Two Elizabethan Treatises on Rhetoric: The Foundacion of Rhetorike by Richard Reynolds (1563) and A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike by William Medley (1575) 9789004356344, 9004356347

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Two Elizabethan Treatises on Rhetoric

International Studies in the History of Rhetoric Editors Laurent Pernot (Executive Editor, Strasbourg, France) Craig Kallendorf (College Station, U.S.A.)

Advisory Board Bé Breij (Nijmegen, Netherlands) Rudong Chen (Pekin, China) Manfred Kraus (Tübingen, Germany) Gabriella Moretti (Trento, Italy) Luisa Angelica Puig Llano (Mexico City, Mexico) Christine Sutherland (Calgary, Canada)

Volume 8

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/rhet

e n re nR e r The Foundacion of Rhetorike by Richard Reynolds (1563) and A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike by William Medley (1575)

By

Guillaume Coatalen

e

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Coatalen, Guillaume author. | Rainolde, Richard, -1606. Foundacion of rhetorike. | Medley, William, active 1575. Brief discourse of rhetorike. Title: Two Elizabethan treatises on rhetoric : The foundacion of rhetorike by Richard Reynolds (1563) and A brief discourse of rhetorike by William Medley (1575) / by Guillaume Coatalen [editor]. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2018. | Series: International studies in the history of rhetoric ; volume 8 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017046314 (print) | LCCN 2017050073 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004356344 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004322301 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: English language–Rhetoric–Early works to 1800. | Rhetoric–Early works to 1800. Classification: LCC PE1407 (ebook) | LCC PE1407 .C53 2017 (print) | DDC 808/.042–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017046314

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1875-1148 ISBN 978-90-04-32230-1 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-35634-4 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Preface vii Acknowledgements x List of Figures xi Sigla and Abbreviations Introduction

xii

1

Richard Reynolds, The Foundacion of Rhetorike (1563)

33

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike (1575), Cecil Papers MS 238/6 177 Bibliography 269 Index Nominum 276 Index Rerum 280

Preface This book contains a critical edition of Richard Reynolds’s Foundacion of Rhetorike (1563) and William Medley’s “Brief discourse of Rhetorike” (1575), two practical guides to classical rhetoric applied to the vernacular. Together, they cover a large part of the art of rhetoric. Reynolds’s is devoted to preliminary exercices whereas Medley’s is more comprehensive. William Medley’s “Brief discourse of Rhetorike” survives in a single manuscript dated 1575 among the papers of William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley, Queen Elizabeth I’s chief advisor, to whom the treatise is dedicated. Medley, who came from a legal background, is fairly well-known as an alchemist who tried to produce gold for Cecil. Ben Jonson’s play The Alchemist (1616) is partly based on his career. This brief rhetorical treatise is interesting for many reasons. No other general works on rhetoric in English from the period are recorded in manuscript. Thomas Swynnerton’s more specialised Tropes and Figures of Scripture (1537-1538?), edited by Richard Rex in 1999,1 is the only other rhetorical work edited from a Tudor manuscript. The date of Medley’s manuscript is a decisive moment in the relative victory of English literature over the Greek and Latin canon. The discourse’s composite nature which combines examples in Latin and explanations in English shows the tensions between the two models. It helps us to understand both Medley’s and Cecil’s intellectual training as humanist scholars. Medley is a fascinating character who was both a lawyer and an alchemist. Cecil was such a powerful statesman in the kingdom that some of his contemporaries complained that he ruled and not the Queen. As such, the edition should contribute to the history of humanist education in the sixteenth century. Medley’s work offers a comprehensive summary of rhetoric applied to the English language. One of its unique features is the last book devoted to periodic sentences, an area neglected by other Tudor primary sources in English and which shows how influential the Latin period was in the evolution of English prose and verse. The manuscript offers a new source for the history of English rhetoric in the Elizabethan age, a field illustrated by Peter Mack’s Elizabethan Rhetoric: Theory and Practice, Cambridge University Press, 2004. Rhetorical manuals in English dating from before 1580 are fairly rare. The only ones are Leonard Cox’s

1 Thomas Swynnerton, A Reformation rhetoric: Thomas Swynnerton’s The tropes and figures of scripture, ed. Richard Rex, Cambridge: RTM, 1999.

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The Arte or Crafte of Rhetoricke (1532), Thomas Wilson’s Rule of Reason (1551), his Arte of Rhetoricke (1553) and William Fulwood’s Enemie of Idleness (1568), which is a letter-writing manual. The Arte of Rhetoricke is a more ambitious work printed for a far wider readership, whereas Medley’s notes are clearly written for private use. Wilson includes lengthy examples to illustrate the different rhetorical genres, while Medley’s discourse is more modest in scope. Medley’s work may, however, appeal to more readers than the limited number of scholars working on Elizabethan rhetoric, since it was written as a useful vademecum on classical rhetoric in general. The text is not modernised but brief footnotes give equivalents for rare terms and unusual spelling. Anyone interested in classical oratory may read it with profit as an introduction to the basic rules of composition, which were followed from antiquity to the nineteenth century and beyond. The work is largely based on Greek and Latin authorities, notably Aristotle and Cicero, and informs us just as much about oratory in antiquity as about Elizabethan rhetoric. Its practical nature is one of its striking features, for it was clearly devised as an aid to write effective prose in English. Beyond rhetoric, the edition is targeted at scholars interested in legal history on the one hand and in the Elizabethan court on the other. In some ways Reynolds’s earlier Foundacion of Rhetorike (1563) is complementary to Medley’s work since it is an adaptation of Agricola’s extremely popular edition of Aphthonius’s progymnasmata with Lorich’s commentary. These introductory exercises are not treated by Medley, who concentrates mainly on invention without considering specific types of writings. The work was never properly edited even though F. R. Johnson’s facsimile 1945 edition contains a competent introduction. Reynolds’s work has not been reexamined since, Mack’s standard account on Elizabethan rhetoric mentions it very briefly twice, once in a footnote and once to sum up its contents in a sentence. The progymanasmata constituted the basic school exercises in composition. All the writings produced in the period and considerably later may be reduced to them in parts if not in whole, as shown by Peter Mack. This is true of Shakespeare’s plays or of letters or political speeches or even sermons. Thus, students and scholars in early modern English literature may use the Foundation to read canonical works in new ways. Furthermore, through Reynolds’s work, the reader with little or no knowledge of Greek or Latin has access to a fundamental area of classical rhetoric. Lastly, Reynolds provides crucial testimony on Aphthonius’s reception in England. Beyond rhetoric, Reynolds’s adaptation contains a summary of classical education in the Elizabethan age. In conformity with the humanist program, this education is applied to the present and used for action. This is reflected in the substantial material added to the original source, much of which pertains

Preface

ix

to English history, such as the development on Richard III. With its didactic passages on ruling, the Foundacion is quite comparable to Elyot’s Gouvernor (1531). Through the numerous examples taken from antiquity, the reader gains insight into the most significant references on fundamental topics ranging from the best political system to marriage. The author’s concerns give us an accurate presentation of Elizabethan culture in the broadest sense of the word, both classical and more recent. One crucial aspect Johnson does not insist enough upon, though he does mention its “stern” and “Puritan morality”,2 is the presence of numerous sermon-like passages in the treatise. If Reynolds tends to translate directly from classical sources, his prose often sounds like a preacher’s delivering a sermon on vices such as lust. He may have had in mind predication when he wrote the book. The edition of the two treatises on rhetoric is followed by an index nominum and an index rerum. Thus, readers should be able to consult the volume as a reference book on rhetoric if, for instance, they need information on a particular figure of speech.

2 Richard Rainolde, The Foundacion of Rhetorike, intro. Francis Johnson, Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, New York: Scholar Press, 1945, p. xvi.

Acknowledgements This has been an immensely humbling task which I couldn’t have brought to an end without the expertise of scholars across the world, among them the series’ editor Laurent Pernot, Peter Mack, who gave me advice years ago and refrained from writing on Medley’s manuscript, Brian Vickers, Vanessa Harding, James Warren, Ian Williams, Michael Flower, Manfred Kraus, Stuart Campbell, Angela McShane, Alan Stewart, and my good friends Carlo Bajetta and Jonathan Gibson. I wish to thank the Marquess of Salisbury for gracefully granting me the right to publish the manuscript and Vicki Perry, the librarian at Hatfield House, for being so helpful, and Gera van Bedaf for her fine editorial work. My greatest thanks go to the anonymous reader who was as exacting as humourous. I’m thoroughly grateful to Daniel Andersson for reading a preliminary draft of the introduction and to Kiss Csaba for such patience with my poor grasp of LaTex. I have benefited from my sister’s and parents’ crucial moral support. My wife – who will always be a far better philologist, has provided the soundest advice, and my children endless mirth and countless jokes on rhetoric in general and early modern English in particular. The book is dedicated to the late and much regretted Philippe Turpin who was resolutely on Socrates’s side.

List of Figures 1 2 3

Bodleian, Malone 826 3 Alciati Emblematum liber, Emblema CXLV, In Senatum boni Principis (1531), D1v. 7 Cecil Papers MS 238/6, fol. 1, Hatfield House, by permission of the Marquess of Salisbury 15

Sigla and Abbreviations APC BL CMS

Acts of the Privy Council of England The British Library Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury, Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire CPR Calendar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in the Public Record Office CSPD Calendar of State Papers Domestic CSPF Calendar of State Papers Foreign DLB Dictionary of Literary Biography LSJ Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography OED Oxford English Dictionary on CD-Rom (2nd ed., Oxford, 1992) OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1968) PROB Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury SHA Scriptores Historiae Augustae SP State Papers TNA The National Archives of the United Kingdom Aph. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, Hugo Rabe (ed.), Lipsiae: Teubner, 1926 Lorich Aphthonius, Reinhard Lorich (ed.), Agricola (trans.), Marburg: Christian Egelnolff, 1542 Progym. Kennedy, George A., Progymnasmata: Greek textbooks of prose composition and rhetoric, Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003 Arist. Aristotle Eth. Nic. Ethica Nicomachea Hist. an. Historia animalium Pol. Politica Rh. Rhetorica Aur. Vict. Sextus Aurelius Victor De vir. ill. De viris illustribus Caes. Caesar B Gall. Bellum Gallicum Cass. Dio Cassius Dio Cic. Cicero (Marcus Tullius) Amic. De Amicitia Brut. Brutus or De Claris Oratoribus Deiot. pro rege Deiotaro de Orat. de oratore Div. Caec. Divinatio in Q. Caecilium

Sigla and Abbreviations Inv. Mil. Off. Orat. Part. Phil. Quinct. S. Rosc. Top. Tusc. Demetr. Eloc. Dem. Aristog. Dio Cass. Diod. Sic. Dion. Hal. Elyot Gov. Erasm. Adag. Euseb. Chron. Gel. Hermog. inv. Kennedy

Patillon Hdt. Hom. Il. Od. Hor. Carm. Just. Juv. Liv.

xiii

de Inventione pro Milone de Officiis Orator Partitiones Oratoriae Philippicae pro Quinctio Pro S. Roscio Amerino Topica Tusculanae disputationes Demetrius De Elocutio Demosthenes Against Aristogiton Dio Cassius Diodorus Siculus Dionysius Halicarnassensis Thomas Elyot The Gouernor (1544) Erasmus Adagia (1558) Eusebius Chronica Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights Hermogenes De inventione George A. Kennedy (trans.), Invention and Method: Two Rhetorical Treatises from the Hermogenic Corpus, Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature & Leiden: Brill, 2005 Michel Patillon, Hermogène. L’art rhétorique, Paris: L’Age d’Homme, 1997 Herodotus Homer Iliad Odyssey Horace Carmina or Odes Justinus Juvenal T. Liuius

xiv Luc. Nep. Ov. Met. Pl. Leg. Resp. Plin. HN Plut. Mor. Vit. Polyb. praeex. Quint. Inst. Rhet. Her. Sherry Sturm. De per. Suet. Tac. Ann. Thuc. Val. Max. Verg. Aen. Ecl. Wilson

Sigla and Abbreviations Lucan Cornelius Nepos Ovid Metamorphoses Plato Leges Respublica Pliny (the Elder) Naturalis Historia Plutarch Moralia Vitae Parallelae Polybius Praeexercitamina Quintilian Institutio oratoria Rhetorica ad Herennium Richard Sherry, A Treatise of Schemes and Tropes (London, 1550) Joannes Sturmius De periodis liber (Strasburg, 1557) Suetonius Cornelius Tacitus Annales Thucydides Valerius Maximus P. Vergilius Maro Aeneid Eclogues Thomas Wilson, The Art of Rhetoric (London, 1560)

Introduction 1

Richard Reynolds, The Foundacion of Rhetorike (1563)

1.1 The Author and Dedicatee 1.1.1 The Author Richard Reynolds was born around 1530 and died in 1606. He entered St John’s College, Cambridge, on 10 November 1546, as sizar for the master, William Bill, and on 11 November 1547 he became a scholar at the Lady Margaret foundation. In 1548 he transferred to the newly established Trinity College, Cambridge, which was dedicated to the new learning and religion. He graduated BA in 1550 and became a fellow in 1551; he proceeded MA in 1553. There are no records of Reynolds during the Marian years, but his career may have paralleled that of his master, Dr Bill, who in 1551 also had transferred to Trinity, was ejected from his new mastership during Mary’s reign, and was restored under Elizabeth. A similar ejection and restoration for Reynolds, with interim employment as a teacher, would help to explain the appearance of his pedagogical treatise, A booke called the foundacion of rhetorike, because all other partes of rhetorike are grounded thereupon. It appeared in 1563 from the press of John Kingston, who in that same year reissued Thomas Wilson’s Arte of Rhetorique, and Reynolds proposes his own treatise as preparation for Wilson’s work. Reynolds also produced A chronicle of all the noble emperours of the Romaines … setting forth the great power, and devine providence of almighty God, in preserving the godly princes and common wealthes (entered 1566/7, but not published until 1571), and “De statu nobilium virorum et principum” (c. 1566, BL, Harley MS 973). Both works used historical material to exemplify Tudor ideas about political order and stability, the first showing divine intervention in political affairs, the second defending monarchy and attacking the papacy. The two works are complementary, in that the second directly addresses the themes which are adduced in the first, and both betray the personal turmoil of the mid-century upheavals.1 1.1.2 The Dedicatee When Reynolds dedicated his book to him, Leicester had been appointed member of the privy council by the Queen the preceding year, he was thus

1 Lawrence D. Green, “Reynolds, Richard (c. 1530-1606)”, ODNB, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, is quoted verbatim in the first two paragraphs of the introduction.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2018 | DOI 10.1163/9789004356344_002

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at the height of his career. As one of the most powerful members of the court and intimate with the Queen, more than a hundred works were dedicated to him. He was an active patron of the arts2 and owned a well-furnished library stocked with Italian humanist editions of classical literature, some of which have survived like the Aldine Aristotle kept at Lambeth Palace in its original binding of bear and ragged staff and initials R D on the cover.3 Reynolds insists on the courtier’s virtue and nobility and though Leicester was taught by both Wilson and Ascham, his humanist education is not alluded to probably because he displayed little interest in book learning.4 In a letter to Dudley dated 5 August 1564, Ascham chided him for abandoning Cicero for Euclid: “I think you did yourself injury in changing TULLY’S wisdom with EUCLID’S pricks and lines; the one doctrine is better of itself, apter for your nature, fitter for your place than the other”. Dudley was consistently Protestant throughout his life and Reynolds appealed to his faith.5 It appears from the address to the reader in particular, that schoolmasters and pupils are not targeted, but rather anyone with strong Puritan convictions seeking moral guidance. The Foundacion is just as much a conduct book in the manner of John Brown’s popular The Merchants Avizo (London, 1588) as a rhetorical treatise.6 1.2 The Work 1.2.1 Progymnasmata in English The Foundacion is an English adaptation of Aphthonius’s Progymnasmata, a fourth-century series of graduated exercises in written and oral composition. Aphthonius was extremely popular in the Renaissance and “went through 122 editions up to 1622.”7 The epistle to the reader begins by paying tribute to 2 See Eleanor Rosenberg, Leicester Patron of the Arts, New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. 3 Classmark [ZZ]1495.3. On Leicester’s bindings, see William Edward Moss, Bindings from the Library of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 1533-1588; a New Contribution to the History of English Sixteenth-century Gold-tooled Bookbindings, Sonning-on-Thames, 1934. 4 David R. Lawrence The Complete Soldier: Military Books and Military Culture in Early Stuart England, 1603-1645, History of Warfare vol. 53, Brill: Leiden, 2009, p. 51. 5 On Dudley’s Mary-friendly Protestant succession politics, see Patrick Collinson, “The Monarchial Republic of Queen Elizabeth I” in Elizabethans, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 31-57. I owe the reference to Daniel Andersson. 6 I owe the reference to Daniel Andersson. 7 Peter Mack, A History of Renaissance rhetoric, 1380-1620, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 27. See Lawrence D. Green and James J. Murphy, Renaissance Rhetoric Short-Title Catalogue 1460-1700, London: Ashgate, 2006.

Introduction

Figure 1

Bodleian, Malone 826.

3

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the Greek rhetorician, and a few pages later in the part on fables, the author presents his work again: these excercises are called of the Greeks Progimnasmata, of the Latins, profitable introductions, or forexercises, to attain greater art and knowledge in rhetoric, and because, for the easy capacity and facility of the learner, to attain greater knowledge in rhetoric, they are right profitable and necessary. Therefore I title this book, to be the foundation of rhetoric, the exercises being Progymnasmata. Reynolds expands upon Aphthonius’s exercises, domesticates Reinhard Lorich’s Latin commentary on the Progymnasmata,8 and offers model orations that stress Protestant and English political themes. Reinhard Lorich of Hadamar (1510-c. 1564) was professor of poetry and rector at Marburg. He collaborated with Erasmus9 and produced treatises on pedagogy in addition to editions of rhetorical sources such as the Rhetorica ad Herennium, then attributed to Cicero. Lorich studied in Cologne, Wittenberg and Salamanca and preached in Bernbach around 1553.10 Some currency for the treatise is indicated by contemporary references in William Fulwood, The Enimie of Idlenesse (1563), and John Jones, The Art and Science of Preserving Body and Soul (1579), but the Foundacion was never reprinted. Six copies of the unique 1563 edition have survived, in the Folger Shakespeare Library (cs1073), the Chapin Library at Williams College – with Thomas Wilson’s 1553 edition of The Arte of rhetorike, the Bodleian Library (Mal. 826), the Cambridge University Library (Peterborough.G.4.26, and Syn.7.56.30), Dr Williams’ Library.11 The name of one of its first owners, “Robert Wilkinsonn”, is inscribed on the title page of the Bodleian copy.12

8

9 10

11 12

Manfred Kraus is currently editing Agricola’s translation with Lorich’s commentary. See his “Aphthonius and the Progymnasmata in Rhetorical Theory and Practice”, in David Zarefsky and Elizabeth Benacka (eds.), Sizing up Rhetoric, Long Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press, 2008, pp. 52-67. See, for instance, Elegantissimus … libellus, de morum puerilium Civilitate … Marpurgi: E. Cervicornus, 1537. See T. Arcos Pereira, M.E., Cuyas de Torres, “Juan de Mal Lara’s Scholia to Aphtonius’ progymnasma of the fable”, Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios Latinos 28, 1 (2008): 115-137. Johnson misses out one Cambridge University Library copy, pp. xviii-xix. Robert Wilkinson is a fairly common name and John A. Venn’s Alumni Cantabrigienses from the Earliest Times to 1751, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922-7, offers two

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Fulwood alludes to both Wilson and Reynolds as more specialised authorities in a section of his work on letter writing, and more specifically on defending dishonest acts: Furthermore, it is to be considered, whether the matter that we write off bee honest, true, or such like: or whether it be slanderous, doutfull, obscure. &c. For if the matter of yt selfe bee honest & perfect, then needeth it but small perswasion: but if it bee doubtfull or obscure, it behoueth to make large and euident declaracion: if it be slanderous or vnhonest, then must bee added thereunto agreable remedies: as Terence doth, excusing dissolute persones, for he sayeth it is thorough negligence of their parents or for pouertie, or by flatterie. And so likewyse he that would defend a thief, may alleage that it was done thorough companie & ill counsel, or through pouertie, or that he was distract of his wittes. Whoso will more circumspectly and narrowly entreat of suche matters let them reade the Rethorike of Master Doctor Wilson, or of Master Richard Rainolde. The allusion to Reynolds’s treatise in Jones13 belongs to a lengthy development on the intractable link between the parts and the whole: For euen as without vnitie of body and mind, there can be no health or perfite strength inwarde, as is saide, so withoute outward, in bodies and states politique, of godly reasons rule in all common weales, Princes directing, Pastors preaching, Councellors commaunding, Captaines leading, Phisitions healing, Tutors teaching, Trauellers trading, Artificers working, ploughmen plowing, subiects obeying, seruants seruing, &c. with the Lawyers iudging to euerye man according to the worthines of his calling, & that by right any way to them belongeth, diuine statute, ciuil customarie, common, Martial, Marine, & not euery priuate mans inuention measured by the meterod of affection, nothing holyly, nothing iustly, nothing orderly can be ordered in diuine rites or temporall causes, on land or on water, in peace or in warre, in Court or in country, in field or in bowre, in tent or in town, in Church or in Chappel, in College or

13

possible candidates: “Wilkinson, Robert, Matric. pens. from PEMBROKE, Easter 1581; B.A. 1584/5; M.A. 1588. One of these names R. of St Olave, Southwark, Surrey, 1614; M.A.; admon. (P.C.C.) 17 Dec., 1617; as S.T.P.” and “Wilkinson, Robert, Matric. sizar from ST JOHN’S, Michs. 1582; B.A. from Trinity, 1584/5; M.A. 1588.” I am grateful to Jonathan Gibson for identifying the passage thanks to the Text Creation Partnership database.

6

Introduction in Schoole, &c. nor any fortresse can be fortified, armor ordayned, army victualled, house builded, Sea traded, lame restored, sicke mended, infant nourished and instructed, or naked clothed. Hence if we marke but the vse of our own partes, the patterne of all lawes, Regimente and Vnitie, as M. Rainolds wel noteth in his foundation of Rhetorike, and the subiect of Phisick) we shal finde, that according to instrume ts and offices from the mediate graces in mankinde, it worketh déedes

Jones probably alludes to the following passage: “The singular fable of Aesop, of the belly and hands, manifestly shows the same and herein a flourishing kingdom or commonwealth, is compared to the body, every part using his pure virtue, strength”. It is quite clear that he read the Foundacion perhaps more as a commonplace book than as a preparation for more advanced rhetorical exercises. This is quite possibly what a majority of readers did. A comparison between Aphthonius and the contents of Reynolds’s adaptation reveals that he follows the fourteen exercises in the Greek source, namely, 1. Mythos, or fable, 2. Diēgēma, or narrative, 3. Chreia, or anecdote, 4. Gnōmē, or maxim, 5. Anaskeuē, or refutation, 6. Kataskeuē, or confirmation, 7. Koinos topos, or commonplace, 8. Enkōmion, or praise, 9. Psogos, or invective, 10. Synkrisis, or comparison, 11. Ēthopoeia, or personification, 12. Ekphrasis, or description, 13. Thesis, or argument, 14. Nomou eisphora, or introduction of a law,14 or in Reynolds’s summary “A fable, a narration. Chria, sentence. Confutation, An oration confirmation. Commonplace. The praise. The dispraise. The comparison, Ethopeia. A description. Thesis, Legislatio”. The Foundacion has all the original exercises: two fables, “An oration made upon the fable of the shepherds and the wolves”, “An oration upon the fable of the ant and the grasshopper”, several narratives, “An oration historical, how Semiramis came to be Queen of Babylon”, “An oration historical, upon King Richard the Third, sometime Duke of Gloucester”, “An oration historical, of the coming of Julius Caesar into England”, “An oration civil or judicial, upon Themistocles, of the wall building at Athens”, “An oration poetical upon a red rose”, “A profitable oration, showing the decay of kingdoms and nobility”, a maxim, “An oration upon a sentence, preferring a monarchy, containing all other states of commonwealth”, a confutation or refutation, “The confutation of the battle of Troy”, a confirmation, “A confirmation of the noble fact of Zopyrus”, a commonplace, “An oration called a commonplace against thieves”, a praise, “The

14

The list is taken from George A. Kennedy, A New History of Classical Rhetoric, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009, pp. 203-6.

Introduction

Figure 2

Alciati Emblematum liber, Emblema CXLV, In Senatum boni Principis (1531), D1v.

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Introduction

praise of Epaminondas, Duke of Thebes”, an invective, “The dispraise of Domicius Nero, Emperor of Rome”, a comparison, “A comparison between Demosthenes and Tully”, a personification, “A lamentable oration of Hecuba Queen of Troy”, a description, “A description upon Xerxes, King of Persia”, a thesis, “An oration called thesis, as concerning the goodly state of marriage”, an introduction of a law “An oration confuting a certain law of Solon”. Even though the table of contents does not mention the chria, the exercise is defined and illustrated like the others. As noted by Grant Williams, Reynolds was very much influenced by Erasmus’s De Copia when he wrote his treatise since he turned Aphthonius’s elementary rhetorical exercises into fully fledged orations thanks to Erasmus’s rules of amplification. This in turn suggests his work was intended for a broader readership than pupils and their schoolmasters. 1.2.2 The Texbook’s Significance Schoolmasters used Aphthonius’s exercises in Rudolph Agricola’s late fifteenth century Latin translation to teach the rudiments of rhetoric15 which probably explains why Reynolds’s book was never reprinted. As pointed out by William Phillips Sandford,16 there may, however, be a reference to the text in John Brinsley’s Ludus Literarius or The Grammar School (1612) where the schoolmaster Philoponus knows of thirteen declamations in English but has not read them: I haue heard of some good ensamples in English, viz. thirteene Declamations; but I haue not beene able to finde them out. But these kinde of exercises of Declaming are rather for the Vniuersities; or at least for such Schollars in the Grammar schooles, as haue beene long exercised in the former kindes. Grant Williams adds that the passage may prove Reynolds’s treatise served advanced students preparing for the court.17 15 16 17

See Donald L. Clark, “The Rise and Fall of Progymnasmata in Sixteenth and Seventeenth century Grammar Schools”, Speech Monographs, 19 (1952): 259-263. William Phillips Sandford, English Theories of Public Adress: 1530-1828, Columbus, Ohio: H. L. Hedrick, 1931, pp. 45-50, 69. Grant Williams, “Richard Rainolde”, in Malone, Edward A. (ed.), British Rhetoricians and Logicians, 1500-1660 (First Series), Dictionary of Literary Biography 236, Detroit, MI, 2001, 223-34., p. 227.

Introduction

9

What has largely gone unnoticed is that the progymnasmata of the Foundacion are indeed preliminary exercises that lead directly into Thomas Wilson’s Arte of Rhetorique which Reynolds praises in his epistle to the reader:18 And because as yet the very ground of rhetoric, is not heretofore intreated of, as concerning these exercises, though in few years past, a learned work of rhetoric is compiled and made in the English tongue, of one, who flows in all excellency of art, who in judgment is profound, in wisdom and eloquence most famous. Wilson’s book was first printed in 1553 (STC 25799) by Richard Grafton and reprinted by John Kingston in 1560 (STC 25800), 1562 (STC 25801) and 1563 (25802), the same year as Reynolds’s. Both were printed in London by the same John Kingston who was quite a prolific and well known printer appointed for the University of Cambridge in 1576. Kingston or Kyngstone had a shop at the West door of St. Paul’s Churchyard and belonged to the original Stationers Company. Among other works, he produced before the Foundacion Sternhold’s translation of the psalms of David (1553), Henry Low’s almanac (1554), Catholic prayer-books, liturgies and breviaries, William Peryn’s Spirituall exercyses (1557), Thomas Phaer’s translation of the Eneid (1558), Fabyan’s Chronicle (1559), Chaucer’s Works (1561), A woorke of Ioannes Ferrarius Montanus, touchynge the good orderynge of a common weale (1558), Calvin’s catechism (1560), William Bullein’s Comfortable regiment (1562), Machiavelli’s Art of War (1562) and The lamentation that Ladie lane made (1562). A comparison of the fourteen orations which make up the progymnasmata and the contents of Wilson’s treatise reveals that these feature in it but not as such. They do not occur together as progymnasmata nor does he follow their original order. They are scattered throughout the work in the various books. Most belong to the means of amplification but not all since Reynolds’s legislation falls under Wilson’s oration judicial. Reynolds may have thought his work offered an efficient preparation to amplification, which played a crucial part in English composition manuals at the time. In a preliminary section entitled “The Foundation of Rhetoric”, Reynolds defines rhetoric thanks to amplification, ‘as an orator to please with all facility, and copiously to dilate any matter or sentence’. ‘To dilate’ is synonymous with ‘to amplify’19 while the adverb ‘co-

18 19

I am grateful to the anonymous reader for drawing my attention on this point. dilate, v.2 OED, ‘1579 T. Twyne tr. Petrarch Phisicke against Fortune 11. Ep. Ded 161 a, I might dilate this discourse with a thousand argumentes.’

10

Introduction

piously’ alludes to Erasmus’s influential De Copia which showed how to write eloquently thanks to amplification. Many progymnasmata like the narration, the confirmation and refutation correspond directly with the parts of an oration treated in the first book of Wilson’s book. Thus, Reynolds’s work may have been devised explicitly as an introduction to Wilson’s for two reasons. First, mastering the progymnasmata was the best way to train for amplification, the basis of a style capable of moving an audience. Second, some of the preliminary exercises could fit in neatly as parts of speeches. The treatise’s interest does not lie in its success as a textbook. It is significant for three other reasons. First, it is particularly informative on how Lorich’s Aphthonius was Englished. Jean-Claude Margolin is scathingly dismissive on the Foundacion’s originality for he claims he adds little to Aphthonius apart from his historical narration on Richard III.20 Yet, the modern reader may hope to understand how classical rhetoric, the very basis of politics, justice and art in antiquity, were digested and adapted to the vernacular in England in the 1560s. Second, the Foundacion offers a unique summary not just of classical knowledge in the period, but perhaps even more crucially of Reynolds’s moral, social and political concerns. Third, the debts owed by Tudor writers to the Progymnasmata are well documented and Reynolds is of great help in understanding how works as diverse as Marlowe’s and Shakespeare’s plays or Spenser’s poems were composed. Yet, it is doubtful whether poets resorted to the Foundation since they were taught Aphthonius in Lorich’s edition at school. To explain a phrase in Demosthenes’s fable of the ass and the shadow, Reynolds draws a comparison with the distance from London to York: “Ye men of Athens, said he, it happened on a time, that a certain man hired an ass, and did take his journey from Athens to Megara, as we would say from London to York”. The passage shows readers felt Greek oratory applied directly to real life in contemporary England. In effect, the difference between Athens and London was negligeable. This is common Englishing in the manner of Henry Howard in his English Natural Philosophy for his Sister, MS Bodley MS 616 ([fol. 29v]) who uses the same device: “ffor thoughe yt be the same waie from yorke to London and from London to york”.21 In the part on the fable, he records two political uses of Aesop’s fables under Richard III by the Bishop of Ely and 20 21

Jean-Claude Margolin, “La rhétorique d’Aphthonius” in R. Chevalier (ed.), Colloque sur la rhétorique. Calliope I (Caesarodunum, XIV bis), Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1979, p. 263. I am grateful to Daniel Andersson for drawing my attention on the source and letting me quote his forthcoming edition.

Introduction

11

under Henry VIII by the Doctor Fisher. The examples prove how useful Aesop may be in English political debates to convince even authoritarian kings. They also show Reynolds’s keen interest in English history. That rhetoric informed social and political life in Renaissance Europe has long been shown by critics.22 Peter Mack has argued that the practice of Aphthonius’s progymnasmata in Elizabethan and Jacobean schools sought to instill ethics in pupils just as much as it grounded them in rhetoric.23 William Weaver has interpreted the practice of progymnasmata at school as humanist rites of passage for boys.24 Clearly, Reynolds’s treatise is far more than an introduction to rhetoric. The topics do not just serve an illustrative purpose but point to matters Reynolds feels strongly about. His aim is to write a profitable book for the commonwealth, and more specifically for its main actors, “The duty of a subject, the worthy state of nobility, the preeminent dignity and majesty of a prince, the office of counselours, worthy chief veneration, the office of a judge or magistrate are here set forth”. In this respect, the Foundation is quite similar to Elyot’s Gouernor (1531) and in keeping with his two other works. Grant Williams rightly notes the book belongs to the self-fashioning genre popular at court deriving from Castiglione’s Courtier (1528). One of the textbook’s most fascinating aspects is its sermon-like nature, a genre the author practices without acknowledging it to reflect on virtue and godliness, as set out in the preface: “I have chosen out in these orations such questions as are right necessary to be known and read of all those whose cogitacion ponders virtue and godliness”. Many passages, even when he illustrates Aphthonius’s topics, seem to be lifted from contemporary sermons, and one might add Puritan sermons or pamphlets, as when Reynolds denounces the love of a harlot with its insistent anaphora “many a”: In virtue is liberty, in virtue is felicity, the state of marriage is virtuous, there can be no greater bondage, than to obey many beastly affections, to the which whoredom forces him unto, love is feigned, cloaked amity, a heart dissembled, many a mighty person and wise, has been overthrown by the deceits of harlots. Many a city plagued, many a region overthrown for that mischief, to obey many affections is a great bondage.

22 23 24

See Brian Vickers, In Defence of Rhetoric, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 254-93. Peter Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric: Theory and Practice, Ideas in Context, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. William Weaver, Untutored Lines: The Making of the English Epyllion, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012, pp. 14-46.

12

Introduction

Warning against the disastrous results of frequenting prostitutes is common in religious pamphlets such as the Swiss reformer Heinrich Bullinger’s Golde[n] Boke of Christen Matrimonye in its 1543 English version: To be shorte, whordome with draweth & separateth the mynd from god, maketh vs to breake our couenaunte, dishonoureth the grace of God & membres of Christ, robbeth God of that which is his, vnhaloweth the temple of god, & plucketh vs vtterly with sprete & flesh into the myre & into all fylthynesse, maketh vs of men, beastes defyleth body and soule, taketh from vs all oure substaunce, honestie and good, shameth de stroyeth and caryeth to bell wyth wrechidnesse, misery & sorow. [Sig. ccic v] Interestingly, Bullinger refers to Aphthonius’s “Actiue Chrie” which he illustrates with Matthew 18 in one of his sermons on sacramental signs printed in English in 1577: Aphthonius defineth an Actiue Chrie, To be that which declareth & plainely sheweth a thinge by action, deed, or gesture. As when Pythagoras was demaunded, how long mans life lasted? He for a while stood still, yt they might looke vppon him, but anon hée shrunke away and withdrew himselfe out of their sight, after that manner & action signifying, ye mans life is but short & momentanie. But in the scripture for the most part are sett downe Chrie, consisting of word & déed, as when Christ toke a little child, and set him in the middest of his disciples, and spake these words, Verilie I saye vnto you, except ye shall turne and beecome as little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdome of heauen.25 1.2.3 Sources Reynolds seems to have had little Greek since he never quotes Greek sources in the original but chooses Latin versions instead. A passage taken from Plato’s Laws book IX, which he calls De Legibus is given in Latin. Similarly, he refers to Plato’s of the commonwealth which suggests his readers would read The Republic in Latin. Sources are sometimes mentioned in the text itself or in the marginal notes but in most cases the reader is expected to be familiar with historical figures and facts and identify “philosophers” and “poets”. Typically, classical sources are silently translated into English. In some instances,

25

Heinrich Bullinger, Fiftie godlie and learned sermons, 1577, p. 958.

