Venice's Hidden Enemies: Italian Heretics in a Renaissance City 9780520077430

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Venice’s Hidden Enemies

Studies on the History of Society and Culture Victoria E. Bonnell and Lynn Hunt, Editors 1. Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution, by Lynn Hunt 2. The People of Paris: An Essay in Popular Culture in the Eighteenth Century, by Daniel Roche 3. Pont-St-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France, by Jonathan Dewald 4. The Wedding of the Dead: Ritual, Poetics, and Popular Culture in Transylvania, by Gail Kligman 5. Students, Professors, and the State in Tsarist Russia, by Samuel D. Kassow

6. The New Cultural History, edited by Lynn Hunt 7. Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siécle France: Politics, Psychology, and Style,

by Debora L. Silverman 8. Histories of a Plague Year: The Social and the Imaginary in Baroque Florence, by Giulia Calvi 9. Culture of the Future: The Proletkult Movement in Revolutionary

Russia, by Lynn Mally 10. Bread and Authority in Russia, 1914-1921, by Lars J. Lih 11. Territories of Grace: Cultural Change in the Seventeenth-Century Diocese of Grenoble, by Keith P. Luria 12. Publishing and Cultural Politics in Revolutionary Parts, 1789-1 810,

by Carla Hesse 13. Limited Liveliboods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England,

by Sonya O. Rose 14. Moral Communities: The Culture of Class Relations in the Russian

Printing Industry, 1867-1907, by Mark Steinberg 15. Bolshevik Festivals, 1917-1920, by James von Geldern 16. Venice’s Hidden Enemies: Italian Heretics in a Renaissance City, by

John Martin 17. Wondrous in His Saints: Counter-Reformation Propaganda in Bavaria,

by Philip M. Soergel

a @ >] Hidden @ Venice’s Enemies Italian Heretics in a Renaissance City

John Martin

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley | Los Angeles | London

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 1993 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Martin, John Jeffries. , Venice’s hidden enemies : Italian heretics in a Renaissance city /

John Martin. p. cm.—(Studies on the history of society and culture ; 16) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-520-07743-1 (alk. paper) 1. Heresies, Christian—Italy— Venice—History— 16th century. 2. Renaissance—Italy—Venice. 3. Reformation—Italy— Venice. 4. Venice (Italy)—Church history. 5. Venice (Italy)—Intellectual life. 6. Venice (Italy)—History—1508-1797. 1. Title. II. Series.

BR878. V4M37 1993

273’ .6'0943 1—dc20 92-19220 CIP Printed in the United States of America

9 8 7 65 43 2 «41

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z239.48-1984.

for Mary Ellen with love and admiration

SSS Contents

PREFACE 1X

Century Venice I

Introduction: Salvation and Society in SixteenthI

A Republic Between Renaissance and Reform 23 2

The Coming of the Inquisition 49 3

Evangelism and the Emergence of Popular Reform 71 4

Hiding 123 The Humanity of Christ and the Hope for the Messiah 97 5

6

The Place of Heresy in a Hierarchical Society 147

The Turn of the Screw 179 7

8

Two Horsemen of the Apocalypse 197

Epilogue: The Final Executions 217 APPENDIX: A NOTE ON THE QUANTITATIVE

STUDY OF THE INQUISITION 235 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY: HERESY AND

REFORM IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY 249

GENERAL INDEX 273 INDEX OF SECONDARY AUTHORS 283

Preface

When in 1572 the pope’s ambassador to Venice warned the Venetian government that heretics were the “hidden enemies” of the state, he was expressing a widely held fear of the age. Rome, after all, needed only to urge the rulers and magistrates of such states as Venice, Florence, and Milan to look no farther afield than Germany for examples of the political turmoil that the heresies of the age appeared to cause. Yet the phrase he chose—the words “hidden enemies”—especially suited the case of Venice. For while most Venetians who articulated their hopes for religious reform saw themselves as friends of the republic, gradually both Roman and Venetian authorities did come to think of them as enemies. And once they were so labeled or defined, it became imperative for them to hide—to conceal their own beliefs and convictions, to exercise discretion when discussing the books they read, equally to keep quiet about their relationships with others suspected of heresy, and even, at times, to run from the law. In their hiding, they were assisted both by the relative anonymity of such a large maritime center as Venice and by the government’s diplomatic and commercial concerns that made the republic reluctant to admit, officially at least, the existence of religious tensions in the city. As a con-

sequence, despite the best efforts of the Inquisition, the heretics of Venice were largely successful in their subterfuge. This book represents an effort to uncover their hidden history. In the course of my research I have drawn not only on unpublished archival materials (in particular the records of the Venetian Inquisition) 1X

X Preface but also on two traditions of scholarship. I have benefited in part from the writings of those historians who examined several aspects of religious dissent in early modern Venice but whose work, apart from a few notable exceptions, has left us with little sense of either the context or the contours of the religious movements I explore here. But I have also profited from the publications of those scholars who investigated both specific and general dimensions of the social and political history of the city, though these latter studies have tended to ignore or marginalize the history of religious dissent. Consequently, I often think of my research for this book as something like a diplomatic mission, in which I try to effect a rapprochement between two traditions of scholarship, with the conviction that the ensuing dialogue can only strengthen both fields. It is my hope that such an approach will cast light on what has been a shadowy area in the history of Renaissance Venice. Religious ideas and religious movements are best understood, I believe, in their social and political contexts.

Whether this effort has been successful I leave for the reader to judge. I ask only that you remember that the task of finding out about men and women long ago, especially when they quite deliberately left little imprint on the historical memory, is an arduous one. It is especially difficult in the case of this book and the research that underlies it, since I have (given my own sympathies for the heretics) found myself in the paradoxical position of sorting through records compiled by a tribunal whose major purpose was the decidedly hostile one of eradicating heretics and heretical ideas from the city. I can only hope that this continuous sitting—so to speak—alongside a series of rather formidable inquisitors has not overly biased this study. My fundamental concern remains the accused, not their judges or prosecutors. What matters to me most are the points of view and the life experiences of those men and women who were unable to escape the intrusions of the Holy Office into the private details of their lives. My theme, therefore, is not an institutional history of the Inquisition but rather the story of those dissenting individuals and groups of heretics who were unfortunate enough to become the objects of inquisitorial repression.

This book also attempts to elucidate some of the ways in which Venice’s traditions and mythologies, its rich humanistic culture, its vast and expanding publishing trade, and especially the social and cultural life of its artisans, merchants, and patricians contributed to the devel-

opment of religious dissent in the sixteenth century. In it I try— although it is a somewhat old-fashioned notion—to give some sense of

Preface XI the place in which the story unfolds. I do so with the expectation that even if you are already somewhat familiar with Venice and its history, this history of heresy in the city will nonetheless surprise you and encourage you to think about Venice’s past in new ways. For Venetian history has generally had the rather implausible quality of a certain political, social, and religious harmony about it, and its historians— even in modern times—have persisted in portraying the city as a place of such extraordinary consensus that readers and students today may not readily imagine that Venice too had its share of critics. Although Venice lies at the center of the study, the history of heresy in this city is by no means a purely local story. Rather it belongs to the much larger story of what we might provisionally call the Reformation in Italy or, perhaps better, the Italian Reformation. To be sure, any attempt to understand even the most salient aspects of the efforts at religious reform in sixteenth-century Italy must inevitably relate only a part of what was a richly variegated series of developments, and no one is more aware of the limited nature of what follows than am I. Nonetheless, Venice was anything but isolated from the great religious and political events of the sixteenth century. In this book, therefore, my design is not only to write about Venice but also, by focusing on the history of several reform movements in this one city, to trace the connections of the more significant Italian heresies to religious and intellectual traditions and to the larger political and social environment as well. Accordingly, in the pages that follow the Venetian republic and its capital city are the protagonists in a drama that resonated far beyond the Venetian world: not only in Germany, Switzerland, France, and England, where the religious reforms of the Reformation gave shape to the whole epoch, but also in the other Italian states of the late Renaissance, from the Kingdom of Naples and the papal states in the south and center of the peninsula to the Republic of Lucca and the Duchy of Milan in its north. It is a special pleasure to acknowledge here the advice and encouragement of the good friends who had a role in the making of this book. Many of the questions that I brought to this work owe much to Caroline Bynum and Giles Constable, with whom it was my buona fortuna to study as an undergraduate at Harvard; both these teachers directed my interest to the religious history of medieval and early modern Europe. During my first two years in graduate school, Myron Gilmore and Felix Gilbert were encouraging as I began to think about the pos-

X11 Preface | sibility of exploring aspects of the history of Christianity in the context of Renaissance Italy. The task of directing my dissertation (the foundation for this book) fell to David Herlihy. Both he and Simon Schama, who also served as a reader of the dissertation, were gracious not only in bringing their insights—whether formed by the study of Florence or of Amsterdam—to bear on Venice but also in allowing me to follow my own hunches as I went about the business of trying to make sense of the history of heresy in this sixteenth-century city.

In twentieth-century Venice I found an exceptionally supportive community of scholars. Dennis Romano, whose visits to Italy overlapped with my own, spent countless hours discussing Renaissance history with me and teaching me much about Venice and the Venetians. Guido Ruggiero, one of the American masters of Italian archives, listened patiently to early formulations of my arguments and was an unofficial but treasured adviser for me as I began to develop this project. In addition, both colleagues graciously read and commented on early

versions of this manuscript. Marion Kuntz, the leading expert in the history of millenarian and prophetic thought in Venice, shared an enormous amount of her time and wisdom with me; Andrea del Col, whose scholarship on the history of the Inquisition and heresy in Venice inspires my own, went out of his way—1in conversations, in letters, and most recently in a meticulous reading of this book—to help me get at least most major things right. ‘To each of these colleagues and friends, {am more grateful than I can easily say. Over the years many others in Venice and elsewhere have provided me with suggestions and leads. In particular, I should like to thank Antonio Calabria, Linda Carroll, Francesca Meneghetti Casarin, Stanley Chojnacki, Gaetano Cozzi, Michela dal Borgo, Nicholas Davidson, Joanne Ferraro, Francisco Garcia-Treto, Carlo Ginzburg, Nanette Le Coat, Richard Mackenney, Ed Muir, Stefano Pillinini, Kris Ruggiero, Alessandra Sambo, Silvana Seidel Menchi, and Roberto Zago. Jim Farr and Char Miller kindly read the manuscript and offered excellent suggestions for its improvement. | owe a special debt of gratitude to Gary Kates, who read this book in each of its many incarnations and who has been a supportive friend and colleague for nearly a decade. My students at Trinity University have also been helpful. Most have been so merely by insisting that I get my ideas across with a certain clarity. But I especially thank David Broussard, Karla Oty, Tom Cragin, and David Robertson—who assisted with the quantitative dimen-

Preface XIll sions of this study—as well as my former student Sharron Wood, who proofread and checked countless bibliographical references with intelligence and resourcefulness. My dissertation research and writing was supported by several institutions: a grant from the Fulbright-Hays Commission gave me the opportunity to live for nine months in Venice when I first undertook the research for my thesis; both the Danforth and the Krupp Foundations made possible full-time work on the dissertation during my penultimate year of graduate school. More recently, a fellowship from the National Endowment for the Humanities supported me for a full year of uninterrupted research and writing. I was especially fortunate dur-

ing that leave to find a temporary home at the Newberry Library in Chicago, where I benefited not only from the excellent collections in the history of the Italian Reformation but also from the collegiality of Paul Gehl, John Marino, and Cynthia Truant, who all did much to make my scholarly endeavors there a special pleasure. I have been fortunate, in an era of increasingly tight academic budgets, to find myself at an institution that allowed me—through grants from both the Fac-

ulty Development Committee and the Joullian Fund of the Department of History—to return to Venice on several occasions and to purchase ample quantities of microfilm. In Venice itself my research has benefited from the courtesies of the staff at the Archivio di Stato and the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. In addition, Maria McWilliams of the Maddux Library at Trinity worked numerous small miracles in making quite rare items available to me through interlibrary loan. In the Department of History, Eunice Nicholson, Deanna Perez and Stephanya Miller prepared the typescript with grace and goodwill, as deadlines loomed and I requested yet another set of “minor” changes. Parts of this study appeared previously, albeit in substantially different versions. I am grateful to the University of Chicago Press for permission to republish portions of my article, “Salvation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Popular Evangelism in a Renaissance City,” which appeared in the Journal of Modern History 60 (1988): 205—

233; to the editors of Quaderni storici for granting me the right to use parts of my essay, “L’Inquisizione romana e la criminalizzazione del dissenso religioso a Venezia all’inizio dell’eta moderna,” Quaderni storici n.s., 66 (1987): 777-802; and finally to Croom Helm for the use of brief selections from my chapter, “Popular Culture and the Shaping of Popular Heresy in Renaissance Venice,” in Stephen Haliczer, ed., /nquis1-

XIV Preface tion and Society in Early Modern Europe (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 115-128. J am also grateful to my editors at the University of California Press:

to Sheila Levine, who first expressed interest in this book and who continued to believe in this project even when I had my doubts, and to Rose Vekony and Edith Gladstone for the exceptional care they took

in editing the manuscript. Moreover, many of the readers (most of whose names I shall never know) went out of their way to offer constructive criticisms and helpful suggestions. In particular, I thank Lynn Hunt for pushing me to clarify several theoretical arguments and John Tedeschi for sharing with me his vast learning, not only on the history of the Italian Reformation but on the history of the Roman Inquisition as well. Closer to home, I have been especially fortunate. My parents took a

lively interest in my work—something for which I shall always be appreciative. [ am saddened only that my father, Junius Martin, who read the manuscript with a certain enthusiasm about the possibility of a social history of Christianity, did not live to see it in print. My children, Margaret and Junius, have perhaps been only dimly aware of what their father has been up to, but they and our friend Lilly Peterson have done more than they can possibly realize to help me maintain my perspective in the final stages of this project. I dedicate this book to my wife, Mary Ellen Ross. Somehow in the midst of her own demanding professional life, she has made room for my frequent ramblings about heretics and the Inquisition; for her own comments and work on drafts of chapters; and for my stubborn theoretical queries about the study of religion. Not only has she shared much of her expertise with me, she too has helped me place this work in proper perspective. Most of all, being with her makes it plain that grace and good fortune are not mere intellectual abstractions; she brings me an abundance of both.

INTRODUCTION

Salvation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Venice A fertile, elementary age was bound to produce something more than an opposition between a well-co-ordinated Protestantism on the one hand and a well-expurgated Catholicism on the other.

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This is not to say that Venice was the only center of evangelism in 35. On Salutati, Trinkaus, / Our Image and Likeness, 1:75. On Caldiera, Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 105~109.

36. Dtalogi, ed. Aldo Landi (Naples: Prismi; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1982), 202; for the interrelatedness of Contarini’s religious and political convictions, see esp. Gilbert, “Religion and Politics,” in History: Choice and Commitment, 247-267. 37. Again, see Vergerio, De Republica Veneta.

46 Venice’s Hidden Enemies

Italy. In fact, the movement was diffused through much of northern Italy. After the death of Contarini, several of the most prominent reformers—Cardinal Reginald Pole, for example, and his associate the humanist poet Marcantonio Flaminio, as well as Cardinal Giovanni Morone, bishop of Modena—dedicated themselves to campaign for the view that the role of faith was primary in the economy of salvation. They did so, not because they were crypto-Protestants, as some of their later detractors believed—all three would be accused of heresy — but rather because they believed that evangelism offered the best hope for a unified Christendom. What they could not foresee was the disfavor their dream would earn from the council soon to meet at ‘Trent. Nor perhaps could they recognize the radical potential in the doctrine of salvation by faith alone. Whereas they themselves saw no contradiction between Luther’s teaching and loyalty to Rome, the line dividing evangelism from heresy was quite thin. Nonetheless, they composed

and urged others to compose and publish sermons, pasquinades, poems, letter collections, devotional tracts, catechisms, and commentaries on the Gospels to spread their views. And as a consequence, in the course of a few years, they created a stream of literature (of which the Beneficio di Cristo was the most eloquent expression) that diffused to a broad and diverse public, already somewhat familiar with such views

from the preaching of Ochino and Vermigli, the evangelical ideal that an individual's relationship to God was direct and immediate. As they spread their message, they hoped that the Church would approve it, and that their strategy would result in unity, not division. 3® The response was widespread, and there can be no doubt that their efforts struck a chord in a large cross section of the urban population

of the cities and towns of northern and central Italy. But it was in Venice especially that a popular movement developed, and it did so primarily because of the city’s reputation for liberty. Since the sack of Rome in 1527, after all, Venice had served as a haven for those Italians who sought religious or artistic freedom. It was then, for example, that ‘Tommaso Badia, one of the leading spiritual, fled Rome to take refuge in Venice. And soon thereafter figures as diverse as the satirist Pietro Aretino, the “scourge of princes,” and the humanist Antonio Brucioh, no longer able to return to Florence, chose Venice as the ideal setting for their undertakings. During the 1540s, however, following the es-

tablishment of the Inquisition elsewhere—as authorities clamped down in such cities as Rome and Naples—the major movement of re38. Firpo, “Juan de Valdés e Pevangelismo italiano.”

Between Renaissance and Reform 47

formers to Venice occurred. Some of the more prominent figures arrived in a group of heretics from Rome (Guido Giannetti da Fano, the Brescian physician Girolamo Donzellino, and Francesco Strozzi), but scores of others came as well, such as the evangelical Baldassare Altieri and the Bolognese condottiero Ludovico dall’Armi. And many thought not only to escape persecution at home but also to achieve, because of Venetian political freedom, certain religious reforms in Venice as well. Thus it was inevitable that Venice became a center of religious re-

form. One of the leading figures in this movement was the bishop of Capodistria, Pier Paolo Vergerio. For over a decade he had struggled to reform his diocese from within the received structures of Catholicism. But in the early 1540s Vergerio, like Pole, Flaminio, and Morone, recognized that the religious climate had changed; 1n contrast to these spiritualt who continued to hope that Christian unity could be preserved, Vergerio believed that his goals could no longer be met from within the Church: he initiated an intensive, though clandestine, effort

to bring about a reformation of the Church in Venice. He did not act alone. Over the years, Vergerio—first as a student, then as a lawyer, and finally as a churchman—had cultivated close ties with patricians, priests, and printers who shared his goals. Several were native Venetians, but others were recent exiles to the city who, like Vergerio, now believed that the time had come to work for a genuine reformation in Italy. They never believed it possible to transpose mechanically the teachings of Luther or Calvin or the institutional arrangements of the Protestant churches to Venice. Their ideals for religious reform were sensitive to local needs and conditions, and their readings were cast broadly. Certainly Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Zwingli, and Bucer were among their key texts, but they also read extensively in New Testament and biblical criticism. ‘They doubtless benefited from the presence in Venice of the Florentine exile and humanist Antonio Brucioli, whose translations of and commentaries on the Bible were well known in Venetian culture at the time. And they relied as much on the writings of Italian as they did on northern reformers. *?

But political circumstances provided these reformers with their 39. On Vergerio’s contacts in Venice, in addition to Schutte (Pier Paolo Vergerio), the researches of Andrea del Col are essential. See esp. del Col, “Lucio Paolo Rosello e la vita religiosa veneziana verso la meta del secolo X VI,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia

32 (1978): 422-459; and del Col, “Il controllo della stampa a Venezia e i processi di Antonio Brucioli (1548-1559),” Critica storica 17 (1980): 457-510. A further portrait of Vergerio’s circle in Venice is provided in ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 39, doss. “Donzellino, Girolamo,” in a memorial, “Reverendi et illustrissimi signori. Da principio che io ritornai in questa cita,” presented by Donzellino to the Inquistion in November 1561.

48 Venice's Hidden Enemtes

greatest hopes. The 1545 election as doge of Francesco Dona, a patrician widely believed to be sympathetic to their ideals, was especially encouraging. Vergerio composed a congratulatory letter to Dona calling on him to reform the Church. The republic is peaceful and prosperous, Vergerio argued, and now—given the nearly universal recog-

nition of abuses in the Church and the humanistic recovery of the theological and pastoral foundations of Christianity—is the ideal occasion to carry out such a reform.* Then, in 1546-1547, international circumstances gave the reformers even more hope. It appeared that Venice might be convinced to enter into at least a covert alliance with the Protestant Schmalkaldic League in its struggle against the emperor Charles V. The key activists in this maneuver were Guido Giannetti, the former secretary to the English ambassador to Rome; Baldassare Altieri, now the secretary to the English ambassador to Venice; and Ludovico dall’Armi. ‘Together they hatched a wild scheme, requiring Venetian cooperation, for an insurrection in the Romagna timed to make it impossible for pontifical forces to come to the aid of the emperor in his crusade against the Protestants. Like Vergerio, they hoped that a return to the true Gospel was still possible in Italy and, like the Lucchese gonfalonier Francesco Burlamacchi, who had planned and then attempted a similar insurrection in Tuscany the previous year, they dreamt of simpler times and of a revival of Italian republicanism. As Guido Giannetti wrote 1n a letter to Duke John Frederick of Saxony, one of the leaders of the Schmalkaldic League, they hoped to restore not only “the ancient liberty of Italy” but also to create conditions that would allow for the free preaching of the Gospel. But, like Vergerio, with whom Altieri was in contact, their hopes for political support were dashed, at first by the quiet diplomacy of the pope who got wind of their plans, then definitively by the duke of Alba, Charles V’s commander, who defeated the Protestant troops at Mtihlberg in April 1547.7! 40. Pier Paolo Vergerio, “Oratione al Doge Francesco Donado per il suo ingresso, esortatione alla riforma della chiesa,” in Aldo Stella, “L’Orazione di Pier Paolo Vergerio,” Atti dell’ Istituto veneto di sctenze, lettere ed arti, classe di scienze moralt, lettere ed arti 128 (1969—

1970): 25-39.

