Understanding Culture and Society in India: A Study of Sufis, Saints and Deities in Jammu Region 9811615977, 9789811615979

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Abha Chauhan   Editor

Understanding Culture and Society in India A Study of Sufis, Saints and Deities in Jammu Region

Understanding Culture and Society in India

Abha Chauhan Editor

Understanding Culture and Society in India A Study of Sufis, Saints and Deities in Jammu Region

Editor Abha Chauhan Professor and Head Department of Sociology University of Jammu Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir, India

ISBN 978-981-16-1597-9 ISBN 978-981-16-1598-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword

‘If religion has given birth to all that is essential in society’, the French sociologist Emile Durkheim famously said, ‘it is because the idea of society is the soul of religion’ (The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, New York: The Free Press, 1965, p. 466). He convincingly argued that ‘religion is something eminently social. Religious representations are collective representations which express collective realities; the rites are a manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and which are destined to excite, maintain or recreate certain mental states in these groups’ (ibid. p. 22). This led him to hold that ‘in reality … there are no religions which are false. All are true in their own fashion; all answer, though in different ways, to the given conditions of human existence’ (ibid. p. 15). Durkheim emphasized the essentially social nature and importance of the everyday religious experience and insisted on a ‘sociologistic’ explanation of religious phenomena. However, the sociology of religion has tended to focus largely on organized/established religions and their sects and denominations, and it has often invoked theological and philosophical precepts in explaining religious phenomena. This has resulted in essentializing the idea of religion, on the one hand, and marginalizing the multifarious localized religious traditions, on the other. A comprehensive understanding of the sociology of religious experience would require us to go beyond the organized/established religions and their internal dynamics as well as the relations among communities professing them. It calls for a careful study of the innumerable localized beliefs and practices, deities and cults, and sacred spaces, and sacred persona whose adherents often cut across the organized/established religions. Viewed thus, the instant volume by Prof. Abha Chauhan is most welcome. She has put together some original studies on Sufi saints and shrines and folk deities portraying the living sociocultural heritage of the Jammu region in northwest India. Some of these local religious beliefs and practices are traced to the medieval period. It is remarkable that these traditions, whose believers and practitioners often come from different religious orthodoxies, have survived historical exigencies and sociopolitical vicissitudes. Unlike dogmatic religious dispositions which expect total and unwavering adherence to the orthodoxy, these local traditions reveal the spiritual strength they command because of their resilience and adaptability to v

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changing times. The beliefs and practices about Sufi saints (babas, peers, fakirs) and their shrines (dargahs) reveal the streaks of religious experience outside of orthodox Islam. Similarly, the beliefs and practices about local deities (devasthans) and sants (babas) show Hindu religious experience beyond the orthodox Brahmanical tradition, lore, and iconography. In some cases, like the Mata Vaishno Devi, the deity has even been Sanskritized over a period. More importantly, the beliefs and practices associated with both the Sufi saints and shrines, on the one hand, and folk deities, on the other, are egalitarian in their outlook, eroding the social distinctions of caste and clan, region and religion, and class and status. The unificatory message that these composite local traditions have for the people in their everyday life, irrespective of their membership in some organized/established religion, seems to carry an antidote to the polarizing tendency of religious orthodoxies and foster inter-community harmony. The chapters in this volume capture these themes vividly. Professor Chauhan has consciously delimited the scope of her volume to the Jammu region of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The Jammu region, no doubt, has a rich and hoary tradition of localized religious beliefs and practices. Furthermore, this region has been subject to various historical forces and the consequent sociocultural changes. However, the tradition of localized religious beliefs and practices is a pan-Indian phenomenon. I hope, inspired by Prof. Chauhan’s efforts, sociologists in other regions of the country would initiate similar documentation and analysis of their local traditions. Once we have a substantial body of comparative knowledge of such traditions, we can glean the similarities and differences in localized religious beliefs and practices to theorize on the subject. That, indeed, would be a landmark development in the sociology of religion in India. I see in Prof. Chauhan’s instant volume the genesis of such a project. Bengaluru, India July 2020

N. Jayaram

Introduction

I The cult of Sufis, saints, and deities portrays a living spiritual heritage of culture and society of the Jammu region in northwest India. Despite being a witness to the political upheavals, historical exigencies, social cataclysms, shifting boundaries, and conflictual situations, the Jammu region has shown remarkable continuity, adaptability, and flexibility to different forms and modes of saint and deity worship as brought out in the 13 papers included in this volume. The purpose of this book has been to present at one forum the ethnographic works of the scholars engaged in understanding the social and cultural lives of the people of the Jammu region in India. The papers bring forth the diversity of cultural practices within and between religions to exhibit the underlying strength of the composite and pluralistic culture of the Jammu region notwithstanding several streams of orthodox and obscurantist perceptions gaining ground in recent years. The essence of all the papers is to show the significance of saints and deities for the people in their everyday lives. They seek to provide answers to such intrinsic questions as why Sufi saints continue to be revered and their dargahs thronged by people even today in the Jammu (and Kashmir) region? And why despite the prevalence of major Hindu deities, those related to Kul (family/clan) and Gram (village) are evoked more often? The little and the folk traditions are lived and experienced and thrive the onslaught of panIndian religions. Why and how? The queries seemed to be handled in the cultural narratives of people explained in these papers, which besides having the common thread running across them bring out the uniqueness and specificity of the sacred time and space. The partition of India in 1947 after more than 200 years of British colonial rule witnessed the division into two independent nation-states—India and Pakistan. This had tremendous repercussions on the people of the two countries, more severely on the people of the border state of Jammu and Kashmir, their lives, and places of worship. History is a witness to one of the most tragic and violent episodes of partition that left many people dead and many more migrated from across the two countries, vii

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Muslims from India and Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan in the northwest region. Those killed are estimated to be anywhere between 500,000 to 1 million, and those who became refugees 20 million (Bose 2004: 96). Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), one of the 565 princely States, acceded to the Indian Union when its last ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, signed ‘Instrument of Accession’ with India on 26 October 1947. This was preceded by an attack on the princely state by the raiders supported by Pakistan forces from the Northwest Frontier Province; as a result of which, a considerable territory went under the control of Pakistan.1 India considers the entire erstwhile region of J&K as its territory due to its accession to India, while Pakistan contests this position, and many negotiations and peace processes at various levels have failed to resolve the issue so far.2 Due to this territorial dispute, major wars have been fought between India and Pakistan in 1965, 1971, and 1999, besides several small-scale and proxy wars. The total length of the India-Pakistan border is 3,323 kilometers (km). Of this, the state (now, Union Territory [UT]) of Jammu and Kashmir in India shares 1,222 km including 740 km of the Line of Control (LoC) as the de facto border with Pakistan. The ceasefire line that was drawn after the war in 1947–48 between the two countries on 1 January 1949 came to be known as the Line of Control (LoC) after the Shimla Agreement was signed on 3 July 1972.3 However, despite this effort and later ceasefire agreements between India and Pakistan to stop cross-border violations, the firings and shelling from both sides have not ceased. In fact, the ceasefire violations have increased in recent years.4 Most parts of the Jammu region are strategically located at the Indo-Pak border and are testimony to the years of turmoil, wars, and border conflict. The population of the Jammu and Kashmir state was recorded as 12.55 million in the 2011 Census and the projected population of 2019 as 14.69 million.5 The

1 India possesses 101,338 sq km, Pakistan 85,846 sq km, and the People’s Republic of China controls

the remaining 37,555 sq km of the territory of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir (see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir). 2 In October 1947, the area that went under Pakistan’s control is called ‘Pakistan Occupied Kashmir’ (POK) by India, while Pakistan considers it as Azad (Free) Kashmir, and along with the Northern Areas (Gilgit-Baltistan), it is referred to as Pakistan administered territories. The areas of Aksai Chin and the Trans-Karakorum Tract are under the occupation of China. The portion that remained with India was known as the state of Jammu and Kashmir including the three regions of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh (Bose 2003; Schofield 2010). According to ‘The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019’ of the Indian Parliament, the State of Jammu and Kashmir was reorganized into the Union Territory of Ladakh and the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. 3 See simple. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_of_Control. 4 According to the official data of the Home Ministry (Indian Government), there have been over 860 ceasefire violations along LoC and International Border (IB) in 2018, and most of the incidents have occurred in the Jammu region. In 2017, as per the official data, 860 and 111 ceasefire violations (CFV) were reported on LoC and IB respectively, during which 12 civilians and 19 armed forces personnel were killed (www.nationalheraldindia.com/NEWS/India). 5 Jammu and Kashmir 2020 Population (www.census2011.co.in › States). Jammu is the summer capital and Srinagar the winter capital of the state (now UT) of J&K.

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area of the Jammu and Kashmir state is 101,387 square kilometers (sq. km).6 At present, there are 20 districts in J&K (UT), ten each in Kashmir and Jammu Divisions. Jammu and Kashmir has been a Muslim majority state with 68.3% of the state population following Islam, 28.4% Hinduism, and small minorities adhering to Sikhism (1.9%), Buddhism (0.9%), and Christianity (0.3%) as per Census 2011.7 Kashmir Division has an overwhelming Muslim population.8 One of the underlying objectives with which the papers were assembled for this Book was to focus on the Jammu region. Kashmir and Jammu are two distinct regions not only in terms of administrative units but also in matters of culture, ethnicity, language, and religion. Much of the literature of J&K has been on Kashmir (and some on Ladakh), so much so that ‘Kashmir’ became synonymous with the state and a part of prevalent political and societal discourse. The issues of conflict, separatism, insurgency, religion, state, and identity politics centred on Kashmir. The effort of this book is to move beyond ‘Kashmir’ to this side of the Pir Panjal Range, though relating to the society and culture of the Kashmir region. The impact of the years of turmoil in Kashmir and cross-border terrorism, particularly since the mid-1980s, leading to the exodus of nearly three lakh Kashmir Pandits on the Jammu region, is emphatic. Jammu has virtually become the place of settlement of the migrants, displaced persons, the ‘refugees’, nomadic tribes, the labourers, and workers from different states, and even the ‘immigrants’ with each group having its predicaments as well as issues with the natives and each other. Amidst these processes of disputes, conflicts, and identity politics, this book focuses on the need for reassertion and resurgence of the common identity and shared culture of Jammu and Kashmir through the study of the Sufi saints and deity worship in the Jammu region. The presence of Sufi and other shrines in the Jammu region is of immense importance for the local people, as much as the worship of classical and folk deities. The composite culture and the diverse trends are more conspicuous in the Jammu region than in Kashmir with multi-ethnic heterogeneous communities thriving in their everyday modes of worship. The papers in this Volume intend to capture these.

II The Jammu region is the revenue and administrative division of the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), consisting of ten districts9 with an area of 6 Of

this, a total of 59146 sq/kms. is separated to form a different Union Territory of Ladakh. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_and_Kashmir_(state). 7 Jammu and Kashmir Religion Data—Census 2011 (https://www.census2011.co.in/religion). 8 Kashmir Division has a 97% Muslim population, while the rest are mainly Hindus and Sikhs (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_and_Kashmir_(state). 9 The ten districts are Jammu, Doda, Kathua, Ramban, Reasi, Kishtwar, Poonch, Rajouri, Udhampur, and Samba (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_Division).

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26,293 sq.km. Out of these ten districts, 5 are either on the LoC or the International Border.10 According to the 2011 Census, the total population of the Jammu region (division) is 5,350,811.11 The majority population of 66 percent is Hindu, with a significant Muslim population of 30 percent and the rest are largely Sikhs. The Pir Panjal Range of mountains separates the region from the Kashmir Valley and part of the Great Himalayas. It was part of the princely State of Jammu and Kashmir at the time of India’s partition (1947) ruled by the Dogra dynasty for a century (1846– 1947). Geographically, the area has been vast, lying between River Jhelum and River Ravi, i.e. between the plains of Punjab and the hills of Pir Panjal. This region could be further subdivided into the Eastern and the Western sides, each having its Plain and Hill areas (Atrey 2012). The form of saint and deity worship in the Jammu region is largely influenced by this spatial classification. Popularly known as ‘Duggarland’, most people of the Jammu region are native Dogras, speaking the Dogri language. There are also Kashmiri Pandits, (many of whom were forced to leave Kashmir valley in 1990 due to conflict situation), besides Sikhs and Punjabi Hindu migrants and refugees from the areas currently under Pakistani administrative control. Hindus of the Jammu region are subdivided into various ethnic groups and castes forming a majority in the Jammu, Kathua, Samba, and Udhampur districts. Muslims are in majority in the districts of Rajouri, Poonch, Doda, Kishtwar, and Ramban and constitute nearly half of the population in the Reasi district. The Muslim ethnic-linguistic groups are Pahari-Pothwari, Gujjar, and Bakerwal in Poonch and Rajouri districts, quite different from the Kashmiri Muslims.12 In the Jammu region and in the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as in many parts of India, Sufism has been the most prominent form of religious manifestation, and the Sufi or Wali (in Arabic) is the chief architect saint of its proliferation. Sufism is a form of Islamic mysticism or ‘mystical Islam’ called tasawwuf in Arabic, literally meaning ‘to dress in the wool’. It is generally accepted that the term is derived from suf (wool) and was applied to those Muslim holy, pious, simple men who wore woollen garments and devoted their lives to prayer and meditation (Rafiqi 2009). A Sufi is understood in hadith (Prophet’s tradition) as one close to, a friend of, and loved by Allah. He is considered to have attained perfection in religious practices and the knowledge of God.13 Sufism came to Kashmir at the beginning of the fourteenth century from the northwest frontier of India. At the same time, Muslim rule was founded in Kashmir. Both Sufism and Islam spread to the Jammu region from Kishtwar bordering Kashmir to other districts downwards from the fifteenth century onwards, though Sufism was also initiated in the Jammu region from the Punjab side. The Sufi saints of different Orders or silsila who came from Central Asia and Persia played an important role 10 These

districts are Jammu, Kathua, Poonch, Rajouri, and Samba. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_Division. 12 See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_Division. 13 Schimmel, Annemarie, ‘Sufism: Islam’, Encyclopedia Britannica (www.britannica.com › topic › Sufism). 11 See

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in spreading Islam. The earliest to arrive was Suhrawardi saint Bulbul Shah,14 with whose efforts a large number of people embraced Islam; prominent among them was the Buddhist Rinchana, who was regarded as the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir adopting the name Sultan Sadruddin Shah (Reign: 1320–1323) (Wani 2004: 53–55). The first Muslim Sultanate was established as the Shah Mir dynasty in Kashmir from 1339 to 1586 when the Mughals took over and ruled Kashmir till 1752 (Rafiqi 2009). Soon after, other Sufis of different silsila like Naqshbandi, Qadiri, and Kubrawi arrived facilitated by the prevalent Muslim rule. The prominent ones among many, who entered Kashmir in succession, included Iranian Kubrawi Sayyid Ali Hamadani and his son Mir Muhammad; Suhrawardi Syed Ahmad Kirmani, Sayed Jaamaluddin Bukhari, and Shaikh Hamzah Makhdun; and Qadiri saint Sayed Ismail Shami during whose stay a significant number of local people, including Sultans, nobles, and even Hindu Priests, embraced Islam15 (Wani 2004: 55–59; Marazi 2009: 115–19). Shams-al-Din Iraqi of the Nurbakshi Order brought Shiism to Kashmir at the beginning of the sixteenth century (1501–02). He was a zealous missionary who came to Kashmir with a band of followers and converted many people to Islam through circumcision and other similar measures (Wani 2004: 70–71). In Jammu and Kashmir, the Sufi saints and the indigenous mystics, the Rishis, helped the conversion and spread of Islam involving the rulers and the subject alike. The Rishi Order (silsila), an indigenous movement in Kashmir, arose at the beginning of the fifteenth century amidst the traditions of Buddhist renunciation and Hindu asceticism. Lalleswari or Lal Ded, the fourteenth—century Shaivite woman mystic well-known for her poetic compositions (Vakhs), and her junior contemporary Sheikh Noor-ud-Din or Nund Rishi (1379–1442), the founder of the Muslim Rishi Order in Kashmir, played a significant role in spreading the message of oneness of God; equality of all; and love, tolerance, and dignity of life (Kaul 2011: 27–40; Rafiqi 2009: 159–160). Lalleshwari or Lalla opposed the caste system, idol worship, and superstitions and was critical of orthodoxy and its rituals, hypocrisy, rigidity, and exclusiveness.16 The Rishis (Sanskrit word for saint, ascetic, and wanderer) engaged in seeking the divine through meditation and lived a simple, vegetarian, and celibate life characterized by austerities and all-embracing, pantheistic altruism, for human beings and all other plants and animal species alike (Khan 1994: 38). The Rishis spoke for the wellbeing of the poor and the downtrodden and drew a large number of people of all faiths towards their preaching. Nund Rishi went from place to place and held discussions in the common language of the people, Koshur, with poetry as a powerful mode of expression. He was also critical of the Ulama and asked his followers to show trust 14 His name was Hazrat Sayyed Sharfuddin Abdur Rahman, and he came from Turkistan to Kashmir, first in 1295, and then in 1320 along with a thousand followers. 15 Sayyid Ali Hamdaani, the Kubravi saint who came to Kashmir in 1384 with 700 followers, launched a vigorous and well-organized movement of Islamizing Kashmir. According to Wani, ‘We not only find the Sultan and the noble families like Magreys, Ganaies, and Chandan becoming his dedicated murids but the great guru of Kali Mandir (Srinagar) and his thousands of followers also embraced Islam at his hands’ (2004:59). 16 See Kak 2008 for details.

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in the Quran and the Sufi practice of remembering and repeating God’s name (dikr) as a form of discipline and devotion (Madan 2008:13). It was the local Rishis more than the Sufis from Persia and Central Asia who won conversions to Islam, mainly of the common people and those belonging to the rural areas (Khan 1994: 178–79). All the native Hindus of Kashmir of various castes (except some Brahmins) by the end of the nineteenth century17 were converted to Islam (Wani 2004: 33–36; Madan 2008:9). The valley of Kashmir soon came to be called Pirwaer or Rishwaer, the abode of Sufis (Peers) and Rishis. The emergence of Sufism and Sufi shrines in the Jammu region is nearly as old (700 years or so) and as influential as those in Kashmir, though the latter is emphasized and covered much more in several scholarly and popular writings and travelogues as places of religious tourism. The historical sources of the Sufi shrines and saints in the Jammu region are limited, coming largely from oral tradition. Many legends, folklores, and tales have been associated with the coming and settling of the Sufis passed on through religious custodians of shrines and followers of saints in the local languages and dialects. The authors of this book too collected data through these intermediaries during their fieldwork. Some written information, however, is available in the nineteenth-century sources like Gulabnama of Diwan Kirpa Ram, and Rajdarsani of Ganeshdas Badehra and some travel documents (Mohammed 2011: 53). According to the hagiographical accounts, the majority of the Sufis came to Jammu from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century and found the congenial atmosphere and political stability for the propagation of their teachings (ibid. 53–54). Some of the important dargahs in the Jammu district are of the following Sufi saints: Peer Roshan Ali Shah, Peer Lakhdata, Baba Budhan Ali Shah, Peer Mitha, Baba Jiwan Shah, and Panj Peer (Sikand 2010 [1]). The other well-known shrines in the Jammu region are those of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Rajouri district), Hazrat Farid-ud-Din, and Hazrat Asrar-ud-Din (Kishtwar district), Sain Miran Sahib (Poonch district), Baba Khori (Rajouri district), Baba Chamliyal, and Baba Garib Shah (Samba district). Jigar Mohammed (2011: 52) divides Sufis in the Jammu region into four types based on their genesis and regional background. The first type includes Sufis who came from Punjab and settled in Jammu, the second belonged to the category who came from Kashmir, the third type came from foreign lands, and the fourth comprised of indigenous Sufis and Rishis. The majority of them came from areas in Punjab (now in Pakistan) including Baba Budhan Ali Shah (Jammu) and Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Rajouri). The Sufis who came from Kashmir initiated Sufism into the neighbouring Kishtwar-Doda belt and parts of Poonch and Rajouri districts. The main Sufis believed to have undertaken this were Kubrawi Mir Sayyid Ali Hamdani and Sheikh Noor-ud-Din of the Rishi Order. As in Kashmir, in the Jammu region too many people got converted to Islam. These included, for instance, in Kishtwar, Bhum Sadh, a prominent Brahmin ascetic; Zia Singh, a descendant of the royal family; and 17 When the German Indologist Georg Buhler visited the Kashmir Valley in 1875, the native Hindus consisted of some 40,000 Brahmins and no other Hindu community. The same was confirmed by the British Civil Servant Walter Lawrence soon afterward (see Madan 2008: 9).

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Ladi Raina, the chief of a pargana. All of them changed their names and carried on the mission of Sheikh Noor-ud-Din for generations (Wani 2004: 67). In many regions of the Indian subcontinent, a unique culture of Hindu-Muslim synthesis took shape by the fifteenth century. This is also known as a ‘mixed’ or ‘composite’ culture which considerably strengthened inter-religious peace and social and political unity and stability. The Mughal rulers, though largely protected and disseminated orthodox Islam,18 also supported an active syncretism19 of Sufi fraternities for the political unity of the state20 (Suvorova 2004). The arrival of Sufism during the medieval period in the Jammu region shows similar social and cultural trends of syncretism and pluralism. Rekha Chowdhary in her paper unearths the Sufi shrines of the Jammu region in the broader context of pluralistic ethos and multiple diversities. The syncretic culture here seems to have survived much of the turbulence of the partition of India (1947), ensuing wars, and years of conflict in Kashmir. She shows that Jammu city, known as the ‘city of temples’ is equally a ‘city of Sufi shrines and saints’. By drawing examples from the well-known dargahs of Sufi saints in the Jammu region, she brings out a point that with the spread of Sufism, the Sufi culture became a part of the local culture through various legends and stories associated with the activities and performance of miracles of the Sufis. With the coming and settling of the Sufis from Iran, Arabia, and Central Asia since the medieval period, the words dargah, ziyarat, and mazaar, like Peer, Baba, and Shah, have been incorporated into the culture of Jammu. They have become popular terms of Dogri lexicon and other local languages spoken by people of multi-religious and multi-ethnic backgrounds (Mohammed 2012). The shrines thus became the shared sacred spaces visited by people of all religions. Notwithstanding the religious binaries and exclusivity that promote radicalization, Chowdhary’s paper emphasizes that shrines contribute to communal harmony and congenial inter-community relations. Her paper also highlights the patronage of the Sufi shrines by various rulers in the Jammu region, particularly the Dogras (1846–1947) who treated Sufis with respect and provided them with favourable ambience to flourish and propagate their philosophy and teachings. The rulers also extended financial support to them and worked for their settlement and maintenance of their shrines. Sufism thus flourished and dargahs consisting of mazaars (saint’s tombs) began to be revered in large parts of the Indian subcontinent during the medieval and early modern historical periods. The saints started being venerated as performers of miracles (karamat), bearers of divine bliss (baraka), patrons and intercessors, and the awliya (Sufis) commanding greater authority than the ‘official’ experts of religion. The baraka (divine bliss) of the saint after his death was reinforced which 18 The

Sunni Islam of Hanafi creed. there are many versions of syncretism, here it simply means the amalgamation or coexistence of cultures and faiths and their components and sharing of beliefs and practices. 20 The Mughal Emperor Akbar (Reign: 1556–1605) of Hindustan, Zain-ul-Abidin (Reign: 1420– 1470) of Kashmir, and similar others as supporters of syncretism continued to remain the greatest of the rulers as different from those who were regarded as orthodox or fanatics (Suvorova 2004: 4– 5). 19 Though

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continued to emanate from his tomb, from things belonging to him, and even from his name. Anne Suvorova mentions that ‘the entire medieval hagiographic literature and collections of discourses of the saints, compiled by their disciples, are full of descriptions of miracles accompanied by mystics, itinerant dervishes and hermits’, some of which included ‘levitating, walking on water, invoking elemental phenomena (rain, drought earthquake, etc.), traversing vast distances in a moment, friendship with wild beasts, clairvoyance, and thought- reading at a distance’ (Suvorova 2004: 13– 14). The Sufi saints who came to the Jammu region were known to perform miracles (Kashf-wa-Karamat) that impressed the rulers as well as the subjects alike. In the thirteenth century, when Peer Roshan Ali Shah21 came to Jammu, the then ruler, Raja Sarpala-Dhar, was so pleased with his miracles that he became the Peer’s devotee and asked him to live in Jammu. The Peer settled down and was provided with all the facilities. When the Peer died, the Raja got a grave of nine feet (nau gaz, as he was very tall) constructed and laid him to rest with full honours. This dargah of Peer Roshan Ali Shah at gummat in Jammu city popularly known as maqbara naugazan is a place of pilgrimage for all sections of society. Peer Mitha (takes offerings of sweet) is another revered Sufi saint of Jammu whose dargah is situated on the western slopes of river Tawi in the city of Jammu. He came from Iran in 1462 CE during the reign of Raja Ajaeb Deb and became famous for his several karamats, one of which included curing the queen, the feat which many others could not accomplish22 (Sikand 2010 (1); Mohammed 2016). All the papers on Sufi saints in this Volume bring out the anecdotes, legends, and fables about the miracles or karamat related to them. Rekha Chowdhary narrates in her paper the legend of the Sufi saint whose dargah is in the Arnia town in the Jammu district, close to the International border, based on the personal interview with the natives. She was told that during the reign of the first Dogra ruler, Gulab Singh (1846– 1857), a Sufi saint came from Baghdad and started working as a labourer in Arnia. His miracles (one of them being that the basket filled with a construction material that he carried did not touch his head but floated) reached the ruler who was told by the Sufi to start the practice of distributing prasad and offering chadar. Maharaja Gulab Singh did the same, and as predicted he and his successors ruled Jammu and Kashmir for a century. People of the area believe that as his great-grandson Maharaja Hari Singh (Reign: 1925–1948) stopped the practice, it led to his downfall. The paper by Arun Kumar focusing on the Sufi shrines of the two most important Sufi saints of the Kishtwar district in the Jammu region, Shah Farid-ud-Din (Shah Sahib), the father, and Shah Asrar-ud-Din (Asrar Sahib), the son, explains the various miracles associated with the two saints as narrated to him by the locals. Sayed Mohammad Farid-ud-Din Qadri or Shah Sahib came to Kishtwar from Baghdad 21 His real name was Jalal Uddin Jamal Noorani Mecci. He came to Jammu most probably in the thirteenth century, though the dates of his arrival are conflicting. 22 Peer Mitha dargah and Peer Kho Cave temple are close to each other and show the syncretic feature of Jammu culture. Peer Kho temple consisting of Shiva Lingam was built for Saint Siddha Ghareeb Nath who was given the title of a Muslim saint ‘Peer’. Peer Mitha and Peer Ghareeb Nath thus lived together and are venerated to date representing communal harmony.

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during the reign of Raja Jai Singh (1656–1664). He is known to have stopped the fierce earthquake to avert the loss of life and property of the natives at that time. Asrar Sahib prevented a spread of an epidemic in which a large number of people died at the request of the ruler of Kishtwar. He also brought to life those people who had died. Another legend described that Asrar Sahib aroused his childhood Hindu friend with whom he used to play regularly by giving commands to wake up. The articles with which both played are kept in the shrine and displayed every year on the day of his Urs. Once again when Shah Sahib got information about the arrival of a saint from Punjab riding a lion with a snake in his hand, he went to receive him. Shah Sahib sat on the wall, and the wall started walking to receive the guest. The saint who came to show his strength begged forgiveness from Shah Sahib. The paper by Kumar describes the Hindu-Muslim fusion experienced at the dargah of these two Sufi saints as the basis of communal harmony. It traces the origin and the coming of Sufism to Kishtwar which remained a binding force between the two communities, Hindus and the Muslims, and promoted congenial inter-community relations for a long time. These were seen in the visits to the dargahs, celebrating Urs with naats (religious songs), sharing feasts and drinks (langar), and participating in wrestling competitions (dangal). The Peer of the shrine informed the researcher that Hindu farmers do not consume the cow’s first milk before it is offered to the shrine. In case, they are not able to reach from some remote areas in time, they bring ghee (clarified butter) made from that milk called charagi or huzhu afterward and offer it at the shrine. Under the maple tree, there is a black rock where Asrar Sahib took rest before his final destination. Both the Hindus and Muslims hold the site sacred and offer ghee or oil on it. However, since the 1990s, as the conflict situation in nearby Kashmir worsened, Kishtwar witnessed a rise in militant activities and communal violence. The incidents were a reflection of the overall deteriorating situation of J&K. The year 2013 experienced violent communal clashes in Kishtwar. More recently in 2018 and 2019, some Hindu political leaders were gunned down by the militants which further created insecurity and mistrust among the two communities. The paper however concludes that Sufism still thrives in Kishtwar and unites Hindus and Muslims. People have faith in the Sufi saints who resolve their day-to-day problems, protect them from calamity and disaster, and bring harmony and peace to their region. The local people continue to pay their obeisance, and those who come to Kishtwar from outside visit the dargah and undertake the ziyarat of the two Sufi saints. The ziyarat (pilgrimage) serves a practical and temporal purpose—the cure of a disease, rid of the evil eye, birth of a son, the marriage of a daughter, a desirable job, and a good crop—and therefore draws a large number of people. Many rites and rituals are practiced at the shrine including the offering of chadar, tying of a thread, sacrificing cocks to ward off evil or diseases like smallpox, reciting litanies, lighting lamps, and burning incense (Sikand 2008: 496–98). One of the most revered khanqah where many of these practices are followed is of a Sufi saint Sayed Ghulam Ali Shah Mashadi or Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah of Shahdara Sharief in the Rajouri district of the Jammu region. He arrived in Rajouri in the latter part of the eighteenth century from Punjab and lived for 41 years till he passed away around 1812 AD.

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Pirzada Athar Hussain in his paper on the Sufi saint focuses on the ethnographic details of everyday life and experiences of devotees visiting the khanqah as well as those attached to it in some or other way. The paper deals with the concept of Sufism, the Islamic mysticism, or al-tasawwuf ’ in greater detail. The life of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, his arrival at Shahdara, the miracles he performed, the structure of the dargah and the khanqah (the abiding place of the Sufis), his roza or tomb, the masjid (mosque), the kitchen, langar (community feast), celebration of Urs, and the management and the economy of the shrine have all been discussed. So much donation is offered at the Shahdara Sharief shrine that it gives a huge amount from its resources to run the University and madrasa in Rajouri; pay the staff; give free food twice a day to all; and help serve the needy, poor, and the destitute. What this paper signifies most is the spiritual power of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah who got his tomb constructed in his lifetime, blessed an eighty-year-old Queen to have a son who later became the King of Rajouri (Agar Khan, Reign: 1808–1825), stopped floods and similar calamities, dug earth to produce fire (which now serves as a place for langar or community kitchen), transformed dry wood to ‘evergreen tree of oranges’, and made accurate predictions, the most important being about Gulab Singh in 1821 when his army captured Rajouri for the Sikh empire. It is said that Gulab Singh was instrumental in getting land from Maharaja Ranjit Singh for the shrine, and when he became the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir (1846) as predicted by the Sufi saint, Gulab Singh got the Sufi’s dargah built at Shahdara Sharief in Rajouri. The paper also records the narrations of people’s experiences of his miracles to this day, of curing them and fulfiling their wishes. The emphasis of the paper is on Islamic Sufism, but the central point remains that people of all faiths visit the khanqah and are blessed equally by the great saint, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The common thread running through all the papers on Sufis and Sufi shrines highlights the spiritual and extraterrestrial power of the Sufis. It is probably this reason that the belief and faith in them even after many years of their demise persist. The Sufi saint most popular in Jammu is Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah whose dargah has been examined by Kamlesh Bamotra in her paper on this mystic Sufi saint. His real name was Sayyed Shamsuddin. He was born in Talwandi, Punjab (now in Pakistan), the birthplace of the Sikh founder Guru Nanak Dev and was his companion and contemporary. The Sufi who lived for hundreds of years and therefore called Budhan (old) from the times of Guru Nanak Dev (1469–1539), the first Sikh Guru to the Sixth Guru Hargobind (1595–1644), survived mostly on milk. His dargah adjacent to the Jammu Airport is believed to protect the passengers, the staff, and people of the adjoining area. The flights take-off and land by bestowing reverence to the dargah. The paper through the narratives of the devotees, the staff, religious functionaries like the Maulvi, the shopkeepers, and the beggars gives ethnographic details of the dargah and the mystic power of the Sufi saint. These are related to the accounts related to Airport construction (the shrine could not be removed from here during the expansion of the runway) and the friendship of Guru Nanak Dev and Baba Budhan Ali Shah.

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Bamotra’s paper brings out the dilemma in the accounts of some Muslim devotees, both women and men, and also of growing differences between the two religious communities. The ambivalence of being a Muslim and visiting and venerating the shrine was evident in their narratives. It was noticed that for the last one year or so the lamp has been shifted outside the dargah and in its place are installed the paintings depicting Islamic places of worship. The paper, however, emphasizes Islamic mysticism or Sufism which promotes composite culture, and amicable relationship between the people of different religions—Hindus, Muslims, and the Sikhs who throng the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah in large numbers every day but particularly on Thursdays and the days of the Urs. They offer chadar, flowers, and prasad on the mazaar (tomb); pour oil in the continuously lighted diya (small lamp); and burn incense. Those whose wishes are fulfiled distribute food (deg) to the devotees and those present in and around the premises of the dargah. Like those at the Sufi shrine of Budhan Ali Shah in Jammu, some Muslims look askance at the Sufi cult present and popular throughout India. The worship of the Sufi tombs at the dargah and other related activities and celebrations are considered by the ‘true’ and ‘official’ Islam based on Quran (the holy book of Islam) and Sunnat (the practice of the Prophet) as shirk (a sin of idolatry or polytheism). The worship of objects and people (even saints) in monotheist Islam is seen as a wrong act and infidelity (kufr). The Hanbali,23 and then Wahhabi,24 as well as the spiritual leaders of Indian Sunnis of the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, and the leading ulama of their times were critical of popular Sufism.25 The Muslim elites in the early nineteenth century regarded the belief and practice of the cult of saints as one of the reasons for the general decline and degeneration of Indian Islam (Suvorova 2004: 27). In Kashmir, in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century, the issue of shrine worship as sacrilegious to Islam became a contentious one, even though the shrines continued to be visited and revered by a large number of Muslims. The Sufi shrines were closely associated with people’s social and economic lives and with wealth and capital and have been the pivot of political and religious authority as they continued to act as forums for organizing and mobilizing rallies, demonstrations, and meetings (Sikand 2002). The Muslim shrines like Hazratbal and mosques became symbols of Kashmiri Muslim identity and were used as platforms for mobilization and mass support for the movement in Kashmir from the 1930s onwards (Khan 2004). Hazratbal dargah became the site of struggle and resistance used by several political groups and separatist outfits for their political objectives (Amin 2013). The internal differences between various Muslim groups were centred around the ideological schism between Kashmir’s practices of saint and shrine worship and those (like the Wahhabi) who were against these (Zutshi 2008). Ahl-i-Hadith, a Muslim reformist movement that began in Northern India in the mid-nineteenth 23 One

of the four traditional Sunni Schools of Islamic jurisprudence. is an Islamic doctrine of the Sunni branch that advocates a return to a ‘purer’ form of Islam. It has been Saudi Arabia’s dominant faith for more than two centuries. 25 Reformers as the seventeenth-century Naqshbandi, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1634), and the eighteenth-century Shah Waliullah of Delhi (1702–63). See Sikand 2008: 489–90. 24 Wahhabism

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century, insisted that Muslims should abandon the ‘Hindu’ customs and become truly Islamic. This movement was carried forward by Jama’at-i-Islami26 which asserted that Muslims should closely abide by the Quran, the hadith (traditions), and Sunnat (teachings and practices) of the Prophet (Sikand 2008: 508). In the Jammu region, the Sufi shrines do not evince such discords probably because of different politico-religious, economic, and ideological scenarios and the presence of a large number of the non-Muslim population. The Sufi shrines are not dominated by political and religious groups similarly. However, in recent times, there has been an upsurge and spread of the Ahl-i-Hadith movement which believes that Sufism is anti-Islamic. Besides these, the other groups that support the anti-Sufi stand are the Hanafi Deobandis and the Islamist Jamaat-i-Islami whose activities in the Jammu region are conspicuous through their active mosques and madrasas.27 The Muslimeducated urban middle-class people in Jammu and Kashmir today see popular Sufism as deviant and ‘un-Islamic’. For them, no religious intermediaries or the custodians of the shrines can come between the believer and God, with whom a direct and unmediated relationship is established. As the militant movement in Kashmir gained momentum in 1989, its impact reverberated in the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir. The outside terrorist groups have since then acquired prominence and the events of conflict involving the central and state governments, armed forces, separatists, the militants, and the locals that unfolded over time led to the drawing of rigid boundaries between various groups. It led to the decline in the identity of Kashmiriyat that thrived in the valley cutting across religions and was defined most importantly by the love of the homeland (Kashir) and common speech (Koshur).28 The hardening of the stance between the Muslims and Hindus (and also between Kashmir and Jammu) had a fall out for the composite and pluralistic tradition in the region with the dargahs and the veneration of the saints (and their tombs) becoming markers of communal divide. The impact is visible more on the shrines located at the international borders and the Line of Control (LoC). In her paper, Kavita Suri points out the emergence of radical forces for the last 20 years or so in the region of her study. The number of mosques of liberal Sufi/Hanafi thought is giving way to more orthodox Salafi/Wahabi ideology as she finds out the decline in the number of Muslim devotees and shrinking of shared religious spaces in the Khori Baba Sufi shrine located near the LoC in the Nowshera border area of the Rajouri district in the Jammu region. Being strategically located at the volatile border close to the unfriendly neighbour, the shrine is controlled and managed by the Indian Army battalion. The predicaments for the social, cultural, and religious lives of the people living in such situations are brought out by Suri in her paper. The most tragic and horrific incidents were in 1947 when raiders along with the 26 An Islamic movement that was founded by Islamic theologian and philosopher Abul Ala Maududi

in 1941 in British India. 27 Sikand, Yoginder. ‘Muslim-Hindu Relations in Jammu Province’. 16 May 2010 (1) (www.counte rcurrents.org). 28 See Madan. ‘Kashmir, Kashmiris, and Kashmiriyat: An Introductory Essay’ in Aparna Rao (ed). 2008, for a better understanding of the concept.

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Pakistan army attacked Khori Baba’s abode and killed his wife and children in front of him as he did not agree to their commands of changing his allegiance to Pakistan. Later they killed him too. The instances of cross-border firings and shelling have only increased in the last few years, forcing people to be evacuated to safer places from the LoC. Six mazaars (tombs), of Khori Baba, his wife, and four children, are present in the shrine premises and venerated by the devotees. The mazaars covered with green chadars and diyas (small lamps) remain lighted all the time at the dargah. The site has become a symbolic manifestation of sacrifice, devotion, spiritualism, and religious harmony. A unique feature of this shrine complex is that along with the dargah of Khori Baba, there exists a Shiva temple. It is said that Khori Baba was a devotee of Lord Shiva, but no one knows how and when the Shiva temple came up in the complex. Green and red flags don the premise of the shrine which is now managed by the Indian army. The paper brings out the significance of the Baba Khori shrine for the people of different religious communities who come from the nearby and far-off places to pay their obeisance, notwithstanding the decline in the number of devotees, both due to the explosive condition at the LoC and due to the growing animosity between the followers and opponents of Sufi shrines and saints. The prevailing conundrum between the Hindu and Muslim beliefs and practices, and that allying Sufism and orthodox Islam, are palpable in many shrines in the Jammu region. This was also observed at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal situated in the Samba district of the Jammu region, very close to the International border. This shrine is of a Hindu saint Dalip Singh Manhas who lived more than 300 years ago and was known to cure skin diseases. Abha Chauhan in her paper on the Baba Chamliyal shrine describes the veneration of the healing touch saint by the people in India where Baba’s body fell (village Chamliyal), and Pakistan (barely 500 metres away) where his head dropped after he was assassinated in the Saidanwali village (Sialkot, Pakistan) due to some rivalry and jealousy about his miraculous power. An annual fair is held every fourth Thursday of June in which a chadar (sacred sheet) is received from the Pakistan side and shakkar (mud/soil) and sharbat (water) are given from India’s side as the paste of the two is known to cure chamri (skin) related diseases. The years of practice of exchange were stopped since June 2018 when the four Indian Border Security Force (BSF) soldiers were killed by the Pakistan forces at their station just adjacent to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. The paper describes the impact on the shrine of being located on the zero point at the International border, its structure, administration, the mela (fair), and the process of skin therapy, based on interviews conducted with the pilgrims, staff, committee members, and patients at the shrine. A large number of devotees of all faiths visit the shrine during special days, at the time of mela, and stay for many days for taking skin treatment. Many features like the presence of mazaar and offering of green chadar exhibit Islamic precepts, but many more like the lighting and rotating of diya (lamp) flames, the presence of Hindu idols, the performance of puja and rendition of aarti, the offering of bhog to the shrine, the distribution of prasad, and the complete vegetarian food reflect facets of Hinduism.

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When the controversy arose about it being a dargah of a Muslim saint in 2016, the local people and the Pujari (priest) resorted to adopting more Hindu rituals and practices. Thus, dargah began to be called darbar or devasthan (abode of God), and mazaar a samadhi. More red flags came up, and the colour of chadars other than the green starting donning the shrine. The controversy is now at rest, as there was no doubt of the origin of Baba Chamliyal being a Hindu, and the paper argues that many aspects of the shrine are in no way closer to a Sufi or a Muslim shrine, something accepted by the Pakistanis as well (though they use their terminology). The important part of the paper is to show that patients, irrespective of their religion, with acute skin problems who come to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal have complete faith in him, follow the rules and restrictions seriously, offer their seva (services), and participate in the prayers. For the devotees and patients, Hindus, Muslims or Sikhs and Indians or Pakistanis, Baba Chamliyal is their desi vaidya (local doctor), a healing touch saint.

III If faith in the Sufis and other saints or Sadhus binds people of different religions, or at least brings them together and strengthens inter-community relations, the beliefs and rituals related to deity worship tend to do the same for those of various families, clans, castes, and villages within Hinduism. Hinduism is regarded as one of the most ancient religions, according to some scholars dating back to more than 4000 years. It is practiced by about 1.15 billion people (15–16% of the global population), 95% of whom are in India, and is the third-largest religion in the world after Christianity and Islam. Hinduism is referred to as Sanatana Dharma (eternal tradition) or an abiding way of life. It is regarded as a fusion and synthesis of various Indian cultures and traditions29 representing an amalgamation of faiths and the confederation of communities having pluralistic tendencies (Madan 2004). M. N. Srinivas (2003) sees Hinduism as based on the structure of the caste system where all castes have a fusion of both Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic beliefs and rituals, with variations and regional differences. It is because of this reason that ‘Hinduism is able to include within itself the worshipping of trees, rivers and mountains, and cults of ancestors and village deities, as well as the profound philosophy of the Upanishads and Vedanta, and the mysticism of the Bhakti Schools’ (Srinivas 2003: 213). All-India Hinduism, which is chiefly Sanskritic, has spread by the extension of Sanskritic forms to outlying groups, as well as by the greater Sanskritization of the beliefs and rituals of groups within Hinduism, according to Srinivas. It possesses the plasticity which helps in the easy absorption of local religious elements, and in the process of being localized, the Sanskritic deities too undergo change. Among the 29 Hinduism—Origins,

facts & Beliefs—History (https://www.history.com/topics/religion/hin duism); Hinduism (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism).

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Coorgs of South India, on the one hand, Skanda, the warrior-son of Shiva in Sanskritic mythology, is turned into Subramanya (identified with the cobra) and becomes more acceptable to the Coorgs; on the other hand, the Brahmins are seen making votive offerings to the village local deity Mari during the epidemic of smallpox, plague, or cholera. The influence works both ways (Srinivas 2003: 223–27). The efforts towards Sanskritization30 of beliefs and rites have been constantly going on in India for a long time, both inside and outside Hinduism. The Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic Hinduism can be related to the concepts of Great and Little traditions developed by American social anthropologist Robert Redfield to understand the nature of peasant culture as part of civilization. According to him, Great traditions refer to the formal, reflective, literate, elite tradition of civilization, while Little traditions are those of local, informal, and folk people, the two however not being mutually exclusive (Redfield 1956). Many American scholars like Oscar Lewis, Mckim Marriot, and Milton Singer used these concepts in the study of Indian society. Mckim Marriott (1955) gave the concepts of universalization and parochialization to understand the change in Indian culture. Universalization was seen as the process by which cultural traits of a Little tradition are absorbed into a Great tradition, and in parochialization, the reversed process, the components of Great traditions based on universal, written texts get localized to become part of the folk culture. Marriott studied village Kishan Garhi in Uttar Pradesh and showed through the analysis of festivals and deity worship that both Little and Great traditions exist within the religion of a village. The papers on Hindu deity worship in this volume have followed broadly and critically the frameworks of Srinivas (Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic or folk Hinduism) and Marriott (Little and Great traditions), incorporating the regional as well as newer dimensions. Srinivas (2003: 218–19) believes that the recent improvements in information and communication technology have contributed to the greater Sanskritization of Hinduism. However, Sanskritization is slowly and steadily getting disassociated with the caste system and is no longer confined to emulation by the lower groups of the higher castes rituals and pantheon, as also seen in some of the papers in this volume. In the recent and wider forms, deity worship is becoming more universal and non-hierarchical with equal admittance to all castes and communities. Even if some Goddesses are more popular and placed higher than the others on the basis of their identification with classical Hindu mode of worship, their access (unlike earlier times) is open to all. Higher castes are no longer the sole or the main agents of Sanskritization and custodian of traditions, as there are many non-caste structures and institutions which are becoming more powerful agencies of social and cultural transformation (Shah 2005). In Jammu and Kashmir, most Hindus follow Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Shakta traditions, both at the levels of Great and Little traditions, besides venerating several 30 Sanskritization is a process of social mobility by which a low Hindu caste or tribal or other group

was able in a generation or two to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting a way of life in the direction of a high or twice-born caste (Srinivas 1966). It is a long drawn process within a social structure and has a varying success rate.

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other local and folk deities. The ancient religious history of the Jammu region has been closely associated with the Harappan civilization; Buddhism; Naag cult; Vedic, Puranic and post-Vedic era; and finally the arrival of Islam and Sufis in the medieval and early modern periods (Jamwal 2006). Like in other parts of the country, the Jammu region has over the years seen the absorption of many local deities into the Sanskritic or Brahmanical fold, some being partially absorbed, while some completely, and a few others have remained at the margins. Some of them have also remained outside the Hindu fold and maintained their independent existence. As different from or in variance to this, certain local and regional deities have largely retained their core folk form with the Sanskritic features being relegated to the periphery. The papers on the Hindu deities in this book have shown these variations. Mrinalini Atrey carefully documents such local deities, bringing out the differences in the beliefs, rituals, forms, and structure of their worship in different regions of Jammu. Neetika Sharma’s paper portrays the significance of Naag or serpent worship that exists in a more or less pristine folk form with emphasis on the non-Iconic forms. The paper by Ravinder Singh shows near-complete absorption of Mata Vaishno Devi, the Shakti of Goddess Durga, into the pan-Indian Brahmanical pantheon, while Shamsher Singh’s paper brings out the coexistence of both local and newly acquired Sanskritic elements through annual yatra to the temple of Machail Mata, predominantly worshipped as Chandi or Kali in the folk form. Similarly, the papers by Ashish Saxena and Vijaylaxmi Saxena, Mehraj-ud-din Waza and Anil Sharma, and Akhilesh Sharma show how the worship of the local brave martyrs at the clan or village level is now becoming popular, with both Sanskritic and modernist facets reinforcing it. What is conveyed through these symbolic signifiers in these papers, however, is that the process of transition has been smooth and resilient, and it does not eradicate the folk or Little tradition, rather gives them more acceptable and prominent status. Shaivism, a major polytheistic tradition within Hinduism, is the worship of Lord Shiva as the Supreme Being, the creator and the destroyer of the world since the second millennium BCE. Many temples of Shiva and his consort Parvati or Uma are known to have existed during the time of Mauryan King Ashoka (273–232 BCE). Their androgynous form (Ardhnarishvara) continued to be worshipped to date. Ashoka also introduced Buddhism to the Kashmir Valley which spread to different parts of India and later to Southeast Asian countries. Probably due to the influence of Buddhism, the Brahmins incorporated philosophical elements in early Shaivism. Tantrik scriptures were brought to Kashmir in the middle of the eighth century, the time when Kashmiri Shaivism started to take shape. Shankaracharya’s visit to Kashmir in the early ninth century led to Brahmanic revivalism and the introduction of Vedanta philosophy (Wangu 2008: 260–61). There are various subdivisions of Shaivism, and in the area of Jammu and Kashmir, it flourished as Kashmiri Shaivism, popular mainly as Trika Shaivism, a nondualistic (Advaita Vedanta)31 tradition of Saiva-Sakta (also incorporating Tantrik 31 Advaita Vedanta is non-dualistic (monistic, a single unity) essence and source of all existence in one Supreme, transcendental, absolute, indivisible, eternal, ultimate, unchanging Brahman— the ground of all matter, energy, time, space, being, and everything beyond the Universe (see

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and Buddhism influences) between the fifth and eleventh centuries. Abhinavagutpa (960–1025 CE) was an authority on Kashmir Shaivism and was the most well-known exponent of Trika philosophy. More recently in the twentieth century, Swami Lakshmanjoo (1907–1984) revived the oral tradition and dedicated his life to the teachings of Kashmiri Shaivism (Madan 2008: 6). The worship of Shiva is visible in different temples in Jammu and Kashmir. The most important is the temple of Lord Amarnath in Kashmir situated amidst the snowcovered Himalayas at 12,756 feet, where an annual yatra (pilgrimage) takes place to Amarnath cave (July–August) consisting of ice Shiva Lingam, worshipped by scores of people from across the country. The ritual at Amarnath temple is very old and is also found in Kalhana’s Rajatarangini.32 The book also mentions the ancient Shankaracharya temple on top of the Shankaracharya Hill (1,000 feet) overlooking the city of Srinagar (Kashmir). It is dedicated to Lord Shiva and consists of Lingam encircled by a snake. The temple was visited by Adi Shankaracharya in the early ninth century and is thus named after him. There are certain other smaller Shiva temples in Kashmir, many of which are in ruins today or not properly maintained. The festival of Shivaratri (wedding of Lord Shiva with Parvati), locally called Herath, is the most important festival of Kashmiri Pandits. There are many Shiva temples and shrines of the Sanskritic form in the Jammu region like the Ranbireshwar temple in Jammu city built by Maharaja Ranbir Singh in 1883. It is the biggest Shiva temple in north India, consisting of an idol and an eight feet stone lingam besides other smaller Shivlingas made of crystal. There are also famous Shiva and Parvati temples in Purmandal and Uttarbehni in district Samba. Shivkhori is a famous cave (khori) shrine of Lord Shiva in the Reasi district of the Jammu region. Sudh Mahadev, Mantalai, and Gauri Kund are connected with the courtship, wedding, and lives of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati. In the Kathua district are the ancient Mahabilvakeshwar temple (in Billawar), Airwan Shiv Temple of the fourth century, and the Neelkanth Mahadev temple (at Basohli). In the Doda district, the Subar Nag temple is dedicated to Lord Shiva. In the Poonch district, Buddha Amarnath temple is a major shrine of Lord Shiva where a ten-day yatra (pilgrimage) is organized in a grand manner in August every year (Dewan 2007: 481–82). The worship of Shiva also exists in the folk form as that of Naag (or serpent, seen around the neck of Shiva) deity, widely followed in the Jammu region. The Naags were believed to be the indigenous and tribal inhabitants of Kashmir since the third–fourth century BCE. The Naag (meaning serpent and spring in Kashmiri) cult had acquired prominence during this time as confirmed by external as well as local sources like Nilmata Purana, Rajatarangini, and Vasuki Purana. These sources state that Nila Naag, the son of sage Rishi Kashyap, was the chief, and all those who followed were the descendants of the Rishi. The Naags were followed by https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir_Shaivism; and https://www.saivism.net/sects/kashmir/kas hmirisaivism). 32 Rajatarangini (The River of Kings) was written by Kashmiri historian Kalhana in Sanskrit in the twelfth century. It is a legendary and historical chronicle of the northwest region of India, particularly the Kings of Kashmir.

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the Pisacas and finally by the Manavs and Brahmins. One of these Brahmins, Chandradeva, became a mentor of the Naag chief Nila, and instructed him to compose the Nilmata, the Naag code of conduct (Madan 2008: 4). A large number of temples were built around the springs and the places named after them in Kashmir, some of which like Anantnag, Vernag, and Sernag are prominent until today (Chib 2017). The impact of the Naag cult is visible across Pir Panjal in the adjoining Jammu region as well. The concentration of Naag deities is in the eastern hills, which include Bhaderwah, Udhampur, and parts of Jammu and Kathua districts. Some Naag deities which are considered extremely important are Basak or Vasuki Naag in Bhaderwah (hilly area), Bhair devta (Jammu plains), and Baba Surgal worshipped in the form of Burmi (Ant Hill). The worship of Naag deities in the Jammu region performed by people for their prosperity and well-being also symbolizes the peaceful and amicable relationship between humans and animals (Atrey 2012). Bhaderwah, a beautiful valley in the Doda district of the Jammu region, also called ‘Mini Kashmir’, is synonymous with Naag culture. There are many Naag deities with legends associated with each and worshipped by different people and communities in various local temples of the villages. However, Vasuki Naag or Basak Naag, the snake god, which originally dwelt in Kashmir, is the presiding deity of Bhaderwah, and its first king. Here, festivals like Naag Panchmi, Jaatras, and Kud dance are performed in honour of Naags to get their blessings. Neetika Sharma in her paper brings out the significance of Naag deity worship in Bhaderwah by specifically focusing on the ritual called Jaatra (religious journey) performed to worship the Naag deities. The paper gives a detailed account of Naag worship in Bhaderwah and Jaatra festival organized in the month of Bhadra (August–September) every year. The Jaatra begins with the worship at the village (that she studied in) temple of Shesh Naag and the sacrifice of male sheep by some families, venerating sacred things like the long necklace, iron chains, trident, and iron piece shaped like a snake. There is the lighting of the fire for the whole night, with the chela (shaman) going into trance being possessed by a Naag deity (who speaks through him for the people’s wellbeing) and also walking through the fire, with bajantries (drummers) playing drums and people performing Kud (local dance) around the sacred fire. The Jaatra festival exhibits the folk elements and preserves the folk culture of the region to a large extent. There are no Brahmin priests or Sanskritic rituals, and the chelas and bajantries who play a central role during the festival belong to the lower castes. Animal sacrifice is an important component in the worship of Naag deities in Bhaderwah where the Jaatra ritual becomes an embodiment of people’s efforts to maintain the symbiotic relationship between society, culture, and environment. Like Shaivism, the Shakta tradition or the worship of the Shakti (power, energy), Devi (Goddess), or the Mata (mother) in Hinduism is quite ancient. It goes back to India’s prehistory, even much before the Indus Valley civilization (3300–1900 BCE). Passing through historical trajectories over different periods and undergoing varied formations, the worship of the divine feminine occurs in myriad ways, from a simple folk deity to the classical Goddess and as consorts of the Great Gods— Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh—or as the independent powerful character of the Hindu pantheon. The mode of worship of Kashmiri Hindus largely revolves around ‘Shiva’,

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the Supreme Lord of the Universe, and ‘Shakti’, the Universal Mother Goddess, his eternal companion. Some of the shrines dedicated to Shakti are Tripurasundari, Jvalamukhi, Sharada, and Kheer Bhawani.33 Sharika, a Shakta deity, is worshipped as the Mother Goddess by Kashmiri Brahmins. A hillock in Srinagar, Hari Parbat, is also called Sharika which is considered sacred, and the circumambulation around it is an act of religious devotion34 (Madan 2008: 3–4). The temple of Kheer Bhawani or Ksheer Bhawani (Milk Goddess) also known as Ragnya or Bhagwati (incarnation of Goddess Durga) in the village Tulmul, 14 miles from Srinagar, is the most important temple for the Hindus of Kashmir. It is constructed over a sacred spring, the colour of which is said to change on different occasions; it gets dark or black at inauspicious times. An annual festival is held every Jyeshtha Shukla Ashtami (May–June) at Tulmul, Kashmir, when thousands of Kashmiri Pandits pray to their Kul-devi (family/clan). The legend supports her arrival from Sri Lanka (where she was worshipped by Ravana as Syama or Kali) by Hanuman, Rama’s closest and devoted disciple (bhakt), to Tulmul in Kashmir and her transformation to the virgin and vegetarian sattvik 35 Goddess. The Dogra rulers were instrumental in the institutionalization of this process of establishment of the deity as Goddess Kheer Bhawani (Wangu 2008: 272–80). From Sharika Bhagwati who was venerated with the offerings of raw and cooked sheep meat, she became the Sanskritic Vaishnavi Goddess whose offerings included mainly Kheer (pudding made of rice, milk, and sugar) and other vegetarian stuff. Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1830–1885) got a suitable liturgical text (mahatmya) including miracles and dreams, composed in her honour which further legitimized her existence and worship (Madan 2008:16–17). The Dogras who ruled Jammu and Kashmir for a century (1846–1947) were Suryavanshi (Sun lineage) Rajput Hindus and were the devout Vaishnavas worshipping God Vishnu and his incarnations—Rama, Krishna, and Narasimha—along with their consorts and many other related deities like Hanuman. These rulers promoted Vaishnavism and constructed many temples and shrines, the most important being the magnificent Raghunath temple complex for the worship of Rama (Raghunath), the tutelary deity of the Dogras in the heart of the Jammu city. The main temple has the statue of Rama, his wife Sita, and brother Lakshman, besides various incarnations of God Vishnu. A distinct feature of the temple is the presence of thousands of Saligramas (an iconic symbol of God Vishnu) in different rooms of the complex (Jamwal 2006: 170). The foundation of the temple was laid by the first Dogra ruler, Maharaja Gulab Singh (1792–1857), and completed by his son and successor, Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1830–1885). To protect the Hindu shrines and 33 Kashmir:

Religious Practices—Kashmiri Pandit Network (www.kashmir.net/religion). most acknowledged legend is that many years ago, the beautiful lake in Kashmir was the abode of Jalodbhava demon, and when Gods (including Shiva and Vishnu) failed to vanquish the demon, they prayed to the Supreme Goddess for help. She transformed herself into Sharika (myna) bird, picked up a pebble, and dropped it on the demon. The pebble became the hillock and the demon was crushed under it (see Madan 2008: 3). 35 Sattvik represents brightness, light, truth, and purity through Goddesses such as Vaishnavi, Saraswati, and Kheer Bhawani. This is different from tamasi which denotes darkness, sloth, and terrifying Goddesses like Kali. 34 The

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provide them financial support, the Dharmarth Trust was formed by Maharaja Gulab Singh in 1846.36 The Dogra rulers introduced the Rama cult by incorporating festivals like Dusshera, Diwali, Rama Navami, and Krishna Janamashtami. Dusshera37 was publicly celebrated annually by the Maharaja himself at the Parade Grounds (Madan 2008: 16–17). Besides these Gods and Goddesses of Sanskritic or Brahmanical Hinduism, the worship of folk deities forms the most distinguishing feature of Jammu society and culture. Folk deities are regional, pragmatic, supposed to possess human qualities and emotions, tend to be aniconic, and live in natural and sacred places like trees, streams, and stones. They meet people’s immediate and pragmatic needs. The folk deities can be upwardly mobile by shifting from rock to smaller temple to a groove or larger temple.38 The Great Goddesses of Brahmanical Hinduism,39 on the other hand, live in magnificent temples with well-established (sthapith) statue (murti), having a learned priest performing Sanskritic rituals, regularly bathed, decorated, and fed with offerings of sweets and fruits with bhog (food offered to the deity first) and prasad (rest of which is distributed among the devotees). They are venerated by a huge number of devotees singing in praise (performing aarti) and reciting slogans (jaikara). Folk deities may remain starved and yearn for food or get some offerings of sacrificial animal meat. Their worship is much less elaborate and includes very few Sanskritic rituals. There are more than four hundred folk deities worshipped in the Jammu region as Kul-devi/Kul-devtas (family or clan deity), Gram-devta/devi (village deities), Naagdevtas (snake deities), Shaheed-devtas (Martyr deities), Silabantis (Sati deities), and Aaghat-devtas (Exotic deities). Mrinalini Atrey’s paper brings out the documentation and classification of such folk deities and their shrines based on the extensive fieldwork in the Jammu region. The worship of Gram-devtas is usually made for protection against natural calamities, for agricultural prosperity, cattle wealth, progeny, health, and well-being of the family. A few of them are also associated with settling disputes and providing justice. Martyr deities are known as Shaheed-devtas (male) and Silabantis (female). Besides giving insights into the customs and rituals like marriage or childbirth, they inform us about such issues as peasant struggles, land-related problems, dowry torture resistance, and similar kinds of protests. The paper by Atrey argues that even though the Jammu region is largely Brahmanized, it is the folk deities, more than the Brahmanical deities, who hold primary importance for the people. No gathering such as maile (religious congregation), 36 Raghunath

Temple (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raghunath_Temple). festival marks the victory of Lord Rama of Ayodhya over the demon King Ravana of Sri Lanka. 38 See McDaniel 2003. Chapter 1 (1–12). ‘Folk Hinduism in West Bengal’. 39 They are both of Sanskritic forms like Mahalakshmi, Mahasaraswati, and Parvati, usually the consorts of Great Gods, and the non-Sanskritic ones like Kali, Chandi, and Sambhavi. The latter can be benevolent and destructive at the same time, while the Sanskritic ones are usually caring, loving, and pleasant. 37 The

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singing of karaks (sacred songs), or auspicious occasion (birth, marriage) and festivals like Jaatra (deity worship) commence without their propitiation. The Great and Little traditions coexist synchronously, sometimes together (both in Iconic and nonIconic forms) in a deity. But the folk or Little tradition is near indispensable at the local level throughout the Jammu region, both in the hilly and the plain areas. Jammu city is known as the ‘city of temples’ for the innumerable temples and shrines of deities of all kinds having their history, legends, and associated beliefs and rituals.40 The most famous and the holiest of these is the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi, the Goddess that has acquired the status of Sanskritic deity par excellence. She is an epitome of benevolence and kindness (jholiya bharne wali) who calls her devotees (aap bulati) and fulfils their wishes (moonh maangi muradein poori karne wali). Nestled in the foothill of the Himalayas in Trikuta (three-peaked) hills, the shrine is situated in the Reasi district of the Jammu region. She is a Sheranwali (who rides a lion), a representation of Shakti (power).41 In his paper, Ravinder Singh has tried to understand the concept of Shakti manifested in the form of Mata Vaishno Devi as given in the classical Hindu texts, legends, myths, and various studies, as well as through his fieldwork. The Goddess belongs to the Shakta tradition,42 an embodiment of energy and divine feminism associated with nature, the Prakriti. Reaching her shrine at Bhawan is a 14 km. track from the town of Katra undertaken by a large number of pilgrims, usually on foot (some also use palanquins, ponies, and helicopter services). The paper discusses the cultural landscape and the legends associated with each of the sacred spots that Vaishnavi stopped on her way to the cave, her final abode where she is worshipped in the form of the holy pindis representing the three Goddesses—Lakshmi, Saraswati, and Kali. The shrine has developed as India’s most important place of religious tourism and pilgrimage destination, drawing on an average of 8–10 million people every year, generating huge revenue, and providing employment to thousands of people. The constitution of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board (SMVDSB) in 1986 and many infrastructural developments and facilities (including University, Sports Complex, and Super Speciality hospital) initiated by the Board are important reasons for the increasing popularity of the shrine. The paper not only highlights these aspects but also gives details about the rituals, aarti (worship), jaikara (sacred slogans), religious sites, sacred symbols, and other aspects of the shrine. Mata Vaishno Devi is the Shakti, a powerful manifestation of the three Goddesses, a Vaishnavi (follower of Lord Vishnu/Rama), a truly vegetarian Goddess with no record of animal sacrifice at her shrine, a Mata (mother) yet a virgin, ferocious when required, yet docile and compassionate to her devotees. The paper shows that she is a classical Hindu Goddess whose origin is traced in ancient 40 See

Dewan 2007. Jammu. Manas Publications, New Delhi. Chapter 28. Pages 469–509. Chauhan 2011. ‘Sacred Landscape and Pilgrimage; A Study of Mata Vaishno Devi’ in Rana P. B. Singh (ed.). Holy Places and Pilgrimages: Essays on India (105–126). 42 Shakta tradition or Shaktism is one of the major traditions of Hinduism in which metaphysical reality is considered metaphorically a woman, and Shakti is regarded as the supreme Goddess. It includes many Goddesses, all aspects of the same supreme Goddess (see https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Shaktism). 41 See

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texts and whose worship involves largely Sanskritic rituals, but she is also universal, treating everyone equally. Many of the Goddesses worshipped in the Jammu region are in the form of Kali or Chandi due to the large area being mountainous. They represent the folk elements, and the practice of animal sacrifice is carried out in some of these temples even today. The Goddess Mahakali is also known as Bawe Wali Mata who is the most ancient and presiding deity of Jammu, considered only next to Mata Vaishno Devi in terms of spiritual power. Her temple (where goat sacrifice used to be conducted earlier) is situated within the premise of Bahu Fort in Jammu city.43 A large number of devotees visit the shrine, especially on Tuesdays, Sundays, and during the Navratri44 when the Bahu Fort mela (fair) is held twice a year. People of Jammu have a strong belief that Bawe Wali Mata protects them from all kinds of dangers and threats. It is said that during the wars of 1965 and 1971, Pakistan launched air strikes but could not harm Jammu because of Mata’s blessings. The temple of Chichi Mata in the Samba district considered to be the gateway to the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine is situated on the national highway and is visited by scores of locals and devotees from different states crossing the place. The temple takes its name after the little finger (Chichi) of the Mother Goddess Parvati’s (Sati’s) hand.45 Amidst picturesque and snow-clad mountains at an elevation of more than 9000 feet is situated one of the most significant and beautiful temples of Chandi or Machail Mata (Goddess Durga in the form of Kali) in the village Machail of the Paddar region in the Kishtwar district of the Jammu region.46 Here, the pilgrims have experienced many miracles attributed to Chandi Mata. The idols and pindi form of Chandi Mata 43 The Bahu Fort in the city of Jammu (J&K), built on the banks of the Tawi River, is the ancient fort believed to have been constructed by Raja Bahu Lochan around 3,000 years ago. The original temple was destroyed around the early medieval period and the present building was completed by Raja Gulab Singh in the nineteenth century and further improved by his son and the ruler Maharaja Ranjit Singh (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahu_Fort). Also see Dewan 2007: 254. This information is also given on the Board at the entrance of the Fort. The sacrifice (bali) of a goat was performed in this temple, but it no longer exists. 44 A Nine-night Hindu festival celebrated differently in India twice a year—in the month of Chaitra (March–April) and Ashvin (September–October) for worshipping Mother Goddess in her various forms. On the eighth and the ninth days in particular, Kanya or Kanjak Pujan is done in which nine minor girls (kanya) are worshipped. 45 The temple is regarded as the Shakti Peeth (Seat of power) of Mata Parvati or Sati. The legend (popular throughout India) is that when Sati’s father did not call Sati’s husband (Shiva) for a yagya (worship) ceremony and insulted him, she could not bear this and jumped in the sacred fire and immolated herself. Lord Shiva, her husband, in anger picked up her body and went around the Universe. To calm his rage, God Vishnu then destroyed her corpse and parts of her body fell in different places, known as Shakti Peeth, the sacred places of worship and pilgrimage. Her smallest finger fell at the site where Chichi Mata’s temple stands today. There are 51 Shakti Peeth all over India signifying various parts of Sati’s body (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shakti_Pitha). 46 Machail Mata temple in Kishtwar district of Jammu region is around 320 kms from Jammu. The last stop from Jammu by road is Gulabgarh (290) from where the pilgrims have to walk on foot for 30 km of undulating track. In recent years, owing to the popularity of the shrine, the chopper facility is made available from Gulabgarh to Machail.

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are famous for shaking their jewellery and flicking their eyes. The Machail yatra (pilgrimage) takes place every year around the second week of August, starting from the temple Chinote at Bhaderwah to Chandi Mata temple at Machail covering a distance of about 95 kms. This yatra has become very popular in recent years and has provided the Sanskritic genre to the worship of the otherwise folk deity, Chandi. Shamsher Singh in his paper brings out the divine veneration of the Chandi or Machail Mata through the celebration of a folk festival called Naghui Tewhaar. This commemoration marks the opening of the doors of Machail Mata temple and initiation of aarti (worship) and the end of restrictions (related to milk, drink, food, celibacy, forbearance, etc.) of Saawan (July–August) month during the period of puhaali, a tradition of temporary migration of puhaals (shepherds) to the upper reaches of hills for grazing their cattle and sheep. The paper explains in depth the significance of this folk festival for the people of the hilly region whose social and economic lives are woven around their ecology and religion. The concept of folk Hinduism and its difference from the classical form is drawn in the paper to show the way Machail Mata, the Chandi, or Kali form of Durga, is taking a newer embodiment of a Sanskritic deity. This process is accomplished through the Machail yatra (pilgrimage) that started in the 1980s, now arranged by the organization called Sarv Shakti Sewak Sanstha. The yatra that follows the Sanskritic rituals and offerings to the Goddess are completely vegetarian. This is unlike the folk festivals celebrated by the natives of the Padar in which actors like chela (shaman) and bajantries (drummers) are more important than the priests, and where animal sacrifice is made during the worship in the temple. The paper concludes that though the people of the Padar region have accepted the more Sanskritic features of Hinduism in the worship of Machail Mata, especially during the annual yatra, it is the folk components of festivals like Naghui Tewhaar tied to people’s everyday lives that still hold importance for them. In Kishtwar, Sarthal Mata (re-incarnation of Goddess Durga) temple of the eighteen-armed Goddess—Sri Ashtadash Bhuji Devi is equally significant for people. Sarthal Mata is believed to have come here from Hari Parbat in Srinagar (Kashmir), built by Raja Agar Dev of Kishtwar and renovated by Maharaja Hari Singh in 1936. A fair is held every year in July–August in her glory, in which the devotees possessed by the Devi walk on fire (Dewan, 2007:245). Similarly, the shrine of Mother Goddess Mal Devi, more famous as Sukrala Mata (elder sister of Mata Vaishno Devi) at a hilltop in the Kathua district (125 kms from Jammu) of the Jammu region is a renowned shrine visited by people from neighbouring Punjab and Himachal Pradesh as well (Ibid: 295). Apart from these, there are many temples of other Gods and Goddesses in the Jammu region. The people who sacrificed their lives for a cause and justice and well-being of its people are immortalized and live through their shrines, statues, samadhis (tomb-like structure), smaraks (memorials), pictures, dehris (small temples), and devasthans (abode of Gods). Such places of veneration are found in nearly every village of the Jammu region. They are worshipped long after they are gone—as heroes, revolutionaries, and martyrs, virtually as saints and deities. There are monuments in most villages, especially in the border belt of those who were in the armed forces and

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became martyrs (Shaheed). Many times when the person dies, those people, families, clans, or communities who consider themselves guilty start venerating him or her as a saint to evade his/her wrath. One such martyr is Baba Jit Mal, popularly known as Baba Jitto, a fifteenthcentury farmer and a Brahmin devotee of Mata Vaishno Devi whose shrine has great prominence in the Jammu region. He is regarded as a legendary Dogra hero for renouncing his life fighting against oppression and injustice. It is said that Baba Jitto stabbed himself on the heap of grains, when the local Jagirdar did not give him his rightful share of the crop. His blood spread on the grains and the rains that followed washed away the blood-stained grains. All those, including the birds and animals, who ate these grains faced misfortunes and calamities. To seek forgiveness and save themselves from the anger of the saint, they started worshipping him as their Kul-devta by making regular visits, especially during the annual fair. All such details have been dealt with in the paper on the Bawa Jitto shrine, the place of the Kul-devta or devi of certain clans and gotras, by Ashish Saxena andVijaylaxmi Saxena. The authors have analysed this in the context of Jhiri Mela and the maile congregation held in Jammu to commemorate the legacy of one of the most important folk deities of the region, an epitome of resistance and struggle against atrocity and unfairness. The paper analyses the significance of the Bawa Jitto shrine that has grown into a huge sacred space-time complex. On the occasion of the annual Jhiri Mela (fair), also called ‘farmer’s fair’ held on KartikPurnima (full moon night of November month), there is a large gathering. Here, people of different clans and gotras organize their maile congregations and give feasts, which are now more of a vegetarian kind. They take bath in the sacred pond (Bawa-da-Tallab); worship Bawa Jitto and his daughter Bua Koudi who also sacrificed her life along with her father (their representations exist both in iconographic and non-iconographic [mohra] forms); perform puja and aarti with Vedic rituals; offer grains of their first harvest; and enjoy the recreational activities like music, sports, competitions, shopping, and plays during the fair. These gatherings also serve as a platform to discuss the social, political, and economic issues of their groups and communities. The authors show that the infrastructural development of the sacred complex in recent years, modern means of information technology, and social media have only added to the enhancement of the religious institution with better organization of the mela and the maile congregations. Another saint who similarly sacrificed his life against the injustice and atrocities of his times, also some 500 years ago along with his mother, is the martyr, Baba Ballo. His religious site or the devasthan (abode of God) that has become important in recent years is situated in the village Mathwar, 30 kms away from the Jammu district headquarters. The paper by Mehraj Ud Din Waza and Anil Sharma explores the ethnographic details associated with Baba Ballo, venerated as a folk deity by the local people, and shows how his devasthan is getting transformed into a more popular and wider form of worship site. Though people visit the devasthan every day and on important occasions, the celebrations revolving around the important festivals of the local people held annually like Basant Panchami (also the birth anniversary of Baba Ballo) and Baisakhi (harvest festival) are attended by a large number of people of all

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castes, classes, regions, and religions, many of them being politicians, bureaucrats, and well-known luminaries of J&K. The Chief Mahant (priest) performs the puja (worship) and havan yagya (sacred homa), prasad is distributed, and bhandara (collective meal) is organized during these festivals. Mela (fair) is held and competitions are arranged. The protection and preservation of a clean and green environment done by the local communities are emphasized on such festive occasions. This can be seen as drawn from the concept of sacred groves or the patches of forests or natural vegetation dedicated to local folk deities or ancestral or tree spirits found in the Jammu region. The one related to Baba Ballo is explained in the paper. The paper looks into the history and evolution of the devasthan as a sacred space at village Mathwar; the beliefs, legends, rituals, and practices linked to it; and how the Brahmanical traditions have infused into the non-Brahmanical methods of folk deity worship, making it a part of the Hindu pantheon of Gods. The paper concludes that Baba Ballo devasthan has acquired a new and important status as the local has become more universal. The folk deity is strengthened rather than diminished and has retained many Sanskritic features like the higher caste (Brahmin) background of Baba Ballo, the role of the Brahmin priest, and Sanskritic rituals followed during various festivals and ritual occasions. The folk element of the deity can, however, never be undermined, as Baba Ballo continues to be remembered as the local revolutionary hero (Shaheed-devta) who sacrificed his life for justice several years ago, and has been responsible for bestowing prestigious and distinguished identity to the people, his village, and the region today. The custom is called Praha Pratha or self-sacrifice in the Jammu region in which the aggrieved person takes his own life against the injustice meted out to him or his people or community. What is most conspicuous here is that all such sacrifices are in the form of protests and have been accompanied by some close relative. Baba Jitto was joined by Bua Koudi (his daughter), Baba Ballo by his mother (Jeevni Mata), and as seen ahead, Datti Ji gave up her life along with her husband (Baba Gopal Dass). Akhilesh Sharma’s paper similarly is an account of Datti Ji or Satyavati Ji, who sacrificed her life along with her husband Baba Gopal Dass for truth and justice. Datti Ji is the Kul-devi (clan deity) of the Jamwal-Pandits, the clan of Brahmins of Jammu. Her main temple is situated at Purmandal, and other small local worship spots of the deity are found on the outskirts of the villages of Jammu city. The focus of the paper is on her worship in the folk form and the tradition of the maile congregation among Jamwal-Pandits where Datti Ji is worshipped by the clan members in a congregation held twice a year. It shows that the rituals of Jamwal-Pandits have both Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic features, but there is a predominance of folk elements in her worship even today despite the recent changes. Datti Ji is worshipped with great reverence and devotion during all important occasions of the clan as well as in the everyday life of the people. She resolves day-to-day issues of the devotees and no ceremony or auspicious function (birth, tonsure, marriage, etc.) starts or is performed without first worshipping her.

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The paper concludes that the worship of Datti Ji has acquired more importance due to both Sanskritization and modernization processes. The increasing use of information and communication technology and social media has enhanced the popularity of Kul-devi worship, especially during maile congregations. As Datti Ji is a clan deity of the Brahmin caste, many of her rituals are Sanskritic with a Brahmin priest performing puja, following Vedic rites, reciting shlokas (verses) from classical Hindu texts, and presenting pure vegetarian offerings and food. But still, Datti Ji is worshipped at the local level as an independent folk deity, visualized by the clan members as their protector, punisher, provider, and forgiver.

IV The cult of the Sufi saints in India and Jammu and Kashmir emphasizes the pluralistic tradition and peaceful coexistence of people of different creeds. In the Jammu region, the dargahs are thronged by followers of Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Sikhism, and others as the belief and faith in the Sufi saint, the Baba or the Peer is near pervasive and encapsulating. If burial places of saints or Sufis (kabr) and tombs (mazaar) are important in Islam, their elevation to the status of a dargah (shrine) through the observance of rituals have Hindu influence as observed in most of the papers in this Volume. Writing about the places of worship of Sufis (dargah), their abode (khanqah), and pilgrimage (ziyarat), Madan says, ‘the observance of anniversaries (Urs), veneration of relics, and singing of songs of praise and thanksgiving addressed to God, the Prophet, and local saints, following formal prayers (namaz), while standing with folded hands, also are reminiscent of Hindu and Buddhist devotional styles’ (Madan 2008: 14). The vast number of people visiting the dargahs today are instances of the continuing significance of the living saints. These occasions bring people together and result in the inter-connectedness of places and communities, thereby in the overall accommodative culture and growth of the area. Not only there has been the impact of indigenous religions and culture on Islamic Sufism, but also the latter has greatly influenced the local culture, which today forms the pluralistic and diverse ethos of the Jammu region. In almost every village here, one finds the prevalence of a Sufi or saint’s mazaar (tomb) with people of different religious backgrounds visiting these sites, especially on Thursdays. In the border villages of Jammu, Samba, and Kathua districts, where almost the entire Muslim population went to the Pakistan side on the partition (1947) and some during later wars (1965 and 1971), the mazaars are well managed and meticulously kept with green chadars and regular lighting of the lamp by largely the Hindu population. The influence of the orthodox Islamist groups though seems to be increasing in recent years and the differences between the Muslim and Hindu modes of worship have significant variations, popular Sufism and veneration of saints still resonate in the social life of the people of the Jammu region. Popular Sufism based on the cult of saints continues to claim the support of most Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir,

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though changing in certain ways. Kashmiri Islam as it developed over the last 500 years presents some ambivalence between the Arabic (classical) and local traditions, but ignores neither and shows convergence. Sikand summarizes this by saying that ‘the popular Sufi tradition remains deeply entrenched in Kashmir, which in itself is in the process of gradual transformation’ (2008: 518). Writing about the Hazratbal dargah, Khan is of the view that Islam manifests itself here ‘more as a system of cultural symbols than as a doctrinal system of the ulama [scriptual specialists]’ (2004:372). Madan brings out the apt picture as he says, ‘the Kashmiri practice of Islam in some of its aspects may seem opposed to the Great Tradition of Islam, but in fact, it is encompassed by the latter, such that the universal includes the local: neither is denied by the other’ (Madan 2008: 14). This is equally or more true of the Jammu region due to a significant Hindu (65%) and Sikh (4%) population that visits the Sufi dargahs and abode of other saints more often and in larger numbers (Sikand 2010 [1]; Mohammed 2016). The mutual presence and participation is an acknowledgment of tolerance and ways of acceptance that becomes most vivid in the shared sacred spaces and, if on Thursdays and on festive occasions, of shared sacred time as well. These also become the basis of understanding each other’s religion and culture, visiting houses during festivals like Diwali and Eid, wishing each other on respective occasions, participating in mushaira, and observing movies and plays. It has also been observed that members of the two religious communities in India and the Jammu region come together on secular issues (educational, economic, political, developmental, and environmental) of mutual concern and avoid those of confrontation and conflict. The culture of the Jammu region thrives based on such interactions between its various religious communities, the Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, as well as Buddhists and Christians who are present in lesser numbers. There are also several ethnic communities and caste groups comprising clans and lineages present here. It is broadly considered a peaceful region with rare incidents of communal clashes, notwithstanding the impact of conflict in Kashmir and its disturbed borders. It is for this reason perhaps that many groups have sought refuge and settled in Jammu virtually making Jammu city ‘a city of migrants’. But people take pride in terming it a ‘city of temples and shrines’. The papers in this volume have shown this in the worship of Sufis, saints, and shrines in the Jammu region. Those written on the worship of Hindu deities have focused on innumerable modes of propitiation, from those of typical classical to the folk form. Many papers have referred to the concepts like Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic or folk Hinduism, and Little and Great Traditions in trying to understand the cultural change. In the Eastern Plains of the Jammu region popularly called Duggar Illaqa (area of Dogras), the Brahmanical culture has remained the strongest. The Western Plains and the Western Hills that include areas of Rajouri and Poonch are essentially tribal. This area is largely Islamized. In the Eastern hills including areas like Kishtwar and Bhaderwah, some interaction with the outsiders has taken place leading to the Brahmanical penetration (Atrey 2008). The papers in this volume like on Mata Vaishno Devi and Datti Ji in the Jammu eastern plains area show strong Brahmanical influence, while those on Chandi Mata and Naag-devta in the eastern hills of

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Kishtwar and Bhaderwah, respectively, are dominated by tribal and folk culture. Thus, the absorption of local deities into the Brahmanical fold in the Jammu region has remained partial or complete depending upon the physiographical conditions. Even in the areas of Jammu plains, the reminiscent of aboriginal tribal culture are found and seen in the worship of the folk deity. However, it can be said that the folk deities whose origin is in the plains are more Sanskritic and their representation more Iconic than those in the mountainous regions. Their rituals are similarly observed. The architecture of the temples too is different. They exist in dehri and shikhara styles, made of wood in the hills and of stones or bricks in the plains (Atrey 2008). For instance, though the Naag deity is also worshipped in Jammu plains, its veneration in the hilly area of Bhaderwah from where it is supposed to have originated follows folk traditions to the core. The papers on Naag-devta worship through the Jaatra festival and Naghui Tewhaar substantiate this. The analysis of deity worship in the Jammu region based on papers included in the Volume shows that modernization and Sanskritization processes have gone hand in hand, something similar to what Srinivas visualized. Baba Jitto and Baba Ballo shrines have a mix of both Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic elements, and the former is now being reinforced with the process of modernization. But what these papers also emphasize is that the changes have taken place beyond the hierarchical caste structure making certain Brahmanical deities more universal and accessible to all devotees. The darbar (abode) of deities like Mata Vaishno Devi, a highly Sanskritized Goddess, is open for all irrespective of caste, class, gender, or region. It is also observed that the Sanskritizing efforts have not reduced the significance of folk dimension in deity worship in many regions. Machail Yatra (pilgrimage) to Chandi Mata temple has added the Sanskritic dimension to her worship, but it has in no way resulted in reducing the folk traditions for the people of Padar hills in district Kishtwar. It is also seen in the Jammu region that vegetarianism is not always synonymous with Brahmanism. Animal sacrifice is made during the maile congregation and on ritual occasions by other castes like the Rajputs or Jats, but even among the Brahmins, this is done where it involves the worship of the folk deity. The Jamwal-Pandit Brahmins worship Naag deity Pehad Baba, and those who are non-vegetarian sacrifice goats during the mundan (tonsure) ceremony of a child. But the worship of their Kul-devi, Datti Ji, is done with Sanskritic rituals. She is also the folk deity as she is venerated at the clan level in the Main temple and other minor worship sites. Thus, many clans of various castes and sub-castes in the Jammu region combine the two, the Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic modes of worship, even though the former remains predominant among the Brahmins. The papers on the Hindu deities in the Jammu region in this Volume suggest that there has been largely no contradiction between the Sanskritic and folk dimensions of worship. Those who have already been Sanskritized and seen the development and growth of their places like Mata Vaishno Devi are the most famous. Those folk deities in the process like Chandi Mata, Bawa Jitto, and Baba Ballo have become

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more popular in recent years bringing forth greater acceptance and prestige to the regional folk aspects of deity worship in the Jammu region. For this Volume, the papers on Sufis, saints, and deities were compiled with the hope of providing insights into the culture and society of the Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir (UT), India. It was meant to be an exercise in understanding the relationship between people bounded through Sufis, saints, and deity worship within and across clans, castes, regions, and religions. In the given context of years of internal conflict and border skirmishes and stiffening of regional and religious boundaries, the papers bring out the relevance of composite and pluralistic culture in Jammu and Kashmir, mainly in the Jammu region. The book intends to serve the academic purpose for the disciplines of Social Sciences dealing with the study of religion and society by providing ethnographic details about the social and cultural aspects of people’s everyday lives. Through rich and in-depth accounts of the lived experiences of the shared sacred spaces, the book purports to bring out the efficacy and perhaps the hope of the harmonious and peaceful living of people with diverse backgrounds. Some of the contributors to this Volume have been the doctorate students working on Sufi saints and deities, and who are now in different professions, while others are academic colleagues. I am thankful to each one of them for writing their papers for this edited book and through them to every person that they came across and who helped them directly or indirectly. I am sure there are many and not acknowledging them personally in no way undermines their significance to this work. It was a little cumbersome task to combine largely Islamic Sufi shrines with the Hindu deities and places of worship. But the idea was to bring together varied modes of people’s worship in the Jammu region, first, by shifting the centrality of study and analysis from Kashmir and focus on the less-researched Jammu region and, second, by bringing home the point that the strength and vibrancy of any society and culture lie in its shared practices, diversity, and inclusiveness. All the papers, rather inadvertently and thankfully, follow a similar line. My colleagues at various places, family members and friends, research scholars, and students with whom I have shared this project many times provided much-needed inputs and impetus. To each one of them, I express my gratitude. When I was going to work at the Jammu University some 20 years back, my father Prof. Brij Raj Chauhan advised me to research issues specific to the place, and I think studying Sufi saints and deities in the Jammu region provided me that opportunity. Like saints and deities who listen to people and protect them long after they have gone, he continues to bless us. I am immensely grateful to Prof. T. N. Madan with whom I could discuss the idea of this book, though only at the beginning, but from whose work on religion in Jammu and Kashmir, I have greatly benefited. To him, I owe a great deal. My sincere thanks to Prof. N. Jayaram for writing the foreword to this book which I feel has added to the value of the book and set the tone for venturing into the realm of the world of mystic Sufis and saints, and ever vibrant and dynamic forms of deity worship. Professor Jigar Mohammed’s work on Sufi shrines in the Jammu region is well known. I am grateful to him for penning down the epilogue for the book and providing a befitting conclusion to the disarray of themes and issues.

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The views and interpretations are of the contributors and shortcomings, if any, are nevertheless mine. Abha Chauhan

References Ahmad, I. (2011). Mystic Traditions of Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Amin, P. M. (2013). Hazratbal: Faith and Society in Kashmir. New Delhi: Brown Book Publications. Atrey, M. (2008). Deity, cult, rituals and oral traditions in Jammu. Jammu: Saksham Books International. Atrey, M. (2012). Naga deity cult in Jammu region. Shodhak: A Journal of Historical Research, Jaipur: May–August, 42(B), 140–153. Bose, S. (2003). Kashmir: Roots of conflict, path to peace. London: Harvard University Press. Bose, S. (2004). Decolonization and state building in South Asia. Journal of International Affairs. 58(1), 95–113. Chauhan, A. (2011). Sacred landscape and pilgrimage: A study of Mata Vaishno Devi. In R. P. B. Singh (Eds.), Holy places and pilgrimages: Essays on India (pp. 105–126). New Delhi: Subhi Publications. Chib, M. (2017). Naga worship in Jammu and Kashmir. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews October–December, 4 (4), 467–469. Dewan, P. (2007). Jammu: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. New Delhi: Manas Publications. Jamwal, S. (2006). Development of religion and religious structures in Jammu region—an overview. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 87, 163–174. Kak, J. (2008). Lalla’s relation to the Shaivite and Sufi traditions in Kashmir. In A. Rao (Ed.), The valley of Kashmir: The making and unmaking of a composite culture? (pp. 177–205). New Delhi: Manohar. Kaul, A. (2011). Kashmir: Contested identity: Closed systems, open choices. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Khan, M. I. (1994). Kashmir’s Transition to Islam: The Role of Muslim Rishis. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Khan, M. I. (1997). Six centuries of Islamisation in Kashmir: Retrospect and Prospects. In B. Puri (Ed.),5000 Years of Kashmir (pp. 64–71). Delhi: Ajanta Publications. Khan, M. I. (2004). Religious devotion and politics at Hazratbal in Kashmir. In T. N. Madan (Ed.), India’s Religions: Perspective from Sociology and History (pp. 371–382). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Madan, T. N. (2004). India’s Religions: Plurality and Pluralism. In T. N. Madan (Ed.), India’s Religions: Perspectives from Sociology and History (pp. 1–35). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Madan, T. N. (2008). Kashmir, Kashmiris, Kashmiriyat: An Introductory Essay. In A. Rao (Ed.), The valley of Kashmir: The making and unmaking of a composite culture? (pp. 1–34). New Delhi: Manohar. Marazi, H. (2009). Sufism and Rishiism in Kashmir. In K. Wakroo (Ed.), Cultural Heritage of Jammu and Kashmir (pp. 113–126). New Delhi: Pentagon Press. Marriott. M. (1955). Little communities in an indigenous civilization. In M. Marriott (Ed.), Village India: Studies in little community (pp. 171–222). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. McDaniel, J. (2003). Folk Hinduism in West Bengal. In J. McDaniel (Ed.), Making virtuous daughters and wives: An introduction to women’s brata rituals in Bengal folk religion (pp. 1–12). Albany: State University of New York Press. Mohammed, J. (2011). Sufism and sufi shrines in Jammu hills. Epilogue March, 5(3), 51–54.

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Mohammed, J. (2012). The shrine of peace: Baba Chamliyal. In R. Chowdhary (Ed.), Border and People: An Interface (pp. 48–56). New Delhi: Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation. Mohammed, J. (2016). Rajput Rulers and Sufis of Jammu. The News Now. Updated 9/2/2016 3:14:04 PM (http://www.thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet). Rafiqi, A. Q. 2009 (1976). Sufism in Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Redfield, R. (1956). Peasant society and culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schimmel, A. (2019). Sufism: Islam. Encyclopedia Britannica (https://www.britannica.com/topic/ Sufism). Schofield, V. (2010). Kashmir in conflict: India, Pakistan and unending war (3rd ed.). New York: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. New York. Shah, A. M. (2005). Sanskritization revisited. Sociological Bulletin. 54(2), 238–249. Sikand, Y. (2002). The emergence and development of the Jama’at-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir (1940s–1990). Modern Asian Studies, 36(3), 705–751. Sikand, Y. (2008). Popular kashmiri sufism and the challenge of scripturalist islam (1900–1980). In A. Rao (Ed.) The valley of Kashmir: The making and unmaking of a composite culture? (pp. 489–520). New Delhi: Manohar. Sikand, Y. (2010) (1). Muslim-Hindu relations in Jammu Province (Part 1). 16 May (www.counte rcurrents.org). Sikand, Y. (2011). Introduction. In I. Ahmad (Ed.), Mystic Traditions of Kashmir (pp. 1–6). Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Srinivas, M. N. 2003 (1952). Religion and society among the Coorgs of South India (3rd Ed.). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Srinivas, M. N. (1966). Social change in modern India. New Delhi. Allied Publishers. Suvorova, A. (2004). Muslim Saints of South Asia: The eleventh to fifteenth centuries. London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. The Gazette of India. 2019. Published by Authority. New Delhi, Friday, August 9, 2019. Registered No. DL—(N)04/0007/2003—19 (No. 34 of 2019). Wango, M. B. (2008). Maji Khir Bhawani: The Kashmiri Kuladevi. In A. Rao (Ed.), The valley of Kashmir: The making and unmaking of a composite culture? (pp. 259–300). New Delhi: Manohar. Wani, M. A. (2004). Islam in Kashmir (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century). Srinagar: Oriental Publishing House. Warikoo, K. (2009). Shrines and pilgrimage places of Kashmir. In K. Warikoo (Ed.), Cultural heritage of Jammu and Kashmir (pp. 149–165). Pentagon Press. New Delhi. Zutshi, C. (2008). Shrines, political authority, and religious identities in late-nineteenth and earlytwentieth-century Kashmir. In A. Rao (Ed.), The valley of Kashmir: The making and unmaking of a composite culture? (pp. 235–257). New Delhi: Manohar.

Websites https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir_Shaivism. https://www.saivism.net/sects/kashmir/kashmirisaivism. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India–Pakistan_border. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_and_Kashmir. https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_of_Control. www.nationalheraldindia.com/NEWS/India. https://www.census2011.co.in/states. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_and_Kashmir_(state). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jammu_Division.

xxxviii https://www.history.com/topics/religion/hinduism. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaktism. http://ikashmir.net/religion/. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raghunath_Temple. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaktism. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahu_Fort. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shakti_Pitha. https://www.census2011.co.in/religion.

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Contents

1

Shared Sacred Spaces: The Sufi Shrines of Jammu Region . . . . . . . . Rekha Chowdhary

2

The Sufi Shrines of Kishtwar: Dargah of Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-ud-Din . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arun Kumar

13

Sufism and the Khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in Shahdara Sharief: An Ethnographic Fathom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pirzada Athar Hussain

33

3

4

The Mystic Sufi Saint in Jammu: Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah . . . . . Kamlesh Bamotra

5

Cultural and Religious Perspectives on the Sufi Shrines: Khori Baba Dargah on the Line of Control in District Rajouri . . . . . Kavita Suri

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6

The Healing Touch Saint: Baba Chamliyal Shrine at the International Border in Samba District . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Abha Chauhan

7

Documenting the Folk Deities of Jammu Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Mrinalini Atrey

8

Understanding the Concept of Shakti: Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine in Jammu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Ravinder Singh

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Religiosity, Ritual Practices, and Folk Deity Worship: Bawa Jitto Shrine in Marh Block of Jammu Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Ashish Saxena and Vijaylaxmi Saxena

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10 Naghui Tewhaar and Deity Worship: A Folk Festival at the Goddess Chandi Temple in Machail Village of Padar Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Shamsher Singh 11 Naag Deity Worship in Bhaderwah: A Case Study of Jaatra Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Neetika Sharma 12 Living Tradition and Faith Galore: Baba Ballo Devasthan of Village Mathwar in Jammu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Mehraj Ud Din Waza and Anil Sharma 13 Datti Ji: Folk Deity Worship Among the Jamwal-Pandit Clan of Jammu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Akhilesh Sharma Epilogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301

Editor and Contributors

About the Editor Abha Chauhan is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K, India). She holds a Ph.D. from the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. Her research interests and publications are in the areas of gender, community, kinship, marriage, religion, culture, and conflict studies. She has been Convenor, RC 10 ‘Gender Studies’, Managing Committee Member, and Secretary of the Indian Sociological Society.

Contributors Akhilesh Sharma is presently working as Liaison Officer to the Vice-Chancellor, University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K), India. He is Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Jammu and specializes in the field of information technology. His research areas include culture, Hinduism, and deity worship. Anil Sharma is working as Lecturer in Sociology with the Department of School Education Jammu. He has done his Masters and M. Phil in Sociology from the University of Jammu, Jammu. His research areas are Sociology of education, environmental Sociology, and social entrepreneurship. Arun Kumar is Assistant Professor of Sociology, Higher Education Department, Kishtwar, Union Territory of J&K, India. He is M.Phil and Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Jammu, Jammu. His areas of research are Sociology of Religion, Sufism, and inter-community relations. He is a Life Member of the Indian Sociological Society. Ashish Saxena is presently Professor and Head, Department of Sociology at the University of Allahabad. He also taught Sociology at the University of Jammu and was the Director (I), Ambedkar Studies Centre. His areas of research and publications are related to Subaltern Studies; Agrarian Studies; Development Studies; xli

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Sociology of Sanitation; Religion and Society, Land reforms, Democratic decentralization, Identity politics, and Globalization. He is a recipient of the UGC-DAAD fellowship 2014, and was felicitated with the D.P. Mukherji Memorial Award (ISSA) 2017; and Dewang Mehta National Education Award 2017. Kamlesh Bamotra is Ph.D. in Sociology from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai (Maharashtra). Her research interests are in the areas of ethnicity, identity, Sufism, conflict, migration, displacement, diaspora, and Sociology of Happiness. She is a Life Member of the Indian Sociological Society. Kavita Suri is working as Director and Head, Department of Lifelong Learning, University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K). She has been a Member of J&K State Commission for the Protection of Women and Child Rights, Govt. of J&K and Member, Board of Directors, Jammu and Kashmir Women Development Corporation. A Ph. D. in Education from the University of Jammu, she has done the research and authored eight books dealing with issues related to Gujjars and Bakkarwals of J&K, education, culture, women and gender concerns, peace-building and Kashmir conflict, and on Ladakh region. Mehraj Ud Din Waza is currently serving as Lecturer in Sociology in the Department of School Education Kashmir (J&K). He has done his Masters and M. Phil in Sociology and pursuing his Ph.D. from the University of Jammu, Jammu. His areas of research interests are Sociology of migration, religion, social issues in Kashmir, and social policy and youth. Mrinalini Atrey is a doctorate in History and is presently working as Lecturer in History at the Law School, University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K). Her research work is on Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of the Jammu region with the focus on Local Deity Cult, Folk Rituals, folk Narrative Songs, women’s role in the transmission and recreation of intangible cultural heritage, legends, and anecdotes connected with the built heritage of Jammu region. She coordinates India Chapter at the Association of Critical Heritage Studies and the National Scientific Committee on ICH at ICOMOS-India. An Expert member at ICICH-ICOMOS (International Committee on Intangible Cultural Heritage), she is also a member of ISFNR (International Society for Folk Narrative Research) and Indian History Congress. Neetika Sharma is Assistant Professor of Sociology, Higher Education Department, Union Territory of J&K, India. She completed her M.Phil and Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Jammu. Her areas of research are tribal and cultural studies. She is a Life Member of the Indian Sociological Society (ISS) and North -West Indian Sociological Association (NWISA). Pirzada Athar Hussain is Assistant Professor at the College of Business and Social Sciences, Eritrean Institute of Technology, Asmara, Eritrea. He is Ph.D. in Sociology from Barkatullah University, Bhopal (M.P.), and completed his Post Doctorate (ICSSR Fellowship) from the University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K). He is a Life Member of the Indian Sociological Society. His research interests and publications

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are in the fields of Sociology of Family Life, Sociology of Religion, and Urban Sociology. Ravinder Singh is an independent policy researcher. He is working as Assistant Professor of Sociology at Asian Law College (ALC) Noida, CCS University, Meerut (U.P.). He is M. Phil. and Ph.D. in Sociology from the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, and received ICSSR doctoral fellowship. His areas of specialization are political sociology, religion and culture, cinema and media, gender, theory and philosophy of social sciences, and research methods. He is a founding member of the Global Research Forum on Diaspora and Trans-nationalism (GRFDT). Rekha Chowdhary is a former Professor of Political Science at the University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K). She has been a Fellow of Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla; National Fellow ICSSR; Commonwealth Fellow; and Fulbright Scholar. She is the author of Jammu and Kashmir, 1990 and Beyond, (Sage, 2019) and Jammu and Kashmir: Politics of Identity and Separatism (Routledge, 2016). Shamsher Singh is presently working in the Social Welfare Department, Jammu and Kashmir Government, J&K, India. He is M.Phil and Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Jammu, Jammu, and received ICSSR Doctoral Fellowship. His areas of research are Sociology of Religion, folk and Sanskritic traditions, and deity worship. He is a Life Member of the Indian Sociological Society. Vijayalaxmi Saxena is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology, CMP Degree College, University of Allahabad. Previously she has taught Sociology, as Adhoc Lecturer at Calliope Law College, University of Jammu. Her research interests include the Indian perspective; Industrial sociology, women’s empowerment, sociology of child labour. She is the author of the book Industrial Sociology: Themes and Perspectives.