Introduction

13

Reynolds may have remembered Erasmus, but he seems to be the only humanist source he had in mind. The sermon-like passages are so generic so as to make it virtually impossible to identify contemporary sources. 1.2.4 A Commonplace Book The marginal notes are comparable with headings in a commonplace book. It may even be argued that the textbook was primarily conceived like a useful compendium of material to illustrate such topics as monarchy or marriage which could belong to a whole range of writings, from letters to speeches. Commonplacing, ordering quotations under alphabetical headings or thematically, was thought to be the quickest and most practical way to find material on any given subject, the first stage of rhetorical composition or invention. The formal topics devised by Aristotle rested on examples largely culled from antiquity. Personal commonplace books, or tables, were kept in manuscript26 but many writing aids were published for printers, and booksellers responded to a rising demand among all writers, such as lawyers, members of Parliament, secretaries, preachers, anyone writing a letter to a relative or a business partner.27 1.2.5 Reynolds’s Style Francis Johnson, the editor of the Scholar Press 1945 facsimile edition, is particularly harsh on Reynolds’s style and singles out the “vice of padding”.28 Reynolds himself underlines these shortcomings in the preface to the reader, when he admits his style is “not with like eloquence, beautified and adorned, as the matter requires”, contrary to Wilson’s. His style exhibits the patterning typical of the Elizabethan vernacular writings very much influenced by Cicero’s spectacular periodic prose and the practice of double translation at school.29 Pairing is noticeable in his dedicatory epistle – “this work of my travail and labour, your nobility and virtue, of the which your nobility encouraged 26

27 28

29

Peter Beal, “Notions in Garrison: The Seventeenth-Century Commonplace Book”, in W. Speed Hill (ed.), New Ways of Looking at Old Texts: Papers of the Renaissance English Text Society, 1985-1991, Binghamton, NY: Medieval & Renaissance Texts and Studies, with Renaissance English Text Society, 1993, Vol. 107, pp. 131-47. See the later John Bodenham’s Politeuphuia: Wits Commonwealth (1597), and Francis Meres’s Palladis Tamia: Wits Treasury: Being the Second part of Wits Commonwealth (1598). Rainolde, Richard, The Foundacion of Rhetorike [A booke called the Foundacion of Rhetorike … made by Richard Rainolde … 1563.] [A facsimile.], intro. Francis Johnson, Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, Scholar Press, New York, 1945, p. xvi. See William E. Miller, “Double Translation in English Humanistic Education”, Studies in the Renaissance 10 (1963): 163-74.

14

Introduction

me, your great and singular virtue, indued with all humanity, forced and drove me thereto” – where he sets out to impress Robert Dudley. And though the preliminary exercises are not concerned with the finer points of the last stage of rhetoric, the prose is full of schemes and tropes. Reynolds applies Erasmus’s advice developed in his popular handbook on amplification De Copia Verborum. 1.3 The Printed Text 1.3.1 The Text The text used for the edition is the one produced by Greg Lindahl, Linda Cantoni for Project Gutenberg, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net and released July 14, 2008.30 The text is given in modern English and a few obvious typographical mistakes corrected. Ornate initial letters are not reproduced. 1.3.2 The Edition There are three types of footnotes. The first type gives historical and rhetorical references. The second one explains the meaning of less obvious words and clarifies confusing spelling. The third reproduces the marginal headings. The historical and rhetorical references are not intended to be comprehensive but helpful. Consequently, the most obvious sources have been retained. When Reynolds quotes the author and the relevant passage in Latin, the reference is straightforward but in a majority of cases he glosses and sums up digested sources. He may have used dictionaries and commentaries on classical sources or simply condensed such material from memory.

2

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike (1575), Cecil Papers MS 238/6

2.1 The Author William Medley, or Medlye, is no other than the alchemist patronised by William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Ben Jonson alludes to in his Alchemist.31 With the backing of a number of prominent courtiers and politicians – the most 30 31

The text is available on http://www.gutenberg.org/files/26056/26056-h/26056-h.htm. The information contained in the following paragraphs is quoted verbatim from James Stuart Campbell, “The Alchemical Patronage of Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley”, Master of Arts in History thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 2009, p. 132 passim, hereafter Campbell. Typographical mistakes have been silently corrected.

Introduction

Figure 3

15

Cecil Papers MS 238/6, fol. 1, Hatfield House, by permission of the Marquess of Salisbury.

16

Introduction

powerful one being Cecil – Medley attempted to transmute cheap and abundant iron into valuable copper from 1571 until 1576.32 Incorporating themselves as the Society of the New Art, Medley‘s powerful patrons obtained a patent for the process. On two occasions, blaming betrayal, setbacks and deception, Medley failed to produce a return on their investment, and was eventually imprisoned. As an alchemical project on an industrial scale, the Society of the New Art demonstrates how far Cecil would back his assumptions about nature with his own money and influence. Cecil’s role in the creation, funding and support of the Society of the New Art has numerous important parallels to his patronage of other schemes designed to reduce England’s dependence on imports from Catholic Europe. That Medley’s process was alchemical, allowing him to make “nature ripe by art”, did not trouble the Lord Treasurer because Medley’s process conformed to Cecil’s alchemical understanding of the world.33 Throughout the project Cecil actively pressed for royal support for the scheme, and he retained confidence in Medley’s potential, even as others lost patience. William Medley was no marginal charlatan, for his family background explains his links to Cecil. Medley was born into a wealthy Essex family, probably in the mid 1540s.34 The Medleys of Tilty Abbey, Essex, had strong links to many noble families, including Cecil’s. William’s father, George Medley (d. 1562) was the half brother of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, and the second cousin once removed of Cecil’s second wife Mildred Cooke. He strongly supported the Protestant faction in England, having received lucrative leases during Henry VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries.35 Upon Edward VI’s death, George supported the cause of his niece, Lady Jane Grey against Mary, and was one of only nine indicted with Suffolk. Unlike Suffolk, he was spared execution or even imprisonment.36 George failed to learn from his mistake, and spent two months in prison for his involvement in the Wyatt rebellion of 1554.37 Despite the problems it caused him under 32 33 34

35

36 37

Campbell, p. 128. William Medley to Cecil, 19 April 1572, TNA, SP 12/86/14. Whilst we have no definitive birth date for William Medley, he was under 21 when his father made out his will in 1561. “Will of George Medley of Titly, Essex”, National Archives, Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 11/46, proved 3 February 1563. Henry Grey to Michael Stanhope, 19 April 1551, Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury, Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1883, Vol. 1, p. 85. Henry Churchill Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), Calendar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in the Public Record Office: 1553-1554, London, 1937, pp. 381-2. David Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies, London, 1965, p. 28.

Introduction

17

Queen Mary, George Medley’s “detestation of papistrie” positioned him and his family well for the return of a Protestant monarch.38 Clearly aware of Cecil’s rising influence, George had his second son William Medley “bred up under Lord Burghley, being thereto preferred by Lady Burghley”.39 According to Read, Cecil “took a great interest in the education of promising young Englishmen. His household indeed was currently regarded as the best training school for the gentry in England”.40 While nothing else is known of William’s early life, he probably received a similar education to his cousins Francis and Margaret Willoughby. After their father’s death in 1549 the Willoughby siblings became wards of George Medley, at a cost to him of £1000, and were privately tutored in Latin and Greek.41 Clearly William Medley received the humanist education appropriate to his family’s social status; although there is no evidence he attended university. Having inherited a bequest for his further education upon his father’s death in 1562, by 1564 Medley had been admitted to study law at the Middle Temple.42 He also received some significant leases, cementing his place among the gentry of Essex.43 Along with Medley’s training in law, at some point he developed an expertise in metallurgy – exceptionally rare among Elizabethan Englishmen. Sometime in early 1571, Medley was given the opportunity to demonstrate his alchemical skills to Sir Thomas Smith and the soldier and explorer Sir Humfrey Gilbert. In early December 1571, the Queen incorporated the investors in the alchemical scheme as the “Governor and Society of the New Art”, with Sir Thomas Smith as the first governor.44 The patent granted the Society a monopoly on “a new and certain art to try out and make of iron very true and perfect copper”.45 Unfortunately for the project, that same month Smith, who amongst Medley’s patrons had the best practical understanding of the

38 39

40 41 42

43 44 45

George Medley to Nicholas Throckmorton, 23 September 1561, SP 70/30/84. William Medley to Sir Robert Cecil, 3 November 1598, R. A. Roberts (ed.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury, Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire Vol. 8: 1598, London, 1899, p. 421. Conyers Read, Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth, London: Knopf, 1960, pp. 124-25. Eric Ives, Lady Jane Grey: A Tudor Mystery, Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009, p. 37. “Will of George Medley,” National Archives, Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 11/46; Charles Henry Hopwood and Charles Trice Martin (eds.), Middle Temple Records, Volume 1, London, 1904, pp. 146, p. 150. “Will of George Medley,” Records of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 11/46. “Society of the New Art,” Patent Rolls, 14 Eliz., pt. xii in Cecil Thomas Carr, Select Charters of Trading Companies, A.D. 1530-1707, New York: B. Franklin, 1970, p. 21. Ibid., pp. 21-22.

18

Introduction

alchemical methods involved, was assigned to head an embassy to France to pursue Elizabeth’s marriage to the duc d’Anjou. On his return from France in July 1572, Smith found the works at Poole abandoned, himself owing rent to Lady Mountjoy and wages to unpaid workmen, and that Medley had fled to Ireland.46 By 1574 Medley had resurrected his enterprise on Parys Mountain, on the Isle of Anglesey, Wales.47 The immense success of this trial revived Cecil, Leicester and Smith’s interest in the project. Smith, again on good terms with Medley, discussed with him the plans for the new works, and sent Cecil and Leicester a fresh offer from the alchemist. The renewed project attracted a far wider range of patronage than Medley’s earlier scheme. The copper samples dispatched to various members of the nobility created the most enthusiasm among Leicester’s followers: his brother, the Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry Sidney, and Edward Dyer all investing heavily in the project.48 It also attracted the Queen’s curiosity. Elizabeth placed a condition in the draft patent that, at her request “the society shall surrendere at the end of xxi yeres their whole interest into [her] highness hands”. By 14 February 1575, with the final patent sealed, all seemed ready to proceed.49 Yet Medley delayed, reluctant to travel to the new works until he received further money from the Society to pay his outstanding debts. With Medley procrastinating, Smith feared that others might usurp the project. In early March he complained that “my Lord Mountjoy hath gotten one of Mr. Medley’s workmen to him” and that “diverse in the country, it is told me, knoweth the earth and the workings of it”.50 Despite these pressures, sometime during 1575 Medley took the time to illustrate to Cecil their common education, penning “A Brief Discourse of Rhetoric”. After this we hear no more of the Anglesey works. Perhaps Medley delayed further, or perhaps the works were not economical or practical on an industrial scale. On 1 September 1576 the Sheriffs of London arrested Medley. While Medley may have brought Leicester’s fury on himself, evidence also suggests that his loss of patronage made him vulnerable to one of the campaigns of slander, forgery and intrigue which plagued Elizabethan politics. John Prestall, a Catholic gentleman and conspirator who spent his life in and out of prison on treason charges, would have resented Medley’s monopoly on alchemical patronage. Prestall exploited Medley’s weak position with 46 47 48 49 50

Smith to Cecil and Leicester, Lansdowne Vol. 19, No. 45. Ibid. Thomas Smith and Leicester to Cecil, 7 March 1575, Lansdowne Vol. 19, No. 84. Joel Hurstfield (ed.), CPR: 1572-1575, London, 1939, p. 509. Smith to Cecil, Lansdowne Vol. 29, No. 61.

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19

Leicester, recasting Medley’s delays and setbacks as malicious insults to Leicester and his supporters. In October 1578, while Medley still languished in prison, fear of occult magic wracked the Court, eventually destroying Prestall’s credibility.51 With Prestall imprisoned for treason, and his allegations against Medley discredited, Medley regained his freedom. Medley’s re-established reputation allowed him to survive another alchemical scandal in August 1580. Cecil’s influence enabled Medley to become an important member of the local gentry in Ely, Cambridgeshire, where he had inherited land from his father.52 Medley’s re-established social status allowed him to marry a wealthy widow, Anne Wren, the daughter of Sir Robert Payton, a prominent local landowner, in 1582.53 This marriage, along with a modest bequest in his brother’s will in 1585, seems to have alleviated Medley’s financial situation for a time and in turn reduced his need for alchemical schemes.54 Medley demonstrated his renewed prosperity and favour with the generous bequest of twenty acres of land to the nearby parish of Tydd St. Mary in 1588.55 Throughout Medley’s career as a magistrate in Ely he received a number of rewards from his patron. Cecil, as always, valued clients with alchemical ability. Indeed, despite his local offices, Medley claimed to have been in “daily attendance” on the Lord Treasurer, possibly as a practitioner of alchemical medicine.56 For his services Medley ‘received divers favours’, including Crown leases.57 In June 1588, Cecil wrote to Lord North, Lord Lieutenant of Cambridgeshire, and ordered him to spare Medley from his previous commitment to act as the captain of the men of Ely. Medley again evidently enjoyed Cecil’s special protection, as Lord North quickly consented.58

51

52 53 54 55

56 57 58

Medley remained in confinement until at least October 1577, as he still languished in the Counter when his servant, Anthony Egleston, assaulted a Florentine gentleman Piero Capony. It is unclear what motivated the assault or whether it was related to any of Medley’s previous problems. See APC Vol. 10 1577-78, p. 393. “Will of George Medley”, PROB 11/46; Louise J. Wilkinson (ed.), CPR (1589-1590), C 66-13371361, London, 2004, p. 242. Robert Edmond Chester Waters, Genealogical Memoirs of the Extinct Family of Chester of Chicheley: their Ancestors and Descendants, London, 1878, pp. 211-12. “Will of Henry Medley of Tilty, Essex”, TNA, PROB 11/68, proved 8 May 1585. Anon., Abstract of the Returns of Charitable Donations for the Benefit of Poor Persons, Made by the Ministers and Churchwardens of the Several Parishes and Townships in England and Wales, London, 1816, p. 672. Roberts (ed.), CMS, Vol. 8, p. 421. Ibid.; Christine Leighton (ed.), CPR, Part I to Part X: C 66/1395-1404, London, 2000, p. 75. Roger North to Cecil, 25 June 1588, BL, Lansdowne Vol. 57, No. 43.

20

Introduction

In October 1588 Cecil pressured the Dean of Ely to renew Medley’s lucrative lease on Wentworth manor “for three lives, wherof he hathe two in being”.59 These were not three successive lives or generations – rather Medley would be able to choose three living people and the lease would expire upon the death of the last person. The Dean of Ely replied that although Medley was “your Lords servant”, he had already taken advantage of his position with Cecil four or five years previously, extending his other leases belonging to the church to three lives. The strongest demonstration of Cecil’s continued favour towards Medley came in May 1594, when Medley became keeper of the Catholic recusant Priests and Jesuits in Wisbech Castle, ahead of the nominees of Lord North.60 Medley’s attempts to simultaneously keep control of his prisoners and keep the Privy Council contented met with mixed success. As the aging William Cecil’s influence and health began to wane, Medley attempted to cultivate the patronage of his younger son Robert. In 1594 Medley attempted to impress Robert Cecil with his alchemical abilities, sending him “a poore present as either [Medley’s] weake race affordes or the foggie climate gives life unto” as a demonstration of his “carefull endeavours”.61 Medley’s wife Anne died in 1595, and in 1597 Medley turned to Robert Cecil to write a letter encouraging Jane Boughton, a wealthy widow, to marry him.62 However, Robert Cecil was a very different man from his father. Much more sceptical about alchemy and alchemists, Medley’s particular expertise would not have held so great an appeal. The Privy Council became increasingly dissatisfied with Medley’s management of Wisbech prison and its recusant prisoners. The number of escapes had increased, and a number of the prisoners were so ill they had to be removed.63 Sir Nicholas Bacon, William Cecil’s nephew-in-law and constable of Wisbech Castle, pressured Medley over issues surrounding governance and lodgings.64 59 60

61 62

63 64

The Dean and Prebendaries of Ely to Cecil, 29 October 1588, BL, Lansdowne Vol. 58, No. 4. William Medley to Robert Cecil, 8 May 1594, Hatfield House, CP, M485/6; The Privy Council to Roger North, 26 October 1592 in John Roche Dasent (ed.), APC, Volume 23: A.D. 1592, London, 1901, p. 263. William Medley to Robert Cecil, 8 May 1594, Hatfield House, CP, M485/6. William Medley to Robert Cecil, 17 February 1597, TNA, SP 12/267/42; William Medley to Sir Robert Cecil, 20 May 1597 in R. A. Roberts (ed.), CMS. Vol. 7: 1597, London, 1899, p 206; Clifford A. Thurley and Dorothea Thurley (eds.), Index of the Probate Records of the Court of the Archdeacon of Ely 1513-1857, London, 1976, p. 127. The Privy Council to Sir John Higham, 20 September 1597, Dasent (ed.), APC, Volume 28: 1597, London, 1904, p. 6. William Medley to Robert Cecil, 1 August 1597 in R. A. Roberts (ed.), CMS, Vol. 7, p. 330.

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21

Finally in late 1600 Medley was once again imprisoned, this time almost certainly for debt, although he once again blamed unknown adversaries for his undoing.65 As noted by Richard J. Schoeck, though “we know very little as yet about the place of rhetoric or the kinds of rhetoric in the curriculum of the Inns”,66 it seems more than likely that Medley was trained in rhetoric at the Middle Temple. He was probably already well acquainted with Cicero’s orations and Aristotle’s Rhetoric, which he may have read with his private tutor in Latin. 2.2 The Dedicatee Medley presented his “Short Discourse on Rhetoric” to Sir William Cecil to “demonstrate his classical learning”.67 Not that he thought Cecil needed guidance on Cicero’s periods. Medley must have been well aware that Cecil had enjoyed a thorough grounding in the classics,68 which had been a prerequisite for the Queen’s principal Secretary of State to reach such a strategic position. Did Medley believe the notes might be useful to someone engaged in writing such a voluminous correspondence? It is unlikely, since by the time he received the gift, Cecil had written so many letters in English that he no longer needed advice. Similarly, he most probably did not feel the need to consult this humble discourse with its many examples, when he wrote one of his drafts for the Queen’s letters. The discourse was more useful as a short and simple summary on rhetoric than as a practical aid to writing. Medley and Cecil had a lot in common: they had both received a humanist education, they were both inns of court men, hence the judicial bent in the discourse, they both had a professional interest for rhetoric. Medley drew Cecil’s attention on this intellectual kinship to try to secure his patronage. The discourse was most certainly sent for Cecil to compare with what he knew

65 66

67 68

William Medley to Robert Cecil, 15 November 1600, R. A. Roberts (ed.), CMS. Vol. 10: 1600, London, 1904, p. 385. Richard J. Schoeck, “Lawyers and Rhetoric in Sixteenth-Century England” in James J. Murphy (ed.), Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1983, p. 276, note 5. Campbell, p. 133. William T. MacCaffrey, ODNB: “He entered St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1535. In his six years there he benefited from the new curriculum enjoined by the royal injunctions of 1535, with its emphasis on humanistic studies and its inclusion of reformed authors. Although Cecil left without a degree, he had acquired a mastery of classical learning, both Latin and Greek”. Nicholas Carr was professor of Greek and translated Demosthenes’s anti-Philippics. I owe this information to Daniel Andersson.

22

Introduction

and to recognize the classical sources, notably the Ad Herennium which was a fashionable treatise. Thus, the manuscript was devised as a social marker, a sign that Medley deserved to be encouraged because he was a distinguished scholar. 2.3 The Manuscript 2.3.1 Description of the Manuscript Cecil Papers 238/6 was bound with other documents in the eighteenth century.69 The discourse itself contains 23 folios. Its binding is in brown calf and bears the Cecils’ arms and motto sero sed serio. The paper bears vertical lines and two watermarks are visible. The unidentified initials “TH”, which seems to be somewhat rare, and the ubiquitous single handle quatrefoil Pot inscribed “BD” (Briquet 211.1) dated 1570. The author’s foliation begins [fol. 4]. 2.3.2 Description of the Hand This is evidently not a first draft as shown by the extremely small number of corrections and decorations typical of presentation copies. The manuscript contains two hands, an Elizabethan secretary and italic for the quotations in Latin. The use of the italic is not consistent since very few names are italicised, among them Aristotle, spelt “Aristotell” and not all the quotations, whether they are in Latin or English. The two hands are competent and careful but they are not regular enough to be the work of a professional scribe. It is most likely that Medley copied the work himself, perhaps to avoid extra costs. The neat secretary hand is comparable to a clerk’s and exhibits typical letter forms such as the left-leaning ascender of the letter “d”, the Greek and round “e”, the longtailed “h”, the “2” shaped “r” and the long approach stroke in the initial “w”. The descenders of “s”, “f” and “y” are fairly long, the terminal “n” sometimes ends with a long stroke. The double minuscule “ff” is used as a capital “f”. Secretary forms, like the “s” with its long descender, tend to creep into the italic from the start. Initial letters in words are often penned like capital letters, notably the “h”, “l” and “v”.

69

A list of recusants presented out of various districts, 1582 to January, 1595-6, 166 pp. (238. 1), a treatise on General Councils, supposed to be by Cranmer (238. 2), “Factum seu casus in causa Domine Katharine et Comitis Hertford”, 41 pp. (238. 3), the statutes of the Hospital of East Greenwich, founded by William Lambarde for the support of 20 poor persons, undated, 27 pp. (238. 4), Anno 1600. The names of the Levant Company now in being this month of June, with their servants at this present, 151/2 pp. (238. 5). I owe this information to Vicki Perry.

Introduction

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The author makes full use of commas and full stops, curly braces to illustrate the different periods in Latin, and various forms of line filler and ornamentation especially tilde-like flourishes. He uses the usual marks of abbreviation in both Latin and English, and especially in English of ye (“the”), yt (“that”), wt (“with”), and wch (“which”). 2.4 The Work 2.4.1 Date and Topical Allusions The first page of the manuscript bears the inscription 1575 in a later hand. The text itself contains five topical allusions: one to London and four which are far more uncertain and might be to the Rebels in the North. The first allusion, which makes little sense,70 “The Londeners, keepe on a moory grownde, full of hills and dales, roughe and waste, thearfore they [k] cannot, easyly be taken” (Book II, chap. 8, fol. 10v), illustrates the place as part of “the first state of causes, called coniecturall” and more precisely “probable tokens or signs” according to the distinction between the signum indubitatum (Quint. Inst. 5.9.3) and the signum dubium (Quint. Inst. 5.9.2). The second allusion, “Darest thowe come, into the Queens sight thowe Rebell? I saye, darest thowe come into the Queens sight” (Book I, chap. 7, fol. 3v) illustrates the figure of conduplication and is adapted from Ad Herennium, 4.28.38. The third, “O trucebreakers ye scottes, How iustly ar ye punished, for keapinge those rebells: whom now ought longe since to Haue Deliuered?” (Book I, chap. 7, fol. 2) follows a direct translation of Ad Herennium, 4.15.22, which defines the figure of exclamatio. The fourth allusion, “Darest thow appeare in Iudgment? whoe, of all in the north partes?”, illustrates the figure of precision ([fol. 7]). All three examples might allude to the Rising of the Northern Earls in November 1569 and Northumberland’s fleeing to Scotland. A fourth allusion, which is not as clear, illustrates the figure of “translation” ([fol. 7]), “Thease Last tumultes haue wakened England with sodaye feare,” which is a close translation of “Hic Italiam tumultus expergefecit terrore subito”, the only difference being the change from “Italiam” to “England”. The adaptation may not be significant, since the example is given in the vernacular. Because of the other allusions, there is however a distinct possibility England is deliberately alluded to. Medley may have written the discourse shortly after the rising in 1569 and as late as 1575. Since he was admitted at the Middle Temple by 1564, the discourse may reflect quite acurately the rhetoric he learnt there.

70

I am grateful to Vanessa Harding for comments on the passage.

24

Introduction

2.4.2 Early Notes in the Vernacular Rhetorical manuals in English dating from before 1580 are fairly rare. The only ones are Leonard Cox’s The Arte or Crafte of Rhetoricke (1532), Thomas Wilson’s Art of Reason (1551), his Art of Rhetoric (1553) and William Fulwood’s Enemie of Idleness (1568), which is a letter-writing manual. The Arte of Rhetoricke is a more ambitious work printed for a far wider readership, whereas Medley’s notes are clearly written for private use. Wilson includes lengthy examples to illustrate the different rhetorical genres, while Medley’s discourse is more modest in scope. If Medley’s discourse is predominently based on Rhetorica ad Herennium like Richard Sherry’s A Treatise of Schemes and Tropes (London, 1550) and Wilson, it seems to owe little if anything to these English style manuals.71 Medley’s original contribution to rhetorical treatises in English lies in his extensive treatment of the periodic sentence. Contrary to what Janel Mueller states,72 according to whom no English or Continental Renaissance manual of rhetoric discusses the principles of periodic construction, with the notable exception of Juan Luis Vives’s De ratione dicendi, Book I, chap. 7 “Periodus”, Johannes Sturm (1507-1589) offers a comprehensive treatment of the topic in his own treatise De periodis liber (Strasbourg, 1557), held in various private libraries in Renaissance England,73 and in his commentary on Hermogenes, Tarsensis Rhetoris Acvtissimi De ratione inueniendi oratoria, libri IIII Latinitate donati, & Scholis explicati atque illustrati (Argentoratum, 1570). This massive and detailed work contains 25 chapters and is more than 500 pages long. Each chapter begins by defining key terms based on Greek and Roman authorities, rhetoricians and poets, and then discusses them more thoroughly. The first part printed in larger characters serves as a dictionary for students while the more specialised analysis in smaller italics targets other humanists and scholarly readers like Ascham. Entire exampla are quoted in both Latin and Greek 71 72

73

Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric, pp. 76-77. Janel Mueller, “Periodos: squaring the circle” in Sylvia Adamson, Gavin Alexander and Katrin Ettenhuber (eds.), Renaissance Figures of Speech, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 64. Robert J. Fehrenbach, E. S. Leedham-Green, Private Libraries in Renaissance England: A Collection and Catalogue of Tudor and Early Stuart Book-Lists, Vol. III. PLRE 67-86, Binghampton, NY: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, Vol. 117, 1994, p. 112. See too Benjamin Pohl and Leah Tether, “Books Fit for a King: Martin Bucer’s De Regno Christi (British Library, MS Royal 8 B VII and Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS 217) and Johannes Sturm’s De Periodis (Trinity College Library, Cambridge, II. 12.21 and British Library, C.24.e.5.)” The British Library Journal eBLJ, 2015, Article 7, http://www.bl.uk/eblj/ 2015articles/article7.html.

Introduction

25

to illustrate not just particular types of periods but parts and types of speeches as well, such as the exordium. These models are predominently drawn from the Bible – Saint Paul is a favourite, or contemporary religious material from other Reformers like Erasmus. There is no doubt whatsoever that Sturm’s work on the periodic style (which was dedicated to Elizabeth I, Cecil’s master) was Medley’s source for the fourth book. While travelling in Germany 20 October 1550, Ascham makes an enthusiastic note on discovering the work in a letter to Edward Raven, a fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge: “20 Octob. to Spires, a good city. Here I first saw Sturmius de Periodis. I found also Ajax, Electra, and Antigone of Sophocles, excellently, by my judgement, translated into verse, and fair printed this summer by Gryphius”.74 The compiler does not use English and Latin consistently. While all the examples for figures are in English, all the ones given in the section on periods are quoted in the original Latin. One way to look at these notes is to consider that the first three books offer advice for writing in the vernacular contrary to the last one. Advice for Latin prose, however, would have been given in Latin. Thus, it seems more likely that Cicero’s periods are treated like models not only for Latin periods, but more crucially, for periodic prose in English. The attempts to adapt Latin periods to English has been well documented.75 Furthermore, the influence of Ciceronian prose on English prose was particularly strong when the manuscript was written. 2.4.3 Sources Medley uses mainly classical sources, Aristotle, Hermogenes and Demetrius for Greek, and Cicero, Quintilian for Latin. Even though he does not quote Aristotle in the original, he writes a few words in Greek which suggests his mastery of the language was sufficient to understand the Greek terms and examples in, for instance, Sturm’s treatise on the periodic style. He quotes only two contemporary scholars on rhetoric: Susenbrotus76 (fol. 21v) and Sturmius (fol. 22), but his fourth book is entirely based on Sturm’s De periodis liber. Sturm’s treatise, which follows Hermogenes, contains twenty five chapters and 246 folios which cover all the aspects of the periodic sentence. It begins with general definitions, then treats periodic sentences according to their

74 75 76

Roger Ascham, The English Works, John G. Cochrane (ed.), London: White, Cochrane, 1815, p. 356. Sylvia Adamson, “Literary Style” in Roger Lass (ed.), The Cambridge History of the English Language Vol. III 1476-1776, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 583-95. Susenbrotus, Epitome troporum ac schematum (Zurich, s.n.), p. 84.

26

Introduction

number of parts, their composition, the type of periodic sentence called spiritus oratorii, diphtongs, consonants and metre. Medley quotes from roughly all chapters except the ones devoted to the dilatation of periods, how syllables are distributed and placed in their various parts, and the ones on diphtongs and consonants, probably because they could not be applied to periodic sentences written in English. Though I have not been able so far to identify the edition he used, he mentions fol. 129 in a quarto which may refer to one of these handy editions which contained major authorities on rhetoric like Sturmius’s Cicero, Marcus Tullius, In hoc volumine haec continentur. Rhetoricorum ad C. Herennium lib. IIII. M.T. Ciceronis de invetione lib. II. Eiusdem de oratore ad Quintum fratrem lib. III. Eiusdem de claris oratoribus, qui dicitur Brutus lib. I. Eiusdem orator ad Brutum lib. I. Eiusdem Topica ad Trebatium lib. I. Eiusdem oratoriae partitiones lib. I. Eiusdem de optimo genere oratorum praefatio quaedam. Post Naugerianam, & Victorianam correctione emendati Ioan. Sturmio. Omnia & paginarum & versuum numero atque longitudine Aldinis respondet. Index rerum notabilium, quae toto opere continentur, per ordinem alphabeti. (Argentoratum, 1540). Other quotations, in Sturm, taken from Virgil and Terence, suggest that serious legal and political speeches included such material. 2.4.4 The Plan Medley begins with a standard recapitulation of elements from the PseudoCiceronian Rhetorica ad Herennium, but as soon as he turns to rhetorical invention theory he draws upon Cicero’s Topica. Such proceeding is in keeping with sixteenth-century continental approaches to classical rhetorical theory, as is the subsequent discussion of argumentationes as military forces. Medley’s notes on “demonstrative” rhetoric make clear that the principal resource here is Roman rhetorical theory rather than Greek, and so it continues for the major part of Medley’s manuscript, with illustrative examples often drawn from sixteenth-century life and letters. Notable in this largely Ciceronian discussion is the insertion (or intrusion) of Hermogenean rhetorical ideas (see, for example, Book 2, chapters 5 and 8). This is not new with Medley, but rather reflects a Renaissance move starting with George of Trebizond, and more recently with Johann Sturm in Strasbourg (1570, just before Medley) who translated and coordinated the rhetorical works of Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian, and Hermogenes. The latter part of the manuscript confirms Medley’s familiarity with Continental ideas since he recapitulates ideas about periodic sentence structure delineated by Johann Sturm in the 1550s.77 77

I owe the first two paragraphs to the anonymous reader who is quoted almost verbatim.

Introduction

27

The plan of the discourse is quite straightforward and though it builds on elements others use (including the five skills of the orator, the four parts of the oration and the three genres), it combines them in a new way and is original. Especially significant is the use of Sturm. Even though Ascham admired Sturm, there has not so far been much evidence of the use of De periodis in England. Medley’s work is made of four books. The first book defines rhetoric including the five preparatory phases (Quint. Inst. 3.3.11 rhetorices partes), of which the lengthiest is elocution, in particular the treatment of figures – forty-five figures of words and nineteen of sentences. Medley only defines the last two (memory and pronunciation) briefly and inverts their usual order. The second book analyses the “oration” or the different parts of a speech. The third book is devoted to “questions”, i.e., the three branches of rhetoric: demonstrative, deliberative, judicial or forensic, and the fourth to periods. The overall plan is somewhat reminiscent of Sturm’s advice on commonplacing in Thomas Brown’s version “As for the places of Arte they are gathered out of the bookes of Rhetoricians: as for example, concerning the partes of an Oration, and the kindes as well of causes as of reasons and Rhetoricall figures, and Periodes”,78 which suggests that the short discourse itself is comparable to a commonplace book on rhetoric. Now, the traditional place for the treatment of periods is the end of elocution, as recalled by Medley himself, “Albeit, it behaveth, in the tracke of Elocution, to handell periodes, and the comprehensions, of sentences, as a parte and member, of the sayed Elocution, notwithstandinge for that the Last perfection, of an Orator, is conteyned, in the framinge of woordes and sentences, fallinge, in full compasse, and measure: I thought good, Lastlye to entreat of this matter. which is Last of all to be consydered, of an Orator”. Clearly, the period is not simply the last part of elocution, but the “last perfection” of an orator, what he needs to master more than any other rhetorical skill, which agrees with Quintilian. Within the treatment of the period, compass and measure, two synonymous terms, are decisive when it comes to persuade an audience, and more particularly the feet used in the clausulae, what “Bacon calls the sweet falling of the clauses”.79 It is quite clear that the material taken from the Ad Herennium in the first book, chapter 7 “Of figures”, is meant as a preparation for the composition of periods “enriched with figures”. Furthermore, the examples which illustrate

78 79

Johannes Sturm, trans. Thomas Brown, A ritch storehouse for nobility (London: Henry Denham, 1570), p. 23. OED, clause. b. (L= clausula).

28

Introduction

the figures used to enrich periods are taken from the Ad Herennium. Whilst the Ad Herennium offers very little guidance on periods, Medley’s discourse combines Sturm’s definitions and examples in his De periodis with the Ad Herennium’s examples for figures. Thus the Ad Herennium constitutes the discourse’s backbone from the beginning to the end with excursions in Cicero’s Topica (Book 1, chap. 2) and in Hermogenes (Book 2, chapters 5 and 8, Book 4, chapters 3, 8, 9, 14, 16, 20). By giving detailed examples of periods enriched with figures, Medley gives a prominent place to figures which occur twice in the discourse, Books 1 and 4. Apart from the last book on periods, the greatest part is devoted to figures of words and of sentences. The figures of words are the following, the received terminology is set in parentheses: repetition (anaphora), conuersion (epistrophe, antistrophe), complexion (symploce), reduction (traductio, diacope), contention (antithesis), explanation (apostrophe), interrogation (erotesis), ratiocination, sentence (sententia or proverb), contrarietie (contrarium), member, article, continuation (period), compar (isocolon), similiter cadens, similiter desinens, anomination (paronomasia), subiection (rhetorical question), gradation (climax), definition (horismus), transition (metabasis), correction, occupation (praeteritio), disiunction, coniunction, adiunction, conduplication, interpretation (synonymia), commutation (antimetabole, chiasmus), permission (concessio), dubitation (aporia), expedition (apophasis), dissolution (asyndeton), precision, conclusion (peroration), nomination (onomatopeia), pronomination (antonomasia), denomination (metonymy), circuition (periphrasis), superlation (hyperbole), intellection (synecdoche), abusion (catachresis), translation (metaphor), transgression (hyperbaton), permutation. The figures of sentences are the following: distribution, licentia, diminution, description, division, frequentation, expolition, commoration, contention, similitude, example, imago, effiction, notation, sermocination, conformation, signification, breuitye, demonstration. Both contain terms which Richard Sherry lists under the same category in his Schemes and Tropes (1550), though the order of the figures differ, but in a significant number of cases Medley’s figures of words and of sentences are placed under other headings in Sherry, such as figures of construction or tropes.80 In any case, since Sherry’s treatise was not reprinted, it is unlikely that Medley used it. Ultimately, both 80

Sherry’s 41 rhetorical figures are: Epanaphora / Repeticio, Antistrophe / Conversio, Symploce / Complexio, Anadiplosis / Reduplicatio, Epanodus / Traduccio, Sinonimia / Nominis Communio, Sinathrismus / Frequentacio, Ecphonesis / Exclamatio, Areia / Execracio, Deesis / Obtestacio, Euche / Votum, Epiplexis / Increpacio, Erotesis / Interrogacio,

Introduction

29

were heavily indebted to the Ad Herennium. Contrary to Sherry who follows the general Ciceronian classification between schemes, figures (themselves divided between figures of diction and figures of construction), faults, virtues and tropes, Medley is not interested in these finer rhetorical distinctions. This is not to say that his notes are not detailed or lack precision. Practice matters more than theory, which is why his figures are grouped together in two convenient groups according to their scope. This is partly due to his angle which is decidedly practical and based on the effect of a given figure, which has little to do, if anything, with the way it is classified. 2.4.5 Interest Medley did not set out to write an original treatise on rhetoric, on the contrary his aim was to compile a short and useful vademecum based on received authorities, the Ad Herennium being the most popular work in the history of rhetoric, and Sturm widely studied in grammar schools and at Oxford, notably Christ Church in the 1570s.81 It is precisely for this reason that his discourse is of interest to historians of rhetoric. It offers unique testimony on what someone trained as a lawyer knew about rhetoric; and a considerable number of educated men went through this training.82 Moreover, Medley was predominently an alchemist, his interest for rhetoric did not exceed that of a well educated man trying to impress Cecil. Thus, the material he chose and

81 82

Erotema / Raciocinatio, Prosapodosis / Subiectio, Antiphora / Tacite obiectioni responsio, Aporia / Dubitatio, Apophasis / Expeditio, Epilogus / Conclusio, Epitrope / Permissio, Anacinosis / Communicacio, Dialisis / Divisio, Antitheton / Contentio, Antithesis / Contrarium, Colon / Membrum oracionis, Dialyton / Articulus, Isocolon / Compar, Homioptoton / Similiter cadens, Homoteleton / Similiter desinens, Climax / Gradacio, Orismus / Definicio, Metabasis / Transicio, Paralepsis / Occupatio, Asindeton / Dissolutio, Apostrophe / Aversio, Anangeon / Necessum, Anaclasis / Refractio, Bomphiologia / Verborum bombus, Miosis / Diminutio, Liptote / Extenuatio, Diasirmus / Elevacio and his 18 figures of sentence: Particio / Division / Distribucion rhethoricall Enumeracio 1.of thynges that go before 2.of the causes 3.of effectes and conseqences Enargia / Evidence / Perspicuitie / Description rhetoricall 1.Effiguracion / Description of a thing 2.Prosopopeia / Description of a person 3.Prosopopeia: Charactirismus / Effiction or pycture of the bodye or mynde 4.Prosopopeia: Prosopographia Descripcion of a fained person Prosopopey 5.Prosopopeia: Aetopeia 6.Prosopopeia: Pathopeia Donysis / Intencion / Imaginacion Cictros / Commiseracion 7.Prosopopeia: Dialogismus 8.Prosopopeia: Mimisis 9.Description of a Place 10.Topotesia / Ficcion of a place / Astrothesiam 11.Chronographia Amplificacio 1.[Auxesis / Meiosis] 2.Hyperbole 3.Increase 4.Comparison. Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric, p. 51. See Andrew Zurcher, Spenser’s Legal Language, Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2007.