41. Aldo Stella, “Utopie e velleita insurrezionali dei filoprotestanti italiani (1545— 1547),” Bibliotheque @humanisme et Renaissance 27 (1965): 133-182. On Francesco Burlamacchi, see Berengo, Nobili e mercanti nella Lucca del Cinquecento, 191-218. Finally, for a

recent examination of the Schmalkaldic League, see Thomas A. Brady, Jr., “Phases and Strategies of the Schmalkaldic League: A Perspective after 450 Years,” Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 74 (1983): 162-181.

eee CHAPTER TWO

The Coming of the Inquisition

Since Venice ts so large and so open and a place where all peoples, especially the Germans, are welcomed, much vigilance is needed.

Pope Gregory XIII’s instruction to his ambassador to Venice, 1581

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and 28 June 1578. |

30. ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 43, doss. “De Lorenzi Domenico,” testimony of 31 March

31. “Mia mogier non vorra dir niente per esser sua fia. E vero che lui non ghe ha mai insegnado a dir oration et ho habudo gran fadiga a farga [= farghe] dir oration. Ma adesso

la le disse” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 40, doss. “Paolo di Albori,” testimony of 5 January 1576).

Two Horsemen of the Apocalypse 213

was accused of heresy by his shop companion; the mercer Bernardino Palavicino was denounced by his apprentice for keeping three F'lemings in his shop—men who, it was alleged, kept a maidservant from attending mass; and a certain Roberto was denounced by his shop mate for, among other things, forcing his wife to prepare meat for him during Lent. “Many times,” the shop mate asserted, “he has beaten her black, because she did not wish to cook meat for him on fast days.” 3? And in 1578, when donna Bertapaia testified against her son-in-law, she first noted that her devotional practices assumed a more regular rhythm with the onset of the plague. “And in our house,” she told the Holy Office, “whenever I, together with the others, say the litanies—as I have been accustomed to do with my women servants for a long time,

that is, since the beginning of the plague until now—[Guglielmo] makes fun of us.” #3

In general, it was the wife who brought the denunciation against her

husband or who was at least willing to testify against him. In a trial from 1577 Valeria, the wife of a man originally denounced by her step-

father, freely offered testimony against her husband who had spoken out against sacerdotal confession, the giving of alms for the dead, and the effort to prohibit the printing and selling of certain works. “[My husband] told me the first night that he slept with me,” she revealed to the Inquisition, “that I had had my eyes closed until that time and that he wished to open them for me and make me know the true light and the true faith.” The following year Laura, the wife of a cobbler who worked on the piazza San Marco, denounced her husband for heresy. ** In 1581 it was again a cobbler’s wife who spoke against her husband,

Franceschin. In her testimony about a man she had not seen for ten years, she spoke of how he had attempted to impose his religious beliefs

on her and their children. He took down the images of the Madonna that she had placed in their house, opposed her teaching their children to make the sign of the cross, forced her to prepare and to eat meat on 32. “Et molte volte ha fatto nera battendola perché non li vol cosinar carne in giorni prohibiti” (ibid., b. 43, doss. “Roberto fiamengo,” testimony of 1 May 1576); see also b. 40, doss. “Gebler Giorgio,” denunciation of 7 April 1576 and doss. “Palavicino Bernardo et al.,” denunciation of 1 April 1576. 33. “Et quando in casa nostra io 0 altri dicemo le litanie, come qualche volte usavo di dire per longo tempo con le mie massare, cioé dal principio del contagio sino a l’altro giorno, costui se ne ride” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 43, doss. “Cromeri Guglielmo,” testimony of 30 May 1578). 34. “El mi disse anchora la prima notte che’! dormi con mi che io haveva fino alhora imbedadi gl’occhi et che’l voleva aprirmeli et farme conoscer el vero lume et la vera fede” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 47, doss. “Capuano Alvise,” testimony of 18 July 1577); ibid., b. 42, doss. “Paese Giovanni,” testimony of 5 May 1576.

214 Venice's Hidden Enemies

fast days, beat her for attending confession, and taught her the Lord’s Prayer. Asked to recite this prayer before the Holy Office, she did so, adding that Franceschin “wanted me to teach this same [prayer] to the children.” > Holy battles between husband and wife—battles that had perhaps been simmering for a long time—came to the fore with the plague and the intensification of Catholic piety it entailed. In 1582 Caterina, the wife of Valentino, a furrier, denounced her husband, in-

forming the Inquisition that “last Easter . . . because I had been to mass in my parish, San Zuane Nuovo, my husband—for this reason— began to spit on me when I came home.” And as their differences continued, the husband refused to sleep with her. *° By the late 1570s, therefore, neither household nor shop was the haven for heretics that it had been at midcentury or even as late as the 1560s. In the 1560s such minuscule institutions of family and work often afforded especially safe settings for the evangelizing of friends, neighbors, and fellow workers. During the next decade, though less extro-

verted, they nonetheless remained centers of heretical discussion, clandestine foci of heretical activity. But by the late 1570s even these

centers had begun to come apart. The pressures on them were too great. For one thing, both family and shop became targets of the Counter-Reformation offensive. Thus Carlo Borromeo not only argued that fathers had an obligation to ensure that their wives and children remained devout Catholics, he also maintained that the shop was to be a pious institution, with the shop master disciplining any apprentice or journeyman who failed to go to communion or to give his confessions at Easter.*’ For another, both the war and the plague made people less tolerant. Fellow workers and even family members who had once turned a deaf ear to the religious views of their spouses or masters seemed increasingly reluctant to do so. The stakes, in a time of plague, were too high. The result was a world in which the evangelicals grew largely isolated from one another as well. Again and again in the trials from this 35. “Voleva che insegnasse questo medismo alli figlioli” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 48, doss. “Franceschino da Trieste,” testimony of 17 August 1581). 36. “II giorno de Pasqua de la ressuretione del nostro Signor proximo passato, perché 10 era stata a comunicarmi nella mia parochta di San Zuane Nuovo, el ditto mio marito per questo quando fui tornata a casa, el mi comenz6 a spudermi drio” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 49, doss. “Valentino da Lubiana,” testimony of 19 April 1582). Caterina also testified that her husband had beaten her on several occasions. 37. Carlo Borromeo, Litterae pastorales in Acta ecclesiae mediolanesis, vol. 3, col. 666.

Two Horsemen of the Apocalypse 215

period, those accused of heresy appeared to stand entirely alone. When four artisans testified against the tailor Paolo di Albori in 1576, not one of these accusers was able to identify anyone who shared the views of this heretical tailor. The following year Costantino ‘Tessera, a Greek gold-leaf worker who lived “alla latina,” was accused of heresy by no less than five individuals, but again no fellow heretics—the harvest of the heterodox that inquisitors hoped their proceedings would bring— were uncovered. And in 1580 the dyer Battista Grisolan, an immigrant worker who came to Venice via Lyon from Vicenza, was the object of considerable consternation among a large number of textile workers

who lived in his parish of San Fosca. Although his wife may have shared his convictions, Battista too, like Paolo di Albori and Costantino ‘Tessera, was isolated. Indeed, almost three out of every four individuals brought to trial for heresy 1n the decade after 1575 were tried alone, with no apparent connections to other heretics. **

To be sure, the number may be misleading. By their very nature, heretics sought to conceal their ties to one another. Nonetheless the contrast with the 1550s and 1560s, when well over half of those implicated in heresy were part of an identifiable group of dissenters in Venice, 1s telling. The heretical world of sixteenth-century Venice had begun to come undone. And the attention of the Inquisition had begun to shift elsewhere. In the early 1580s the papal nuncio Bolognetti recalled the time “when it was necessary to do a considerable amount [against heresy],” whereas in his own time, “nothing of consideration has been heard of unless from certain little villages located on the borders {of the republic], and not even in these cases have the accusations

been verified.” 38. ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 40, doss. “Paolo di Albori”; b. 41, doss. “Tessera Costantino”; and b. 46, doss. “Grisolan Gio: Battista.” On trials against individuals in this

decade, see John Martin, “In God’s Image: Artisans and Heretics in CounterReformation Venice” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1982), 248. 39. Bolognetti, “Dello Stato et forma delle cose ecclesiastiche nel dominio dei signori venetiani,’ 286.

EPILOGUE

The Final Executions By the grace of God there are no heretics in this city.

Paolo Sarpi, 1622

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. . 3 ae os eee ge See oe soe eit ‘ 3 08 vo : Nor could Achille Rubini be easily moved from his convictions. Achille first encountered evangelical ideas in the early 1570s in Vicenza, where, as he told the Inquisition, “I was consumed in reading the Bible.” And like Claude, Achille placed great emphasis on one’s internal life: 1t was what was believed on the inside that mattered. Material things were not important. “The Church is only a structure of stone and wood,” he said, “and this is not the true temple of God, but the true temple is the heart.”!¢ Pietro Longo, whom Donzellino no doubt knew, went even further. He made something of an effort to revive the clandestine book trade that Pietro Perna had put into place a generation earlier. He was in close contact with Perna, and he traveled regularly to the Frankfurt book fairs as well as to Strasbourg, another important printing center. To be sure, he was cautious about his activities. When packing up the books he would carry back to Venice, he worked apart from the other Venetian merchants who traveled with him. One of them accused Pietro of duplicity, of pretending to be a Catholic at home and a Protestant abroad: “You have two faces,” he 15. Portmann, “Der Venezianer Artz Girolamo Donzellini,” 6. 16. “Io me consumavo nel legger. . . . La chiesa é solamente un tempio materiale di pietre e di legni e che questo non é il vero tempio, ma il vero tempio é nel cuore” (ASV, Sant’ Uffizio, b. 50, doss. “Robino Achille,” testimony of 30 April 1582).

224 Epilogue said, “you present one face in your own country and another in other lands.” ?”

Such deceptions did not come easily to Claude Baniére. Angered by his loss of religious freedom, he told Marcello de Juliis da Salerno, a fellow alchemist who was staying with him in the parish of Santi Apo-

stoli, “The Inquisition is nothing but an extreme tyranny.” !® Later when his house was searched and several heretical titles by such reformers as Calvin and Beza were found with a variety of alchemical texts by Raymund Lull and Paracelsus, among others, Claude admitted his frustration at not feeling free to express his beliefs. Not, he explained to the Inquisition, that he believed there was anything wrong in keeping such books. “Since from the very beginning I was brought up on the doctrines contained in these works, that is, according to the way Calvin teaches the Gospel in France and Germany, I think it is a ood thing to keep [the books].”!? And now caught red-handed, Claude began to express his misgivings about his earlier abjuration—misgivings that recalled Francesco Spiera’s dilemma of more than a quartercentury earlier. Claude too became deeply conscious of the difference between what one did externally out of fear and obedience and what was in one’s heart. Like Spiera, he was worried that his earlier abjuration might compromise his salvation; finally he admitted to his judges, “The last time I was a prisoner, I said what I did in order to get out of prison, and [am most sorry for this, and I hope Christ will have mercy on me for having abjured.” 7°

55P8

In the early seventeenth century, the Venetian theologian and statesman Paolo Sarpi could write: “By the grace of God there are no heretics 17. “Tu hai due fazzie. Tu nelli paesi de l’altra ne fai a una foggia et in altri paesi a unaltra” (ibid., b. 59, doss. “Valgrisio Giorgio,” testimony of 20 September 1587). 18. “L’Inquisitione non é altro che un’estrema tirannia” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 59, doss. “Claudio [francese] Savoia,” testimony of 28 March 1587); cited also in Stella, DalPanabattismo al socinianesimo, 174.

19. “Essendo instituito da la prima mia eta in la dottrina compresa e conforme a questi libri sudetti secondo la dottrina de l’evangelio come insegna Calvino in Francia et Alemagna, io non posso far altro in conscientia mia di tenerla per bona” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio, b. 59, doss. “Claudio (francese) Savoia,” testimony of 11 April 1587); cited also in Stella, Dall’anabattismo al socintanesimo, 183.

20. “Et io l’altra volta che fui preggione dissi altramente perché non poteva far altro per uscir de preggione et ne son pentitissimo, et spero che Christo me havera misericordia d’haver abiurato el contrario de quel che credeva” (ASV, Sant’Uffizio b. 59, doss. “Claudio (francese) Savoia,” testimony of 18 April 1587); cited also in Stella, Dall’anabattismo al socinianesimo, 185.

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in this city, and for some decades there has been no trial for formal heresy, but only for the licentiousness of some who have spoken of the faith without due reverence and understanding, and for a few cases of herbal magic and sorcery.” ?! Considerable irony attends Sarpi’s defensive observation about the

piety of his fellow Venetians, for his own faith or orthodoxy was a matter of some suspicion, and not only in Rome. Sir Henry Wotton, the English ambassador to Venice, called him “a Protestant in a monk’s

habit,” and many of Sarpi’s Calvinist correspondents in France took him for one of their own.”?? While we shall probably never know Sarpi’s

personal convictions, many of his attitudes—an emphasis on the importance of grace in salvation, a stress on Scripture, a deep skepticism about the universal claims of the Roman church—suggest an affinity with the evangelical currents that had characterized Venetian spirituality since the early sixteenth century.” This is not to say that Sarpi had much in common with evangelicals such as Girolamo Donzellino and Pietro Longo who were executed in the late 1580s. On the contrary, he explicitly repudiated any public effort to establish a Protestant church in Venice.”* His evangelism, like that of patricians such as Andrea Mo-

rosini, Nicolé Contarini, and Leonardo Dona, was an expression of personal piety.

Nonetheless, these men shared a certain openness to the Protestant world, both politically and intellectually.”* It is even possible that their personal religious views had a part in the fiercely independent posture that Venice assumed in its relations with Rome in the last two decades of the sixteenth and the first two decades of the seventeenth century.” But we should not exaggerate the nature of their evangelical commitments. On the one hand, the decisive factors at work in the growing tensions between Venice and Rome were juridical, fiscal, and political. At issue were navigational rights in the Adriatic, the incorporation of 21. Sarpi, “In materia di crear novo inquisitor di Venezia,” in Opere, ed. Gaetano Cozzi and Luisa Cozzi (Milan: R. Ricciardi, 1969), 1210 (the first phrase is this chapter’s epigraph). 22. Pastor, History of the Popes, 25:131. On Sarpi and his French correspondents, see Cozzi, Paolo Sarpi tra Venezia e ’Europa, 235-281. 23. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, 583-591.

24. David Wootton, Paolo Sarpi between Renaissance and Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 93-104. 25. Cozzi, Il doge Nicolé Contarini, esp. chap. 1. 26. Such is the thesis of Cozzi's // doge Nicolé Contarini and of Bouwsma’s Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty. On the limits of this view, see discussion in note 4 above.

226 Epilogue Ferrara into the papal states, the extensive properties held by the Church within Venetian territories at a time of economic hardship for the Venetian ruling class, and Rome's claims to clerical immunity from lay jurisdiction for all priests and religious in the republic.?”? On the other hand, the giovant (even if they were evangelicals) had made their peace with Catholicism, a faith whose ideals and traditions seemed to them an essential support for the hierarchical arrangements of Venetian society and a guarantor of order; they explicitly attacked Protestantism as a source of political upheaval.”® As Sarpi wrote: “The Venetian republic has always held that the most important support for all government and authority comes from true religion and piety. By the singular grace of God Venice was born, educated and has developed to the present day in practice of the true worship of God.” Thus the evangelism of the Venetian patriciate, in itself, never implied an underlying disagreement with Rome over matters of heresy. Indeed many Venetian patricians, even those who were evangelical in their personal piety, found little contradiction between their personal beliefs and the reforming programs of Tridentine Rome. What made them bristle was not religious reform or doctrine but Rome's attempt to encroach on the traditional rights of Venice and the Venetian church. But what about the religious beliefs of non-nobles that had been such a central concern to the Venetian Inquisition in the middle decades of the sixteenth century? Here, the history of evangelism and of heresy more generally remains elusive. The records of the Inquisition do not allow us to assess either the extent or the nature of religious dissent in the last decade of the sixteenth and the first two decades of the seventeenth centuries: virtually no trial records survive from 1592 to 1615.%° Even if they were available, they might not be useful. From 1585 on, with the Protestant Reformation a fait accompli, inquisitors occupied themselves with an assault on popular beliefs and practices of 27. Aldo Stella, “La proprieta ecclesiastica nella Repubblica di Venezia dal secolo XV al XVIII,” Nuova rivista storica 42 (1958): 50-77; Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 201-205.

28. On Catholicism’s role in preserving the social order, see Cozzi, // doge Nicolé Contarini, 41. In Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, Bouwsma sees no conflict between

the giovani’s broad concerns on the one hand and their fear of Protestantism’s possible political consequences on the other; see his comments on the writings of Andrea Morosini (559), Nicolé Contarini (562), and Enrico Davila (568). 29. Cited in Wootton, Paolo Sarpt, 119. 30. ASV, Indice 303: Santo Ufficio Processi (Tre Savi alPeresia) has records of only a few

trials from these years.

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magic and witchcraft that became in Venice, as elsewhere in Italy, the primary business of the Inquisition.*! During the years of jurisdictional conflict with the elites, the Venetian government found itself less willing to accommodate Rome's concerns over heresy. In 1595 the Great Council even acted to place the election of the three lay assistenti to the Inquisition in the hands of the Senate (their appointments had formerly been controlled by the doge)—legislation explicitly designed to reduce Rome's capacity to prosecute heretics within Venetian territory. »” The shifting behavior of the Inquisition should not lead us to suspect that popular heresies no longer existed. Certainly the foreign communities of Protestant merchants—especially the German, Dutch, and English—made it likely that Venetians would still have the opportu-

nity to learn about the teachings of Luther and Calvin. In addition, traffic in illicit books brought many Protestant texts to Venetian readers.°? In many wills from this period an evangelical emphasis was apparent, though the Augustinian stress on grace was often balanced by an invocation to the saints and by a bequest to monastic institution. **

Perhaps this equivocation reflected the fears the Inquisition had instilled in the Venetians; perhaps too it stemmed from Nicodemite attitudes that were so widespread in the late sixteenth century. But many of the heresies in this period were new. We can only imagine the conversations in the early 1580s between Venetians and travelers such as Menocchio, the Friulian miller who developed a spiritualist and materialist cosmology that led to his conviction by the Inquisition of Concordia and Aquileia in 1599. A generation later the itinerant jester and distiller Costantino Saccardino, who was to be hanged for heresy in Bologna in 1622, visited Venice and tried to convince other workers

and artisans that religion was a ruse forced on them by their rulers. 31. E. William Monter and John Tedeschi, “Toward a Statistical Profile of the Italian Inquisitions, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries,” in Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi, eds., The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986), 134. On this same tendency in Venice, see Ruth Martin, Witchcraft and the Inquisition in Venice, 259-261. Mary O’Neil is completing a study of witchcraft in Modena; for preliminary results, see her “Magical Healing, Love Magic and the Inquisition in Late Sixteenth-Century Modena,” in Stephen Haliczer, ed., Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 88-114. 32. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 219.

33. Ibid., 280-285; see also Grendler, “Books for Sarpi: The Smuggling of Prohibited Books into Venice during the Interdict of 1606-1607,” in S. Bertelli and G. Ramakus, eds., Essays Presented to Myron Gilmore (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1978), 105-114.

34. O.M.T. Logan, “Grace and Justification: Some Italian Views of the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 20 (1969): 67-78.

228 Epilogue “You're baboons if you believe in them,” he said. “Princes want you to

believe, so that they can have their way, but .. . finally the whole dovecote [Costantino’s metaphor for the popular classes] has opened its eyes.” *> These examples suggest that certain ideas of materialism and libertinism came to replace evangelism as the popular “heresies” of this

period, but we must admit that we still know next to nothing about popular religious culture in these years.

Nonetheless, we do know that the atmosphere or conditions that permitted ordinary Venetians in the sixteenth century to dream of religious reform no longer existed. ‘The heresy trials, the executions, the exile of many of the most important leaders had eroded all hope that such a movement would ever succeed. When, shortly after the lifting of the papal interdict in 1607, several foreign Protestants thought that Venice might be brought into the Protestant camp and even sent representatives to try to work out such a “reformation” through the mediation of Paolo Sarpi, they were quickly disillusioned. Yes, many in Venice accepted the value of the teachings of Luther and Calvin, but few believed it necessary or advisable to abandon the structure of the Catholic church.*6 The era in which hope for a fundamental change seemed realistic had come to an end, even as Venice grew more tolerant. In the early seventeenth century, the Venetian Inquisition never

even bothered to investigate the activities of a well-known group of noble libertines and atheists, who established the Accademia degli Incogniti in 1630.3?

Like republicanism with which it was often associated, evangelism proved to be extremely malleable. There may well have been continuities between the evangelical thought of Gasparo Contarini in the early sixteenth century and the ideals of Sarpi nearly a hundred years later; there may even have been affinities between the thought of both these figures and the republican ethos of Venice.*® But we ought not to con35. Cited in Carlo Ginzburg, “The Dovecote Has Opened Its Eyes: Popular Conspiracy in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” in Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi eds., The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe, 193. On the now celebrated figure of Menocchio, see Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms, and Andrea del Col, ed., Domenico Scandella detto Menocchto: I processt dell’ Inquisizione (Pordenone: Biblioteca dell’Immagine, 1990).

36. Wootton, Paolo Sarpi, 93-104. 37. Giorgio Spini, Ricerca det ltbertint: La teoria dell impostura delle religioni nel Seicento

italiano (Rome: Editrice Universale di Roma, 1950), 139-163. 38. Bouwsma argued thus in Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty.

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clude from such linkages that the content and significance of evangelism were ever in any way fixed. On the contrary, the pervasiveness of evangelical ideas (much like the pervasiveness of republican ideas) lay in their flexibility and in their openness to diverse interpretation. Just as the giovant and their oligarchic opponents, who had long dominated the Council of Ten and favored a close association with the papacy, pressed separate claims to represent the Venetian republican tradition, so the men and women who called for a reformation of the Church in Venice and those who stressed the importance of a purely personal and interior reform of the individual stood, equally, in the broad currents of Renaissance evangelism. In religion, as in politics, class appears to have been the decisive factor in shaping the interpretation of tradition. Evangelical ideals, as I have argued, attracted a broad cross section of the Venetian population: patricians and popolant, rich and poor, clerical and lay. But as we have seen, the social and political experiences of their new adherents often transformed the original message. In the late 1530s and the early

1540s, under the influences of both the Protestant reformers and a number of the Italian spirituali, a more dogmatic and a more civic evangelism emerged that challenged the basic assumptions of Venetian Catholicism. Yet men like Francesco Dona, the doge of Venice from 1545 to 1553, who might well have been sympathetic with the more individualistic ideas of reform, did not hesitate to cooperate with Rome in the persecution of heresy and assisted in the critical reorganization of the Venetian tribunal of the Roman Inquisition in 1547.

