Utonia. Socio-economic survey of a fictious development country [Reprint 2018 ed.] 9783111655314, 9783111271156

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UTONIA SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY OF A FICTITIOUS DEVELOPMENT COUNTRY

PUBLICATIONS OF THE I N S T I T U T E OF SOCIAL STUDIES

SERIES

MAIOR

V O L U M E XVII

INTERNATIONAAL INSTITUUT VOOR SOCIALE STUDIËN - 's-GRAVENHAGE 1967

UTONIA SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY OF A FICTITIOUS D E V E L O P M E N T COUNTRY

Edited by

J. G. M. HILHORST

MOUTON • THE HAGUE 1967

© Copyright 1967 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

INTRODUCTION

Educating people to become development planners and policymakers requires the use of case studies. This is the experience of the Institute of Social Studies as well as of similar institutes. In choosing a case, teachers carefully select a country which is representative, in the sense that it faces a number of the problems that are known in most developing countries. In general, this will be the procedure. The case is presented as an intricate illustration of theories discussed before, during or after the case is studied. The main purpose of the case study therefore is to bring to light in the case those features that can be found elsewhere. However, in an international institute like the Institute of Social Studies, there will always be one or more nationals of the country under study, and they will not allow the discussion of the case to remain at the level of abstraction, it should have to serve the purpose. They will go into details, in this way stressing the particularities of their country rather than anything else. There exist, of course, devices to overcome this problem, at least partially, but an almost ideal case study is not easily obtained. In addition, it sometimes proves necessary to criticise policies of a government and this again puts the student in a difficult position. It does not favour an objective discussion of the case. To overcome these difficulties, the I.S.S. has developed the synthetic or imaginary country Utonia, knowing, though, that real cases would still be required. The idea to create a fictitious country for teaching purposes originated with Professor Louis J. Zimmerman, who once used an imaginary threesector input-output table to illustrate the points he made in the paper he read for the O.E.C.D. conference in Madrid of 1961. Professor Zimmerman, who at that time was Faculty Chairman of the Economic Planning Course of the Institute of Social Studies, was convinced that an elaborated version of the illustration, which he had used in his paper, might serve the course participants as a consistent numerical example,

VI

INTRODUCTION

for applying the techniques and ideas acquired during the Course. The imaginary country was called Utonia. It was indicated as a $ 250 per capita income country. First, its economic structure was determined, not because it was thought that economics come first, but simply because Utonia was initially meant for use in an economic planning course. Starting from the economic structure, the population structure and the maps were elaborated. This was followed by the administrative system, the system of education and the social structure. Obviously, this led, in the first instance, to inconsistencies between the various aspects, which had to be eliminated through lengthy discussions between the various specialists. A few examples of the method by which Utonia was constructed may be mentioned. Given the climate and per capita income, the kind of agricultural crops grown in Utonia were almost entirely determined. One of them being cotton, it became necessary to have a reservoir of seasonal labour. Therefore, it was decided to have a number of nomad tribes living in the country. Having decided about the major religion in Utonia, the composition of livestock could be determined, keeping in mind, of course, the standards of animal husbandry prevailing in countries with a per capita income of $ 250. Though it might be interesting to know the process of construction exactly, it is impossible to reproduce it. When the I.S.S. starts to create a country having a per capita income of $ 100., the procedure will certainly be different while also the problems involved will be different. The socio-economic survey of Utonia which in the end was produced, is written as if it were composed by nationals of the country. This might mean that it is not quite objective. This is the case, e.g., when it says that income distribution is not quite satisfactory instead of that a certain percentage of income goes to wage earners. A second feature of the way in which the survey is written is that it leaves a number of gaps. Most of these gaps, however, can be filled by carefully reading the text. This is, e.g., the case with the national accounts. It would have been normal that the national accounts had been included in the survey, but they were left out on purpose. The data scattered over the chapter on the economic structure, however, enable the reader to draw up a complete set of accounts, according to the United Nations system. In fact, this exercise has been made by course participants. In the same way, also, other chapters supply enough data to complete the picture through careful analysis. There is a second category of gaps, which consist of those, where details are lacking. These are made on

INTRODUCTION

VII

purpose, having in mind the possibility that course participants may fill in detailed statistics or other data, originating from other (real) countries. Not seldom this procedure has to be followed in reality. A number of gaps, however, may have remained, which have escaped the attention of Utonia's authors. We hope that critical readers will inform us of our inevitable shortcomings. A first possible use of the socio-economic survey is therefore that it serves as the basis for exercises in analysing the fields of public administration, economics, demography and sociology. A second possible use of the survey is to design a development policy for the country it describes. First attempts in this sense have been made in various Courses of the Institute of Social Studies. The result was: a pre-investment survey about improvements in the port facilities of Utontown and Portocid, a report about a community development project in the area of Amber, a report about the administrative aspects of community development, pre-investment surveys for a hydrological power plant in river Uton, an aluminium plant, an industrial estate, etc. In addition, three medium term plans for macro-economic development were made, which served as papers for a seminar on planning methods. The Institute of Social Studies intends to edit further exercises — national, regional or sectorial plans — as supplements to the present volume. It has invited its sister-institutes to join these efforts. The survey has been written by Professors H. Daalder, H. van Eijkeren, J. i n ' t Veld, J. Ponsioen and Jac. P. Thijsse, by Mr. G. L. H. van Herel, Mr. A. J. M. van de Laar, Mr. A. F. Leemans, Dr. J. Th. van Logchem, Mr. R. D. Morgan, Dr. P. Packard, Mr. S. Sideri and the editor. Dr. Packard also reviewed the language. Most of the required typing was done by Annemarie Oostenbrink. Very sincere thanks are expressed for the great help given by the Netherlands Ministry of Agriculture, Office of the Head Engineer, where the maps were produced under the direction of Mr. Maarsman. J. G. M. HILHORST editor

SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY OF UTONIA

N A T I O N A L P R I N T I N G OFFICE UTONTOWN 1962

PREFACE

We have the pleasure to present to the Nation this first overall picture of Utonia. It is our deep hope and fervent wish that it will serve as a guide and stimulus to Utonians to devote their spiritual and physical efforts to the development of our most beloved country. The President

Constans Progressus The Presidential Utontown

Palace

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

V

SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY OF UTONIA, 1962

Preface List of Tables I. The Main Physical- and Social-Geographical Features of Utonia 1.1 The Land-Physical Features 1.2 Climatic Characteristics 1.3 Present Land Use in Utonia 1.4 Potential Land Use in Utonia 1.5 Mineral Deposits II. Population

3 7 9 9 10 10 11 11 13

III. Social Structure and Social Change 3.1 Introductory: The Social Setting in Historical Perspective 3.2 Some aspects of the Urbanization Process 3.3 Social Stratification

19 19 33 38

IV. The Administrative and Political System 4.1 Historical Background 4.2 Local Government 4.3 The Transition to a More Democratic System 4.4 Increasing Political Instability 4.5 The Revolution of 1962 4.6 The Further Development of Local Government Administration 4.7 The Present Government Structure

46 46 48 49 51 52 53 54

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

V. Economic Survey 5.1 General 5.2 The Primary Sector 5.3 The Secondary Sector 5.4 The Tertiary Sector 5.5 Government 5.6 International Trade and Payments Statistical Appendix to Chapter V VI. Education 6.1 The Legal Status 6.2 Organization of Education 6.3 Qualifications Required for Teaching in Various Types of Schools 6.4 The Actual Realization of the System — The Number of Institutions 6.5 The Present Character of the System — The number of Students 6.6 Teaching Personnel 6.7 Average Salaries Paid by the Educational Department 1962 6.8 Some Standard Prices for New Educational Constructions.

58 58 61 64 70 73 73 75 86 86 87 89 89 91 94 95 59

Appendix 1 Preface Introduction Technical Appraisal

97 101 103 107

Appendix II

129

Maps of Utonia (in cover).

LIST OF TABLES

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.13 5.14 5.15 5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19 5.20

Average Vital Rates for Periods Between Enumerations Population of Utonia 1952-1962 Percentage Age Distribution of Utonia, 1952-1962 Population (thousands) and per cent Distribution by Economic Sector and Region, 1962 Population Distribution by Age and Sex Urban Development, 1952-1962 Economically Active Population (thousands) 1962 Trend and Distribution of Gross National Product (1952-1962) Trend of the Use of Resources at 1953 prices (1952-53 = 100) Distribution of Net Domestic Product at Factor Cost by Sector and Region, 1962 Imports and Exports of Goods and Services at Current Prices (1952 = 100) Area of Cultivated Land, 1953-1962 (ha) Agricultural Production 1962 Change in Production of Principal Agricultural Products (1953-1962) Livestock in Utonia, 1955 and 1962 ('000 head) Output and Employment in Manufacturing (1952-1953 = 100) Main Deliveries from Agriculture to Manufacturing, 1962 (mln $) Gross Value Added at Market Prices in Manufactures, 1962 (mln $) Retirement Schedule for Generating Units in Utonia, 1963-1967 (KW) Electricity Demand in Utonia, by Regions, 1962 Fuel Consumption and Cost in Utonia (1962) Costs and Prices of Electricity in Utonia (1962) Prices of Electricity by Types of Consumption (1962) Index of Construction Activity, 1952-1962, at Constant Prices (1953 = 100) Distribution of GNP in the Services Sector, 1962 Balance of Payments 1962 (mln $)

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9

Agricultural Production in Utonia by Region, 1962 Distribution of Employment over Sectors and Regions, 1962 Abstract from Household Budget Survey, 1962 Input-Output Table Utonia 1962 (mln. $) National Budget 1962 (mln $) Money and Credit (million dollars) Expenditure on Gross National Product (mln. $) Composition of Gross Domestic Capital Formation (mln. $) General Government Revenue and Expenditure (mln. $)

8 5.10 5.11 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10

LIST OF TABLES

Composition of General Government Consumption Expenditure Types of Roads and Vehicles, 1962 Density of Population by Province, 1962 The Distribution of Secondary School Facilities, 1962 Distribution of Primary Schools According to Provinces and Urban Vs. Rural, 1962 Distribution of Pre-primary Schools According to Province and Status (all Urban) Participation in Primary Education according to Regions and Grades (1962) Participation in Middle Schools According to Sex and Region Participation in Post-Middle Secondary Schools According to Sex and Type Participation in Vocational Schools According to Type and Sex Participation in Universities — Number of Students by Faculties, 1962 Teaching Personnel in the Public and Private Sectors according to Qualifications

CHAPTER 1

THE MAIN PHYSICAL- AND SOCIALGEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF UTONIA

1.1 THE LAND-PHYSICAL FEATURES

Recent aerial surveys have enabled the country to construct' a series of maps showing the main outlines of topography and land use. Unfortunately, no detailed maps on national resources have yet been made. There were, of course, a number of surveys carried out by individual officials of the former colonial government, but these are scattered and incomplete. The government plans to initiate surveys in the near future which will enable the country to know the amount and characteristics of resources available for economic and social development. Utonia is part of a large continental land mass, situated on the west coast, between the lattitudes 28° and 36° in the Southern Hemisphere. In all, the country comprises about 390,000 kms2. The land features can be described in the following way. The coast is of a north-south direction, having a narrow shelf up to 100 metres depth extending some 40 to 50 kilometers into the ocean on the west. The land comprises a plain which extends from the southern border almost to the most northern part of Bogos. The rivers intersecting this plain rise gently eastward through most of their courses. They are navigable for the most part, and the main population centres, such as the capital at Utontown, owe their origin to this mode of transport which connected the coast with the interior. The eastern sections of the country are quite mountainous except in the south where the plain extends almost to the border. The country has a generally rocky character, especially between the rivers in the central and northern plain and eastward into the foothills. In the southern part of Cropa, with the exception of small hills, the land is generally flat. Along the coast one can see low-lying dunes and swampy areas in the deltas of such major rivers as the Uton and Cidon.

10

THE MAIN PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES 1.2

CLIMATIC CHARACTERISTICS

The climate is typically that of a country having the geographical position* of Utonia. In the south, at sea level, the temperature ranges between 20°C and 30°C in summer and 10°C and 20°C in winter. In the north temperatures tend to be about 5° higher. Daily temperatures vary between 5°C and 10°C. The northern plain's area has an annual rainfall of about 600 mm. and this is concentrated mostly (about 80 %) in the coldest period from May until the end of October. The same general pattern exists in the southern part of the plain, though the average rainfall of 750 mm. is higher. In the foothills and into the mountains of the east and north-east, the average rainfall is considerably higher: about 1750 mm. of which 70% is concentrated in the six coldest months. Humidity shows a similar variation between the foothills and plains areas. In the latter, humidity ranges between 45% and 70% between January and August. In the former, humidity variation for these two times of the year is 50% and 90% respectively. On the whole, we might consider the climate as subtropical with a typical etesian character, based on its relatively dry summers. The climatological characteristics of the interior mountains are those of alpine regions, similar to the Andean regions of Chile at the same latitudes.

1.3 PRESENT LAND USE IN UTONIA

Utonia is still mainly an agricultural country. This can be seen in the importance of agricultural products in the total exports and in the number of the working force employed in agricultural pursuits. Moreover, a large proportion of manufacturing in Utonia is based on agricultural (including livestock and forestry) raw materials.1 Agriculture, including animal husbandry, is found mostly in the alluvial basins of the rivers. Scattered activity can be found in population centres some distance from the river systems, though these agricultural producing areas lie along the road and rail systems of the country. The oasis of cultivation in these river areas no doubt explains this concentration. The density of population does tend to vary throughout the country. Atana has the highest with about 65 persons per km2. Bogos and Cropa 1

Chapter V gives a detailed description of the economy.

THE MAIN PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES

11

have one-half to approximately one-fourth, respectively, of the Atana figure. The national average for density is about 25 per km2. Historically, Cropa has always had less people per kms2, and, with a different sociocultural heritage, considerably less agriculture. In and around the major population centres dairy farming and truck farming have tended to develop. In the southern part of Cropa, though, dairy farming is virtually unknown. Forest products are derived from stands of mixed hardwoods and conifers, the former found throughout the plains and foothills, and the latter present at higher elevations in the eastern regions of the country. In addition, wood is harvested by the rural population over widespread areas for such uses as cooking and heating. Most commercial harvesting of wood takes place near the larger population centres.

1.4 POTENTIAL LAND USE IN UTONIA

The river basins offer the most suitable areas for agricultural expansion. At the present high rate of population growth, Utonia will also have to consider the possibility of irrigation and perhaps drainage of the swampy areas in the river deltas. In the latter, the government has plans for a survey to determine the feasibility of rice growing. The livestock industry, as such, scarcely exists in Utonia. Vast areas of the country are considered capable of supporting grazing herds of sheep and cattle. Natural grasslands exist in most of the plains areas and there is sufficient rainfall during most of the year. In southeast Cropa, the hilly district is considered somewhat inferior for grassland. Forestry possibilities are found at fairly high attitudes along the three rivers in central and northern Utonia. The natural waterways allow for transport of logs to the major population centres.

1.5

MINERAL DEPOSITS

Major industries of coal and bauxite mining, at Coaltown and Bauxitetown, are based on extensive mineral resources. Near Hiltown, the cement industry draws upon limestone deposits. Limestones, sandstones and clays are also present throughout the central eastern portions of the country. Exploration by a foreign petroleum company has determined the

12

THE MAIN PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES

existence of petroleum and natural gas just to the east of Hiltown. It is not known what the amount or character of these deposits may be. Further exploration is proceeding. There is some evidence of placer deposits of cassiterite on the upper Uton river. Unfortunately, they appear to be outside the political boundary of Utonia. The government is at present exploring with its neighbouring government ways to survey the eastern mountainous area shared by both countries.