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Introduction

assembled is probably representative of what men of comparable status remembered from their curriculum at school, university and inn of court. It is however conceivable that he continued reading works on rhetoric after his legal training, since rhetoric was felt to be indispensable to make a favorable impression on powerful patrons. Three points deserve further investigations: Medley’s unusual updating of the Ad Herennium, his rearrangements of materials, and the reasons for introducing Hermogenean ideas from the Continent. Though the examples taken from the Ad Herennium in the last book on periods are reproduced in the original Latin, the ones used to illustrate the figures of words and sentences in the first book are translated into English. Englishing the Ad Herennium is one of the goals Medley set to himself in addition to providing a handy aid to compose persuasive speeches. Translating from the Latin into English was extensively practiced at school, university and in the formative years as a means to digest thoroughly the moral lessons provided by the classics and to improve written skills in the vernacular. The Ad Herennium was attributed to Cicero who occupies centre stage as the prime authority on rhetoric and the absolute model to follow. Medley’s discourse reflects Cicero’s undisputed position in Elizabethan humanism.83 Medley departs from the plan of the Ad Herennium, notably by expanding considerably on periods and replacing the fourth book on style by one on periods. Secondly, he reduces invention to “how to proue the cause”, dispatched in a meagre couple of folios, and decides to treat “howe to moue the Judge” in the second and third parts of rhetoric, disposition and elocution. This arrangement contrasts with the substantial treatment of invention in the Ad Herennium. Disposition does not fare better than invention and the emphasis is heavily placed on elocution or style. Elocution had gradually imposed itself as the foremost skill in rhetoric, a historical evolution Medley contributes to. This was largely due to the influence of Peter Ramus who subsumed invention and disposition into dialectics, thus relegating rhetoric to the study of elocution and delivery.84 Periods are treated in Hermogenes’s De inventione which was available to Medley in the fairly recent Strasbourg 1570 bilingual edition with the Latin translation and commentary by Johannnes Sturm. Hermogenes was taught in

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See J. W. Binns, “Ciceronianism in Sixteenth-Century England: The Latin Debate”, Lias 7 (1980): 199-223 and Mike Pincombe, Elizabethan Humanism: Literature and Learning in the Later Sixteenth Century, Abingdon: Routledge, 2001. Brian Vickers, In Defence of Rhetoric, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 206.

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the first year of the BA in Cambridge.85 The significant number of references to Hermogenes prove Medley was well acquainted with the latest developments in Continental rhetoric. Hermogenes was particularly popular among humanists in Paris, where numerous editions of his works were published. He had many readers in Protestant strongholds like Basel and Strasbourg. By including Hermogenes in an otherwise Ciceronian work, Medley displayed his knowledge of cutting edge rhetoric studies on the Continent and presented himself as a worldly and learned humanist. He may also have sought to encourage the study of Greek rhetoricians in translation if not in the original. 2.5 The Edition The transcription is semi-diplomatic in the original spelling. The original mise-en-page has been retained when possible. When several punctuation marks are used, the first one is kept. Folio numbers have been added to the manuscript’s. Abbreviations are silently expanded and the double ff letter has not been retained. Square brackets [ ] enclose deletions and the editor’s foliation. Carets ˆ ˆ enclose additions. 2.6 A Brief Note on Elizabethan English Words are not always separated as in “thesame” or “thold”. Conversely, “themselves” may be spelt “them selues”. Some initial or final vowels may be added as in “yearth” for “earth”, “relife” for “relief” or “nere” for “near”. “Y” and “i” are interchangeable as in “sekyng” for “seeking”. The spelling of vowels is especially eratic as in “dooe” for “do”, “doune” for “down”, “eche” for “each”, “fower” for “four”, “hartes” for “hearts”, “hye” for “high”, “soone” for “son”, “soche” for “such”, “soouncke” for “sunk” or “ougle” for “ugly”. Doubled consonants are frequent as in “dedde” for “dead”. “Than” may be spelt “that”. Commas split syntactically inseparable segments.

85

Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric, pp. 51-52.

Richard Reynolds The Foundacion of Rhetorike (1563)

∵

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2018 | DOI 10.1163/9789004356344_003

¶ A book called the Foundation of Rhetoric, because all other parts of rhetoric are grounded thereupon, every part set forth in an oration upon questions, very profitable to be known and read: Made by Richard Rainolde Master of Art, of the University of Cambridge. 1563. Mens. Marcij. vj. ¶ Imprinted at London, by John Kingston. THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the right honourable and my singular good Lord, my Lord Robert Dudley, Master of the Queen’s Majesty’s horse, one of her high Privy Council, and knight of the most honourable order of the Garter: Richard Rainolde wishes long life, with increase of honour.

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ARISTOTLE the famous philosopher, writing a book to King Alexander the great and mighty conqueror, began the epistle of his book in these words: Two things moved me chiefly, O King, to betake to your Majesty’s hands, this work of my travail and labour, your nobility and virtue, of the which your nobility encouraged me, your great and singular virtue, indued with all humanity forced and drove me thereto. The same two in your good lordship, nobility and virtue, as two mighty pillars staid me in this bold enterprise, to make your good Lordship, being a peer of honour, endowed with all nobility and virtue, a patron and possessor of this my book. In the which, although copious and abundant eloquence wants to adorn and beautify the same, yet I doubt not for the profit that is in this my travail contained, your honour endowed with all singular humanity will vouchsafe to accept my willing heart, my profitable purpose herein. Many famous men and great learned have in the Greek tongue and otherwise travailed to profit all times their country and commonwealth. This also was my end and purpose to plant a work profitable to all times, my country, and commonwealth.

11–12 Robert Dudley ] Around a hundred books were dedicated to Robert Dudley during Elizabeth’s reign, see Rosenberg, p. xiii, Adams 12 Master of the Queen’s Majesty’s horse ] On Elizabeth I’s accession in November 1558 12–13 one of her high Privy Council ] appointed in October 1562 13 knight of the most honourable order of the Garter ] elected on 24 April 1559 and installed on 3 June 17 these words ] This may be a paraphrase of the first epistle in the Pseudo-Aristotle Rhetorica ad Alexandrum 18 betake ] hand over

20 indued ] endowed

22 staid ] supported

30 plant ] produce

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Richard Reynolds, The Foundacion of Rhetorike

And because your Lordship studies all singularity to virtue, and wholly is incensed thereto, I have compiled this work and dedicated it to your Lordship as unto whom most noble and virtuous. Wherein are set forth such orations as are right profitable to be read for knowledge also necessary. The duty of a subject, the worthy state of nobility, the preeminent dignity and majesty of a prince, the office of counsellors, worthy chief veneration, the office of a judge or magistrate are here set forth. In most fortunate state is the kingdom and commonwealth where the nobles and peers, not only daily do study to virtue, for that is the wisdom that all the grave and wise philosophers searched to attain to. Forth end of all arts and sciences and of all noble acts and enterprises is virtue, but also to favour and uphold the students of learning which also is a great virtue. Whoso is adorned with nobility and virtue, of necessity nobility and virtue, will move and allure them to favour and support virtue in any other, yea, as Tully the most famous orator does say, even to love those whom we never saw, but by good fame and brute beautified to us. For the increase of virtue, God does nobilitate with honour worthy men to be above other in dignity and state, thereupon virtue does increase your Lordship’s honour, being a lover of virtue and worthy nobility. Your lordship’s humble servant Richard Rainolde. To the reader APHTHONIVS a famous man, wrote in Greek of such declamations to instruct the students thereof, with all facility to ground in them, a most plenteous and rich vein of eloquence. No man is able to invent a more profitable way and order to instruct anyone in the exquisite and absolute perfection of wisdom and eloquence, than Aphthonius, Quintilianus, and Hermogenes. Tully also as a most excellent orator in the like sort travailed, whose eloquence and virtue all times extolled, and the offspring of all ages worthily advances. And because as yet the very ground of rhetoric is not heretofore entreated of, as concerning these exercises, though in few years past a learned work of rhetoric is compiled and made in the English tongue of one who flows in all excellency of art, who in judgment is profound, in wisdom and eloquence most famous. In these therefore my diligence is employed to profit many, although not with like eloquence

61 in … famous ] an allusion to Thomas Wilson’s Art of Rhetoric (1553) 32 singularity ] excellence 32–33 incensed ] excited 41 Forth end ] ultimate end 44 allure ] win over 45 Tully ] Cicero 46 brute ] simply 47 nobilitate ] ennoble

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beautified and adorned, as the matter requires. I have chosen out in these orations such questions as are right necessary to be known and read of all those whose cogitacion ponders virtue and godliness. I doubt not but seeing my travail touches virtuous precepts, and utters to light many famous histories, the order of art observed also, but that herein the matter itself shall defend my purpose against the envious who seek to disparage any good enterprise begon of any one person. The envious man, though learned, reads to deprave that which he reads, the ignorant is no worthy judge, the learned and godly ponders uprightly and sincerely that which he judges. The order of these orations follows afterward, and the names of them. The contents of this book AN oration made upon the fable of the shepherds and the wolves, the wolves requesting the mastiffs, wherein is set forth the state of every subject, the dignity of a Prince, the honourable office of counsellors. An oration upon the fable of the ant and the grasshopper, teaching providence. An oration historical, how Semiramis came to be Queen of Babylon. An oration historical upon King Richard the third, sometime Duke of Gloucester. An oration historical of the coming of Julius Caesar into England. An oration civil or judicial upon Themistocles, of the wall building at Athens. An oration poetical upon a red rose. A profitable oration showing the decay of kingdoms and nobility. An oration upon a sentence preferring a monarchy, containing all other states of commonwealth. The confutation of the battle of Troy. 79 fable of the shepherds and the wolves ] Aesop, not in Aphthonius, said to be used by Demosthenes 82 fable of the ant and the grasshopper ] Aesop, in Aphthonius 84 how Semiramis came to be Queen of Babylon ] addition, perhaps an allegory of Queen Elizabeth I, on Semiramis see Diod. 2.7 85 King Richard the third ] addition, based on Thomas More, Kyng Edward the Fifth 87 the coming of Julius Caesar into England ] See Caes. B Gall. 4.20-35, 5.1, 8-23; Cass. Dio 39.50-53, 40.1-3; L. Annaeus Florus 1.45 88–89 Themistocles, of the wall building at Athens ] Thuc. 1.90-91 90 upon a red rose ] in Aphthonius 92–93 preferring a monarchy, containing all other states of commonwealth ] in Lorich 68 cogitacion ] mind uses “bandogs”

69 travail ] work

72 begon ] adorned

80 mastiffs ] Reynolds

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A confirmation of the noble fact of Zopyrus. An oration called a commonplace against thieves. The praise of Epaminondas Duke of Thebes, wherein the ground of nobility is placed. The dispraise of Domicius Nero Emperor of Rome. A comparison between Demosthenes and Tully. A lamentable oration of Hecuba Queen of Troy. A description upon Xerxes King of Persia. An oration called Thesis as concerning the godly state of marriage. An oration confuting a certain law of Solon.

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[Fol. j.r]

95 the noble fact of Zopyrus ] see Hdt. 3.153-159 96 a commonplace against thieves ] see Preliminary exercises by Nicolaus the Sophist, 43 (Kennedy, p. 151), exercise 7 in Aphthonius, “a speech amplifying evils” (Kennedy, p. 105) 97 Epaminondas Duke of Thebes ] Epaminondas, see Nep. Ep. 99 Domicius Nero Emperor of Rome ] see Tac. Ann. 1-4, 13-16, Josephus, Bellum Judaicum 2-6, Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae. 20, Cass. Dio 61-63, Plut. Vit., Galb., Philostratus 2. 4-5, Suet. Ner. 100 comparison between Demosthenes and Tully ] in Lorich 101 Hecuba Queen of Troy ] Reynolds may have used Verg. Aen. 3.19-68 and Ov. Met. 13.423-450, 481-571 102 Xerxes King of Persia ] see Hdt. books 6 and 7 and Elyot Bibliotheca Eliotae Eliotis librarie (1542), perhaps Reynolds’s source 103 concerning the godly state of marriage ] in Aphthonius 104 confuting a certain law of Solon ] in Aphthonius

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The foundation of rhetoric NAture has indued every man with a certain eloquence and also subtlety to reason and discuss of any question or proposition propounded, as Aristotle the philosopher in his book of Rhetoric does show. These gifts of nature singular do flow and abound in us, according to the great and ample indument and plenteousness of wit and wisdom lodged in us, therefore nature itself being well framed, and afterward by art and order of science instructed and adorned, must be singularly furthered, helped, and aided to all excellency, to exquisite invention and profound knowledge, both in logic and rhetoric. In the one, as an orator to please with all facility and copiously to dilate any matter or sentence, in the other to ground profound and subtle argument, to fortify and make strong our assertion or sentence, to prove and defend, by the force and power of art things passing the compass and reach of our capacity and wit. Nothing can be more excellently given of nature than eloquence, by the which the flourishing state of commonweals do consist, kingdoms universally are governed, the state of every one privately is maintained. The commonwealth also should be maimed and debilitated, except the other part be associated to it. Zeno the philosopher, comparing rhetoric and logic, does assimilate and liken them to the hand of man. Logic is like, says he, to the fist, for even as the fist closes and shuts into one the joints and parts of the hand, and with mighty force and strength wraps and closes in things apprehended, so logic for the deep and profound knowledge that is reposed and buried in it, in such sort of munition and strength fortified, in few words takes such force and might by argument, that except [Fol. j.v]

4 Aristotle ] see Rh. 1.1 7 nature itself being well framed, and afterward by art ] see Quint. Inst. 2.19.3 10–11 please with all facility ] the emphasis is on placere 11 copiously to dilate any matter or sentence ] a reference to copia and amplificatio 12 to ground profound and subtle argument ] recalls Isidorus Hispalensis Origines 1.2.1 15–16 the flourishing state of commonweals ] see Cic. Inv. 1.1 19 Zeno the philosopher ] Cic. de Orat. 113 2 indued ] endowed 3 propounded ] offered for discussion 6 indument ] endowment 16 commonweals ] commonwealths 18 debilitated ] weakened 3 rhetoric and logic given of nature. 7 art furthers nature. 9 logic. 13 logic. 15 eloquence. 18 Zeno. 20 logic. 22 similitude logic.

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like equality in like art and knowledge do make it, in vain the disputation shall be, and the repulse of the adversary ready. Rhetoric is like to the hand set at large, wherein every part and joint is manifest, and every vein as branches of trees set at scope and liberty. So of like sort, rhetoric in most ample and large manner dilates and sets out small things or words in such sort, with such abundance and plenteousness, both of words and witty invention, with such godly disposition, in such an infinite sort, with such pleasantness of oration, that the most stony and hard hearts cannot but be incensed, inflamed, and moved thereto. These two singular gifts of nature are absolute and perfect in few. For many there be who are exquisite and profound in argument, by art to reason and discuss of any question or proposition propounded, who by nature are disabled and smally adorned to speak eloquently, in whom nevertheless more abundant knowledge does sometimes remain than in the other, if the cause shall be in controversy joined and examined to try a manifest truth. But to whom nature has given such ability and absolute excellency, as that they can both copiously dilate any matter or sentence, by pleasantness and sweetness of their witty and ingenious oration, to draw unto them the hearts of a multitude, to pluck down and extirpate affections and perturbations of people, to move pity and compassion, to speak before princes and rulers, and to persuade them in good causes and enterprises, to animate and incense them to godly affairs and business, to alter the counsel of kings by their wisdom and eloquence to a better state, and also to be exquisite in the other, is a thing of all most noble and excellent. The eloquence of Demosthenes, Isocrates, Tisias, Gorgias, Eschines, were a great bulwark and stay to Athens and all Greece, Rome also by the like virtue of eloquence in famous and wise orators upheld. The wise and eloquent orations of Tully against Catiline, the grave and sententious orations of Cato in the Senate have

29 rhetoric … joint ] see Quint. Inst. 9.4.123, where membra are compared to limbs and Demetrius De Elocutio 2, where the hand is the period and the colon the finger 30– 31 every vein as branches of trees ] the comparison is reminiscent of Ov. Met., notably Myrrha and Cinyras 42 But … excellent ] a commonplace which probably draws on Pl. Gorgias [452e] and Quint. Inst. 12.10.63-64, where the highest and most persuasive style designed to move is Ulysses’s 52 Tisias ] see Cic. Brut. 46-48, Pl. Phaedrus 266d-267d 29 repulse ] repelling

40 smally ] little

29 rhetoric like to the hand. 31 rhetoric. 38 logic and rhetoric absolute in few. 44 The virtue of eloquence. 55 Demosthenes. Tisias. Gorgias. Eschines Tully. Cato.

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[Fol. ij.r] been only the means to uphold the mighty state of Rome, in its strength and ancient fame and glory. Also the chronicles of ancient time do show unto us the state of Rome could by no means have grown so marvelous mighty, but that God had indued the whole line of Caesars, with singular virtues, with abundant knowledge, and singular eloquence. Thucydides the famous historiographer shows, how much eloquence availed the cities of Greece falling to dissension. How did the Corcurians save themselves from the invasion and might of the Peloponesians, their cause pleaded before the Athenians, so much their eloquence in a truth prevailed. The ambassadors of Corinth, wanted not their copious, witty, and ingenious orations, but they pleaded before mighty, wise, and grave Senators, whose cause, according to judgement, truth and integrity was ended. The eloquent embassages of the Corinthians, the Lacedemonians, and the Mytileneans, the Athenians, who so reads, shall soon see that of necessity a commonwealth or kingdom must be fortified with famous, grave, and wise counsellors. How often did Demosthenes save the commonwealth of Athens, how much also did that large dominion prosper and flourish by Isocrates? Tully also by his eloquent plead, Cato, Crassus, Antonius, Catulus, Caesar, with many others, did support and uphold the state of that mighty kingdom. No doubt, but that Demosthenes made a witty, copious, and ingenious oration, when the Athenians were minded to give and be taken to the hands of Philip, King of the Macedonians, their pestiferous enemy most vile and subtle, the orators of Athens. This Philip foreseeing the discord of Greece, as he by subtle means compassed his enterprises, promised by the faith of a prince to be at league with the 62 Caesars ] on Julius Caesar’s eloquence, see Plut. Vit. 4.4, and Suet. 1.55, on Augustus’ 2.84, on Tiberius’ 3.70, on Germanicus’ 4.3, on Titus’ 8.3 66–67 their cause pleaded before the Athenians ] Thuc. 1.32 68 ambassadors of Corinth ] Thuc. 6.88 71 embassages ] perhaps a reference to Thuc. 3.25-28, 35-50 (the Mytilenean debate) 78 Demosthenes … Athens ] probably a reference to Dem. Phil.1 82 Philip … Athens ] Plut. Dem. 23.4 but in Plutarch it is Alexander, Philip’s son, who asks Athens to send their orators to him 62–63 singular ] superior passed ] planned

64 availed ] helped

80 be taken ] deliver

82 com-

62 The emperors of Rome famous in eloquence. 64 Thucydides. 65 Corcurians. 66 Peloponesians. 68 Corinthians. 71 Lacedemonians. Mytileneans. Athenians. 74 Demosthenes. 76 Socrates. Cato. Crassus. Antonius. Catulus. Caesar. 80 Philip the king of the Macedonians.

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Athenians, if so be they would betake to his hands, the eloquent orators of Athens, for as long, says he, as your orators are with you declaring, so long your heads and counsel are moved to variance and dissension, this voice once ceased among you, [Fol. ij.v]

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in tranquility you shall be governed. Demosthenes, being eloquent and wise, foresaw the dangers and the mischievous intent of him, whereupon he framed a godly oration upon a fable, whereby he altered their counsel and repulsed the enemy. This fable is afterward set forth in an oration after the order of these exercises profitable to rhetoric. A Fable FIrst it is good that the learner does understand what is a fable, for in all matters of learning it is the first ground, as Tully does say, to know what the thing is, that we may the better perceive whereupon we do entreat. A fable is a forged tale containing in it by the colour of a lie a matter of truth. The moral is called that, out of the which some godly precept or admonition to virtue is given, to frame and instruct our manners. Now that we know what a fable is, it is good to learn also how manifold or diverse they be. I do find three manners of fables to be. The first of them is wherein a man being a creature of God indued with reason is only entreated of, as the fable of the father and his children, he willing them to concord, and this is called rationalis fabula, which is as much to say as a fable of men indued with reason, or women. The second is called a moral fable, but I see no cause why it is so called, but rather as the other is called a fable of reasonable creatures, so this is contrarily named a fable of beasts, or of other things wanting reason or life, wanting reason

91 Demosthenes … enemy ] Plut. Dem. 23.5 99 Tully ] perhaps a reference to Cic. Inv. 1.10.8 101 A fable … truth ] follows Aphthonius and Lorich 102 The moral … manners ] see Aphthonius and Lorich 105 three manners of fables ] in Aphth. 107 fable of the father and his children ] Aesop’s “The Father and his Sons” 84 betake ] deliver

101 colour ] ornament

85 The saying of Philip. is a fable. 101 Moral.

101 lie ] fiction

91 Demosthenes. 98 The ground of al learning. 100 What 105 Three sorts of fables. 1. A fable of reason. 109 ii. Moral.

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as of the ant and the grasshopper, or of this the beam cast down, and the frogs choosing their king. The third is a mixed fable so called because in it both man having reason and a beast wanting reason, or any other thing wanting life, is joined with it, as for the example of the fable of the woods and the husbandman, of whom he desired a helve for his hatchet. Authors do write that poets first invented fables, the which orators also do

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[Fol. iij.r] use in their persuasions, and not without great cause, both poets and orators do apply them to their use. For fables do contain godly admonition, virtuous precepts of life. Hesiod the poet, entreating of the injurious dealing of princes and governors against their subjects, admonished them by the fable of the hawk and the nightingale in his clause. Ovid also the poet entreated of diverse fables, wherein he gives admonition, and godly counsel. Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, used the fable of the shepherds and wolves. How the wolves on a time instantly required of the shepherds their mastiffs, and then they would have peace and concord with them, the shepherds gave over their dogs, their dogs delivered and murdered, the sheep were immediately devoured. So says he, if you shall once deliver to Philip, the King of the Macedonians, your orators, by whose learning, knowledge, and wisdom the whole body of your dominions is saved, for they as mastiffs do repel all mischievous enterprises and chances, no doubt, but that ravenous wolf Philip will eat and consume your people, by this fable he made an oration, he altered their counsels and heads of the Athenians from so foolish an enter-

113 the ant and the grasshopper ] in Lorich Micarum and Cicadarum 113 the beam cast down ] perhaps a reference to Aesop’s “The Oak and the Read”, an added example 114 the frogs … king ] Aesop’s “The Frogs Asking for a King”, an added example 116–117 fable of the woods and the husbandman ] Aesop’s “The Trees and the Axe”, an added example 118 poets first invented fables ] see Aphthonius for example 125 Hesiod ] See Lorich, Hesiod’s fable of the hawk and the nightingale, Works and Days 202 sqq. 129 Demosthenes ] Plutarch, Dem. 25.3 and Pseudo-Plutarch, Life of Aesop 117 helve ] handle 118 Authors ] authorities on rhetoric 127 hawk ] Reynolds uses “goose-hawk” 130 on a time ] once 131 mastiffs ] Rainolde uses “bandogs” 114 iii. Mixed. 117 Poets inventors of fables. 118 Orators use fables. 125 Good doctrine in fables. 125 Hesiod. 127 Ovid. 129 Demosthenes used fables.

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prise. Also the same Demosthenes, seeing the people careless, slothful, and loathsome to hear the orators, and all for the flourishing state of the kingdom, he ascended to the place or pulpit, where the orations were made, and began with this fable. Ye men of Athens, said he, it happened on a time, that a certain man hired an ass, and did take his journey from Athens to Megara, as we would say from London to York, the owner also of the ass did associate himself in his journey to bring back the ass again. In the voyage the weather was extreme burning hot, and the way tedious, the place also for barrenness and sterility of trees wanted shadow in this long broil of heat. He that sat on the ass lighted and took shadow under the belly of the ass, and [Fol. iij.v]

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because the shadow would not suffice both, the ass being small, the owner said he must have the shadow because the ass was his, I deny that says the other, the shadow is mine because I hired the ass, thus they were at great contention. The fable being recited, Demosthenes descended from his place, the whole multitude were inquisitive to know the end about the shadow. Demosthenes noting their folly, ascended to his place, and said, O you foolish Athenians, while I and others gave to you counsel and admonition of grave and profitable matters, your ears were deaf, and your minds slumbered, but now I tell of a small trifling matter you throng to hear the rest of me. By this fable he nipped their folly, and trapped them manifestly in their own doltishness. Hereupon I do somewhat long, make copy of words, to show the singularity of fables well applied. In the time of King Richard the third, Doctor Morton, being Bishop of Ely and prisoner in the Duke of Buckingham’s house in Wales, was often times moved of the Duke to speak his mind freely if King Richard were lawfully king, and said to him of his fidelity to keep close and secret his sentence. But the bishop, being a godly man and no less wise, weighed the great 140 Demosthenes ] see Erasm. Adag. 1.3.52, from Zenobius 6.28, the fable itself is in Aesopica 460 166 Doctor Morton ] John Morton (c. 1420-15 September 1500), Archbishop of Canterbury from 1486 to 1500 and Thomas More’s mentor 167 the Duke of Buckingham’s house in Wales ] in Brecon Castle 146 associate himself ] promise

168 moved of ] encouraged by

143 The fable of Demosthenes, of the ass and the shadow. 158 The contention upon the shadow and the ass. 165 Fables well applied be singular.

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friendship which was sometime between the duke and King Richard, answered in effect nothing but being daily troubled with his motions and instigations, spoke a fable of Aesop. My lord, said he, I will answer you by a fable of Aesop. The lion on a time gave a commandment that all horned beasts should fly from the wood, and none to remain there but unhorned beasts. The hare, hearing of this commandment, departed with the horned beasts from the wood. The wily fox meeting the hare demanded the cause of his haste. Forthwith the hare answered, a commandment is come from the lion that all horned beasts should be exiled upon pain of death from the wood. Why, said the fox, this commandment touches not any sort of beast as you are, for you have no horns but

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[Fol. iiij.r] knobs. Yea, but said the hare, what if they say I have horns? That is another matter, my lord. I say no more, what he meant is evident to all men. In the time of King Henry the Eighth (a prince of famous memory), at what time as the small houses of religion were given over to the king’s hand by the Parliament house, the Bishop of Rochester, Doctor Fisher by name, stepped forth, being grieved with the grant recited before them a fable of Aesop to show what discommodity would follow in the clergy. My lords and masters, says he, Aesop recited a fable how that on a time a husbandman desired of the woods a small helve for his hatchet, all the woods consented thereto, weighing the grant to be small and the thing less. Thereupon the woods consented, in fine the husbandman cut down a small piece of wood to make a helve, he framing a helve to the hatchet, without leave and grant, he cut down the mighty oaks and cedars, and destroyed the whole wood, then the woods repented them too late. So says he, the gift of these small houses are but a small grant into the king’s hands, but this small grant will be a way and means to pull down

173 Aesop ] the anecdote is recorded in More’s Richard I I I (written 1513-18), the fable isn’t by Aesop 191 Aesop ] recorded in Baily’s Life of John Fisher (1655), chap. 14, the fable is “Mercury and the woodman” 185 knobs ] ears 188 small houses of religion ] monasteries, chantries 190 grieved with ] saddened by 191 discommodity ] inconvenience 193 helve ] handle 174 The fable of the Bishop of Ely, to the Duke of Buckingham. Bishop of Rochester against the grant of the chantries.

192 The fable of the

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the great mighty fat abbeys, and so it happened, but there is repentance too late and no profit ensued of the grant.

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An oration made by a fable to the first exercise to declaim by the other be these    A fable, a narration, chria

sentence, confutation

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An oration made by a

  

  confirmation, commonplace         The praise, the dispraise

The comparison, sopeia

   A description, thesis, legislatio  215

OF every one of these, a godly oration may be made. These excercises are called of the Greeks progymnasmata, of the Latins profitable introductions, or forexercises, to attain greater art and knowledge in rhetoric, [Fol. iiij.v]

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and because, for the easy capacity and facility of the learner to attain greater knowledge in rhetoric, they are right profitable and necessary. Therefore I title this book to be the foundation of rhetoric, the exercises being progymnasmata. I have chosen out the fable of the shepherds and the wolves, upon the which fable Demosthenes made an eloquent, copious, and witty oration before the Athenians, which fable was so well applied that the city and commonwealth of Athens was saved.

204 oration made by a fable ] see Quint. Inst. 1.9.2 205 these ] see Lorich who refers to Quintilian, Quintilianus, optimus eloquentiae magister, praecepit, adolescentes in omnibus dicendi facultatis operibus ante exercendos esse, quam ad magnum illud Declamationum opus perducantur 217 forexercises ] preliminary exercises, perhaps a reference to Priscian’s influential Praeexercitamina 225 the fable … saved ] Demosthenes’ speech Against Philip, follows Lorich who follows Plut. Dem. 25.3 226 copious ] displaying copia or rhetorical wealth

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A fable These notes must be observed to make an oration by a fable. Praise 1. First, you shall recite the fable as the author tells it. 2. There in the second place you shall praise the author who made the fable, which praise may soon be got of any studious scholar, if he reads the author’s life and acts therein, or the godly precepts in his fables shall give abundant praise. 3. Then thirdly place the moral, which is the interpretation annexed to the fable, for the fable was invented for the moral’s sake. 4. Then orderly in the fourth place declare the nature of things contained in the fable, either of man, fish, fowl, beast, plant, trees, stones, or whatsoever it be. There is no man of wit so dull or of so gross capacity but either by his natural wit, or by reading, or senses, he is able to say somewhat in the nature of anything. 5. In the fifth place set forth the things, reasoning one with an other, as the ant with the grasshopper, or the cock with the precious stone. 6. Then in the sixth place make a similitude of the like matter. 7. Then in the seventh place induce an example for the same matter to be proved by. 8. Last of all make the epilogus which is called the conclusion, and herein mark the notes following how to make

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[Fol. v.r] an oration thereby. An oration made upon the fable of the shepherds and the wolves The fable THe wolves on a time persuaded the shepherds that they would join amity and make a league of concord and unity. The demand pleased the shepherds, forthwith the wolves requested to have custody of the mastiffs, because else they would be as they are always, an occasion to break 236 the author’s life and acts therein ] notably in Plutarch’s Lives 246 the ant with the grasshopper ] Aesop’s fable 246 the cock with the precious stone ] Aesop’s fable 261–262 mastiffs ] Reynolds uses “banddogs” 229 The first exercise.

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their league and peace. The dogs being given over, they were one by one murdered, and then the sheep were wearied. The praise of the author THe posterity of times and ages must need praise the wisdom and industry of all such as have left in monuments of writing things worthy fame, what can be more excellently set forth. Or what deserves chiefer fame and glory than the knowledge of arts and sciences nvented by our learned, wise, and grave ancestors? And so much the more they deserve honour, and perpetual commendations, because they have been the first authors and beginners to such excellencies. The posterity praises and sets forth the witty and ingenious works of Apelles, Parthesius, and Policletus, and all such as have artificially set forth their excellent gifts of nature. But if their praise for fame flourishes perpetually and increases for the worthiness of them, yet these things, though most excellent, are inferior to virtue, for the end of arts and sciences is virtue and godliness. Neither yet these things dissonant from virtue and not associate are commendable only for virtue’s sake, and to the end of virtue the wits of our ancestors were incensed to invent these things. But herein Policletus, Apelles, and Perthesius may give place, when greater virtues come in place, than this my author Aesop for his godly precepts, wise counsel, and admonition is chiefly to [Fol. v.v] be praised. For our life may learn all goodness, all virtue, of his precepts. The philosophers did never so lively set forth and teach in their schools and audience what virtue and godly life were as Aesop did in his fables. Cities and commonwealths may learn out of his fables godly concord and unity, by the which means commonwealths flourish and kingdoms are

273 Apelles ] the Greek painter 273 Parthesius ] Parrhasios, see Plin. HN. 35.36.60 273 Policletus ] the Greek sculptor; Pliny refers to Apelles and Policletus in HN. pref. 6 287 praised ] follows Gel. 2.29 264 wearied ] killed

274 artificially ] artfully

280 incensed ] excited

268 Inventors of all excellent arts and sciences commended to the posterity. 272 Apelles. Parthesius. Policletus. 276 The end of all arts is to godly life. 281 Aesop worthy much commendation. 287 Philosophy in fables. 289 Realms may learn concord out of Aesop’s fables.

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saved. Herein ample matter rises to princes and governors to rule their subjects in all godly laws, in faithful obedience, the subjects also to love and serve their prince in all his affairs and business. The father may learn to bring up and instruct his child thereby. The child also to love and obey his parents. The huge and monstrous vices are by his virtuous doctrine defaced and extirpated. His fables in effect contain the mighty volumes and books of all philosophers in moral precepts, and the infinite monuments of laws established. If I should not speak of his commendation, the fruits of his virtue would show his commendations. But that praise surmounts all fame of glory that commends by fame itself. The fruits of fame in this one fable rises to my author, which he wrote of the shepherd and the wolves. The moral WHerein Aesop wittily admonishes all men to beware and take heed of cloaked and feigned friendship, of the wicked and ungodly who, under a pretense and offer of friendship or of benefit, seek the ruin, damage, misery or destruction of man, town, city, region or country. The nature of the thing OF all beasts to the quantity of his body the wolf passes in cruelty and desire of blood, always insatiable of devouring, never contented with his prey. The wolf devours and eats of his prey all in fear, and therefore often times he casts his look to be safe from peril and danger. And herein [Fol. vj.r] his nature is strange from all beasts. The eyes of the wolf turn from his prey immediately, the prey prostrate under his foot is forgotten, and

292 Herein ample matter rises to princes and governors ] see Elyot Gov., “in those fables is included moche morall and polytyke wysedome” (1534) p. 28 294–295 The father may learn to bring up and instruct his child thereby ] see Elyot Gov., “after a fewe and quicke rules of grammer, immediately, or interlasynge it therewith, would be redde to the chylde, Esopes fables in greke” (1534) p. [27] 312 Of all beasts … prey ] a commonplace, see Arist. Hist. an. 6.18 and Aelianus De Natura Animalium 12.31 317 the eyes … beast ] see Plin. HN. 8.34 292 rises to ] concerns 293 Precepts to kings and subjects. Precepts to parents and children. 298 The content of all laws. 301 A true praise commended by fame itself. 310 The wolf most ravening and cruel. 318 The wolves of all beasts most oblivious.

