 31, 38, 39, 42, 44, 95, 96, 171 (ge)l(Bstan 'to follow, carry out' 18, 26, 148 Itetan 'to let, leave behind, allow' 2, 34, 41, 42, 80, 83, 135, 159, 170 IceJjan 'to abuse' 37 langian 'to long for' 18, 20, 36, 117 latian 'to be slow' 23

Index

läp beon 'to be displeasing' 26 läpettan 'to hate, loathe' 26, 37 läjjian 'to hate, be hated' 26, 42, I I I , 112 lean 'toblame' 26 leanian 'to reward' 27 leasian 'to lie' 41 lecgan 'to lay, set' 5 (ge)lecnian 'to heal, eure' 129, 130 lengan 'to lengthen, delay' 117 leofbeon 'to be desirable' 26 (ä)leogan 'to lie, deceive' 27, 44, 113 leohtian 'to be lightened, dawn' 18 leoran 'to go, depart' 28, 55, 169 (ge)leornian 'to leam' 5, 43, 44, 95, 96, 171 leosan 'to lose' 3, 6 leopian 'to sing' 32 (ge)lettan 'to let, hinder' 36, 44 libban 'to live' 6, 18, 31, 104, 105, 171 licettan 'tofeign' 44 licgan 'to lie (down)' 43, 143 Ucian 'toplease' 5, 26, 41, 124, 125, 172 (ge)rician 'to please, be like' 20, 125 nefan 'to allow' 34, 37, 44, 155 (geßefan 'to believe' 39, 71 rignan 'to deny' 44 lihtan 'to make easy, dismount, to give light' 18,21,30 limpan 'to happen, belong to' 20, 26, 117, 171 linnan 'to cease from' 23, 32 üöan 'to go, sail' 3,17 lipian 'to unloose' 27 löcian 'to see, look, take Heed' 5, 16, 23, 39, 44, 75, 76, 170 lofian 'to praise' 106, 107 losian 'to be lost, lose' 24, 29, 40, 101, 171 lücan 'to lock, twist' 157 lufian 'to love' 5, 12, 23, 41 (ge)lustfullian 'to rejoice, desire' 20, 22, 30, 40, 41

247

248

Index

lyffettan 'toflatter' 33 lystan 'to please' 20, 22, 26, 36, 41, 124, 138 macian 'to make' 34, 80, 83, 170 (gejmcelan 'to speak' 65 mcenan 'to mean, teil, lament' 22 mcensumian 'to impart, marry' 32 mcersian 'to become famous, announce' 65 mcessian 'to attend mass, say mass' 32 (ge)mcetan 'to dream' 21,32, 122, 172 mcejjian 'to regard, respect' 27 magan 'to be able, have permission or power' 6, 33, 40, 43, 133, 158, 159, 165,173 manian 'to admonish' 22, 36, 44 maöelian 'to make a Speech' 65 meldian 'to announce, proclaim' 26, 65, 126 meltan 'to consume by fire' 3, 6 metan 'to measure' 3 (ge)metan 'to meet, find (out)' 5, 33, 107, 108, 148 metgian 'to moderate, consider' 23, 32 metsian 'to fumish with provisions' 32 (ge)miltsian 'to compassionate, showmercy' 17, 22, 27, 144, 172 mirgan 'to rejoice' 27, 30 misbecuman 'to go wrong' 26 misbefeallan 'to go wrong' 26 misbeodan 'to ill-use, injure' 31 miscian 'tomix' 32 miscweman 'to displease' 27 miscweöan 'to speak amiss' 26 misdön 'to offend' 27 misfeallan 'to go wrong' 26 misgiman 'to neglect' 23 mishieran 'to disobey' 26 misUcian 'to displease' 26 mislimpan 'to go wrong' 20,31