Chapter 1

Shared Sacred Spaces: The Sufi Shrines of Jammu Region Rekha Chowdhary

Abstract The paper locates the Sufi shrines of the Jammu region in the larger context of the plural society and its multi-layered diversity on the one hand and the conflict situation in Jammu and Kashmir, on the other. It makes an important point about the shrines being integral to Jammu’s culture and society. Drawing on the history of the Jammu region, it links the role of state patronage to the popularity of the shrines among the common people. The paper seeks to examine the shrines in the context of their ambivalent and fuzzy nature. It, therefore, emphasizes their role in subverting the rigid religious binaries and creating shared sacred space for people of different faiths. Keywords Shared sacred spaces · Plurality · Social diversity · Partition · Border · Sufis

1 Jammu: Mixed Society and Syncretic Cultural Ethos One of the peculiarities of the Jammu region is its social diversity. Balraj Puri calls it a cultural mosaic that has multiple religious, cultural, linguistic, tribal identities (Puri 2001). These multiple identities overlap and cut across each other. In terms of religious demography, it makes an interesting pattern because each religious community is internally differentiated on the ethnic, cultural, and linguistic basis. Within the larger Muslim-majority political unit of Jammu and Kashmir, the Jammu region is the Hindu majority. However, Muslims form a substantial number in the region. As per the 2011 census, one-third population of the Jammu region is comprised of Muslims. Of the ten districts of the Jammu region, only four are predominantly Hindu, and six districts are Muslim majority. With the presence of Muslims all over the region, Jammu can be defined as a mixed society. Even within the predominantly Hindu districts like Jammu, Samba, Kathua, and Udhampur, there is the presence of Muslims. Similarly, in the Muslim majority districts, there is a substantial Hindu population (Chowdhary 2019). R. Chowdhary (B) Former Professor of Political Science, University of Jammu, Jammu, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_1

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Before 1947, Jammu was a Muslim majority region. However, the 1947 turbulence led to its demographic change. The period witnessed huge violence, displacement, and division. Though a large part of the region came under the control of Pakistan; the violence impacted both the Hindus and Muslims. While many Hindus were killed and were forced to flee from the areas now under the control of Pakistan (from Muzzafarabad, Mirpur, Kotli, Bagh); a substantial number of Muslims were killed and were forced to flee from the Jammu region either to Pakistan or to the areas of the erstwhile state under the control of Pakistan. Notwithstanding the turbulence in 1947, the Jammu region continued to maintain its diversity and its tradition of a mixed society. Even though the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir was engulfed in the conflict situation, it remained a plural society with numerous symbols of its syncretic culture. Of these symbols, the Sufi shrines form the most significant ones. Though it is the Kashmir region that is generally known for its Sufi culture, Jammu has as many Sufi shrines—spread all over the region. Some of these shrines are quite well-known and attract visitors from various parts of the erstwhile state, as well as from outside the region. There are also numerous small and not-so-well-known shrines. In fact, there is no part of the region that does not have shrines as part of its cultural space.

2 Representation of Jammu City: A City of Temples and a City of Shrines Jammu city has generally been represented as a city of temples. Not only at the societal level, however, even at the official level, this representation is used. The official website of Jammu district, for instance, describes it as a ‘Duggar land’ and land of grand ancient temples’.1 However, along with the mention of temples, there is also mention of shrines or ziyarats. Thus it states: ‘Jammu is justly famous for its temples. In fact, it is known as the city of temples and every fame of its’ tends to overshadow its palaces, forts, forests, and powerful ziyarats. If Bahu Mata is the presiding deity of Jammu, the dargah of Peer Budhan Ali Shah is the other shrine that protects Jammuites’ (emphasis added). The dargah so mentioned in this quote is that of the seventeenth century Sufi who is supposed to have met Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion, and had a discourse with him.2 His shrine is located right in the middle of Jammu Airport. ‘The dargah of the Baba is visited every day by scores of people, mainly Hindus, 1 The website of Jammu district thus notes about Jammu: ‘Jammu district derives its name from the

city of Jammu which besides being the winter capital of the state, is known as the city of temples’. ‘District Jammu’, (https://jammu.nic.in/history/). 2 It is believed that the Peer, as well as Guru Nanak, belonged to Talwandi in Punjab and ‘were intimate, respected each other, and maintained closeness because of a commonplace of birth. They met often at different places and used to discuss spiritual matters and exchanged their views. It is also said that once Peer Baba went to Anandpur Sahib to see Guru Nanak Ji who invited him to stay there’ (The News Now, 20 August 2016).

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and Sikhs. On Thursdays, several thousand gathers here, and at the Urs, held on the first Thursday of the local month of Har, the crowds are enormous’ (Sikand 2000: 19). Due to the excessive popularity of the shrine, it remained located in its own place even when the Airport was expanded. The presence of the shrine in the Airport makes a very interesting statement about the syncretic culture of Jammu. More so, because four temple domes characterize the main building of the Airport. On landing in Jammu, one gets the view of the shrine as well as of the temple. There are many places in the region where the shrines and temples are located side by side and in many cases, the people visit both. Rather than reflecting an image of these two religious spaces, standing in opposition to each other, these represent a continuity of Jammu’s culture and its tradition of interfaith interaction. Most of the shrines in Jammu are centuries old, reminding of the time when it was predominantly a Muslim-inhabited region. When did Islam enter the region, cannot be answered precisely for the reason that there is no written record available of its history. Unlike the history of Kashmir, which is maintained through written records, Jammu’s history is mainly based on oral traditions, including the folklores. On the basis of the oral tradition, Lalit Gupta, the cultural historian of the Jammu region refers to an episode of the 14th century when Raja Mall Dev of Jammu was pressurized by Temur to accept Islam. He also notes the presence of pre-Mughal Sufi shrines and on that basis argues that by the 16th century Muslims had become an integral part of the society in the region (Gupta 2010). By the time the Dogra rule was established, the Jammu province was already recognized as a Muslim-majority area. Sukh Dev Singh Charak, the renowned historian of Jammu, refers to the 22 principalities of the region, which were consolidated by Dogra King Ranjit Dev (1728–1780) and notes that seven of them were ruled by Muslims. Most of these principalities were in the western part of the province (Charak 1971: 8). It was the presence of a large number of Muslims in the region that Dogra rulers after 1846 ‘ruled these territories through astute military and political strategies by appointing Muslims as Governors or to other administrative positions in many areas’ (Choudhary 2012: 14). Sufis certainly played a very important role in spreading Islam in the Jammu region. Evidence of the widespread influence of Sufis gets reflected from the presence of Sufi shrines all over the region. In some places, the conversion to Islam started with the rulers getting influenced by the Sufi saints. As Mohammed notes, ‘Jai Singh, the King of Kishtwar, accepted Islam under the influence of Sayyid Farid-ud-din Qadiri during the 17th century and received the title of Bakhtiyar Khan’ (Mohammed 2009: 117). With the King converting, the process of conversion of common people was accelerated. Referring to the way Islam spread in the Jammu region and the role played by the Sufis, Sikand thus notes: ‘Here, as elsewhere in India, Islam attracted a large number of followers principally through the missionary endeavours of Sufi mystics. Scores of ‘low’ castes, victims of an inhuman caste system, sought to escape Brahminical tyranny by embracing Islam. Numerous warrior-caste Rajputs, too, converted to Islam, establishing close relations with powerful Muslim families. A smaller number of Muslims made their way to this region from Iran and Central Asia…’ (Sikand 2013: 217).

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With the spread of the Sufi influence and the conversion of people into Islam, the Sufi culture was also popularised. Sufis and their shrines became part of the local culture which was reflected in the oral traditions. In the folk legends which were sung in different parts of the region in diverse languages, reference was made to these Sufis. To quote Mohammed, ‘A large number of legends are associated with the arrival, settlement and the activities of the Sufis of Jammu… It is very interesting to mention that the Sufis and their shrines have been made part of the local culture by the oral traditions and these legends, folklores, and tales are reserved in the local languages and dialects such as Dogri, Kishtwar, Bhadarwahi, Gojri, and Pahari, etc.’ (Mohammed 2016). Peer Roshan Ali Shah, whose detailed account is available in Gulabnama,3 is said to be the first Sufi to visit the Jammu region. Also known as Nau Gaza (nine-yard) Peer for his excessive height, he is said to have come to Jammu in the 13th century before the invasion of Temur (Sufi Shrines in the Indian Subcontinent 2010). Like him, another Sufi saint Baba Jiwan Shah of the 19th century though preached Islam, ‘his disciples came from all backgrounds and included Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and others. Notable among his followers were Maharaja Pratap Singh, the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir (1885–1925), and his brother Amar Singh.’ (Sikand 2000:19). From where did the Sufis come to the Jammu region? In terms of their regional background, Jigar Mohammed classifies Sufis into four categories—those who came from Punjab; those who came from Kashmir; those who came from foreign lands, and the indigenous Sufis who belonged to Jammu hills. Most of the Sufis who came to settle down in Jammu plains or lower hills were the Sufis who came from Punjab. These included Peer Lakhdatta, Baba Budhan Ali Shah, Baba Jiwan Shah of Akhnoor, Baba Rah, Baba Jiwan Shah of Jiwan Shah mohalla, Peer Baba Tode Shah, Peer Wali Shah, Mustafa Baba or Nau Baba, Sain Lal, and Peer Ghulam Badshah. Many of those Sufis located in the present-day Doda belt and the Pir Panchal area, came from Kashmir or were initiated into Sufism by Kashmiri Sufis. These included Hazrat Miskin Shah Kishtwari, Hazrat Abu Sikander Ali, Zqqainud-din Rishi, and Latif-ud-din. Among those who came from foreign countries like Mecca, Baghdad, Arab, and Iran included Peer Roshan Ali, Hazrat Shah Muhammad Ghazi, Peer Mitha, Faquir Baba Faiz Bukhari, Baba Barkat Ali, and Hazarat Nazar Ali Shah. Among those who were indigenous Sufi included Hazrat Shawan Sarkoti, Peer Muhabbat Ali, Peer Wali Shah, and Baba Sain Lal Din (Mohammed 2011a: 52). Many of the Sufis, especially those who came from Punjab, arrived here during the nineteenth century. This was the time of turbulence in Punjab, especially after the disintegration of the Punjab Raj that was established by Maharaja Ranjit Singh. However, many Sufis also came to settle down here much earlier during the reign of Raja Ranjit Dev in the eighteenth century. The Raja, ‘always kept before his exalted mind the protection of those who sought refuge. Ranjit Dev encouraged people of 3 Gulabnama written by Diwan Kripa Ram is a historical work covering the foundation of Dogra rule,

particularly Maharaja Gulab Singh. See Gulabnama of Diwan Kripa Ram: A History of Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu. Translated by Sukhdev Singh Charak, Light and Life Publishers (1977).

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all sorts to settle in Jammu from every part of the Punjab’ (Charak 1971: 62). It was during his rule that the widow of Governor of Lahore, popularly known as Mughlani Begum, was given refuge in Jammu. Patronage was also given to Muslim artisans and craftsmen who were escaping Lahore during the attacks of Ahmad Shah Abdali. Ramnath Shastri, the great literary personality of Jammu and the doyen of Dogra literature, described how the craftsmen like the weavers, barbers, leather workers, cracker makers, etc. were given refuge by the Raja and how they permanently settled in Jammu city (Personal Interview with Ramnath Shastri).

3 Sufi Shrines: Patronage by the Rulers Historically, most of these Sufi shrines were patronised by the rulers. The Shahdara Sharief shrine, for instance, is located in the land that was granted by Maharaja Ranjit Singh. It was at the request of Gulab Singh, who was at that time a Jagirdar under Ranjit Singh that such a grant was approved. (Mohammed 2011b). Gulab Singh when he took over as the Maharaja (King) of Jammu (Reign: 1846–1857) continued to patronise the Sufi shrines. Thus he granted around 6 acres of land to the shrine of Peer Wali Shahat, Katra in Udhampur district. He is also known to have given patronage to the Arnia shrine. That is why people of Arnia town still refer to a legend linked with Gulab Singh’s association with the shrine. As per the legend, the Sufi who had come from Baghdad had developed the reputation of having miraculous powers. ‘The Sufi saint came here from Baghdad and started working here as a labourer. But his Sufi stature and the miracles that he performed made him famous. It is said that the basket of construction material that he carried did not touch his head, but rather floated in the air (Tokri unke sar se sawa hath upar rahti thi). Hearing about his fame the Maharaja came to see the miracle himself. The Peer asked the King to start a practice of offering prasad (religious offering usually an eatable item) and chadar (a sheet generally laid on the dargah considered sacred) and told him that till the time this practice was continued, the power of the King would be retained’ (Personal Interview with a native of Arnia Town). It is said that the practice was discontinued during Maharaja Hari Singh’s (great-grandson of Maharaja Gulab Singh) time (Reign: 1925–1948). There is a very strong belief in Arnia that this led to the downfall of Hari Singh as well as the Dogra Empire. Not only Gulab Singh, but other Dogra rulers were also known for patronising the Sufis and Sufi shrines. Lalit Gupta notes about the Dogra patronage of the Sufi Shrines. He writes about the frequent visits of the Dogra rulers to the Sufi places and their meeting with the Sufi saints as well as the visit of the Sufi saints to the palace of the Dogra rulers. He thus refers to the visit of the Sufis to the Mubarak Mandi in Jammu, the royal palace ‘in glittering palanquins’. He also mentions about the Urs of Peer Mittha, a Sufi shrine in Jammu city which ‘was celebrated with a lot of fervour wherein people from all walks of life participated and the day was declared as public holiday till the time of Maharaja Hari Singh’ (Gupta 2010). Jigar Mohammed

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meanwhile, notes that both Maharaja Ranbir Singh (1857–85) and Maharaja Pratap Singh (1885–1925) extended financial support and renovated a number of the Sufi shrines of Jammu hills. He also mentions that,‘… Maharaja Pratap Singh extended financial support to Baba Jiwan Shah both in cash (wazifa) and kind to meet the expenses of his mystic activities.’ According to him, Pratap Singh also constructed a road into the shrine of Mian Mohammad Ibrahim (Mohammed 2011b: 38). Of the eminent Sufi shrines on the regional level, one can mention Shahdara Sharief in Rajouri, Shrines of Sayyid Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-ud-Din Sahib in Kishtwar, mazaars of Peer Choota Shah near Mendhar, Garb Shah in Samba, Peer Fazal Shah and Peer Chhatar Shah in Kathua, and Anurag Ali Shah in Udhampur district (Jamwal 2006: 174). So popular are these shrines that these attract not only local natives but people from all over the region and even from outside the region, especially from the states of Punjab and Rajasthan. The shrines like the Shahdara Sharief are so popular that people not only from different parts of India but also from outside India visit them. The shrine is quite rich in monetary terms and its income is used to fund the Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University.4 What is peculiar about all these shrines is that these are revered and visited by people across the religious divide. Even in the Hindu dominated district of Jammu, there has been a significant presence of the Sufi shrines. Apart from the shrine of Peer Raushan Ali Shah which is located in the centre of the old Jammu city, and the shrine of Peer Budhan Ali Shah, already mentioned, there are many other shrines. These include Peer Mitha, Peer Lakhdata, and Panj Peers. Peer Mitha is said to have come to Jammu during the 15th century. He treated the wife of Raja Ajaib Dev. As per the legend, Peer Mitha had a close association with a Hindu hermit, Sadhu Garib Nath Jogi whose place of worship was located in a cave near the place where Peer Mitha used to worship. The cave known as Peer Kho, is as famous as the shrine of Peer Mitha. The Peer Mitha and Peer Kho now form a complex syncretic space with a Sufi shrine and a temple located close to each other (Kaur 2017). The Peer Lakhdata shrine is located in the market named after him in the old city of Jammu. The life of Peer Lakhdata as Sikand notes remains shrouded in mystery. As per one legend, the shrine is built in the name of the Peer without his having ever visited Jammu but as per another legend, he is also known to be a contemporary and a close associate of Guru Nanak Dev. ‘The cult of Peer Lakhdata is particularly popular among the agriculturalist’s castes of Punjab and Rajasthan, both Hindus as well as Muslims. This tradition is linked with the cult of Guga Peer, said to be a Rajput Chieftain who converted to Islam. In some versions of the account of Guga Peer’s life, he and Peer Lakhdata are presented as one and the same person’ (Sikand 2000:19). The shrine of Panch Peer is similarly very popular in Jammu and is located on the National Highway, near the palace of the Dogra Maharaja.

4 Not only on the Indian side of Jammu but in the areas that came under the control of Pakistan, there

were famous Sufi shrines. Of these shrines, the most well-known include the Shrine of Mohammed Bhakhsh, the author of Saif-Ul-Malook. The shrine is located in Mirpur.

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4 Sufi Shrines as Part of Jammu’s Culture With Sufis contributing to the spread of Islam in the region, Sufi philosophy and Sufi shrines became part of Jammu’s local culture. The local word used for Sufi Shrines is ‘dargah’. Despite the fact that the term ‘dargah’ is of Persian origin, it has become a part of the local Dogri language along with the word ‘ziyarat’. The popular use of these words, in the opinion of Jigar Mohammed, is a reflection of inter/transregional dialogue that the Jammu region developed since ancient times. This dialogue followed both the directions. As the local language and culture became impacted by the Sufis coming from outside, the Sufis also got acculturated in local traditions, ‘the people of diverse backgrounds in terms of regional identities came to Jammu and adopted the local culture along with their own previous cultural characteristics’ (Mohammed 2012: 50). Dargahs, as Sikand notes, are mausoleums where the deceased Sufi saints or Muslim mystics are laid to rest. The general belief, regarding these saints, according to him, is that they have their spiritual presence in the shrines and as they are close to God, they can sometimes intercede with Him to meet people’s requests (Sikand 2013). In Sikand’s opinion, this belief in the superior powers of the Sufi’s to intervene on behalf of people and fulfil their desire is shared across the community boundaries. The miraculous power of the Sufi shrines has been one of the major reasons for the popularity of the Sufi shrines. There are legends built around various Sufis that revolve around the miracles performed by them. It is because of these miracles that the association of the rulers with the Sufis is explained. Whether it is in terms of the healing powers of the Sufis, or their other powers that people belonging to the different strata of society seem to be identifying with them and visiting the shrines for their blessings.5 As cultural symbols, shrines serve the larger purpose, providing a sense of security to people. Shrines are said to be reigning deities that protect the communities and the place where these are located. Thus about the Arnia shrine, there is a belief that it is the miraculous power of the shrine that the town has remained protected despite all kinds of hazards. The Respondents informed that they had great faith in the shrine. As per their understanding, the shrine has been able to protect itself as well as the village through all the period of turbulence. They also refer to an incident that took place in 1947 when an unsuccessful attempt was made by a person to demolish the shrine. The person, they believe, was hit by a bullet from the back. He was the only person who was killed in the village during the time. Respondents emphasized that other villages suffered ghastly violence during that period with a lot of killings, but in Arnia that was the only killing that took place. There are other stories of the shrine protecting the people during the 1965 war. As per the story told by the respondents, 5 To

quote Mohammed, ‘Several such types of miracles are associated with almost all the Sufis of the Jammu hills. But these miracles had great significance in terms of the popularity of the Sufis. A large number of persons became the followers of the Sufis. Several persons became the disciples (Mureeds) of the Sufis. Through the narration of these miracles the Sufis’ life and works are kept alive from the days of the Sufis concerned to modern times’ (Mohammed 2011c: 38).

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it was because of the power of the Shrine that Pakistan’s forces were blinded and could not cross the river to reach Arnia. This kind of belief in the power of shrines is to be found in the whole border belt. One can see how the legends associated with the shrines are socially purposive in these vulnerable conflict-ridden areas. Borders in Jammu and Kashmir have remained volatile not only during the war but also during the time of ‘peace’.

5 Religious Ambivalence and Popularity Across Religious Divide There is a context of ambiguity attached to the Sufi shrines. Rather than representing the rigid structure of religion, shrines, in their structures and practices clearly cross the religious boundaries. Generally donned by Islamic symbols, they follow the practices which are otherwise considered to be non-Islamic by certain conservative Islamic doctrines. Compared to mosques, these are much more open space, and irrespective of religious faith that people espouse, there is no restriction on their entry. Therefore, despite their affiliation with Islam, the Sufi saints and shrines are as much popular among Hindus as among the Muslims. This explains the large presence of local people in these shrines. On Thursdays particularly, one can find people visiting these shrines in large numbers. Many of these visitors are comprised of women and young people. There are set occasions and events in the lives of many people when the visit to the shrine becomes important. For instance, after the birth of a child, or for seeking blessings for the newlyweds or for starting a new business, and so on. There has been a tradition of farmers visiting the shrines during the beginning of harvest season or the season of planting seeds. During our visits to Jammu shrines (like the shrine of Panj Pir, Baba Budhan Shah, Chamliyal Baba, Naugaza Pir) many of the visitors stated that they were regular visitors to the shrines. For many of them it was part of the family tradition and besides visiting the shrine on set days of the year, month or week, they would visit the shrine on ‘special occasions’. ‘We repose all our faith in the shrine. And for anything important happening in the family, it is obligatory for us to visit the shrine,’ stated one respondent. ‘People come here to make their wishes, and when these are fulfilled, they come back’, stated another respondent. ‘I had fallen ill and my friend had prayed for my well-being. And after I was cured, I came here. Like my friend I have become a regular visitor to the shrine now’, stated another young female respondent.6 6 Referring

to the identification of non-Muslims with the Sufi shrines, Sikand thus notes, ‘Believed to be in close communion with God, Sufi Saints had a large following, not only among Muslims, but other communities as well. As divine beings and repositories of enormous shake or miraculous power, they were accommodated into the expansive pantheon of Hindu folk deities, and feared, propitiated, beseeched and adored like the latter. In many cases, Hindus, Sikhs and Dalits outnumbered Muslims as regular worshippers at the shrines of these saints’ (Sikand 2013: 217).

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By providing shared sacred spaces for people, the shrines can contribute to harmonious inter-community relations. The concept of Sufi shrines is neither based on exclusivity nor the binary difference between Hindus and Muslims. Without any pressure on one’s basic religious identity, one can reach out to the other religion. With the participation of people of different communities in these shrines, many stereotypes are broken. Shrines, therefore, break the wall between the communities and take away the ‘otherness’. They may in the process appreciate and follow the practices of the ‘other’ religion. Referring to how this helps in the process of increasing the bond between the communities, Sikand notes that, ‘Hindu devotees willingly accepted Muslim mystics as spiritual guides. Likewise, courting the wrath of their conservative co-religionists, some Sufis readily accepted Hindu meditational practices, hanging upside down in a well by a rope for forty days or sleeping on a bed of thorns, or going so far as to compose mystical poetry glorying Hindu religious figures’ (Sikand 2013: 217). The participation of people of different religions in the same sacred space, however, may not shake the deeply embedded religious and caste differences. One cannot take a complete idealist view that since people belonging to different religious faiths come to the same sacred space, the religious walls that separate communities are totally broken. However, one can at the same time argue that the visit to these spaces certainly helps in promoting the culture of ‘limited tolerance’ of each other. To quote Sikand, ‘While orthodox Hindus balked at the thought of consuming food cooked by a Muslim or even touched by his ‘polluting’ shadow, Hindu worshippers at dargahs happily accepted sweets and holy water from Muslim sajjada nashins— ‘keeps of the prayer carpets’ and descendants of the buried saints’(Ibid.). If nothing else, the shrines become the only sacred spaces where people belonging to different religions find the opportunity to interact with each other. Among other occasions, the Urs, or the annual festivity of the shrine, is one such important moment that becomes the basis of bonding between the communities. Referring to the peculiar nature of Jammu’s hills, Jigar Mohammed notes how the Urs in Sufi shrines served multiple purposes for the remote places where these shrines were located—not only of overcoming the isolation of these places but also contributing to the economy of the place. To quote him: ‘thus these Sufis and their shrines worked for interconnecting the people of one area to the other and the route followed by the visitors became the means of socio-economic development. The sense of isolation, prevailing in the hills, was converted into binding force’ (Mohammed 2011c: 38). Since the legends linked with the Sufi shrines play a great role in the popularity of the shrines, what is particular about many shrines in the Jammu region is a differential reading of the legends by different religious groups. The legends are read and interpreted from the vantage point of the person involved. Depending on whether it is Hindu or Muslim interpreting the legend, the storyline may become different in certain details. A Hindu may emphasise certain parts of the legend which has some references linked with Hindus, while Muslims may emphasise other parts of the legend. To explain this point one can refer to the Kishtwar’s Sufi shrines and the legends which have specific mention about the Hindus and Muslims and their co-existence and their relationship. A conversation with local Hindus will inform

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you about Muslim Sufi, Hazrat Baba Farid-ud-din having a Hindu wife in whose resting place only the Hindu men have the privilege to visit. Muslim men are barred from visiting the place. The reason as to why the Hindu men get the privilege is seen to be located in the belief that since she was a Hindu, to begin with, all Hindu men are related to her as brothers. There are similar stories of Hindu-Muslim relationship in the legend of the son of the saint, who himself attained sainthood quite early in his life. Referring to him, one local Hindu resident of Kishtwar thus informed: ‘The young saint was coming back from somewhere and saw people carrying the body of a Hindu. On asking who the dead person was, he was informed that this was his Hindu friend who had died suddenly. On hearing this, the saint said, “but how can he die. We were playing a game which is still unfinished and as I have taken my turn, it is his turn to play. He cannot die without taking his turn”. On saying that he used his miraculous powers and revived his friend’ (Personal Interview). One of the most popular shrines that bind Hindus and Muslims alike is the shrine of Baba Chamliyal in village Chamliyal in Ramgarh sector of Samba district. The shrine belongs to Baba Dalip Singh, who was born a Hindu more than three centuries earlier. He is said to have miraculous power of healing people with skin problems and was revered by both Hindus and Muslims. As per legend, on his death, both the communities made a claim on his body—while Hindus wanted to cremate it, the Muslims wanted to bury it. In the end, as the story goes, the head on its own was severed from the body and fell on the sides of the Muslims. The Hindus cremated the body and the Muslims buried the head. What has been peculiar about this shrine is that in 1947, the site on which the shrine is located got divided between India and Pakistan, but the practice of having annual festivity in the month of June continued. Since the miraculous powers of the soil and water of the well around the shrine were believed to help treat people with skin diseases, people from across the border used to visit the shrine on this occasion and take back the soil and water from the well of the shrine (popularly known as shakkar and sharbat respectively). However, later the participation of local people from Pakistan was stopped. What is peculiar about the Shrine of Baba Chamliyal is that it is located right on the border and just opposite the shrine on the zero line on the other side, there lies the Pakistani village Saidanwali. With great faith in the shrine, these people continued to assemble on their side, and even when they could not visit the shrine, they would continue having their festival for three days. On the Indian side, the festival was organised by the Border Security Force (BSF) and only lately, the local administration took the responsibility of organising it. Given the huge popularity of the shrine on the other side, a practice of allowing a visit of Pakistani rangers to the shrine was put in place in 2003. These rangers would offer a chadar to the shrine and would take back the sharbat and shakkar in a trolly to be distributed among the followers of the saint on the Pakistani side. Due to the excessive situation of ceasefire violations, the Pakistani rangers were not allowed in 2019. The official patronage of the shrine and the combined participation of Indian and Pakistan forces, despite the hostile relations between the two countries, reflected the tremendous popularity of the shrine. It was the sheer pressure of the people on both sides that it received the patronage of both the governments.

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The shrine of Baba Chamliyal can be seen from varied perspectives. It provides an interesting case for analyzing the religious ambiguity attached to the shrines as well as the shared sacred space. More importantly, it provides a very important example of how the faith in shrines brings together the people even across the state boundaries. With so much commonality of faith in the shrine on the two sides of the border, the two hostile states were getting together respecting the emotions and faith of the people. For the annual festivity, the BSF and the Pakistani Rangers, as well as the politicians and bureaucrats, were working together and breaking the barriers that normally existed between the two countries. The shrine in itself has been reflecting a confluence between the Hindu and Muslim faith. Though Baba is known to be Hindu, the shrine has many Islamic symbols. The actual resting place of the Baba is covered with the green cloth and the devotees as a matter of practice offer green chadar and follow rituals like the other shrines. However, there are lots of saffron symbols also in the shrine. There are also photographs of the Hindu Gods within the shrine. A visit to the shrine makes it difficult to relegate it to any binary understanding of religion. On the other hand, there is much that shows the fuzzy nature of religious boundaries.

6 Conclusion Shrines, as we have seen in this paper are central to the culture and society of the Jammu region. Being as integral to Jammu’s culture as the temples are, these shrines serve the purpose of providing shared sacred spaces. With people of different religious communities intermingling in these shrines, these spaces subvert the process of rigid religious exclusivity on the one hand and extreme radicalisation, on the other. Despite all the odds, the shrines as shared sacred spaces have not only survived in the Jammu region but have attained popularity, especially among the younger people, across the religious divide. When at the global level, we see the religious identities getting increasingly sharpened and crystallized, the importance of the shared religious spaces in the Jammu region cannot be underestimated. The religious assertion and the binaries woven around religion notwithstanding, these shared religious spaces become the harbingers of communal harmony and positive inter-community relations. However, it is important to restrain from any kind of romanticised version of the role of shrines. The very existence of shrines and their fuzzy nature does not in any way mean that there is an ideal situation regarding the religious assertions. Like anywhere else in India, religious identities are assuming increasing importance in the Jammu region. And yet, despite such assertions, the popularity of shrines makes an important statement about the limits of religious radicalisation. The shrines make an interesting case study of the shared spaces where rigid religious boundaries are transcended and binaries that usually go along with these boundaries become insignificant.

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References Charak, S. S. (1971). Maharaja Ranjitdev and the Rise and Fall of Jammu Kingdom: From 1700 A.D. to 1820 A.D. Pathankot: Dogra Pahari Itihas Kendra. Charak, S. S. (1977). (Translated), Gulabnama of Diwan Kripa Ram: A History of Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu. New Delhi: Light and Life Publishers. Choudhary, Z. (2012). Locating Jammu Muslims in Kashmir conflict. New Delhi: Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation. Chowdhary, R. (2019). Jammu and Kashmir, 1990 and beyond: Competitive politics under the shadow of separatism. New Delhi: Sage. District Jammu. Jammu and Kashmir. See https://jammu.nic.in/history/. Last updated: 8 December 2020. Gupta, L. (2010). Jammu Muslims. In R. Chowdhary (Ed.), Politics of identities in Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: Vitasta Publishing Pvt. Ltd. Jamwal, S. (2006). Development of religion and religious structures in Jammu region: An overview. Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 87, 163–174. Kaur, S. (2017). Shrine of Peer Mitha. Daily Excelsior, February 05. Mohammed, J. (2018). ‘Baba Chamliyal’, Kashmir Life, August 1, https://kashmirlife.net/baba-cha mliyal-issue-18-vol-10-182461/. Mohammed, J. (2016). Rajput Rulers and Sufis of Jammu, The News Now, February 9, http://www. thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet.aspx?q=10844. Mohammed, J. (2012). The Shrine of Peace: Baba Chamliyal. In R. Chowdhary (Ed.), Border and people: An interface. Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation: New Delhi. Mohammed, J. (2011a). Sufism and Sufi Shrines in Jammu Hills. Epilogue, 5(3). Mohammed, J. (2011b). Rajput Rulers and Sufis of Jammu. Epilogue, 5(1). Mohammed, J. (2011c). Oral Traditions and History of Jammu Hill States. Epilogue, 5(1). Puri, B. (2001). The Mosaic of Jammu and Kashmir. Frontline, April 28, https://frontline.thehindu. com/the-nation/article30159675.ece. Sufi Shrines in the Indian Subcontinent. (2010). Pir Roshan Ali Shah. http://www.myasa.net/Suf india/shrines/2010/12/pir-roshan-ali-shah/. Sikand, Y. (2000). The Sufi Shrines of Jammu. ISIM Newsletter, 5, https://openaccess.leidenuniv. nl/bitstream/handle/1887/17407/ISIM_5_The_Sufi_Shrines_of_Jammu.pdf?sequence=1. Sikand, Y. (2013). Sacred spaces: Exploring traditions of shared faith in India. Delhi: Penguin. The News Now. (2016). ‘The place of Interest: Peer Baba Buddhan Ali Shah’, 20 August, http:// www.thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet.aspx?q=10276.

Chapter 2

The Sufi Shrines of Kishtwar: Dargah of Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-ud-Din Arun Kumar

Abstract The Sufi shrines are an integral part of the social and cultural life of the people of Kishtwar district in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir in India. These shrines are associated with beliefs, devotion, trance, music, and spiritual healing and have tremendous significance for the people of entire northwest India spreading across neighbouring Pakistan. This tradition in Kishtwar dates back to Nagsena of 2nd century BC, Shaikh-ul-Alam and Zain-ud-Din Wali in the medieval times, and Farid-ud-Din and Asrar-ud-Din of the seventeenth century. The paper focuses on the ethnography of the two Sufi shrines; the dargahs (local name for the Sufi shrine) of Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-Ud-din. Further, the legends associated with them, art and architecture of the shrines, the beliefs and rituals, people’s perceptions of visiting the shrines, and contemporary relevance in understanding inter-community relations in the emerging volatile region very close to Kashmir has been discussed in detail. Shah Farid-ud-Din commonly known as Shah Sahib came to Kishtwar from Baghdad at the time of the reign of Emperor Shah Jahan in the 17th century. The conversions of locals from Hinduism to the Islamic faith, attributed to him, were done mainly in a peaceful or at best in a persuasive manner incorporating the local tradition of Rishis into Sufism. The places where these saints inhabited later developed into shrines owing to the devotion of the people and the miraculous power of these saints. The paper has also focussed on the composite ethos, routine practices, and the annual congregation at the time of Urs at these two shrines or dargah. Keywords Sufi · Kishtwar · Saints · Devotion · Urs · Dargah

1 Introduction Kishtwar, nicknamed as the land of sapphire and saffron has a tradition of Rishis and Sufis. The institution of Rishis (sainthood) in Kishtwar is of pre-Islamic nature and even related to Buddhism which spread in the region around the second century A. Kumar (B) Assistant Professor, J&K Higher Education Department, Agral Sarthal, Kishtwar, Jammu and Kashmir, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_2

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AD. The tradition starts from Nagsena of 2nd century BC and spreads to Sheikh Noor-ud-Din of 14th century, and Zain-ud-Din Wali; a follower of Sheikh Noor-udDin to Shah Farid-ud-Din Qadri and Shah Asrar-ud-Din in the 17th century down to the present times. The shrines of the two Sufis; Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrarud-Din are located in the town of Kishtwar and are dealt with in this paper. The Sufi shrine is locally known as dargah, ziyarat, or astaan. These Sufi shrines are seen as an extension of one another as the saints are consanguineous relatives. In this case, Shah Farid-ud-Din is the father of Shah Asrar-ud-Din, popularly known as Shah Sahib and Asrar Sahib respectively. A number of miracles (discussed ahead) have been attributed to them owing to which the shrine of Shah Sahib is called Durbar-i-Faridia and of Asrar Sahib it is known as Durbar-i-Asraria.1 Kishtwar is a district of the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir in northwest India. The population of this district is 2,31,037 of which 93,931 are Hindus and 1,33,225 are Muslims which correspond to 40.65% and 57.66%, respectively.2 The other communities present in the district are Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, and others. Kishtwar remained an independent hill state during the medieval period. It is bounded by Zanskar on the North, Himachal Pradesh on the East, Doda, and Bhaderwah on the South, and Anantnag and Banihal on the West. The original inhabitants of Kishtwar were Ganies who belonged to the shepherd caste of the Hindu community.3 Kahan Pal (470–500 AD) of Ujjain and a successor of Vikramaditya4 was the first historic King of Kishtwar who rose to the power in the fifth century AD.5 Kishtwar was annexed by the Mughal forces in AD 1620 during the reign of Mughal Emperor Jahangir.6 Kirat Singh (1664–1728), according to the historian Hashmatullah, was the first ruler of Kishtwar who embraced Islam.7 The conversion of the ruler affected the local population which to some extent followed him. The two ziyarats or dargahs of Kishtwar town under study are located at a distance of around two kilometres from one another. These shrines are the places of regular visits by the people of Kishtwar. All communities; the Hindus, the Muslims, or the Sikhs visit and pray in these shrines. The management of the shrines is shared by Auqaf Board and the Peers.8 Only one person holds the post of Peer for both the 1 The

word Durbar was generally used to describe ‘the court’ by the rulers or governors in South Asia. Owing to the miraculous powers associated with these Sufi saints their residence was also described as Durbar. Subsequently, the court of Shah Farid-ud-Din was called Durbar-i-Faridia, and the court of Shah Asrar-ud-Din as Durbar-i-Asraria. 2 http://www.census2011.co.in/census/district/636-kishtwar.html Retrieved 12/05/2018. 3 G. M. Ishrat (1973). Tarikh-i-Kishtwar. Jammu: Chand. 4 Vikramaditya was a legendary Emperor of ancient India. A number of legends were attributed to him. He started the Vikrama Samvat (the local calendar used in India) in 57BCE. His name later became a common title adopted by several Indian Kings. 5 Hashmatullah Khan (2009). Tarikh Jammu (Urdu). Jammu: Gulshan Books. p. 193. 6 Col. Harjeet Singh (1999). Doda: An Insurgency in the Wilderness. New Delhi: Sona Printers. p. 21. 7 G. M. Ishrat (1973). Tarikh-i-Kishtwar. Jammu: Chand. 8 The Peers are higher caste Muslims who consider themselves the descendants of the Muslims of Arab (Saudi Arabia and other Arabian countries). They have hereditary rights in the management

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shrines. The shrine of Shah Farid-ud-Din is located at the Hidyal area and the shrine of Shah Asrar-ud-Din is located near parade ground (Chowgan) in Kishtwar. In northwest India, Islam entered through the conquerors in the 12th century. Before the arrival of Muslims as conquerors through the North, they were already in trade relations with southern India. After that period a large portion of India was controlled by a succession of Muslim dynasties. The contacts of Kashmir with Muslims started from the 8th century onwards when Sindh (north-western border of erstwhile India and one of the four provinces of present-day Pakistan) was conquered by the Arabs, and the heir of Sindh; Jai Singh fled to Kashmir along with Hamid, his Muslim Syrian friend. However, it was only after the 14th century that Muslims could establish their rule in the valley.9 Muslims from Kashmir were allowed to settle in Kishtwar under an agreement with Prince Jai Singh (1656–1664) and through him with Raja Maha Singh (1650– 1656). Accordingly, Mulla Bahadur and Mulla Hussain, under the orders of the Emperor reached Kishtwar. They constructed a mosque Masjid Khawaja Garib in the heart of town. Mohammad Teg Singh (1784–1821), was the last independent ruler of Kishtwar when the Dogra chief Gulab Singh usurped Kishtwar at the beginning of AD 1821 for the Sikh Emperor of Lahore.10 It was one of the eleven states that existed in Divigrit (now called Dugger and then Dugger Desh). In 1846 Kishtwar was annexed by the Dogra ruler Maharaja Gulab Singh and became part of the Dogra Empire. In 1947 when India became independent, Jammu and Kashmir State (now Union Territory) became part of the Indian Union along with Kishtwar as one of its districts.

2 Sufism and Sufi Shrines in Kishtwar Sufism is an important aspect of the mutual transactions of cultures and faiths to understand inter-community relations in India and in Jammu and Kashmir, as well as in the district of Kishtwar. The proliferation of Sufism and Rishism became one of the important mechanisms of ensuring communal harmony between the Hindus and the Muslims. In Kashmir, Sufi saints are also referred to as Rishis,11 for example, Sheikh Nuruddin Noorani is known by the name of Nund Rishi among his Hindu disciples, and these Rishis are venerated by both Hindus and Muslims.12 and administration of the Sufi shrines. Devotees who visit these shrine requests the Peer to pray for them as they are acquainted with the method of performing prayers. They are believed to have the power of spiritual healing through amulets or some verses written on the paper. The devotees wear amulets around the neck or on the arm. The written versus need to be chewed and swallowed or sprinkled by grinding and mixing in water. 9 Narender Sehgal (1994). Converted Kashmir: Memorials of Mistakes. Delhi: Utpal Publications. 10 Sharma (1995). History and Culture of Kishtwar. Jammu: Paras Offset. 11 Rishi is a Vedic term for an accomplished and enlightened person. Rishis have composed hymns of Vedas. They are also referred to as Sadhus or sages. 12 Ashok Kaul (2001). Kashmir: Contested Identity. Jaipur: Rawat.

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Such traditions are prevalent throughout India. Some of the prominent shrines are; the dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti of Ajmer in Rajasthan, the shrine of Shirdi Sai Baba and Haji Malang in Maharashtra, the shrine of Nizamuddin Auliya in Delhi, the shrine of Salim Chisti in Agra, dargah of Khwaja Naseeruddin Chisti or Chirag Delhi in Delhi. Devotees of both Hindu and Muslim communities visit these shrines in considerable numbers. In Kishtwar, the tradition of Rishis can be traced back to the 2nd century BC when Nagsena was born in this land. He was born to the Sonutar Brahmin at the village Kanjagal13 (now called Kunja) about 17 kilometres from town Kishtwar and later joined the Buddhist fold.14 Gracio-Bactrian King Menander or Milinda was his contemporary who ruled over a part of north-western India called Jambudvipa and had a capital at Sakal or modern-day Sialkot. Menander had a great quest for knowledge and opposed Buddhism and Hinduism from his heart. The king used to claim that no scholar can face him, forget about discoursing, or debating him. It was Nagsen who defeated him in a religious discussion (Shastraartha in Sanskrit). Milinda accepted his defeat, bowed before the scholar, became his disciple, and embraced Buddhism. The ‘Milinda Panho’ was written soon after this discourse by Saint Nagsen in the Pali language. It has a close association with the Kishtwari language and the Prakrit language. Panho is a Kishtwari word that means to solve the puzzles which were put forth by King Menander.15 The tradition of saints and sages in Jammu and Kashmir is quite old. Before the advent of Sufis, the saints of Hinduism and Buddhism inhabited Kashmir. However, organised preaching and mission were undertaken by the Sufis who entered Kashmir from Persia, Central Asia, and other parts of India. Among the well-known Sufi Orders,16 (also called silsila in Arabic) the first to be introduced in the early 14th century was Suhrawardi Order, originally founded by Shaikh Ziyau’d-Din Abu’lNajib-Suhrawardi and introduced in Kashmir by Syed Sharafu’Din popularly known as Bulbul Shah. Qadri Order was founded by Shaikh Abdu’l-Qadir Jilani (AD 1078–1165) more popularly known as Ghaus’l-Azam (the greatest of all saints). It was introduced in Kashmir around the 1550 s by Saiyid Ni‘matu’llah Shah Qadri claiming to be a direct descendant of the founder of the Order, Shaikh Abdu’l-Qadir Jilani. Syed Ismail Shah

13 N.

Kaul (1996). Nagsen of Milind Panho. Delhi: Eastern Book Linkers. In this book, the author has described Kanjagal as an abbreviated form of village Kanani (Kandani) and Jangalwar. The village is inhabited by Brahmins at the foot of dense deodar forests. The village Ajal is around 210 miles from Jammu and from Kanani 6 miles up. He regarded Kanani-Ajal slope as one of the possible places of the birth of Nagsen. It is also considered a sacred place because of the presence of the shrine of Devi Sharika. However, the shrine located is popularly called Sarthal Devi or Mata Atharabhuja of Sarthal. 14 Sharma (2008). Glimpses of Kishtwar History. Jammu: Chandrabhaga Publishers. 15 N. Kaul (1996). Nagsen of Milind Panho. Delhi:Eastern Book Linkers. 16 The religious order also called spiritual genealogy or silsila in Arabic, means a chain, link, or connection often used in the various sense of lineage. In the system, one Sufi Master transfers his position to his spiritual descendant.

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just like Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-ud-Din was another Sufi of Qadri Order of some eminence and also traced his descent from Shaikh Abdu’l-Qadir Jilani. An important saint of medieval times Rishi was Sheikh Noor-ud-Din also known as Nund Rishi or Shaikh-ul-Alam. His ancestors belonged to a respected lineage of Ganie (a Hindu tribe originally called Ganwais) of Kishtwar.17 He was born in AD 1378 in the village of Kaimuh about three kilometres from Bijbehra in Kashmir. Though illiterate, he gave utterances to many beautiful sayings the basis of which was love and devotion. He condemned anger, pride, and greed, the source of which he says is a selfish desire. He attracted a large number of followers to his fold and contributed a great deal in spreading Sufi Islam. He is popularly known as Shaikh-ul-Alam. His dargah at Charar-i-Sharief about 32 kilometres from Srinagar in Kashmir has become a place of pilgrimage and a fair is held on the 25th of September every year. Another saint who appeared in the land of Kishtwar in Medieval times was Zainud-Din. He was born to a Hindu family with the name Jia Singh and belonged to Rakna village of Palmar some 15 kilometres from Kishtwar town. He meditated in a cave near Bhandarkoot Bridge for 12 years each for two times. He became a disciple of Sheikh Noor-ud-Din and converted to the Islamic faith taking the name Zain-udDin. Sheikh Noor-ud-Din admired him and had proclaimed: “My dear Zain-ud-Din is chaste. He did so well that he surpassed his master. Dear God, bless me a similar status”.18 A legend19 attributed to him is that when the saint tried meditating in this cave the noise of the river Chenab which passes along it kept disturbing him. This enraged the saint and he ordered the river to keep quiet so that he could meditate. The river is believed to have turned silent after his order. The saint continued his meditation afterward without any disturbance. The cave has turned into a ziyarat now and pilgrims belonging to Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism visit this place with offerings; a rooster, sheep, goat, etc., and perform a sacrifice. However, anybody who makes any sacrifice needs to perform it by way of Islamic rule that is halal 20 which the Hindus or the Sikhs do not do in normal instances. There is another dargah dedicated to him at Rakna; his home village at a distance of about five kilometres from Bhandarkoot in Kishtwar. Some relics of the saint are displayed for the devotees here. One of these is the wooden bread that he used to tie around his stomach to control his hunger. He used to keep long fasts lasting for several days, even a month. It is also believed that Zain-ud-Din had visited Marwah and Warwan valleys to preach Islam before the arrival of Shah Farid-ud-Din. His Urs is celebrated at Rakna village in Palmar which coincides with the Urs of Sheikh

17 Sharma

(1995). History and Culture of Kishtwar. Delhi: Paras Offset. p. 56. Sharma (2010). Kishtwar: A Focus on its Tourism Potential. Kishtwar: Chandra Bhaga Publishers. 19 The legends discussed in the paper have been narrated by the devotees and the Peer. 20 In Islam meat is considered halal only when it is obtained by slitting the throat of the animal and reciting Quranic verses (some animals like pig, dog, cat, monkey, etc., are forbidden). 18 Somnath

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Noor-ud-Din. The ceremony is called zahi in the local language. People burn wooden lamps and pray the whole night.21 The Peer of the shrine of Zain-ud-Din was well versed in the Kishtwari language besides being a Muslim who also spoke the Kashmiri language. This is attributed to the influence of devotees who belonged to both faiths and also his regard for the people of the Hindu faith which made him learn the Kishtwari language.22 Throughout the ages, Sufism has remained one of the binding factors between Hindus and Muslims. In Jammu and Kashmir, one finds such a trend since the advent of Sufism in the Indian subcontinent. The district of Kishtwar is no exception to this rule. Sufism was one of the major instruments which established the Islamic empire in India. The dominant factors of binding Hindus and Muslims over the ages have been the tradition of Sufism and Rishis. Sufism is that mode of religious life in Islam in which the emphasis is placed on the activities of the inner-self, rather than on the performance of external ritual. In other words, Sufism signifies Islamic mysticism and in this sense was popularised by western writers. The term in common usage among Muslims is tasawwuf , while it’s cognate, Sufi is used for the mystic.23 The word Sufi has a variety of meanings for different scholars; some of the Sufi themselves associate it with the Arabic Safa (purity); others see it as a historical allusion to Ashabu’s safa or the people of the bench. They spent time in the worship of God and imitation of the Prophet and reciting the Quran and Hadith. They did not engage in any worldly business, wore a scanty dress, and were devoted to poverty.24 In juxtaposition to Sufi Order, a unique, pious, and independent Sufi system called Rishi25 cult came up in Kashmir at the beginning of the fifteenth century. It arose by the confluence of two great traditions; Shaivism, the Hindu monistic philosophy of Kashmir, and; the wisdom of the Quran (known as erfan or irfan). This philosophic belief produced the ideal of tolerance and a shared faith in God, which was always appreciated by Kashmiris.26 Rishi although a Sanskrit term meaning a hermit was Islamized by some medieval Muslim scholars who preferred to see its derivation from the Persian word Irish or rish meaning feathers of the bird, plumage a wide garment abundance of means of life or beard.27

21 Somnath

Sharma (2010). Kishtwar: A Focus on its Tourism Potential. Kishtwar: Chandra Bhaga Publishers. The source is also from the narratives of Peer of the ziyarat and the devotees at the shrine. 22 Source: Interview with the Peer of the shrine. 23 Subham (1999). Sufism: Its Saints and Shrines. New Delhi: Indigo. p. 6. 24 Sahih Bukhari. Book 8. chapter 58. Book 9 chapter41; Ibn Sa’ad. Tabaqat Vol. I. In John A. Subham (1999). Sufism: Its Saints and Shrines. New Delhi. 25 Abd’l Fazl in Ain-i-Akbari mentioned that Rishis are the most respectable people of Kashmir. They are considered true worshippers of God. They revile not any other sect and ask nothing of anyone. There are thousands of these Rishis in Kashmir. 26 Somnath Dhar (1977). Jammu and Kashmir. p. 85. 27 Baba Dawud Mishkati asserts that Rishi was derived from the Persian word meaning feathers or wings of a bird. A bird whose feathers or wings are cut has no control over his movements and depends entirely upon the direction of the wind. In the same way, a Rishi is alienated from the world

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The system of devotion (Rishi) was founded on one hand and renewed on the other hand by Shaikh Noor-ud-Din in the fourteenth century. He is thus said to have taken the Hindu way and Islamized it.28 Contemporary to Nund Rishi or Shaikh Noor-ud-Din stood another great poetess sage Lalla or Lalleshwari affectionately known as Lal Ded or Lalamoj; mother Lala by all Kashmiris. She is the first saint poetess of Kashmir whose thoughts have influenced people of her times and have reached the present age. Unmindful of her surrounding she tore up her garments and walked in a semi-naked state. She had a great spiritual quest which brought her in contact with the Sufi Saint Saiyid Ali Hamdani. Legend has it that to cover herself before the great mystic she plunged into the baker’s red hot oven and emerged thence dressed in silken robes to have a discourse with him.29 Lal Ded and Nund Rishi were instances of saints who were worshipped by the followers of Hinduism and Islam both. Other saints and faqirs comprised Roop Bhawani, Paramananda, Krishan Razdan, Prakash Ram, Shams Faqir, Swacha Kral, Shah Gafoor, Nyama Peer, Wahab Khar, Jagad Guru Gopi Nath, Mathura Devi, and others.30 Some of these were erudite scholars and some were devotional saints. There was, however, a difference between the approaches of Rishis and Sufis. Sufism showed two different attitudes towards life; one dealt with Sufi as an ascetic, and the other focused on Sufi as a missionary. In India, Chisti’s were more interested in asceticism and encouraged their disciples to lead a simple, pious, and moral life. The Suhrawardi Order although did not ignore piety and ethical values took part in politics and tried to make reforms in Muslim society through official channels. Sufis were foreigners who had little sympathy for the local people and much lesser knowledge of society and the way of life of people. Rishis were on the other hand sons of the soil and though converted to Islam had an affinity with the mystical traditions of the country. The political activities of the Sufis were understood as contradictory to Sufism as understood by Rishis. Some of the Sufis, especially the companions of Saiyid Ali Hamdani consider the practices of Rishis contrary to Islamic teachings. Thus, the two different attitudes mostly contradictory later become a latent ingredient of the Kashmiri society. The imprint of Rishis on the Kashmiri society was far deeper than the Sufis because the political affiliations of the Sufis of Suhrawardi and Kubravi Orders alienated them from the common people.31 The two prominent Sufi shrines in Kishtwar are the shrine, dargah or ziyarat of Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-ud-Din. The dargah of Shah Farid-ud-Din is a medium structured shrine near Lakshmi Narayan Mandir, Hidyal in Kishtwar town. and lives alone buffeted by fate. While describing the origin of the movement he says that Rishi Order was a Hindu ascetic Order which existed in Kashmir in pre-Islamic times. 28 Dawud Mishtaki. ‘Asrau’l –Abrar’ in Abdul Qaiyum Rafiqi (2009). Sufism in Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. p. 161. 29 Dhar (1977). Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: NBT. 30 T.N. Dhar (2004). Saints and Sages of Kashmir. New Delhi: A.P.H. Publishing Corporation. 31 Abdul Qaiyum Rafiqi. 2009. Sufism in Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. pp. 248–52.

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The architecture of the shrine is typical of the Sufi shrines in Jammu and Kashmir with one big dome structure in the centre. The structure is largely painted in green colour. The main shrine is a big graveyard of Shah Farid-ud-Din just adjacent to the main door of the main hall. All three wives are buried in a closet at the feet of Shah Farid-udDin. In the inside chamber of the shrine are placed two more graveyards of a smaller size than the graveyard of Shah Sahib. These graveyards belong to the two sons of Shah Sahib; Shah Anwar-ud-Din and Shah Akhyar-ud-Din. Shah Anwar-ud-din is buried to the east of Roza Faridia, that is the graveyard of Shah Sahib. There is a big oil lamp in the main chamber of the shrine placed in a cavity in the wall. Three more graveyards are made in front of and outside the main chamber. These graveyards are of the three companions of Shah Sahib; Darvesh Mohd., Syed Bhaudddin, and Yar Mohd. The tomb of the fourth companion Shah Abdal has turned into a dargah. This dargah is at a distance of around 4 kilometres from the shrine of Shah Sahib at Duga near Sangrambhata in Kishtwar. A ‘stone and mud wall’ considered sacred is also placed outside the main chamber (the details are discussed ahead). The wall has been fenced with an iron net. The main chamber where the tombs are placed is not a spacious one and a maximum of 20–25 persons can stay inside at one time. However, the outermost part of the dargah is a spacious corridor where congregations at Urs or sacrifices at Urs or in the routine days are performed. The tomb of Asrar Sahib, the first of the three sons of Shah Sahib is at a distance of 1.5 miles from the shrine of Shah Sahib near Chowgan in Kishtwar. This has turned into a famous dargah. The ziyarat is painted in green colour. The dargah of Asrar Sahib is a big structured complex. The main shrine is a big corridor that leads to the hall where a big graveyard of Asrar Sahib is placed. This dargah called durbar is a big hall that can occupy a large gathering of people ranging up to 200 people at a time. On the right side of the shrine is an open space where sacrifices or feasts are organised. The house of the Peer of the shrine is adjacent to this shrine. On the left side, there is also a graveyard. The devotees visit this shrine with sweets, charagi,32 chadar (a green sheet which is placed over the graveyard of the saint), or dry dates. The prayers for the devotees are done by themselves or some prefer the same to be performed by the Peer of the shrine. Devotees also tie threads as a sign of seeking their wishes. When their wishes get fulfilled they untie one of the threads and pay offerings that they had promised for the shrine. The visits are paid regularly but on Thursdays, the gathering is more than usual. The Urs of the saint is performed on 25 Katak which falls around the 9 or 10 November every year. There is a huge rush of devotees on the day of Urs. 32 Charagi

is a local name for ghee (the clarified butter) produced from the milk of cows. Those cattle rearers who could not pay offerings at the shrine of Shah Farid-ud-Din when their cows start producing milk store the ghee in the name of the shrine. They do not consume milk or any product of milk themselves before preserving the same in the name of the shrine. The practice had been common among the cattle rearers but has declined very much now a day.

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The Line of Descent 1.Sheikh Syed Abdul Qadir Jilani 2. Abdul Razaq 3.Abu Saleh Nsar 4.Muhi-ul-Din Abu Nasar Mohammad 5. Zahir-ul-Din Abu Masood Ahma, 6. Saaf-ul-Din 7. Shams-ul-Din Mohd. 8. Alaah Valdein Ali 9. Badur-ud-Din Hussain 10. Abdul Qadir Sani 11. Abdul Razaq 12 Yehyi Zahid 13.Syed Abdul Allah 14.Syed Mustafa

I. II. III.

15. Shah Farid-ud-Din Shah Asrar-ud-Din, Shah Akhiyar-ud-Din, Shah Anwar-ud-Din.

Fig. 1 The Line of Descent of the Sufi Saints of Kishtwar [in Urdu language (left) and translations in English language (right)]. Source Author

3 Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Asrar-Ud-Din: History, Legends and Events Syed Mohammad Farid-ud-Din Qadri, popularly known as Shah Sahib, came to Kishtwar during the reign of Raja Jai Singh (1656–1664). He originally belonged to Baghdad (Iraq) and was a descendant of Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani as described in the line of descent in Fig. 1.33 He proceeded from Baghdad towards Kishtwar as a result of a dream in which he was commanded to go and preach people of Kishtwar. He reached India during the last days of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan in the 17th century. On the way to India, he found the first companion in the form of Yar Mohamad, a businessman who gladly accompanied Shah Sahib in his journey to India. When he reached Delhi he was treated as a royal guest by the Emperor. In Delhi, he married Princess Zahida Bibi of the Mughal family. Some sources say that Zahida Bibi was a descendant of the Jeelani family of Baghdad.34 The two companions; Darvesh Mohamad and Syed Bhaudddin accompanied him from there. He stayed there for some time and finally proceeded towards Kishtwar.35 At Sind (part of Pakistan now) where Shah Sahib was performing the ritual bath (wazu) at the river, a Nawab36 of Sind named Murid Khan was having a walk on his 33 The

picture was taken from the inside chamber of the shrine of Shah Farid-ud-Din. Sharma (2010). Kishtwar: A Focus on its Tourism Potential. Kishtwar: Chandra Bhaga Publishers. 35 Charak (1983). History and Culture of Himalayan States. (Vol.VI part III). New Delhi: Light & Life Publishers. p. 299. 36 Nawab was an honorific title bestowed by the reigning Mughal to semi-autonomous Muslim rulers of South Asia. 34 Somnath

22

A. Kumar

elephant on the other side of the river. The legend says that when he saw Shah Sahib he jumped from his ride; the river paved the path to let him meet Shah Sahib. He then became a disciple and a companion of Shah Sahib who named him Shah Abdal. He was highly educated amongst the companions of Shah Sahib and was therefore given the responsibility of correspondence related to Shah Farid-ud-Din. He was buried at village Dugga after his death where a shrine has been built. His Urs is celebrated on 20th Ashad (month of Vikram Era that corresponds to the month of June or July in Gregorian Calendar) every year. When he reached Dangbatal (in Jammu and Kashmir) on the way to Kishtwar he married Mai Roshan Dil, daughter of Rana Lashkar. She could not bear any child. From Ramban, he proceeded for Doda. He stayed for some time at Nagri village in Doda. There he married Mai Malahat daughter of a newly converted Muslim named Noor Ali Numberdar. A dargah has been built at the place where Shah Sahib had prayed in Doda, and the settlement around is named Astaan Mohalla. From Doda, Shah Sahib travelled via Sadan Van to Thakrai (a revenue village of district Kishtwar) and finally reached the bridge passage over river Chenab in Bhandarkoot. The soldiers who were guarding the bridge denied his passage across the bridge. Shah Sahib put a piece of cloth (musalla) on the ground and asked his companions to sit on it. With a blink of eyes, everybody was on the other side of the river. He finally reached Kishtwar along with his four companions: Darvesh Mohd., Syed Bhaudddin, Yar Mohd., and Shah Abdul. At that time Kishtwar was ruled by Jai Singh (1656–1664) who had passed a law that made the stay of Muslim travellers beyond one night at Kishtwar an offense.37 The repeated warnings to leave Kishtwar by the soldiers of the ruler enraged Shah Sahib. It is said that the anger of Shah Sahib caused the throne of the ruler to turn upside down. Jai Singh realised his mistake and came to the saint begging for pardon. Shah Sahib was afterwards treated as a royal guest. Jai Singh finally constructed a house for his abode near Lakshmi Narayan Temple. The dargah of the present day is a modified form of this residence only (Fig. 2).38 The ruler was influenced by this saint and started reconciliation towards Muslims of Kishtwar under his influence. Shah Sahib had three sons; Shah Asrar-ud-Din and Shah Anwar-ud-Din from his first wife and Shah Akhiyar-ud-Din from his third wife. Shah Sahib died at an age of 99 and was buried at his house where the dargah has come up. His death anniversary is also celebrated as Urs which falls on the 7th of Ashad corresponding to 21 or 22 of June every year. Apart from namaz (the prayer by Muslims), religious discourses and other rituals are performed on the day. Besides, sacred relics of Shah Sahib are also displayed. These include the Turban and cap inherited from Gous-ul-Azam (the title given to Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani the ancestor of Shah Farid-ud-Din), a sword, a scarf, two shirts of Shah Farid-ud-Din and Shah Akhiyar-ud-Din, locks of hairs of

37 Hashmatullah

Khan (1939). Mukhtasir Taarikh: Jammu va Kashmir (Urdu). Jammu: Jay Kay Book House. p. no. 215. 38 Ibid.

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23

Fig. 2 People visiting the shrine of Shah Farid-ud-Din on the day of Urs (Saat Ashad). Source Author

all the three sons, the stick with which Shah Asrar used to play, the stamp of Shah Farid-ud-Din, eight long caps and a comb.39 Other shrines scattered throughout the Kishtwar district also possess some of the relics of Shah Sahib. These are as under: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Dargah at village Pakalan of Thakrai. Dargah at village Panjdhara of Dachhan. Dargah at Astaan-Gam Marwah. Dargah at village Hanzal Marwah. Dargah at village Branyan Warwan.40

Shah Anwar-ud-Din died at the very young age of two and a half years, while his third son Akhiyar-ud-Din travelled widely and died in Delhi at 65 years of age. However, his body was brought to Kishtwar and was buried adjacent to his father’s tomb. His death anniversary is celebrated on the 7th of Phalguna (corresponds with February/March in the Gregorian calendar).41 The Urs of Shah Asrar-ud-Din is celebrated every year on 25 Katak (9th or 10th of November). Every year on the day of 39 Observations 40 Somnath

on the day of Urs. Sharma (2010). Kishtwar: A Focus on its Tourism Potential. Kishtwar: Chandra Bhaga

Publishers. 41 Hashmatullah

Book House.

Khan (1939). Mukhtasir Taarikh: Jammu va Kashmir (Urdu). Jammu: Jay Kay

24

A. Kumar

Fig. 3 Dargah (Sufi Shrine) of Shah Asrar-ud-Din (left) and the rock near the shrine which people consider sacred (right). Source Author

Urs people from different parts of Jammu and Kashmir and outside come to visit these shrines in large numbers. As per the narratives given by the local people, there were frequent earthquakes at the time of Shah Sahib in Kishtwar. It so happened that one day when Shah Sahib was with the ruler; Jai Singh, a fierce earthquake occurred; the saint has been believed to order nature not to cause any loss of property or life in Kishtwar. The town suffered no loss. The shrine of Shah Asrar-ud-Din is located near Chowgan (a big parade ground). It is said that one day devotees who had come from Kashmir insisted him to go to Kashmir and stay there with them. He is said to have left his house with them and reached the present place of the dargah and did not go ahead of this place. When his father; Shah Sahib came to know that Asrar Sahib had decided to stay at the new place he gladly asked the devotees to let him stay there. Asrar Sahib stayed at this place till his death at the early age of 17–18 years. He is buried at the same place where he stayed. The place has grown into a place of pilgrimage since then (Fig. 3). There are multiple legends associated with him. As per one commonly known, Asrar Sahib had one Hindu friend (Peer called him a Pandit [Brahmin] boy) with whom he used to play regularly with ball and stick (somewhat like a hockey game). The two used to defeat each other in turns. The boy died all of a sudden one day. When Asrar Sahib heard the sound of shankh (conch)42 blown at death, he enquired about it. The dead body of the boy had hardly reached near the cemetery at Chowgan43 when Asrar Sahab arrived there. He asked people carrying his body to keep it on the ground and commanded the boy to wake up from the slumber of death. The 42 Conch shell also called Shankh in the Hindi language is a shell of a sea animal that produces sound when blown from one end usually done to indicate the auspicious occasion among Hindus. 43 The Hindus of Kishtwar perform their last rites on the western side of Chowgan and also on the bank of river Chenab at Bhandarkoot in Kishtwar.

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25

legend goes that the boy breathed life again and played with the saint. The articles with which the saint played had been preserved in the shrine of Shah Sahib and are displayed every year on the day of Urs. Closer to the shrine of Shah Asrar is a black rock under the maple (chinar) tree which people consider sacred (Fig. 3). Both Hindus and Muslims bow down there and pour ghee and oil over it as a way of their devotion. Asrar Sahib had rested for some time at this place before his final settlement at the present place of the shrine. During the lifetime of Shah Sahib, an epidemic spread which became a cause of regular deaths in Kishtwar. It is said that deaths occurred in every household because of this epidemic. The ruler of Kishtwar begged Shah Sahib for a cure for the epidemic. Shah Sahib asked the ruler to describe the same to Asrar Sahib and requested him to find a cure. Asrar Sahib was already in prayers when the ruler reached his darbar. The ruler then described the incident and in response to that Asrar Sahib asked nature loudly; “why is death happening in my region” (in the Urdu language, “kya dakhal hai is mout ka merey khitey main”). He further commanded; “raise everyone who had died from this epidemic the way they had died”. To everybody’s surprise, all those who had died from an epidemic came to life again.44 Once again when Shah Asrar was having a walk through Chowgan at Sangrambhata he found another old saintly person from Punjab riding a lion with a live snake in his hands in the place of the stick. He had come to meet his father at Kishtwar. Asrar Sahib rebuked him and said that it is no talent to enslave and torture animals. He further sent a word about this to his father. When Shah Sahib got information about his arrival he went to receive him. In absence of any ride nearby he asked the mud and stone wall near which he was standing to walk so that they could meet the person. It is said and is almost known by every devotee that Shah Sahib sat over the wall and the wall started walking to receive the guest. The saint who had come to show his power felt defeated and begged at the feet of Shah Sahib. Shah Sahib kept him as his guest for three days and tied his lion with his cow.45 The Peer of the shrine narrated that people of both the communities; the Hindus and the Muslims requested him to trim the trees surrounding the dargah of Shah Asrar-ud-Din as they could not witness the shrine from the terrace of their houses. The local respondents said that they start their day by bowing first towards the dargah. This speaks of the extent of regard and obeisance people hold towards these shrines. The Peer further told that no Hindu of the area who keep cattle or are farmers would consume milk or grains before they offer the same in the shrine. In some cases when people of far-flung areas are not able to visit the dargah immediately when their cows begin to produce milk they make and store the ghee (the clarified butter) produced from the milk in the bottles. This is called charagi or huzhu (the pure, un-sipped ghee) and is preserved for the shrine and is offered when they pay a visit to the shrine.

44 The

information is primary data collected from an interview with Peer and devotees

45 Ibid.

26

A. Kumar

4 Inter-community Relations in Kishtwar: Impact of Sufi Saints and Sufi Shrines There is a great deal of affinity and resemblances between Hindu and Muslim mystical ideas, and such is not limited to higher spheres of philosophical speculations, but also at the local popular and devotional levels where they present similar tenants and tendencies.46 This is the reason for the devotion of people of both the communities towards the Sufi saints. In Kishtwar, there are numerous differences between the two communities; the Hindus and the Muslims (as seen elsewhere). But since the two communities have been living together for more than 350 years, and most of the Muslims were once upon a time Hindus, connectivity from the practices of the ancestors is witnessed. On a similar pattern, Hindus have also adapted to new eating habits, cultures, and practices from Muslim communities. The agreements and affinities between the mystical aspects of Islam and Hinduism are not restricted to the higher spheres of theosophical speculations. On the popular level, likewise, there is much in common between Sufism and the Bhakti mysticism that developed in medieval India. Both of them preached the unity of mankind, believed in the equality of all human beings before the divine grace and condemned image worship, caste distinctions, and communal discrimination, and emphasized love and devotional worship of the deity as against formal ritualism and external piety.47 It is because of all these affinities, and on account of their humanistic attitude, as against the orthodox outlook of the Ulema, the Sufi saints had an important part to play in creating an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding between the two communities. They preached the message of universal brotherhood and love. They moved and lived among the masses. A number of them could establish heartfelt relationships with the Hindu population and gain converts on the basis of the spiritual values of their teachings.48 Sufi shrines and even some Hindu temples are the places visited by the people of other communities. Urs (death anniversaries of Sufi saints) are organised every year on 7th Ashad and 25th Katak (corresponds to the months of June and November respectively) for Shah Farid-ud-Din Sahib and Shah Asrar-ud-Din Sahib respectively. People of all communities particularly Muslims and Hindus attend these festivals. Some competitions like wrestling matches (dangals) are organised by the people where competitors of both the communities participate. Such a trend in culture and religion in little tradition is a part of the everyday life of people. Both Sufism and Rishis have been a binding factor between Hindus and Muslims besides other aspects of shared culture amongst the people of Kishtwar. Urs starts with the prayers, and singing of naats (religious songs) the whole night preceding the date of Urs. People from the adjoining areas, within the state of 46 Mujtabai 47 Ibid.

97. 48 Ibid. 98.

(1983). Aspects of Hindu Muslim Cultural Relations. India: offset. p. 93.

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Table 1 Sample-size and category-wise break-up of the sample among different categories Social setting

Name

Sub-category

Religion

Village

Pochhal

Upper-Pochhal

Hindus

Caste

Sample size

Total 26

Lower-Pochhal

Hindus

29

Muslims

20

Hindus

55

Village

Palmar

Town

Politicians

10

Festivals

Urs

10

Town/village

Religious leaders

10

Town

Academicians

10

Town/village

Members of student or youth organisation

10

Town/village

Others/members of civil Society

Muslims

Total

45

25 250

J&K (now UT), and even from the outside visit and pray. On the following day, the articles of Sufi saints are displayed for the general public. Feasts and sweet drinks are organised by Auqaf Board, Peer, and by the people in general in the complex of the shrine and on the side of the roads leading to these shrines (Fig. 3). The food cooked on the day is generally pulaw (a rice and gram combination). People irrespective of their religious background can have food at any place. Besides, the sale of clothes, shoes, sports items is also organised by local shopkeepers and also by those who have come from different parts of India on the roads leading to the shrine and in the Chowgan. Respondents from the town were chosen from among the politicians, attendants of inter-community festivals such as Urs, academicians, members of youth organisations, and religious leaders by the method of quota sampling. The village Pochhal is divided into lower and Upper Pochhal as per revenue records. Upper Pochhal consisted of only the Hindu population while Lower Pochhal and revenue village Palmar had a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims. A sample proportionate to the population was chosen using a purposive sampling method from Upper Pochhal, Lower Pochhal, and Palmar. The distribution of the respondents is shown in Table 149 The extent of visits paid to the shrines was not similar among the communities. To understand this phenomenon, the respondents were subjected to different questions. Table 2 describes the extent of this phenomenon. Of all, 62% of Hindus and 58% of 49 Kumar (2016). Religious Pluralism, Syncretism and Communalism: A Study of

Inter-Community Relations in District Kishtwar (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis), Jammu: University of Jammu. To understand the phenomenon of Urs and the fabric of inter-community relations the data collected for the Ph.D. work in 2013 was employed. Research methods such as non-participant observation method, content analysis, and structured interviews were used for the collection of data. Apart from this, in-depth interviews were conducted with the respondents, the local festivals of the communities were attended and non-participant observations were made to understand different social processes.

28

A. Kumar

Table 2 Locality * Visiting or not * Religion Crosstabulation Religion Hindu

Visiting syncretic shrines (dargahs) or not (in%) Locality

Yes

No

Not applicable

Special response

Total

Rural

52

17

16

00

100

Urban

10

5

00

00

62

22

16

00

Rural

45

19

15

2

Urban

13

8

00

00

58

27

15

2

Total Muslim

Locality Total

100

Muslims visited them, indicating a slightly higher visit by the people of the Hindu faith. Among Hindus, 52% belonged to rural areas and 10% to town, besides some who did not reply to the question. Among Muslims who visited the shrines, 45% belonged to the rural background and 13% to the town. This data indicated that people of rural backgrounds in both communities visit dargah in a higher proportion than that of the town. The management of the Sufi shrines is largely controlled by Muslims. Hindus were not directly linked with the management. Further, it was found that whosoever is performing the sacrifice at the Sufi shrine, performed it largely according to Islamic rule. It means that if Hindus or Sikhs are performing any sacrifice they have to sacrifice by the way of halal, the mandatory practice of the Muslims. It was found that devotees met people of both religious faiths in the shrine however some avoided the question. There were some Muslims and some Hindus who did not visit the shrines. Generally, those Muslims who were associated with Jamat-i-Islami did not visit the shrines and said that it was a business going on by the family of Peers (those who have the right to manage the affairs in the dargah and also perform rituals). According to one (Dr. Iqbal, who was interviewed), “praying to these saints is an aberration from the Islamic principles”.50 Hindus who did not visit these shrines had their affiliations with Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), sometimes called simply as Sangh (an Indian right-wing, Hindu nationalist party). They had a completely different perspective from the rest of the people. Respondents who had links with Sangh said, “the Sufis came to Kishtwar with a missionary ambition of converting Hindus to the Islamic faith, and they succeeded in their efforts to a large extent. Their main purpose was to spread Islam”. It was also found that Muslim respondents also visited Hindu temples on some specific occasions. Some Muslims visited the shrine of the Hindu Goddess called Sheetla Mata who is regarded as the Goddess that can cure skin ailments. Some Muslims, therefore, visited the shrine of Goddess Sheetla if their children happened 50 He further said, “no doubt they were good people and we pray for them but do not bow or ask for wishes to them as Prophet has said bow and ask from nobody except Allah”. Another Muslim respondent was of the view that people earlier visited these shrines because of the lack of Islamic knowledge. But these days the religious literacy of the people has increased and that is why they do not prefer to visit the shrines now-a-days.

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to suffer from chickenpox. They then performed rituals as per the Hindu customs. This was done on the pretext of good fortune and health. So, there is an element of the supernatural found in the performances of their rituals and related activities. The devotees visited these ziyarats owing to the following reasons: • • • •

To offer a charagi to the shrine, To ask for a wish and also when a wish gets fulfilled, At the time of Urs, and On Thursdays in a routine manner.

Finally, the most important subject related to the present study was their contribution to inter-communal relations (Table 3). Although a large proportion of respondents were silent on this question, yet 18% among Hindus and 30% among Muslims replied that they contributed to inter-communal amity. A Hindu respondent literally laughed when this question was put to him. He said, “How could they contribute, people, go there in pursuance of seeking fulfilment of some wish or when their wish gets fulfilled. They do not go with the purpose of interaction with the members of the other community. There is just a kind of understanding of maintaining discipline or order when they stay inside the sacred place. Of course, they do not quarrel or fight in the premises of dargah but that does not mean they are in cordial relations.” The views of this person reflected that there was not much interaction between the members of the two communities and their visits to the holy place does not in any way signify their efforts of coming together to maintain cordial relations. It was only the exigency of the satisfaction of emotional and spiritual needs, or the customary practice, fulfilling of promises made, or to seek blessings that people visit the dargah. However, it did have the latent function of maintaining regulation and harmony in the shrine in particular and in society in general. It is understood that an unspoken understanding of belonging to one collective consciousness prevails when people visit such shrines. Through such perception, a positive attitude towards the other is built even if they do not engage in much interaction or conversation. This argument is seen in the context of intra-communal co-existence which was not assumed to be Table 3 Locality * Contribution to inter-community amity * Religion Crosstabulation Religion Hindu

Contribution to inter-communal amity (in%) Locality

Yes

No

Not applicable

Rural

4

00

79

1

Urban

14

1

00

00

18

1

79

1

Rural

12

00

66

00

Urban

18

4

00

00

30

4

66

00

Total Muslim

Locality Total

Special response

Total 100

100

30

A. Kumar

good for all times and there was no such engagement always but there was no such hostility either. This is subject to the collective consciousness of belonging to one community.

5 Conclusion Sufi shrines of the Jammu and Kashmir regions played an important role in establishing an inter-community social fabric, especially between Hindus and Muslims for a long time. The intermingling in Kishtwar started by the mid of 17th century and consequently, a salad bowel situation was created. The settlement was however neither devoid of conflict nor was there a situation of outright peace. These two states continuously shifted because Hindu-Muslim co-existence or for that matter any inter-community settlement is marked by ambiguity, complexity, and relativity. Such conflicts started from the time of conversion of the ruler of Kishtwar (Kirat Singh) in the 17th century to the Islamic faith. This squabble could be seen in the context of the first contact of the local people with an alien faith or people of a different religion. Sufi saints, along with the indigenous Rishis on the one hand were responsible for conversions and, on the other hand also for the accommodation of Hindus to the new faith. This happened first in Kashmir and then percolated to the areas of neighbouring Kishtwar. Afterwards, significant conversions to the Islamic faith happened gradually. This again produced a situation of endemic conflict or fear among the people of the Hindu community as they were in constant apprehension of getting influenced or coerced to undergo religious conversion. However, such conflicts, suspicion, and fear between the Hindus and the Muslims sharpened as religions started getting politicised and religious identities becoming consolidated. The phenomena started by the mid of 20th century and by the 1990 s, an outright conflict emerged between the two communities; the Hindus and the Muslims. This was in consequence of the rising insurgency and the forced migration of Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir in the year 1990. Thereafter, the selective killings of the people of the Hindu community became a regular practice. Muslim Peers who were seen as ambassadors of inter-communal amity were also targeted to produce a situation contrary to peaceful and amiable inter-communal co-existence. The communal violence subsided only to arise at another point in time. Such incidences increased from 1989 towards 1993, 1994, and 1995 and then started declining after 2001 but re-emerged again in 2008 to 2013. A decline was witnessed afterwards till another wave of hatred started after the killing of the Parihar brothers51 (Anil Parihar and Ajit Parihar) in November 2018. However, the administration 51 Anil Parihar (52) was a prominent leader and State secretary of BJP who along with his brother Ajit Parihar was killed by terrorists in November 2018. According to the Daily Excelsior report of 1 November 2018, the incident took place at Tapal Gali close to their house in Kishtwar town when they were heading towards their home at around 8.30 PM. This led to massive protests and attacks on the police station. Curfew was imposed soon after and the army was called out to maintain law and order.

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prevented any communal violence by prompt action. In April 2019 another BJP affiliated and RSS Sangh leader named Chanderkant Sharma (working in the capacity of Medical Assistant at District Hospital Kishtwar) along with his gunman was killed by the terrorists. Curfew was again imposed in Kishtwar and Doda towns after the incident to avoid inter-community clashes and law and order problems. Such recurrences of incidents add to the already accumulated animosity between the communities. However, Sufis are still seen as saviours of the Kishtwar town when the conflict of communities or the wrath of nature, or any other calamity falls upon them. Such a tradition of Rishis and Sufis always has a predominant role in producing harmony in society leading to a way out of exclusion and separatism.

References Charak, S. D. S. (1983). History and culture of Himalayan States. (Vol.VI part III). New Delhi: Light & Life Publishers. Dhar, S. (1977). Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: NBT. Khan, H. (1939). Mukhtasir Taarikh: Jammu va Kashmir. Jammu: Jay Kay Book House. Khan, R. (1987). Composite culture and national integration. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Studies. Khan, H. (2009). Tarikh Jammu (Urdu). Jammu: Gulshan Books. Kumar, A. (2016). Religious Pluralism, Syncretism and Communalism: A Study of Inter-Community Relations in District Kishtwar (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis), Jammu: University of Jammu. Mujtabai, F. (1983). Aspects of hindu muslim cultural relations. India: Offset. Census 2011. See: http://www.census2011.co.in/census/district/636-kishtwar.html. Sharma, D. C. (1995). History and culture of Kishtwar. Jammu: Paras Offset. Sharma, D. C. (2008). Glimpses of Kishtwar History. Jammu: Chandrabhaga Publishers. Sharma, S. (2010). Kishtwar: A focus on its tourism potential. Kishtwar: Chandra Bhaga Publishers. Subham, J. A. (1999). Sufism its Saints and Shrines: An Introduction to the Study of Sufism with Special Reference to India and Pakistan. New Delhi: Indigo.

Chapter 3

Sufism and the Khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in Shahdara Sharief: An Ethnographic Fathom Pirzada Athar Hussain

Abstract Sufism, the essence of which is selflessness and actualization of the verity is pragmatically connected with the formative period of Islam. This paper seeks to examine the Sufi milieu and its amalgamated everyday practices. The lessons of mysticism and mystics have become the real motive of the everyday life activities of people. The proximity of people to such shrines is not only a vindication but also an exhibition of their promises. This relationship has been discussed in the ethnographic study of the famous khanqah of Sayed Ghulam Ali Shah Mashadi, popularly known as Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah of Shahdara Sharief, located in Rajouri district of Jammu and Kashmir Union Territory at the fringe of Northwest India. The everyday life experiences of people including those of the pilgrims, the religious functionaries, the shopkeepers, the local workers, and everyone associated with the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah have been examined in detail. The paper focuses on the meanings that people give to their activities which structure their social reality and existence on the principles of Sufism. This shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is identified as a hub of acculturation where people from different regions, faith, and families visit and share their sacred time and space. The spirituality in invoking howl (a long loud emotional utterance), the rendering of naats (praise), and the poetry in the local language, the architecture of the shrine, and the spiritual relationship with ecology as an actual existence of human kinship and solidarity create a truly Sufi ambience. Keywords Khanqah · Sufi · Shahdara sharief · Rajouri · Spiritual One of the marvels in the world is the Sight of a soul sitting in a prison with the Key in its hand. —Rumi

P. A. Hussain (B) Assistant Professor, College of Business and Social Science, EIT (Eritrean Institute of Technology), Asmara, Eritrea © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_3

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1 Sufism and Sufi Masters in Islam Sufism in Islam is closely related to spiritualism and mysticism. As per the sayings of Dervish Syed Farooq1 Allah granted three types of souls: (i) Rooh-e-Lateef (ii) Roohe-Qaseef and (iii) Rooh-e-Jasdi. The first, Rooh-e-Lateef enables us to communicate with each other, to worship and trust in the creator and discharge our worldly and bodily duties. It also keeps us conscious. Rooh-e-Qaseef exists in one’s blood and helps in identifying and recognizing the truth from within. Rooh-e-Jasdi creates emaan (belief system) and treads man towards truth and enables him to search Jinnah (paradise) and become successful here and hereafter. Broadly understood as Islamic mysticism, Sufism also known as ‘al-tasawwuf ” in Arabic is the inner dimension of Islam and difficult to comprehend in practice. When I asked a person whom I found in deep zikir (commemoration) near the khanqah2 of Ghulam Shah Badshah at Shahdara Sharief behind two chinar (maple) trees about how to become a Sufi, he narrated: ‘It is a veiled truth, he who wants to visualize truth need to tear his chest and make ablution with nectar so that such precious gems can cause a flood that could melt. Then we can acknowledge that truth can be visualized with open eyes’. Near the old mosque at the upper side of the khanqah, one person from Poonch narrated; ‘I have been joined with some people or group ‘Séance’ who are spiritually connected with Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, every Thursday we all come here’. Pointing a finger towards me he said ‘but you may not see what I can see here in this khanqah. My other companions are around me, you cannot see them, and if you visit this same place next Thursday you would find another person and I would be also here, but not visible to you’. He further said: ‘people like you who want to extend proximity seek and profess duty of worldly benefits, be it a cure of bodily ailments or other guises of living. But a Sufi life is different’ (Thursday 6:00, 18/10/2018). It is thus not easy to become a Sufi according to the believers. In Islam, Sufi or Wali is considered to be a friend of Allah (God) who lives in proximity to him. It is said that ‘if a person believes a little in the greatness and authority of Allah, he can fly in the air, walk on the water. Holy is the Almighty who empowered humans with this belief’ (Kamaruzaman 2007). There is a saying that is very popular in the Arabic world and among the Persian speaking people, ‘Trust in God but tie your camel’. However, everyone trusts in God, but a few camels get tied (James 1964). It stresses upon waiting for divine providence but at the same time working towards achieving the desired outcome by doing the needful. Some Islamic scholars claim that it is the teachings of Prophet Mohammad (Peace be upon Him, hereafter PBUH) that such people (Sufi) distance themselves from the life of luxury and voluptuousness. A 1 Dervish

Syed Farooq, is a famous Peer in the northern portion of Kashmir valley, who helps the Mureed (disciples) and devotees by giving them taveez (amulet) with Arabic script, sometimes verses of holy Quran written on paper while using black or green ink, and offering it to those who need it, in a double folded form. 2 A khanqah is a building designed specifically for gatherings of a Sufi brotherhood or tariqa and is a place for spiritual retreat and character reformation.

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mystic acquires exorbitant knowledge from his teacher/master. On the other hand, a mystic is bestowed with enormous blessings by his master (Michon 2008). Thus such people sacrifice every possession in quest of God. Sufism, a mystical expansion within Islam, is grounded on a dissimilar practice: on deep-rooted teaching coordinated with structured development related to the knowledge of mystical excellence following a master’s directions (Razia 2011). Sufism or ‘al-tasawwuf ” has been variously defined by scholars. Sufi or Mystics are the people who put on woolen cloth, called Soof (outfits) in Arabic (Shamsuddin 1424 H). The term Sufi, therefore, originated for those who used to put on Soof , the outfit that was customary for Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and for those who were religiously enlightened. The literal meaning of ‘Mysticism’ or ‘Sufism’ is Purgation, purifying, or cleansing by separating and keeping off impurities. Mysticism is regarded as that sentiment that is related to conscience or inner illumination. The significance of these supplications is connected in Muslim mysticism to the doctrine of the Perfect Man, al-ins¯an al-k¯amil, an honorific title attributed to Muhammad (PBUH), who is a man, but a man not similar to others and as the Sufi saying goes he is, ‘like a diamond among stones’. He is also called ‘the best of created beings’, the summation of the entire creation (Michon 2008). The Sufi life has been divided into three phases; the first is being the disciple to their masters, the second is when the disciple receives their spiritual access (they are identified by worldly people as Sufi and saints, or their outward spiritual life). During the second phase, they select a piece of land and make the foundation of an area, which later develops into what is called khanqah, consisting of their (Sufis) tomb roza and the area where they have performed religious practice. The third phase is their inward phase which becomes outwardly manifested before the pilgrims and meets everyone who invokes the Sufi with a kind heart. As per the narrations of the pilgrims and Moulvi at the shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, a place where Sufi saints receive messages from their masters for lifelong settings after a hard and long struggle, that place develops into khanqah. This is how the shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah at Shahdara Sharif, where this study is based, evolved. To be a righteous Muslim is the primal essence of a Sufi. There is another kind of Sufi who relinquishes this world for the sake of Allah, and his human needs do not vex him. He gets inward eyes, as a moth searches the lamp. He handicaps himself and kills all worldly needs and deeds. In Sufism such complexities are called Fanaa-Fillah (annihilation in the way of Allah): O man you are poor toward God, He God is rich and infinitely praised! Quran (35:15).

It has been customary for every Sufi to have a few disciples or Talib or Khalifah or seekers who have vowed to live as an ascetic and follow the truthful light which teaches piety. To acquire piety is not a normal practice (Valiuddin 1977) and is not everybody’s cup of tea as I witnessed at the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah.3 3 When

I used to wake up early morning around 5:00 am I always accompanied the visitors or pilgrims with whom I had slept in the free Sleeping Hall. From one side few young boys used to

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The first ‘sine qua none’ for a disciple is to live life in conformity with the teachings of his master (Michon 2008). ‘I am here to live life and surrender my desires to my master and sit crossed legs with humbleness to learn the etiquette of ascetic life. A disciple is to abide by the advice of his master. It has been evinced from the orations and scripts of Sufi’ (Fadiman and Frager 2013). The essence of Sufism lies in shamming one’s ego, to leave the life of recklessness and aloofness while chanting Allah—Allah— and seeking oneness with Allah. Rumi Says; Molvi could not become Mola-e-Room If he had not opted apprenticeship of Shamas Tabreez

In Sufism, it is believed that spiritualism and mysticism teach precious lessons of servitude, such as performing one’s obsequy or Namaz-e-Janaza. A saint namely Hazrat Khawaja Baqi Rahmatullahi Alaih (hereafter RA) was asked by a disciple; “what is mortality and eternity?”(Gulen 2006). He replied; “Ask the one who will come for my last prayer leading, after my demise”. When the time of his death neared, he deputed the person who never failed to offer Namaze-Tahajud (Midnight Prayer) to perform his obsequy or last prayer. Subsequently, on the day of his demise, a saint who had veiled himself appeared to lead the prayer. The same disciple came and asked the same question. The saint unveiled himself; he was Hazrat Khawaja Baqi (RA) himself. The one, whose obsequy or Namaz Janaza was offered, is mortal and the one who is going to lead the prayer is eternal. So, it is said that without a teacher, life remains incomplete and full of illusion and distraction. Hence a saintly maxim, ‘he who does not choose a leader ‘Satan’ himself becomes his leader or guide’ (Michon 2008: 129). It is not easy to become a teacher (Sufi saint) and it is more difficult to become a disciple. The student has to do what his master orders for the purgation (purification) of his soul. This is also termed as psychic defeat; this defeat leads him to conquer the soul and become Sufi. This is a rebirth for the person and such a lifestyle is called spiritual life. Their harangues and teachings are replete with such power that awakens the slumbering. Some people define Sufis as apothecaries who cure the incurable with their sights. Sufi milieu enlightened by Sir Iqbal (RA), a modern Sufi poet considers Moulana Rumi as his spiritual teacher (Can 2006). Rumi founded the order of ‘Dervashi’; he is the greatest spiritual Sufi master and a poet the world has ever known. Peer-Mureedi is such unequivocal and unambiguous evidence where a disciple endeavours to seek his guide or spiritual teacher with immense endurance. In Islamic teaching, this wait clamor; “stand up it is not the time to sleep, it is time to offer namaz”. From another side muezzin recited Aazan. Once it was crowded inside the ‘Sleeping Hall’ and suddenly I saw one person getting hit on the wall and was laying down with his head bleeding. After a few seconds, another person came and was trying to help him. After two to three hours I saw this person outside the garden near the evergreen orange tree as well as the person who helped him. I started talking to them. They narrated that; he was living a normal life until he tried to do some ‘supernatural’ practice. He had purchased some books and got interested in the magical stuff. However, after one and half years he started getting sick day by day, and now he could not remain conscious for more than one and a half hours a day. He practiced the supernatural art without consulting a proper guide or a teacher which subsequently led to his current state. Doctors have declared him psychologically unsound (Friday 5:00, 09/11/2018).

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and watch and be patient is termed as the first step of the ladder of spiritualism (Khan 1963). This is the first phase where a Peer puts his Mureed to severe task and examination secretly and notices the sedateness, discretion, and enduring power of his Mureed. However, contemporary Peer Mureedi is Quasi-Peer-Mureedi where people consult a Peer for worldly benefits. Peer grants them their boon and redresses the issues and in place of it gets a hefty amount (Ganai 2017). Sufi master is known as Sheikh, Peer, Shaykh, or Murshid. His high motif is to make his spiritual rebirth and transformation possible. He is strongly chained; this chain in Arabic and Persian is called silsila (lineage or connection). This is an invincible series, in fact, silsila has an end to the holy Roza-e-Rasool (PBUH). Sufi masters are counted among the wise, sensible, and God-loving people and are featured to be the nearest ones to the Almighty. On the same track, the Holy Qur’an defines the status and strata of a saint; ‘his eyes become that of Gods, his tongue, ears, and nose that of Gods. He seeks divine instruction and acts accordingly’. He is then termed as Awalia-Wali or Saint. The abode of ascetics and mystics is either thatched huts or caves and jungles. They spend sleepless nights and their days pass pronouncing things and changing verdicts. Moulana Rumi abandoned his professorship and relinquished, honour, popularity, and fame just to seek a glance of mystic, his spiritual master (Trivedi 1971). This aspiration and quest enabled him (Rumi) to reach his master, seek the annihilation of self, and receive divine love and contemplative vision (Michon 2008:130). Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) was told at the age of ten by his Murshid Sayed Hazrat Latief Hussain to go towards the north Rajouri, in Kashmir region and pursue his spiritual obligation. The Baba (the Mureed) listened to his spiritual master (Murshid) and reached the designated place. Baba’s message has always been: ‘We are alive to this fundamental truth that omnipotent is one God who is our creator’. This paper is based on the ethnographic account of living for several days (in 2018) in the khanqah of the most revered Sufi saint of the Jammu region, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. Participant and non-participant observations were made, and narratives and interviews were recorded about the activities related to the shrine. The participants included pilgrims (both local and from outside), religious persons and heads, administrative staff, and shopkeepers (Fig. 1).

2 The Khanqah and the Tomb The khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) is situated about 35 kilometres (kms.) from the town and district headquarters Rajouri in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in northwest India. J&K is the land of seers and saints and their dargahs and khanqahs are found in large numbers in the region (Rafiabadi 2011). The beautiful Pir Panjal and Chenab Valley range is called “Peer war” which means land of Peers, Sufis, and Darveshs, and is an evergreen abode of prosperity, unity, and harmony. Amidst the snow-clad Himalayan mountains, with forests, green pastures, streams, and springs around, the shrine presents a calm, serene and picturesque view perceptible to any

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Fig. 1 The pic. on the left is of the Khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah from outside. In the right pic. the Pilgrims are seen performing rituals near the two big ‘Chinar’ (Maple) trees inside the shrine. Source The pic on the left: Complete Collection of Dargahs World Wide (dargahinfo.com). The pic on the right: Author

Fig. 2 The image indicates the sitting order in Khanqah; where the females are seen sitting on the left side and the males on the right side performing the rituals. Source Author

visitor or pilgrim. The place was called Simha Dwara (gateway of a lion) in Sanskrit which later changed to Shindhara, the place of lions. In the eighteenth century arrived the great Sufi saint, originally from Iran named Sayed Ghulam Ali Shah Mashadi, and began his meditation here. He came to be popularly known as Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah and the place which became his abode for life came to be called by his name as Shahdara4 (Fig. 2). 4 History

of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (http://babaghulamshah.com/).

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The abiding place of the Sufi is called khanqah where moral knowledge is spiritually distributed and grasped by those who seek compassion, love, and equality. It is a place or a rest house or a lodge (auspices) for the devotees where members of the Sufi faith meet and perform their sacred rituals. It is an abode where people come to discuss spiritual matters, get the blessings of the Sufi saint, and also hear Sufi music. The total land of the Shahdara Sharief shrine is about 131.1 acres. The shrine is under the management of the Auqaf Board since 1978.5 In the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, five thousand people can be accommodated and one thousand can also be provided with a bed. There is langar (community food/kitchen) where three to four thousand people take meals every day. Kashmiri tea is served to the pilgrims all the time. People offer goods and cash at the shrine besides raw food (like flour, rice, pulses) which is used for preparing meals for the pilgrims.6 At the premises of khanqah is located the dargah consisting of the tomb of the Baba where people come for ziyarat (pilgrimage) and seek the blessings of the saint. A masjid (mosque) is usually attached to the khanqah where the Muslims pray to Allah and offer namaz (prayer). The shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah has Jamia Masjid where ten thousand people can offer prayer. An old man told me about the construction of this tomb or roza of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The narrator was serving as an accountant for the past 30 years and is now retired. He voluntarily visits this khanqah every week after retirement. He said that Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is considered King of the mountains of Jammu and Kashmir. Since 1947 all leaders and Ministers pay a visit to this shrine. During the large part of the stay of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba), the area of Rajouri was under the rule of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (Reign: 1792–1839) of Lahore, occupied with the efforts of his brave and able army personnel Gulab Singh. It is said that the ruler allowed Baba to cut down forests and open a public mess. This paved the way for the infrastructural development of khanqah. It is also said that later after becoming the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir as predicted by Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, Gulab Singh contributed to the construction of the shrine. Baba’s companions also build a masjid (mosque) which is still there with a beautiful model of painting and engraving. This is like an Iranian painting. The ceiling is of wooden panelling with engraving and partisan. The mosque has two parts and it has kacha or earthen walls. There are stones with engravings. There are serenity and peace inside the mosque, there is a dome on the top, it is of green colour and it has been built towards the left side between two chinar (maple) trees. An important part of the shrine is the orange tree called sadabahar (evergreen).