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forthwith he seeks a new prey, so great oblivion and debility of memory is given to that beast which chiefly seeks to devour his prey by night. The wolves are much inferior to the mastiffs in strength, because nature has framed them in the hinder parts much more weaker, and as it were maimed, and therefore the mastiff does overmatch them and overcome them in fight. The wolves are not all so mighty of body as the mastiffs, of diverse colours, of fight more sharp, of smaller heads. But in smelling, the nature of a dog passes all beasts and creatures, which the history of Pliny does show, and Aristotle in his book of the history of beasts, therein you shall know their excellent nature. The household wants not faithful and trusty watch, nor resistance in the cause of the master, the mastiff not wanting. Pliny shows out of his history how mastiffs have saved their master by their resistance. The dog of all beasts shows most love and never leaves his master. The worthiness of the mastiff is such that, by the law in a certain case, he is counted accessory of felony who steals a mastiff from his master, a robbery immediately following in the same family. As concerning the sheep, for their profit and wealth that rises of them, are for worthiness, weighing their small quantity of body, above all beasts. Their flesh nourishes purely, being sweet and pleasant, their skin also serves to diverse uses, their wool in so large and ample manner commodious, serving all parts of commonwealths. No state or degree of person is but that they may go clad and adorned with their wool. So God in his creatures has created and made man, being a chief creature, and most excellent of all others, all things to serve him. And therefore the Stoic philosophers do herein show the excellency of man to be great, when all things upon the earth, and from the

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327 Pliny ] Plin. HN. 8.61 327 Aristotle ] Arist. Hist. an. 5.2.4 330 Pliny ] Plin. HN. 8.61 333 felony ] no such law seems to have survived, I wish to thank Dr Ian Williams for a discussion on the case 338 wool ] See Plin. HN. 8.47-48 342 all things to serve him ] based on man’s position in the Medieval great chain of being and Genesis 342– 343 Stoic philosophers ] see for example Cic. De natura deorum. 2.140-153 325 smaller ] the text has “less”

335 rises of them ] derive from them

321 The wolf inferior to the mastiff. 325 The dog passes all creatures in smelling. 329 Pliny. 335 The worthiness of sheep. 338 The wool of sheep rich and commodious. 341 Man a chief creature. 342 Stoic philosophers.

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earth, do serve the use of man, yet among men there is a diversity of states and a difference of persons in office and condition of life. As concerning the shepherd, he is in his state and condition of life, though mean, he is a right profitable and necessary member to serve all states in the commonwealth, not only to his master whom he serves. For by his diligence and wary keeping of them, not only from ravening beasts but otherwise, he is a right profitable member to all parts of the commonwealth. For daily we feel the commodity, wealth, and riches that rise of them, but the loss we feel not, except flocks perish. In the body of man God has created and made diverse parts to make up a whole and absolute man, whose parts in office, quality, and worthiness are much differing. The body of man itself, for the excellent workmanship of God therein, and marvelous gift of nature and virtues lodged and bestowed in the same body, is called of the philosophers microcosmos, a little world. The body of man in all parts at concord, every part executing his function and office, flourishes and in strength prospers, otherwise the same body in parts dissevered is feeble and weak, and thereby falls to ruin, and perishes. The singular fable of Aesop of the belly and hands manifestly shows the same and herein a flourishing kingdom or commonwealth is compared to the body, every part using his pure virtue, strength, and operation. Menenius Agrippa, at what time as the Romans were at division against the Senate, used the fable of Aesop, wherewith they were persuaded to a concord, and unity. The vilest part of the body and basest is so necessary that the whole body fails and perishes, the same wanting, although nature removes them from our sight and shamefastness also hides them. Take away the vilest part of the body, either in substance, in operation or function, and forthwith the principal fails. So likewise in a kingdom or commonwealth, the meanest and basest state of man taken away, the more principal thereby ceases. So God to 350 a right profitable and necessary member ] an allusion to Arcadia and the scriptural shepherd as pastor 360 philosophers microcosmos, ] See Pl. Timaeus 61c-89c 361 body of man in all parts at concord ] See Menenius Agrippa’s fable of the human body in Dion. Hal. 6.86.1 364 the belly and hands ] or “The Belly and the Members” 368 used the fable of Aesop ] see Plut. Mor. 426 A 348 The office of the shepherds is profitable and necessary. 353 Wealth, profit, and riches rise of the wool of sheep. 359 Man called of the philosophers a little world. 362 The body of man without concord of the parts, perishes. 365 The commonwealth like to the body of man. 367 Menenius. 369 The basest part of the body most necessary.

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[Fol. vij.r]

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a mutual concord, friendship, and perpetual society of life, has framed his creatures that the most principal fails, it not united with parts baser and inferior, so much the might and force of things excellent do consist by the most inferior. Other parts of the body more amiable and pleasant to sight do remain by the force, use, and integrity of the simplest. The prince and chief peers do decay, and all the whole multitude do perish, the basest kind of men wanting. Remove the shepherd’s state, what good follows, yea, what lack and famine increases not, to all states the belly ill fed, our backs worse clad. The toiling husbandman is so necessary that his office ceasing universally, the whole body perishes, where each labour to further and aid one another, this a commonwealth, there is prosperous state of life. The wisest prince, the richest, the mightiest and most valiant had need always of the foolish, the weak, the base, and simplest to uphold his kingdoms, not only in the affairs of his kingdoms but in his domestic things, for provision of victual, as bread, drink, meat, clothing, and in all such other things. Therefore, no office or state of life, be it never so meet, serving in any part of the commonwealth, must be condemned, mocked, or scorned at, for they are so necessary that the whole frame of the commonwealth fails without them. Some are for their wicked behaviour so detestable that a commonwealth must seek means to deface and extirpate them, as weeds and rotten members of the body. These are thieves, murderers, and adulterers, and many other mischievous persons. These godly laws, upright and sincere magistrates will extirpate and cut off, such the commonwealth lacks not, but rather abhors as an infective plague and pestilence, who in the end through their own wickedness are brought to mischief.

384 the shepherd’s state ] expands on Pl. Resp. 2.370d 386 The toiling husbandman ] expands on Pl. Resp. 2.369d, on shepherds and farmers see too Arist. Pol. 1.1256a 399 thieves, murderers, and adulterers ] parasites compared to drones in Pl. Resp. 8.552d 394 meet ] modest 378 The amiable part of the body do consist by the basest and most deformed. 384 The shepherd’s state necessary. 387 The state of the husbandman most necessary. 394 No mean state to be condemned. 397 Rotten members of the commonwealth.

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Read Plato, in his book entitled of the commonwealth, who shows the state of the prince and whole realm to stand and consist by the unity of parts, all states of the com-

405

[Fol. vij.v] 410

monwealth in office diverse for dignity and worthiness, bearing not equality in one consociaty and knit, do raise a perfect frame and body of kingdom or commonwealth. Aristotle the philosopher does say that a commonwealth is a multitude gathered together in one city or region, in state and condition of life differing, poor and rich, high and low, wise and foolish, in inequality of mind and body differing, for else it cannot be a commonwealth. There must be nobles and peers, king and subject, a multitude inferior and more populous, in office, manners, worthiness altering. Man needs no better example or pattern of a commonwealth to frame himself, to serve in his state and calling, than to ponder his own body. There is but one head and many parts, hands, feet, fingers, toes, joints, veins, sinews, belly, and so forth, and so likewise in a commonwealth there must be a diversity of states.

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The reasoning of the things contained in this fable THus might the wolves reason with themselves of their embassage. The wolves daily molested and wearied with the fierce raging mastiffs and overcome in fight of their power and might. One among the rest, more politic and wise than the others, called an assembly and counsel of wolves, and thus he began his oration: “My fellows and companions, since nature has from the beginning made us unsociable, cruel, living always by preys murdered and bloody spoils, your enemies we have that seek to keep under and tame our wolfish natures, by great mighty mastiffs and shepherd’s curs. But nature at the first did so deeply frame and 405 the commonwealth ] Plato’s Republic

414 Aristotle ] see Arist. Pol. 2.1261a

412 consociaty ] consociation, a political system formed by the cooperation of different, esp. antagonistic, social groups on the basis of shared power 427 embassage ] envoy 428 wearied ] persecuted 405 Plato. 411 A commonwealth does consist by unity of all states. 414 Aristotle. What is a commonwealth. 419 A lively example of commonwealth. 431 The counsel of wolves.

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set this his perverse, cruel, and bloody mould in us that willy-nilly our nature will burst out, and run to its own course. I muse much, weighing the line of our first progenitor from whence we came 440

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[Fol. viij.r] first. For of a man we came, yet men as a pestiferous poison do exile us and abandon us, and by dogs and other subtle means do daily destroy us. Lycaon, as the poets do fain, exceeding in all cruelties and murders horrible by the murder of strangers that had access to his land. For he was king and governor over the Molossians, and in this we may worthily glory of our first blood and long ancestry, that he was not only a man but a king, a chief peer, and governor. By his change and transubstantiation of body, we lost by him the honour and dignity due to him, but his virtues we keep and daily practice to follow them. The fame of Lycaon’s horrible life ascended before Jupiter, Jupiter the mighty God, moved with so horrible a fact, left his heavenly palace, came down like another mortal man, and passed down by the high mountain Maenalos by twilight, and so to Lycaon’s house, our first ancestor, to prove if this thing was true. Lycaon received this stranger, as it seemed doubting whether he were a God or a man, forthwith he feasted him with man’s flesh baked, Jupiter as he can do what he will, brought a ruin on his house and transubstantiated him into this our shape and figure wherein we are, and so since that time wolves were first generated, and that of man, by the change of Lycaon, although our shape is changed from the figure of other men, and men know us not well, yet the same manners that made wolves, remain until this day, and perpetually in men. For they rob, they steal, and live by injurious catching, we also rob, also we steal, and catch to our prey, what we may with murder come to. They murder and we also murder, and so in all points like unto wicked men, do we imitate the like fashion of life, and rather they in shape of men are wolves and we in the shape of wolves men. Of all these things having consideration, I have invented a

444 the poets ] mainly Ovid 450–451 Lycaon’s horrible life ] Ov. Met. 1.199-243 466 men are wolves ] expands on Plautus’s lupus est homo homini in Asinaria 495, discussed by Erasmus Adag. 1.1.70 443 Lycaon. 447 The first progeny of wolves. 450 The invention of the poet Ovid to compare a wicked man to a wolf. 454 Lycaon. 457 Lycaon changed into a wolf. 461 Wolf. Man.

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policy whereby we may work a slaughter and perpetual ruin on the sheep by the murder of the mastiffs. And so we 470

[Fol. viij.v] shall have free access to our bloody prey, thus we will do, we will send an embassage to the shepherds for peace, saying that we mind to cease of all bloody spoil, so that they will give over to us the custody of the mastiffs, for otherwise the embassage sent is in vain. For their dogs being in our hands and murdered one by one, the danger and enemy taken away, we may the better obtain and enjoy our bloody life”. This counsel pleased well the assembly of the wolves, and the policy much liked them, and with one voice they howled thus. Immediately, communication was had with the shepherds of peace and of the giving over of their mastiffs. This offer pleased them, they concluded the peace and gave over their mastiffs, as pledges of the same. The dogs one by one murdered, they dissolved the peace, and wearied the sheep, then the shepherds repented of their rash grant and folly committed. So of like sort it always chances tyrants and bloody men do seek always a means and practise policies to destroy all such as are godly affected and, by wisdom and godly life, do seek to subvert and destroy the mischievous enterprise of the wicked. For by cruelty their wolfish natures are known, their glory, strength, kingdom, and renown come of blood, of murders, and beastly dealings and by might so violent it continues not. For by violence and bloody dealing, their kingdom at the last falls by blood and bloodily perishes. The noble, wise, grave, and godly counsels are with all fidelity, humbleness, and sincere hearts to be obeyed, in worthiness of their state and wisdom, to be embraced in chief honour and veneration to be taken, by whose industry, knowledge, and experience, the whole body of the commonwealth and kingdom is supported and saved. The state of every one universally would come to perdition, if the invasion of foreign princes, by the wisdom and policy of counsellors, was not repelled. The horrible acts of wicked men would burst out, and a confusion ensue in all 491 by violence … perishes ] reminiscent of Mark 3:24 484 wearied ] killed 474 The counsel of wolves. 485 The counsel of wicked men to mischief. 488 The cogitations of wicked men, and their kingdom bloody. 494 The state of counsellors worthy chief honour and veneration.

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[Fol. ix.r]

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states, if the wisdom of politic governors, if good laws, if the power and sword of the magistrate could not take place. The peers and nobles with the chief governor stand as shepherds over the people. For so Plato alledges that name well and properly given to princes and governors, which Homer the poet attributes to Agamemnon, king of Greece, to Menelaus, Ulysses, Nestor, Achilles, Diomedes, Ajax, and all others. For both the name and care of that state of office can be titled by no better name in all points for diligent keeping, for aid, succouring, and with all equity tempering the multitude, they are as shepherds, else the silly poor multitude would be an oppression of pestiferous men. The commonalty or base multitude lives more quietly than the state of such as daily seek to uphold and maintain the commonwealth, by counsel and politic deliberation, how troublous has their state always been, how unquiet from time to time, whose heads in very deed do seek for a public wealth. Therefore, though their honour be greater and state above the rest, yet what care, what pensiveness of mind are they driven unto, on whose heads authority and regiment, the safeguard of innumerable people does depend. If in our domestic business of matters pertaining to our household, every man by nature for him and his is pensive, much more in so vast and infinite a body of commonwealth, greater must the care be, and more dangerous deliberation. We desire peace, we rejoice of a tranquility and quietness to ensue, we wish to consist in a haven of security, our houses not to be spoiled, our wives and children not to be murdered. This, the prince and counsellors by wisdom foresee to keep off all these calamities, dangers, miseries, the whole multitude and body of 506 Plato ] Resp. 342e 506 that name ] ποιμήν λαῶν, shepherd of the people or shepherd of the host 507 Homer ] Il. 2.244 507 Agamemnon ] Il. 7.230 508 Menelaus ] Od. 4.20 508 Ulysses ] Od. 20.105 508 Nestor ] Il. 2.104, Od. 3.447 508 Achilles ] Il. 16.1 508 Diomedes ] Il. 11.370 508 Ajax ] there seems to be no occurrence in Homer 515 how troublous has their state always been ] a commonplace perhaps based on Seneca, De brevitate vitae 11-12 503 politic ] prudent 504–505 peers and nobles ] synonyms 511 else the silly ] apart from the silly, i.e. the feeble multitude 512–513 commonalty ] common people 515 politic ] wise 505 Plato. 507 Homer. 509 The shepherd’s name given to the office of kings. 513 The state of good counsellors troublous. 520 A comparison from a less to a greater. 526 The worthy state of princes and counsellors.

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the commonwealth is without them maimed, weak and feeble, a ready confusion to the enemy. Therefore, the state of peers and nobles is with all humility to be obeyed, served, and honoured. Not without great cause, the Athenians were drawn back by the

530

[Fol. ix.v] wisdom of Demosthenes, when they saw themselves a slaughter and prey to the enemy. A comparison of things WHat can be more rashly and foolishly done than the shepherds to give over their dogs, by whose might and strength the sheep were saved? On the other side, what can be more subtly done and craftily than the wolves, under a colour of friendship and amity, to seek the blood of the sheep, as all pestiferous men under a feigned proffer of amity proffered to seek their own profit, commodity, and wealth, though it be with ruin, calamity, misery, destruction of one or many, town or city, region and country, which sort of men are most detestable and execrable? The contrary AS too much simplicity and lack of discretion is a furtherance to peril and danger, so often times he tastes of smart and woe who lightly believes. So contrariwise dissimulation, in mischievous practices begun with friendly words, in the conclusion does frame and end perniciously. The epilogus THerefore feigned offers of friendship are to be taken heed of, and the act of every man to be examined, proved, and tried, for true friendship is a rare thing when, as Tully does say, in many ages there are few couples of friends to be found. Aristotle also concludes the same.

530 obeyed, served, and honoured ] a commonplace probably based on Pl. Leg. 879b 542 amity ] see Castiglione, The Courtyer (1561), “the friendship of the wicked, is no friendshippe” (n.p.), an allusion to Cic. Amic. 42, on hypocrisy which makes friendship impossible see 92 557 Tully does say ] Amic. 21 558 Aristotle ] Eth. Nic. 8.3 542 colour ] guise 542 The amity of wicked men.

550 To believe lightly, a furtherance to peril.

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The fable of the ant and grasshopper The praise of the author AEsop, who wrote these fables, has chief fame of all learned authors for his philosophy and giving wisdom in precepts, his fables do show unto all states most wholesome doctrine of virtuous life. He wholly extolls virtue and depresses vice, he corrects all states and sets out precepts to amend them. Although he was deformed and ill shaped, yet nature wrought in him such [Fol. x.r]

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virtue that he was in mind most beautiful and, seeing that the gifts of the body are not equal in dignity with the virtue of the mind, than in that Aesop chiefly excelled, having the most excellent virtue of the mind. The wisdom and wit of Aesop seemed singular. For at what time as Cresus, the king of the Lydians, made war against the Samians, he with his wisdom and policy so pacified the mind of Cresus that all war ceased, and the danger of the country was taken away, the Samians, delivered of this destruction and war, received Aesop at his return with many honours. After that, Aesop departing from the Isle Samus wandered to strange regions, at the last his wisdom being known. Licerus, the king of that country, had him in such reverence and honour that he caused an image of gold to be set up in the honour of Aesop. After that, he wandering over Greece to the city of Delphos, of whom he being murdered, a great plague and pestilence fell upon the city that revenged his death. As in all his fables he is much to be commended, so in this fable he is much to be praised, which he wrote of the ant and the grasshopper.

590

The Fable IN a hot summer, the grasshoppers gave themselves to pleasant melody whose music and melody was heard from the pleasant bushes. But the ant in all this pleasant time laboured with pain and travail, she scraped

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560 The praise of the author ] based on his life found in numerous editions of the fables, notably the 1505 Aldus edition, but he may follow Caxton 1484 who borrows from Maximus Planudes’s life 587 Fable ] see Aphthonius 564 depresses ] despises 561 The praise of Aesop.

573 Cresus.

576 Samians.

579 Licerus.

581 Delphos.

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her living and with forewit and wisdom prevented the barren and scarce time of winter. For when winter time approaches, the ground ceases from fruit, then the ant by her labour does take the fruit and enjoys it. But hunger and misery fell upon the grasshoppers who in the pleasant time of summer, when fruits were abundant, ceased by labour to put off necessity, with the which the long cold and stormy time killed them up, wanting all sustenance.

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The moral HEre in example, all men may take to frame their own life and also to bring up in godly education their children. That while age is tender and young, they may learn by example of the ant to provide in their green and lusty youth some means of art and science, whereby they may stay their age and necessity of life. All such as do fly labour and pain in youth, and seek no way of art and science, in age they shall fall in extreme misery and poverty. The nature of the thing NOt without a cause the philosophers, searching the nature and quality of every beast, do much commend the ant for providence and diligence, in that not only by nature they excel in forewisdom to themselves, but also they be an example and mirror to all men in that they justly follow the instinct of nature and much more, as men endued with reason and all singular virtues and excellent qualities of the mind and body. Yet they do so much leave reason, virtue, and integrity of mind as that they had been framed without reason, endued with no virtue nor adorned with any excellent quality. All creatures as nature has wrought in them do

612 diligence ] a commonplace, see Plin. HN. 11.36 and Horace Satirae 1.1.33, the author may also have in mind Proverbs 6:6 “Go to the ant, thou sluggard; consider her ways and be wise” 613 forewisdom ] Hesiod, Opera et Dies 778, uses the word ἴδρις “experienced, knowing, skilful” 614 mirror to all men ] like men, ants are social creatures according to Aristotle Hist. an. 1 617 leave reason, virtue ] see Plut. Mor. 6 for whom covetousness makes a man live the life of an ass or ant 619 All … guide ] follows Arist. Physica. 2.1.192b32-3 591 forewit ] foresight 591 Winter.

605 stay ] support

593 The ant.

612 The ant.

613 forewisdom ] foresight 613 Man.

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apply themselves to follow nature their guide. The ant is always diligent in her business and provident and also foresees in summer the sharp season of winter, they keep order and have a king and a commonwealth, as it were, as nature has taught them. And so have all other creatures, as nature has wrought in them their gifts, man only leaves reason and neglects the chief ornaments of the mind, and being as a God above all creatures, does lease the excellent gifts. A beast will not take excess in feeding, but man oftentimes is without reason, and having a pure mind and soul given of God and a face to behold the heavens, yet he does abase himself to earthly things. As concerning the grasshopper, as the philosophers do say, it is made altogether of dew and soon perishes. [Fol. xj.r]

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The grasshopper may well resemble slothful and sluggish persons who seek only after a present pleasure, having no forewit and wisdom to foresee times and seasons. For it is the point of wisdom, to judge things present by things past, and to take a conjecture of things to come by things present. The reasoning of the two things THus might the ant reason with herself: “although the seasons of the year do seem now very hot, pleasant, and fruitful, yet so I do not trust time, as that like pleasure should always remain, or that fruits should always of like sort abound. Nature moves me to work and wisdom herein shows me to provide. For what hurts plenty or abundance of store, though great plenty comes thereon, for better it is to be oppressed with plenty and abundance than to be vexed with lack. For to whom wealth and plenty rise, at their hands many be relieved and helped, all such as be oppressed with necessity and misery being cast from all help, reason, and providence maimed in them. All art and science and means of life cut off to enlarge and maintain better state of life, their misery, necessity,

625–626 being as a God above all creatures ] see Arist. Pol. 1.1253a31 628–629 yet he does abase himself ] the whole passage is reminiscent of Calvin’s sermons, in particular his sermon on General Deliverance Rom 8:19-22 630 is made altogether of dew ] perhaps a reference to Plin. HN. 11.31 for whom grasshoppers live upon dew 636 to judge … present ] see Arist. Eth. Nic. 1140a 33 629 Grasshopper.

636 A point of wisdom.

642 A wise cogitation.

651 Poverty.

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and poverty shall continually increase. Who hopes at other men’s hands to crave relief is deceived. Poverty is so odious a thing in all places and states rejected, for where lack is there favour, friendship, and acquaintance decrease, as in all states it is wisdom. So with myself I weigh discreetly to take time while time is, for this time as a flower will soon fade away. The husbandman, has he not times diverse to increase his wealth and to fill his barn at one time and season? The husbandman does not both plant, plough, and gather the fruit of his labour, but in one time and season he ploughs, another time serves to sow, and the last to gather the fruits of his labour. So then I must foresee time and seasons wherein I may be able to bear of necessity. For foolishly he hopes who of no wealth and no abundant store trusts to maintain his own state. For no[Fol. xj.v]

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thing sooner fails than friendship, and the sooner it fails as fortune is impoverished”. Seing that, as Homer does say, a slothful man, given to no art or science to help himself or another, is an unprofitable burden to the earth and God does sore plague, punish, and overthrow cities, kingdoms, and commonwealths grounded in such vices, that the wisdom of man may well judge him to be unworthy of all help and sustenance. He is worse than a beast that is not able to live to himself and others. No man is of wit so indiscreet or of nature so dull, but that in him nature always covets some enterprise or work to frame relief, or help to himself, for all we are not born only to ourselves, but in many ways to be profitable as to our own country and all parts thereof. Especially to such as by sickness or infirmity of body are oppressed, that art and science cannot take place to help them. Such as do follow the life of the grasshopper are worthy of their misery, who have no wit to foresee seasons and times but do suffer time indiscreetly to pass, which fades as a flower. The old Romans do picture Janus with two faces, a face behind and another be668 as Homer does say ] there seems to be no relevant source in Homer 670 God … vices ] sloth a cardinal sin, perhaps a gloss on Genesis 2:15, “Then the Lord God toke the man, and put him into the garden of Eden, that he might dresse it and kepe it” (all scriptural quotations are taken from the 1560 Geneva Bible) 682 Romans … present ] see Guillaume de la Perrière, Le théâtre des bons engins (Paris: Janot, 1540), emblem 1 674 indiscreet ] deprived 655 Wisdom. 656 Husbandman. 667 Friendship. 675 The cause of our birth. 681 Janus.

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667 Homer.

674 Nature.

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fore which resemble a wise man who always ought to know things past, things present, and also to be expert by the experience of many ages and times and knowledge of things to come. The comparison between the two things WHat can be more discreetly done than the ant to be so provident and politic as that all danger of life, and necessity is excluded, the stormy times of winter ceases of might and hunger batters not his walls, having such plenty of food, for unlooked bitter storm and seasons happen in life, which when they happen neither wisdom nor policy are not able to keep back. Wisdom therefore it is so to stand that these things hurt not, the miserable end of the grasshopper shows unto us, which may be an example to all men, of what degree soever they be, to fly [Fol. xij.r]

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sloth and idleness, to be wise and discreet. Of contraries AS diligence, providence and discrete life are singular gifts which increase all virtues, a pillar, stay, and a foundation of all arts and science, of commonwealths, and kingdoms, so contrarily sloth and sluggishness, in all states and causes, deface, destroy, and pull down all virtue, all science and godliness. For by them, the mighty kingdom of the Lydians, was destroyed, as it seems no small vice, when the Laws of Draco do punish with death idleness. The end THerefore, the diligence of the ant in this fable, not only is much to be commended, but also her example is to be followed in life. Therefore, the wise man does admonish us to go unto the ant and learn providence. And also by the grasshopper, let us learn to avoid idleness, lest the same misery and calamity fall upon us. 706 Lydians ] probably based on Hdt. 1.94, where they are said to play for the whole day instead of looking for food, echoed in Plut. De Tuenda 20 707 Laws of Draco ] Plut. Solon 17.2-4 690 politic ] wise 692 Providence.

693 policy ] prudence 702 Diligence.

707 Idleness.

711 The ant.

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Narratio THis place following is placed of Tully after the exordium or beginning of oration, as the second part. Which part of rhetoric is, as it were, the light of all the oration following, containing the cause, matter, person, time, with all brevity, both of words and invention of matter.

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A Narration A narration is an exposition or declaration of any thing done in deed, or else a setting forth forged of anything, but so declaimed and declared as though it were done.

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A narration is of three sorts: either it is a narration historical of any thing contained in any ancient story or true chronicle. [Fol. xij.v]

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Or poetical, which is an exposition feigned set forth by invention of poets or others. Or civil, otherwise called judicial, which is a matter of controversy in judgement to be done or not done well or evil.

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In every narration you must observe six notes. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

First, the person or doer of the thing whereof you entreat. The fact done. The place wherein it was done. The time in the which it was done. The manner must be shown how it was done. The cause whereupon it was done.

There are in this narration four other properties belonging:

718 the second part ] Cic. Inv. 1.14 718–719 the light of all the oration following ] Cic. Part. 335 719 the cause, matter, person, time ] probably based on Martianus Capella 46 Narrationis etiam elementa sunt sex, persona, causa, locus, tempus, materia, res 723 narration ] see Quint. Inst. 3.9.5 727 of three sorts ] see Rhet. Her. 1.12 and Cic. Inv. 1.27

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Richard Reynolds, The Foundacion of Rhetorike First, it must be plain and evident to the hearer, not obscure. Short and in as few words as it may be for such a matter. Probable as not unlike to be true. In words fine and elegant.

A narration historical upon Semiramis Queen of Babylon, how and after what sort she obtained the government thereof AFter the death of Ninus, sometime king of Babylon, his son Ninus also by name was left to succeed him in all the Assyrian monarchy. Semiramis, wife to Ninus the first, feared the tender age of her son, whereupon she thought that those mighty nations and kingdoms would not obey so young and weak a prince. Wherefore, she kept her son from the government and most of all she feared that they would not obey a woman. Forthwith she feigned herself to be the son of Ninus, and because she would not be known to be a woman, this queen invented a new kind of attire the which all the Babylonians that were men used by her commandment. By this strange disguised tire and apparel she, not known to be a woman, ruled as a man for the space of two and forty years. She did marvelous acts, for she enlarged the mighty kingdom of Babylon and built [Fol. xiij.r] the same city. Many other regions subdued and valiantly overthrown, she entered India, to the which never prince came, saving Alexander the great. She passed not only men in virtue, counsel, and valiant stomach, but also the famous counsellors of Assyria might not contend with her in majesty, policy, and royalness. For at what time as they knew her a woman, they envied not her state but marveled at her wisdom, policy, and moderation of life. At the last, she desiring the unnatural lust and love of her son Ninus, was murdered of him.

754 Semiramis Queen of Babylon ] Interestingly, Roger Edgeworth refers to the myth in his 1557 sermons and Thomas Lanquet in his 1559 Chronicles of England 757–758 Semiramis ] the source seems to be Just. 1.2 774 valiant stomach ] courage 756 Time. Person. place.

778 unnatural lust ] incest

759 The cause. The fact.

761 The way how.

766 The fact. The

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A narration historical upon King Richard the Third, the cruel tyrant RIchard, Duke of Gloucester, after the death of Edward the Fourth, his brother king of England, usurped the crown most treacherously and wickedly. This King Richard was small of stature, deformed and ill shaped, his shoulders bore not equality, a puling face, yet of countenance and look cruel, malicious, deceitful, biting and chewing his nether lip. Of mind unquiet, pregnant of wit, quick and lively, a word and a blow, wily, deceitful, proud, arrogant in life and cogitation bloody. The fourth day of July, he entered the tower of London with Anne his wife, daughter to Richard, Earl of Warwick, and therein created Edward, his only son a child of ten years of age, Prince of Wales. At the same time, in the same place, he created many noble peers to high preferment of honour and estate and immediately, with fear and faint heart both in himself and his nobles and commons, was created king, always an unfortunate and unlucky creation, the hearts of the nobles and commons thereto lacking or fainting, and no marvel, he was a cruel murderer, a wretched caitiff, a most tragical tyrant, and blood succour both of his nephews and brother George, Duke of Clarence, whom he caused to be drowned in a butte of Malmsy, the stairs suddenly removed wher-

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on he stepped, the death of the Lord Rivers with many other nobles compassed and wrought at the young prince’s coming out of Wales, the nineteenth day of July in the year of our Lord 1483. Openly he took upon him to be king, who seeking hastily to climb fell according to his desert suddenly and ingloriously, whose embassage for peace, Louis the French king, for his mischievous and bloody slaughter so much abhorred that he would neither see the ambassador nor hear the embassage. For he murdered his two nephews by the hands of one James Tyrrell and two villains more associate with him, the lieutenant refusing so horrible a fact. This was done, he taking his way and progress to Gloucester, whereof he was

780 Richard the Third ] probably based on Edward Hall, The Union of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre and Yorke (1550) 784 puling ] whimpering

785 nether ] lower

796 succour ] help, an oxymoron

781 The person. 787 The time. The place. 793 The horrible murder of King Richard. 802 The fact. 809 The time. The manner how.

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before times duke. The murder perpetrated, he dubbed the good squire knight. Yet to keep close this horrible murder, he caused a fame and rumour to be spread abroad in all parts of the realm that these two children died suddenly, thereby thinking the hearts of all people to be quietly settled, no heir male left alive of King Edward’s children. His mischief was such that God shortened his usurped reign. He was altogether in fear and dread, for he being feared and dreaded of others did also fear and dread, never quiet of mind, faint hearted, his bloody conscience by outward signs condemned him. His eyes in every place whirling and cast about, his hand much on his dagger, the infernal furies tormented him by night, visions and horrible dreams drew him from his bed, his unquiet life showed the state of his conscience, his close murder was uttered from the hearts of the subjects. They called him openly with horrible titles and names, a horrible murderer and execrable tyrant. The people sorrowed the death of these two babes, the queen, King Edward’s wife, being in sanctuary, was bestraught of wit and senses, swooning and falling down to the ground as dead, the queen after revived, kneeled down, and called on God to take vengeance on this murderer. The conscience of the people was so wounded of the toleration of the [Fol. xiiij.r]

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fact that when any blustering wind or perilous thunder or dreadful tempest happened, with one voice they cried out and quaked least God would take vengeance of them, for it is always seen the horrible life of wicked governors brings to ruin their kingdom and people, and also wicked people the like dangers to the kingdom and prince. Well he and his supporters with the Duke of Buckingham died shamefully. The knot of marriage promised between Henry, Earl of Richmond, and Elizabeth, daughter to King Edward the Fourth, caused diverse nobles to aide and associate this earl, fled out of this land with all power to the attainment of the kingdom by his wife. At Nottingham, news came to King Richard that the Earl of Richmond with a small company of nobles and others was arrived in Wales, forthwith explorators and spies were sent who showed the earl to be encamped at the town of Litchfield, forthwith all preparation 827 bestraught of ] bereft of 815 The cause. 821 The state of a wicked man. 825 A doleful state of a queen. 834 The wicked fact of King Richard, a horror and dread to the commons. 839 God permit means to pull down tyrants. 846 Litchfield. Leicester.

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of war was set forth to Leicester on every side, the nobles and commons shrank from King Richard, his power more and more weakened. By a village called Bosworth, in a great plain meet for two battles, by Leicester this field was pitched, wherein King Richard manfully fighting hand to hand with the Earl of Richmond, was slain, his body carried shamefully to the town of Leicester, naked, without honour, as he deserved, trussed on a horse behind a pursuivant of arms like a hog or a calf, his head and his arms hanging on the one side and his legs on the other side, carried through mire and dirt to the Greyfriars’ church, to all men a spectacle and opprobrium of tyranny, this was the cruel tyrant’s end. A narration historical of the coming of Julius Caesar into Britain WHen Julius Caesar had ended his mighty and huge battles about the flood Rhine, he marched into the region of France, at the same time repairing with a fresh multitude, his legions. But the chief cause of his war

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[Fol. xiiij.v] in France was that of long time he was moved in mind to see this noble Island of Britain whose fame for nobility was known and bruited, not only in Rome, but also in the uttermost lands. Julius Cesar was wroth with them because in his war stirred in France, the fierce Britons aided the Frenchmen and did mightily encounter battle with the Romans, whose prowess and valiant fight slaked the proud and lofty stomachs of the Romans and drove them to diverse hazards of battle. But Caesar, as a noble warrior preferring nobility and worthiness of fame before money or cowardly quietness, ceased not to enter on the fierce Britons and thereto prepared his ships the winter time following, that as soon as opportunity of the year served, to pass with all power against them. In the meantime, Caesar enquired of the merchants who with merchandise had access to 858 the coming of Julius Caesar into Britain ] for classical sources see Caes. B Gall. 4.20-35, 5.1, 8-23; Cass. Dio 39.50-53, 40.1-3; L. Annaeus Florus 1.45, but Reynolds may have used Geoffroy of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britannie (written c. 1136) 876 Caesar enquired of the merchants ] Caes. B Gall. 4.20 849 meet for ] suitable for

853 pursuivant ] messenger

860 flood Rhine ] River Rhine

848 Bosworth. 851 King Richard killed in Bosworth field. 859 The time. The person. 865 The cause. The fame and glory of Britain. 871 The prowess of Julius Caesar. 875 The manner how. Caesar’s communication with the merchants as concerning the land of Britain.

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the island, as concerning the quantity and bigness of it, the fashion and manner of the people, their laws, their order, and kind of government. As these things were in all points unknown to Caesar, so also the merchants knew no more than the places bordering on the seaside, for the Britons fearing the treacherous and dissembled hearts of alliances, politically repelled them. For no stranger was suffered to enter from his ship on the land, but their merchandise were sold at the seaside. All nations sought to this land, the felicity of it was so great whereupon the Greeks, knowing and tasting the commodity of this island, called it by a Greek name Olbion which signifies a happy and fortunate country, though of some called Albion, time changed the first letter, as at this day London is called for the town of King Lud. Caesar thereupon before he would march with his army to the people of Britain, he sent Caius Volusenus a nobleman of Rome, a valiant and hardy captain, as ambassador to the Britons, who, as he thought by his embassage, should know the fashion of the island, the manner of the people, their government. But as it seems the [Fol. xv.r]

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ambassador was not welcome. For he dared not enter from his ship to do his master’s embassage, Caesar knew nothing by him. Yet Caesar was not so contented but sent another ambassador, a man of more power, stomach, and more hardy, Comius Atrebas by name, who would enter as an ambassador to accomplish the will and expectation of Caesar. Comius Atrebas was so welcome that the Britons cast him in prison. Embassages were not common among them nor the courteous usage of ambassadors known. All these things made Caesar more wroth to assay the uncourteous Britons. In those days Cassibelan was king of London, this Cassibelan 885–886 Greek name Olbion ] Reynolds may have consulted the entry for “Albion” in Elyot, Bibliotheca Eliotae Eliotis librarie (1542) 887–888 London is called for the town of King Lud ] see Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae 3.20 889 he sent Caius Volusenus ] Caes. B Gall. 4.21 899 Comius Atrebas ] Comius Atrebas, see Caes. B Gall. 4.21 904 Cassibelan was king of London ] See Caes. B Gall. 5.12 and Geoffroy of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae 54-91 903 assay ] try, test 880 The war and politic government of the Britons. Alliance in time treacherous. 885 Britain sometime called of the Greeks Olbion, not Albion. 889 Caius Volusenus, ambassador to Britain. 897 Comius Atrebas, second ambassador from Caesar. 904 Cassibelan King of London, at the arrival of Caesar. Cassibelan a worthy prince.