Index

miss(i)an 'to miss' 23, 32 misspowan 'to fare badly' 21,31 mistian 'to grow misty' 32 misümian 'to happen amiss' 26 mispyncan 'to be mistaken' 21,32 misweorpan 'to tum out amiss' 20, 26 mijjän 'to conceal' 23,33 mötan 'to be allowed, be able to' 6, 19, 21, 33, 43, 48, 159 (ge)munan 'to think about, remember' 6, 23, 43, 67 murnan 'to be anxious' 3 (ge)myn(d)gian 'to remember' 23, 36, 39, 67, 138 (ge)mynegian 'to remember' 23,67, 138 myngan 'to remember' 44, 69 mynian 'to intend' 42 myntan 'to intend, determine' 42, 44 namian 'to name' 34, 65 (ge)nea(h)lcecan 'to come near, approach' 20, 28, 39, 145, 169 negan 'to approach, speak to' 65 nemnan 'toname, call' 5, 34, 60, 61, 137, 169 neod habban 'to have need' 90, 92 neodian 'to be necessary' 90,92, 156, 171 neosian 'to find out' 22 neotan 'to use, enjoy' 24 (ge)nerian 'to save' 12, 40 nepan 'to dare, risk' 29 riidan 'to compel, urge' 44, 92 nihtian 'to become night' 20 niman 'to take, accept, receive, hold' 2, 3, 24, 44, 85, 87, 88, 106, 120, 121, 137, 148, 171 nipan 'to grow dark' 30 (ge)niwian 'to renew' 32, 37 notian 'to enjoy, use' 24 nyt(lic) beon 'to be useful' 31 nyttian 'to enjoy, use' 24

249

250

Index

ofäslean 'to smite off 150 ofercuman 'to overcome, reach' 152, 153, 154 oferdrincan 'to drink too much' 40 oferfaran 'to go over, overcome' 18 oferferan 'to traverse, pass over' 154, 158 oferfylgan 'to pursue, attack' 26 ofergän 'to pass over, overcome' 18, 20, 25, 153 ofergan(gan) 'to pass over' 153 ofergitan 'to forget' 23, 154, 155 ofergitolian 'to forget' 23, 41 oferhieran 'to overhear, disregard' 26, 151 oferhogian 'to despise' 44 oferhycgan 'to despise' 44 oferseon 'to see over, despise' 151 oferswiöan 'to overcome' 153 oferwacian 'to watch over' 32 oferwinnan 'to overcome' 153 ojfrian 'to offer, sacrifice' 28, 140 oßiagian 'to be inconvenient' 32 of(h)earmian 'to cause grief 29 oßreowan 'to cause pity' 20, 22, 27, 35 oflcetan 'to let go' 35 ofleogan 'to lie' 27 oflician 'to displease' 20, 26 oflinnan 'to cease' 23 ofniman 'to fail' 32, 37, 120 ofsceamian 'to put to shame' 22, 27, 35 ofseon 'to see, behold' 42 ofslMn 'to cut off, kill' 13, 16, 37, 103, 135, 140, 141, 148, 149 ofstandan 'toremain' 31 ofteon 'to withhold, withdraw' 23, 30, 36 ojpryccan 'to press, oppress' 167 ojpyncan 'to give offence, displease' 20, 27, 35 ofunnan 'to begrudge, deny' 35 öleccan 'to soothe' 27

Index

251

ondlan 'to set fire to' 32 onbecuman 'to come, approach' 26 onbidan 'to remain, wait' 22 onbitan 'to taste of 24 onbügan 'to bend, submit' 26, 40 onbyr(i)gan 'to taste, eat' 24 onclifian 'to adhere' 28 oncnäwan 'to understand, know' 72, 73, 74, 79, 135, 146 oncuman 'to come, approach' 26 oncunnan 'to know, accuse' 36, 39 oncwedan 'to answer, resound' 26, 35 ondettan 'to confess' 11,15,44 ondrcedan 'to dread, fear' 22, 30, 41, 113 ondrincan 'to drink' 25 onfindan 'to find out, perceive' 16 onfön 'to take, receive, accept' 24, 29, 42, 85, 87, 88, 89, 135, 137 ongierwan 'to unclothe' 36, 38 onginnan 'to begin' 3, 43, 159 ongitan 'to grasp, know' 24, 33, 34, 72, 73, 74, 96, 135, 157, 170 onhagian 'to be convenient' 21 onhnnan 'to touch' 24, 28 onhweorfan 'to change, tum' 25, 28 onlcenan 'to lend, grant' 23, 35 onleon 'to lend, grant' 23, 35 onrihtan 'to illuminate, enlighten' 32 onlöcian 'to look on' 28 onlysan 'to loosen' 38 onmdlan 'to speak to' 26 onmunan 'to esteem, remember' 34, 36 onreafian 'to strip (of)' 36 onsacan 'to resist, deny' 23, 36, 41, 44, III onscögan 'to unshoe' 38 onscun(i)an 'to shun, detest' 41, 44, 141 onsecan 'to require' 36 onsecgan 'to renounce' 26