CHAPTER 2

POPULATION

The first complete population census of Utonia was carried out in 1952 and indicated a population of 7,599,343. This figure does not include some of the nomad tribes because of their very small sizes. Relying on the exactness of the data of this first census, estimates were made for 1957, using additional information obtained for a sample survey (see table 2.2), allowing the Statistical Office to work out an analysis of trends and characteristics of the Utonian population. The growth rate of the population shows a slight rising movement (from 2.76 per cent in the period 1952-1957 to 2.80 for 1957-1962). This increase in the growth rate is the result of the declining death rate, due to improvement of sanitary conditions. Fertility appears to be of a high order and may even be rising. Birth and death registrations are still definitely not complete and so the vital rates cannot yet be measured. It is suspected that the complete expectation of life at birth for both sexes is of the order of 50 years. Table 2.1 shows certain vital rates estimated for the inter-enumeration periods on the basis of the age structure. Table 2.1

Average Vital Rates for Periods Between Item

Crude birth rate %„ Crude death rate %„ Natural increase rate %„ Sex age adjusted birth rate %0 Gross fertility rate %0

Enumerations

1952-1957

1957-1962

45 17 28 46 208

44 16 28 47 210

The population for the years 1952, 1957, and 1962, classified by sex and age-groups, is recorded in table 2.2. It was not possible to obtain more detailed information on the age structure, even though the 1962 census aimed at this, especially because of the difficulties found in the country-

14

POPULATION

Table 2.2

Population of Uionia, 1952-1962.

Sex and Age in years Males 0 1-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85+

1952

Males and Females

1957

1962

145,747 518,930 529,666 448,228 391,640 354,552 303,940 255,508 219,736 187,643 139,886 104,058 88,615 62,341 33,072 16,259 11,714 8,818 5,194

170,106 595,178 637,403 518,617 431,603 385,171 341,461 298,183 244,105 208,544 166,249 126,305 95,211 72,440 40,555 26,650 13,887 9,719 6,235

194,462 677,475 737,437 624,990 500,412 425,084 372,046 335,298 285,011 231,896 185,898 151,023 115,192 78,303 48,584 33,577 23,473 11,708 7,163

3,825,547

4,387,622

5,039,032

142,932 506,877 509,443 420,401 384,172 358,718 301,715 249,674 211,069 170,538 132,347 115,026 94,400 57,552 49,436 24,693 18,741 14,269 11,793

165,404 580,748 626,236 492,402 414,919 374,632 342,407 280,064 229,482 201,171 159,848 124,390 106,264 76,986 53,620 38,589 21,694 17,531 14,839

188,868 661,874 721,330 606,358 486,889 405,409 358,557 318,541 258,143 219,457 189,663 151,101 115,431 87,737 72,472 42,982 34,493 20,863 18,561

Total females

3,773,796

4,321,226

4,958,729

Total both sexes

7,599,343

8,708,848

9,997,761

Total males Females 0 1-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85+

15

POPULATION

side. The recorded figures have been taken at face-value, and no attempt at systematic smoothing of the age distribution has yet been made. The following table, showing the percentage distribution of the population in 3 broad age-groups, shows the changes in the population pattern with a decrease in the proportion of working-age people (the percentage aged 15-59 years falling from 53.5 in 1952 to 52.0 in 1957 and 51.1 in 1962). This obviously means that the average number of dependents to each economically active person is increasing. Table 2.3 Percentage Age Distribution of Utonia, 19521-962 Age Groups in years

1952

1957

1962

0-14 15-59 60+

42.4 53.5 4.1

43.5 52.0 4.5

44.1 51.1 4.8

The racial composition is not too varied because only 7 % of the total population is not native. Out of this 7 % there are about 50,000 Europeans; the others are Asians, Africans or a mixture of these with indigenes. Table 2.4 Population (thousands) and Per Cent Distribution by Economic Sector and Region, 1962 Sector

Primary

Region Absolute Atana Bogos Cropa

%

Absolute

17.6 430.4 1,849,7 2,270.0

9.5 44.5 40.7 66.7

4,550.1

%

59.7 10.3 429.3

Absolute

1,873.6

11.9

1,511.1

15.1

/o 45.5

1,110.0

28.4 5.2 178.5

45.5

Tertiary

37.0 903.3

49.8

Utonia (Total per sector)

Secondary

952.9

3,936.6

28.2 45.2

Total per region Absolute

%

2,443.8

24.4

4,152.6

41.6

3,401.4

34.0

9,997.8

100.0

47.5 28.1 24.3

39.4

16

POPULATION

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17

POPULATION

Table 2.6

Urban Development

1952-1962

A. Cities over 100,000 inhabitants 1952

1957

1962

(Thousands) Utontown Portocid Coaltown Bauxitetown Hiltown Knottown

1,135 208 140 89 91 62

1,364 235 172 155 105 91

1,600 262 205 192 124 115

Sub-total

1,725

2,122

2,498

B. Cities greater than 20,000 and less than 100,000 inhabitants 1952

1957

1962

(Thousands) Riston Niny Cotown Meron Egbert Panul Lud Tacon Bolto Doretta Mony Amber Oced Henka Nedera Goris Insostu Deneton Nadon

38 36 37 27 30 25 32 30 23 32 17 20 19 24 20 19 15 18 20

51 44 45 34 36 35 34 33 29 33 21 22 20 23 21 20 18 20 21

61 57 56 43 41 38 36 36 35 35 24 23 22 21 21 21 20 20 20

Sub-total

482

560

630

2,207

2,682

3,128

Population in centres over 20,000 inhabitants

18

POPULATION

The sex ratio (males per 100 females) in 1952 was 101.37 and over the following ten years it rose slightly to 101.62. Utonia remains a rural country, and, despite continued migration movement to the towns, about 53 % of the population lives outside of population centres of over 5,000. The rural aspect of Utonia can also be seen from Table 2.4 showing the distribution of population depending on the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors. The distribution is also given for each of the three regions. From this table we see that 42.9 % (4,550,100 minus 260,000 in mining and quarrying) is directly dependent on agriculture. C.

Population in centres greater than 5,000 and less than 20,000 inhabitants by province, 1952-1962 1952

1957

1962

(Thousands) 430 563 420

420 580 489

473 621 514

Sub-total

1,413

1,489

1,608

Total Urban Population (A + B + C) (over 5,000)

3,620

4,171

4,736

Atana Bogos Cropa

60 centres 88 centres 63 centres

CHAPTER 3

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

3.1 INTRODUCTORY: THE SOCIAL SETTING IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Utonia became the objective of European colonial expansion in the beginning of the 17th century. After a party of explorers penetrating into the area between Uton and Bogon rivers, although nowhere reaching beyond a narrow coastal belt, had reported productive land, a pleasant climate and a friendly population, European settlers followed in their wake, founding their first settlement in 1617, approximately at the site of the present capital city of Utontown. Before many years had passed, the settlers had gained a firm foothold in the coastal area between Uton and Bogon rivers and gradually expanded their territory eastward. The indigenous inhabitants had at first extended a friendly reception to the foreign invaders, and by the time they had come to realize that their very existence was at stake and put up resistance to further encroachments upon their territory, it was too late. They were easily overcome and ruthlessly reduced to the state of serflike servants of the settlers. The friendly, reception, initially accorded the settlers by the indigenous people, was motivated by their hopeful expectation that the foreigners might come to be their allies or protectors in their unequal struggle with the powerful kingdom of Bogos north of Bogon river. Already some years before the European penetration their territory had actually been reduced to a tributary possession of Bogos. It was the good fortune of the settlers that they did not immediately have to cope with Bogos, because in those years that nation happened to be torn by internal struggles that rendered it powerless to put up any resistance to European penetration. These internal struggles began at the death, in 1616, of the former king of Bogos, under whose rule in fact not only the whole territory north of Uton river but also the area between Uton and Oidon rivers had become

20

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

tributary possessions of Bogos. On his death, however, there was no smooth transfer of power to his appointed successor whose claim to rule was challenged by two other potential heirs. In the following years, Bogos was the scene of a bloody war of succession and this afforded the settlers a period of grace, in which they could firmly establish their hold on the area north of Uton river. By the time the appointed heir to the rulership had defeated his rivals and had restored peace and order in his kingdom, the settlers could no longer be dislodged. Of course armed conflict between the settlers and Bogos was inevitable. On the one hand there were the ever expansion-minded settlers, while on the other hand Bogos could still lay claims to the overlordship of the territory occupied by the settlers. Fighting commenced in 1631 and was to last for no less than 14 years. Although ultimately Bogos was no match for the Europeans with their technological superiority, this highly centralised state with its proud tradition and its population of relatively advanced sedentary agriculturalists proved to be capable of fierce resistance. In fact, if Bogos had not been weakened by the previous war of succession, and if some of the internal enemies of the new ruler had not made common cause with the settlers, the war might even have lasted longer than it did. As it was, it took the settlers 14 years of intermittent fighting to overcome all resistance. In the process, the ruling house of Bogos and a substantial part of the population were exterminated. Even worse things might have happened if the Catholic Church had not intervened^and provided at least some measure of protection to the defeated indigenes, thus saving them from possible extermination. Colonial rule having been extended northwards over the former kingdom of Bogos, the northern political boundary line of Utonia had been reached by 1645. Meanwhile, between 1630 and 1645, there had also been a gradual expansion southward up to Cidon river. The weak tribes inhabiting the region between Uton and Cidon rivers, related linguistically and culturally, but not united politically, were rather easily subjugated. Thus by 1645 the area under colonial rule extended southward to Cidon river and eastward approximately up to the 100 m contour line, and this area was to remain the heartland of Utonia. The second half of the 17th century witnessed the consolidation of colonial rule over this territory, but also a slow expansion to the south and south-east up to Zimmon river. The gradual occupation of the relatively sparsely populated southern region met with little resistance from the side of the indigenous population that had by then become convinced of the invincibility of the foreigners and bowed to the inevitable.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

21

Only in the south-east there was strong opposition from the warlike and fiercely independent tribes of shifting cultivators and hunters inhabiting that region, but they too ultimately had to bow to the inevitable, although they remained "difficult" for the colonial rulers and managed to retain their separate identity for a very long time. After 1700 there was no further expansion of the Colony of Utonia either northward or southward; the present southern and northern boundary lines had by then been reached and the only further expansion to follow was to the east and north-east in the mountaineous area. This expansion eastward took on quite a different character: penetration into this mountainous region was mainly exploratory for there was no actual occupation of the area concerned and the mountain tribes were very much left on their own. Although by 1725 the authority of the Colonial Governor in Utontown was supposed to extend also over the eastern mountainous region that authority was nominal only, and in fact it was not until 1851 that the present eastern and north-eastern boundary lines were fixed. Thus around 1725 the Colony of Utonia might be said to consist of three parts: viz, the lowlands north of Cidon river, the area between Cidon and Zimmon rivers, and the mountain region. Of the latter part we need say no more at this point. The first area was the most important one and was to remain so until the present day. This area was not only somewhat more densely populated than the others — although in being conquered the indigenous population sustained heavy losses, especially in Bogos — it was also the area where the majority of the European colonists settled. Indeed the fact that most European colonists settled there was motivated partly by its being relatively well populated, thus ensuring an adequate supply of labourers. Within this region, the original settlement area between the rivers Uton and Bogon was populated most densely. The area south of Cidon river was more sparsely populated and partly because of that never attracted the same number of settlers as the northern region. This applied in particular for the south-east, where, moreover, the indigenous inhabitants, with their strong spirit of independence, could not easily be transformed into land labourers. Their resistance to being so transformed was largely successful at any rate, although no doubt their success was partly due to the fact that the settlers did not really press them hard, as more attractive land was to be found elsewhere. The colonial settlers aimed above all at the ownership of landed estates, and the history of the first hundred-odd years of the existence of Utonia

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might be said to be the history of the carving out of agricultural estates by the settlers following on the expansion of political domination. In the original settlement area north of Uton river, most of the farms were only medium-size, that is, medium-size by Utonian standards, meaning that they were less than 200 hectares in size. Elsewhere in the region north of Cidon river, several of the agricultural estates covered more than 1,000 hectares, some of them even between 2,000 and 10,000 hectares. There were also, however, smaller holdings allotted as a reward to soldiers who had participated in the war against Bogos, mostly in the vicinity of the towns founded by the victors. By 1700, most of the region north of Cidon river had been partitioned among the settlers. Relatively little was left in the possession of the indigenes, who were otherwise reduced to the state of landless labourers and tenants on land, which had probably been in the possession of the ancestors for centuries. South of Cidon river, the situation was somewhat different. In the south-east, as has been indicated before, most of the land remained in the hands of the shifting cultivators inhabiting that region, usually in communal ownership. In the western part, the agricultural estates taken by the settlers were, if anything, even larger than those north of Cidon river. Yet they did not cover the whole area as the number of settlers was limited. Their estates were mostly concentrated in clusters around Portocid and such newly founded towns as Denston, Amber and Insestu; and a considerable area remained in the possession of the indigenes, although they were to lose part of it at a later stage to newly arriving settlers. In one respect there was a notable difference between the landowners here and those north of Cidon river. While the latter were mostly not absentee landlords but resided on their lands and directly concerned themselves with the management of their estates, among the former many left the management of their estates to overseers while living themselves in the towns, mostly in Portocid. Of course this was hardly conducive to the advancement of agriculture in this region. Thus the first hundred years of Utonia's existence witnessed the emergence of a typical feudal society with the formation of a class of big landowners dominating social and economic life, and a large submissive majority of landless tenants, share-croppers and labourers, although at the end of this period a substantial part of the land was still in indigenous hands. Although of course no reliable data are available it has been estimated that by 1725 about 70% of the Utonian lowlands were owned

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23

by colonial immigrants, who, together with the non-landowning administrators, the military, representatives of the Church and traders, probably made up no more than about 4 % of the total population. The remaining 30% of the lowlands, mostly in the southern province of Cropa, were still in the possession of the indigenes and used for subsistence farming. The cleavage between the two emerging classes — leaving out of consideration those indigenous communities that still largely lived their own lives — was an enormous one and initially tended to coincide with the radical segmentation of the population, the white settlers forming the small upper class and the indigenous masses the lower class. Yet in this respect from the very beginning prevailing conditions tended to prevent a sharp cleavage along racial lines. Many of the immigrants did not bring their womenfolk with them and took their wives from among the conquered indigenes. And although there certainly was — throughout the colonial period — some amount of racial prejudice among those bigger landowners who took pride in their pure white ancestry, and among colonial administrators sent from the home country who tended to look down on "colonials" of mixed ancestry, the general trend was clearly in the direction of increasing race mixture and diminishing prejudice. If it may be said that 1725 concluded the first distinct period in the history of Utonia, the period of territorial expansion in which the basic social and economic patterns of Utonian society were set, the next period was to cover the years until 1851, when Utonia achieved political independence. This second period might be characterized as one in which the trends, in the social and economic spheres, that were discernible already in the first hundred-odd years of Utonia's existence, were confirmed. Indeed, in this period Utonia underwent no fundamental transformations, except of course politically at its conclusion: Utonian society was and remained essentially agrarian and feudal. Something needs to be said here first regarding the agricultural basis of economic life. There was above all a further expansion of the production of wheat, introduced by the settlers, at the expense of the basic indigenous food products of maize and cassava. In the province of Bogos in particular wheat production made heavy inroads into the formerly predominating cultivation of maize. Around 1850, the production of wheat already stood at about two thirds of maize production, and was still gaining. As a commercial crop, after a feeble start in the preceding century, cotton was being produced in sharply increasing quantities in the first half of the 19th century, again at the expense of maize production. In Atana, the requirements of the urban population of the capital city