But there were forces at work that not even the Inquisition could contain. [he rapid expansion of manufactures and the intensification of investments by the Venetian nobility in properties on the mainland called many of the traditional notions about hierarchy and status into question. Elite artisans and professionals especially experienced an erosion of their privileges and standing. Accordingly they turned to evangelical teachings in order to recover a more egalitarian and open world that was slipping away, and they crafted an evangelical vision that was far more consequential for the public practice of religion than was the

evangelism of many members of the Venetian patriciate. Underlying their efforts were the close trading ties that Venice maintained with Germany, the city’s large publishing and printing industry, and the steady arrival of immigrants and refugees who came to Venice with the hope of finding the freedoms denied to them in their homelands.

230 Epilogue The forces at work in cultural life were more complex than in the economic sphere: they included a tradition of active lay participation in the religious life of the city and a certain intimacy with the sacred; a measure of cultural autonomy in informal settings such as the shop and the tavern, places that were often beyond the reach of secular and religious authorities alike; and, above all, the widespread availability of evangelical propaganda. This last point was critical. As long as the great meetings at [rent went on, the Italian humanists and publishers who were largely responsible for the diffusion of the evangelical teachings offered to their public a language for envisioning and for preserving the more participatory religious arrangements that had nourished the Renaissance republics. This language—derived from writers such as Luther, Calvin, and Valdés as well as from Ochino, Curione, and the anonymous authors of the Beneficto di Cristo—created only a small

niche for itself within the religious culture of Venice. Nonetheless, evangelical teachings enjoyed a considerable following in Venice, as a generation of friars, artisans, and professionals kept alive hope for a world in which churches would be transformed into inns for preaching, and shops and pzazze would become churches. Yet in Venice the consolidation of such a reform never had a chance. For in the end the evangelicals were unable to garner the public support of the patriciate. Most Venetian nobles never saw the need for reform; collectively, they had considerable control over the existing ecclesiasti-

cal institutions and a vested interest in maintaining them. The bishoprics in Venetian territories were often lucrative benefices, and the Venetian patricians who occupied them frequently put loyalty to Venice ahead of Rome. In addition, the state exercised considerable fiscal

and jurisdictional authority over the clergy. Even when some of the local Venetian nobles did embrace evangelical teachings, they tended to do so, as we have seen, privately. They warmed to that aspect of the evangelical message that encouraged a deepening of personal piety but kept at arm’s length any aspect of such teachings that called the fundamental order into question. Consequently, heresy in Venice had few repercussions on the institutional history of the city. Its story is rather that of a hidden history

that played itself out on the level of popular ideas—both in the remarkable endurance of certain evangelical ideas and simultaneously in

the gradual development of breakaway sects within the evangelical community. The first major shift came in the late 1540s and early

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1550s, when several members of various evangelical circles in Venice developed a sympathy for more radical religious perspectives and decided finally to cross over and to embrace Anabaptist and even antitrinitarian ideas. Among these individuals, both social and cultural forces shaped their more radical posture. The social gap between many of the poorer artisans and the elite leadership of the republic kept the artisans from feeling comfortable with evangelical teachings that placed such confidence in the patriciate for a reform. Accordingly they forged their own small communities of faith. We have only an occasional glimpse of the culture of those men and women who chose Anabaptist beliefs; their values were both more collectivist and more egalitarian than those of the evangelicals. But the Anabaptists were far more willing than the evangelicals to subject the received teachings of Christianity to a radical critique. This culture managed to make itself felt only down to the late 1560s when its last remnants were either executed or forced into

exile. :

Finally, the millenarians. Here too was a sect consisting of individuals uncomfortable with the Augustinianism of the evangelicals; its social and cultural origins are still quite obscure. We know only that the

members—while not as privileged as the majority of those who adhered to evangelical teachings—were nonetheless somewhat more prosperous than the Anabaptists. Yet their culture was in some sense the most archaic of all. As their dream of one sheepfold and one shepherd demonstrates, they longed for a degree of unity that was no longer possible and probably never had been, in the European world. Yet the hope that all people might worship the same god and that conflict and economic disruption might give way to peace and prosperity was (and

remains) one of humanity's most deeply rooted hopes. Ultimately, the millenarians were perhaps the most fortunate of all the heretics. They suffered repression yet in the long run, by the early 1570s, were able to accommodate their beliefs to a seemingly triumphant Catholicism.

Thus even Venice—the Most Serene Republic—had its share of dissenting voices. But this study does more, I hope, than illuminate an aspect of the history of Venice that has for too long remained in the shadows. I also argue that the development of religious ideas is continually subject to both social and cultural forces. Certainly, at times one of these forces may outweigh the other. But the way in which peoples’

232 Epilogue lives are structured by the realities of their workplace, their families, and their place in the social hierarchy as well as the way people think about and imagine their world (both as it is and as it might be) directly shape religious beliefs and practices. The balance that results is a complex dialectic between material life and material interests that ultimately renders religious life so varied, so rich in ideals and in prejudices.

Finally, this study seeks to reshape the way we think about the history of the Reformation in Italy. Scholars no longer view that history as the simple story of the penetration into the Italian peninsula of the ideas of such reformers as Luther or Calvin. Rather they try, through careful analyses of the writings of the Italian reformers, to discern what was distinctive about the Italian Reformation. In general, they portray a reform movement that was far more radical than that of either Luther

or Calvin. The Italian reformers, they argue, tended to draw more directly on the writings of such towering Renaissance humanists as Valla and Pico, with the result that they envisioned a religious culture that was more optimistic, more rational, freer from dogma (such as the traditional teachings on the ‘Irinity), more devoted to the ethical teachings of Christianity, and ultimately more tolerant of religious diversity than were the confessional movements that had begun to take shape around Luther and Calvin. And, while this reform was never successful in any of the Italian states, it would eventually exercise considerable influence in the early modern European world through the writings of those thinkers who, fleeing Italy, established close contacts with intellectuals elsewhere in Europe. Thus the literature on the Italian Reformation places the greatest emphasis on the thought of such exiles as Bernardino Ochino, Pier Martire Vermigli, Pier Paolo Vergerio, Andrea da Ponte, Lelio and Fausto Sozzini, and Francesco Pucci. Certainly, both views of the religious history of sixteenth-century Italy—the one that stresses the influence of Luther and Calvin as well as the one that underlines the originality of the Italian reformers— contain a measure of truth. Indeed, it is only when we take both seriously that we come close to capturing something of the complexity of the intellectual currents of the age. Yet this book moves away from a nearly exclusive concern with great ideas. My focus is deliberately closer to the ground. I listen to the many voices of artisans and merchants, conversing in their shops or in the piazza, in a particular city. The result is a view of the Italian Reformation that, in stressing the

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social and political contexts in which it developed, sees evangelism as its central idiom. But the evangelism that held sway proved especially malleable. For some, it was purely a matter of personal spirituality; for others, it served as the basis of the hope for a renewed Church and a more inclusive society. For still others—the Anabaptists and the antitrinitarians—it would be remembered as a point of departure for far more radical hopes and expectations.

Appendix: A Note on the Quantitative Study of the Inquisition

In this book I make use of as few tables and statistics as possible, but for the few that do appear and for the occasional quantitative observations—all of which I believe to be impressionistic, certainly, but nonetheless indicative of various trends—I owe some further explanation. In recent years the quantitative study of history has become fashionable, and it was inevitable that such an approach would become part of studies devoted to the inquisitions of early modern Europe. This is particularly true of recent histories of the Spanish Inquisition, the records of which seemingly lend themselves to such analysis.! But in Italy

quantification of inquisitorial archives has developed rather more slowly. Certain Italian intellectual traditions (historicism, for example, or the more recent interest in microstoria) may in part account for this, but the primary reason is the state of the documentation itself. In the Italian archives of the Roman Inquisition opened thus far (in Bologna, Imola, Modena, Naples, Pisa, Rovigo, Siena, Udine, Venice, and so on), the scholar rarely finds a convenient summary of cases. Rather he or she confronts a massive and largely undigested collection of dossiers—some containing an entire trial from start to finish, the majority 1. Jaime Contreras and Gustav Henningsen, “Forty-Four Thousand Cases of the Spanish Inquisition (1540-1700): Analysis of a Historical Data Bank,” in Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi, eds., The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe: Studies on Sources

and Methods, 100-129, provides a superb introduction to the quantitative history of the Spanish Inquisition. On various approaches scholars have taken to the study of the Italian and the Spanish Inquisition, see Andrea del Col and Giovanna Paolin, eds., L’Inquisizione romana in Italia nell’eta moderna: Archivi, problemi di metodo e nuove richerche (Rome: Mini-

stero per i beni culturali e ambientali, 1991). 235

236 Appendix containing fragments: an investigative hearing perhaps, the interrogation of an accused individual, correspondence from Rome or one of the provincial tribunals, a denunciation, and so on. Moreover, in the case of such tribunals as Venice, the records concern not only heresy and various other forms of religious “deviance” in Venice itself but similar cases in other cities, towns, and villages that fell under the jurisdiction of the Venetian tribunal. As a consequence, the Roman Holy Office in Venice operated not only as the Inquisition for the city of Venice but also as the district court for the entire republic. Thus, it oversaw the activity of inquisitorial courts in Padua, Treviso, Verona, Rovigo, Vicenza, Udine, and Brescia. Furthermore, it was subject to a variety of directives and pressures from Rome. About a third of the Inquisition’s routine business concerned Venetian matters and I concentrated on these. Accordingly, I went through all the surviving Venetian inquisitorial records from 1547 (the year the Holy Office was reorganized in Venice) to 1586 (a point of arrival determined by the fact that by the mid—1580s the tribunal’s predominant concerns had shifted from heresy to cases of witchcraft, magic, and superstition). I quantified only those cases in which the suspect was a resident of Venice itself (including Murano) and was accused of some form of evangelical, Anabaptist, or millenarian beliefs and practices. On the positive side, this selection made my work more manageable. And I did not try to cover topics that might benefit from more specialized studies. ‘Thus on the history of the relation of the Inquisition to the Jews in Venice, readers should look to the works of Brian Pullan and Pier Cesare Ioly Zorattini; those interested in the Venetian Inquisition and witchcraft will find much of interest in the recent work of Ruth Martin; and finally, those concerned with the history of the Venetian Inquisition and book publishers and printers should examine Paul Grendler’s The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press. For the more provincial manifestations of heresy in more rural settings, readers may consult a vast range of works that includes Carlo Ginzburg’s The Cheese and the Worms.*

On the negative side, this process of selection must occasionally 2. On the Venetian Inquisition and the Jews, for example, see Pullan, The Jews of Europe and the Inquisition of Venice; and Pier Cesare Ioly Zorattini, “Note sul S. Uffzio e gli Ebrei a Venezia nel Cinquecento,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 33 (1979): 500— 508. Ioly Zorattini has also edited and published all the Venetian heresy trials involving Jews and Judaizers; see his Processt del S. Uffizio di Venezia contro Ebret e giudaizzantt, 8 vols.

(Florence: Olschki, 1980-1990). On witchcraft, see Ruth Martin, Witchcraft and the Inquisition. For the booktrade and heresy, in addition to Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and

The Quantitative Study of the Inquisition 237

have something arbitrary about it. To be sure, I tried to follow a set of empirically established criteria in distinguishing among the various heresies studied. Because sixteenth-century observers held a relatively clear idea of the characteristic attributes of anabaptism and millenarianism, I had little difficulty in determining which individuals either belonged or were believed to belong to these groups. Evangelism is a more elastic category, and in it I included individuals whose assertions (on such matters as devotion to saints, sacerdotal confession, the doctrine of the real presence, and salvation through faith alone) made them appear more Protestant than Catholic in outlook as well as those individuals whose behavior (the refusal to show devotion to a passing crucifix, the failure to observe fasts, a repeated pattern of working on holy days, and a refusal to take communion or give one’s confession to a priest) also brought them under suspicion of holding evangelical ideas. When at least one of these traits was present, [ counted the individual as an evangelical. This process of labeling admittedly required considerable latitude for my own judgment, as is likely inevitable in all quantitative analysis. As David Herlihy has written, In designing the questionnaire, the researcher is often prone to include questions which, albeit of great interest, yet require a judgment on the part of the persons conducting the inquiry. . . . The researcher is not truly collecting the objective data of history, but his own interpretations of the historical account. He is conducting a survey of the opinions of present-day observers: what do J, or my assistants, think a passage means? In selecting some accounts over others, and in interpreting their meanings, he runs the risk of introducing biases into the machine-readable files, which will be beyond the powers of men or machines subsequently to rectify. He may strive to be scrupulously objective, but the need to select and to interpret at this early stage in the processing of his records will inevitably weaken the precision of the analysis and lower the credibility of the conclusions. ?

Various issues remain that a quantitative approach can help illuminate. In the course of my research, I developed a simplified typology of information for each suspect (whether formally accused or named as an

the Venetian Press, see del Col, “II controllo della stampa a Venezia e i processi di Antonio

Brucioli,” 457-510. Finally, on heresy in more rural settings, in addition to Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms, see Ester Zille, Gli eretici a Cittadella nel C inquecento and Andrea

del Col, “Eterodossia e cultura fra gli artigiani di Porcia nel secolo XVI,” I/ Noncello 46 (1978): 9-76. 3. David Herlihy, “Numerical and Formal Analysis in European History,” The Journal of Interdtsciplinary History 12 (1981): 127.

238 Appendix “accomplice” during a trial), a card on which I indicated the individual’s name, the type of heresy involved, the location of the archival document or documents, and then the place of origin, the place of residence (that is, the parish), and the place of work (again the parish) for each of the suspects. Moreover, I developed information on the relation

of the court to each person accused. I indicated whether or not the suspect was merely named as such, either through a formal accusation or through another form of implication; whether a hearing was held concerning his or her beliefs and behavior; and, finally, whether or not the suspect was either forced to testify or tried in absentia.* I also kept a tally of those who abjured their heresies, of those who were tortured, and of the sentences that were handed down. These data were entered into a computer and (with SPSS-X) crosstabulated and analyzed from a variety of perspectives. The results form

the basis not only for each table in chapter 6 and for the graph in chapter 7 but also for most of the observations throughout the book about the social context of heresy and its repression. The reader should bear in mind that the tables present profiles of those accused of heresy

and not of actual heretics. While neither the precise nature nor the magnitude of the distortions is easy to assess, the most probable inaccuracy stems from the Holy Office’s tendency to concern itself primarily with the cultural elite and with individuals with close ties to the city. As a consequence, poorer workers and artisans as well as foreigners are probably underrepresented in the data derived from Venetian inquisitorial records. About many heretics in Venice we know absolutely nothing.°’ But it remains my conviction nonetheless that heresy was especially widespread among elite artisans. To be sure, there are several difficulties in the use of occupation or trade

as a key to understanding the place of heresy in the complex social hierarchy of early modern Venice. The main problem lies in the coexistence of several overlapping and even competing hierarchies in every complex society. An individual’s relative standing often varies according to the criteria used to establish a particular model. Education and 4. Clearly, actual proceedings were more complex. For an excellent introduction to hefesy trials, see Ruth Martin, Witchcraft and the Inquisition, esp. chaps. 1, 2; and John Tedeschi, “The Organization and Procedures of the Roman Inquisition: A Sketch,” in Tedeschi, The Prosecution of Heresy, 127-203.

5. See John Martin, “Per un analisi quantitativa dell’Inquisizione veneziana,” tn del Col and Paolin, eds., L’Inquisizione romana in Italia nelleta moderna.

The Quantitative Study of the Inquisttion 239

prestige might yield one set of results, and wealth would yield another. Moreover, because trades and professions have their own internal hier-

archies, comparisons are often difficult. In a hypothetical world we might be inclined to attribute greater standing to a mercer than to a cobbler, but would we do so if we knew the mercer to be a journeyman

who did not own his own shop and the cobbler to be a prosperous businessman who had a fine shop on the piazza San Marco and employed several assistants? When other variables such as sex, age, cleri-

cal versus nonclerical status are introduced, the problem of occupational ranking seems insurmountable. Despite this difficulty, many sociologists and historians put forth the merits of the use of occupation as an index of hierarchy in both preindustrial and industrial societies. One sociologist even claims to have developed a “standard occupational prestige scale” that is able to predict accurately the prestige a particular occupation has or had in any

complex society nine times out of ten. He argues that such consistency, though perhaps at first surprising, 1s consistent with the inevitable inequalities in the distribution of power, wealth, and prestige in any advanced society. But, as other scholars attempting to develop their own occupational hierarchies note, the claim to have developed a “standard scale” is exaggerated. What has been discovered, they argue, is

the obvious. Certain professions—those that require the greatest amount of education and control the greatest amount of wealth—are always at the top, while others—that require virtually no skills at all— are always at the bottom.’ Nonetheless, there are significant variations in between, variations that relate to political, technical, cultural, and economic shifts.

In late medieval and early modern Italy, this “in-between” world appears to have been especially fluid. The constitutional history of Florence, for example, can be written in terms of the oscillating status of various guildsmen who now held, now lost political power. The debate of the relative dignity among the arts and the rise of academies 6. Donald J. Treiman, “A Standard Occupational Prestige Scale for Use with Historical Data,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 7 (1976): 283-304.

7. See Michael Katz, “Occupational Classification in History,” Journal of Interdisplinary History 3 (1972): 63—88; see also William H. Sewell, Jr., “The Working Class of Marseille Under the Second Republic: Social Structure and Political Behavior,” in Peter N. Stearns and Daniel J. Walkowitz, eds., Workers in the Industrial Revolution: Recent Studtes of Labor in the United States and Europe (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1974), 75-116.

240 Appendix both indicate subtle shifts in Italian conceptions of the “nobility” of certain professions. And, in the sixteenth century, the volatility of the discussion over the proper place of the mechanical arts demonstrates that the status of artisans was by no means settled. On the contrary, artisans in this period inhabited a world of shifting values and status, a fact that is itself central to understanding the sociology of the Renaissance.

In Venice, too, this “in-between” world was highly fluid. There were two reasons for this. One lay in the structure and the character of the guilds themselves. Unlike guilds in Florence, which tended to be monopolized by merchants who excluded producers and workers from their corporations, the Venetian guilds were usually structured in such a way as to prevent merchants from monopolizing control of production. This meant that individual guildsmen, even in humble trades,

tended to manage their own affairs. They enjoyed a certain level of economic independence that their Tuscan counterparts did not know. At the upper levels of the artisan world, craftsmen and merchants were often indistinguishable.®

A second difficulty is more specific to Venice. In part, the sheer number of guilds—there were over one hundred—may have masked some of the harsher realities of hierarchy. Venetian artisans felt that their individual guilds conferred a certain status and privilege upon their members, in much the same way that voluntary societies in nineteenth-century America, as Tocqueville observed, gave citizens a sense of place and importance even though in reality they were alienated from the republic’s centers of governance and decision making. A more decisive factor in concealing hierarchy was the fact that, unlike many other late medieval and early modern cities that made their hierarchical structure at the popular level explicit through processions that ranked the guilds, Venice subordinated guilds to confraternities (which drew their memberships from a wide variety of trades). Consequently, the consciousness of occupational status was perhaps lower in Venice than elsewhere in Europe, not only in Florence but also in such cities as Coventry or Rouen.’ 8. This contrast between Florentine and Venetian guilds is underlined in Mackenney, “Arti e stato a Venezia.” 9. See Benedict, Rouen During the Wars of Religion; and Charles Phythian-Adams,

“Ceremony and the Citizen: The Communal Year at Coventry, 1450-1550,” in Peter Clark and Paul Slack, eds., Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972), 57-85.

The Quantitative Study of the Inquisition 241

Nonetheless, an occupational analysis of the distribution of heresy in Venice proves useful. In addition to a number of professions, there were over one hundred arti (incorporated crafts or trades) in sixteenthcentury Venice, representing an extreme diversity of occupations. | consolidate these crafts and professions into five broad categories, here hierarchically arranged by status.

1. Clergy 2. Professions 3. Commerce 4. Elite Crafts 5. Skilled Crafts and Services This categorization is unsatisfactory on a number of counts. It does not distinguish between craftsmen and retailers as well as I would like. For example, it cannot tell us whether specific hatters or coopers both made and sold their products; or whether they were craftsmen who produced them, either independently or under contract, for retailers; or whether they themselves were retailers. Nor does it distinguish between masters and journeymen. Nonetheless, workers in early modern Venice did not conceive of themselves as a labor force or proletariat in contradistinction to a capitalist class; rather they were most conscious of themselves as members of a particular corporation or guild in which aspects of entrepreneurship and craftsmanship often combined. But this extremely diversified world was not infinitely varied. Shopkeepers of all kinds had more in common with one another than they did with spinners or carders. And the elite artisans in Venice, like their counterparts elsewhere in preindustrial Europe, had far more in common with one another then they did, for example, with street vendors or with textile workers. Perhaps we might test this categorization by analyzing marriage patterns and economic mobility among the popolani, a project that we could undertake for the late sixteenth century through the use of parish and notarial records. !°

The additional advantage of this classification is that it often lets us estimate the approximate number of individuals working in most of the 10. As has been done, for example, by Samuel Kline Cohn in The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic Press, 1980), and by James R. Farr in Hands of

Honor: Artisans and Their World in Dijon, 1550-1650 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988).

242 Appendix

EVANGELICAL ANABAPTIST

: 37 . Skilled trades Skilled trades and services 29d services

155 7

138 Clergy ClergyI

Elite crafts

Professions

Commer ce109Professions 3 Elite crafts 10

5 177

MILLENARIAN OVERALL

Skilled trades Skilled trades and services and services Elite crafts 153

Flite Clergy 1 39 5 ~ _crafts Commerce Professions Clergy

Professions1 83 113

Commerce |

Fig. Al. The social bases of the Venetian heresies.