5 Management: Property of Ziarat 6 See

Sharda Sharief (http://babaghulamshah.com/management.html). the official site of Dept. of Tourism, Govt. of J&K: www.jktourism.jk.gov.in.

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The tomb and khanqah7 were built under the guidance of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah himself. People and the administration records show that Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah got his grave excavated/dug during his lifetime. The Rajas and Governors helped in the development of the khanqah. The person who constructed the tomb was sent far from Multan and the exterior portion is constructed in Multani style architecture. In the late 20th century, the steps and slopes leading to the shrine were embellished with a Mughal style garden. The inner portion was made by ‘Hayat Baksh’ who was physically unfit (lame).8 Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah ordered him to stand up and he got up. He constructed the inner portion designed by Baba himself. The khanqah is divided into three compartments; the main khanqah is inside the earthen wall. There are splendid paintings. The grave of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is covered by chadar or coverlet with printings of Quranic Ayahs (verses). The second is where earlier people circumvallated the khanqah which is heretics and strictly prohibited by Islam, and nobody is allowed to go inside this second and first comportment without any serious matter. The third is the outer portion where pilgrims sit; usually, males sit on the right, and females on the left in front of the main door. A circumvallation is prohibited in Islam, hence the outer side walls have been so built where a person can only go around the three sides (Fig. 3). People believe that they come to the khanqah at the call or bulawa of the Baba. Bulawa or calling is a concept that makes one meet with humanity.9 There are various interpretations; one kind of bulawa is where man eschews worldly wishes and temptations. Another form of bulawa is where the beloved runs towards the lover before he invites. People believe that Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is of such a beloved nature that save the forbidden everything is granted. As I saw, several men and women have been found working voluntarily in different areas of the khanqah; a few were found sweeping the stairs, others offering food in the kitchen. Everywhere, 7 There is a difference between ‘Tomb’ and ‘Khanqah’; a tomb is an inner portion where the Sufi saint has been buried or the place that is under concealment. This place is considered sacred and in Jammu and Kashmir is locally known as roza or martyr. Khanqah means the overall premises of the Sufi saint including another portion build of walls where the pilgrims make a round of the roza or the actual tomb. This khanqah in the local language both in the Kashmir valley and at Shahdara is known as ziyarat which means pilgrimage. 8 This mason named ‘Hayat Baksh’ was physically unable to work, but Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah showed another miracle while he deputed him to work for the construction of the ‘roza’ or tomb of the Khanqah. As per the narrator, Hayat Baksh replied; “I am physically not well, so how can I work?” Then Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah came into ‘Jalal’ awfulness (aura) and ordered him to stand up, he tried once and could stand. After that, the mason worked hard and constructed the tomb of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah during his life. 9 Bulawa means ‘calling’. In the premises of the shrine, one pilgrim narrated that in this khanqah ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’ does not call all the people. He further said that there are a few people here who are spiritually called by ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’. He told that once inside the roza tomb, ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’ came into a dream of a person who was from ‘Punch’ and told him to come here and wash the roza or the tomb. This story he told was narrated by his grandfather and he (Grandfather) was in turn told by his grandfather. However, there may be differences in this concept of ‘bulawa’; one ‘bulawa’ may be for those who are spiritually connected with ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’ and the other ‘bulawa’ maybe for those who are anxious in their life, and suddenly decide to visit this khanqah.

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Fig. 3 This image shows the inner portion of the Roza of ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’. Source Author

all the pilgrims keep themselves engaged with some tasks. The visitors exchange their detailed problems with each other and suggest cure techniques also. A large number of people of all faiths visit khanqah carrying different utilities like firewood, rice, and milk. Some bring fowls, ewe, etc. Nowadays, it has become a famed place, and those people who visit the Sufi abode experience happiness and contentment. The climate and seasons around the space of Sufi house fill a person with relief and ecstasy. One person expressed; ‘whenever I visit this place, the time I use for myself is devoted here and it makes my whole-body light and seals all my inner predicaments’. All the income is invested for the important works of the khanqah which is under the Auqaf Board. There is a new trend that is growing among the people living in the native place of the khanqah, they plan for family picnics and enjoy the weekends by taking the privilege of the housing facilities at this khanqah. To pray and invoke at the khanqah is considered the best method. After every Namaz (prayer) invocation is chanted. Some pray silently with closed eyes; some people invoke and some make others invoke on their behalf. There are specific verses of the Holy Quran, which people follow and pray for different purposes and present offerings. There are different ways people make these duas (prayers, wishes), a few raise their two hands towards God, some bow their head in sajdha towards Allah, and others while standing make dua with closed eyes. While talking to the Dua-Goo (invoker) it became clear that if the dua is made sincerely with pure heart, only then these saints and peers help with their wishes while making dua. However, at this place of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah pilgrims are of different faiths and usually apply their methods for making dua and take the

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Fig. 4 Dua-Goo in front of the main door of the Roza listening to the dua of the pilgrim. Source Author

assistance of Dua-Goo whose professional work is to help people coming to the khanqah. He knows the rituals well and on behalf of the requester takes mercy by applying the best method of wishes before the Saint. Talking with one person whose son was ailed with a mental disorder, he narrated that he always prefers ‘recitation of dua’ by the Dua-Goo because he believes that the continuity of this by the Dua-Goo inside the roza (interior portion or decorated portion of khanqah) of Baba would have spiritual influence as the Baba would like to listen to his invocation instead of theirs (Fig. 4). In veracity, there is a fixed or consolidated monthly remuneration for the DuaGoo (invoker) or Imam Sahib, but this apart, any pilgrim can present a little money to Dua-Goo to obtain satisfaction that his/her invocation has been accepted by the Sufi master. This presenting of a sum is also customary in Jammu and Kashmir; in the neighbouring language, it is famous as Haddi or an amount presented to the Sufi master for making dua on behalf of the requester. In Kashmir and in Rajouri, khatamShareef (Recitation of Wazaif )10 is a powerful method of doing dua. The requester (devotee) invites three, seven, or eleven persons (Moulana) who all are linked to spiritualism and have expertise in the performing of related religious rituals. They make a circle and revise and recite all the Wazaif (spiritual brooding/duty) of fixed Sufi masters or Awlia. It is a belief that all these fixed Sufi saints visit their requester (devotee) and protect them from their adverse situations, because of reciting and repeating Wazaif . 10 Wazaif

(spiritual brooding/duty) is like a task (written lines) given to some person who believes in their spiritual power if recited repeatedly as per the given order and schedule.

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3 Arrival of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in Shahdara, Rajouri The Sufi ambience is regarded as a microcosm of the universe. It not only elucidates the message of peace to Muslims but also communicates this message to the entire humanity (Pal 2011). The shrines of the saints are believed to exhibit zero partiality and prejudice and welcome people from all backgrounds, irrespective of colour, caste, and creed. Sufism is a paradisiacal domain where seeking reputation is an uphill task (Calis-Kural 2016). The medieval Kashmir was mostly influenced by Sufi tradition; it included the coming of Peers, Faqirs, Darveshs, and other religious people since the fourteenth century.11 This continuity of Sufism and mysticism has been found in both Kashmir and Jammu provinces.12 Amidst this process, arrived the Sufi saint Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in the 18th century in the Jammu region. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) belonged to the lineage of Qadri. His forefathers came from Mashad Iran and settled in a village in Rawalpindi near the Business hub of Islamabad in the 16th century. As per the information narrated by the locals and also given in the book by the former Administrator Auqaf Board Shahdara Sharief, Ghulam Mohammad Dar, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah was born in a small village Mosuma Saida Kasranu in Rawalpindi (now Pakistan). He belonged to an agrarian background and reared flocks of sheep and goats. Once his flock entered into a nearby field and caused harm to the crops. The farmer, however, did not show any signs of disrespect because he belonged to the Sayed lineage. The farmer went to his father and narrated the entire story, but when they all went to check; no harm was done to the crops (Dar 2006). This was the time when Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) was asked by his Peer-o-Murshid (spiritual guide) Sayed Hazrat Latief Hussain to go to the mountains of Kashmir and preach the religion of peace. He was deputed to go and ‘inform the people and reform them as they were ignorant’. The Peer-o-Murshid said to Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah; ‘you will come across a lion and the place where the lion takes the goat is the place you have to occupy. Upon finding the place, you have to dig and fire will evolve out of the land, this will be your sitting destination’. He embarked on the journey to the north of Rajouri near Thana Mandi called Sein-Dara,

11 For

more details see Singh (2000). Islamic Heritage of Kashmir. Jammu, several mazaars or tombs of saints and Sufis can be found inside the city and easily visible. These Sufi saints are famous as Peer Baba. I have observed that both the Hindus and Muslims visit these sites of ‘Peer Baba’ every Thursday. At every Peer Baba tomb, there is a traditional lamp (chirag or diya) on the upper side of the tomb (North) lit for all twenty-four hours. People pour oil inside these pots of traditional lamps and collect some oil as a relic and use it for different kinds of bodily problems. However, in the Kashmir valley, the architecture of tombs of these Sufis and saints is quite different from Jammu. In Kashmir valley the tombs are constructed in an Iranian style of architecture popularly known as ‘roza’, they look like gauze where one may swaddle bangles and pieces of cloths that people consider the best way of making beseech over the Sufi khanqah. Therefore, what is in Kashmir may be found in Shahdara, because Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah came from Mashad, Iran carrying a similar architecture. 12 In

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Fig. 5 This image signifies the place where ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’ on reaching Shahdara dug the ground and fire sparkled from it. Source Author

a place of forests and lions at the age of ten as guided by his guide. Associated with his name, the place later came to be known as Shahdara Sharief.13 The khanqah at Shahdara Sharief in Rajouri district of J&K, the erstwhile Raj Pura was a famous town where people of all colour, caste, and creed lived in harmony. Raj Pura means the ‘land of Rajas’. In 1036 AD Albaruni visited Rajouri and brought Masood, son of Mahmood. He has scripted in his ‘Kitab-Ul-Hind’ that the early name of Rajouri was Rajveri under the rule of Jarral Rajputs and with the passage of time it was called Rajouri. It was under the Mughal rule from 1586 to 1753 and before that under the Muslim rulers for some years. In 1821, Rajouri came under the Sikh Empire of Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore and the Dogra Rulers in 1846, till 1947 when Rajouri as a part of Jammu and Kashmir state became part of the Indian Union (Fig. 5). There are various shrines in Rajouri: Hazrat Sain Walidad Sahib (RA), Sain Sadeeq Sahib Nagoon (RA), Sain Nizam-ud-Din Sahib (RA), Ziyarat Panjpir (RA), Pir Makhan Sahib (RA), and Pir Ghulab Shah Sahib (RA), but Shahdara is considered as the most revered and solacing place that people throng to collect blessings. ‘Shahdara’ erstwhile Sein-Dara is made up of two words Sein means lion and Dara means abode or the abode of a lion (Dar 2006). It was a dense forest where lions used to live, and hence called Sein-Dara before the advent of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The name of the area was modified after he settled here as Shahdara Sharief meaning, ‘abode of Sufi Kings’. The village is located in the North which is 30 km away from Rajouri. Shahdara is in the Thana Mandi tehsil of Rajouri district. The

13 History

of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. See: https://babaghulamshah.com/history/html.

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historical Mughal Road passes through this beautiful location and is an icon of historical reminiscence (Ganhar 1984). Mughal emperors used to go to Kashmir via this road. There is a Mughal inn here that reminds us of a long historical narration. A famous saint of Kashmir, Sheikh Noor-U-din-Wali says; spirituality, mysticism, and asceticism are a kind of life that begins with light. The Sufi Nundreash (also known as Nand Rishi) or Sheikh Noor-U-din-Wali (RA); a saint and poet of high repute who lived in Kashmir in the 15th century narrated about Nafas which means control. Once when Nundreash was talking his bead, he sniffed Wazwan14 and was tempted to eat it. He picked the burning wood and told his mouth to eat it. This was the tale of a Sufi, how he killed his worldly wishes and opted for the ascetic way of life. Therefore, when I visited the shrine and stayed there for few weeks during the fieldwork, I saw on the front door of khanqah some Persian engraving or carving which spoke about the arrival history of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. His arrival in Shahdara was in 1180 HA (after Hijri) (1766–67 AD) at the age of 32 years. He remained here for 41 years and passed away on the 10th of Muharram 1226 AH (1811–1812 AD). It is also mentioned that Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah himself got his tomb built in 1224AH (1809–1810 AD). In early childhood, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah exhibited a few miracles which made him famous over-night. He visited his Peer Murshid (spiritual teacher or guide), Syed Abdul Latief Sahib who told Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah that he received a message from Sharief Shiekh Abdul Qadir Jeelani from his tomb in Baghdad (Iraq) that as per his spiritual order he has been deputed to live in a mountainous village. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah was directed to make an abode in the dense forest at Shahdara, then called Sein-Dara (Dar 2006). He was ordered to cut down the forest and open a public langer or an eating joint for people without payment. There was a nobleman Moulvi Misri from whom he acquired religious education. A village behind the khanqah and all the villagers and other people accept it as truth that this village was founded by Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah at the time of his arrival. There is a trend that remains customary at the khanqah. If a person belongs to the Sayed dynasty, he gets direct entry inside the grave of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, because for a Sayed there is respect, as he is the descendant of the family of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The in-charge Imam Sahib known as Dua-Goo in the local language who spends most of his time at the door of the khanqah or roza (interior portion or decorated portion of khanqah) narrated various incidents related to the Baba. He also told that both Moulana Misri (spiritual guide) and Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah used to walk half the distance to reach the place where the teacher used to deliver his lectures and the disciple received the Islamic knowledge.

14 Wazwan

is a famous Kashmiri food. This food is prepared especially on marriage occasions in Kashmir valley. The whole wazwan consists of more than 20 varieties of meat, some varieties are made of vegetables also.

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4 The Miracles and the Orange Tree During discussions with the administrative staff, especially with those who look old but still work like the young, I asked them different questions about the karamat (miracles) of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. They narrated that such incidents made ‘Shahdara’ famous. One of them said that ‘we saw many occurrences that can surprise senses’. Among the spiritual beneficiaries, the biggest blessings of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah has been on Peer ‘Mian Bashir’.15 When his spiritual Journey was thwarted, he stepped out towards finding a solution and was told by many other spiritual saints about khanqah at Shahdara Sharief but he did not know about the city. He wanted to go to Lahore but he returned on knowing that Baba lives there no more. However, ‘Mian Bashir’ finally reached ‘Shahdara Sharief’ and it is only because of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah that he got his spiritual power back. He visited few places of Sufis in Pakistan, but this was the only abode of mysticism that he got his power of spirituality back. They also told about some Sikhs who brought the deaf and dumb person and said ‘this is the Peer of Gujjars’; they were examining his spiritual power and when Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah came out, the deaf and dumb greeted him with salam. Many similar stories happened 300 to 400 years ago. For instance, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah knew that the Government of Ranjit Singh (Sikh Emperor: 1801– 1839, Gulab Singh captured Rajouri in 1821 for the Sikh Ruler) and Raja Agar Khan16 (Ruler of Rajouri [1808–1825], died 1825) will change and Gulab Singh will rule the region. Sain Khair-Ullah, the then care-taker or in-charge of the khanqah in local language Dua-Goo, told Gulab Singh about a dream that his reign will extend to Gilgit-Baltistan. Gulab Singh thought that Sain Khair-Ullah might have consumed some intoxicant drug and gave him 10 silver coins for opium. Then Sain Khair-Ullah responded to Gulab Singh, ‘I am not here to receive money rather convey you what I was entrusted to tell you by Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’ (Dar 2006). Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army tried their level best to search for Agar Khan while Sain Khair-Ullah reached Sera Gali and found the lineage of Gulab Singh who was 15 ‘Syed Mian Bashir’ lived in Kashmir Valley, the exact place is ‘Lar’ of Ganderbal district and he is famous in Rajouri district, where people call him ‘Syed Mian Bashir Larvi’. He is a spiritual Darvesh or Peer, and a large number of people from Rajouri visit his khanqah. He belonged to the Pahari community and spoke the Pahari dialect. Therefore, people living in the hilly areas considered ‘Syed Mian Bashir Larvi’ and his generation as the successor of this khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. 16 ‘Agar Khan’ was the son of ‘Rani Mahali’, the Queen. She got him because of the blessings of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. At that time ‘Raja Karamullah Khan’ was the king of Rajouri. His age was around 90 years and ‘Rani Mahali’ was around 80 years old. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah told them; “you will be sanctified with four sons, among them one will be the next king and his name will be Agar Khan”. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in advance advised him that he must be a moral king, otherwise, he would be desperately chastised. Correspondingly, Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah informed ‘Rani Mahali’ that; “tonight in Agra, inside the forest, a pair of tigers are going for mating, I have wished to Allah for that baby, and you will be blessed with one son after nine months, you will find an appearance of a tiger on the arm of your son, you have to choose the name of your son by starting with Agra”. That is why they choose his name as ‘Agar Khan’.

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the soldier in Ranjit Singh’s army. When the army reached Surankote at Dohra Dana again Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah came in the dream of Sain Khair-Ullah and told him to go to Dohra Dana where the army of Ranjit Singh has reached and tell them that ‘Agar Khan’ is hiding at ‘Sui Nad’ at Zabardast Khan’s Residence and also that ten soldiers are enough to arrest him. He was brought to Akhnoor where Ranjit Singh had fortified. Maharaja Ranjit Singh delightfully asked who has been so loyal to the majesty and has arrested Agar Khan. The army chief replied that it was Gulab Singh who is able and proficient and as promised, he was handed the command of Jammu. Afterwards, the British brought Kashmir under them in 1846 and the deed was signed in which it was given to Gulab Singh who became the independent King (Maharaja) of Jammu and Kashmir (1846–1857). Hence whatever Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah predicted about Gulab Singh was proved correct (Dar 2006; Malik 2015). At the khanqah, one married Hindu couple stated that the woman was unable to conceive and consulted every famous doctor, wherever they went. After undergoing many tests, they were informed that the wife has a big cyst in her uterus and recommended surgery. A woman in the husband’s office suggested them to visit this khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah and they did the same. They narrated that they stayed at the khanqah for seven nights and the morning of the last day, the wife found that she had conceived and her uterus was found to be normal. They opined that Sufis live in proximity with God and that God is the pivotal point of all their thoughts. They (Sufi) wake and sleep with the name of God or Ishwar. The Sufis recite their creed and praise the glory of God and remain submerged in God to see him. I came across many people from different religious faiths who had similar experiences of this khanqah, a few Hindus, Sikhs, and one Christian man with whom I had a long discussion.17 During my stay at the khanqah, a visitor came with his family and friends and narrated about an engineer who was suffering from organ failure in a case related to the ‘Bhopal Gas Explosion’ that occurred in Bhopal, the capital city of Madhya Pradesh state in 1984 in which many people died or became injured. He recounted that he has been receiving various treatments but to no avail and it had been simply a waste of money. Then a soldier who was also from Bhopal brought oil from this khanqah and instructed him how to apply it. The engineer who was a Hindu by religion visited the khanqah after recovering and presented an offering. It was also informed by a devotee that once an alcoholic was brought to the khanqah and he relinquished his drinking habit. There is an evergreen orange tree at the khanqah which is considered to be sacred and miraculous. It has a story behind it. Once Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah was 17 Christianity and Islam have been found interrelated with each other in certain ways. One Mr. Braganza from Madhya Pradesh had a discussion with me about the difference between Islam and Christianity. He works in the Army and commented that this place is like an armchair in which one can take ease. He further said that he knows that this is a religious place, but he considers it a secular habitat because he did not find any kind of practice enforcing religious rituals. He also said; ‘whenever I come here, I always pay my respects to Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in my way without adhering to the principles of Islam but no one interjects in what I do with my visiting hours in this place’. (Saturday, 3:00, 19/10/2018).

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Fig. 6 The ‘Evergreen Tree’ and the pilgrims under and around the tree expecting and wishing for the oranges to fall as a sign of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’s blessings. Source Author

burning woods, one wood did not burn and he said: ‘Either Burn or get Evergreen’. It turned into an evergreen tree (Fig. 6). This tree remains teamed with oranges all the time. Fortunate is he or she on whom the fruit falls. People believe that if somebody does not have progeny and if he cuts four-five leaves and gets exorcise/prayer then Allah bestows him or her with offspring. Below the twigs, its trunk is completely dry like deadwood. People have sown maize around the tree that has sprouted. People in the vicinity rear buffaloes and cows. If that orange falls on somebody his/her desires get fulfilled. The person keeps this orange at home as a remedy. If some spiritual man or woman at this khanqah gets this orange he/she distributes it. The other important segment of the sacredness of this khanqah is the ash of the oven that people take to their houses as a relic. If somebody is suffering from skin disease, he/she rubs this ash on the body and is recovered. The oil is also used for curing. The oven-baked chapati is considered a precious prasad or tabarruk. If any animal gets ill, people collect grass from the khanqah and feed the animal who gets well at once. Some people believe that Baba prayed for a deaf and dumb Sikh and Allah healed him. Similarly, an army man came to the khanqah on Thursday and put eleven hundred rupees there into the money box which is fixed in front of the main door of the khanqah. He came with a flower garland, oil, fragrance sticks, and two coconuts in his hands. During a discussion with him about the khanqah, as he stood beneath the Sadabahar (evergreen) orange tree, he narrated that after fifteen years of marriage he was blessed with a child. He was a Hindu by religion and told that a year ago his wife visited the state of Jammu and Kashmir with a group of tourists. While going to Kashmir from Mughal road they visited this khanqah and here she wished for an offspring. He is therefore here on behalf of his wife. They were from Maharashtra.

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There are many such stories as many as there are mouths, stories of people receiving their wishes and getting cured. More than the stories, I have been an eye witness to the arrival of patients who have been told to visit for seven Thursdays, and they are cured. There are various kinds of Sufis, some vanish their ego in poetry and some live like Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. Therefore while discussing with some old people at the khanqah about the life, messages, and advice of the Baba for the people; they narrated that their ancestors have received knowledge about the Baba that whenever he was delivering lectures and sermon it was like: Every Muslim knows the basic doctrine of Islam and Islam subsists since time immemorial. Iman-e-Mufisal (detailed declaration of faith) and Iman-e-Mujmal (summary declaration of faith) are two pillars. At the khanqah here takes place the infusion of this doctrine of Islam in Sufis.18 Every Muslim vindicates and testimonies the oneness of Allah. This is the essence of Islam and is present in the Holy Quran; Allah is omnipresent, omniscient, and omnipotent, and none is worthy to be equated with him. He is the lord of the here and hereafter, the mighty and owner of the Day of Judgment. He is the creator of heaven and hell and 18000 species. Without the commandment of Almighty, a leaf cannot move. He is immortal and he will revive the dead. This is called religion and the bases of religion is compassion and philanthropy. No created can equate with the creator, the heart is the abode of Allah, this is the territory of Allah. Where I used to sleep inside the common Hall, next to my bed, there was one pilgrim from the Nowshera district of Rajouri, who was by religion a Hindu. He narrated that his grandfather once brought him here and then told the story about Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) who dispelled many doubts and miseries of the people and performed miracles. It is said that once when Baba was in the Lasana area of Poonch district (on the journey to his destination), the area witnessed a devastating flood in the nearby river. People got concerned about Baba’s life. But when they came to find out, they were surprised to see him sitting near his fireplace with a pot of boiling milk over it in his house which remained untouched by the flood. My Hall partner’s (as he told me) grandfather also told him about the time of Baba’s journey when he left the area of Poonch and restarted his journey towards ‘Shahdara Sharief’. The Baba was annoyed with the then Raja of Poonch, Rustam Khan who conspired to kill his cousin Aya Khan to become the king. As he crossed the border of Poonch to enter Rajouri he even threw away his shoes (made of rice straw) (Malik 2015). One of the pilgrims narrated; ‘it is all the spiritual ambience of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah who inwardly nurtures your soul and automatically makes you feel that this place is better than your home. You forget your religion, your caste, your social status, etc. and people of all religions maintain the ambience and order of this 18 In early times these Sufi saints used to teach Quran near the adjacent room of their khanqah. On the first day, they taught about Iman-e-Mujmal and Iman-e-Mufisal to those children or adults who every morning visited their (Sufi) khanqah. This was introduced by Sufi saint ‘Mir Syed Ali Hamdani’ in Kashmir and then learned by the other people in neighboring places. In the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, the concepts of dargah and madrasa were introduced by those Sufi and saints who first came to the valley.

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Sufi abode and it happens with them automatically’. It is said that the religious system is very transparent here; if you are a non-Muslim you may follow your procedure of making wishes or requests before Baba. A non-Muslim lies down and bows or prostrates before the main door of the khanqah. It is the reason or the purpose and the faith they have in Baba that draws them to the shrine. I talked with one person and he narrated: ‘I am here for my daughter; she is not conceiving. When I asked people around me, they told me to take seven leaves of this evergreen Orange tree and put them on the green cloth, available in the market, and then take advice from the Dua-Goo who is always available at the front door of the khanqah’. Simplicity is a unique trait that enables a person to identify exact differences; this teaches humanity.19 Therefore, a bayat or oath of allegiance is most necessary for becoming a Sufi. I am reminded of a story when I was in Rajouri during fieldwork. I was getting back to Kashmir; an old aged man was sitting beside me on the seat. Everyone knows that this is a dangerous road from Jammu to Srinagar that has claimed the life of many people. This old man told me that this road is waif and ownerless. When I asked the reason, he replied; they are saint-less mountains hence even a little rain causes a landslide. Then I remembered the story of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah when he produced fire beating rocks at Shahdara Sharief as the owner or Peer of the hills. Once the forest was flooded in the Poonch area and people denied entry to Baba as he was dark in complexion. People failed to acknowledge that for Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) everyone was equal and that one of his most beloved companions was ‘Bilal’, a Negro.20 The people closed the doors of their houses and expected Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah to be afloat, but in the morning they found him comfortable and the flood did not touch the space where he was sitting. Even though the Sufis have spiritual powers to perform miracles, they lead simple lives of piety, simplicity, and austerity. Worldly policies are none of their businesses. They prefer to put on a white outfit because they believe that the shroud (kafan) is also white. For them, a luxurious life is tantamount to sin. Their prayers are always accepted and answered, their houses are like caves. They appear and disappear sometimes. They live on warm water when they do chilla.21 The Sufis who entered Jammu and Kashmir or those who were born on this land, live life in conformity 19 In Kashmir, it is called wanjigash. It opens up inner eyes. When you are enlightened you can visualize the hidden that cannot be perceived otherwise. This was the vision of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah who ordained Gulab Singh, a Dogra soldier to be the King. Maharaja Gulab Singh became the ruler of Kashmir in 1846 and ruled till 1857. The Dogra dynasty ruled Kashmir from 1846–1947 (Thursday Morning 7:00, 1/11/2018 while listening to a pilgrim from the Kashmir Valley). 20 This incident was narrated by the accountant of the khanqah and corroborated by other pilgrims from nearby areas who come here frequently. 21 Chilla is a specific period of examination for a novice. It is a distance that one travels before entering into the domain of mysticism. The period extends from 40 days to 40 years. In this period, a person has to conform to stringent examination. He is to acquire austerity, simplicity, and piety. During this period, he is to remain neat, clean, and tidy. He is required to kill his ego. In Islam, there are various categories of water, Zamzam, nectar, and Kousar water. Man is cleaned by water when born, water is the essence of life. It is used for ablution for five prayers. The last bath to the dead body is also given by this water (On Friday 2:42 pm.02/11/2018 discussion with a ‘Peer’ about spiritualism, after attending a funeral prayer of a local resident).

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to the guidance received from their spiritual teacher. When an entity is resourceless and helpless, he calls his creator who gives him much-required resources. This is the way of all Sufis. However, their tombs are decorated after their demise. This communicates a vivid message that they lived a life of divinity and are conferred with eternity as with the shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The common phrase in Rajouri is: ‘Belief system is greater than Peer’. By visiting this Sufi khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, even the King does not go emptyhanded it is said, so how can the pauper and destitute. I was sitting near the masjid when a woman came and revealed her intention of getting an application scripted. She came to me with a pen and notebook followed by her husband. When I inquired about the reason, her eyes became moist with ‘tears’ and she narrated her story. She said that they did not have any children. Three years back they came here on foot without shoes all the way from ‘Darhal’ (tehsil of district Rajouri). They prayed for a child and Allah blessed them. But they lost their three-year-old baby. They had lost their baby twice and hence wanted to lodge a written petition to Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah and ask the reason for their childlessness. She said that she wanted to know whether somebody has cast a spell on her or whether it was something else. She wanted justice from Allah. I jotted down the letter and handed it to them. The only option remaining before them is requesting Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah for help and they feel sure that they will receive justice. The woman further asked me to add in the application that now they need a child and should be blessed with one without any harm. Such is the strong beliefs and faith of people in the miracles of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, exemplified in the presence and reverence of his khanqah, more than two hundred years of his leaving the mortal world.

5 The Religious Function and Celebration of Urs The vociferous message of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah as conveyed at his khanqah is righteousness, truth, love, care, and a life devoid of jealousy, envy, debauchery, and hate. Ahl-E-Sunnat-Wal-Jamat 22 believes that a visit to this khanqah is a matter of piety. These Sufi saints purge people from miseries and pains because of the power granted to a Walliullah or nearest friend of Allah. There are various auspicious days in Islam that are observed here at the shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah with religious zeal, fervour, and gusto. Thursday is considered auspicious. The local religious leaders said that they believe that on 22 Ahl-E-Sunnat-Wal-Jamat

literally means those who follow the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad PBUH. It is predicted in his teachings that Muslims in the extreme would be divided into 72 groups, such as (i) Baralwi, (ii) Ahle-hadees, (iii) Jamati-Islamia, (iv) TablighiJamat, etc., but it would be complicated to identify which group is the right one. However, this Ahl-e-Sunnat-Wal-Jamat is one of the groups, in a local language known as ‘Itaqadies’ or believers who recognize themselves as the right one and believe in the physical as well as the spiritual presence or existence of these Sufi saints.

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Thursdays all the other saints and Sufis have a meeting with Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba). The meeting starts from Thursday midnight and ends around the 3’oclock on a Friday morning. This meeting is believed to be held only inside the tomb or roza of Baba because he is by himself considered the spiritual king of the mountains of Jammu and Kashmir. Based on interactions, the visitors can be categorized into two; those whose wishes have been fulfilled and those who come to seek a solution to their problems. Some visitors do nightly worship on this night. According to the administrator of the shrine, ‘On every Thursday, a special congregation of Zikir (commemoration) is observed. Some people come for worldly benefit; the majority visits for spiritual gain or to seek help in dis-consolation. We cannot spot a single beggar because begging is strictly prohibited here. Free food is served to every visitor on this day.’ Some of the festivals celebrated at the khanqah are Eid-e-Miladun Nabhi, Shabe-Qadar, Shab-e-Barat, Month of Ramzan, and Birthdays of Wali and Awlia. Eidul-Fitr, marking the end of an Islamic holy month of Ramadan is celebrated with real gusto with people gathering at the shrine in the morning for prayer. Special langar (community food) is served for all devotees. Naats (praise) and giving religious sermons (khutbah) constitute the chief components of the festivals. The Auqaf Administration makes arrangements for all such programmes. After religious beads telling by gathering, prayer ‘Fatiah’ is made and stone-like pebbles of sugar called mishri are distributed as a relic. These sweets and other eatables are kept in the centre on a green piece of cloth. On all auspicious days, a large number of people throng the khanqah. They perform vigil prayer shab-baidari in the mosque and the tabarruk (consecrate) is distributed. Tabarruk enhances the income of the khanqah. On such occasion’s clerics from various areas are invited to address people. People do collective prayer on khanqah in a loud voice. All guest houses of the Trust and private ones are fully booked. People serve meals turn by turn. There are family guest houses, separate rooms for women and there are dormitories. Visiting and staying of people is a continuous process here. There is a mini-market where every visitor wants to spend a minimum of three or four days during festivals, especially on the day of Urs. On this day, the market looks like a mela (jollification) where you find different playful rides for children and shops of a variety of things and eatables. The shopkeepers take this opportunity to sell homemade wooden products and earn their livelihood. The market place is full of pilgrims, purchasing baskets full of red roses, fragrance sticks, oil, chadar, and sugar cubes for offering inside the khanqah on the tomb of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The two days Urs of Hazrat Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is celebrated by people with religious zeal annually on the 9th and 10th of the Islamic calendar Mahram-ulHaram.23 The Arabic word Urs means commemoration in remembrance of a Sufi 23 Islam has a specific calendar. The first year instigates in 622 A.D. with the Hegira, when Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and the first Muslims took flight from Mecca to Medina. Throughout this book, the dates used are given as Islamic/Christian/modern Calendar.

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saint, particularly celebrated as his death anniversary in South Asia usually at his dargah. In Islam, these Sufi saints and Peers are known as Wali and Awlia which means close friend of Allah. Therefore, people celebrate the Urs ceremony while emphasizing two basic attachments. (i) Religious attachment; which means the Sufi saints are friends of Allah and (ii) Social attachment; within their (Sufi) outwardly life (humanly life) they work for the betterment of all without any differentiation. These two basic concepts are the underlined dimensions that clarify how and why people celebrate the death anniversaries of these Sufi saints and Peers. There are numerous Sufi Order what people call silsila (pedigree) like; (i) Qadiriyya, Bukhari, Naqashbandiyyah, Suhrawardiyya, etc. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah was spiritually a follower of the Qadiriyya silsila in Shahdara. The Sajasa-Nasheen (a spiritually expert responsible person as per his pedigree is either a Sufi saint or from the Sayed dynasty) is the custodian of the khanqah and his presence is necessary to perform certain Urs rituals. The Auqaf administration of Shahdara invites some Peers and known Sufis on this eve of Urs celebration. Every year it is celebrated by performing a ghusal ceremony, laying a chadar, and offering fatehi (requiem) at the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. After the Morning Prayer, people start gathering at the shrine and on this day special langar (meal) is served which every devotee takes to seek the blessing of the Baba. Living here seems comparatively better than in the family and people maintain a discipline that has been taught by Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. A few functions and ceremonies like Khatam Sharief and Duwa programme take place during the intervening night of the 9th and 10th of Muharram. It is a flamboyant night with the whole area of the khanqah becoming inimitable. Polemicists preach and thousands of people swarm to the khanqah (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7 Local Stuff at a Shop in the Market at Shahdara Sharief during Urs. Source Author

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6 Beyond the Concept of Khanqah: Emerging Hub of Education and Social-Welfare The khanqah is a source of income, livelihood, and employment. This is possible because of Baba’s charisma and exceptional qualities which draw people to the khanqah with complete faith and devotion. The visitors or pilgrims invest hundreds and thousands of rupees here in the context of bestowing nazrana (bestowment) for the fulfilment of their wishes and achievements. As a devotee told; ‘when we come, we are empty, and when we return, we return with richness and full of mercy’. This place is famous for life and unending distribution of compassion and kindness, found in the fountain of mercy visible in the inward life of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. The doors of faiz (mercy), fazilat (eminence), rehmat (blessings), and benedictions are open for everyone. This kingdom of Baba offers free food to those who are in search of solutions, and to those who keep this food as a relic. However, a Sufi kingdom remains alive and in function always, especially through the extension of its activities to the field of education and social welfare. ‘Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University’ (BGSBU) in Rajouri came into existence through ‘Jammu and Kashmir Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University Act No. XVI of 2002’. By 2005 it was a well-established University inculcating both academic and professional education. In all, 230 million rupees were withdrawn from the coffer of Shahdara Sharief for the construction of this University. Annually 20 million are granted to the University.24 Apart from the spiritual benefits, the Union Territory of J&K gets material and worldly benefits. The administrative staff informed that when this University was established, initially all the officials of the khanqah thought that it would be an Islamic University. The change of decision was deemed to be an inward influence of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah whose place was open to people of all faiths. Therefore different departments with a high standard of education with professional courses were offered by this University. The architecturally designed buildings were established on the campus of the University. This University is now working as a successful institution and ranked among the top national universities of the country.25 There is also a madrasa known by the name of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah Madrasa (BGBM) run by the khanqah administration. There are hundreds of students enrolled in it. The special trait is that free religious and worldly education is given to children and all the expenses are borne by the khanqah. Those who cannot meet the expenditures for education send their children to this BGB madrasa and the children develop themselves as the best Islamic religious teachers. The administration of this khanqah is responsible for seating arrangements and food requirements. On the first day of Urs, all the madrasas from Rajouri and Poonch districts are invited by the administration to participate in Naat (praise)/Hamad (laudation) and Qirat (Quranic verses reading loudly with art and perfection) competitions. 24 http://babaghulamshah.com/management.html. 25 See:

https://www.bgsbu.ac.in/.

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Till 1976–77 it was not mentioned where and to whom the income of the khanqah went. In the year 1978, the khanqah came under the Auqaf Board administration and various developments took place thereafter. It was found that the Administrator and other daily-based and consolidated employers were very co-operative. They are a support to every visitor or pilgrim on the site. All the employees work hard believing that Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah is always with them and are paid by the management of the shrine. Those who cannot travel to the khanqah are taken due care of, a pension is granted to those below the poverty line. From the resources of the Baba the widows, orphans, poor, and sick or physically disabled people are facilitated with a monthly stipend of a consolidated amount.26 The shrine of Shahdara Sharief runs the biggest langar in North India. More than four thousand people take food twice every day throughout the year. The langar has thirty permanent employees, besides which hundreds of devotees offer their services that include bringing woods, helping in the kitchen work, washing utensils, and serving food to the pilgrims. The shrine has an annual turnover of Rs.3 crore, there is never a shortage of food, and there is no beggar in the vicinity.27 Many people on the premises of dargah are benefited due to the presence of the market around. In many shops as I saw, the indigenous wooden, combs, cups, spoons, buckets, plates and key rings, etc. are sold. This pays double benefits. Shopkeepers earn money and this is a representation of the regional culture as well. Most of them have inherited this profession. People run hotels, restaurants, and tea stalls also. All the villagers and workers have found this khanqah beneficial. On the left side of the khanqah is a beautiful Dak-Bungalow. Whoever visits, seeks mental peace, serenity, and compassion. This place is nowadays under the Ministry of Tourism, Government of J&K. It has engaged both the departments of horticulture and floriculture for preservation and maintenance of naturalness around the khanqah.

7 Conclusion This paper presents an ethnographic fathom of the shared time and space of interaction with the pilgrims, the staff, the religious preachers, shopkeepers, and all those attached to the khanqah in some way or the other, as well as of observing and experiencing the activities, mysticism, and spiritualism of the place. The khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah (Baba) is understood as a place with historical foundations that tells us about the arrival of the great Sufi saint in the eighteenth century in the Rajouri area of the Jammu region in J&K. It informs us about the mysticism, benevolence, and power of the saint to perform miracles and make predictions, the impact of which continues to date. Thousands of people every year visit this place as pilgrims and I tried to understand their perceptions for visiting this Sufi khanqah as well as their sentimentalism tied 26 Ibid. 27 See:

https://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/pir-panjal/shahenshah-e-pahads-shrine/.

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to this abode, a place where Sufism, the Islamic mysticism is practiced. All the visitors and pilgrims have strong eternal bonds spiritually tied with Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. He did a lot for people from different regions and religions. He taught them religious knowledge and provided them with the truth-based experience of living life. The lessons were not only for the common people but also for kings and princes of their times. The Sufi understanding makes visible the knowledge of clandestine; it is a kind of knowledge that is based on a reality, the oneness of human beings, and which nullifies social and cultural differentiation. According to some pilgrims: old Muslims (Peers and Faqirs) had little religious knowledge, but their amal (deed) was strong. This deed is related to something which is the essence between hard work and its results. In Jammu and Kashmir especially in Kashmir valley, the Rishi order has been accepted as a Sufi tradition in the context of religious harmony (Rafiabadi 2011). The indigenous Rishi order and the Sufism that spread due to the efforts of Muslim saints from outside Kashmir resulted in a unique culture of tolerance and pluralism in Jammu and Kashmir (Sheikh 2019). The two names Baba and Rishi as per one Hindu pilgrim show that there is a Hindu influence on a composed cultural practice of Jammu and Kashmir. He mentioned that these are epithets of Hinduism and later on these words became common because of the similarity of the local dialectics spoken by the Kashmiris who were converted to Islam. One finds many such similar words and areas of influence at the shrines of Sufi saints where people of different faiths gather and pray. The Sufis like Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah did not differentiate between people based on their backgrounds, similarly, his khanqah is open for everyone to seek the blessing of the Baba and give a message of peace and communal harmony. Most of the employees in the khanqah are Muslims but the pilgrims are from different religions. The Muslim pilgrims are undoubtedly in majority but there is no shortage of Hindu, Sikh, and even Christian pilgrims, with one of whom I had a good conversation. The Chief Accountant, one of the administrative staff members stated that; ‘Buddhists from Leh (Ladakh) used to visit this khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’. Even in terms of food habits, vegetarian food is common in the villages around though there are no prohibitions against non-vegetarian food. The Pandits (Kashmiri Hindus) used to eat halal (an Islamic procedure of slaughtering the animal) meat on occasions like Herath (Shivratri) as well as on daily basis. Similarly, the Muslims never ate beef and other animals which were sacred for the Hindus. At the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, though non-vegetarian food is served in the restaurants and hotels around, the food that is served at langar (common feast) is vegetarian. The offerings to the shrine mainly consist of grains, pulses, fruits, vegetables, and ghee. However, the donation is made both in cash and kind which also includes giving of bull, goat, sheep, and hen. Such religiously harmonious associations, it is believed have been possible due to the influence of the incredible Sufi saint. Besides the people’s belief in the charismatic and miraculous power of the Sufi saint, it is important to know about the mysticism and spiritualism Sufism found around the khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah. Sufism has a rather interesting influence on the pilgrims. They do not seem to bother about sharing rooms or blankets

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and mattresses and even plates and glasses. In these Sufi abodes’ all become like each other, they forget their usual daily life for a while. They live in brotherhood and their supplications or dua get intermingled with the spiritual space and time they share with others. A pilgrim stated that; ‘we come to the khanqah not only because of our problems but for relaxation and to relieve our souls.’ The pilgrims come together and share their experiences and help each other overcome their difficulties. Sufism or mysticism has been observed to be an important platform for making people socially conscious and responsible. In this khanqah, every practice is considered significant as per one’s understanding of how to pursue and then achieve what he/she wishes for. This khanqah is also a source of income for the residents of the place as well as for the whole region of Jammu and Kashmir. It helps the government in different contexts. It earns huge revenue which is spent on education, health, and other social measures, especially for the poor and needy people. It has given jobs to hundreds of employees working in this khanqah. Thousands of post-graduate students and scholars complete their high standard degrees from Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, which is yearly funded by this khanqah. Departments of tourism, floriculture, and social welfare may have found sustainability in their yearly financial conditions because many pilgrims visit this place and pay for their nightly or weekly stays inside the Guest Houses. In the market place, the local people or residents have opened private hotels’ and restaurants, and pay taxes to the government and enjoy their life. They make pilgrims interested to explore their indigenous art and culture by representing local craft and skills. This is the power of the revered Sufi saint Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, embodied and manifested in the several happenings in and around his khanqah at Shahdara Sharief.

References Calis-Kural, B. D. (2016). Sehrengiz, Urban Rituals and Deviant Sufi Mysticism in Ottoman Istanbul. New York: Routledge. Can, S. (2006). Fundamentals of Rumis thought. Tughra Books. Dar, G. M. (2006). Hazrat Baba Ghulamshah Badshah: A Mevelvi Sufi Prespective. New Delhi: Farid Book Depot Pvt Ltd. Fadiman, J., & Frager, R. (Eds.). (2013). (Reprint Edition). Essential sufism. New York: HarperOne Publishers. Ganai, N. (2017). “Convicted By People’s Court”. Outlook: The Fully Loaded Magazine, 2017.https://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/story/convicted-by-peoples-court/299269. Accessed 27 November 2019. Ganhar, J. N. (1984). Jammu shrines and pilgrimages. New Delhi: Ganhar Publications. Gulen, M. F. (2006). Key concepts in practice of sufism. New Jsrsey: The Light Inc. James, K. (1964). Anthology of islamic literature. New York: New American Library. Kamaruzaman, K. O. (2007). Understanding Islam: Contemporary discourse. Malaysia: Saba Islamic Media. Khan, H. I. (1963). The Sufi Message of Hazrat Inayat Khan: The Sufi Teachings. Library of Alexandria.

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Malik, S. (2015). Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah’s shrine, a blessing to all. Early Times. Saturday, May 23rd. Michon, J.-L. (2008). Introduction to traditional islam, illustrated: foundations, art, and spirituality. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom Inc. Pal, A. (2011). ‘Islam’ Means peace: Understanding the muslim principles of nonviolance today. California: Praeger ABC-CLIO LLC. Rafiabadi, H. N. (2011). Sufism and Rishism in Kashmir: The Lesser Known aspects of some Sufi Orders. Srinagar: City Book Center. Razia, S. (2011). From shamanism to sufism women, islam and culture in central Asia. London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd. Renard, J. (2004). Knowledge God Class Sufism “Clasics of Western Spritualism”. New Jersey: Paulist Press. Shamsuddin, K. A. 1424 H. Sufism (Tasawuf) Urdu book. Sir John Town, Karachi: Markazi Muraqabha Hall, Karachi. Sheikh, M. I. (2019). Islam and Shaikh-Al-Alam: A great Di I Sufi Saint and Poet of Kashmir. New Delhi: Educreation Publishing. Singh, N. K. (2000). Islamic heritage of Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Publishers. Trivedi, K. (1971). Mahatmas: Acharyas, mystics, saints, sages, seers. Madras: Shivaji News Printers. Valiuddin, M. (1977). The quranic sufism religion and ethics series. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Private Ltd.

Chapter 4

The Mystic Sufi Saint in Jammu: Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah Kamlesh Bamotra

Abstract Sufi shrines and Sufi saints have played an essential role in the construction of composite culture in the Indian subcontinent and are symbolized as places of communal harmony. The present paper is an ethnographic study of a dargah (shrine) of Sayyed Shamsuddin popularly known as Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah or simply Peer Baba, a renowned Sufi saint believed to have lived here around 500 years ago, and whose miraculous powers are evident even today. The study is based on the observation, interviews, and narratives of the devotees, shopkeepers, staff, religious leaders, and beggars in the vicinity of the dargah carried out in the years 2018 and 2019. The shrine is located just adjacent to the Jammu Airport across the river Tawi in Jammu city. It is said that no flight takes off or lands here without showing reverence to the shrine. Any attempt to relocate the dargah has met with severe consequences. This shrine of a Muslim Sufi saint is visited by people of different faiths—the Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and all others. In this dargah, one observes the amalgamation of diversity in a sacred space that becomes the representation of the collective consciousness diminishing the boundaries that humankind has consciously created for centuries. There is an anecdote related to the friendship of Guru Nanak Dev and Baba Budhan Ali Shah and other miracles of the mystic saint. The paper discusses various tales related to Baba Budhan Ali Shah as a mystic saint that transformed the lives of several people during his time and by those sharing the lived experiences. It explores the socio-cultural significance of the shrine, perceptions of the people who visit the shrine, their beliefs and practices, and how they relate themselves to the mystic saint and his dargah today. Keywords Dargah · Peer Baba · Saint · Sufi · Mystic

K. Bamotra (B) Ph.D., Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_4

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1 Discourse on Mysticism in Classical Sociology The concept of Mysticism is significant in the discussion on Sufism. The universe of Sufism and Sufi culture itself speaks about the mystical thought process. Sufism is one of the most dynamic and important dimensions of Islamic religious-cultural expression. In Kashmir, the mystic nature of Sufi and Rishis1 is charismatic. It effectively empowers its followers. Mysticism is a practice that involves mystical experiences in which people search for truth, knowledge, and closeness to God through meditation and prayer. It is a direct way to feel the presence of God. It is a belief that there is a hidden meaning in life that each human being can unite with God. Mystics are those who break through the limitation of ignorance and access life in all its dimensions (Kolodziejczyk 1990). Mystics are always seen as “other-worldly”. This other world is out of reach of sense organs, and therefore, mystical experiences can only be achieved by going beyond the sense limitations. Sense organs perceive only which is substantial or approachable to our senses. If ones’ senses transcend the mundane life then it is possible to unite with the cosmos or God and in Max Weber’s (1978, 1993) terminology “other-world”. The mystics are capable of doing so. Max Weber developed an interest in mysticism, an interest that seemed to grow in the last five years of his life. Adair-Toteff (2002), Weber (1978, 1993) explained mysticism by contrasting it with asceticism. Mysticism for Weber is otherworldly which refers to withdrawing from the social world by isolating oneself from face to face interaction with other people in order to experience illumination and is grounded in processes related to the direct relation to the divine. It involves emotional feelings and experience hence driven by “effective motivation”. Asceticism is inner-worldly involvement grounded in rationalized thinking and in Weber’s words it is driven by “value-rational motivation”. It involves everyday life engagement or face-to-face interaction with other people (Summers-Effler and Kwak 2015: 253). Similarly, in his classical work The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1995, first published 1912), sociologist Durkheim did not directly talk about mysticism or Sufism, but he thoroughly discussed the concept of totemism. While analyzing the concept, he addressed the mysticism around these totems that become the source of collective consciousness and collective representation among the communities. According to Durkheim, totemism is a more fundamental and primitive cult or manifestation of primitive religiosity in human society that is surrounded by mysticism (Durkheim 1995: 85). Durkheim draws on ethnographic material and sees this kind of totem worship as a source of solidarity in a primitive society. Other-worldliness, Sufi practices, and totemic worship sound unreasonable to a person who is looking for rationality in every aspect of human society or life. However, these are the ways or means to express the deep reality of belief which people are experiencing through the practices surrounded by mysticism rather than

1 In

Kashmir, Sufi saints are also addressed as Rishis and Kashmir is also called Rishwer meaning, the abode of saints (Khan 2008).

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rationalism. The belief in stone or a tree or for that matter in a ziyarat 2 (pilgrimage) of a saint empowers the believer in a miraculous manner. There are various kinds of totemic veneration still prevailing in Hinduism for instance, worship of the banyan tree, pipal tree (sacred fig) or tulsi plant (holy basil), besides many others which represent lineage or clan (gotra) of people, held equally sacred as totems, to be preserved, protected and worshipped. The natives believe that the practice existed before they were born and it will survive their existence. A totem becomes the source of strength, collective consciousness, and collective representation. Similarly, a dargah (shrine) is a source of strength for its believers, and energy found in the surroundings is real for a visitor who has immense faith in the forever existence of the saint. This faith and conviction for a devotee come through the mystic belief system in the dargah, totem, and banyan tree.

2 Sufism, Syncretism, and Symbiotic Relationship This section focuses on the concept of Sufism, its relevance for religious syncretism, and the symbiotic relationship that it promotes between different religious groups in India. Yoginder Sikand notes: A remarkable feature of popular religion in South Asia is the widespread popularity of shared religious traditions that bring together Hindus and Muslims and in some cases Sikhs as well as Christians in common worship and ritual participation. These traditions are, by nature, ambiguous in terms of clearly defined communal categories, defying the logic of neatly separated and demarcated communities defined on the basis of a reified, scripturalist and essentalised understanding of religious identity (2004: 166).

The composite culture is also known as Ganga-jammuni tehzib in India. It is assimilation and amalgamation of all those epochs when Bharat (India) was captured by a variety of civilizations and cultures. The interaction with different cultures from diverse corners of the world added significant features to the culture of the Indian subcontinent and known by different names with the same meaning whether it is syncretism, pluralism, or composite culture. All these Sufi shrines have become the shared spaces that led to the emergence of symbiotic relationships despite the various religious walls. Sikand (2013: 217) describes the shared sacred spaces as the centre of participation for people of different religious faiths, however, it does not mean the boundaries get vanished completely but it has a significant role to play in promoting the culture of “limited tolerance”. He also stressed the fact that orthodox Hindus do not consume food cooked by Muslims as it is polluting for them but the same Hindus who visit dargah happily accept “sweets and holy water from Muslim sajjada nashins— ‘keeps of the prayer carpets’ and descendants of the buried saint” (Ibid: 217). In this 2 Ziyarat

means visit or pilgrimage to tomb, holy place or shrine (see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Ziyarat, accessed 20th October 2019).

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syncretistic emergence, the humanist concept of Islam and Sufism also significantly contribute to different mystic Sufi Masters. In the Indian context, religious communities are connected through different religious thoughts. A pluralistic society like India has led to the combining of different religious beliefs also known as syncretism. There has been a symbiotic relationship between different communities, religions, and cultures. According to Rasheeduddin Khan, “the Indo-Muslim strands have weaved into the texture of India’s national existence a rich design of composite culture, by intertwining the threads of the bhakti marg with the Islamic Sufi (mystic) traditions” (1987: 36). The diversity of Indian social structure provides an interesting ethnographic material to study culture, people, conflictual situations and peaceful lived realities. The process of synthesis and antithesis is a continuous feature of Indian society and its way of life. Stewart Tony and Ernst (2003) critically looked at the concept of syncretism and termed its popular usage as a clichéd and misdirected perspective. Though the term is used mainly in the positive sense of “synthesis”, it imbibes the inherent essentialist bias. Stewart and Ernst explained the discourse on ‘syncretism’ by using different models to understand the relationship between various sects, groups, and religions. This process has not always been smooth and peaceful, but also partial, conflictual, and hierarchical. In Asian cultures, specifically in the Indian subcontinent syncretism denotes the amalgamation of different cultures or philosophical doctrines that are opposite to each other and having political undertones. Many scholars have emphasized the syncretistic aspects of local, folk, or village rituals and cultures. However, according to Stewart and Ernst, the term ‘syncretism’ has largely been used in the South Asian context to denote inter-sect and inter-religious encounters (Ibid: 587–588). Inter-religious conflicts, like those between the Hindus and Muslims in India, and between Sufism and Wahhabi groups in Kashmir for instance, tend to possess common cultural syncretic features, but also stand at variance to each other exhibiting dialectical and contradictory strands. The revivalist movement of Islam considers Sufism as a “shirk” as Sufi saints and their tombs are venerated, which is considered as un-Islamic. This is even though it were the Sufi saints who played a major role in bringing Islam to Kashmir in the fourteen and fifteenth centuries, and who were instrumental in the large scale conversion of local Kashmiris to Islam. In recent years, the chasm between the two groups has widened with the dogmatic Wahhabi and Salafi culture damaging peace and mutual co-existence of people in Jammu and Kashmir. In 1989–1990, the concept of Kashmiriyat that represented the collective ethnic identity of Kashmiris irrespective of religion started becoming obsolete with the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir. Therefore, one finds both, inter and intra-religious differences emanating in Kashmir posing threat to inter-community relations as well as to the more tolerant, multi-faith doctrine of Sufism. This impact is reverberated in the relations between the religious communities and between Sufism and orthodox Islam as evident at the shrine of the Sufi saint Baba Budhan Ali Shah in Jammu. The narratives ahead have explored the latter discourse through the ethnographic study. However, this paper has used the term syncretism more in the positive sense of synthesis and composite culture comprising of mutual coexistence of different faiths at the common place.

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There are two aspects of Islam. One is concerned with Quran-centered Islam which contains the commands and prohibitions set down in divine law (shariah). The other is concerned with the inner mystical dimension of Islam. The objective of the Sufi movement or the practices associated with Sufism was to find divine truth and love through direct and mystical union with God or Allah. The first Sufi Order was firmly established in Ajmer, India by the great Chisti saint, Khwaja Muinuddin Hasan Chisti (AD 1143–1234) in the last decade of the twelfth century (Khan 1987:48). Mystic Sufi Order started preaching people through its procedures the process to go beyond the feeling of self and ultimate surrender to the supreme self. Sufi movement is associated with the true reality of a soul that is connected to God beyond outward appearances. Those believed to have reached this mystical awareness have come to be reckoned as Muslim saints, known as allies (Awalia)3 of God. They have been viewed as agents of God being close to them and having access to the Supreme Being and providing meaning even if hidden, for the entire cosmos. It is oriented to the inner life no less than the outer (Elias 1998; Heck 2006). However, there are challenges to Sufism through rationalists and various cultural and intellectual strands of the Islamic heritage but there is no doubt that Sufism has played a significant role in shaping Muslim society. Hence its vast influence is constant (see Knysh 2002; Heck 2006). As per Heck (2006: 253), the universal viewpoint of Sufism well-established in Islam is that “revelation yields a lived ethics with the potential to view and embrace all creatures through a single ethical vision, regardless of religion or other affiliation”. The term ‘Sufi’ offers different interpretations. It has been observed as Islamic mysticism. The movement may have given the name Sufism as a symbol of a rejection of worldly things. It is defined as the inner mystical dimension of Islam that developed first in Arabia. The apparent function of Sufism was spirituality. However, it also contained fascinating and vibrant dimensions of Islamic religious and cultural expression. A variety of philosophical, social, and literary phenomena occurring within the Islamic world comes under this umbrella term ‘Sufism’. Elias and Jamal (1998) discussed Sufism in different periods of history and geographically divided Sufism from the twelfth century onward, breaking it into Iranian, Central Asian, Anatolian and Ottoman, and Indian areas. Sufism is defined as a “spiritual practice, intellectual discipline, literary tradition, and Social Institution” (Heck 2006: 1). This is the process of losing the self and ultimate surrender to the supreme self. The process is to help its followers to be spiritually strong enough to control the self and go-ahead for the ultimate union with Allah or God. The focus of the movement is to develop strict self-control. This experience can be acquired by a life long process of self-purification at both the physical and spiritual level. The mystics discard the outward form of religion once they attain such joy. The concept of Sufism was, therefore, to focus the mystic power on the spiritual dimension of Islam to shield the believers from the outwardly and unrealistic doctrine of the faith 3 Awalia is a plural of the Arabic word Wali, its literal meaning is being supporter, guardian, or helper,

mostly used by Muslims to address Sufi saints (see: https://www.sufiwiki.com/Awliya accessed 12th August 2019).

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(Voll and Ohtsuka 2019).4 Like in the rest of South Asia, Jammu and Kashmir has also witnessed the spread of Sufism and the presence of Mystic Sufis which have become an important part of people’s culture and society.

3 Sufism in Jammu and Kashmir Jammu and Kashmir state has witnessed various historical turning points to date from accession to India in October 1947 to abrogation of Article 370 and becoming Union Territory of India in August 2019. Conflict induce exodus of Kashmiri Pandits’ from Kashmir in January 1990 is a turning point in the cultural ethos of Kashmiriyat, which led to the change in the secular character of Kashmiri identity that Sufi saints of Kashmir laid once. The valley of Kashmir is a beautiful place surrounded by the Himalayas. It is known as the ‘Paradise on Earth’. The people of Kashmir have high regard for these mountains which are considered as their guardians and protector. Over the centuries different religions and cultures came and settled down in the valley. Kashmir became the home for the Buddhists, the place for Vedanta teachings, Shakta traditions, Shaivism, and the centre for mystic Islam. Kashmir, therefore, does not have a single past. After the Buddhist and Hindu Rajas (699–736 CE), Kashmir was ruled by the Sultans, Mughals (1580–1750), Afghans (1747–1819), Sikhs (1820– 1846), and the Dogras (1846–1947) (Koul 1972; Bamzai 1994; Hussain 2008). Jammu and Kashmir comprises of several ethnic and cultural regions that include the Muslim majority Kashmir province, the Hindu majority Jammu province, and the primarily Buddhist area of Ladakh (Jammu and Kashmir is a Union Territory now, and so is Ladakh, a separate Union Territory). Different dynasties that settled down in Kashmir brought with them different cultures and religions. The simple and peaceloving people of Kashmir accommodated the diverse dominant trends without much resentment. Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam together made a significant impact on the life of Kashmiris. This coexistence signified Kashmir as a place of multiple communities living in harmony for centuries. The people of Kashmir call the valley Pirwaer and Rishwaer, the abode of Sufis and Rishis (see Bamotra 2012 unpublished thesis on Shodhganga). There are various shrines associated with different Sufi saints in Kashmir. One of the prominent Sufi saints was Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani. He came from Hamadan in Persia and played an important role in the spread and mass conversion of local people to Islam. A shrine in the city of Srinagar, popularly known as Khanqah-i-Mualla is dedicated to him. Another mystic saint is Lalleshvari, popularly known in Kashmir as Lal Ded. Lalleshvari or Lal Ded5 was born into a Brahmin family in 1335 CE and was the proponent of the Kashmir Shaivism school of philosophy. She emphasised 4 Voll

and Ohtsuka: see oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t236/e0759. to the historian Mohammad Ishaq Khan (1994), Lalleshvari was influenced by the Islamic notion of unity (wahdat, tauhid). She sought that human beings should get out of the whirl of darkness into light. For her, the fundamentals of all religions were basically the same. A missionary from Persia, Shah-i-Hamadan came to Kashmir in the fourteenth century; Lalleshvari

5 According

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social equality and religious tolerance. She was revered by both Kashmiri Muslims and Pandits (Bazaz 2003; Kak 2008; Gull 2003: vii). Similarly, the Kashmiri legend who contributed to the evolution of religious humanism is fondly called by many names as Sheikh Noor-ud-Din or Nund Rishi.6 He is a significant figure in the history of Kashmir and is known as a great saint in the Valley who wrote the Kashmiri Quran. He established the indigenous mystic Order of the Muslim Rishis (Khan 2008), which is admired alike by both the Kashmiri Pandits and the Kashmiri Muslims. The coexistence of Sufism and Rishism suggests that the valley was tolerant and peaceful, where great saints had inspired the people to transcend their religious boundaries to move towards one destination that belongs to all irrespective of their religious affiliation. Sufi practices brought out that Sufi-saints in Kashmir significantly contributed to the making of the composite culture. The people are conscious of the fact that they have been converted to Islam and subconsciously carrying some traditions of previous faiths. These are reflected in today’s practices of a loud recital of prayers, going to shrines, or laying chadars at the tombs of Sufi saints. They are all considered as residues of Hindu traditions. These Sufis saints and Rishis introduced Islam in Kashmir which included the incorporation of ancient or pre-Islamic culture and practices. Therefore, the Islam practiced by the people of Kashmir has been predominantly Sufi in essence which resulted in the development of the composite culture in the region. In such a milieu people are well aware of their religiosity but never let it come in between their relationships with each other and their belongingness to each other as a Kashmiri (see Bamotra 2012 unpublished thesis on Shodhganga). However, the conflict situation in Kashmir and, the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 changed the scenario of Kashmir, and sometimes it is hard to believe that coexistence that once existed could not persist because fundamental religious-political ideologies overpowered that coexistence. Looking at the present scenario historian Khan, in his work Kashmir: Humanity Stifled (2007), describes through poems the earlier happy Kashmir and the way people were connected to each other. He also portrays the pain of brokenness and a trouncing of earlier peaceful Kashmir through his poetry. However, in the Jammu region, people continued to share a common culture and visiting shrines of Sufi saints as part of their everyday life. The city of temples, Jammu is also home to numerous Sufi dargahs such as the dargah of Roshan Ali Shah, Peer Lakhdata, Peer Mitha, Baba Jiwan Shah, Panj Peer, and Baba Budhan Ali Shah. All these dargahs of Sufi saints are located at different

met him and discussed philosophy, religion, and spiritualism with him. This proved to be a turning point in her life. She combined Islamic and Shaivite thoughts. She used to teach the people of Kashmir values of Humanism that emerged from the assimilation of two philosophies of Shaivism and Islam (Kak 2008). 6 Sheikh Noor-ud-Din was born in 1377. His father’s name was Sheikh Salar-ud-Din, who had converted to Islam after coming into contact with the Sufi saint Sayyid Hussain Simani. His mother Sadra Sheikh Salar-ud-Din, whose pre-Islamic name was Salar Sanaz, belonged to the family of Rajas of Kishtwar. There is a shrine of Sheikh Noor-ud-Din at Charar Sharif in Kashmir. People from all religions visit this shrine (Sufi 1979; Khan 1994; Ganhar 1995; Bazaz 2003).

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places in Jammu city. These Sufi saints are revered by the people of Jammu irrespective of their religion. People of different faiths gather in the shrines because of their faith in the saint’s power to grant their wishes. These saints had spread the message of equality for all human beings. There are mythical stories associated with each one of them that explain their spiritual power and their friendships with Hindu saints and Sikh Gurus that further bridges the religious gap between the different religious communities. It has been centuries that these saints still live in the hearts of people (Sikand 2000). As in the rest of India, in Jammu also people of all caste, creed, and religion transcending the boundaries in these syncretic places of worship come together to propitiate the saint in dargah or for instance when they call Kheer Bhavani7 as Mouj (mother). A Sufi saint Baba Budhan Ali Shah is related to Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims and Kheer Bhavani is Mouj (mother) to all Kashmiris irrespective of religion and caste. Although fundamentalist forces sometimes attempt to make these boundaries rigid but ethnographic accounts of these sacred places by the people explain the rich cultural traditions rather than religiosity because the country without culture based on religions cannot survive for a long. However, in the case of India, its rich cultural heritage represents the beauty of amalgamation and coexistence.

4 The Dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah in Jammu City The dargah of Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah (Peer Baba) is located just adjacent to the Jammu Airport across the river Tawi in Jammu city. Peer Baba was born in Talwandi in Punjab now in Pakistan, the birthplace of the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak Dev. It is said that his real name was Sayyed Shamsuddin. The dargah is also associated with friendship and spiritual discourse between Guru Nanak Dev and Baba Budhan Ali Shah. Baba Budhan Ali Shah is also known as Baba Budhan (The Old Baba) because he was blessed with a very long life (Sikand 2000), presumably 500 years. His presence is believed to be at the time of his contemporary Guru Nanak Dev (1469–1539) as well as when the sixth Guru Hargobind (1595–1644) arrived to meet him in Jammu and drank milk offered by Baba Budhan Ali Shah as promised earlier by Guru Nanak Dev.8 This shows that Peer Baba had a long life and the story is believed and passed down from generation to generation. This was also narrated by one of the devotees interviewed during the fieldwork (given ahead). There is hardly any record of Baba Budhan Ali Shah’s early life and arrival in Jammu, but it is believed that he came sometime in the fifteenth century. He is known 7 There is a Hindu temple of Kashmiri Pandits’ diety called Kheer Bhavani in Kashmir, and the people

of Kashmir address the deity as Mouj meaning mother irrespective of their religion. However, the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits has changed the scenario and the young generation of Kashmiri Muslims may have a different point of view (see Bamotra 2012:100 unpublished thesis on Shodhganga). 8 See: https://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Pir_Buddan_Shah.

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Fig. 1 The main gate of Baba Budhan Ali Shah Dargah, Satwari, Jammu. Source Author

to have performed miracles since childhood and led a very simple and pious life. It is said that Peer Baba was a vegetarian and mostly survived on milk. It is confirmed by the local regular visitors and the keeper at the dargah that he died at this place. His tomb is recorded in the state record under the title Khanqah-e-Budhan Ali Shah (Fig. 1).9 The Fig. 2 show the structure of the entrance of the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah. The dargah of Peer Baba is situated here for a long time but the earlier structure of the dargah was not well-built and the grave was not a concrete structure. But from the last ten to fifteen years it has been developed and expanded by the State government. Adjacent to the dargah, the mosque has also been built and the rooms for the staff to stay are newly constructed. The architect of the dargah is similar to 9 See:

The News Now (2016).

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Fig. 2 The entrance door of the Shrine of Baba Budhan Ali Shah Dargah. Source Author

more or less Mughal monuments. The entrance gate shows a dome in the centre and the four minarets on four corners in green and white colours. The shrine too has a similar structure where the mazaar (tomb) of Peer Baba is situated often covered by green chadars and flowers offered by the devotees. On top of the three gates of the mazaar, verses are written in Arabic (Based on observation) (Fig. 3). However, the architecture of the shrine explains the fusion of Indian cultural heritage and one can experience the syncretistic culture of Jammu itself through the visualisation of the shrines as well as of the temples adjacent to each other in many places in Jammu city. At the shrine of Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah, a lamp burns all 24 h throughout the year. The devotees offer mustard oil (some of which they carry back as a sacred relic), incense, and grains, particularly black lentils (whole black urad dal). Baba is known to cure the believers of skin diseases, mainly moles, warts, black spots, and lumps on the skin. The prasad (usually of puffed rice) is offered too, mainly by the Hindu and Sikh devotees, which again is taken by them after the offering is made to the Peer Baba (Personal communication). As observed lately (beginning of 2019), the place of the lamp and burning of incense is shifted outside the entrance of the main shrine and in the interior are placed the pictures of Muslims offering prayer at their holy places, suggesting a move towards the Islamization of the dargah.

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Fig. 3 The Mazaar (tomb) of Baba Budhan Ali Shah inside the main Dargah. Source Top two Pics: Author. Below Pic: Jammu Photo Gallery (sacredsites.com)

5 Ethnographic Accounts at the Dargah The ethnographic accounts at the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah collected through the narratives and observation of different people associated with and visiting the dargah are undertaken in this section. Here an attempt is made to explore the ethnosociology of Baba Budhan Ali Shah’s dargah which has helped us to understand the lived Sufi practices and mysticism surrounding the dargah. The narratives have elucidated the experiences and faith of the devotees associated with the dargah. The participants belong to different religious backgrounds who have thrown light on religious syncretism, pluralistic ethos, and the social reality of such shrines in Indian society and culture. The dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah attracts a large number of devotees. The observation pattern helps to describe blurred religious boundaries and systematic patterns of social relations among visitors, the staff of the Auqaf Board appointed by the government in the dargah, local shopkeepers, beggars, and security personnel standing at the front gate of the dargah. Although people from all religious divisions of society whether Hindus, Sikhs, or Muslims from different parts of the state and outside the state visit the shrine for spiritual, social, and recreational purposes

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throughout the year, on every Thursday there is a huge hustle–bustle in the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah. It is one of the important points of observation to analyse the social formation of relations and cultural flow among locals, devotees, and the administrative staff in the dargah and the devotees’ emotional attachment and interaction with the ziyarat (pilgrimage) of Baba Budhan Ali Shah. The people at the dargah were seen crying and telling their problems to the Baba. The interactions were so pure and real yet mystic that one could feel mutual vibes. The happiness of the people, whose wishes have been fulfilled, was clearly visible on their faces.

6 Deg Pakana (Preparing Food/Cooking) Deg Pakana means to allow a devotee to contribute a share to the food cooked for distribution free to all on special appointed days (Da Ranade 2006: 37). In the dargah of Peer Baba, people whose wishes get granted also distribute food (deg bantna) free to all those who are visiting the dargah. In the picture below a Kashmiri Pandit (Hindu) family has come with cooked food to distribute in the dargah. However, some people give rice and other edible raw materials to the person who cooks deg in the dargah. He cooks himself in the premises of the dargah and then Moulvi (Muslim religious scholar) performs a ritual in terms of offering to the Baba and then the food gets distributed to the people who so ever is visiting at that time. “There will be deg of white chickpeas and meat depending on the choice of the person who is offering,” said Shaffak Ahmed. It has been observed that people whose wishes are granted come to dargah with the offering of rice with chickpeas also called pulab (cuisine made up of rice) as shown in the Fig. 4. Some people offer

Fig. 4 People offering Deg (Holy Food) inside the Dargah. Source Author

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rice and meat depending on the choice of the person whose wish is granted. Many Muslim devotees whose wishes are granted offer biryani (dish of roasted meat and rice), even though the Peer Baba was vegetarian. It has also been observed that a little ball of sugars as prasad or tabarruk (holy offering) also gets distributed to all the devotees whosoever visit dargah. The shared syncretistic discourse and the devotion transcending the religious boundaries were found in a devotee Ashok, a Hindu who is a regular visitor in the dargah. He was distributing deg (cooked food) in the dargah when he was asked about this act and if there is a special reason for this. He explained that everything happened with Baba’s blessings. According to him, “everything is happening because of Baba’s power and by his order (hukum). He enabled me to make this deg and distribute it among other pilgrims. I am coming here for the last forty years and started distributing prasad (holy offering) in the dargah from the last twenty to twenty-two years”. The whole group was the assimilation of people from different religions such as Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. Some were from Jammu and others were from far off states of India like Bihar and West Bengal. When he was asked about his multireligious group, he said, “there is no question of religion here… we are not Hindus and Muslims in our mother’s womb”. Ashok is a typification of the devotees who are regular visitors at the dargah having immense faith. He thinks that belongingness to any religion cannot stop a believer to visit dargah because it seems the force of belief in Baba Budhan Ali Shah is much more important than anything that differentiates them from each other. It is evident that Ashok’s narrative is taking us to the sphere where people as social and cultural beings cross the boundaries of religious identity to be in the space where “spiritual-identity” is more emphasized rather than religious differences.

7 Oil Offering to Chirag (Lamp) in Dargah Many devotees who visit dargah also offer oil to burning chirag (lamp), chadar (sacred shawl/sheet), and flowers at the mazaar of Baba Budhan Ali Shah (Baba). These offerings sometimes are special when people’s wishes are realised. It has also been observed that people tie threads to iron border lines surrounding the dargah of Baba to achieve their desires. However, pilgrims also believe that the offerings at dargah would help to fulfil their wishes in the future. There are devotees of different faiths who gather at the shrine and those who visit the dargah offer oil to the chirag (burning lamp) and light incense-sticks in the dargah that has its significance. The oil that burns in the clay lamp is also taken by the devotees as it is believed that it cures skin disease. They also apply tikka (sacred dot) on the forehead or the neck with the dust from the chirag. I asked one of the participants Sattinder Kour, a Sikh, about chirag that is continuously lighted inside the dargah and she told me its history. According to her, “this chirag is part of peer-sthan (sacred place associated with Peer). It is very useful to

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Fig. 5 On the left side pic. is seen Chirag (lamp) inside the Dargah and, the new place of Chirag in the right side pic. outside the Dargah (Barbed-wire wall of the Airport visible behind in the right pic.). Source Author

offer oil for the lighting of the lamp (chirag jalaoge tou fayada hoga)”. Sattinder also told about the miracle associated with the oil of chirag. She explained, “I have heard that if we use this oil from the pot of the chirag our skin problems get cured. It all depends on your faith… if you believe…everything is faith”. Similarly Kailash, a devout Hindu said, “the chirag lighted in Peer’s place (yeh chirag peer ki jagah par jalta hai…) (sic) gives great positivity…Baba is very powerful and miraculous”. From time immemorial this chirag (lamp) continued burning inside the dargah. But in early 2019, chirag was placed outside the dargah. In the picture below both the places where chirag was earlier placed and the new place outside the dargah are shown in Fig. 5.

8 Faith, Belief and Wishes Granted Haji Mohammad-din is working in the dargah. He makes deg for people whosoever comes to offer in the dargah when their wishes get fulfilled. He explained the importance of dargah, “Indira Gandhi,10 the then Prime Minister of India, also came here four times”. He also shared the story of the friendship of Guru Nanak and Baba Budhan Ali Shah that has been explained in Sect. 9. Sangeeta Puri (a Hindu Punjabi devotee/visitor) told how she developed faith in Baba’s dargah. She said, “I am basically from Poonch and settled in Jammu. I am in a job and also a business woman. Baba Ji called me himself twice so I came with my sister, and then I had some dreams so I continued to come here frequently”. Similarly Manjeet Kour, a Sikh woman talked about how her faith developed in Baba’s dargah. She gave me a look as she was surprised at what I was talking about and how could I ask this question. She said: (“leh yeh pata”)! “You know 10 Indira

Gandhi was the Prime Minister of India from 1966 until 1977 and from 1980 until 1984 (See: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Accessed 11 October 2019).

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(emphasized) all my wishes got fulfilled by Baba (very strong reaction). I am a Sikh I completely have faith in him”. Interrupted by the shopkeeper, Vishnu Devi: “Baba is here from time immemorial” (Baba pata ajja da thoda aey baba aey) (sic)….Then Manjeet Kour further talked about all her wishes that were granted by Baba Budhan Ali Shah. She told that one of her daughters cleared her math exam and her other daughter who was not able to conceive has delivered a baby. “I came today to offer sweets and chadar to Baba (very emotional while talking). I have seen and heard about Baba on television and radio also”. Priyanka Thakur, a Hindu Rajput woman from the Kishtwar district of Jammu and Kashmir Union Territory doing a job in Jammu also talked about her faith in the dargah “I am coming here for the last five-six years and I also brought my friends here today for the first time”. Similarly, Varun (from a similar background) said. “I also come like others… I don’t come here for some specific purpose but it is just faith (shrada se atte hain) that brings me here. When I was a child I used to come with my parents but then there was a gap and I couldn’t come. But now I have started coming here again with my friends”. Newly married husband–wife, a Hindu couple, Vinod and Sheenu also came as others inspired them by saying that everyone’s wishes get fulfilled. Vinod said, “people say that whatever you wish that you will get”. Sattinder Kour also came to offer chadar because her wishes got fulfilled “this is the second time I am visiting dargah. I have wished for something that was fulfilled so I came here for offering a chadar (sacred shawl). Whichever is the place related to whosoever saint, if you go there with full devotion your wishes get fulfilled”. Harvansh Lal working in Jammu and Kashmir Bank as a security guard in dargah explained about his own faith and his family’s faith in dargah: In our house cows and cattle used to die suddenly without any big reason. Then someone told us about Peer Baba. My parents prayed hereafter and one of our cows got saved because of Baba’s blessings. Because of his grace, everything is fine, this Baba has some special powers. My father told me that when this Airport was constructed without his permission at that time one aeroplane caught fire. Then someone suggested constructing this dargah first. Aeroplane bows down to ziyarat before taking-off… whatever you wish it will get fulfilled here… I am Hindu… he has power and he used that power to heal people…He must have done tapa (meditation) which is why he can solve the problems of everyone… dargah comes under the government. They are all government servants who are working here.

Shanti Devi also talked about her granted wish. According to her “my cow was not able to conceive. So I made a wish here in dargah and then since my cow gave birth, I came here to offer milk to Baba”. Her house is in the vicinity of the dargah and she is a regular visitor here. “We have complete faith in Baba, we also bring our children here. This dargah is for everyone, Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims. All come here to fulfill their wishes”. She further explained her belief and faith in Baba: Yes, everyone comes… faith is there… but sometimes lack of time becomes an obstacle in our way. My daughters also come if they have time …people bring here their sick children to pray and get taviz from Moulvi …for any kind of problem (sic). It does not mean he is a Hindu or she is a Muslim. We should not conceive anything wrong out of religion. There is a brotherhood among all but yes, there are some differences. Earlier it was not like that, it is because of terrorism … now our Hindus are also a little vocal and Muslims are also the

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K. Bamotra same (referring to bitterness among the communities). Earlier it was like brother and sister relations. Every religion shows a path of truth… you read every holy book it is the same thing they say, to leave the bad and follow the good one and think about others, do good for others more than yourself…Baba is very powerful.

Shanti’s explanation is to be seen in the context of Hinduism which is like a sponge that absorbs all the amalgamations. The flexibility and polytheist character of Hinduism that she belongs to allow her space to worship at the dargah with as much ease as any other shrine or temple. In mysticism and Sufism discourse these accounts interestingly explain the devotion of a devotee who is in the course of deep faith attached to Baba Budhan Ali Shah. They see the mystic saint in their dreams that further facilitate their frequent visits to the dargah. They were astonished to learn that how someone could even doubt Peer Baba’s real presence and power because he is there for centuries fulfilling peoples’ wishes.

9 Mythical Stories of Baba in the Course of Narratives There are many mythical stories that participants narrated during the conversation. It has been told that Baba Budhan Ali Shah hailed from Punjab and he survived solely on milk for the entire life. This section discusses the stories narrated by the visitors about the shrine and the Baba. (a)

Airport Construction Story

Fifty-eight years old Shanti came to offer milk in dargah and told her story of faith in Baba Budhan Ali Shah. The narrative of Shanti Devi explained an interesting story associated with dargah and the adjoining airport which is as follows: Once it was planned by the airport authorities to expand the runway. To do that it was decided to demolish the dargah as it obstructed the path and it could not be completed as per the plan. Soon after, the problems started arising, for instance, the plane that took off from the runway developed some problem in the engine but no one was able to identify it. There were unexplained difficulties in the landing and the take-off of the planes. Everyone associated with the airport authority was astonished about these incidents. Then one day Baba appeared in the dream of one officer and told him to leave his place. Then the authorities left the portion of the dargah and built the runway again. After that things were smooth and no incident of such a kind ever happened again. Now aircraft always bows down and give a salute (salami deta hai) during takeoff. That consolidated further the power of the Baba.

(b)

Guru Nanak Dev and Baba Budhan Ali Shah Friendship

Afiz Mohammad Ajam Ali, a Muslim devotee like many other participants narrated a tale of Guru Nanak and Baba Budhan Ali Shah’s friendship. “They were very good friends. They used to visit each other. Baba Budhan Ali Shah always had only milk, nothing else. He had many goats and there was a lion who used to take care of his goats….Guru Nanak was the founder and the first of the tenth Gurus of Sikhism. His

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birthplace is Talwandi in Punjab which is now in Pakistan, Guru Nanak and Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah Ji were very close to each other”. Afiz and Shaffak said that this story was told to them by their elders and it was written inside the dargah. Now it is also seen written on the board at the entrance of the shrine. According to that story, Guru Nanak and Baba Budhan Ali Shah met on different occasions several times. Afiz Mohammad Ajam Ali further elaborates the tale: Once Guru Nanak Sahib visited Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah, who was concerned about Guru Nanak’s security because there was a man-eater lion in the vicinity of the area, but Guru Nanak Ji replied to Baba Budhan Ali Shah that if the lion hasn’t harmed him (Budhan Ali Shah) till now how it could harm him (Guru Nanak Dev Ji). Then Peer Baba ordered the lion to milk the goats and offered the milk to Guru Nanak ji who refused to drink the milk saying that he will drink this on the sixth Padshahi11 (reign). Peer Baba said he might not live for so long and Guru Nanak Ji wished him a long life. On asking how will he recognize him, Guru Nanak Ji said ‘I will hold your right-hand thumb’. And everything happened in a similar manner the way Guru Nanak Ji said. During the Sixth Padshahi when Guru Hargovind demanded milk from Peer Baba, he asked for his identification. The Guru pressed Peer Baba’s right-hand thumb and appeared as Guru Nanak Dev Ji. Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah offered the Guru fresh and warm milk.

These are famous stories associated with Baba and part of oral tradition. Most of the devotees who visit the dargah are familiar with these stories which are also written on the billboard at the entrance of the dargah. Stories about charismatic saints played a very important role in further restoring the faith of the devotees, in a way they explained about saints’ spiritual discourse, their miraculous powers, and their devoted life to a divine force.

10 In Dilemma of Devotion and Religion Asmat, a young Kashmiri Muslim woman who is studying M.Tech. (Engineering) in Kurukshetra University (Haryana) has a different point of view, although she came to dargah she had reservations about being there. When she was asked if she got the thing that she had wished for from the Baba? She replied: I cannot say anything like this, I feel if we come here (dargah) it is a kind of misdeed… we are not allowed to visit dargah. Women are not at all allowed…have you ever heard that women are going to the mosque to read namaz? Only Men go there in the mosque… Medina is Allah’s home that is only one place where men and women come together in one space. In our religion (Islam) it is not allowed to go to kabristan (graveyard)… In your (asking me) religion also females would not go to shamshan ghat (crematorium)? Then how we can come here to dargah? this is also kabar (grave). That is okay we visit dargah but then one misdeed leads to another … we cannot do this too (referring to somebody bowing down to the tomb of Baba). Everybody bows down. Muslims are also doing the same thing but we are supposed to bow down in front of none other than Allah. 11 Padshahi is the reign of guru. The story tells us that Guru Nanak ji kept his promise and he had that milk when he came on this earth as Guru Hargobind (1595–1644), the Sixth Guru of the Sikhs (http://www.thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet.aspx?q=10276 accessed 20 October 2019).

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She admitted that though she bows down but also believes that this is not the right thing to do. She also explained many things happening here that according to her are not appropriate. “Yes I do, that is what I am saying!” while addressing what the Moluvi (priest) was doing which surely she is not liking. She said: See he recites fatiha12 … for what he is doing this, he is taking milk, money, and other things in the name of Allah. If someone is giving out of his/her own happiness or wish that is fine but they have made a business out of it. People are offering chadar here and they are picking and reselling to shopkeepers. You notice this I have come here 2–3 times only not many times. I am not talking about this dargah, it is the same everywhere. You go to Ajmer there also all flowers from the dargah are collected in a bucket and then reused. That is wrong. See that person has kept five hundred Rupees in Moulvi’s pocket. That is wrong. Moulvi is getting a monthly salary. Whatever people are bringing he is taking to his room, but that should be distributed here to everyone. We have one million twenty-four thousand pegamber we have their dargahs everywhere of each pegamber (messenger). We don’t bow down to them, they are Awalia (Sufis). Anyways everything is known to Allah… our whole worship is blind we only have to keep faith… we have come because our mother tells us to come so we too come with her… everyone has faith… we also make a wish and ask Baba to grant that but we should ask Allah only. Yes! they are Awalia of Allah, bahut nek hote hai Allah tak baat phunchte hai humari (they are very kind and convey our message to Allah).

Shagufta, a Muslim woman in her mid-twenties came from the Doda district of Jammu and Kashmir with her mother-in-law. According to her: We are Muslims, we are not allowed to go for ziyarat. We cannot bow down to anyone except Allah. My whole family has come. My Massi (mother’s sister) has come she has gone inside the dargah for sazda (prayer). If we read fatiha (prayer) his soul gets peace. These Peers or pegambers are human beings like us but they have something special from Allah that is why when they mediate Allah accepts every dua (blessing) through them. They have extraordinary power (shafk). Allah has blessed Baba Budhan Ali Shah with knowledge and power. All Muslims have faith in him but some follow that faith and bow down to him. We cannot go inside and offer namaz because that is his kabar (grave/tomb). We cannot go near it. Women are not allowed in kabristan (graveyard). The saint will be in trouble if we go near his kabar we will go to hell if we do this. My aunt delivered a baby after ten years of marriage, so she has come here as vowed (unhone mannat rakhi thi). She asked for Baba’s blessings and promised to come if fulfilled. As her wish is granted she has come.

The views of Asmat and Shagufta bring out the palpable anxiety and paradox in the ways Muslims and Muslim women perceive their faith in Sufi shrines. There is another observation that when Muslims read fatiha (prayer for the deceased soul) here, they are not following the direction rule like to face towards the west (towards the Kaaba in Mecca) while offering prayer which they always do otherwise. It was explained by Asmat, that it is “because no one will sit showing back to Baba’s shrine that is why Muslims face towards it and not west while offering fatiha here in dargah”.

12 The short opening Sura

on 20 October 2019.

of the Quran used by Muslims as a prayer. Erriam-webster.com accessed

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11 Social and Economic Aspects of the Dargah People visit dargah because of their faith, as their wishes are fulfilled the faith is restored. People are there because of their devotion, and people are there because of their livelihood also. Many beggars come to the dargah premises for their livelihood more than anything else. Krishna, in her late thirties, is a Hindu woman from Faizabad (Uttar Pradesh). She said: “I am here begging in the dargah for the last six to eight years. I have faith in Baba and I also get my livelihood from here. Pilgrims give clothes and money. I also go inside the dargah to pray”. Vishnu Devi, a middle-aged Hindu woman shopkeeper sells things to the people who come to the dargah. She spoke about hustle and bustle of Thursdays. “Every Thursday there is a huge mela (fair). Since today is Thursday there are more customers”. She also explained where she gets things like oil, flower, and chadar to sell to the devotees. She said, “We get it from the wholesale”. It means things in her shop are not recycled because there are participants like Asmat also who think that all chadars and flowers are getting recycled from dargah to shopkeepers and it’s a kind of a business that people are involved in. According to Vishnu Devi, those who are taking care of the dargah know better about the things that are offered in dargah and where they go ultimately. She said, “they know” (those who are involved in taking care of dargah). However, it also appeared in conversation with few participants that the administration of dargah might resell it again to the shopkeepers. Shaffak Ahmed and other people who are working in dargah are of the view that this dargah is very ancient and has its own significance. Many people visit dargah every day. Shaffak Ahmed, a 35 year old Muslim shopkeeper said, “every community comes here… in one week 5 million chaddtan (donation) get collected in dargah but during summers it is less”. There are shops outside the dargah from where people buy things like flowers, oil and chadar (sacred sheet). During conversations, it became apparent that the state government announces the tender for giving shops to people every year whosoever submits the form for the same and as Shaffak told, “Sometimes we get, sometimes not”. So there is a process in the way the working of the dargah is handled and things are managed by the state administration (Fig. 6). Afiz Mohammad Ajam Ali, a Muslim in his late forties from Uttar Pardesh (U.P.) working in the dargah, hired by Auqaf Board on salary since 1999 told that before him there was a person called Sai-Baba Bhag Hussain who was taking care of dargah for a long time… “Though his name was Bhag-Hussain, he was famous as Sai-Baba”.13 After Bhag-Hussain died Afiz Mohammad Ajam Ali was called to take care of the dargah. Since he came here, a lot of construction has been done. I asked him who takes care of the administration of the dargah. He replied, “Auqaf 14 department takes 13 Bag Hussain was taking care of Dargah earlier (now he is no more) whom people lovingly address as a Sai-Baba as he was a saint revered by both Hindus and Muslims. 14 Central Waqf Council of India is a statutory body established in 1964 by the Government of India under the Waqf Act, 1954. All the Muslim shrines come under the Waqf Board which takes care of everything related to these shrines (see Wikipedia, Accessed 11 December 2019).

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Fig. 6 The Shop just outside the Dargah that sells things offered at the Shrine. Source Author

care of all the money donated by the pilgrims in the dargah and the department uses this money to take care of orphans and widows who do not have anyone to take care of ”. Auqaf department gives a salary to the people who are hired to take care of the dargah. “I also get a salary from the department. We do not call it salary but we call it vajeefa… yahn Noukari nahi hoti salary bolenge tou Mulazim ho jange aur Mulazim ke peeche namaz nahi hoti hai) (sic) (if we call it salary then it is called a job, for a namazi [who offers a prayer to Allah] it is not a job). The administration of Auqaf Islamia is taking care of this dargah. I am here for twenty years now”, said Moulvi Afiz Mohammad Ajam Ali. He further said that “dargah is expanded further now from the last ten to fifteen years. There is a big masjid or mosque and the lights are much better than before. There are also additional facilities for drinking water and banking”. This dargah like the rest of the dargahs in Jammu and Kashmir is under Auqaf Board. Auqaf Board gives salary to Moulvi and to Hajji Mohmmad-din (who cook deg in dargah) both, and to the rest of the five or six government authorized people who are working in the dargah. Here many people are earning their livelihood. However, people come to the dargah every day but every Thursday a large number of devotees visit the dargah. Several vendors and beggars also come every Thursday. It is a kind of mela (fair) on the premises of the dargah especially on Thursdays or any festival day. People are there because of their devotion and people are there

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because of their livelihood as well. In a way, the dargah is playing its role in socioeconomic development also. “People also come on the ziyarat on the occasion of the Urs that is celebrated on first Thursday of Ashad or Har (June-July)”, as Afiz Mohammad said. The Urs is generally celebrated as the death anniversary of a saint usually held at the dargah of that saint. It is believed that on this day the soul of the Sufi saint achieves the union with the beloved divine, the union, for which the saint longs during his whole life. According to Mohammed (2011: 38), Urs is a kind of celebration in the shrine, in which all the communities get interconnected and also contribute to the socio-economic development of the place.

12 Conclusion India is a blend of the complexity of diversities and the unity of different cultural expressions. On this soil for centuries, we are witnessing the amalgamation of different religious faiths. In this fusion and assimilation, we can see the meeting of Sufism and mysticism. This is more vivid and alive in Jammu and Kashmir. With time it has become a significant part of the spiritual life of Indians irrespective of their religious backgrounds. The power of faith is very strong if it is constructive and Sufism has that positive element submerging all the boundaries between human beings. In a way, Sufism is the mystical component that contains spiritual characteristics rather than an ideology. This is the reason that when people visit the dargah of a Sufi saint they experience spiritualism. The Sufi shrine of Baba Budhan Ali Shah in the Jammu region helps people to submerge their selves in spiritualism and transcend their religious identities. This happens particularly when people pray to Baba without thinking of their selves as Hindus, Muslims, or Sikhs. They pray without thinking of any method or direction or any other thing. For them at that moment more important is to connect with the Baba rather than facing west to offer prayer (not generalized) or facing east while praying. Another reason might be that direction is not important here because they are offering fatiha (prayer) to Baba so they face towards ziyarat. This act has an element of mysticism in itself when the heart melts into prayers and becomes fluid like a river, then one cannot identify which river belongs to which category or which heart belongs to which religion. The people are also seen getting emotional and crying while prying. The power of Sufism is expressed through one mystic Sufi saint who left this world centuries ago but is still living in the hearts of people who relate to and believe in his mythical stories even in the present. People come to visit the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah from all over India. He has become the source of strength, happiness, and hope for everyone who has faith in him. Distributing sugar bolls as prasad (holy offering), offering oil to chirag or chadar and flowers in the dargah, and distributing of deg of rice explained the importance of the rituals and ethno-methods that people use to make sense of their emotions, their world view and their subjective realities away from the rational world. When Baba grants the wishes of devotees their faith gets strengthened. The narratives and

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accounts also draw attention to the dilemma of those Muslims who are going through the revivalist process which emphasizes puritan Islam that only believes in Allah and denounces Sufi practices, particularly those associated with shirk or idol worship. Worshiping tombs through rituals in dargah are acts which Islam does not permit. But like Asmat, many Muslim devotees visit dargah. However she considers it wrong for Muslims to visit dargah, rather it is “misdeed” to visit such a place consisting of kabar (grave). Muslims are visiting dargahs but at the same time, many of them are facing a predicament. Great tradition and little tradition contain paradoxes but they have to coexist sometimes because one is part of a culture or personal religion or spiritualism (mysticism) and the other, an institutionalized religion. Without culture, society cannot survive so it has to go hand in hand. This explains why Muslim pilgrims from Kashmir and Jammu regions continue to visit dargahs frequently. However, some changes have occurred since a year or so at the dargah of Baba Budhan Ali Shah. It was noticed that the place of worship, of lighting chirag (lamp), offering oil, or burning incense is shifted to the outside premises of the dargah. This is a recent change (early 2019) observed, by the people. One of the regular visitors Roshni (Professor), observed and felt this change and stated that “now chirag is placed outside the dargah”. She expressed surprise at this decision to shift the place of chirag (lamp) from its original place of many years. The chirag is lightened now near the shrine of Baba Budhan Ali Shah, but outside the main doors of the dargah. The stories of Baba Budhan Ali Shah have become a significant part of the little tradition that is getting conveyed from one generation to the other through both oral tradition and written accounts. The anecdotes such as the “Airport construction story” which explains his powerful existence and legend about his friendship with Guru Nanak Dev that transcended generations, continue to remain important parts of Baba’s history and religious and spiritual discourse. People are emotionally attached to the stories of a mystic saint without rationalizing its facet. It helps them to move away from materialism and dive into the spiritual world for experiencing the deeper meaning of life that is explained to them through mysticism and not via an intellectual and rational world. Analysed from Durkheim’s viewpoint, it seems that the process of spiritualism does not require any rational explanation, but is understood as a source of strength, external and non-tangible. The existence, however, is real and true to the believer so it is subjective and internalised by her or him and contains the source of solidarity that unites the society differentiated on the basis of disparate criteria. Visitors have internalized their faith and make sense of it as explained by their narratives and perceptions. In this way, the subjective realities are getting constructed every day as people continue to see and experience the manifestation of benevolence and the power of mystic saints in varied forms. At the shrine of Baba Budhan Ali Shah, the little traditions contain the power to take the devotees to a mystic world where materialistic aspirations related to economy and politics take the backseat, and the ideologies associated with great traditions are also kept aside for a while. Accounts and experiences of devotees also suggest that the mysticism of Baba Budhan Ali Shah helps to understand how the concept of

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composite culture, syncretism, and symbiotic relationship works in a societal set-up of “limited tolerance”. The power of a mystic saint is as evident and alive as it was centuries ago.

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Chapter 5

Cultural and Religious Perspectives on the Sufi Shrines: Khori Baba Dargah on the Line of Control in District Rajouri Kavita Suri

Abstract People of Jammu and Kashmir, the northernmost region in India have great faith in Sufi saints, Peers, and Darveshs (saintly persons who have renounced the world and work for the welfare of humanity). The Khori Baba Sufi shrine or dargah situated near the Line of Control in the Nowshera area of border district Rajouri in the Jammu region personifies this symbolism. The shrine is of great importance and holds an essential position in the cultural, social, and religious life of the people of the area. During the time of partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947, Khori Baba, a Muslim Sufi saint lived here along with his family. His wife and children were killed in front of his eyes by the raiders and the Pakistan army, which attacked different places of the Jammu region at that time. Over the years, this dargah has become a sacred place where Muslims and non-Muslims take part in prayers and other activities together. The Khori Baba shrine is an exemplary site of spiritualism and religious harmony since dargah and Shiv mandir (temple) co-exist here and people from far off places come and pay their obeisance. Indian Army battalions are posted here to protect and maintain the place. This research paper aims to highlight the temporal and spatial significance of the Khori Baba dargah, people’s perceptions of their visits to the shrine, their interactions, the belief systems of people regarding the fulfilment of their wishes, and their ritual, religious and cultural practices. Keywords Shrines · Sufi saints · Dargah · Jammu · Border · Line of control

1 Introduction The entire Indian subcontinent in South Asia has many Sufi1 shrines, dargahs, and ziyarats which are thronged by a significant number of pilgrims and followers cutting

K. Suri (B) Director & Head, Department of Lifelong Learning (Rural Development), University of Jammu, Jammu, India 1 Bowker

(2000).

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across faiths and religions. The devotees visit these sacred places and pray for wellbeing, peace, prosperity, and brotherhood.2 Both the countries, India and Pakistan, which became separate nations with the partition of India in 1947, are dotted with such shrines which form an important part of their social and cultural landscape. Sufi shrines connote those religious places which were the seating places of Sufis, the mystics or spiritual persons who embodied a particular religious faith and attitude, austerity and tolerance, and the philosophy and practices which aimed at direct communion between God and the Humankind. The general belief is that Sufis are among those few individuals chosen by God himself to spread divine knowledge in the world and thus benefit humanity. The term ‘Sufi’3 is derived from the Arabic word “Suf ” which means “wool” thereby referring to the loose robe type garments worn by early Sufis. Sufism is believed to come into practice at the beginning of the ninth century.4 It is also believed that Sufism came into existence during the sixth and seventh centuries and reached its height of popularity with the Sufis like Rumi and Ibn Arabi who contributed significant books about the journey towards God. While ‘Sufi’ is derived from the Arabic word, the genesis of the word “Dargah”5 is from a Persian word which means ‘court’ or mausoleum of a Sufi (Chaudhry 2013). An English word that accurately conveys the meaning of dargah is ‘Shrine’. Dargah is a place in the rural and urban areas in the Indian sub-continent which consists of a tomb of the revered saint6 and held in high esteem in both India and Pakistan.7 “Ziyarat” is an Arabic term that literally means “visit”, and is used to refer to a form of pilgrimage and include mosques, graves, battlefields, mountains, and caves.