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of Utontown, which already stood at about 180,000 in 1850, made for changes in the agricultural scene in the surrounding area. As might be expected, dairy farming and vegetable-growing especially became more and more prominent here. In the second place increasing though still modest acreage was used for vineyards, olives and other fruits. For these purposes, some of the older farms in the vicinity of Utontown were actually broken up, a phenomenon however, that remained confined to this limited area and also to the immediate surroundings of Portocid. Elsewhere in Utonia the larger estates remained dominant. In Cropa, finally, wheat production increased at an accelerated pace after 1750, and by 1850 had already attained the same level as in Bogos and was in the process of surpassing it. Cassava traditionally the staple food crop in the province of Cropa, was still being produced in greater quantity, but also could be expected to lose its leading position. The main commercial crop in Cropa, grown since the beginning of the 18th century, was sugar, but it had not, as yet, been produced in great quantity. Toward the end of the period under consideration, there were also experiments at large-scale tobacco-growing, the outcome of which was still uncertain. In the period under review, the position of the dominating class of landowners, and with it feudal character of Utonian society, was consolidated if not strengthened. The cleavage between the owners of the large landed estates and the landless labourers and tenants had been widened, if anything. While the landowners could live in luxury, enjoying the revenues of their vast estates, the standard of living of the mass of labourers and tenants was barely above subsistance level. To be sure they were, under the prevailing patriarchal conditions, guaranteed the bare necessities of life, but they could never hope for more than that and in return absolute obedience and loyalty toward their "protectors" was expected from them. The big landowners as a matter of course assumed a leading position in the social and economic life of Utonia; only in the sphere of politics were they thwarted in their ambitions by the colonial administration, which therefore became increasingly irksome to them. Ultimately that was to lead to the downfall of the colonial regime. Yet, although on the one hand the contrast in wealth and style of living between the landowners and the landless peasants was enormous, on the other hand racial differences between them largely disappeared through a continuing process of intermarriages. This process of racial amalgamation has been of tremendous importance from the acculturative point of view. It has promoted the gradual adoption of western ways and ideas by

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25

the masses, especially in the region north of Cidon river. Indeed, already by 1850 the number of people in that region speaking the colonial language only could be roughly estimated at about half of the total, while the great majority of the remainder were bilingual, speaking both an indigenous tongue and the colonial language. It had already become evident that at least in that part of Utonia the indigenous languages were disappearing fast and that the colonial language was rapidly assuming the position of a truly national language. Thus an essential precondition for a future development into an authentic nation-state was fulfilled. This state of affairs, however, did not prevail in the whole of Utonia. It certainly did not in the eastern mountainous region that only nominally formed part of Utonia. Nor did it prevail in the southern province of Cropa, not at least in the region south of Cidon river. It is not difficult to see why. Not only was Cropa brought under colonial rule at a later date, but it also failed to attract the same number of settlers as the other provinces. Thus, although here too race mixture was free and relatively unburdened by prejudice, racial integration could not possibly proceed at the same pace, and indeed by 1850 almost half of the population of the province was still of purely or almost purely indigenous stock. Of course, the fact that racial integration had not progressed as far as in the north was not very important compared to the slower process of acculturation. Considering the limited number of settlers, some of whom, moreover, were absentee landlords and thus less effective as acculturative agents, it is not surprising that a substantial minority of the indigenous people were very much left on their own. That certainly did not mean that they were unaffected by westernizing influences, if at all, for that applied almost entirely to the shifting cultivators in the south-eastern corner of the province. Elsewhere they were, though in different degrees, subject to westernizing influences, but the process of adopting western ways was a slow one. Many of these indigenous communities managed to preserve more or less intact their social structures and many indigenes, by 1850, had not learned to speak the colonial language. As a crude indication of the degree of acculturation, it is worthy of note that roughly equal portions of the total population of Cropa spoke the colonial language only, an indigenous language only, or were bilingual. On the whole then, one might say that by 1850 the northern provinces had attained a relatively high degree of cultural unity, promising well for national unity, while Cropa in this respect lagged rather far behind. Yet this did not make much of a difference as far as the struggle for national independence was concerned which was to be crowned with success in

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1851. For essentially that was the affair of the landowning class with its allies among the military and the Church establishment. It was they that instigated and decided the outcome of the struggle, if struggle it may be called, the masses simply following their lead or staying out of it all like the unacculturated indigenes of Cropa. The more conscious the landed aristrocrats had become of their prominent position, the more restive they were under the colonial regime. They became more and more irritated by the fact that they had to submit to directives emanating from the Colonial Office in the "home" country. This was aggravated by the attitude of some of the colonial administrators who did not hide their disdain for the colonials. Underlying it all, of course, was the fact that they increasingly felt themselves to be Utonians, owing loyalty as such primarily to Utonia and not to a "home" country, which most of them had never seen and which had become foreign to them, just as the colonial administrators sent out to rule over them were increasingly considered as foreigners. Under such circumstances it was simply a matter of time before they revolted against colonial rule. Already by 1800 there was a minority faction within the Utonian upper class favouring independence, and this faction gradually won more adherents. In 1851, finally, the nationalists revolted and they were successful. They did not win without a struggle but it was not much of a struggle. The small colonial army largely made up of colonials except for many of the officers, was divided in itself. In fact, the main resistance was put up by a conservative "loyalist" faction of the Utonian elite that preferred to maintain the bonds with the home country. They did not stand much of a chance, however, as they received only lukewarm support from the home country that had recently gone through a liberal revolution itself and was not prepared to wage a colonial war at such a great distance. Thus, in 1851 Utonia cast off colonial rule and took its place among the independent nations of the world. The period beginning with the attainment of independence in 1851 and ending with the social revolution of 1962 might be said to constitute the next phase in the history of Utonia. Of course this is a somewhat arbitrary delimitation and it might well be argued that the last decades, when Utonia became the scene of rapid urbanization, large-scale mining activities and industrialization, all of which indeed struck at the very roots of the structure of Utonian society, differed to such a degree from the preceding decades, that an earlier date than 1962 should be adopted as concluding the period begun in 1851. It might also be argued that there

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27

had after all been numerous revolutions before the one of 1962, although it is not difficult to refute that argument. For although, indeed there have been several revolutions since 1851, none of them basically affected the social and political order while the 1962-revolution very much did. Fundamentally, it is on this ground that a good case can be made for adopting the year 1962 as the end of one historical period and the beginning of a new one and not any earlier date. For, essentially the land based feudal elite that had led Utonia to independence in 1851 throughout this period remained the dominating force in the nation, although in the face of increasing opposition, until its final and overdue collapse in 1962. Of course in the first half of this period there was no indication whatsoever of this future collapse. Following the attainment of independence the political ascendancy of the feudal elite in the new nation was firmly established. The top positions in the civil and military bureaucracy were filled by representatives of the landowning class and a pattern was established. The top positions in the civil and military bureaucracy went in for an army or civil service career. Obviously this new government bureaucracy — even more so than the preceding one in colonial times — was very much inclined to identify the interests of the nation with the interests of their class and thus the whole machinery of government was really in the hands of this land-based upper class. This leading position of the feudal elite, socially, economically and politically, remained virtually unchallenged during the second half of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century. During this period the economic basis of life remained very much the same, agriculture maintaining its predominance, employing substantially more than half of the total working population, while almost all manufactured articles had to be imported. This does not mean of course that there were no changes at all in agriculture, but such as there were did not essentially alter the overall picture. There was a substantial increase in wheat production, again largely at the expense of maize and cassava production, both in Bogos and even more so in Cropa. In the latter province, wheat production by the turn of the century already far surpassed production in Bogos, while at the same time cassava-production in this province had been far outstripped. Significantly, though, this increase in production was due much more to an expansion of the area under cultivation than to an increasing yield per hectare as a result of improved production methods. Moreover, this production increase — and this applied for all food products

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— was hardly sufficient to keep up with the population increase. As for commercial agriculture, there had been a steady but slow increase in sugar production, and the same applied, but on a much more modest scale, for tobacco production. Cotton production reached a peak in the last decade of the 19th century, only to go into a decline in the first decade of the 20th century in the face of increasing competition from other cotton producing countries where more modern methods were applied. Essentially, the agricultural situation as depicted here still applies today. In a few sectors only there have been serious efforts at modernization, notably in sugar-production. On the whole then, the picture of Utonian agriculture has been one of increasing comparative technological backwardness. It is not surprising, therefore, that agriculture has hardly contributed toward an expansion of the purchasing power of Utonians and this has hardly been conducive to the establishment of industries. After 1914 there were the first stirrings of industrialisation which was due to the effects of the first world war that had impeded the imports of manufactured articles. Utonia was forced to manufacture some industrial products itself. To be sure it was a very modest beginning only, but at least a start was made with the production of some basic necessities such as clothes, shoes and some other consumer goods. Possibly even more important from the standpoint of economic change has been the fact that after the war some thousands of immigrants from western and northern Europe settled in Utonia. Although relatively insignificant in number, they have had an important impact economically in agriculture but even more so in commerce and industry. Thus it was during the twenties, in particular, that industrialization, though still very much in its infant stage, clearly gained momentum and with it there was clearly perceptible the beginning of a transformation of Utonian society into something quite different. The great depression of the thirties temporarily halted this gradual reshaping of Utonian society, but the second world war and more particularly the post-war years greatly accelerated the process of transformation initiated during and after the first world war. It was then that, with the upsurge of industrialization, together with the explosive growth of cities, and connected with all this the emergence of new socioeconomic classes, one could begin to see emerging the outlines of a new society. Of course, even now Utonia is still predominantly an agricultural country, the number of workers employed in agriculture still being more than double the number of workers employed in industry. A substantial

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29

part of industrial activities, moreover, is based on agricultural raw materials. Yet the fact that by 1962 more than 22 % of the labour force was employed in mining and industry, while at the start of the first world war the number of people so employed was insignificant, eloquently testifies to the great strides made since then, and particularly since 1940. Although admittedly even now the majority of industrial workers are employed in small-scale establishments, the foundations have been laid for the further development of heavy industries such as steel. As for mining, coal production has been greatly expanded since 1940 especially, in connection with the sharply increased demand for power by the growing cities and expanding industry. This applies even more for bauxite-mining which has become very important since the second world war and holds the promise of a further development of dependent industries. In contrast with the coal mines, which are mostly in the possession of Utonians, the bauxite mines are almost exclusively owned by a foreign company. The percentage of the labour force employed in agriculture has steadily decreased since the twenties, although the absolute number of workers so employed has almost remained the same. As had been noted before, there has been some modernization in some sectors of agriculture, largely due to European immigrants who came in during the twenties and again in the years following on the second world war. In Atana their efforts have been notably successful in dairy farming and cattle raising and in the production of citrus fruits, as witnessed by the fact that production has not only kept up with the increasing demand of the growing city-population, but has also left an increasing surplus for export. In Cropa, modernization has mainly affected tobacco and above all sugar-production. Most sugar is being produced nowadays on modern plantations, ensuring a steady supply for many newly erected sugar mills. As a relatively new phenomenon, increasing acreages of land which have never been occupied by settlers, have been planted with sugar largely due to the prodding of the sugar mill owners. But otherwise, the picture presented by Utonina agriculture is still one of often appalling technological backwardness. Economic development as depicted in the foregoing paragraphs has of course been accompanied by social change. Since the twenties, but more especially in the wake of the economic "revolution" of the last 25 years, it no longer holds true that only two classes or rather "castes" can be distinguished within Utonian society, the landowners and the landless. New groups have made their appearances on the social scene.1 1

For a further discussion see 3.3 "Social Stratification".

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On the lowest level there is no longer only what might be termed the "rural proletariat", but also an increasingly numerous urban proletariat. The fact that both are termed proletariat certainly does not mean, however, that there is much feeling of a community of interests between the two elements. At the other end of the social scale, the feudal elite of the landed aristocrats has been joined by a newly emerging commercial and industrial elite, the members of which, to be sure, partly stem from the landowning class, but also from urban "middle class" families with newly acquired wealth. On the whole, the old and the new elite have cooperated even though their interests do not always coincide. Until recently the distinguishing mark of social prestige in Utonian society has remained the possession of land and many members of the new elite have hastened to acquire land as the symbol of their newly acquired status. At any rate, whatever the differences of interests between the old and the new elite, they have usually tended to make common cause in the defence of their privileged position against the upsurging masses. Perhaps the most important development in Utonian society has been the emergence of a middle class, with its upper layer of professional people and businessmen, and also an increasing number of civil servants and military officers since the government apparatus no longer remains the exclusive province of the scions of elite families. Yet it might be better not to speak of the "middle class" but more neutrally of the "middle segment" of society, as there has never been much evidence of class consciousness in this heterogeneous segment of the population. The upper layers of this segment have in the past very much tended to orient themselves toward the upper class, and it is only a fairly recent phenomenon that the younger intellectuals from this segment have placed themselves in opposition to the aims and values of the traditional ruling elite. Indeed, it is from within this group that most of the leadership — such as Constans Progressus and several of his lieutenants — of the successful social revolution of 1962 have been recruited. Thus Utonia, during the last twenty-five years in particular, has been the scene of drastic social and economic change and it was inevitable that political change would follow. Until 1962 the traditional ruling elite, strengthened by elements from the industrial and commercial elite, managed to keep the reigns of power in its hands, but it proved itself utterly incapable of dealing with the various urgent problems arising out of the process of social and economic change. Indeed, this elite spent its energies mostly in trying to stem the inexorable tide of change instead of providing leadership in the process of transformation into a society of the

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future. Thus its downfall was inevitable and in 1962 it was swept out of power on the waves of a mass-supported revolutionary movement, that promised above all to alleviate the lot of the long-suffering rural and urban proletariat. To be sure, this has been the first revolution in the history of Utonia as an independent nation. But previous revolutions have not been revolutions in the true sense of the word: they effected no fundamental changes since the social and political order essentially remained the same. In fact, those revolutions were mostly struggles between competing factions within the ruling elite, or rather even between competing leaders with their their followers. Only the revolution of 1946 carried the promise of being a true revolution. A new democratic constitution was then promulgated and the new government promised to expand public welfare services and to provide for increased educational facilities. Indeed, something was achieved in those fields, but far from enough as the moderately, progressive leader of the new government, himself deriving from the middle class but related by marriage to the landed aristocracy, all too soon became the captive of the traditional elite. Yet in those days the masses got their first taste of true democracy and from then on consecutive governments at least had to pay lip service to democratic ideals, including even the military government that held power from 1950 to 1952. All the same they had to have recourse to increasingly harsh repressive measures to keep the masses and aspiring middle class elements in check. A "revolt of the landless" in the area surrounding Meron, and successive strikes in Coaltown, Portocid and Utontown continued to be suppressed, but nonetheless foreshadowed the impending end of the feudal regime. In 1962, finally, the protective dams erected by the entrenched ruling elite broke down, not in the least because the officer corps by then had been thoroughly infiltrated by revolutionary-minded elements. In the course of a few weeks all resistance was beaten down and the new and truly revolutionary government under the leadership of Constans Progressus was installed. At the time of writing this report, the exact measures to be taken by the recently installed new government are not yet known. We know that the new government has pledged to establish a truly democratic form of government, after a suitable period of transition, and to bring relief to the poor and the destitute in the cities and in the rural areas. Fundamentally, of course, the task the new government is faced with is that of leading the nation in a process of transformation into a modern, strong and prosperous democracy. The problems it will have to solve in doing

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so are of truly staggering proportions. Just a few of the more important ones may be mentioned here. 1) There is, to begin with, the pressing problem of land reform. As of now, discounting the mountain areas, a mere 2.3 % of the land-owners possess roughly 50% of the land, part of which has never been cultivated. Pressure is being brought upon the government to confiscate all large estates and redistribute the land among the landless. It is not likely, however, that the government will submit to such pressures, as it is realised that the newly created small land-owners would lack both knowledge and capital and they would thus jeopardize agricultural enterprise. Meanwhile some large estates, belonging to die-hard opponents of the new regime who fled the country, have provisionally been taken over by the state and have been turned into some sort of collective farms under government appointed directors, although this situation has no juridical basis as yet. Otherwise chances are that new legislation will limit the size of landed estates to a maximum of 500 hectares, which would, as a rough estimate, free some 38 % of the lowlands for redistribution among the landless. In fact, in some regions former tenants and land labourers have already appropriated the land of their former masters in the name of the revolution, without awaiting new legislation, thus adding to the problems of the new government. 2) An almost equally pressing problem has been created by the explosive growth of the cities where sprawling shanty towns have sprung up overnight and a state of crisis prevails, as municipal provisions for sanitary services, water supply, transportation, etc., have been far outplaced by the rapidly expanding population. 2 Of course, the solution to this problem may be found partly in stemming the tide of the rural influx into the cities, which may be accomplished by ameliorating living conditions in the rural areas. Thus the problem of land reform is immediately linked with the urban problem. But apart from that, various direct provisions will have to be made in a coordinated effort to solve the most pressing urban problems. The creation of a new Ministry of Urban Affairs testifies to the fact that President Progressus is well aware of the urgency of the problems. 3) Then of course there is the basic problem of turning Utonia into a truly national state in which all citizens take pride in their nationality and participate or at least take an interest in all affairs affecting the nation as a 2

See further 3.2 "Some aspects of the Urbanization Process".