Venetian trades and occupations in the sixteenth century, and we can, therefore, derive not only the absolute number of men or women accused of heresy according to their occupational status but also rates of accusations for heresy by occupational status in relation to the size of occupational groupings. Chapter 6 uncovered the general pattern that we note in figure Al: the clergy, professionals, merchants, and elite artisans had by far the largest role among the evangelicals. By contrast, skilled workers figured prominently among the Anabaptists. Though the sample is small, the millenarians seem to have included individuals from all levels of Venetian society.

Furthermore, this pattern holds even when we examine the social distribution of heresy in relation to the size of each occupational category. [he evangelicals came predominantly from the professions (at a rate of 4.9 percent), commerce (at a rate of 3.6 percent), and the elite crafts (at a rate of 3.2 percent). By contrast, the Anabaptists came primarily from the elite crafts (at a rate of .23 percent) and the textile

The Quantitative Study of the Inquisition 243

trades (at a rate of .16 percent). The millenarians were too few for meaningful analysis here, though again the elite crafts (at a rate of .12

percent) appear to have predominated (see table Al, pp. 244-247). Thus, while each of the three major currents of heresy may have had quite different constituencies, they shared a social base as well. This fact may help explain some of the fluidity in the boundaries that existed

among the various group; it certainly helps explain the close relation that existed between evangelism and anabaptism in the late 1540s. Unless otherwise specified, the number of individuals in each trade or profession indicated in the table below is derived from Richard Tilden Rapp, /udustry and Decline in Seventeenth-Century Venice. Rapp pro-

vides a list of all the Venetian art: and the 1595 Milizia da Mar census of their membership. Since Venice in the sixteenth century was char-

acterized by rapid economic growth and was devastated by a major epidemic in 1575-1577, Rapp’s numbers are to be taken as rough guides only. Moreover, the numbers represent membership in one year only, while the accusations are spread out over forty years. Thus, though for simplicity’s sake I calculated the rates of accusation for the various heresies as percentages, they are not true percentages but rather indicators of the proportional rates with which heresy occurred in each occupation. Only occupations in which at least one individual was either denounced or implicated are specified.

Table Al. Number of Persons Accused of Heresy in Venice, 1547-1586 (with the rate of accusation for each belief in parentheses)

Anabaptist Millenarian Occupation? N BeliefsEvangelical Beliefs Beliefs

Secular priests 536 17 |

Clergy and Religious?

Monks and friars 1,238

Augustinians — 4 Carmelites — l

Carthusians — I Dominicans — 3 Observant Franciscans — 1 1

Conventual Franciscans — 4

Friars (no order) — 4

Servites — | Female religious 2,403 l

Total 4,177 37 ( .9) 1 (.024) 1 (.024) Professions Clerks, notaries — 25

Engineers — 1 Lawyers, solicitors — 29 Physicians — 18 1 Attendants — 3

Tutors, humanists — 33 2 |

Total 2,243" 109 (4.9) 3 (.13) 1 (.04)

Commerce

Cotton, linen merchants 79 4

Wine merchants 197 3

Drapers 541 49 Mercers 567 Wool-cloth merchants — 1 Brokers 243 11 Publishers —10I Booksellers —

Used-clothing dealers 140 5

Cotton merchants 104 +

Silk merchants 273 5 Furriers 128 ] Merchants (unspecified) — 24 |

Total 2,272 82 (3.6) 1 (.04) 244

Anabaptist § Millenarian Occupation? N BeliefsEvangelical Beliefs Beliefs Elite Crafts

Gold-leaf beaters 138 3 | Painters 432 11 |

Instrument makers — 10 1

Jewelers 415 Engravers — l 29 |

Enamelers — 2 Moneyers — 25 Shipwrights 1,024 Tailors 642 22 7 Musicians 61 5 Sword smiths 103 4 1 | Apothecaries 509 23 Il Printers*® 500 11 Correctors, illuminators — 3 Pressmen, letter casters — 2

Armorers 8 2 l Others 429 Glass makers 30 3

Total 4,291 138 (3.2) 10 (.23) 5 (.12)

Skilled Trades and Services Miscellaneous trades

Potters 91 7 Hatters —5851 Basket makers

Blind makers — 1 Smiths 503 3

Glovers — 2 | Rope makers 146 6 Ribbon makers — 2 Rosary-bead makers 52 I

Comb makers 84 l Soapworkers makers 111 Tin — 12

Others 1,493

Subtotal 2,538 31 (1.2) 2 (.08) 245

Table Al. Continued Anabaptist §Millenarian Occupation? N BeliefsEvangelical Beliefs Beliefs

Textile and leather trades

Purse makers — 2

Cobblers 727 Belt makers 49 2 18 7 2

Tenterers 52 l Tanners 128 l Raw-wool shearers 1,124 6

Silk throwsters 249 5 l Teaselers — 2

Carders 1,222 | l Linenworkers 142 l Dyers 393 4 2

Wool-cloth weavers 856 2

Silk weavers 1,541 33 ] | Others 541

Subtotal 7,024 77 (1.1) 11 (16) 5 (.07)

Turners 84 4 Dike builders — l

Building trades

Carpenters Stone cutters340 224 I|

Others 511 Subtotal 1,159 7 (.6) Distillers — 1 Butchers , 71 57 3 2l Flour sellers Bakers 580 Fruit vendors 438 1

Provisions

Cooks 60 l

Pork butchers 209 1 Biscuit makers 143 4

Wine vendors — l

Birders — 1 Others 1,329

Subtotal 2,887 15 (.5) 1 (.03) 246

Anabaptist Millenarian Occupation? N BeliefsEvangelical Beliefs Beliefs

Barbers 282 4 Boat men 2,654 2

General services

Stevedores 56 1 Couriers 62 ]

Porters — 6 Innkeepers 96 2 I

Knife grinders Servants! 9,385 44 5 4I Soldiers/sailors 985 I

Subtotal 13,564 25 (.18) 3 (.02) Total 27,172 155 (.57) 17 (.06) 5 (.02) Total all occupations 40,155 2Of the 730 individuals accused of heresy, I have been able to identify the occupation in only 565 cases. We know the occupations of 521 out of 676 individuals accused of evangelical beliefs and practices; of 31 out of 37 accused of Anabaptist beliefs; and of 13 out of 17 accused of millenarian beliefs. The figures on the size of the clergy in 1586 are reported by Beloch, Bevilkerungsgeschichte Italiens, 3:22.

“There is no accurate estimate of the size of either the professional or the merchant class in sixteenth-century Venice. I assume that most of the professionals and many merchants were either nobles or cittadini. As Luca di Linda observed in the seventeenth century, “The nobleman employs his talents in letters or public office, sometimes in the affairs of Mars. . . . The cittadino of lower standing either takes up the career of government secretary or is employed in trade (cited in Ugo Tucci, “The Psychology of the Venetian Merchant,” in John R. Hale, ed., Renaissance Venice, 360). Since there were 2,147 adult male nobles and 2,312 adult male cittadini in Venice in 1595, I sum these groups for a total of 4,559. Rapp’s figures for the merchants yield 2,316, leaving 2,243 for the professionals. The figures are probably low and very rough (some popolani who were neither of noble nor of cittadino status made it into these ranks). 4Rapp’s figures for shipwrights are taken from 1595, when the industry was depressed; by contrast, 1550-1575 was a boom period. I use Robert C. Davis's figures for these years; note that the figure of 1,024 represents the total number of shipwrights with the privilege of working in the Arsenal and that probably only some 600 actually worked there on a given day (Shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal, 13, 21).

‘Leonardo Dona estimated that the Venetian printing industry employed four to five hundred men in 1596 (Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 3). The number of servants is from Beltrami (Storia della popolaztone di Venezia, 213); this figure, from

the 1581 census, postdates the plague.

247

Sources and Bibliography: Heresy and Reform in Sixteenth-Century Italy

In part I intend this book to challenge the traditional meanings of the terms Renaissance and Reformation. Neither concept, at least as each is normally used in English-speaking countries, does much to capture or to illuminate the reform movements in sixteenth-century Venice, or in Italy generally. The reasons for this are quite obvious. Italy ceases to be the focus of Renaissance studies after the 1520s; Reformation scholarship, by contrast, stresses developments in Germany, Switzerland, France, Holland, and England. As a consequence, British and American readers, whose traditions rely on the twin lenses of Renaissance and Reformation studies, are likely to find the problems that are

central to my arguments and exposition somewhat marginal to the chronological and geographical conventions of these fields.

This situation is changing. Since the late 1930s scholarship on the reform movements in sixteenth-century Italy has become a major current in the exploration of early modern history. The work of those (primarily Italian) historians who have contributed to this scholarship is the subject of this essay. Although considerations of space limit my references and remarks, I hope that this effort to bring together in one place an overview of a rapidly growing field will demonstrate that the apparently marginal quality of certain of my arguments results primarily from academic habits and does not reflect historical experience. In short, this essay explores alternative ways of thinking about sixteenthcentury Italy. When one chooses to look at the past through the lenses such as the ones I mention below, previously quite secondary figures and movements on the early modern landscape leap to the foreground. 249

250 Sources and Bibliography

We are reminded how selective, if not distortive, our customary ways of viewing the past can become, even under the rubrics of such old friends as the Italian Renaissance, on the one hand, and the Protestant Reformation, on the other.

Primary Sources THE ROMAN INQUISITION

Because the Roman Inquisition had such a large jurisdiction, from the papal states to Venice, its records occupy a central place in the study of the heresies of sixteenth-century Italy. The Archives of the Congregation of the Holy Office (since 1965 the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith) and of the Congregation of the Index, both in Rome, have remained closed to all but a handful of scholars, but many other collections are accessible. For a recent inventory of these fondi, of which there are more than twenty currently known, see Andrea del Col and Silvana Seidel Menchi, “Elenco dei fondi inquisitoriali italiani attualmente noti,” in Andrea del Col and Giovanna Paolin, eds., L’Inguisizione romana in Italia nell’eta moderna: Archivi, problemi di metodo e nuove

ricerche (Rome: Ministero per 1 beni culturali e ambientali, 1991), 8085. As del Col and Seidel Menchi correctly emphasize, given the current state of interest in inquisitorial records, each effort at an inventory is necessarily provisional. New sources will continue to come to light. The inquisitorial documents I have used are located in the Archivio di Stato in Venice, in the series Sant’Uffizio. Altogether, this collection consists of 164 duste (boxes or bundles of materials) covering the period ca. 1541-ca. 1794. I have concentrated on buste 6-59, which include

the denunciations along with the transcripts of hearings, trials, sentences, and so on, arranged more or less chronologically and covering the period 1547-1586, as well as on buste 151-164, which consist of letters, edicts, and dispatches either generated by the Venetian inquisitors or sent to them and of various extracts from trials and registers of inquisitorial proceedings. A manuscript index to this collection is available in the reading room of the Archivio di Stato in Venice: Indice 303: Santo Ufficio Processt (Ire Savi alVeresta): Indict alfabetico, cronologico e geo-

grafico det Processi del Sant’Uffizio 1541-1794. This index, compiled in

1870 by Luigi Pasini and Giuseppe Giomo, is neither complete nor without errors, but it proved an essential point of departure for my

Heresy and Reform 251

research. Another collection of inquisitorial materials—whose relationship to the fondo in the Archivio di Stato in Venice remains problematic—is located in Venice in the Archivio della Curia Patriarcale in the series Criminalia Sanctae Inquisitionis. This includes four buste of documents from the period 1461-1622. Dozens of trials have been edited by scholars and are available for consultation. For examples of Venetian trials and other archival materials such as the ones on which my study is based, see Franco Gaeta, “Documenti da codici vatican per la storia della Riforma in Venezia,” Annuario dell’Istituto storico ttaliano per Veta moderna e contemporanea 7 (1955): 5-53; Enrica Benini Clementi, “II processo del gioielliere vene-

ziano Alessandro Caravia,’ Nuova rivista storica 65 (1981): 628-652; Carlo Ginzburg, ed., [ costitutt di don Pietro Manelfi (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1970); Domenico Berti, “Di Giovanni Valdes e di taluni suoi discepoli secondo nuovi documenti tolti dall’Archivio veneto,” Atti della R. Accademia det Lincet 275(1877-78), 3d s., Memorte della classe di scienze moralt, storiche e filolo-

giche, vol. 2, 61-81; M.E. [Edouard] Pommier, “L’itinéraire religieux dun moine vagabond italien au XVIe siécle,” Mélanges d@archéologie et histoire de Ecole francaise de Rome 66 (1954): 293-322; Andrea del Col, “Tl secondo processo veneziano di Antonio Brucioli,” Bollettino della

Societa di studi valdest 146 (1979): 85-100; Aldo Stella, “Il processo veneziano di Guglielmo Postel,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 22 (1968): 425—466; Gaetano Cozzi, “Vita avventurosa di un setaiolo eretico,” Archivio storico lombardo 80 (1954): 244-251; John Martin, edited trial of Paolo Gaiano, from “In God’s Image: Artisans and Heretics

in Counter-Reformation Venice” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1982), 415-518. The most comprehensive publishing project of Venetian inquisitorial materials (though not central to my study) involves the trials against Jews and judaizing Christians; see Pier Cesare Joly Zorattini, ed., Processt del S. Uffizio di Venezia contro Ebrei e giudaizzantt,

8 vols. (Florence: Olschki, 1980-1990). The trials of prominent heretics have also been the subject of scholarly editions. Of these, two in particular have significance for the history of the reform movement in Italy: the trial of the Florentine Pietro

Carnesecchi, who had extensive contacts with many reformers throughout Italy, is published in Giacomo Manzoni, ed., “Estratto del processo di Pietro Carnesecchi,” Miscellanea di storia italiana 10 (1870): 187-573; and that of Giovanni Morone, in Massimo F irpo, ed., [1 processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone: Ediztone critica, 5 vols.

252 Sources and Bibliography

(vols. 2—5 edited in collaboration with Dario Marcatto) (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per l’Eta Moderna e Contemporanea, 1981-1989). Firpos splendid edition of Morone’s trial is important in light of its extensive scholarly apparatus, which illuminates many aspects of the reform movements in sixteenth-century Italy. Another recently published trial of great interest is Andrea del Col’s edition of the proceedings against

the northern Italian miller Domenico Scandella, a figure previously made famous by Carlo Ginzburg’s The Cheese and the Worms, cited below; see del Col, ed., Domenico Scandella, detto Menocchio: I Processi dell’ Ingquisizione (1583-1599) (Pordenone: Biblioteca dell’ Immagine, 1990).

In order to understand the structure of inquisitorial law and practice, it is useful to begin with the manuals of inquisitors. ‘Two of these, both widely used in the sixteenth century, are of special importance: Nicolau Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorum . . . cum commentarus Francisci Pegnae .. . i hac postrema editione iterum emendatum et auctum, et multis litteris apostolicis locupletatum (Rome: in aedibus Populi Romani, 1578); and the Repertorium Inquisitorum Pravitatts Haereticae, In quo omnia quae ad haeresum cognitionem, ac S. Inqutsitionts forum pertinent, continentur (Venice:

Apud D. Zenarum, 1588). Rome provided direction to the struggles against heresy throughout the peninsula. There is considerable material available for consultation in the collections of both the Archivio Segreto Vaticano and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. For a general orientation, see the documents collected by B. Fontana, ed., “Documenti vaticani contro l’eresia luterana in Italia,” Archivio della socteta romana dt storia patria 15 (1892): 71165, 365-474; and by Ludwig von Pastor, Allgemeine Dekrete der romischen Inquisition aus den Jabren 1SSS-1597: Nach dem Notariatsprotokoll des

S. Uffizio zum ersten Male veroffentlicht (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1912). See also Franco Gaeta et al., eds., Nunztature di Venezia (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per ?Eta Moderna e Contemporanea, 1958-—), vols. 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, and 11; and Alberto Bolognetti, “Dello stato et forma delle cose ecclesiastiche nel dominio dei signori venetiani, secondo che furono trovate et lasciate dal nunzio Alberto Bolognetti,” in Aldo Stella, ed., Chiesa e Stato nelle relazioni det nunzt pontifict a Venezia (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,

1964), 105-318. Bolognetti devoted a chapter to the Holy Office. The correspondence of several other nunciatures are also published; see John ‘Tedeschi, The Prosecution of Heresy: Collected Studies on the Inquisition

Heresy and Reform 253

in Early Modern [taly (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance ‘Texts and Studies, 1991), 76 n.69 for further information. In both its richly annotated notes and its bibliography, this volume of Tedeschi’s collected essays now provides the most authoritative guide to the institutional and legal history of the Roman Holy Office. THE LITERATURE OF THE ITALIAN REFORMATION

Many of the works of the Italian reformers are available only as cinquecentine (rare sixteenth-century editions). An especially important collection of these texts is located in the fondo Guicciardini in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence. On this collection, see the Catalogo e suo supplemento del dicembre 1875 della collezione de’ libri relativi alla riforma

religiosa del secolo XVI, donata dal conte Piero Guicciardini alla citta di Fi-

renze (Florence: Pellas, 1877) (this catalogue also contains a 2d supple-

ment of 1881 and a 3d of 1887; see also Lia Invernizi, ed., J/ fondo Guicctardini nella Biblioteca Naztonale Centrale di Firenze: Catalogo [Ftor-

ence: La Nuova Italia, 1984-], for a newly edited guide to this col-

lection, though it should be noted that Invernizi begins with the nineteenth-century works 1n the collection). Anne Jacobson Schutte, Printed Italian Vernacular Religious Books 1465-1550: A Finding List (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1983), gives 3,678 titles as well as a list of printers

and publishers of interest to students not only of the Italian reform movements but also of lay religious life generally in the late fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century. Paul Grendler has published eleven inventories of confiscated titles, primarily taken from inquisitorial records in Venice, in Te Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press,

1540-1605 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 304-324; these too may be used as a preliminary guide to the heretical literature circulating in Italy. Another “guide” to this literature is J.M. De Bujanda, ed., Index des livres interdits, vol. 3: Index de Venise 1549; Venise et

Milan 1554 (Sherbrooke, Québec: Centre d’Etudes de la Renaissance, 1987). The Newberry Library in Chicago holds an outstanding collection of materials relative to the Italian Reformation; see The Literature of the Italian Reformation: An Exhibition Catalogue (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1971), compiled, with an introduction, by John Tedeschi. Two important early editions of the works of various Italian reformers include Giuseppe Paladino, ed., Opuscoli e lettere di riformatori italiani

254 Sources and Bibliography

del Cinquecento, 2 vols. (Bari: Laterza, 1913-1927); and Delio Cantimori and Elisabeth Feist, eds., Per la storia degli eretict italiani del secolo XVI

in Europa (Rome: Reale Accademia d'Italia, 1937). Recent initiatives have led to modern critical editions of several of the most important works. Among these, the most useful are those included in the series Corpus Reformatorum Italicorum, begun under the general editorship of Luigi Firpo, Giorgio Spini, Antonio Rotondo, and John Tedeschi. Unhappily, this series has thus far brought out only a portion of its projected volumes: see Camillo Renato, Opere: Documenti e testimonianze,

ed. Antonio Rotondd (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1968); Carlo Ginzburg, ed., / costituti di don Pietro Manelfi, cited above; Benedetto da Mantova, // Beneficio di Cristo con le versioni del secolo XVI: Documenti e testimonianze, ed. Salva-

tore Caponetto (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1972) (this volume includes various editions of the Beneficio as well as an edition of Ambrogio Catarino Politi, Compendio @errori, et ingannt Luterant, contenuti in un Libretto, senza nome de l Autore, intitolato, Trattato utilissimo del benefitio dt Christo crucifisso); Mino Celsi, In haereticis coércendis quatenus progredt liceat: Poems—Correspondence, ed.

Peter G. Bietenholz (Naples: Prismi; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1982); Antonio Brucioli, Dialogi, ed. Aldo Landi (Naples: Prismi; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1982); and, finally, though the focus here is

the seventeenth century, Emidio Campi and Carla Sodini, eds., Gi oriundi lucchest di Ginevra e 11 cardinale Spinola (Naples: Prismi; Chicago:

Newberry Library, 1988). Antonio Rotondo’s edition of Lelio Sozzini, Opere: Edizione critica (Florence: Olschki, 1986) in the series Studi e testi per la storia religiosa del Cinquecento appears to represent a new initiative.

Finally, Claudiana Editrice in Turin is publishing a series of works relating to the Italian Reformation in its series Testi della Riforma, edited by Giorgio Tourn and Ermanno Genre. See, for example, Benedetto da Mantova and Marcantonio Flaminio, // beneficio di Cristo, ed. Salvatore Caponetto (Turin: Claudiana, 1975); Bernardino Ochino, I “Dialogi sette” e altri scrittt del tempo della fuga dall’Itala, ed. Ugo Rozzo (Turin: Claudiana, 1985); f/ Sommario della santa Scrittura e Pordinartio det

cristiani, ed. Cesare Bianco, with an introduction by Johannes ‘Irapman (Turin: Claudiana, 1988); Giulio da Milano, Scritt: sul martirio, ed. Ugo

Rozzo (Turin: Claudiana, forthcoming in 1993); and Pietro Martire Vermigli, Scritt: del periodo italiano, ed. Luigi Santini (Turin: Claudiana, forthcoming).