252

Index

onsittan 'to seat oneself in' 31,44 onstyrian 'to move, stir' 40 onteon 'to draw to oneself, pull' 44 ontynan 'to open' 109, 110 onljracian 'to fear, dread' 22 onwendan 'to change, tum aside' 35, 36 onwinnan 'to attack' 27 onwreon 'to uncover, reveal' 25, 32 open beon 'to be open' 109 (ge)openian 'to open (up), reveal' 18,44,109 (ge)ortrüwian 'to despair' 24, 27, 40 ofjeawan 'to show, appear' 32 opfaran 'to fiee from' 28 opfeallan 'to fall off, decay' 28 opfleon 'to flee away, escape' 28 opgridan 'to glide away, escape' 28 ojjgripan 'to rescue' 38 ojjhrinan 'totouch' 24 ofjhydan 'to hide away' 28 ojjirnan 'to run away' 28 ojjsacan 'to deny' 23 ofjsceotan 'to escape' 28 opscüfan 'to move off 28 opstandan 'to stand fixed' 31 ojjpicgan 'to take away' 37 oljJjringan 'to deprive of 37 opwendan 'to tum away, deprive of 38 ojjwitan 'to reproach with' 26, 37 plegan 'to move rapidly, bury oneself, play' 18 pleon 'to adventure oneself 25 plihtan 'to imperil' 35 racian 'to rule, go forward' 32 rcecan 'to reach (out)' 5

Index

(ge)rcEdan 'to advise, guide' 3 1 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 9 5 , 9 6 reafian 'to rob, plunder' 23, 36, 37 (be)reafian 'to bereave, deprive of 39 reccan 'to Stretch, take care of 23, 40, 41, 44 (ge)reccan 'to explain, count' 34, 43, 62, 65, 126 reht(lic) beon 'to be right, proper' 156, 158 reordian 'to speak' 65 restan 'to rest' 22, 143, 172 ricsian 'to reign' 24 rJdan 'to ride' 3, 10, 11, 16, 143 ri(g)nan 'torain' 20 rihtan 'to set right, direct' 31 (ge)rihtlcecan 'to put right' 96 nman 'to count, teil, account' 62 nsan 'torise' 3 römian 'to strive after' 22 (ge)ryman 'to clear, make room' 35, 37 (gejsdian 'tohappen' 20,26 scet(n)ian 'to lie in wait for' 22 sallettan 'to sing psalms' 32 samnian 'to assemble' 18 sargian 'to cause pain, grieve' 18, 22 scacan 'to shake' 2 scafan 'to shave' 3 sceadan 'to divide, part' 33 (ge)sceamian 'to be ashamed' 20, 22, 27, 35, 36, 40, 41, 144, 172 sceawian 'to look, observe, examine' 5, 75, 76, 79, 170 scendan, scyndan 'to put to shame' 27, 44, 139, 172 sceotan 'to shoot' 3 sceppan 'to scathe, injure' 27 scieppan 'to shape' 3, 34 sc'inan 'to shine' 3 sciran 'to make clear' 24 scortian 'to become short, shorten' 37