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whole. Obviously, this is not just a narrow political problem but a manysided one, the solving of which requires a many-sided approach. Indications are that to begin with at least one main line of attack by the present government will be in the field of education where plans are being drawn up for a fast expansion of formal educational facilities and the creation of a crash adult education program on the principle that literacy is a prerequisite for participation in national life. As of now, no less than half of the population is illiterate! The main problem area is the mountain region now forming part of the provinces of Bogos and Cropa. A plan is under consideration according to which a separate administration is to be set up for this sparsely populated region. It would have the specific task of carrying out a program of accelerated social and economic development with the ultimate objective of drawing the mountain tribes, making up no more than about 3 % of the total national population, within the orbit of national life. If fact they have had increasing contacts with civilization for the last hundred years especially so during the last twenty years in the immediate hinterland of Coaltown and Bauxitetown. To begin with, there have been seasonal migrant labourers recruited from among these mountain people by cotton plantations owners in Bogos. During the last two decades, increasing numbers of these indigenes have been attracted by the booming mining cities of Coaltown and Bauxitetown. Yet the great majority of the mountaineers have thus far insulated themselves against the incursion of modern civilization and have retained their traditional way of life and still speak only their own language. The second problem area is to be found in the still somewhat backward province of Cropa, especially in the south-east. In this province, even now almost 10% of the population does not speak the national language, while another 30 % is bilingual. They are not to be classed, though, not even the 10% mentioned, in the same category as the mountaineers. Generally, they retained their basic social structure intact and there is a clearly perceptible shift, albeit a slow one, toward a more western way of life. Yet here too much remains to be done if the objective of the present government to have all Utonians fully participate in national life is to be realized. 3.2 SOME ASPECTS OF THE URBANIZATION PROCESS

Although, of course, the phenomenon of urbanization is an old one in Utonia, it has become more pronounced during the last decades, which

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is also the only period for which some exact figures happen to be available. Moreover, the rate of increase of the proportion of the population living in urban centres has become alarming. The figures speak for themselves. The population increase from 1952 to 1962 was from 1,135,000 to 1,600,000 in the capital city of Utontown, from 140,000 to 205,000 in Coaltown, from 62,000 to 115,000 in Knottown, to mention just a few examples. Another example worthy of mention is Bauxitetown, which had a rapid increase between 1952 and 1957 from 89,000 to 155,000, and a somewhat less spectacular but considerable increase from 155,000 to 192,000 over the period 1957 to 1962. The same applies, though to a lesser degree, for Portocid, which in 1942 had an estimated population of about 140,000, while it had 208,000 in 1952, and 262,000 in 1962. There is a rather clear pattern to be perceived in the Utonian urbanization process. The growth rate has been most rapid in the larger towns. Utontown, the capital city and as such the administrative and cultural centre of the nation, has shown the most persistent rate of growth during the past decades. Coaltown and Bauxitetown owe their fast population increase to the greatly expanded mining activities and related industries, while the rapid growth of Knottown is obviously related to its function as a railway junction and its greatly improved communications, in the last twenty years, with Coaltown, Bauxitetown and Utontown. On the other hand, the growth of the smaller towns with less than 60,000 habitants, although considerable in some cases, has been much less spectacular. Indeed, the population of some of these towns has actually decreased. Thus there is a clear tendency of an ever larger concentration of people in a limited number of big cities. There is no indication whatsoever of a reversal of this trend, so it must be assumed that the next decade will witness a further concentration of people in a few centres of over 100,000 inhabitants. Before turning now to a discussion of the implications and consequences of the explosive growth of these urban centres, a few words may be said about the history of urbanization in Utonia. In essence, the history of urbanization is the history of colonial settlement in as much as the urban centres are indeed the creation of the colonial settlers. The indigenous people, in so far as they were sedentary agriculturalists, lived predominantly in villages and hamlets. Only in the relatively advanced kingdom of Bogos, the "ruler town", apart from being the political capital of the Kingdom, served as a trading centre. In a modest way, a few other settlements were severely damaged if not completely destroyed.

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35

Thus even in Bogos the urban centres have not developed out of indigenous "towns" but are creations of the colonial settlers. The early colonial pre-industrial towns were founded as administrative and trading centres. The oldest one of course is Utontown, founded in 1617. Doretta came into existence in 1639 as the major garrison town in the war against Bogos. Portocid, originally founded at the right band of the river, dates from 1651. Hiltown, finally, was founded in 1661. Of these four major 17th century towns, Utontown has always been by far the most important one as the major political, economic and cultural centre of the colony. Doretta grew much more slowly and never really attained more than regional importance. The same might be said with regard to Hiltown except that it got a new impulse for growth in the 20th century, because of its new railway connections and the emergence of Bauxitetown not far away. The harbour city of Portocid has grown faster than either Doretta or Hiltown since it was connected with Bauxitetown by rail in 1948. It has traditionally been the second city of Utonia, although lagging far behind Utontown. The other major cities are of relatively recent origin. The oldest one among them, Knottown, was for a long time a rather unimportant administrative and trading centre until the railway connections with Coaltown and Bauxitetown initiated a period of accelerated growth. Coaltown and Bauxitetown, although the former had its modest origin in the 19th century, are essentially 20th century phenomena. They completely lack the old world atmosphere which has been best preserved in Hiltown and is also still very much in evidence in the old centre of Utontown. The question now arises as to how to account for the rapidity of urban growth. It would seem rather obvious to attribute this growth of the cities during the past decades to the rising tide of industry and commerce. Yet that can no more than partly account for it as urban growth has definitely proceeded at a faster pace than the expansion of industry and commerce. Unquestionably the rural influx into the cities has been caused not only by the increasing demand for industrial labour in the cities, but also by the unsatisfactory conditions of life and the lack of work in the rural areas, where both agricultural productivity and the standard of living have largely remained stagnant. As a contributing factor, no doubt, the expansion, however slow, of education, has stimulated the exodus to the cities in as much as education has widened the horizons of the rural people and has made them more conscious of the possibilities of escape from the limitations and frustrations of rural life. Obviously, the influx into the cities with the resulting overcrowding and

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slum conditions, has created problems that are extremely difficult to solve. It should not be forgotten, however, that, although conditions in the city-slums seem so bad as almost to defy description, the slum-dwellers were hardly better off where they came from. But even apart from that it needs to be said that urban growth can have positive effects. It is worthwhile to focus on some positive effects of urbanization before turning to discussion of how this has created an expanded market for consumer goods and has thus stimulated industrial activity. But there is more to it than that. If migration from the rural areas to the cities has promoted social and economic development, it is because the cities are the seats not only of industrial activity, but also of education and culture. The increase in the number of people employed in commerce and industry has not only resulted in higher industrial productivity but also in a higher per capita income. But, no less important, educational facilities in the cities, often poor by modern standards, but still considerably better than in the rural areas, have contributed substantially towards the raising of the national level of literacy and thereby of the degree of participation in national life We may say then that urbanization has definitely promoted the process of westernization. It has done so by bringing education to the masses whereas formerly formal education was virtually monopolised by the upper class. It has done so, because city-life has brought about the emergence of new classes obviating the traditional bimodal class structure of the rural areas and multiplying the opportunities for inter-class contacts and social mobility. Above all, it has done so by involving an increasing number of people in national life and thus broadening the basis for recruitment into political life. Although of course these important positive aspects of urbanization must not be overlooked, there is on the other hand no gain saying the fact that rapid rural urban migration has also had multiple negative effects, in terms of the terribly inadequate accommodations for the new immigrants with the attendant problems of health and nutrition, and in terms of the suffering resulting from the social and mental maladjustment of the rural immigrants to urban life. Even in the sphere of economics, the great influx of rural people, although admittedly making for an expanding market and expanding industrial activity, has had its negative effects, in that it has militated against the adoption of modern laboursaving devices in industry in the face of an abundant supply of cheap labour. There are no easy solutions to the problems created by the rural influx.

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The continuous arrival of newcomers from the countryside has taxed municipal authorities far beyond their capacities, and in fact they have not tried too hard to cope with their problems until recently. Thus it has come to pass that all the cities are now surrounded by shanty towns consisting of dwellings largely built up of mud, planks and canvas. There, but also in the derelict older quarters of the cities, such basic public services as electricity, water and sewage are largely lacking. Significantly, it is only in the immediate vicinity of the major roads leading into the cities that new housing projects have been instituted by municipal authorities! Fortunately, a change for the better may confidently be expected now. The new national government has declared its purpose to make a determined effort, in cooperation with newly appointed municipal governments to alleviate the social and economic problems that have been created and are still being created by the continuing influx from the rural areas. Plans are being drawn up now, not only to provide for the basic public amenities, but also to establish new public-health units, social welfare centres and schools. No doubt the main problem, for a long time to come, will be to provide for adequate housing. It is in this respect in particular that most newcomers are definitely worse off than before. It is difficult to see how this problem can possibly be solved in the foreseeable future, unless ways are found to stem the tide of the rural influx. It is not only the physical conditions of city-life — extreme overcrowding, lack of basic utilities, etc. — which cause problems for the rural migrants. There is also the problem of adjusting to the faster pace of urban life and more generally to the different urban patterns of living, particularly perhaps to the impersonality of relationships in the new environment. Yet only a few of the migrants decide to return to their rural areas, which simply do not have the capacity to absorb the population increase. Indeed, most of them migrated with their families fully intending to find employment in the city and stay there. But even if they could go back, it is doubtful whether they would do so. As it happens, except for housing, prevailing conditions in their former rural environment, especially conditions of work, are so bad that they are apt to find city-life, notwithstanding all its drawbacks, a change for the better. There is also, presumably, the realization that, to the successful, city-life offers rewards far beyond anything that could possibly be attained in the former rural environment. At any rate, the great majority of the rural migrants permanently settle in the city and gradually become adapted to urban life.

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It must be mentioned at this point that a somewhat different pattern prevails in Coaltown and Bauxitetown. There, many migrants are mountain tribesmen, who come to the city to earn money, to buy goods and to gain prestige with no intention however to settle permanently. It is not uncommon for them to come to the city two, three or four times, for periods lasting from several months to a few years. While elsewhere there is no marked imbalance in the sex ratio among the migrants, among these tribal migrants there is decidedly a disproportionate number of men. Of course, this also induces imbalance in the sex ratio in the villages where they come from. There are some indications of change in this migration pattern, in that there is a slight increase nowadays of the number of women accompanying their husbands and a tendency to stay in the city for longer periods, but there are still very few of them who really settle down in the city. Ultimately, the solution to the problems besetting municipal governments will have to be found — in part at least — in stemming the tide of the rural exodus, and that, in turn, can only be accomplished by rural development. The impending land reform will no doubt be an important first step in that direction. But, in general, there will have to be substantial improvements in the physical conditions of life in the countryside to offset the attractions of the city. In addition, possibly, the encouragement of small local industries might be helpful. At any rate, the long suffering rural masses expect remedial action from the new government which they helped to establish.

3.3

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

As had been stated before, Utonian society, until the twenties, was characterized by a two-class system. Basically there was a dichotomy between a well-educated wealthy landowning aristocracy, which had complete control over political power, on the one hand, and a great mass of largely illiterate, poor, and politically powerless peasants, on the other hand. Before embarking upon a discussion of developments since the twenties some further elaboration of this statement is called for, while it is also in need of some qualification in so far as it represents an oversimplification of the actual state of affairs. The first thing to be noted is that on the whole there was no conflict between the two classes mentioned. In so far as there was conflict it was

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intra-class conflict between competing factions within the landowning elite, fighting for the spoils of political power. As mentioned before such conflicts, as a rule, were not concerned with major policy issues. The dominating position, socially, economically and politically, of the small privileged elite, was at no time at issue, and the usual result of the numerous "revolutions" marking Utonian political history was only a change of individuals occupying the top positions in the Governmental hierarchy. Of the two classes only the ruling elite could justifiably be called a class, in the sense of a group of people who were in regular communication with one another and who were conscious of a fundamental community of interests. Naturally this upper levels of the Government bureaucracy and the military establishment. It was not until the end of the period under review here, that some inroads were made into this exclusive realm by non-members of the traditional elite. The mass of the population was separated from this elite by a wide gulf. In contradistinction to the elite they did not constitute a class in the sense of a group of people united in the consciousness of a community of interests. The majority of them were agricultural labourers tenants and share-croppers, largely ignorant of what went on in the world beyond the confines of their hamlets and villages, most of which were attached to large estates and dominated by the estate-owners. They lived an isolated life and under such circumstances it is hardly surprising that there was no question of their being organized in the defence of their interests, which they were hardly aware of anyway. Indeed there was virtually no notion among them about the possibilities of progress toward a better kind of life, nor, for the matter, were they quite aware that their interests were not in accord with those of the ruling elite. The same applied, though to a somewhat lesser degree, for the much less numerous urban counterpart of the rural lower "class", consisting mainly of domestic servants, manual labourers in a limited number of commercial and industrial establishments, and the like. Their position did not fundamentally differ from that of the peasantry and we may therefore speak of one lower class, even though this "class" could conceivably be subdivided into several substrata. It may be said, anyway, that the members of this class very much tended to take their way of life for granted, and they even felt themselves bound by a sense of loyalty to their employers, whom they regarded as their protectors or patrons. Incredible as this may sound, viewed in retrospect, it is nevertheless understandable in view of their utter economic dependence on the "aristocrats", who did, moreover, provide them with at least some