2 Jammu and Kashmir Ethnography: Setting the Scene Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), one of the important states (now a Union Territory) in Northwest India has an age-old and long-standing history of Sufi shrines. The inhabitants of Jammu and Kashmir profess a divine faith in them. The Sufi shrines, ziyarats, and dargahs are revered by Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs altogether. Many of these Sufi saints came from Iran, Middle-East, and Central Asia and preached Sufi traditions to all the communities in Jammu and Kashmir (Sikand 2003). These Shrines of the Sufi saints are the signs of tolerance, peace, harmony, and sympathy. People have tremendous unbounded faith in such shrines which are found in the entire Himalayan region. The Sufi saints, Peers, and Darveshs (saintly persons who have renounced the world and work for the welfare of humanity) are worshipped not 2 Charan,

Wang and Yao (2018, pp. 1074–1094). (2009, pp. 9–12).

3 Khanam 4 Ibid. 5 Dhaul

(2004, p. 103). (2018, pp. 233–287). 7 Valdinoci (2008, pp. 201–232). 6 Gottschalk

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only by Muslims but also non-Muslims who come to these shrines and follow the teachings of the Sufis saints. These shrines have a central place in the social, cultural, and religious lives of the people of this region. The saints were able to continue their preaching due to the presence of a vast Hindu and Muslim population. Everything changed with the partition of India in 1947 and the Sufis who were revered for their knowledge started fading slowly (Sikand 2003).

3 Rajouri: The Locale While Kashmir valley’s Sufi shrines like Charar-e-Sharief, Shah Hamdan, Dargah Hazratbal, etc. are quite famous and are thronged by people of all faiths, the entire Jammu region believes in syncretism – the amalgamation of different religions or schools of thoughts and cultures. A mix of Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh devotees visit the shrines like Peer Baba Budhan Ali Shah, Panj Peer, Peer Mitha, Shahdara Sharief, etc.8 In the Jammu province or region, which comprises of ten districts, the districts of Poonch and Rajouri are situated close to the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan. These twin border districts of Poonch and Rajouri in Jammu division, which are dotted with several Sufi and religious shrines, draw people of all faiths. In the past,

8 Khatoon

(1990, pp. 10–21).

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since more than a decade or so, the religious tourists have also increased tremendously. The increase has been largely due to better road connectivity and transport facilities for the last few years.9

A Map of Rajouri district depicting all seven tehsils including Nowshera tehsil situated on the LoC Rajouri is one of the twenty districts of the newly created Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir from the earlier status of the State.10 Before 1967 Rajouri district was the part of Poonch district. It was on 22 September 1967 that Government bifurcated district Poonch into two districts namely ‘Rajouri‘ and ‘Poonch’. This was to facilitate the process of development and growth of the region as well as to ensure better administration. By this act of the Government, Rajouri acquired the status of a District from 1 January 1968. The district has an area of 2630 sq. km. and a population of 642,415 of which Muslims are 68.31%, Hindus 28.4%, Sikhs 1.9%, Buddhists 0.9%, and Christians 0.2%. This border district in Jammu province has an extremely difficult mountainous terrain. Being located close to the Line of Control which is the dividing

9 Ashfaq

and Parveen (2014). of India (2011).

10 Census

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border between India and Pakistan, the district has faced armed conflict, bloodshed, massacres, heavy artillery, and cross-border shelling from across the border in all these years after independence. The hostilities with Pakistan have left a deep impact on this border region. Rajouri has seven tehsils including Rajouri, Budhal, Nowshera, Kalakote, Thanamandi, Sunderbani, and Darhal. The inhabitants of all the seven tehsils of this border district have suffered repeated displacement in the wake of wars with Pakistan in 1947, 1965, and 1971. Rajouri served as an important camping centre (Sarai) during the Mughal rule (1526–1707 A.D.) when the Mughal Emperors would undertake their journeys from Lahore to the valley of Kashmir across the adjacent Pir Panjal mountain range. A spot on the old Mughal route is still known as Noor-i-chamb because it is believed that Noor Jahan, the beloved wife of Emperor Jahangir (1569–1627) would camp here, on her way to Kashmir, to relax and bathe. At a short distance from Rajouri, as the road descends towards the plains of Nowshera, are situated the ruins of Chingas where lie buried the entrails of Jahangir with only a plain stone slab announcing this tragic but historically important event. It was from Rajouri that Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780– 1839), the ruler of Lahore in more recent times planned the invasion of Kashmir. Being close to the border with Pakistan which is known as the Line of Control, Rajouri has always been in the news. During the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan, Rajouri witnessed a lot of bloodshed and violence. Hundreds and thousands of people from the surrounding area including Mirpur, Bhimber, etc. fled to Rajouri for safety. Again in 1965, armed intruders backed by the Pakistani army fought with the Indian armed forces in this sector. The district witnessed border hostilities yet again with Pakistan during the 1971 Indo-Pak war. These border conflicts have caused a lot of havoc among the civilian population of the district and since 1990 when the proxy war was waged by Pakistan from across the border, the arc of militancy was shifted to the twin border districts of Poonch and Rajouri resulting in massacres, bloodshed, and violence. The cross-border firings and shelling across LoC is almost a regular feature and continues to date. Some of the most famous Sufi shrines, temples, and the Gurudwara (Sikh religious temples) in Rajouri include ziyarat Shahdara Sharief, Mangla Mata Devasthan, Peer Bhadreshvar, Panjpeer, Chani Prat Temple, Manama Mata Temple, Ziarat Sain Ganji Sahib, Khori Baba, Gurudwara Chatti Padshahi, and Baba Beeram Shah. Of these shrines, the shrine of Khori Baba which attracts devotees from near and far off places is located right on the border with Pakistan in Nowshera tehsil of Rajouri district (India).

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4 Nowshera: Rajouri’s Frontier with Nine Lion Gates Nowshera11 or the place with nine (Nau) Lion gates (Shera) is one of the 13 tehsils of Rajouri district which has a big town also by the same name. The Census 2011 shows that Nowshera tehsil comprises 58 villages and is situated 124 km from Jammu and 45 km from Rajouri.12 As per the Census 2011, Nowshera tehsil has a total population of 89,416 out of which 50,146 are males and 39,270 are females. Out of this population, 79,008 are rural (42,417 males, and 36,591 males), while only 10,408 is urban population (7729 males and 2679 females). Males constitute 52% of the population and females 48%. The average literacy rate of Nowshera is 79% which is higher than the national average of 68%. The male literacy is 82%, and female literacy is 76%. The population of Nowshera town (which is also by the same name), is 8435. Nowshera is the Tehsil headquarters of the district Rajouri. Nowshera lies 110 Kms from Jammu city on the old Mughal route which was used by the Mughal emperors to go to Kashmir valley from Delhi to Lahore. While most of the Mughal emperors travelled to Kashmir valley each year via Rawalpindi and Muzaffarabad, Jahangir, the Mughal emperor well known for his love for poetry and music used a different route to reach the valley. It was from Delhi to Lahore to Sialkot-Bhimber (now in Pakistan) and then Sarai Sadabad-Samani (in Pak-Occupied-Kashmir and close to the LoC), before crossing over to India near Nowshera, then to Narian (Rajouri), Poonch, and finally crossing over to Kashmir valley at Hirpur/Shopian. This old Mughal road runs via the Nowshera and Rajouri towns to the Pir Panjal Pass which stands now cut off by the Line of Control.13 This famous route is called the Mughal road and open to people in India for travelling to Kashmir via Rajouri (an alternative route other than the Jammu-Srinagar National Highway 44) and has many historical structures all along with it. The historical significance of Nowshera is immense as it has many Dogra fortresses, old temples, and historical lore and is home to the treasures of India’s history; which now have been designed to footnotes or forgotten altogether. The region, which was thronged by many Sufis also started changing with the partition of the sub-continent between the two nations, India and Pakistan (1947) and the Sufis who were revered for their knowledge started fading slowly. The shrines that were once revered also started losing their importance almost simultaneously. One such shrine is that of Khori Baba situated near the Line of Control with Pakistan. Khori Baba, a Sufi Saint used to stay at this place along with his family before and during the partition of the sub-continent in 1947. This paper focuses on the shrine of Khori Baba in the context of its strategic location near the LoC and the predicaments of people living near the insecure and uncertain border. Khori Baba shrine is situated at a distance of 20 kms. from Nowshera at the Line of Control (LoC). It is located amid dense forests and presents a picturesque 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Information based on the interviews in the field with various historians including K.D. Maini conducted in 2012, 2016 & 2017.

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view. The border fencing passes near the Khori Baba complex. A large number of devotees of all faiths, including Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs visit and pay obeisance particularly on Sundays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays. The Sufis and noble saints have made supreme sacrifice of their lives to uphold the values of humanity and dignity. During their lives, they help people in different ways. At times they also perform what is considered ‘miracle’ by common people. Such virtuous souls get immortalized for their noble deeds and the followers remember them with all respect, even after their exit for heavenly abode. Khori Baba is one of those pious souls who lived near the border area of Nowshera. Nobody knows from where he came but it is believed that he must have come from Pakistan (at that time part of India) and the spiritual man started living at this place.

5 History of the Shrine of Khori Baba The legend has it that Khori Baba, a Muslim Sufi saint who lived here with his family was bestowed with divine powers and had a huge number of followers. People from far and near used to visit him to seek his blessings.14 He was quite famous on the other side of the Line of Control too (there were no borders at that time) and had his followers in that region also. That was the time when the partition of the subcontinent took place and India was divided into two countries of India and Pakistan. In October 1947, Pakistan launched a tribal invasion backed by the regular Pakistani army to capture Jammu and Kashmir, a princely state ruled by Maharaj Hari Singh. However, they faced a lot of resistance from both local Hindus and Muslims in Rajouri and Poonch districts. The invaders attacked different places of Jammu and Kashmir and were involved in massacres, loot, rape, and other atrocities in the border areas besides creating havoc among the various villages including Mirpur, Kotli, and Bimber. This continued until the Indian army arrived and successfully evacuated the area from the raiders and rescued the local people. The coming of the Indian Army was made possible after the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir signed the Instrument of Accession with India on 26th October 1947 and the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to the Indian Union (Fig. 1). During that time, the infiltrators accompanied by Pakistan Army had reached the surrounding areas of Nowshera. When they reached this place called Khori, they saw a Baba living there along with his family. As per the local myth, this Baba was known to be endowed with divine powers and thus had a large number of local followers. Considering the popularity of the Baba among the local people in the area, and also that he was the Muslim saint, the raiders caught him and asked him to shift his loyalties and allegiance to Pakistan. They asked him to immediately leave this

14 The story about Khori Baba is written outside the Shrine in English and Hindi languages. The army got this written on Stone plaques for the visitors when it took over the shrine located at this forward location on the border with Pakistan.

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Fig. 1 The Khori Baba shrine complex. Source https://www.tripoto.com

place and move along with them. He was threatened with dire consequences if he did not comply. But with all firmness, the Baba refused to oblige them. The raiders however gave him an ultimatum till ensuing Sunday to decide, failing which his family was to be tortured to death. After the expiry of the given deadline the following Sunday, they again visited the Baba and asked him about his decision. The Baba was not afraid of their intimidation and responded straightway refusing to change his loyalty to Pakistan. This made the infiltrators angry and in retaliation, they killed two of Baba’s children right in front of his eyes. The infiltrators were under the impression that the Baba would get scared and change his mind, succumb to their pressure, and would surrender. They once again gave him time to decide till the following Tuesday after which they left the place reminding the Baba to rethink their proposal. On Tuesday, the infiltration returned and asked the Baba whether he had decided to surrender and come with them or not. The Baba did not utter any word and kept silent, refusing to oblige them. He again refused to leave the place which irked them further and made them furious. They finally killed the Baba along with his wife and the eldest son.15

15 Singh, Rajeshwar, The Shrine of Khori Baba, 16 October 2016 (https://www.dailyexcelsior.com/

427951-2/).

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It is believed in the area that the Baba was a staunch devotee of Lord Shiva and possessed supernatural powers. Therefore on his demise, the Earth parted immediately engulfing him and his family.16 They vanished into the folds of Mother Earth. From that day onwards, this place got identified as the shrine of Khori Baba. Another version says that the bodies of the Baba, a Muslim Sufi saint, and his family members were laid to rest on the side of each other. Amidst these beliefs and legends, it is affirmed that Khori Baba did not surrender and remained committed to his values, to the place and its people. He made a supreme sacrifice of his life and his family members by virtue of which this place became immortal. Though it is believed that Baba was a worshipper of Lord Shiva, how the Shiv temple came into existence is not known. This is as per the information given by the local people as well as revealed in the writings on the fixed stone by 11th Bn. of Madras Regiment. Presently four mazaars or samadhis (graves) of his children and two of his wife and Khori Baba exist at Baba Khori shrine (Fig. 2). Within the premises of the Khori Baba dargah, there is also a Lord Shiva temple and a Hanuman temple. The general belief here is that Khori Baba, a worshipper of Lord Shiva had built this small temple from the very beginning. The army built the outside protective structure. Now both the dargah and the temple are being looked after by the Army troops deployed in the area. The army battalions looking after the dargah have also erected a plaque narrating the story of the Khori Baba and his struggle against the raiders. However, it says that “it is unknown as to how a temple came up within the premises of the Baba’s shrine” (Fig. 3). Dev Raj Choudhary, a resident of Kalal (Nowshera) who is running a wet canteen/karyana (grocery) store at Khori Baba for the last 30 years, is a great devotee of Khori Baba. He also narrates the same story that Khori Baba and his brother used to live at Khori before the partition of India (1947). Khori Baba who had four children including three sons and one daughter was a spiritual person empowered with divine powers and therefore had a large number of devotees. His followers from Nowshera and adjoining areas and Bhimber area (now in POK) used to visit Khori to seek the blessings of the Baba. After the partition and subsequent attack on J&K by infiltrators which was an independent state under the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh, he was asked to change his allegiance to Pakistan which he categorically refused. The infiltrators then killed his children and his wife. Regarding Baba, there are different versions as already mentioned. Dev Raj Choudhary however adds that the Baba disappeared mysteriously after his family members were killed at the hands of the infiltrators as he possessed divine powers. Jagdish Sawhney, another devotee of Khori Baba, who also hails from Nowshera, believes that those devotees who pray and seek blessings of Khori Baba, their wishes are fulfilled. He also informs that before the partition of India and Pakistan, locals of Nowshera used to visit Bhimber/Mirpur on foot and from there to Nowshera and used to take rest or stay at Katora Tak, the place where Khori Baba shrine exists at present. 16 Based on information collected through interviews conducted with the villagers in and around the Shrine in 2012, 2015 and 2017.

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Fig. 2 The Mazaars (graves) of Khori Baba, his wife, and children. Source Author

Jia Lal, a resident of Bareri village near Khori Baba shrine informs that there existed a ziyarat where Khori Baba used to meditate as his house was just 200 m. from this ziyarat. The local villagers inform that Khori Baba believed in Islam, but people of all faiths visit and pray here and seek his blessings. He informs that this shrine is a perfect example of secularism and the existence together of different religious communities like Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. The wishes of those fulfilled, come with the bandwagon and conduct langars (free community kitchen) for the devotees and the general public. There are villages like Dhanaka, Bajnowa, Bareri, Kalal, and Langer adjoining the Khori Baba shrine. On the other side of the Line of Control, places like Samani,

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Fig. 3 The outside (left) and inside (right) view of Shiva temple situated in the premises of Khori Baba complex. Source Author

Bhimber exist in Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir. These are also the villages from across the border from where people used to come and seek blessings of the Baba.

6 The Shrine, the Temple and the Army Khori Baba has become a popular religious shrine known for its historical significance and is visited by many people, especially the residents of Nowshera tehsil and the families of army men who have been posted in this area. The place which offers a panoramic and irresistible view of the valleys with Deodar plantations around has been made into a place of worship by the Indian army. As this place falls into a strategic forward border location manned by the Indian army and its troops, the Army has maintained the sanctity of this place well. In fact, in the post-partition era, the army started taking care of the dargah and the shrine did not have much residential area around it until a few kilometres. The army constructed a dargah at this place and different Army battalions which are posted here from time to time protect and maintain the place. Since the army remains deployed on the fence, they also protect and manage the Khori Baba dargah and mandirs (temples) of Lord Shiva and Hanuman Ji. During the cease-fire violations, the whole area adjoining the Khori Baba becomes volatile, sensitive, and risky. At present, a Grenadier unit of the Indian Army is guarding the border along the LOC which retaliates and defends the country valiantly with devotion and courage. The Army unit placed in the area only manages the shrine and there is no role of government in its maintenance. As the shrine gets almost negligible donations, the army unit posted in the area maintains the shrine from its own funds. There is no civilian Pandit (Priest) or Maulavi in the shrine besides no local population or any Committee. Khori Baba site is one of those rare shrines which

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falls in the highly sensitized and secure zones right on the border and perhaps this is also one of the reasons that the Army has been taking care of the shrine.

7 The Bonds that Unite the Communities The shrine of Khori Baba, over the years, has become a place of belief and devotion for hundreds and thousands of devotees, including Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims who come here to pay their obeisance. The devotees cutting across religious and ethnic lines together take part in prayers and other activities symbolizing the syncretic Sufi traditions for which the entire region is quite famous. They visit both the temple and the adjoining shrine of Khori Baba. The Muslim devotees however do not offer Namaaz here but just pay their respects to the Baba. The Hindu devotees visit Lord Shiva’s temple and Hanuman Temple besides paying their obeisance to the Baba. In fact, the members of the two religious communities come here and light the diya (earthern lamps), agarbatti (incense), and offer religious chaddar (a huge decorated green cloth) on the graves in the dargah. The place has remained a complex of Khori Baba, where a temple and a Sufi shrine stand side by side as mute testimony to the age-old and traditional amity and cordial relations between the people of the two communities. The area has witnessed militancy for more than a decade where some youth were drawn towards it. However, this subsided after some years. The place has also suffered due to incessant firing and shelling from across the LoC which is still continuing. But this did not lead to any kind of divide or violence. There has been no communal clash ever since the outbreak of militancy in this area. Rajouri is a Muslim majority district with 60% of its population following Islam. Its Muslim ethnic groups include Dogra, Gujjar, and Bakkarwals who are ethno-linguistically different from the Kashmiri Muslims. People of Rajouri mostly speak Dogri, Poonchi, Gojri, Kotli, Mirpuri, Hindi, Punjabi, and Pahari. Both Hindus and Muslims in Nowshera have been suffering due to Pakistani shelling from across the Line of Control (LOC) and also at the hands of militants. Nevertheless, in recent years, the area has felt the presence and impact of new threats to peace in the region in the form of Wahhabi preachers. It is reported that a large number of Wahhabis have penetrated the Kashmir valley and exhorting the local Muslims to give up their Sufi culture which according to them does not align with the Islamic tenets. This is leading to the radicalization of a section of people, the influence of which has percolated to the nearby Rajouri regions (Baruah 2016). Some feel that the dogmatic Wahhabi culture is even more dangerous than the sponsored terrorism as it slowly and steadily brainwashes the minds of people, particularly the youth (Chauhan 2019). So far, the Khori Baba Shrine and Shiv temple together on the same premises have remained an example of spiritualism and religious harmony where devotees shared space for peaceful living and cordial inter-community relations. However, as

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informed by the locals, the number of Muslim visitors is reducing and the threats from the radical elements have started looming large.

8 The Architecture The architecture of this Sufi shrine is not unique. It is a simply constructed shrine, which is protected by a strong cemented wall all around and the main entrance gate. When one enters the gate, one sees the twin shrines of Baba Khori in the form of tombs (mazaars) and Shiva temple inside one complex only. The army has marked a place for removing the shoes and provision of water in a storage container has also been made to clean the hands before paying the obeisance. The green and red flags decorate the sacred complex. The shrine is a complex in which there are the graves of Baba, his wife, and children on one side, and the temple of Lord Shiva and Lord Hanuman on the other side. The graves are covered with green chadars signifying the Islamic influence. A lighted lamp and burning incense give it a true ambience of a Sufi dargah. Inside the Lord Shiva temple, there is a shivalinga on top of which there is a bronze pot hanging from which the droplets of water fall continuously. There is also a metal statue of Lord Shiva besides other material objects like the lamp which remains lighted, lota (small water pot), trishool (trident), and ghanti (bell). The temple complex is surrounded by trees. The complex has been painted in pink colour by the army unit which is maintaining it. The devotees who come here light the diya (earthen lamp) at the mazaar and also lay green chadar on the graves. Agarbattis (incense) are also lit by the Hindu devotees in the temples of Shiva and Hanuman.

9 The Shrine and the Shelled Borders For nearly the past few years, it has been a war-like situation in the area surrounding the Khori Baba shrine. The increasing instances of cross-border firing have kept this frontline active again.17 Because of its geographical closeness to the Pakistani border (Line of Control); the Nowshera sector has become a hot spot for heavy border shelling from across the border by Pakistan.18 It was here in the Nowshera sector only that on the morning of 27th February 2019, Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman of Indian Air Force managed to engage an enemy aircraft Pak F 16 in aerial combat on the Line of Control and shot it down after a hot chase.19 17 See

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/pakistan-targets-civilian-areas-in-nowshera-sec tor-of-rajouri/articleshow/71796581.cms. 18 See https://www.lokmat.com/national/ceasefire-violation-baba-khori-area-sector-nowshera/ 19 See https://m.economictimes.com/news/defence/retelling-the-dogfight-over-nowshera/articl eshow/68312209.cms.

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There has been a massive increase in the ceasefire violations all along the Line of Control and the Nowshera area has faced the maximum brunt. It has been reported that Pakistani forces have resorted to firing from light weapons and medium machine guns in the Baba Khori belt of the Nowshera sector. The villagers inform that in this area, sometimes the shelling starts in the day and continue heavily till late evening. Mortar shells fired from the other side hit several civilian areas including Deeing, Kalal, Kalsian, Baba Khori, Ghanya which are in the surrounding region. The intense firing continued and dozens of shells fell in human habitation in the recent past. Also, due to small and heavy arms firing in Baba Khori in 2017, some 15–20 families of the Baba Khori shrine area had to be evacuated to safer places and shifted to a temporary camp at the Kalai Mora in Sunderbani.20 The renewed hostilities at the border between India and Pakistan in the wake of the arrest of Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman of the Indian Air Force have impacted the shrine also. After surgical strikes in 2018, a lot of rituals like bhandara (weekly feast) on Sundays have been stopped and the number of people visiting has also decreased. The visits by the Muslim devotees have been particularly reduced. The shelling had become so intense in 2018 that the Army had got residential areas surrounding the Khori Baba shrine vacated. Though the residential area is a little far from LoC, the Army did not want to take any chance and in the wake of the firing, these families were safely evacuated. The armies of India and Pakistan have regularly been exchanging heavy gunfire in Khori and other forward areas of the Nowshera sector. The firing and shelling on the LoC are almost continuous, at times light and other times heavy. As a result of this, people at the borders, including the soldiers have lost their lives. As reported in various media channels, Pakistan Army has been using small arms, automatic and heavy weaponry at many places on the LoC including Kalal, Baba Khori, Kalsian, Laam, and Jhangar areas in Rajouri.

10 The Questions The Khori Baba Shrine is Visited Mostly by Which Class or Groups of the Society? Sufism has been a guiding force in the lives of the villagers of Nowshera forming an integral part of people’s ethos for the last several centuries. The Sufi traditions have played an important role in their lives and provided spiritual ambience to their existence. The teachings of Sufi saints still reverberate in every nook and corner of Pir Panjal hills of twin border districts of Rajouri and Poonch and the same continue to inspire people to live with peace and harmony. Nowshera tehsil has a population of 89,416 out of which Hindus are 59,003 in number which is 65.99% of the total population of Nowshera. Muslims are 19,390 20 See

http://www.thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet.aspx?q=12599.

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in number. The Hindu population of Nowshera, especially in the rural areas of the tehsil, is divided into different biraderis, literally defined as clans or brotherhoods, for example, Mirpuri biraderi, Gupta biraderi, Jandial biraderi, Baniya biraderi, etc. These biraderis are groups of people who claim a common ancestor and the social distance between these different categories of biraderis is not much. Though the different biraderis have their own deities too, and they congregate there annually giving in a name of “maile” (the annual congregation), yet the members of these biraderis also visit the shrine of Khori Baba to seek his blessings. Both majority Hindus and minority Muslim communities of Nowshera throng this shrine which clearly shows that the Sufi traditions have deeply been entrenched at the centre of the cultural and spiritual life of the people. This serves as the rich reservoir of traditions wherein people are relatively flexible in their religious practices and have faith in the Sufi saints also who worked their entire lives for the welfare of humanity preaching and propagating messages of harmony and oneness among people of all faiths for ages. What is the Purpose of People’s Visits to the Khori Baba Shrine? The majority of the people, pilgrims, and visitors to such shrines have a strong belief and faith in the blessings of Sufi saints. The main reason behind the visits to the shrine of Khori Baba is to seek the blessings of the saint for the fulfilment of their desires which relate to the various aspects of their lives, such as religious, social, cultural, financial, political, mental, physical, and mystical. Various interactions with the visitors to the shrine of Baba Khori revealed that some of them go to the shrine for seeking fulfilment of their wishes and desires. Some of such wishes include getting a good job, construction of the house, finding a good groom for their daughters, for having children, success in exams, resolutions of family disputes, etc. People also seek forgiveness of their sins and feel that their bodies, souls, and minds are purified by spending time at the dargah. All the devotees have faith that the Baba listens to them and their wishes would come true if they seek the same with pure hearts. Professional growth, good health, mental peace, emotional and psychological well-being and meditation leading to peace of mind and positive energy are among a few other reasons which bring the devotees to the Shrine of Khori Baba. Do People Feel That All Their Desires are Fulfilled at the Khori Baba Shrine? As the villagers have immense faith in Baba, people from different walks of life visit the shrine and they do believe that Baba listens to them and helps in mitigating their sufferings and problems. Khori Baba and such other Sufi shrines attract people from diverse social, political, economic backgrounds and their importance in contributing to solving people’s problems has always been, and will remain of prime importance. After visiting the shrine, even if some positive things happen in their lives, for example, the admission of children, jobs for their kin, mental peace, or cure from some ailment, the devotees attribute it to the Baba as they believe that he is their “Protector Saint”. It has also been observed that the shrine of Khori Baba is also visited by a lot of tourists from outside and within the region also out of curiosity.

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The dargahs are places that attract religious and spiritual pilgrims, the local devotees as well as the religious tourists and others who visit the shrine and the nearby places for social mixing, fun, and recreation as well. What are the Rituals Performed at the Shrine? Sufi shrines or the dargahs all over the sub-continent witness many rituals that reflect the cultural legacy of the various communities who have faith in such shrines. Ritual is the base of the human shared contract that allows the general mutual interactions that make human life prospective (Khan and Sajid 2011). It refers to repetitive social practices comprising a series of symbolic activities including songs, dances, speeches, practices, gestures, etc. Thousands of devotees from across the region used to gather at the Baba Khori shrine in the post-partition era. Devotees from different religions would visit the shrine and pray for peace, prosperity, and brotherhood. No matter which caste or community they belonged to, devotees pay respect to the mazaars and the temple. Both Hindus and Muslims light traditional lamps outside the shrine, offer chadar, and burn incense sticks inside the temple after paying their obeisance to the saint and Lord Shiva and even relish the holy prasad in the form of small sweet balls (mishri) with immense love and devotion. There are minor differences, however, in the way members of both communities offer their prayers. At the Khori Baba shrine, the Muslims offer dua (not namaaz) in an Islamic style, while the Hindus pay obeisance with folded hands, bow their heads and prostrate on the ground in front of the shrine. The Hindus offer jal (sacred water) on the shivalinga and worship it and the statue following certain other Hindu rituals. There are several other rituals performed by the pilgrims at the shrine-like touching the entrance walls, bowing, and touching the main entrance and the grave base, bowing to the grave and embracing it, praying with both arms flung open, touching the surface with eyes, laying rose garlands over the grave, lightning the ghee or oil diyas, taking oil from the burning oil lamps to apply that to their bodies, etc. They would also lay chadar (shawl/sheet) at the mazaars of the Baba and his family members. Their newly-wed brides offer bangles at the mazaar of Baba’s daughter. Apart from this, thousands of Hindus and Muslims living in villages near Khori Baba do not take mutton and liquor on Tuesdays and Sundays. Music is an important part of some Sufi shrines like that of Hazrat Nizamuddin in New Delhi, where Sufi qawwalis are sung by the devotees besides dhol (drum) beating which is also part of the festivities in few Sufi shrines. The shrine of Khori Baba used to witness the playing of dhols by the devotees whose wishes would be fulfilled but it is no longer in practice. The firing, shelling, and border insecurities have played a big role in its decline. The Muslims who visit the shrine are very small in number as Nowshera is a Hindu majority town.

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11 Conclusion Sufi dargahs hold a place of immense importance in the lives of the people in Jammu and Kashmir as also in one of its border districts Rajouri which is dotted with many such shrines. Like the rest of the country, Jammu and Kashmir also has a rich and long tradition of syncretism of various forms of beliefs and practices. Different religions liberally borrowed each other’s rituals, customs, and to some extent beliefs. Rajouri has a number of religious Muslim dargahs (shrines) of Sufi saints and it is a common sight to see the Hindus and Muslims praying together. However, these shared traditions are now being challenged as one finds that believers of different religions move towards more orthodox and puritan interpretations of their faith. For the past 20 years or so there has been an increased presence of outside Wahhabi influence in the entire state (UT). This tremendous increase in Wahhabism which believes in the concept of one Allah and denounces Sufi traditions has resulted in a significant increase in the number of mosques in the area. Mosques, which in Kashmir were traditionally influenced by Sufi/Hanafi thought, are increasingly being taken over by Salafi/Wahhabi ideologues. Due to this, the traditional form of Sufism, which has been shaped over the centuries drawing from various religions, is not finding much appeal among the younger generation who are being radicalised into believing in one God and no other form of worship. Increasing radicalisation is a threat to the Sufi traditions including all the Sufi shrines that have witnessed a decline in the number of devotees, particularly Muslims, thronging them. In the process of radicalization, individuals or groups begin to adopt increasingly extreme political, social, or religious ideals and aspirations. These reject or undermine different contemporary ideas and expressions of the society and nation. Due to radicalization, these shared traditions are being rapidly eroded. Thus, a need is felt to protect such traditions. The places of spiritual aura and composite culture like Khori Baba are the real representatives of what the rich cultural heritage of the region propagate. Such places are at the margins of great traditions and being further relegated to the periphery with the increased forces that are trying to impose a uniform and homogeneous belief system. In several ways, however, they continue to occupy a central place in people’s lives even today.

References Ashfaq, M., & Parveen, S. (2014). Potential of pilgrimage in J&K: An analysis of Rajouri and Poonch districts. Advances in Engineering & Scientific Research, 1, (1). Baruah, S. K. (2016). Wahabi preachers new threat to peace in Jammu and Kashmir. The Asian Age. Updated July 8: 1.23 IST. Retrieved from www.asianage.com. Bowker, J. (2000). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of World Religions. New York: Oxford University Press. Census of India. (2011). Jammu & Kashmir, Series 2 (Part XII-A and XII-B). District Census Handbook. Rajouri.

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Charan, I. A., Wang B., & Yao, D. (2018). Cultural and religious perspective on the Sufi shrines. Journal of Religion and Health, 57(3), 1074–1094. Chaudhry, H.-U.-R. (2013). Saints and Shrines in Pakistan: Anthropological Perspective. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Center of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University. Chauhan, N. (2019). From Sufi to Salafi: Spirit of Kashmiriyat in Danger. The Times of India. Updated January 18: 9.14 IST. Retrieved from https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com. Dhaul, L. (2004). The Sufi Shrine of Ajmer. New Delhi: Rupa and Co. Gottschalk, P. (2018). Indian Muslim traditions. In S. Mittal & G. Thurby (Eds.), Religions of India: An Introduction. London: Routledge. Khan, S., & Sajid, M. R. (2011). The essence of shrines in rural Punjab: A case study of the shrines at Barrilla sharif, Gujrat-Pakistan. Humanity and Social Sciences Journal, 6(1). Khanam, F. (2009). Sufism: An Introduction. New Delhi: Goodword Books. Khatoon, Z. (1990). Muslim Saints and their Shrines. Jammu: Jay Kay Book House. Sikand, Y. (2003). Sacred spaces: Exploring traditions of shared faith in India. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Valdinoci, M. (2008). Ritual Journey and Symbolic Journey: Elements of Pilgrimage to the Sufi Saints’ Shrines in Hyderabad. Firenze: Firenze University Press.

Websites https://www.dailyexcelsior.com/427951-2/. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/pakistan-targets-civilian-areas-in-nowshera-sector-ofrajouri/articleshow/71796581.cms. https://www.lokmat.com/national/ceasefire-violation-baba-khori-area-sector-nowshera/. https://m.economictimes.com/news/defence/retelling-the-dogfight-over-nowshera/articleshow/ 68312209.cms. http://www.thenewsnow.co.in/newsdet.aspx?q=12599.

Chapter 6

The Healing Touch Saint: Baba Chamliyal Shrine at the International Border in Samba District Abha Chauhan

Abstract The shrine situated at the international border between India and Pakistan in village Chamliyal of Samba district in Jammu and Kashmir (India) is associated with the ‘healing touch’ saint popularly known as Baba Chamliyal (Baba). The saint who lived some 320 years ago was famous for curing people as well as animals of skin diseases. His aura and influence continue till today as people from far and wide with diverse socio-economic and religious backgrounds come here to be treated for skin related problems. The skin diseases are believed to be healed by the application of a paste of local shakkar (mud/clay) and sharbat (water of the well) for some days with the blessings of the ‘Baba’. Certain rules, rituals, and restrictions are also to be followed by the patients strictly. According to the legend when Baba Chamliyal was assassinated due to his popularity at village Saidanwali (now in Sialkot, Pakistan), his head dropped there, while his body fell some 500 metres away at Chamliyal (now in India). To commemorate the memory of the Baba, an annual mela (fair) is organized in both these locations in the two countries simultaneously in the month of June. Even gifts have been exchanged until very recently. Amidst the growing animosity and border conflicts between India and Pakistan, this paper explores the significance of the Baba Chamliyal shrine for people as a sacred space that provides healing touch par excellence, and one that promotes the values of humanism and oneness. This is done through the observation and analysis of activities associated with the worship at the shrine throughout the year, and interviews with the pilgrims, staff members, villagers, and patients. Keywords Chamliyal · International border · Shakkar · Sharbat · Mela · Healing · Skin disease

A. Chauhan (B) Professor & Head, Department of Sociology, University of Jammu, Jammu (J&K), India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_6

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1 The Context The Sufi and non-Sufi shrines of the saints in the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in northwest India transcend religious and national boundaries. Situated at the margins of great traditions of Hinduism and Islam, these shrines are liminal spaces that occupy an exceptional place in the everyday lives of the people. The lived memories and experiences of the devotees at the shrines associated with the particular saint give them solace, relief, and benefits in matters of livelihood, health, marriage, children, shelter, and other such things. It is here that both the sacred and the mundane world amalgamate to produce the cumulative divine effect. One such shrine is that of Baba Chamliyal, the healing touch saint believed to have lived in India sometime in the late seventeen or early eighteenth century and cured people suffering from incurable skin diseases. He is also called ‘Chamri Wale Baba’ (Saint who cures skin diseases), or one who cures charam rog (skin disease). For the local people, he was the Vaidya (traditional doctor) with spiritual power who did desi ilaaj (local cure). The charisma of Baba Chamliyal persists as people from different parts of the country and outside continue to visit the shrine for skin therapy. Located at a distance of nearly 42 km from Jammu city in the Ramgarh sector of Samba district in the Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir (India), the shrine of Baba Chamliyal (Baba) is situated literally on the zero line of the international border between India and Pakistan. Other than the days of the festivals and fair, the Baba Chamliyal shrine presents a calm, quiet and serene atmosphere with trees and well-maintained lawns, seating, and living places, contradicting the locality of its closeness to the disturbed and volatile border. The barbed wires separating the two countries are easily visible, and so are the trees and bushes on Pakistan’s side. The boundaries of the two countries are so close that the recitation of azaan (Muslim prayer) from the Pakistan territory can be easily heard from the shrine of Baba Chamliyal on the Indian side. One can also hear the sounds of trains, tractors, buses, and other vehicles moving. Sometimes songs are also heard from the other side of the border giving the nostalgic feeling of being a part of what was once a single nation (Fig. 1). The two countries, India and Pakistan came into being as two sovereign dominions, on India’s partition and independence in 1947. The partition saw one of the most tragic incidents in South Asia of people being killed, wounded, or captured. It is estimated that nearly 1 million people died and 20 million displaced on religious lines between the two countries (Bose 2004: 96). The same happened to the worshipers and pilgrims of Baba Chamliyal who got divided in 1947 and also the two places of worship where parts of his body (head in Pakistan, and body in India) had fallen many years ago. The Baba continued to be venerated with devotion by people, both Hindus and Muslims, in the two countries, much after his death. The Baba Chamliyal mela (fair) is held on the fourth Thursday in June every year in India and Pakistan at the same time, and the exchange of gifts between them stands as a testimony of people’s faith in the miraculous and divine power of the saint.

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Fig. 1 Pictures of the international border from the Indian Post and Baba Chamliyal Shrine (India). The barbed-wire fence and the trees on the Pakistan side are clearly visible. Source Author

Since independence, India and Pakistan got engaged in four major wars (1947–48, 1965, 1971, and 1999), besides many other small scale and proxy wars. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to the Indian Union when its last ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh signed ‘Instrument of Accession’ with India on 26 October 1947, the position contested by Pakistan. Its army with the support of tribal raiders in 1947– 48 occupied a substantial area of the then princely state. The Ceasefire Line was subsequently drawn between the two countries on 1 January 1949 with the mediation of the United Nations. The ensuing wars of 1965 and 1971 between India and Pakistan further deteriorated the situation. With the signing of the Shimla Agreement in 1972, the Ceasefire Line came to be known as the Line of Control (LoC).1 Jammu and Kashmir state (now UT) in India shares 210 kms. as an International border and 740

1 The

LoC is the de facto border (not legally recognized International boundary) between India and Pakistan in Jammu and Kashmir (https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_of_Control).

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kms. of LoC with Pakistan. The state of Jammu and Kashmir (India) became Union Territory in 2019.2 In 1999, the Kargil war took place and once again led to the straining of Indo-Pak relations. The borders began to be sealed with barbed wire fences, and installation of check posts and ditch-cum-bands were made. Hence, amidst ceasefire agreements and confidence-building measures between the two countries, the infiltration from across the border, and targeting of the LoC continued. In recent years firings and shelling have increased to a considerable extent and the relations between India and Pakistan seem to be at the lowest ebb. Many people have deserted their homes at the borders, and their agriculture and related activities have been severely curtailed. The year 2017 saw maximum ceasefire violations since the 2003 agreement came into force. Both countries blamed each other for such transgressions.3 The division of the shrine of Baba Chamliya, symbolically and literally into two (as the two nations), came to its logical conclusion when on 12 June 2018, 4 Indian Border Security Force (BSF) personnel were killed and three injured due to firing from the Pakistan side.4 The mela about to be held on 28th June for that year was thus cancelled. However, not a single bombshell or splinter, fell on or in the premises of the Baba Chamliyal’s shrine which is just adjacent to the BSF post. People believe, nothing can affect the shrine of Baba, no conflict or attack can ever harm the shrine of this healing touch saint. Even the Pakistani Rangers avoid hitting directly at the shrine due to their strong belief and devotion towards Baba Chamliyal.5 Amid so much animosity and mistrust between the two countries and their people, the faith survives and provides a ray of hope.

2 The Shrine of Baba Chamliyal There is sparse or no written record of the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. Some information is gathered from the story written on the Board at the location of the shrine, some from general books on religious tourism or pamphlets printed to give the brief background of the shrine. Even the oral accounts are fragmented and seem to be 2 ‘The

Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019’ passed by the Indian Parliament provides for the reorganization of the existing state of Jammu and Kashmir (consisting of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh regions) and formation of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and, the separate Union Territory of Ladakh. 3 India blamed Pakistan for 860 ceasefire violations along the Line of Control (LoC) and the working boundary along Jammu-Sialkot, and Pakistan blamed India for 1300 ceasefire violations causing around 100 deaths in 2017 (www.e-ir.info/2018/02/08/india-and-pakistan-formalizing-the-2003ce asefireagreement). 4 Kashmir Times, ‘3 Officers, among 4 BSF personnel, killed; 3 injured in Pak firing’. KT News Service. Dated: 6/14/2018 9:46:31 AM (https://www.kashmirtimes.com/newsdet). 5 Sandhu, Kamaljit Kaur. ‘Pakistan never dares to target this dargah situated at LoC. Here’s why’ (www.indiatoday.in/India). Updated: January 26, 2018 20:25 IST. Also, personal communication with the people at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal.

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distorted about the emergence of the shrine in the present form and the saint. An effort is made here to put the information together based on some written material and interviews and discussions, individually and in groups, held with the people who maintain the shrine as well as the devotees and patients who visit and stay here. The Board near the entrance of the shrine gives the ‘brief history of the holy shrine of Baba Chamliyal’. It says that this shrine was built in the remembrance of a great tapasvi (ascetic) sant (Hindu saint) whose real name was Dalip Singh Manhas, known as Baba Chamliyal. He was highly respected and was famous among the people of the nearby villages. Some elements were not happy with the popularity of the saint and called him to village Saidanwali (now in Sialkot, Pakistan, about half a km. from this place) and beheaded him. His head fell at Saidanwali but his body reached the present location in Chamliyal (district Samba, India) due to his spiritual power where his disciples built a samadhi (a tomb-like structure) in his memory. According to some informants at the shrine, the Baba rode headless sitting on the horse till he reached his place. A large number of people of different castes and faiths from far and wide come to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. There are broadly two types of pilgrims—one, who come to pray and offer their obeisance; and two, who suffer from skin diseases and stay at Chamliyal shrine for some days to undergo skin therapy. Langer (community kitchen/mess) is organized here regularly and food is offered to all every day free of cost. Those who stay here for the treatment also get free accommodation, but they have to follow certain rules strictly. It is believed that though the application of the paste of shakkar (mud/clay) and sharbat (water of the well) has curative and medicinal qualities, this will not work unless patients offer seva (service) at the shrine of Baba with full devotion, and follow restrictions meticulously. Interviews6 with the local people revealed that Baba Chamliyal lived here some 320 years ago. He was a saintly person helping and treating people, especially the needy and poor. He preached universal brotherhood and propagated peace among all irrespective of caste, creed, region, religion, and gender. In India including Jammu and Kashmir, and the whole of South Asia, the shrines of saints and Sufis are places of much reverence and devotion. At times, the dargah (a shrine built over the grave of a revered religious figure, often a Sufi saint) or mazaar (tomb/grave) is worshipped more than the living legends. Baba Chamliyal who was a Hindu has been generally referred to as Peer or even as a Sufi. The connotation Peer exemplifies a religious person who is usually a Muslim. Baba is a more generic term sometimes suffixed with Peer and used as Peer Baba in the popular parlance usually for the Sufi saint, and also here for Baba Chamliyal. Similarly, the shrine of Baba Chamliyal is generally referred to as dargah (Mohammed 2012: 50). The terms—dargah and ziyarat (pilgrimage) began to be used as more popular terms from the medieval period when the Sufis from Iran, Arabia, and Central Asia came to Jammu and Kashmir and settled here in the fourteen and the fifteenth 6 All the interviews with the local people, Committee members, pilgrims, and the patients who came

for treatment of skin disease and lived at the Baba Chamliyal shrine, were conducted in 2018 and 2019.

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centuries (Ibid). They were Muslims of different Orders or silsila and propagated Islam which led to the conversion of many local people to their faith. Consequently, mosques and dargahs began to be constructed in most parts of Jammu and Kashmir. However, Islam that emerged in the region during the medieval period was heavily influenced by the Sufis who came from outside, and their indigenous version Rishis who had their basis in Hindu and Buddhist religions (Khan 1997). Thus, several Sufi saints who came from outside spread their own culture, while at the same time adapting to the local practices. Many authors have talked about the syncretism of the indigenous and exogenous cultures in Jammu and Kashmir resulting in the peaceful blending of people of diverse backgrounds (Khan 1994; Rafiqi 2009). Sufism is considered as a mystic and a variant form of Islam, and one finds elements of syncretism in the worship of Sufis and their shrines. Though true Islam does not permit the veneration of monuments, relics, or tombs, many Muslims visit Sufi shrines not only because the Sufis themselves were Muslims and propagated Islamic teachings, but they adopted many local precepts in their practices as well. The offering of the chadar at the Sufi mazaar, the lighting of the lamp, offering flowers, burning incense, serving food, and distributing prasad at the Sufi shrines are the customs of the Indian sub-continent and reflect the indigenous influence. The celebration of Urs,7 invocation of the intercessory role, reverence of relics, and smearing of faces with the holy dust of the sacred precincts, votive rags (d’ash) tied and nazar-o-niyaz (vows and oblations) to it paid to fulfill the wishes are seen in any Sufi shrine (Wani 2004: 6–7). Not all saints or Babas (even Muslims) are Sufis or Darvesh, nor all mazaars and dargahs are of Muslim saints or Sufis, even if acquired popularity through such connotations, and I argue that this is true of Baba Chamliyal and his shrine. Though people of all faiths visit Sufi shrines and worship in their own ways (Hindus for instance, unlike Islamic precepts, say prayers with folded hands and by bowing down and prostrating), the Sufi shrines are of Muslim saints (Awliya or Wali) who preach Islam. A large number of Muslim believers invoke them to seek Allah’s mercy and benevolence. The philosophy and teachings of Sufism are Islamic in essence. At the premise of Sufi shrines (dargah) are also found masjid (mosque), a sacred place for offering namaaz (prayer), khanqah (hospices) as a spiritual site for staying and performing the Sufi Islamic rituals, and also teaching places like madrasas (Islamic schools). Many of these institutions found and practices performed by devout Muslims at the Sufi dargah are however absent at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal as he was neither a Sufi nor a Muslim saint. But like other Sufi shrines, his place of rest is called dargah and demonstrates common features with them shared by Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and those of other religions and denominations. These include participation in mela, continuous lighting of the oil lamp (diya), the offering of chadar, and flowers, and distributing food, alms and, prasad. Visiting the dargah on Thursdays by people of all faiths is a popular practice in the Sufism of the Indian subcontinent (Ahmed 2011). In reverence to Baba Chamliyal, this tradition is followed by people on both 7 Urs

is the death anniversary of a Sufi saint in South Asia, usually held at the saint’s dargah.

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sides of the border at their respective shrines (Mohammed 2012: 51). On the Indian side, besides Thursdays, people also visit the shrine on Tuesdays (an auspicious day for the Hindus) and Sundays. Nearly 5–10,000 (2–3% are Muslims) people visit the shrine on these days as per the information given by the people working at the shrine. The variations between the shrine of Baba Chamliyal and any other Muslim Sufi shrine, however, are too many and have become quite glaring in recent years. There are differences in architecture, pilgrimages, and festivals.8 The local people of different religious backgrounds have been worshiping at the Baba’s dargah for years, knowing well that he was a pious Hindu saint by the name of Dalip Singh Manhas. People give expression to the mode of worship according to their religion, so the Hindus worship here as per their religion and the Muslims offer their prayers in an Islamic form. As for the Hindus, the Muslim Sufi shrines are important, so for the Muslims, in India and Pakistan, the shrine of a Hindu saint, Baba Chamliyal is sacred. It is neither completely pan-Islamic nor Hindu, evincing a syncretic ethos as seen for instance in the offering of different coloured chadars including the green one with Quranic verses embossed on it. The shrine is but a manifestation of faith in a local deity, their ‘Baba’ who transcends all such human-made boundaries. Any attempt to prove the contrary often meets with the opposition that crystalizes the identities and limits the space for negotiation and articulation. In the year 2016, some people related to the Auqaf/Wakf Board9 laid the claim to the shrine as they professed that Baba Chamliyal was the Muslim saint. The Chief Minister (CM) of the state of Jammu and Kashmir visited the shrine in April and then in June 2016. According to the local informants, the Chairperson of the Auqaf Board tried to convince her (the CM) that Baba Chamliyal is the dargah of a Muslim saint and must come under Auqaf Board. Since 2011, the functioning of the shrine has come under the civil district administration. With the timely and effective intervention of the then Deputy Commissioner (DC), no untoward incident happened and the issue was amicably resolved that the Baba was the Hindu sant (saint) and this is his samadhi (memorial).10 Some other Committee members also played a significant role in this matter.11 However, it did lead to the consolidation 8 See

K. Warikoo, ‘Shrines and Pilgrimage Places of Kashmir’ 2009: 149–165. Muslim shrines in J&K have been governed and managed by the J&K Waqf Board headed by the Chief Minister of the State (https://www.jkwakaf.net/history). With the implementation of the J&K Reorganization Act 2019, all 133 Muslim mosques and shrines, with an annual income of rupees 26 crores (260 million) and 9500 kanals (1187.5 acres) of land, in Jammu and Kashmir have come under the Central Waqf Board (Ashiq 2019). 10 Ms. Sheetal Nanda was the then Deputy Commissioner (DC) Samba and the Chairperson of the Baba Chamliyal Shrine Committee. I am thankful to her and all the respondents who gave valuable information. Special thanks to Manu and Heena Saini, their family members, and Karan Singh for continuous support throughout the field visits to the Baba Chamliyal shrine. 11 Billu Choudhary alias Charan Das (56) (Interviewed on 30 November 2019), Panch (member) of Gram Panchayat Channi Patwal which manages the functioning of the Baba Chamliyal shrine and the Pujari (Priest), Chetan Sharma (28) (Interviewed on 3 August 2019) of the temple informed that as the members of Auqaf Board were trying to lay claims to the shrine, it was important to undermine the Islamic elements as Baba Chamliyal was a Hindu. They helped in settling the matter peacefully. 9 The

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of the already existing mode of Hindu worship by the locals at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal in 2016–17. The shrine of Baba Chamliyal has a temple-like structure built on his mazaar which now many locals, including the Pandit (priest) at the shrine prefers to call samadhi.12 The concept of venerating the dead (shradh) or ancestor worship is prevalent among Hindus and also done at times through constructing memorials for prominent religious and political leaders at the place of their death or cremation referred to by different names like samadhi or chhatri. Samadhi is a Hindi name for a temple, shrine, or memorial commemorating the dead, which may or may not contain the body of the deceased. The chhatris are the elevated dome-shaped structures, usual memorials of royalty built on the site of palaces, forts or to demarcate funeral sites of an important personage, especially the rulers (Fig. 2).13 A samadhi of a Hindu saint is also built when he leaves the mortal world voluntarily (in union with God) and is different from the mazaar (grave), a place of burial of the Muslim or Sufi Saint. At times the two are used interchangeably with Muslims usually calling a saint Peer whether he is a Hindu or a Muslim, and his place of worship as dargah, if such a mazaar or samadhi has been erected in his memory. As per the information given by a regular visitor to the shrine, Baba came in the dream of his devotee (Muslim) whose camel was cured of skin disease and he made a raised platform at this place and lighted a diya (earthen lamp), the practice that continues till today. It is also believed that when Baba’s body fell at Chamliyal that night Baba asked in the dream of one of his followers suffering from skin disease to apply the paste of mud or clay (shakkar) and water (sharbat) all over the body for a few days. He did the same and was cured completely. As the disease was called ‘chambal’ locally he became famous as Chamliyal Baba, the curer of ‘chambal’.14

Fig. 2 The shrine of Baba Chamliyal, District Samba, Jammu Division, J&K (India). Source Author 12 In Hinduism, it also means the perfect union of the individualized soul with infinite spirit. A state of deep meditation and contemplation leading to higher consciousness and oneness with the divine. 13 They are commonly found in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh and used to depict pride and honour in Rajput, Maratha, and Jat architecture (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chhatri). 14 Rajrah, Simple. ‘Of faith and Myth: History at the Shrine at the Border’ (https://www.sahapedia. org/of-faith-and-myth-history-shrine-the-border).

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Since then Baba Chamliyal’s name came into prominence as the saint who provided a ‘healing touch’ to those suffering from skin diseases. Over the years, the spot developed further as more people started visiting the shrine. According to one local informant,15 when the Baba’s body fell (he said Baba sama gaye meaning he was absorbed by the earth, i.e. attained samadhi) it was covered with mud paste by his devotees making an elevated platform which later on became a shrine with a concrete structure and people started worshipping it more fervently. He also informed that the place where Baba’s body fell was in a raised circular form (guthi) and later on, the outer structure was constructed. The samadhi of Hindu saints is a well-known feature in the Jammu region as one can see in the samadhi or the main shrine of Baba Jitto, the popular farmer of the fifteenth century, in a place called Jhiri near Jammu city (Saxena 2009). The shrine of Baba Chamliyal is also called devasthan (a place of God) by many local people and not mazaar. This is the place of ‘Baba’ and not ‘Peer Baba’, according to them. However, as of today, Baba Chamilyal’s ‘samadhi’ is revered more in the Hindu style, though still popularly called dargah, and the people— the local and the outsiders seem to find no contradiction. Devotees offer chadars of different colours like red, pink, yellow, and orange. Some Muslims however, continue to offer green chadars with verses from Quran along with Islamic sacred signs and symbols. Many Hindus prefer to call the shrine (dargah) a darbar (like Mata ka darbar or abode of the Mother Goddess), because mazaar (grave) is similar to samadhi, and dargah is akin to a darbar (or even temple) encompassing the entire premises. The architecture of the shrine, from outside and inside, is in the style of a Hindu temple. It is painted in red, white and blue colours. There are other two mazaars nearby, supposed to be of Baba’s disciples, and are similarly revered. Some people say, one is of Baba’s horse and the other is of his dog.16 A huge pipal tree (Ficus Religiosa) considered sacred and worshipped by Hindus stands majestically in front of the temple with a platform around it. A raised structure near this tree consists of a spot where the clay or mud called shakkar (meaning sugar) is placed. Flags on the top of the central structure and at various other places like the entrance of the temple are of red colour, the auspicious colour of the Hindus, though before 2016, they were also green coloured flags. The premise has an open kitchen where a free meal is served to the devotees every day, rooms (separate for males and females) where the patients stay for some days, the office building, and other infrastructural facilities like toilets and drinking water. An essential component of the locale is the kuan (well) from where the devotees draw water (sharbat) to mix with clay (shakkar) to make a paste that is applied on the skin as part of the treatment of disease. The premise is properly maintained and well kept. 15 Mr.

Charan Das (56), Panch, Gram Panchayat Channi Patwal, Dist. Samba. Interviewed on 30th November 2019 at village Dag Chhani, District Samba. 16 As per the information given by Mr. Angrez Pal (38), a Govt. Teacher and a Member of the Chamliyal Baba Committee. Interviewed on 27th June 2019. He also informed about the origin and the history of the shrine.

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Fig. 3 The Samadhi of Baba Chamliyal inside the temple. Source Author

Inside the temple, there are pictures and statues of Hindu Gods and Goddesses like Ganesh, Shiva, Parvati, Lakshmi, and Saraswati, all of whom are venerated each day by the priests and the locals. Just at the entrance of the sanctum sanatorium in front of the Baba’s samadhi are placed small metal icons representing symbols of Hinduism like ghanti (bell), trishul (trident), lota (brass water container), diya (small lamp), shankh (conch), pooja thali (plate in which worship ingredients and some money are kept). The puja and the aarti twice every day, continuous burning of the lamp, and worshipping of statues of Gods and Goddesses support this claim. Besides the regular aarti, there is one also of Baba Chamliyal, Baba Ji ke darshan ko hum aaj aaye (we have come to see Baba Ji today) and recited by the devotees in chorus. Then there is a rendition of jaikara (slogans) in praise of Gods/Goddesses as well as in the name of Baba Chamliyal. After this, people bow down and prostrate (matha tekna). Prasad is then distributed to all those present by the priest. The bhajans and kirtans (devotional songs) are also performed (Fig. 3).

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3 Administration of the Baba Chamliyal Shrine The shrine of Baba Chamliyal was under the administration and security of the defense and police forces after partition (1947) as it was situated just on the international border. In 1969, it came under the Border Security Force (BSF). The BSF used to manage everything including the organization of the fair, exchange at the border, providing langar (food) to the devotees, and the accounts with the help of the local body called the ‘Dakshini Committee’. All the members of the Committee belonged to a village by the name of ‘Dakshini’ or ‘Dag Channi’ which is about 2–3 km from the shrine of Baba Chamliyal as village Chamliyal do not have any population or residents. Now, this Committee is more or less substituted by the village gram panchayat ‘Channi Patwal’. There are two villages in Channi Patwal Gram Panchayat17 —(1) Chak Jauuhar and (2) Dag Channi. As per the Census of 2011, the total population of the Channi Patwal Gram Panchayat is 1707, of which males are 846, and females are 861. There are 382 households.18 During the mela, the elected representatives of the Gram Panchayat and village members remain engaged in some or the other work. A woman is the Sarpanch of this panchayat which consists of 7 members (panch) and 1 head (Sarpanch). In August 2011, the shrine came under district administration (Samba) with the Deputy Commissioner as the Chairperson of the Baba Chamliyal Committee. The Tehsildar (Revenue Inspector) handles the functioning of the Committee and operates the bank account and funds with the help of its members. The bank account is in the name of ‘Baba Chamliyal’ from where the amount is withdrawn and spent for development work, celebrating annual mela (fair), and giving salary to the ad hoc staff. This is done in consultation with the members of Channi Patwal Gram Panchayat. The Priest gets Rs. 6500/m, whereas the cooks (two) get Rs. 5000/m each. The worker called Safai Karamchari (cleaner/sweeper) is also appointed for Rs. 5000 per month.19 The chadawa (donation) is collected in the donation box which is opened periodically in the presence of the Tehsildar and other Committee members and deposited in the bank. Besides the donations, the additional expenditure is incurred by the different departments of the J&K Government like Public Works, Tourism, Power Development and, Rural Development, and Panchayati Raj under the supervision of the

17 Panchayat

elections in the state of Jammu and Kashmir were held in November 2018. One-third of the total seats of Panch and Sarpanch was reserved for women. Ms. Asha Rani was elected as Sarpanch of Channi Patwal Gram Panchayat on the women’s reserved seat. Besides her, there are 07 members or Panchs. The Sarpanch gets Rs. 2500 per month while the Panchs (members) get rupees 1500 per month from the Govt. 18 See: https://villageinfo.in/Jammu&Kashmir/Samba/Samba. 19 Information compiled based on discussion with the Committee Members, including the Priest and the Cooks.

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Deputy Commissioner (DC) Samba.20 The development works undertaken at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal include the construction of roads, laying of tiles, making of concrete stairs, installation of lights, water taps, the building of walls, toilets, and renovation of the guest house. More recently, the new rooftop—called chattar is built. The new building is ready which also serves as the office and health centre. The guest-house too is renovated and made functional. The cooks at the shrine informed that many ingredients like—sugar, cooking oil, wheat flour, and rice come almost free. It is a custom in this area, and in most parts of the Jammu region, that the first harvested crop is offered to the deity. The amount given is according to one’s capacity as well as faith. The cooks only buy some seasonable vegetables, milk, and masala (like salt, turmeric, cumin seeds), otherwise, all other grains are received from the people. One of the Committee members informed us that so much grain is deposited in Baba’s fund that at times they have to sell it. Sometime back in 2019 itself, offerings of grain worth 3 and a half lakh (350,000) rupees were sold. This is another way in which the food expenditure is managed, besides the donation of money by the pilgrims and funds from the Government.

4 The Mela: Annual Fair Every year on the fourth Thursday of June month a mela (fair, according to some this is Baba’s Urs or death anniversary)21 is organized in Chamliyal as well as in Saidanwali in Pakistan. At the start of the day of the mela, a ceremonial exchange takes place between the representatives of India and Pakistan when bonhomie and geniality take the front seat. The mela is held for three days in India (now increased) and seven days in Pakistan. Earlier, when the borders were porous people from both sides used to come almost on the zero line and those from the Pakistan side used to give some chadawa (donation) for the Baba’s shrine and take from the Indians some sharbat (water) and shakkar (clay/mud) for the treatment of skin diseases. But after the wars between India and Pakistan in 1965 and 1971 the restrictions increased for the common people. When the Kargil war happened in 1999, the international border adjacent to the shrine was fenced with barbed wires. The 20 ft road was constructed close to the borderline. In fact, mines were also planted which were removed after a year or so. However, the fair and the ceremonial exchange between the two countries continued, though carried out no longer by the people but by the administrators and security forces. The fair is organized under the supervision of Indian BSF and Pakistan Rangers, and 20 As

informed by Ms. Sheetal Nanda (Secretary, Dept. Rural Development and Panchayati Raj, Jammu and Kashmir), the then Deputy Commissioner (DC), Samba District, J&K, and the Chairperson of the Baba Chamliyal Committee (2014–2018) under whose leadership these works were accomplished. Interviewed on 20 March 2020. 21 Mohemmad (2012). Also see Dewan (2007: 268).

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Fig. 4 A Chadar sent by Pakistan rangers and received by the BSF, India during the annual Mela (Fair) to be placed on the Samadhi of Baba Chamliyal. Source The Asian Age. Published and Updated June 10, 2017, 2.10 am IST

prior meetings are held between the two. On the morning of the first day of the fair, the BSF and other district officials from the Indian side receive a team of Pakistan Rangers along with members of the Sialkot Civil Administration and some civilians. The administrators, politicians, and other leaders also participate in the mela (fair) and sweets and gifts are exchanged (Fig. 4).22 The Rangers from Pakistan side offer chadar (wreath) to their Indian counterpart in an open spread out manner (not folded) with men holding it from different points. It is taken in a similar way as in a procession and laid on the mazaar or samadhi (Mausoleum) of Baba Chamliyal. According to the local residents, the colour of the chadar offered by Pakistan Rangers is usually not green as with other Sufi shrines, but of colours like black, dark brown, maroon or purple. This is because people from Pakistan acknowledge and accept that the Baba was a Hindu saint. As per the print media report of Pakistan, people from all walks of life come to the zero point Charwah-Sialkot (in Pakistan) on the day of the mela (fair) to have a glimpse of the shrine of Baba Dalip Singh Manhas known as ‘Baba Chamliyal’ located in Ramgarh sector of district Samba, India.23 The Pakistanis are presented with shakkar and sharbat in turn by the Indian BSF men as the same is not available on the Pakistan side. These are loaded in the tankers and trollies, and sent to Pakistan, and distributed among the locals there. People wait eagerly for Baba’s spiritual shakkar and sharbat for their curative value and it is 22 The information is largely based on the views of Committee Members of the Shrine. Also see Mohammed 2012: 52–54. 23 Malik, Zafar. Chamliyal Mela brings rivalry to ‘zero point’—The Nation, Charwah, Sialkot June 28, 2013 (see nation.com.pk/28-Jun-2013/chamliyal-mela-brings).

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informed that a person named Zenab Nazir Hussain, the Gaddi Nasheen (hereditary seat) of Baba Chamliyal dargah in Pakistan Chamliyal village (Sialkot) distributes the holy shakkar-sharbat to skin patients in Pakistan.24 In 2018, for the first time, mela was not held and there was no exchange between the two countries. The mutual reciprocity that had continued even in adverse conditions all these years got scuttled as a result of the devastating incident on the night of 12–13th June when 4 Indian BSF personnel attained martyrdom and many injured during firing by the Rangers of Pakistan.25 In 2019, the mela was held on 27th June on both sides of the borders, but there was no opening of borders and exchange of any kind between India and Pakistan.26 Since then, the borders are virtually sealed. Recently a smarak (monument) of these 4 brave martyrs27 has been installed at the BSF premises near the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. Based on the interviews conducted with the Committee members,28 it was revealed that during the mela in 2019, 11–12 lakh (1.1–1.2 million) rupees were collected (as chadawa), otherwise on an average 2–3 lakh (two to three hundred thousand) rupees are collected in three months. The amount is used for providing free meals and accommodation to the devotees, besides decoration, tents, water and electricity facility (June is a very hot month). Mela is a huge affair. According to Kuljeet Kumar (28), the cook at the shrine, in the mela (fair) this year (27th June 2019), nearly 3–4 lakh (300–400,000) people came. Many shops of eatables, clothes, toys, utensils, and other items are put up. The children, young, the aged, women, and men of all castes, religion, and region attend the mela. It was informed by the attendants at the shrine that on the day of the mela, out of the total number of visitors and devotees who visit the shrine, nearly 10% are Muslims. According to the panch (member) of Channi Patwal Gram Panchayat29 (which takes care of the shrine), now the mela has become a big affair. Earlier it lasted for three days, but now it goes on for about a month. The langar (free community meal) goes on for all these days. There is a dangal (wrestling) competition. Sufi programmes of songs and qwaali (musical concert) and other music programmes are also organized by different bodies and clubs during the mela (Fig. 5).

24 See:

https://www.facebook.com/BabaChamliyal/videos/2408552582757618. Ashutosh. ‘J&K: Sufi shrine becomes latest victim of Indo-Pak border conflict’ (www. nationalheraldindia.com/NEWS/India) Published: 13 Jun 2018, 5:29 PM. 26 Khandari, Mohit ‘Pak tension hits Baba Chamliyal congregation—The Pioneer’ (www.dailyp ioneer.com/india/pak-tension-hits-baba-chamliyal-con). Thursday, 27 June 2019. Khajuria, Amit. ‘Chamliyal Mela celebrated sans traditional exchange with Pak’ (www.tribuneindia.com/J&K). 27 These are: Jitender Singh, Assistant Commandant, SI Rajneesh, ASI Ramniwas, and Constable Hansraj. 28 The interviews were conducted with some Committee Members on the day of the Baba Chamliyal mela on 27 June 2019. 29 Mr. Charan Das (56), popularly known as Billu Choudhary. An interview with him was conducted on 27 June 2019 at Baba Chamliyal shrine. 25 Sharma,

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Fig. 5 Pictures of Baba Chamliyal annual Mela, 2019 (India). Source Author

5 The Rules and Restrictions at the Baba Chamliyal Shrine Several people come from different parts of the J&K Union Territory (UT) and the country for treatment at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. Though the information is available on the website and other forms of media, it is largely through the spread of words that people have come to know about this place. So far, there is less information about the shrine and the facilities are limited. It has not come up on the map of religious tourism of Jammu and Kashmir, though some people who go around the religious site, do visit the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. Nevertheless, the number of pilgrims, many of whom are patients has increased over the years. The office records and the personal experience at the shrine show that patients come throughout the year for skin therapy. On average, 25–30 patients stay at a time at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal in the winter months, which goes up to 60–70 in the summer months. After September the number starts decreasing and from March it begins increasing. This section focuses on the rules and restrictions followed at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal by those patients who come for treatment of their skin diseases.

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In the premises of the shrine, the living rooms are constructed for the stay of both male and female patients separately. There are also independent washrooms and rooms for applying the paste of shakkar (mud/clay) and sharbat (water from the well). Every day, this paste is applied twice, the usual timings are 9–11 am and 4–6 pm in summers, and vary in winters. The patients take mud from the collection centre with ‘shakkar’ written on it in front of the main temple. There is a kuan (well) on the premises and people take out water from there through a bucket tied with rope themselves and transfer water to their buckets (Fig. 6). Each person has his/her own bucket. All the buckets are made of metal or alloy and not of plastic. Metal is considered pure and once used (become dirty) can be cleaned to bring back to its original state and reused. The water is used for making the paste as well as having a bath. No other water, like from the taps available there is used for these purposes. The patients use only water (sharbat) to remove the paste which is erased easily. No soap, shampoo, or detergent is allowed. The place of bathing should be clean and the paste after washing should be accumulated at a place only and not go into drains. All inhabitants here have their own bucket which is kept marked by them and used throughout their stay. When they go, they clean their buckets and leave them for use by another person. The patients take off their clothes and apply the paste all over the body including the face and hair and sit for nearly two hours during which they cannot eat or engage in any other activity related to celebration or mourning. They largely maintain silence and meditate for the duration till the paste is dried up. Though some men were found sitting outside in the sun, walking around, and even conversing, women are confined to an inside space. After this, they take bath and wash-off the paste. Men do parikrama (circumambulation) of the pond (from where shakkar is collected) while the paste is applied to their bodies, women do so after having a bath. The pond is considered sacred, there is a small temple where people worship and light a small diya (lamp) (Fig. 7). All patients and devotees irrespective of caste, gender, region, and religion worship at the temple of Baba Chamliyal. Their presence is essential at the time of aarti (worship). The aarti is performed in the morning and evening. The timings are

Fig. 6 Shakkar (Mud/Soil) on the left and kuan (well), from which Sharbat (water) is taken on the right. The two—Shakkar and Sharbat are mixed to form a paste that is applied to the affected skin. Source Author

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Fig. 7 The dry Pond from where the Shakkar (mud/soil) is taken and kept at the platform in front of Baba Chamliyal’s Shrine. Here people are seen worshipping at the small temple and doing circumambulation. At the back are seen trees on Pakistan’s side of the fence. Source Author

usually 5.30–6.00 in the morning and 6.00–6.30 in the evening. The timings change slightly with the change in the season. There is a special aarti of the Baba which is recited by the devotees besides other well-known ones in the Hindu religion. The lamp inside the shrine continues to burn all 24 h, 365 days, and it is ensured that oil is sufficient all the time. Devotees also offer oil when they come to worship at the shrine. The burning of the lamp, though is largely a Hindu phenomenon is found in the Sufi shrines all over the Jammu region. The lamp is kept towards the Head (in this case the upper part of the body) of the saint. People get up early in the morning, take bath, wear clean clothes, perform puja, and then offer seva (service) which includes sweeping, cleaning, dusting, and mopping the temple and its’ premises, the floor, the steps, the path, and the surrounding area. Some people wash the chadar which is changed every day. After this, breakfast is taken. The food is prepared three times a day (breakfast, lunch, and dinner) in the chullah (burner) made of mud, not for the patients alone, but for every visitor to the shrine. Woods are often used to keep the fire burning. The food is offered by the Pujari (priest) or the cooks as bhog (the first offering to the Gods) and then only it is eaten by the people. The cooks (so far men) also have to maintain a particular code of conduct. They keep the cleanliness of the body and the place and restrictions regarding the type and methods of cooking. The food consists of sattvick 30 vegetarian diet. Non-vegetarian food is strictly prohibited, and also eggs and wine. No patient can eat or chew tobacco or take cigarettes.

30 Foods

in Ayurvedic literature that contain the quality (guna) sattva (quality of goodness) like seasonal, non-meat based foods.

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Kuljeet Kumar 31 (28) is a 10th pass, unmarried youth working as a cook at the shrine for the last four years. Like other Committee members, he is from village Dag Channi. Though he gets a salary, he also does farming on his one and a half acres of land. Vijay Chowdhary32 (39) is another cook who makes langar (community food) frequently. He is working here since 27 May 2011. According to him, in 2014 two doctors suffering from some skin disease came from Saudi Arabia and were cured in 11 days. The Muslims here also follow the rules strictly, however, sometimes they attend aarti, and sometimes they do not and do their own prayers. But seva is a must which they all do. The people who live here for the purpose of healing stay normally for 11 or 21 days, and at times also for 41 days if the disease is prolonged and acute. Some people reside for a few days at the shrine and the rest of the time they stay at their homes following restrictions. According to the pamphlet circulated at the shrine (in Hindi), the following parhez (restrictions) for those going through skin treatment are demarcated: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

The patients should not use any item made of leather-like a belt or purse. After applying the paste, the patients have to wait for two hours for the paste to dry. During this duration, he/she should not eat or spit. They should avoid soap, oil, sour items, curd, pickles, etc. Egg, meat, and alcohol are strictly prohibited. They cannot use a bed or cot (charpoy) and chair for sleeping or sitting. They should not participate in any ceremony of enjoyment or mourning. After applying the paste (of shakkar and sharbat), they must sit in a clean place. After taking bath they should not wash the worn clothes with soap. They should not cut nails, hair, and beard and maintain brahmacharya (celibacy). The patients should neither use any leather item nor touch any person wearing or using leather items. The things like—cigarettes, bidis, pan, tobacco, or any addictive drug must not be used. No one should eat the food left or eaten (jootha) by others. All those staying at the shrine of Baba must follow discipline strictly and compulsorily. It is necessary for everyone staying here to participate in the aarti (worship) and perform seva (service).

These are the general instructions which everyone has to follow. Interviews and the discussions held with men and women (separately), individually and in groups revealed details about the restrictions. The patients cannot use any oil (on their body, 31 Kuljeet Kumar (28) (original name), is a cook at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. Interviewed on 3 August 2019. 32 Vijay Chowdhary (39) (original name) is also the cook at the shrine of Baba. Interviewed on 12 September 2019.

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hair), except that of coconut. For cooking, only mustard oil is used. No brush is allowed except datun (made of neem wood), and no shaving or cutting of nails is done. Women refrain from observing any ritual during menstruation. All citrus fruits, vegetables, and sour items are to be avoided. They cannot go outside the gate of the premises. People clean their own plates and other utensils.

6 The Healing Touch: Narratives of the Patients at the Shrine Many pilgrims stay at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal as patients to get treatment for the skin disease from which they suffer. Their ailments are usually chronic and prolonged. The people have tried other medicines like allopathic, Ayurvedic, or Homeopathic and gone through surgeries, but they were not fully cured. They come to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal with the hope and faith to be treated completely. The treatment here is simply an application of a paste of mud/clay (shakkar) and water (sharbat), two times a day (for 2 h each) for at least 11 or 21 days (and 41 days if the problem is acute). But it is equally important to follow the restrictions and taboos, perform seva (service) at the Baba’s temple and participate in aarti. The boarding and lodging of the patients, as well as their food, are taken care of by the Committee. The amount comes from the district administration, but largely from personal donations (Fig. 8).

Fig. 8 Two men sitting near the pond (from where shakkar is taken) with a paste of shakkar (mud) and sharbat (water) applied on their bodies as part of the skin treatment. At their back is seen India’s International Border with Pakistan. Source Author

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The narratives of some of the patients who were living at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal for their skin therapy33 were recorded during our field visits. The people were from different parts of J&K as well as from other states like Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh, and Bihar. Ranjit Singh34 (27) is from Meerut, Uttar Pradesh. He is a mechanic and does welding of vehicle parts. In his family, he has his mother, three brothers, and a sister. His father is no more. He was suffering from skin disease in which there was a lot of itching for the past nearly 7–8 years. He showed it to the dermatologist and his treatment continued for two and a half years, but it gave only temporary relief. He took Ayurvedic medicines and also got the ‘fanda’ (religious method of curing) done. But nothing worked. He said to us that ‘I was so frustrated that I wanted to commit suicide’. Then Ranjit’s cousin in BSF told him about Chamliyal Baba and he came here in May 2018. After staying for 11 days at the shrine and taking the same treatment for another 11 days at home, he was cured. His itching went off, scars vanished from his body and head. But, according to him, ‘they came again as I was staying with people having non-vegetarian food and drinks’. Though interaction and communication with such people are not taboo, but when one lives and eats with them, many restrictions are difficult to maintain. The food does not remain what is called suchha (pure) and this affects the health of the concerned person. When he came the second time in August 2019, Ranjit was sure to be cured completely of the disease he called dardari (probably eczema)35 having itches and rashes. He is very particular in applying the paste, observing restrictions, and performing rituals at the Baba Chamliyal shrine. Ranjit had applied paste (of clay and water) when we were talking to him. Then he went away and came after about half an hour or so with his completely clean body or skin. He told us that the paste does not stick to the skin and is effortlessly removed (unlike other pastes) using only water. Pachori Lal 36 (62) is from Kangra, Himachal Pradesh. He was the Driver with the State Road Transport Corporation (government job). He has three daughters and a son and they are all married. He is retired now and gets a pension of Rs. 20,000/– a month and stays with his wife at his native place. He is suffering from a skin disease psoriasis37 locally called chambal and experiences pain, swelling, itching, and redness, especially in his knees and legs. He is undergoing treatment since 2014. According to him, ‘I went to several places like Chandigarh and Dehradun and 33 Names changed to protect the identity of the respondents (patients). The pseudo names are given keeping their gender, caste, and religion in mind. In most areas, the people suffering from incurable skin diseases (which are also visible) are stigmatized. All the interviews were conducted in 2018 and 2019, though visits were made to the Shrine before and after as well. 34 Interviewed on 26 May 2018, and 3 August 2019. 35 Eczema is a skin disease in which a person has long-lasting, red, itchy rashes. 36 Interviewed on 13 October 2018. 37 Psoriasis is a noncontagious, chronic skin disease that causes the rapid build-up of skin cells resulting in scaling on the surface of the skin. Inflammation and redness around the scales are quite common. Psoriasis commonly affects the skin of the elbows, knees, and scalp (https://www.medici nenet.com/psoriasis/article; https://www.healthline.com/health/psoriasis).

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showed to many Doctors and skin specialists, but could not be cured fully. At times only temporary relief was achieved’. He said that he will stay at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal as long as it is required for him to stay. ‘I have suffered for a long time and am now fed up with my life. I am hopeful and have complete faith in Baba. I have seen and heard people being cured here and I too have started experiencing some improvement since the last few days that I have been here’. From all the way Bhojpur in Bihar came Mahendra Kumar Singh38 (40) on 23 October 2018. He is married, has two daughters and a son. He has passed the tenth class and does the work of an electrician in his hometown. His chacha (father’s younger brother) who works as a mason in Jammu told him about Baba Chamliyal. Mahendra too seems to be suffering from Psoriasis and according to him he is facing this problem since 2005 and has gone through various treatments, like Ayurvedic and Homeopathic, and showed to many doctors. According to him, ‘I am here for the last twenty days or so and feeling much better, like never before. I feel I am at least 40% cured. I will stay for a full 41 days and I am sure to be completely treated with the blessings of the Baba’. Ranbir Sharma39 is from Kalakot, Rajouri district, J&K. He is 38 years old and unmarried. He is a Graduate and working in a Life insurance Company, a Government job earning about Rs. 50,000/– per month. He has 200–250 kanals (25–32 acres) of land. He came here on the 30th of July 2019. Ranbir is suffering from what he called a fungal infection which has affected his skin on the body, but especially the fingers of his feet. He said that he has taken treatment from doctors for 2–3 years, both Allopathic and Ayurvedic,40 but his disease could not be completely eradicated. Sometime back he felt fine and recovered, but the problem came back again. He intends to stay at the shrine for 41 days, which he thinks is important for his cure as was advised to him. During the interview when we were seated on the chair he came and sat next to us on the floor. When the chair was offered to him, he refused to do so since the patients are not allowed to sit on the chair or sleep on the bed. One has to be very careful in remembering these restrictions (Fig. 9). Amir Hussain (55) is a Gujjar (Muslim) from a place called Kallalkas in the Rajouri district of Jammu and Kashmir. He has four sons and a daughter. He is a farmer and illiterate. He possesses 100 kanal (12.5 acres) of land which he has now distributed among his sons. He also keeps domestic animals like cows and buffaloes and uses their milk for consumption. Amir Hussain41 is suffering from a disease called in the local language fulveri42 (Vitiligo) for the last five years. He has white marks or patches on his whole body and there is itching all over. Somebody from 38 Interviewed

on 12 November 2018. at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal on 3 August 2019. 40 The ancient medical system based on a natural and holistic approach to physical and mental health. 41 Interviewed on 3 August 2019 at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal. 42 In medical terminology, it is called Vitiligo, a condition in which the skin loses its pigment cells (melanocytes) and colour. This can result in discoloured patches in different areas of the body, including the skin, hair, retina, and mucous membranes (www.mayoclinic.org/vitiligo/symptomscauses/syc-20355912). 39 Interviewed

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Fig. 9 A young man, an old man and a boy suffering from skin diseases. At the shrine of Baba Chamliyal for their treatment. Source Author

his village told him about this place. Earlier he had come here for 11 days. Though he improved, he was not fully recovered. So he came again on 1 August 2019. He said that at home he could not maintain restrictions properly. According to him, ‘last time when I went back home, I tasted the Qurbani meat on Eid as it was a part of the celebration and thought tasting would not make any difference. But soon after, the problem surfaced again and I realized that I have committed a mistake. When my condition did not improve, I came to Chamliyal vowing that I would never touch meat in my life. Baba has called me again and will surely cure me’. It is said that one has to leave non-vegetarian food for the whole of his/her life if treated here. When asked will he be able to do that, Amir said he has completely left eating non-vegetarian food and will never take it again. According to him, ‘after all my health is the most important thing, and I have suffered enough not to repeat the mistake’. Vinay Kumar 43 (24) is a young man from Reasi district of J&K. He lives with his parents, 2 brothers, and a sister. His father works in a Post Office. He is a graduate and wishes to study further. Vinay is suffering from a disease called psoriasis44 (chambal) since 2016. He is an educated person and has some knowledge about this disease. He said this is a rare disease, earlier it was only among 1% of people in India, but now it has increased to 4%. There is no cure for the disease but proper treatment can control the symptoms. It is also not contagious, but he avoids telling his relatives and friends about it. He has to get married and is worried on that account. A police sub-inspector of his village who was posted in Chamliyal told him about this place. Vinay was taking medicines (including Ayurvedic) for the last 3 years but has not 43 Interviewed

on 4 August 2019 at the Shrine of Baba Chamliyal. is a noncontagious, chronic skin disease that causes the rapid build-up of skin cells resulting in scaling on the surface of the skin. Inflammation and redness around the scales are quite common. Psoriasis commonly affects the skin of the elbows, knees, and scalp (www.medicinenet. com/psoriasis/article; www.healthline.com/health/psoriasis). 44 Psoriasis

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been completely and permanently cured. Now he has left taking them and has come to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal for treatment. According to Vinay, he came here on 22 July 2019 and will stay for 21 days. He is maintaining all restrictions quite seriously. He said he will follow up for 11 more days at his home after going from here. Since the last more than 10 days that he is here, Vinay feels that there is a lot of improvement in his disease. The pain and itching on his body are much less, especially his feet and chest, the areas most affected. He said once he is completely cured, he will come and offer at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal sukhan or whatever he has promised or vowed. He did not say what it was as people generally do not reveal what their sukhan (unconditional promise) is as it loses its value then. Here many people offer chadar (sacred sheet) also before leaving for their homes. It is believed that earlier people used to be cured in a day or two, but now they take 21 or 41 days as informed by those present at the shrine. Many people are curious about the mystery of the clay in a dry pond that has a curative property and some have performed scientific investigations to explore it, but nothing much has come out of it. According to one visitor from Jind, Haryana, Sohan Lal (Male, 32), ‘Baba Ji’s magic works when science and doctors fail’. With such interventions and media attention that the shrine of Baba Chamliyal is getting these days, the locals feel that the sanctity and purity of the place are getting diluted and therefore it is taking more time for people to get cured. The sacred water sharbat in the well is reducing, and more politics has entered the functioning of the shrine, according to the cook at the shrine, Vijay Chowdhary (39). Both males and females come in almost equal numbers, males little more than females. Rajkumari45 (60) is from Jalandhar, Punjab. She is a 10th pass and wellinformed woman. She has two sons and a daughter. The elder son is in the army and the younger one runs a sports shop with her husband, the daughter is married. Financially she is sound but has spent a lot of money on her treatment by taking

Fig. 10 The patients—a young man (left) and an old woman (right) at the shrine of Baba Chamliyal for the cure of the disease locally called Chambal (Psoriasis). Source Author 45 Interviewed

on 4 August, 2019 at the Women’s Apartment, Baba Chamliyal Shrine.

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both Allopathic and Ayurvedic medicines. This disturbed the financial condition of her family and her capacity to work at home as well. According to her, ‘I am suffering from a chambal (psoriasis) disease for almost 40 years. This has affected my entire body, but mainly my feet. The treatment that I undertook earlier cured me temporarily, as the disease kept on occurring intermittently. I came here on 7th July and will leave on 7th August 2019’. She showed her feet and said that she is almost completely cured and is about to go home. There are still marks on her feet, but there is no pain, swelling or, itching, as before. All this has happened with the blessings of Baba Ji and she is very grateful for his kindness, she said. She will come again and offer sukhan (what is promised). To quote Rajkumari, ‘koi bhi dua apni karo, vo lagti hain, sukhan karte hain’ (whatever personal prayer we do have its effect, we give what we promised once cured). Another woman patient, Radha Rani46 (66) is from village Salad, Block Bishnah in Jammu district. She is illiterate and has two daughters. One is married and the other is mentally challenged. She has come with the latter who can do her mother’s work like washing clothes, utensils, etc. Radha is also suffering from chambal disease for the last 12–13 years. She has not taken any medicines, except for the local cure. She came one year back to the shrine of Baba Chamliyal and stayed here for 41 days. After this, she went back and observed the restrictions for 21 days. But her disease reoccurred after 8–9 months. Her back and feet are badly affected and she was in a lot of pain, as she said (Fig. 10). When asked why her staying here for a stipulated number of days on her last visit did not help her, she said ‘my disease is severe and could not be eradicated from roots. It may be also because I could not follow the desired curtailments at home religiously. But I am here now and sure this time it would go’. Another woman patient Sumita Devi47 (63) is from Kota, Rajasthan, and is also suffering from chambal disease for the last seven years or so. She has 2 sons and 3 daughters, the elder son is in the army. Her husband runs a dry cleaner’s shop in nearby Vijaypur town and the younger son is a daily wage labourer. She is not well-off, semi-literate, passed class 3rd. She said, ‘I am sad that a lot of money has been spent on my treatment because of which my family could not save anything for which we came all the way from Rajasthan’. She came to the Baba Chamliyal shrine on 27 July 2019. As informed by her she will stay here for 31 days and then give 11 days for treatment at home. The group discussion with women48 further substantiated the points regarding the restrictions. They said they wash their utensils, do not eat any sour things, bathe, and worship and do service (seva) regularly. They also said that no woman is supposed to stay here and observe the rituals during menstruation as the purity of body and mind has to be maintained strictly. According to them, bhog lagana (offering of first 46 Interviewed

on 3 August 2019. on 4 August 2019. 48 Interviewed on 3 August 2019. Each of these women—Rajkumari, Kamlesh, Radha, and Sumita were interviewed individually on 3 and 4 August 2019, and a Focus Group Discussion (FGD) was held with these and other women at the Women’s Apartment in the shrine of Baba Chamliyal on 4 August 2019. 47 Interviewed

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cooked food to Gods) at the shrine is of utmost importance as no meal can be taken before that. Cleanliness here is associated with purity, succha. A person by the name of Alok Raj49 (28) is from Meera Sahib, Jammu, and is eighth pass. He is suffering from psoriasis which gives an itching and burning sensation. He came on 31 October 2019 for 21 days but stayed for more than a month as he found that he was improving. He had come earlier in April 2019 for 41 days and was cured almost completely. Alok said, ‘last time my condition became so bad that people collected money for my cremation thinking I would not live long. My wife too left me’. He has come now for the remaining problem that he has. He is sure that this time he will go back fully cured as he is almost recovered. He said he has been particular about his daily morning seva (service) and performing aarti (prayer) at what he calls the samadhi sthal (memoir) of Baba Chamliyal. A 12-year-old boy Rajan50 studying in class 6th from Akhnoor in Jammu district was suffering from psoriasis or most probably eczema (often found in children) for the last two years. Almost his entire body was covered with red spots. His father came along with him after hearing from another person from the same village about the Baba Chamliyal shrine. Before that he got him treated at many places including both government and private hospitals spending a lot of money. In 18 days that he was here, the signs of improvement were already visible. Itching reduced all over his body and head, as he informed. A person by the name of Sajjad Ahmad 51 (23) from Anantnag in Kashmir is suffering from psoriasis for the last 2–3 years. He is in a hotel line and started his career early as his father died. His friend told him about Baba Chamliyal and this place. Before coming here he said, ‘I got treated at many places but there was no relief. Finally, I came here and I am sure that I will be cured. I am willing to go through all the restrictions and prescriptions. For me, being a Muslim does not prevent me from following the rules of the shrine and I manage to perform my religious prayers as well’. A man from Chattisgarh state, Ram Prasad 52 (43) is engaged in the work of Rajmistri (mason) in Samba town. He is suffering from a skin disease chambal (psoriasis) according to him. Though he had this problem since he was 19 or 20 years old, it became acute sometime in April 2019. Before that, he showed himself to many doctors and got the treatment done but his disease could not be cured. ‘The doctors told me that my problem is because of the mason’s work that I do. The work requires the frequent use of cement, and constant touch with it created this skin problem for me. Not only swelling and itching continued but also pus was formed and blood started oozing out of my wounds. It is then that my landlord told me about Baba Chamliyal shrine’. He came here on 18th September 2019 and in a month there was

49 Interviewed

on 30 November 2019. on 30 November 2019. 51 Interviewed on 19 October 2019. 52 Interviewed on 19 October 2019. 50 Interviewed

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a lot of improvement. Ram Prasad has a wife, 2 sons, and 2 daughters back home in his village in the state of Chattisgarh. He had thought of bringing them to Samba but he avoided it as he developed this health problem.

7 Conclusion The shrine of Baba Chamliyal at the international border between India and Pakistan is the assertion and affirmation of the long and peaceful relations between the two countries despite the tensions at the border. It has remained the binding force all through. Till 1999, the borders were porous, and reaching them was never a difficult task. The Kargil war in the same year resulted in the mining and fencing of the Indian borders. The cordial relations between India and Pakistan began to deteriorate till they came to nought in 2018 when the four Indian BSF personnel were killed just before the annual fair that brought the opening of the borders and the exchange process to a standstill. However, the available information through different channels and media clearly show the reverence and significance that people in the two countries have for ‘Baba Chamliyal’. This is evident in the huge gatherings on both sides simultaneously during the time of the mela (fair) in June every year. It is cataclysmic that people from both sides near the international border know what is happening on the other side, they can feel and hear various sounds and music, but cannot see or meet, even when the distance is barely half a km. Those in Pakistan desperately seek the mud or clay and water that is available only on the Indian side of the border. No scientific investigation in the area so far could unveil the truth of the hidden science under the earth, the chamatkari mitti (miraculous mud) which is sanjeevni (life-giving) to the sufferers. It works, people believe when all doctors and medicines fail. On both sides of the border, people’s primordial ties, and territorial and religious affiliations take a back seat as they exhibit their complete trust in the miracles of the Baba, their desi hakeem (local doctor), and in his ubiquitous dawa (medicine) and dua (blessings). There is little to prove the contrary to shake people’s faith. Within India, the shrine of Baba Chamliyal continues to be a quintessence of syncretism and pluralism, notwithstanding the minor incidents of claims and counterclaims, as people of all faiths come as pilgrims as well as patients to be cured of skin diseases. Rather than the condition of mere coexistence, in this shrine, one finds more of an amalgamation of varied religious, and cultural beliefs and practices. The devotees of different social, religious, and economic backgrounds participate in aarti, perform seva, and follow restrictions most assiduously. Their conviction remains resolute in Baba Chamliyal, for them, he is the ‘healing-touch’ saint par excellence.

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References Ahmad, I. (2011). Mystic traditions of Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Ashiq, P. (2019, December 3). 133 J&K Mosques, Shrines under Central Waqf Board. The Hindu, Srinagar. Retrieved December 9, 2019, form www.thehindu.com. Bose, S. (2004). Decolonization and state building in South Asia. Journal of International Affairs, 58(1), 95–113. Dewan, P. (2007). Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh: Jammu. New Delhi: Manas Publications. Khajuria, A. (2019, June 27). Chamliyal Mela celebrated sans traditional exchange with Pak. Tribune. Retrieved June 30, 2019, from www.tribuneindia.com. Khan, M. I. (1994). Kashmir’s transition to Islam: The role of Muslim Rishis. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Khan, M. I. (1997). Six centuries of islamisation in Kashmir: Retrospect and prospects. In B. Puri (Ed.), 5000 years of Kashmir (pp. 1–2). Delhi: Ajanta Publications. Khandari, M. (2019, June 27). Pak tension hits Baba Chamliyal congregation. The Pioneer, Jammu. Retrieved June 30, 2019, from www.dailypioneer.com. Mohemmad, J. (2012). The shrine of peace: Baba Chamliyal. In R. Chowdhary (Ed.) Border and People: An Interface (pp. 48–56). New Delhi: Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation. Rafiqi, A. Q. (2009). Sufism in Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Rajrah, S. (2018, April 26). Of faith and myth: History at the shrine at the border. Overview. Retrieved October 30, 2019, from https://www.sahapedia.org. Sandhu, K. K. (2018, January 26). Pakistan never dares to target this dargah situated at LoC. Here’s why. India Today. Jammu. Retrieved January 17, 2019, from www.indiatoday.in/India. Saxena, A. (2009). Religion, caste and community: Identity substantiation through ‘Maile’ congregations among the Dogras of Jammu and Kashmir (India). In Politics and religion (Vol. III, No. 1). Sharma, A. (2018, June 13). J&K: Sufi shrine becomes latest victim of Indo-Pak border conflict. National Herald. Jammu. Retrieved June 30, 2019, from www.nationalheraldindia.com. Wani, M. A. (2004). Islam in Kashmir (fourteenth to sixteenth century). Srinagar: Oriental Publishing House. Warikoo, K. (2009). Shrines and pilgrimage places of Kashmir. In K. Warikoo (Ed.), Cultural heritage of Jammu and Kashmir (pp. 149–165). New Delhi: Pentagon Press. Zafar, M. (2013, June 28). Chamliyal Mela brings rivalry to ‘zero point’. The Nation. Charwah, Sialkot. Retrieved December 8, 2019, nation.com.pk.

Websites https://www.facebook.com/BabaChamliyal/videos/2408552582757618. https://www.mayoclinic.org/vitiligo/symptoms-causes/syc-20355912. https://www.medicinenet.com/soriasis/article. https://www.healthline.com/health/psoriasis. https://www.jkwakaf.net/history. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chhatri. https://www.e-ir.info/2018/02/08/india-and-pakistan-formalizing-the-2003ceasefireagreement. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Outline_of_Jammu_and_Kashmir. https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_of_Control. https://www.kashmirtimes.com/newsdet. https://villageinfo.in/Jammu&Kashmir/Samba/Samba.

Chapter 7

Documenting the Folk Deities of Jammu Region Mrinalini Atrey

Abstract Jammu region has a rich heritage of folk traditions, and the cult of folk deities is an important aspect of it. These deities are popularly known as Kuladevtas and Kula-devis, here Kula means family/clan, and devta or devi refers to the deity. The family rituals like marriages, births, or any other auspicious ceremonies are initiated with their veneration. Brahmanical (Hindu pantheon) Gods are placed second in importance to them during the family rituals. This is still the practice in the region which has largely been Brahmanised. The Little tradition of local deities exists harmoniously with Greater Brahmanical tradition. To understand this importance of the deities, the author has been carrying on extensive fieldwork for the last fifteen years. This has resulted in the documentation of more than four hundred such deities who exist in the form of Gram-devtas and Gram-devis (Village deities), Naag-devtas (Serpent deities), Shaheed-devtas (Martyr deities), Silabantis (Sati deities), and Aaghat-devtas (Exotic deities). The present paper seeks to analyse the typology of the deities, their nature, rituals, shrines, karak gathas (narrative songs), and social groups associated with them. The information regarding the deities has been documented by using oral history techniques, the use of the questionnaire, a visit to the shrines of important folk deities, and documenting the conduct of the rituals and other ceremonies in the Jammu region. Keywords Deities · Folk · Nature · Rituals · Shrines · Social groups

1 Background Human Beings have carried along with a variety of deities from the times of the hunting and food gathering stage. Each tribal group had its own set of deities. When the tribe got peasantised and territorialised, the same set of Gods also found acceptance in the sedentary ways of life (Atrey 2008:3). This resulted in the emergence of diverse local deities around which fables arose populating the communities with Gods, demons, and Heroes who watched, judged, and manipulated the lives of people M. Atrey (B) Lecturer in History, The Law School, University of Jammu, Jammu, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_7

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of different classes, castes, and areas (Ibid). Festivals came to be celebrated to placate the moody deities who could send famines, wars, and pestilence as well as a good harvest, peace, and prosperity. The blessings of the deity came to be required at every auspicious occasion. Unlike the Brahmanical Gods whose sway extends over the whole of India, that of the local deity is largely confined to a particular region or a locality. Their stories and anecdotes are usually found in folklore and folk literature. They are usually aboriginal in character and do not figure in Puranic and Brahmanical literature unless they have been Sanskritised and integrated into the Brahmanical pantheon of Gods. For example, local deities of the Jammu region such as Bansul-devta, Tresan-devta, Samkaal-devta, Jakh-devta, are found mentioned largely in folklore only. No separate texts, as is the case with the Brahmanical deities, exist on them. The folk deities exist in the form of Gram-devtas (Village Gods), Gram-devis (Village Goddesses), and Naag-devtas (Serpent deities) in various regions of India. In each region, they exhibit their own peculiarities depending on the socio-cultural and physiographical conditions of the region. The status and geographical reach of these deities have not remained immutable. With the change in society or the status of a social group, the same deities have acquired the supra-local status and have also found a place in the larger Brahmanical pantheon in different historical periods. This process of assimilation has led to some of the folk deities losing their tribal or aboriginal characteristics completely. A significant example of this is found in the case of Lord Jagannatha of Puri in the state of Odisha in eastern India where he was seen to be transformed from a tribal God into a great deity of the Hindu pantheon (Kulke and Rothermund 1998:136). The idol of Jagannatha is made of wood and some of his vital priests come from a local tribe. As the God of the world (Jagannatha) he has been depicted as a manifestation of Vishnu (Ibid). Similarly, the antiquity of the temple city of Chidambaram in the southern state of Tamil Nadu demonstrates that how by the process of Sanskritisation; the autochthonous cult of a local deity got situated within the milieu of the great tradition (Ibid: 134–135). Another local deity that emerged as a major Hindu Goddess was Minakshi in the temple of Madurai, Tamil Nadu by her incorporation into the Brahmanical cult. This was achieved by identifying her as Parvati, the wife of Shiva by making their marriage, the central feature of the cult of Minakshi (Kulke and Rothermund 1998:136). The other examples of local deities becoming major Hindu Gods include pastoral deities of Deccan such as Khandoba, the cult of Vithoba of Pandharpur (Maharashtra). Jammu region also exhibits a rich tradition of local deities.1 They are popularly known as Kul-devtas, and Kula-devis, here Kula means family/clan, and devta (male) or devi (female) refers to the deity. Moreover, family rituals like marriages, births, or any other auspicious ceremonies are initiated with their veneration. Brahmanical 1 Before

August 5, 2019, Jammu and Kashmir State, with its twin capitals at Jammu and Srinagar, comprised of three culturally distinct provinces of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. From October 31, 2019, it has become the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir consisting of only Jammu and Kashmir. Of this, Jammu province including areas of erstwhile Bhimbar, Khari-Kharyali, Mirpur (now in Pakistan) is together regarded as one region in geographical terms, the Jammu Region.