Heresy and Reform 255

Secondary Sources STUDIES ON THE ROMAN INQUISITION

On the history of inquisitorial records, John Tedeschi’s “The Dispersed Archives of the Roman Inquisition,” in Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi, eds., The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe: Studtes on Sources

and Methods (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986), 13-32 (and reprinted in John Tedeschi, Te Prosecution of Heresy, cited above, 23-45) is fundamental. The use of such records as sources has gener-

ated considerable discussion in recent years. Perhaps best known are Carlo Ginzburg’s methodological observations on the use of heresy trials for the reconstruction of popular beliefs and culture; see Te Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen-

turies, trans. John and Anne ‘Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983; reprint, New York: Penguin, 1985), xii—xxu; The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John

and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980; reprint, New York: Penguin, 1982), xi—xxvi; and, finally, his essay “The Inquisitor as Anthropologist” in his volume Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns

Hopkins University Press, 1989), 156-164. But see also Andrea del

Col on inquisitorial records as sources: del Col, “I processi del?Inquisizione come fonte: Considerazioni diplomatiche e storiche,” Annuarto dell’Istituto storico italiano per Teta moderna e contemporanea 35-36

(1983-1984): 29-49; and John Tedeschi, “Inquisitorial Sources and Their Uses” in Tedeschi, Te Prosecution of Heresy, 47-88. Both del Col and ‘ledeschi have correctly stressed the necessity to take into account

a great variety of inquisitorial and related sources (trials; sentences; manuals of inquisitors; the official correspondence generated by the Sacred Congregation in Rome, the provincial tribunals and the episcopal courts; nunciatures; monastic records; papal legislation, instructions, and decrees; as well as related secular and even artistic sources) not only to shed light on inquisitorial law and practice but also for the interpretation of the surviving records of this court. On manuals of inquisitors that were widely used in this period, see Agostino Borromeo, “A proposito del Directortum Inquisitorum di Nicolas Eymerich e delle sue edizioni cinquecentesche,” Critica storica 20 (1983): 499-547;

as well as Edward Peters, “Editing Inquisitors’ Manuals in the Sixteenth Century: Francisco Pena and the Directorium inquisitorum of

256 Sources and Bibliography

Nicholas Eymeric,” The Library Chronicle 40 (1974): 95-107. Finally, for the proceedings of a conference at which several methodological issues

in the use of inquisitional sources were debated, see Andrea del Col and Giovanna Paolin, eds., L’/nqutsizione romana in Italia nell’ eta moderna, cited above. The legal and institutional history of the Inquisition has by now far surpassed the work of Ludwig von Pastor, whose multivolume History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, translated under the supervision of and edited by Frederick Ignatius Antrobus and Ralph Francis

Kerr, 40 vols. (St. Louis: Herder, 1923-1933; reprint, Wilmington, N.C.: Consortium, 1978) still provides a compelling narrative of the policies and activities of the Inquisition as seen from Rome. Camillo Henner’s Bettrdge zur Organisation und Competenz der pipstlichen Ketzer-

gerichte (Leipzig: Duncker und Humbolt, 1890) remains an authoritative discussion of the Roman Inquisition as a legal body. In terms of institutional history, scholars have generally favored the study of the Spanish Inquisition, whose operations are now quite well known, especially as the result of two recent works that decisively advance our understanding of inquisitorial law and practice: Jean-Pierre Dedieu, L’Administration de la fot: L’Inquisition de Tolede (XVIe-XVIIIe siécle) (Madrid: Casa de Velazquez, 1989); and William Monter, Frontiers of Heresy: The Spanish Inquisition from the Basque Lands to Sicily (Cambridge: Cam-

bridge University Press, 1990), though Henry Charles Lea’s History of the Inquisition of Spain, 4 vols. (New York and London: Macmillan, 1906-1907; reprint, 1922) remains both a mine of information and a classic of its genre. The institutional history of the Inquisition in Venice has attracted considerable attention, noticeable in the recent work of several scholars, who have explored diverse aspects of the Holy Office in Venice: Paul Grendler in both Zhe Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press and “The Tre Savi sopra Eresta 1547-1605: A Prosopographical Study,” Studi veneziani n.s. 3 (1979): 283-340; Brian Pullan in The Jews of Europe and the

Inquisition of Venice, 1550-1670 (lotowa, New Jersey: Barnes and Noble, 1983); and Ruth Martin in Witchcraft and the Inquisition in Venice,

1550-1650 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), but these works should be supplemented by Andrea del Col’s masterful “Organizzazione, composizione e giurisdizione dei tribunali dell’ Inquisizione romana nella repubblica di Venezia (1500—1550),” Critica storica 25 (1988): 244-294, as well

as “L’Inquisizione romana e il potere politico nella repubblica di Ve-

Heresy and Reform 257

nezia (1540-1560),” Critica storica 28 (1991): 189-250, articles that fun-

damentally alter the received understanding of the relations of the Venetian government both to the problem of heresy and the activity of the Inquisition in Venice and its subject territories. In particular, del Col demonstrates on the basis of a thorough analysis of the records of the Council of Ten that the Venetian government (its secular magistrates) took an active role in the suppression of heresy not only well before the defeat of the Schmalkaldic League in 1547 but even before the establishment of the Roman Inquisition in 1542. Nicolas Davidson is completing a monograph on the institutional and legal history of the Holy Office in Venice. For some preliminary results, see N.S. Davidson, “Il Sant’ Uffizio e la tutela del culto a Venezia nel ’500,” Studi veneziani n.s. 6 (1982): 87-101; and, by the same author, “Rome and the Venetian Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Ecclestastical History 39 (1988): 16-36. In addition, there are numerous studies of other tribunals. The most distinguished of these include Luigi Amabile, // Santo Officio della Inquisizione in Napolt, 2 vols. (Citta di Castello: S. Lapi, 1892); and Antonio Battistella, // Santo Officio e la riforma reltgiosa in Friuli: Appunti storict documentatt (Udine: P. Gambiersi, 1895).

For other comparable works on Italy, consult the excellent select bibliography in Tedeschi, The Prosecution of Heresy, 355-400; and, for a more general overview, though it is weak on Italian scholarship, Emil Van der Vekene, Bibliotheca bibliographica historiae Sanctae Inquisitionts, 2

vols. (Vaduz: Topos, 1982-1983).

STUDIES OF THE ITALIAN REFORMATION General Studies

Several general studies of the Italian Reformation appeared in the nineteenth century. The most readable of these is the work of the eminent Scottish historian Thomas M’Crie, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy in the Sixteenth Century, Including a Sketch of the

Reformation in the Grisons (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood and Sons, 1856) (a posthumous edition, edited by M’Crie’s son; the original edition appeared in 1827). See also Cesare Cantu, Gi: eretict d'Italia: Discorsi storict, 3 vols. (Turin: UTET, 1865—66); both these works were

written in the heroic mode and are monuments to nineteenth-century liberalism. A useful overview of the early scholarship on the Italian Reformation is available in Frederic C. Church, “The Literature of the

258 Sources and Bibliography

Italian Reformation,” Journal of Modern History 3 (1931): 457-473; and,

more recently, in Adriano Prosperi, “Riforma in Italia, Riforma italiana?” preface to Manfred Welti, Breve storia della Riforma italiana, trans. Armido Rizzi (Casale Monferrato: Marietti, 1985), vii—xvi (the original German edition of Welti’s book, cited below, does not include Prosperi's essay).

Among early twentieth-century works, Frederic C. Church, The Italian Reformers: 1534-1564 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1932) far surpassed G.K. Brown, Italy and the Reformation to 1550 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1933). But by far the most significant work was that of Delio Cantimori, whose magisterial Evetict italiani del Cinquecento: Ricerche storiche (Florence: Sansoni, 1939; reprint, 1967) led to a fundamental transformation in approaches to the Reformation in Italy. Cantimori’s work made it possible for scholars to go beyond the question of a riforma mancata, a failed Protestant Reformation in Italy, and to focus instead on what is now called “the Italian Reformation,” the specific ways in which Italian intellectuals (whether artisans or humanists) contributed to the general religious ferment of the sixteenth century. Most of the eretict Cantimori examined fled Italy for Switzerland and later left Switzerland (where the Reformed churches and the Lutherans were seen as growing increasingly intolerant) for Poland and England. But Cantimort’s later work examined in greater detail the experience of heretics in Italy. On the latter theme, see in particular Prospettive di storia ereticale ttaliana del Cinquecento (Bari: Laterza, 1960) as well as “Le

idee religiose del Cinquecento: La storiografia,” in Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, eds., Storia della letteratura italiana, vol. 5: Il Seicento

(Milan: Garzanti, 1967), 7-87. In addition, several of his more important essays are available in Delio Cantimori, Umanesimo e religione nel Rinascimento (Turin: Einaudi, 1975). Unfortunately, few of Cantimori’s writings have been translated into English, but readers may wish to consult his “Italy and the Papacy,” in G.R. Elton, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. 2: The Reformation 1520-1559 (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1958; reprint, 1975), 251-274, “The Problem of Heresy: The History of the Reformation and of the Italian Heresies and the History of the Religious Life in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century—the Relation Between Two Kinds of Research” in Eric Cochrane, ed. and trans., The Late Italian Renaissance, 1525-1630 (London: Macmillan, 1970), 211-225; and “Submission and Conformity: ‘Nicodemism’ and the Expectations of a Conciliar Solution to the Religious Question,” in ibid., 244-265. Giovanni Miccoli, Delio Can-

Heresy and Reform 259

timori: La ricerca di una nuova critica stortografica (Yurin: Einaudi, 1970)

offers an overview of Cantimori’s contributions, but see also Marino Berengo, “La ricerca storica di Delio Cantimori,” Revista storica italiana 79 (1967): 902—943; Alberto Tenenti, “Delio Cantimori storico del Cinquecento,” Studi storict 9 (1968): 3-29; and Michele Ciliberto, Jntellettual e fascismo: Saggto su Delio Cantimori (Bari: De Donato, 1977). For a sense of the new directions in Italian Reformation studies since Canti-

mori’ death, see the review articles by Silvana Seidel Menchi, “Lo stato degli studi sulla Riforma in Italia,” Wolfenbiitteler Renaissance Mittetlungen 5 (1981): 35-42, 89-92; and, more recently, by Anne Jacobson

Schutte, “Pertodization of Sixteenth-Century Italian Religious History: [he Post-Cantimori Paradigm Shift,” Journal of Modern History 61

(1989): 269-284. Both essays provide helpful insights into recent research; Schutte’s is valuable for its detailed bibliography. The indefatigable John Tedeschi, in collaboration with Andrea del Col and Jim Lattis, is preparing a comprehensive bibliography on the reform movements of sixteenth-century Italy; it will be published by SUNY Binghamton in the Medieval and Renaissance ‘Texts and Studies Series, and copublished by the Istituto di Studi Rinascimentali, Ferrara.

The most recent general analyses of the reform movement in Italy are Achille Olivieri, La Riforma in Italia: Strutture e simboli, classi e poteri (Milan: Mursia, 1979); and Manfred Welti, Kleine Geschichte der italienischen Reformation (Gitersloh: G. Mohn, 1985) (its Italian translation, Breve storia della Riforma italiana, is cited above). It is best to begin with Welti's synthesis, which provides a brief overview of several major is-

sues and developments in the reform movements both within the various regions of Italy and among the exiles. Olivieri’s provocative but idiosyncratic work requires some expertise on the part of the reader. Intellectual History

A central problem in the intellectual history of the Italian Reformation is the relative influence of the ideas of such ultramontane reformers as Luther, Calvin, and Erasmus on the development of reform ideas in Italy. Luther’s ideas were certainly known early through much of the peninsula; scholars point out that, like the writings of Calvin and Erasmus, they were never received uncritically in Italy. For a general orientation to Luther’s influence, see Silvana Seidel Menchi, “Le traduzioni italiane di Lutero nella prima meta del Cinquecento,” Rinascimento 17 (1977): 31-108; Carlos Gilly, “Juan de Valdés: Ubersetzer und Bear-

260 Sources and Bibliography

beiter von Luthers Schriften in seinem Didlogo de Doctrina christiana,” Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 74 (1983): 257-305; and Elisabeth Glea-

son, “Sixteenth-Century Italian Interpretations of Luther,” Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 60 (1969): 160-173; for Calvin, Tommaso Bozza, “Ttalia Calvinista: Traduzioni italiane di Calvino nel secolo X VI,” M7scellanea in onore di Ruggero Moscati (Naples: Edizioni Scientifiche Ita-

liane, 1985), 237-251; for Erasmus, Silvana Seidel Menchi, “Sulla fortuna di Erasmo in Italia: Ortensio Lando e altri eterodossi della prima meta del Cinquecento,” Schweizerische Zeitschrift fiir Geschichte 24 (1974):

537—634; and, most recently, by the same author, Erasmo in Italia, 1520-1580 (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1987); for Melanchthon, Salvatore Caponetto, “Due opere di Melantone tradotte da Lodovico Castelvetro: ‘I principii de la Theologia di Ippophilo da Terra Negra’ e ‘DelPautorita della Chiesa e degli scritti degli antichi,’” Nuova rivista storica 70 (1986): 253-274. A general overview is offered by Carlo De Frede, Ricerche per la storia della stampa e la diffusione delle idee riformate nell’TItalia

del Cinquecento (Naples: De Simone, 1985). The issue of the influence of the ultramontane reformers on the ideas of the Italian heretics has been especially contested in the case of the Beneficio di Cristo, a work that continues to occupy a central position in the interpretation of the reform movements in Italy. On this debate, see Tommaso Bozza, Nuovi studi sulla Riforma in [talta. vol. 1: Il Beneficio di Cristo (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1976); Paolo Simoncelli, “Nuove ipotesi e studi sul “Beneficio di Cristo,” Critica storica 12 (1975): 320-388; and, by the same author, “Noterelle sul Beneficto di Cristo nella letteratura religiosa della controriforma,” Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 19 (1983): 63—

83 as well as Mario Rosa, “‘I] Beneficio di Cristo’: Interpretazioni a confronto,” Bibliotheque d@humanisme et Renaissance 40 (1978): 609-620.

This debate does little to illuminate the ways in which sixteenth-century Italians read and understood a text like the Beneficio, as Carlo Ginz-

burg and Adriano Prosperi persuasively argue in their Giochi di pazienza: Un seminario sul “Beneficio di Cristo” (Turin: Einaudi, 1975). See also Carlo Ginzburg and Adriano Prosperi, “Le due redazioni del ‘Beneficio di Cristo,” in Eresia e riforma nell’ Italia del Cinquecento: Miscellanea I del Corpus Reformatorum Italicorum (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1974), 135-204. It is the work of Silvana Seidel Menchi and of Massimo Firpo, above

all, that offers the most sophisticated approach to the ways in which the ideas of non-Italian scholars were read in Italy. Seidel Menchi’s Erasmo in Italia, cited above, despite its modest title offers a compre-

Heresy and Reform 261

hensive analysis of reform movements in Italy in the sixteenth century, though the reader should also consult Seidel Menchi’s articles on the subject that are listed in her bibliography. Useful also are the articles

by Massimo Firpo on Juan de Valdés and his followers throughout the peninsula; see “Juan de Valdés e l’evangelismo italiano: Appunti e problemi di una ricerca in corso,” Studi storict 26 (1985): 733-754; “Valdesianesimo ed evangelismo: alle origini dell’ecclesta Viterbiensts (1541),” Schifanota | (1986): 152-168—these articles are now reprinted and published with a new essay in Massimo Firpo, Ta Alumbrados e “spirituali”: Studi su Juan de Valdés e il valdestanesimo nella crist religiosa del 500 italiano

(Florence: Olschki, 1990).

The reader can also approach the intellectual history of the Italian Reformation through a variety of issues that have dominated the discussion of the reform movements. Especially important are the discussions on

Italian evangelism. This topic was given its original formulation by Fva-Maria Jung, “On the Nature of Evangelism in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” Journal of the History of Ideas 14 (1953): 511-527; the latest com-

prehensive study is that of Paolo Simoncelli, Evangelismo italiano del Cinquecento: Questione religiosa e nicodemismo politico (Rome: Istituto Sto-

rico Italiano per l’Eta Moderna e Contemporanea, 1979). On Simoncelli, see the perceptive remarks of Rita Belladonna and Andrea del

Col, “Per una sistemazione critica dell’evangelismo italiano e di un’opera recente,” Critica storica 17 (1980): 264-276. However, unlike Simoncelli as well as Belladonna and del Col, who use the term “radical” to refer to the current of evangelism represented by such figures as Flaminio and Vergerio, I prefer the use of the term “popular.” The disagreement is not merely semantic. After the publication of George H. Williams's Tbe Radical Reformation, cited below, historians have generally reserved the term “radical” for those movements and individuals who rejected the teachings of the Roman Catholic church and those of the major Protestant reformers and who sought in their place sects of “true believers.” On this issue, see John Martin, “Salvation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Popular Evangelism in a Renaissance City,” Journal of Modern History 60 (1988): 205—233. For two useful spe-

cialized studies on evangelism in English, see Anne Jacobson Schutte, “The Lettere Volgari and the Crisis of Evangelism in Italy,” Renaissance Quarterly 28 (1975): 639-688; and O.M.'T. Logan, “Grace and Justifi-

cation: Some Italian Views of the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” Journal of Ecclestastical History 20 (1969): 67-78. The mean-

262 Sources and Bibliography

ing of the term “evangelism” and its usefulness are much debated. For overviews of the historiography and the issues involved, see Elisabeth

Gleason, “On the Nature of Sixteenth-Century Italian Evangelism: Scholarship, 1953-1978,” Stxteenth-Century Journal 9, no. 3 (1978): 3—

25; and Susanna Peyronel Rambaldi, “Ancora sull’evangelismo italiano: Categoria o invenzione storiografica?” Societa e storia 18 (1982): 935—967. In the near future, research is likely to veer away from studies of evangelism as a general category and to focus more specifically on the reception and the development of the ideas of such major figures as Erasmus and Valdés—for example, in the studies I have cited above by Silvana Seidel Menchi and Massimo Firpo. Yet, as the argument of

my book should make clear, I am by no means convinced that we should abandon the term “evangelism.” It is an acceptable term if the reader keeps in mind the various meanings it assumes in different periods (before and after 1542, for example), as well as in varying social and intellectual contexts. In my view, its very ambiguities and tendencies make it the best available lens through which we can observe the popular movements for reform in sixteenth-century Italy.

Another important current of beliefs in sixteenth-century Italy was that of anabaptism and antitrinitarianism. Friedrich ‘Trechsel first explored the history of antitrinitarianism in Die protestantischen Antitrinttarter vor Faustus Socin, 2 vols. (Heidelberg: K. Winter, 1839-1844);

and, for a relatively early work on the Anabaptists, see Karl Benrath in “Wiedertaufer im Venetianischen um die Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Theologische Studien und Kritiken 58 (1885): 9-67. The more recent works of Aldo Stella are essential; see Dall’anabattismo al socinianesimo nel Cinquecento veneto: Ricerche storiche (Padua: Liviana, 1967), and Anabattismo e antitrinitarismo in Italia nel XVI secolo: Nuove ricerche storiche

(Padua: Liviana, 1969), which are both rich in the author’s use of archival sources, with the second volume providing a useful selection of documents in its appendix. Stella’s volumes are summarized in George H. Williams, “The Two Social Strands in Italian Anabaptism, ca. 1526-—ca. 1565,” in Lawrence P. Buck and Jonathan W. Zophy, eds., The Social History of the Reformation (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1972), 156-207. For two significant studies that focus in part on this subject, see Earl Morse Wilbur, A History of Unitarianism, vol. 1: Socinianism and Its Antecedents (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1945); and George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962).

Heresy and Reform 263

As repression intensified in the mid-sixteenth century, Italian heretics could either go into exile or try to conceal their beliefs from their neighbors and co-workers. This latter strategy, known as Nicodemism, has generated a large literature. Despite the earlier work on this problem in its French context by Albert Autin, La Crise du Nicodémisme, 1535-1545 (Toulon: Faculté des lettres de Montpellier, 1917), Delio Cantimori’s work was decisive in defining Nicodemism as a historical problem. In addition to Eretic1 italiani del Cinquecento, cited above, see ““Nicodemismo’ e speranze conciliari nel Cinquecento italiano,” in Cantimori, Studi di storia (Lurin: Einaudi, 1959), 518-536 (an English translation of this work is in Cochrane, ed., The Late Italian Renaissance,

cited above); “Spigolature per la storia del nicodemismo italiano,” in Cantimori et al., eds., Ginevra e ’Italia (Florence: Sansoni, 1959), 177— 190, as well as the relevant chapters in Prospettive di storia ereticale italiana del Cinquecento. Carlo Ginzburg’s ambitious // Nicodemismo: Simulazione e dissimulazione religiosa nell Europa del ’500 (Turin: Einaudi,

1970), which sought to describe Nicodemism as a phenomenon that developed throughout Europe in response to the conservative turn of the Reformation in the 1520s, has been soundly criticized by Carlos M.N. Eire, “Calvin and Nicodemism: A Reappraisal,” SixteenthCentury Journal 10, no. 1 (1979): 45-69. Rather more successful approaches to the topic have been taken by Albano Biondi, “La giustificazione della simulazione nel Cinquecento,” in Evesia e riforma nell’Italia

del Cinquecento, previously cited, 7-68, while Antonio Rotondd, “Atteggiamenti della vita morale italiana del Cinquecento: La pratica nicodemitica,” Rivista storica ttaliana 79 (1967): 991-1030 is a judicious account of Nicodemite theory and practice in Italy. Rich new perspectives on this subject are offered by Rita Belladonna in a series of articles on Bartolomeo Carli Piccolomini: “Bartolomeo Caroli, nobile senese, imitatore di Juan de Valdés,” Critica storica 10 (1973): 514-528; “Cenni biografici su Bartolomeo Carli Piccolomini,” Critica storica 11 (1974): 507-510; “Pontanus, Machiavelli, and a Case of Religious Dissimulation in Early Sixteenth-Century Siena (Carli’s Trattati nove della prudenza),” Bibliotheque a’ humanisme et Renaissance 37 (1975): 377-385; “Bar-

tolomeo Carli Piccolomini’s Attitude towards Religious Ceremonies Compared to That of Erasmus and That of Luther,” Bibliothégue d’humanisme et Renaissance 42 (1980): 421—425; and “Aristotle, Machiavelli,

and Religious Dissimulation: Bartolomeo Carli Piccolomini’s Trattati Nove Della Prudenza,” in J.C. McLelland, ed., Peter Martyr Vermigli and

Italian Reform (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press,

264 Sources and Bibliography

1980), 29-41; as well as Paolo Simoncelli in Evangelismo italiano del Cinquecento, cited above. See also Massimo Firpo, “Gli ‘spirituali, l’ Accademia di Modena e il Formulario di fede del 1542: Controllo del dissenso religioso e Nicodemismo,” Revista di storia e letteratura religiosa 20 (1984): 40-111. Unfortunately, the most extensive discussion of Ital-

ian Nicodemism in English, Perez Zagorin, Ways of Lying: Dissimulation, Persecution and Conformity in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 83-99, is largely derivative and, following Cantimori, exaggerates the significance of Giorgio Siculo’s Epistola . . . allt cittadini dt Riva di Trento (Bologna: Anselmo Giac-

carello, 1550)—for a more thorough reading of Siculo, see Barry Collett, [taltan Benedictine Scholars and the Reformation: The Congregation of Santa Giustina of Padua (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), 213-245.