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measure of security. At any rate the lower class hardly constituted a challenge to the dominating position of the ruling elite. If this picture of bimodal stratification system as presented here is essentially accurate, it must be said nonetheless, that it somewhat oversimplifies the actual state of affairs. On the one hand it will be obvious that there musthave been some middle stratum element in an intermediate position between the upper and lower classes; on the other hand there was of course the considerable though steadily decreasing number of unassimilated indigenes in the mountain areas and in parts of Cropa. Both constituted, as it were, unassimilated lumps in the Utonian social body though in different ways. The middle stratum has of course always had its representatives in the urban centres, such as artisans and tradesmen. But they worked almost exclusively to serve the needs of the landed aristocrats, particularly so in the rural towns, and they were in fact as dependent on these aristocrats as was the lower class. At no time did they constitute an independent force as such that made its presence felt on the social scene. Apart from this older middle class the late 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of new middle class elements, such as professional people, intellectuals and well-to-do merchants, but by the twenties they constituted no more, as yet, than a slight minority, that did not, moreover, really fit into the existing societal structure. In that sense, they were indeed an unassimilated lump in the Utonian social body. The same designation has been used with regard to the indigenes of the mountain areas and indigenous population-clusters in Cropa, but for them it has a somewhat different meaning. One might say that they simply did not form part of the national society, in so far as one can possibly say so with regard to a truly indigenous population; they did not really partake in national life. They did, however, gradually give way to encroaching civilization, although the process of assimilation proceeded at a slow pace only. Such then was the state of affairs, when, during the twenties, Utonia first came under the impact of industrialization though only modestly so during this first decade. As has been noted before, such progress as was made in the way of industrialization was largely due to to the activities of newly arrived European immigrants. But it was during the second world war and its aftermath that Utonia has been put firmly on the track of industrialization, or rather, more generally, modernization. Industrialization, with the attendant complexity of economic activity,

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inevitably led to alterations in the social stratification system. Newly emerging socio-economic divisons of society became increasingly important, but on the whole they were accorded neither political power nor social prestige commensurate with their economic importance. It was only a small new elite of wealthy captains of industry and commerce that managed to infiltrate into the upper class accepted as allies by the landowning aristrocrats in their struggle to maintain their social and political pre-eminence. Ultimately, of course, elements of the middle class and the urban proletariat, largely organized and led by them, could not be denied access to political power, but they were compelled to take by force what was not accorded to them voluntarily. Industrialization then has begun a process of restratification, resulting broadly in a subdivision of society into three socio-economic strata, each of which consists of two more or less distinguishable components. Thus the lower class, comprising roughly all those employed in manual labour, had a rural and an urban component, of which the latter more and more developed into an independent and increasingly important force, not in the least as the result of its becoming organized. The upper class acquired a new subdivision, consisting of wealthy merchants and industrialists. In between the upper and lower classes there was the ever growing middle sector of society which really defies any attempt to define it with any degree of exactness. Here one should indeed speak of a middle sector or middle stratum, rather than of a middle class, for by no possible stretch of the imagination could one possibly conceive of this stratum as a unit. In fact this stratum can only be defined in negative terms, in that its members were not engaged in manual labour on the one hand, and did not, on the other hand, either by birth or by wealth, belong to the upper class. If, nevertheless, one would somewhat arbitrarily subdivide this stratum into two components, the one, would be a lower middle "class", consisting of such older elements as artisans and tradesmen, joined now by a steadily increasing number of white collar workers of the lower echelons; and the other an upper middle "class", comprising professional people, higher officials in the Government bureaucracy. Of the lower class, then, the urban component since the twenties has come more and more to the fore. This is not just a matter of numerical growth, which has, admittedly, been spectacular, but of its making its presence increasingly felt, partly as the result of this Utonian urban lower class as an exact replica of its counterpart in highly industrialized countries. One must take into account the fact that the majority of the members of

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the urban lower class have their origins in the countryside and are migrants from the rural areas. Naturally their outlook on life has not changed overnight after having settled in the city for they have not immediately acquired urban values and standards. They came to the cities because the countryside had no place for them, and because they were attracted by the higher wages and the amenities of city life. Most of them, despite the shockingly bad housing conditions, have indeed got used and even attached to life in the city, yet they have not quite managed to overcome their sense of loss of the highly personal paternalistic relationships under which they grew up in the countryside and which, at least, provided them with some sense of security. It is against this background, that one must view the emergence of labour unions in Utonia, in which, for the first time, the urban proletariat has become organized. The history of these labour unions is, in turn, linked with middle class elements who were willing to provide leadership. Barred from participation in national political leadership by the entrenched ruling elite, it was in the organization of labour that they found an outlet for their frustrated aspirations. Ostensibly, of course, these activities were not political in nature, but obviously their control over the increasingly well-organized labour force did provide them with a following and implicity with political power. It is not that they were active on behalf of the underpriviliged urban workers with the express intention of serving their political aspirations only, but serve them they certainly did. If it is not difficult to understand the willingness of middle class elements to provide leadership to the urban proletariat, it is not difficult either to understand the willingness of the urban proletariat to accept such leadership. It was not only that the urban workers, poor and largely illiterate, could not provide from among their own rank and file the articulate and militant leadership they needed; it was also because of their desire to regain the sense of security they had lost in coming to the city, of their need for leaders to take the place of their former patrons, in order to help them cope with the bewildering complexities of city life, and to protect them and defend their interests that they gladly accepted the leadership of such middle class elements as took an interest in their lot. Meanwhile, it was not until the second world war that the ruling elite reluctantly made the first modest provisions for a labour code and finally permitted the formal institution of labour unions. By 1944, labour unions had been organized in all the maj or cities. Three years later all these unions were formally united in the Utonian Labour Federation (U.L.F.).

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Characteristically, it was not until recently that the U.L.F. became more than a rather loose federation of strongly particularistic local unions and attained some degree of coherence. The local unions, lacking the clear sense of purpose and discipline of their Western European or North American counterparts, could actually be described as associations consisting of leaders with their personal loyal following, and in the beginning there was little cooperation among the union leaders. Only in recent years has some measure of coordination been effected resulting in the U.L.F. becoming a force of national importance that could and did substantially contribute to the downfall of the conservative regime. The rural component of the lower class, even now far more numerous than its urban counterpart, has remained largely unorganized and inarticulate. Yet one could not say that the rural workers have remained unaffected by modern developments. Apart from the effect of the expansion of educational facilities however slow, their multiplying contacts with the rapidly increasing number of urban relatives could not but influence their outlook on life. There has been a growing awareness among them of the degrading poverty of their existence, materially and otherwise, and they have also begun to perceive to what extent they have always been exploited by the landowning elite. Yet efforts to get the rural workers organized, originating mostly from union-organizers from the cities, have met with little success, both because of the opposition of the estate-owners and because of the lingering apathy of the rural masses. These would-be organizers were of course immediately branded as communist agitators by the ruling elite. It was only among the workers of the sugar plantations of Cropa and the cotton plantations of Bogos that such efforts met with some success. Nevertheless, the uprising of the landless peasantry around Meron, although exceptional, served as an indication that there was a growing awareness among rural workers of their true interests. On the whole there is no doubt that the rural masses have at last become susceptible to new ideas and are gradually being drawn into the mainstream of national life. Thus the revolution of 1962 received wide support in the countryside and indeed it is probably the rural proletariat that stands to profit most of all from the revolution. Something must be said also about the middle stream, the emergence of which has been evaluated as the most important development of the last decade. This stratum is characterized by its heterogeneity both economically and as regards its socio-political orientation. Going by the economic criterion of wealth and income on the one extreme, one finds white collar workers and petty traders and artisans, who, as far as income

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and living conditions are concerned, are hardly better off than many industrial workers, but who tend to look down on manual labour and refuse to be identified with it. On the other extreme there are those who, in terms of wealth and income, almost qualify for acceptance into the upper class, and on a somewhat lower level there are the highly educated and mostly well-paid executives and professional people. This, admittedly, is an arbitrary subdivision, on the basis of wealth and income, between a lower and an upper middle class. It should not lead anyone to think that either of these subdivisions constitutes a unit as such, characterized by consciousness of common interests and by a common socio-political orientation. Indeed, as far as any socio-political orientation is concerned, one might well make a case for a vertical subdivision of the middle stratum, distinguishing between conservatives, oriented on the whole to the traditions and values of the feudal elite, and progressives of various shades, who generally favoured change and some of whom played a conspicious part in the overthrow of the ancient regime. Conservatives as well as progressives could be found in both the lower and the upper middle class, as previously defined. If there is any trend of a more general nature to be detected in this middle stratum, it is that the adherents of the traditional "aristocratic" values have steadily lost ground to progressives of various shades. This, possibly, may signify the gradual development of a middle class ideology which has been conspiciously lacking thusfar. As of now, however, it remains uncertain whether this segment of the population, embracing so wide a social span, will indeed develop a class consciousness and an ideology of its own. Incidentally, in speaking of "progressives", it should be understood, that this term is used relative to the stark conservatism of the traditional elite. Whether or not the middle stratum develops into a true middle class, there can be no doubt, at any rate, about its potential for further growth. At present, the percentage of the population belonging to the middle stratum, at a rough estimate, stands at between 15 and 20 %. Considering the ever-expanding opportunities in industry, commerce and the civil service, it may be regarded as a certainty that the middle segment of Utonian society is in for a sharp increase within the next few decades. On the whole, this could have a decidedly beneficial effect. Members of the middle stratum are, as a rule, educated people, and what is more, they place a high value on education, typically striving for their children to have a better education than they had themselves. It is the middle stratum people also, who, in having easy access to the modern media of communi-

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cation, know what is going on in the outside world and know what the modern world has to offer. It is not unwarranted then to say that the rapidly growing middle segment is destined to play a crucial part in the modernization of Utonian society. A few words can be said, on the family in Utonian society. It is no longer possible, less than ever now, to speak of the typical Utonian family, as migration to the urban centres has not left the family unaffected. As a rule, the nuclear family used to be imbedded in a larger extended family unit. This was in accordance with the family tradition prevailing among the settlers, and in intermingling with the indigenes this tradition was strengthened. There were of course differences in this respect among the various tribes. Thus even now in the rural areas, the isolated nuclear family is an exception rather than the rule. This does not mean that the household unit must necessarily consist of more than one nuclear family, although in the majority of cases it certainly does. But even where it does not, and where the residential unit consists of parents and children only, close relations are maintained with a larger group of kinsmen living nearby, and that larger grouping of close kinsmen has retained its importance as a mechanism of cooperation and social control. In the urban centres a different situation has come to prevail. In coming to the cities, migrants were cut off from their families and housing conditions, moreover, simply did not permit three-generation extended families to live under one roof. Although one certainly cannot say that the larger family grouping has lost its importance in the cities, it is nevertheless the case that the dependent nuclear family has more and more come into its own. One cannot but expect that under conditions of rapid urbanization and industrialization, making for a setting in which impersonal secondary relationships prevail, this pattern will, even more than now, become the dominant one.

CHAPTER 4

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

4.1

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Prior to 1851, Utonia had a purely colonial system. Power was vested in the Governor-General who was appointed by the King of the home country. Legislation was drawn up by King and Parliament of the home country and the government in that country (in particular the Minister of Colonial Affairs) gave directives which the Governor-General had to take into account. The Governor-General was assisted by a civil service, the top functions of which were filled by high-ranking officers from the home country. Most of the lower-ranking officers were indigenes, and about one-third of the middle-ranking functions were filled by indigenes and the rest by people from the home country. As has been explained in Chapter III, the aristocrats of Utonia became more and more irritated by the fact that they had to submit to directives from the Colonial Office in the home country and this was aggravated by the attitudes of some of the colonial administrators. To meet these complaints, an Advisory Board was established, the members of which were appointed by the Governor-General from among the landed aristocracy. Its influence was not very great as the GovernorGeneral was free to decide in which cases he would ask its views, and even then it was no more than advice. On the other hand, an ever-growing number of indigenes who had attended secondary school (there were only two in Utonia at that time), were appointed to middle-ranking functions in the civil service and the army, top functions not being available to them. Some of the settlers sent their sons to a university in the home country so that they could qualify for the top functions, but only very few were admitted to the civil service and the higher ranks of the army. Feelings of disappointment and dissatisfaction therefore also grew

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among the intellectuals who supported the struggle for independence which led to success in 1851, as mentioned in Chapter III. After Independence, a Committee, consisting mainly of representatives of the landed aristocracy, was established inorder to draw up a Constitution. The composition of the Committee had a predictable effect on its proposals, according to which the Government was to consist of a President, a Cabinet of Ministers and a uni-cameral Parliament with 50 members. The President and Members of Parliament had to be selected by direct elections both for a period offiveyears. Ministers were appointed by the President, but responsible to Parliament, and were required to resign after the carrying of vote of censure. This system had the appearance of being fairly democratic, but suffrage was reserved only for those landowners who possessed at least 50 ha. The leading position of this feudal elite was strongly supported by the civil and military bureaucracy. There were some difficulties at first as a great many colonial administrators and top army officers returned to their own country, fearing that the Utonian government would later dismiss them and that no places would then be available to them at home. A minority, however, had become so fond of Utonia in the course of time that they decided to settle there. They identified themselves with the new ruling class and thus further strengthened its position. With their help it was possible to keep the machine running. Vacancies at the top were filled by representatives of the landowning aristocrats, whose younger sons could now take up an army or civil service career. The situation did not undergo much change until the First World War. Then, as has been explained in Chapter III, a modest beginning with industrialization was made. Soon after the war, some thousands of immigrants from western and northern Europe settled in Utonia. These new settlers were more interested in industry than in agriculture. As a result mainly of their efforts, industrialization gradually gained momentum, leading to a transformation of Utonian society: explosive growth of cities and emergence of new socio-economic classes. To summarize, what has been expounded in Chapter III on this point: next to the rural proletariat grew an urban proletariat, but there were no strong ties between these two elements; more important still was the emergence of a middle class, perhaps better indicated as a "middle segment" of society, as it consisted of two different groups, the upper layer of professional people and businessmen, who tended to orient themselves toward the upper class and hastened to acquire land as the symbol of their newly acquired status, and, on the other hand, the

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younger intellectuals, who placed themselves in opposition to the aims and values of the ruling elite. This evolution had its effect on the constitutional system. Suffrage was extended gradually. First, the landownership requirement was reduced from 50 to 10 ha. After that, people with secondary education were enfranchised. Accordingly, the number of members of Parliament was increased and brought up to 100. In spite of this, unrest among the people grew. The younger intellectuals and the most radical elements among the labour class wanted universal suffrage and a more progressive policy.