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(Hindu pantheon) Gods are placed second in importance to them during the family rituals. This is still the practice in the region which has largely been Brahmanised. The Little tradition of local deities exists harmoniously with Greater Brahmanical tradition. To understand the importance of the deities, the author has been carrying on extensive fieldwork for the last fifteen years. This has resulted in the documentation of more than four hundred such deities who exist in the form of Gram-devtas and Gram-devis (Village deities), Naag-devtas (Serpent deities), Shaheed-devtas (Martyr deities), Silabantis (Sati deities), and Aaghat-devtas (Exotic deities). The present paper seeks to analyze the typology of the deities, their nature, rituals, shrines, karak gathas (narrative songs), and social groups associated with them. The information regarding the deities has been collected by using oral history techniques, the use of the questionnaire, a visit to the shrines of important folk deities, and documenting the conduct of the rituals and other ceremonies in the Jammu region. The worship of folk deities constitutes an important component of the living heritage of the region, and its analysis will help us to understand the ongoing socio-cultural processes of change.

2 Typology and Nature of the Deities 2.1 Gram-Devtas (Village Gods) Many village deities exist as major and minor Gram-devtas. These deities are termed as Gram-devtas due to their influence being limited to a village or two (Atrey 2008:8). Tresan-devta is the Gram-devta (village deity) of Tubhi Village in Arnas (Reasi district). However, there are some Gram-devtas whose influence extends beyond their village to the surrounding villages, for example, Cherna-devta. He is worshipped not only in Salal village (Reasi) but also in the surrounding villages. The Gram-devtas are mainly worshipped to get favours in the form of protection against natural calamities, for agricultural prosperity and cattle wealth, for progeny and family happiness (Atrey 2008: 9). Some Gram-devtas also act as dispensers of justice. Bansul and Gaddi devtas help in delivering justice to people.2 About Khair-devta it is said that he punishes those who trouble anyone unnecessarily, especially through black magic and witchcraft.3 Sautal-devta in Gilcut village (Udhampur district) is known to have helped people in finding thieves. Apart from these local deities, Shiva, the main God of Brahmanical Pantheon, is also considered as the main village deity in the region. In the form of Gram-devta, he is known by the name of Mahakaal, and his linga worship is to be found in every village. Hanuman 2 Bansul devta is the village and sub-regional deity of the Doda district. His main shrine is at Tamota

village in Ramban district. Gaddi devta is revered in Reasi, Mahore, and Udhampur districts and his shrine is at Gaddi village in Arnas (Reasi district). 3 His shrine is at Farti village in Mahore (Reasi). He is the deity of the ironsmith community in the village. The Priest is also from their community.

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(a major character in Ramayana who helped Lord Rama in finding his abducted wife Sita) and Narsimha (the third incarnation of Hindu God, Lord Visnu who appears in the form of part lion and part man to destroy evil) are the other Gods of Brahmanical pantheon who are worshipped in the form of village deities. Therefore Gram-devtas wield executive, judicial and legislative powers. However, this power does not extend beyond the territorial limits of their village or a few villages.

2.2 Gram-Devis (Village Goddesses) Village Goddesses or Gram-devis are the local Goddesses of the region. Many of them are considered as manifestations of Durga and are now part of the Shakti cult. Her most popular form in the region is that of Kali, locally called Kalika. Popularly known as ‘Bawe Wali Mata’, her temple in the Jammu city inside the Bahu fort on the banks of river Tawi has emerged as a place of regional significance. Vaishno Devi, one of the local Goddesses, has become a major Shakti Shrine after having being absorbed into the Pan-Indian hierarchy. Mata Vaishno Devi derives her origin from Lord Vishnu and his incarnation Lord Rama and is placed in the realm of Sanskritic tradition. Unlike Kali, she is the unique divine Goddess associated with purity and vegetarianism and no animal sacrifice at her shrine in the Jammu region takes place. At the same time, we find that other Goddesses in the region such as Sukarala Mata, and Chichi Mata who do not enjoy such prominence.4 They have also been identified with Goddess Durga but their incorporation into the Brahmanical pantheon is not complete, as they have not been provided with spouses or male consorts. They are still maintaining their independent existence on the periphery of Brahmanical orthodoxy. Therefore further investigation needs to take place as to why prominence given to one Goddess is denied to others especially Sukarala Mata as she is supposed to be the most revered female deity of the local Dogras. As in the case of Gramdevtas, we also find some of the Puranic Goddesses being reduced to the status of Gram-devis. They have been given local names by the people of the region. Therefore, Chandi Mata exists here in the form of Chauda (Machail Mata) in Kishtwar. Gram-devis are also worshipped for agricultural wealth, cattle well-being, and protection against terrible diseases. Gram-devis like Marade Devi and Bllene Devi are known to bestow agricultural prosperity to their devotees.5 Likewise, Chichi Mata and Sheetla Mata protect the devotees against diseases like Smallpox and Chickenpox.6 4 Sukarala Devi exists in form of Mohara (memorial stone) at Sukarala village in Billawar district. Chichi Mata is a folk deity of the region and the shrine is situated on the National Highway in Samba district. 5 Marade Devi is the deity of the Gaddi tribe and her shrine is at Burmeen village in Ramnagar in Udhampur district. 6 Sheetla Mata is the deity of the Gaddi tribe. She has become a folk deity due to her temporal curative powers. Her idol is usually present in every temple where people flock to get themselves

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2.3 Naag-Devtas (Serpent Deities) Naag-devtas form another major group among folk deities. They are found to have a significant concentration in the eastern hills in Bhaderwah and Udhampur area, along with some parts of the Jammu and Kathua districts. Bhaderwah was the centre of Naag culture and, the main Naag deity of the region, Basak Naag resides there.7 In Jammu plains, Bhair devta is revered as the most important Naag deity.8 Many of the leading local Brahman and Rajput clans worship him as their Kul (family) deity. Naag deities are also worshipped in the form of Burmi (Ant Hill). The deity is popularly known as Baba Surgal Dev. The Ant Hills as the abode of the deity are held as sacred places where people offer dulassi (a mixture of milk and water) for the snake family. Probably it reflects a tradition of harmonious co-existence between the human and animal worlds. Like Gram-devtas, these Naag deities are also worshipped for the well-being of progeny and cattle and the harvest.

2.4 Shaheed-Devtas (Martyr Deities) This group includes Shaheed-devtas (male) and Silabantis (female) deities (Atrey 2008:15).9 Among the martyr deities identified so far, about fifty appear to have achieved some status beyond that of the family deity. The study of the karaks (explained under Karak gathas) and legends connected with them, throw light on the reasons for their deification. Belonging to different walks of life, they were either killed or sacrificed themselves for some humane cause. The realisation of guilt upon the death of the victim, made the culprits seek forgiveness. To escape the wrath and anger of the victim, he/she was propitiated as a family deity. This process of approbation of the dead has resulted in the rise of a large number of Shaheed-devtas in the region (Atrey 2008:16). An inquiry into the cult delineates the following causes for their martyrdom:

cured of skin ailments. Her shrines situated at Peer Kho Cave (Old Jammu city) and Kol Kandoli (Nagrota) have regional significance. 7 He is probably the puranic Vasuki Naag, the king of Naags. The legend is that Vasuki Naag fled from Kashmir (its native place) and sought shelter in Kaplash Kund in Bhaderwah to escape the anger of Garuda. 8 His main shrine is at Kandoli near Nagrota in Jammu. His icon is made of wood. 9 Silabanti is a word from the local Dogri dialect used to refer to Sati.

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Atrocities of the Feudal Lords

Baba Jitto is the most pertinent example in this regard. He committed suicide (Praha Pratha), when his harvest was being forcibly taken away by the local feudal lord.10 The poor peasant unable to stop him from doing so, killed himself on the heap of his grain. His blood flowed along the grains and it is believed that whoever consumed the grain belongs to his group. People come from far and wide to celebrate his martyrdom and worship him. Jhiri mela (fair) is held every year on the full moon of Kartik month (October-November) in memory of this great legend. The mela continues for seven days. Baba-Indo and Data-Koda are other examples in this regard.11

2.4.2

Being Killed in Land and Boundary Disputes

The persons who lost their lives in course of cattle raids and boundary disputes also got deified. There used to be violent conflicts and murders for the cattle among the commoners as well. When the cattle strayed into the neighbouring field and destroyed the crop, it led to violent conflicts. Data Rangu, now revered as a martyr deity, was a Shepard belonging to the Jat class of peasants. One day his cattle intruded into the farms belonging to the peasant of the Majbe caste and destroyed the crop. This infuriated the Majbe farmers who got together and killed Rangu. When his mother heard of the incident, she also committed sati. Consequently, the village people fearing retribution for their heinous crime got a shrine built in their honour and started worshipping them (Gadalgal 1976).12 Data Ranapat of Birpur is an example of a martyr deity who was killed while settling the land dispute.13

2.4.3

Human Sacrifice

Baba Tholu became a victim of human sacrifice. He was a child of five years who was stolen away from his parents and sacrificed by the feudal lord of Methab Garh (near Lakhanapur principality, bordering Punjab state) to set firm the foundations of the new fort, which was under construction.14

10 His Shrines are at three main centers, namely, Kanachak, Jhiri on Jammu-Akhnoor National Highway, and Addhar Jitto near Katra. He is now a major peasant deity of the Jammu district and the neighbouring states of Punjab, Haryana, and Himachal Pradesh. 11 The Shrine of Baba Indo is in Graha Dhman village in Ramnagar in Udhampur district. Data Koda performed Praha against taxation and his shrine is at Sundri Kot village in Billawar in Kathua district. 12 His Shrine is at Tikri Dayala village in Marh block of Jammu Tehsil. 13 His shrine is at Birpur village on Jammu-Pathankot Highway. 14 His Shrine is at Mehtabpur in Kathua district.

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Through the Practice of Praha

Brahman reformers form a major part of Shaheed-devtas. The Brahmans in the region are known to have secured justice for themselves or for the community at large through the custom of Praha Pratha. In this practice, a Brahman would threaten to take his life or kill himself for the redressal of his grievance. A Brahman used Praha to seek justice from the ruling elite, who scared of brahmahathya (murder of a Brahman is the gravest sin in Hindu tradition and there is no expiation from it) would prefer delivering justice. Therefore he acted as a check on the actions of the rulers. Deities like Baba-Jitto, Baba-Indoo, and Baba-Fittu are pertinent examples of Praha practice.15 Moreover, it was practiced not only against a feudal lord but also to bring people on the path of righteousness and justice.

2.4.5

Untimely and Unnatural Death

People of the region are also known to have worshipped those killed in the war, i.e. soldiers who laid their life on the battlefield, for example, Baba-Suraj.16 Those who died untimely and unnatural death were given peace by raising shrines in their memory, which later became places of religious importance.

2.5 Silabantis (Sati Deities) Sati deities are known locally by the name of Silabanti. Sati or Silabanti has a wider connotation in the context of the Jammu region. It includes not only those women who died with their husbands or sons but also those women who became victims of the atrocities of their in-laws. Sati Thakyal Rani, Sati Nagru, Sati Radhika, Bua Lohari, and Bua Chunadi include those Sati deities who committed sati on the death of their husbands.17 Bua Laddo became sati on the death of her fiancé Bhalla. He was killed while proceeding to her (bride) place to marry her.18 Bua Pagadi also committed suicide when she came to know that her fiancé had immolated himself.19 On the other hand, satis like Bua Amro and Bua Bukhi were the victims of the dowry system.

15 While

Baba Jitto and Baba Indo did Praha against the atrocities of Feudal lords, Baba Fittu did it against the dowry system. The shrine of Baba Fittu is at Paletra village in Majalta Tehsil in the Udhampur district. 16 He is considered as the main deity of Bhimbar area, now in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. 17 Sati Thakyal has a shrine at Bhimber, Sati Nagru is at Bhadu village in Kathua, Sati Radhika at Gurha Salathia in Jammu, Bua Lohari at Salal village in Reasi. 18 Their joint Shrine is at Prawaha village in the Nagbani area on Jammu-Akhnoor Highway. 19 Her Shrine is at Bukori village in R.S. Pura. She is the Kul deity of the local Harijan community.

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Bua Amro was killed by her mother-in-law for bringing little dowry.20 Likewise, Bua Bhukhi was forced by her in-laws to do hard labour. Those women who gave up their lives for justice and honour also achieved the status of Silabantis such as Bua Banga and Bua Dabboj Wali Dati from Billawar and Samba respectively. Bua Banga was a widow who resented the payment of excessive taxation and started a movement for that in her village, Thara Kalyal. Fearing her dishonour, she shut herself in the house and along with her infant child became sati, when soldiers came knocking at her door.21 Similarly, Dabbojwali Dati killed herself with a dagger when the feudal lord of her area namely Lalpal forcibly took away her cow, which was dearer to her than her life.22

2.6 Aaghat-Devtas (Exotic Deities) Exotic deities have also found a place in the local deity cult. Raja Mandleek, Baba Kalibeer, and Narsingha are pertinent examples in this group.23 They seem to have come into the region from outside with the migrating tribes and communities. Over a period of time, their worship became popular with local people and they succeeded in attaining the status of folk deities. Many of the Nathpanthi saints, the followers of Baba Goraknath, such as Baba Sid Goria and Baba Sidh Peer Charangnath, Sidh Kapila, and Sidh Rupanath have also been deified as folk deities.24 They also form a part of the Aaghat-devtas.

3 Geographical Spread of the Folk Deities The study of these deities shows that Naag-devtas and Gram-devtas are largely concentrated in hilly pockets of the Jammu region especially in Bhaderwah, Kishtwar, Rajouri, Udhampur, Reasi, and Katra. This is probably due to the tribal nature of the area. We know that local deities in the form of Village and Naag-deities are characteristic features of the tribal life. On the other hand, Shaheed-devtas and Satis are concentrated in Plains. This can be explained in terms of conflicts associated with the transition from pastoral to agricultural life. The cattle raids, boundary disputes, and atrocities of feudal lords 20 Her

Shrine is situated on Jammu-Gajnasu road. Shrine is at Thara Kalyal village in Billawar falling in Kathua district. 22 Her Shrine is at Dabboj village in Samba District. 23 They enjoy the status of folk deities and their shrines are spread over the whole of the region, increasing day by day. 24 Their shrines are also spread over the whole of the region. The most important shrine of Baba Sid Ghoria is at Sid Swankha on Jammu–Pathankot National Highway, Pir Charangnath at Talab Tillo, that of Sidh Kapila at Rade in Samba, and Sidh Rupnath at Sudh Mahadev in Chenani in Udhampur district. 21 Her

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are connected with the agricultural economy, therefore such disputes took place where agriculture was practiced. In such cases, the scene of action was Plains (Atrey 2008:25).

4 Forms of Folk Deities The folk deities exist in the form of pindis, moharas, and icons.25 The deities like Masal-devta and Mandora-devta exist in non-iconic form only that is ‘Pinddirupa’. On the other hand, the representation of Jugga-devta and Jakh-devta is in both a non-iconic and iconic form that is as pindi and as an icon. As against this, the deities like Khair-devta and Kichen-devta exist only in iconic form. These variant forms of the deities are the result of the Brahmanical influence on the cult. When the deity is in non-iconic form, it means that the Brahmanical influence is yet to make an impact on it. While the deity in having iconic and non-iconic manifestation reflects the influence of the Brahmanical tradition to some extent. Furthermore, deities in pure iconic form reflect complete Brahmanical transformation like Kichen-devta and Kansar-devta (Figs. 1 and 2). Shaheed-devtas and Silabantis are worshipped in the form of ‘moharas’. These moharas or memorial stones have been identified in two varieties. The first variety includes three-dimensional stone structures that are shaped like a small temple to be mixed frontally. They are divided into three horizontal segments, where the upper part tapers into a conical spire. Here the dramatic persona of the memorial occupies the lower segment. The second variety is in the shape of a square or rectangular relief. The dimensions mostly range from the large rectangular relief of three by two feet to smaller types. As far as the style is concerned the formal treatments range from classical to semi-classical to folk. The common motif found on the hero stones (Shaheed-devtas) is that of a hero riding a horse and holding a lance (weapon). In the Sati stones, Sati is depicted as either standing independently or riding a palanquin carried by bearers. Where she stands alone, she is usually shown holding a ‘kalasa’ or fan in one of the hands. Some of the memorial stones also depict a hero on horseback and Sati riding a palanquin together for example that of Data Bhalla and Dati Laddo and also Baba Nor and Dati Narma.26 The medium used in the making of the image is usually the locally available raw material. In the hills, wood is used whereas in the plains it is largely stone or brick medium (Fig. 3).

25 Pindi

is a decked up stone which represents an abstract form of the Goddess. Moharas, on the other hand are the hero stones or memorials which commemorate the honourable death of a hero in the battle or fight. 26 The joint mohara of Data Bhalla and Dati Laddo is located at Prawah village in the Nagbani area on Jammu–Akhnoor national highway. Shrine of Baba Nor and Dati Narma are at Village Chaklawal in R.S.Pura in Jammu district.

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Fig. 1 Local Deities in Iconic Form, Gram-Devi (left) and Naag-Devta (Right). Source Author

5 Shrines of the Folk Deities and Their Architectural Style The shrines of the folk deities exist in two architectural styles of Dehri and Shikhara type, of this Dehra style is the most prevalent form. Dehri or Dehra usually three meters to one inch in height is a kind of miniature temple form. A person or two can sit inside the temple for the performance of the rituals. In some, there is no space to sit and rituals are conducted in front of the temple (Atrey 2008:21). Dehra style is usually connected with Shaheed or Sati-devtas. Shikhara style is another form of shrines that are built in the honour of the deities.27 This style is built in wood or concrete, depending upon the raw material available. Therefore in hilly regions, we find shikhara style temples in wood, and Plains have those built-in brick or stones (Ibid.). These temples and deharis are usually found situated near some natural resources like a water stream, small tank, and ponds or in deep forests, top of the hills, etc. (Fig. 4).

27 Shikhara is a Sanskrit word that translates as ‘peak of the mountain’. In architectural terminology, it refers to the rising tower or spire above the sanctum or grabhgriha of the north Indian temple. It is usually the most dominant and characteristic feature of the Hindu temples in north India.

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Fig. 2 Local deities in non-iconic form, Shiva-Parvati (above), Anthill (below Left), and Goddess (below Right). Source Above and Left Below (1 and 2): Author; Right Below (3) Picture Credits: Vikas Sodhi

6 Rituals Associated with Folk Deities Since times immemorial groups and communities are known to have invented ceremonies that refer to their strongly held beliefs or values generally termed as rituals. It can be said that such rituals tend to reflect our inner experiences of traditions and make them observable to members of the group and the outsiders as well. Therefore repeated, habitual actions may be defined as ‘ritual’. Being more determined than custom; rituals are often structured and proscribed (Sims and Stephens 2005:9). As the objective of venerating folk deities is seeking blessings in the form of agricultural prosperity, we find the majority of the rituals being connected with the same. The devotees also look for protection against natural catastrophes, blessings for agricultural productivity, cattle wealth, progeny welfare, and justice delivery. This becomes evident from the fact that Samkaal-devta of Devgarh and Kothri village in Udhampur, Dhum-devta of Malan village in Bhaderwah, and Malan-devta of the same village are worshipped to seek their protection of the village and its crops

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Fig. 3 Mohara (Hero Stone) of Martyr Deities, as a Couple (Above) and Sati Devi (below). Source Author

from natural calamities. Similarly, Sumeda-devta in Rajouri is said to protect crops from harmful storms and rains. Jakh-devta, Bhijni-devta, and Kohel-devta are largely worshipped for agricultural prosperity and good harvest. The first offering after every harvest is made to these deities. Kohel-devta is also known to protect crops from wild animals that might intrude into the fields and destroy the crops. Moreover, Mandaradevta’s blessings are sought for good rains. Similarly, Jugg-devta and Kurk-devta are also known to bestow agricultural prosperity. Cattle wealth is an important aspect of agricultural society, its well being and increase are always desired. Gumassi-devta, Palali-devta, and Chechdu-devta are supposed to protect cattle from various animal diseases. Some of the deities also act as Judges to dispense justice and protect the law. For seeking blessings from their Kul-devtas, the people of the region perform many rituals throughout the year. The most important ritual is Gaestan where the favour from the deity is solicited in form of a good harvest, cattle wealth, and domestic prosperity (Nirmohi 1997:18). Kharke is also related to agricultural prosperity. When the new crop has been reaped, the first offering is made to Kul-devta accompanied by various rituals. Depending on the crop, the offerings are made. It is the offering of rutt, made of wheat and jaggery

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Fig. 4 Architectural Styles of Shrines of Local Deities: Dehri Style (Left above), Shikhara Style in Plains (Left below), and Shikhara Style in Hills(Right). Source Left above (1) Author; Left below (2) Picture Credits: Shri Nagendra Jamwal; Right (3) Picture Credits: Vikas Sodhi

when wheat is harvested, and kichdi of rice and black lentil when rice is harvested. Continuing with the tradition, people living in cities, also perform this ritual though in a symbolic form.

6.1 Performance of Maile or Annual Congregation Maile is a congregation or gathering of clans or community to celebrate rituals and festivals related to Kul-devtas and Kul-devis. Some of these mailes have turned into regional festivals. Pertinent to mention here is the Jhiri ka Mela (Jhiri fair) which is celebrated in the honour of Baba Jitto. Observed on Kartik Purnima (full moon night in November), it takes place at Jhiri village where Baba Jitto achieved martyrdom. Spread over a seven-day duration, a large number of devotees throng the village to pay their obeisance to Baba Jittoo, a peasant who killed himself in retaliation against

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the dictatorial demands of the local feudal lord, some five hundred years ago. More than half a million devotees participate in this maile annually. Similarly, the timings of maile differ for different deities.

6.2 Performance of Jaatra Jaatra is an important celebration that takes place during the maile of a deity. In the course of this ritual, the deity communicates with the devotees through a medium dowala. He is a religious expert who goes into a trance and in a state of seizure, he is understood to interact with the deity, express out its desires, and recommend remedies for the person who is under the wrath of the deity. The Jaatra of Bhairdevta takes place in the month of Margshira (November-December) on Purnima (full moon night), that of Baba Jitto on Ashadha (June-July) Purnima at Adhar Jitto in Reasi, and on Kartika Purnima (November) at Jhiri village on Jammu-Akhnoor road. The Jaatra of Tansar Naag-devta is held on Nirjala Ekadashi (eleventh lunar day of the waxing moon in the month of Ashadha i.e. June-July) at Karuah village in Reasi.28

6.3 Performance of Karaks These rituals are always performed to the accompaniment of Karak singing. Karak is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Karika’ or Hindi word ‘Sholak’ and refers to sacred song chronicled in a terse form (Nirmohi 1982:17). Earlier Karaks were sung in the glory of Vedic and Puranic deities only. Over a period of time, we find that folk singers appropriated them to chant the gathas of the folk Gods and Goddesses. According to a view, Nath Jogis had started the practice of singing the Karak in the honour of Sidda Naths and it was adopted by the folk singers in the region for venerating Kul deities.29 Karaks are chanted in a folk Raag (tune). The aim of the Karak is the deification of the chosen person, who has either attained martyrdom or become an ascetic or in the honour of a deity. Folk singers, Gardis and Jogis, who come from the lowest ranks of the regional society namely the Megh or Dum sub-caste, have been traditionally assigned the duty of Karak singing.30 Karaks fall into two groups as (a) Puranic 28 Nirjala Ekadashi, the eleventh lunar day of the waxing moon in the month of Ashada (June-July),

is held auspicious by the Hindus. On this day people undergo fasting without water and food. 29 Jogis who are followers of Gorak Nath are known as Nath Jogis. Gorak Nath, the foremost disciple

of Shiva is said to have systematised and categorised the practice of yoga. form the lowest rung among the four conventional Varnas (hierarchies)—Brahaman (priests), Kshatriya (warriors,) and Vaisya (merchants, peasants, artisans) in the Hindu social structure. The traditional job of the Shudras has been to serve the other three Varnas. The Dum of Jammu also falls under this rank. However here, they do not perform menial jobs as their brethren do in the

30 Shudras

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Karaks, connected with Gods and Goddesses of Brahmanical Pantheon, and (b) those of Kul deities. In Puranic Karaks, the anecdotes connected with Shiva-Parvati, their wedding, and the spell related rituals linked with Lord Shiva are performed.31 The more popular being the wedding and wizardry narrative. Local marriage customs and rituals get reflected in Shiva-vivah gatha while Shiva-khelan jadia explains folk magic rituals. It seems that these magic rituals have been connected with Shiva by the folk singers. We do not find its reference in the Brahmanical literature.32 These Karaks are the domain of another community of singers called Jangams.33 The deities who have been able to achieve the status of folk deities have been assigned Karaks. To quote a few examples, Karaks of Raja Mandleek, Baba Kali Beer, and Baba Narsingh Dev are very popular in the region. The Karaks of Baba Jitto, Baba Ranpat, Bua Kauri, and Bua Banga fall into the group of gathas connected with the family deities.34

6.3.1

Socio-Cultural Context of the Karaks Connected with Deities

As Karaks are community creations they are helpful in understanding the regional society and its traditions (Atrey 2016:347). The deeper analysis within the larger framework of the religious life of the region shows that the parochial practices have been endorsed and wielded to sustain an idiosyncratic religious identity congruous with the greater traditions of Brahmanical religion. It would not be out of context to mention here that Karaks resulted out of the worldly perspectives which the folk groups held, be it their rituals, traditions, and social concerns, natural or supernatural worlds. Social conflicts that are represented in the Karaks whether peasant resistance, exploitation at the hands of feudal lords, boundary disputes, or cattle raids, reflect the collective concerns of the society which is undergoing a transition from pastoral to settled agriculture (Atrey 2008:49). Likewise, information about rituals connected rest of India. Being associated with the worship of the folk deities, they link their origin with Shiva and Parvati. 31 Parvati, the wife of Lord Shiva is considered as the daughter of the region. It is believed that her marriage with Shiva took place at Sudh-Mahadev in Chenani tehsil (Udhampur district, Jammu). It may be pertinent to mention here that most of the local deities are now believed to be manifestations of Shiva and Parvati. 32 Lord Shiva is considered to be the originator of all magical and supernatural powers and knowledge. 33 The word Jangam refers to the wandering religious mendicants of the Saivite order. 34 Baba Jitto, now revered as the main peasant deity of the region, committed Praha (selfimmolation) to seek justice from the local lord who wished to take away his crop in the form of land tax. It is said that when his daughter Bua Khori (aged nine years) came to know about the death of her father, she also gave up her life. Baba Ranapat belonging to the Brahman caste was killed while he was trying to solve a boundary dispute. Bua Banga is an example of an emancipated woman who questioned the excessive tax being levied by the local lord and raised the banner of revolt. When she felt her honour being threatened, she killed herself along with her infant child.

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with childbirth and marriage may also be culled out from the Karaks. Through them, we come to know that marriage of the girls used to take place before they had attained puberty while boys had much more freedom. For example, the gatha of Bua Makhna and Bua Bukhi, two Sati deities, tell us that they were married off before attaining puberty.35 The Karak gatha of Shiva-Parvati marriage is another important narrative for the analysis of marriage rituals in the region found in Dogri and Bhaderwahi, spoken in Jammu district and Bhaderwah district of the Jammu region respectively (Atrey 2008:35). A relative study of the Karaks across these languages furnishes signs of regional disparities in marriage customs and rituals (Ibid). Such identified variations in the oral narratives, contemporary and historical accounts and current practices need to be meticulously investigated as it has the potential to bring in relevant information about the mechanism of these traditions in society.

6.4 Persons/Social Groups Associated with Rituals and Other Activities A group of persons, called Karkuns perform rituals at the shrines of the local deities. The chief among them is the Priest who is known as Bojaki in the plains and as Pran, in the hilly pockets (Atrey 2008: 22) The status of the priest is usually hereditary but a new one can be appointed as wished by the deity. He usually comes from the Thakkur sub caste. In some cases, the priest is known to be from a low caste as well. This is contrary to the Brahmanical tradition wherein only a person from the Brahman caste can officiate as a priest. Therefore we find Ladda Thakkur priest at the shrine of Mandora-devta, Katoch Rajputs at Bansul-devta shrine, whereas at Palali-devta shrine it is Bassan Thakkurs. The work assigned to the priest is the performance of puja (worship) at the shrine. He is entitled to a part of the offering made to the deity by the devotees. Next in order is the Dowala who acts as the communion between deity and devotee like Shamans (Ibid.). A deity can have many dowalas in its service but only one designated priest. After Dowalas, Gardis rank is next in the hierarchy. They belong to Dum Jati (listed in the Scheduled Caste category) which ranks lowest in the Hindu society. Gardi beats the drum and sings Karak in honour of the deities. The Dums are professional singers and dancers and sing Karaks and Jarihian (mysterious songs) and administer this inspired dance to the sufferers. Gardis are known by the name of Nadiyals in hilly pockets of the region especially in the Udhampur area. Bhandari is the caretaker who looks after the income and expenditure of the shrine and maintains the records of the same. He is also in charge of the belongings of the shrine. Nishanchi is a person who helps to locate the designated place of the deity or his lost mohara through his supernatural knowledge. Apart from 35 Gathas

(narratives) documented in Narratives in Siva Nirmohi, Duggar ki Lok Gathye, Radhakrishanand and Company, Jammu, 1982. Pg. 104–5.

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these important persons, the Karkuns also include Nagada (drum) beater, Masalachi (torch bearer), and flag bearer. The drawing of persons from different castes to work in the honor of the deity shows how the caste relations are arranged and caste distinctions have been harmonized whereby every caste is given an important role in regional rituals and ceremonies (Ibid:23).

7 Concluding the Findings The study of different aspects of folk deities of the Jammu region leads us to the following conclusions: The folk deities which now form a part of the broader Brahmanical fold do not seem to be Brahmanical in origin. We can say this, based on the identification of their aboriginal characteristics. Firstly, the names of the local deities like Khair, Bhair, Cherna, Masal, etc. are non-Sanskritic in origin. These words appear to be part of the local dialect. Secondly, of those who got Brahmanised, their Brahmanisation was never so complete so as to obliterate their tribal characteristics. As a result, both the traditions, the Brahmanical, and the tribal or folk one, existed side by side or even together in one deity. A case in point would be deities such as Jugga-devta and Jakh-devta who are worshipped in both non-iconic and iconic forms indicating the simultaneous coexistence of both folk, and Brahmanical form. Very few deities like Kichen-devta and Khair-devta are worshipped only in icon form confirming complete Brahmanisation. Thirdly, the continued existence of non-Brahman priestly class at the shrines of these deities is another important aboriginal feature of the cult. This aspect is in contrast to the Brahmanical tradition at pan India level. We find Ladda Thakhur priest at Mandora shrine or Katoch Rajputs at Bansul-devta shrines. Moreover, other persons connected with different rituals performed at these shrines belong to the fourth caste in the traditional hierarchy, that is from the Megh and Dum castes that are placed under the Scheduled Caste category. Fourthly, allegiance to these folk deities is part of the tradition of those families and clans who are aborigines of the land. It is largely these families who worship them as their Kul (family or clan) deities. The clans of Punjabi Khatris and other tribes that migrated in recent times do not worship them as Kul deities. The nonlocals such as Shuklas, Srivats Gulatis, Malhotras, etc. do not have their local deities in the region. They mainly worship the Gods of the Brahmanical Pantheon such as Vishnu, Krishna, Rama, etc. whom they consider as their family deities. Fifthly, it was also noted that many of the local Goddesses like Sukrala Mata and Chichi Mata have been identified with Goddess Durga and her variant versions but the incorporation is not complete. They have not been provided with spouses and maintain their independent existence on the periphery of Brahmanical orthodoxy. Therefore, the above observations show that these deities had an autochthonous origin and in course of the historical process many of them have been assimilated into the Brahmanical pantheon. Those who have been left out of the process are still

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maintaining their independent existence within the Brahmanical fold. Therefore, we find the syncretism of little tradition with great tradition. Apart from the aboriginal characteristics, local deities exhibit some other distinctive features as follows: Firstly, we witness hierarchical arrangement among the folk deities of the region reflecting the levels of governance among them. The lowest in the hierarchy is the village God or Gram-devta whose power does not extend beyond the village for example Cherna-devta is the deity of Salal village. Next in the hierarchy is the subregional deity such as Bansul-devta, the deity of the Doda region. At the regional level, we can quote examples such as Bhair-devta, Mansar-devta, and Baba Jitto. Beyond the regional level lie the deities who have attained Pan-Indian popularity, the example being Mata Vaishno Devi. She is another example of a local Goddess who has been completely Brahmanised. This can be understood by an analysis of the various legends attached to her. The legends on deconstruction can be divided into those of local origin and that taken from Brahmanical sources. Secondly, it is found that certain families worship more than one deity as their main deity. This is especially in the case of the ruling Rajput and Vaisya families but is rare in the case of Brahmanas, Thakkurs, and Meghs. To cite an example, Katoch Rajputs in the Ramban area are known to worship both Bansul-devta (Ramban) and Lakhdu-devta (Banihal) simultaneously. This was probably due to migrations to new areas, the reason for which may have been warfare or trade. Thus original deity was retained and at the same time, the deity of the new area was also adopted. It may have also been due to the legacy of Shaheed deities and Silabantis in their families. For example, Bhau Rajputs of Akhnoor worship both Baba Uggho and Baba-Sardari as their family deities. Baba-Uggho was killed while returning home after his marriage, while Baba-Sardari was killed by Bhau Rajputs in a cattle conflict. To escape his wrath the Bhau Rajputs consecrated him as their family deity. Thirdly, Thakkars and Meghs mostly have Naag-devta as their Kul deity probably due to the reason of their being aborigines of the land, which may have been the remnant of Naag tribes. We can say this based on the fact that some of the Thakkar Rajput families living in the Nagot area of Reasi are Nagavamsi. Now they claim themselves to be Chandravamsi Thakkar Rajputs. It appears that due to invading tribes, they left their original land in Bhaderwah and migrated in search of secure shelter, along the course of river Chenab (Chandrabhaga). They finally settled down at Nagot. As to their claim for being Chandravamsi Thakkar, it seems to be an example of Sanskritisation.36 Probably in their new home, they were unable to hold on to their tribal character and got merged into the Brahmanical fold.37 On the other hand, some sections of Naags who continued to live in the Bhadrawah region, it appears, could not gain that status and were reduced to the lower strata of the society 36 Sanskritisation is a process by which a low or middle Hindu caste, or tribal or other groups, changes its customs, ritual ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently twice-born caste. Generally, such changes are followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the claimant class by the local community. Srinivas (1966), Social Change in Modern India. Allied Publishers. New Delhi. 37 This also shows how the Rajputisation of tribes in the region may have occurred.

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by the invading tribes. Many of the Megh families living in Bhadrawah seem to be Naagvamsi. Fourthly, an interesting aspect of these deities is that many of them are worshipped in the form of Kul-devta, Gram-devta, and Naag-devta simultaneously, for example, Bhair-devta enjoys the status of Naag deity, family deity, and folk deity. This shows that a deity who was a village deity has attained the status of regional deity. This may have been due to the extended patronage of the people in the region. Here the role of the social group whose deity it is also cannot be overlooked. Therefore this journey of the deity from the status of Kul deity to that of a folk or regional deity needs further investigation. Fifthly, the cult has not only been influenced by Brahmanical culture but there has been a substantial influence of the Nathpanthi sect on it as well.38 Therefore we find that many of the followers of Baba Goraknath have been accorded the status of deity in the region. Moreover, it is especially the worship of Naag deities that has been largely influenced by the Nathpanth sect. This is evident in the worship of Baba-Surgal (Naag-devta) and Baba Siddh Goria (Nathpanthi deity). Their shrines are mostly found to be co-existing at the same place. This paper has been a modest attempt to highlight the importance of the study of the local deity cult and the rituals and oral traditions associated with it to understand the socio-cultural processes in the Jammu Region. Given the kind of historiography that exists on the Jammu region as well as the paucity of the source material especially on the early history of Jammu, one hopes that the present work would provide leads and incentives to those who are engaged in situating the cultural history of Jammu in a proper perspective.

References Atrey, M. (2008). Deity, cult, rituals and oral traditions in Jammu. Jammu: Saskham Books International. Atrey, M. (2016). Major Generic Forms in Dogri Lok Gathas In Kaarina Koski & Frog with Ulla Savalainen (Eds.), Genre-Text-Interpretation, Mutidisciplinary Perspectives on Folklore and Beyond.Helsinki.Finnish Literature Society. Gadalgal, S. (1976). Marh Block De Shaheed Devtas. Jammu. Kulke, H., & Rothermund, D. (1998). A history of India. New York: Routledge, Reprint. Nirmohi, S. (1997). Duggar Ke Lok Devta. Jammu: Sahitya Sangam Publications. Nirmohi, S. (1982). Duggar Ki Lok Gathaye. Jammu: Radhakrishna Anand and Company. Sims, M., & Stephens, M. (2005). Living Folklore: An introduction to the study of people and their traditions. Utah: Utah State University Press. Srinivas, M. N. (1966). Social change in modern India. New Delhi: Allied Publishers. 38 Nath

is a Shaiva sub-tradition within Hinduism. A medieval movement, the sect combined ideas from Buddhism, Shaivism, and Yoga traditions in India. The Naths are a confederation of devotees who consider Shiva as their first lord or guru, with varying lists of additional lords, the important ones being Matseyandranath and Gorakhnath. As its ideas and organisation were mainly developed by Gorakhnath so he is considered as the originator of Nathpanth and his followers are known as Nathpanthis.

Chapter 8

Understanding the Concept of Shakti: Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine in Jammu Ravinder Singh

Abstract This paper tries to understand the concept of Shakti (sacred power) concerning the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine situated in the foothills of the Himalayas in the Reasi district of Jammu division in the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir. The paper explores the belief and rituals related to the shrine and the reasons for its singular importance and growing popularity in the region and beyond. It focuses specifically on the cultural landscape, pilgrimage, history, myths, legends, rituals, sacred places, and symbols related to the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. The paper also brings out the role of ‘Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board’ and its activities. Shakti is considered as the divine feminism and has been associated with nature, the Prakriti. The shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi belongs to the Shakta tradition, which symbolizes the feminine character and energy. Shaktism is one of the four traditions of Hinduism and is also called the half-power in the making of this universe. It is discussed in the Devi Mahatmya, Shakta Upanishads, and the Shruti and Smriti texts in Hinduism. Shaktism also represents the manifestation of three Goddesses—Lakshmi, Saraswati, and Kali, the combination existing in the form of the Holy pindis (petrified rock formation) at the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi. Due to this reason, Mata Vaishno Devi is considered powerful and at the same time, the most benevolent Goddess. She is a manifestation of the Hindu Goddess Mata Adi Shakti also known as Chandi or Durga in its varied forms. The paper discusses the concept of Shakti in mythical and religious aspects of Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine and how it encapsulates the faith of the pilgrims in their lived experiences. Keywords Shakti · Shakta · Shaktism · Mata Vaishno Devi · Shrine · Prakriti

1 Introduction The concept of Shakti is seen as a universal term in the natural, social, and supernatural world. All the deities in Hinduism have been associated with diverse forms of Shakti. In English, Shakti means power or energy. The entire materialistic world R. Singh (B) Assistant Professor of Sociology, Asian Law College, CCS University (Delhi-NCR), Noida, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_8

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functions based on a mixture of kinds of energy, force, or Shakti present in every single particle. All the living species have inbuilt some energy to perform everyday life activities. The nine planets which revolve around the sun have the energy to keep distance apart from each other and maintain the balance among them. Thus, the concept of Shakti is not a specific category, but an abstraction in nature. The mythological and religious discourse on the supernatural world has been associated with the concept of Shakti. The major traditions of Hinduism, i.e. Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Shaktism have given identical consideration to the concept and context of Shakti. Some of the literature has discussed Shakti as the incarnation of the major deities of Hinduism. The term Shakti has various notions, understandings, and interpretations. It is argued in different studies (Veliath 2002) that the Gods created their female counterparts and sent them along with Shakti to fight against the demons on the battlefield. These Goddesses representing different Gods were Brahmani, Maheshvari, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Narasimhi, and Aindri. They along with another Goddess Chamunda, wiped out the demons totally and drank the blood of the victims, and began to dance. This description is repeated in two other scriptures, namely the ‘Devi Bhagavata Purana’ and the ‘Vamana Purana’. The seven Goddesses are seen as different forms of the Mother Goddess,1 called Shakti or Devi rather than as mere consorts of the male Gods. Some scriptures during the later period refer to the malevolent nature of the Matrakas.2 In India, the worship of the divine Mother is so deep-rooted and universal that she has become a prototype of the Cosmic energy, i.e. Prakrti, and the counterpart of the Cosmic Soul i.e. Purusha. Among the Indus Pantheon, Sir John Marshall is the foremost who has viewed the cults of Mother Goddess from the Indus to the Nile (Mahajan 2005). Preston (1980) argues that Hinduism is one of the most complex among world religions. From prehistoric times, it is composed of several myths, beliefs, rituals, rites, and customs. Many shreds of evidence have been found to suggest that the female deities were worshiped with different levels of intensity throughout the evolution of Hinduism. It appears, however, that devotion to the Goddess emerged as a distinct cult of considerable strength sometime during the seventh century A.D. (Preston 1980). It is said that Mata Vaishno Devi is the only shrine in India, where the three cosmic Shaktis are naturally manifested (Erndl 1993). It is the symbolic representation of the Shakti of the universe that binds and integrates people from across the spectrum of society.

1 Several

temples and other religious monuments of the female deities that are found in India show that it is the Goddesses more than the Gods, who are more popular and draw a large number of people towards their places of worship (Veliath 2002). This can be related to the significance of ‘mother’ in the Indian culture. 2 The ‘matrakas’ or mothers’ are one type of Goddesses who are dominant representations of the Mother Goddess in Hindu culture and religion (Veliath 2002).

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2 Understanding the Concept of Shakti The Shakti is considered as the powerful Goddess of the Himalayas by some scholars, while the others have shown Mahadevi as the supreme deity in Hinduism. Goddess worship is one of the most important features of the ancient Hindu religion and a considerable number of Goddesses are known in the Hindu scriptures and Vedic literature (Kinsley 1988). In contemporary Hinduism too, there are several Goddesses. Vedic literature is the foundation and the sacred source of Hinduism. Some of these Hindu Goddesses are Usas, Aditi, Sarasvati, Vac, Nirrti, and Ratri. Shakti or energy is the term applied to the wife of a God and signifies the power of a deity manifested in and through his consort. However, in many cases, there were lesser important Goddesses who did not play any significant role and were simply named after the deity himself, thus: Agnayi after Agni; Brahmani after Brahman. In many cases, the female deities of the divine pair had greater significance and power than the male consort and were regarded as the active principle of the universe. Therefore the main divine couples, when together, were named with the Shakti or female name first, e.g. Radha-Krishna, Gauri-Shankar, Sita-Rama (Hinnells 2007). The Mother Goddess worship has its ancient roots in prehistoric3 South Asia (Preston 1980) but the archeological evidence in the emergence and worship of Mother Goddess could go back to the Indus Valley Civilization4 (Kinsley 1988) in which Goddesses were considered as significant (Agrawala 1984). Several Terracotta figurines of Goddesses that have been found date back as early as 3,000 BCE (Preston 1980). Later in the second millennium BCE, the Goddess worship had grown in the ancient South Asian culture (Rodrigues 2003). Pintchman (2001) posits that in Hindu religious life, Goddess worship has been seen as an important aspect for many centuries and in contemporary Hindu society, it has become one of the richest and the most compelling traditions. It has been generally seen that the Goddesses have played a striking role in many homes, shrines, and rituals, where both men and women participate widely in various ways. All over India many temples and shrines are dedicated to Goddesses and many devotees gather at these places to express their respect, anxiety, or gratefulness and seek blessings. She also argues that in the life of Hindus at one point in time there are found diverse Goddesses, but on the other, there has been shown a singular Goddess existence (Pintchman 2001:1). For most Indian people these different Goddesses are various manifestations of one great inexplicable female divinity known as the ‘Mother Goddess’. She is the wife of ‘Shiva’ having different names like Kali, Durga, Parvati, Uma, Bhavani, Bhairavi, and others. She is also the wife of ‘Vishnu’ with the names Lakshmi or Shri especially 3 Mahajan (2005) said that Prehistoric times deal with the story of a man and everything that concerns

him from the dim remote moment when he first emerged from his animal ancestry until the time when the existence of records leaves the investigator into the realm of proper history. 4 According to Hinnells (2007: 418), Indus Valley Civilization was basically a Bronze Age civilization (c. 3300–1300 B.C.E). However, in some historical studies, it is shown that the age of Indus Valley Civilization lies between 2500 BCE and 1500 BCE.

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revered as the Goddess of good fortune and beauty. She is worshipped in her various incarnations like Sita who married the handsome prince Rama born on this earth as the incarnation of ‘Vishnu’, or as Rukmini, one of Krishna’s several wives. She is also associated with other incarnations of ‘Vishnu’—as Kamala, a lotus flower for Vamana, and Dharani, the earth Goddess for Parashurama, the famous warrior (Veliath 2002). The most important text dealing with the Mother Goddess is the Devi Mahatmya believed to be roughly 1500 years old. It is a poem of 700 verses written in 13 chapters, a long hymn in praise of the Mother Goddess or the Shakti who came to earth to free the world from the demons. She is also known by various other names, such as Durga Mahatmya, Chandipatha, and Chandi Saptasati. According to the Devi Bhagavata Purana, she takes many forms like Saraswati, the symbol of learning and culture; as Lakshmi, the representation of good fortune, wealth, and luxury; and as Kali or Durga she is feared and respected (Preston 1980:10). The Gods and Goddesses have always been important for the Hindus. This could be seen in their many beliefs and rituals. Sometimes the deities were worshipped as Gods and considered as the Avatar (incarnation) of God. There have been shrines and temples erected all over the country throughout the past centuries for their veneration. They are usually worshipped as couples, as Gods together with their inseparable Goddesses like Lakshmi-Narayana, Uma-Mahesa, Sita-Rama, Radha-Krishna, and Rukmini-Krishna. Further, some Goddesses are worshipped as no less than Gods,5 for instance, Lakshmi, Parvati (in the name of Durga, or Jagad-Amba, or Kali), and Saraswati (Prabhu 1995). This paper has attempted to understand the concept of Shakti regarding the Goddess Vaishnavi. In mythology, Vaishnavi itself is a Shakti or power. Vaishnavi is the incarnation of the three supreme deities in Hinduism i.e. Goddesses Lakshmi (wealth), Kali (power), and Sarasvati (knowledge). She is the ‘Mother’, the Mata for all. In Hindu philosophy, God’s incarnation has been always associated with the Shakti or the divine power (Atamasthananda 2001:11). Bhat (2009) has identified Vaishnavi with Shakti and argues that it means the power that maintains the being consciousness. She is Para Shakti, the supreme power, whether she is Maha Kali, Maha Lakshmi, or Maha Saraswati. Her other names, pet to her are Lalita6 or Bhubaneswar Vaishnavi (Bhat 2009:1). The term, Shakti has been defined by many scholars in the field of religion and theology. This paper has looked into the various forms of Shakti, and its role and function, both in the material and non-material world. In the context of the study of the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi, besides the secondary sources, fieldwork was conducted using methods such as in-depth interviews, observation, and case studies.7 5 Lakshmi,

Kali, and Durga have influenced Hindu society at large due to their powerful nature and character. Throughout the year, there are various rituals where these Goddesses are remembered. 6 Lalita is also considered as the incarnation of Mother Goddess Parvati. 7 Vaishno Devi Shrine was one of the case studies of my Ph.D. research work submitted to the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi in 2017. The study is social anthropological in nature. The inquiry into the Shakti tradition was the primary objective of the study. In this paper,

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3 Who Is Mata Vaishno Devi? The various studies on Mata Vaishno Devi have given assorted interpretations regarding her identity. Pintchman (2001) argues that there is no certainty or precision on the nature and identity of Mata Vaishno Devi as well as the pindis or outcroppings, which are perceptible at her shrine. The various perceptions of peoples relate to her with the supernatural world or the philosophical discourse before the creation of the universe. Some pilgrims or the devotees informed that they identify Mata Vaishno Devi as Vaishno or Kali. As Vaishno, she is considered gentle but on the other side as Kali, she denotes her dangerous form. According to them, these two Goddesses are not the consort of any male deity but, represent an independent form. However, Vaishno refers both to a local as well as the major Goddess in Hinduism (Erndl 1993:4). Even in diverse fields of knowledge, there has not been a single text which discusses her identity and origin. In some texts, Mata Vaishno Devi is seen to be associated with the people of Jammu in which she helped them in difficult situations but in the other texts; she is related to the mountain cave and a kind of pilgrimage destination (Foster and Stoddard 2010). But generally seen in the posters she has been identified as Sheranwali (one who rides lion) and this kind of iconography is found everywhere in northwest India (Ibid. 1993:4). In the other contexts of her identity some studies have related Mata Vaishno Devi with the Goddess Lakshmi and some have shown that she is Mahadevi.8 Many scholars have argued that she is Mother Goddess Durga. In Sanskrit Mata Vaishno Devi means Vaishnavi and in Durgasaptshati, Vaishnavi is one of the 108 names of Durga. Dalton (2010) considered the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine as one of the places of worship or Shakti Peeths9 of Goddess Durga. Kinsley (1978) has discussed the mythical discourse on Goddess Durga’s victory over Mahishasura, the demon. In Devi-Mahatmya, the Sanskrit text written in the sixth century, it is argued that Durga is unique in itself and is primarily a female version of Vishnu. She manifested herself in various forms to protect the world from demons (Kinsley 1978). Kinsley (1978) relates Goddess Vaishno Devi with God Vishnu by referring to the text, Devi-Mahatmya. The Devi has been associated with the Vishnu-Maya, who helped the Goddess in the third episode of Devi-Mahatmya in which Vaishnavi, Vridhi, and Narasimhi have been associated with Vishnu or his incarnations. Later Vishnu’s consort Sri and Lakshmi have been used to characterize the Goddess in many places. In the dictionary of Gods and Goddesses, Jordan (2004) defined Vaishno Devi as

some of the findings related to the Shakti tradition have been incorporated to make the argument of the paper more rational. 8 In general, Mahadevi means the great Goddess and has been associated with the Shiva consort. 9 Shakti Peeths refer to the sacred place associated with the mythology and history of deities.

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A Shakti of Vishnu also regarded as a form of Lakshmi. In later Hinduism, she became one of a group of Mataras10 regarded as of evil intent, also one of a group of eight Astamtaras.11 In another grouping one of nine Navashaktis12 who, in southern India, rank higher than the Saptamataras.13 Her vehicle is the hybrid beast Garuda14 and her attributes are child, club, conch, lotus, and prayer wheel (Jordan 2004:334).

The definition identifies Mata Vaishno Devi with the power of Vishnu as well as the incarnation of Lakshmi. But, Pintchman (2001) linked Mata Vaishno Devi with great Goddess Mahadevi. She argues, on the one hand, that Vaishno Devi contains all those powers and is associated with the entire creature as similar to Mahadevi (Pintchman 2001:74). On the other hand, Foster and Stoddard (2010) are of the view that Mata Vaishno Devi has always been associated with vegetarianism, in some contexts whether she is a local Goddess or Mahadevi. They interlinked Vaishno to Vishnu. In northwest India, the beliefs and rituals of Mata Vaishno Devi are performed with complete ritual purity (Foster and Stoddard 2010). To explain the term Mata Vaishno Devi, the word Mata means ‘Mother’, Vaishno means ‘Vegetarian’, and Devi means the ‘Goddess’. In Sanskrit and many other Indian languages, the word Devi has been associated with the Goddess. Lurker (2005) has defined the term Devi in ‘The Routledge Dictionary of God/s and Goddess, Devils and Demons’ as the incarnation of power, and in Hindu religion, Devi has been associated with the great Goddess i.e. Durga or Mahadevi (Lurker 2005).

4 Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine: Cultural Landscape, Myths, and Legends The shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi is regarded as one of the holiest places in India where a large number of pilgrims come every day from all over the country for her darshan (glimpse). All pilgrims arrive first at Katra which is considered as the sacred town on the foothills of Mata Vaishno Devi from where they begin a 13 km climb to reach their destination, the Mata’s Bhawan (abode) or her cave temple situated at the height of 5200 feet above sea level in the Trikuta Mountains (Singh 2014). The pilgrims are from different states of India, having diverse regional, caste, and community backgrounds. Almost all pilgrims are Hindus, except a few who are Sikhs. Most people prefer to cover the journey by foot, but some also use pithus (laborers, who carry pilgrims on their backs), pony or horse, palanquin, or a helicopter. Many of these people who provide services, especially those who take people to the shrine, 10 Mataras

means Mother Goddess, applied collectively to the group of Goddesses. refers to a group of eight Mother Goddesses. 12 Navashaktis means a group of nine Mother Goddesses. 13 Saptamataras (Mothers) is the common name for seven Hindu deities who are mentioned in epic and Puranic texts (Jordan 1993: 228). 14 Garuda is a mythical bird in Hindu mythology. 11 Astamataras

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those who give massage to people, carry their luggage, etc. are Muslims, mainly belonging to Gujjar tribes and service castes. They consider their job as a profession, though a few of them said that since they help pilgrims reach the darbar of the divine Mata and perform a sacred act, she would bless them too. The different spots on route to the sacred journey, each sharing sacred space, are associated with the legend and myth. In one of the most prevalent myths, it is said that once there was an intense war between Gods and demons. It became impossible to defeat demons as they had received the boon from the powerful Gods. Therefore, Gods and Goddesses decided to create a Mahashakti. Therefore, the three Mahashaktis, i.e. Maha Saraswati, Maha Lakshmi, and Maha Kali pooled their power and produced a Shakti in the form of a divine virgin (Erndl 1993:40). Vaishno Devi is that Shakti. A legend shows that she was incarnated as a human, and was born to Ratnakar Sagar and his wife in South India, named Vaishnavi. She has also has been associated with the Treta Yuga (second of the four Yugas or period in Hinduism) when she desires to marry Rama, the incarnation of Vishnu. But Rama had already married Sita and it was not possible to accept Vaishnavi as his wife. Therefore, Rama told Vaishnavi about Kalki as his tenth incarnation in Kali Yuga15 (the present era) when she will be his Shakti. He asked her to meditate and serve the poor and needy till then in the cave on the Trikuta Mountain in North India. Vaishnavi remained engaged in meditation and in solving people’s problems for years with her Siddhis (accomplishment) at the ashram near the Trikuta hills. With the blessings of Lord Rama, people got to know about Vaishnavi’s glory and when her devotee, Sridhar, a poor Brahmin who lived in village Hansali (now in Katra) organized a bhandara (community feast), the Mahayogi tantric Gorakh Nath was invited with his followers including Bhairon Nath. The bhandara was organized at the instance of Vaishnavi (as instructed to Sridhar in his dream) and despite limited space and food, to his surprise, there was enough of everything. On seeing Vaishnavi, Bhairon Nath was amazed by her charm and power which he wanted to test. Some say that he asked Vaishnavi to serve meat and wine, and when she refused, he grabbed her hand and she ran away. He stalked her wherever she went till she started climbing the Trikuta hills. She finally reached the main cave where she wanted to do tapasya (meditation), but Bhairon Nath followed her there as well. Vaishnavi then appeared as ten-armed Goddess Kali and severed Bhairon Nath’s head. But soon realizing his mistake he begged for forgiveness, Vaishnavi forgave him granting him a boon that all devotees after having darshan of Mata Vaishno Devi would visit the temple of Bhairon Nath close by to complete their yatra (pilgrimage). Thereafter she returned to her cave and assumed the form of three pindis (rock formation) where she resides till today. This constitutes the sanctum sanctorum of the holy cave and is worshipped by scores of people each day. On the journey from Katra to Bhawan (the cave where the Goddess is worshipped in pindi form), Vaishnavi took halts at the places like Ban Ganga, Charan Paduka, and Ardhkuwari, all of which are sites of reverence today (See Fig. 1).

15 Started

around 3000 BCE.

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Fig. 1 Different Sacred Spaces on the Route from Katra to Bhawan. Source Shrine Board. 2010. Yatra: A Guide to the Holy Pilgrimage of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi. Katra: Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board

From Katra town, the next place is Ban Ganga, the starting point of the yatra (pilgrimage). The myth associated with it says that the Goddess was accompanied by Hanuman (companion and devotee of Lord Rama) also called Langur Vir. When he felt thirsty, the Goddess shot her arrow (ban) here, and the river known as Ban Ganga (Ban meaning arrow and Ganga is the river) began to flow. This is a place where many pilgrims take bath at the start of their journey. The temple at Ban Ganga is also named after this stream (Chaturvedi et al. 2007). The distance from Katra to Ban Ganga is just 1 km and is situated at an altitude of 2,800 ft from sea level. The second sacred place where the divine girl stopped was Charan Paduka. It is said that she halted for some time at this place and looked behind at Bhairav, who was chasing her. The pious feet of the Goddess were printed on a stone as she stopped here. The holy foot-prints can be seen engraved on the rock slab now preserved as a part of the temple. On the way to Bhawan, people stop here and seek the blessings of the Goddess by touching her feet. The place is called Charan Paduka (imprints of Mata’s feet). This place is 1.5 km from Ban Ganga and is situated at an altitude of 3,380 feet from sea level. The third, place where Vaishnavi halted was Ardhkuwari, which means eternal virgin. At Ardhkuwari, the divine girl lived a spiritual life for nine months in a small cave called garbh joon that was shaped like a womb.16 The Ardhkuwari is situated at an altitude of 4800 feet above sea level and is approximately 6 km from Katra and halfway to the Bhawan (7 km). Here the pilgrims get motherly feelings when they perform a ritual of going through the holy cave and taking the blessing of Mata 16 Its

popularly known as Garbh Joon Gufah (Cave).

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Fig. 2 Garbh Joon Cave. Source Shrine Board. 2010. Yatra: A Guide to the Holy Pilgrimage of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi. Katra: Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board

Vaishno Devi. Later, the relevance of garbh joon became associated with the mother’s womb probably because the cave is extremely narrow and difficult to crawl. Goswami (1998) defines the word garbh joon where garbh means the womb and joon means yoni and associates it with the mother’s womb or female genital through which a child comes out while taking birth. The cave has also been associated with the moksha.17 in which the belief is that if a person crawls through garbh joon he/she washes away all his past sins and gets the chance of attaining moksha in his life (Goswami 1998) The pilgrims interviewed expressed similar views. They said that when they enter and come out of this sacred cave, they feel the delicate energy of the divine mother and become purified. The cave size is approximately fifteen-feet long that starts horizontally and ends vertically. The way inside the cave is very narrow and one has to come out almost crawling all the way. The cave represents the sacred character of the entire space; because there are no barriers or restrictions on entering the garbh joon (Fig. 2). From Ardhkuwari, the pilgrims cover the rest of the 7 km track and reach the Bhawan of Mata Vaishno Devi, filled with devotion. The other sacred places are Hathi-Matha,18 Sanjhi chat, and the Darbar19 of Vaishno Devi20 (Chaturvedi et al, 17 Moksha

means liberation from the samsara or emancipation from the materialistic world and entering into the spiritual world. 18 It is situated on the traditional track of Mata Vaishno Devi. It looks like the forehead of an elephant and therefore known as Hathi-Matha, Hathi meaning elephant, and Matha meaning forehead. 19 This means the holy cave. 20 Vaishnavi had given many chances to Bhairon Nath to come out of the evil intentions. But, he did not follow these. Then Vaishnavi took the form of the divine mother. On seeing that, Bhairon Nath asked for forgiveness. Vaishnavi pardoned him and granted him the boon that whosoever visited her holy shrine, would also have to visit the place where the head of Bhairon had fallen. Therefore after visiting her shrine, people pay a visit to the shrine of Bhairon Nath.

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Table 1 Distance and Altitudes of Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine

S. No.

Location/sacred place

Distance from Katra (Km)

Altitudes ft. (from sea level)

1.

Katra

00

2500

2.

Ban Ganga

01

2800

3.

Charan Paduka

2.5

3380

4.

Ardhkuwari

06

4800

5.

Himkoti

8.5

5120

6.

Sanjhichhat

9.5

6200

7.

Bhawan

13

5200

8.

Bhairon Ghati

14.5

6619

Source Chaturvedi, J.P, Pt. Veni Ram Sharma Gaur, Pt. Radhey Shyam Kaushik. 2007. The Complete Story of Mata Vaishno Devi. Jammu: Pustak-Sansaar

2007). The Table 1 shows the distance and altitude of different locations on the pilgrimage route of Mata Vaishno Devi. There are numerous other myths and legends associated with Mata Vaishno Devi related to the entire landscape. In one myth it was said that when Bhairon Nath inquired from a mendicant at the place in Ardhkuwari, he replied that she is not a common woman; she is Mahashakti and Ardhkuwari, i.e. primeval virgin21 (Erndl 1993). Anthropomorphically the icons of Durga and Amba are seen similar to the market portrayal of Mata Vaishno Devi as having eight arms, a discus in her hand, club, conch, a trident, sword, bow, lotus, and arrow seated on a lion or a tiger. In some contexts, she has been associated with the God Langur Vir or Hanuman as mentioned in the Ramayana with Rama, considered as an incarnation of God Vishnu. The Bhairon also finds its identity in the mythical stories and in other contexts he is considered as a fierce form of Shiva (Ibid. 1993). As mentioned above, one legend is related to Pandit Sridhar who organized bhandara (communal feast) in which Bhairon Nath saw Vaishnavi and chased her till she killed him at the entrance of the main cave. The incident had disturbed Sridhar who remained depressed and stopped eating till he saw the same girl in his dream showing him the vision of her cave. Sridhar immediately set out in search of the cave, with Vaishno Devi guiding him all through. When he entered the Holy cave he found a rock formation with three heads. This was the manifestation of Mata Vaishno Devi who appeared in all her glory (tejas) as three Mahadevis and introduced him to the holy pindis. She blessed him with prosperity and progeny and he started worshipping the pindis. Soon her fame proliferated and the devotees started coming to the shrine. This happened some 700 years back when Pandit Sridhar is believed to have discovered the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi (Fig. 3).

21 These

lines indicate Mata Vaishno Devi.

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Fig. 3 Mata Vaishno Devi Bhawan located in the midst of Trikuta Hills. Source Shri Mata Devi Shrine Board, Katra (Jammu Division, J&K)

One myth of the Jammu22 people has been found in the story of Bawa Jittoo,23 a poor peasant who lived in the fifteenth century. He was born and brought up in Katra’s Ghaar village and was a devotee of Mata Vaishno Devi. The statue of Bawa Jitto is installed near the roadside in the lap of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. In his lifetime, he was continuously exploited by the local king and therefore killed himself. Now every year a festival is held at the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi and a fair at Jhiri, a place in Jammu associated with Bawa Jitto’s life (Foster and Stoddard 2010).

5 History of Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine There are no written records or historical accounts of when the worship and pilgrimage to the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi started. But, a religious and mythological account provides us some indication of the discovery of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. In terms of mythical association, the Shrine Board has referred it to 22 Jammu

region is one part of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir in India. Jittoo was a poor farmer and a devotee of Mata Vaishno Devi who lived in the fifteenth century. He was exploited by the local king many times and was not paid his due crops. As a result, he killed himself. The myth also says that the king became a leper and his kingdom got destroyed (Foster and Stoddard 2010). 23 Bawa

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some apical references, where it becomes difficult to find out the actual time of the start of the pilgrimage process. On the other hand, a geological study of the Mata Vaishno Devi cave has indicated that the age of the cave is nearly a million years, but no exact reference has been found. It is also believed that in the Rig-Veda, the mountain Trikuta does find mention and during the Puranic Period, the worship of Shakti has been found in different societies (Board 2010). Agrawala (1984) argues that there is no systematic chronological evidence available in terms of the pilgrimage or the discovery of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. He argues that the reference of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine is found in the Vedas which has considered it an ancient shrine. The shrine is believed to be of the pre-Mahabharat period because there was a myth, which says that before the battle of Mahabharat Krishna advised Arjuna to seek blessings of Mata Vaishno Devi. According to him, the shrine has a long tradition and history that could be linked to some thousand years back (Agrawala 1984). In the book, ‘Rajdarshni’, compiled for Maharaja Gulab Singh24 of Jammu by Ganeshdas Badehra in the year 1847 there is a discourse about Raja Jas Dev and Mata Vaishno Devi during 996 C.E. when the pilgrimage to her shrine is believed to have started (Pintchman 2001). At the time when Maharaja Gulab Singh bought Jammu and Kashmir from the British in 1846, he constituted an organization named the ‘Dharmarth Trust’.25 This Trust was constituted for the proper maintenance of several temples and shrines, including that of the Mata Vaishno Devi. It continued its roles and functions under the descendants of Gulab Singh, who, along with their kingship, retained the position of sole hereditary trustees26 (Foster and Stoddard 2010). In terms of how old the shrine is, it has been said that the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak (1469–1539), and Maharashtrian saint, Nam Dev (1270–1350) had visited the Vaishno Devi shrine (Erndl 1993). Agrawala (1984) discusses the activities of Dharmarth Trust, which was managing the Vaishno Devi pilgrimage before the formation of the Shrine Board in 1986. Before this, the shrine administration system was popularly known as the Baradari system.27 Baridars and their group then handled the activities which the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board manages today. The Baridars community is a native group of Brahmins chosen by the Maharajas of Jammu and had the exclusive rights on donations and

24 Maharaja

Gulab Singh ruled Jammu from 1846 A.D. to1857 A.D. means a kind of organization handled by the Trustees, and the word Dharmarth means working to fulfil the religious cause. 26 The oxford dictionary of English has defined a trustee as a person who is a member of the trust or an organization and who has control over certain powers or administrative tasks. 27 A group of local peoples, who had handled the shrine, most of them belonged to the higher castes and lived in the two villages in the vicinity. They were called Baridars because they collected offerings as per their turn (bari). 25 Trust

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gifts. Some of the Baridars were the traditional priests of the Maharajas.28 The caste had influenced the administrative positions and maintained the loyalty to the Dogra Rulers.

6 Mata Vaishno Devi: The Shrine Board The shrine which is particularly known as the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi means the holy abode of mother Goddess Vaishnavi situated in the Trikuta (three-peaked) hills. Erndl (1993) argues that in recent years Mata Vaishno Devi has become a famous regional cult in northwestern India and her shrine has received recognition at the national level (Erndl 1993). One possible reason for this among others could be the administrative change, i.e. the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Act which was passed by the Jammu and Kashmir state legislature in the year 1986. The Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board (SMVDSB) is the main body that handles the administration, governance, and management of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. It is a panel comprised of ten members with the Chairman and nine other board members that handle the entire administration, supervision, and authority of the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. According to the Constitution of the Shrine Board, the Governor (now Lt. Governor) is the ex-officio Chairman of the Board. If he is not a Hindu, then he may nominate an eminent person professing Hindu religion and qualified to be a member of the Board as the Chairman. Besides this, a Chief Executive Officer (CEO), a Chief Accounts Officer, and other accommodating staff are selected from all over India. Except for the two eminent Hindus of the Union Territory, the Constitution does not specify the religion of the members but says that members must have distinguished themselves in the service of Hindu religion and culture. In terms of an executive set, the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board has various departments like administration, finance, personnel, and management. Each division has several subordinates and assistants selected according to their qualifications, ability, and experience and are assigned posts by the Shrine Board (Board 2010). After 1986, the Shrine Board has taken many developmental activities. It has developed different types of facilities, such as accommodation, varieties of eating outlets, bhaint counters, Souvenir shops, etc. The Shrine Board has upgraded the track from Katra to the Bhawan and opened a shortcut and straightway route from Ardhkuwari to Bhawan with the facility of battery-operated car service for the elderly and the sick pilgrims. On the other side, development in the transportation system 28 The Maharajas of Jammu and the Baridar’s community had a very close relationship. Since the formation of the Dharmarth Trust by the Maharajas, the Baridar community was given the responsibility to handle the management of various temples. Based on personal interactions, loyalty, and caste, they were nominated as the temple priest by the Dogra Rulers. The Baridars used to collect the offerings and donations at the shrine.

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and introduction of helipad service to the pilgrims has changed the entire narratives of Mata Vaishno Devi pilgrimage. These changes, besides resulting in the huge rush of pilgrims have also led to increased employment and business of Katra town and other nearby places that boosted the local economy (Jain 2007). All the property belongs to the Board (Shrine Board 2010:68). The Shrine Board has also started a New India Assurance, which means a life insurance policy. Those pilgrims who come under this policy should have registered themselves to undertake the pilgrimage to the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. In this policy, if a person during the pilgrimage journey dies due to accidental death rather than a natural one, he or she could claim the insurance amount of rupees one hundred thousand for adults and two fifty hundred for children. The Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board has constructed the entire track with tiles from Ban Ganga to Bhawan or the main building. Another track has been recently constructed at Rs 650 lacs from Inderprastha, just below Ardhkuwari and approximately 8 km from Katra which reaches the Bhawan or main building. This new route has been constructed for the pilgrim’s convenience. Around 101 shelter sheds have been constructed on the main track for pilgrims at many places to take rest (Board 2010). The major initiative taken by the SMVD Shrine Board is the start of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi (SMVD) University (1999) established by an Act of the J&K State Legislature. It provides technical education in the field of Management, Philosophy, Science, Engineering, Philosophy, etc. In the year 2002, the SMVD started the Gurukul (residential school) at Charan Paduka to professionally give training in the field of Sanskrit and religion. The main focus of the Gurukul is to transmit free Vedic and Sanskritic education. In the year 2011, the Shrine Board has constructed a Spiritual Growth Centre (SGC) at Katra for Rs 11 Cr. The SGC was inaugurated by former President Pratibha Devisingh Patil on 26 November 2011 that was the silver jubilee year of the Shrine Board. The SGC complex has the facilities of meditation, an open-air theatre, an auditorium, and space for food with traditional sitting arrangements, a prayer hall, dormitories, a training centre, and a library (Pargel 2011). The Shrine Board also provides medical facilities as well as checkups and the medical centers are available at Banganga, Ardhkuwari, and Bhawan where the ICU facility is available. A hospital has been constructed at Sanjichat which remains open for 24 h with various medical facilities and also at Katra there are 24 h charitable dispensaries for pilgrims (Board 2010). Aggarwal (2007) has considered the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine as one of the holiest pilgrimages in northern India, where the maximum number of pilgrims visit every year. The Table 2 shows the number of pilgrims visiting the shrine annually. This reveals that pilgrims have increased since 1986. But due to the unrest or the security-related issues in the state (now UT), the numbers of pilgrims have decreased, particularly since 2013.

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Table 2 Pilgrimage Statistics of Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine (1986–2019) Number of pilgrims visited

Pilgrims No. in lakhs (1 lakh = 100,000)

S. No.

Year

1.

1986

1395832

13.96

2.

1987

1857935

18.58

3.

1988

1992605

19.92

4.

1989

2312011

23.12

5.

1990

2169093

21.69

6.

1991

3115447

31.15

7

1992

3516267

35.16

8

1993

3368665

33.69

9

1994

3704944

37.05

10.

1995

4011627

40.11

11.

1996

4335432

43.35

12

1997

4434233

44.34

13.

1998

4622297

46.22

14.

1999

4670454

46.70

15.

2000

5217715

52.17

16.

2001

5056919

50.57

17.

2002

4432178

44.32

18.

2003

5400296

54.00

19

2004

6109895

61.00

20.

2005

6251998

62.52

21.

2006

6950573

69.50

22.

2007

7417619

74.17

23.

2008

6792223

67.92

24.

2009

8234896

82.35

25.

2010

8749326

87.49

26.

2011

10115647

101.15

27.

2012

10495269

104.95

28.

2013

9323647

93.24

29.

2014

7803193

78.03

30.

2015

7776604

77.76

31.

2016

7723721

77.23

32.

2017

8178318

81.78

33.

2018

8586541

85.87

34.

2019

7940064

79.40

Source Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board, Katra (Jammu Division, J&K)

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For illustrations, the Mandal Commission protests across the nation, the bomb blast in Jammu to Katra bus, the Kargil war, the Amarnath land controversy, and the various socio-political changes in the state post-2014 have impacted the pilgrimage to the shrine of Vaishno Devi as shown in the Table 3.

7 Performance of Rituals at Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Various rituals are performed at the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi. Pintchman, in her book (2001) writes that Mahadevi is the unity that underlies all the female deities, a magnificent divine being. In the context of Mata Vaishno Devi, she argues that Vaishno Devi is Mahadevi and contains all Shakti of beings and creation. Eck (2012) in her book, ‘India: A Sacred Geography’ has defined sacred features in the Indian continent. She has associated Vaishno Devi with the Shakti and also with the virgin Goddess. Erndl (1993) has considered Mata Vaishno Devi both a virgin (kunwari) and a mother (Mata) but not a wife. In the form of Virgin, she appears in visions or dreams of devotees and this kind of virginity has been worshipped in many ritual Table 3 Incidents that Impacted the Pilgrimage of Mata Vaishno Devi S.

Incidents

Duration/dates

1.

Mandal Commission related protests

August–September 1990

2.

Bomb blast in Jammu-Katra Passenger bus near Jammu 28 November 1994 12 December 1994

3.

Kargil war period

4.

The bomb exploded in Katra market

16 April 2002

5.

Bomb blast at Gulshan Kumar Lungar Katra

21 July 2003

6.

Amarnath Land Controversy29

May–September, 2008

7.

2014–1930

Due to socio-political changes

No.

May–July 1999

Source Jain, Sudhir K. 2007. Study of Impact of Shrine Related Tourism on the Economy of Jammu and Kashmir. Study Report Submitted to Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board, Katra (Jammu & Kashmir). New Delhi: Department of Management Studies, IIT, August 2007

29 The

table has been prepared based on published reports. militancy has increased in Jammu and Kashmir. That also changed the narratives of the outsiders to visit the Mata Vaishno Devi. The state under Governor’s rule and the continuous protests in the Kashmir valley also influenced the pilgrimage to Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. The recent development in abrogating Article 370 (5th August 2019) also impacted the Mata Vaishno Devi pilgrimage. 30 Post-2014

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practices, i.e. Navratras31 in which young girls below the age of seven are worshipped as manifestations of the Goddess. Virginity in both males and females has been associated with the purity and power born of asceticism. In another form of a Goddess, she represents as a mother, the Mata not a biological mother but the source of fertility, nourishment, or one that fulfills the wishes of her children, i.e. divine or spiritual motherhood (Erndl 1993). At the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi (Durga), religious rituals are performed every day. The daily prayer or aarti in the morning and evening is held inside the holy cave. The festivals like Navratri and Diwali are also celebrated at the shrine. Navratri is a combination of two words Nav (nine) and Ratri (night), which means the festivity of nine days dedicated to the worship of the great Goddesses. The worship of Goddess Durga, the destroyer of all evils, is performed during the first three days. For the next three days, Goddess Lakshmi, the giver of wealth and prosperity is worshipped. Finally, the Goddess of wisdom, Sarasvati is worshipped during the last three days. Pintchman (2001) argues that Vaishno Devi is both a cave shrine and a pilgrimage place. As a Hindu deity, Mata Vaishno Devi is superior to any other deity and is believed to be an ascetic, vegetarian, virgin Goddess (Kanya), and the Mother (Mata). The customary offerings are allowed inside the sacred cave of Mata Vaishno Devi. The special offerings called bhaint include prasad consisting of various items of eatables (like fullian, makhana), sacred red thread (mouli), chunni (red-coloured cloth with silver/gold lining), coconut, ingredients of worship (pooja samagri), itra (traditional perfume), chhattar (an ornamental umbrella decorating the images of deities), churiya (bangles, and sindoor (vermilion). Those devotees who wish to offer larger offerings like ornaments, deposit them at the office of the Sub Divisional Magistrate or Assistant CEO (Chief Executive officer), office at Katra (Shrine Board 2010). Generally, people buy the bhaints either from Katra or from the souvenir shops outside the Bhawan but few bring their bhaints along with them. Like many Marwari pilgrims (from Gujarat) bring ‘flags’ and chattars with them to offer to the Goddess as told by the local shopkeepers at Katra. Since Navaratri is a special occasion, so the bhaint to be offered to the Goddess is also special.

8 Mata’s Call and Sacred Slogans (Jaikara) The call of Mata or Maa Aap Bulandi means Mother Herself calls. The entire universe resounds by the call of the Mother from and to her abode. The atmosphere is filled with calls renting in the air Jai Mata Di or Shera Wali Di hailing the divine Mother. There are various such slogans called jaikara with which the pilgrims greet each other while going up and down the track like Jai Mata di, Jholya bharne wali, khule darshan dene wali, murad puree karne wali. Various videos, films, and songs have been made glorifying her benevolence. Usually recited in unison, Jaikara gives strength and courage to the pilgrims to climb the arduous track. Pilgrims forget all the 31 Means

seven sacred days to worship the three supreme deities in Hinduism.

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hardships when they start their journey from Katra to the Bhawan, usually on foot. One pilgrim told me that, Jo Jitne Kasth Sehta hai, Usko Utna Mitha Fal Milta Hai, i.e. the one who suffers the most, gets the most deserved blessings of the Goddess. Pilgrims believe that the harder the journey better the reward. They relate it with the Punya (virtue) and Paap (sin) in life. Jaik¯ara is a slogan in praise of the Goddess. The pilgrimage begins with this first ritual act or a divine slogan recitation individually and collectively. The Jaik¯aras as Jai Mata di (Victory of the Goddess), Jaikara Sheranwali da (Salutations to the Divine Mother whose mount is a lion), S¯anchey Darbar Ki Jai (obeisance to the sacred court) are the most common ones recited by the people during their sacred journey. They are also exchanged by the pilgrims crossing each other to and fro from the Bhawan of the Mata. The rendering of Jaikara provides strength and energy to people as well as shows their faith and devotion towards the Sheranwali (Chauhan 2011). When the going gets rough, the ‘pilgrims’ shout to each other. The contemporary important Jaikaras or acts, slogans, or utterances regarding Jai Mata Di (Hail Mother Goddess!) are Zor se Bolo (Say it loudly): Jai Mata Di. Sare Bolo, Milker Bolo (All say in unison): Jai Mata Di. Aage Wale bhi Bole (People in the front say): Jai Mata Di. Piche Wale bhi Bole (People at the back say): Jai Mata Di. Bacche bhi Bole, Bade bhi bole (Children say, Elders say): Jai Mata Di. Mata Ne Nahin Suniya (Mother did not hear, say loudly): Jai Mata Di. Dukh door Karne wali (Remover of troubles): Jai Mata Di. Jholiya Bharne Wali (Filler of all desires): Jai Mata Di! (Personal Experience).

9 Sacred Pindis and Other Religious Symbols Mata Vaishno Devi is worshipped in the form of pindis (natural rock form) as an adumbration of the Mother Goddess inside the holy cave which is approximately ninety-eight feet in length. The sacred pindis32 worship represents three Mahashaktis of Shaktism, i.e. Maha Lakshmi, Maha Sarasvati, and Maha Kali. The three pindis denote three supreme energies of creation, maintenance, and dissolution. Towards the left side of the viewer is the holy pindi of Mata Maha Sarasvati, the supreme energy of creation. It has a visible white tinge over it, the color associated with her. In the middle is the holy pindi of Mata Maha Lakshmi, the supreme energy of maintenance, with a distinct yellow-reddish tinge, the color linked to her. Towards 32 “The

three heads in natural rock formations are known as the Holy Pindis and are worshipped as the revelation of the Mother Goddess. The entire rock body is immersed in water, and a marble platform has now been constructed all around. The main darshan remains to be of the three heads called the Holy Pindis. The uniqueness of the Holy Pindis is that although they emanate from one single rock form, each one is distinctly different from the other two in colour and texture” (Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board, Katra).

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Fig. 4 Pindis (stone outcroppings) of Mata Vaishno Devi, the most Sacred Place of Worship. Source Shrine Board. 2010. Yatra: A Guide to the Holy Pilgrimage of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi. Katra: Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board

the extreme right is the pindi of Mata Maha Kali, the Goddess of supreme power and energy of dissolution, black in color, the color associated with this Goddess (Chaturvedi et al. 2007) (Fig. 4). Goddess Maha Kali is believed to represent Tam Guna33 and blesses her devotees with the strength, courage, and confidence to constantly fight the evil forces of darkness. Goddess Maha Lakshmi, who represents Rajas Guna34 blesses her devotees with wealth and prosperity. As Goddess Maha Sarasvati representing Satva Guna,35 she blesses her devotees with pure thoughts and high intellect. It is believed that every person on this earth possesses the attributes of Tam, Rajas, and Satva Guna, to some or more extent. The balance between the three has to be maintained which is a very difficult exercise and needs divine blessings that are possible only from a single source of Shakti or power. This is what makes the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi the most divine and unique in the world (Goswami 1998).

33 Tam Guna stands for darkness. The supreme energy of dissolution is Mata Maha Kali. In her attributes of Maha Kali, Mother Goddess constantly guides her devotees to conquer the forces of darkness (SMVDSB, 2010). 34 Rajas Guna is considered to be the basic source of wealth, prosperity, quality of life, etc. Since these are represented by the colour of gold, which is yellow, they are associated with Mata Maha Lakshmi (SMVDSB, 2010). 35 Satva Guna represents the quality of purity and is associated with Mata Maha Sarasvati. She is considered to be the basic source of all creation, knowledge, wisdom, righteousness, art, spiritualism, piousness, etc. (SMVDSB, 2010).

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To the right of the holy pindis on the upper side are installed the symbols of Ganesh, Surya Dev, Chandra Dev, and Goddess Annapurna (Goddess of food). Ahead of it can be seen the full hand of the Goddess laid in the Varad Hast 36 mode granting boons to the world and opposite to the sacred pindis is the natural symbol of Lord Pashupati Nath where water gushes out of the base of the sacred pindis and flows as sacred Charan Ganga. Pilgrims drink and collect water from here to take to their homes (Chaturvedi et al. 2007). Besides these, there are many other symbols of Gods and Goddesses observable in the cave of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine, like those of Hanuman called Launka Veer, Shesh Nag, Pandavas, Sapt Rishi, teats of divine cow, Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, and Parvati and many more (Ibid.).

10 Aarti at the Shrine The aarti of the Goddess is performed at the Bhawan twice a day, once in the morning at sunrise and during the evening at sunset. There is a systematic vidhi (procedure) of the aarti which is mainly Sanskritic. The holy cave remains closed for pilgrims during the aarti and only the Pujaris (Priests) are allowed inside the cave. However, pilgrims also attend aarti by making a payment. It usually takes around two hours to complete the aarti ritual (Table 4). According to the local Pandit (priest) at Mata Vaishno Devi shrine, there is a big difference between the present and the earlier pilgrimage. Earlier when the Vaishno Devi management received rupees of one hundred thousand, it was seen as the biggest revenue generation. But today, the shrine management receives more than 10 million rupees in a single day (Table 5). Table 4 Ritual Worship performed at Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine S. No.

Month/Period

Activity/Rituals

No. of Days

1.

April and October

Navratras

09 (each)

2.

Throughout the year

Daily Rituals

365

Source Field Data

Table 5 Pujan Ritual at the Shrine of Vaishno Devi Activity

Category

Rate

Ritual Pujan

‘A’ Devotee need not be present.

Eleven Hundred

‘B’ Devotee has to be present with a maximum of four persons of his family members.

Fifty-one hundred

Source Field Data

36 Varad

Hast means the hands of the Goddess, which grant boons and blessings to her devotees.

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The vidhi (procedure) of the puja is decided by the Pujari (priest) which is largely based on the ancient Sanskritic texts. But, the arrangements for the aarti are made in such a way in the present times that pilgrims are satisfied with the performance of the aarti. People from all over the world visit the shrine. Now a system of havan (consecrated fire) has been started for the well-being of pilgrims and world peace and prosperity. But in that havan, only those pilgrims can take part who have paid the required fee. The priest at Vaishno Devi Bhawan can chant the name and gotra of devotees, who have paid rupees one thousand one hundred. Then those devotees who have paid rupees five thousand one hundred get an opportunity to sit at the Bhawan of Vaishno Devi along with five members of their family. The Shrine Board keeps the record of every day aarti, the worship rituals, and the amount collected. The priest at the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine told that earlier if someday the amount reached one lakh rupees, it was considered a big day. But nowadays crores of rupees’ donations are coming in one day from aarti rituals alone. The money is utilized for the overall development of the shrine and the nearby areas as well as in providing facilities to the pilgrims. Earlier there was the system of puja (worship) like ringing the bell, slogans, etc. and then finally the aarti. But now the process of aarti has been changed. These days the devotees take more interest in aarti puja, they want to sit in more and more numbers to receive the blessings of Mata Vaishno Devi. Pilgrims also give feedback to the management of the shrine. In response to their feedback, the Shrine Board published a book of aarti and started an online darshan of Mata Vaishno Devi. Now the devotees can take blessings of the Mata from any part of the world. The daily aarti or the prayer of Goddess Mata Vaishno Devi is divided into two parts—that of early morning and evening as mentioned below. O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! Why so late, O’ Goddess Durga; I pray thee, I pray thee! Fallen in the ‘Creation of world’, eclipsed by Evil-planets and captured in earthly bondages, I pray thee O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! I have neither strength nor the knowledge of Adoration, therefore, I am at your mercy, O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! Neither family nor this body will help me. It is only you, who can help, O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! I shall sail across this worldly- Ocean, in the boat of your lotus-feet. Thereby, defeating, Yamdoots (messengers of death), O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! I shall always sing your glory, keeping in mind your divine- shape. I vow to remember your virtues, O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother!

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Neither I belong to nor anyone belongs to me except you. There is complete darkness all over, enlighten the Jyoti (the lamp of wisdom) to show the path (of righteousness), O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! I surrender before thee O’ Goddess Durga; please sail across the boat of my life, i.e. grant me salvation, O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother! O’ my Mother, O’ my Mother!…(Translated Chaturvedi et al. 2007).

11 The Reasons of Mata’s Popularity There are many reasons for Mata Vaishno Devi’s popularity and the general acceptance of beliefs and rituals associated with her. In recent years, the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi has gained huge fame when compared with the other Himalayan Goddesses. Dalton (2010) in his book entitled, ‘Sacred Places of the World’ has emphasized the world geography in which he has defined the sacred religious journey. On the one hand, he talks about the notion of sacredness embedded in the context of mother Goddess Vaishno Devi and on the other hand, the popularity of the Vaishno Devi shrine in India and abroad. He finds the Vaishno Devi shrine to be one of the holy sites in the world geography. Eck has linked Vaishno Devi with the Shakti and also with the virgin deity (Eck 2012). The belief of the Mother Goddess has spread to the length and breadth of the country due to her powerful nature and her unique divinity. She has been considered as the action-oriented Goddess, the one that fulfills the wishes of her devotees. On the whole, the main reasons for her popularity are: First; the mythological significance. Second; an incarnation of three powerful Goddesses. Third; given a strong lesson to the demon Bhairon Nath. Fourth; she blesses and cares for her devotees. Fifth; powerful belief in the Vaishnavi tradition. Sixth; the role of Gulshan Kumar37 (Indian businessman, Bollywood movie producer, and a founder of the T-Series music label). Sixth; the role of the Shrine Board. Seventh; infrastructure improvisation. It has already been shown above that the ‘Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board’ (SMVDSB), 1986 facilitated the development of many infrastructural facilities for the pilgrims. In comparison to the previous Trust, it has varied specializations and manages the overall work of the temple professionally. A study conducted by Gupta and Raina (2008) notes that the notion of pilgrimage is not just limited to religious beliefs and practices but there is something more to understand. The shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi has shown immense development in terms of the rise of the hotel industry, expansion of the transport sector, huge infrastructural facilities in the form 37 Gulshan

Kumar, a devotee of Mata Vaishno Devi, was closely associated with her worship. He produced many devotional songs and Hindi films in honour of Mother Goddess Vaishnavi. He was also the founder of T-Series Company and brought huge numbers of visual as well as audio music in the market that captured the local and global attention.

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of shops, showrooms, and for those peoples who carry the luggage of pilgrims, i.e. pony walas or horse rider, who give their service to pilgrims. The increasing number of pilgrims resulted in huge business opportunities and employment in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Jain’s study analyses the income of guest houses, Dharamshala, hotels, various eating outlets, souvenir shops, dry fruit shops, provision stores, and woolen garments shops. He argued that due to space and time, the markets have been expanded. During the pilgrimage, the pilgrims spend money on local transportation, accommodation, and food, etc. It is found in his survey that people also earn their livelihood because of the shrinerelated tourism (Jain 2007). Many people are also engaged as pithu walas (those who carry children on their backs), pony walas (those who take pilgrims on their horses or ponies, and palki walas (those who take people, usually the old and infirm in palanquins) (Personal observation). The beliefs and rituals related to the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine have promoted the vegetarian culture. Foster and Stoddard (2010) argue that one thing that makes Mata Vaishno Devi shrine comparatively different from the other shrine is her vegetarian nature. Many other shrines of North India performed animal sacrifices. It is said that at the Kali Mata temple in Jammu, popularly known as Bawe Wali Mata, animal sacrifices used to be performed. But in the history and tradition of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine, it was never done. It also said that the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine has maintained ritual purity according to her nature and function. Vegetarianism is often associated with Brahmanic or Sanskritic tradition and is considered purer. The Mata here is Vaishnavi, related to Lord Vishnu and complete vegetarianism is maintained in her shrine. This culture of vegetarianism could be seen in the Katra town as well. Another uniqueness of this shrine is that it contains the three pindis or Shakta trinity, i.e. Maha Kali, Maha Lakshmi, and Maha Sarasvati, other shrines may have certain characteristics that make them different in certain contexts but at the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi, the combine manifestations of all the three great Goddesses makes her different and more sacred (Foster and Stoddard 2010).

12 Mata Vaishno Devi and the Himalayan Goddesses Mata Vaishno Devi is considered as the daughter of the Himalayas or the elder sister of the Himalayan Goddess. Erndl (1993) in her study on the Goddesses of northwest India has discussed the myths, rituals, and symbols of Vaishno Devi. Her central argument is to understand divine feminism in the context of Hinduism that has captured much of the limelight. Her study particularly focuses on the Mata Vaishno Devi or Sheranwali, who has been compared with the other seven Devi’s or seven sisters in the North West region of India. She has emphasized the popular culture and the dynamism of the Mata Vaishno Devi pilgrimage and has discussed the various myths of the Vaishno Devi shrine (Fig. 5). In their study Foster and Stoddard (2010) have emphasized the two aspects, first to understand Vaishno Devi and its comparison with the other Devi’s of the Siwalik

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Fig. 5 Mata Vaishno Devi in the Siwalik Region and other Devis (Goddesses). Source Georgana Foster and Robert Stoddard, 2010

region. Second, to look at the Vaishno Devi pilgrimage in terms of some changes that took place in contemporary times. They have examined the shrine of Vaishno Devi and argued that she is pre-eminent among the seven sisters of the Siwalik Hills. They consider the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi as unique and comparatively different from other shrines of the Siwalik regions because it contains the sacred pindis manifesting Mata Vaishno Devi in her three forms, of Maha Kali, Maha Lakshmi, and Maha Sarasvati. Madan has explained that due to the state intervention many shrines in India have come under the preview of the Indian government and the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi is one among them (Madan 1997). On the other hand, Bhat (2009) has written a report on Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine in which he argues that in ancient time’s mother Goddess worship was prevalent among many races as well as the societies in different parts of the world. In terms of the identity and nature of Mata Vaishno Devi, he has associated it with God Vishnu, as his energy or Shakti known as Vaishnavi. In the context of pilgrimage to this shrine, he said that pilgrims from diverse backgrounds visit the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi and it shows the accommodative characteristic of Mata Vaishno Devi pilgrimage. The yatra or pilgrimage to the shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi in the Jammu region is one of the most important pilgrimages in India. It fetches huge revenue and a large number of pilgrims visit the shrine from across the globe. As per the information given by SMVDSB, in the past 10 years (2010–2019) the number of pilgrims who paid obeisance at Mata Vaishno Devi shrine ranged from 7.8 million to 10.5 million per year (See SMVDSB Yatra Statistics). The shrine has acquired a more classical and Sanskritic Hindu character from the folk form of earlier veneration. Though the pilgrims are mainly Hindus, the large number of people associated with the economy of the region includes people of all religious communities, particularly the Sikhs and the Muslims. The Sikhs (who also visit the shrine as devotees) are mainly in the

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business, and the Muslims, who have largely professional and secular connection with the shrine, are usually the service providers.

13 Concluding Remarks The Goddess Vaishnavi is seen as sacred and powerful or as Shakti38 of the three supreme Goddesses, i.e. Maha Saraswati, Maha Lakshmi, and Maha Kali. Shakti has been considered as the divine feminine power and has been associated with nature, the Prakriti. She is considered the most powerful Goddess among the other Goddesses. The paper shows that there are various mythical stories, legends, religious beliefs, and rituals associated with the Goddess Vaishnavi. These could be located in the ancient texts, i.e. Puranas, Vedas, Mahabharata, etc. She is also known as, Moonh maangi muradhein, poori karni wali Mata, i.e. the mother who is most benevolent and fulfills the wishes of her devotees. She has been considered as the action Goddess due to her responsive nature. The word ‘Vaishno’ or ‘Vaishnava’ has been associated with the God Vishnu and in this way, it seems that in most parts of northwest India the word Vaishno is understood to mean vegetarianism. This continuity of vegetarian food is seen in many restaurants as well as food stands of the northern region which mention Vaishno Dhaba or Vaishno Bhojanalay (restaurant) on their boards and also keep the image of Vaishno Devi or Sheranwali in their shops. The food culture of Katra town is vegetarian. Being a religious place, all types of vegetarian foods are available in restaurants, hotels, Shrine Board refreshment units, and catering outlets. In food, even onion and garlic are not used (Shrine Board 2010:29). This also indicates that it is not only the market that is interested in keeping vegetarian food but it is also the choice and belief of most of the devotees. It is also said that Mata Vaishno Devi is a vegetarian form of Goddess who accepts no animal sacrifice and is therefore considered higher than the other Goddesses shrines of India (Erndl 1993: 72). According to Erndl (1993), Vaishno Devi has captured the imagination of popular media as well. For example, the Hindi film Asha featured a segment in which the hero and heroine make a pilgrimage to Mata Vaishno Devi, to the accompaniment of playback singer Narendra Chanchal singing in Hindi “You Called Me, O Sherawali”, (tu ne mujhe bulaya, Sheranvaliye). She further said that due to modern technology, urbanization, and mass media numerous changes in religious practice have been introduced. The modern means of transportation, especially rail and bus, have made Goddess temples more accessible to larger numbers of people and have changed the dynamics of the pilgrimage process (Erndl 1993). More recently, the changes in the information and communication technology and the use of social media, the Internet, and websites have played a pertinent role in making Mata Vaishno Devi more popular and accessible. Not only do devotees do online bookings to reach the shrine or reserve 38 Mata

Vaishno Devi is said to be the only shrine in India where the three cosmic Shaktis are naturally manifested (Erndl 1993).

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hotels, but they can also have darshan and participate in the aarti sitting at home. This is useful for those who cannot take a long and arduous pilgrimage to her shrine. Erndl (1993) explains that the destination ‘Vaishno Devi’ refers to both a specific local Goddess and a more generalized aspect of the Goddess. As a specific local Goddess, Vaishno Devi is one of the seven sisters worshipped as an aspect of Sheranvali at her shrine in Jammu in the form of three stone outcroppings (pindis) that represent the three members of the Shakti trinity: Maha Lakshmi, Maha Sarasvati, and Maha Kali (Erndl 1993). Her worship involves Sanskritized rituals. In a more generalized way, the shrine is not confined to one community, class, caste, or region but is more universal and egalitarian. The reasons as stated are many. In recent years what has promoted her popularity is the democratization of religious space and the rise of faith-based tourism or secular pilgrimage. Mata Vaishno Devi, in this sense, has become truly Global.

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Lurker, M. (2005). The Routledge Dictionary of Gods and Goddesses, Devils and Demons. New York, USA, Canada: Routledge. Madan, T. N. (1997). Religion in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Mahajan, V. D. (2005). Ancient India. New Delhi: S. Chand and Company Ltd. Pargel, S. (2011). President Concludes Visit with Darsan to Vaishno Devi: Inauguration of Spiritual Growth Centre (SGC). Daily Excelsior, Jammu, 27, November: 1–4. Pintchman, T. (2001). Seeking Mahadevi: Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. New York: State University of New York. Prabhu, P. H. (1995). Hindu Social Organization. Bombay: Popular Prakashan Pvt. Ltd. Preston, J. J. (1980). Cult of the Goddess: Social and religious change in a Hindu temple. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. Rodrigues, H. (2003). Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The Liturgy of the Durga Puja with Interpretations. New York: State University of New York. Shrine, B. (2010). Katra: A Guide to the Holy Pilgrimage of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi. Katra: Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board. Singh, R. (2014). Religious and Mythical Aspects of Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine: A Sociological Interpretation. International Journal of Art and Humanity Science, 1(3), 01– 11. Veliath, C. (2002). The Mother Goddess in Indian Sculpture. Bulletin of the Faculty of Foreign Studies, Sophia University, 37, 159–174.