253

254

Index

scotian 'to move rapidly' 18,30 scrifan 'to prescribe, shrive, care for' 23 scrincan 'to shrink' 30 scndan 'to move, glide' 3 scüfan 'to shove' 3, 37 sculan 'to be obliged' 6, 19, 32, 43, 90, 91, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164, 171, 173 scyhtan 'to impel, urge' 44, 113 scyldan 'to accuse' 23, 27 secan 'to seek, ask for, long for' 5, 37, 44, 68, 69, 168 secgan 'to say, teil' 6, 16, 25, 34, 44, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 133, 169 (ge)secgan 'to teil, mean' 6, 43, 60, 148 sellan, syllan 'to give (up)' 5, 44, 81, 97, 98, 99, 140, 171 sendan 'to send' 42, 123, 142 seomian 'to be tired, stand, hang' 19, 31 seon 'to see, perceive, appear' 3, 11, 12, 42, 44, 75, 78, 106, 170 (ge)settan 'to set, assign' 5, 12, 34, 43, 44, 94 {tö)settan 'to dispose' 42, 43 singan 'to sing' 2, 26, 44, 65 sinnan 'to meditate upon, care about' 23 sinpyrstan 'to be ever-thirsting' 22 sinvan 'to devise, contrive' 42, 44 sittan 'to sit' 3, 5, 19, 43, 143, 148 s'iöian 'to go, depart' 56 slcepan 'to sleep' 4, 6, 17, 23, 32, 123 slean 'to strike, slay' 3, 12, 13, 103, 171 sletan 'to sleet' 20 smeagan 'to think, reflect' 42, 44, 67, 68, 70 sn'iwan 'to snow' 20 {gejsomnian 'to assemble' 108, 109 sorgian 'to sorrow, grieve' 115,116 spanan 'to draw on, seduce' 40, 44 sparian 'to spare' 32 {gejspöwan 'to succeed, avail' 21, 32, 40 sprecan 'to speak' 2, 26, 35, 39, 44, 60, 65, 165

Index

255

spyrian 'to go, travel' 18, 39 standan 'to stand' 19, 20, 43, 143 stealdan 'topossess' 29 stelan 'to steal' 2,28 steoran 'to steer, guide' 24, 31 steppan 'to step, go' 3 (ge)sfieran, (ge)styran 'to steer, direct' 35, 40, 44 (ä)sfigan 'to go (up), ascend' 3, 28, 59 stillan 'tobe still' 25,31 strienan, streonan 'to gain, beget' 24, 29, 85 strüdan 'to spoil' 24 styrman 'to Storni' 20 sumorldcan 'to draw on towards summer' 20 swefnian 'to dream' 21, 122, 172 swelgan 'to swallow' 3, 32 sweltan 'to die, perish' 23, 33, 40, 99, 100, 104, 137, 140, 171, 172 sweog(i)an, sw'ig(i)an 'to become silent' 25 sweorcan 'to grow dark' 20 sweotolian, swutelian 'to show, make manifest' 26, 75, 76, 137, 170 swerian 'to swear' 3, 41, 44 (ge)swican 'to cease from, deceive' 2 3 , 2 7 , 4 0 , 4 3 swincan 'to labor' 115 swimman 'to swim' 3 (ge)sw'iöan 'to strengthen' 94 syngian 'to sin' 156 (ge)tcecan 'to teach, show, assign' 5, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 95, 171 tcelan 'to blame, speak ill of 44 talian 'to count, account, impute' 5, 34, 44, 62 tellan 'to teil, count, estimate, assign' 5, 37, 39, 42, 44, 60, 62, 169 (ge)teohhian 'to determine, consider' 42, 44, 67, 69 teon 'to pull, draw, betake oneself 12, 36, 114, 115 (ge)fidan 'tohappen' 20,33 tihtan 'to accuse, persuade' 42, 44 (ge)tilian 'to strive after' 22, 32, 35, 42, 44