4.2

LOCAL G O V E R N M E N T

At the beginning, the colonizers were not interested in general control of the area of the country which they had conquered, and they established only a few commercial centres from which they maintained commercial contacts with the tribes. With the advent of more settlers, who spread from the commercial centre to the rural areas to establish plantations, regular clashes with the tribal population began to occur. In order to protect the colonial settlers and to secure their agricultural undertakings, the government was induced to subdue the tribes in continuously expanding areas, especially in the plains. Formal rule over the mountain tribes was only fully established since about 1800. With the exception of the mountainous areas, governmental control was exercised by district commissioners and sub-district officers who, as central government agents, were fully in charge of all governmental activities, including the maintenance of order and security. In Utontown, the commissionar was called Governor. The mountainous areas, which the government did not care to bring under its full control, were left to the rule of chiefs, who represented colonial government authority, and who were entrusted with tax collection, administration of justice, and a few other tasks. The tribal chiefs originally elected by the family heads of the tribes, gradually established an hereditary authority. The colonial government encouraged this development, as it was in their own interest to gain the cooperation of local chiefs. The chiefs on their part felt it also to be in their interest to cooperate with the colonial government, as this could only strengthen their own power. This situation led to an increasing usurpation of power

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by the chiefs, and to bad justice and bad fiscal administration. The colonial government originally exercised little supervision and hesitated to replace chiefs, except in extreme cases. Gradually, however, the government came to the conclusion that this situation was no longer acceptable. After 1851, a weak beginning was made with the building up of a system of local government. The system of district commissioner and sub-district officers was maintained. The district commissioner became chairman of specialized government service committees in their area and coordinators of central government activities. In the cities, local councils were introduced, elected by those citizens who had the right to vote for Parliament. The chairman of such a council was an officer, appointed by the Central Government, with the title of Governor. Daily control was the work of the sub-district officer, but the district commissioner could ask the intervention of the Minister of Home Affairs, if he did not agree with a certain decision. Apart from streamlining the field administration in rural areas, the government also introduced a system of representative government into those areas. A large number of councils were set up at the sub-district level. In the tribal areas in the mountains, the system was adapted as much as possible to the existing structure of native authority, the local chiefs being themselves chairmen of the councils. The newly established councils had still to learn to carry out their function of democratic representative government properly, and to administer local affairs adequately and efficiently. Although the sub-district Officer formally exercised a controlling role only, in actual fact, he often dominated proceedings.

4.3 THE TRANSITION TO A MORE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM

The War powerfully accelerated political developments in Utonia. Before 1939, a weak national movement had slowly developed, which was led by a prophetic figure, Desiderious Libertas, whose book Utonia Regenerata, published in 1923, had been the first articulate argument in favour of national awakening. Originally, the movement was mainly of a cultural character. It aimed at strengthening a sense of national identity, rather than at political action. Some of Libertas' younger followers had wished to go further, and in the 1930's certain members of the younger intelligentia, often trained overseas, began to agitate for a more progressive policy, based on universal suffrage. A few of them landed in jail

50

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

in the latter part of the decade. But on the whole, the movement touched little more than the surface. During and after the Second World War, however, radicalism shot up overnight. The possibility of a more progressive policy was canvassed and some political disturbances helped to focus the issue. A large number of pamphlets appeared on the subject and youth groups were very active, especially in the cities. From then on events moved swiftly. In 1952, the Constitution was amended and provided for universal suffrage, with special panels of electors for the white and tribal minority groups (who occupied respectively 13 and 12 of the 250 seats of Parliament). Lack of adequate registers complicated the organization of the first elections, held on 17th November, 1952. But in most of the 25 ten-member constituencies, only one list, that of Desiderius Libertas' Democratic Nationalist Party, was presented to the electors, so that in practice no great difficulties had occurred. Only in some of the cities did a right-wing movement, the Radical Utonian Union, score some electoral successes, and there were some traces of a Chieftain's party in the hill districts. The D.N.P. obtained 72% of the seats in Parliament, the remaining seats being taken up by representatives of the minority groups, some independents, and 12 representatives of the R.U.U. The Constitution now provided that the President of the Utonian Republic was to be elected by an absolute plurality of the votes of Parliament. His period of office was for a fixed term of five years, re-election being possible for one more period of five years. Under the President, a Vice-President was in charge of day-to-day government, under a system of Cabinet administration, each minister being responsible to Parliament for his individual department. The President nominated ministers for office who then had to be approved by a normal majority of the Utonian Parliament. A vote of no-confidence automatically implied the dismissal of the minister, but the total number of no-confidence motions which could be voted by the Parliament in any one year was limited to two (whether against the government as a whole, or against any individual minister). Soon after the new government entered into office, a considerable change was introduced in the administrative organization. The old ministry of Plantations and irrigation was renamed the Ministry for Rural Development. A Ministry for Economic Development was established, apart from the older Ministry of Finance. A special Department for the tribal areas was charged with rehabilitating the poorer mountain populations. A Ministry of Social Welfare was charged with all duties of

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

51

social relief, and a special Ministry for Housing and Local Government was erected to tackle the problem of over-population in Utontown, Portocid and other urban areas. The new policies led to a considerable increase in the number of civil servants. Whereas in 1951 only 2.2% of the working population was employed in some form of government service, this number rose to 5 % in 1957 and about 7.2% in 1962.

4.4 INCREASING POLITICAL INSTABILITY

On 12th May, 1955, Libertas suddenly died as a result of a stroke. One of his close friends, the Utonian philosopher Justus Scientus, was elected President in his place. Effective leadership in the Democratic Nationalist Party, however, passed more and more to less disinterested lieutenants. Increasingly, the D.N.P. came to be identified with the elite interests in the society, especially the land-owing and commercial classes. This was particularly true in the rural areas where the indigenous owners of latifundia had almost complete control over the largely illiterate landless masses. In practice, elections in the rural areas were therefore anything but free. The masses had little choice but to vote automatically for the land-owners' candidates. This dependence for all social initiative on the land-owners stultified development policies. Even a rural development scheme initiated under the auspices of the United Nations, resulted in little but still-born showpieces, and considerable enrichment of those already wealthy. In the meantime, most politicians lived well off the spoils of office. The glamour of some large-scale public works in the cities wore off, as taxation increased, without any visible benefits. The value of the Utonian currency declined, and considerable balance of payments difficulties occurred. Prices of basic essentials soared as did unemployment. In the summer of 1959, the country was shocked when a leading newspaper, the Utonian Independent, accused certain ministers of flagrant corruption with regard to a Uton River dam projet. They were arrested and dismissed from office. Penalties were not severe, however, and in 1961 all had been released from jail. One of the accused was shortly after appointed Ambassador in the neighbouring country Otunia, and another appointed to a lucrative post on the Board of a mixed government-private enterprise undertaking. A few months after the trial, the Utonian Independent was prosecuted by the Government, on a charge of libel of the

52

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

President (whom it had described as "this venerable lazybody more versed in books than government"). The presses of the newspaper were confiscated and used from 1961 onwards to print the new tabloid newspaper of the ruling party, the Utonian Nationalist. According to the Constitution, elections had to be organized in the latter part of 1957. In that year, the government introduced a Bill, however, to postpone the holding of elections for two more years. In defence of this proposal, the government pointed to the arrears in the electoral register. Some of the younger members of the D.N.P. group in Parliament voted against the proposal, which, they held, was in conflict with democracy and the very stipulations of the Constitution. When some of the leaders of this minority were expelled from the party by the dominant faction, they decided to establish a new political movement, the Utonian Progressive Party. This new party scored some unexpected successes in local government elections in 1959, notably in Bauxitetown and Coaltown. These elections were now also based on universal suffrage, at least in the cities. In the rural areas suffrage was still restricted. The U.P.P. also gained considerable influence among university students, and officials in some of the new ministries. It began to organize mass demonstrations and sought to spread its influence to the rural areas, for the time being with little effect. The D.N.P. government countered, by accusing the U.P.P. of revolutionary inclinations and of associations with the Communist Bloc. Some leaders of the party were arested without trial. The Federation of Bauxite Workers and other Union movements which had established close links with the new U.P.P. tried to call a general strike. The action was not entirely successful. But in Bauxitetown, the police suddenly opened fire on some of the demonstrators, seven of whom were killed. Their funeral on 19th February, 1960 became the occasion for new demonstrations, which led to renewed fighting between the police and workers. The D.N.P. government introduced martial law, and again postponed the elections, under the argument that the situation did not permit the peaceful operation of the democratic process. Some of the U.P.P. leaders went into exile, while others no longer slept in their own houses.

4.5

T H E R E V O L U T I O N O F 1962

In 1962, a poor harvest provoked rebellious movements in the rural areas. Again, the U.P.P. attempted to force elections, through mass demon-

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

53

strations. Tempers became embittered. After some particularly ugly incidents, the citizens awoke on the morning of 28th May, 1962 to find armoured cars in the streets of Utontown. Every two minutes the Uton Radio broadcast a short proclamation by the Chief of the General Staff announcing that the Army had taken over power, to preserve the peace and the national integrity of Utonia. Ministers were put under arrest, all demonstrations were banned, political parties were forbidden to organize meetings, and no workers allowed to go on strike. The Army, so the broadcast ran, did not intend to take over power permanently. True to its calling to promote the national interest, it would restore law and order, and supervise regular elections, to take place in four month's time. The Army revolution spelled the end of the D.N.P. as the sole governing party. Some of its leaders were imprisoned, others fled abroad. Some of its ultra-rightest elements associated themselves with the reactionary Radical Utonian Union. Most of its younger elements went over en masse to the Utonian Progressive Party. Under the watchful eye of the Army, elections were held on 19th October, 1962. The U.P.P. scored a massive triumph, particularly in the industrial and urban areas. The new Utonian Parliament met on 12th November 1962. It proceeded to elect the general secretary of the U.P.P., Constans Progressus, to the Presidency. A new reform government was in power.

4.6 THE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION

Since 1952 the Government had thought it necessary to extend the representative principle further. It was well aware of the danger that local government might be exploited by a small section of the population only. It knew of the resistance which especially the landowners and the chiefs were bound to raise against any proposals which might adversely affect their position. Consequently, it established a Committee of Enquiry, which was representative of most competing schools of thought in the elite circles. It recommended a scheme providing for a three-tier system and some extension of the basis of representation. The first government after the elections of 1952 considered the reform proposals. As most of the committee members now held prominent positions in the new government and administration, the government was favourably disposed to the proposals, and accordingly implemented them.

54

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

The three-tier system included 3 regions headed by the Governor, district councils and 870 local councils. The local councils were responsible to the sub-district officer, with this exception that the councils of the bigger cities were directly responsible to the District Commissioner. The Governor had to look after the activities of districts as well as local councils in his area, and could ask for intervention by the Minister of Home Affairs, when he thought it necessary. There was, however, one important deviation from the original proposals. The position of the District Commissioner was reduced as a result of the decision to make the representatives of the different central government departments in the districts directly responsible to their departments in the capital. In practice, the system did not work satisfactorily. It was cumbersome and slow, owing to the multiple, staggered and uncoordinated control. Moreover, it became an increasing source of discontent for the rising masses of the population who wanted to have more say in the administration of their interests. The problem became especially urgent in the countryside, where the dominance of the large landowners in the rural councils became more and more marked. On the eve of the army revolution, local government had become almost completely stagnant. At the same time, the field administration of the central government departments was confused and ineffective. More and more, official government and politics became distant, and unreal. Consequently, social unrest sprang up in rebellious movements, rather than electoral protest. The arrival of the U.P.P. in office created fear for the local landlord, hope among the more articulate political elements in the rural areas, and little but indifference among the masses.

4.7

THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE

In order to give governmental officials a better insight into the total organization of government and administration, Progressus ordered the Bureau for Government Organization and Personal Management to draw up an organization chart of the existing organization (see page 55). According to this organization chart, the President, being Head of state, is not in charge of any social section of government activity. Nevertheless, being a man with unlimited working capacity and energy, he keeps a close eye on decision-making by the Cabinet as a whole, as well as on some ministries which have his particular interest. He also participates

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

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56

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

directly in the government's policy and decision-making in his capacity of Chairman of the National Council of Development, which is composed of most of the ministers and a number of non-governmental people, such as the Secretary-General of the trade union, a representative of the landowners' organization, of industry, etc. Moreover, the President can exercise a strong indirect influence on government policy, in his capacity of Secretary-General of the U.U.P. The Vice-President is Chairman of the Cabinet. Moreover, he is in charge of a large number of bureaux and the like, which are not solely in the field of a particular ministry, but cover a larger area, including the National Planning Office, the Bureau of Statistics, and the Bureau for Government Organization and Personnel Management. He is also chairman of several councils and committees, including the Council for Community Development. Several of the Ministries consist of two Departments. The Ministry of Education has a Department for Education and one for Information: the latter department has close relations with the Bureau of the U.P.P., and its staff are mainly active U.P.P. members. The Ministry of Social Welfare has a Department for Social Welfare in general, and one for Community Development, The Ministry of Housing and Local Government has a large Department for Local Government, and a smaller one for Housing. The two Departments of the Ministry of Order and Security are: External Security, in charge of the army and air force; Internal Order and Security in charge of police. A sharp distinction between army and police hardly exists, however, whether in organization or personnel. A number of councils and committees, mostly composed of the Ministers or under Ministers, in some cases also of Permanent Secretaries, have to coordinate the activities of the different ministries at the national level. Most of the ministries have their own field staff for preparation, execution and control at the regional and local level. These are responsible to their respective ministries. Moreover, there is a hierarchy of general central government officials at the regional and local levels, i.e., the Governors and District Commissioners, who are appointed by the President himself in order to ensure their political loyalty, as well as their high qualities as general administrators. Their responsibility to the central government has not been clearly defined: the governors are closely related to the Ministry of Security and the Ministry of Local Government; the District Commissioner to the last mentioned ministry and to the Ministry of Social Welfare and Community Development. They are in

THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

57

particular in charge of the coordination of governmental activities at the level of the area, as well as with the supervision and control of the local government organization within their area. Besides this governmental hierarchy, there is the Party organization down to the lowest level. In several areas, the Regional and local party bureaux are extremely active and exercise a strong influence on the government officials. They report regularly to the central party bureau.

CHAPTER 5

ECONOMIC SURVEY

5.1

GENERAL

On the whole, the revolution of 1962 has badly affected the economic affairs of Utonia. Although the available industrial capacity did not suffer from damage, during about four weeks most factories had to close their gates. Also agricultural output was below the level that it was expected to reach. The crop year 1962 was bad, not only because of particularly unfavourable weather conditions, but also due to damage incurred during the revolution when certain crops could not be harvested. This especially occurred in the region of Cropa, where many landlords were jailed. Nevertheless, the revolution should not be blamed for the structural deficiencies characterizing the Utonian economy. Net national income per capita in 1962 being estimated at $ 250,1 Utonia is still an agricultural country. This is clearly illustrated by tables 5.1, 5.2, 5.4 and table 4 of the appendix to this chapter, giving the employment structure, the structure of G.D.P., the distribution of income by sector and by region and the input-output relationships.2 Almost 30 per cent of G.D.P. at factor cost is produced in the primary sector, whereas more than 50 percent of the economically active population is engaged in this sector. The secondary sector contributes about 20 percent of G.D.P., employing 12.9 per cent of the labour force. The services sector, including government, has a share in G.D.P. which is bigger than one might expect for a country with a 10 million population and a G.D.P. at market prices per capita of $ 290. This phenomenon, however, is partly explained by pointing at the very low population density and at the high trade margins. 1

One US $ is at par with one Utonian dollar. Most statistical material contained in this chapter are preliminary estimates prepared in the first few months of 1963. 2

ECONOMIC SURVEY

Table 5.1

Economically

59

active population

Branch of economic activity

(thousands)

1962*

Persons

Percentage

Agriculture, fishing, forestry Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas and water Construction Transport, storage and communication Trade and other services Government (central, provincial, local) including armed forces

1,860.0 57.5 385.5 10.8 95.9 351.3 773.4

48.9 1.5 10.1 0.3 2.5 9.2 20.3

271.9

7.2

Total

3,806.3

100.0

* Source: Ministry of Social Welfare and Community Development. The growth of the Utonian economy over the last decade has not been satisfactory. Given the rate of growth of the population (2.8 per cent per annum), gross domestic product per capita remained almost stable. At the same time the structure of the economy did not change essentially, although the industrial sector increased its share somewhat. Over the same period, the Utonian dollar continued to decrease in purchasing power, but remained at par with the U S dollar. Table 5.2 shows the trend and distribution by sector of G N P at factor cost over the period 1952-1962. Table 5.2

Trend and Distribution

A. Trend (Index 1952-53 = 100) 1. At 1953 prices 2. At current prices 3. Implicit price index B. Distribution ( %) 1. At 1953 prices a) Primary sector b) Secondary sector (Manufacturing) c) Tertiary (incl. gvt) 2. At current prices a) Primary b) Secondary (Manufacturing) c) Tertiary

of Gross National Product

(1952-1962)

1952-53 1954-55 1956-57 1958-59 1960-61

1962

100 100 100

112 120 107

120 142 118

127 152 120

131 160 122

130 165 127

31.6 23.0 (17.7) 45.4

30.1 21.6 (16.5) 48.3

30.2 21.1 (17.0) 48.7

30.6 21.2 (17.7) 48.2

31.1 21.5 (17.6) 47.4

30.1 21.8 (18.0) 48.1

31.6 23.0 (17.7) 45.4

28.5 20.7 (15.9) 50.8

27.6 19.6 (15.2) 52.8

28.8 20.6 (15.9) 50.6

29.2 20.6 (15.7) 50.2

29.0 20.2 (15.9) 50.8

60

ECONOMIC SURVEY

The following table gives an impression of the behaviour over time of the most important expenditure categories. Table 5.3 Trend of the Use of Resources at1953prices

1954-55 1956-57

1958-59 1960-61

(1952-1953 = 100)

1962

1962 percentage distribution in G.N.P.