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was a prince of high wisdom, of manly stomach and valiant in fight, and for power and valiantness was chosen of the Britons chief governor and king. Dissention and cruel war was among them through the diversity of diverse kings in the land. The Troinovants envied the state of Cassibelan because Imanuencius, who was king of London before Cassibelan, was put to death by the counsel of Cassibelan. The son of Imanuencius, hearing of the coming of Caesar, did fly treacherously to Caesar. The Troinovants favoured Imanuencius’s part and thereupon promised, as most vile traitors to their country, an entering to Caesar, service and homage, who, through a self will and private favour of one, sought the ruin of their country and in the end their own destruction. But Cassibelan gave many overthrows to Caesar, and so mightily encountered with him, so invincible was the part of Cassibelan. But by treason of the Troinovants, not by manhood of Caesar’s power, entering was given. What house can stand wherein discord broils? What small power is not able to enter the mightiest dominions or regions? To overcome the strongest fortress treason opens the gate, treason giving passage. Although Caesar by treason entered, so Caesar writes, yet the fame of Caesar was more commended for his enterprise into Britain and victory than of all his conquests, either against

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[Fol. xv.v] Pompey or with any other nation. For in a pillar at Rome this sentence was engraved: “Of all the dominions, cities, and regions subdued by Cesar, his war attempted against the fierce Britons, passes all others”. After this sort Cesar entered our island of Britain by treason.

909 Imanuencius ] Caes. B Gall. 5.20 910 son of Imanuencius ] Mandubratius, see Caes. B Gall. 5.20 920 treason ] Reynolds may have the Catholic threat in mind and classical examples such as the Trojan horse or the condemnation of high treason in antiquity 922 so Caesar writes ] may refer to Caes. B Gall. 5.20-21 928 pillar ] no such pillar seems to be mentioned in antiquity 905 stomach ] courage 907 Dissention ] discord the New Troy, Londoners

908 Troinovants ] inhabitants of

908 Imanuencius. 912 The Troinovants by treason let in Caesar. 919 Treason a confusion to the mightiest dominions. 928 A sentence graven of Britain in the commendation of Cesar.

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A narration judicial out of Thucydides upon the fact of Themistocles THe Athenians brought under the thraldom of the Lacedemonians sought means to grow mighty, and to pull them from the yoke under the Lacedemonians. Lacedemonia was a city environed with walls. Athens at the same time without walls, whereby their state was more feeble and power weakened. Themistocles, a noble sage and a worthy peer of Athens, gave the Athenians counsel to wall their city strongly, and so forthwith to be lords and rulers by themselves, after their own fashion governing. In finishing this enterprise in all points, policy and witty convenience wanted not. The Lacedemonians heard of the purpose of the Athenians and sent ambassadors to know their doings, and so to hinder them. Themistocles gave counsel to the Athenians, to keep in safe custody the ambassadors of Lacedemonia until such time as he from the embassage was returned from Lacedemonia. The Lacedemonians, hearing of the coming of Themistocles, thought little of the wall building at Athens. Themistocles was long looked for of them because Themistocles lingered in his embassage, that or the matter were thoroughly known, the wall of Athens should be built. The slow coming of Themistocles was blamed of the Lacedemonians, but Themistocles excused himself, partly infirmity of body, letting his coming, and the expectation of others accompanied with him in this embassage. The wall ended, necessity not artificial workmanship finishing it, with all haste it was ended. Then Themistocles entered the Senate of Lacedemo[Fol. xvj.r]

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nia, and said: “The wall whom you sought to let is built at Athens, you Lacedemonians, that we may be more strong”. Then the Lacedemonians could say nothing to it, though they envied the Athenians’ state, the wall was built and lest they should show violence or cruelty on Themistocles, their ambassadors were at Athens in custody, whereby Themistocles came safe from his embassage and the Athenians made strong by their wall. This was politically done of Themistocles.

933 Thucydides ] Thuc. 1.90-91 965 politically ] wisely

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A narration poetical upon a Rose WHo so does marvel at the beauty and goodly colour of the red Rose, he must consider the blood that came out of Venus the goddess’s foot. The goddess Venus, as foolish poets do feign, being the author of love, loved Adonis the son of Cynara, King of Cypress. But Mars, called the God of battle, loved Venus, being nothing loved of Venus, but Mars loved Venus as fervently as Venus loved Adonis. Mars, being a God, loved Venus, a goddess, but Venus only was inflamed with the love of Adonis, a mortal man. Their love was fervent and extremely set on fire in both, but their kind and nature were contrary, whereupon Mars, being in jealousy, sought means to destroy fair, amiable, and beautiful Adonis, thinking by his death the love of Venus to be slaked. Adonis and Mars fell to fighting. Venus, as a lover, ran to help Adonis her lover, and by chance she fell into a rose bush and pricked with it her foot, the blood then ran out of her tender foot did colour the Rose red, whereupon, the Rose being white before, is upon that cause changed into red. Chria CHria, this profitable exercise of rhetoric, is for the profit of it so called. It is a rehearsal in few words of anyone’s fact or of the saying of any man upon the

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which an oration may be made. As for example, Isocrates did say that the root of learning was bitter but the fruits pleasant, and upon this one sentence you may dilate an ample and great oration, observing these notes following. The saying does contain so great matter and minister such plenty of argument.

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Authors entreating of this exercise do note three sorts to be of them, one of them a chria verbal, that is to say, a profitable exercise upon the saying of any man only containing the words of the author, as the sentence before.

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967 Rose ] adds to Aphthonius in places, see Ov. Met. 10.298-559 ant ] the example is fully developed in Aphthonius as well 993 dilate ] develop, amplify

991 Isocrates … pleas-

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The second is containing the fact or deed of the person. As Diogenes being asked of Alexander the Great if he lacked anything that he was able to give him, thinking his demand under his power, for Diogenes was at the same time warming himself in the beams of the sun, Diogenes answered, you take away that that you are not able to give, meaning that Alexander by his body shadowed him and took away that which was not in his power to give. Alexander turned himself to his men and said, if I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. The third is a Chria mixed, both verbal and noting the fact, as Diogenes, seeing a boy wanton and dissolute did strike his teacher with a staff, uttering these words: “why do you teach your scholar so dissolutely?” You shall learn to make this exercise observing these notes.

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First, you shall praise the author who wrote the sentence, weighing his life. If his life be unknown and not easy to find his sentence or sentences, godly precepts will minister matter of praise, as if these sayings be recited, they are sufficient of themselves to praise the author. 1020

Then in the second place expound the meaning of the author in that saying. Then show the cause why he spoke this sentence. 1025

Then compare the matter by a contrary. [Fol. xvij.r] 1030

Then frame a similitude of the same. Show the like example of some that spoke the like, or did the like.

1001–1002 Diogenes being asked of Alexander the Great if he lacked anything ] a well known anecdote added by Reynolds, see Diog. Laert. 6.38, Plut. Alex. 14, Cic. Tusc. 5. 92, Val. Max. 4.3 ext.3 1010 Diogenes ] see Plut. Laert. 2 1018 minister ] provide

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Then gather the testimonies of more writers of the same. 1035

Then knit the conclusion. An oration Isocrates did say that the root of learning was bitter but the fruits were pleasant. The praise THis orator Isocrates was an Athenian born who flourished in the time of Lusimachus the chief governor of Athens. This Isocrates was brought up in all excellency of learning with the most famous and excellent orators, Prodicus, Gorgias, Leontinus who endued him with all singularity of learning and eloquence. The eloquence of Isocrates was so famous that Aristotle the chief philosopher envied his virtue and praise therein. Demosthenes also, who among the Grecians chiefly excelled, learned his eloquence of the orations which Isocrates wrote to many mighty and puissant princes and kings, which show his wisdom and copious eloquence, as to Demonicus the king, to Nicocles, Evagoras, against Philip, the King of the Macedonians. By his wisdom and counsel the senate and universal state of Athens was ruled, and the commons and multitude thereby in every part flourished. Chiefly what counsel, what wisdom, what learning might be required, in any man of high fame and excellency, that fame was abundantly in Isocrates, as in all his orations he is to be praised, so in this sentence his fame imports like commendation.

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The exposition IN that he says the root of learning is bitter and the fruits pleasant, he signifies no excellent quality or gift, virtue, art or science can be attained except pain, labour, diligence, do plant and set the same.

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1043 Isocrates ] probably based on Vit. X orat. 4 1044 Lusimachus the chief governor of Athens ] Lysimachus (c. 360 B C-281 B C) 1048 Aristotle ] no source states Aristotle envied Isocrates’s virtue 1046 endued ] endowed 1043 Lusimachus. 1045 Prodicus. Gorgias. Leontinus. 1048 Demosthenes learned eloquence of Isocrates. 1062 All excellency with labor is attained.

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But when that noble gift, either learning or any excellent quality, is lodged and reposed in us, then we gather by painful labours, great profit, comfort, delectable pleasures, wealth, glory, riches, which be the fruits of it. The cause AND seeing that of our own nature all men are inclined from their tender years and infancy to the extirpation of virtue, following with all earnest study and greed the free passage to vice and specially children, whose judgements and reason are not of that strength to rule their weak minds and bodies, therefore, in them chiefly the root of learning is bitter, because not only many years they run their race in study of art and science. With care and pain also, with grievous chastisement and correction, they are compelled by their teachers and masters to apprehend the same. The parents no less dreaded in the education of their children in chastisement and correction, so that by all means the foundation and root of all learning, in what sort soever it is, is at the first unpleasant, sour, and unsavory. To follow the times and seasons appointed for the same is most painful and in these painful years other great pleasures, as the frailty of youth and the imbecility of nature judges, do pass by, but in miserable state is that child and unfortunate that passes the flower of his youth and tender years instructed with no art or science, which in time to come shall be the only stay, help, the pillar to bear of the sore brunt, necessity, and calamities of life. Herein the noble Romans laid the sure foundation of their mighty dominion in the discreet providence and politic education of children. To whom the Grecians gave that necessary bulwark and foundation to set up all virtue, all art and science. In Greece no man was known to live in that commonwealth but that his art and science gave manifest probation and testimony how and after what sort he lived. The Romans in like sort, the sword and authori[Fol. xviij.r]

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ty of the magistrate executing the same, did put forth and draw to the attainment of learning art or science, all youth having maturity and ripeness to it, and why? Because that in a commonwealth, where the parents are indiscreet and foolish, as in all commonwealths there are not a 1082 The root of learning bitter. 1087 Who is an unfortunate child. cation the foundation of the Roman Empire.

1090 Good edu-

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few but many, they not pondering the state of the time to come, bringing up their children without all civility, unframed to virtue, ignorant of all art and science. The children of their own nature, unbridled, untaught, willful, and heady, do run with free passage to all wickedness, they fall into all kinds of folly, oppressed with all kinds of calamity, misery, and unfortunate chances which happen in this life. Nothing does sooner pull down a kingdom or commonwealth than the evil and lewd education of youth to whom neither substance, wealth, riches, nor possessions do descend from their ancestors and parents, who also of themselves want all art, science, and means to maintain them to live, who of themselves are not able to get relief, for only by this means life is maintained, wealth and riches are possessed to many great seignories, lands, and ample possessions left by their parents and line of ancestors, have by lack of virtuous education, been brought to naught, they fell into extreme misery, poverty, and, wanting learning or wealth to maintain their state and delicate life, they have robbed, spoiled, murdered, to live at their own will. But then as rotten, dead, and putrid members from the commonwealth they are cut off by the sword and authority of the magistrate. What kingdom was more mighty and strong than the kingdom of Lydia? Which by no other means was brought to ruin and destruction but by idleness, in that they were kept from all virtuous exercise, from the study of arts and sciences, so long as they meditated and lived in the school of virtuous life. No nation was able to overthrow them, of themselves they were prone and ready to practice all excellency. But Cyrus the king of Persians by no other [Fol. xviij.v]

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means was able to bring them weaker. He took from them all furtherance to arts, destroyed all occupations of virtue whereupon by commandment and terror they were driven to practice the vain and pestiferous practice,

1110–1111 the evil and lewd education of youth ] probably based on Erasmus The Education of Children (trans. Richard Sherry, 1550) 1122 Lydia ] see Hdt. 1134 the vain and pestiferous practice ] Elizabethan London transpires in these lines. 1115 seignories ] from the French “seigneuries”, lordships 1109 Evil education brings to ruin mighty kingdoms. 1134 The decay of a kingdom.

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of cards and dice. Harlots then schooled them, and all dishonest pastimes nurtured them, taverns and quaffing houses were their accustomed and most frequented use of occupation. By this means their nobility and strength was decayed and kingdom made thrall. Ill education or idleness is no small vice or evil when so mighty a prince, having so large dominions, whom all the East served and obeyed, whose regiment and government was so infinite that, as Zenophon says, time would rather want than matter to speak of his mighty and large government, how many nations, how diverse people and valiant nations were in subjection to him. If this mighty prince, with all his power and populous nations, was not able to give the overthrow to the kingdom of Lydia but by ill education, not by martial attempts, sword or battle, but by giving them scope and liberty to do as he would. No doubt but that Cyrus saw, by the like example of other kingdoms, this only policy to be a ruin of that kingdom. Pythagoras, the famous and godly philosopher, saved the kingdom and people of Crotona, they leaving all study of art, virtue, and science. This people of Crotona was overcome of the people of Locrus, they left all exercise of virtue, neglecting the feats of chivalry, whereupon Pythagoras having the profitable and godly laws of Lycurgus, which he brought from Lacedemonia. And the laws of Minos, King of Creta, came to the people of Crotona, and by his godly teaching and philosophy, revoked and brought back the people given over to the neglecting of all virtue, declaring to them the nobility and excellency thereof, he lively set forth the beastliness of vice. Pythagoras recited to them the fall and ruin of many regions and mighty kingdoms which took after those vices. idleness being forsa-

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Among the godly laws of Lycurgus, Lycurgus omitted not to ordain laws for the education of youth. In the which he cut off all pampering of

1142 to speak … him ] perhaps a reference to Xen. Cyrop. 1.1.4 20.4 1167 the education of youth ] Plut. Mor. 14 1141 The mighty dominions of Cyrus. 1151 Catona. 1166 Lycurgus.

1152 Pythagoras ] Just.

1145 Evil education.

1148 Pythagoras.

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them because in tender years, in whose bodies pleasure harbors, their virtue, science, cunning roots not. Labour, diligence, and industry only roots virtue and excellency. Vices, as unprofitable weeds, without labour, diligence, and industry grow up, and thereby infect the mind and body, poison all the motions incensed to virtue and singularity. Whoever attained cunning in any excellent art or science where idleness or pleasure held the sway? Philosophy shows pleasure to be unmeet for any man of singularity, for pleasure, idleness, and ignorance are so linked together, that the possession of the one induces the other. So many godly monuments of learning had not remained to this posterity of ours and of all ages if famous men in those ages and times had hunted after immoderate pleasure. The industry of such who left to the posterity of all ages the knowledge of astronomy is known. The monuments of all learning of laws and of all other works of antiquity by virtue, nobleness, by industry, labour, and moderation of life in study, not by pleasure and wantonness, was celebrated to all ages. The mighty volumes of philosophers, both in moral precepts and in natural causes, knew not the delicate and dissolute life of these our days. Palingenius, enveighing against the pampered and lascivious life of man, utters a singular sentence: Qui facere et qui nosce, cupit quam plurima et altum, In terris virtute aliqua sibi querere nomen: Hunc vigilare opus est, nam non preclara geruntur, Stertendo, et molles detrectat gloria plumas. Who so covets to purchase fame by acts, or whose mind hunts for abundant knowledge, or by virtue in this life to purchase good fame, he had not need to slug [Fol. xix.v]

1175 pleasure … other ] a commonplace, see Cic. pro Sestio 66 but Reynolds may have in mind the Scriptures, for example Psalms 1:1-6 1185 Palingenius ] Marcello Palingenio Stellato (ca. 1500-ca. 1543) Zodiacus Vitae (1543) 3.656-659, a popular work which was partially translated by Barnabe Googe in 1560 1173 cunning ] mastery 1169 Virtue. Vice.

1174 unmeet ] unsuitable

1174 Pleasure. Idleness. Ignorance.

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and sleep in his doings, for good fame is not upheld by gay peacock feathers. Of this, Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, utters a worthy saying to the Athenians in his epistle. If any will judge Alexander the Great to be famous and happy in that he had success in all his doings, let this be his cogitation that Alexander the Great always did inure himself to do things, and manfully to assay that he enterprised. The felicity of his success came to him not sleeping or not cogitating thereof. Alexander the Great now dead, Fortune seeks with whom she may accompany and associate herself. Thucydides, comparing the Lacedemonians and the Athenians together, showed a rare moderation and temperature of life to be in the Athenians, whereupon they are most commended and celebrated to the posterity. The contrary Even as idleness and a sluggish life is most pleasant to all such as neglect virtuous exercises and godly life, so pain, labour, and study bestowed and employed in the seeking out of virtue, art, or science is most pleasant to well affected minds. For no godly thing can be attained to without diligence and labour. The similitude Even as husbandmen with labour and travail do labour in planting and tilling the ground before they receive any fruit of the same, even so no virtue, art, or science or any other thing of excellency is attained without diligence and labour bestowed thereto.

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The example LEt Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, be an example of diligence to us, who to avoid all let from study used a means to keep himself thereto, preventing also the industry of artificers. The same De-

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1198–1199 gay peacock feathers ] a sign of pride, see Edwin Sandys, Sermons (1585), p. 122, “For if wee did looke upon our blacke feete, our faire Peacocke fethers no doubte would soone fall downe” 1200 his epistle ] Dem. Ep. 1 1208 Thucydides … together ] perhaps Thuc. 102 1201 Alexander the Great commended for diligence.

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mosthenes wrote seven times out the story of Thucydides, to learn thereby his eloquence and wisdom. The testimony PLiny, Plato, and Aristotle, with many others more, are like examples for diligence to us, who wrote upon virtue and learning like sentences. The conclusion THerefore, Isocrates does pronounce worthily the root of learning and virtue to be bitter and the fruits pleasant. A Sentence THe oration which must be made by a sentence is in all parts like to Chria, the profitable exercise, only that the oration made upon a sentence, as authors do say, has not always the name of the author prefixed in the praise, a small matter of difference, who so can make the one, is expert and exquisite in the other. Authors do define a sentence in this manner: a sentence is an oration in few words showing a godly precept of life, exhorting or dissuading. The Greeks do call godly precepts by the name of Gnome or Gnomon, which is as much to say a rule or square to direct anything by, for by them the life of man is framed to all singularity. There are diverse sorts of sentences, one exhorts, another dissuades, some only show. There is a sentence simple, compound, profitable, true, and such like. Frame your oration upon a sentence as in the oration before.

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  1. The praise of the author.   

2. The exposition of the sentence. 3. A confirmation in the strength of the cause. 4. A conference, of the contrary. 5. A similitude. 6. The example.  7. The testimony of authors showing the like.    8. Then add the conclusion.         

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1265 1231 seven times ] eight times according to Dionysus of Halicarnassus and Lucian, Adversus Indoctum 4 1239 Isocrates ] attributed to Aristotle by Diogenes Laertius (5.18) 1250 square ] measure 1249 Gnome.

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[Fol. xx.v]

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An oration upon a sentence The sentence In a commonwealth or kingdom many kings to bear rule is very evil, let there be but one king. The praise of the author HOmer, who of all the poets chiefly excelled, spoke this sentence in the person of Ulysses upon the King Agamemnon, King of Greece. This Homer, entreating of all princely affairs and great enterprises of the Greeks and of the mighty war against the Trojans, among whom such discord rose, that not only the war for lack of unity and concord continued the space of ten years, but also much blood shed, havoc, and destruction came upon the Greeks, uttered this sentence. This Homer for his learning and wisdom remains, intteled in many monuments of learning with great fame and commendation to all ages. What region, isle, or nation is not by his invention set forth? Who, although he were blind, his mind saw all wisdom, the states of all good kingdoms and commonwealths. The very lively image of a prince or governor, the faithful and humble obedience of a subject toward the prince, the state of a captain, the virtue and noble qualities, that are requisite in such a personage, be there set forth. The perfect state of a wise man and politic is entreated of by him. The justice and equity of a prince, the strength of the body, all heroical virtues also are set forth. His eloquence and verse flow in such sort, with such pleasantness, so copious, so abundant, so grave and sententious that his singularity therein excels and passes. The mighty prince Alexander, in all his martial enterprises and great conquests, did continually night by night read somewhat of the Iliad of the

1269 The sentence ] proverbial and often quoted, Il. 2. 204-5, see too Elyot’s Gov. chap. 2 “That one souraigne governour ought to be in a publike weale. And what damage has happened where a multitude has had equal authorite without any soueraygne” 1273 praise of the author ] Homer’s superiority is a commonplace deriving from Aristotle’s Poet. 1451a, 1459a and 1460a, see for example Erasmus’s Adagia 4.1.95, Clavam extorquere Herculi 1281 intteled ] inscribed, engraven 1282 The praise of Homer.

1288 politic ] statesman

1284 The content of Homer’s books.

1294 Alexander.

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poet Homer before he slept and asking for the book said: “Give me my pillow”. Alexander, as it seems, learned many heroical virtues, policy, wisdom, and counsel thereof, else, he occupied in so migh[Fol. xxj.r]

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ty and great wars, would not have employed study therein. Julius Caesar the emperor commends this poet, for his singularity. His commendation gives ample argument in this singular sentence which prefers a monarchy above all states of commonwealths or kingdom. The exposition HOmer the poet signified by this one sentence, no kingdom or commonwealth can prosper or flourish to continue where many hold government as kings. For the minds of many rulers and princes do most affect a private wealth, commodity, and glory, and where many do bear such sway and dominion the commonwealth cannot be good. For they privately to themselves do bear that regiment and always with the slaughter of many do seek to attain and climb to the whole government. The cause MAny occasions do rise whereby many princes and governors in a commonwealth be diversely affected, so that the government of many cannot prosper. For both in quiet state their counsels must be diverse and uncertain, and where they so differ the kingdom stands in great jeopardy and danger. Isocrates, entreating of a monarchy, shows that the commonwealth of Athens, which detested and refused that form and state after the ruin and fall of their city, being under the thraldom of the Lacedemonians, both in their external chivalry and feats, both by sea and by land and also in regiment otherwise, their city grew mighty and state steadfast.

1297 pillow ] Plut. Alex. 1.8 1304 Julius Caesar the emperor commends this poet ] not in his writings 1322 Isocrates ] perhaps a reference to On the peace, 95-120 1314 regiment ] royal authority

1320 quiet ] in peace

1296 The Iliad of Homer meet for princes to look upon. one land. 1322 Athens.

1324 thraldom ] bondage 1318 The state of many kings in

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The Carthaginians also governed by one had their government steadfast and kingdom royal, who in puissant acts might compare with the noble Romans. As the obedience to one ruler and chief governor seeking a commonwealth is in the hearts of the subjects. Fervent and marvelous with love embraced so the majesty of him is dread, [Fol. xxj.v]

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with love served and with sincere heart and fidelity obeyed, his manners followed, his laws imitated. Many governors bearing regiment as their manners be diverse and fashion of life, even so the people be like affected to the diversity of diverse princes. And if we weigh the revolution of the heavens and the marvels of God therein, the maker of the same, who being one God, rules heaven and the earth and all things contained in the same. The heavens also adorned with many a star and clear light have but one sun to govern them, who being of a singular virtue above the rest, by his virtue and power gives virtue to the rest. Also in small things the ant and the bee, who for providence and wisdom are much commended, have as it were a commonwealth and a king to govern them, so in all things as a confusion the state of many kings is abhorred in government. After the death of Constantinus the great, Constantius his son was made Emperour and Licinius with him partaker in fellowship of the empire. But forthwith, what blood was shed in Italy, with all cruelty, until Constantius had slain Licinius, partaker of the Empire, and Marabodius was slain also, whom Licinius did associate with him in the government. So much princes and chief governors do hate equality or fellowship in kingdoms. After the same sort, in this mighty monarchy of Rome diverse

1328 Carthaginians ] perhaps based on Plb. 6.43.1 1343 one sun ] a commonplace going back to Psalm 84:11, “For the Lord God is the sunne and shield” 1344–1345 the ant and the bee ] a commonplace going back to Aristotle on the bee as a political animal (Pol. 1253a), echoed by Erasmus in his Institutio principis Christiani (1516). See too Verg. Georgics 4.67-87, 153-219; Plin. HN. 11.5; and on ants, ibid., 30 1348 Constantinus the great ] see Euseb. Chron., Reynolds may have read John Christopherson’s, bishop of Chichester (d. 1558), Latin translation 1351 Marabodius ] the Germanic King Marobod 1329 puissant ] powerful

1337 regiment ] government, rule

1328 Carthage in a monarchy. 1336 The state of many kings in one land. 1341 A monarchy in heaven. 1342 One sun. 1344 The ant. The bee. 1348 Constantius. Licinius. Marabodius. 1353 Pompey. Caesar. Marius. Silla.

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have attempted at one and sundry times to bear the scepter and regiment therein, but that mighty monarchy could not suffer but one governor. The kingdom of Thebes was in a miserable state, the two sons of Oedipus, Eteocles and Polunices, striving both to be monarch and only king. The kingdom of Assyria which was the golden kingdom and the first monarchy having 36 kings by succession continued 1239 years, this kingdom for all nobility and royalness excelled, and all in a monarchy. The kingdom of the Medes in a monarchy flourished in wealth and glory and all felicity, which in dominion had government 300 lacking 8 years. After that, the

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monarchy of the Medes ceased, the Persian people rose mighty both in people and princes and continued in that state 236 and 7 months. Macedonia rose from a base and mean people to bear the whole regiment and power over all kingdoms. So God disposes the state and seat of princes, overthrowing often times mighty kingdoms at his will, the continuance of this monarchy was 157 and eight months, ten kings lineally descending. Asia and Syria were governed by one succeeding in a sole government. Nicanor governed Syria 32 years. In the other, Antigonus reigned, Demetrius Poliorcetes one year, Antiochus Soter also, the scepter of government left to the succession of another, then Antiochus Soter ruled all Asia and Syria, having 16 kings, which in a monarchy continued 189 years. The Egyptians had famous, wise, and noble princes, whose kingdom and large dominion in all felicity prospered. Which was in the time of Ninus, the first king of the Assyrians, who having 10 princes, one by one succeeding, Cleopatra their queen governing, stood in a monarchy 288 years. This one thing shows that kind of government to be royal and most famous, not only for the felicity and glory thereof but also for the permanent and

1358 Eteocles and Polunices ] see Apollod. Bibl. 3.6.1 1360 36 kings ] see Euseb. Chron. 1361–1362 kingdom of the Medes ] see Euseb. Chron. 1367 Persian people ] see Euseb. Chron. 1368–1369 Macedonia ] see Euseb. Chron. 1370 So God … his will ] a commonplace typical of sermons deriving among other sources from Daniel 2.21 and 37, “And he changeth the times and seansons: he taketh awaie Kings: he setteth vp Kings” 1373 Asia and Syria ] see Euseb. Chron. 1378 Egyptians ] see Euseb. Chron. 1369 regiment ] rule 1358 Assyria the first monarchy. 1367 The monarchy of the Medes. The Persian. Macedonia. 1372 Asia. Syria. 1377 Egypt in a monarchy.

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steadfast state thereof. Aristotle and Plato set forth the other forms of government. But in all those no long continuance of felicity nor of happy state can appear in them, as for the contrary to a monarchy is tyranny pestiferous and to be detested, where one man governs to his private gain, pilling and poling his subjects, murdering with all cruelty, neither law nor reason leading thereto, but will bear regiment over law, justice, and equity, which princes oftentimes see not. How the willful rashness or tyrannical mind does abase them and make them though in utter part the same princes, yet in very deed they be thrall and slaves to beastly affection. Nothing does so much adorn and beautify the seat and throne of a prince as not only to bear dominion over mighty people and re-

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gions than to be lord over himself. The state of a few peers or nobles to hold the chief and whole government, who both in virtue, learning, and experience do excel, is a godly state of commonwealth. But the proof of that commonwealth and end shows, and the manner of princes who although they be of life godly, wise, grave, expert and politic. For these virtues or ornaments ought to be reposed in such noble personages, they do marvelously change and alter. So honour and preeminent state puff them up and blind them so that everyone in the end seeks to climb over all as head and governor. Show me one kind of this state and form of government which either long prospered or without bloodshed and destruction of the rest of the nobles and peers have not caught the whole regiment, seeing that in all commonwealths and kingdoms, equality or fellowship, will not be suffered in government. For it cannot be that this form of commonwealth may by good, as Aristotle and Plato show. The end of this government fell ever to one with a ruin of the kingdom and

1384 Aristotle ] Pol. 1384 Plato ] Resp. 8 1386 tyranny ] Pl. Resp. 9.579a, for Domitian the tyrant see Pliny the Younger, Epistulae 5.1.5-6, 7-8, Suet. 10 and Tac. Agricola 42 1398 The state … government ] based on Pl. Resp. 4.445d Arist. Pol. 2.1261b 1411 Aristotle ] Arist. Pol. 5.7.1307a5-12 1411 Plato ] Pl. Resp. 547c when the aristocracy becomes a timocracy 1388 pilling ] plundering 1388 poling ] fleecing 1402 politic ] prudent 1409 regiment ] rule

1391 part ] the text has “porte”

1386 Tyranny. Nero. Domicianus. Caligula. 1392 What does beautify the throne of a prince. 1398 Aristocratia. 1411 The end of aristocratia. 1412 Politeia.

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people. The multitude to bear dominion, and though a public wealth be sought for a time, much less they continue in any good state. For in the end, their rule and government will be without rule, order, reason, modesty, and their law must be will. The other three states are the refuse of good commonwealths, not to be tolerated in any region. The one of them is a tyrant to be governor only to his own glory, with cruelty tormented his subjects, only to have his will and lust over all law, order, and reason, the nobility ruling to themselves, every one for his own time. The third, the base and rude multitude, everyone for himself and at his will. This troublous state, all regions and commonwealths have felt in open seditions and tumults raised by them, it is a plagued and pestiferous kind of government. The example of a good monarchy is of great force to confound the state of all other commonweal-

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[Fol. xxiij.r] ths and forms of regiment. 1430

The nobility of Persia having no king lineally descending to rule that mighty dominion of Persia, Cambises being dead, the usurper murdered, they took counsel in their assemble what state of government was best, they having the proof of a monarchy. In their long counsel they knew the felicity of that state, they knew as it seemed the perilous state of the other governments. If these nobles and peers had been ambitious, and that each of them would have had fellowship or participation in kingdoms, they would not have preferred a monarchy above the rest. The antiquity of that time shows their personages, wisdom, gravity, and majesty was such that each one of them was meet for his virtues to have a whole kingdom. If aristocratia would have contented them then was time and occasion offered, no king remaining to have preferred that state. But they, as upright nobles, sincere, and faithful, having altogether respect to a public wealth, to a permanent state and felicity of kingdom, sought no participation by private wealth to dissolve this monarchy. But they being most godly, each were content to prove whose chance might be to set up again that monarchy. The kingdom at the last came to the hands of Darius, who

1429 regiment ] government 1417 Tyranny. 1419 Oligarthia. 1420 Democratia. 1431 A monarchy preferred of the Persians. 1442 The duty of all noble peers. 1447 Darius.

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was after king of the Persians. This is a goodly example to show the worthiness of a monarchy, the Persian kingdom after many years declining from its power and state, not for any fault of government but God, as he sees time, raises up kingdoms and plucks them down. Afterward Darius the king, not able to make his part good with Alexander the Great, offered to him the greatest part of his kingdom even to the flood of Euphrates, and offered his daughter to wife. Alexander was content to take the offer of Darius so that he would be second to him, and not equal with him in kingdom. For, Alexander said, that as the world cannot be governed with two suns neither the world can suffer two [Fol. xxiij.v]

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mighty kingdoms. Whereupon it is manifest that no kingdom will suffer equality or fellowship, but that if the will and mind of princes might burst out, the state of all the world would be in one mighty governor’s hands. For always princes do seek to a sole regiment. Alexander the great conqueror also, preferring for worthiness a monarchy, at the time of his death demanded whom he would have to succeed him in his mighty dominions, he by one signifying a monarchy, saying dignissimus, that is to say, the worthiest. After the death of Alexander, Antipater caught the government of Macedonia and Greece and Crates was treasurer. Meleagrus and Perdiccas caught other parts of his dominions, then Ptolemeus possessed Egypt, Africa, and a part of Arabia, Learcus, Cassander,

1448 This is a goodly example ] Pl. Leg. 694a 1450 God … down ] another sermonlike scriptural gloss of Jeremiah 1:10, “I have this day set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant” 1456–1457 the world cannot be governed with two suns ] Plut. Regum 27 1467 dignissimus ] in Justin’s Epitome, the source is Diod. Sic. 1.1.18 1468 Alexander ] seems based on Just. 8.4 1468 Antipater ] Alexander’s adviser 1469 Crates ] Craterus, Alexander’s Macedonian general 1469–1470 Meleagrus ] Meleager, Alexander’s Macedonian officer 1470 Perdiccas ] Alexander’s general 1470– 1471 Ptolemeus ] Ptolemy I Soter 1471 Learcus ] perhaps Learchos, son of Callimachus, an Athenian envoy mentioned in Thucydides 1471 Cassander ] Antipater’s brother 1450 Kingdoms rise and fall. 1456 The answer of Alexander to Darius as concerning a monarchy. 1464 Alexander the great preferred a monarchy. 1471 Alexander’s monarchy fell by many kings. Antipater. Crates. Meliagrus. Perdiccas. Ptolomeus. Learcus. Cassander. Menander. Leonnatus. Lusimacus. Eumenes. Seleucus.

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Menander, Leonnatus, Lusimachus, Eumenes, Seleucus, and many others, who were for their worthiness in honour and estimation with Alexander, caught into their hands other parts of his dominions, every one seeking for his time his own private glory, dignity, and advancement but not a public wealth, and so in fine, ambition broiled in their lofty stomachs, each to attain to others’ honour. Whereupon bloodshed, destruction of the people and countries, the fall of these princes ensued. So many kingdoms hate equality or fellowship. Let us lay before our eyes the kingdoms near at hand. France, from the times of Faramundus until this day, has stood and did flourish in a monarchy. The state of Spain, from the time of the first king until this day, has flourished continually in a monarchy. The great seignories of Germany by one succeeding in government have been permanent in that godly state. Our noble Isle of Britain from Brutus has stood by a monarchy, only in those days the state of government changed at the coming of Julius Caesar, Emperor of Rome. The land being at division and discord through the diversity of diverse kings. So much the state of diverse kings in one land is to be expelled, or the government of [Fol. xxiiij.r]

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the base multitude to have universally power of dominion, or the state of peers to be chief in regiment, no king left to command over the people, and nobles, or else there cannot be but discord in the end, which pulls down most mighty regions and dominions, so that the best state, the most steadfast and fortunate is in all times, in all ages, in all laws

1472 Menander ] Alexander’s general, one of the etairoi, the elite cavalry 1472 Leonnatus ] Leonnatus, Alexander’s Macedonian officer and one of the Somatophylakes or seven bodyguards 1472 Lusimachus ] Lysimachus, Alexander’s Macedonian officer and ruler of Thrace, Asia Minor and Macedon 1472 Eumenes ] Eumenes of Cardia, a Greek general and scholar employed by Alexander 1472 Seleucus ] Seleucus I Nicator, an infantry general under Alexander and ruler of the Seleucid Empire 1474 every one … advancement ] a reference to the Diadochi or Alexander’s successors, among them Perdiccas, Craterus, Ptolemy I Soter, Lysimachus, Leonnatus, Seleucus I Nicator, Eumenes of Cardia, Cassander 1479 equality or fellowship ] democracy 1480 Faramundus ] Pharamond, the legendary first king of the Franks, see Liber Historiae Francorum 1484 Brutus ] Brutus of Troy, see Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae 1483 seignories ] lordships

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1479 France. Spain. Germany. Britain.