256

Index

(ge)timbrian 'to build' 16,37,116 (ge)fimian 'tohappen' 20,26 (ge)ül)ian 'to give, grant' 2 3 , 2 8 , 3 5 töcetycan 'to increase' 44 tö-becuman 'to come to' 53 töberan 'to carry (off)' 149, 150 töberstan 'to burst apart' 32 töbrecan 'to break in pieces' 37, 150 töbrcedan 'to spread out' 32 töcuman 'to come, arrive' 26, 53 töcyrran 'to part' 149,150 tö-genealcecan 'to approach' 51, 145 töheawan 'to hew in pieces' 135 töüsan 'to loosen, separate' 38 tösdlan 'to be unsuccessful' 20, 35 tös'igan 'to wear out' 32 towettan 'to associate with' 32 (ge)trahtian 'to treat, interpret' 61 tredan 'to tread' 3 treow(i)an 'to trust' 27, 71 trucian 'to fail, run short' 32 (ge)trüwian 'to trust' 24,39 trymian 'to strengthen, set in order' 12 trymman 'to strengthen, arrange' 44 (ge)trywan 'to believe, trust in' 21, 61, IQ (ge)twceman 'to divide into two, defer' 40 (ge)tweo(ga)n 'to doubt' 20, 24, 36, 39, 41, 67, 126 (ge)tweonian 'to doubt' 20, 24, 35, 39, 126 twynian 'to doubt' 20 tyrnan 'to tum' 169 tyjjian 'to grant' 36 pafian 'to allow, permit' 44 (ge)ljancian 'to thank, give thanks' 2 2 , 3 2 , 3 5 peahtian 'to consider' 42

Index

257

pearflUc) beon 'to be in need' 31, 35, 156 Jjearfhabban 'to have need of 92, 156 pegan 'to serve' 33, 128, 129 (ge)}jegnian 'to serve, wait on' 26, 128 pencan 'to think (of), intend' 5, 23, 41, 42, 43, 67, 69, 106, 137, 170 (ge)}}encan 'to think, recollect' 35, 39, 67, 69, 70, 170 (ge)l)eodan 'tojoin' 28 peon 'to thrive, succeed' 32 fjeowian 'to serve' 26, 128 f)ersc(e)an 'to thresh, beat' 103 l}icgan 'to take, receive' 24 l)ingan 'to thrive, convenant' 44 pingian 'to beg, intercede for' 27 (gejpingian 'to intercede for' 40 (ge)jjolian 'to suffer' 24, 43, 44 präwan 'to tum, twist' 123 prea(ga)n 'to rebuke, threaten' 6, 26, 44 jjreotan 'to vex, weary' 20 [yringan 'to press, throng' 18 pröwian 'to endure, suffer' 32 {junrian 'to thunder' 20 purfan 'to be required, need' 21, 22, 43, 90, 92, 156, 157, 171 jjurhbrücan 'to enjoy fully' 30 purhdr'ifan 'to drive through, piece' 37 l)urhleoran 'to penetrate' 55 purhwunian 'to remain, continue' 19, 32, 40, 43 pwean 'to wash, anoint' 37 pweran 'to stir (up)' 31 Ijyncan 'to seem, appear' 5, 19, 29, 67, 68, 137, 156, 170 (ge)pyncan 'to seem' 21, 68, 156 pyrstan 'to thirst (after)' 20, 22, 41,156 pyrstig hbon 'to be thirsty' 156 underbügan 'to submit (to)' 26 underfön 'to receive, accept' 29, 42, 43, 85, 87, 88, 89, 137

258

Index

undergitan 'to understand, perceive' 72, 73, 170 underhnigan 'to submit to' 26 underlicgan 'to underlie, be subject to' 26 underniman 'to take in, receive' 88 understandan 'to understand' 42, 72, 74, 135, 154, 155, 170 underjjeodan 'to subjoin, subject' 40 unginvan 'to unclothe' 36 (ge)unnan 'to grant, desire' 6 , 3 3 , 3 5 , 4 4 unscrydan 'to undress, uncover' 38 üp(ä)hebban 'to lift up, exalt' 14, 37, 133, 145, 150, 172 üt(ä)don 'to put out' 37 ütfaran 'to go out' 54 ütferan 'to go out' 102 ütgän 'to go out' 54, 145 üton, ütan 'to go' 14, 157, 159, 167, 168 ütstician 'to stick out' 37 wacan 'to awake' 33 wacian 'to be awake, keep awake' 23, 44 wcegan 'to trouble, deceive' 113 wäfian 'to be amazed' 22 wandian 'to tum aside, neglect' 2 5 , 3 3 , 4 1 , 4 4 wanian 'to diminish, wane' 18 wänian 'to complain, lament' 33 warian 'to beware, guard' 19, 44 warnian 'to warn, take heed' 33,44,75 wascan 'to wash' 3 wealdan 'to wield, control' 24, 33, 35, 89 weaxan 'to wax, grow, increase' 3, 26, 48 weddian 'to engage, vow' 23 wederian 'to exhibit a change of weather' 20 wemman 'to defile, injure' 141 (ge)wenan 'to ween, think' 22, 35, 39, 41, 62, 67, 69, 106, 170 wendan 'to tum, go, retum' 5, 17, 55, 56, 57, 68, 142 (ge)wendan 'to tum, change' 17, 33, 56, 143, 169