Chapter 9

Religiosity, Ritual Practices, and Folk Deity Worship: Bawa Jitto Shrine in Marh Block of Jammu Region Ashish Saxena and Vijaylaxmi Saxena

Abstract Religion is marked by the configuration of reality apparent in society via varied sacred institutions, religious practices, sects, rituals, and pragmatics of religious dogmas. The postmodern era is typified by a worldwide resurrection of religion. Deities are treated like human beings and are supposed to behave in a worldly manner. The present study aims at understanding the sacred space and sacred time associated with the Bawa Jitto shrine in the Jammu Division through the analysis of Jhiri Mela and the ‘maile’ congregation. The paper attempts to highlight the ‘Kuldeity’ worship as an extension and acclimatization of customary rudiments in the contemporary state of affairs and also tries to extract the multi-dimensionality of the phenomenon. Keywords Religion · Rituals · Modernization · Jhiri Mela · Deity-worship

1 Background The construction of reality in the framework of religion is manifested widely in the forms of worship, rituals, sects, cults, institutions, and the feasibility of religious dogma. With regard to the understanding of the contemporary form of religion, Spiro’s (1966) definition of religion as ‘an institution consisting of culturally patterned interaction with culturally postulated superhuman beings’ appropriately justifies the religious phenomenon in modern society. The prevalence of these religious practices is the reaction to the macro-social, political, and economic changes, resulting in the augmentation of multiple deities in the Hinduism pantheon too. In sharp contrast to the blooming of the religious sphere, Bryan Wilson’s (1966) work on the secularization and sect development has argued that a major factor in the

A. Saxena (B) Professor & Head, Department of Sociology, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, India V. Saxena Assistant Professor in Sociology, C.M.P. Degree College, Allahabad, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_9

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erosion of the religious world view is the incompatibility of its belief system with the thought of our modern scientific age. To Weber, religion influences the economic domain, and the economic actions construct religious tenets too. To him, a religious community is an outcome of subjective feelings of the individuals towards their in-group, and their collective feeling towards the community is based on the belief of the individuals having common traits and thus sharing an ethnic identity. The Weberian notion of religion also promoted the ‘rationalization of reality’; offering a promise of salvation, whether it be from societal repression, evil spirits, the cycle of re-births, human deficiencies, or other forces, all religions counter a ‘senseless’ world with the belief that ‘the world in its entirety is, should somehow be a meaningful “cosmos”’. Unfortunately, the postmodern theories question the ‘pre-fixed’ identities of the well-defined communities, having the established self- sensitivity with standardized behavioral convention. The threat to established identities opens the ground for further investigation and inquiry in the academic discourse as well as in the public sphere. The power play of religion adds to the complexity of the contemporary world. Here the conventional wisdom assumes that religion is on the decline in Western societies, that the forces of modernization, particularly secularization are simply too strong. Therefore, the once-dominant force of religion in public life has now been radically curtailed.1 With the advent of modernization, the downfall of religiosity was predicted by the theories of secularization and Marxism, which had been nullified. As evident in the modern era, the global revitalization of religion is marked in every sphere, from the techno-scientific advanced society to the most traditional units bearing in many forms the components including ethno-nationalism, ultra-communalism, neo-fundamentalism or psycho-spiritual reconstruction of society and the self. The instigation of a new decade has not been accomplished by the eclipse of religiosity in public, contrarily because of disillusionment with increasingly modernized and rationalized society; religion continues to provide explanation to the social world. No doubt, the proliferation of rites and dispersion of the sacred thus encourage a more disciplined and even distribution of emotional energies over a wider spectrum of activities.2 Sociologist’s views on religion variably focus on the positive contributions of religion, the conflict and inequality it can perpetuate, and everyday understanding of the religious life world. The sociologist tackles three specific questions: (I) What are the functions, processes, and patterns of religious behaviour in a given social context? (2) How do the manifestations of religion reflect a response to the changes which occur within the social context? and (3) How do religious developments affect the rest of the social environment? Max Weber, views religion in terms of how it supports other social institutions. Weber thought that the religious belief systems 1 See debate on relevance and transformation of religion in contemporary religion vis-à-vis identity

in Saxena (2009). aspects of rationalization and modernization of religion in Fenn (2001, pp. 120–125).

2 See

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provided a cultural framework that supported the development of other social institutions, such as the economy. To interactionists, beliefs and experiences are not sacred unless individuals in a society regard them as sacred. The phenomenological approach looks upon religion as that special human activity through which a comprehensive, meaningful, sacred cosmos is constructed. Religion helps to build, maintain, and legitimate universes of meaning. Peter Berger, an influential social theorist, looks upon religion as that special human activity through which a comprehensive, meaningful, sacred cosmos is constructed. Berger and Luckmann state that ‘throughout human history religion has played a decisive role in the construction and maintenance of the universe’. Religion for Berger is ultimately the means to bestow ‘legitimacy’ on social life and to help it to resist the onslaught of chaos. In simple words, religion legitimates social institutions. It does this ‘by locating them within a sacred and cosmic frame of reference’.3 To Berger and Luckmann, religion should be understood sociologically as an institution that provides meaning and legitimates the social order, that is, as an essential part of ‘world-building’, which in turn is the domain of sociology of knowledge. Pascal Boyer’s4 work is remarkable for analyzing religion in the contemporary era. Religion for Boyer consists of cultural representations, that is, ideas that appear in roughly similar forms in the minds of different individuals in a group. Findings from cognitive and developmental psychology suggest that some combinations of ideas are particularly easy to acquire and remember. Among these, we find many standard themes of supernatural and religious imagination, such as the notion of an agent with counter-intuitive physics and standard psychology, e.g. ghosts and gods that are not material but have the same mental capacities as humans. On the issue of the rituals about ancestors, he said that people worry about the ‘ancestor’s reactions’ because they believe the ancestors are powerful. People are said to have religious concepts because they want to explain the world, to escape the anguish of morality, to explain the existence of evil, to account for misfortune, to keep society in order, or because they are superstitious, irrational, or prone to cognitive illusions. In short, how religious concepts are associated with intuitions about the agency, social interaction, moral understanding, and dead bodies is the crucial issue discussed by him. Keeping the above background, this paper attempts to explore the dynamics of Kul-deity worship in the present society and also tries to extract the socio-economic dimension of the phenomenon. Religious persona, scripture, or shrine is invested with several folk notions of power and the established primordial practices and symbols provide a subconscious background to the religious system. The phenomenon of maile congregation (annual community gathering) is associated with the assembling of the people of the same sub-castes (having the same surname) and gotra once in a year to pay obeisance to their common Kul-deity at their worship site (dehris) or shrine. The people of the Jammu region (J&K Union Territory, India) have diverse Gods for each village (Granh-devta) as well as an individual family 3 See

various perspectives on religion in Haralambos and Heald (2003, pp. 460–462). the evolution of religion and relevance of worship of dead bodies and ancestral worship see Boyer (2001).

4 On

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deity (Kul-devta/Kul-devi) which they worship during their annual community maile congregation, reflecting the continuity of historical ritual practices in the era of neo-modernity. Specifically, the phenomenon under consideration, i.e. worship of Bawa5 Jitto during auspicious Jhiri mela can be related to how people like him who sacrificed their life for a noble cause after their death became ‘heroes’ or ‘benefactors’ of their respective community. The veneration they enjoyed during life changed after their death into ‘ancestor worship’ and later on into ‘soul worship’. It is to be emphasized that this ancestor worship acts at the same time as a mysterious ethical power so that it represents an ennobling element in public life. This paper thus tries to analyze the emergence of Bawa Jitto shrine as an element of sacred space-time complex and observes it as the symbol of pluralistic ideology cutting across inter-community/ inter-religious ties in the contemporary society; substantially, the aspect of continuity and functionality of these primordial identities in the era of globalization.

2 Religion, Modernity and Contemporary Society As a marker of cultural pluralism and social differentiation, Indian society is always heterogeneous. Ethnic elements like religion, castes, clan, class, communities, and interest groups have been shaped owing to varied social identities. The everyday lifeworld of individuals is significantly influenced by these categories both in terms of interpersonal and intra-personal relations and even encompassing the people of outgroup. Primal religions seemed to have been concerned mainly with the security of society and were, on the whole, conservative in their outlook. The rise of modernity creates new crises for the maintenance of religious boundaries. The geo-political and economic demands of the rule have strengthened them as well as blurred their bonding owing to massive migration; hybrid religions, and forces of changes. Needless to mention, historically religion acted as a cultural shock absorbent and has this tendency even to this day. In the economic sphere, there is the growing competition and marketization of religion by religious specialists performing miracles; the religious organizations acting as a civil society through building up of hospitals and schools, and working for the victims of natural disasters, etc. However, the politicization of religion in elections, outbursts of fundamentalists, communal issues reflect the dark side of the religion too. Ultra-modern forces have negatively influenced folk culture and traditions, but they have not as yet lost their vigor. Adaptability and renewal of folk-culture are visible through re-working on traditional items; the merger of new types; also modernity as antiquity is quite common. An implication of modernization on great traditions of religion has various aspects in contemporary India, such as the emergence of neo-religions, revivalism, and

5 Ordinary

human beings rose to the pedestal of village/regional deity because of the extraordinary circumstances of their death, often self-imposed death.

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reforms. Modernity with its complex fabric of social differentiation led to the proliferation of rites among religions. Many rites are attached to the practices of specific communities and are not universal; so this proliferation does not necessarily impede societal solidarity. Even those rites that are socialized are combined with others in a larger number, with a reduced emotionality for each. The sum of societal rites themselves becomes routinized and more fully integrated into the workaday fabric of social order, reaching a variety of accommodations with other institutional spheres such as the state, the workplace, the market, the ethnic group, and the family.6 Indian society is marked by the prominence of religious beliefs, which has affected the personal and public lives of most Indians. Religion is one of the most significant markers of Indian civilization and contemporary practices. The interaction between great traditions and little traditions of ritual worship and belief, having diversity across the tribe, village, caste, and language, constructs a range of ritual forms and mythology across the country. In the present era too, the ongoing practices of worshipping village deity, lineage deity, doing ‘shraddh rituals’(for ancestors), belief in spirits, ‘mundan ceremony’, ‘jenau dharan’ ceremony, etc. confirm the significance of religion, in rural India. One finds a continuum between the traditional religion and the folk religion. The classical notion of religion is that it validates the social value scheme with divine sanction and thus reinforces the social order. On a day-to-day basis, the vast majority of people engage in ritual actions that are motivated by religious systems that owe much to the past but are continuously structured and evolving. An enormous number of cults—large and small, forms the complex of Hinduism. The cults are a complex of religious activities and the members of the cult are united by the worship of the common object of reverence, rather than they all hold the same dogma. The majority of Hindu cults have a fairly discernible geographical ‘spread’, to use the term coined by M.N. Srinivas.7 A cult center where the cult object has his or her chief shrine and to which pilgrims come from a larger or smaller ‘hinterland’…… around the geographical spread, there will be numerous small shrines erected and maintained by local people and dedicated to the cult object. Indeed the cult specialists—mainly priests, custodians, etc. did not have authority in the cult, only an interest in its continuation and certain expertise (special songs, stories, and knowledge of rites associated with the cult object) which may be at the disposal of the devotee’s of the cult. The wider spectrum of religion also reflects the existence of folk religion as an imperceptible reality. According to Bhatti,8 believers of folk religion may not be entirely conscious of the fact, and for a rational person; it is simply a survival of primordial superstitions. Nevertheless, the observance and practice of folk religion are growing. Devotees unconsciously transform the practice of dominant religions into their framework of folk religion. Appropriately, the ‘maile’ congregations 6 See

Fenn (2001, pp. 120–125). the relevance of Cult worship in rural Indian, see Srinivas (2003). 8 Focus on folk religion, especially the worship of sacred grooves and primordial superstitions, see Bhatti (2000, p. 9). 7 On

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through ‘Kul-devta’ worship are an adaptation of traditional practices to modern religious practices. Religious persona, scripture, or shrine is invested with several folk notions of power and this transformation capacity makes folk religion a quarry of folk materials, due worth of sociological investigation. Needless to mention, these primordial practices and symbols provide a sub-conscious background to the very religious system. Contrarily, folk religion is an open non-exclusive combination of different religious beliefs, practices, and customs, characterized by a pragmatic attitude towards powerful entities for the satisfaction of human needs. The basis of the folk religion is pragmatism; not believing in the construction of an abstract theological system, it recognizes the notion of causality. Here deities are treated like human beings and supposed to behave in a this-worldly manner. Disregard can aggravate the fury of a deity while admiration and devotion can pacify them. Folk religion includes features of nature as well as ancestor worship without contradictions in beliefs and practices associated with different deities. The organization of folk religion being flexible and unifying, any deity may show an exclusive combination of varied elements of different religious traditions. Various regional and local religious Guru, saint, and heroes are usually adopted into the folk tradition by attributing powers to them. Thus, in the making of folk deity, a religious reformer or saint may be transformed into a powerful deity with the growing admired involvement of power having pragmatic functions in society. In religious studies, the pertinent question is why some socially constructed and imagined entities, especially agents, are crucial to the societal members? A believer’s or follower’s relationship with the sacred is generally realized across a space–time framework. The manner, in which the religious traditions conceptualize and classify space and time as ‘sacred’ varies, but the notion is widespread. Sacred space and sacred time together and inseparably, provide the setting for meaningful socially constructed performances of the kind broadly called ‘ritual’. Pilgrimages are a time-honored mode of religious devotion in India and emphasize the notion of both ‘sacred space and sacred time’. Milton Singer9 observes that already tendencies have appeared towards new forms of ritualization, intellectualization, and sectarianism which render such an outcome unlikely.

3 Kul-Deity Worship Among Dogra Community of Jammu Region It is generally observed that the frequently worshipped local disease Goddesses are recognized as satis, however, they are the least formally institutionalized sort, with only a few exceptions. Structurally speaking, the satis are devoid of any murtis (idols), temples, priests, festivals, or pilgrimage places. They seem to have no widely known mythology and are regarded with awe rather than affection. None of the 9 On

the issue of Universalization and Parochialization of rituals see Singer (1959).

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deities has a particularly significant textual component to her cult. Their locus is ritual and experience, not texts.10 As different from the universal Brahmanical Gods, worshipped at the Pan-India level, the influence of local deities is confined to a particular region or a locality. Being aboriginal in form, their references are mainly traced in the folklore writings and folk literature. The Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir constitutes two regions of Jammu and Kashmir, which have distinct sub-cultures because of their particular cultural heritage. The hilly tract of Jammu which reaches down to the plain land of Punjab from the south of Kashmir Valley is inhabited by ‘Dogra’ of Indo-Aryan stock who profess both Hinduism and Islam.11 Jammu City, the capital of the Jammu region is characterized as a ‘city of temples’ due to the presence of diverse holy shrines. Apart from this, mainly the hilly (kandi) tracts have not only specific Gods for each village (granh-devta) but every family has its family deity, i.e. Kul-devi or Kul-devta which they worship during their community maile congregation.12 It is clan worship and the word Kul means not an individual but a group of families having the same sub-caste and clan. The microscopic view of the Dogra community reflects that many Dogra families have a history of sacrifice and remorse. The majority of the Dogra clans have their clan deities known as Kul-devta and Kul-devi, who are propitiated on religious and social occasions, which are semi-institutionalized. For example, the Mehta Brahmans have Bawa Jitto as their Kul-devta, the Jamwal clan has Rani Parmeshari as their Kul-devi, and the Charaks have their martyr priest Bawa Ranpat. On the auspicious occasion, the community members of the particular community join together at the worship place (dehra or dehri) to show devotion by paying homage to Kul deity and performing rituals. This continues through generations. The most pathetic at the same time the heroic element of social history in the Duggar region has been the performance of sati, i.e. self-sacrifice by a woman immolating herself on a pyre along with her dead husband. The Dogras being the martial community, have the prevalence of sati, i.e. self-sacrifice. Being the martial community, the various battles of the Dogras against Turks, Ghori invaders, and the Mughal emperors have seen instances of their heroic deaths. The spouses of the heroic persons invariably committed sati intending to preserve female honor and fidelity towards the husband, family, and the community. Also in the Dogri literature, the sati performance was not a sane step rather was undertaken under the emotional stress, significantly by the mother for the son, daughter for the father, or sister for the brother. To immortalize their sacrifice the symbolic statues of these clan deities have been installed and their memorials in the form of dehris (samadhis) were raised. These memorials are worshipped mostly by the family or Kul (clan or gotra) of the person as a common Kul-devi (also called as Sajaivaties or Satiavatis) from generation to generation.13 Significant Kul-devis worshipped among the different

10 On

the relevance of oral traditions among various religions see Thapar (2007). as cited in Sharma (1995). 12 See Saxena and Saxena (2013, pp. 98–99). 13 For details see The Census Report of India, J&K, GOI (1911, p. 97). 11 See

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communities of the Dogras are Bua Tripta, Dati Charago, Bua Sajawati, Bua Sateybati, Bua Shilawanti, Bua Alma, etc. Similarly, many men who sacrificed their lives either to protest against the ill-treatment or for some noble cause, are worshipped as Kul-devta such as Bawa Jitto, Bawa Sidh Gauria, Bawa Mai Mal, Bawa Kodda, Bawa Ambo, Bawa Kalibeer, Raja Mandlik.14 The heroic deeds of local heroes who have been deified and are worshipped, the memorials (samadhi) are constructed in reverence to the deceased. These deities gained local celebrity by the efforts of attending Jogis who go about singing praises of them from one area to another.15 Such persons are not only worshiped but their names and deeds are perpetuated in ‘karakas’16 (emotional songs) which are framed by the Jogis and bards who enjoy singing in chorus. The karak of Bawa Sidh Gauria and Bawa Mai Mal also narrate self-sacrifice under strange circumstances.17 To commemorate the sacrifice of these Kul-deities, fairs known as melas are held on customary days at these shrines once or twice a year by the community concerned. One such example is the Jhiri Mela which is organized to commemorate the supreme sacrifice of Bawa Jitto. Around that time, the maile congregation is also organized by the other communities to worship their respective Kul-devta or Kul-devi. These deities are conceptualized as patrons of children, protectors of cattle, and healers of diseases. The worship of Sidh Gauria is associated in particular with the loss of cattle or other property. The owner of the lost property invoked the aid of the deity for its restoration by worshipping him. Their name and heroic acts are preserved in ‘karakas’ (holy songs) which were framed by the Jogis. Form of representation of the deities: The form of the deities is both noniconographic and iconic. In the non-iconographic form, the deities largely exist in the form of pindi or mohara. The variation in the representation of the deities depends on the extent of the Brahmanical influence that has worked in the form of the deities. The existence of deity in the non-iconographic form (pindi) shows the absence of the Brahmanical influence of the deity. On the other hand, the depiction of deity in both non-iconic and iconographic forms shows that Brahmanical influence has been successful in influencing the deity but it is not complete. The deities in the region are also worshipped in the form of ‘moharas’ especially the Shaheed- devta and silabantis. These moharas are a kind of memorial stones.18 Rituals and festivals associated with deities: Most of the festivals celebrated in the honor of these deities are connected with agricultural prosperity.19 Mention of Narsingh Avatar20 is also peculiar to the Jammu’s folk tradition. In the subaltern 14 ibid,

p. 97. Singh (2000, p. 277). 16 They are devotional ballads, the long poem sung by folk singers, especially Jogis. They are mainly narratives of the lives of those who died owing to injustice and have supernatural power after death. They are sung in praise and propitiates the local deities having supernatural power. 17 See debate in Chandan (2006), under Dr. Ashish Saxena 2006. 18 Detailed deity worship in the Jammu region, as cited from Atrey (2008, pp. 19–22). 19 See Nirmohi (1997), Duggar ke lok Devta, Jammu: Sahitya Sangam Publications. 20 Meaning “man-lion”, is a fourth incarnation of Lord Vishnu God dashavatara. 15 See

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Fig. 1 Sacred Complex of Bawa Jitto—Temple, Main Idols, and Bawa-Da-Tallab. Source Left Pic Authors; Middle and Right Pic https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in/TheLegend.html

discourse, the role of many crusaders is of paramount importance to free the masses from the tyranny of landlords and cruel administrators. In the folklore, some of these stalwarts have been immortalized. These include Data Ranpat, Bawa Jittoo, Baba Tholu, Baba Mei Mal, Baba Badna, Data Gopi Chand, Bua Koudi, and others (Nirmohi 1990).21

4 Dynamics of Sacred Complex of Bawa Jitto: Beliefs and Ritual Practices During the past five centuries, the once humble shrine of Bawa Jitto has grown into a sacred landscape that is spread across around 26.30 hectares of land granted by the Dogra kings. Other than the main shrine, i.e. the Samadhi of Bawa Jitto, many other religious structures have been built in phases by devotees in the surrounding land. It is famous for a fifteenth-century farmer Bawa Jitto (Fig. 1).

4.1 Legend of Bawa Jitto Treated as a revolutionary folk hero, against the feudal system to ameliorate the conditions of his fellow farmer, Jitmal, famous as Bawa Jitto (born in 1343), is the most familiar name in the revolutionary history of the Jammu region. Around 600 years back, the fifteenth Century folktale portrays the age-old saga of exploitation of landless farmers by the landlords. He along with his daughter Kaudi, came to village Shamachak near Jhiri village which is four kilometers from Jammu— Akhnoor highway to meet his old friend named Rullo Lohar (blacksmith), who promised to help him in every possible way. He took him to Mehta Bir Singh Rakwal 21 See Nirmohi (1990), Chap. IV, the heritage of Jammu region-its preservation, conservation and documentation, pp. 125–126 https://14.139.13.47:8080/jspui/bitstream/10603/123875/9/09_ chapter%204.pdf.

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who was the feudal lord of Ambgrota and minister to Raja Ajaib Dev Singh. Jitmal urged him to provide him a piece of land. Mehta gave him a barren and waste forest area at Jhiri (20 km from Jammu) which they called Jarh-Badar on the lease, after signing an agreement that he would give one-fourth (25:75 basis) of his produce to Mehta. Jitmal, assisted by his Harijan attendant named Iso Megh (the weaver), toiled to clear the forest and made it cultivable. Dented with courage and hard work Jitmal transformed the barren land of bushes and boulders into a mining field of grains. They sowed the seeds of the wheat crop which he had taken on loan and nursed the crop with hard work. Their hard work bore fruit and the yield was miraculous. The tract of barren land was transformed into lush green fields. He approached the landowner Mehta Bir Singh Rakwal to take his share of the crop. When Mehta saw the quality and quantity of crop his intentions took an evil turn. He refused to honor the commitment reached with Jitmal. Mehta ordered his men to lift three-fourth of the produce, leaving just a quarter for Jitmal. Jitmal made several pleas to Mehta and even reminded him to follow the terms of the agreement but all his requests fell on deaf ears. Most of the farmers from nearby areas felt helpless to render their help to Jitmal in front of Mehta’s authority and power. Accusing Mehta of committing an injustice by refusing due share of the harvested crop, he proclaimed that under no circumstances would he permit anybody to take the produce forcibly. In the scuffle, one of the men of the Lavana caste attacked him with a phuwari (wooden rake used for collecting grains) on his chest. Jitmal fell unconscious for some time but on re-gaining senses, he cursed the attackers, which as per legend proved true. As a consequence of the curse, all the offsprings of the attackers (Lavana caste) died from chest pain. Shocked over the injustice that was meted out to the hardworking and God-fearing Jitto, he sat on the heap of grains and thrust a dagger in his heart, and committed suicide. The sacrificial act (locally termed as Praha Pratha means a kind of passive resistance or self-torture) of Jitmal shocked Mehta and he was frightened about its repercussions.22 Legend has that Jitto had said while killing himself: Sukki Kanak Nain Khayaan Mehtya, Dinna Ratt Ralayi (Don’t eat raw wheat, Oh Mehta, let me mix my blood in it) leaving all grains drenched red with his blood.23 Bua Koudi with help of their pet dog Kalu, located her father’s dead body hidden in the Simbal tree trunk by the people of Mehta. She then lit the pyre and burnt herself with her father. It is said after that a fierce rainstorm raged the area; the blood strained grains were washed away. And all those people, even the birds, who had partaken those grains later suffered from various afflictions, including diseases, untimely deaths, and misfortunes. To seek pardon from the wrath of the holy spirit, they not only asked for his forgiveness by worshiping him as a Kul-devta (family deity) but also making it mandatory for their future generations to venerate Bawa Jitto and pay annual homage at his shrine. The simple peasant became an instant deity, especially after a massive flood that brought misery to the region, and is being worshipped for all these centuries of his 22 cf.

Daily Excelsior (20 November 2005). https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in/TheLegend.html.

23 See

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immortality. In modern times, part of folklore and Dogra literature, Jitto was the subject matter of a fascinating play by Balwant Thakur’s Natrang (theatre group). It was this play and a few research papers by the academics that helped him to reemerge as a hero, almost on the pattern of Jambu Lochan (The Dogra King after whom the city of Jammu is believed to have been named). After the harvest is over, thousands of farmers from the entire border region of Jammu come with their share of crops as their offering to their hero. It is an organized week-long mela (festival) that is now being attended by nearly 1.5 million people every year in November. The mela is organized by the district administration in collaboration with locals of the area. In this mela, hundreds of thousands of people come from different parts of the country especially from the neighboring states irrespective of caste, creed, and religion to pay obeisance to Bawa Jitto Ji.

4.2 The Geographical Location of the Sacred Site The geographical specification of Bawa Jitto Shrine is at Jhiri village near Shamachak in Marh block of the Jammu Division. It is located 20 km from Jammu city westwards, on Akhnoor-Poonch road. The Bawa Jitto Shrine is built on the same piece of land, which was allotted to Jitmal (Bawa Jitto) and the rest of the land remains fallow even today and is used for annual congregation such as Jhiri mela. The representation of Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi exist in both non-iconographic and iconographic form, i.e. mohara24 and icon. The moharas (memorial stones) of Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi are in the shape of both square and rectangular relief and they are in black. This area is henceforth marked by the institutionalization of beliefs and practices associated with the worship of Bawa Jitto as a deity. The ‘Bawa Jitto shrine’ is seen here in terms of ‘sacred space’ and the annual ‘Jhiri mela’ in terms of ‘sacred time’. The pilgrims visit the sacred shrine regularly during the auspicious time of Jhiri mela which is marked by a week. The Jhiri mela is organized, over 48.61 hectares of land on purnamasi (full moon) of Kartik / Magher (October–November) in memory and honor of the supreme sacrifice of Bawa Jitto (a tiller), and his daughter Bua Koudi. There are many dehris (memorials) or white-domed small temples concentrated around the Bawa Jitto shrine and Bawa-Da-Tallab (collectively called Bawe-daJhard) which makes the whole complex a sacred space. The dehri represents a miniature shrine having a height between three meters to one inch. The dehri style of architecture is usually connected with the deities of the martyr class. The complex is full of these small symbolic temples or dehris signifying the tribute to the Kul deity worship by the families of the same clan. It represents the clan worship. The community who owns these dehris shows devotion by paying homage to Kul deity 24 The ’karak’ deity (ordinary man with supernatural power), is made of stone called ‘mohara’. When these ‘moharas’ are installed in small temples, are called ‘Dehris’, in normally five feet square in size.

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on every auspicious occasion whether religious or social. This is the only time when the pilgrims from different states throng to Bawa Jitto’s samadhi (memorial) to pay him obeisance. Besides the Jhiri mela which is organized every year to immortalize the martyrdom of Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi, several other rituals and ceremonies are also performed on different occasions by different communities at the site of the sacred shrine. One such ritual is maile congregation performed by the different communities who worship Bawa Jitto as their ‘Kul-deity’. These congregations are organized either annually or bi-annually by the community concerned at the sacred shrine to take the blessings of Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi. It is interesting to know that among the pilgrims are also included those people whose ancestors took the food grains drenched in the blood of Bawa Jitto and were cursed for that. To avoid the curse they migrated to other places and even other states, some even converted to the Sikh religion but all in vain, they still face the ill effects. So their coming generations pay a visit every year to submit an apology and pray to Bawa Jitto at the time of Jhiri mela, as negligence can provoke the anger of a deity while respect can appease him.

4.3 Bawa-Da-Tallab As per the legend, at the time of cleaning the barren bushy land for cultivation at Jhiri, Jitmal (Bawa Jitto) had dug a pit for obtaining water for crops. It is said that water started filling the pit just after a small effort. Reciting the name of Mata Vaishno Devi he sprinkled few drops of water from the pit upon a leprosy patient namely Isho Megh (the weaver), who was miraculously cured. The pit has turned into a pond that exists even today in the Jhiri village under the name Bawa-Da-Tallab (Bawa’s pond), where devotees faithfully take a holy bath to free themselves from many diseases. It is considered an important ritual in the Jhiri mela to take a holy dip in Bawa-Da-Tallab which is known to have the miraculous power of curing leukoderma (skin diseases having white patches). The devotees who go into a state of trance (due to Bawa Jitto’s curse) on Kartik Purnima (Full moon night or the fifteenth lunar day of Kartik [November] Hindu month) get respite only when they first take a holy dip in Bawa-Da-Tallab and then enter the holy shrine. It is believed that a childless woman or a woman suffering from miscarriage if takes a holy dip on Sunday, Tuesday, or purnima (full moon night), will give birth to a child and become a mother. Another belief is associated with the fertility of the soil, it is believed that this shakkar do wonders like the fertility of the infertile land can be regained or increased after throwing the ‘soil’ (popularly called as shakkar) from the bottom of Bawa-Da-Tallab. It is also known that a person who goes under the spell of evil and demonic powers gets relief only by taking a dip in the holy pond. It is on the east side and about 3 km away from the sacred shrine of

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Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi. Believers not only take a dip in the water of the pond but also take back home the earth from the pond as shakkar.25

4.4 Beliefs and Rituals Practices During Jhiri-Ka-Mela The devotees take bath (holy dip) at Bawa-Da-Talab on purnima night followed by darshan at the main temple Jhiri. It is believed that Bawa Jitto Ji sacrificed his life on the heap of grains at the place which is presently known as Bawa-Da-Tallab and his pyre was lit at the place, where a temple has been constructed. The annual congregation is marked by a week under the supervision of government agencies other than the Divisional Commissioner of Jammu. It also provides knowledge of agricultural practices to the forum of farmers. In fact, the government departments also participate in the fair by putting exhibitions besides organizing cultural programs of music, dance, sports, wrestling (shinjh), and animal shows. Jhiri Mela is also called the ‘Farmer’s fair’ as it is celebrated to worship the holy soul of the farmer named Bawa Jitto. This fair also creates a significant selling outlet for the sugarcane crop, which is conveyed by most of the visitors and farmers to the mela.26 As Bua Koudi was the daughter of Bawa Jitto and believed to be the “childhood incarnation of Goddess Vaishno Devi”, her samadhi27 was constructed in the direction where the head of Bawa was placed during cremation and Bawa’s samadhi was in the direction where his feet were placed. On the auspicious occasion of the Kartik Purnima (Full moon night or the fifteenth lunar day of Kartik month of Hindus), the moharas (stone memorial) of the deity were placed in the shrine by the renowned priests of the area with all the rituals. The images have been consecrated by installing divine power within them amidst the recitation of the Vedic mantras followed by havana.28 After the sthapana29 of the ‘mohara’, the yagna30 was also performed by the natives (oral history). Welcoming of deity, as an auspicious guest is associated with specific rites and rituals. It is initiated with purifying the ‘mohara’ with Panch- Amrit 31 comprising of Ganga Jal (holy water of river Ganga), ghee, milk, curd, and honey. Deity is decorated with new clothes. Gender compartmentalization is observed in changing clothes of deity, in some communities, worshipping Kul-devi, the clothes are changed by the 25 See

https://epaper.dailyexcelsior.com/epaperpdf/2013/nov/13nov10/page13.pdf. https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in/AboutJhiriMela.html (the web site of JhiriMela https://Jhiri. jammu.gov.in launched on 9th November 2019). 27 Shrine or memorial commemorating the dead person having supernatural power. 28 A ritual in which offerings of grains, food, etc. are burnt in flames to bring good luck and prosperity on a special occasion. 29 Mohara (stone memorial) of the deity was placed in the shrine by the priests of the area with rituals during an auspicious time. 30 Ritual done in front of a sacred fire, often with mantras. 31 It consists of five ingredients: raw milk, curd (yogurt), honey, sugar, and ghee (clarified butter). Typically, panchamrit is offered to the deity and is consumed at the end of worship. 26 See

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womenfolk of the community but worshipping of Kul-devta, is associated with the male member who performs the puja. The puja is initiated by putting tilak (vermillion on the forehead of the deity), offering incense (agarbatti), flowers and fruits. The initial rituals are followed by aarti (moving flames in a lamp) and prayers and putting the vernacular to the community members attending the rituals. Afterward, the bhog (sacred food offered to a deity) of khichdi (a dish of a mixture of cooked rice and urad dal or black gram) is offered to the deity. After the offering to the deity, the ‘bhandara’ (a religious feast) is organized, and the various communities inter-dine together. Earlier tradition of serving khichdi is common but owing to the influence of modernity, other kinds of food are also served. Voluntarily, the devotees give chadawa (offerings) in cash and kind. For a few identified members it is obligatory to offer a particular quantity of rote (a kind of cake made from maize flour and unrefined sugar) to the deity. The offered rote is later distributed among the worshippers as prasad (a devotional offering made to a God, typically consisting of food that is later shared among devotees). As a matter of purification of the soul, havan is also performed by the elders of the community. It depends on the religiosity of the community but it is not a mandatory rite during the worship of a deity. As a marker of successful completion of the worship and also as a sacrifice, certain prohibitions are maintained by the member of specific communities. After the auspicious puja, the communities practicing girl-child/daughters as Kul-Devi, worship kanjaks (minor girls) and offer them halwav or karah (a sweet Indian dish consisting of semolina boiled with milk, almonds, sugar, butter, and cardamom), and other gifts. In communities having daughter-in-law as the Kul-deity, she is exclusively worshiped by married couples or the married girls of their family. In communities worshipping the Kul-devta (like Baba Kalakh Dev Ji), the young Seth Brahmin boys are worshipped and offered gifts. Among Mehta Brahman (who worship Bawa Jitto and Bua Koudi), the mother of a newborn son should not wear the pink color but only yellow colour till the sutra ceremony (purification ceremony). The other religious sanction comprises that unmarried girls and women should not wear the glass bangles and mehndi (henna) on their hands. It is symbolic of Bua Koudi who during the sacrifice was wearing glass bangles. Similarly, during the organization of maile or annual congregation, the families worshipping the same deity assemble at its shrine and perform traditional rituals. During the maile, Jaatra ritual is performed in which a mediator, dowala goes into trance and communicates with the deity. He is a religious professional capable of having direct experience of possession and ecstasy. During the state of possession and ecstasy, he acts as a mediator to communicate the desires and also suggest remedial measures for the suffering person. It is assumed that the words and suggestions are coming from the mouth of the deity via the dowala. He is the second important person in the performance of rituals. He acts as the communion between deity and devotee. The persons associated with the performance of rituals at the shrines are called Karkuns. The foremost is the priest. He is called Bojaki in the plains and as Pran in the hilly pockets. He normally belongs to the Thakur sub-caste. Some of the priests at certain shrines are from low castes as well. The job of the priest is to conduct puja at the shrine. Gardi ranks next in the hierarchy. They are from the

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lowest strata of the society and belong to the Doom caste. The job of the Gardi is to beat the drum during the puja performance and sing ‘karakas’ in the honor of the deities. The caretaker of the shrines is called Bhandari. He is responsible for maintaining the records of income and expenditure.32 The sacred space is also seen as a space for economic activities. The small bazaar (market) adjacent to the shrine, is marked by shops in Mishriwala town itself which generates income from the cult in one way or another, including the sale of religious literature relating the stories of Bua-Bawa Ji, cassettes carrying bhajans (devotional songs) of the deity, etc. Marketing and publicity of the cult incorporate the print literature, audio, and video CDs, picture postcards, photos, lockets with Bua-Bawa Jitto inscriptions on them.

5 Summing Up It is to be emphasized that the ‘maile’ congregation is not an exception and the modern forces of change play their role resulting in the changes in the Kul-deity worship. Dynamics of worship vary from changes in the items of offerings as well as sacrifices; it includes offering in cash to the deity or the custodian of deity, who performs needful activities in the name of the devotee, it also involves surrendering the goat in the sacred site or also the distribution of raw food items to the beggars and needy located in the sacred site. The contemporary ritual ceremony includes banners, devotional music, tents, and other arrangements during the bhandara (feast). The role of media, both print and online, are visible in the form of prior advertisement of the maile congregation in the regional channels, local newspapers as well as live coverage of the activities, making-of documentary or short-films highlighting the sacred deity complex and its relevance. The changes are diverse including—the intervention of media, modern infrastructural facilities, published literature, organizational structure, and prominent members of various communities associated with the maile congregation. Along with ritual activities, the maile congregation is also a facilitator to the enhancement of economic and political motives of the members. It acts as a site for generating social capital for community members. Several communities (like Pathiala, Behl, Malhotra, Alhad, Bhika, Gumbal, Khamnotra, Dhingra, Bamotra, Tak, Sandotra, etc.) form their formal organizational Committee, which acts as a think tank for enhancement of the welfare activities, monitoring, and utilization of the donation and also designing future plans. The members are elected for a specific time period and comprise of at least, Patron, President, Secretary, and Account personnel. They play a significant role in making the best possible use of the donation offered by the community, for the development of the sacred place and manage all issues related

32 See

the rituals associated during deity worship as cited in Atrey (2008, pp. 19–22).

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to maile through websites,33 Facebook,34 YouTube, emails, newspapers, etc. such as giving advertisement in the paper, publication of literature related to their deity. The political aspect of the Committees is visible in the form of an influential person holding a prime position in the organization and canvassing their political agendas. No doubt, the traditional essence of the Dogra community has altered through time and has certainly undergone modernity; still, the overshadows of their traditional practice are visible in the sacred space-time complex. Notes Few contents of the paper incorporate the earlier version of the paper published by the first author in the journal on ‘Politics and Religion’, published in 2009 (details mentioned in references). Due permission has been taken from the appropriate authority and the taken sources have been duly acknowledged for avoiding any ethical violation.

References Atrey, M. (2008). Deity, cult, rituals & oral traditions. Jammu: Saksham Books International. Bhatti, H. S. (2000). Folk religion: Change and continuity. New Delhi: Rawat Publication. Boyer, P. (2001). Religion explained: Evolutionary origins of religious thought. New York: Basic Books. Chandan, M. (2006). Rituals of Dogra Community: A socio-cultural analysis of maile congregation at Jhiri Mela of Jammu region. Unpublished University of Jammu: M.Phil thesis in Sociology, under Dr. Ashish Saxena. Fenn, R. K. (Eds.). (2001). Sociology of religion. U.K: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Haralambos, M., & Heald, R. (2003). Sociological Themes and Perspective. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Nirmohi, S. (1997). Duggar ke lok Devta. Jammu: Sahitya Sangam Publications. Saxena, A. (2009). Religion, caste and community: Identity substantiation through ‘Maile’ congregations among the Dogras of Jammu and Kashmir (India). Politics and Religion, III (1). Saxena, A. & Saxena, V. (2013). Religious landscape, low caste Hindus and the identity politics: Configuration of socio-religious space for weaker sections in Jammu city, J&K (India). Politics and Religion, VII (1), 93–111. Sharma, K. (1995). Socio-political aspiration of J&K people. Jammu: Akshay Publisher. Singer, M. (Ed.). (1959). Traditional India: Structure and change. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. Singh, K. S. (2000). People of India: Jammu and Kashmir. (Vol. XXV) New Delhi: Lordson Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Spiro, M. E. (1966). Religion: Problems of definition and explanation. In M. Banton (Ed.), Anthropological approaches to the study of religion. (pp. 85–126). London: Tavistock Publications. Srinivas, M. N. (2003). Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 33 See https://www.hellotravel.com/events/jhiri-mela; https://paramparaproject.org/traditions_jhiri-

mela.html; https://jammu.nic.in/event/jhiri-mela/etc. 34 See https://www.facebook.com/pg/jhirimelaofficial/posts/; Devsthanam Bawa Jitto @ Jhiri, J and k; jai-baba-jitmal-ji-jai-bua-kaudi-ji-jhiri-mela-jammu/; Hari Parbhat Prabandhak Committee Anangpur etc.

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Thapar, R. (2007). Imagined religious communities? Ancient History and the Modern search for a Hindu identity. New Delhi: Critical Quest. The Census Report of India. (1911). Jammu and Kashmir, Government of India. Wilson, B. (I966). Religion in secular society. Harmondsworth: Pelican.

Websites https://14.139.13.47:8080/jspui/bitstream/10603/123875/9/09_chapter%204.pdf. (Nirmohi, 1990 chapter-IV, the heritage of Jammu region-its preservation, conservation and documentation, pp. 125–126). https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in/TheLegend.html. (Daily Excelsior, 20 November 2005). https://epaper.dailyexcelsior.com/epaperpdf/2013/nov/13nov10/page13.pdf. https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in/AboutJhiriMela.html. (the web site of JhiriMela). https://Jhiri.jammu.gov.in. https://www.hellotravel.com/events/jhiri-mela. https://paramparaproject.org/traditions_jhiri-mela.html. https://jammu.nic.in/event/jhiri-mela/etc. https://www.facebook.com/pg/jhirimelaofficial/posts/; Devsthanam Bawa Jitto @ Jhiri, JandK; jai-baba-jitmal-ji-jai-bua-kaudi-ji-jhiri-mela-jammu/; Hari Parbhat Prabandhak Committee Anangpur etc.

Chapter 10

Naghui Tewhaar and Deity Worship: A Folk Festival at the Goddess Chandi Temple in Machail Village of Padar Region Shamsher Singh Abstract Deity worship at the local level constitutes an important component of folk Hinduism. Folk Hinduism includes worship of folk and regional deities of tribes, villages, and towns who are believed to be associated with the everyday life of the local people. In the temple at Machail, a village situated at the height of 8000 feet above sea level in Padar region of Kishtwar district of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) Union Territory (UT), Chandi Mata, also known as Machail Mata due to her location at Machail, is largely worshipped in its folk form accompanied by celebrations of local festivals. One such festival is Naghui Tewhaar. It is celebrated by natives on the culmination of Puhaali and the opening of the Goddess temple in Machail in August every year. Puhaali is a tradition of partial migration of married male members of the family to upper hills for grazing cattle and sheep with religious connotations attached to it. The festival marks the lifting of several restrictions on the Puhaals (shepherds) during this period. This paper focuses on Naghui Tewhaar as a folk festival by analyzing various rituals performed at the opening of the Chandi Mata temple at Machail and the interwoven concept of Puhaali linked with the social, economic, ecological, and religious life of the native people living in the mountainous region of Padar. Keywords Machail · Chandi Mata · Padar · Puhaali · Folk festival

This paper is excerpted from a part of my unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to the University of Jammu in 2016. The information has been updated by making later visits to Machail Mata temple in Kishtwar district. S. Singh (B) Social Welfare Department, Government of Jammu and Kashmir, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_10

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1 Folk Deity and Folk Hinduism Hinduism is the world’s most ancient religion. Since as early as around the closing centuries of the last millennium BC, there has been a fusion of many elements within it, including the high Sanskritic and folk religious traditions (Madan 2004, p. 208).1 The worship of the Great Goddess in the Shakta (from Shakti, power) tradition is believed to go back to the Harappan civilization, with the later amalgamation of Puranic, Tantrik, and folk Goddesses. If she is the divine consort of the Gods like Shiva (Uma- Parvati) and Vishnu (Lakshmi) in the Hindu Great tradition, as Durga or Kali, she is the destroyer of evil and greater than male Gods from whom she derives her strength and comes into being (Ibid: 8–9). As the Goddess at the village (Gramdevi), family, or clan (Kul-devi) level, she acquires a folk form listening to problems and offering solutions to the local people. At a certain stage, the folk deity may take a more Sanskritic form. As different from Sanskritic or Brahmanical Hinduism largely based on classical Hindu texts and ritual practices of sanctity and purity of highest order like vegetarianism and teetotalism, folk Hinduism comprises of worship of local deities and involves ‘a common way of life which characterizes some or all of the people of many villages, towns, and cities within a given area’ (Foster 1953, p. 170). It believes in the traditional systems of magic, animistic beliefs, and ecstatic rituals, especially those that ward off the evil eye, curses, demons, witchcraft, etc. It makes use of shrines and amulets and venerates saints, ancestors, souls, and spirits. The folk deities are associated with demarcated places like stones, temples, streams, forests, and fields. They are specific to a person’s village, region, tribal group, caste, clan, or extended family. The folk deities are usually not worshipped with a pure and abstract devotion but are often associated with people’s local, immediate, and existential concerns like acute illness, failure of crops, sudden death, and natural disaster. When the village is threatened by any calamity, particularly the epidemic, the local Goddess is usually said to be manifesting herself. She comes alive suddenly threatening the villagers and their survival and well-being. However, her role during such occasions is ambivalent as she is visualized both as inflicting these diseases as well as protecting the villagers from them (Kinsley 1986). Some folk Goddesses are understood to change their forms—sometimes they appear as natural objects and other times as human beings. At several places in India, worshipping of folk deities usually involves animal sacrifices and offering and consumption of meat and alcohol as different from Sanskritic Hinduism. The specific folk features of Hinduism comprises of: ‘the privileging of mediums and trance sessions; the intimate, familiar, unmediated approach to the deity (given the absence of a religious intermediary); the ability to sense, feel close to, and talk to deities; the importance of devotion, intuition, emotion, and religious experience; the offerings of non-vegetarian items, alcohol, and cigars to the deity; the absence of text-based, ritual procedures (arccanai, abhishegam, and the 1 Madan

(2004).

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chanting of mantras, slokas) for approaching deity; a pragmatic, day-to-day orientation, valuing rituals of self-mortification and equality of all before God’ (Sinha 2007, p. 1764).2 Often the folk deities acquire characteristics of Sanskritic Hinduism by giving up, for instance, non-vegetarian offering and prohibiting animal sacrifice or moving from small dwelling, dehri (a very small temple-like structure) or open space to households and big temples. With this, several beliefs and rituals associated with Sanskritic Hinduism are adopted. This is understood through the process of what Srinivas calls ‘Sankritization’3 (1952). Though the process is going on for a long time, acquiring Sanskritic characteristics is becoming a regular feature in India today (Acharya 2009). These are facilitated by the processes of modernization and globalization which have resulted in the spread of Sanskritic Hinduism, though in a more open and flexible form. This study has tried to show how Sanskritic Hinduism is impacting the worship of Goddess Chandi Mata at Machail village, as well as analyze the factors that have made Machail yatra (pilgrimage) popular in recent years.

2 Chandi Mata Temple at Machail in Padar Region Chandi or Chandika is one of the most popular Hindu folk deities in India. Chandika is a form of Parvati and represents the total power of Brahman. As Chandi, she is a powerful and terrifying form of Shakti or Durga who manifested to destroy evil. Her form is said to be extremely ferocious and inaccessible because of her anger. She slays evil-doers without mercy. Her anger is expressed in Devi Mahatmya.4 There are various temples in India dedicated to Goddess Chandi or Kali, but few are as important as that in Machail. The Chandi Mata temple at Machail is located at a height of 8000 feet above sea level in the Padar region of the Kishtwar district (J&K). To reach the temple, one has to travel on foot (now choppers are available) at a distance of 30 kms., a track of a rugged mountain along the river from a place called Gulabgarh which is around 306 kms from Jammu by road. The main stopovers (villages) on the foot route are Gulabgarh, Layondee, Massu, Kundel, Chishoti, Hamuri, and Machail. According to ancient sources, Maa (Mother Goddess) appeared in the form of Pindi (Petrified Rock Form) in the same way as in the world-famous shrine of Mata Vaishno Devi 2 Sinha

(2007).

3 Sanskritisation

has been defined by Srinivas as a movement when ‘a low caste was able in a generation or two to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by Sanskritising, it’s ritual and pantheon’ (Srinivas 1962, p. 42). Later on, Srinivas modified his definition of Sanskritisation to make it broader ‘as a process by which a ‘low’ Hindu caste, or tribal or other groups, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high, frequently, ‘twice-born’ caste. Generally, such changes are followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste hierarchy that traditionally conceded to the claimant caste by the local community’ (Srinivas 1966, p. 6). 4 See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chandi.

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Fig. 1 Temple of Chandi Mata at Chinote Bhaderwah, District Doda (left) and Temple of Chandi Mata at Machail, District Kishtwar (right). Source Author

located in the Jammu region. The Machail yatra (pilgrimage) of Goddess Chandi held in August every year has become quite famous now in which several thousand pilgrims take part. It was started initially in 1980 by Thakur Kulbir Singh Jamwal of Bhaderwah who was serving in the Jammu and Kashmir police department and was posted in Machail.5 The yatra carrying Charri (holy mace) starts from Chinote in Bhaderwah6 to Machail in Padar, a distance of approximately 77 kms. The pilgrimage to Machail Mata has been a regular and popular feature and has brought the Chandi temple at Machail on the map of religious tourism in the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir (India). The worship at the temple, however, is an age-old phenomenon (Fig. 1). Pilgrimage brings devotees close to sacred power. The entire landscape on the route to the Machail Mata temple is engulfed with the sacred ambiance. Pilgrims establish a rapport with the land that is spiritually enriching and empowering. ‘An underlying assumption of pilgrimage seems to be that the land cannot be intensely known and experienced from a distance; it cannot be fully known, its story deeply appreciated, only by travelling the land itself. The experience can be lasting, transforming one’s perspective permanently’ (Kinsley 1986, p. 235). The pilgrims of Machail Mata have experienced miracles on the hazardous long route traversed on foot with minimum facilities. The people have a firm belief that Mata (Mother) always protects them. It is seen that when some narrative or a legendary figure gets associated with the sacred shrines it helps in its promotion and acceptability by the masses. The popularity of the Machail temple is mainly because of miracles connected with the Goddess Chandi and its association with distinctive and charismatic figures from time to time. These are the prime reasons that the festivals being celebrated here have attained wider significance and recognition across the country. The history of 5 Personal

Communication. is a tehsil and has been given the status of sub-district in the Doda district of the Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir (India). It is situated at a distance of 34 km from the district headquarter. As per the census of 2011, the total population of the town is 11084.

6 Bhaderwah

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Fig. 2 Idols of three Great Goddesses and the natural Pindi (petrified rock form) of Chandi Mata inside the Machail temple in Padar Region, District Kishtwar. https://www.kashmirhills.com/attrac tions/temples/machail-mata-temple-in-kishtwar/

the Goddess Chandi is explained by Sarv Shakti Sewak Sanstha (Managing Body of the shrine of Chandi temple at Machail). According to the legend, the Goddess Chandi who appeared at Machail long ago in the shape of pindi (petrified rock form) came here from Mindhal Bhattas (60 km from Machail in Himachal Pradesh) to bless the simple, ignorant, and helpless people of Padar area. The temple of Machail Mata has one pindi and three idols of Mahakali, Mahalakshmi, and Mahasaraswati, which are believed to shake or vibrate their jewellery without any external force. The eyes of the idols are closed and in dhyan mudra (in a situation of meditation). Many pilgrims have experienced the opening or flicking of their eyes (Fig. 2). Initially, the Machail temple of timber was built by the villagers collectively and they used to take care of it. Small damages caused by rain and snow were repaired by the natives. But in case of heavy damage in the winter season, they had to rebuild the temple. In the year 1836, the renowned warrior of Dogra Dynasty7 General Zorawar Singh went to Ladakh through Machail village and bowed before Goddess Chandi 7 Kashmir

was annexed by Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore in 1819. In 1846, by the Treaty of Amritsar, the British handed over to Raja Gulab Singh, the Dogra ruler of Jammu, all the hilly and mountainous areas situated east of Indus and west of Ravi in exchange for 75 lakh rupees and some other tokens of gratitude and loyalty. Kashmir too became a part of it. Ladakh was annexed by Gulab Singh earlier in 1834 and subsequently, his son Ranbir Singh conquered Gilgit in 1860. Baltistan too came under the possession of the Dogras and that completed the establishment of the much larger enterprise that was called the State of Kashmir and Jammu or simply Kashmir by the end of the nineteenth century (Bamzai 1962, p. 501). Jammu and Kashmir became part of the Indian Union on 26th October 1947 when its last ruler Maharaja Hari Singh signed an Instrument of Accession with India.

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seeking divine blessing to conquer Gilgit, which he succeeded in annexing to the then Sikh empire. The area came under the Dogra rule later in 1846. India became independent on 15th August 1947 and was partitioned into two nations––India and Pakistan. Maharaja Hari Singh, the then Dogra ruler of the princely state of Kashmir chose to remain independent. In October 1947 the state was attacked by Pakistan’s army along with the tribal raiders. During the war, when they attacked the Zanskar area (at present tehsil in Kargil district of Ladakh UT, India), Colonel Hukam Singh Yadav of the Indian Army went to control the situation. He also passed through the same route visiting the temple. He made a commitment to Goddess Chandi that if he came back victorious, he will raise the height of this temple and modify it with an iron roof and instal a marble idol in it. Colonel Yadav got successful in his mission and he fulfilled his commitment and as an acknowledgment established a marble idol in the temple. Along with the marble idol, there is another silver idol in the temple. The folklore behind the silver idol is that in the past there was an epidemic in Zanskar which caused terror and horror among the inhabitants. People prayed to Goddess Chandi for their protection. To their surprise, all the deaths stopped occurring after the prayers were made before Mata Chandi at Machail. Therefore, as a token of thanks-giving, the villagers gave an offering of silver Idol. Various devotional songs are sung and aarti is performed in the worship of Chandi Mata of Machail today to glorify the valiant conquests of General Zorawar Singh and Colonel Yadav. Earlier the Mata was known in the Padar region only. In 1976, Thakur Kulbir Singh Jamwal, popularly known as ‘Thakur Ji’ was appointed as in-charge Police Post Machail. As the temple was adjacent to the Police Post, he started devoting time to the worship of the Goddess. As a result of his devotion, Goddess Chandi showered her blessings on him. Thereafter Mata became more famous. In 1978, he was transferred from Machail. Then one-day Kulbir Singh saw a dream in which he was ordered by the Goddess to place a trishool (trident) in his house at Bhaderwah (District Doda). He did the same considering it as the order of the Goddess. Whenever he went to his house on holidays, people used to come and seek the blessing of the Goddess from him. He started answering their questions and solving their problems. In September 1982, Mata’s idol appeared in Bhaderwah that led to the popularity of Goddess Chandi in the entire Jammu region. In 1980, Thakur Kulbir Singh Jamwal with 25 members of his family did a pilgrimage from his house in Bhaderwah to Galhar (Kishtwar) by road and from there on foot to Machail by walking 65 kms. According to him, Goddess asked him through possession to make it an annual affair. Since the 1980s there is a shift in the mode of worship of Goddess Chandi whereby it is seen as adopting Brahmanic or Sanskritic Hindu mode of worship and becoming more famous. This phenomenon of cultural change is witnessed throughout India. Srinivas (1952) has given many examples by way of which many folk Goddesses have acquired the Sanskritic form. Mariamman, a deity of subalterns in Tamil Nadu was usually garlanded with skulls. But more recently, the skull garland has been replaced by the lemon garland. Drawing from the work of Robert Redfield on Mexican communities, Marriott (1955) in his study of Kishan Garhi village in Uttar Pradesh shows that elements of the Little (folk) tradition circulate upward to the level of Great (elite)

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tradition and are identified with its legitimate forms. This process he calls ‘universalisation’ and prefers it over ‘Sanskritization’ as he found that in Kishan Garhi village Sanskritic rites were often added to non-Sanskritic ones without replacing them. He observed the reverse process, parochialization or becoming local from universal, also prevalent in his village study. Srinivas remarks ‘the Brahmin too has been influenced by the non-Sanskritic mode of worship and impressed with the power of the village deities. In south India, it is common to find Brahmin making votive offerings of flowers and fruits and, through a non-Brahmin friend, of an animal to deities like Mari during epidemics’ (Srinivas 1952, p. 225). In the same way, in the context of Machail Mata folk cannot be seen apart from Sanskritic Hindu tradition. Though the national significance of Goddess Chandi is emerging as a Sanskritic deity with the occurrence of annual pilgrimage maintaining pure vegetarian form, the natives propitiate her in the traditional style as village Goddess. Even the priest of the Machail Mata temple though embraced the Sanskritic style of worship, during the folk religious events participates in nonSanskritic rites. The various folk traditions (non-Sanskritic) like animal sacrifice and the role of the chela (shaman) are observed by the local people during different local festivals and rituals. In the Padar region, there is a dependency of life on nature and the local deities. During the winter season, certain rituals are performed to escape from the heavy snowfall. People gather and collect money from the entire village and buy a sheep which is sacrificed to venerate the deity to stop the snowfall in the area. Among the locals, animal sacrifice is performed to conciliate the powerful spirits accompanying the deity; they are like the ministers of the Goddess. Animal sacrifice is one of the prominent characteristic features of folk religion in temples of local deities in Padar. During Zaagra folk festival celebrated (October–November) in the temple of Goddess Chandi in her veneration, the chelas (shamans) and the bajantaris (drummers) have important roles to play, and ritualistic sacrifice of a sheep is performed (Singh 2016). Most of the temples in the Padar region comprise the deities like Shiva, Kali, Sheetla, Chandi, and the Naag- devta. Apart from their regular worship by the people, these deities are also propitiated through different melas (fairs) throughout the year (Fig. 3). The tradition of celebrating these religious festivals to propitiate the deity is known as Sanatan which the natives believe they have inherited from their ancestors. The defiance to Sanatan might bring misfortune to the whole village. These Sanatan (festivals) are usually performed in the temple premises with collective demonstrations shared by natives to venerate the deity. The people also perform votive rituals when they come back to fulfil their vow undertaken initially as a rite of thanks-giving. There is a firm belief that such wishes are fulfilled. This exhibits a close and special relationship between the divine and the mundane, the deity, and the people (Tanaka 2003, p. 868).8 The religious festivals celebrated at the temple of Goddess Chandi are: Baisakhi, Gyakur, Naghui, and Zaagra. In this paper, Naghui Tewhar as a local festival is 8 Tanaka

(2003).

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Fig. 3 Map 1: Route Map of Machail Yatra (left). Machail Village, Padar (Kishtwar) (right). Source Map 1 (Left): Office of the Sub-Divisional Magistrate Padar, District Kishtwar (J&K). Right: Author

explored to understand the folk aspect of the Goddess Chandi in the Machail village of Padar region in district Kishtwar.

3 Naghui Tewhaar: A Festive Celebration on the Culmination of Puhaali and Restrictive Sawan Naghui Tewhaar is a folk festival celebrated by the local people in Machail village at the Goddess Chandi temple in the Padar region of district Kishtwar (J&K). It takes place on purnamasi (full moon night) in the month of August every year with great devotion and joy to mark the end of the period of puhaali and the opening of the temple of Chandi Mata. Due to excessively cold weather and snowfall, the temple remains closed during the winter months and its opening during the summer month marks the celebration by the people of Machail village. Simultaneously, along with this, the restrictions of puhaali are lifted which makes another occasion for people to relax and enjoy. The concept of puhaali refers to the tradition of partial migration between the period from June to September every year of married male members of the family to upper hills for grazing cattle and sheep (domestic animals). These male members are the shepherds called puhaal and are given ritual significance during the period of puhaali. During the month of Sawan (July–August), the Puhaals (shepherds) are required to maintain several restrictions related to food, housing, conjugal relation, etc. Puhaali is an important and common tradition in the entire Padar region of district Kishtwar. This phenomenon has a profound association with the religious and social life of the people of Machail in Padar. Padar is one of the most remote areas of the Jammu Division. The developmental retardation of the area can easily be comprehended by the fact that there are villages that still lack access to basic necessities

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like roads, electricity, education, and medical facilities. The impact of these deficits can be observed in different social spheres like illiteracy, backwardness, and health problems. Most of the people are associated with agriculture, farming, and rearing of sheep and cattle. The day-to-day life of the natives is deeply influenced by local religion which is closely related to their economy and environment. In these far-flung and hilly areas, the chelas (shamans) of local deities have the privilege of being the intermediaries between the natural and the supernatural world. In such places, religion is the only instrument that provides sustenance and security to the people in society. Their lives are, therefore, woven around rituals that are collectively performed in Padar. The nearest access to the town and the required facilities are at a considerable distance. Gulabgarh which is the nearest market to Machail (30 kms. away) is difficult to reach during the snowfall in the winter season because of a lack of road connectivity. Puhaali, as a social phenomenon is directly linked with the economy of the people but at the same time, it is interwoven with social institutions like family, marriage, and religion. The entire period of puhaali and the puhaal, the shepherds who take the domestic animals for grazing in the higher reaches of the Padar region have ritual significance. The practice and its associative sacredness involve only male members which are similar to many communities in which people’s economy, particularly the pastoral, is closely related to the religious aspect. The Todas of Nilgiris, a polyandrous pastoral tribe of South India has a highly ritualized buffalo cult, where everything to do with milk and milk products are considered sacred (Rivers 1906; Walker 1986).9 As Toda dairymen-priests are ritually more pure than the ordinary men, so are the puhaals in the Padar region; and as all milk-related activities among the Todas are done exclusively by males, so do the activities of puhaals remain a male domain of work. Apart from agriculture, the people of Machail are also associated with the pastoral economy of rearing sheep and cattle as their occupation, though they are not nomadic. Some other communities in J&K like the pastoralists Bakkarwals, the Muslim Scheduled Tribe, are nomadic (khanabadosh) herders (Rao and Casimir 2003, p. 244).10 The Gaddis of J&K, who too are agro-pastoralists are not nomads because among them the shepherds have a permanent home and they ‘are not principally sheep-caring nomadic people but have done so for hundreds of years as an additional means of gaining subsistence’ (Newell 1961, p. 29).11 The puhaals of Padar, who also have ‘permanent homes’ to which they return quite regularly do not consider themselves nomadic ‘although their principal means of subsistence is the care of livestock’ (Rao and Casimir 2003, p. 234).12 The grazing areas where the puhaal takes his livestock during puhaali are always predetermined and these areas are chosen based on the availability of resources like water, fodder, and other necessities of puhaali. In the study of Bakkarwals of Jammu 9 Walker

(1986). and Casimir (2003). 11 Newell (1961). 12 Rao and Casimir (2003). 10 Rao

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and Kashmir, Rao notes that the Bakkarwal families migrate twice annually with their kin-based migration units, in the semi-alpine and alpine pastures in time-bound fixed routes above the valley of Kashmir and less permanent grazing areas or pasture lands stretching eastwards from Poonch to Kathua (Rao 1992).13 Pastures in J&K are Government property though the individual rights of herders are recognized by all. It is true of all communities as noted in the study of Bakkarwals that their grazing rights are entirely individualized, but state-owned (Rao 2000: 300).14 The pastureland of Machail for puhaali is known as Bernaj, a place which is about 9 km from Machail. From Bernaj at a distance of 3 km, there is a lake which is known as Teth. Bernaj is the puhaali of Machail and Hamuri villages and is quite famous due to various folk songs that describe the puhaali of Machail in Teth-Bernaj. At puhaali, there are common halls made of mud locally known as gwars where these puhaals can spend nights and prepare the food. In these gwars, they also keep the newborn lamb. There are also some small temples of local deities in the puhaali areas where puhaals pray for the safety of their livestock. At puhaali, the puhaals cook their food. The eatables and the bedding are taken from the home. The sheepskin is used to take eatables to puhaali and from there puhaals bring curd and buttermilk. The period of puhaali (grazing in the upper reaches of the Himalayas) in the Padar region lasts for four months, i.e. June, July, August, and September, and is considered an auspicious time. But along with this sacred significance, a puhaal has to abide by certain restrictions in the month of Sawan (July–August). The puhaali in the month of Sawan is observed with a lot of local religious beliefs, rituals, and restrictions. Purity (succha) in matters of food, dress, work, and body (celibacy) has to be maintained strictly during this one month by the puhaals.

4 Religious Restrictions During Puhaali There are several restrictions which the puhaals (shepherds) have to observe during the period of puhaali which falls in the month of Saawan (July–August) every year. These are discussed below.

4.1 Milk and Milk Products For puhaals and natives, during the period of puhaali, the consumption of milk of their cattle and milk products like butter and ghee (clarified butter) is taboo. It is noteworthy that the natives as well as puhaal during puhaali can consume the lassi (buttermilk). The important question that arises here is that why only this specific milk-product is excluded from the restricted list of milk-products? It is observed that among different 13 Rao 14 Rao

(1992). (2000).

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milk-products ‘ghee’ is considered as the most valuable for the natives as it plays an important role in the economy of the family. The process of making ghee by the natives involves the conversion of milk into curd, and then extraction of butter by churning curd. In this process, butter is separated from buttermilk while the buttermilk remains as a by-product. The butter is again heated up to form ghee. If the natives do not consume buttermilk it might result in wastage of the same. It cannot be used later unlike ghee. This could have been the reason as also suggested by some locals as to why buttermilk has been excluded from the list of restrictions. The milk of cows during the month of Sawan is believed to be tainted. The month of puhaali is a period of succha or pureness. So the consumption of milk and milk products is forbidden in Machail during the month of Sawan. Scientifically it is also proven that drinking milk is not safe in the month of Sawan because certain unwanted weeds grow on soil and if cattle eat those unwanted weeds containing toxic substances, the milk becomes toxic.

4.2 Teetotalism The restrictions during puhaali for the natives and specifically for the puhaal have certain pragmatic inclinations as they facilitate the smooth functioning of the socioeconomic life of the natives. Religious reinforcement acts as an agent to implement the rules of puhaali on the natives. One such rule that a puhaal has to abide by during the period of puhaali is teetotalism. The manifest function of the restriction regarding alcohol is to honor the period of succha (purity). The latent function of such customs could be that such rules regulate the socio-economic life of the natives. These practices can be understood in the given context of time and space only. There is a practical aspect to the practice as well. Puhaali is a hazardous occupation. In Machail pastureland for puhaali is quite mountainous, so there remains always a danger from wild animals. Consumption of alcohol by a puhaal at such a place might give an invitation to the threats like an accident of puhaal or the probability of loss of livestock. To impose such restrictions on puhaal a rule mingled with religious restrictions plays a very significant role.

4.3 Food Neutrality Unlike in Sanskritic Hinduism where non-vegetarian food is prohibited during festivals and religious occasions, an evident feature of the period of puhaali is that a puhaal can take non-vegetarian food during this month of religious restrictions. Non-vegetarian food is nonaligned; it is neither pure nor impure. Animal sacrifice is a regular feature of worship in the temples of the Padar region. Geographical and environmental conditions compel the natives to take a non-vegetarian diet. During puhaali, there are risks associated with livestock that could meet with accidents in

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the mountainous areas. They can be used for food purposes for a few days by the puhaal. Sometimes they also preserve the meat for the winter season. In this way, excluding non-vegetarian food from the restriction rules, serve the needs of the natives. For an outsider these restrictions might appear to be constraints, when observed from close quarters and studied at a specific time and space they emerge to play a functional role. In Merton’s framework of manifest and latent functions (Merton 1968),15 each rule of puhaali has a dual role to play. The period of puhaali has a special significance for the puhals. During this time, the puhaal is given the status of a deity at home. The food is served to puhaal first and then to other family members. In case the puhaal reaches home late the food is kept aside for him. Only when he takes the food then the family members eat. Separate utensils are kept for puhaal by the family members; nobody other than the puhaal is allowed to use those utensils for the whole month. When the puhaal reaches home he is not allowed to change his clothes. Special food is prepared with certain considerations when the family members get the news of the arrival of puhaal. The kitchen must be cleaned properly, the woman who is cooking food should be pure, i.e.—she should not be in her menstrual period that day. Like in many parts of India, in Padar too, the menstrual periods are considered impure and the woman in this state is not allowed to enter the kitchen. She has to maintain a distance from the puhaal.

4.4 Celibacy The restriction on sexual relations between the puhaal and his wife is placed on priority in the month of Sawan. The native’s conception of separation is to observe succha by remaining pious during this month for his close association with the divine world; for his safety and the protection of the livestock. The puhaal has to spend the whole month in forests with his cattle and sheep. If for some reason he has to come back home, he is not allowed to stay at home for the night. While at home he has to abide by certain rules of puhaali, he cannot sit on a chair or bed or any similar thing. In Padar, people do not perform marriages during the month of Sawan which is considered as the month of marital restrictions. Thakur Chand (92), an experienced man at Machail says that the practice of celibacy applies to the puhaal and not for all the married male members at home. Puhaali requires full-time supervision of the puhaal; attachment with family and frequent home visits of puhaal would act as interference. During the Sawan month, the puhaal cannot make frequent home visits. This might have remained the possible reason that led to the creation of the rule of abstinence from sexual proximity during puhaali. Celibacy as a virtue is adopted to minimize the interference of domestic issues with this pure economic activity in which religion as an agent of adherence plays an important role. During puhaali, not only sexual proximity with one’s spouse

15 Merton

(1968).

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but any kind of physical relation of puhaal with the opposite sex is considered a taboo. Defying such customs is considered as confronting the rules of the deity. There are also perceptions that puhaali is the medium to properly channelize a healthy married life. Among such local credence, there is a belief that women during the month of Sawan have a strong urge for sex, and for men, it is difficult to satisfy their sexual desire. So puhaali is an economic activity mingled with folk religious beliefs and rituals performed to channelize the strong desire for sex in women. Most of the economic activities in Machail can only be performed in the summer season because in winters due to heavy snowfall people cannot grow any crop or vegetables and consume the produce of the summer season. Puhaali is also a medium to manage properly the mode of production in the family. There is an unambiguous division of labour in the months of puhaali in Machail. The male members of the family take their cattle and sheep to the high mountains for grazing and the female members manage their household. Apart from this, it is the responsibility of women to collect and store firewood and fodder for the winter season in their houses. Complete-time and efforts are required for such economic activities. Partial separation of husband and wife is also seen in the plain areas of the Jammu division similar to many parts of rural north India where the newly married women spend the whole month of Sawan at the parents’ house. In plains, given the patriarchal structure of society, women in their in-law’s house live with several restrictions. Sawan is the month (during which festivals like Raksha- Bandhan and Teej fall and daughters and sisters visit their natal homes) that provides married women an opportunity to move away from a harsh life and enjoy the freedom and less burden of their natal homes. It is a common feature in most of the villages of north India to observe girls and young women swinging, enjoying, and singing songs during the month of Sawan.

4.5 Forbearance Puhaali is also seen as a period of forbearance during which a puhaal should reflect on his personality; self-control, pertinence, toleration, mercy, permissiveness, and maintain politeness in behaviour.

4.6 Other Restrictions on Puhaal There are some other restrictions on puhaal related to the worship at the temple. He is prohibited to pluck flowers of any kind during the month of puhaali. The puhaal can enter the temple and is not completely forbidden but he has to follow a few rules like he cannot burn the incense or ring the bell in the temples.

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5 Puhaali: Reasons for Decline Puhaali is on the decline in the present times. Some of the reasons inferred from the natives during the discussion for this are stated as under. • Puhaali is considered as one of the arduous occupations as the puhaal has to spend a period of puhaali on high hills. • There is a lack of livestock and changing preferences in occupations. • The younger generation being educated categorizes it as the occupation of illiterates. • The mounting number and the popularity of the pilgrimage of Goddess Chandi in Machail have contributed to exposure and opportunities in the Padar region. • The annual pilgrimage of the Goddess Chandi in the summer season has innovated new sources of income for the natives of Machail. In July and August, they accommodate pilgrims in their houses and tents on rent and this has brought an alternate source of income for the local people. New shops of sacred material, usable items, clothes, and eatables have also come up. • Many natives in the summer season engage in other economic pursuits and lend their livestock to Bakarwals (a nomadic Muslim tribe having sheep and goat rearing as occupation) and pay them money or other commodities as an exchange in service. Rao and Casimir note in their study that there are many poor among Bakarwals in J&K who work as hired shepherds for either the rich Bakarwals or for the ‘Pohol’, professional Kashmiri shepherds (Rao and Casimir 2003, p. 244).16 Though the tradition of puhaali is facing decline people still celebrate different local rituals and festivals as part of their social life. The annual pilgrimage of Goddess Chandi is facing a rapid transformation from local to regional and from regional to some extent national stature. This change is likely to affect the folk nature of religion in Machail. The Managing Committee of Machail pilgrimage, Sarv Shakti Sewak Sanstha (SSSS) is demanding the takeover of management by the Shrine Board so that the pilgrimage of Goddess becomes better and more organized. The natives also support the transfer of management of the Machail pilgrimage with the precondition that the Board should not interfere with the beliefs and faiths of the people in celebrating their folk festivals.

6 Closure of the Temple During the Month of Sawan in the Padar Region Owing to a popular local belief the temples of the Padar region remain closed during the month of Sawan (July–August) so does the famous temple of Goddess Chandi of Machail. Deena Nath (45) of Machail who belongs to a priestly caste believes that 16 Rao

and Casimir (2003).

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in Sawan the deities take leave to formulate strategies, thus the temples in the entire Padar region remain shut. Natives do not consume milk products except buttermilk for the whole month and remain succha (pure). The belief behind succha is to serve the milk products (ghee/ butter) of puhaali first to the deity before its consumption by the natives. There are certain latent functions behind the periodic closure of temples in the Padar region; the factors encompass geographic, social, and economic conditions. (a)

(b)

Geographically, the entire Padar region is a mountainous range where temples remain closed not only during Sawan month but there are periodic opening and closing of the temples. Similarly, the temple of Goddess Chandi observes the shutting of doors in the acute winter season i.e. from 14th January till 13th April. Festival of Baisakhi (13th April) which is celebrated all over north India as the harvest festival, is marked as the celebration of the opening of the doors of temples for regular worship by the natives in the Padar region. There are also certain shrines in India where climatic conditions play a significant role in their periodic openings. The famous shrine of Lord Shiva, Baba Amarnath in Jammu and Kashmir, and Kedarnath in Uttarakhand State are the finest examples of remaining closed in winters and opening for darshan (to observe/ have glimpse) and yatra (pilgrimage) in summers. Besides this, the temple of Chandi Mata in Padar also remains closed during one month of Sawan (July–August). Padar region is distinct with regard to the social and economic conditions of the area. The economy of the inhabitants is largely dependent on agriculture and animal husbandry. Concisely, livestock plays a vital role in sustaining the economy of the natives. Folk religion is intricately intermingled with the dayto-day activities of the people. In the religious affairs priests, chelas (shamans) and the other actors who are actively involved are mostly the male members of the village. These actors also earn their livelihood by agriculture and farming, their role regarding the worship of deity does not provide economic security. Sawan is the month of economic production in the Padar region. Male members get engaged outside the home while female members handle domestic affairs, which acts as a factor that leads to the closure of religious activities.

7 Celebration of Naghui Tewhaar Naghui tewhaar is a festival celebrated by natives on the culmination of puhaali and the opening of Goddess Chandi temple in Machail. In the temple premises of Goddess Chandi, this festival is celebrated by natives around the 18th of August or the first day of the month of Bhadaun. On the last day of the previous month of Sawan, all the puhaals of Machail who are in puhaali climb high hills in search of munaal, a sacred and rare flower. Munaal usually grows in high mountains. It is also known as the flower of the glaciers. The puhaals in search of munaal always go in pairs. On finding the sacred and rare flower of the glacier, roat (offering), a kind of chapatti is offered to it. On the same day, puhaals celebrate this occasion. During

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the night they assemble and perform the jagran, a tradition in which puhaals gather and sing devotional folk songs of the local deities the whole night. After performing the jagran at puhaali, prasad (religious offering) is made which comprises ghee and halwa (a sweet dish made of flour, ghee, and sugar). On the first day of the month of Bhadaun (18th August), a sacred flower is offered in the famous temple of Goddess Chandi with ghee and the roat (a thick chapatti used as an offering). This event known as Naghui tewhaar is celebrated as a grand festival in Machail in which the restriction on the consumption of milk and milk products and other taboos are lifted from the whole Padar region. According to the Hindu lunar calendar, there are twelve months in a year—Chaitra, Vaisakha, Jyaishtha, Ashaadha, Saravana (Sawan), Bhaadrapada (Bhadaun), Asvina, Kaarthika, Maarghasira, Pausa, Maagha, and Phalguna. The first day of a month is known as the Sankranti. In the Padar region, each Sankranti is believed to be sacred with affixed socio-religious connotations.17 The Sankranti observed in Padar region are: (1) utrayan; (2) shikaar; (3) minghaar; (4) baisakhi; (5) kukot; (6) gucchhat; (7) dakheen; (8) naghui; (9) alone; (10) makhal; (11) oaser; and (12) panzhaar. Each Sankranti has distinctive folklore that illustrates its formation and observance. This folk version of Sankranti is entirely different from the pan-Indian concept. Here Sankranti is performed either to venerate the folk deities or sometimes represent the indigenous way of life. There are certain festivals celebrated by natives on the occasion of Sankranti. The social significance of some of these festivals has increased, some others are celebrated by natives only, while a few have lost their socio-religious significance. The influx of annual pilgrimage of Goddess Chandi has played a vital role in the wider recognition of the local festivals being celebrated during the period of pilgrimage. In Machail the Sankranti of Bhaadrapada or Bhadaun (August–September) month is known as Naghui and the festival celebrated in the entire Padar region on this occasion is known as Naghui tewhaar. Etymologically Naghui tewhaar refers to a festival dedicated to the veneration of Naag deity in the Padar region, Naghui means related to the worship of Naag, and tewhaar means festival, hence the worship of Naag deity or Naghui tewhaar. Each village here has a Naag (snake) as their Kul 17 According to local sources: Utrayan Sankrant (around 14th January, Sankrant is the day) indicates the start of increasing the day and end of short days. Shikaar refers to a Sankrant in which the natives believe that a deity from the Ladakh region comes to Padar for hunting. Minghaar Sankrant refers to an occasion believed to be the growth of witchcraft and the end of the winter season. Baisakhi Sankrant signifies the celebration of the Baisakhi festival. Kukot refers to the name of a cuckoo bird and the Sankranti also indicates the change of season. Sankranti gucchhat refers to the name of a weed naturally grown in the fields during this month which can be used by the natives as vegetables. Dakheen Sankrant refers to the period when the days start decreasing. Naghui Sankrant in the Padar region is dedicated to the veneration of the Naag (snake) deity. Alone Sankrant is derived from the name of walnut in the Padar region which ripens fifteen days prior to other varieties of walnuts. Makhal represents the peak of harvesting season; observed in the Andaryal area (Massu, Chishoti, Machail). Oaser Sankranti symbolizes the completion of the harvesting season. Panzhaar Sankranti is mainly observed in the Paryal area of the Padar region (Atholi, Tatta Pani, and Karthei) which grows paddy crop, and on this Sankranti, it is offered to the deity. On the occasion of the Baisakhi festival, natives worship their fields and perform customary ploughing.

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(clan) deity. The Kul deity of Machail is Su-Naag whereas the adjoining villages of Machail, i.e. Hamuri and Chishoti have Shesh-Naag and Meu-Naag as their clan deities, respectively. In the Padar region, the Sankranti dedicated to the worship of Naag deity is the Naghui. On Naghui people venerate the Naag- devta and offer milk of puhaali to the deity. The emergence of Goddess Chandi as a prominent deity in the Padar region has shifted the paradigm of festive celebrations. Naghui tewhaar is celebrated in Machail as a festival of Goddess Chandi and has therefore attained popularity whereas the significance of the other local deities has begun to acquire a peripheral position. It observes the participation of people from adjoining villages as well (Table 1). Naghui tewhaar refers to the end of the restricted life during the period of puhaali (in the month of Sawan) and celebration of bliss and liberation; consequently, natives enjoy the normal life. They begin consuming milk products. It is a festival that refers to the celebration of the productivity of the puhaali. The economy of the natives is dependent on agriculture and farming. During Sawan, a puhaal collects the milk and makes ghee, which is considered the most valuable milk product. The market value of these products, therefore, helps in boosting the economy of the natives. Earlier the Naghui tewhaar was celebrated in the traditional form by natives following their ancient Sanatan (tradition). A couple of decades back Naghui tewhaar was organized and attended by the natives only. In recent years, this festival has observed significant changes in the mode of celebration which have come largely due to the annual pilgrimage of Goddess Chandi. Nowadays the festival is organized by Sarv Shakti Sewak Sanstha and is attended by the pilgrims of the annual yatra (pilgrimage) as well. This transition has taken place smoothly and the natives hardly feel it as interference by outsiders. Annual pilgrims from other parts of the country with different cultural backgrounds also enjoy the distinctive forms of folk religion. The festival of Naghui tewhaar begins with the accomplishment of puhaali with the arrival of puhaals at Machail on or around the 18th of August. They come with munaal (sacred flower) and the roat and are welcomed by the natives at the entrance of the village. On reaching home the puhaal places these sacred flowers at some clean place. The female members of the family start preparing the succhi (small fried chapattis). These succhi are taken to the temple as offerings to the Goddess. Munaal is believed to have sacred significance and is offered to the deity. After some time the puhaal offers this flower with edible offerings to the Goddess in the temple. It can be seen as a festive present from the side of puhaal to the deity at the opening of the temple after one month. The family from where no puhaal has gone to puhaali, i.e. for grazing domestic animals on the higher reaches of mountains, the other members of the family may offer the munaal and the suchhi to the Goddess. The roat and the flower brought from the puhaali are distributed among the rest of the households of the village. When the sun rises fully the actors associated with the worship of the deity-like the priest, chelas, and the bajantaris move towards the temple of Goddess with their respective sacred tools. The start-off ritual of Naghui tewhaar is marked by worship of the Goddess by the priest. At present the opening schedule of the temple has been altered due to the mounting number of pilgrims, now it opens in July before the

Vaisakha

Jyaishtha

Ashaadha

Saraavana

Bhaadrapada

Asvina

Kaarthika

Maarghasira

Pausa

Maagha

Phalguna

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

March–April

February–March

January–February

December–January

November–December

October–November

September–October

August–September

July–August

June–July

May–June

April–May

Source Information given by the Natives of Padar region

Chaitra

2

Months

1

Hindu lunar calendar

Kumbha Sankranti

Makar

Dhanu

Vrischika

Tula

Kanya

Simha

Karka

Mithuna

Vrishabha

Mesha

Meena

Sankranti

Table 1 Hindu lunar calendar and the Sankrants observed in Padar region

Panzhaar

Oaser

Makhal

Alone

Naghui

Dakheen

Gucchhat

Kukot

Baisakhi

Minghaar

Shikaar

Utrayan

Local Sankranti in Padar region

December–January

November–December

October–November

September–October

August–September

July–August

June-July

May–June

April–May

March–April

February–March

January–February

212 S. Singh

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Naghui festival, earlier the temple of the Goddess used to open on Naghui tewhaar only. Though the temple of Goddess opens before this festival the traditional aarti (worship) is performed only after Naghui tewhaar. The worship of the Goddess by the head priest of the temple is followed by the adoration of the chelas and bajantaris with dhoop (incense burnt in the temples) and application of tilak (a religious mark usually worn on the forehead in Hinduism) on each of them. It has been observed that both the actors, i.e. the chela and the priest play important roles in folk Hinduism. Primarily the job of the priest is to perform the routine worship of the deity and to take care of the belongings of the temple whereas the chela of a deity is expected to perform the role of an intermediary between the sacred and the mundane. In folk Hinduism, the chela is believed to possess more supernatural power as compared to the priest of a temple. His special status is conditional to the virtue of his ability to the possession of deity. Then his words are considered as divine and sometimes he is treated as the manifestation of the deity depending upon his charismatic authority in folk religion (Fig. 4). Sometimes the priest of a temple and the chela of the deity might be the same person. There is hardly any rivalry between the actors involved in Goddess worship. Sometimes a common person of the village under the possession of deity is regarded as the chela of the deity. The head priest of the temple, Des Raj, provides the most sacred symbol of the Goddess, i.e. trishool (trident) and a silver flask containing the munaal flowers to the head chela of the Goddess. The chela receives these from the priest at the main gate of the temple. Other chelas of the Goddess remain standing

Fig. 4 March of Chelas and Bajantaris on the day of Naghui tewhaar towards Goddess Chandi Temple. Source Author

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in a sequence, the bajantaris constantly beat the drums and the pilgrims attend this festival with devotion encircling the temple. The head chela after receiving these sacred symbols bow to them in respect followed by a folk dance leading to the possession of deity. Folk dance of the chela in his traditional dress carrying sacred instruments lasts for some time in a circular pattern. During the possession stage, the chela bows to the deity at the main gate of the temple. During this period his utterance is believed to be the message of the Goddess concerning the whole region. The chela in the possession state might reveal the blessings and the curse that natives are going to face in the coming time. On the whole in Naghui tewhaar, the two native chelas of Goddess Chandi, Bachan Singh and Nand Pal along with the chela of the Naag-devta experience the chouki (a state of trance or in possession of deity). It is unique in itself because after Sawan and puhaali, the chelas practice this maiden chouki. The people participating in the festival feel blessed to see the expression of the Goddess in chela during the possession state. When the chela comes out of this trance condition he blesses the people with the trishool; people bow to receive the blessings. Similarly, the chelas of other deities go in a possession state in which they sometimes beat themselves with iron chains in different mood swings. The possession state of the chelas during the Naghui tewhaar is followed by a traditional folk dance of the natives. People dance in a circular pattern popularly known as kud in the Jammu region. The dance of natives before the temple of the Goddess is led by the chela of the deity followed by the elders, natives, and the pilgrims. The female members also participate in it which lasts for a few hours. With the celebration of this event, the natives return to their homes and Naghui tewhaar festival comes to an end. Once the festival is over, on the 2nd day of Bhadaun, puhaals take munaal flower from the Machail temple and immerse it in Teth Lake which is around 12 km away from Machail. Before reaching the Lake there is a small temple of Nakata Beer (a local deity). Puhaals perform worship in that temple. At last, the munaal flower is immersed in the Teth Lake. The celebration of the festival Naghui tewhaar symbolizes the end of the restrictive period for the puhaals. From this day, i.e. the 1st Bhadaun, the aarti starts in all the temples of the Padar region (Fig. 5).

8 Conclusion The celebration of Naghui tehwaar depicts the influence of folk religion on the social life of the natives. Over the years Naghui tehwaar was celebrated by the natives only, but now it has witnessed a transition in terms of performance in pure folk essence. Thakur Chand says that the temple of Goddess Chandi used to open on Naghui tewhaar; however, these days it opens in advance because of the increasing number of annual pilgrims of Goddess Chandi from different parts of the country. For natives, though it has altered their traditional practices they do not consider it as ill-omened. They are pleased that at least the performance of aarti starts on this day. A couple of decades back the aarti of the deity was done weekly with the traditional folk

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Fig. 5 Chela performing the folk dance with Munaal flower and celebration of Naghui Tewhaar by Natives. Source Author

instruments by priests, chelas, and natives, but now it is done every day with the emergence of the Brahmanical mode of worship. According to Srinivas, when there is a decrease in the area of spread, the shared customs and rituals increase, and viceversa (Srinivas 1952).18 This is happening in the Chandi temple of Machail where we find the increasing number of rituals with the Sanskritized annual yatra as well as the continuation of most of the folk traditions by the natives. A folk form of a deity is usually venerated on specific occasions with diverse offerings; comprised of new seasonal crops in Padar. The folk form shows flexibility so far as the mode of worship and offerings to the deity are concerned as different from the pan-Indian form. In the temple of Goddess Chandi, the offerings to the Goddess during Naghui tewhaar remain vegetarian. Animal sacrifice during the period of the annual yatra is strictly prohibited. However, on various occasions like on Kartika Purnima (full moon night in November), a sheep is sacrificed by the natives to propitiate the Goddess Chandi during the Zaagra festival. In this festival, the native people of Padar gather together, sing, and dance around the bonfire the whole night to express their devotion to the Goddess Chandi.19 Thus it can be said that the worship of Chandi Mata at Machail in the Padar region of Kishtwar district encompasses both Sanskritic and folk forms. Though the Sanskritic form is overtaking in recent years, particularly with the start of the pilgrimage or Machail yatra, the significance of folk festivals has not reduced in the Padar region as evident in the celebration of Naghui tewhaar.

References Acharya, K. C. (2009). Mother goddess and her worship in Orissa, Orissa Review. September. Bamzai, P. N. K. (1962). A history of Kashmir. Delhi: Metropoliton. 18 Srinivas 19 Singh

(1952). (2016).

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Foter, G. M. (1953). What is Folk-culture? American Anthropologist, 1, 159–173. Kinsley, D. R. (1986). Hindu goddesses: Visions of the divine feminine in the hindu religions tradition. University of California Press. Madan, T. N. (2004). Religions in India. In V. Das (Ed.), Oxford handbook of Indian sociology. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Marriot, M. (Ed.). (1955). Village India: Studies in the little community. The University of Chicago Press. Merton, R. K. (1968). Social theory and social structure. Amerind Publishing Co., Pvt. Ltd. Newell, W. H. (1961). Himachal Pradesh report on scheduled castes and scheduled tribe: A study of Gaddi- scheduled tribe, and affiliated castes. In Census of India, (Vol. 20). Part V-B. Himachal Pradesh. Rao, A., & Casimir, M. J. (2003). Movements of Peoples: Nomads in India. In V. Das (Ed.), The Oxford India Companion to Sociology and Social Anthropology. (pp. 219–261). Oxford University Press. Rao, A. (1992). The constraints of nature or of culture? Pastoral resources and territorial behaviour in the Western Himalayas. In M. J. Casimir & A. Rao (Eds.), Mobility and territoriality: Social and spatial boundaries among foragers, fishers, pastoralists and peripatetics. (pp. 91–134). Berg Pubs. Rao, A. (2000). Levels and boundaries in native models: Social groupings among the Bakkarwals of the Western Himalayas. In T. N. Madan (Ed.), Muslim Communities of South Asia: Culture, Society and Power (pp. 289–332). Delhi: Manohar. Rivers, W. H. R. (1906). The Toda. Macmillan and Co. Singh, S. (2016). Zaagra of Machail Mata: A folk tradition of Sanskritising Goddess Chandi in Padar Region of Kishtwar District. In A. Chauhan (Ed.), Jammu and Kashmir: Essays in society culture and politics. (pp. 185–208). Winshield Press. Sinha, V. (2007). Folk hinduism. In G. Ritzer (Ed.), The blackwell encyclopedia of sociology, F-HE (Vol. IV, pp. 1764–1767). Oxford UK: Blackwell Publishing Company. Srinivas, M. N. (1952). Religion and society among the Coorgs of South India. Clarendon Press. Srinivas, M. N. (1962). A note on Sanskritization and Westernization. Far Eastern Quarterly, 15(4), 48–96. Srinivas, M. N. (1966). Social change in modern India. University of California Press. Tanaka, M. (2003). Religion in everyday life. In V. Das (Ed.), The Oxford India companion to sociology and social anthropology (Vol. I, pp. 861–883). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Walker, A. R. (1986). Todas of South India: A new look. Hindustan Publishing Corporation.

Websites https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chandi. https://www.kashmirhills.com/attractions/temples/machail-mata-temple-in-kishtwar/.

Chapter 11

Naag Deity Worship in Bhaderwah: A Case Study of Jaatra Ritual Neetika Sharma

Abstract The paper focuses on the study of the Naag (snake) deity worship with special reference to the Jaatra ritual in Bhaderwah Tehsil of Doda district in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The worship of the Naag deity is common in this mountainous region from time immemorial and has great religious and spiritual significance for the people. In Bhaderwah, the Jaatra ritual is performed to propitiate the Naag deities prominent among them are Vasuki Naag, Takshat Naag, and Shesh Naag. The term Jaatra is derived from yatra which means pilgrimage or visiting the deity. It is performed at the village level. On the day specified for performing the Jaatra ritual all the families of the village visit Naag temple. In the evening, they gather at a common place where the mala (a long necklace made of bells typically used in Hindu’s place of worship), sangals (iron chains), and khundi (long iron piece shaped like a snake) are worshipped accompanied by ritualistic music. The sacred fire is lit which keeps burning throughout the night. The chela (shaman) goes into a trance while he is possessed by the Naag deities. The ritual of Jaatra, thus, performs the manifest function of protecting the villagers while on the other hand, it promotes community solidarity. The paper gives a detailed analysis of the performance of the Jaatra ritual and brings into fore the uniqueness of the culture of Bhaderwah known for the worship of the Naag deity. Keywords Jaatra · Naag deity · Chela · Bhaderwah

1 Introduction Naag (snake) worship, referred to broadly as the ‘Naga’ cult in India is one of the oldest and widespread forms of religion. In Egypt, Greece, and the ancient Harrapan culture of India, there are indications that snake worship was prevalent in these places. The various sources like Harrapan figurines, the Vedic literature, Puranas, Epics, and Buddhist literature are the proofs of snake worship in India. The snakes were represented as animals or supernatural beings in Buddhist literature. Some evidence N. Sharma (B) Assistant Professor, Government Degree College Khour, District Jammu (J&K), India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_11

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also suggests that ‘Nagas’ were tribal people who used to live on the mountain slopes of the northern belt of the country. The accounts of Ceylon, China, and Tibet, and also the native literature of Kashmir suggest that Naag worship had acquired a prominent position in early Kashmir. Nilamata Purana which talks about the History of Kashmir indicates that Naag worship might have been the principal religion of Kashmir around the fourth and third entury BC.1 Naag (snake) cult in India may be studied during a period which may not be less than four million years, right from the Satisar Desa (pre drained stage of Satisar lake of Kashmir), through the days of Mohenjodaro and Harrapan (Indus Valley) civilization to the contemporary trends of Naag worship throughout India. During this period, the Naags had haunted the imagination of the people of India. There is hardly any country in the world other than India in whose art and literature Naag cult and Naag lore have taken so prominently a place. The chief repositories of Naag lore in India are Hindu scriptures like Vedas, Epics, Mahabharata, Jatakas, Nilamata Purana, Rajatarangini, and oral as well as written folk tales and songs pertaining to them in various regional languages and dialects. Though the Naag cult as per Nilamata Purana originated from Kashmir, in later times it seems to have engulfed the whole of the Indian sub-continent and many countries surrounding it (Koul 2008, p. 31).2 In India, Naags are worshipped from Kashmir in the North to Cape Cameroon in the South. Many rituals and festivals are celebrated for propitiating Naag deities. In Bhaderwah, Jaatra is the most important ritual during which pilgrimage is undertaken by all the family members of the village for worshipping the Naag deity. The performance of the ritual propitiating the Naag deity is an intrinsic part of Bhaderwahi culture (Fig. 1). Bhaderwah which is known for its scenic beauty and is called ‘Mini Kashmir’ lies at a distance of 208 km from Jammu, the winter capital city of the Union Territory (UT) of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). It is surrounded by Alpine trees in the eastern Himalayan belt towards the north-east. From the east it is enclosed with the hilly district Chamba of Himachal Pradesh; in the south lies tehsil Basohli and Ramnagar; in the West rests the Doda and Ramban tehsils which is divided from Bhaderwah boundary by the famous river Chenab and in the north lies hilly tehsil of Kishtwar and Padder sapphire mines. The valley of Bhaderwah in the Himalayas is located on 75º-40’ East longitude and 33º-4’ North latitude (Kotwal 2000, pp, 1–2)3 . As per the census 2011, the total population of Bhaderwah tehsil is 75,376. Scheduled Caste (SC) constitutes 19.3% while Scheduled Tribes (ST) are 6.2% of the total population of Bhaderwah. Of the total population, Hindus are 58.02%, Muslims are 41.71%, Christians are 0.13%, and Sikhs are 0.11%. The total literacy rate of Bhaderwah is 75.51%.4

1 Chib

(2017). (2008). 3 Kotwal (2000). 4 www.censusindia.co.in. 2 Koul

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Fig. 1 A view of Bhaderwah Town, District Doda, Jammu and Kashmir. Source Author

2 Naag Worship in India Serpent worship was one of the principal religions of the people of Kashmir from around the third and fourth century BC to the seventh century AD. Thereafter also it remained in practice till the coming of the Mughals to the valley of Kashmir in the 15th century AD. Nila Naag, the son of Kashyap was the chief of all the Naags. Nilamata Purana (7–8th century) records show that Kashmir was created by Sage Kashyap and was taken care of by Naags. The worship of Nila Naag was done on every snowfall while other Naags were worshipped on Iramanjari5 in the month of Chaitra (March) and on Varun Panchmi, the fifth day of Bhadra (August-September) dark moon night. According to the Nilamata Purana, there were around 527 Naags worshipped in Kashmir. However, the number rises to 700 places in the Kashmir valley where the carved images of Naags were worshipped by the inhabitants as mentioned in Abu- Fazal’s accounts of 16th century AD (Koul 2008).6 In the Gurdaspur district of Punjab (adjacent to Jammu district), a festival is observed in the month of Sravana (July–August). At this festival girls in each village go to some nearby water body which may be a pond, stream, or a river. When they go to the water body they take some sweet bread with them and there they eat, sing, and enjoy the swings together. It is believed that this custom originated from the worship 5 Iramanjari, as mentioned in Nilamata Purana, was a festival of flowers in ancient Kashmir. In this

festival people along with their wives, children, and friends, in festive dresses and merry moods visited the Ira garden, adored themselves with Ira flowers, gave them to the womenfolk, and also worshipped Naag deities with Ira flowers. 6 Op. cit. Ref. 2. p. 36–37.

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of Naags. During this festival, on the day of Naag Panchmi7 , a figure of a snake is drawn in black colour. It is believed that drawing a figure of a snake inside the house on Naag Panchami day prevents the swarming of snakes in the house. Similarly, in the Beas valley of Punjab, a festival called Naag Ki Pooja (worship of snake deity) is held after Diwali8 (an Indian festival celebrated in October–November every year) to bid farewell to snakes.9 In Chamba in the adjoining state of Himachal Pradesh, the milk on the 11th day of the calving cow is considered sacred to the snake deities. This custom can be seen as similar to another custom which is performed in Pangi (Himachal Pradesh) and other parts of the Chenab valley. During this custom which is performed in the month of Sravana (July–August) and at a fixed date during this month, milk is offered to the Naag deity. In the state of Uttar Pradesh, the festival called Naag Panchmi is celebrated. In this festival on Naag Panchmi day, the head of the family plays a major role. On the day of the feast, he takes bath in the morning. After this, he paints the walls of his room with two crude representations of serpents. He also makes some offerings to the Brahmins. Seven days before the festival, a mixture of wheat, grain, and a pulse is put in water. On the day of the festival, a wisp of Grass is tied like a snake and is dipped in the water-containing mixture of wheat, grain, and pulse. Offerings are then made to the snakes along with some money and sweetmeats (Koul 2008).10 In the state of Bihar, women folk celebrate a festival called Gobar Panche. This festival is celebrated on the fifth day of Sravana (July–August) dark moon night. The women folk smear their houses with cow dung. On the festival of Gobar Panche, they worship Shesh Naag and make offerings of milk and parched grain. Women go out in groups. They call themselves Nagins (wives of Naag) and go out begging for two and a half days. During this period women who go out for begging do not sleep under a roof. They also abstain from eating salt which is seen as an antidote against snake poison. Half of the proceeds which are gathered from begging are given to the Brahmins and the rest half is used for buying salt and sweet foods that are eaten by the whole village. A similar festival is observed in the Garhwal region of the hilly state of Uttarakhand where the women smear the floor of the house with cow dung and mud to make it clean. On this floor, they make crude representations of five, seven, or nine snakes using sandalwood and turmeric powder. These snake images are then worshipped with lamps. Incense is also burnt in front of the images. Offerings of fruit and food are made to the serpent images. People stay awake the whole night and listen to the stories of Naags.11 7 Naag Panchmi is observed to worship snake deities. It is celebrated on the fifth day of the bright half of Sravana (July–August) month according to the Hindu calendar. 8 Diwali or Deepavali is the Hindu festival of lights which falls in the autumn months of OctoberNovember on the Amavasya (moonless night). It is the most popular festival of Hinduism which symbolizes the victory of good over evil. 9 Op. cit. Ref. 2. p. 31–32. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. p. 32–33.