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and commonwealths, where one king seeking the advancement, wealth, glory, of him and his people. 1500

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The contrary THat household or family cannot be well governed, where many and diverse bear government, neglecting the state prosperous universally. For where obedience is drawn to diverse and many there cannot be good government nor faithful obedience. And so in a kingdom where one chiefly governs and to a commonwealth, there the hearts of the subjects be most knit to obey. The similitude Even as they who serve one master shall soonest with labour please and with fidelity accomplish his will and pleasure. For the manners of many men be diverse and variable, so in a monarchy the state of one is soon obeyed, the mind and law of one prince soon followed, his majesty dreaded and loved.

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The example LET the four chief monarchies of the Assyrian, the Persian, Greek, and the Roman, which have continued from the beginning mighty, most happy, be an example herein. If that state of government had not been chief of all others, those mighty kingdoms would not have preferred that kind of government.

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The testimony of ancient writers THerefore, Aristotle, Plato and all the chief philosophers, entreating of the administration of a commonwealth, do prefer before all states of government

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[Fol. xxiiij.v] a monarchy, both for the felicity of it and steadfast state. 1503 where obedience is drawn to diverse and many ] Reynolds may have in mind Mathew 6:24, “No man can serue two masters: for either he shal hate the one, and loue the other, or els he shal leane to the one, and despise the other”, and Luke 16:13, “No seruant can serue two masters: for ether he shal hate the one, and loue the other: or els he shal leane to the one, and despise the other”. He may also be indebted to Tyndale’s Obedience of a Christian Man (1528)

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The conclusion HOmer therefore deserves great commendation, for this one sentence, which prefers a monarchy before all states. The destruction THis exercise of rhetoric is called destruction, or subversion, because it is in a oration, a certain reprehension of any thing declaimed or dilated, in the which, by order of art, the declaimer shall proceed to cast down by force and strength of reason the contrary induced. In this exercise of rhetoric, those propositions are to be subverted which are not manifest true, neither it so repugnant from reason as that there can appear no hold to induce a probable reason to confound the same. But such propositions are meet for this part as are probable in both sides to induce probability of argument to reason thereupon.

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1. It shall behove you first, for the entering of this matter, to add a reprehension there against those which have confirmed as a truth that which you will confute. 2. In the same place, add the exposition and meaning of his sentence.

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3. Thirdly, show the matter to be obscure that is uncertain. 4. Incredible. 1555

5. Impossible. 6. Not agreeing to any likelihood of truth. 7. Uncomely to be talked of.

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8. Unprofitable.

1534 destruction ] or confutation and Cic. Inv. 1.78

1536 reprehension ] reprehensio see Rhet. Her. 1.3.4

1536 dilated ] extended, compare Wilson Arte of Rhetorique, “A similitude, which beying dilated helps well for amplification” (p. 214) 1543 meet ] fit

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This exercise of rhetoric does contain in it all strength of art, as who should say all parts of rhetoric may copiously be handled in this part called confutation, so ample a matter Tully does note this part to be. The theme or proposition of this oration [Fol. xxv.r]

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It is not like to be true what is said of the battle of Troy.

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The reprehension of the author, and of all poets NOt without a cause, the vanities of poets are to be reproved and their forged inventions to be rejected, in whose writings, so manifestly are set forth as a truth and chronicled to the posterity of ages and times, such forged matters of their poetical and vain wits. Who has not heard of their monstrous lies against God, they inventing a genealogy of many goddesses procreated whereas there is but one God? This vanity also they have set forth in their monuments and works. How a conspiracy was sometime among the gods and goddesses to bind the great god Jupiter. How impudently do they set forth the gods to be lovers of women and their adulterous lust, and how they have transformed themselves into diverse shapes of beasts and fowls to follow after beastly lust. The malice and envy of the gods, one to another. They feign also the heaven to have one god, the sea another, hell another, which are mere vanities and false imaginations of their poetical wits. The like forged invention have they wrote of the mighty and terrible battle bruited of Troy for a beautiful

1565 so ample a matter Tully does note this part to be ] perhaps a reference to Cic. Inv. 1.43 1573 reprehension of the author, and of all poets ] predates Stephen Gosson’s Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse (1579), Reynolds participates in the Puritan attack on the immorality and absurdity of pagan myths, mainly based on Plato’s Resp. 10.605, Euthyphro 6a, and the Church Fathers, among them, Augustine’s Confessions 1.13, Clement of Alexandria’s Exhotation to the Heathen, Origen’s Elucidations 1.62, Tatian’s Oratio ad Graecos 1580 How … Iupiter ] Hera, Athena, and Poseidon bind Zeus, see Il. 1.397ff 1583 their adulterous lust ] see Augustine De civitate Dei 3.3, Dii enim, credo, non zelant coniuges suas, usque adeo ut eas etiam cum hominibus dignentur habere communes 1583 they … lust ] an attack on Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The passage may be indebted to Basil’s Ad adolescentes. 4 1588 bruited ] clamoured 1577 The vanities of poets.

1588 The battle of Troy ten years for a harlot.

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harlot sustained ten years. In the which, not only men and noble peers gave the combat of battle but the gods took parts against goddesses and men wounded gods. As their lies exceed all number because they be infinite, so also they pass all truth, reason, and judgment. These few examples of their vanities and lies do show the feigned ground and authority of the rest. According to the folly and superstition of those times, they invented and forged folly upon folly, lie upon lie, as in the battle of Troy they aggravate the dolor of the battle by pitiful and lamentableinvention. As for the poets themselves, Plato, in his book made upon the administration of a commonwealth, makes [Fol. xxv.v]

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them in the number of those who are to be banished out of all commonwealths. The exposition HOmer does say, and many other poets, that the wars of the Grecians against the Trojans was for beautiful Helena and continued ten years. The gods and goddesses took parts, and all the people of Greece aided Menelaus and the king Agamemnon to bring home again Helena, neglecting their own country, their wife, and chidren for one woman. The Greeks inventing a huge and mighty horse made of fir tree and covered with brass as huge as a mountain, out of which the Grecians by treason issuing, brought Troy to ruin.

1605

The obscurity of the matter IT seems a matter of folly that so many people, so mighty nations should be bewitched to raise so mighty an army, hazarding their lives, leaving their country, their wives, their children for one woman. Be it so, that Helena passed all creatures, and that nature with beauty had endued her

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1589 harlot ] occurs frequently to describe Helen, see the marginal note (fol. 147) “Grecian Harlot” in Norton’s 1561 translation of Calvin’s Institution of Christian Religion 1589 ten years ] see Il. 2.134 1593 lies ] see Pl. Resp. 2. 377e-378b 1597 Plato ] Resp. 10. 595a 1611 a huge … brass ] see Verg. Aen. 2.15-16 1616 a matter of folly ] Calvin uses Helen as an allegory of the abomination of the mass (Inst. 3.18) 1591 The vain invention of poets. 1618 Helena.

1596 Plato rejects poets from the commonwealth.

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with all virtue and singularity. Yet the Grecians would not be so foolish that universally they would seek to cast down their own wealth, and much more the commonwealth of Greece and kingdom, to stand in peril. Neither is it to be thought the Grecians, seeking to advance the beauty of Helena, would leave their own state. But it is like the wits of poets did imagine so forged a chronicle that the posterity of ages following should rather wonder at their forged invention than to believe any such war truly mentioned. There was no such cause, seeing that the kingdom of Greece fell by no title of succession to Helena, for them to move war for the bringing back of that beautiful harlot Helena. Neither in Helena was there virtue or honesty of life to move and exasperate the Grecians to spend so great treasures, to raise [Fol. xxvj.r]

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so mighty an army on every side. What commendation had the Trojans to advance Helena and with all royalness to entreat her, she being a harlot? The folly of the Grecians and the Trojans is so on every side so great that it cannot be thought such a war truly chronicled. If violence and power had taken Helena from her husband, and not her own will and lust caught with the adulterous love of Paris being a stranger, if her moderation of life had been so rare as that the like fact for her chastity had not been in any age or commonwealth, her virtues would have given occasion the princes and nobles of Greece to stomach the matter. The example of the fact would with all praise and commendation be mentioned and celebrated to all ages. Lucretia for her chastity is perpetually to be advanced, whereupon the Romans banished Tarquinius their king, his stock, and name from Rome. The rare chastity of Penelope remains

1624–1625 the wits of poets did imagine so forged a chronicle ] Reynolds may have read Dio Chrysostom’s Trojan Oration which exposes Homer as a liar 1627 There was no such cause ] see Thuc. 1.11 and Hdt. 2.120 1640 the adulterous love of Paris ] see Il. 3.440-5, see too Menelaus’s condemnation of Helen in Euripedes’s Women of Troy l.124 1645 Lucretia for her chastity ] see Liv. 1.57-59 1630 exasperate ] excite

1635 commendation ] incentive

1643 stomach ] accept

1624 The cause of the forged invention. 1635 No commendation in upholding and maintaining of harlots. 1639 Helena followed Paris. 1644 Virtuous life worthy commendation in all ages. Lucretia. Tarquinius the king banished for ravishing Lucretia, and all of his name banished.

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as a example herein. So many snares laid to cast down her virtuous love toward her husband Ulysses, but Ulysses made havoc by murder on these gay and gallant ruffians, who in his absence sought to alienate and withdraw the chaste heart of Penelope, consuming his substance. A greater example remains in no age of the like chastity. As for the battle of Troy raised for Helena, could wise men and the most famous nobles of Greece so occupy their heads both, and in the same, to hazard their lives for a beautiful strumpet or harlot? The sage and wise Nestor, whom Agamemnon for wisdom preferred before the most of the peers of Greece, neither him nor Ulysses wanted it at the same time, having a politic and subtle head to withdraw them from so lewd and foolish an enterprise. Greece wanted not beautiful creatures, nature in others had bestowed amiable faces, personage, and comely behaviour. For at those days, Greece they called Achaida calligunaica, that is Greece the land of fair women. The dolorous lamentation of the ladies and matrons in Greece would have hindered

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such a foolish enterprise, seeing their own beauty neglected, their honesty of life cast up to perils, one harlot of innumerable people followed and hunted after in whom neither honesty, virtue, nor chastity was harboured.

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Incredible ALthough the folly of men is great and the will of princes and governors beastly and rash, yet by no means it can be so many years so great folly to take root in their hearts, and that the wisdom of the Grecians should not rather cast off as naught the beauty of Helena rather than the whole

1648 many snares … Ulysses ] a reference to her tapestry Od. 19.138 1649 Ulysses made havoc by murder ] when he kills all the suitors after the bow contest Od. 22 1655 Nestor ] his wisdom is proverbial, see, for example, Od. 3.20 1655–1656 whom Agamemnon for wisdom preferred ] a reference to Il. 9.162ff 1661 Achaida calligunaica ] see Il. 3.75, Ἄργος ἐς ἱππόβοτον καὶ Ἀχαιΐδα καλλιγύναικα 1673 the folly … rash ] commonplaces developed in Erasmus’s Praise of Folly 1657 politic ] prudent

1660 personage ] appearance

1650 Penelope’s chastity. 1655 Nestor. Ulysses. 1659 Greece the land of fair women. 1668 Uncomely. 1675 Beauty without virtue nothing of valour.

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multitude, the state of the prince, the welfare of the subject, to stand in peril for the beauty of one. What is beauty when a beastly and adulterous mind is possessed? Beauty without chastity harbours a monstrous rabblement of vices, a snare and bait to poison others. Beauty in few years is not only blemished but decayed, and wholly extinguished. It is incredible that the Grecians would seek to bring home Helena who had lost the chaste love toward her husband, being caught with the adulterous love of Paris, son to Priamus, King of Troy. The land of Phrygia was a mighty region, the people noble, puissant in war, the king for nobility of acts famous. The city of Troy, wherein the king held his scepter of government, was rich, mighty, and populous, ruled and governed by the wisdom and policy of famous counselors so that, by all means, it is incredible without any possibility, they neglecting their own state and kingdom so to prefer the beauty of one than the whole multitude of Greece, thereby to perish. It is a matter incredible in all Greece, which for the fame of wisdom is most celebrated among all nations, not one wise man at the same time to be therein, whose counsel and politic heads might ponder a better purpose. Greece, which was the mother and fountain of all arts and sciences, all eloquence, philosophy, wisdom flowing from them, and yet wisdom to [Fol. xxvij.r]

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want in their breasts. Reason cannot make any persuasion that any probability can rise of any such matter enterprised, what could the intent be of the Grecians, as concerning Menelaus. In Menelaus there was no 1678 What … possessed ] a sermon-like passage, see Prov 6:25, “Lust not after her beauty in thy heart; neither let her take thee with her eyelids” 1681 extinguished ] a commonplace, see Psalm 49:14, “Like shepe thei lie in graue: death deuoureth them; and the righteous shal haue dominacion ouer them in the morning: for their beautie shal consume, when they shal go from their house to graue” 1685 the people noble, puissant in war ] see Il. 2.862 1692 most celebrated among all nations ] a commonplace, see Quint. Inst. 1.1 1694 the mother and fountain of all arts and sciences ] a commonplace translated from the Latin Graecia disciplinarum mater et artium, the incipit of a commentary attributed to Laurent Valla on Aesop’s fables, Bod Auct. Q inf. 1.24. [between 1488 and 1492] 1679–1680 rabblement ] rabble

1685 puissant ] powerful

1678 Beauty a poison in an adulterous mind. 1680 Beauty soon fades. 1683 Paris Helena’s lover. Phrygia. 1688 Uncomely. 1691 Greece the fountain of all learning. 1701 Menelaus husband to Helena.

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wisdom to seek and hunt after Helena or by any means to possess her, she being a harlot, her love alienated, her heart possessed with the love of another man. Foolishly he hopes to possess love that seeks to enjoy the cloaked, poisoned, and dissembled heart of a harlot, Greece was well rid of a harlot, Troy harbouring Helena. In the Trojans it is not to be thought that either the king or nobles for a harlot would see the people murdered, their own state, the king to be in danger of ruin. In the Grecians there was neither wisdom neither commendation to pursue with a main host, with a great navy of ships to bring back again a harlot, whose enterprise rather might better be born to banish and exile such a beastly disposed person. The Trojans might well scorn the Grecians if that the possession of a beautiful, most amiable and mincing harlot, was of such valor, estimation, and price with them only the beauty of all others to be rejected. But most of all the virtuous life and chastity of all their matrons and honorable ladies to be cast off as naught. Greece that had the name of all wisdom, of all learning and singularity, might rather worthily be called a harboring place of harlots, a stew and upholder of whoredom, and all unclean. Wherefore these absurdities ought to be removed from the mind and cogitation of all men, that should worthily ponder the state of Greece, Troy of like sort to be a kingdom and commonwealth of all vice. Whoredom in such price with the king and people that most fortunate should the harlot be, and the adulterer in such a commonwealth, that for adulterous love puts rather all their state to hazard and peril, for the maintenance of beastly love, brutish society most in price with such a nation, chastity, and moderation of life

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[Fol. xxvij.v] abandoned and cast off.

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1704 to enjoy … harlot ] another sermon-like passage 1710 navy ] fleet 1724 adulterous love ] see August. De civitate Dei. 3.7, Deseruerint dii adulteros Iliumque flammis Graecorum reliquerint, the whole passage is sermon-like, Calvin draws an extensive parallel between the destruction of Troy in Verg. Aen. and Lam. 1:8 “Jerusalem has grievously sinned, therefore she is in derision” in his commentary 1710 main host ] great army 1704 Harlots’ love dissembled. 1706 Trojans. 1708 Grecians. 1717 The defence of Helena. 1721 Troy a kingdom of whoredom.

1712 Absurdity.

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Impossible and not agreeing IF we weigh natural affection, it cannot be that the Grecians so much abhorring from nature should cast off the natural love of their wives, their children, and country, to bring home again, by slaughter of infinite people, such a one as had left honesty and chaste love of her husband. For what praise can redound to the Grecians by war to bring home Helena, though she of all creatures was most beautiful, being a harlot, following the bridle and will of another man? May shame or commendation rise to the Trojans, can wisdom, counsel, or gravity defend the adulterous lust of Priamus’s son, yea, could Priamus so love Helena for Paris his son’s sake, as that he had rather venture the ruin and destruction of his city and the fall of his people, the murder and ruin of his children and wife, for the beauty of one? For what is beauty where honesty and virtue lacks, it is an uncomely matter, though the poets so feign it, not only that in heaven a contention should fall among the goddesses of their beauty, or that Jupiter of whom they make an ignorant God, to choose Paris the king’s son of Troy, chief arbitrator and judge of that matter, to whom he should give the golden apple to her beauty, as chief of all others was ascribed these things, are indecent to think of the goddesses and most of all to think there is more gods than one. And even as these are vanities and forged imaginations of the gods, so of the battle. 1734 should … husband ] the ultimate source for this passage may very well be Achilles’ speech against war (Il. 9.335-), see too Phrygius Dares, The faythfull and true storye of the destruction of Troye (1553) S T C 204:09, fols. 38r-v: “Therfore Achilles beganne in presence of them all, greatly and by al meanes to complayne hym, declaring it to be vnlawful, that for one Helen all Europe and Greece shuld be destroyed, and that by so longe warre, so great a number of menne shoulde be loste, the liberty of the countrei to be brought unto bondage and caste vnder foote: therfore it wer good and necessary for them to make peace, and to go their wayes. Thus they consumed a whole yere” 1744 what is beauty where honesty and virtue lacks ] a commonplace, see Eustathios’ commentary on Il., “Beauty without Virtue is no grace, but a disgrace to those that so have it” quoted in Thomas Gataker, Saint Stevens last will and testament (1638) S T C 1602:11, p. 24, “beauty without virtue, and high kindred wythout good conditions, is no other thing then as a goodly greene Tree that florishs with leaues and blossomes, and brings forth no fruite” Fenton Golden Epistles (1575) S T C (2nd ed.) 10794 , fol. 128r. See too Arist. Eth. Nic. I.8 1098b-1099b 1746 contention should fall among the goddesses of their beauty ] the judgement of Paris 1750–1751 most of all to think there is more gods than one ] the Reformed condemnation of idolatry based on, for example, 1 Cor. 8:1-13 1737 redound to ] return to

1751 vanities ] falsities

1733 Nature abhors the war of the Grecians.

1737 Helena.

1740 Priam.

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Uncomely and unprofitable THE danger of many people does show that no such thing should happen, either of the Grecians or of the Trojans. For it is a matter dissonant from all truth that they should so much neglect the quiet state and prosperous renown of their kingdom in all times and ages, since the first constitution of all monar[Fol. xxviij.r]

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chies and kingdoms. Who ever heard such a forged matter to be chronicled and set forth? Or who can give credit to such war to be enterprised of so small a matter, to leave the state of weighty things for one woman, all the women of that country to stand in peril, the slaughter of their dear husbands, the violent murder of their children to ensue. Therefore, the willfulness of people and princes is the cause of the fall and destruction of many mighty kingdoms and empires. The fall of Greece ensued when the chief cities Athens and Lacedemonia took parts and did confederate diverse cities to them, to assist them and aid them in battle only. Ambition and desire of glory moved both the Athenians and Lacedemonians from concord and unity, by which means the power, glory, and strength of all kingdoms fall. Ambition was the cause that mighty Pompey fell and died violently. Caesar likewise caught with ambition, not bearing the equality or superiority of Pompei, was turned off violently from Fortune’s wheel. Many princes of like sort and kingdoms by ambition only had the cause of their ruin. The glory of the Assyrian monarchy grew most mighty by the ambition of Ninus, King of Babylon. The offspring of Ninus, who were kings lineally descending to the first kingdom of the

1764 to leave the state of weighty things for one woman ] see Hdt. 1.4 recorded in Plutarch, De Herod. 11 1773 Ambition was the cause that mighty Pompey fell ] Plut. Pomp. 70 1774 Caesar likewise caught with ambition ] see Plut. Caes. 69.1 1775–1776 Fortune’s wheel ] rota fortunae, a commonplace 1776–1777 by ambition only had the cause of their ruin ] a commonplace, see Cic. Tusc. 3.4. See too Erasmus, The seconde tome or volume of the Paraphrase of Erasmus upon the Newe Testament (1549) S T C (2nd ed.) 2854.7, Sig. CCv, “Than heare in one worde, howe the Assirians, Bybylonians, Medes and the Grecians had an ende: And euen so shall Rome also” 1769 Ambition. Caesar fell by ambition.

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1771 Discord.

1773 Pompey.

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Medes, both enlarged their kingdoms and also had the decay of them by ambition. Let the Medes also associate themselves to them, from Arbactus the first king unto Astyages the last, the beginning and fall of the Persian monarchy. The mighty state of Greece, the seat imperial of Rome, by ambition first extolled themselves, and also by it their glory, scepter, and kingdom were translated, but the fall of Troy came not by ambition that the Grecians sought. But as the poets do feign, the beauty of one woman so wounded their hearts that the Grecians did hazard the perils of their country. The Trojans so much esteemed the beauty of Helena as that the state of all their kingdom perished. It was no

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glory nor honour to the Grecians to resist by armour and to defend the violent taking away of Helena from her husband, nor it was no honour the Grecians to pursue by armour the taking away of Helena, being a harlot. So that by no means it can follow these things to be true of the battle of Troy.

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Confirmation The other part, contrary to destruction or subversion, is called confirmation

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Confirmation has in it so great force of argument to establish and uphold the cause or proposition as destruction has in casting down the sentence or proposition.

1780 decay of them ] Reynolds may have in mind Isaiah 23:13, “Beholde the land of the Chaldeans; this was no people: Asshúr founded it by the in habitants of the wildernes: thei set vp the towres theieof. they raised the palaces thereof and he broght it to ruine.” 1781–1782 Arbactus ] Arbaces, one of the generals of Sardanapalus, King of Assyria and founder of the Median Empire 1782 Astyages ] the last king of the Median Empire 1783–1784 the seat imperial of Rome, by ambition first extolled themselves ] See Liv. 1.7 1786 poets ] notably Homer, Virgil and Ovid 1795–1796 Helena, being a harlot ] See Il. 19.325 1803–1804 to establish and uphold the cause or proposition ] Cic. Inv. 1.34, Confirmatio est, per quam argumentando nostrae causae fidem et auctoritatem et firmamentum adiungit oratio 1804–1805 as destruction has in casting down the sentence or proposition ] see Cic. Part. 9.33, Nam in confirmando nostra probare volumus, in reprehendendo redarguere contraria 1783 Romulus killed Remus by ambition.

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Confirmation is a certain oration which with a certain reprehension of the person or fact, by order and way of art, casts down the contrary propounded. As in the other part called destruction, those propositions are to be subverted which are not manifestly true, with all other notes before specified. So in contrariwise, this oration by contrary notes is declaimed by as for example:

1810

1. It shall behove you first for the entering of the oration to induce a reprehension against those who have confuted as a truth that which you will confirm.

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2. In the second part, place the exposition and meaning of the author’s sentence.

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3. Show the matter to be manifest. 4. Credible. 1825

5. Possible. 6. Agreeing to the truth. 7. Show the fact comely.

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8. Profitable. This exercise of rhetoric does contain in it all strength of art, as who should say, all parts of rhetoric may copiously be handled in this part called confirmation. You may, as matter rises, join two notes together as the reason of the argument comes in place which Apthonius [Fol. xxix.r] 1807–1808 the contrary propounded ] Arist. Rh. 2.26.3 1810 As in the other part called destruction ] Arist. Rh. 2.26.3 1813 for example ] Aphthonius and Lorich have points three to eight 1834 This exercise of rhetoric does contain in it all strength of art ] follows Aphthonius and Lorich 1835 copiously ] a reference to rhetorical copia 1837 Apthonius ] see Progym. p. 103

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a Greek author herein uses. As manifest and credible, possible and agreeing to truth, comely and profitable, but in all these as in all the rest, the theme or proposition by itself is to be placed, the reprehension of the author by itself, the exposition of the theme by itself.

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The theme or proposition IT is true what is said of Zopyrus, the noble Persian who ventured his life and did cause the deformity of his body for the safeguard of this country.

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The praise JUstinus the historiographer, for worthiness of fame and wisdom, deserves in the posterity of all times immortal fame, by whom the famous acts of princes and other noblemen do remain chronicled, giving examples of all valiantness and virtue. For both the acts and worthy feats of princes would pass as unknown in all ages except the worthiness of them were in monuments of writing chronicled. For by the fame of their worthiness and virtues, commonwealths and kingdoms do establish and make laws, the hearts of people are incensed and inflamed to the like nobility of acts and famous enterprises, histories of ancient times be unto us witnesses of all times and ages, of kingdoms and commonwealths a lively example. A light to all truth and knowledge, a schoolmaster of manners, a memory of life, for by it we see the wisdom of all ages, the form of the best and flourishing commonwealths. We learn by the virtues 1846 Zopyrus ] see Hdt. 3.155-158 1853 For … Chronicled ] Compare “To the Reader” in Golding’s Justine (1564) S T C (2nd ed.) 24290, “For lyke as their could have ben no Historiographer, if noble actes and enterprises had not ben atcheued: so if no man shulde have put suche dedes in wryting, besydes that the fame of the dooers shulde after a whyle have vtterlie ben condemned to obliuion, the frutifull example of their doinges, (which nowe remains to posterity) must also nedes have perished” 1857–1858 the hearts of people are incensed and inflamed to the like nobility of acts ] compare Leland (1549) S T C 58:05, Sig. D iiii, “after that I had perpended the honest and profytable studyes of these hystoryographers, I was totallye enflamed wyth a love, to se throughlye all those parts of thys your opulent and ample realme” 1860 a lively example ] see the title of Golding’s translation: “a worke conteyning brieflie great plenty of most delectable hystories, and notable examples, worthie not onelie to be read but also to be embraced and followed of all menne” 1860 A light to all truth and knowledge, a schoolmaster ] compare Golding, “To the Reader”, “Therfore are we not a lytell beholding to Chronaclers, as to them that are the guydes, instructours, and maisters of oure lyfe” 1850 Justin. 1852 Chronicles most necessary to be read. tories. 1860 What is a history.

1858 The worthiness of his-

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of princes and governors to follow like step of virtue, to fly and avoid vices and all such things as are to the destruction and decay of realm and country. How brutish were our life if we knew no more than we see presently in the state of our commonwealth and kingdom? The kingdoms of all princes and commonwealths that now flourish do stand by

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the long experience, wisdom, policy, counsel, and godly laws of princes of ancient times, no small praise and commendation can be attributed to all such as do travel in the searching out the verity of ancient histories, for by the knowledge of them we are as it were living in all ages, the fall of all kingdoms is manifest to us, the death of princes, the subversions of kingdoms and commonwealths. Who knows not the first rising and end of the Assyrian monarchy, the glory of the Persians and the ruin of the same, the mighty empire of the Greeks rising and falling, the Roman state after what sort flourishing and decaying? So that no state of commonwealth or kingdom is unknown to us, therefore Justin, and all such as do leave to the posterity the state of all things chronicled, deserve immortal commendations. The exposition IN the time of Darius king of the Persians, the Assyrians, who were subjects to him since the time of Cirus the first king of the Persians, rebelled, invaded, and took the mighty City of Babylon, which being possessed with much difficulty and not without great dangers could be attained. Darius the king, hearing of the treason of the Assyrians and that the mighty city of Babylon was taken, was very wroth weighing with himself that thereby the ruin of the Persian kingdom might happen. Zopyrus, 1862–1863 We learn by the virtues of princes and governors to follow like step of virtue ] a humanist conception of exemplar history based on Polyb. 1.1, Dion. Hal. De arte rhet. 11.2.19, “History is philosophy teaching by examples”, and Thuc. 1.22.4 1874 living in all ages ] see Diod. Sic. 1.1.3 1878 the mighty … decaying ] belongs to the wheel of fortune commonplace, see for example Ecclesiastes 9:11 and Boethius De consolatione, which occurs in sermons as well, notably Calvin’s 1889 Darius ] see Hdt. 3.151-7 1891 Zopyrus ] the exemplum is used repeatedly by Thomas Elyot in The Gouernour, Dictionary, Bibliotheca. See too Calvin’s commentary on Jeremiah 50:3 1864 An ignorant life, a brutish life. 1872 The knowledge of histories makes us as it were living in all ages. Historiographers. 1885 The treason of the Assyrians. 1888 Darius. 1890 Babylon taken of the Assyrians.

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one of the seven noble peers of Persia, seeing the danger of the country, the state of the prince and the welfare of the subjects to decay, in the safegard of his country, leaving all private commodity for the behoof and felicity of the Persian kingdom, did venture his own life, commanded his servants at home to tear and rent his body with whips, to cut off his nose, his lips and his ears, these things being unknown to Darius the king. As soon as Darius saw Zopyrus so torn

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and deformed he bewailed his state, being astonished at so horrible a fact. But Zopyrus showed to the king his whole intent and purpose that he minded to go to Babylon, which the Assyrians did traitorously possess, and complain as that these things had been done by the tyranny and cruelty of Darius. He went to Babylon and there complained of the cruelty of his king, whereby purchasing the favour and love of the Assyrians. He showed them how Darius came to be king not by worthiness, not by virtue, not by the common consent of men but by the neighing of a horse. Zopyrus therefore admonished them that they should trust more to their armour than to their walls, he willed them to proclaim open war, forthwith they encountered with the Persians, and for a time victory fell on the Babylonians’ side, such was the policy of Zopyrus. The Assyrians rejoiced of the success and felicity of their wars, the king of the Babylonians gave to Zopyrus the chief power and office to lead a mighty army, of the which being lieutenant he betrayed the Babylonians and their city. Manifest NOt only Trogus Pompeius, the famous historiographer, and Justin, who took the story of him, but also the Greek writers do set forth as matter of truth the valiant enterprises of Zopyrus, so that the strange and mighty fact of him cannot seem incredible, having testimony of it in all ages. Zopyrus, having not respect to his own life, to his own private wealth or glory, did thereby put of the danger that ensued to the Persian kingdom. 1919 Justin ] Epit. 1.10 1894 behoof ] profit

1920 Greek writers ] Hdt. 3.154, Diod. Sic. 10.19, Plut. Mor. 3.4 1903 fact ] or deed

1895 The fact of Zopyrus. 1902 Zopyrus caused the deformity of his body for the good state of his country. 1911 The policy of Zopyrus. 1919 Trogus Pompeius. 1922 Zopyrus.

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It may seem a great matter to a mind not well affected toward his country to destroy or deform his own body for the safeguard of country or commonwealth. But if we weigh the state of our birth, our country challenges more at our hands than friends or parents, so much price Plato the philosopher and Aristotle do attribute unto our country, the volumes of all laws and books

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[Fol. xxx.v] do prefer our natural country before the private state of own man, wealth, glory, honor, dignity, and riches of one or few, the statutes of all princes, seeking the glory of their country, do prefer a universal wealth before a private and particular commodity. Pericles, the noble Athenian, in his oration made to the Athenians, shows that the glory and wealth of one man or many cannot plant such glory and renown to their country as that in all parts thereby to be beautified and decorated, but when glory a happy and flourishing state redounds to the kingdom, the subjects, the nobles, and high peers, the governor stand happy and fortunate. Who so hopes in sparing costs and charges, money or ornaments to the behoof and employment of his country, and not by all means to his power and strength, aids and defends his natural country from the danger and invasion of his enemy. What state enjoys he or what wealth remains privately, when the throne and scepter of his king fails, the enemy wastes, spoils, and destroys all parts of his state, with the rest his life perishes? So that no danger, cost are to be refused to serve the kingdom and prince, by whose scepter, justice, laws, and equity we are governed; there is no subject well affected, but that he only lives to profit his country, to live and die therein. Probable IF only Zopyrus had enterprised this valiant act and that no memory were remaining in any age of the noble acts of other men, it may seem 1926–1927 for the safeguard of country or commonwealth ] perhaps a reference to De finibus 3.19 1928 Plato ] Crito 51a-b, Resp. 4, Leg. 5.739b 1929 Aristotle ] Eth. Nic. 1.2 1938 his oration made to the Athenians ] Thuc. 2.34-46 1943 behoof ] advantage 1926 The saying of Tully. 1928 Plato. Aristotle. 1934 The state of a public wealth is to be preferred before a private wealth. Pericles. 1945 A good subject is ready to live and die for his country.

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not truly chronicled, but from time to time in all ages and commonwealths famous men for their acts and nobility have been, who with like courage and magnanimity have saved their country by the loss of their own lives. Horatius Cocles is both a witness and a light to the same, by whose adventure the mighty and strong city Rome was saved. For at what time as the Etruscans entered on the city and [Fol. xxxj.r]

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were on the bridge, Horatius Cocles defended the end of the same, bearing of the brunt and stroke of the enemy until the Romans, for the safeguard of the city, had broken down the bridge. As soon as Horatius Cocles saw the city thus delivered and the repulse of the enemy, he leapt with his armours into the flood Tibar, it seemed he had not regard to his life, that being burdened with the weight and gravity of his armour, durst venture his life to so main and deep a water. Marcus Attilius in the defence of his prince, his right hand being cut off, the which he laid on the ship of the Massilians, forthwith he apprehended with the left hand and ceased not until he had sunk the same ship. Cynaegirus the Athenian lives by fame and like nobility of acts, venturing his life for his country, the mighty city of Athens brought under the dominions of the Lacedemonians. Thrasybulus, Ismenias and Lisias, by their adventure and noble achievement, reduced Athens to its felicity, so much love, so faithful hearts they had towards their country. Leonides, the King of the Lacedemonians, defending the narrow straights of the city Thermopylae with four thousand men against the mighty and huge army of Xerxes, for Xerxes contemned their small number and army. Leonides the king heard that the place and hill of the battle was prevented of twenty thousand enemies, he exhorted his soldiers part of them to depart until a better time might be looked for, and only with the Lacedemonians he proved the conflict and the combat, although the camp of Xerxes was mightier and more in number. Yet

1960 Horatius Cocles ] Dion. Hal. 5.1-39, Liv. 2.10 1975 Cynaegirus ] see Val. Max. 3. 2, 22. 1977–1978 Thrasybulus ] Thuc. 8.73 1978 Ismenias ] Cic. Ver. 2.4.92 1978 Lisias ] Plut. Vit. X orat. 3.3 1980 Leonides ] Diod. Sic. 14.25, Liv. 42.51 1979 reduced ] restored

1984 prevented of ] surrounded by, an unusual sense

1959 Horacius Cocles. 1972 Marcus Attilius. 1975 Cynegerus. sibulus. 1982 Leonides king of the Lacedemonians.

1977 Hismenias. Thra-

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Leonides the king thought it good for the safeguard of his country, for says he, “I must rather save it than to have respect to my life”, although the oracle of Delphos had foreshowed that even Leonides must die in the field or battle of the enemy, and therefore Leonides entered battle and comforted his men for their country’s sake as to die therein, therefore he prevented the narrow straights of the country and the dangerous places where the force of the enemy might

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[Fol. xxxj.v] burst in, he lingered not, lest the enemy might compass him in, but in the quiet season of the night he set upon his enemy unlooked for, and they, being but six hundred men with the king Leonides, burst into the camp of their enemies being six hundred thousand men. Their valiantness was such and the overthrow of their enemies so great and Xerxes the king having two wounds retired with shame and lost the honour. Agesilaus and Conon valiant in acts and excelling in all nobility, what great and mighty dangers have they achieved and ventured for their country’s sake, how much have they neglected their own wealth, riches, life, and glory for the advancement and honour of their country? Lisander also the Lacedemonian was indued with like nobility with faithful and sincere heart toward his country. Archidamus also lives not in oblivion, whose fame death buried not. The famous adventure of Codrus, king of the Athenians, is marvelous and almost incredible, but that the histories truly set forth and declare a manifest truth thereof. Who is more famous than Epaminondas both for virtue, nobility, and martial feats among the Thebans? The mighty army of the Grecians at the long siege of Troy, what valiant captains had they, who in the defence of their country hazarded their lives. The Trojans also wanted not for proofs valiantness and all no-

2003–2004 Agesilaus ] see Plut. Vit. 40 2004 Conon ] Diod. 13.78, Plut. Vit. 21 2007 Lisander ] Plut. Vit. 30 2009 Archidamus ] Diod. Sic. 11.63 2010–2011 Codrus, king of the Athenians ] Just. 2.6 2013 Epaminondas ] Epaminondas, Nep. Ep., Plut. Life of Pelopidas, Mor. 808e-809a, Diod. Sic. 15.88, Cic. Tusc. 1.2. See too Elyot Gov. and Castiglione, The Courtyer (1561). 1993 prevented ] avoided 2000 Leonides. 2003 Agesilaus. Conon. 2007 Lisander. 2012 Epaminondas. 2014 Grecians. 2015 Trojans.