As noted, Cantimori gave considerable emphasis to the exiles re/zgionis causa in Eretict ttaliani del Cinquecento. This tradition of scholarship has remained an important focus in Italian Reformation studies. See, for example, the studies by Antonio Rotondo in Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale italiana del Cinquecento (Turin: G. Gtappichelli, 1974), as well as the monographs of Domenico Caccamo, Eretict italiani in Moravia, Polonia, Transtlvanta (1558-1611), Biblioteca del “Corpus Reformatorum I[talicorum” (Florence: Sansoni; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1970); Massimo Firpo, Antitrinitari nell’ Europa ortentale del ’500 (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1977); and, by the same author, Pietro Bizzarrt: esule italiano del Cinquecento (Turin: G. Giappichelli, 1971).

On the millenarian and prophetic currents, Marjorie Reeves offers a useful starting point in both Te Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxtord: Oxford University Press, 1969), and Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (New York: Harper and Row, 1976); but see also Bernard McGinn, Vistons of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979). For Savonarola, Donald Weinstein’s Savonarola and Florence: Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton Uni-

versity Press, 1970) is a model of clarity in its study of the profound connections between Florentine political traditions and Savonarola’s religious messages. For the resonances of the prophectic tradition in sixteenth-century Italy, see Ottavia Niccoli, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton: Princeton Univer-

sity Press, 1990). In my view, the terminus ad quem that Niccoli has imposed on the prophetic fervor of the period is rather too early, at

Heresy and Reform 265

least for Venice. For a relatively late expression of prophetic ideals in

Venice, see Carlo Ginzburg, “Due note sul profetismo cinquecentesco,” Rivista storica italiana 78 (1966): 184-227. Marion L. Kuntz’s current researches on prophecy in sixteenth-century Venice should also somewhat modify Niccoli’s interpretation. Finally, see Cesare Vasoli, Profezia e ragione: Studi sulla cultura del Cinquecento e del Seicento (Naples:

A. Morano, 1974). Biographies

Biographical approaches to the Italian Reformation have long been central to the study of the field, and there are several excellent such works.

Among the most important are—on Valdés, José C. Nieto, Juan de Valdés and the Origins of the Spanish and Italian Reformation (Geneva: Li-

brairie Droz, 1970); and Domingo de Santa ‘Teresa, Juan de Valdés, 1498(?)-1541: Su pensamiento religtoso y las corrientes espirituales de su tiempo (Rome: Apud Aedes Universitatis Gregorianae 1957);—on Gasparo Contarini, Franz Dittrich, Gasparo Contarini, 1483-1542: Eine Monographie (Braunsberg: Druck und Verlag der Ermlandischen Zeitungs- und Verlagsdruckerei, 1885) remains the most comprehensive study, but for an aggiornamento, see Gigliola Fragnito, Gasparo Contarini: Un magistrato veneztano al servizio della Cristianita (Florence: Ol-

schki, 1988), which is less a biography than a collection of specific studies on central aspects of Contarini’s thought and contributions;— on Giberti, for a striking example of the ambiguous positions many highly placed clerics held in relation to the ideals of the reform, see Adriano Prosperi, Iva evangelismo e Controriforma: G.M. Giberti (1495—

1543) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1969);—on Ochino, Roland Bainton, Bernardino Ochino: Esule e riformatore senese del Cinquecento,

1487-1563, trans. E.. Gianturco (Florence: Sansoni, 1940) (the English manuscript of this work was never published); and Karl Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Stena: A Contribution towards the History of the Reforma-

tion, trans. H. Zimmern (New York: Robert Carter and Bros., 1877); both studies should now be analyzed in light of Ugo Rozzo, “Nuovi contributi su Bernardino Ochino,” Bollettino della Societa di studi valdesi 146 (1979): 51-83;—on Vermigli, Philip McNair, Peter Martyr in Italy: An Anatomy of Apostasy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967); see also Salvatore I.

Camporeale, “Lo studio di McNair su Pietro Martire Vermigli: Giustificazione per fede o teologia umanistica?” Memorie Domenicane 3 (1972): 180-197, as well as several of the essays in J.C. McLelland, ed., Peter Martyr Vermigh and Italian Reform, cited above;—on Pole,

266 Sources and Bibliography

Dermot Fenlon, Heresy and Obedience in Tridentine Italy: Cardinal Pole and

the Counter Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); and Paolo Simoncelli, // caso Reginald Pole: Eresia e santita nelle polemiche religtose del Cinquecento (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1977);—on Flaminio, Alessandro Pastore, Marcantonio Flaminio: Fortune e sfortune dt un chiertco nell’Italia del Cinquecento (Milan: Franco An-

geli, 1981); and, in English, Carol Maddison, Marcantonio Flaminio: Poet, Humanist and Reformer (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965);—on Vergerio, Fulvio ‘Tomizza’s // male viene dal nord: Il romanzo del vescovo Vergerio (Milan: A. Mondadori, 1984) is full of human interest, but Anne Jacobson Schutte’s Pzer Paolo Vergerio: The Mak-

ing of an Italian Reformer (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1977) (now in an Italian version, with an updated preface and bibliography) remains the most authoritative scholarly biography;—and on Carnesecchi, Oddone Ortolani, Per la storia della vita religiosa italiana nel Cinquecento: Pietro Carneseccht (Florence: Le Monnier, 1963);—on Paleario, with many insights on the reform movement in Tuscany, see Salvatore Caponetto, Aonio Palearto (1503-1570) e la Riforma protestante in Toscana (Turin: Claudiana, 1979);—finally, on Postel, see William James Bouwsma, Concordia Mundt: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel (1510-1581)

(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957); Marion L. Kuntz, Guillaume Postel: Prophet of the Restitution of All Things (The Hague: Martinus Nyhoff, 1981); and Kuntz, ed., Postello, Venezia e il suo mondo (Florence: Olschki, 1988).

Aristocratic women also played an important role in the Italian Reformation. For a general introduction to such major figures as Giulia Gonzaga, Caterina Cibo, Vittoria Colonna, Isabella Bresegna, Renée of Ferrara, and Olympia Morata, see Roland Bainton, Women of the Reformation in Germany and Italy (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1971). Issues of gender have attracted surprisingly little attention among students of the Italian Reformation, but see Nancy L. Roelker, “The Appeal of Calvinism to French Noblewomen in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 (1972): 391-418, whose conclusions might also explain the interest of certain Italian noblewomen in the ideas of the reformers. Finally, many entries in the Dizionario biografico degh [tahani, now completed through the letter D (Rome: Societa Grafica Romana, 1960—), discuss individual reformers and heretics.

Heresy and Reform 267 The Italian Reformation in Its Social and Political Contexts

For the most part, the social and political histories of the reform movements in Italy have considered the experience of various groups of her-

etics in an urban context. An influential work is Federico Chabod’s “Per la storia religiosa dello Stato di Milano durante il dominio di Carlo V: Note e documenti.” This essay was published in the Annuario dell R. Istituto storico per Veta moderna e contemporanea, 2-3 (1936-1937):

1-261. It subsequently appeared twice as a single volume (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1938, and Rome: Istituto Storico per l’Eta Moderna e Contemporanea, 1962) but is now most accessible in Chabod, Opere, vol. 3: Lo stato e la vita religiosa a Milano nellepoca di Carlo V (Yurin: Einaudi, 1971). Chabod’s work shows the influence of the scholarship of Lucien Febvre; to understand the particular historiographical context in which Chabod was working, see Giorgio Spini, “Qualche riflessione su ‘Per una storia religiosa dello Stato di Milano’ di Federico Chabod,” in Brunello Vigezzi, Federico Chabod e la “nuova stortografia” ttaliana dal primo al secondo dopoguerra (Milan: Jaca Book, 1984), 233-241.

The Venetian heretics have been the subject of many studies, without which my attempts to make sense of the reform movements in the city would have been in vain. Early general studies stem from those of Karl Benrath, Geschichte der Reformation in Venedig (Halle: Verein fir Reformationsgeschichte, 1887), and Emilio Comba, I nostri Protestantt, vol. 2: Durante la Riforma nel Veneto e nell’Istria (Florence: Claudiana, 1897), and more recently, Edouard Pommier, “La société vénitienne et la Réforme protestante au XVIe siécle,” Bollettino dell’Istituto di storia della societa e dello Stato veneziano 1 (1959): 3-26, and Adriano Prosperi, “Or-

todossia, diversita, dissenso: Venezia e il governo della religione intorno alla meta del Cinquecento,” in André Chastel and Renato Cevese, eds., Andrea Palladio, Nuovi contributi: Settimo Seminario Internazionale di Storia dell Architettura, Vicenza 1—7 settembre 1988 (Milan: Electa, 1990),

27-31. Qn Venetian anabaptism, the studies of Stella, cited above, are essential and greatly deepen our understanding of the phenomenon in Venice and the Veneto. My work has been informed by Stella, who has also charted the more moderate currents of the reform movements in Venetian politics in the sixteenth century. See “L’Orazione di Pier Paolo Vergerio al Doge Francesco Dona sulla riforma della chiesa

268 Sources and Bibliography

(1545),” Atti dell Istituto veneto di sctenze, lettere ed arti: classe di scienze moralt, lettere ed artt 128 (1970): 1-39; “Utopie e velleita insurrezionali dei filoprotestanti italiani (1545-1547),” Bibliothéque d’bumanisme et Renatssance 27 (1965): 133—82; and “Guido da Fano eretico del secolo X VI al servizio dei re d’Inghilterra,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 13

(1959): 196-238. Andrea del Col’s exquisitely documented work also significantly deepens our knowledge of the intellectual history of heresy in the city. His articles are too numerous to list in their entirety, but see—in addition to “Organizzazione, composizione e giurisdizione dei tribunali dell’Inquisizione romana nella repubblica di Venezia,” and “L’Inquisizione romana e il potere politico nella repubblica di Venezia,” both cited above—the following: “Note sull’eterodossia di fra Sisto da Siena: [I suoi rapporti con Orazio Brunetto e un gruppo veneziano di ‘spirituali,’” Collectanea Franciscana 47 (1977): 27-64; “Due sonetti inediti di Pier Paolo Vergerio il giovane,” Ce fastu? 54 (1978): 70-85; “Lucio Paolo Rosello e la vita religiosa veneziana verso la meta del secolo XVI,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 32 (1978): 422—459; and

“Il controllo della stampa a Venezia e 1 processi di Antonio Brucioli (1548-1559),” Critica storica 17 (1980): 457-510.

Del Col has also extensively researched the history of reformers and heretics in the Friuli, territory that was subject to the Venetian state. See “Eterodossia e cultura fra gli artigiani di Porcia nel secolo XVI,” J/ Noncello 46 (1978): 9-76; “La storia religiosa del Friuli nel Cinquecento: Orientamenti e fonti, parte prima,” Metodi e ricerche n.s. 1 (1982): 69— 87; and “La storia religiosa del Friuli nel Cinquecento: Orientamenti e fonti, seconda parte,” Metodi e ricerche n.s. 2 (1983): 39-56. Other ex-

cellent studies by del Col as well as by such scholars as Silvano Cavazza, Stefania Ferlin Malavasi, and Giovanna Paolin, who also work on the history of heresy in the territories of the Venetian republic, are listed by Schutte in her essay “Periodization of Sixteenth-Century Italian Religious History,” 280-281. Achille Olivieri’s “Sensibilita religiosa urbana e sensibilita religiosa contadina nel Cinquecento veneto: suggestioni e problemi,” Critica storica 9 (1972): 631-650, inspired by the mentalité studies of the Annales school, is frustratingly vague but suggests possibilities for future research.

Other cities and regions have also received considerable attention, though here I can list only some of the more influential works. See, for Siena, Valerio Marchetti, Gruppi ereticalt senest del Cinquecento (Florence:

Heresy and Reform 269

La Nuova Italia, 1975). On Lucca, in addition to Marino Berengo, Nobili e mercanti nella Lucca del Cinquecento (Lurin: Einaudi, 1965), chap.

6, see Simonetta Adorni Braccesi, “Giuliano da Dezza caciaiuolo: Nuove prospettive sull’eresia a Lucca nel XVI secolo,” Actum Luce 9 (1980): 89-138; “Maestri e scuole nella repubblica di Lucca tra Riforma e Controriforma,” Societa e storia 33 (1986): 559-594; “Libri e lettori a Lucca tra Riforma e Controriforma: Un’indagine 1n corso,” in Libri, idee e sentimenti religiost nel Cinquecento ttaliano: 3-5 aprile 1986 (Modena: Panini, 1987), 39-46; and “II dissenso religioso nel contesto urbano lucchese della Controriforma” in Citta italiane del 500 tra Riforma e Controriforma: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Lucca 13-15 ottobre

1983 (Lucca: Maria Pacini Fazzi, 1987), 225-239. On Modena, see Cesare Bianco, “La comunita di ‘fratelli’? nel movimento ereticale modenese del ’500,” Rivista storica ttaliana 92 (1980): 621-679; and Susanna Peyronel Rambaldi, Speranze e crist nel Cinquecento modenese: Tensiont religiose e vita cittadina at tempi di Giovanni Morone (Milan: Franco Angeli,

1979). On Bologna, see Antonio Rotondo, “Per la storia dell’eresia a Bologna nel secolo XVI,” Rinasctmento 13 (1962): 107-154. All these works show a considerable diffusion of religious ideas among the popular classes. [t should be noted that Berengo’s work is a model for those interested in the interrelation of religious and social life. For other cities and regions, see the bibliographies provided in Schutte’s “Periodization of Sixteenth-Century Italian Religious History,” and in Tedeschi’s Prosecution of Heresy.

In his review of Citta italiane del ’S00 tra Riforma e Controriforma, Sam-

uel Cohn was certainly correct to observe that “Italy still lacks its Bernd Moeller” (Renaissance Quarterly 42 [1989]: 558). There simply is no work for the Italian context that corresponds to Moeller’s now classic Imperial Cities and the Reformation, ed. and trans. Mark Edwards and H.C. Erik Midelfort (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972). Nonetheless there is much of general interest in Luigi Donvito, “La ‘Religione cittadina’ e le nuove prospettive sul Cinquecento religioso italiano,” Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 19 (1983): 431-474, which goes further than any work I know in its effort to trace the recurrent social and political

forces of religious reform in sixteenth-century Italy. Unhappily for both social and cultural history, there is little dialogue between students of the Italian Reformation and scholars who work on the reform movements in Germany, France, and England; nationalist perspectives, it appears, continue to limit our view of widespread contempo-

270 Sources and Bibliography

raneous movements. The one conspicuous exception is Silvana Seidel Menchi’s magisterial Erasmo in Italia. Seidel Menchi manages not only to offer the most comprehensive interpretation we have yet of the reform movements in Italy but also to consider various substantive and methodological discussions about the circulation of religious ideas, especially in the German context. An important discussion of this work, with interventt by Andrea del Col, Silvano Cavazza, and Adriano Prosperi, was published in Quaderni storici 70 (1989): 269-296. In my view, Prospert'’s reservations exaggerate Seidel Menchi’s departure from Can-

timori’s teachings. For an excellent introduction to recent approaches to the social history of the German Reformation, see R. Po-Chia Hsia, ed., The German People and the Reformation (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988).

For Students In addition to the works cited above, there are texts and documents available in English translations that should prove particularly useful to students. Several important texts by Juan de Valdés are included in George H. Williams and Angel M. Mergal, eds., Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers (Philadelphia: ‘The Westminster Press, 1957). See also Bernardino Ochino, Seven Dialogues, trans. and ed. Rita Belladonna (Ottawa: Dovehouse Editions, 1988). Elisabeth Gleason provides a rich collection of texts, including Te Beneficio di Cristo, in Reform Thought in

Sixteenth-Century Italy, American Academy of Religion, Texts and Translations Series, no. 4 (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1981). For certain essential Catholic Reformation writings from late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Italy (including texts by Savonarola, Contarini, and Giberti), see John C. Olin, The Catholic Reformation: Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola (New York: Harper and Row, 1969).

Students may also benefit from an analysis of trials that have been translated into English: see John Tedeschi and Josephine von Henneberg, eds. and trans., “Contra Petrum Antonium a Cervia relapsum et Bononiae concrematum,” in Tedeschi, ed., /talian Reformation Studies in Honor of Laelius Socinus (Florence: Le Monnier, 1965), 243-268; David Chambers and Brian Pullan, eds., Venice: A Documentary History, 1450-

1630 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 228-237; and Carlo Ginzburg, Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen-

Heresy and Reform 271

turies, 147-171, including the trials of two benandanti. Moreover, John and Anne Tedeschi are preparing an English translation of Andrea del

Col’s edition of the trial of Domenico Scandella, cited above, to be published in the series Medieval and Renaissance ‘Texts and Studies at SUNY Binghamton. Finally, there are brief selections from Nicolau Eymeric’s Directorium Inquisitorum in Alan C. Kors and Edward Peters, eds., Witchcraft in Europe, 1100-1700: A Documentary History (Philadel-

phia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972), 84-92.

General Index

Here as in the text, first names appear in variant forms—Giacomo and Jacomo, for example, or Giovanni and Zuane—in accordance with early modern practice; however, a single form is used for each individual. Patronyms are given

when these were clearly established by the sixteenth century or when they have become conventional in the historiography. In the matter of names, consistency is neither possible nor desirable—especially in a book that discusses not only popes and monarchs but also artisans and workers in the textile and other trades.

Accademia degli Incogniti, 228 relation to other heresies, 118, 125, Agostino da Genova, 88-89, 158 139, 176, 231, 233; repression of, 122,

Alba, duke of, 48, 55, 207 199, 223; social bases of, 141-146,

Albert of Trent, 209 173-175, 242-247; studies of, 262. See Alberto da Gesuy spader, 83 also antitrinitarianism; Hutterites;

Aldine press, 77 Mennonites; Swiss Brethren

Aleandro, Girolamo (nuncio), 38-39 Andrea da Ferrara (Andrea Baura), 26 Altieri, Baldassare, 10, 47—48, 56, 59,68, | Andrea delle Gambarare, 85

75-76 Andrea di Pontremolo, 88

Alvarez de Toledo, Fernando. See Alba, Andreassi, Giorgio (nuncio), 74

duke of Angelico da Crema, 54-55, 88, 89

Alvise da Capua (nuncio), 220 Angelo, Paolo, 115 Alvise dalle Crosette, 92 antitrinitarianism: Hutterite opposition Amai, Battista, 158, 210-211 to, 142-143; movement in Padua and Ambrogio da Milano (Ambrogio Cavalli), Venice, 106-112, 145; radicalism of,

53-54, 67 6-7; relation to other heresies, 120,

anabaptism: contemporaries’ view of, 237; 125, 202, 231, 233; studies of, 262. See

ideals, 121-122, 177; movement in also anabaptism Italy and Venice, 16, 99-112, 149; Ni- — Antonio (blind maker), 143 codemism and, 131; radicalism of, 7; Antonio da Bologna (silk weaver), 65, 90 273

274 General Index Antonio dalla Vecchia (jeweler), 157 Beolco, Angelo. See Ruzante

Antonio delle Celade, 92 Bernardin da Cittadella, 143

Antonio detto Melon, 187 Bernardino garzatore di berette, 90 Antonio di Piero (jeweler), 172 Bernardino sfratato, 88 Antonio marangon, 27, 64, 102 Bernardo di Jacomo (turner at San Anzelica (wife of Zuanjacomo spader), Moisé), 85, 92-93, 173

101 Bernerio, Antonio, 88

Aretino, Pietro, 46, 78 Bertelli, Luca, 218—219

Aristotle, 30, 33 Bevilaqua Press, 135

Arrivabene, Andrea (publisher), 81, 84, Beza, Theodore, 135, 224

132 Biandrata, Giorgio, 6

Arsenal, 61, 65, 162-163 Biasio di Cristoforo (silk weaver), 202— artisans: expansion of manufactures and, 203, 205 161-165; itinerancy, 137-138, 164- Blaurock, Georg, 103 165; literacy, 83; loss of status, 152- Boccaccio, Giovanni, 80 159; networks, 91-92, 139-141; occu- Bodin, Jean, 3, 28-29, 219 pational hierarchy, 239-241; opposi- Bolognetti, Alberto (nuncio), 26n, 56,

tion to heresy, 64-65, 191-193, 212- 188, 191, 215, 252 213; prevalence among Anabaptists, Borromeo, Carlo, 66, 165, 185-186, 214 110, 143-145, 242-247; prevalence Bortolomeo (cobbler), 101, 104-105 among evangelicals, 89-95, 150-152, Bortolomeo da Parma (schoo! master), 145 242-247. See also Arsenal; manufactur- Bortot, Orsola, 222 ers; publishing and printing; textile in- —_ Bressan, Iseppo, 116-117

dustry Brucioli, Antonio: Bible translated by, 45,

Augustine, Saint, 93 47, 204; harassed by della Casa, 79; Avanzo, Ludovico (publisher), 80 republicanism of, 32, 45; in Venice,

Avanzo, Paolo, 81 46-47, 75; writings of, 14-15, 95, 254 Avogaria di Comun, 12 Brugnalesco, Valeria, 222 Azzalin, Zaccaria, 132 Brunfels, Otto, 129 Buccello, Giovan Maria (fiscal), 55