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Serpent worship is also performed in different districts of West Bengal. Instead of the worship of living snakes as elsewhere in different parts of the country, an anthropomorphic serpent Goddess Manasa is worshipped in West Bengal. Many rites and rituals are performed for the serpent Goddess Manasa which has emerged as a distinct cult known as Manasa-cult. Though the rites performed for Goddess Manasa differ in different districts of West Bengal, more insightful observation and analysis unfolds that these rites have originated from a common source.12 In every village of the Birbhum district of West Bengal, there are serpent shrines of Goddess Manasa. In these serpent shrines, the serpent deity is worshipped in the form of earthen pitchers that have hooded snakes around them. On these hoods of snakes are placed green leaves of milky hedge plants. At the time of daily worship, these leaves are replaced with fresh leaves.13 In the East Mymensingh and West Sylhet area of West Bengal, the Serpent deity is worshipped at an annual celebration which is held on the last day of the Bengali month of Sravana (July–August). In the annual celebration, devotees worship serpent deity at their own houses rather than in the temples. During the annual worship, devotees make sacrifices either of goat or of pigeon to the serpent deity Manasa. Those devotees who do not eat meat make sacrifices of sugar cane, pumpkin, etc. The devotees make an image of Goddess Manasa with two or four arms and two clay snakes with their hoods on either side of the shoulder of the image. On the following day, this clay image is immersed in the water. Before immersing the image, the earthen snakes are taken out and kept in the house as it is believed that they work as a remedy for various serious diseases.14 Whereas in some areas of Bengal serpent deity Manasa is worshipped in temples and at homes, in some other parts of Bengal serpent worship has merged with Shaivism prevalent in those areas. As the serpent is the ornament of Hindu God Shiva, serpent worship is seen to be associated with Shiva by some of the followers. Where the serpents are believed to be associated with Shiva, in many Shiva shrines live snakes are kept. These live snakes live inside the snake holes made on the floor and walls of the shrine. They are fed on the milk and other offerings that are offered to the deity at the time of daily worship. The number of these snakes increases with time but they are considered to be harmless and do not cause any problem to the devotees coming to these shrines. During the daytime, these snakes stay inside the holes and come out only at the time of worship. After taking offerings of milk and other food items, they return to the holes. Moreover, these snakes are regarded as divine and harmless, and snake charmers are not allowed there to catch these snakes.15 In some areas of West Bengal, a festival known as Jhampan is observed. Jhampan is an annual festival in which the snake charmers or exorcists assemble at a particular

12 Bhattacharya 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid.

(1965).

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place and show some tricks with the snakes. The music is played throughout and the tricks are displayed alongside.16 In the life of some tribal and low caste Hindus of the hilly tracts of western Orissa, the Naag occupies a special place in their religious life. These people worship the snake after being initiated into a religious order called Nagabachha. Although there is no restriction of caste, creed, or sect for the selection of individuals for the Nagabachha ceremony, generally the male heirs of snake charmers and snake worshippers are accepted for the initiation to the cult of Nagabachha. The initiation of an individual to the cult of Nagabachha is done by a guru (spiritual leader) through a festive ceremony performed in the month of Bhadra (August–September). The ceremony is repeated every year and the members of the Nagabachha party have to associate themselves at least for seven years to attain perfection. After seven years of observance of rituals of the cult of Nagabachha, they are allowed to become gurus. They never kill or injure a snake during their lifetime. The members of the Nagabachha cult enjoy a special place in the social life of their villages. They act as gunis (charmers) to cure a snake bite. They never receive remuneration for their services either in cash or kind. They are most devoted to their duties. They fear that if they neglect their duty they may incur the wrath of the divine (Pradhan 2001).17 Not only in northern India but the whole of south India Naag worship is largely prevalent. It is especially the cobra snake which is held sacred in south India. The higher castes consider it a sin to kill the cobra deity and believe that the man who does so will be stricken with all kinds of misfortune. The great popularity of this cult in south India is testified by snake slabs called nagkuls usually found in great numbers near the entrance of the town or village, corner of a temple courtyard, near a tank, or a tree (Koul 2008, p. 34 ).18 The Malabar coast of Kerala is also a great seat of serpent worship. In this region, the Naag is the tutelary deity of the house. In the south-west corner of every house, a clump of wild jungle trees with graceful creepers is found and every tree, bush, and twig of it is considered sacred. The place is called Naag-Kotta (snake shrine). The shrine needs to be respected, otherwise; leprosy, itch, the barrenness of women, frequent appearance of snakes, and other diseases are supposed to occur. Worship is offered at least once a year, often by a Brahmin. The deity is periodically propitiated by songs and dances called Nagam-Pattu.19 Srinivas (2003, pp. 167–169) in his study of Coorgs of South India found that in every Coorg household, there is a platform where stones representing cobra deities are embedded. There is a ban on women approaching the cobra platform during menstruation as the cobra deities are extremely sensitive to impurity of any sort. Women are afraid of going near the cobra platform because of the belief that its defilement would result in some misfortune to their family. The angered cobra deity may be roused to bite a member. Women are likely to conceal such violations from 16 Ibid. 17 Pradhan

(2001). Ref. 2. 19 Ibid. p. 35. 18 Op.cit.

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others. But if they tell honestly what they have done; purificatory and expiatory rites could be performed to appease the cobra deity.20 All over India, there is a reluctance to kill the cobra even though it is a dangerous creature. Coorgs abstain from killing cobras found in temples and believed to be harmless, whereas they do not hesitate to kill cobras found outside temples. In south India, there is a belief that a Cobra lives to a very great age and that as it gets older its tail becomes shorter. During the last period of its life, it is said to develop wings. Coorgs share these beliefs and some of them believe that a cobra platform is built above the spot where a cobra ended its earthly existence.21 In the Kannada, Tamil, and Telugu regions cobra worship has a different orientation. In each village, a platform is built around a peepul tree (ficus religiosa) and on this platform are kept sculptured images of a single snake or two intertwined snakes. Such a platform is worshipped by all the people in the locality (Srinivas 2003).22 Reck and Reck (1981) describe Naga-Kalam which is a musical ceremony of the state of Kerala performed for Naags. Naga-Kalam is an evening ceremony performed by members of the relatively low caste in the homes of relatively high caste. In this ritual, first, a sacred space is created in the middle of the central large living room of the house. Ceremonial objects, brassware, platters of rice, coconuts, oil lamps are arranged. An elaborate bright painting of coloured powder is made on the floor. During this ritual, Naga-pata (songs) describing the origin of Naags are sung. At a certain point, the musicians switch to tula pata—a song that signals the Naag’s presence in the room through their possession of some people. The people in trance sway back and forth like a cobra sways before a snake charmer. As the trance goes deeper, their movements become more and more active. An important part of the entire activity is played by music. The Naga-pattu songs of the Naags possess some of the power characteristics of mantras which highlights a relationship between music and mantra, perhaps more common in Indian folk, religious, and classical music than is commonly realized.23 In Jammu and Kashmir, there are many Naag shrines located all over the Jammu region on high mountain ridges, high land pastures, in the forest groves, and the outskirts of inhabited villages. There are hundreds of place names associated with Naags. Naags were the aboriginals of Kashmir and lived near the lakes and springs of Kashmir. Nilamata Purana provides us a list of more than 600 Naags of the Kashmir valley. All these were the tutelary deities of the people of Kashmir. Nila Naag resided at the source of Vitasta (river Jhelum). District Anantnag of Kashmir province has been named after Naag Ananta. Sheshnag lake en route to world-famous Amarnath cave24 gets its name from Naag lord Shesh Naag. Gautam Naag lies at the extremity

20 Srinivas 21 Ibid.

(2003). p. 167–169.

22 Ibid. 23 Reck

and Reck (1981). cave in Kashmir is a Hindu shrine of Lord Shiva. It is situated at a height of about 13000 ft from sea level. It remains covered with snow throughout the year. Only in the summer 24 Amaranth

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of the town of Anantnag. Padam Naag resided at Wular lake. Thus, in the Kashmir valley, many lakes and places derive their names from Naag lords.25 In the Jammu division, there are many Naag shrines worshipped all over the region, important among them are Basak Naag (Vasuki Naag), Bhed or Bhair-devta, Kaidevta, Baba Surgal, Mansar-devta, Bhudsar-devta, Tansar-devta, and Shankhpal.26 The shrine of Bhed-Devta or Bhed Naag is situated 25 kms away from Jammu in the lower Shivalik hills, on the left bank of river Tawi. The shrine of Kai Naag is situated at the bank of River Chenab in Akhnoor. The shrine of Surgal Naag is associated with anthills and does not exist at a specific place, but is established by a devotee when the anthills appear in one’s house or outside. Sometimes red flags and red cloth coverings are put on the anthills as indicative of the would-be Surgal Naag shrine. The temple of Karla Naag lies at Patnitop in the Udhampur district. At village Assar and village Baggar in Doda district, Kurmut Naag is worshipped. In Poonch district, Loharu Naag is worshipped. A great deal of festivity associated with Naag shrines can be noticed on particular dates that are separate for each region.27 There are other minor Naag deities like Sukuhal-devta, Daule-devta, Narde-devta, Kurchitdevta, Masal-devta, and Pagan-devta whose influence does not extend beyond their respective village. Besides these aboriginal Naag deities, some anthropomorphic forms of serpent deities like Raja Mandlikh believed to have come from outside, are also worshipped.28

3 Naag Lords in Bhaderwah of Jammu Region The term Bhaderwah is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Bhadarwasa’ which means a place of living of supreme and intellect mankind which was later on distorted to the word Bhadarwah. In the Rajatarangini29 of Pandit Kalhan, it has been referred to as Bhadar Aukasha and Bhadar Pura. It has another reason to be titled as Bhadarwasa because it is surrounded by densely thick Deodar Jungles and the Deodar tree is considered the supreme plant, which is named in Sanskrit as Bhadar Kashta (Kotwal 2000).30 Bhaderwah remained an independent state up to the 8th century AD under its native rulers and then it came under the Kashmir rule during the reign of King months of May–August, it is open for the pilgrims. Inside the cave, people worship an ice lingam which is symbolic of the phallic symbol of Shiva. 25 Op. cit. Ref. 2. p. 78. 26 Atrey (2020). 27 Op. cit. Ref. 2. p. 101. 28 Op. cit. Ref. 26. 29 Rajatarangini is the historical chronicle of early India, written in Sanskrit verse by the Kashmiri historian Pandit Kalhana in 1148. It covers the entire span of the history of the Kashmir region from the earliest times to the date of its composition (www.britannica.com). 30 Op.cit. Ref. 3. p. 65.

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Ananta and Kalsa during the 10th and 11th centuries AD. Later on, the mighty rulers of Basohli brought it under their subjugation and simultaneously transferred to Raja Ranjit Dev, a powerful ruler of Jammu. To the close of the 16th century, it was again annexed to the Chamba rule. Then under the command of local Raja Pahar Chand of Bhaderwah, it was liberated with the help of a local warrior named Shaktu Kotwal and a wise Brahmin Sant Ram Kotwal.31 To the close of the 16th century, Bhaderwah was again annexed to the Chamba ruler. Sant Ram hatched a conspiracy against Chamba’s ruler and sought help from Mian Dido32 to liberate Bhaderwah from the Chamba ruler. The famous battle of Paddri was fought in the year 1820 AD which was won by Shaktu Kotwal and Chamba forces were defeated. But again the very next year, that is, in 1821 AD the Chamba ruler contemplated negotiations with Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore and sought the help of Sikh forces to recapture the Bhaderwah fort. Ultimately, Bhaderwah was again brought under the subjugation of the Chamba ruler from 1821 AD to 1845 AD. It came under the Dogra rule after the famous treaty of Amritsar was signed between the British and Maharaja Gulab Singh in the year 1846. Thus, Bhaderwah became an integral part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir.33 Presently, Bhaderwah is a tehsil of Doda district in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. It is believed that Padhas, a class of Purohits or Pandits (priests), and Meghas, the ancient musicians, were the actual inhabitants of Bhaderwah valley, and later on various races and tribes settled in the valley from time to time and adopted its culture and customs. The Megha community is well versed with music played to please different Naag deities on different occasions. They can play several different tunes and styles whichever is desired to please a particular deity. Devwani (the dialect of Devtas) is meant to please Naag deities. It has many forms like Nobat (to please Vasuki Naag), Bell (to please Shesh Naag), and Magh Plahar (for Takshat Naag).34 Nilamata Purana, to which Mr. Stein refers in his ‘Kalhana’s Rajatarangini’, mentions the origin of enmity between Kadru and Vaneeta, the two wives of Kashyap Rishi. Naags were off-springs of Kashyap from Kadru and Garuda the offspring of Kashyap from Vaneeta. The Naag children of Kadru were being persecuted by Garuda, the son of Vaneeta. The Naag lords when approached Vishnu, he granted them asylum in the Satisara (Kashmir valley was known as Satisara lake when it was underwater, in the scriptures). Later, when Kashyap Rishi drained the water after killing Jalambav Rakshas (demon), the Naag Lord Nila Naag (also called Shesh Naag or Ananta Naag35 ), ruled the valley and brought about habitation in this region. 31 Ibid.

p. 34. Dido Jamwal was a Dogra folk hero who fought against the Sikh dominance over Jammu throughout his life. Around 1808 Jammu became part of the Sikh Empire under Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Mian Dido never accepted the rule of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. He is particularly remembered for his guerilla warfare tactics against the Sikh forces. He always fought for justice and is revered in Dogri folk songs for his people-friendly acts (Sharma 2005). 33 Op. cit. Ref. 3. p. 34. 34 Ibid. p. 71–72. 35 Presently there is a district by the name Anantnag in Kashmir province in the Union Territory of J&K. 32 Mian

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During the regime of Haska, Jaska, and Kanishka36 when Kashmir came under the rule of Buddhists37 they stopped all oblations and sacrifices to the Naags. Persecution of Naags at the hands of Boudhsatavas made the Naags flee from Kashmir towards the north-east side and they reached the valley of Bhaderwah passing through Kishtwar. They were attracted by the charming valley which they thought was so pretty and peaceful as if carved as an abode of supernatural powers. Thus, Naag Lord Shesh Naag, the eldest among the Naag Lords, and Vasuki Naag, younger brother of Shesh Naag decided to inhabit the valley of Bhaderwah.38 As per the local legend and belief, it is believed that Goddess Bhadrakali, who inhabited the valley of Bhaderwah and was revered and worshipped in the entire region, was the sister of these Naag Lords and offered her kingdom to them. But on the issue of Kingship, of who will rule the kingdom, she was in favour of the younger brother Vasuki Naag. So to avoid any bad taste she settled the matter of kingship very cleverly. She told that any one of them who would see the sun first in the following morning would rule the Bhaderwah valley and sent them to their apartments for rest and sleep. It was so arranged that the first ray of the sun entered the apartment of Vasuki Naag and lately the Shesh Naag’s apartment, who in the local region is also known as Sabar Naag. The Naag Lord Vasuki on this condition became the ruler of Bhaderwah. But being an unprecedented affair, later on, they decided to divide the kingdom of Bhaderwah. By this agreement, the area on the right side of the river Neeru was given to Naag Lord Shesh Naag or Sabar Naag. The area on the left side of the river Neeru came under Vasuki Naag. After a long span of time when some Agni Kul Thakur came and settled down in this region, they ruled the valley revering these Naag Lords as their tutelary deities (Kotwal 2000).39 Though Kadru had 100 children which were Naags, prominent among them are Shesh Naag, Vasuki Naag, Takshat Naag, Padam Naag, and Mohal Naag. Shesh Naag is worshipped in the whole of the tehsil Bhaderwah and Paddar region of Kishtwar district. Its ancient temple exists at Sabar Dhar, 14 kms from Bhaderwah. Mohal Naag is worshipped in the Bhalesa region. In Bhaderwah proper, and Udrana Chobhiya Vasuki Naag is worshipped. Ancient temples of Vasuki Naag are at Gatha, Bhaderwah proper, and Nalthi village. The entire Hindu population of Bhaderwah believes in Naag worship and regards them as the tutelary deity. The people have one or the other Naag Lords as their principal deity and they are worshiped and pleased on many occasions in a particular form during the year. People of Bhaderwah celebrate the Naag festivals and rituals irrespective of their caste or creed.40 36 Kanishka was the King of the Kushan dynasty who ruled over the northern part of the Indian sub-continent and some parts of Central Asia north of the Kashmir region. When Kanishka came to the throne is uncertain. His accession has been estimated between 78 and 144 CE. He was a great patron of Buddhism (www.britannica.com). The fourth Buddhist council was held at Kashmir in 78 AD under the patronage of Kanishka. 37 Kashmir had been an important centre for the spread and development of Buddhism. Kashmir was a Buddhist country from the 1st century to the 8th century AD. 38 Op. cit. Ref. 3. p. 21. 39 Ibid. p.22. 40 Ibid. p. 33.

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An important festival held in honour of Basak Naag is the annual pilgrimage, called Basak Naag Yatra (pilgrimage), which starts on the second day of the bright half of the Hindu month of Bhadon (July–August) from Bhaderwah to Kailash Kund (23 km away). The yatra is led by the chief priest of the Basak temple at Bhaderwah and devotees involving an arduous March of two days. A big fair is held on the banks of the lake (abode of Basak Naag). People circumambulate the lake and make offerings to the Naag deity on the northern corner of the lake. There are several temples of Basak Naag built in vernacular style in and around Bhaderwah apart from the main temple in Bhaderwah city. In the sanctum of the temple are human size idols of Basak Naag and Jimutvahan made of black granite. The shrines of Basak Naag are also located at Ganth, Nalthi, Duddu, Basantgarh, and Gandoh area. Santan Naag and Savar Naag (brothers of Basak Naag) are also worshipped in the Bhaderwah area.41

4 Jaatra Ritual The culture of Bhaderwah is highly influenced by Naag worship. Every year in the month of Bhadra (August–September) Jaatra ritual is performed in different villages of Bhaderwah to propitiate the Naag deities. This paper is based on the ethnographic study of the Jaatra ritual in Dandi village of Bhaderwah. Dandi village is situated on the top of the mountain. There is no road connectivity to this village. It takes around two and a half hours on foot to reach this village from Bhaderwah town. The total number of households in this village is 117 (105Scheduled Tribe, 5-Scheduled Caste, and 7-General)42 . One has to walk through the forest on the mountain slope to reach the village. Being enclosed with thick deodar trees like the whole of Bhaderwah; summers remain cool while the winters are icycold. In Dandi village, there is an ancient Shesh Naag temple. The inhabitants of this village observe the Jaatra ritual for Shesh Naag. The inhabitants of adjoining villages also come to this village for worshipping Naag deity in the ritual of Jaatra. The preparation for Jaatra begins on the day of Raksha Bandhan43 . On this day every family of the village puts jau (barley) seeds in a container containing soil and sprinkle water. Till the day of Jaatra, these barley seeds sprout to a small length. This is called haryali because of its green colour. These seeds are put in a container (mostly a flat container is used) and are kept at a place away from everyday usage as it is considered sacred. The celebration of Jaatra begins a day before the date specified for performing the ritual. Relatives are invited by the host families. Married daughters visit their parental homes. Some traditional dishes are also made on this occasion. On the day 41 Op.

cit. Ref. 26. paper is based on the part of Ph.D. work, the fieldwork for which was carried out in 2013– 2014. However, more information was collected later on for writing this paper. 43 A Hindu festival that falls on purnamasi (full moon day) in the month of August. 42 This

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of Jaatra, in the morning, villagers visit the Shesh Naag temple and seek blessings. The villagers also take male sheep to the Naag temple where the sheep are sacrificed for the well-being of the family. However, sacrificing the sheep is not mandatory; it is at the will of the family concerned. Sometimes people ask for a vow and if it is fulfilled a sheep is sacrificed as thanks-giving event to the Naag deity. The preparation for the most elaborate evening ritual begins right from the afternoon when the head chela (shaman) accompanied by some other chelas go to the thada (place of worship in a home where different articles necessary for the ritual are kept). From thada, they bring mala, a long necklace made of small bells typically used in Hindu temples. These small bells are called manke, tied to one another with a string to make a long necklace. Mala is the most important article for the ritual. Along with mala (necklace), sangals (iron chains) are also brought. These chains represent different local deities like Sheetla Mata, Kalka Mata, Kaila Vazeer, etc. Khundi (an iron piece shaped like a snake) which symbolizes the Naag deity is also kept along with chains. These articles are then taken to the Naag temple to seek the blessings of the Naag deity. Mala is taken by the head chela while other articles like sangals and narsingha (a musical instrument used for the ritual) are taken by other chelas. An important role in the whole event is played by the bajantaris (drummers) who beat drums, bells, and play flutes. When the villagers and the chela leave the village to bring the mala, bajantaris play different nodes. The bajantaris are people of a lower caste who come from the neighbouring village. With reverence and respect mala is brought by the elder people of the village along with some chelas to the place where the night event has to take place. Along with this mala, another mala is brought from the temple of Sheetla Mata44 in the same village. Chela brings mala wearing it like a long necklace around his neck (Fig. 2). In the right hand, he carries a trishool (trident). Chela who brings mala from the Sheetla Mata temple also brings it wearing like a long necklace around his neck. He also carries a trident. To this trident is tied a red audhani (scarf) which symbolizes Sheetla Mata. Sheetla Mata is a female deity and is thus symbolized with a scarf that is worn by Indian women. Both the malas are then hanged on the respective tridents at the specified place. The entire activity takes place amidst the beating of drums, flutes, and bells which fills the ambiance with devotional music. The malas, sangals, trishuls, and khundi are then worshipped with incense. The head chela along with other chelas sits beside the malas. People bow their heads in front of the malas and pray to their deities. At night, the major activity of the ritual which is jagra jalana (burning the sacred fire) starts at around 12:30 a.m. During the interval between the placing of the malas and jagra jalana, bajantaris take a round of the village, roaming door to door. Bajantaris enter the house beating drums and playing flutes. Members of the family extend a warm welcome to the bajantaris as their visit is considered auspicious for the family. Family members delighted at the visit of the bajantaris dance to the tune of drums. 44 Sheetla

Mata is a female folk deity who is supposed to treat the ailments. She is the Goddess associated with keeping the body and temperament cool.

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Fig. 2 Malas (Necklace) hanged on the Trident (Left) and Chela (Shaman) wearing Mala around his neck (Right). Source Author

When the bajantaris leave the house, the eldest member of the family feeds them with ghee (clarified butter). Ghee in liquid form is poured on the palm of the bajantari, who drinks it until he is satisfied. The flow of ghee should be continuous until the bajantari stops drinking. All the bajantaris drink ghee turn by turn from various houses. Only one bajantari can take ghee from one house, not all of them. This ritual of drinking ghee takes place at the main entrance of the house. After the bajantari is satisfied, he puts the mark of his hand at the main entrance of the house. Once the bajantari puts the mark of his hand at the entrance of the house, he cannot enter the house again. He can enter only the next year, at the time of Jaatra. Bajantaris after having ghee from each house come back to the specified place. At around 12:30 a.m. the activity of jagra jalana (burning of the sacred fire) begins. For jagra, a specific type of wood, locally called maaru, is used as it is the hardest wood that keeps burning throughout the night. Bajantaris start beating drums, playing flutes, and ringing bells. All the chelas start shivering which depicts that they are entering into a trance. This is called ghreni aana. One of the chelas takes a khundi (an iron piece shaped like a snake) and while in trance specifies the place where jagra (sacred fire) is to be lit. It is called nishan dena. A few members of the village

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Fig. 3 Chela (Shaman) standing near the Sacred Jagra (Sacred fire). Source Author

quickly put some soil at the place where khundi is placed by the chela. Over the soil, a pile of wood is made (Fig. 3). Fire to light the jagra is brought from the hearth of the house where there is thada (place of worship in a home where different articles necessary for the ritual are kept). Five chelas including the head chela go to bring fire. Meanwhile, bajantaris keep beating drums, playing flutes, and ringing bells. During this time all the lights in the village are turned off. In the complete darkness mashaal (burning stick) is brought. Of the five chelas who go to bring the fire; two of them carry swords; two carry tridents while the head chela carries the mashaal (burning stick). Before lighting the fire, all the five chelas take three rounds around the pile of wood after which it is set to fire. This wooden pile set on fire is the sacred jagra and the ritual is called jagra jalana. After the jagra is set on fire, lights in the houses can be turned on. All the chelas then stand beside the jagra, shivering in trance called ghreni, which symbolizes that their bodies are in complete possession of the deities. While in trance, walking with shivering legs and bodies, chelas come one by one and take a circumambulation of the sacred jagra. The first chela comes with a khundi in his hand. After completing one round around the sacred fire he moves towards bajantaris. He takes one round around the bajantaris and touches khundi with the forehead of one of the bajantaris. It is called ‘haq lagana’. While in trance chela tells the bajantaris about their well-being and of the village, warns them of the misfortunes, and suggests them possible remedies. The second chela comes with sangals (iron chains). He takes a round of the sacred fire beating his back with the sangals. Different chelas come one by one, some with trishool, some with khundi, and some with swords in their hand. Chelas taking different implements depicts that they are possessed by different deities like Naag- devta, Sheetla Mata, Kaila Wazir, Chaund, etc. Those who come with sangals beat their back with sangals while those who come with swords move swords over their body. However, none of them is hurt while moving swords or beating with

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chains. All the chelas repeat the same activity one by one, that is, moving around the sacred fire and moving around the bajantaris. Nodes of drums, bells, and flutes keep changing with the turn of chelas. Different nodes are played to invite different deities. It is to be taken care that the synchronization of nodes is not disturbed in between as it can lead to a break in the trance which is supposed to bring misfortune to the people. Chelas remain in the state of ghreni or trance for some time and return to their normal state after each one of them has taken ghreni (possessed by their respective deities). When all the chelas return to their normal state, nodes of music again change which marks the beginning of kud (a local dance form). Elder males are dressed in their traditional dress which is kurta pajama (long loose shirt and trouser) and turban, while youngsters in their casual dresses perform kud around the sacred fire. Women usually do not take part, although there are no such restrictions about their participation in the kud. Women enjoy the entire activity sitting on the roofs of the surrounding houses. Bajantaris while beating drums and playing flutes also take some rounds of the sacred fire without letting the music get disturbed. After some time all the chelas leave for thada. There they take rest and can have milk or some fruit. Eating grains is denied until the completion of the ritual. Kud continues throughout the night. People keep dancing around the jagra and the nodes of music keep changing. After around one hour, chelas return to the place. The next round of activity starts with the taking of mashaals (burning wooden sticks) to the Naag temple. It is an activity in which people of the village, particularly youngsters take an active part. There is a race amongst the youngsters to reach the temple first as it is a belief among the villagers that whoever reaches the temple first will be blessed with a son in their life. Culture in Bhaderwah, like in any other part of India, shows preference to males through their rituals. Women, however, accept these as part of their tradition passed on from generation to generation. As the youngsters reach Naag temple with their mashaals, the head chela takes his position for the next activity to be performed. Chela takes mala around his neck, with a trident in his hand he takes a round of the jagra. This time he makes a circle around the jagra with the lower end of the trident. This is done to tell everyone that no one should disturb the sacred jagra until the chela returns. Chela then rushes towards the Naag temple. Other chelas with khundis and trishools follow him. At the Naag temple, the mashaals taken by villagers are put together to make a pile that is, another sacred fire, jagra. Chela walks through this jagra bare feet. After walking through the sacred jagra at the Naag temple, chela returns along with other chelas and bajantaris. When the chelas reach back, that is, at the place where the night event took place, elder male members of the village wash their feet with water. It is to be mentioned that chelas walk barefoot during the whole ritual (Fig. 4). By this time, the darkness of the night gradually gets replaced by the early rays of the Sun and the jagra turns into a pyre of ignited coal as the wood continued burning the whole night. Chela walks through this pyre of burning coal. This activity is called jagra bhanana. This is the main activity of the entire event which people keep waiting eagerly to watch. When the chela has walked through the burning pyre, he is immediately covered with a white woolen blanket and is offered milk under the blanket. This is called pighari pilana. Chela is fed with milk because he is believed

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Fig. 4 Chela (Shaman) walking around the Sacred Jaagra. Source Author

to be a Naag (serpent) at that moment as his body is possessed by the Naag deity. It is worth mentioning that there are two types of pighari: doodh ki pighari (milk) and khoon ki pighari (blood of male sheep). Doodh ki pighari is given to chela when he walks through the burning pyre. When a junior chela (kacha chela) becomes senior chela (pakka chela), he is given khoon ki pighari. A nerve of the throat of a male sheep is cut and blood flowing out of it is given as pighari to the chela. Once the chela has walked through the burning pyre, other people of the village who are sick or want to ward off any evil influence or any disease also walk through the burning pyre with the help of chela. It is believed that whoever walks through the pyre at that moment does not feel the heat. Those who are predicted to be influenced by some evil spirit give a sacrifice of male sheep to get rid of that evil. Before sacrificing, water is sprinkled over the body of the sheep. It is called patri dena. Water can be sprinkled by any relative of the diseased person. There is a particular procedure to be followed for patri dena. Water is sprinkled first over the feet of the sheep, then on the back, neck, and tail, after that in the ears, and lastly

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on the face. After sprinkling water, the sheep is worshipped with incense. When the sheep shivers (bijna), it is considered to be accepted by the deity. If it does not, neither it is received by the deity nor can it be sacrificed. So after it shivers, the sheep is moved over around the head of the sick person and is sacrificed. The head of the sheep is placed near the jagra and is taken by the chela after the ritual is over while the body of the sacrificed sheep is taken by the concerned family. The liver of the sheep is roasted immediately after sacrifice at the hearth of the house where there is thada. This roasted piece of the liver is given to the sick person by the chela. It is to be eaten at the very moment. All the sick people who sacrificed sheep then take the ceremonial bath under the mala which the chela wears. One of the elder male members of the village brings water to shower on the mala under which people sit and take the ceremonial bath. On the completion of the ritual, chela from the nearby Sheetla Mata temple and others accompanying him return. Chelas from both the temples, Naag temple, and Sheetla Mata temple embrace one another, bid goodbye, and leave for their respective places. The villagers go back to their houses and get busy with their household activities and relatives. In the afternoon, people again gather at the same place. Villagers once again dance to the tunes of drums, flutes, and bells. Mala along with khundis, tridents, and other articles of worship is then taken back by the chela to the thada amidst the beating of drums. These articles are kept back with reverence to be used the next year at the time of Jaatra. This marks the completion of the ritual of Jaatra (Sharma 2019).

5 Conclusion The folk culture among Hindus has quite different characteristics compared to the Sanskritic all-India Hinduism. Though Sanskritic Hinduism has spread to different regions of India, both vertically and horizontally (Srinivas 2003), in the mountainous region of Bhaderwah, the folk tradition of worshiping the Naag deity and the ritual of Jaatra exist and thrive in its pristine and folk form. Unlike Sanskritic Hinduism, the folk elements include: propitiation of local deities which fulfill the basic and immediate needs of the people. They are easily satisfied, get angry, or happy, and live in places like trees, streams, stones rather than in big decorated temples. The rituals involved in these as in Jaatra also include folk and local aspects. As different from Sanskritic Hinduism they have no Brahmin priests, ancient texts, hymns, or mantras. Many people of different castes play important roles like chelas and bajantaris. Going into trance and speaking through such mediums, walking on fire and sacrificing of animals and consuming its prasad are all parts of the folk or little tradition as seen in the ritual of Jaatra. In recent years, the social and cultural changes in India suggest that many such folk elements are being given up and there is a move towards Sanskritic Hinduism,

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akin to what Srinivas calls Sanskritization.45 The occasion however here, is not Sanskritic alone, for instance, the lower castes also participate in the rituals, animal sacrifice is performed and the shamans go into trance. The worship of the Naag deity and the ritual of Jaatra include members of all castes and the whole village, it is a way of maintaining solidarity between people and keeping the ecological balance in the cold climate of the mountainous region of Bhaderwah. Jaatra ritual symbolizes the symbiotic relationship between people, culture, society, and the environment. Moreover, the observance of rituals associated with the Naag deity and Jaatra in their folk form preserves the folk culture of the region.

References Atrey, M. (2020). Naga Deity Cult in Jammu Region. www.academia.edu. Bhattacharyya, Asutosh. (1965). The serpent as a folk deity in Bengal. Asian Folklore Studies, 24(1), 1–10. Chib, M. (2017). Naga worship in Jammu and Kashmir. International Journal of Research and Analytical Review, 4(4), 467–469. http://ijrar.com/. Kotwal, N. C. (2000). Political and cultural heritage of Bhadarwah, Kishtwar and Doda. Jammu: Jay Kay Book House. Koul, P. K. (2008). Naga cult and wooden art in India. Delhi: RK Print Service. Pradhan, B. (2001). The history of Naga cult and Naga festivals in Orissa. In Proceedings of the Indian History Congress (Vol. 62, pp. 149–159). Reck, Carol S., & Reck, David. (1981). Naga-Kalam: A musical trans ceremonial of Kerala (India). Asian Music, 13(1), 84–96. Sharma, S. C. (2005). Those who shaped the destiny of J&K. Jammu: Yak Publishing Channel. Sharma, N. (2019). Social organization. Religion and economy: A study of Gaddi Tribe in Bhaderwah. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the University of Jammu, Jammu. Srinivas, M. N. (2003). Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. (1952).

Websites www.academia.edu. www.britannica.com. www.censusindia.co.in.

45 The concept of Sanskritization was given by M. N. Srinivas in his book ‘Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India’ (2003). Sanskritization is a process in which a low caste, a tribal group, or any other group emulates the way of life of upper caste people. They may abstain from non-vegetarianism, alcoholism, animal sacrifice, etc., and adopt practices of upper caste people like vegetarianism, teetotalism in order to move up in the caste hierarchy.

Chapter 12

Living Tradition and Faith Galore: Baba Ballo Devasthan of Village Mathwar in Jammu Mehraj Ud Din Waza and Anil Sharma

Abstract The diversity of deities and local saints is structured through a complex set of relationships. One such kind of relationship connects the strictly parochial and universally provisional qualities of Hindu deities. For a long time, the notion of these local deities has become a living tradition in northern India, especially in the Jammu region, where the worship of the village deities was based on the belief that their divine power had a positive influence on the health and well-being of humans, animals, and harvest and wards off all-natural disasters, social conflicts and evil spirits from their places. The pilgrim centers, the tombs of the saints, and the abodes of the Gods localize places and limit spaces. These places become the syncretism of socio-religious practices of folk traditions among the faithful. The present study provides an ethnographic account of Baba Ballo devasthan (abode of the Gods) from Village Mathwar, which has recently attracted the attention of believers from surrounding nearby and far-off areas. A significant number of them include people from various social castes, communities, or political groups that seek godliness in search of protection or instant boons to their problems. The devasthan attracts expressive and ecstatic forms of worship by the devotees with their faith galore, especially at festivals such as Basant Panchami and Baisakhi. The study focuses on maintaining and changing socio-religious beliefs and practices of the people about the local folk deity at village Mathwar in Jammu. Keywords Ethnography · Deity · Devotees · Faith · Worship

M. U. D. Waza (B) Research Scholar, Department of Sociology, University of Jammu, Jammu, J&K, India A. Sharma Lecturer, Department of School Education, Government of Jammu and Kashmir, J&K, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_12

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1 Introduction A distinctive characteristic of the overall religious ethos of India is that faith in religion influences all aspects of society. The centrality of such institutions always remained sustenance of social solidarity through its different forms. Weber’s basic premise of his investigative work on world religions, in respect of India, also observed the sweeping assertion that Indian religiosity is the kernel of those religious ethics that are based on world renunciation to a large extent (Madan 1992). Thus the folk tradition in the form of deity worship is mostly considered sacred by the followers who think and put their belief on the worldly scarifies of their respective deities. It is this shunning of worldly desires and struggles for common people that have made it possible for the deity to become benevolent for people. Weber further believed that Hindu culture and society were immune to change (Ibid: 15–25). These changes were evident in the basic structure of Hinduism, i.e. the caste system which occasionally survived through the conversions to Christianity or Islam. It is these significant changes that help us to understand how Hinduism has been able to include within itself the worship of rivers, trees, mountains, and cults of ancestors and village deities. With that, rites and rituals also underwent a process of change at the different levels of the caste hierarchy. These changes could be seen at sacred places like shrines of deities which have become synergy of both Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic rituals. Whether belonging to a ‘great’ or a ‘little’ tradition, Gods and Goddesses are important elements of human life everywhere in India for ages. However, the followers are not confined to one particular region or area but are spread all over India. All-India Hinduism is predominantly Sanskritic and it spreads in two ways according to Srinivas (2003). First, when Sanskritic deities and rituals expand to outer groups and assume different forms in their spread to different parts of India. Second, the greater Sanskritisation of the rituals and beliefs of groups inside Hinduism results in local deities taking Sanskritic forms. Both of these processes are at work simultaneously. All-India Hinduism possesses certain features that absorb local elements easily. Deities too have varying spread even though ideally they are sacred to all Hindus. There has been a tremendous increase in the popularity of folk deity worship in north India for a few decades. The most spectacular example of the growing influence of a deity in northern and central India has been the cult of ‘Santoshi Maa’ (mother of contentment) since the 1950s. Her myths tell of the suffering of a young woman who was abused by her in-laws when her husband left her with them and went away for work. Seeking relief in the worship of Santoshi Maa she remained loyal and committed to his family and waited patiently for her husband’s return. She took the vow and kept fast once a week. Finally, her husband came back endowed with wealth and resources. She felt her prayers were answered by the Goddess and she moved into a bigger new house with her husband with the blessings of the Goddess. Santoshi Maa, who is said to be Sanaskritic God Lord Ganesh’s daughter, is mainly worshiped by middle and lowermiddle-class women. These women pray for wealth, prosperity, and happiness of

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the family as well as keep fast on Fridays. The fast is considered to be very strict whereby one who keeps it cannot eat any sour thing. Gur and channa (Jaggery and Chickpeas) are her favorites and taken by devotees. Fast kept with complete devotion and strictness receives Maa’s blessings or if not, is punished severely in tune with the characteristics of any folk deity. The 1980s and early 1990s saw the percolation of her worship in several temples, old and new. This was supported by the compilation in the 1970s of an extremely popular cinematic version of her story, ‘Jai Santoshi Maa’ (India 2010: 127–31). Religion structures human conceptions of space and time and has become commonplace credence in contemporary societies. Centers of pilgrimage, the tombs of saints, and the abodes of Gods localize places and demarcate spaces. Myths of origin, rituals of renewal, and mythical memories of divine events structure histories and cycles of time. This is the case in the Jammu region where in every district there is one or more Gram-devta1 (village deities) and Kul-devta2 (clan deity) that are seen as spiritual guardians of people. As in other parts of India, in Jammu too, these deities are closely related to, and to some extent identified with, ‘their’ villages or Kuls (clan/lineage). This becomes evident as in the case of village deities which are usually addressed by local epithets that fuse their own and their village’s name. For instance, in Jammu, Dansal and Sayaad are two famous villages that are identified with the deities and are commonly known by their names such as Baba Dansal and Baba Sayaad. We get similar evidence from different parts of India. Srinivas in his study of the Coorgs of South India showed that in places where the deity is referred to by the name, a prefix is usually added stating to which village the particular deity belongs. For instance, the Povvedi of Ballatnad is called Ballatnad Povvedi, and Bhadrakali of Kundat is referred to as Kundat Bhadrakali, and so on (2003: 183). It is a rule that individual myths underscore the local rootedness of folk deities by relating, for example, how they had once emerged from the earth or, according to another version, from the tree. However, although they characterize the village Gods or Goddesses as the founders of their villages, it is not without significance that many of these local myths also associate the origin of the deities and villages with certain calamities or conflicts (Ibid). One such example is the revolutionary folk hero Baba Jitto from a village of Jhiri near Jammu city. Baba Jittto, an honest farmer of the fifteenth century is still remembered and venerated for his fight against the feudal system and help to his fellow farmers. At the heart of popular deity worship is the belief that the divine power of the deities has a positive impact on the health and well-being of the people, animals, crops, and cultures of folk people besides it protects them from disasters, wards off natural and social conflicts and evil spirits. Although local deities generally have their abode in the village’s central temples, their representations in the village 1 The deity of a particular village believed to protect the villagers from all calamities and worshipped

by them. deity of a specific clan/lineage or extended family is worshipped by all members belonging to a group.

2 The

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are omnipresent. Therefore, icons of popular deities are found not only in the various large or small village temples but also in many roadside shrines and the homes of the inhabitants. Statues, pictures, and monograms of the Gods also adorn many of the villagers’ houses, shops, vehicles, and boats. Today, the most popular deities are represented by anthropomorphic icons, such as figures, statues, or masks. The worship of Gods and Goddesses in the villages has existed as a part of Indian religion since ancient times. The so-called Dravidians believed that the world was inhabited by a multitude of good and bad spirits that impacted people’s lives in different ways bringing goodness or causing harm. Their faith had the purpose of propitiating certain countless spirits. Each village is believed to have its ‘guardian deity’ who protects the villagers from all fears and dangers. The village deities’ normal function is considered to be the maintenance of the security and safety of the agricultural communities. However, they are also believed to have other powers, especially granting of sound health, fertility, good yield, and prosperity. ‘Mari’ is a common village deity of Coorgs in Karnataka who presides over epidemic diseases such as plague, smallpox, and cholera. Her worship is performed during the summer months and whenever there is a spread of any of these diseases. In Tamil villages, ‘Ayyanar’ is a popular God who keeps watch on the village when the villagers are asleep. In both these places of worship, animal sacrifice is performed and its prasad is offered to the deities (Srinivas 2003). Rather than to the Brahmanical God, it is to the folk deity that people turn to for resolving their immediate crises. As discussed by Whitehead (1976: 14–16), a folk shrine is much smaller than the Brahminical temples. In many cases, they are represented by a few stones or bricks, or have a small closure of a few feet high with some cloth and paste on them. They are no shrines or temples as such but a space that is given a sacred connotation to ward off evil, avoid the calamity of disease, flood, famine, or any other natural disaster. When any such events occur, the villagers turn to their folk deity who protects and keep them safe. The deity is regarded as powerful and remains concerned with the well-being of the villagers. Though quite different from the more Sanskritic and popular Hindu deities, like Vishnu and Shiva, the worship of deities in the doctrine of Hinduism has become part and parcel of the religious life of rural folk. In one way or the other, the village deities are connected with the everyday social, cultural, economic, and political life of the village community.

2 Kul-Devta/Kul-Devi Traditions of Jammu In Hindu mythology, Kul-devta/Kul-devi (family/clan deity) has always occupied an important place in the Hindu family and clan (Kul) worship. It is believed that members of every such clan or lineage are the descendants of one or the other Rishi and accordingly they have their gotras. All clan and gotra members who trace their descent from a common ancestor or Rishi are considered to be related by blood and do not inter-marry. This Clan deity is worshipped as Kul-devta/Kul-devi. The grace

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of Kul-devta is very important for strengthening the financial situation, maintaining family happiness, and staying healthy. Their blessings on every important event are essential to ensure the well-being and progress of the members of the particular Kul (extended family/clan). According to Harlan (2018: 21–22), the term ‘lineage deity’ is somewhat precise in that it specifies a kinship relationship but often does not specify the extent or nature of ‘lineage’, which might be a small or extensive segmentary kinship unit. Kul-devta or Kul-devi are indigenous terms and their meaning differs spatially and temporarily. It is evident from the literature that in the Duggar community of the Jammu region Kul-devi or Kul-devta tradition sheds abundant light on indigenous constructions of caste, kinship, and clan. This article has tried to highlight the family and village deity worship of Kul and Gram- devta as adaptation and perpetuation of customary elements in contemporary times. The Duggar community is not only famous for the matchless bravery, boldness, and valour of its people but also of its historical and uninterrupted cultural flow expressed in the form of folklores, rituals, customs, folk art, and folk worship, transmitted orally from generation to generation. In the process of deity worship by folk people any religious figure, scripture, shrine, or devasthan is thought of having transcended the power of great Gods (Gupta 2016). Believers unwittingly turn great religious practices into their general religious framework. These key practices and symbols provide the basis for the subconsciousness of a highly religious system. The traditional concept of religion is God’s recognized social values, which can enhance social order. In daily life, people are affected by these ever-changing and evolving folk customs. Folk religion is an inclusive and non-exclusive mixture of culture, traditions, customs, and religious practices, distinguished by a rational approach towards meeting the needs of the strong world. Deities must be regarded as a human being and must act verbally. Negligence can cause God’s anger, and respect and devotion will calm God. These religions include many features of nature worship and ancestor worship and do not recognize conflicts of beliefs and practices associated with different Gods. Jammu was one of the important principalities along with Kishtwar, Bhaderwah, Bashohli, and Reasi among others well before and during the earlier phase of the Mughal rule in India (14th–18th centuries). Like all other districts of the Union Territory (UT), the Jammu district also derives its name from the headquarter city of Jammu. According to the legend the city was originally founded in the 14th BCE by Raja Jamboo Lochan. There is a popular story behind the foundation of the city. It is said that once the Raja was on a hunting spree when he saw a tiger and a goat drinking water from the same pond. Seeing this extraordinary phenomenon, he decided to build a city at this site. He felt that this is the place where all kinds of people, the strong and weak, rich or poor could live together in harmony and peace. The city was thus founded by him that came to be known as ‘Jamboo’. With time and through certain alterations, the city came to be known as ‘Jammu’ (Census of India, District Census Handbook Jammu 2011: 8–10). Jammu is the land of the Dogras, called the Duggarland and the people generally speak the Dogri language. Jammu and Kashmir state was ruled by the Dogra Kings from 1846 to 1947. The people belong to all faiths and castes. Jammu is known as

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the ‘City of Temples’ due to the presence of hundreds of temples and holy shrines such as Raghunath Temple, Pir Kho temple, Mahakali temple, Ranbireshwar temple, Maha Maya temple, and many others. Apart from this, in the peripheral Jammu especially of the rural areas besides traditional classical Gods, the people have their clan deities known as Kul-devta/Kul-devi or at many places particular God for each village known as Gram-devta. Almost every family in the Dogra community has its family or Kul deity which they worship on all special occasions and ceremonies and more importantly during their annual congregations called maile (meeting). This congregation has important relevance to deity worship. In the context of the temples of North India, Hertel (1977: 21–22) defines a congregation as a “welldefined body of people who share the same priests for worship and/or for the performance of the rite of passage”. Stark et al. (2005: 4–7) see congregations as “groups of adherents who meet regularly for religious reasons”. These definitions focus on the everyday small religious gatherings of members. In his study of maile congregation among the Dogras of Jammu, Saxena (2009) notes that the maile means the meeting or gathering of the people of the same sub-caste and gotra once or twice in a year to pay reverence to their family or clan deity (Kul-devta and Kul-devi) at their worship sites, shrines, or devasthan. For example, the Metha Brahmins have Bawa Jitto as their Kul-devta and, the Langer community has Datti Sheela Wanti as their Kul-devi. The day of maile is considered by the members of the community as an auspicious day when all the families of the particular clan/lineage gather at a demarcated and fixed place to worship their Kul-deity. The food is offered to the deity first and then served to all those who attend the maile. Though food in most maile gatherings is vegetarian, among certain castes, a goat is sacrificed and its meat is distributed as prasad. The community does it by performing certain rituals, which are passed from one generation to another. Clan congregations are held by devotees for the worship and veneration of their deities and ancestors. The members of the clan trace their origin from a common ancestor. The communities are patrilineal so the descent is traced in a male line and the agnates consider themselves as consanguineal or related by blood. They maintain clan exogamy and do not marry within the same gotra and clan. The lineage or the clan members are linked through the worship of their common deity, and their progeny is maintained and recognized under the name of the same deity. The occasion also provides an opportunity for the members of the same lineage or clan to come together and discuss their issues and seek solutions to their problems. Thus it can be said that the practice of popular religion is developing galore and is expanding to all aspects of people’s lives. The present ethnographic study examines the folk deity tradition of Baba Ballo that attracts followers from across faiths in village Mathwar of district Jammu. The paper aims to explore the parallel belief process at Baba Ballo devasthan and how the non-Sanskrit tradition, beliefs, and rituals influence every day lives of the people in the village. For this purpose, the paper is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the history and origin of the Baba Ballo shrine and its formation as the sacred site at village Mathwar. The second section focuses on the ritual practices and traditions followed by the local devotees and also those belonging to the urban area who have joined the ranks of the followers recently at village Mathwar. The

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last section discusses how Brahminical practices have interpolated non-Brahminical and other methods of deity worship subtly and over time making it a part of the institutionalized Hindu pantheon of Gods. The shrine of Baba Ballo is an excellent example of diversity and co-existence of different forms of worship making Hinduism a confederation of varied religious practices rather than a monolithic faith. The findings and observations of the present study are based on the extensive fieldwork spread over several months in 2019. The research methods employed during these visits included in-depth interviews, detailed interactions with the followers at the devasthan of Baba Ballo in the local vicinity and adjacent villages, participant and ethnographic observations while visiting the sacred place, and content analysis of the religious texts, pamphlets, devotional audios, and videos. The fieldwork took place in two shifts once in February 2019 and then again in June 2019 with regular intermittent visits. To have comprehensive ethnographic insights into the functioning of the belief system associated with the deity we participated in the festival organized annually to commemorate the birth anniversary of Baba Ballo which coincides with Basant Panchmi.3

3 Apotheosis of Baba Ballo and Emergence of Sacred Place at Village Mathwar Village deity names and genealogies combine in a wide array of motifs and narrative plots. The quest for world origins and hence the creation of etiologies and cosmic order is a common feature of myths. Concentrating on the ancestral figure gives the narrator a leading thread in the vast network of oral traditions without any editorial or Brahmanic influence (Valk and Lourdusamy 2007). The same applies to Baba Ballo’s narrative. Among the Dogra community, one may find that nearly all families have their history of sacrifice and remorse of yore regarded as the most heroic aspect of their social life. Many of these former local heroes who sacrificed their lives to seek justice for their people or to achieve their rights are given great respect. A form of hero worship prevails in the entire Jammu region as one finds the statues of these martyr saints (Shaheed-devtas) studded in nearly all the villages. The Brahmin reformers in the Jammu region have known to practice a custom of praha pratha in which they sacrificed their lives to seek justice for themselves or their community. One such revolutionary folk hero, who showed the valour to stand against the mighty, and became a martyr deity (Shaheed-devta) is Baba Ballo who is a quintessence of the native Duggar culture. The cult of the deity is a 500 years old 3 Basant

Panchami is a seasonal festival, the portent of the spring. It is celebrated on Magh Shudi Panchami (5th of the waxing moon). Magh falls between January and February in Gregorian Calendar. The Hindus congregate at the temples and make special arrangements for puja. In Bhagavad Gita, Chap. 10, Text 35, Lord Sri Krishna says, “..and of seasons I am bearing spring.” Basant means “yellow,” and the fair is held around the time when the mustard plant’s yellow bright leaves are in full bloom (Naz 2018: 148).

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sad and emotional story of the transgression of human beings and belief in the blessings of the almighty. It is a story of Baba Ballo who was born in the Parashar clan of the Hindu Brahmins in the village Mathwar. His father died at an early age and all the responsibility of the home came on the shoulders of Baba and his Mother Smt. Jeevni. Baba Ballo used to worship Lord Krishna and also loved the cows like Krishna. On a daily routine, he used to go with cows for fodder and water up to the Chenab River. While going to Chenab River he became friends with one poor farmer by the name of ‘Bagda’ at the nearby village called Sarote. Bagda was in a fight with his relatives who used to exploit him economically. His only source of living was the mango orchard and he used to take care of this orchard day and night because his relatives wanted to pluck the mangoes for profit. One day when Baba Ballo met his friend at Sarote he was very sad due to a scuffle with his relatives. He requested Baba Ballo to take care of the mangoes until he returns with the village elders (panchs) to solve his matter. Baba promised him that he will take care of the mangoes properly. Many hours passed away but his friend did not return, Baba Ballo, got worried to see his thirsty cows. He planned to go to the nearby Chenab River and come back as early as possible. But when Baba Ballo came back he saw that the relatives of Bagda with whom he was in a conflict have plucked all the mangoes from the trees and packed their sacks. Their actions enraged and annoyed Baba Ballo who told them that it was his duty to protect mangoes and they have done mischievous things by plucking them. He ordered them to attach these mangoes back to the place from where they plucked them. On saying this, all the relatives standing there started laughing at him and challenged him to do it himself if he is so powerful. After hearing their words Baba Ballo became furious, cut his body from the left side and took the blood in his hand, and threw it all around. Baba prayed to God Vishnu to help him. Within a few seconds, both the plucked mangoes and fallen leaves were attached back with the trees and the orchard became as fruitful as it was. Then in an angry and annoying state, Baba gave them shrap (curse) that their whole clan will suffer the same pain as he is suffering now. It is said that all the members of the ‘Sudey’ sub-caste including children and elders who were responsible for plucking the mangoes started dying gradually due to some mysterious pain in the body. After this unfortunate incident, Baba Ballo called his mother from home and in a shocking state, she reached the spot and took Baba in her lap. It is said that Baba Ballo’s last words in his mother’s lap were in the form of instructions that; No one should earn money by selling mangoes, no one should cut the mango trees however can eat as many as one can. It is believed that both Baba Ballo and his mother then sat on the pyre and sacrificed their lives for getting justice for their people. Since then Baba Ballo’s heroism and his divine powers are being deified and worshipped. His self-sacrifice for the poor and helpless people is a hallmark among his followers who have faith galore in him even today. The heroic deeds of Baba Ballo are valued and remembered especially during the Basant Panchami every year. In the year 2020, like every other year, the festival of Basant Panchami was celebrated on 30th January at Baba Ballo devasthan in Mathwar with great gaiety and fervor. In many households and temples, special worship was done. Thousands of devotees thronged the place. Prominent public

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figures and political leaders also attended the festival which was organized under the supervision of the Chief Mahant (called Sevadar, i.e. the one who offers his services), Baba Yashpal Sharma. Havan yagya (a ritual in which offerings are made into a sacred fire, often with mantras) was performed after which all the devotees had prasad in the bhandara (communal meal). The place was like a fair and security arrangements were also made (Dainik Jagran, 31st January 2020a). The sacred shrine of Baba Ballo is located at Village Mathwar, 30 km from district headquarters Jammu. Baba Ballo has been worshipped as a deity and people from different walks of life and regions throng to his memorial to pay him obeisance. Baba’s devasthan is acquiring prominence day by day and his followers are increasing over the years. The annual congregation is marked by a fair (mela) every year on Basant Panchami under the supervision of state authorities. Besides, ‘Mathwar Kesari Dangal’, an annual dangal (wrestling) competition takes place at Baba Ballo devasthan to promote the sport. It’s an international event that brings traditional sports lovers to the devasthan across faiths. The dangal is organized every year by the ‘Jammu and Kashmir Indian Style Wrestling Association’ and ‘Baba Ballo Devasthan Development Committee Mathwar’. Dangal in the form of Kushti (wrestling) is also linked with the rural economy. During the event, the huge exhibition along with other cultural programs takes place at the devasthan. Sacred place at the village of Mathwar is hence marked by the institutionalization of beliefs, and rituals connected with the worship of Baba Ballo as the deity. Through the theoretical lens, it would be interesting to comprehend the meaning of religion in the form of deity worship at the regional level. The analysis of the relationship between religion and society was an important area of concern for social scientists at the beginning of the industrialization and secularization in European societies. French Sociologist Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) believed that religion has a central role in maintaining solidarity and order in society. He defined religion as a “unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things” (1912). The sacred meant exceptional, wondered, divine, and something that should be kept forbidden or away and protected. Therefore for Durkheim, there is a separation between the sacred and what he called profane or ordinary and mundane. For example, rock, as it exists is neither sacred nor profane but becomes a symbol of veneration when transformed from a simple idol to the status of the murti (statue of God/Goddess) in Hinduism. Similarly, when the totem of a clan is worshipped among the Australian aborigines, it takes on sacred meaning. The same is the case with deity worship in which a heroic act of an individual is considered extraordinary and finally thought of sacred. It then acts as ‘social cement’ that holds societies, communities, and cultures together (Little and McGivern 2013).

4 Devasthan at Village Mathwar Mathwar is a Village in tehsil Bhalwal of district Jammu located 30 km towards the north from district headquarters Jammu. The village has become famous due to

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Baba Ballo’s devasthan situated here. It is because of this reason that Baba Ballo is also called ‘Mathwar waley Baba ji’ (saint of Mathwar). Such sacred sites associated with folk deities who were once human and later deified are called jatra and visits to such sacred and holy places are termed yatra by Ann Gold (1988). For the Hindus, going on a yatra (pilgrimage) is a duty (dharma), an act of benevolence (punya), and undertaken to redeem oneself from sins and achieve moksha (freedom from the cycle of birth-death-rebirth). Visiting folk deity shrines is usually done to seek blessings and ask for the fulfillment of needs and desires of a practical kind. Many folk deities are associated with treating patients generally while some cure a particular kind of disease like chickenpox (Shitla) or snake bite (Goga). The closer these deities are to the everyday lives of people, the more they are identified as having a folk form. In Jammu, Baba Ballo is one such deity who is not worshipped for any particular cause, but people visit his devasthan as per their needs and requirements or to perform some rites or during festivals and ritual occasions (Fig. 1). The local or folk deities are a huge variety of minor deities, demons, spooks, saints, ancestors, and miscellaneous spirits. Such beings may be blood demanding, meat-eating, or vegetarian, they may interact with persons of specific lineage or place or with whoever happens by. They may be propitiated personally (Ista-devta) by families or clans (Kul-devta) or by the entire village (Gram-devta). All of these may be associated with particular places in a village, vicinity in a temple, shrine, mound tree, or river. In Dogra society folk devtas, saints, peers, and fakir occupy a specific place (Chandan 2016). Jammu region has a complex hierarchy of local

Fig. 1 The Anthropomorphic Representation of the Deity of Baba Ballo. Source Authors

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deities. More than four hundred deities exist in this particular region in the form of Gram-devta, and Gram-devis (village deities), Shaheed-devtas (martyr deities), etc. The significance of these deities is far more than those of Sanskritic deities. All rituals and ceremonies, and sacred occasions can be initiated only after worshipping the local deities first. They are part and parcel of people’s everyday lives (Atrey 2019). On our way to the village Mathwar, we met a devotee and drove her to devasthan. A regular visitor, the woman was from Punjab but presently serving at the local JNV School Ghrota. She along with her daughter has been visiting the devasthan for quite some time now. The woman told us that she had heard of the healing powers of Baba from her colleagues and how their wishes were fulfilled once they started visiting the devasthan. It’s a common belief among the people in Jammu that the deities can relieve them from the pain of suffering if they develop faith in them. She visits the place for the general well-being of her family and did not come for a particular wish. In the nearby village, a woman by the name of Shanti Devi in her 20s told us how she became a firm devotee of Baba Ballo. After getting married to a local boy at the village Mathwar, due to some medical problems she could not conceive for five long years. The couple consulted the astrologer who told them unequivocally that there is no possibility of progeny in their lives. Fasting or the performance of specific rituals given this aim is of no use’. Shanti Devi was grieved with deliriousness. One of the village’s elderly woman suggested Shanti Devi to visit Baba Ballo devasthan, and take his blessings. The woman had been told to visit the shrine for five months consecutively every Monday which she did wholeheartedly. She used to remain at the shrine the whole day and conduct the special rituals as the Mahant had instructed. After several months Shanti Devi was blessed with a baby girl and from that day she is a frequent devotee of the shrine. Besides her, all her relatives have started visiting the devasthan. The dowala4 at the devasthan who was inspired by the personality of the present Mahant Yash Pal Sharma informed us that he believed that the powers of Baba Ballo have been installed into the Mahant which helps him to manage hundreds of devotees every day. His charisma is encouraging him to serve the devotees and remain firm to Baba Ballo’s ideals of standing for justice and equality. According to the dowala, Baba Ballo is all-powerful and fierce, he is the one who protects the people attached to him in times of trouble. The chief priest or the Mahant of the devasthan is considered the link between the Baba and the devotees and it is believed that the deity speaks, blesses, and guides people through him. It is understood in this area that the chief priest of the deity is there not on his own, but with the will of the Baba. Besides the pictures of the Sanskritic Gods inside the sacred space, we observed that the picture of the former Mahant was also displayed with garlands on it. This depicts the process of change in the belief system among the devotees. Now along with the village deities which can be categorized under little tradition, the devotees comprising mostly of rural folk have started worshiping and showing veneration to local Mahants as well as great traditional deities which have pan-Indian religious 4 A religious expert, a medium through whom the deity is believed to communicate with the devotees.

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Fig. 2 Pictures of Great Gods along with Former Mahant (Right) of the Devasthan. Source Authors

importance. However, the great traditional Gods seemed to be given more importance than the little traditional deities as many Sanskritic rituals were found to be followed at the shrine of Baba Ballo. Nevertheless, both of them were seen to be given significant consideration and had a deep influence on the lives of the devotees (Fig. 2). At the entrance of the Baba Ballo devasthan which was decorated with fruits like apples and oranges, we observed the presence of two mango trees the trunk of both decorated with garlands. The mango trees and their leaves are considered sacred in the puja (worship), but here their importance was enhanced due to the conviction that Baba Ballo sacrificed his life for the protection of mangoes that belonged to his friend. Inside the premises, we noted that the Mahant after hearing the wishes of the devotees, instructs them to perform special rituals and give a sacred thread to wear. He then gives fruits as prasad (devotional offering consisting of food items). However, the works like handing over the sacred thread, prasad, and fruits were managed by the professional devotees around the main assembly hall. At the same time, we observed that no one is allowed to touch the Mahant who is believed to possess and maintain the purity of the soul. The devotees here remain engaged in many religious activities. They participate in the singing of devotional songs (bhajans) and legends of Baba Ballo and attend Satsang (the religious gathering in which people sing/pray

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collectively) regularly. Many of them also dance and perform with devotion during these religious congregations. To the left of the entrance were the group of around 20–25 male devotees all dressed in white Kurta Pajama.5 Their main purpose was to direct the devotees towards the central premises where they were made to sit in separate queues for taking the blessings of the Baba (Mahant). This group consists of full-time professional devotees and priests, who disseminate information to the devotees about the rituals, and practices related to the worship of the folk deity. We were asked to keep our belts and valets besides our cameras outside the main premises by one of these special devotees. It depicts the discouraging and frowning of ritually impure or unclean objects. The veneration to the deity was found of utmost importance and thus the purity and pollution rules that are mostly followed when paying obeisance to Sanskritic Hindu Gods were strictly observed here also. It was also observed that there were no distinctive ritual practices at the devasthan. It was also seen that a group of women, all in similar saris, who had prepared themselves to participate in Satsang, were standing in a queue with garlands in their hands. On enquiring, we were told that this ritual is performed on all the special days including the days specified for taking the blessing of Baba Ballo i.e., Monday and Sunday. Besides every month on purnamasi (full moon) day, a special puja known as chouki is performed in which the devotees remember the legend related to Baba Ballo by singing the devotional songs and performing the rituals. It was also observed that people from all castes and faiths come to take the blessing of the deity. Some Sikh devotees were seen, but there were very few Muslims as venerating shrines and saints is against the basic tenet of Islam. However, as we see in the case ahead, some of them do visit the devasthan of Baba Ballo for seeking his blessings and thanking him for resolving their problems. Among the devotees was a Senior Superintendent of Jammu and Kashmir Police and a woman politician from Kashmir along with her mother at the devasthan. They seemed to be firm believers and regular visitors of the Baba Ballo devasthan. There has been a special austerity measure taken for such devotees like separate queues for taking the blessings and some of them went to see the Mahant in a separate room as well. However, the same food was served to both the common devotees and elite devotees. We also witnessed and participated in mela (fair) during Basant Panchami which is annually celebrated with traditional fervor and gaiety. Thousands of devotees of Baba Ballo throng to the sacred place and pay obeisance and seek blessings of the revered saint. The chief priest of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi of Katra also joined the occasion along with state bureaucrats. We have also had direct interaction with one of the Muslim devotees of Baba Ballo during the fair. She had come from Kishtwar to join her husband to take the blessings from Baba. For her, there was absolutely no hesitation in recognizing the blessings of Baba Ballo and holding him in the utmost regard. This is an example of a coexisting and shared understanding of various convictions. She had come for her husband who had arthritis and was diabetic. The 5A

garment comprising of a top tunic called Kurta and bottoms called Pajama. At devasthan, all the men devotees were wearing the white Kurta Pajama irrespective of their age.

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woman had a strong belief that her husband had shown considerable improvement in his health, particularly diabetes since he had begun to come to the shrine. They do not visit the shrine often but make sure to come on the Basant Panchami day every year. Even though the village Mathwar is categorized as Reserve Backward Area, we found a banking facility at the doorsteps of the devasthan besides a Primary Health Center. But these facilities were confined around the 2.3 hectare land of Baba Ballo only and the village nearby has still been deprived of having pakka (concrete) roads and no proper connectivity has been established. Also, the huge security contingent at the entrance of the sacred place was specially deployed in place to handle the hundreds of devotees. The stalls put up in the area had a variety of religious and other stuff. The photos, calendars, idols, pictures, and written material on Baba Ballo and the associated Hindu Gods and Goddesses were readily available. Besides Baba Ballo, his mother has a similar relevance for the people of Mathwar which is in tune with the importance given to Mata or Maa (mother) in Indian culture. At Baba Ballo devasthan, like all years, the birth anniversary of his mother Mata Jeevni was celebrated with full devotion in February 2020. Helicopter reaching from Mata Vaishno Devi shrine showered flower petals. In the main puja (worship), priest Mahant Yashpal Sharma and Amin Chand, the main priest of Mata Vaishno Devi shrine along with all other Sevadars gave 125 lakh aahutis (offerings) at the havan yagya (consecrated fire) to please the Mother and seek Her blessings for peace and prosperity for all the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the whole of India. A huge bhandara (community food) was organized. People were also asked to maintain a clean and green environment, as the place is surrounded by a sacred grove, clean sideways, plant trees so that it becomes a better place to live for everyone and for future generations (Dainik Jagran 3rd February 2020b).

5 Village Mathwar: The Sacred Grove Mathwar has been declared as one of the sacred groves6 in Jammu. Sacred groves are known to be areas of natural vegetation or any grove of trees that are dedicated to local folk deities or ancestral or tree spirits. Sacred groves are conserved and protected by local communities through generations because of their religious beliefs and the traditional ritual associated with them (Murugesan 2016). These sacred groves are known as banis in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and are 92 in number. They are managed by the local religious bodies or Committees which also ensure the protection of the environment, preservation of plant and animal species, and maintenance of ecological balance. As these groves are associated with the deities, 6 Sacred

groves refer to patches of forest or water body dedicated to local deities and are preserved and protected by the local people. They represent an age-old tradition where many communities all over the world worship nature and consider certain plants and animals sacred. These groves vary in size from a few trees to dense forests covering vast tracks of land (Vipat and Bharucha 2014).

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the work is done religiously with full devotion and dedication. Some of the important deities to which the groves are dedicated include—Baba Roachi Ram, Bua Sjawati, Bua Dati, Lord Hanuman, Mata Vaishno Devi, Peer Baba, and Raja Mandlik. Sharma and Devi (2014) in their study on sacred groves in the Jammu district mentioned that out of the 16 sacred groves studied, only a few of them were found to be well protected. These include those of Baba Mathwar temple, Chirki Baba temple, and Patta Sarovar. Most of the other groves faced adverse conditions and were subjected to moderate to high anthropogenic pressure in the form of construction activities, urbanization, and modernization. The devasthan of Baba Ballo is kept well and is properly protected as many activities keep going on at the shrine. However, we found the construction of two buildings which we were told to have been built exclusively for the accommodation of devotees who come before the special days like Basant Panchami, from outside Jammu and Kashmir (Fig. 3). Sacred groves serve as an ideal forum for biodiversity conversation. Within some of the groves, some plants and animals which are endangered in the forest are still well protected. There are many medicinal and curative plants found in the sacred grove which are not found anywhere. The most important plant species present in the sacred groves are Mango, Banyan, Pipal, Plum, Mountain Ebony, three-leaved Caper, White Fig, and Neem. Most of these groves, especially the smaller ones are intensely taken care of by the natives and to remove anything from them is a taboo. They are considered sacred and voluntarily protected by the people. The large groves

Fig. 3 A Mango Tree (left) considered sacred decorated with garlands and a view of Devasthan surrounded with Sacred Groves (Right). Source Authors

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Table 1 Prominent Sacred Groves and the related Deity in Jammu S. No.

Name of Sacred Grove

Name of the Deity

Place

Area(hectare) Location

1

Jhiri

Baba Jitto

Jhiri

0.75 Rural

2

Bahufort

Kali Mata

Bahufort

1.0 Urban

3

Peer Kho Caves

Jamwat

Old City

0.1 Urban

4

Baba Bhutto

Baba Bhutto

Rathoa

0.15 Rural

5

Sehaj Nath

Baba Sehaj Nath

Talab Tillo

1.2 Urban

6

Panch Peer

Panch Peer

Ram Nagar

0.15 Rural

7

Peer Baba

Budhan Ali Shah

Satwari

0.05 Rural

8

Mathwar

Baba Ballo

Mathwar

6.5 Rural

9

Raja Mandlik

Raja Mandlik

Baran

0.3 Rural

10

Manhas

Delip Singh Manhas

Paloura

1.75 Urban

Source Envis Centre, Ministry of Environment & Forest, Government of India

are managed by the Government and the usual forestry activities are carried on under its operations. The income goes to the shrine. Additionally, the species that are rare, endangered, and endemic also thrive in sacred groves. The sacredness, personal values, religious beliefs, and taboos play a significant role in promoting sustainable utilization and conservation of flora and fauna of the region (Khan and Tripathi 2008). When the sites have ample space, the sacred groves face the challenges of urbanization. The area situated in the suburbs of Jammu city is more vulnerable to it. Moreover, there are threats and dangers to the sacred groves due to many construction activities within and around the temple premises. The studies have revealed a severe risk to them due to over-exploitation of natural resources, expansion of agriculture, religious tourism, and lack of awareness, among other factors (Priya and Sharma 2014). This has affected the ecological balance and resulted in the damage of a significant number of trees as well as certain endangered species (Table 1). The popularity of the shrine has cut across religious boundaries and over the years it has transcended regional boundaries as well. Though most of the pilgrims are Hindus, people from other religions like Muslims and Sikhs from Jammu and Kashmir as well as from different states pay veneration to the deity. Thus the shrine knows no religious boundaries. The study found that religiosity is the primary reason for the rural folk; however, the urban people visit the place to explore their options of belief system and also spend time for mental peace and meditation. Many people mostly those who had come from nearby towns and cities during our interaction considered the place peaceful and a must-visit for relaxation besides paying reverence to the deity. It was also observed that devotees often visit the devasthan in groups and the majority of them were married.

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6 Conclusion In the case of the present study, deity worship does not exist latently, however, it effectively organizes the local community. It seemed impossible to separate belief in a local deity, its rituals from the daily lives of followers transcended their belief in pantheon Gods. The belief system that revolves around deity and ritualistic practices constitute the foundations of rural social organization; they have become the means with which local clan is mobilized and organized into a well-established form of religion. We can assume that the religious diversity of Jammu has been influenced by exogenous and endogenous processes and structures. In particular, we argue that the worship of deity has created a new religious structure without conflicts. Instead, it undermined the conflicting tendencies of diversification and led to the reintegration of various manifestations of the divine and the sacred in the Jammu region. Therefore, there was a long-standing tendency among the followers of the rural folk divinity, who are mainly Hindus, to associate their local deity with the characteristics of the regional and universal Sanskrit Gods. The universalization of local deities has strengthened their local status rather than diminishing it. Baba Ballo devasthan has become the embodiment of the great tradition owing mainly to his higher caste background, presence of the Brahmin priest (Mahant) at the temple as well as his role during different festivals, following of Sanskritic rituals like havan and yagya, and use of Sanskrit shlokas and bhajans during aarti or puja (worship) and satsangs (religious gatherings). Consequently, despite their transformation into regional or universal deities, most local deities have maintained their local identity and appearance. Baba Ballo is still considered a local saint, a martyr who sacrificed his life for the cause of his people. He is venerated for bestowing people with blessings for fulfilling their everyday problems. He is revered by all, irrespective of caste, creed, region, and religion. Everyone participates in religious gatherings, festivals, and collective worship. Baba Ballo is indeed people’s local hero and his appropriation by the outsiders and high and mighty in recent years has only made the devasthan more popular. As demonstrated in particular by the various cases of syncretism in the Jammu region, it can be assumed that the Mahants are considered the avatar or incarnation of the original deity and that they have since protected and represented the inhabitants of the region. From this particular ethnographic vision, the syncretistic devotees are motivated by the concern of the faithful to ensure the continuation of the traditional faith of local deities, independently of the theological ties associated with divinity. The study’s observations clearly show that devotees do not erase the identity of their respective religious beliefs, but follow the principles of deity to seek mercy for their immediate favors and problems. In developing countries like India, the denizens of different traditions and groups with cohesion in their inter-relations form the basis of society and culture. Over the years there has been a ‘common cultural consciousness’ that has come about due to this interface, facilitated by certain processes and factors (Madan 1992). People have broadened their religious sphere and embraced a new way of making their Gods

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happy to bring prosperity in their lives. This is more like a reality in peripheral India where people have begun to associate their way of life with the emergence of local Gods at a particular time and space. This has led to the reform and revival within the great tradition of Hinduism and ultimately surfacing new forms of worship like that of a clan, caste, and village. At the parochial or the level of little tradition, this leads to the diversity and social solidarity among the distinct groups with their vision of the divine based on the respective rituals preserved in regional languages and folk genres.

References Atrey, M. (2019). Naga Deity Cult in Jammu Region. www.Academia.Edu. https://www.academia. edu/19270487/Naga_Deity_Cult_in_Jammu_Region. Census of India. (2011). Jammu and Kashmir. Series- 02. Part XII A. District Census Handbook Jammu. Directorate of Census Operations. Jammu and Kashmir. Chandan, M. (2016). Dynamics of Folk Religion in Sacred Space And Sacred Time: A Study of Bawa Jitto Shrine At Jhiri of Jammu Division. Ph.D., University of Jammu. Dainik Jagran. (2020a). Mela on Basant Panchmi at Mathwar. https://epaper.jagran.com/epaper/31jan-2020-25-jammu-edition-jammu-page-14.html. Accessed 1 February 2020. Dainik Jagran. (2020b). Chief Secretary Jammu and Kashmir attended Baba Ballo Mela at Mathwar. https://epaper.jagran.com/epaper/03-feb-2020-25-jammu-edition-jammu-page-14. html. Accessed 4 February 2020. Durkheim, E. (1912). Elementary forms of religious life. New York: Oxford University Press. Environmental Information System Center on Conservation of Ecological Herita. (2019). Znwhois.Com. https://www.arkangel.club/www/cpreecenvis.nic.in.html. Gold, A. (1988). Fruitful Journeys: The Ways of Rajasthani Pilgrims. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gupta, S. (2016). A Peep into Duggar Culture And Heritage. Daily Excelsior, 2016.https://www. dailyexcelsior.com/a-peep-into-duggar-culture-and-heritage/. Assessed 3 September 2019. Harlan, L. (2018). Religion and Rajput Women: The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary Narratives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hertel, B. R. (1977). Church, sect, and congregation in Hinduism: An examination of social structure and religious authority. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 16(1), 21–22. https://doi.org/ 10.2307/1386202. India. (2010). Washington, D.C.: International Business Publications, USA. Khan, M. L., & Tripathi, R. S. (2008). The sacred groves and their significance in conserving biodiversity: An overview. International Journal of Ecology and Environmental Sciences, 34(3), 277–278. Little, W., & McGivern, R. (2013). Introduction to sociology. 1st ed. Houston. US: OpenStax. Madan, T. (1992). Religion in India. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 5, 8, 14, 16, 24. Murugesan, A. (2016). Sacred Groves in India: An Overview. https://www.researchgate.net/public ation/300001323/sacredgrovesofindia-anovervew. Naz, S. (2018). Celebrating Hindu Festivals in Lahore Past and Present. In Multiculturalism in Asia Peace And Harmony, 1st ed., 144–148. Bangkok: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Priya, K., & Sharma, S. (2014). Deteriorating condition of sacred groves in Jammu city and its surroundings. J&K. International Journal of Scientific Research, 3(4), 213–215. Registrar General and Census Commissioner, Government of India. (2011). District Census Handbook Jammu. Jammu: Directorate of Census operations Jammu and Kashmir.

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Saxena, A. (2009). Religion caste and community: identity substantiation through ‘Maile’ congregations among The Dogras of Jammu and Kashmir (India). Politics and Religion, III(1): 50, 54, 58. Sharma, S., & Devi, R. (2014). Sacred groves: Traditional way of conserving plant diversity in block Bhalwal of Jammu district. International Journal of Science and Research, 3(2), 240. Srinivas, M. N. (2003). Religion and society among the Coorgs of South India. New Delhi: Manohar. Stark, R., Hamberg, E., & Miller, A. S. (2005). Exploring spirituality and unchurched religions in America, Sweden, and Japan. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 20(1), 5. https://doi.org/10. 1080/1353790052000313882. Valk, U., & Lourdusamy, S. (2007). Village Deities of Tamil Nadu in Myths And Legends: The Narrated Experience Author. Asian Folklore Studies, 66(1/2), 182,183,184. Vipat, A., & Bharucha, E. (2014). Sacred groves: The consequence of traditional management. Journal of Anthropology, 2014, 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1155/2014/595314. Whitehead, H. (1976). The village Gods of South India. Delhi: Sumit Publication.

Chapter 13

Datti Ji: Folk Deity Worship Among the Jamwal-Pandit Clan of Jammu Akhilesh Sharma

Abstract The Jammu region in Jammu and Kashmir, Union Territory of India, is the hub of temples. The religious landscape of the region exhibits many temples of different Gods and Goddesses. The deity worship, both in its classical and folk forms, is a provincial phenomenon among Hindus in the Jammu region. Prevalent virtually among all castes of the region, the worship of clan deity suggests a ‘vertical spread’, and its worship by the Jamwal-Pandits, a clan of the Brahmin caste in Jammu, a ‘horizontal spread’ carrying them close to the Brahmins across the region. This is particularly reflected in the manner in which Sanskritic rituals are ascribed to folk deity—Datti Ji or Satyavati Ji—at the central temple situated at Purmandal (Purmandal—a small village located on the River Devika in Samba District, Jammu and Kashmir, UT, is also known by the name of ‘Chotta Kashi’.) and other small local worship spots of the deity situated mostly on the outskirts of the villages in Jammu city. The paper analyses the process by which the clan deity of the Jamwal-Pandits, popularly known as Datti Ji, has come to acquire prominence as the folk deity, despite the prevalence of many Sanskritic rituals. She is visualized as the protector, punisher, provider, and forgiver by the clan members as well as the others who visit her temple. The focus of the study is the worship of the clan deity of Jamwal-Pandits in its folk form and the tradition of the maile congregation among them. Keywords Datti Ji · Clan · Jamwal-Pandits · Hinduism · Folk deity · Purmandal

1 Introduction The deities are broadly defined as those Gods and Goddesses who are revered and considered divine and believed to possess powers greater than those of ordinary human beings. They are regarded as sacred and serve as a link between people and the other world. Though there are male and female deities in Hinduism, it is the feminine form that is propitiated more commonly. The worship of Shakti, the divine manifestation of the female Goddess, is found in many parts of India. A. Sharma (B) Liaison Officer, University of Jammu, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6_13

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The folk deities constitute a part of folk Hinduism, which is emphatically polytheistic and can be distinguished from ‘high’ forms of Hindu philosophy, or mystical or ascetic ones. They are different from Sanskritic or Classical form of Hinduism based on ancient literary texts and comprise worship of the Great Gods and their consorts. The Classical deities are established with proper rituals, procedures, and timings in a temple. Folk deities are usually associated with local and rural areas and with particular places, temples, fields, and streams. They are not pan-Indian or pan-Hindu in character, but specific to persons’ tribe, caste, clan, or village. They are usually worshipped for some practical or immediate end (rather than high devotion and spiritualism) like good harvest and productivity or general well-being and are thus seen as providers and protectors. Folk deities also have a human element; they can be happy or angry and can accordingly reward or punish their worshippers, and therefore, must be propitiated with great care and concern. Rather than the Goddesses of pure and abstract nature, they are usually associated with a person and have a legend of origin and worship (McDaniel 2003). In the Jammu region, there are deities ranging from the popular Sanskritic Goddesses as Mata Vaishno Devi to the folk deities like the Kul-devi or Kul-devta (related to lineage or clan) or the Gram-devta1 (village deity). The presiding folk deity of the Jamwal-Pandits is ‘Datti Ji’ or ‘Satyavati Ji’ and her main worship location is at Purmandal in the Samba district of the Jammu region. Besides the main temple, there are various small local worship places of the deity situated mostly on the outskirts of the villages. Jamwal-Pandit is a clan of Dogra Brahmins and follows the rituals of other Brahmins. They worship the pan-Indian Gods and Goddesses with equal devotion. Their acts are largely Sanskritic and closer to the ritual aspects related to the caste system. However, like all other castes of the Jammu region, they have a folk form of worship in their clan deity. Every clan of different castes in Jammu has its principal deity who is venerated on all important occasions. This makes the folk form of Hinduism an important regional phenomenon in northwest India, particularly in the Jammu region.

2 Hinduism: Its Classical and Folk Forms T. N. Madan considers Hinduism as an amalgamation of faiths and the confederation of communities having pluralistic tendencies (Madan 2004). For Srinivas, Hinduism consists and absorbs all—from the Classical Sanskritic to local cults and folk deities (Srinivas 2003). The folk Hinduism thus is an important aspect of Hindu religion, though associated with oral, local, regional, specific households or cult deities and is often at the periphery and linked with those at the margins of caste society. Classical or Sanskritic Hinduism, which Srinivas calls All-India Hinduism, is largely elitist and Brahmanical and is based on scriptures and classical religious texts. It centres on

1 The

local village deity/Gods. They are found throughout India in almost all villages.

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the worship of the trinity of the three Great Gods—Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh— and their consorts, considered equally divine, benevolent, and usually worshipped in magnificent temples maintaining ritual purity and following Sanskritic rituals. The deities that have been largely associated with the tribal, peasant, and lower caste cultures are described as folk deities. They are local and regional figures that are venerated for practical needs or some emergent problems like good harvest or cure of disease. They are supernatural, yet more human-like, and get angry or pleased quickly. They must be offered food and sacrifices and adequately compensated and properly worshipped. They are feared and could be revengeful and change their forms, live or appear in stones, trees, fields, or ponds and at times when they reach a more benevolent form they can find a dwelling in a house or a temple. Therefore, regionalism (specific location), pragmatism (specific end), human personality (getting angry, jealous, lustful, impulsive, pleased, and benevolent), a variation of forms (appearing in natural objects or taking a human form), and lack of concern for caste (worshipped by people of any ritual or social status) are important characteristics of a folk deity2 . Jammu and Kashmir Union Territory (UT) represents a composite culture where most great religions of the world have flourished—Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Sikhism—during various rulers from the time of the Mauryas, Kushans, Guptas, Mughals, Afghans, Sikhs, and the Dogras. Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Shakta tradition, Sufism, and its local version Rishism co-existed in varied forms. At the folk level, it has been a home of several saints, Peers, Babas, Kul-devi, devta, worship of village deity, ancestors, and spirits. Deity worship in Hinduism includes largely female deities which are both Sanskritic forms like Mahalakshmi, Mahasaraswati, and Parvati, usually the consorts of great Gods, and the non-Sanskritic ones like Kali, Chandi, and Sambhavi. The latter can be benevolent and destructive at the same time while the Sanskritic ones are caring, loving, pleasant, and docile. On the one hand, there are shrines of national importance like Sanskritic Goddess Mata Vaishno Devi; on the other hand, there are various small shrines and dehris (small temple-like structures) of folk deities in most of the towns and villages of the Jammu region. Some Goddesses like Chandi Mata of Machail in the Kishtwar district are becoming famous in recent years and adopting Sanskritic features and losing some of their folk forms. In folk Hinduism, certain characteristics make them different from folk deities of other religions. This is quite true of the folk deities of the Jammu region as well. The important folk characteristics in Hinduism are the presence of people like Shamans or chela and their significance as mediums between the people and the supernatural, particularly during trance and possession; the intimate and close relationship with the deities having a sense of feel, touch, and conversation with them; the prevalence of offerings of non-vegetarian food, and consumption of local alcohol; absence of text-based ritual procedures; and worship of the deity for pragmatic dayto-day concerns (Sinha 2007). The priests of the folk deities are often non-Brahmin 2 Article on Folk Hinduism in West Bengal. New York: State University of New York Press: 2 (http://

www.sunypress.edu/pdf/60664.pdf).

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and are worshipped to protect the people from fears and crises. Mari is a common village deity in peninsular India that presides over epidemic diseases such as plague, smallpox, and cholera (Srinivas 2003: 180–81). The etymological meaning of the word ‘folk’ has a connotation of ‘ordinary’, ‘common people’, and the ‘masses’. The use of folk dimension and ‘little community’ was made by Robert Redfield (1956)3 and became prominent in sociological and anthropological literature. The concept ‘folk’ became equivalent to peasant and rural populations who were considered as illiterate, unsophisticated, and simple-minded as different from the urbane and the cultured. The differences between the two are understood in the broader concepts of the ‘Great’ and ‘Little’ traditions (Singer 1972), and in the context of Indian society and Hinduism, in ‘Sanskritic’ and ‘nonSanskritic’ aspects (Srinivas 2003). In reality, the two often co-exist, one taking from the other. Usually, the Little traditions are taken over by the Great traditions, with either the latter absorbing them or the former Sanskritizing their rituals that lead to the process of social mobility. Srinivas4 has given many examples of such kinds where the Sanskritic deities spread horizontally at an all-India level, while at the regional or local levels there are vertical movements. The folk deities are represented in the form of a simple stone or statue. Their temples are confined and are limited places of worship. The folk deities in Jammu have interesting stories behind them. It is believed that in the earlier times when people went from one village to another, they began resting under the tree or near the stones. In due course of time, they began praying these stones for their safe commuting. Slowly, these milestones attained the position of village Gods and Goddesses and the protector of the village. These deities became village deities and since then have been worshipped by people of different villages. They are believed to protect the people from any harm, spread of disease, or failure of crops.5 The folk deities are mostly found in the outer areas of the Jammu region. The maintenance of these deities’ temples is taken care of by the village people. More importantly, it has been the belief of the villagers that God remains disguised in the form of the man who predicts the future. The social issues are discussed in the presence of Purohits (priests), and the people consider their decision as the voice of the deity. Thus, folk deities in the villages of the Jammu region play an important function in protecting the village and its people and in looking after and solving their day-to-day problems. The deities are accordingly respected and propitiated.

3 Robert

Redfield.1956. The Little Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

4 M. N. Srinivas. 2003 (1952). Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. Delhi: Oxford

University Press. information was shared by the President of Jamwal-Pandits Committee in personal communication.

5 The

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3 The Jamwal-Pandits: A Clan of Brahmins in Jammu Region In every clan-culture, rituals are vital components that are largely connected with religion. Each clan has a body of rituals and each ritual action has its meaning, and the totality of such meaning constitutes the expression of that system. Rituals may be defined as ‘a kind of patterned activity oriented towards control of human affairs, primarily symbolic in character with a non-empirical referent and as a rule socially sanctioned’ (Firth 1971: 222). Rituals are the ways of expressing religious sentiments and deal with performance, expression as well as symbolic communication (Bowie 2006). They consist ‘in the observance, according to a prescribed manner, of certain actions designed to establish liaison between the performing individual and the supernatural power, or powers’ (Majumdar and Madan 1999: 131). Along with ‘rituals’, ‘beliefs’ are an important characteristic of every religion that provides supernatural and sacred definitions for its followers. Beliefs are a charter for the rituals, as also the rationalization of the same. These beliefs ensure that the rituals will be observed. They are statements to which members of a particular religion adhere. The body of beliefs may be very simple and loosely organized or very complex and elaborately organized (Ralhan and Lambat 2006:51). Religious beliefs and rites have generally been organized around objects and activities that are held to be sacred because they are seen as having superior power or dignity to the objects and activities of everyday life (Fulcher and Scott 2003:407). These beliefs and rituals are exhibited in the worship of folk clan deity as seen in this paper. A ‘clan’ is regarded as a group of people united by actual or perceived kinship and descent. A few lineages may combine to form a clan, but unlike a lineage whose ancestors are known, the clan is usually organized around a founding member or apical ancestor. The clans may also have a symbolic ancestor or even a non-human like a totem6 . In many indigenous, tribal, and traditional societies, the clan is largely an exogamous group, where members are considered to be consanguine or blood-related and cannot marry one another. In British and American (US) social anthropology, the term ‘clan’ has been used differently (Seymour-Smith 1986:3). Following Morgan, American Anthropologists have used the word ‘clan’ to signify a unilineal descent group recruited through a female line. The term ‘gens’ was used for the unilineal descent group recruited through the male line. In Morgan’s earlier work, these two groupings were called ‘matriclan’ and ‘patriclan’ (Morgan 1871). The British social anthropologists such as Radcliffe-Brown, Evans-Pritchard, and Meyer Fortes considered clans largely as unilineal descent groups, tracing their origin from a common ancestor. Among Hindus in India, an equivalent term gotra is often used. The origin of membership is traced through a common ancestor or Rishi. Though both ‘clan’ and ‘gotra’ are exogamous units prohibiting marriage within the group, they are somewhat different. A clan is a descent group prevalent among various tribes and 6 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clan.

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communities across the world, including India. The gotra, on the other hand, is largely restricted to the Hindus among whom marriage within the same gotra (and in many cases marriages in the gotra of one’s mother, paternal and maternal grandmother among Hindus of North India) is prohibited. The two groups, ‘clan’ and ‘gotra’ though overlap, are not the same, even among the Hindus. A clan usually has one gotra but this is not always necessary. The gotra classification among the Brahmins is formed from a core of eight Rishis: Vishvamitra, Jamadagni, Bharadvaja, Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha, Kashyapa, and Agastya; the progeny of these eight sages is declared to be belonging to the particular gotras (Kapadia, 1966: 128–30). With time, the number of gotras increased. This happened as the descendants of these Rishis started new families or lineages that formed the new gotras. Besides these, they also intermarried other Brahmins, and new groups like Kshatriyas were taken into their fold by some Rishis. The word ‘Jamwal’ represents a clan of Dogra Rajputs in the Jammu region. It is one of the ruling clans of Jammu and Kashmir, and the bulk of erstwhile princely State rulers were the Jamwal Rajputs. The clan is largely exogamous following the rule of caste endogamy. Most of the marriages take place among the ruling clans of Rajputs, though there have been a few cases of hypergamous marriage as well. It is interesting to note that why a people of the Pandit clan acquired the name of Rajputs. A large number of people consider the status of Jamwal-Pandits ambiguous. However, the Jamwal-Pandits in the Jammu region belong to a Brahmin caste and have probably acquired the name as they were the priests of Jamwal Rajput rulers. They were engaged in all the religious activities of the ruling family like the birth of the child, mundan (tonsure) ceremony, marriage, and other rituals. Being associated with the ruling clan, their status was higher among the Dogra Brahmins, and they married among Brahmins of equal status (Drew 2008: 44). This paper focuses on the clan of Jamwal-Pandits who are Brahmins by caste. The word Brahmin means the one who knows God and has the knowledge of Vedas, a priest, a teacher, a superior person, and so on. The principle that people born in the Brahmin caste automatically become Brahmin is a much later idea. In the past, a Brahmin was a person who had attained maximum spiritual knowledge. The case of Vishvamitra, who was a warrior (Kshatriya) is a great example of this practice (that a person becoming a Brahmin, rather than born as one). He became Brahmin after attaining maximum spiritual knowledge and composed the Gayatri Mantra, the most sacred mantra of the Hindus. The gotra of the Jamwal-Pandit clan is Koundinya,7 a great Rishi, and here we can see how the two concepts of gotra and clan differ. The marriages among them follow the rule of both gotra and clan exogamy. The families of Koundinya gotra use the family names or surnames such as Sharma, Shastri, Achari, Acharya, Dikshit, Joshi,

7 Koundinya

was a great Rishi (sage) and was known beyond Bharat. He was a master of Vedic knowledge and was a worshipper of God Ganesha. He was also linked with Noble Buddha. His name is well-known in Thailand and Cambodia. Nothing is known about his children or more about his wife, except that her name was Ashraya.

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Katke, Majumdar, and Patwardhan8 though all such groups using these surnames are not necessarily Jamwal-Pandits. The Rishis from whom they trace their origin belonged to different sects like Shakti, Shaivites, and Vaishnavites and had different deities for worship. Such deities came to be known as the Kul-devtas. Almost every clan of Hindus of the Jammu region worships their Kul-devta/devi or clan deity. The worship of clan deity is a collective action of the community whose aim is the preservation and well-being of the clan group. In India, through this participation, a person thinks of oneself as a member of the caste and widespread Hindu religious community as a whole (Radcliffe-Brown 1952: viii-ix).

4 Datti Ji: The Folk Clan Deity of Jamwal-Pandits Datti Ji or Satyavati Ji is the principal female clan deity of Jamwal-Pandits. She is worshipped with great reverence and devotion during all important occasions of the clan as well as in the everyday life of the people. In its folk form, she is the Kul-devi par excellence. No ceremony or auspicious function starts or is performed without venerating her first. She listens to people, resolves their problems, and protects them. In case if someone does anything wrong or does not propitiate her properly and adequately, she is bound to punish him/her. The Jamwal-Pandits have complete belief and faith in her and perform several rituals to commemorate her benevolence. The congregation or gathering called maile is held regularly in which people of the clan worship the deity together and have a feast. The maile provides a common platform to the people of the clan or biraderi and gives them an opportunity to discuss their issues and resolve the problems if any. In the Jammu region, there have been some people who sacrificed their lives for truth and justice and came to be known as martyrs (shaheed). The practice is called praha pratha or sacrificing oneself for a cause. These people are considered pious and akin to God (devta). For ages, such persons belonging to the Brahman community were referred to as Baba. One of the noble persons known as Datta Gopal Dass was a Dogra Brahman. The Jamwal-Pandit community worships him along with his wife Sati Sheelawanti popularly known as Datti Ji. Though Baba Ji is a central figure in the legend of the deity worship, it is Datti Ji who is regarded as the clan deity of the Jamwal-Pandits. The legend goes like this: Baba Ji (Gopal Dass), the husband of Datti Ji, was born at Gangochak near Ghajansoo, Jammu, more than 500 years ago. He was the son of Pandit Ganga Dass and was the Grandson of Pandit Sagar. Once, when he was going for his marriage to a Brahman girl, the daughter of Pandit Sukhi Ram of Patoli Mangotrian, Jammu, the baraat (marriage procession) passed through a village of Charak Rajputs who used to charge money from the Baratis (members of marriage procession) forcibly. They threatened the Purohit (priest) accompanying the marriage party of Baba Ji and demanded money as he was the only person carrying the box. The Purohit said that he had no money but just a box containing some religious 8 This

information was given by some prominent Jamwal-Pandits during interaction with them at the time of ‘Maile’ congregations.

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Fig. 1 View of Purmandal and Datti Ji’s temple from Inside (left) and Outside (right). Source Author

clothes, supposed to be offered to the bride during the marriage ceremony. The Purohit offered that box to Charaks instead of money and then left the place. During the marriage ceremony, when Baba Ji asked the Purohit about the farrat (religious cloth), he narrated the entire story and informed that he left the box containing the farrat to Charaks to get himself released. Then Baba Ji felt humiliated in front of his would-be in-laws. At that time, Baba Ji had completed only five pheras (rounds around the sacred fire as a part of Hindu religious marriage) out of the mandatory seven. He then decided to take the rest of the two pheras only after bringing that box back. Baba Ji went to the spot and asked the Charaks to give him back the farrat which was very important for the marriage ceremony, but the Charaks did not heed his repeated requests. On this, Baba Ji climbed up the tree and started cutting his body parts. When Baba Ji’s would-be wife (Datti Ji) heard that Baba Ji was sacrificing his life, she started running to that place. On her way, she was offered water by a girl from Jamwal-Pandits family. It is learned that Datti Ji was very pleased and thanked the girl for offering water. When Datti Ji reached the spot, she stood below the tree and started catching the parts of Baba Ji’s body and after that, she too sacrificed her life for Baba Ji. While sacrificing her life, she requested the people (Jamwal-Pandits) gathered there to build a temple in their name near Purmandal. Since then she is revered by all Jamwal-Pandits. As the water was given by a girl, the daughters have a special place in their society. It is also said that Jamwal-Pandits no longer marry in the Magotra clan of the Brahmins as Datti Ji was from that clan. Moreover, Jamwal-Pandits do not have any Purohit after this inhumane incident9 which occurred because of the irresponsible behaviour of the Purohit and the humiliation Baba Ji suffered during the marriage (Fig. 1). 9 This information is based on the interview with the priest of the Datta Ji

the President of Jamwal-Pandits biraderi.

temple at Purmandal and

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The Main temple of Datti Ji is situated at Purmandal (District Samba) in the Jammu region. Purmandal is also called Chotta Kashi or little Varanasi. It is situated on the banks of the sacred river Devak. The temples are on both sides of the river, which is mostly dry, and this river is Gupt Ganga (invisible Ganges). The river has equal importance for local people as compared to river Ganga in Haridwar or Varanasi and is believed to clear a person of his sins (Dewan 2007). The prime attraction is the Purmandal Shiv Temple which is devoted to Goddess Parvati. The devotees take a holy dip in the river Devika and seek blessings. Bathing in the river Devika is believed to cleanse the soul. There are many temples built on rocks devoted to Lord Shiva which presents a magnificent sight. In the year 1989, two prominent people of the region, Mr. Bansi Lal Sharma and Mr. Shiv Kumar Sharma, in collaboration with some locals brought a statue of Kuldevi and did the installation (sthapana) on the eve of Basant Panchami (an auspicious day which falls on the fifth day of Magha [Jan–Feb] month of Hindu Calendar) in the temple.10 The devotees contributed financially and the temple was developed and improved from time to time. The temple of Datti Ji is situated on the top of the hill opposite major Purmandal Shiv Temple which is devoted to Goddess Parvati. The Datti Ji temple provides the following facilities to the devotees: • • • • •

Adequate marbled shed area for worship/prayers Rest rooms Separate bathing areas for male and female Food/Drinking water facility Area earmarked for feast/langar, etc.