2009 Archidamus. Codrus.

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bility, their peers and nobles. Among the Romans, what a great number was of noble peers whose study always was to live and die in the glory, aid, and defence of their country. For he lives not, by whose cowardliness, fainted heart, and courage the country or kingdom stands in peril, he lives in shame that refuses danger, cost or charge in the defence or procuring better state to his country. The worthy saying of Epaminondas declares, who lives to his country, who dying valiantly in the field, being thrust through with the spear of his enemy, asked those questions of these that stood by him at the point of death: “is my spear manfully broken and [Fol. xxxij.r]

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my enemies chased away?”, the which things his companions in war affirmed, then said he: “now your captain Epaminondas begins to live in that he dies valiantly for his country and in the profit and advancement of the same, a worthy man, noble and valiant”. His sentence also was worthy to be known and followed of all such as be well affected and godly minded to their country. Marcus Marcellus of like sort and Titus Manlius Torquatus and Scipio Aemilianus, Marcus Attilius showed in what high price our natural country ought to be had by their valiant achievements and enterprises. I might pass by in silence Scipio Cato and Publius Scipio Nasica, but that they by like fame, honour, and glory live immortal to their country, the same also of Vibeus, Valerius Flaccus, and Pedanius Centurio gives ample and large matter to all men, endued with nobility

2022–2023 Epaminondas declares ] Nep. Epam. 9 2035 Marcus Marcellus ] famous for winning the spolia opima, Plut. Vit. 8 2035–2036 Titus Manlius Torquatus ] Titus Manlius Torquatus, see Liv. 23.34, Polyb. 2.31, but perhaps Titus Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus, see Liv. 7. 4-27, 8.3; Cic. Off. 3.31 2036 Scipio Aemilianus ] depicted as the ideal Roman statesman in Cic. De republica 2036 Marcus Attilius ] Hor. Carm. 3.5, Gell. Attic Nights 7.4, Aug. De Civ. D. 1.15, Aur. Vict. De viris illustribus. 40, Tertullian, Ad martyras 4 2038 Scipio ] Scipio Africanus, see Liv. 26, 28, 29 Orosius 4, Val. Max. 3, 4, 7, 8 2038 Cato ] Cato the Younger, see Plut. Cat. Mi. 2038–2039 Publius Scipio Nasica ] Liv. 29.14.6, Ov. Fasti 4.264, Polyb. 29-14 2040 Vibeus ] probably Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, consul, see Cic. Phil. 3.9 2040 Valerius Flaccus ] Gaius Valerius Flaccus, see Cic. Pro Balbo 24 2040–2041 Pedanius Centurio ] see Liv. 25.14 2017 Romans. peer.

2020 Who lives in shame.

2030 Epaminondas a most noble and valiant

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and valiant prowess for the defence of their country, with Quintus Coccius, Marcus Sceua, and Scevola. Possibility THere needs no doubt to rise of possibility, seeing that examples do remain of famous men, of godly and well affected persons, who have with like magnanimity put in danger their lives to save their prince, kingdom, and country. Great honour was given of the Athenians to such noble and valiant men who ventured their lives for their commonwealth, to maintain the flourishing state thereof. The eloquent and copious oration of Thucydides, the true, faithful, and eloquent historiographer does show. What honour and immortal fame was attributed to all such as did venture their lives in the flourishing state of their country, in supporting, maintaining, and defending the same. Who, although they lost their lives, which by death should be dissolved, their fame never buried lives with the soul to immortality. The loss of their private wealth, glory, riches, substance, or dignity has purchased and obtained fame that withers

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not and glory that fails not. Agreeing and comely BOth the true histories do leave in commendation the fact of Zopyrus and the noble and worthy enterprises of others which have given the like assay, and their fame is celebrated and titled with immortal commendation and glory to the posterity of all ages following. What heart can be so stony or brutishly affected that will not venture his life, goods, lands or

2042–2043 Quintus Coccius ] probably Quintus Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, see Val. Max. 7.1.1 2043 Marcus Sceua ] Cassius Scaeva, the centurion, see Suet. 68.3-4 2043 Scevola ] Mucius Scaevola, Gaius, see Cassis Hemina (frag. 16 Peter) 2052 Thucydides ] Reynolds’s praise is quite surprising since Thucydides was excluded from Erasmus’ set texts of Greek prose authors in his influential De ratione studii. In the sixteenth century he was rarely read as a historian or as a source of exempla (see Thucydides and the Modern World p. 7) 2065 the fact of Zopyrus ] occurs in Melanchthon Chronicon Carionis (1558), fol. 81r-v. 2066–2067 like assay ] same proof 2048 The order of Athens.

2051 Thucydides.

2068 The duty of all good subjects.

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possessions, if with the danger of one, that is of himself, the whole body and state of his country is thereby supported and saved? What security and quietness remained, what wealth, honour, or fame to Zopyrus, if not only Zopyrus had perished but the king and people universally had been destroyed? Thereupon Zopyrus, weighing and considering the state of his birth, that his country challenged his life, rather than the dissolution of the whole kingdom, the decay of the prince, the taking away of the scepter, the slaughter of infinite people to ensue. He was born to be a profitable member to his country, a glory and stay to the same, and not sparing his life or shunning the great deformity of his body to be a ruin of the same. Was it not better that one perished than, by the security of one, a whole land over ruined, as parts thereby spoiled? It was the duty of Zopyrus to take upon him that great and famous enterprise. It was also comely, the kingdom standing in peril, a sage and discreet person to prevent and put off such a danger at hand. The fact altogether shows all virtue and great singularity and a rare moderation of mind to cast off all respects and excuses, forsaking presently honour, quietness, and objecting himself to peril, he saw, if he only died or by jeopardy saved his country, many thereby lived, the kingdom and people flourished, where otherwise he with his prince and kingdom might have perished.

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Profitable [Fol. xxxiij.r] 2095

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ALl the power of the Babylonians was by his policy thrown down, the city taken, the enemy brought to confusion. On the other side, the Persians rose mighty, such a mighty enemy put underfoot. The fame of Zopyrus and glory of the fact will never be obliterated or put out of memory, if this were not profitable to the kingdom of Persia. If this were not a renown to the prince and people and immortal glory to Zopryus, judge you. Zopyrus therefore beautified his country by the deformity of his body. Better it we to have many such deformed bodies than the whole state of the realm destroyed or brought to naught. If we weigh the magnanimity of that man and his enterprise, there is so much honour in the fact that his fame shall never cease.

2074 The cause of our birth. 2084 The fact of Zopyrus. 2100 Zopyrus deformed, a beauty of his country.

2095 The fact of Zopyrus.

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A commonplace A commonplace is an oration dilating and amplifying good or evil which is incident or lodged in any man. This oration is called a commonplace because the matter contained in it does agree universally to all men who are partakers of it and guilty of the same. An oration framed against a certain thief, extortioner, murderer or traitor is for the matter contained in it, meetly and aptly compiled against all such as are guilty of theft, murder, treason or spotted with any other wickedness. This oration of a commonplace is like to the last argument or epilogus of any oration, which the Greeks do call deuterologia, which is as much to say as a rehearsal of that which is spoken of before.

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Wherefore a commonplace has no exordium or beginning, yet nevertheless for the profit and exercise of the learner you may place such a proemium, or beginning of the oration, as may be easy to induce the learner. 2125

This part of rhetoric is large to entreat upon for the abundance of matter. [Fol. xxxiij.v] The commonplace, which Aphthonius entreats of, is to be applied against any man for the declaimour to invade either against vices or to extoll and amplify his virtues. This oration of a commonplace serves both for the accuser and the defender.

2108 dilating and amplifying ] for the definition of amplification, see Quint 9.2.3 2110 agree universally to all men ] see Arist. Rh. 1.1358 a 10-35 and Quint. Inst. 2.4.22, for whom communes loci apply to evil only 2113 An oration … wickedness ] discussed in Peltonen 2013, p. 53 2119 deuterologia ] literally “second speech”, a supplementary speech, see John of Sardis (Progym. 203) 2130 which Aphthonius entreats of ] a rare instance of a direct allusion to Reynolds’s source 2109 incident ] pertinent to

2124 induce ] move

2108 Why it is called a commonplace.

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For the accuser to exasperate and move the judges or hearers against the offender or accused.

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For the defender to reply and, with all force and strength of matter, to mollify and appease the perturbations of the judges and hearers, to pull down and deface the contrary alleged. There is great force in this oration on both the sides.

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Properly this kind of rhetoric is called a commonplace, though it seems to be made against this man or that man, because the matter of the same shall properly pertain to all guilty of the same matter.

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Pristianus shows that this part of rhetoric is as it were a certain exaggeration of reason to induce a manifest probation of any thing committed.

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As for example a thief taken in a robbery, in whom neither shamefastness nor sparkle of grace appears against such a one. This oration may be made to exasperate the judges from all favour or affection of pity to be showed.

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The order of the oration follows with these notes to be made by The first proem DEmosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, in his oration made against Aristogiton does say, that laws wherewith a commonwealth, city or region is governed are the gift of God, a profitable discipline among men, a restraint to withhold and keep back the willful, rash, and beastly life of man, and thereupon Aristotle and Plato do show that through the wicked behaviour of men good laws were first

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[Fol. xxxiiij.r] ordained, for of ill manners, say they, rose good laws. Where laws do cease and good order fails, there the life of man will grow, rude, wild, and

2149 Pristianus ] Prisc. praeex. 39-40 2160 Aristogiton ] Dem. Aristog. 15, 17, 21 2163 Aristotle ] Pol. 1.1253a 2163 Plato ] Leg. 9.875a 2149 Pristianus.

2160 What are laws.

2162 Aristotle. Plato.

2168 Order.

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beastly. Man being a chief creature or God, endued with many singular virtues, is framed of nature to a mutual and godly society of life, without the which most horrible would the life be, for not only by concord and agreement the life of man does consist but all things on the earth have therein their being. The heavens and lights contained in the same have a perpetual harmony and consent in finishing their appointed race. The elements of the world, where with the nature and substance of all things, do consist only by a harmony and temperature of each part, have their abiding increase and prosperous being, otherwise their substance perishes and nature in all parts decays. Kingdoms and commonwealths do consist in a harmony so long as virtue and all singularity tempers their state and government, and each member thereof obeys his function, office, and calling, and as parts of the same body, every one as nature has ordained them occupying their room and place, the use of every part, all to the use and preservation of the whole body, and as in the body so in the commonwealth, the like concord of life ought to be in every part, the most principal part according to his dignity of office as most principal to govern the other inferior parts. And it they as parts most principal of the same body with all moderation and equability tempering their state, office, and calling. The meanest part according to his low state applying himself to obey and serve the most principal, wherein the perfect and absolute frame of commonwealth or kingdom is erected. And seeing that, as the philosophers do say, of ill manners came good laws, that is to say, the wicked and beastly life of man, their injurious behaviour, seeking to frame themselves from men to beasts, moved the wise and godly elders to ordain certain means, to rote discipline, whereby the wickedly disposed person [Fol. xxxiiij.v]

2175 a perpetual harmony ] the Pythagorean belief in musica munda and musica humana universally accepted in the Elizabethan age 2188 body ] the image of the body politic which goes back to Aesop’s “Belly and the Members”. See too John of Salisbury’s influential Policratus (c. 1159) 2170 endued ] endowed

2188 equability ] evenness

2170 Man born by nature to society. 2176 All things being on the earth do consist by a harmony or concord. 2189 Order conserves commonwealth. 2194 Evil manners was the occasion of good laws.

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should be compelled to live in order, to obey godly laws to the upholding of society. Therefore, all such as dissolve laws, cast down good order and state of commonwealth, ought, as putrid and unprofitable weeds, to be extirpated and plucked up from city and commonwealth, from society, who by mischievous attempts seek to extinguish society, amity, and concord in life. Princes and governors with all other magistrates ought in their government to imitate the practice of the physician, the nature of man, weakened and made feeble with too much abundance of ill humors, or overmuch with ill blood replenished, to purge and evacuate that and all to the preservation and health of the whole body. For so was the meaning of the philosophers, entreating of the politic government of kingdom and commonwealth, when they compared a kingdom to the body of man. The thief and robber, as an evil and unprofitable member, and all others as without all right, order, law, equity, and justice do break society of life, both against law and nature, possessing the goods of another man, are to be cut off, as no parts meet to remain in any society.

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The second proem THe chiefest cause that moved governors and magistrates to cut off the race of thieves and violent robbers and of all other mischievous persons was that by them a confusion would ensue in all states. What city could stand in prosperous state, yea, or what house privately inhabited, where laws and authority are exiled, where violence, will, lust, and appetite of pestiferous men might without terror be practiced? If the labour and industry of the godly should be alway a prey to the wicked, and each man’s violence and injurious dealing his own law, the beast in his state would be less brutish and injurious. Who so seeks to cast down this society, he is not meet to be of any society which he dissolves. Who so robs or steals to live by the goods of another man as [Fol. xxxv.r]

2230

2204 Princes … physician ] see Pl. Politicus 292e-293b 2209 the philosophers ] Pl. Leg. 11.854e, 12.942a, such a citizen is incurable (ἀνίατος) 2225 Who … society ] see Pl. Leg. 12.955b-955c 2201 ought ] the text reads “out” 2210 Thieves not meet to be in any society. off by law.

2217 Why thieves and wicked men are cut

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his possession is by violence and against nature. So by violence and against nature, their pestiferous doings do frame their confusion. Their execrable and detestable purpose do make them outcasts from all good people and as no members thereof cut off from all society, their evil life roots perpetual ignominy and shame. And thus is the tragical end of their enterprise. The contrary HErein the loose and dissolute state of government called of the Greeks democratia has contented the willful heads of pestiferous men, wherein every man must be a ruler. Their own will is their law, there lust sets order, no magistrate but every one to himself a magistrate. All things in common, as long as that state does remain among the wicked, a most happy state counted, a wished state to idle persons but it continues not. Herein the murderer, the thief were meet to be placed. The greater thief the better man, the most execrable murderer a most meet person for such state of government. There is no nation under the sun but that one time or other this troublous state has molested it, and many have sought to set up such a monstrous state of regiment, a plagued commonwealth and to be detested. Such was the order of men when they lived without laws. When the whole multitude was scattered, no city, town or house built or inhabited but through beastly manners, beastly dispersed, lived wild and beastly. But the wise, sage, and politic heads reduced by wisdom into a society of life, nature leading thereto. Houses and habitations were then for necessity made, families multiplied, villages and towns populously increased and cities raised among so infinite people. Nature by God invented and established law and the sage and wise persons pronounced and gave sentence upon laws whereupon, by the obedience of laws and preeminent authority of magistrates,

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[Fol. xxxv.v]

2240 democratia ] Pl. Leg. 3.700a-700b, Critias with his invention of gods is too radical a thinker to be a source 2246 meet ] suitable

2253 reduced ] restored

2231 A due rewards for thieves and murderers. 2239 Democratia. murderer. 2253 Houses. Families. Towns. Cities.

2244 The thief. The

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the state of mighty kingdoms and commonwealths have grown to such a royalness and lofty state, many famous kingdoms have been on the face of the earth. Many noble princes from time to time succeeding, who without an order of godly laws could not have continued. What was the cause that the mighty monarchies continued many hundred years? Did the loss of dissolute life of subjects and princes cause the same but good laws and obedience to orders? Therefore, where magistrates both in life and office live in the obedience of laws, the multitude inferior, by example of the magistrates’ singularity incensed, do place before them their example of life as a strong law. Theodosius Emperor of Rome, writing to Volusianus his chief pretor as concerning his office in these words, says: “Digna vox est maiestate regnantis legibus alligatum se principem profiteri. Adeo de autoritate Iuris nostra pendet autoritas et reuera maius imperio est submittere legibus principatum and oraculo presentis edicti quod nobis licere non patimur alijs indicamus”. It is a worthy saying, and meet for the majesty of a prince, to acknowledge himself under his law. For our authority, power, and sword does depend upon the force, might, and authority of laws, and it passes all power and authority, his government and kingdom to be tempered by law, as a most inviolable oracle and decree, so to do as we promulgate to others. Whereupon it is manifest what force godly laws give to the prince, what authority. Take laws away, all order of states fails, the prince by law is a terror to the malefactor, his majesty is with all humbleness served, feared, and obeyed. By laws, his state makes him as a God among men, at whose hands the preservation of each one, of house, city, and country is sought. Seeing both laws and the prince have that honour and strength, that without them a chaos, a confusion would follow in the body of all commonwealths and kingdoms. Let them by authority and law be con[Fol. xxxvj.r] 2271–2272 their example of life ] see Cic. Off. notably 1.124 and 1.149 2274 Digna … indicamus ] the passage occurs in the Justinian Code 1.14.4 2284 it is manifest … authority ] a reference to Roman law, notably Just. 1.2.6 Sed et quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem, cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem concessit. 2290 without … kingdoms ] see Pl. Resp. 8. 560e and Arist. Pol. 5. 1302b 2266 Obedience of laws did establish the mighty monarchies. 2270 The life of the magistrate, a law. 2274 The Epistle of Theodosius Emperor of Rome. 2285 Prince’s law.

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founded that practice to subvert authority, to neglect the prince and his godly laws. The exposition THe thief, or any other injurious person, does seek to be above all laws, exempted from all order, under no obedience, their pestiferous dealings do utter the same. For as Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, does say, if that wicked men cease not their violence, if that good men in all quietness and security cannot enjoy their own goods, while law and authority of the magistrate severely and sharply uses his authority and sword, if daily the heads of wicked men cease not to subvert laws, orders, and decrees godly appointed, whilst that in all cities and commonwealths the princes and governors are by laws a terror to them, laws then ceasing, the dreadful sentence of the judge and magistrate wanting, the sword undrawn, all order confounded, what a confusion would follow, yea, what an open passage would be left open to all wickedness. The terror of laws, the sword and authority of the magistrate depresses and puts down the bloody cogitations of the wicked and so hinders and cuts off many horrible and bloody enterprises. Else there would be neither prince, law, nor subject, no head or magistrate, but every man his own head, his own law and magistrate, oppression and violence should be law and reason, and willful lust would be in place of reason, might, force, and power should end the case. Wherefore, such as no law, no order, nor reason will drive to live as members in a commonwealth to serve in their function. They are, as Homer calls them, burdens to the earth, for they are of no society linked with nature who through wickedness are dissevered, abhorring concord of life, society, and fellowship. Whom sinister and bitter storms of fortune do daily vex and molest, who in the defence of their [Fol. xxxvj.v]

2300 Demosthenes ] Dem. Aristog. 24-25, 97 2318 as Homer calls them, burdens to the earth ] the expression ἄχθος ἀρούρης occurs in Od. 20.379 where one of Penelope’s wooers uses it to insult the disguised Ulysses, a commonplace, see Thomas Starkey’s Dialogue between Pole and Lupset (c. 1529-32) 2298 Thieves and all injurious persons. 2300 Demosthenes in Aristogiton. force of laws. 2318 Wicked men burdens of the earth.

2306 The

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country are maimed, and thereby their art and science for imbecility not practiced, all art otherwise wanting, extreme poverty falling on them, reason must move and induce all hearts to pity chiefly their state. Who, in defence and maintenance of our country, prince, and to the upholding of our private wealth at home, are become debilitated, deformed, and maimed, else their miseries will drive them to such headless adventures, that it may be said, as it was said to Alexander the Great: “Your wars, O prince, make many thieves, and peace will one day hang them up”. Wherein the Grecians, as Thucydides notes, had a careful providence, for all such as in the defence of their country were maimed, yea, even for their wives and children of all such as died in war, to be maintained of the common charge and treasure of Greece. Read his oration in the second book made upon the funeral of the dead soldiers. A comparison of vices THe drunkard in his state is beastly, the proud and arrogant person odious, the riotous and prodigal person to be contemned, the covetous and niggardly man to be rejected. But who so by violence takes away the goods of an other man, or by any subtle means unjustly possesses the same, is detestable, with all severity to be punished. The adulterer and the harlot who by brutish behaviour, lewd affection, not godliness leading thereto, who by their unchaste behaviour and wanton life do pollute 2331 Your wars … up ] glosses Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni 7.8.19, At tu, qui te gloriaris ad latrones persequendos uenire, omnium gentium quas adisti latro es (I owe the identification to Prof. Flower), the passage became proverbial and occurs in Machiavelli’s Dell’arte della guerra (1520), Non avete voi uno proverbio il quale fortifica le mie ragioni, che dice: “La guerra fa i ladri, e la pace gl’impicca?” 2333 Thucydides ] Thuc. 2.37.3 2336–2337 his oration in the second book ] Pericles’ funeral oration in Thuc. 2.36-42 2339 comparison of vices ] see Aquinas Summa Theologiae 2.1.78, the passage is reminiscent of sermons 2340 drunkard ] for examples of condemnations of drunkenness see Ov. Fasti 3.523, Seneca, Epistulae 83.24f, Plut. Cat. Ma. 3.2, Martial 10.47, Juvenal 6.298-305, see too 1 Corinthians 3:16-17, 5:11, 6:10, Galatians 5:19-21, Romans 13:3 2340– 2341 proud and arrogant person odious ] Reynolds probably thinks of hubris, see Arist. Rh. 1378b, but of the deadly sin of pride as well, see proverbs 11:2 2341 riotous and prodigal ] see Seneca, De vita beata. 11.4 and the parable of the prodigal son Luke 15:11-32 which was extremely popular in the Elizabethan age 2341 covetous ] envy, see Arist. Rh. 2.7.1108b and 1 Cor 3:3 2342 niggardly man ] see Liv. preface. 11 2344–2345 adulterer and the harlot ] see 1 Cor 6:9 2325 Maimed soldiers must be provided for. 2331 The saying of a soldier to Alexander the Great. 2340 The drunkard. The proud person. The prodigal. The covetous. The robber. 2344 The adulterer. The harlot.

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and contaminate their body, in whom a pure mind ought to be reposed, who through beastly affection are by evil manners transformed to beasts, and as much as in them lie, multiplying a brutish society. The homicide in his state more horrible, according to his outrageous and bloody life, is to be tormented. In like sort, all other vices according to their mischiefs, reason, law, and justice must temper and aggravate due re-

2350

[Fol. xxxvij.r] 2355

ward and sentence to them. The sentence NO vice was more grievous and horrible among the Scythians than theft, for this was their saying: Quid saluum esse poterit si licet furari, what can be safe if theft be legal or tolerated? Herein the universal society of life is cast down, hereby a confusion grows and a subversion in all states immediately follows, equity, justice, and all sincere dealing are abandoned, violence extirpates virtue and authority is cut off.

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The digression THE fact in others may be with more facility tolerated in that to themselves the fact and conversation of life is most pernicious and hurtful, but by such kind of men whole kingdoms and commonwealths would be overthrown. And for a prosperous state and commonwealth, a common woe and calamity would fall on them, tumults and uproars maintained, right and law exiled. Neither in field quietness, wealth or riches, houses spoiled, families extinguished, in all places sedition, war for peace, violence for right, will and lust for law, a headless order in all states. And as concerning usurers, though their gains be never so ample and plentiful to enrich them, whereby they grow to be lords over many thousands of pounds, yet the wealth gotten by it is so injurious that they are a great 2349–2350 homicide in his state more horrible ] in Ancient Greece, see Pl. Leg. 9.872, and the seventh commandment 2360 Quid saluum esse poterit si licet furari ] Just. 2.1.6, Nullum scelus apud eos furto grauius: quippe sine tecto munimentoque pecora et armenta habentibus quid inter siluas superesset, si furari liceret? 2366 digression ] digressio ab re non longa, see Cic. de Orat. 3.203 and Quint. Inst. 4, 2, 19; 9, 1, 28; 9, 2, 56 al. 2377 so injurious ] for a similar treatment of usury in the common law, see 5 and 6 Edward V I, c. 12 2349 The homicide. 2359 Theft horrible among the Scythians. against theft. 2371 Horrible vices. 2374 Userers.

2361 A sentence

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plague to all parts of the commonwealth, so many dangers and mischiefs rises of them. Cato, the noble and wise Senator of Rome, being demanded diverse questions, what was first to be sought in a family or household, the answers not liking the demander. This question was asked, “O Cato, what sentence give you of usury that is a goodly matter to be enriched by?” Then Cato answered in few words. “Quid hominem occidere?” What say you is a murderer? Such a thing, says he, is

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[Fol. xxxvij.v]

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usury”. A brief sentence against usurers but wittily pronounced from the mouth of a godly, sage, noble, and discreet person, whose sentence let the usurer join to his usury returned and repeat at the return thereof this sentence of Cato, I have murdered. This one sentence will discourage any usurer, knowing himself a murderer. Though much more may be spoken against it this shall be sufficient. The Hebrews call usury by the name of Shecke, that is a biting gain, of the which many have been so bitten that whole families have been devoured and beggary have been their gain. And as Palingenius notes: Debitor aufugiens portat cum fænore sortem.

2400

The debtor often times, says he, runs away and carries with him the debt and gains of the usury. The Greeks call usury Tokos, that is properly the travail of women of their child, such is their usury a dangerous getting.

2383 “Quid hominem occidere? ] Cic. Off. 2.25.89 2389 godly, sage, noble, and discreet person ] on Cato the elder as a model of wisdom see Plut. Cato 2394 Shecke ] neshekh ( ), literally meaning a bite, hence usura vorax, see Luc. 1.158, Hinc usura vorax, avidumque in tempora foenus 2396 Palingenius ] Marcello Palingenio Stellato, Zodiacus Vitae (written 1500-1503) 12.20 2401–2402 The Greeks call usury Tokos, that is properly the travail of women of their child ] τόκος, see Il. 19.119, Ἀλκμήνης δ᾽ ἀπέπαυσε τόκον, σχέθε δ᾽ Εἰλειθυίας 2381 The sentence of Cato against usurers. Usury is murder. a discomfort to usurers.

2391 The sentence of Cato

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Demosthenes likens their state as thus, as if terrestrial things should be above the stars, and the heavens and celestial bodies governed by the base and low terrestrial matters, which by no means can conserve the excellency of them, for of them only is their matter, substance, and nature conserved. Exclusion of mercy WHerefore, to whom regiment and government is committed, on whose administration the frame of the commonwealth do stay itself. They ought with all wisdom and moderation to proceed in such causes whose office in worthiness of state and dignity makes them as gods on the earth, at whose mouths for wisdom, counsel, and fortunate state, infinite people do depend. It is no small thing in that their sword and authority does set or determine all things that tender a prosperous state, whereupon with all integrity and equity they ought to temper the affections of their mind and, according to the horrible facts and mis-

2405

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[Fol. xxxviij.r]

2420

chiefs of the wicked, to exasperate and aggravate their terrible judgement and to extirpate from the earth such as be of no society in life, the bloody homicide, the thief, the adulterer. For by these all virtue is rooted out, all godly society extinguished, cities, realms, and countries prostrate and plagued for the toleration of their facts. Against such, friendship in judgement must cease and, according to the state of the cause, equity to retain friendship, money must not blind nor rewards to force and

2425

2403 Demosthenes ] an allusion to Dem. Aristog. 75, ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶν θαυμάζω, τὸ τἄνω κάτω γεγενῆσθαι τί ποτ᾽ οἴεσθ᾽ εἶναι. ἐὰν ἡ γῆ μὲν ἄνω, τὰ δ᾽ ἄστρα κάτω γένηται; οὐκ ἔστι τοῦτο γενέσθαι, μηδὲ γένοιτο. ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν, οἷς ἐκ τῶν νόμων μὴ ἔξεστιν, ἐκ τῶν ὑμετέρων βουλήσεων ἐξῇ, ὅταν ἡ μὲν πονηρία τιμᾶται, τὰ χρηστὰ δ᾽ ἀπορρίπτηται, ὅταν τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τὸ συμφέρον ἡττᾶται τοῦ φθόνου, τότ᾽ ἄνω κάτω πάντα χρὴ νομίζειν τετράφθαι (I owe the identification to Laurent Pernot). Reynolds probably used Melanchthon’s Latin translation (Haganoae, 1527, Sig. cc iiir), Ego cum hoc considero, caelum terrae misceri uideo, qualis autem fuerit confusio rerum, si terra sursum rapiatur, caelum irruat in terrae loccum, sed haec inquiet aliquis, fieri nequeunt. 2410 regiment ] rule 2404 Usury a dangerous game. 2413 Princes and magistrates be as gods on the earth. 2423 The homicide. The thief. The adulterer.

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temper judgements, but according to the verity of the cause to add a conclusion. Worthily the pictures of princes, governors, and magistrates in ancient times do show this where the antiquity makes them without hands, therein it shows their office and judgement to proceed with equity, rewards not to blind or suppress the sincerity of the cause, magistrates not to be bound to gifts nor rewards to rule their sentence. Alciatus in his book called Emblemata, in senatum sancti principis: Effigies manibus truncae ante altaria diuum Hic resident, quarum lumine capta prior Signa potestatis summae, sanctique senatus, Thebanis fuerant ista reperta viris. Cur resident? Quia mente graues decet esse quieta Iuridicos, animo nec variare leui. Cur sine sunt manibus? Capiant ne xenia, nec se Pollicitis flecti muneribus ve sinant. Cecus est princeps quod solis auribus, absque Affectu constans iussa senatus agit. Where virtue and integrity shows itself in the person and cause to uphold and maintain the same. Root out horrible vices from the commonwealth that the more surer and strong foundation of virtue may be laid. For that only cause, the scepter of kings, the office of magistrates was left to the posterity of all ages. [Fol. xxxviij.v]

2455

Lawful and just SEeing that laws be godly and universally they temper equity to all states, and give according to justice every man his own, he violates

2431–2432 the antiquity makes them without hands ] Plut. De Iside et Osidire 8.10, see too Erasmus, Adagia 2601, Scarabaeus aquilam quaerit 2434–2435 Alciatus in his book called Emblemata, in senatum sancti principis ] Alciati Emblematum liber, Emblema C X L V, In Senatum boni Principis 2458 give according to justice every man his own ] on equity in early modern England, see Fortyr (2005) 2429 verity ] truth 2430 Why the pictures of magistrates be pictured without hands. 2437 Princes and magistrates grave and constant. 2457 Laws give equity to all states.

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virtue that dispossesses another man of his own and wholly extinguishes justice. And thereupon his beastly life by merit forces and drives law and magistrate to terrible judgement. For who so against right, without order or law, violates another man, such a one, laws of justice must punish violently and extirpate from society, being a dissolver of society.

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Profitable IF such wicked persons be restrained and severely punished, horrible vices will be rooted out, all arts, sciences, and godly occupations maintained, upheld, and kept. Then there must be a security in all states to practice godliness, a mutual concord. The magistrate with equity, the subject with faithful and humble obedience, accomplishing his state, office, and calling. Whereupon, by good magistrates and good subjects, the commonwealth and kingdom is in happy state established. For in these two points, as Plato does say, there is virtuous rule and like obedience. Easy and possible ALl this may easily be done when wickedness is cut off in his first grows, when the magistrate drives continually by sword and authority all men to obedience, both of laws and governors. Then in all good commonwealths vices are never tolerated to take root, because the beginning and increase of vices is soon pulled up, their monstrous kingdom thereby overthrown. The conclusion SO doing, happy shall the king be, happy kingdom and most fortunate people. [Fol. xxxix.r]

2463–2464 must … society ] see Pl. Leg. 9.854e 2470 a mutual concord ] Pl. Statesman 311c 2472 good magistrates ] Pl. Resp. 3.405a 2472 good subjects ] see Pl. Resp. 3.389d 2459 What drives the magistrate to horrible sentence against wicked persons. 2470 Magistrate. Subject. 2474 Plato. 2478 The beginning of vice is to be cut off.

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The part of rhetoric called praise His oration which is titled praise is a declamation of the virtuous or good qualities, properties belonging to anything, which does proceed by certain notes of art.

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All things that may be seen with the eye of man, touched or with any other sense apprehended, that may be praised or dispraised.    Man. Cities.

Fish. Floods.

2500

  

   Fowl. Castles.     Beast. Towers.

As

Orchards. Gardens.

  Stones. Stones. 2505

2510

 

   Trees. Artes.

  

  Metals.

 

Plantes. Sciences.

  

Any virtue may be praised, as wisdom, righteousness, fortitude, magnanimity, temperance, liberality, with all others. These are to be celebrated with praise. 2491 praise ] see encomion (ἐγκώμιον) in Aphthonius 2495 All things ] see Quint. Inst. 3.7.28, for the four groups of objects of praise and blame (gods, human beings, animals and inanimate objects), see Quint. Inst. 3.7.6 2498 Man ] Laudantur vel vituperantur homines, see Quint. Inst. 3.7.10-25 2498 Cities ] Laudatur urbs, see Quint. Inst. 3.7.26, Versum de Mediolano civitate, Versus de Verona 2499 Fish ] Reynolds may have Oppian’s Halieuticks in mind 2499 Floods ] rivers, such as the River Thames, see Leland’s Cygnea Cantio (1545) 2500 Fowl ] see Plin. HN. 10 2500 Castles ] perhaps castles in Arthurian literature such as the Green Knight’s in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight st. 772 2502 Beast ] Laudantur animalia, see Prisc. praeex. 7 2503 Gardens ] orchards and gardens belong to the locus amoenus, see Curtius (1953) pp. 183-202 2504 Stones ] see Plin. HN. 37.1 2505 Trees ] Laudantur arbores, see Priscian Praeexercitamina. 7 and Libanius “Encomium 9. The date palm and the apple tree” 2505 Artes ] see Plin. HN. 7.37-39 2507 Metals ] see Plin. HN. 33.1 2510–2511 fortitude, magnanimity, temperance ] see Quint. Inst. 3.7.15, Vt Erasmus laudauit Moriam. Et ad ingenii periclitandas, artemque ostentandam Phauorinus laudauit quartanam febrim: Eum enim constantius ualiturum, qui febri liberatus uires integras recuperauerit. Cuius meminit Gellius lib.17.cap.12.Et Politianus in Epistolis. (Lorich)

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The person, as Julius Caesar, Octavius Augustus, Jeremy, Tully, Cato, Demosthenes.

2515

Things, as righteousness, temperance. Times, as the spring time of the year, summer, harvest, winter. 2520

Places, as havens, orchards, gardens, towers, castles, temples, islands. Beasts wanting reason, as horse, sheep, oxen. Plants, as vines, olives. In the praise of virtue, this may be said.

2514 Julius Caesar ] see Hor. Carm. 3.14, 25 and Ov. Met. 15.745-842 2514 Octavius Augustus ] see Hor. Carm. and Verg. Aen. 6.2.789-800, 847-853 2514 Jeremy ] the prophet Jeremy 2514–2515 Tully, Cato, Demosthenes ] see Plut. Comparatio Demosthenis et Ciceronis and Libanius, Hypotheses to Demosthenes’ orations for Demosthenes 2519 Times ] see Nonnus 11.484 and Ov. Met. 1.113-150, where Jupiter introduces the seasons in the silver age 2519 spring time ] the praise of spring is common in poetry, see Pervigilium Veneris or the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales or Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde 1.155-161, 2.50-56 2519 summer ] Ov. Met. 1.10, Verg. Georgics 2.136ff 2519 harvest ] see Hor. Carm. 7.114ff, Horace, Epodi 2.17-20 and Ov. Met. 15.209-213 2519 winter ] dispraise, see Ov. Tristia 10.29-34 2521 Places ] see Quint. Inst. 3.7.27, Vt Baiae, Tempe (Lorich) 2521 havens ] Vt in Liguria Lunae, uel Carthaginensium. Cuius meminit Vergilius in primo. Item laudari poterit Stoa porticus Atheniensis, Poecile ex uarietate picturae dicta, in qua Zeno philosophus discipulos docebat, unde and secta stoica. Item Aulis Boeotiae, cuius meminit Ouidius 12. Metamorph. (Lorich) 2521 orchards, gardens ] Vt Adonidis, qui prouerbio locum fecerunt. Item Hesperidum, quos amoenissimos in Aphrica fuisse memorant. Item Senecae praediuitis horti, ut ait Iuuenalis Saty.10. Item Alcinoi syluae, quarum Vergilius Georgicorum 2. meminit. Adeste Musae, maximi proles Iouis: Laudes feracis praedicamus hortuli, Hortus salubres corpori praebet cipos etc. (Lorich) 2523 horse ] see Equos laudare poterimus, ut Pollucis equum Cyllarum, and Graii quorum meminare poetae, ut ait Vergilius Georgicorum 3. Item Bucephalum Alexandri, de quo Gellius lib.5.ca.2. Item Solis equos etc (Lorich) 2523 sheep ] Verg. Ecl. 10 2523 oxen ] Vergilius in Georgicis. Optima toruae Forma bouis, cui turpe caput, cui plurima ceruix, Et crurum tenus a mento pale aria pendent: Tum longo nullus lateri modus, omnia magna, Pes etiam, and camuris hirtae sub cornibus aures. (Lorich) 2523 vines ] Vt Thasiae uites, sunt and Mareo tides albae, ut ait Vergilius. Vide Plinium lib.14.cap.3 (Lorich) 2523 olives ] Quae laudari poterit ab inuentrice Minerua, et quod signum fuerit pacis. Vnde Vergilius in 7. Ad Moenia regis Ire iubet, ramis uelatos Palladis omnes (Lorich)

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THe excellencies of it, the antiquity and original beginning thereof, the profit that rises to any region by it, as no kingdom can consist without virtue, 2530

[Fol. xxxix.v] and to extoll the same in making a comparison with other gifts of nature, or with other gifts of fortune, more inferior or base.