Index

259

wenian 'to accustom' 12 (ge)weorpan 'to throw, cast' 2, 123, 146 (ge)weordan 'to become, get, come to pass' 3, 18, 19, 20, 26, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 136, 160, 169 weoröian 'to esteem, honour' 106, 107, 168 wepan 'to weep' 22, 168 werian 'to guard, defend' 40, 110 wesan 'to be' 7, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 139, 143, 169 wi(e)rnan 'to withhold, refuse' 23, 35, 37, 41 wilcumian 'to welcome' 27 willan, wyllan 'to wish, desire' 7, 8, 22, 43, 44, 158, 159, 164, 173 (ge)willian 'to wish, desire' 22, 33, 41, 67, 163 willwyrdan 'to be complaisant' 33 (gejwilnian 'to wish, long for' 22, 35, 39, 41, 44, 63, 163, 164 windan 'totwist' 31 winnan 'to labor, fight' 3, 22, 42, 115 (ge)winnan 'to conquer, gain' 22 winterlcecan 'to grow wintry' 20 wircan, wyrcan 'to work, do, make' 5, 24, 33, 34, 37, 42, 80, 81, 82, 115, 133, 170 wiscan 'to wish' 41 (ge)wis(s)ian 'to direct, show' 31,37,39,42 witan 'to know' 6, 24, 33, 41, 44, 57, 72, 74, 106, 170 (ge)w'itan 'to guard' 33,37,57 witegian 'to prophesy, predict' 33 wil}bre(g)dan 'to withhold, withstand' 33, 35, 40 wipceosan 'to reject' 28 wipcweöan 'to speak against, gainsay' 26,35,41,44 wipfaran 'to come off, escape' 30 wil)feohtan 'to fight against, rebel' 30 wipfeolan 'to apply oneself to' 33 wipfön 'to grasp at' 30 wiphabban 'to resist, oppose' 26, 40 wiphycgan 'to reject, scom' 28 wiplicgan 'to oppose, resist' 26

260

Index

wipmetan 'to compare with, liken to' 37 wipreotan 'to clamour against' 26 wipsacan 'to forsake, refuse' 23, 27, 41, 44, 110 wil)scorian 'to refuse' 33 wipscüfan 'to refute, repel' 28 wipseon 'torebel' 33 wipsettan 'to withstand, resist' 33 wipslean 'to oppose, counteract' 33 wipsprecan 'to contradict, gainsay' 26 wipstandan 'to withstand' 30, 35, 153 wipteon 'torestrain' 30 wipwinnan 'to fight against, oppose' 26 wlätian 'to gaze, behold, loathe' 21 wätan 'to gaze' 80 wlitigian 'to beautify, adom' 18 wrecan 'to drive, press forward, utter' 6, 22, 30 writan 'to write' 37 wnpan 'to twist' 31 wrixlan 'to change' 33 wudian 'to cut wood' 33 wundrian 'to wonder' 12, 20, 22, 33, 40 wunian 'to inhabit, remain' 19, 31, 104, 105, 171 (ge)wunian 'to dwell, be wont to' 25, 43 wynsumian 'to rejoice, exult' 30, 167 wyrgan 'to abuse, curse' 26 (ge)wyscan, (ge)wiscan 'to wish' 2 2 , 3 5 , 4 1 , 4 4 (ge)yflian 'to inflict evil, injure' 20, 21 ymbepencan 'to think about, consider' 44 ymbfleogan 'to fly around' 28 ymbfön 'to Surround, grasp' 74 ymb-gän 'to go around, Surround' 53 ymbhycgan 'to be anxious about' 12,115 ymbsprecan 'to speak about' 133