Based on the data collected from the field at Purmandal,11 it was found that an overwhelming majority (80%) of the respondents visit the Datti Ji temple for the maile congregations, while some visit for marriage and birth-related rituals. A significant number of them also go to the temple simply for praying and seeking blessings as well as thanking and offering the deity for fulfiling their wishes. A total of 492 families were identified in Jammu and Kashmir during the period 2014– 2015, though 30 other families reside in the adjoining states and come for annual or biannual congregations. Many of the families who are from different states were once the residents of the Jammu region who migrated and settled down there later on due to various reasons. However, they make it a point to visit the temple at Purmandal quite regularly (Sharma 2016). Though deity worship has always been a local phenomenon, it has been found that people from far-off districts and states are also the followers of the local deity. The non-local devotees visit the local deity due to mainly two reasons. One, the local 10 The said information was given by the President of Jamwal-Pandits during an interview with him at Purmandal. 11 The data is based on the fieldwork conducted as part of Ph.D. research work submitted to the University of Jammu in 2016. In all, a sample of 200 respondents was taken.

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300

266

250 200 150 85

100 50

15

26

75 23

2

0

Graph 1 District-wise Identified Families of Jamwal-Pandits in Jammu Region. Source Receipts of Donation collected by the Association of Jamwal-Pandit Biraderi

population that migrated from their place of origin several years ago tries to come back and worship their local deity on annual congregation day. Two, over the years the popularity of the local deity has crossed the district and the state boundaries. Therefore, the non-local followers of the local deity Datti Ji visit Purmandal and worship her for the well-being of their families. As per the records of the Temple, the small size of the population of the devotees of the deity resides in the states of Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Maharashtra. Since Punjab is the adjoining state of Jammu and Kashmir, 26 families are residing there. In Punjab, the devotees of the Datti Ji are scattered over the districts of Amritsar 4, Gurdaspur 15, Hoshiarpur 4, Jalandhar 2, and Ludhiana 1. One family each from Himachal Pradesh (Chamba), Delhi, Uttar Pradesh (Lucknow), and Maharashtra (Nasik) comes to the congregation at the Datti Ji temple every year. The graph above shows the distribution of families in different districts of the Jammu region as per the record available at Datti Satyavati Ji’s Temple, Purmandal, the maximum being from Jammu followed by Udhampur and Reasi and then other districts (Graph 1).

5 Maile Congregations Jamwal-Pandits from all corners of the Jammu region visit Datti Ji’s (their presiding deity) temple at Purmandal on various occasions throughout the year, especially during their maile congregation, held once every 6 months. On this occasion, they perform certain rituals and present new food grains and fruits to the deity and receive her blessings.

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The term maile locally means ‘meeting’ or ‘gathering’. It takes place when the people of the same clan, gotra, or lineage assemble or gather together and pay obeisance to their Kul deity. The maile is a common ritual among all castes of Hindus in the Jammu region. The basis of such congregations is the clan of each caste. Though all castes in Jammu organize maile, it operates at the level of a clan and/or gotra. The annual congregation or maile is held at a place or a temple of its presiding deity. Among the Jamwal-Pandits, maile is organized biannually at the temple in Purmandal every year. The first maile is held at the beginning of the Hindu year (April or May) which falls on the day of ‘Dwadashi’ (lunar day of Shukla fortnight). Another maile is held in October or November on the day of ‘Tulsi Vivah’ (marriage ceremony of Basil plant). There is great enthusiasm among the devotees, and they are seen standing in a queue holding garlands and sweets in their hands waiting for long hours to have glimpses of the deities. A huge bhandara (communal feast) is also organized. Similar types of functions are held at other local places also. On the day of maile, all the community members along with their families join together at the worship place of their Kul-devi and perform certain rituals. These rituals are performed by the clan members and imbibed by them. In this way, they are passed on from generation to generation. The maile congregations are held twice a year and as per the information given by the devotees, the maximum number of Jamwal-Pandits (around 57%) attend them, while many (22%) attend once in a year, rest of them attend sometimes.12 There are many reasons given by the respondents for attending maile congregations. The first preferential reason stated by them is their deep faith in the worship of Datti Ji (56%) followed by community feeling (20%), family tradition (17%), and meeting people and discussing and settling issues (8%). The following activities take place during the maile. • Offering Food during Langar/Feast—Way of Serving Earlier, food was served on the leaves of Malungad 13 and worshippers used to sit in rows on the ground and the people (anyone willing to render his services) use to serve them. Nowadays, food is served in buffets in crockery and not on plates or bowls made of leaves. • Process of cooking/People involved in cooking It is interesting to know that the process of cooking food is the same as before. The food even today is still cooked on wood fire but utensils are changed. Earlier, it was cooked in big pots made up of brass metal called ‘Sagle’. These days it is cooked in utensils made up of steel.

12 The

data is based on the fieldwork conducted as part of the Ph.D. research work submitted to the University of Jammu in 2016. In all, a sample of 200 respondents was taken. 13 The Malungad tree is a Dogri name and in English, it is called Camel’s Foot.

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Further, the use of onion and garlic is strictly restricted since the beginning and this practice still exists very strongly. Excluding Scheduled caste or tribe, cooks can be hired from all the castes. Usually, the Jheewar caste (‘Other Backward Class’ in Jammu and Kashmir) members have been the traditional cooks, preparing food during different occasions like marriage or ceremonies like mundan (tonsure). Though not all are engaged in this profession today, quite a number of them are continuing with this work. • Dishes served during Langar/Food Fest There have been many changes in the style of serving and eating but the dishes that are served remain almost the same, i.e. Rajma pulse, Rice, Chana/Maa pulse, and Ambal (sweet and sour pumpkin dish), and in sweet dish, sweet rice and halwa14 are served. In any Dogra festival/ceremony or bhandara (feast), dishes like Rajma, Plain Rice, Ambal, and sweet rice are always there. These are the main local dishes in Jammu and constitute an important part of Dogra food culture. Recently, a culture of stalls of other food items is also seen during the maile congregation. One can also witness stalls of other food items like Gol Gappa, Fruits, Jalebi, and Pakora which are more like snacks. Collection of donations for the upliftment of the community, improving facilities for the devotees, and maintenance of the temple premises are done by the members of the Jamwal-Pandits biraderi (‘brotherhood’, here meaning lineage/clan). The collection of amount through donations or charity is also increasing day-by-day. People donate in both cash and kind for the welfare of the temple and the community. A proper account is maintained by the committee and receipts are given to those who donate. The important features and functions of maile among Jamwal-Pandits as told by the devotee respondents are as follows: • To enliven the age-old tradition of Jamwal-Pandits. • Offering new crops like wheat, maize, etc. and new seasonal fruits to their deity for receiving the blessings. The clan members do not eat the new seasonal fruit unless the same is offered to their deity. • Social bonds are strengthened. • The social welfare of poor people belonging to the community is ensured and maintained. • Interaction and exchange of views on vital matters take place. • Members contribute to the betterment of the Datti Ji temple. • The new generation gets a chance to meet the old age people of their community and learn about their traditions and culture. • The offering of food to the people gathered on the day of maile is made. This community feast is called langar. Everyone sits and eats together (Fig. 2).

14 A

sweet dish made with milk, flour, sugar, ghee, and dry fruits.

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Fig. 2 Gathering during the Maile. People taking food in the traditional way (above left) and following the new style of eating (below left). Source Author

6 Other Rituals Associated with the Worship of Datti Ji A local or folk deity is treated like a human being full of emotions. If avoided in any way, the deity can get angry and bring harm to people. Therefore, it must be properly and sufficiently propitiated. The clan or Kul deity of Jamwal-Pandits is Datti Ji, and she has a very important role in all that happens in their family and clan. This reflects the importance of folk elements in her worship. She is their principal and presiding deity. The shrine of the deity at Purmandal is the chief place of JamwalPandit pilgrimage which is visited by the community people on various occasions. They turn to the deity in all such cases as diseases or suffering to family members as well as to the cattle, monetary losses, accidents, fires, etc. Datti Ji is also approached by those who are without any offspring or employment. The Jamwal-Pandits worship their Kul-devi on all occasions, right from childbirth to mundan ceremony (tonsure) to marriage and on different festivals, and particularly during their maile congregations. Birth Customs: The birth of a child allows the couple to become parents, i.e. father and mother. It is a time of rejoicing for the entire family. On such occasions, the senior family member with ‘virtuous qualities’ writes, with a gold coin or gold ring (whatever is available) dipped in honey, the word Om on the tongue of the child in the hope that the infant will inherit good virtues and qualities of the family. To

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ward off evil, a small black ‘dot’ is made at the back of the child’s ear using kajal (a black carbon-based substance usually put in the eyes). The Jamwal-Pandits believe that on the birth of a male child, the mother and the new-born son should not wear new clothes. The mother has to wear a petticoat (geedy) and should not wear the salwar/pajama until the mundan ceremony (tonsure) takes place. The new-born baby can only wear the old clothes given by the maternal family and they cannot wear pink, yellow, and red colour clothes till the mundan (tonsure) ceremony is performed. When a woman gives birth to a child, her husband and family members are careful to note the exact time, the day, the date, and the year in which the child is born. Usually, the father of the child carries this information to the astronomer, to enquire whether the infant is born at a favourable moment, who casts the Janam Kundli (horoscope) of the new-born child, covering the ups and downs relating to the life span of the child. If the child is born at a favourable moment, a message is sent around to call the relatives and friends, who tender their affection and best wishes to the family. Feasting and rejoicing are held for a couple of days. The sootak (pollution) is observed for 10 days after delivery. It means the household remains ceremonially impure for 10 days after the birth of a child. Childbirth causes ritual pollution to the woman who gives birth, her husband, and some agnatic kin.15 The house is purified by sprinkling Ganga-Jal (water of the holy river Ganga) and reciting mantras by the priest. Though both boys and girls are welcomed, Jamwal-Pandit being a patrilineal community, where a son has many rituals to perform towards his parents and the household, the birth of a son is particularly welcomed. The descent and inheritance follow patriline. There are therefore some differences in the celebration of the rituals of the two. On an auspicious day, the child is given a name according to kundli (horoscope), and the original name is kept secret due to fear of getting the child affected by the black magic. The sutra (thread) ceremony is generally performed after the 12th day and before or on the 21st day of the birth of the child. There are certain rituals, which are associated with the Kul-devi worship on the birth of the male child. After the sutra16 ceremony, a special homage is paid to the deity. The family offers new clothes to the deity, and gifts in cash and kind. They also organize feast at times and perform votive rituals, i.e. give what they had promised to if their wish is fulfiled. On the 12th day, they offer jaggery called ‘gur’ to Kul-devi as a part of their custom. The sutra (thread) ceremony indicates the purification of the family which is believed to have become impure on the birth of the child. The ceremony is performed when the infant is carried outside the house for the first time. The ceremony consists of tying a cotton thread17 around the neck of both the mother and the child by the family members of the maternal side. After this, the mother carrying the child is made to sit on a wooden stool and wear a pink coloured dress gifted by her parents. 15 Also

noted by T. N. Madan for the Kashmiri Pandits. See Madan (1989: 64–72). sutra (thread) ceremony indicates the purification of the family which is believed to have become impure on the birth of the child. The sutra (thread) ceremony is generally performed after the 12th and before or on the 21st day of the birth of the male child. 17 A thread of pink colour is tied in case of the girl child and white colour in case of the male child. 16 The

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The ceremony starts with the tasting of the cow’s urine under the guidance of the priest followed by an elaborate feast. People give gifts, dresses, etc. to the new-born baby. The maternal relatives of the child give expensive dresses to him along with his mother and relatives. No such ceremonies were performed earlier in the case of the birth of a girl child. But now it is observed that there is a change in the society and these ceremonies are also performed when a girl child is born, though still not as elaborately as for the male child. On the occasion of a death in the family or of a close relative, the details of the sutra ceremony are reduced merely to the putting of the cotton threads around the neck of both the mother and the child as long as the family remains under sootak (pollution). The purification process takes place when the sootak period is over. Mundan Ritual: The mundan (tonsure) of the male child is an important ceremony and is performed in the first, third, or fifth year of the birth of the child. JamwalPandits like other Hindus of the Jammu region perform the mundan ceremony of their children at the devasthan (place of deity) of Baba Pehad Devta18 (Naag deity) whose main sathal (location) is in village Katal Batal near Nagrota, Jammu. He is the family deity of the major Brahman and Rajput clans of the region like Dharmath, Palasar, Samnotras, and Jamwal Pandits. Baba Pehad was the son of Basuki Naag, the king of Serpents who handed over the rule of Jammu to Raja Pehad Devta when he brought the water of Tawi river from Kali Kundi glacier of Bhaderwah to Jammu with the blessings of Bawe Wali Mata (Goddess) or Kali Mata, the famous Goddess of Jammu. As the legend goes, one day Basuki Naag declared that of all his sons (he is believed to have 20 sons born out of his three wives) whosoever brings water to Jammu shall be declared as his heir-apparent. All his sons tried, but it is believed that it was Pehad or Bhair-devta who went to Kailash and brought the river Tawi (the major source of water for Jammu city) to Jammu (Atrey 2012: 8) (Fig. 3). The people in the Jammu region have been the believers of Basuki Naag, the snake God. Basuki Naag was the King of Bhaderwah in the Kishtwar district of the Jammu region, one of the most beautiful places of Jammu and Kashmir (UT). In the Jammu district also, at a place called Naagbani, there is an old temple of Naag Devta. The devotees make offerings of milk, cereals, and other uncooked stuff (Dewan 2007). Sometimes, animal sacrifice is also performed at some places and the meat is offered first to the deity and then distributed among the devotees. Throughout Jammu and Kashmir, and particularly in the Jammu region, Naag Devtas (serpent Gods) are worshipped as a folk deity, for example, Naag Devta in Mansar (Udhampur district) and Kali Naag in Sungli, Bhaderwah (Doda District). Their shrines are usually located near the source of water, like a stream or a pond, a waterfall, and a river. Bhaderwah town, whose presiding deity is Basuki Naag, itself is in the upper Neeru19 (Dewan 2007). 18 Locally,

the deity is also known by different names: Dibbi Wala Baba, Pehar Devta, Bhed/Bhaid/ Bhair Devta. 19 The meaning of Neer is water in Sanskrit.

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Fig. 3 Baba Pehad Devta Temple, Nagrota, Jammu. Source Author

After taking the blessings of the Baba Pehad, the head of the boy is shaved for the first time, and the hair is either flown into the river or buried deep in the earth. The maternal uncle, the mama, plays a significant role in this rite and also gives some gifts in the form of valuable dresses, eatables, and other items to his nephew. A feast is organized on this occasion. After performing the rites at Baba Pehad, the new clothes consisting of chunni (Red, Pink, or Yellow coloured cloth, decorated with golden or silver lace), dhoti (a long piece of cloth), and towel are offered to the Kul deity. Though most of the Jamwal-Pandits give gifts and offerings of a sweet dish, or fruits and flowers, i.e. vegetarian, it was informed by some devotees that they also sacrifice animals, usually goat at the premise of Baba Pehad. This is then distributed and taken home for others as prasad (offering from God). Some of the respondents informed that though they were non-vegetarians, they never used to perform animal sacrifice and they met with several misfortunes. So it was told to them that Baba Pehad got angry with them because though they themselves eat meat, they do not offer the same to the Baba. Since then many of the non-vegetarians have started conducting animal sacrifices and making offerings of the same to the Baba. About 35 percent of the Jamwal-Pandits who visit the shrine of Baba Pehad perform animal sacrifice. This reflects the character of folk or non-Sanskritic ritual among the Jamwal-Pandits. However, this phenomenon is not restricted to the Jamwal-Pandits but the people of other castes and clans who are non-vegetarians also do the same.20

20 It must be kept in mind that unlike Pehad Baba, the Kul deity of Jamwal-Pandit Datti Ji

vegetarian.

is purely

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There is no mundan (tonsure) and yagyopavita21 ceremony for the girl child. Only a few rites are observed on the birth of a female child. The investiture of yagyopavita22 represents a child’s formal admission into the ranks of his caste and is a typical Sanskritic feature. No marriage is conducted unless the yagyopavita is performed. This also marks the entry of a person into adulthood and ready to enter into the grahastha ashram (the stage of a householder).23 Marriage Ceremony: The Jamwal-Pandits who are Brahmins by caste follow the rules of caste endogamy and clan exogamy, i.e. they marry within Brahmin but into the clans and gotras other than their own. As mentioned, the gotra of Jamwal-Pandit is Koundinya though they trace their descent originally from Rishi Vashistha. They follow the rule of the clan as well as gotra exogamy. Marriage for Jamwal-Pandits is a sacrament and an indissoluble holy union of a man and a woman. It is one of the sanskaras (rituals) and an essential socio-religious duty for every member of the community. It is solemnized with traditional fervour and enthusiasm. A series of rites are performed as a part of the marriage ritual. As also noted by Madan for Kashmiri Saraswat Brahmins, most of these rites are of Sanskritic origin, especially with priests following Sanskritic marriage rituals, performing havan (consecrated fire), and chanting of mantras and shlokas. However, there are a few rituals that may be non-Sanskritic, particularly when ritual pacification rites are performed a few days before marriage to intercede with Gods and evil spirits so that supernatural interference does not harm or preclude the performance of marriage rituals (Madan 1989: 104–08). In a traditional way of arranging marriage among the Jamwal-Pandits, it’s the girl’s father who approaches the boy’s father through the middle man called ravara for the settlement of marriage for his daughter. At the satisfaction of both parties, the date of kurmai (betrothal) is fixed by the two families. These days, the JamwalPandits also take the help of the Marriage Bureau for this purpose. On the fixed day, a shagun24 is sent to the boy’s residence. The brother of the girl, along with some cousins and friends, takes the shagun. A musical band is engaged by the boy’s parents, sweets are distributed among the invited relatives and friends, and tilak (red mark on the forehead) is applied by the girl’s brother to the bridegroom’s forehead with the chanting of the mantras by the Pandit. The date of marriage is fixed and communicated to the boy’s parents. In both the houses, marriage ceremonies start with the installation of gandhian.25 Before 21 The combination of six white coloured sacred threads investiture, around the neck and the arm. Yagyopavita is also called janeu. 22 In the past, yagyopavita ceremony was conducted when the boy attained the age of 10 years but now this ceremony is clubbed with the marriage to save time and expenses. 23 According to the Hindu religion, every person goes through four stages or ashrams in a life of hundred years, each divided equally. These are Brahmacharya [bachelorhood], Grahastha [Householder], Vanprastha [leaving for forest away from worldly affairs], and moksha [salvation]. 24 It consists of gifts, sweets, fruits, dry fruits, a pink scarf, at least one silver rupee, and a marriage invitation card. 25 A temple-shaped wooden frame installed at the front of the house.

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the actual day of marriage, the girl and boy in their respective homes undergo the ceremony called saant. On this occasion, the married women of the house apply oil and butna26 on the body of the boy and the girl in their respective houses. The idea is to make them look attractive and pleasing during the special occasion of their life. The Baraat (marriage procession) is led by the bridegroom to the bride’s house with the beating of the drums and playing of the band. The marriage party is entertained with a warm reception. For the marriage ceremony at the house of the bride a, bedi or mandap (a place where the marriage takes place) is constructed and a havan fire is lit in front of which the whole ritual of marriage is undertaken. As per the mahurat (the auspicious time), the lagan (here marriage) ceremony takes place with the recitation of mantras (kind of hymns in Sanskrit) in front of the sacred fire. The couple goes around the sacred fire seven times, and this process is called phere lena (taking or rounds of fire), the most crucial part of Hindu marriage. In between, there are many rituals as the marriage continues almost throughout the night. The groom ties the mangalsutra27 around the bride’s neck and puts the sindoor 28 (vermilion) between the partition of her hair called maang. Then both the bride and the bridegroom take blessings of their elders and the marriage is considered complete. The bride is given an emotional send-off usually in the early hours of the morning by her natal family members in a ceremony called bidai. She is accompanied by gifts given by her family members generally called ‘dowry’, traditionally her streedhan which besides her own also includes clothes and jewellery and other items for her inlaws’ family. The dowry increases the status of a woman in her conjugal household called her Sasural and has a lot of significance among Brahmins.29 The bride is welcomed and the lunch/dinner is hosted in connection with the reception of the bride by her in-laws at their place. After this, the newly married couple has to visit the temple of Kul-devi, Datti Ji, at Purmandal in Jammu to seek her blessings and perform the ritual called tarage.30 The bride becomes part of her new conjugal family and their Kul-devi is now her deity which is different from the Kul-devi of her natal household and clan. Though many people in Jammu have started visiting the Sanskritic shrines like Mata Vaishno Devi after marriage which has developed as the centre of pilgrimage or religious tourism (Foster and Stoddard 2010), the visit to the respective Kul-devi is a must and essential task for every newly married couple. This shows the significance of folk Hinduism in the rituals of Jamwal-Pandits.

26 A

mixture of multani sand, oil, gram flour, and turmeric powder is considered auspicious. is the holy thread worn by married Hindu women. The word mangal means auspicious and sutra means thread and together mangalsutra means an auspicious thread uniting the souls. 28 Dry red colour powder adorned by married Hindu women. 29 In sociological studies, it is noted that dowry transaction is usually associated with higher castes and bride price with the lower caste or tribal groups. 30 The first visit of newly married couples to the deity site, i.e. Main Temple at Purmandal to pay homage in order to seek the blessings before starting their marital life. 27 It

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There are some rituals associated with the Kul-devi which are followed by the community members in the case of the marriage ceremony. Since marriage is an auspicious occasion, the very first marriage invitation card is offered to the deity. After this, it is distributed to relatives, friends, and other people. The deity’s name and the symbol are also inscribed on the top of the marriage invitation cards. The tarage ceremony is performed by the newly-wed couple who pay a visit to Datti Ji at Purmandal and take her blessings. This is an important ritual and has to be performed before the start of the married life. The visit is undertaken accompanied by certain related festivities and the beating of the drums. The bride is dressed in her bridal outfit as well as the ornaments. When the families visit the main temple at Purmandal, on the way they make a special mark that is locally called Bathleikni31 . It shows that the family has visited the deity’s place. It is observed that the temple is situated in a far-flung area and walking distance today is about 1–2 km. Earlier it was much more and visitors had to pass through forests and mountains, and therefore they started making a special mark or sign called Bathleikni so that they could come back easily by tracing these marks. The newly-wed couple pays their obeisance to the deity by taking four rounds or parikrama locally called phere (circumambulation) and feed either 3, 5, or 7 married couples and offer gifts to the deity. Along with the rituals, there are certain religious sanctions that the Jamwal-Pandits follow. There is a tradition to offer the new crop, first fruit, or vegetable of the season to the deity before it is consumed in the house. In fact, the families in the cities which are associated with occupations other than agriculture also perform this ritual. The kharka32 is offered twice a year usually associated with two crop seasons of Kharif and Rabi. In summers, rice33 is a prominent crop and in the latter, wheat is the main crop. After offering kharka, the families feed the married couple or Brahmins or kanjaks (minor girls). The Jamwal-Pandits are strong believers of their deity. They consider the deity as their guardian Goddess and turn to her to satisfy their many varied basic and pragmatic needs. The blessings expected could be the bestowal of a son or a child, eyesight, relief from pain, or suffering. Even after several changes introduced in recent years, people from various communities follow their age-old traditions and rituals related to their deity as set forth by their elders and worship the deity with full gaiety and faith.

7 Datti Ji: The Protector, Punisher, Provider, and Forgiver During the fieldwork, some cases were recorded which gave the first-hand account of the faith people have in their clan deity, Datti Ji. 31 A

special mark or sign by using the mixture of sindoor (vermilion) and rice flour. ceremony of offering new crops to the deity. 33 The area produces one of the best Basmati rice in the world. 32 The

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As a Protector: Mr. Shatrughan Jamwal, a 63-year-old man, is a resident of Jammu. He is the President of the Jamwal-Pandit community since 2011. Mr. Jamwal started worshipping Datti Ji at a very young age. He is living a happy and contented life now and considers all this as her blessings. According to him, once a bus carrying devotees of Datti Ji from Jammu was heading towards Purmandal. In between the journey, the driver lost control of the bus and it went about 25 feet down in the gorge. It was a big surprise for all that no one got injured or even received a single scratch in the accident. When Mr. Jamwal went to the spot after hearing the news to help the victims, he found that everyone was safe. Like him, everyone believed that this was due to the blessings of Datti Ji who came to their rescue at an appropriate time. This incident further increased the belief in the performance of miracles of the folk deity. The Jamwal-Pandits go to the temple of Datti Ji not only to seek her blessings but also to thank her for her benevolence. They perform what are called votive rituals. These rituals are performed for the fulfilment of an initial vow, a rite of thanksgiving to God or Goddess. If a person fails to perform the votive rite, he or she runs the risk of facing the wrath of the deity and lose the divine protection (Tanaka 2003: 867–68). They are also punished for their misdeeds. As a Punisher: Mr. Shonku Ram, a 48-year-old man, a resident of Reasi, Jammu, is a shopkeeper. He was married at the young age of 20 years. He has three daughters. His wife is a housewife and helps him in the field. They have a piece of land and cultivate seasonal vegetables. One day he went to attend a marriage along with his family members and on his return, he found that the lock of his house was broken and it appeared as if someone had stolen things from his house. He immediately brought this to the notice of senior villagers. They found that the goods amounting to rupees five to six thousand were stolen. He along with senior villagers went to the local temple of Datti Ji, and they all prayed to her to punish the thief if he does not return the goods within a week. This statement was made public for everyone to hear. The strategy of declaring this was to force the thief to return the stolen things and also serve as a lesson to others not to do such kinds of things in the future. To the surprise of all, after a couple of days, someone kept back all the stolen things at the door of Shonku Ram’s house. This incident reflected the importance of Datti Ji in the lives of people and their faith in her in resolving all problematic cases as well as those of everyday life. Even the thief was influenced by her and feared her wrath. As a Provider: Mr. Manik Jamwal, a 30-year-old man, is a Teacher in Government School, Reasi, Jammu and Kashmir. He is a resident of Katra in the Reasi district. Even after acquiring a higher qualification, he was unemployed. He tried his level best to get any job, private or government, but did not succeed. His grandparents advised him to visit Datti Ji temple and after their repeated suggestion, he started visiting the temple. To his surprise, he got a government job within 6 months. Now, he has a strong faith in Datti Ji and has become a regular visitor at her temple. Ms. Shweta Sharma, daughter of Mr. B. L. Sharma, is a 28-year-old woman. She is a resident of Jammu. She has firm faith in Datti Ji. She stated that her parents were very upset about her marriage. They tried their level best but could not find a suitable

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match for her. She said, ‘I have strong faith in Datti Ji and I visited Datti Ji temple and made a ‘sukhan’34 that if a suitable match was found in the current year, I will offer you something’ (she does not want to disclose the offerings). Within 3 months after making the sukhan, she got engaged. She was very excited and said that her match was sent by Datti Ji. Her faith in the deity enhanced further. She desires to fulfil her promise as soon as possible. As a Forgiver: Mrs. Shrishta Devi, a 42-year-old woman, is a resident of Akhnoor, Jammu, married to Sh. Bodh Raj, and is a mother of three children, two daughters, and one son. In the year 2013, her husband left her and started living with another woman. She faced several social as well as financial problems during that period. Her children were small, and she found it difficult to look after them and their needs. She did not get much help from any quarter. She tried her best to get him back several times but all in vain. Finally, she knocked on the door of Datti Ji and prayed to her with full devotion. She religiously performed all the rituals and paid regular visits to the temple. She was sure that Datti Ji would listen to her problems and resolve them. Within a few months, her prayers were answered and her husband came back. Now they are living together happily. She believes that her husband was forgiven and came back only because of Datti Ji’s blessings. Mr. Sandeep Sharma, a resident of Jammu is a 32-year-old man who got married to a girl without the consent of his parents. He tried his best to convince his parents but they did not agree because his and his wife’s horoscopes did not match.35 They however got married in the temple without the presence of parents and later informed the parents about their marriage. The parents did not accept their marriage. He left his home and started living in a rented house with his wife. One day he remembered that his father always used to pray to Datti Ji whenever he was in trouble. He then started praying to Datti Ji, so that his parents would accept his marriage and his wife and forgive him. With time, they were blessed with twins, one boy, and a girl child. Somebody gave this news to his parents and after hearing this good news, the parents of Mr. Sandeep Sharma immediately rushed to his home. They were very happy to see their grandchildren and accepted them willingly. The family was united again and they are all living happily now. Mr. Sandeep has a firm belief that all this was made possible due to the blessings of Datti Ji. He expressed his complete faith in her. Mr. Gara Ram, 38-year-old, is a resident of Gangochak, Jammu. He is a contractor by profession. He got married at the age of 30. According to him, even after 6 years 34 The

conditional promise made in front of the local Deity. Hindus, it is a custom in an arranged marriage to match the horoscope of the bride and the groom. For marriage, a minimum of 18 ‘Guna’ matches out of a total of 36 ‘Guna’ is required between the bride’s and the groom’s horoscopes. The match is not approved if the matching ‘Gunas’ is less than 18. After matching ‘Guna’ when the Pandit (priest) confirms the match, the parents proceed with the marriage. In Hindi, it is called ‘Janampatri’ and in Dogri ‘Tewrah’. 35 Among

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of marriage, he was not able to become a father. Due to this, he was very upset. He along with his wife took many treatments but all were ineffective. At last, he decided to visit Datti Ji temple and after taking water in his hand (a way of taking sukhan—a conditional vow), he promised Datti Ji that he will never take liquor if he becomes a father. Thereafter, he regularly started visiting Datti Ji temple and within a short span of time, he was blessed with a son. He promised to offer a feast to 101 Brahmins at Datti Ji temple. Now, he never misses attending the maile congregation which takes place biannually and comes with his whole family to attend the same. The findings of the study reflect that rites and rituals play a vital role among Jamwal-Pandits of the Jammu region. A significant percentage of people cutting across all generations follow these rites and rituals even today. Most of them are tied around the worship of their clan deity. Like in many other communities of the region, these rites and rituals among Jamwal-Pandits are functional for the community and bind people together. In the words of a well-known social anthropologist, RadcliffeBrown,36 it can be said that rites and rituals provide continuity and consistency to the social structure of the Jamwal-Pandits. Though the Jamwal-Pandits are Brahmins by caste and most of their rituals are Sanskritic in character, the worship of their clan deity is an element of folk Hinduism among them. The cases narrated above show that people have faith in the miracles of the deity and that she fulfils their pragmatic needs and resolves their problems.

8 Believers from Within and Outside the Community It is revealed by the priest of Jamwal-Pandits that rituals performed during worship are only external procedures and actions, but the devotee has to involve internal self also if he or she wants to gain the blessings of Datti Ji. According to the devotees, when they perform rituals as per traditions, they are benefitted from these, and this gives them immense satisfaction and determination as well as strengthens their will power. On the whole, it helps them to live a moral life, according to them. As expressed by the devotees, many benefits flow from rituals—they help people to come together, share their feelings and problems, provide solidarity to their clan and family, and overall help them to become better human beings. The religious head has its own say in the society, influencing the decision-making in the families and clan. Attending maile also relieves their stress and gives outlet to their problems, as said by some of the devotees. Nowadays, it is observed that people of other communities have also started worshipping the deity of Jamwal-Pandits. A few families who belong to the Sikh community and are residents of Gurdaspur in Punjab were also seen during the

36 A.

R. Radcliffe-Brown. 1952. Structure and Function in Primitive Society. London: Cohen & West Ltd.

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maile congregation at Purmandal. They expressed faith in the Kul-devi of JamwalPandits. People take sukhans. They promise the deity, if what they want is received they will give what they promised. Once their wish is fulfiled, they complete their sukhan or fulfil their promise. This is like a votive ritual which is performed as a thanksgiving gesture to the deity for being so kind and benevolent. An interesting thing is that people of other communities also believe this, and one Sikh devotee after his wish was fulfiled donated an electrical appliance for use in the temple at Purmandal. This shows how maile congregations not only strengthen the unity among Jamwal-Pandits but attract other communities also, and this enhances the feeling of fraternity in the society as a whole, as people sit together and discuss things and share their views.

9 Folk Deity Worship: Adapting New Forms Over the years, there have been significant changes in the mode of worship of the folk deity, Datti Ji. The tradition of worship is reinforced due to modern technology like communication, social media, transport. and other infrastructural facilities. Changes in the Worship of Folk Clan Deity: Datti Satyavati Ji • Technology and Media: Advancement in technology and exposure to media leads to gatherings during maile, kharka, and other religious occasions. • Open to others: Believers from other castes as well as communities also participate. – Food-Serving System: Food during langar (feast) is now served in the buffet system. This differs from earlier methods where people use to sit on the floor and food was served by others. – Infrastructure Development: Infrastructure is developed, i.e. accommodation for devotees, washrooms, and toilet facility are made. – Income and expenditure: Better infrastructure and other facilities have added to the income of the temple but it has also increased expenditure. The annual income of the Datti Ji temple is increasing day by day. In the financial year 2007–2008, the income was merely | 3,209, and in the financial year 2013– 2014, it increased to | 2,54,096.37 • Communication: In olden days, it was very difficult to reach the religious site on time. It used to take a lot of time to send messages to people. Therefore, the gathering at the maile congregation of the clan used to be less. But the institution of postal departments gave a boost to the attendance during biannual maile congregation and other occasions. Nowadays, information is given through media, both print and electronic. For instance, the news is advertized in the local newspaper and sometimes given on television as well. The posters are put up and banners 37 Record/account

statement of Datti Satyavati Ji’s temple situated at Purmandal, Samba.

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are also displayed. Many times people take pictures of information and send them through or share it with the help of multimedia. The telephone is playing a vital role which during the early years was not affordable to all. Nearly everyone at the maile congregation was found to be using mobile phones, the most important and popular channel of communication and information dissemination today. As soon as the mobile phone took over, it has become a necessity rather than a luxury for all. It is also affordable to all due to a lot of brands and service providers with a range of schemes. The facility of SMS through mobile has played a major role as messages easily reach all. It can even be forwarded by one person to another and the process goes on with ease. Nowadays, the Whatsapp application is in vogue which is a more economical and easy to use application and is growing at a faster pace. One can send pictures also through this application. Because of these means of communication, nowadays one can see huge gatherings during maile congregation and on other occasions as people know in advance and plan their schedule accordingly. For the upliftment of the community, the Jamwal-Pandit biraderi has started an award ceremony for the meritorious students of the community on Basant Panchami38 day. This festival has its importance among Jamwal-Pandits as a sequence of events that occur during this festival at Datti Ji temple. On Basant Panchami, Datti Ji is dressed in beautiful new clothes (usually yellow, the colour of springs) and ornaments, and the temple is fully decorated with seasonal flowers and buntings. The special puja (worship) and grand havan (consecrated fire) are organized on this occasion. Havan is followed by a special kind of puja (worship) associated with girls called kanjak pujan.39 On this occasion, the Association of Jamwal-Pandit’s biraderi distribute clothes, food, and other necessary items among the poor and needy girls and also provide donations in the form of cash/kind to the parents of the girls who are not in a position to solemnize their daughters’ marriage or unable to rear them. The little girls of the community are worshipped like Goddesses as kanjaks. This kanjak pujan ceremony is followed by a Grand Prize distribution function. During this function, different meritorious students/scholars with higher qualifications and percentages are felicitated, that is, those who have brought laurels to the name of Jamwal-Pandits. A trophy and a gift are distributed among all the deserving meritorious candidates. The entire event is followed by a photo session wherein selective media people are also invited, on the occasion. A big combined photo of all the felicitated meritorious students gets pasted on the sidewall of the temple. This function is followed by grand langar (serving of food) (Fig. 4).

38 Basant Panchami is celebrated every year on the fifth day of the bright half of the Hindu luni-solar

calendar in the month of Magha (February–March). Basant in Hindi means ‘spring’ and Panchami means fifth, hence Basant Panchami. It is the spring season, the period succeeding winter and preceding summer. 39 Kanjak pujan is a holy ritual, carried out by the Jamwal-Pandits and among Hindus in general on various occasions. The kanjak pujan ceremony involves the worship of minor girls, here representing Datti Ji. During this Pujan (worship), the minor girls are offered sweets, food, and money.

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Fig. 4 Food served to poor and needy students (left) and Medical Camp for devotees (right) Source Author

Highly literate, professional people of Jamwal-Pandit biraderi have also started offering voluntary services during these maile congregations. People from medical and educational backgrounds provide voluntary services to the devotees by organizing free medical camps related to different problems like eyes, skin, and general health. In a camp organized during the maile congregation in May 2019, highly trained doctors along with their efficient and fully equipped para-medical staff from different medical colleges/hospitals attended and checked hundreds of devotees of different age-groups in a single day. This shows their dedication to their community. Several more educated volunteers also came forward and showed their willingness to provide their services for the betterment of the Jamwal-Pandits biraderi. They committed to offering their services from the next upcoming maile congregation and thereafter. Keeping in view the Swachh Bharat Mission of the Central Government, this community also constructed separate toilets for male and female devotees at religious places and earmarked proper methods of garbage disposal.

10 Conclusion The following points were derived from the study of folk deity worship among Jamwal-Pandits. • Folk deity worship has enhanced clan unity among Jamwal-Pandits. • Maile congregation of Jamwal-Pandits held twice a year and other ceremonies have played a major role in this. They proved to be functional for bringing solidarity among people. • People expressed complete faith in the worship of their local deity Datti Ji. Their belief revolves around Her. • During the study, it was revealed that though the digital divide has hampered the gatherings of people, still the prior intimations of maile congregations and

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advancements in technology like mobile services, Whatsapp, SMS, etc. have played a major role in bringing the worshippers at one place during the maile congregation. • The other reason behind the increase in devotees is the mode of transport, which is now more easily available than before. Earlier it was very difficult to move from one place to another due to lack of private transport. At present, accommodation is also available for devotees, who want to stay there. New and modified ways of cooking the food, types of dishes prepared as well as the serving procedures have been adopted. • The major reason behind the larger number of devotees is increased faith in folk deity due to the complexities of life and search for peace and prosperity. The migration of people to the outside world has given them the opportunity to meet each other at least once or twice a year on the day of the maile congregation. By attending such congregations, the devotees also get a platform to discuss their social needs and problems. • Huge donations are coming up now thus resulting in overall development in the infrastructure and other facilities. With the modernization process, the Indian traditions are getting a new form and image as people across the community and region participate in gatherings and congregations of others strengthening the network of relationships in society. Along with modernization, the process of Sanskritization (Srinivas 1952) is also seen in the worship of clan deity among the Jamwal-Pandits of the Jammu region. Most of the characteristics acquired in the worship of the folk deity in recent years suggest a move towards the Sanskritic form, though some folk features are also maintained. In fact, in certain instances, some folk elements are being incorporated, like the adoption of animal sacrifice at the shrine of Baba Pehad by the JamwalPandits suggesting de-Sanskritization. It is thus a case of both universalization and parochalization processes at work among Jamwal-Pandits, to use Mckim Marriott’s concepts (Marriott 1955). However, Datti Ji has not become a global or universal Goddess like Mata Vaishno Devi as she is still not associated with the Sanskritic form of Hinduism like Vaishnavism or Shaivism, or Great Gods and their consorts (Chauhan 2011). She is still a folk deity that is confined to a particular clan and caste of a region. She is a local Goddess that caters to the everyday needs of her worshippers albeit acquiring certain Sanskritic features like the Brahmanical rituals performed by Purohit, recitation of Sanskrit shlokas and verses from classical texts, and vegetarian offerings. The case of Datti Ji of Jamwal-Pandits nevertheless suggests the increasing significance of folk deity worship among several castes and sub-castes in the Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir (UT), and hence of the clan, caste, and religious unity. In this way, the study brings out a point that the worship of the folk deity, the Kul-devi or Kul-devta, has experienced a horizontal spread in almost all castes of the Jammu region. It is a special and unique regional phenomenon that incorporates both the Sanskritic and folk dimensions of Hinduism. But even when Dogra Brahmins’ practices are more Sanskritic than other castes in certain matters, the folk dimension

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of Hinduism in the context of deity worship among Jamwal-Pandits, like other castes, sub-castes, and clans, remains more important in the Jammu region.

References Atrey, M. (2012). Naga Deity Cult in Jammu Region. Shodhak: A Journal of Historical Research. Jaipur: May-August, 42(B), 140–153. Bowie, F. (2006). The anthropology of religion. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Chauhan, A. (2011). Sacred Landscape and Pilgrimage; A Study of Mata Vaishno Devi. In Holy Places and Pilgrimages: Essays on India, ed. Rana P.B. Singh, 105–126. New Delhi: Subhi Publications. Dewan, P. (2007). Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. New Delhi: Manas Publications. Drew, F. (2008). The Jammoo and Kashmir Territories: A Geographical Account. Jammu: Jay Kay Book House [Reprinted]. Firth, R. (1971). Elements of social organisation. London: Travistok Publication. Foster, G., & Stoddard, R. (2010). Vaishno Devi, the Most Famous Goddess Shrine in the Siwaliks. In Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia: Essays in Memory of David Kinsley, ed. Rana P.B. Singh, 109–124. U.K: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Fulcher, J., & Scott, J. (2003). Sociology. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kapadia, K. M. (1966). Marriage and Family in India. London: Oxford University Press [Reprinted]. Madan, T. N. (1989). Family and Kinship: A Study of the Pandits of Rural Kashmir. New Delhi: Oxford University Press [Reprinted]: 69–71 Madan, T. N. (2004). India’s Religions: Plurality and Pluralism. In T. N. Madan (Ed.), India’s Religions: Perspectives from sociology and history (pp. 1–35). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Majumdar, D. N., & Madan, T. N. (1999). An introduction to social anthropology. Noida. Mayoor Paperbacks [Reprinted]. Marriott, M. (1955). Little communities in an indigenous civilization. In M. Marriott (Ed.), Village India (pp. 171–222). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. McDaniel, J. (2003). Making virtuous daughters and wives: An introduction to Women’s Brata Rituals in bengali folk religion. Albany: State University of New York Press. Morgan, L. H. (1871). Ancient society. New York: Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1952). Structure and function in primitive society. London: Cohen & West Ltd. Ralhan, S. S., & Lambat, S. R. (2006). Sociology of religion. Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers. Redfield, R. (1956). The little community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Seymour-Smith, C. (1986). Macmillan dictionary of anthropology. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd. Sharma, A. (2016). Clan Unity and Folk Deity Worship: A Study of Jamwal-Pandits in Jammu Region. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the University of Jammu, Jammu. Singer, M. (1972). When a great tradition modernizes. New York: Praeger. Sinha, V. (2007). Folk Hinduism. In George Ritzer The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. Vol. IV. F-HE. Blackwell Publishing. Srinivas, M. N. 2003 (1952). Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. Delhi: Oxford University Press [Reprinted]. Tanaka, M. (2003). Religion in Everyday Life. In V. Das (Ed.), The Oxford India companion to sociology and social anthropology (Vol. I, pp. 867–868). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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Websites http://www.sunypress.edu/pdf/60664.pdf (Article on ‘Folk Hinduism in West Bengal. New York: State University of New York Press: 2). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clan

Epilogue

Jammu region celebrates the popular culture in the continuous processes. The shrines of diverse kinds treated by the people as the living traditions are the centres of the popular culture of the region. These shrines include the Sufi shrines, Shaivite and Vaishnavite, Shakti, Naag and local deities, etc. The history of most of these shrines goes back to either the ancient or mediaeval period except Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah of Rajouri. More importantly, some of the local heroes who worked for the welfare of the people, for instance, Baba Jitto and Mian Dido raised their voices against the unjust treatment and persecution of the peasantry by the ruling class. Consequently, people immortalize them making their shrines as the symbol of their dedication and hero worship. Similarly, Baba Chamliyal was a representative of people who worked for togetherness and communal harmony. He was also an expert in the treatment of skin diseases with the soil and water of the area to which he belonged. Though, he was killed by some communal elements of his area, after his death people made his shrine and started remembering him as a mystic and a deity. His shrine is celebrated as the healer of the problems of people. However, the history of diverse types of shrines is based on oral tradition, folk songs and people’s beliefs. As far as the contemporary period is concerned, these shrines of the Jammu region make the people of the area conscious of their identity. The shrines are the most important markers of the history of the Jammu region. Consequently, the study of shrines of the Jammu region incorporates the people living with these shrines in keeping their areas with the concept of living and working together. This feature is the emphasis of the book on Sufi shrines and deity worship edited by Abha Chauhan. Jammu region is studded with Sufi shrines as almost all the places of the Jammu region have them. Some of the localities are even named after the Sufis buried there, for instance, Peer Mitha, Lakdatta Bazaar, Jeevan Shah Mohalla and Naugazha Peer areas. Generally, the history of the Sufis settled in the Jammu region is traced from the thirteenth century onwards. Most of these Sufis came to the Jammu region from outside. They propagated and practiced the philosophy of Wahadat-ul-Wajud, i.e. unity of being. They invited people of diverse backgrounds to share their views for the resolution of their problems and socio-economic development of their areas. © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6

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Therefore, though these Sufis were followers of Islam, they were identified by the people as their own representatives. When these Sufis died, Dargah was established by the people of the area concerned with them and began to be venerated. Rekha Chowdhary has dealt with these Sufis and their shrines extensively in her paper. She shows that Jammu city is the city of both temples and Sufi shrines. Here, Sufi shrines cut across the religious boundaries of the region. Since there is a belief that visiting the shrines on Thursday is a source of elimination of miseries of the people, a large number of people of diverse social groups flock to these shrines for getting blessings of the buried Sufi. It is important to mention that visitors of these shrines offer flowers, sweets, oil, chadar and other types of donations. Consequently, these Sufi shrines act not only as the centre of the meeting of the people of diverse religions, caste, class and tribes, but they also encourage economic activities. Around many of the Sufi shrines, shops are established selling various types of goods needed for the offering and also for people’s daily needs. The Sufi shrines also organize Urs (death anniversary) annually. At the time of Urs, a large number of people of different social backgrounds gather. They take food together through the langar (open and free kitchen). Urs is a source of bringing the people together for showing their concern for each other and getting inspiration from the buried Sufi. Thus, Rekha Chowdhary’s article widens the scope of the study of Sufis and their shrines as the popular culture of the Jammu region. The Sufi philosophy and practices are remembered and commemorated by people in accordance with the local culture. Melas or fairs are organized around these Sufi shrines. Kamlesh Bamotra’s study of the shrine of Baba Budhan Ali Shah is important from peoples association with the life and works of the Sufi. Her study shows people’s belief in the miraculous power of the Sufi saint and his association with Guru Nanak. Several anecdotes are narrated by the people visiting the shrine. She has interviewed the devotees of the shrine and Haji Muhammad din working at the Dargah. Her study reveals several mystical stories narrated by the people about the miracles performed by the buried Peer. The Sufi shrines of the Jammu region are known for their role in the socio-economic development of the areas of their location and people’s firm belief in the power of Sufis in terms of fulfilment of the desire of people. Arun Kumar’s study of the shrines of Farid-ud-din and Asrar-ud-din of Kishtwar shows that these shrines are a source of Hindu-Muslim togetherness and spread of the culture of syncretization. The practices of organizing fairs and Urs, offering chadar, tying dhagas or threads, offering ghee for lightening lamp (Charagi) are shown as the common practices of the visitors of the shrine. He has also shown that even the ruling class of Kishtwar was very much influenced by the social following of the Sufis and some of the rulers used both Persian and vernacular terms for their names. Similarly, the study of Pirzada Athar Hussain of the Khanqah of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah of Rajouri finds out that this shrine is a centre for the pilgrims from various parts of the region and the outside. His study shows that shrine works for both social and economic development. People believe that visiting the shrine can make miracles happen in their life. It is believed by the people that the orange tree was planted by the Sufi is an evergreen tree. Its fruits are the source of giving children to those people who have no children. Consequently, a large crowd is gathered there

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in the same hope. Since a large number of people visit the shrine at the time of Urs and on other occasions to get the blessings of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah, huge offerings come to the shrine. It is important to mention that this shrine has established a University in the name of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah in Rajouri that is maintained from the funds of the shrine. It is interesting to note that there were interactions between the Sufi and the local saints. The oral tradition narrates that some of the Sufis of the Jammu region settled near the place of the local saints. Therefore, people treat both the local saints and the Sufi as their well-wishers. Kavita Suri’s study of Baba Khori’s Dargah finds out that both the Dargah and the temple of Shiva co-exist and they are complementary to each other. Even Baba Khori himself was a devotee of Shiva. Though the Dargah is situated in the hilly area of Nowshera region of Rajouri District close to the Line of Control (LoC), people commemorate the Dargah with a regular visit in honour of Baba Khori and offer diya (small lamp), agarbatti (incense), flowers and chadar (sacred sheet). This shows that there is a tradition of respecting both the Sufi Dargah and temples. Both of them are treated as the eliminator of people’s problems. The shrine of local heroes is given the status of deities by the people of the Jammu region. These local heroes did not succumb to the pressure of the propaganda of the ruling class and communal elements. They gave more weightage to the cause of people than to the interest of rulers and fear-mongers. Abha Chauhan’s study of Baba Chamliyal gives a clear picture of the popularity of his shrine. It shows that Baba Chamliyal was a resident of a village that is nowadays in the Samba district of the Jammu region. Baba Chamliyal was not only the champion of religious heterogeneity but also a voice of people in terms of respect to the local resources. He discovered that the soil and water of his village were full of minerals that could be applied to treating the patients suffering from skin disease. When he experimented, he got success in it. However, some miscreants did not appreciate his popularity, and he was killed by them. But people’s faith in Baba Chamliyal’s philosophy and works remained alive among the people of all communities. Abha Chauhan’s study reveals that Baba Chamliyal’s shrine is commemorated as a shrine of a deity. Though it is situated on the border of India, it is visited by people from different parts of the country and abroad for getting treatment for their skin diseases. Moreover, his shrine is treated as a shrine of the mystic. Annual mela is organized which is attended by the people of both India and Pakistan. Besides on each Thursday people visit the shrine of Baba Chamliyal to get his blessings where they make certain offerings such as flowers, sweets and chadar. The shrine also organizes langar (community meal) which is enjoyed by the visitors as the source of fulfilment of their desire. Thus, Abha Chauhan’s article discloses that in the Jammu region people celebrate a local hero as a deity irrespective of his religious identity. Ashish Saxena and Vijaylaxmi Saxena’s study of the shrine of Baba Jitto is testimony to the celebration of subaltern culture. Baba Jitto was a peasant of medieval times in the Jammu region who believed in the ownership of land by the peasants which was not accepted by the ruling class. The latter thought that state share in the land produce was the prerogative of the ruler and demanded an arbitrary share. Consequently, Baba Jitto fought against the discriminatory power of the ruling class

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in terms of land revenue demand. He sacrificed his own life for the protection of peasant’s share in their produce. Even his daughter Bua Koudi sacrificed her life in support of her father’s philosophy of peasant’s rights. Ashish Saxena and Vijaylaxmi Saxena’s article narrates the people’s celebration of life and works of Baba Jitto who is worshipped as a deity and a hero of the people of Jammu. The shakti cult is a popular social trend of the Jammu region. It is a fact that Shaktism is a pan-Indian cultural trend but in the Jammu region, it is visible almost in each locality. A large number of Mata or Devi temples exist and are worshipped in the region. The Mata Vaishno Devi shrine is not only popular in the whole of India but also internationally. This shrine is visited by the pilgrims in a regular process, and it is a common belief that visiting the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine brings peace and prosperity to the people. This shrine generates huge funds giving employment, medical facilities, financial support and educational facilities to the people. Ravinder Singh’s study on the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine deals with the Shakti culture in detail. The popularity of the shrine can be estimated from the fact that a large number of myths and legends are ascribed to the power of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine in terms of people’s beliefs. Even people cover a 13 kms journey on foot as a matter of their trust in Mata Vaishno Devi and also as a ritual. Her shrine is a centre of the meeting of the persons of diverse social groups from different parts of the country as well as abroad. Consequently, it performs a large number of public welfare activities. It organizes bhandara (open and free kitchen) regularly. The popularity of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine led to the formation of a Shrine Board (SMVDB) in 1986 by the government of Jammu and Kashmir. Ravinder Singh’s work reveals that the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine brings people of different caste, class and regional identity together. The popularity of the shrine widens its scope of performing public welfare activities on a large scale. All these expenses are borne out from the offerings of the people to the shrine. All the pilgrims are identified as the followers of Mata Vaishno Devi under the slogan of Jai Mata di. Ravinder Singh’s article gives an idea to study the shakti cult in the Jammu region from a socio-economic point of view also. Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University and other institutional and infrastructural developments are funded from the sources of the Shrine Board. The shakti cult is very much popular in the hilly terrain of the Jammu region. Shamsher Singh’s study of Naghui Tewhaar pertains to the worship of Chandi Mata in the Machail village of the Padar region in district Kishtwar. It is known that the people of the Padar region partially migrate in search of better pastures for their cattle and sheep between June and September. When the period of migration ends, they celebrate Naaghui Tewhaar which comes under puhaali tradition. This festival is ascribed to the Chandi Mata who gives strength to the people living in the hilly terrain to make them strong in economic and social terms. Another significant striking feature of the social life of the hilly areas of the Jammu region is the Naag cult. In mythology, Naag worship is associated with the well-being of people and is ascribed to the first right of a serpent on water. It is not only in the Jammu region where the Naag cult is popular but the history of Kashmir also shows that the Naag cult was very much celebrated in Kashmir. Most water springs are suffixed with the term Naag, for instance, Kokarnaag, Anantnaag, Verinaag and

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Sukhnaag, etc. The paper by Neetika Sharma on Naag deity worship in Bhaderwah highlights the Naag worship in Bhaderwah as an integral part of the social identity of the people. Her work shows that Basak Naag deity is the popular deity of Bhaderwah. It is important to mention that topographically Bhaderwah resembles Kashmir. It is also called chota or little Kashmir. Neetika Sharma’s study gives a glimpse of the popularity of Naag deity worship in terms of the performance of several rituals in the memory of Naag deity. For example, Mala made of bells, Sangal (iron chain), Khundi (long iron piece shaped like a snake) and organisation of Jaatra or pilgrimage are the salient features of celebrating Naag worship in Bhaderwah region. It is understood that the worship of the Naag deity brings prosperity, for example, during Jaatra the locals soak barley seeds in water and sprinkle their water on the land. They also sacrifice sheep before Jaatra. Similarly, they also perform some rituals such as jagrajalana, i.e. lightening of the sacred fire and placing of mala and bhajantari’s consumption of ghee. Neetika Sharma’s article also shows people’s concern with the environment of Bhaderwah through the worship of Naag deity. The celebration of local deities such as Kul–devtas, Kul–devis (clan deities), Gram-devta (village deity), and community deities is the social trend of a large part of the Jammu region. The papers by Mrinalini Atrey, Mehraj-ud-din Waza and Anil Sharma, and Akhilesh Sharma show that the sizable population of the Jammu region gets inspiration from these local deities for their security, promotion and economic prosperity. These local deities promote social solidarity in family, caste and community. The worship of local deities is a non-Sanskritic local tradition but it strengthens the regional identity of Jammu. Consequently, both the Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic traditions live together and bring solace to the people. All the above-mentioned articles are an important contribution to the regional identity of the Jammu region. These studies establish that the Jammu region follows the culture of heterogeneity. They open new avenues of research on different social trends of the Jammu region with the exploration of new facts and different interpretations. These studies help to understand the concept of living in difference with the fulfilment of the common good. Jigar Mohammed Professor, Department of History, University of Jammu, Jammu

Glossary

Aarti Sacred recital during worship Aazan The Muslim call to ritual prayer Agarbatti Incense stick used during worship at the temples or shrines Aaaghat-devta Exotic deity Amal Deed Astaan Abode of a holy person Awalia Plural of Wali (Sufi), a protector, a close friend of Allah Aahuti An offering made in the sacred fire Baba Saint or Sant Bajantaris Caste of drummers Bali Animal Sacrifice (usually of goat) Baraat Marriage procession Baridars A group of Brahmin priests who performed puja (worship) and had control over the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine before it was taken over by the Shrine Board in 1986. Basant Panchmi A spring festival celebrated every year on the 5th day of Magha (March–April) month Bawe Mata Goddess Kali whose temple is in Jammu City Bayat An oath of allegiance for becoming a Sufi Bhair/Pehad devta Naag/Serpent deity Bhaint Sacred offerings to Goddess including food items, fruits, cloth, ornaments, money, etc. Bhandara A Religious Feast Bhairon Nath A famous Tantrik of Hindu deity. He chased Vaishnavi who beheaded him taking the form of Kali Bhajan Hymn, devotional song Bhawan Abode of Mata Vaishno Devi Bhog Offering cooked food first to the deity before distributing it to the devotees Biraderi Brotherhood, usually associated with belonging to the same caste/clan/community © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6

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Bua A term used for little girls in the Jammu region, believed to be the human equivalent of divine Goddess Bulawa Religious calling Burmi Ant Hill, worshipped as snake deity Butna A mixture of multani clay, mustard oil, gram flour and turmeric applied on auspicious occasions Chadar A ceremonial cloth/sacred sheet offered at the shrines/tombs of saints Chadawa Donation, offering Chaddi Yatra Pilgrimage to the temple of Machail or Chandi Mata in which the holy mace (chaddi) is carried Chapati An Indian bread Chandi Mata Chandi/Machail or Kali Mata is the ferocious form of Durga who killed demons and destroyed evil Charagi/Huzhu The pure un-sipped ghee Charam Rog Skin disease Chela Shaman believed to interact with a spirit world through altered states of consciousness like trance Chilla A period of training of Muslim saints before entering into the domain of mysticism Chirag A small lamp that remains lighted at the shrines Chouki A state of trance Chudiya Bangles worn by girls/women, also offered to the Goddess Chullah A small earthen brick stove Chunni Piece of red cloth for offering to the deity at the time of worship, also adorned by the devotees Dangal Traditional Indian style of wrestling Dargah The tomb or shrine of saints, mainly Muslim Sufis Darshan A view or glance of the image of the deity or of a holy person Darvesh A saintly person (Muslim) who has renounced the world and work for the welfare of humanity Devi Goddess Devasthan Abode of Gods /Hindu sacred site Dharma Religion, religious duty Dehra/Dehri A miniature temple of low height for the worship of Kul (clan/lineage) deity Dhol Drum Dhoop A kind of Incense used during worship Diya A small cup-shaped oil lamp made of baked clay Dowala Shaman, a person who acts as the communion between deity and devotees Dua An appeal or invocation, a prayer for supplication or request. A profound act of Muslim worship Darbar The court of the deity/gathering at the shrine Durga Warrior form of Hindu Goddess Parvati worshipped as Shakti in different forms Faqir A Hindu or a Muslim mendicant regarded as a holy man

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Fanaa Ceasing to exist. Complete denial of self in the realization of God undertaken by the Muslim Sufi Fanda Traditional method of curing by using magic rituals Fatiha Islamic prayer Folk Culture and deity worship of the localized, small groups related to their everyday lives Gangajal Water from sacred river Ganga (Ganges) considered auspicious in Hindurituals Gardi Person who beat drums during puja in the shrine and sing karaks (religious songs) Gathas Sacred stories Ghanti A small bell used during puja (worship) Ghreni A state of trance or possessed by a deity Gotra Sanskrit word equivalent to lineage/clan whose members are descendants from a common ancestor Granh/Gram Devta/Devi Village deity (both male and female) Guna Human innate nature/energy. There are three Gunas—Sattva (purity), Rajas (materialism), Tamas (darkness) Hadith A collection of the traditions or sayings of Prophet Muhammad Haldi Turmeric (considered auspicious by Hindus and used in several rituals, otherwise used in dishes) Halwa Sweet pudding Havan Ritual in which offerings are made into a consecrated fire during puja (worship) Hajji A Muslim who has been to Mecca as a pilgrim Ista Devta Tutelary deity Jaatra A ritual of deity worship in which the shaman goes into trance and communicates with the deity Jagran A tradition in which people celebrate the worship of deity and remain awake the whole night Jaikara Collective rendition of sacred slogan during pilgrimage or visit to the sacred place Jau Barley Jote Lighting of diya (small earthen pot) Jogis A group of mendicants or monks. Also followers of Yoga and worshippers of Lord Shiva Kalka/Kalika Mata Goddess Kali Kanjak Girls of pre-puberty age (kanya) worshipped as symbol of Goddess Karak Folk sacred narratives or songs in Dogri language sung to honour heroes and their heroism Karamat Miracle Karkuns Persons associated with the performance of the rituals at the shrine Kartik Purnima Full moon day or the fifteenth lunar day of Kartik month of Hindu calendar (Nov–Dec), considered auspicious among Hindus. Birth date of Guru Nanak Dev, the founder of the Sikhfaith

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Khanqah From Persian khangah, meaning a building (hospice) designed for gatherings of Sufis for spiritual matters Kharka Ceremony of offering new crops to the deity Khichdi A dish of rice and black (or any) dal/lentil mixed together Khundi A piece of iron shaped like a snake Kul–devta/devi Clan or lineage deity Kundli/tevra Horoscope Kurbani Sacrifice of animal, mainly goat by Muslims during Eid Kud A local dance performed by the natives in the hilly areas of Jammu region during sacred events Langar Free community kitchen at the shrine Lota Small water pot Maa/Mata Mother (Mother Goddess) Machail A village in Padar region of Kishtwar dist. (J&K) associated with the temple of Goddess Chandi Madrasa Islamic School Mahant Chief Priest of a temple or the head of the Monastery/Gurudwara Mahurat Auspicious time when important sacred events begin in Hinduism Maile Congregation of people of the same lineage, clan/gotra during worship of their Kul-deity Mala Necklace (Sacred necklace is used during Jaatra and other festivals) Mantra A moving chant done repeatedly during prayer and worship. A kind of hymn in Sanskrit. Mashal Burning wooden stick used in the folk festival celebrated at night in the Jammu hills Masjid Mosque Mouj Mother in Kashmiri Mazaar A word with Arabic origin meaning Tomb, Grave (Mausoleum) Megh/Dum Scheduled Caste, play important role during worship of folk deity Mehndi Henna, applied on hands and feet, mainly by women on ritual occasions. Mela A Sanskrit word meaning gathering or to meet or a fair Mishri Sugar candy given as a sacred offering Moharas Carved memorial stones worshipped as folk deities in non-iconic forms Moksha Salvation, liberation or freedom from the cycle of birth-death-rebirth in Hinduism Moulana Scholar of Persian and Arabic Mouli A red sacred thread tied on the wrist of devotees during worship or visit at the Hindu shrine Moulvi An expert, teacher of Islamic Law Munaal A sacred and rare flower found in the upper hills offered to Chandi Mata Mundan Tonsure, the first haircut of the child, the eighth of the sixteen Hindu samskaras (sacraments) Mureed Disciple, a follower of a spiritual guide or Peer Murshid Arabic word for teacher, guide Murti Idol or statue of a deity

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Naag-devta Serpent Deity Naghui Tewhaar A festival of Naag deity and worship of Chandi Mata in Kishtwar district Nazrana Bestowment given at the Sufi shrine for fulfilment of the wishes Pandit Learned scholar in Sanskrit and Hindu philosophy, a practising Priest Parikrama Circumambulation of a sacred place Pindi Petrified or natural rock formation worshipped as a deity Pooja/Puja A Hindu form of worship Praha Pratha An act of taking one’s own life against injustice, self-sacrifice or passive resistance Prasada Sanctified food offered to a God/Goddess and later shared among the devotees Puhaal Shepherd who takes domestic animals for rearing to the higher reaches of mountains Puhaali Tradition/period of migration of married males to upper hills for grazing animals (June-Sept.) Pujari A Hindu priest at the place of worship Purohit One who performs religious acts, Priest Purnima/Purnamasi A Sanskrit word for full moon night, occurring once a month. Auspicious day for the Hindus Reet Custom Rishi Sage or poet in Sanskrit. A person with spiritual power, leading simple and ascetic life. In Kashmir, Rishis were indigenous Sufis Roza Fast among Muslims during the holy month of Ramadan. Also means ‘tomb’ Roat/Rutt Sacred offering to the deity, a kind of chapatti made from maize/wheat flour and jaggery Safa An Arabic word or name meaning ‘purity’ Samadhi Memorial, a word used by the Hindus, equivalent but not similar to Arabic mazaar Sanatan Dharma Hindu Religion. Sanatana means eternal (beyond human history) and Dharma means duty. Sangals Iron Chains, used mainly in the worship of Naag deities or Lord Shiva Sankranti First day of every month as per the Hindu lunar calendar (12 months), considered to be sacred Sanskritic Related to a culture and language (Sanskrit) usually associated with the Brahmanical Hinduism Sant A Hindu saint Sati A widow immolated on the pyre of her husband (banned now). In Jammu region it refers to a martyr female deity Satsang A Sanskrit word meaning to associate with true people, religious gathering. Sattvick food Sanskrit word meaning pure, natural, energetic, simple, fresh vegetarian food Seva/Sevadar Service/one who serves in the temple or religious shrine Shakkar Soil/clay or mud of a pond located at religious shrines known to cure skin diseases

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Glossary

Shaivism One of the major traditions within Hinduism that worships Lord Shiva as the Supreme Being Shakta/Shaktism A major tradition in Hinduism related to the worship of the eternal Goddess as energy/power Shakti Sacred Power or energy, usually associated with the divine feminism in Shakta tradition Shaheed-devta Martyr male deity Sharbat Holy water from the well used to mix with clay and applied on the body for skin cure Shikhar A Sanskrit word meaning ‘mountain peak’. Style of North Indian temple architecture Shradh Ritual performed among Hindus to pay homage to their ancestors Silabanti Sati deity Silsila Arabic word meaning chain or religious Order transferred from a Sufi master to his descendants Snan A Sanskrit word meaning holy dip in a sacred river or pond Soof /Suf An Arabic word meaning wool or woolen outfit/garment worn by Sufis or religious persons Sthapana Installation of a statue with prescribed ritual procedures in Hinduism Sootak A state of pollution after childbirth Succha Pure/Sacred Sukhan Promise made by a devotee at the shrine to offer something if the wish is fulfilled Sunnat/Sunnah Teachings and Practices of the Prophet Sutra A purification ceremony performed to mark the end of pollution after the childbirth Tabaruk Arabic name meaning ‘blessed’. Used among Muslims as relic, sacred offering or alms Tasawwuf An Arabic word generally translated as Sufism Thada A place at home where different sacred instruments/articles are kept for the rituals Trishool Trident, largely associated with Lord Shiva Ubtan Paste of turmeric, gram flour and mustard oil applied on the auspicious occasions like marriage Urs An Arabic word related to celebration of death anniversary of a Sufi saint at his shrine Vaidya Local Doctor Vaishnavism One of the major forms of Hinduism related to worship of God Vishnu and his incarnations Vrat Fast kept usually by Hindu women for the well-being of family members or on ritual occasions Wali Arabic word meaning Sufi, an Islamic saint, or the ‘Friend of God’ Yagya A tradition of Hinduism in which sacrifice or offering is made to sacred fire during a ritual Yatra A procession or pilgrimage to a Hindu holy place

Glossary

295

Yatar State of trance Yuga An epoch/era in Hindu cosmology. There are four Yugas—Satya, Dvapara, Treta and Kali Yuga Zikir Also spelt as dhikr means remembrance, mention, utterance. They are Islamic devotional acts Ziyarat Arabic word meaning ‘visit’ and is used to refer to pilgrimage to the holy sites

Author Index

A Acharya, Krishan Chandra, 197, 260 Adair-Toteff, C, 60 Agrawala, P. K., 160 Ahmad, Iqbal, xxxvi, 127 Ahmed, A. S., 70, 77, 106 Amin, Pirzada Mohammad, xvii Ashfaq, M., 85 Ashiq, Peerzada, 107 Atmasthananda, Swami, 152 Atrey, Mrinalini, 129, 131, 133, 137, 138, 143, 144, 184, 191, 224, 245, 269, 287

B Bamotra, Kamlesh, 59, 64–66, 191, 284 Bamzai, P. N. K., 64, 199 Baruah, Sanjib K., 94 Bashir, S., 46 Bazaz, Prem Nath, 65 Bharucha, Erach, 248 Bhat, Chander M., 152, 172 Bhattacharyya, Asutosh, 234 Bhatti, H. S., 181 Biswajit, Pradhan, 222 Bose, Sumantra, 102 Bowie, Fiona, 259 Bowker, John, 83 Boyer, Pascal, 179

C Calis-Kural, B. Deniz, 43 Can, Sefik, 36 Casimir, Michael J., 203, 208 Chandan, Meenakshi, 184, 244

Charak, Sukhdev Singh, 3, 5 Charan, I. A., 83 Chaturvedi, Jawala Prasad, 156, 158, 167, 168, 170 Chaudhry, H.-u.-R., 84 Chauhan, Abha, 101, 166, 280, 283, 285 Chauhan, Neeraj, 94 Chib, Meenu, 218 Choudhary, Zafar, 3 Chowdhary, Rekha, 1

D Dalton, Robert, 170 Dar, Ghulam Mohammad, 43–47 Devi, Rajni, 249 Dewan, Parvez, 112, 263, 269 Dhar, Somnath, 18, 19 Dhar, T. N., 19 Drew, Frederic, 260 Durkheim, Emile, 60, 80, 243

E Eck, Diana, 164, 170 Elias, Jamal J., 63 Erndl, Kathleen M., 150, 153, 155, 158, 160, 161, 164, 165, 171, 173, 174 Ernst, Carl W., 62

F Fadiman, James, 36 Fenn, Richard.K, 178, 181 Firth, Raymond, 259 Foster and Stoddard, 153, 154, 159, 160, 171, 272

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6

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298 Foster, Georgana, 172 Foster, G. M., 196 Frager, Robert, 36 Fulcher, J., 259

G Gadalgal, Surinder, 134 Ganai, Naseer, 37 Ganhar, J. N., 45, 65 Goswami, Anil, 157, 167 Gulen, M. Fethullah, 36 Gull, Surayia, 65 Gupta, Lalit, 3, 5 Gupta, Sanjeev, 239 Gupta, S. K., 170

H Hamberg, Eva, 240 Haralambos, Michael, 179 Harlan, Lindsey, 239 Heald, Robin, 179 Heck, Paul L., 63 Hertel, Bradley R., 240 Hinnells, John, 151 Hussain, Pirzada Athar, 33

I Ishrat, G. M., 14

J Jain, Sudhir K., 162, 164, 171 James, Kritzeck, 34 Jamwal, Suman, 6 Jordan, Michael, 153, 154

K Kak, Jaishree, 65 Kamaruzaman, Kumar Oniah, 34 Kaul, Ashok, 15 Kaul, P. N., 16 Kaur, Satinder, 6 Khajuria, Amit, 114 Khanam, Farida, 84 Khandari, Mohit, 114 Khan, Hashmatullah, 14, 22, 23 Khan, Hazrat Inayat, 37 Khan, Mohammad Ishaq, 60, 64, 65, 106 Khan, Mohammed Latif, 250 Khan, Rasheeduddin, 62, 63

Author Index Khan, S., 98 Khatoon, Zohra, 85 Kinsley, David R., 151, 153, 196, 198 Knysh, Alexander, 63 Kolodziejczyk, Iwo, 60 Kotwal, N. C., 218, 224–226 Koul, Gwasha Lal, 64 Koul, P. K., 218–220, 222 Kulke, Hermann, 130 Kumar, Arun, 13, 27, 284 Kwak, Hyunjin Deborah, 60

L Lambat, S. R., 259 Little, William, 243 Lourdusamy, S., 241 Lurker, Manfred, 154

M Madan, T. N., 172, 196, 236, 251, 256, 259, 268, 271 Mahajan, V. D., 150, 151 Majumdar, D. N., 259, 261 Malik, Sunaina, 47, 49 Marazi, Hamidullah, xi Marriott, Mckim, 200, 280 McDaniel, J., 256 McGivern, Ron, 243 Merton, R. K., 206 Michon, Jean-Louis, 35–37 Miller, Alan S., 240 Mohammed, Jigar, 3–7, 9, 79, 105, 107, 113 Morgan, L. H., 259 Mujtabai, Fathullah, 26 Murugesan, Amirthalingum, 248

N Naz, Sabir, 241 Newell, W. H., 203 Nirmohi, Shiv, 140, 142, 144, 184, 185

O Ohtsuka, Kazuo, 64

P Pal, Amitabh, 43 Pargel, Sanjeev, 162 Parveen, S., 85

Author Index Pintchman, Tracy, 151, 153, 154, 160, 164, 165 Prabhu, Pandharinath H., 152 Preston, James J., 150–152 Priya, Krishna, 250 Puri, Balraj, 1 R Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 259, 261, 276 Rafiabadi, Hamid Naseem, 37, 56 Rafiqi, Abdul Qaiyum, 19, 106 Raina, Rajesh, 170 Rajrah, Simple, 108 Ralhan, S. S, 259 Ranade, Ashok Da, 70 Rao, Aparna, 203, 204, 208 Razia, Sultanova, 35 Reck, Carol S., 223 Reck, David, 223 Redfield, Robert, 200, 258 Renard, John, 58 Rivers, W. H. R., 203 Rodrigues, Hillary, 151 Rothermund, Dietmar, 130 S Sajid, M. R., 98 Sandhu, Kamaljit Kaur, 104 Saxena, Ashish, 109, 178, 183, 184, 240, 285, 286 Saxena, Vijaylaxmi, 177, 183, 285, 286 Schimmel, Annemarie, x Schofield, Victoria, viii Scott, J., 259 Sehgal, Narender, 15 Seymour-Smith, Charlotte, 259 Shah, A.M, xxi Shamsuddin, Khawaja Azeemi, 35, 59, 66 Sharma, Akhilesh, 255, 287 Sharma, Anil, 235 Sharma, Ashutosh, 114 Sharma, D. C., 15–17 Sharma, Kanchan, 183 Sharma, Neetika, 217, 287 Sharma, Sanjay, 249, 250 Sharma, Shiv Chander, 225 Sharma, Somnath, 17, 18, 21, 23 Sheikh, Mohammad Ilham, 58 Shrine Board, 149, 159–166, 169, 170, 173, 208, 286 Sikand, Yoginder, 3, 4, 6–9, 61, 66, 84, 85 Sims, Martha, 139

299 Singer, Milton, 182, 258 Singh, Harjeet Col., 14 Singh, K. S., 184 Singh, N. K., 43 Singh, Raju Rajeshwar, 90 Singh, Ravinder, 149 Singh, Shamsher, 195, 201, 215, 286 Sinha, Vineeta, 216 Spiro, Melford E., 177 Srinivas, M. N., 146, 181, 197, 200, 201, 215, 222, 223, 233, 234, 236–238, 256, 258, 280 Stark, Rodney, 240 Stephens, Martine, 139 Stewart, Tony K., 62 Stoddard, Robert H., 153, 154, 159, 160, 171, 172, 272 Subham, John A., 18 Sufi, G. M. D., 65 Summers-Effler, Erika, 60 Suri, Kavita, 83 Suvorova, Anna, xiii, xiv, xvii

T Tanaka, Masakazu, 201, 274 Thapar, Romila, 183 Tripathi, Radhey Shyam, 250 Trivedi, Krishnaji, 37

V Valiuddin, Mir, 35 Valk, Ulo, 241 Veliath, Cyril, 150, 152 Vipat, Arpita, 248 Voll, John O., 64

W Walker, A. R., 203 Wang, B., 83 Wango, Madhu B, xxxvii Wani, Gul M., 82 Wani, Muhammad Ashraf, 106 Warikoo, K., 107 Waza, Mehraj Ud Din, 235 Weber, Max, 60, 178, 236 Whitehead, Henry, 238 Wilson, Bryan, 177

Y Yao, D., 83

300 Z Zafar, Malik, 113

Author Index Zutshi, Chitralekha, xvii

Subject Index

A Aaaghat- devta, 289 Aarti, 110, 116–119, 125, 126, 165, 168, 169, 174, 190, 200, 213, 214, 251, 289 Aazan, 36, 289 Arabic/ Arabia / Saudi Arabia, 14, 16, 18, 34, 35, 37, 52, 63, 68, 84, 105, 118, 292–295, 292–295 Asceticism, 19, 45, 60, 165 Astaan, 14, 22, 23, 289 Auqaf Board, 14, 27, 39, 41, 43, 55, 69, 77, 78, 107 Avatar, 152, 184, 251 Awalia, 37, 63, 76, 289

B Baba, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 16, 18, 33, 35, 37– 57, 59, 62, 65–77, 79, 80, 83, 87–99, 101–115, 117–126, 134–137, 141– 143, 146, 147, 185, 190, 192, 209, 224, 235, 237, 240–251, 261, 262, 269, 270, 283–286, 289 Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, 6, 54, 57 Baghdad, 4, 5, 13, 21, 45 Baisakhi, 201, 209, 210, 212, 235 Bajantaris, 201, 211, 213, 214, 228–231, 233, 289 Bakarwal, 208 Bali, 289 Baraat, 261, 289 Baridars, 160, 161, 289 Basant Panchmi, 241, 289 Bawe Mata/ Bawe Wali Mata, 132, 171, 269, 289

Bhaderwah, 14, 133, 139, 144, 146, 198, 217–219, 224–227, 231, 233, 234, 239, 269, 287 Bhaint, 161, 165, 289 Bhairon Nath, 155, 157, 158, 289 Bhair/ Pehad devta, 133, 142, 146, 147, 224, 269, 289, 289 Bhajan, 110, 191, 246, 251, 289 Bhakti, 26, 62 Bhandara, 96, 155, 158, 190, 191, 243, 248, 265, 266, 286, 289 Bhawan, 154–159, 161, 162, 165, 166, 168, 169, 289 Bhog, 117, 124, 190, 289 Biraderi, 97, 261, 262, 264, 266, 278, 279, 289 Brahman/ Brahminical, 3, 133, 135, 143– 145, 151, 183, 190, 197, 238, 241, 261, 269 British/ British Rule/ British Paramountcy, 47, 160, 199, 225, 259 Bua, 135, 136, 143, 144, 184, 185, 187–192, 249, 286, 290 Buddhists/ Buddhism, 13, 14, 16, 56, 64, 86, 147, 226, 257 Bulawa, 40, 290 Burmi, 133, 290

C Ceasefire/Ceasefire line, 10, 96, 103, 104 Chadar, 5, 10, 11, 20, 40, 52, 53, 65, 68, 71, 73, 76, 77, 79, 95, 98, 106, 107, 109, 113, 117, 123, 284, 285, 290 Chadawa, 111, 112, 114, 190, 290 Chaddi Yatra, 290

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 A. Chauhan (ed.), Understanding Culture and Society in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1598-6

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302 Chandi Mata, 132, 195, 197–200, 202, 209, 215, 257, 286, 290, 292, 293 Chapati, 48, 290 Chela, 201, 203, 209, 211, 213–215, 217, 228–233, 257, 290 Chouki, 214, 247, 290 Collective consciousness, 29, 30, 59–61 Communal/communalism, 11, 15, 26, 27, 15, 26, 27, 29–31, 56, 59, 61, 94, 158, 243, 265, 283, 285 Cultural pluralism, 180 Culture/ composite culture, 1–4, 7, 9, 11, 15, 17, 21, 26, 55–57, 59–62, 64–66, 68, 69, 80, 81, 94, 99, 106, 133, 147, 150–152, 161, 171, 173, 180, 183, 217, 218, 227, 234, 236, 237, 239, 241, 243, 248, 251, 257, 259, 266, 283–287, 291, 293 D Dangal, 26, 114, 243, 290 Darbar/ Durbar, 14, 20, 25, 109, 155, 157, 166, 290 Dargah, 2, 5, 7, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22–25, 28, 29, 37–39, 49, 53, 55, 59, 61, 65–80, 83–85, 91, 93–95, 97–99, 104, 106–109, 114, 284, 285, 290 Darshan, 110, 154, 155, 165, 166, 169, 174, 189, 209, 290 Darvesh, 20–22, 37, 43, 46, 83, 84, 106, 290 Deg, 70–72, 78, 79 Dehra/ Dehri, 138, 141, 179, 183, 187, 197, 257, 290 Deity-worship, 179, 182, 184, 187, 191, 195, 217, 236, 237, 239–241, 243, 251, 255, 257, 261, 263, 277, 279–281, 283, 287, 291 Devasthan, 87, 109, 235, 239–251, 269, 290 Devi, 16, 19, 73, 74, 77, 124, 132, 138, 140, 146, 149, 150, 152–155, 157– 174, 188, 189, 245, 247–249, 256, 257, 272, 280, 286, 289, 290 Dharma, 244, 290, 293 Dharmarth Trust, 160, 161 Disciple, 4, 7, 15–17, 19, 22, 34–36, 45, 105, 109, 142, 292 Discourse, 2, 16, 19, 22, 62, 66, 71, 74, 75, 80, 150, 153, 160, 178, 185 Dogra/ Dogri language, 3–7, 15, 44, 50, 64, 88, 94, 132, 161, 182–185, 187, 192, 199, 200, 225, 239–241, 244, 256, 257, 260, 261, 266, 280, 291 Dowala, 142, 144, 190, 245, 290

Subject Index Duggar/Duggarland, 2, 144, 183, 183, 183, 239, 241 Durga, 132, 145, 149, 151–154, 158, 165, 169, 170, 196, 197, 290

E Ethnic, 1, 62, 64, 94, 178, 180, 181 Ethnographic, 33, 37, 55, 59, 60, 62, 66, 69, 227, 235, 240, 241, 251 Ethno-nationalism, 178

F Faith, 1, 7–11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 28, 30, 33, 39, 41, 47, 49–51, 54, 56, 59, 61–63, 65, 66, 69, 71–77, 79, 80, 83–85, 89, 92, 97–99, 102, 104–108, 112, 119, 121, 126, 149, 166, 174, 208, 235, 236, 238–243, 245, 247, 251, 256, 261, 265, 273–277, 279, 280, 285, 291 Feudal lords, 134–136, 142, 143, 186 Folk/ folk culture, 4, 8, 62, 129–133, 136– 139, 142, 143, 145–147, 172, 179– 185, 195–197, 200–202, 204, 207– 211, 213–215, 218, 220, 223, 225, 228, 233–241, 244, 245, 247, 248, 250–252, 255–259, 261, 267, 269, 270, 272, 274, 276, 277, 279, 280, 283, 291, 292 Food, 9, 27, 39, 40, 45, 52, 54–56, 61, 70, 71, 105, 106, 111, 112, 117–120, 122, 125, 129, 142, 155, 162, 168, 171, 173, 188–191, 202, 204–206, 220, 221, 240, 246–248, 257, 263–266, 277, 278, 280, 284, 289, 293

G Gardi, 142, 144, 190, 191, 291 Gathas, 129, 131, 133, 142–144, 291 Gotra, 61, 169, 179, 183, 238, 240, 259, 260, 265, 271, 291, 292 Gram/ Granh- Devta/Devi, 179, 183, 240, 291 Great traditions, 18, 80, 99, 102, 130, 146, 180, 181, 196, 251, 252, 258 Gujjar, 46, 94, 121, 155 Gulab Singh, 4, 5, 15, 39, 46, 47, 50, 160, 199, 225 Guna, 117, 167, 275, 291 Guru Nanak/Guru Nanak Dev, 2, 6, 59, 66, 72, 74, 75, 80, 160, 284, 291

Subject Index H Hadith, 18, 291 Hajji, 78, 291 Halal, 17, 28, 56 Healing-touch, 126 Hinduism/ Hindu/s, 1, 2, 4, 6, 8–11, 13–19, 24–30, 43, 47–49, 56, 59, 61, 62, 64– 66, 68–74, 77, 79, 84–86, 89, 92, 94, 96–99, 102, 105–110, 113, 117, 129– 132, 135, 138, 142, 144, 146, 147, 149–155, 161, 165, 171, 172, 177, 181, 183, 188, 189, 195–197, 200, 201, 205, 210, 212, 213, 217, 218, 220–223, 226–228, 233, 235, 236, 238, 241–244, 247, 248, 250–252, 255–263, 265, 269, 271, 272, 275, 276, 278, 280, 281, 284, 289–295

I India, 3, 6, 10, 11, 13–16, 18, 19, 21, 26, 27, 33, 37, 55, 61–64, 66, 71, 72, 77, 79, 83–89, 91, 96, 101–105, 107, 108, 112–115, 119, 122, 126, 130, 138, 143, 145–147, 150, 151, 153– 155, 159, 161, 162, 164, 170–173, 179–183, 196–201, 203, 206, 207, 209, 217–219, 222–224, 231, 233– 237, 239, 240, 248, 250–252, 255, 256, 258–261, 285, 286 Instrument of Accession, 89, 103, 199 Inter-community/ inter-community relations, 13, 15, 26, 27, 29–31, 62, 94, 180 International border, 101–103, 111, 112, 119, 126 Islam, 3, 4, 6–8, 14, 15, 17–19, 26, 28, 33– 35, 40, 47, 49–53, 56, 62–65, 75, 80, 92, 94, 102, 106, 183, 236, 247, 257, 284 Islamized/Islamization, 18, 19, 68 Ista Devta, 291

J Jagran/Jagra, 210, 228–231, 233, 243, 248, 287, 291 Jahangir, 14, 87, 88 Jaikara, 110, 165, 166, 291 Jamat-i-Islami, 28 Jhiri/ Jhiri Mela, 109, 134, 141, 142, 159, 177, 180, 184–189, 237, 250 Jogis/ Nath Jogis, 142, 184, 291

303 K Kali/ Kalka/ Kalika Mata, 132, 143, 149, 151–153, 155, 166, 167, 171–174, 196, 197, 201, 228, 250, 257, 269, 289–291 Kali Yuga, 155, 295 Kanjak/ Kanya/ Kanyadan/ Kanya pujan, 165, 190, 212, 273, 278, 291 Karak, 129, 131, 133, 142–144, 184, 187, 291 Karamat, 46, 291 Karkuns, 144, 145, 190, 291 Kartik Purnima, 141, 188, 189, 291 Kashmiriyat, 62, 64 Katra, 5, 134, 136, 154–156, 158, 159, 161–166, 171, 173, 247, 274 Khanqah, 33–35, 37–57, 64, 67, 106, 284, 292 Kishtwar, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 13–28, 30, 31, 65, 73, 132, 136, 195, 197–200, 202, 215, 218, 226, 239, 247, 257, 269, 284, 286, 292, 293 Kud, 214, 231, 292 Kul devta/ devi, 130, 140, 141, 147, 180, 182–184, 186, 189, 190, 196, 2377– 240, 244, 256, 257, 261, 263, 265, 267, 268, 272, 273, 277, 280, 287, 292 Kundli/ tevra, 268, 292 L Lal Ded/ Lalamoj/ Lalla/ Lalleshwari, 19, 64 Langar, 39, 52, 53, 55, 56, 92, 111, 114, 118, 263, 265, 266, 277, 278, 284, 285, 292 Line of Control (LoC), 83, 85–89, 92–96, 103, 104, 285 Little tradition, 26, 80, 129, 131, 146, 181, 233, 245, 252, 258 M Maa/ Mata, 165, 197, 248, 248 Machail, 132, 195, 197–211, 214, 215, 257, 286, 290, 292 Madrasa, 49, 54, 106, 292 Mahant, 243, 245–248, 251, 292 Mahurat, 272, 292 Maile, 97, 141, 142, 177, 179–181, 183, 184, 188, 190–192, 240, 255, 261, 263–267, 276–280, 292 Mantra, 189, 197, 223, 233, 243, 260, 268, 271, 272, 292

304 Marxism, 178 Masjid/Mosque, 8, 39, 51, 52, 67, 75, 78, 99, 106, 107, 292 Mathwar, 235, 240–245, 248–250 Mazaar, 6, 43, 68, 69, 71, 91, 92, 95, 98, 105, 106, 108, 109, 113, 292, 293 Megh/Dum, 142, 145, 292 Mela, 52, 77, 78, 101, 102, 104, 106, 111– 115, 126, 134, 184, 187, 189, 201, 243, 247, 284, 285, 292 Modernity, 180, 181, 190, 192 Modernization, 178, 180, 197, 249, 280 Mohara, 132, 137, 140, 144, 184, 187, 189, 292 Moksha, 157, 244, 271, 292 Monistic philosophy, 18 Mother/ Mother Goddess/ Mauz, 109, 150– 154, 161, 166, 167, 170, 172, 197, 292 Moulana, 36, 37, 42, 45, 292 Mouli, 165, 292 Moulvi, 35, 45, 70, 73, 76, 78, 292 Mughal/Mughal Rule/Reign, 3, 14, 21, 3, 14, 21, 40, 44, 45, 48, 64, 68, 87, 88, 183, 183, 219, 239, 257 Mundan, 181, 260, 266–269, 271, 292 Mureed, 7, 34, 37, 292 Murshid, 37, 43, 45, 292 Murti, 182, 243, 292 Mysticism/mystic, 6, 18, 19, 26, 33–37, 43, 45, 46, 50, 55–57, 59–65, 69, 70, 74, 79–81, 106, 283, 285, 290 Mythology, 152, 154, 181, 182, 238, 286 N Naats, 26, 33, 52, 54 Namaz, 22, 36, 39, 41, 75, 76, 78 Narratives/narrative songs, 18, 24, 37, 59, 62, 69, 71, 74, 79, 80, 119, 120, 129, 131, 143, 144, 162, 164, 184, 198, 241, 291 Navratri/Navratra/s, 165, 168 Neo-fundamentalism, 178 Neo-religions, 180 Nund Rishi/ Nundreash/ Sheikh Nuruddin Noorani, 15, 17, 19, 45, 65 P Padar, 195, 197–206, 208–212, 215, 286, 292 Pakistan, 2, 6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 21, 43, 46, 66, 75, 83–91, 93, 95, 96, 101–105, 107,

Subject Index 112–114, 117, 119, 126, 130, 135, 200, 285 Pandit/ Kashmiri Pandit, 24, 30, 56, 62, 64– 66, 70, 93, 108, 158, 168, 224, 225, 255, 256, 258–281, 293 Parikrama, 116, 273, 293 Parochialization, 182, 201 Patri-clan, 259 Peer/s/Peer Baba, 2, 4, 43, 59, 66–68, 70, 71, 73–75, 85, 105, 109, 249, 250, 257 Pilgrimage, 17, 24, 39, 40, 61, 70, 84, 105, 107, 149, 153, 155, 156, 158–160, 162–166, 168, 170–174, 182, 197, 198, 200, 201, 208–211, 215, 217, 218, 227, 237, 244, 267, 272, 287, 290, 291, 294, 295 Pindi, 137, 149, 153, 155, 158, 166–168, 171, 172, 174, 184, 197, 199, 293 Pluralism, 27, 56, 61, 126 Pooja/ Puja, 110, 117, 144, 165, 169, 190, 191, 241, 246–248, 251, 278, 289, 291, 293 Praha Pratha, 186, 293 Prasad/a, 5, 48, 68, 71, 79, 98, 106, 110, 125, 126, 165, 190, 210, 233, 238, 240, 243, 246, 270, 293 Primitive-Cult, 60 Primordial practices, 179, 182 Puhaal/ Puhaali, 195, 202–211, 214, 286, 293 Pujari, 107, 117, 168, 169, 293 Purnima/ Purnamasi, 142, 187–189, 202, 247, 293 Purohit, 225, 258, 261, 262, 280, 293 Q Quran, 18, 34, 35, 41, 49, 51, 63, 65, 76, 109 Quranic verses, 17, 54, 107 R Radicalization, 94, 99 Rajatarangini, 218, 224, 225 Rajouri, 6, 33, 37, 39, 42–44, 46, 49–51, 54, 55, 83, 85–89, 94, 96, 99, 121, 136, 140, 283–285 Ranjit Singh, 4, 5, 39, 44, 46, 47, 87, 120, 199, 225 Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh/RSS/Sangh, 28, 31 Reasi, 122, 131, 135, 136, 142, 146, 149, 239, 264, 274 Reet, 293

Subject Index Religion, 2, 8, 9, 11, 26–30, 43, 47–49, 56, 61–66, 71, 73–75, 79, 80, 83, 85, 98, 99, 105–107, 114, 116, 117, 120, 143, 150–152, 154, 161, 162, 177– 183, 187, 188, 192, 196, 201, 203, 206, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 217– 219, 234, 236–240, 243, 250, 251, 256–259, 271, 284, 290, 293 Rishi, 4, 13, 15–19, 26, 30, 31, 56, 60, 65, 106, 168, 225, 238, 259–261, 271, 293 Rishwer/Rishwaer, 60, 64 Rituals, 11, 13, 18, 21, 22, 28, 29, 38, 39, 42, 47, 53, 61, 62, 70, 79, 80, 83, 96, 98, 99, 101, 106, 119, 120, 124, 129– 131, 138–147, 149–152, 154, 156, 164–166, 168–171, 173, 174, 177, 179–185, 188–191, 195–197, 201– 204, 207, 211, 215, 217, 218, 221, 223, 226–231, 233, 234, 236, 237, 239, 240, 243–248, 251, 252, 255– 261, 263–265, 267–278, 280, 286, 287, 289, 291, 292, 294 Roat/ Rutt, 140, 209–211, 293 Roza, 20, 35, 37, 39–43, 45, 52, 293 S Sacred spaces/ sacred groves, 1, 9, 11, 59, 61, 101, 155, 156, 177, 180, 182, 187, 191, 192, 223, 245, 248–250 Samadhi, 91, 105, 107–110, 113, 125, 183– 185, 188, 189, 293 Samba, 101, 102, 105, 107–109, 111–113, 125, 126, 132, 136, 255, 256, 263, 277, 285 Sanatan Dharma, 293 Sanskritisation, 130, 146, 197, 236 Sanskrit/ Sanskritic, 16, 18, 38, 132, 138, 142, 145, 153, 154, 162, 168, 169, 171, 172, 196, 197, 200, 201, 205, 210–212, 215, 224, 233, 236, 238, 240, 245–247, 251, 255–258, 269– 272, 276, 280, 287, 291–294 Sant, 105, 107, 225, 289, 293 Sati, 129, 131, 133–138, 140, 144, 182, 183, 261, 293, 294 Satsang, 246, 247, 251, 293 Sattvick food, 293 Serpent worship, 219, 221, 222 Seva/Sevadar, 105, 117–119, 124–126, 243, 248, 293 Shahdara Sharief, 5, 6, 33, 34, 39, 43, 44, 46, 49, 50, 53–55, 57, 85, 87

305 Shaheed-devta, 129, 131, 135–137, 245, 294 Shaivism, 18, 64, 65, 147, 150, 221, 257, 280, 294 Shakkar, 10, 101, 105, 108, 109, 112–114, 116–119, 188, 189, 293 Shakta/ Shaktism, 64, 149, 150, 166, 196, 257, 286, 294 Shakti, 132, 149–155, 160, 164, 167, 172– 174, 196, 197, 199, 208, 211, 255, 261, 283, 286, 290, 294 Sharbat, 10, 101, 105, 108, 109, 112–114, 116, 118, 119, 123, 294 Sheetla/Shitla Mata, 28, 132, 228, 230, 233 Shivling, xxiii Shrine, 1–11, 13–16, 18–30, 33, 35, 37–40, 43–45, 50–53, 55, 56, 59, 61, 62, 64– 66, 68, 69, 71, 74–80, 83–99, 101– 109, 111–126, 129, 131–138, 141, 144, 145, 147, 149–154, 156–174, 177, 179–191, 196–199, 208, 209, 221–224, 227, 236, 238–241, 243– 250, 257, 267, 269, 270, 272, 280, 283–286, 289–294 Sikh/ Sikhism, 2–4, 8, 14, 15, 17, 28, 44, 46– 48, 56, 59, 61, 64, 66, 68, 69, 71–75, 79, 84–87, 89, 92, 94, 106, 154, 160, 172, 188, 200, 218, 225, 247, 250, 257, 276, 277, 291 Silabanti/ Sati, 129, 131, 133, 135–137, 146, 184, 294 Silsila, 16, 37, 53, 106, 294 Soof /Suf, 35, 84, 294 Sootak, 268, 269, 294 South Asia, 14, 21, 53, 61, 64, 83, 102, 105, 106, 151 Sub-continent, 83, 84, 88, 89, 98, 106, 218, 226 Succha, 125, 204–206, 209, 294 Sukhan, 123, 124, 275–277, 294 Sunnat/Sunnah, 51, 294 Supernatural, 29, 36, 91, 143, 144, 149, 150, 153, 179, 184, 187, 189, 203, 213, 217, 226, 257, 259, 271 Symbiotic, 61, 62, 81, 234 Syncretism/syncretic, 1–3, 6, 27, 28, 61, 62, 66, 69, 81, 85, 94, 99, 106, 126, 146, 235, 251

T Tabarruk, 48, 52, 71 Tasawwuf, 18, 34, 35, 294

306 Tomb, 20, 23, 35, 37, 39, 40, 43, 45, 51, 52, 61, 62, 65, 67–69, 75, 76, 80, 84, 95, 105, 106, 235, 237, 290, 292, 293 Totemism, 60 Treta Yuga, 155 U Ulema, 26 Ultra-communalism, 178 Union Territory, 13–15, 27, 33, 54, 64, 73, 84, 86, 99, 102–104, 115, 130, 149, 159, 161, 162, 171, 179, 183, 195, 198, 200, 217, 218, 225, 239, 248, 255, 257, 269, 280 Universalization, 182, 201, 251, 280 Urs, 13, 17, 20, 22–27, 29, 51–54, 79, 106, 112, 284, 285, 294 V Vaakhs, xi Vaidya, 102, 294 Vaishnavi/ Vaishnavism, 150, 152, 153, 155– 158, 161, 170–173, 257, 280, 289, 294

Subject Index Vedic literature, 151, 217 Vrat, 294

W Wali, 13, 14, 34, 45, 52, 53, 63, 106, 136, 165, 166, 289, 294 Wazaif, 42 Wazu, 21 Wazwan, 45

Y Yagya, 243, 248, 251, 294 Yatra, 155, 156, 172, 197, 198, 202, 209, 211, 215, 217, 227, 243, 244, 294 Yuga, 155, 295

Z Ziyarat, 2, 7, 14, 17–20, 29, 39, 40, 44, 61, 70, 73, 76, 79, 83, 84, 87, 92, 105, 295