Bacon, Nathaniel, 125n Bucer, Martin, 41, 47, 126 Badia, Tommaso, 38, 46 Bullinger, Heinrich, 56, 126

Baniére, Claude (Claudio Textor), 219, Burlamacchi, Francesco, 48

221-224 Busale, Girolamo, 108-111, 118, 120

Basilio d’Istria, 195 Busale, Matteo, 109

Battista “Bataglia,” 89-90 Busdraghi, Gherardo (auditor), 55 Baura, Andrea. See Andrea da Ferrara

Beato, Zuanmaria, 174, 176 Cagnolo, Francesco, 83 Beccadelli, Ludovico (nuncio), 112n Caldiera, Giovanni, 45, 65 Beccafumi, Domenico, 180-181 Caliari, Paolo. See Veronese, Paolo

Belasin, Piero, 143 Calvin, John: appeal, 152; attacked by Benedetto corazzaro, 116-121, 176, 188, Counter-Reformation church, 218-—

199-209, 212 219; Italian Reformation and, 5-7, 47, tanini), 254 126-127, 129, 131, 139; Reformation

Benedetto da Mantova (Benedetto Fon- 93, 232; Nicodemites opposed by,

Benedetto da San Marco, 95 and, 17; Servetus’ execution and, 5-6, Benedetto del Borgo, 104, 112, 174 107; writings read in Venice, 224, 230 Beneficio di Cristo: Augustinianism of, 86— Cambrai, war of the League of, 57-58,

87; cost of, 79; diffusion in Italy and 60-61, 114, 211, 220 Venice, 46, 81, 84-85, 90, 93, 138- Camillo (innkeeper at San Lio), 143 139, 230; publication of, 72—73 Campeggi, Lorenzo (nuncio), 39

Beneto (silk weaver), 101 Canossi, Antonio, 171

General Index 275 Carafa, Gian Pietro, 38-39, 43-44, 51, Consilium de emendanda ecclesia, 38, 44

195. See also Paul TV Contarini, Francesco (lay deputy), 55 Caravia, Alessandro: evangelical network, | Contarini, Gasparo: Commonwealth and 75, 164-165; trial, 89; views, 156-158; Government of Venice, 3, 33, 45, 59,

writings, 15, 80, 84, 87, 93-94, 172, 155, 168; death of, 42-43, 46, 121;

191, 193 evangelism of, 73- 75, 108, 150, 228;

Carleton, Dudley, 155 Regensburg, 41—42, 157; spiritual: led Carnesecchi, Pietro, 27, 75-76, 182 by, 35-43

carnival, 172 Contarini, Nicolo (doge), 225—226n Carpaccio, Vittore, 124-125, 168 Contarini, Zuan Battista, 143

158 YaZZaro

Carpan, Bartolomeo (jeweler), 89, 132, Corazzaro, Benedetto. See Benedetto co-

Castello, Sebastiano, 88 Corfu, 61

Castello (sestiere), 94 Cornaro, Caterina, 208 Castiglione, Baldassare, 31, 155 Corner, Carlo, 181 Cataneo, Rocco (auditor), 134 Cortese, Gregorio, 38, 74 Catarino Politi, Ambrogio, 85, 149, 254 Council of Ten: Anabaptists investigated

Caterina (seamstress in San Geremia), by, 101, 105, 111; authority of, 59, 62,

140-141 229; Inquisition and, 67—68, 112,

Cathaldo (silk weaver in Modena), 171 189-190; millenarians investigated by, Cavalli, Ambrogio. See Ambrogio da 116; printers regulated by, 61, 79; re-

Milano form of, 219-220

Cazuolo, Francesco (silk weaver), 164 Crivelli, Paolo (goldsmith), 75, 89

Celsi, Mino, 254 Cromeri, Guglielmo, 213

Cervini, Marco, 39 Curione, Celio Secondo, 87, 110, 125n, Charles V (emperor), 6, 37, 41, 48, 52, 55 129-130, 230

Charles Vil (French king), 29 Cyprus: Venetian possession, 54; war of,

Charles IX (French king), 207 199-~200n, 210 Chizzuola, Ippolito, 88, 94

Cicero, 30 d’Armano, Marc’Antonio, 132 Cicogna, Pasquale (doge), 221 D’Ochino, Pietro. See de Huchin, Pierre

Cingano, Giuseppe, 175 da Canal, Cristoforo (admiral), 63

Cittadella, 107, 125 da Canal, Marcantonio, 160, 181 cittadini, 58, 152-154, 156, 160, 163 da Ponte, Andrea, 15, 160, 181, 220, 232

civic Christianity, 18-21 da Ponte, Nicolo (doge), 220-221

Clario, Giovanni Antonio, 88 dalla Crea, Adamo, 132

class, social: factor in shaping heresy, 7n, dall’Armi, Ludovico, 47—48, 59, 68,

150-152, 173~177, 229. See also social 73-74

distribution of heresy Dandolo, Andrea, 160, 181

Clement VII, 37, 75 Dante, 78

Clemente (glover), 143, 145 Davila, Enrico, 226n

Cocco, Pietro, 75 de’ Barbari, Jacopo, 2-3

Colet, John, 35, 73 de Gabiano, Barthélemy, 135 College of Inquisitors General, 51. See also de Huchin, Pierre, 135-136, 139, 194

Inquisition, Roman de Lagnasco, Costantino, 167

Colomban, Antonio, 144 death penalty, 68-70, 112, 182n, 188, 195

Colonna, Vittoria, 40 della Casa, Giovanni (nuncio): books

Comin da Trino, 81 burned by, 79, 93; death penalty and,

confession, 66, 185-187 68, 189n; Index of Prohibited Books, 136; confraternities, 19—21, 191-194. See also Venetian Inquisition and, 53-55, 57,

scuole grandi 66-68, 73-74, 89

conscription, 62—63 della Rovere, Giulio. See Giulio da Milano

276 General Index

di Linda, Luca, 247n Flaminio, Marcantonio, 42, 46—47, 74, dissimulation. See Nicodemism 108, 254

doge of Venice, 33 Florence, 20, 30, 32, 114

209, 212 212

Domenego di Lorenzo (cobbler), 201-205, Florian, Benedetto, 120n, 202-203, 205,

Dominici, Giovanni, 167 Florio, Benedetto (Lorenzo Tizzano), 16n, Dona, Francesco (doge), 48, 51, 102, 229 103n, 109-110, 120 Dona, Leonardo (doge), 225, 247n Fondaco dei Tedeschi, 26, 159. See also

Doni, Anton Franceso, 78 German community

Donzellino, Girolamo: final trial and exe- Fontana, Francesco, 164 cution of, 221-223; Nicodemism of, Fontanini, Benedetto. See Benedetto da-

132; the plague and, 211; Sarpi and, tova 225; smuggles heretical titles, 81; Fonzio, Bartolomeo, 14, 160

Venice and, 47, 75, 76 foreigners, 28-29, 527. See also German

Durkheim, Emile, 17 community; immigrants; Jews Foscarari, Egidio, 137

Emilione, Bonifacio, 81, 84 Franceschin da Trieste, 213—214 Emo, Francesco, 160, 181 Franceschina (wife of Zuane samiter), Erasmus, Desiderius, 35-36, 73, 109, 128 83 eretici: Cantimori’s definition of, 5, 9. See Franceschino (preacher at San Zac-

also heresy caria), 95

Esecutori contro la bestemmia, 61, 79 Francesco (tailor at San Geremia), 65,

evangelism: affinities to republicanism, 140-141 44-45, 48, 228-229; anabaptism and, Francesco della Sega, 142-143, 145 100, 102-105, 110-112, 120, 144-145; Francis I (French king), 52, 54-55 appeal, 158-161, 169; aristocratic sup- _—‘ Franciscans, 39

port for, 73-75, 181-182, 225-226; ar- Franco, Giacomo, 148-149 tisan support for, 89-95; defined, 15- Franco, Nicold, 78 16, 237, 262; humanists’ and profes- Frederick the Wise, 44 sionals’ support for, 75—76; ideals of, Fregoso, Federigo, 38 105, 166-169; millenarianism con- Fugger, Johann, 190 trasted with, 117; movement in Italy Furlan, Paolo, 88 and Venice, 35—48, 73-96, 121-122,

125-141, 149, 199, 210-211, 212-214, Gaiano, Paolo (Paolo da Campogalliano):

223-224, 228-233; networks of sup- denunciation of, 187; evangelism of, port for, 139-141; Nicodemites and, 85, 90, 137-139; itinerancy and, 164125-139; the plague and, 212-214; so- 165; Modenese contacts of, 170; Nicial bases of, 150-152, 242-247; stud- codemism and, 131-132 ies of 261-262. See also spiritualt Gaismayr, Michael, 101-102

Eymeric, Nicolau, 13, 195, 252 games, 171-172 Garzoni, Tommaso, 82, 173

Facchinetti, Giovanni Antonio (nuncio), Gebler, Zorzi, 212-213

131, 183-185, 188-189, 195, 219 Gemma, Giovanni Battista, 140n family: haven for heresy, 139; orthodoxy Gemma, Helena, 140 preserved by, 65-66; religious conflict Gemma, Marcantonio, 140

in, 212—214 Gemma, Silvestro, 140-141

Farnese, Alessandro, 54, 74n. See also Paul Geneva, 131

oD , German community, 52, 190-191. See also

Farnese family, 53-54 Fondaco dei Tedeschi Ferdinand, Archduke, 102 Gerson, Jean, 93

Filippo di Strata (copyist), 79 Gherlandi, Giulio, 142-143, 145

Fioravanti, Ludovico, 82 Ghetti da Volterra, Andrea, 88

General Index 277 Ghislieri, Michele, 182, 195, 221. See also vincial tribunals and, 236; reorganized

Pius V by Sixtus V, 221; repression intensi-

Giacomo da Sacile, 144, 188 fies, 69; studies of, 250-253, 255-257. Giannetti da Fano, Guido, 47—48, 68n, See also College of Inquisitors General;

189 medieval inquisition; Portuguese In-

Giannotti, Donato, 32—33, 59, 164 quisition; Spanish Inquisition

Giantis, Elisabetta, 222 —tribunal in Bologna, 99

Giberti, Gian Matteo, 38, 42-44, 73-74, —tribunal in Concordia and Aquileia, 227

108 —tribunal in Modena, 137

Giolito, Gabriel (publisher), 77, 135 —tribunal in Venice: establishment of,

gtovani, 219-221, 226, 229 21, 51-53, 103, 121, 141, 229; funcGirolamo (jeweler at San Moisé), 93 tion in Venetian society, 21, 63-64,

Giuliano da Colle, 88, 95 122; heretics repressed by, 56-57,

Giulio da Milano (Giulio della Rovere), 112, 116, 181-195; Nicodemites and,

9-10n, 74, 127, 254 131-132; personnel, 55; preachers reg-

Giulio di Stai (jeweler), 85 ulated by, 88-89; printers regulated Giunti, Lucantonio (publisher), 77, 135 by, 79-80; relation to Rome and to

Giustiniani, Tommaso, 35-36 provincial tribunals, 236; relative Great Council, 33, 58-59, 82, 152, 160, moderation of, 66-69, 73, 136, 190—

227 191; studies of, 256-257; witchcraft

Grisolan, Battista (dyer), 215 repressed by, 222, 223, 226-227. See Grison, Giovanni (printer), 194 also death penalty; Tre savi all’eresia

Grison, Zuan (pork butcher), 133 inquisitorial archives: as sources for social

Grisons (Graubiinden or Rhaetian and cultural history, 10-17, 226, 235-

League), 103 247, 250-253, 255-257

Guicciardini, Francesco, 30n, 32, 34, 45 Iseppo (goldsmith in San Moisé), 85, 89, 91-94, 117, 158 Henry VIII (English king), 44, 52, 54 Italian Reformation: historiography of, 4-

heresy: definitions of, 9, 27; perceived as 9, 253-254, 257-270 epidemic, 25, 28, 39, 52-53, 69, 149; Italy: invasions of, 3, 6, 29-31, 33 popular attitudes toward, 64-66; social bases of, 242—247; social history, Jacomo (turner at San Moisé), 92, 173 7-8, 16-18, 149-177, 267-270; studies Jesuits, 42, 44, 115 of, 257-270. See also anabaptism; anti- Jews, 52, 236 trinitarianism; eretici; evangelism; mil- Joachim of Fiore, 16, 98-99, 113-115,

lenarianism 118

hierarchy, social: aristocratic conceptions = John Frederick of Saxony, 48

of, 30-32; evangelical opposition to, Jordano, Anastasio, 67n 44, 169-170, 230; intensification of, Josephism, 111-112. See also antitrinitari-

152-156; occupations and, 238-247; anism oligarchic tendencies in Venice, 57-59

Holy Office. See Inquisition, Roman Kabbalism, 118-120 humanism: Christian, 35, 109-110; civic,

30, 44 Lando, Ortensio, 78

Hutterites, 142-143 Laureto di Buongiorno, Giovanni, 109 Lefévre d’Etaples, Jacques, 35

immigrants, 163-165. See also foreigners Leo X, 37

in coena Domini, 183 Lepanto, 199-200, 207 Index of Prohibited Books, 122, 136 Leto, Pomponio, 32

inquisitio, 11-13, 67 . Licet ab initio, 42

Inquisition, Roman: establishment of, 21, | Liompardi, Zanpolo, 172 42, 44, 46, 51-53, 103, 108, 129; pro- Lion, Anzolo, 85

278 General Index

Lippomano, Alvise, 69 Milan, duchy of, 6—7 literacy: early modern sociology of, 81— millenarianism: contemporaries’ view of,

83; heresy and, 83-85 237; movement in Venice, 16, 112—

Locke, John, 44 122, 149, 199-209; the plague and, Longo, Pietro (book merchant), 81, 222- 212; relation to other heresies, 125,

223, 225 139; repression of, 223; Scripture and,

Loredan, Antonio, 181 177; social bases of, 175-177, 242-247; Loredan, Leonardo (doge), 60 studies of, 264-265; traditional cur-

Loschi, Aquilina, 85 rent in Italian spirituality, 16, 231. See

Lucengo, Giacomo, 69-70 also Joachim of Fiore; Savonarola, Gi-

Lull, Raymund, 224 rolamo

Lunardo (carder), 202, 205, 206 Mocaiati, Zuangiacomo, 184-185, 187—

Lupetino, Baldo, 68-69, 189n 188

Luther, Martin: appeal, 152; Contarini’s Mocenigo, Alvise, 181 view of, 35, 43; Italian Reformation More, Thomas, 36

and, 5-7, 25-28, 36, 46, 93, 232; Morone, Giovanni, 46—47 papacy’s view of, 37; Reformation Morosini, Andrea, 225—226n

and, 17, 75, 114, 165; seen as a Miinster, 100 dragon, 200; solafideism of, 40; writ- Muzio, Girolamo, 155

ings read in Venice, 230 Muzzarelli, Gerolamo, 99

Lyon, 77, 135-136 myth of Venice, 2-3, 29, 33-34, 56, 219. See also tolerance, religious

Machiavelli, Niccolo, 7, 32, 34, 45, 56 Madre Zuana (Venetian Virgin), 118-119, | Naples: Valdés’s circle in, 107-108

122 Nascimbene, Nascimben:, 204

Maggior Consiglio. See Great Council Nicodemism, 125-146, 227, 263-264

Malipiero, Alvise, 181 Nicola d’Alessandria, 104, 110

Malipiero, Giacomo, 181 nobles: evangelicals among, 73-75, 160, Manelfi, Pietro, 99-101, 104, 106-107, 181-182, 225-226; opponents of

117, 119, 121, 145 evangelism, 230; status of, 30-32,

manual labor, 155-156 154-155 manufactures, expansion of, 61, 161-165

Marcantonio del Bon, 104, 110 Ochino, Bernardino: attacked by

Marchesio, Vincenzo, 85 Counter-Reformation church, 155,

Marco da Cremona, 73, 108 218-219; exile, 6, 43, 121, 232; Ital-

Mariano, Splandiana, 222 ian Reformation and, 7, 25-26, 75;

Mariano da Crema, 88 preaching, 9-10, 41, 46, 87-88, 93, Marino da Venezia (inquisitor), 55, 166n 159; radicalization of views, 107; writ-

Marot, Clément, 135 ings of, 79, 230, 254 Marx, Karl, 17, 22 Oecolampadius, 126

marranos, 108—109n Odorico (knifegrinder at Rialto), 144-145

Massimi, Massimo, 184n Oldofredo, Michel, 133

Matteo della Maddalena, 174-176 Oratorio degli Incurabili, 191

medieval inquisition, 57 Osbat, Bastian (cobbler), 143 Melanchthon, Philip, 26, 41, 47, 126 Osbat, Christina, 143

Meleto, Francesco, 209 Osbat, Pancratio (cobbler), 143 Memmo, Giovanni Maria, 82, 156 Ort, Christoph, 190 Mennonites, 101, 106

Menocchio (Domenico Scandella), 227 Padua: anabaptists and antitrinitarians in,

Meuccio, Silvestro, 115 102, 109-110, 120, 144-145; evangeliMichiel, Zuanbattista, 132, 140, 167 cals in, 108; university of, 4, 25, 35,

Mignanelli, Fabio (nuncio), 74 73

General Index 279 Palavicino, Bernardino (mercer), 213 Provveditori sopra le pompe, 60

Palladio, Andrea, 155, 211 publishing and printing: development of Panarelli, Teofilo, 159-160, 181-182 industry in Venice, 76-78; regulation Paolo da Campogalliano. See Gaiano, of, 79-81; studies of, 236

Paolo Pucci, Francesco, 232

Paolo di Albori (tailor), 212, 215

Paracelsus, 224 Quaiato, Vincenzo, 132 Paresin (priest at San Geremia), 141 Quarantia, 58 Parto, Girolamo, 75, 132-134, 136-137, Quirini, Vincenzo, 35 139-140

Paul, Saint: diffusion of, 117, 128, 130, Rabelais, Frangois, 135 134, 140; humanist interpretations of, Rafaele de Covis, 75, 94-95

35; popularized in sermons, 27 Regensburg, colloquy of, 41-42, 157 Paul III, 25, 37-39, 41-42, 53. See also Renato, Camillo, 103, 105, 107, 254

Farnese, Alessandro Renée of Ferrara, 44

Paul IV, 39, 64, 122, 195. See also Carafa, republicanism: affinities to evangelism,

Gian Pietro 44-45, 228-229: institutions and

Pennarolo, Antonio, 88 ideals of, 30, 32-33, 48, 57

Pefia, Francisco, 13, 195, 252 Rialto, 124-125, 158, 160, 170, 210

Perna, Pietro, 80-81, 223-224 Riva, Alessandro, 188 Perosin, Valerio (dyer), 83, 144-145 Roberto fiamengo, 213

Petrarch, 3, 138 Rocco centurer, 90

Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, 6, 232 Rome: republicanism in, 32; sack of, 30,

Pietro (anabaptist in Padua), 144-145 46, 73, 114 Pietro de Faris (printer), 211-212 Rosello, Lucio Paolo, 75, 81

Pius IV, 182-183, 195 Rubini, Achille, 221-223 Pius V, 182-183, 185, 195, 220. See also Rucellai, Cosimo, 32

Ghislieri, Michele Ruscelli, Girolamo, 78

plague, 199-200, 211-214 Rucellai gardens, 32, 45 Poetin, Francesco (tailor), 104 Ruzante (Angelo Beolco), 26-27 Pole, Reginald, 37-38, 40-41, 43, 46-47,

74-75, 108 Saccardino, Costantino, 227—228

Pomponio Leto. See Leto, Pomponio sacred, notions of, 165-169

poor laws, 62 Sadoleto, Jacopo, 37-41, 43-44, 53 population of Venice, 25 Salutati, Coluccio, 45

Portuguese Inquisition, 69 salvation, 36, 38—42, 46, 117-118, 121, Postel, Guillaume, 15, 28—29n, 115-122, 174

176 Sambeni, Zuanbattista, 145-146, 199

preaching of evangelical ideas, 87-89 San Barnaba (parish), 54, 88-89

Priuli, Alvise (humanist), 73 San Cipriano (monastery), 79, 114

209 144

Priuli, Alvise di Zuanfrancesco, 208n San Cristoforo della Pace (monastery),

Priuli, “Cavaliere,” 206—208 115

Priuli, Francesco (capitano generale da mar), San Francesco della Vigna (monastery),

Priuli, Girolamo (banker), 60, 154, 163 San Geminiano (church), 184, 188

Priuli, Girolamo (doge), 208 San Giacomo dall’Orio (parish), 64 Priuli, Lorenzo (doge), 208 San Giorgio Maggiore (monastery), 38,

Procurator of San Marco, 58 195

property: opposition to private ownership San Magno, cult of, 200

of, 101-102, 175 San Marco (basilica), 34, 114, 118, 176, Prospero capeler, 210-211 188, 198-200, 205-206 Provveditori sopra i monasteri, 61 San Marco (piazza), 184, 188, 205

280 General Index San Moisé (parish), 67, 89, 91, 94, 105, Stella, Francesco, 67n, 75, 79-81

116-117, 173, 193 Strozzi, Francesco, 47

San Pantaleone (parish), 88 Swiss Brethren, 103, 106 San Raffaele (parish), 67

San Rocco, cult of, 211 taverns, 170-172 Santa Maria dei Miracoli (church), 115— Tessera, Costantino, 215

116, 168 textile industry, 61, 137-139, 161

Santi Apostoli (parish), 88 Textor, Claudio. See Baniére, Claude

Sanuto, Marino, 26n Thomas 4 Kempis, 93

Sarpi, Paolo, 219, 224-225, 226, 228 Tiepolo, Baiamonte, 115

Sartori, Giuseppe, 104 Tiepolo, Nicold (lay deputy), 55

115, 118 182-183

Savonarola, Girolamo, 16, 20, 30, 114, Tiepolo, Paolo (ambassador to Rome),

Scandella, Domenico. See Menocchio Tiziano, 103~104, 111, 175

Schiavon, Michiel, 160, 181 Tizzano, Lorenzo. See Florio, Benedetto Schmalkaldic League, 48, 52, 55 tolerance, religious: in the Grisons, 103; Scortica, Alvise (messo giurato), 55 ideal of Italian reformers, 6, 232; in