Private consumption Public consumption

107 101

111 103

118 103

125 106

125 119

77.8 13.5

Total consumption

106

110

116

122

124

91.3

Private Fixed Investment Public Fixed Investment Increases in Stocks

108 102 102

120 105 105

135 107 103

151 109 106

149 113 101

6.4 3.8 1.5

Total Investment

105

112

119

128

128

11.7

National Expenditure Gross National Product at market prices

106

110

116

123

124

103.0

112

120

128

131

131

100

As many developing countries, Utonia shows a low rate of investment: in 1962 gross investment in fixed assets totalled $ 301 millions, or 10 per cent of G.N.P. at market prices. Net investment in 1962 was estimated to equal about $ 180 million. Total gross capital formation — including stock formation — amounted to $ 344 million, and finance had to be found abroad, as domestic gross saving was not sufficient. Savings of corporations and provisions for fixed capital consumption in corporations are estimated at $ 35 million and $ 75 million, respectively. The same items for households and private non-profit institutions have been evaluated at $ 69 million and $ 125 million respectively. The low savings are partly explained by the distribution of income between wage and non-wage earners: in 1962, $ 1,414.9 million of net domestic product at factor cost was earned as wages and salaries, whereas $ 1,010,8 million was received as income from unincorporated enterprises and income from property. 3 Although these data are not really complete, they present a confirmation of the data obtained from the family budget survey,4 that personal distribution of income is not quite satisfactory. Also the distribution of income over the three provinces is very uneven: 3 In addition, the government obtained $14.3 millions from property and entrepreneurship. 4 A summary of the family budget survey is given in the appendix to this chapter.

61

ECONOMIC SURVEY

income per head in the province of Atana is just under twice the per capita income of Cropa. Although table 5.4 below is the result of rough estimates, it nevertheless may be regarded as a good approximation of the state of affairs in 1962. Table 5.4 Distribution of Net Domestic Product at Factor Cost by Sector and Region, 1962. Sector Region

Primary

Tertiary (incl. gvt)

Secondary

Total

Income Income Income Income Income Income Income Income (min $) per head (min $) per head (min $) per head (min $) per head ($) ($) ($) ($) Atana Bogos Cropa

120 295 328

278 160 145

290 130 50

321 302 280

460 565 264

414 302 277

870 990 642

360 241 183

Utonia

743

163

470

311

1,289

327

2,502

250

Utonia's position in international trade is of very little importance. Nevertheless, total foreign trade made up 23 per cent of gross domestic product at market prices. Monetary gold and foreign currency are among the very scarce factors of production. As shown in table 5.5, over the last decade, imports of goods and services have been increasing faster than exports while at the same time the terms of trade have deteriorated. Table 5.5

Imports and Exports of Goods and Services at Current Prices (1952 = 100) 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962

Value of: Imports Exports Prices of: Imported goods Exported goods

102 103

105 101

109 101

112 105

118 107

119 109

123 113

128 116

129 118

126 117

101 103

103 98

104 102

106 103

107 103

109 105

112 109

115 110

115 113

116 112

5.2 THE PRIMARY SECTOR

The main economic activities in the primary sector are agriculture and livestock production on the one hand, and coal and bauxite mining on the other hand. Employment in fishing, forestry and quarrying represents not

62

ECONOMIC SURVEY

more than one per cent of the total labour force, while income generated in these activities is estimated at about 0.7 per cent of net national income. 5.2.1

Agriculture and Animal Husbandry

As has been observed before, agriculture plays a leading part in the country's economy. It provides employment for about half of Utonia's labour force, and supplies some 42 per cent of its total exports of goods and services. The density of the rural population (people living in centres having less than 5,000 inhabitants) is rather high: 239 per square kilometer cultivated land. Table 5.6 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957

Area of Cultivated land, 1953-1962 (ha) 2,849,610 2,857,900 2,865,930 2,873,690 2,881,180

1958 1959 1960 1961 1962

2,888,400 2,897,050 2,902,860 2,908,100 2,908,210

As is shown in table 5.6, the area of land under cultivation has increased continuously over the last decade, although very slowly. Among the reasons for this slow increase is the fact that property rights on not-cultivated land have in the past been exercised without regard for the interest of the small farmer. Table 5.7 Product Wheat Maize Raw cotton Cassave Barley Tobacco Sugar cane Potatoes Sisal Miscellaneous* Total

Agricultural production 1962

Quantity ( x 1,000 tons)

Value ( x 1,000$)

Area (ha)

2,026.6 912.5 150.0 1,140.7 108.6 25.0 2,513.6 112.0 70.0

169,767.4 50,100.0 44,300.0 163,172.0 7,830.0 32,500.0 18,850.0 22,512.0 14,700.0 32,845.0

1,724,470 470,300 188,000 99,000 77,550 34,000 29,200 12,400 6,560 191,450

556,576.4

2,832,930

* Exclusive fruit and vegetables. For more detailed data see Statistical Appendix to this chapter.

63

ECONOMIC SURVEY

In agriculture, a two-year cycle can be observed. Table 5.8 gives a picture of the evolution of agricultural output over the last decade. Table 5.8

Change in Production of Principal Agricultural Products (1953-1962 (1953 = 100)

Product

1953

1954

1955

1956

1957

1958

1959

1960

1961

1962

Wheat Cassave Cotton Tobacco Maize

100 100 100 100 100

102 105 106 106 105

104 104 108 108 106

106 106 110 115 108

107 103 111 118 107

109 108 113 115 110

115 109 109 112 111

110 110 112 106 112

115 112 118 105 113

107 106 115 98 108

Cattle breeding and the growing of vegetables and fruits is mainly considered an additional source of income for peasants, tenants and farmhands. Only in Atana do we find real horticulture and dairy farms. In Cropa, cattle, goats and sheep have common grazing pastures. Concerning livestock, the following data are available: Table 5.9 Livestock in Utonia, 1955 and 1962 (1000 head)

Cows Beef cattle Pigs Goats Sheep Poultry

1955

1962

1,020 485 1,100 850 950 1,200

1,170 550 1,200 900 1,000 1,320

Milk yields are highest in Atana, where a cow produces about 25 hi per annum. In Bogos and Cropa, however, yields vary between 15 and 20 hi. Especially in the latter areas, most of the milk is used for cheese making. Milk consumption per head is highest in urban areas. Although it can be said that there is no famine in Utonia, the diet is not nutritionally well balanced. 5.2.2 Mining and Quarrying Mining production, including quarrying, accounts for only about 2 per cent of the national income and provides employment for 57,000 people. Although the country has not yet been fully covered by geological surveys, the two main deposits exploited at the moment provide an important

64

ECONOMIC SURVEY

potential basis for industrialization. Coal is found near Coaltown. The production is organised in three mines and provides employment to 40,300 workers. Total output in 1962 is estimated to be 7,986,000 tons, which represents a value of $ 87.4 million. Bauxite is found in large quantities at a small distance from Bauxitetown. The bauxite layers are worked by a foreign company in an open pit. The total bauxite production (3,678,000 tons) is exported. The company employs 15,850 workers and this relatively high number is due to the fairly intensive labour techniques applied. Utonia has considerable hydro-electric power potential, so that plans are suggested to produce aluminium. 5.3 THE SECONDARY SECTOR

The secondary sector, where 18.8% of national income is generated, is divided into three sub-sectors (i) manufacturing; (ii) electricity, gas and water; (iii) construction. The greater part of the manufacturing industry is concentrated in Atana and in the mining centres in the eastern part of the country. About 50% of the workers employed in manufacturing have their jobs in the "capital" or in its surrounding towns and villages. Energy production is divided over the six main cities and serves about a quarter of the population, so that a rapid expansion in this sector is required. The same holds for the water supply. Figures concerning the trend in production of the secondary sector are given in table 5.2 and show a relatively slow development. 5.3.1

Manufacturing

Though the population of the six major cities has been growing rather rapidly over the last ten years, industrial employment has not increased as one might have hoped. This is caused primarily by increasing productivity, which was induced by foreign competition. Table 5.10 Output and Employment in Manufacturing (1952-1953 = 100)

Manufacturing output, const. 1953 prices Employment

1954-1955

1956-1957

1958-1959

1960-1961

1962

104 102

115 105

127 111

130 116

132 120

65

ECONOMIC SURVEY

For those industries where foreign competition was feared to be disastrous, the previous government created protective import duties, which did not always turn out to be good policy, as some of the protected industries are becoming out-dated. Manufacturing industry is still to a great extent based upon agriculture. More than one third of total raw material inputs are of agricultural origin. Therefore, tables 5.11 and 5.12 may serve as a means to obtain first insight in the structure of the Utonian manufacturing industry. 5.11

Main deliveries from agriculture to manufacturing, 1962 tmln. 119.3 2.9 9.3 17.3 17.8 2.5

Wheat Barley Raw Cotton Tobacco Sugar Cane Sisal

Lumber Meat, hides and skins Fruits Milk Total

Table 5.12

25.4 50.8 1.6 7.5 254.4

Gross Value Added at Market prices in Manufactures, 1962 (mln.

Food, Beverages, Tobacco Textiles Footwear and Apparel Wood and Furniture Paper and Paper products Printing and Publishing Leather Rubber products

134.0 35.9 27.8 26.6 9.3 18.7 6.0 8.0

Chemicals and Products of Petroleum and Coal Non-metallic Mineral Products Basic Metal Products Metal Products Miscellaneous Total

21.7 31.9 12.8 69.2 8.3 410.2

Exports of manufactured products add up to $ 54 million, the main product being foodstuffs, chemical products, wood, glass and glass products, and hides and skins. The industrial census published in 1962 by the U.S.O. gives more detailed information on known establishments. 5.3.2

Electricity, Gas and Water

5.3.2.1 General About 65 per cent of the output of the energy plants in Utonia is used by manufacturing. Total power production amounts to 1,506.7 million

66

ECONOMIC SURVEY

Kwh, generated in six plants. They are located in Utontown, Coaltown, Knottown, Portocid, Bauxite town and Hiltown. The power plants use coal for fuel. In the following sections, data are given for the six main systems. Scattered over the country, however, local systems are being operated, sometimes by the municipality, sometimes by private entrepreneurs. It is estimated that total power production in these systems amounts to about 35,000,000 Kwh. In Utontown stands the only gasplant of the country, based on coal, producing 75 million cubic meters per annum. The six towns of over 100,000 inhabitants and most of the medium size cities in Atana and Bogos have waterplants.

5.3.2.2 Electricity Production The services of the Utonian Electricity Corporation (E.E.C.) are concentrated in six systems, covering 78 per cent of the urban population. The systems are: Utontown including Niny, Meron and nearby towns by means of a 50 KV transmission line and a widespread system of subtransmission with 20 KY lines. This system serves 1,350,000 persons with a generating capacity of 214 MW and a firm capacity of 164 MW. The Coaltown system serves the cities of Coaltown, Egbert, Doretta, Panul and Landun, by means of an installed capacity of 117 MW, and a transmission system that includes the Coaltown-Egbert-Doretta 50 KV line, and the Coaltown-Panul-Landun 50 KV line. The population served is 400,000 persons. In Portocid the U.E.C. has installed 46 MW to serve 200,00 persons. Knottown has a 45 MW generation plant that serves 120,000 persons in Knottown, Nedera and Mony, these last two cities, located in Cropa, are connected through a 50 KV line. In Hiltown, with a generating plant of 45 MW, 180,000 persons are receiving electricity. The newer system of the U.E.C. is located in Bauxitetown, and has been installed by the Foreign Bauxite Company in 1952, when the exploitation of the ore began. Its generating capacity in 1962 was 35 MW, giving service to 150,000 persons. Total investment per person served with electricity has reached the figure of $ 100 in 1962, of which $ 41.4 are used for generating plants. The total capacity in 1062 was 502 MW, and the generation 1506.7 Gwh, with an average utilization factor of 3000 hours per annum. During the current year the U.E.C. has been working on the installation of six new generating units, that will begin to operate in 1963. The units

67

ECONOMIC SURVEY

are: 50 MW in Utontown, 20 MW in Coaltown, and 10 MW each in Portocid, Hiltown, Bauxitetown and Knottown. The generating units that are being used in Utonia are all steam coalfired turbines and they range from 50 MW to 1 MW. The following table gives the schedule of retirements for generating units in the next five years. Table 5.13 Retirement Schedule for generating units in Utonia, 1963-1967 (KW) 1963

1964

1965

Utontown Coaltown Portocid Knottown Hiltown

2,000 1,000 1,000

2,000 6,000 3,000

10,000

Total

4,000

System

—

—

3,000 14,000

— —

2,500 —

12,500

1966

— — —

3,000 3,000

1967 5,000 3,000 — —

8,000

Total 14,000 12,000 7,000 2,500 6,000 41,500

5.3.2.3 Demand for Electricity In Utonia, electricity production is mainly dedicated to industrial uses. In 1962, the manufacturing and mining sectors consumed 879.8 GWL, i.e. 65.8% of total electricity consumption. The remaining 34.2%, 458.8 Gwh, was consumed by households, government, trade, transport, agriculture and construction. The losses, internal consumption and nonrecorded consumption was 168.1 Gwh, 11.2% of gross generation. The following table presents the breakdown of production and consumption of electricity in the six systems. As can be easily deducted from the figures in table 5.14, the electricity industry is mainly concentrated in Utontown and Coaltown, the manufacturing and mining centres of the country; the two systems together account for almost 70 % of the total generation of electricity and 65 % of the generating capacity installed in Utonia. These two cities present the characteristics of industrialized areas, especially by the load factors, 50 and 45 %, which indicate a widespread use of electrical technology and appliances. The other four systems are, of course, less developed, mainly because of limiting factors connected with the price of fuel and transport costs. From the analysis of the demand for electricity, the most relevant conclusion that can be derived is the high percentage of firm capacity that is covered by the peak load. Internationally, it has been recognized that the safety factor must lie between 75 and 85 % of the firm capacity, and the

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ECONOMIC SURVEY

Table 5.14 Item

Electricity demand in Utonia, by regions, 1962 Unit Utonia

Uton- Coal town town

Knot town

Porto cid

Hil town

Bauxitetown

1

Manuf. & Min. Cons Gwh 879.8 398.8 214.0 75.2 71.3 50.1 70.4 2 Nonindustrial Gwh 458.8 213.5 110.2 37.7 36.4 36.7 24.3 3 = 1 + 2 Total Consumption Gwh 1338.6 612.3 324.2 108.1 111.6 108.0 74.4 4 Losses Gwh 168.1 70.5 41.1 15.7 14.4 12.1 14.4 5 = 3 + 4 Generation Gwh 1506.7 682.8 365.3 122.5 127.3 122.4 86.5 6 Util. Factor Hours 3000 3200 3150 2750 2750 2750 2500 45 7 Generation 214 117 46 45 35 MW 502 8 Firm Capac. 164 97 40 39 40 30 MW 410 40 44.8 50 45 40 40 40 9 Load Factor % 10 Peak Load 156 93 35 36 35 29 MW 386 94.8 95.8 97.0 87.6 92.3 87.6 96.5 11 Peak Load /o Firm Cap.

less developed countries work, generally, with security factors of 75 % because they have higher rates of development in the consumption of electricity. The situation created by the dangerously high safety factors, have been dealt with by the U.E.C. as has been said above, by installing 110 MW in 1962, that will begin to operate in 1963, improving the situation considerably. 5.3.2.4 Fuel Consumption and Cost All fuel used by the Utonian Electric Corporation comes from the coal mines of Coaltown, and the average coal consumption per Kwh generated is 0.632 Kg. The average size of the generating units in Utonia is 7382 Kw, and, given this rather small size, the thermal efficiency can be considered as normal. Fuel and transport costs are high, due to the fact that the price for coal in the mines is high, and the transport of coal over long distances, at 0.25 0 per ton-kilometer, raises it considerably for the final users. This problem is specially acute in Portocid and Bauxitetown. 5.3.2.5 Cost and prices of Electricity The relatively low utilization factor which is a feature of the Utonian electric industry, combined with the relatively high cost of fuel, determines a price structure that conspires against further development of

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ECONOMIC SURVEY

electricity consumption and through this, against the economic development of the country. The average cost of a Kwh sold is 2.16 £ Total material inputs consume 51 % of the total cost, but the proportion of total cost dedicated to fuel varies widely between the systems, as shown in table 5.15. Table 5.15 Item Generation Therm. Eff. Coal Cons. Coal Cost. Unit Coal Cost Freight rate Trans. Cost Unit Trans. Cost Commercial Margin Unit. Commercial Margin Total Unit Cost of Fuel, etc.

Fuel Consumption Unit Gwh Kg Coal/ Kwh OOOT $ min 0/Kwh $/ton $ min ¿/Kwh $ min

and Cost in Utonia

(1962)

Uton Utonia town

Coal town

Knot town

Port ocid

Hil Bauxite town town

1506.7 682.8

365.3

122.5

127.3

122.4

0.632 953 8.0 0.53

86.5

0.84 0.055 4.6

0.600 0.630 0.675 0.675 0.675 0.705 410 230 83 86 83 61 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.6 3.4 1.9 0.50 0.52 0.57 0.54 0.57 0.69 — 1.21 0.97 0.48 2.32 1.64 — 0.4 0.04 0.20 0.10 0.10 — 0.06 0.034 0.160 0.080 0.120 2.0 0.4 0.3 1.1 0.4 0.4

¡¡¡/Kwh

0.31

0.30

0.30

0.33

0.33

0.33

0.35

¿/Kwh

0.90

0.86

0.82

0.93

1.03

0.98

1.16

—

The price of electricity for manufacturing and mining customers is 63 % of that for non-industrial customers, but this relationship varies for each system. The Coaltown system has the lowest prices, for industrial purposes. Table 5.16 System Utonia Utontown Coaltown Knottown Portocid Hiltown Bauxitetown

Costs and Prices of Electricity

in Utonia

(1962)

Material inputs min $

Gross Value Added min $

Total output min $

Cost of Kwh Gen £

Price per Kwh sold i

16.5 7.7 3.2 1.3 1.7 1.3 1.1

16.4 7.2 4.0 1.4 1.6 1.3 0.9

32.9 14.9 7.2 2.7 3.3 2.8 2.0

2.16 2.18 1.90 2.20 2.59 2.28 2.32

2.46 2.43 2.22 2.50 2.96 2.59 2.69

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Table 5.17 Prices of Electricity by types of consumption (1962) Industrial Consumption

System Utonia Utontown Coaltown Knottown Portoci Hiltown Bauxitetown

Non-Industrial Consumption

Price ¿

Sales min $

Price ¿

Sales min $

2.05 1.98 1.82 1.98 2.66 2.10 2.59

18.0 7.9 3.9 1.4 2.0 1.5 1.3

3.24 3.28 2.99 3.45 3.57 3.54 2.88

14.9 7.0 3.3 1.3 1.3 1.3 0.7

5.3.3 Construction Over the past ten years, construction activity has strongly fluctuated. Over the period 1952-1955, there was a rapid expansion, partly due to a social housing scheme, which was executed in Utontown and Portocid and partly caused by the fast growth of Bauxitetown. In 1959, a period of recovery started, when housing in the big cities was becoming scarce, but it was interrupted in 1962, when real estate was no longer considered a safe investment. The production index in construction over the period 1953-1962 is given in Table 5.18. Table 5.18 Index of Construction activity, 1952-1962, at constant prices (1953 = 100) 1953

1954

1955

1956

1957

1958

1959

1960

1961

1962

100

108

110

101

86

70

85

89

95

85

The most important construction works that are under way at the moment are in Atana, where new government oflices are being constructed and in Bogos where the road Coaltown-Hiltown is in the process of being transformed into a trunk road.

5.4

THE TERTIARY SECTOR

The tertiary sector generates 50.8 per cent of G.N.P. Total employment in this sector amounts to 36.7 per cent of the total labour force. Next to

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manufacturing, the highest average income per worker in Utonia is in "trade and other services", which is also one of the most important subsectors in this sector. Table 5.19

Distribution of G.N.P. in the Services Sector, 1962 V /o

min $ 1. Transport and Communications a) Railroad transport b) Road transport c) Other Categories of transport d) Storage e) Communications

103 85 45 12 29

2. Trade and Other Services a) Trade b) Banking, Insurance and Real Estate c) Other Services

413 210 326

3. Government Total

5.4.1

274

18.6 7.0 5.7 3.1 0.8 2.0

949

64.6 28.2 14.2 22.2

246

16.8

1,469

100.0

Transport and Communications

In general, the railway system and the road system are in a good condition. Most of the bulk cargo is transported by rail : coal from Coaltown to the other towns, and bauxite from Bauxitetown to Portocid, from where almost all of this ore is shipped by foreign freighters. Rough sugar, manufactured in the centre of Utonia, is transported by truck via secondary roads to stops along the Hiltown-Utontown railway. Tobacco is transported in the same manner to Portocid. Cotton and sisal are transported by truck. Wheat partly by rail, partly by road. The total amount of road transportation is not wellknown, as most of this type of transport is done by small private firms. Utonian rivers are scarcely used for navigation, except west of the ports of Utontown and Portocid. River navigation connects these ports with the world markets through ocean going ships, that regularly anchor at the mouths of rivers Cidon and Uton. In the Cidon river, 98 barges and lighters are operating; 170 of these ships are navigating the Uton river. Ocean going ships cannot harbour in the ports of Utontown and Portocid, because the rivers are not deep enough. Utontown port facilities cover 4,200 meters for 3 meter depth quays.

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The Portocid quays extend over a length of 1,950 meters. The number of foreign ships visiting Utonia totaled 1,483 in 1962. Air transport is carried out by the Utonian Airline System (U.A.S.). Airports are located north-west of Utontown, south-west of Portocid and south of Bauxitetown. The latter two serve internal transport only. The national airport, Lenis, near Utontown, is connected to capitals within 7 hours flight. The U.A.S. has been making losses for the past two years, but there are indications that within a few years the company will be profitable again. The national broadcasting system is located in Utontown, as well as the telegraph and telephone system. The broadcasting system has its transmission stations in Utontown and Hiltown. The telephone and telegraph systems are connected with the world net. All cities over 10,000 inhabitants are connected in the national network as well as the most important villages along the main cables. Direct calls can be made in Utontown, Portocid and Bauxitetown. Long Distance telephone traffic has still to be automatized. Post offices are available in all towns having more than 5,000 inhabitants. Postal agencies have been established in villages over 1,000 inhabitants. 5.4.2

Trade and Other

Services

Wholesale trade, especially for agricultural products, is centralized in relatively few hands. Most importers and exporters are living in Utontown. Retail trade is, except in the big cities, generally carried on on a very small scale. The National Bank is state-owned. Its influence on economic life is very small, which is due to the fact that the Bank Law is still inadequate. The Bank is not able to curtail lending by Commercial Banks, because first of all there are no provisions made for this kind of policy and, secondly because the majority of Commercial Banks are owned by foreign companies. If available commercial bank funds are inadequate, they are transferred from the central commercial bank offices. In 1962, this amounted $ 15.6 million. (The same applies to foreign enterprises, which also receive transfers from abroad. 6 These enterprises, received as transfers $ 2.9 mln.) 5

As in the case of the banks, these capital transfers increase the capital invested in these enterprises. In the National Accounts these transfers are handled as loans, which is due to the new definitions established by the Statistical Office of U.N.O.

ECONOMIC SURVEY

73

The Commercial Banks are specialized in rendering services to exporters and importers, so that industrial enterprise has to find other sources. These are partly found in self-financing, in foreign loans ($ 2.5 min) in capital transfers from abroad, and in loans and capital transfers from households. The latter two items amount to —0.5 Million and 53.9 million dollars respectively.

5.5

GOVERNMENT

The impact of government on the economic process has been small in the past, except perhaps for inflationary pressures exerted by the continuous budget deficits. Data concerning the government budget are given in the Statistical Appendix to this chapter.

5.6 INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND PAYMENTS 5.6.1

General

The marked inelasticity of Utonian exports with respect to income variations in the buying countries is mainly due to their present structure and to adverse supply conditions. The increase in sales to the convertible currency countries of the few export products is hampered by keener competition from other countries (cotton, tobacco) or by the saturation of markets for various reasons. The recent decline in the value of imports is mainly due to decreasing prices and to the slowing down of the expansion of the economy. 5.6.2

Balance of

payments

The government finds one of the greatest difficulties in the industrial development in Utonia to be the shortage of foreign currency. Even in 1962 before any centralized effort had been made to increase per capital income, the deficit on the Current Account of the Balance of Payments amounted to $ 74.3 mln. The Balance of Payments is shown in table 5.20.

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Table 5.20

Balance of Payments 1962 (min. $)

Current Transactions 1. Exports of goods (f.o.b. frontier) 2. Services rendered to foreigners 3. Exports of goods and services (1 + 2) 4. Imports of goods (c.i.f. frontier) 5. Services rendered by foreigners 6. Imports of goods and services (4 + 5) 7. Net factor incomes from the rest of the world 8. Net current transfers from the rest of the world 9. Net factor incomes and current transfers from the rest of the world (7 + 8) 10. Surplus on the current account (3 + 9 — 6) Capital Transactions 11. Net capital transfers from the rest of the world to households 12. Net capital transfers from the rest of the world to general government 13. Net capital transfers from the rest of the world to corporations 14. Increase in liquid assets (10 + 11 + 12+13) 15. Increase in monetary gold and foreign exchange 16. Net landing to the rest of the world

232.2 65.5 297.7 264.6 118.1 382.7 2.5 13.2 10.7 74.3 1.5 43.6 18.5 -10.7 0.0 -10.7

The net current transfers from the rest of the world can be explained as follows:

1. Current transfers to households 2. Current transfers from households 3. Net cunent transfers from the rest of the woild to households (1 — 2) 4. Current transfers to government 5. Current transfers from government 6. Net current transfers from the rest of the world to government (4 — 5) 7. Net current transfers from the rest of the world

$ mln 3.0 $ mln 0.1 $ mln 12.7 $ mln 2.4

$ mln 2.9

$ mln 10.3 $ mln 13.2

ECONOMIC SURVEY

75

STATISTICAL APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V Table S.l l.A.

Agricultural Production

in Utonia by Region,

1962

Atana Product

Fruits Wheat Potatoes Vegetables Cassave Milk Butter Cheese Meat, hides and skins Eggs Forestry Fishing Miscellaneous

Quantity 165,910 tons 59,600 tons 112,000 tons 125,600 tons 132,000 tons 2,125,000 hi 3,060,000 kg 1,990,200 kg 5,882,800 kg

Total

Value (1000$)

Area (ha)

30,361.5 5,457.4 22,512.0 31,525.6 24,552.0 16,062.5 5,365.0 2,189.3 9,435.8 2,594.5 1,850.0 2,000.0 3,175.0

63,810 40,270 12,400 11,520 10,000

157,080.6

168,400

Value (1000$)

Area (ha)

30,400

LB. Bogos Product Wheat Maize Cotton Cassave Vegetables Fruits Sisal Dairy Products Eggs Meat, hides, skins Lumber Fishing and Hunting Miscellaneous Total

Quantity 663,680 tons 912,500 tons 150,000 tons 440,000 tons 178,000 tons 98,000 tons 70,000 tons

56,110 50,100 46,300 57,840 40,400 26,130 14,700 20,160 8,700 44,400 25,350 2,900 10,540

553,100 470,300 188,000 37,300 14,800

399,630

1,313,060

6,560

76 l.C.

ECONOMIC SURVEY Cropa Product

Wheat Barley Cassave Tobacco Sugar-cane Fruits and Vegetables Dairy Products Eggs Meat, hides and skins Lumber Fishing and hunting Miscellaneous Total

Quantity 1,303,320 108,570 568,700 25,000 2,513,600

tons tons tons tons tons

Value (1000$)

Area (ha)

108,200 7,830 80,780 32,500 18,850 55,150 39,160 12,120 54,660 24,170 7,000 19,130

1,131,100 77,550 51,700 34,000 29,200

459,550

1,426,750

708,000

928,300

1,860,000

Bogos

Cropa

Total

348,340

227,700

273,490

171,300

94,200

353,390

30,700

17,000

95,900

3,300

2,820

10,800

56,850

385,500

137,700

199,360

85,800

48,200

4,680

190,950

Trade and other services

Transport and Communication

Construction

Electricity, gas and water

Manufacturing

1

8— i i8oo 8

1.1

223,000

Agriculture forestry and fishing

i g o O

Ataña

Sector

1 o

:§ § s w

3,806,250

CT\

1,412,120

•M

1,539,240

854,890

Total ECONOMIC SURVEY

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ft

PETROLEUM

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UNUSED OR USE NOT KNOWN

UTONIA

GEOGR,

Nadon

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COAL

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GRAPHICAL MAP

> 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 inh. > 100000

< 500000

> 20000

< 100000

> 5000

< 20000

trunkroads primary roads railways national boundary provincial boundary rivers COAL BAUXITE 2 0 0 km

PETROLEUM LIMESTONE