Scuola di San Fantin, 92-93 Venice, 28, 69, 136-139, 194-195, scuole grand, 154, 156, 161, 168, 191 210, 228 Semprini, Silvestro, 133, 140-141 Tommaso bavallero, 94-95, 132

Senate, Venetian, 33, 54, 59, 162, 211, Tre savi all’eresia, 51-52, 55, 189, 227. See

220 also Inquisition, Roman: tribunal in

Seripando, Girolamo, 195 Venice

Servetus, Michael, 5, 107, 218-219 Trent, council of: Counter Reformation

Siculo, Giorgio, 125n, 130-131 and, 66, 165; evangelism and, 40, 46, Sidrach (journeyman printer), 190 230; parish life regulated by, 169; pop-

Sigonio, Carlo, 11-13 ular criticism of, 204; repression in-

Silvio (school master), 143 tensifies after, 182-183, 195 Simons, Menno, 101 Trentin, Bartolomeo (cobbler), 90

Sisto da Siena, 88 Trevisan, Giovanni (patriarch), 205-206,

Sixtus V, 221 211

smuggling of heretical titles, 80-81, 222— —- Treviso, 143

223, 227 Trissino, Alessandro, 10, 127, 139

social distribution of heresy: of evange-

lism, 150-152, 242-247; of anabap- Valdés, Juan de: antitrinitarians influtism, 173-175, 242—247; of millenari- enced by, 107-108; Carnesecchi influanism, 175-177, 242- 247. See also enced by, 75; Christian humanism

class, social and, 35; Neapolitan circle of, 40, 107,

Socinianism. See antitrinitarianism 150; Nicodemism and, 128; writings

Sozzini, Cornelio, 220 of, 87, 230

Sozzini, Fausto, 6, 129n, 232 Valentino da Lubiana (furrier), 214 Sozzini, Lelio, 6, 107, 129, 220, 232, 254 Valgrisi, Vincenzo (Vincent Vaugris)

Spadoni, Laura, 222 (publisher), 77, 132, 136, 165 Spanish Inquisition, 42, 68, 235 Valgrisi Press, 81

Speroni, Sperone, 11-13 Valla, Lorenzo, 6, 35, 109, 232 Speyer, Johann von, 76 Vancimuglia, Zuane, 191-192

Speziale, Pietro, 104 Varotto, Marcantonio, 132-133 Spiera, Francesco, 125, 128, 130-131n, Vaugris, Vincent. See Valgrisi, Vincenzo

132, 224 Venetian Virgin. See Madre Zuana

Spinola, Publio Francesco, 131, 141 Venier, Antonio (lay deputy), 55 spirituali, 37-44, 46-47, 88, 157, 229 Vergerio, Pier Paolo: on the Beneficio di

Stefano, visionary in Brescia, 204 Cristo, 84; exile, 232; Muzio’s attack

Stefano de Ongari, 167, 170 on, 155; reformer in Italy and Venice,

General Index 281 7, 47- 48, 54, 75-76, 102-103; republi- | women: and heresy, 266

canism of, 33, 45; Spiera and, 125, Wotton, Henry, 225 128, 130; Stella (Francesco) and, 80;

Venetian Inquisition and, 68-69, 73, Ximénes de Cisneros, Francisco, 35 195; writings of, 14

Verlato, Uberto, 133 Zanco, Isepo (worker at the Tana), 65

254 Ziletti Press, 81

Vermigli, Pier Martire, 41, 43, 46, 232, zelanti, 39, 42, 182, 188

Veronese, Paolo, 166 Zorzi, Francesco, 115

Vicenza, 143 Zuan di Angelo (silk weaver), 90

Vico, Fidel, 141 Zuan Maria da Bologna (musician), 90-91 Villafranca, Juan de, 108-109 Zuanjacomo spader: Anabaptist, 101-102,

Vincenzo /ibrer, 171 104-106, 111, 174; tried as evangeli-

Viret, Pierre, 218-219 cal, 91, 173 Zuanmaria racer, 101, 104—-105n, 110, 145 Weber, Max, 177 Zwilling, Gabriel, 27 witchcraft, 222, 236, 271 Zwingli, Ulrich, 47, 102-103, 126

Index of Secondary Authors

Adorni Braccesi, Simonetta, 8n, 269 Bloch, Marc, 177n

Alberi, Eugenio, 183n Bongi, Salvatore, 222n Amabile, Luigi, 257 Borromeo, Agostino, 13n, 255 Ambrosini, Federica, 160n, 181 Borsa, Gedeon, 135n

Autin, Albert, 263 Bossy, John, 19n, 169n Bouwsma, William James: on Calvin,

Bainton, Roland, 41n, 265-266 127n; on evangelism, 228n; on Postel,

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 13n, 15n 29n, 115n, 119n, 122n, 266; on Ven-

Baron, Hans, 31n ice, 34n, 183n, 219n, 220n, 221n,

Battistella, Antonio, 257 225n, 226

Baudrier, Henri Louis, 135n, 136n Bozza, Tommaso, 84n, 260

Baum, G., 131n Brady, Thomas A.., Jr., 17n, 48n, 151n Belladonna, Rita, 261, 263, 270 Braudel, Fernand, 161n, 162n, 164n Beloch, Karl Julrus, 25n, 153n, 247n Brown, G. K., 258 Beltrami, Daniele, 25n, 153n, 247n Brown, Horatio, 25n, 78n

Benedict, Philip, 151n, 240n Brown, Patricia Fortini, 168n Benini Clementi, Enrica, 80n, 158, 251 Brown, William Archer, 221n

Bennassar, Bartolomé, 189n Buck, Lawrence P., 100n, 262 Benrath, Karl, 4, 5n, 7, 27n, 141, 262, Burckhardt, Jacob, 20

265, 267 Burke, Peter, 11n, 18n

Berchet, Federico, 28n, 163

259, 269 264

Berengo, Marino, 8n, 28n, 48n, 156n, Caccamo, Domenico, 133n, 142n, 143n,

Bertelli, Sergio, 34n, 227n Campana, Lorenzo, 53n, 66n, 68n

Berti, Domenico, 16n, 251 Campi, Emidio, 254

Bianco, Cesare, 8n, 87n, 254, 269 Camporeale, Salvatore I., 265

Bietenholz, Peter G., 254 Camporesi, Piero, 153n

Biondi, Albano, 126n, 130n, 263 Cantimori, Delio: on antitrinitarianism,

Bishop, Morris, 3n 107n; editor, 254; on exiles, 264; hisBistort, Giulio, 6In toriographical contribution of, 5-9,

Black, Christopher F., 191n 258-259; on Melanchthon, 26n; on

283

284 Index of Secondary Authors

Cantimori, Delio (continued) the Inquisition, 51n, 52n, 55n, 57n, Nicodemism, 126n, 127n, 131n, 263- 116n, 256-257, 268; on Lucio Paolo

264 Rosello, 47n, 75n, 85n; on methodol-

Canti, Cesare, 5n, 257 ogy and sources, 235n, 238n, 250,

Caponetto, Salvatore, 8n, 84n, 86n, 254, 255-256; on popular religion, 228n,

260, 266 252, 271; on Postel, 122n; on preach-

Carroll, Linda, 27n ers, 88n; on publishers and printers, Cavazza, Silvano, 268, 270 81n; on reform movements in Venice Cecchi, Emilio, 258 and the Veneto, 14n, 237n, 251, 261, Cervelli, Innocenzo, 34n, 56n, 60n 268

Cevese, Renato, 267 Demus, Otto, 114n

Chabod, Federico, 5-8, 88n, 267 Derosas, Renzo, 61n, 62n

Chambers, David, 270 Derrida, Jacques, 15n Chastel, André, 267 DeWind, Henry A., 142n, 143n Chojnacki, Stanley, 152n, 163n Dickens, A. G., 15in Chrisman, Miriam Usher, 78n Diefendorf, Barbara, 207n

Church, Frederic C., 5n, 257-258 Dittrich, Franz, 36n, 75n, 265

Cian, Vittorio, 31n Domingo de Santa Teresa, 265 Cicogna, Emmanuele, 208n Donvito, Luigi, 269

Ciliberto, Michele, 259 Douglas, R. M., 38n, 39n, 43n Cione, Edmondo, 108n

Cipolla, Carlo, 82n, 83n Eire, Carlos M. N., 126n, 129n, 263

Clark, Peter, 240n Ell, Stephen, 163n

Clasen, Claus-Peter, 102n, 142n Elton, G. R., 258 Cochrane, Eric, 31n, 258, 263 Elze, Theodor, 26n Cohn, Samuel Kline, 241n, 269 Engels, Frederick, 17n Collett, Barry, 264

Comba, Emilio, 4, 5n, 10n, 99n, 125n, Farr, James R., 241n

141n, 267 Febvre, Lucien, 17n, 18n, 25n, 77n, 79n

Contreras, Jaime, 235n Fedalto, Giorgio, 28n, 163n, 190n

Cornelio [Cornaro], Flaminio, 169n, 201n Feist, Elisabeth, 254 Cozzi, Gaetano: on the giovan1, 220n, Fenlon, Dermot, 38n, 43n, 74n, 266 225n, 226n; on heresy, 164n, 251; on Ferlin Malavasi, S., 199n, 268 legal institutions, 59n, 61n, 62n; on Filippo Bareggi, Claudia di, 78n the patriciate, 155n; on Sarpi, 219n, Finlay, Robert, 58n

225n Firpo, Luigi, 182n, 254

Cozzi, Luisa, 225n Firpo, Massimo, 41n, 46n, 251-252, 260-

Crick, Bernard, 34n 261, 262, 264

Croce, Benedetto, 31n, 84n, 155n Flandrin, Jean Louis, 66n

Cunitz, E., 131n Fontana, Bartolommeo, 25n, 53n, 252 Forcellini, Marco, 12n

Darnton, Robert, 78n Foscari, A., 115n

Davidson, Nicolas, 221in, 257 Fragnito, Gigliola, 36n, 265 Davis, Natalie Zemon, 62n, 82n, 83n, Fulin, Rinaldo, 26n

136n, 151n, 165n, 167n, Furet, Francois, 82n

Davis, Robert C., 162n, 247n

De Bujanda, J. M., 79n, 253 Gaeta, Franco, 27n, 33n, 65n, 74n, 102n,

De Frede, Carlo, 260 112n, 251, 252

De Leva, Giuseppe, 125n Gallo, R., 164n Dedieu, Jean-Pierre, 256 Gastaldi, Ugo, 101n, 104n del Col, Andrea: on the historiography of | Gatrell, V.A.C., 11n the Italian Reformation, 259, 270; on Geanakoplos, Deno John, 163n

Index of Secondary Authors 285

Geertz, Clifford, 18n Jedin, Hubert, 36n

Genre, Ermanno, 254 Jung, Eva-Maria, 8n, 41n, 150n, 261 Gernet, Louis, 195n

Gerth, H.H., 177n Katz, Michael, 239n

Gilbert, Felix, 32n, 33n, 36n, 37n, 45n, Kautksy, Karl, 17n

58n, 59n, 60n, 6In Kellenbenz, Heinrich, 191n Gilly, Carlos, 259-260 Kelley, Donald R., 207n Gilmore, Myron P., 35n Kidd, B.J., 42n Ginzburg, Carlo: on the benandanti, 270- King, Margaret L., 45n 271; on Benedetto corazzaro, 116n, Klaassen, Walter, 102n 188n, 220n; on the Beneficto di Cristo, Kors, Alan C., 271 84n, 260; Manelfi’s deposition, edited Kuntz, Marion L., 29n, 115n, 119n,

by, 99n, 100n, 103n, 104n, 106n, 120n, 122n, 265-266 107n, 117n, 132n, 174n, 251, 254; on

methodology, 10n, 13n, 255; on Landi, Aldo, 45n, 254 Nicodemism, 8n, 126n, 129n, Lane, Frederic, 25n, 33n, 152n, 161n,

131n, 133n, 263-264; on popular 162n, 163n, 164n religion, 28n, 158n, 172n, 204n, Langbein, John H., 11n, 67n

228n, 236, 252; on prophecy, Laste, Natal delle, 12n

265 Lattis, Jim, 259

Gleason, Elisabeth, 27n, 36n, 260, 262, Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel, 83n

270 Lea, Henry Charles, 256

Goffen, Rona, 57n LeGoff, Jacques, 95n

Grendler, Paul: on executions of heretics, Lenman, Bruce, 11n, 67n

195n; on the Inquisition, 51n, 69n, Lessing, Eugen, 26n 227n, 256; on literacy, 82n; on patri- Limborch, Phillipus van, 50-51 cian evangelicals, 160n, 181n; on polt- Little, Lester K., 19n frafi, 78n; on professions of faith, Logan, Oliver, M.T., 227n, 261 185n; on publishers and printers, 4, Lowry, Martin, J.C., 78n, 162n, 163n,

77n, 78n, 79n, 80n, 132n, 136n, 220

222n, 227n, 236, 247n, 253; on ten- Lucchi, Piero, 82n sions between Rome and Venice,

226n M’Crie, Thomas, 5n, 26n, 257

Grubb, James, 33n, 220n McCuaig, William, 11n

Gullino, Giuseppe, 160n McGinn, Bernard, 113n, 206n, 264 Mackenney, Richard, 156n, 158n, 240n

Hale, John R., 34n, 59n, 152n, 163n, McLelland, J.C., 263, 265

247n McNair, Philip, 41n, 265

Haliczer, Stephen, 227n Maddison, Carol, 43n, 266 Henneberg, Josephine von, 270 Maltby, William S., 207n

Henner, Camillo, 256 Manzoni, Giacomo, 28n, 251 Henningsen, Gustav, 227n, 228n, 235n, Marcatto, Dario, 252

255 Marchetti, Valerio, 8n, 268-269

Herlihy, David, 19n, 237 Marinelli, Sergio, 166n

Higman, Francis M., 126n Martin, Henri-Jean, 25n, 77n, 79n Howard, Deborah, 162n Martin, John, 13n, 166n, 215n, 238n,

Hsia, R. Po-Chia, 160n, 270 251, 261

Martin, Ruth, 51n, 188n, 227n, 236,

Idel, Moshe, 119n 238n, 256

Invernizi, Lia, 253 Martines, Lauro, 30n, 163n loly Zorattini, Pier Cesare, 163n, 236, Maselli, Domenico, 8n

251 Matheson, Peter, 42n

286 Index of Secondary Authors

Mazzaoui, Maureen Fennell, 138n berti, 38n, 43n, 265; on Giorgio Si-

Meeks, Wayne A., 14n culo, 131n; on the historiography of Meneghetti Casarin, Francesca, 153n Italian Reformation, 5n, 258, 270; on

Mergal, Angel M., 270 reform movements in Venice, 267

Miccoli, Giovanni, 258-259 Pugliese, Orazio, 211n Mills, C. Wright, 177n Pullan, Brian: on Caravia, 158n; on civic

Moeller, Bernd, 269 Christianity, 19n; on confraternities,

Mommsen, Wolfgang J., 152n 92n, 154n, 156n, 191n, 192n; on the Monter, E. William, 227n, 256 Inquisition, 51n, 195n, 256; on Jews, Muir, Edward, 33n, 57n, 168n, 172n 28n, 163n, 190n, 236; on manufactures, 164n; on the poor, 62n; on

Najemy, John, 156n, 220n sources, 270; on the textile industry,

Neff, Mary Frances, 153n 161n Niccoli, Ottavia, 114n, 116n, 220n, 264 Nieto, José C., 265 Ramakus, G., 227n

Ranke, Leopold von, 220n

Olin, John C., 270 Rapp, Richard Tilden, 163n, 243, 247n Olivieri, Achille, 10n, 141n, 184n, 259, Ravid, Benjamin, 163n

268 Redmond, Coleen Linda, 75n

O’Neil, Mary, 227n Reeves, Marjorie, 113n, 115n, 264

Orano, Domenico, 182n Reuss, E., 131n

Ortolani, Oddone, 53n, 74n, 75n, 76n, Ridolfi, Roberto, 115n

266 Rodenwaldt, Ernst, 200n

Ozment, Steven, 168n Roekler, Nancy L., 266

Romanin, Samuele, 200n, 208n

Paladino, Giuseppe, 10n, 253 Rosa, Mario, 260 Paolin, Giovanna, 143n, 235n, 238n, 250, Ross, James Bruce, 36n

256, 268 Rossi, V., 157n, 158n

Parker, Geoffrey, 11n, 67n Roth, Cecil, 28n, 163n

Paschini, Pio, 99n, 141n, 209n Rotondd, Antonio: on antitrinitarianism,

Pasini, Luigi, 250 107n; on Bologna, 269; editor, 116n; Pastor, Ludwig von, 37n, 43n, 64n, 73n, on exiles, 264; historiographical ap182n, 183n, 195n, 221n, 225n, 252, proach of, 7n—8n; on Nicodemism,

256 126n, 171n, 263; on Perna, 81n; on

Pastore, Alessandro, 266 Renato, 103n; on sources, 254 Pastorello, Ester, 77n, 78n, 135n Rowe, J. G., 152n

Perini, Leandro, 81n Rozzo, Ugo, 53n, 254, 265 Peters, Edward M., 13n, 255, 271 Ruggiero, Guido, 60n, 152n, 153n Peyronel Rambaldi, Susanna, 8n, 137n,

262, 269 Sachs, Wladimir, 82n

Phythian-Adams, Charles, 240n Sagredo, Agostino, 28n, 163n

Piccolomini, Paolo, 26n Santini, Luigi, 254 Pillinini, Stefano, 93n Santosuosso, Antonio, 53n, 56n Pommier, M. E. [Edouard], 109n, 110n, Sapegno, Natalino, 258

160n, 251, 267 Scholem, Gershom, 119n

Portmann, Marie-Louise, 221n, 223n Schutte, Anne Jacobson: on Busale, 108n;

Pozzi, Regina, 131n on evangelism, 261; on the historiogPrelowski, Ruth, 84n raphy of the Italian Reformation, 6n,

Prodi, Paolo, 34n, 200n, 211n, 212n 259, 268-269; on the Inquisition, 55n; Prosperi, Adriano: on Benedetto coraz- on literacy, 82n; on Spiera, 128n; on zaro, 116n, 220n; on the Beneficio di Vergerio, 33n, 47n, 69n, 155n, 266; Cristo, 84n, 260; editor, 130n; on Gi- on vernacular religious books, 253

Index of Secondary Authors 287

Scribner, Robert W., 152n Taviani, Ferdinando, 165n

Secret, Francois, 119n Tazbir, Janusz, 129n

Segnazzi, Arnaldo, 79n Tedeschi, John: editor, 84n, 228n; on the Seidel Menchi, Silvana: editor, 30n; on historiography of the Italian ReformaErasmus, 270; on evangelism in Ven- tion, 259, 269; on the Inquisition, 195, ice, 134n; on family and heresy, 139n; 227n, 235n, 252-253, 257; on inquision the historiography of the Italian torial procedure, 14n, 238n; on Reformation, 259; on the Inquisition, sources, 253, 254, 255, 270 14n, 64n, 195n; on reception of Refor- Tenenti, Alberto, 63n, 259 mation ideas in Italy, 259-261; on the Thompson, E. P., 208n sacred, 167n; on sources, 250; on Vil- Tomizza, Fulvio, 25n, 33n, 266

lafranca, 109n Tourn, Giorgio, 254

Sella, Domenico, 161n Tramontin, Silvio, 192n Sewell, William H., Jr., 239n ‘Trapman, Johannes, 87n, 254

Sforza, Giovanni, 51n, 54n Trebbi, Giuseppe, 153n, 156n Simoncelli, Paolo, 84n, 126n, 260-261, Trechsel, Friedrich, 262

264, 266 Treiman, Donald J., 239n

Simonsfeld, Henry, 26n, 164n Trexler, Richard, 19n

Skinner, Quentin, 29n, 32n, 33n Trinkaus, Charles, 20n, 45n

Slack, Paul, 240n Tucci, Ugo, 163n, 247n Snyder, Jon R., 11n, 12n Turchetti, Mario, 130n Sodini, Carla, 254

Solmi, E., 43n Ullmann, Ernst, 116n Spiegel, Gabrielle M., 15n Ulvioni, Paolo, 212n Spini, Giorgio, 33n, 228n, 254, 267

Stearns, Peter N., 239n Van der Vekene, Emil, 257 Stella, Aldo: on anabaptism and anti- Vasoli, Cesare, 114n, 265 trinitarianism, 8n, 100n, 101n, 102n, Viaro, Andrea, 63n 104n, 112n, 142n, 143n, 175n, 221n, Vigezzi, Brunello, 267 262, 267; on Baniére, 219n, 224n; on

Busale, 108n; on the Council of Ten, Walkowitz, Daniel J., 239n 59n; on ecclesiastical property, 226n; Weber, Max, 177 on Guido Giannetti da Fano, 189; on Weinstein, Donald, 114n, 209n, 264 Ludovico dell’Armi, 68n; on Manelfi, Weissman, Ronald, 193n 99n, 107n; nunciature, edited by, 26n, Welti, Manfred, 5n, 258—259 131n, 170n, 183n, 184n, 185n, 188n, Wilbur, Earl Morse, 107n, 262 189n, 221n, 252; on Postel, 116n, Williams, George H., 100n, 103n, 108n,

122n, 251; on reform movements in 261, 262, 270

Venice, 48n, 267-268 Wohlfeil, Rainer, 17n

Stockdale, W. H., 152n Wootton, David, 225n, 226n, 228 Stone, Lawrence, 82n

Szezucki, Lech, 129n Zagorin, Perez, 264 Zille, Ester, 107n, 125n, 237n

Tafuri, M., 115n Zophy, Jonathan W,, 100n, 262 Talmon, Yonina, 176 Zorzi, Ludovico, 27n

Compositor: Graphic Composition, Inc. Text: 10/13 Janson Display: Janson Printer: ‘Thomson-Shore, Inc. Binder: Thomson-Shore, Inc.