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Upon a city praise may be recited, considering the goodly situation of it, as of Paris, Venice, London, York, considering the fertility of the land, the wealth and abundance, the noble and famous governors who have governed the same. The first authors and builders of the same, the politic laws, and godly statutes therein maintained. The felicity of the people, their manners, their valiant prowess and hardiness. The buildings and ornaments of the same, with castles, towers, havens, floods, temples, as if a man would celebrate with praise. The old, famous, and ancient city of London, showing the ancient building of the same, the coming of Brutus, who was the first author and erector of the same. As Romulus was of the mighty city Rome, what kings have from time to time lineally descended and succeeded, bearing crown and scepter therein, the valiantness of the people, what terror they have been to all foreign nations. What victories they have in battle obtained, how diverse nations have sought their amity and league. The false Scots, and Frenchmen trucebreakers, many and sundry times losing their honour in the field, and yet they, through the 2535 Upon a city praise ] follows Quint. Inst. 3.7.26, laudantur autem urbes similiter atque homines. nam pro parente est conditor, et multum auctoritatis adfert vetustas, ut iis, qui terra dicuntur orti; et virtutes ac vitia circa res gestas eadem quae in singulis, illa propria quae ex loci positione ac munitione sunt. cives illis ut hominibus liberi decori. 2536 Paris ] see the popular G. Corrozet La Fleur des antiquitez (1532) 2536 Venice ] see Gasparo Contarini De Magistratibus et Republica Venetorum (1543) 2536 London ] see William Fitzstephen’s Description of London (1598) 2536 York ] see Alcuin’s poem on York 2543–2544 the coming of Brutus, who was the first author and erector of the same ] see Geoffrey of Monmouth Historia Regum Britannie 27 2544–2545 As Romulus was of the mighty city Rome ] to Elizabethans London was a new Rome 2549 false Scots ] see Skelton, “Rejoice England” (v. 26) 2549 Frenchmen trucebreakers ] see Holinshed, “1.15. Henry the sixte” (1577, vol. 4, p. 1250) 2535 Wherein the praise of a city consists. 2542 The praise of London. Brutus built London in the tenth year of his reign. 2549 France and Scotland upheld by the governors of this land.

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puissant hearts of the kings of this land, were upheld and saved from the might and force of other enemies invading them. The two famous universities of this land, from the which no small number of great learned men and famous have in the commonwealth sprung, with all other things to it. 2555

The praise of a king, prince, duke, earl, lord, baron, squire, or of any other man may be declaimed by observing the order of this part of rhetoric. This part of rhetoric called praise is either a particular praise of one, as of King Henry the Fifth, Plato, Tully, Demosthenes, Cyrus, Darius, Alexander the Great.

2560

[Fol. xl.r] Or a general and universal praise, as the praise of all the Britons or of all the citizens of London. The order to make this oration is thus declared First, for the entering of the matter, you shall place an exordiumor beginning.

2565

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The second place you shall bring to his praise Genus eius, that is to say, of what kind he came of which consists in four points.   Of what nation.    Of what country.  Of what ancestors.    Of what parents.

        

2552–2553 two famous universities of this land ] see Edward I I I’s 1355 charter and Henry V I I I’s charter obtained by Cardinal Wolsey in 1523 which contain encomiums on the university of Oxford 2560 King Henry the Fifth ] see Elmham Liber Metricus c. 1418 2560 Plato ] see Clearchus’s encomium of Plato mentioned by Diogenes 3.1.2 2560 Tully ] see Plin. HN. 7.31 2560 Demosthenes ] see Libanius 336 2560 Cyrus ] see Xenophon, Cyropaedia 1.9 2560 Darius ] see Hdt. 2560–2561 Alexander the Great ] see Appian, Bella civilia 2.149 2565–2566 all the citizens of London ] see John Stow, Summarie of Englyshe chronicles (1565) 2568 order to make this oration ] follows Aphthonius 2573 four points ] see Quint. Inst. 3.7.10 2552 Cambridge. Oxford.

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After that you shall declare his education. The education is contained in three points.

In 2585

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    Institution.  

Art.

  Laws.

 

Then put there to that which is the chief ground of all praise, his acts done which do proceed out of the gifts and excellencies of the mind, as the fortitude of the mind, wisdom, and magnanimity. 2590

Of the body, as a beautiful face, amiable countenance, swiftness, the might and strength of the same.

2595

The excellencies of fortune, as his dignity, power, authority, riches, substance, friends. In the fifth place, use a comparison, wherein that which you praise may be advanced to the uttermost.

2600

2605

Last of all, use the epilogus or conclusion. The example of the oration The praise of Epaminondas IN whom nature has powered singular gifts, in whom virtue and singularity in famous enterprises abound, whose glory and renown root to the posterity immortal commendation. In the grave, their virtues and godly [Fol. xl.v]

2610

lives taste not of oblivion, which at the length overthrow all creatures, cities, and regions. They live only in all ages, whose virtues spread fame and noble enterprises, by virtue root immortality. Who so lives as that, 2588–2589 acts done ] Quint. Inst. 3.7.15 2604 The praise of Epaminondas ] probably based on Nep. Ep. who follows the same order, Quare dicemus primum de genere eius, deinde, quibus disciplinis et a quibus sit eruditus; tum de moribus ingeniique facultatibus, et si qua alia memoria digna erunt; postremo de rebus gestis, quae a plurimis animi anteponuntur virtutibus (1.4) 2611 Oblivion.

2613 Who live in all ages.

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his good fame after death ceases not nor death with the body cuts off their memory of life. Such not only in life but also in death are most fortunate. In death all honor, dignity, glory, wealth, riches are taken from us. The fame and glory of singular life is then chiefly taking its hold and root, wise men and godly, in life known famous, after death remain most worthy and glorious. Who knows not of Tully, the famous orator of Rome? Does Demosthenes lie hidden, that noble orator of Athens? Is not the fame of Julius Caesar, Octavius Augustus, remaining of Vespasianus? Of Theodosius, of Trajan, of Hadrian, who by praise minded, be left to the end of all ages? Such a one was this Epaminondas, the famous Duke of Thebes, whose virtues gave him honour in life, and famous enterprises immortality of fame after death. What can be said more in the praise and commendation of any peer of estate than was said in the praise of Epaminondas? For his virtues were so singular that it was doubted, he being so good a man and so good a magistrate, whether he were better man or better magistrate, whose virtues were so united that virtue always tempered his enterprises, his lofty state, as fortune oftentimes blinds, did not make him unmindful of his state. No doubt but that in all commonwealths famous governors have been, but in all those the most part have 2621 Vespasianus ] see Suet. 2622 Theodosius ] see Chrysostom, Homiliæ XXI de Statues ad Populum Antiochenum habitæ 2622 Trajan ] see Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae 29, 30, 31 2622 Hadrian ] see Philostratus, Vita Hadriani 2623 In whom … ages ] compare Elyot, Gov. pp. 51-2, “Who dispraysed Epaminondas, the moost valiant capitayne of Thebanes, for that he was excellently lerned and a great philosopher? Who euer discommended Julius Cesar for that he was a noble oratour, and, nexte to Tulli, in the eloquence of the latin tonge excelled al other? ... Fynally howe much excellent lerninge commends, and nat dispraiss, nobility, it shal playnly appere unto them that do rede the lyfes of Alexander called Seuerus, Tacitus, Probus Aurelius, Constantine, Theodosius, and Charles the gret, surnamed Charlemaine, all being emperours, and do compare them with other, which lacked or had that so much of doctrine” 2623–2624 Epaminondas, the famous Duke of Thebes ] see Cic. Tusc. 1, “Epaminondas, princeps meo iudicio Graeciae” and Diod. Sic. 15.88 2628–2629 whether he were better man or better magistrate ] Reynolds may be indebted to Erasmus Adagia 1.10.76: Magistratus virum indicat who takes the example of Epaminondas, Eleganter invertit Epaminondas; cui cum Thebani per contumeliam magistratum quempiam sordidum et contemptum mandassent, non contempsit, sed ea cura gessit, ut muneri prius contemptissimo dignitas et auctoritas accederet, dicens Οὐ μόνον ἡ ἀρχὴ τὸν ἄνδρα δείκνυσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρχὴν ἀνήρ, id est Non solum magistratus virum ostendit, sed magistratum vir. Meminit Plutarchus in Praeceptis civilibus, see too Just. 6.8.4, Fuit autem incertum uir melior, an dux esset 2616 Good fame chiefly routs after death. 2619 Tully. Demosthenes. Julius Cesar. Octavius Augustus. Vespasianus. Theodosius. Traianus. Adrianus.

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not been such that all such good men and such good magistrates that it is doubted whether they were better men or better magistrates. It is a rare thing to be a good man, but a more difficult matter to be a good magistrate, and most of all, to be both a good man and a good magistrate. Honour and preeminent state do sometimes induce oblivion, whereupon they ought the more vigilantly to wade [Fol. xlj.r] in all causes, and with all moderation to temper their preeminent state. The philosophers, pondering the brickle and slippery state of fortune, did pronounce this sentence: Difficilius est res aduersas pati, quam fortunam eflantem ferre, it is more easy to bear sharp and extreme poverty than to rule and moderate fortune, because that the wisest men of all have, as chronicles do show, felt this oblivion that their manners have been so changed as that nature’s mold in them had been altered or newly framed. In the life of Epaminondas, moderation and virtue so governed his state that he was an honour and renown to his state, nothing can be more ample in his praise than that which is left chronicled of him. Of his country EPaminondas was born in Thebes, a famous city in Beotia, which Cadmus the son of Agenor built, which Amphion did close and environ with walls, in which the mighty and valiant Hercules was born and many noble princes held therein scepter, which city is titled famous to the posterity by the noble government of Epaminondas.

2644 this sentence ] no source seems to exist for it 2645 it is more easy ] it should be “more difficult” in which case the sentence makes little sense. I am indebted to James Warren for discussing it. 2651 that which is left chronicled of him ] in Diod. Sic. 15.88, Plut. Pel. and Nep. Ep. 2654–2655 Cadmus the son of Agenor built ] Ov. Met. 3.6 ff 2655–2656 Amphion did close and environ with walls ] see L S J, λαΐνεα Ἀμφίονος ὄργανα the stony works of Amphion 2656 Hercules ] Ov. Met. 9.112 2656–2657 many noble princes held therein scepter ] such as Oedipus or Laius 2638 wade ] fig. to dive into 2643 brickle ] brittle more common form 2655 environ ] surround

2645 eflantem ] efflantem is the

2634 Good man, good magistrate, both a good man and a good magistrate. 2642 The saying of the philosophers. 2646 Oblivion. 2654 Cadmus. Amphion. Hercules.

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Of his ancestors EPaminondas came not of any high nobility or blood, but his parents were honest and virtuous who as it seemed were very well affected to virtue, instructing their son in all singular and good qualities. For by good and virtuous life and famous enterprises from a mean state, many have been extolled to bear scepter or to attain great honour, for as there is a beginning of nobility so there is an end, by virtue and famous acts toward the commonwealth nobility first rose. The stock of Caesar and Caesars were exalted from a meaner state by virtue only to nobility. Scipio’s stock was not always noble but his virtues graffed nobility to the posterity of his line and offspring following. And even so as their fa-

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[Fol. xlj.v] mous enterprises excelled, nobility in them also increased. Catiline wicked was of a noble house, but he degenerated from the nobility of his ancestors, the virtues that graffed nobility in his ancestors were first extinguished in Catiline. Marcus Antonius was a noble emperor, a prince indued with all wisdom and godly government who was of a noble parentage, what a wicked son succeeded him, the father was not so godly, wise, and virtuous as Commodus was wickedly disposed and pestiferous. There was no virtue or excellence meet for such a personage but that Marcus attained to. Who for wisdom was called Marcus Philosophus, 2662 honest and virtuous ] honesto genere (Nep. 2) 2664 many … honour ] see Erasmus Familiarum colloquiorum formule (1520) ‘Ιππεύς ἄνιππος, sive ementita nobilitas’, Si non es, enitere benefactis, ut a te initium capiat nobilitas. Reynolds seems to be indebted to Poggio Bracciolini’s De vera nobilitate (1440) (on the humanist conception of nobility based on individual virtue, see Skinner Foundations I. 80-81) 2668 Scipio’s stock ] see Bracciolini (p. 74), Valerii Publicole, Fabricii Coruncanii, Nasice and Asiatici Scipionum ex tali familia, ex tam claris parentibus, quorum alter propter paupertatem publico funere elatus est, alterius filiae and aerario nupserunt, multorumque praeterea excellentium uirorum, qui cum summis imperiis pauperes uixerunt, non solum Vrbem, sed terrarum quoque orbem rebus ab se gestis illustrarunt, filii nepoteque paternam uirtutem and paupertatem imitati, ut ipsos omittamus parentes 2675 a noble house ] see Sal. Cat. 5, Catilina, nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et animi et corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque 2677 Marcus Antonius ] see S H A Marcus Aurelius 2680 Commodus ] see S H A Commodus 1-2 2669 graffed ] planted 2666 Nobility rose by virtue. tonius. 2679 Commodus.

2667 Caesar. Scipio.

2674 Catiline.

2677 Marcus An-

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in his son what vice was there that he practised not? Belle chère, drunkeness, and harlots were his delight, his cruelty and bloody life was such that he murdered all the godly and wise senators who had in price with Marcus his father. Severus in like manner was a noble and famous emperor, in the senate most grave, politic, and in his wars most fortunate, but in his son Marcus Antoninus Caracalla what wickedness wanted, whose beastly life is rather to be put in silence than spoken of? In the assemble of the Grecians gathered to consult upon the contention of Achilles’ armor, Ajax gloriously advances himself of his ancestry from many kings descended, whom Ulysses his adversary answered, making a long and eloquent oration before the noble peers of Greece concerning Ajax his ancestors. These are his words.

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Nam genus et proauos et que non fecimus ipsi, Vix ea nostra voco, sed enim quia retulit Aiax, esse Iouis pronepos. 2700

As for our parentage and line of ancestors long before us and noble acts of theirs, as we ourselves have not done the like, how can we call and title their acts to be ours? Let them therefore who have descended from noble blood and famous ancestors be like affected to all nobility of their ancestors, what can they glory in the nobility of their an-

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cestors? Well, their ancestors have laid the foundation, and renown of nobility to their offspring. What nobility is found in them when they build nothing to their ancestors’ work of nobility? Even as their ancestors nobly endeavored themselves to purchase and obtain by famous acts their nobility (for nobility and virtue descend always to the like) so they contrary retire and give back from all the nobility of their ancestors, whereas they ought with like nobility to imitate them. Many who through their 2685 murdered all the godly and wise senators ] see S H A Commodus 3 2686 Severus ] see S H A Severus 2688 Marcus Antoninus Caracalla ] see S H A Caracalla 11.5, Hic tamen omnium durissimus et, ut uno complectamur verbo, parricida et incestus, patris, matris, fratris inimicus, a Macrino, qui eum occiderat, timore militum et maxime praetorianorum inter deos relatus est 2694 his words ] Ov. Met. 13.140-2 2686 Severus. 2687 Marcus Antonius Caracalla. 2714 A beginning of nobility.

2690 Ajax. Ulysses.

2708 Nobility.

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wisdom and famous enterprises in the affairs of their prince worthily to honour have been extolled and advanced, were also the first authors and founders of nobility to their name and offspring, whose offspring endued with like nobility of virtues and noble acts have increased their ancestors’ glory. The children or offspring lineally descending, having no part of the ancestors’ glory, how can they vaunt themselves of nobility, which they lack and do nothing possess thereof? Even from low birth and degree Galerius Armentarius was advanced even from a Shepherd’s son to sit in the imperial seat of Rome. Galerius Maximinus whom all the East obeyed, his virtues and noble acts huffed him to bear scepter in the empire of Rome. Probus, a gardener’s son to the like throne and glory ascended, so God disposes the state of every man, placing and bestowing dignity where it pleases him, as he sets up, so he pulls down, his providence and might is bound to no state, stock, or kindred.

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Of his education EPaminondas being born of such parents was brought up in all excellent learning, for under him Philip, the king of the Macedonians, the son of Amintas was brought up. This Epaminondas, the histories note him to be a chief philosopher and a captain most valiant. In music, in playing and

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2719–2720 having no part of the ancestors’ glory ] see Arist. Eth. Nic. 1123b.35 and 1124a.25 (quoted by Höffe, Aristotle, p. 154), the main source for humanists 2722 a Shepherd’s son ] hence his surname, see Aur. Vict. Ep. 40.15, Galerius autem fuit (licet inculta agrestique iustitia) satis laudabilis, pulcher corpore, eximius et felix bellator, ortus parentibus agrariis, pastor armentorum, unde ei cognomen Armentarius fuit 2725 Probus, a gardener’s son ] see Aur. Vict. Ep. 2.37, Probus, genitus patre agresti hortorum studioso Dalmatio nomine, imperavit annos sex 2726 God disposes the state of every man ] a sermon-like passage, see Calvin’s commentary on Psalm 75, Iam non simpliciter indicium Deo tribuit Propheta, sed quale illud sit definit: nempe ut hunc deiiciens, et illum exaltans, res humanas prout visum est ordinet 2730 education ] Nep. Ep. 2 2724 huffed ] lifted 2721 Galerius a shepherd’s son, emperor of Rome. Probus, a gardener’s son, emperor.

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singing finely to his instrument notable and famous, no kind of learning, art, or science wanted in his breast. So great and abundant were his virtues that above all governors, who have been in Thebes, his name and fame is chiefly advanced. The praise of his acts EPaminondas being most valiant and noble, leaving all private commodity, glory, and riches aside, sought the renown of his country, as all rulers and governors ought to do. For a kingdom or commonwealth cannot rise to any high nobility or royalness where governors, rulers, and magistrates, neglecting the universal and whole body of the commonwealth, do cogitate and vigilantly endeavour themselves to establish to them and theirs a private, peculiar, and domestical profit, glory, or renown. Covetousness, which is in all ambitious magistrates the poison, plague, destruction, and ruin of the best and flourishing commonwealths, is of all wickedness and mischief the root. A vice whereupon all vice is grounded, from whom all mischief flows, all execrable purposes issue. That wanted in Epaminondas, for in the end of his life, his coffers were so thin and poor that even to his funeral money wanted to solemnise the same. Neither private glory nor excess were hunted after of him, yet his virtues were of such excellency that honour, dignity, and preeminent state were offered and given to him unwillingly. This Epaminondas was in government so famous, and so virtuously and politically ruled the same that he was a glory, renown, honour, and felicity to his kingdom by his state. Before the time of Epaminondas the country of Beotia was nothing so famous in their enterprises, neither the city of Thebes so royal, puissant, or noble, the antiquity of that time shows that Epaminondas wanting the power of Thebes, their glory, strength, and felicity fell and decayed. The learning of Epa[Fol. xliij.r]

2752–2753 is of all wickedness and mischief the root ] a sermon-like passage, see 1 Timothy 6:10 “For the desire of money is the roote of all euil”, and Calvin’s commentary 2756 his funeral ] Just. 6.8.6 2761 Before … decayed ] Just. 6.8.3 2744 The duty of good governors. 2746 How a kingdom rises to all felicity. etousness a great evil. 2762 Beotia. Thebes.

2753 Cov-

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minondas and knowledge was so abundant and profound, both in philosophy and in all other arts and sciences, that it was wonderful. In chivalry and in feats of war, no peer was more courageous and bold or hardy, neither in that which he enterprised any could be of greater counsel, in head more politic, of mind more sage and witty. His government so good that being so good a magistrate, it is doubted whether he was better man or better magistrate. Epaminondas died in the defence of his country. The Athenians were enemies to the Thebans and many great battles were assayed of them and fought and oftentimes the Athenians felt many bitter storms and fortune loured of them, he being so valiant a captain. Epaminondas being dead, the Athenians ceased to practice any one part of chivalry, their prowess and dexterity decayed, they having no alliance and foreign enemy to molest them or whom they feared. So that a famous, wise, politic, and valiant captain is not only a stay, a pillar and strong bulwark to his country. But also foreign nations having one whom for his valiantness they dread practice and enure themselves to all dexterity, counsel, wisdom, and policy. Such a one was Epaminondas to his enemies and country. The comparison NEither Hector of Troy nor Achilles of Greece might be compared with Epaminondas, Numa Pompilius was not more godly, Hadrian the Emperor of Rome no better learned, nor Galba the emperor more valiant,

2769–2770 philosophy and in all other arts and sciences ] see Nep. Ep. 2, Just. 6.8.9 2770 chivalry ] see Just. 6.8.3 2779 Epaminondas … feared ] see Just. 6.9.1-3, Huius morte etiam Atheniensium uirtus intercidit, siquidem amisso, cui aemulari consueuerant, in segnitiam torporemque resoluti, non ut olim in classem et exercitus, sed in dies festos apparatusque ludorum reditus publicos effundunt 2788 comparison ] sygkrisis (σύνκρίσις) in Hermogenes and the basis of Plutarch’s Parallel Lives 2789 Hector of Troy nor Achilles of Greece ] epitomes of warriors 2790 Numa Pompilius was not more godly ] on Numa’s piety, see Plut. Num. 7 2790–2791 Hadrian the Emperor of Rome no better learned ] Hadrian was surnamed Graeculus for his love of Greek literature, see S H A Had. 1.5 2791 Galba the emperor more valiant ] usually not his reputation, according to Suet. Gal. 12.1 he was best known for his avarice and greed 2778 loured of them ] frowned upon them

2784 enure ] accustom

2781 A valiant captain to his country a pillar, to his enemy an occasion to dexterity. 2789 Hector. Achilles. Numa Pompeius. Adrianus.

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Nerva no more temperate nor Trajan more noble neither Cocles nor Decius, Scipio nor Marcus Regulus did more valiantly in the defence of their country, such a one was this Epaminondas. 2795

The conclusion OF many things these few are recited, but if his whole life and virtues were worthily handled, few would believe such a rare governor, so virtuous a 2800

[Fol. xliij.v] prince, so hardy and valiant a captain to have remained in any age. 2805

2810

The part of rhetoric called dispraise THis part of rhetoric which is called dispraise is an invective oration made against the life of any man. This part of rhetoric is contrary to that which is before set called laus, that is to say praise, and by contrary notes proceeds for the orator or declaimer to entreat upon. This part of rhetoric is called of the Greeks Psogos.

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In praise we extoll the person. First by his country. Then by his ancestors and parents. In the third place by his education and institution.

2792 Nerva no more temperate ] see Epitome de Caesaribus 11.15, Quid enim Nerva prudentius aut moderatius? 2792 Trajan more noble ] see Epitome de Caesaribus 11.15, quid Traiano divinius? 2792 Cocles ] probably a reference to Horatius Cocles defending the Sublican bridge from capture by the Etruscan forces, see Liv. 2.9-13. 2792–2793 Decius ] Emperor Trajan Decius who died in the battle of Abritus, see Aur. Vict. Lib. Caes. 29 2793 Scipio ] Scipio Africanus who defeated Hannibal in the Second Punic War 2793 Marcus Regulus ] see Polyb. 1.25-34 2797–2798 if his whole life and virtues were worthily handled ] affected modesty topos, see Quint. Inst. 4.1.8 and Cic. Inv. 1.16.22 2805 dispraise ] psogos (ψόγος) in Aphthonius 2813 Greeks ] notably Arist. Rh. 1.3.3 2803 remained ] lived

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Then in the fourth place by his acts in life.

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In the fifth place we use a comparison, comparing the person with others who are more inferior. Then the conclusion.

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Now in dispraise contrarily we do proceed. First in the dispraise of his country. 2830

Of his ancestors and parents. His education is dispraised. Then his acts and deeds of life.

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Also in your comparison with others, dispraise him. Then in the last place add the conclusion. 2840

All things that may be praised may be dispraised. The dispraise of Nero AS virtue merits commendation and immortal renown for the nobility and excellency reposed in it, so ugly vices for the deformity of them are in mind to be abhorred and detested, and with all diligence, counsel, and wisdom avoided. As pestiferous poison extinguishes with its corruption and naughtiness the good and absolute nature of all things, so vice for his pestiferous nature puts out virtue and roots out with its force all singularity. For vice and [Fol. xliiij.r]

2827 contrarily we do proceed ] see Aphthonius es ] another sermon-like passage 2849–2850 singularity ] quality 2844 Virtue.

2847 Vice.

2847 As pestiferous poison extinguish-

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virtue are so of nature contrary, as fire and water, the violence of the one expels the other. For in the mansion of virtue, vice at one time harbors not, neither virtue with vice can be consociate or united, for virtue is a singular mean or mediocrity in any good enterprise or fact with order and reason finished. Whose act in life does repugn order and reason, dissevered from all mediocrity, such do leave justice, equity, wisdom, temperance, fortitude, magnanimity, and all other virtues, both of mind and body, only by virtuous life men show themselves as chief creatures of God, with reason as a most principal gift beautified and decorated. In other gifts, man is far inferior to beasts, both in strength of body, in celerity and swiftness of foot, in labour, in industry, in sense, nothing to be compared to beasts, with beasts as a peculiar and proper thing we have our body of the earth. But our mind, which for its divinity passes all things immortal, makes us as gods among other creatures. The body therefore, as an alien and foreign enemy, being made of a most base, most vile and corruptible nature, repugns the mind. This is the cause that wickedness takes such a head, and that the horrible fact and enterprise of the wicked burst out, in that reason exiled and removed from the mind, the ugly perturbations of the mind have their regiment, power, and dominion, and where such state of government is in any one body in private and domestical causes, in foreign and public affairs, in kingdom and commonwealth. Virtue fades and decays and vice only bears the sway. Law is ordered by lust and its order is will, such was the time and government of this wicked Nero.

2854 the mansion of virtue ] the “castell of virtue” occurs in Alexander Barclay, The Boke of Codrus and Mynalcas (1521) 2858 mediocrity ] moderation, see too Aristotle’s golden mean (aurea mediocritas) Eth. Nic. 1144a10 2861 reason ] the entire passage is a set piece on the dignity of man and his central position in the scala naturae, see Pico della Mirandola Oratio de hominis dignitate 2862 In other gifts, man is far inferior to beasts ] see Plin. HN. 7.1 2867–2868 a most base, most vile and corruptible nature ] the language of Puritan sermons 2855 consociate ] associated 2855 What is virtue.

2856 mediocrity ] mediocritas, measure

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Of his country NEro was a Roman born, though in government he was wicked yet his country was famous and noble, for the Romans were lords and heads over all the world. The uttermost Indians,

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[Fol. xliiij.v] the Ethiopians, the Persians feared the majesty and authority of the Romans. From Romulus, who was the first founder and builder of that city, the Romans both had their name of him and grew afterward to marvelous puissant royalness. There was no nation under the sun but it dreaded their majesty or felt their invincible hands. There has been many mighty kingdoms on the face of the earth, but no kingdom was able with like success and felicity in their enterprise, or for like famous governors and continuance of their state, to compare with them. This was, and is, the last mighty monarchy in the world. Rome an old ancient city inhabited first of the Aborigines who came from Troy. The providence of God so disposes the times and ages of the world, the state of kingdoms, by the fall of mighty kingdoms, meaner grew to power and glory. The Carthaginians contended by prowess and magnanimity to be lords over the Romans. Carthage was a great, mighty, old, ancient, and famous city in the which valiant, wise, and politic governors held therein regiment, long wars were sustained between the Romans and Carthaginians, among whom infinite people and many noble peers fell in the dust. Fortune and happy success fell to the Romans, the people of Carthage vanquished and prostrate to the ground. Scipio the noble consul being at the destruction of it, seeing with his eyes, Carthage by fire burnt to ash-

2880–2881 the Romans were lords and heads over all the world ] the whole development is a set piece on Rome’s grandeur, see Liv. 1 pr.7, ea belli gloria est populo Romano, ut, cum suum conditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat, tam et hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo, quam imperium patiuntur and Aug. De Civ. 4.5, Romanum imperium iam magnum multis gentibus subiugatis ceterisque terribile acerbe sensit 2886 Romulus ] see Plut. Rom. 1-2 2889 their invincible hands ] see Sol Invictus which symbolised the invincible Roman Empire 2894 the Aborigines ] see Dion. Hal. 1.9 2894– 2895 The providence of God ] a phrase typical of sermons and religious pamphlets 2899 politic ] wise 2885 Rome.

2899–2900 held therein regiment ] ruled

2894 Carthage.

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es, said: Talis exitus aliquando erit Rome. Even as Carthage like shall the destruction of Rome be, as for continuance of the Roman state, of their glory, power, and worthy success, no nation under the sun can compare with them, such was the state of Rome wherein wicked Nero reigned.

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Of his ancestors DOmitianus Nero, the son of Domitius Enobarbus, Agrippina was his mother’s name. This Agrippina was empress of Rome, wife to Claudius Ti-

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berius, the daughter of his brother Germanicus. This Agrippina, the chronicle notes her to be indued with all mischief and cruelty. For Tiberius her husband, having by his first wife children, they were murdered by her because she might, they being murdered, with more facility further the Empire to her son’s hands, many treasons conspired against them oftentimes, Agrippina poisoned her husband, then Nero succeeded.

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Of his education SEneca the famous poet and philosopher was schoolmaster to Nero, who brought him up in all nobility of learning meet for his state. Though that Nero was wickedly of nature disposed, as his beastly government shows, yet wickedness in him was by the severity of Seneca and his castigation depressed. For Trajan emperor of Rome would say, as concerning Nero, for the space of five years no prince was like to him for good government, after five years loosely and dissolutely he governed.

2905 Talis exitus aliquando erit Rome ] see Polyb. 38.21-2, from Appian Bella civilia. 132. In the Greek, Scipio quotes Il. 6.448-9. Reynolds may have used the Latin version of Appian made by Sigismund Geslen and published in Basle in 1554 2918 chronicle ] Tac. Ann. 12, 13, 14, Cassius Dio 61, 62, Suet. Cl. 43, 44, Nero, 5, 6 2919 Tiberius ] Claudius 2919– 2920 they were murdered by her ] not according to the main sources, Nero poisoned Britanicus according to Cass. Dio 61.7 2922 Agrippina poisoned her husband ] see Tac. Ann. 12.67, Cass. Dio 61.34, Suet. Cl. 44, Plin. HN. 22.46 and Juvenal 5.218 2931 for … government ] see Tac. Ann. 13.2.4-5 2905 Destruction of Rome to ashes in time. ter to Nero.

2917 Agrippina.

2926 Seneca schoolmas-

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Of his acts THis Nero, at what time as his mother was conceived of him, she dreamed that she was conceived of a viper. For the young viper always kills its dame. He was not only a viper to his mother whom he killed but also to his kingdom and commonwealth a destroyer, which afterward shall be showed what a tyrant and bloody governor he was. This Nero made in the city of Rome the round seats and scaffolds to behold spectacles and sights, and also the baths. He subdued Pontus, a great country which joins to the sea Pontus, which country contains these realms, Colchis, Cappadocia, Armenia, and many other countries, and made it as a province by the sufferance of Polemon Regulus, by whose name it was called Pontus Polemoniacus. He overcame the Alps, of the King Cottius, Cottius the king being dead.

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[Fol. xlv.v] The life following of Nero was so abominable that the shame of his life will make any man afraid to leave any memory of him. This Domitius Nero caused his schoolmaster Seneca to be put to death, Seneca choosing his own death, his veins being cut in a hot bath died because he corrected wicked Nero to train him to virtue. He was outrageously wicked that he had consideration neither to his own honesty nor to others but in continuance he attired himself as virgins do when they marry, calling a Senate, the dowry assigned, and as the manner of that solemnity is, many resorting and frequenting in maiden’s tire and apparel. He went being a man to be married as a woman. Beside this, at other times he clad

2936–2937 the young viper always kills its dame ] a widespread belief in antiquity, see Plin. HN. 10.82 2937 a viper to his mother whom he killed ] see Plut. De Sera 22 2940– 2941 round seats and scaffolds to behold spectacles and sights ] Tac. Ann. 13.31.1, Suet. Ner. 12.1 2941 baths ] see Suet. Ner. 12, Aur. Vict. Ep. 5, Eutropius 7.15 2941 Pontus ] in 62, see Suet. Ner. 18 2944 Polemon Regulus ] Polemon I I of Pontus 2945 the Alps, of the King Cottius ] see Suet. Ner. 18 2952 Domitius … to death ] Tac. Ann. 15.60 2952 Seneca … died ] Tac. Ann. 15.63 2956 he … marry ] a confusion, the reference is to his mock marriage to Sporus, see Suet. Ner. 28 2959 he clad … sight ] see Suet. Ner. 29 2944 by the sufferance of ] by the permission of 2935 The dream of Agrippina mother to Nero, in his conception. 2939 Nero a viper. 2941 Pontus. Colchis. Cappadocia. Armenia. 2950 Nero unworthy to be chronicled. Seneca. 2958 The shameful life of Nero.

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himself with the skin of a wild beast, and beastly did handle that which Nature removes from the sight. He defiled himself with his own mother whom he killed immediately. He married two wives, Octavia and Sabina, otherwise called Poppea, first murdering their husbands. In that time Galba usurped the empire and Caius Julius. As soon as Nero heard that Galba came near towards Rome, even then the Senate of Rome had determined that Nero should be whipped to death with rods, according to the old usage of their ancestors, his neck yoked with a fork. This wicked Nero, seeing himself forsaken of all his friends, at midnight he departed out of the city, Ephaon and Epaphroditus waiting on him, Neophitus and Sporus his Eunuch, whom Sporus before time had Nero assayed to frame and fashion out of kind. In the end, Nero thrust himself through with the point of his sword, his wicked man Sporus thrusting forward his trembling hand. This wicked Nero before that, having none to murder him, made an exclamation, in these words: “Is there neither friend nor enemy to kill me? Shamefully have I lived, and with more shame shall I die”. In the thirty second year of his age he died. The Persians so entirely loved him that after his death they sent ambassadors, desiring license to erect [Fol. xlvj.r]

2980

to him a monument. All countries and provinces and the whole city of Rome did so much rejoice of his death, that they all wearing the coppintank hats, which bondsmen do use to wear when they are set at liberty, and so they triumphed of his death, delivered from so cruel a tyrant. 2985

A comparison AS for wicked government, Nero does make Caligula like to Comodus, Domitianus, Antoninus Caracalla, they were all so wicked that the Senate 2962–2963 He married two wives, Octavia and Sabina ] see Suet. Ner. 7, 35 2963 In … fork ] Suet. Ner. 49 2967 This … city ] see Suet. 49 2969 Ephaon … Eunuch ] see Suet. 48 2971 In … died ] see Suet. 47, 49 2976 The Persians … tyrant ] Suet. 57 2987 Comodus ] Commodus, see Cass. Dio 73.1.2 2988 Domitianus ] accused of being tyrannical, see Suet. Dom. 1 2988 Caracalla ] he murdered his brother, see S H A 2 2970 assayed ] tried 2982–2983 coppintank hats ] the pilleus, the text has “Toppintant”, a misreading by the copyist, the c, t and k letter forms being quite similar in the secretary hand, I owe the reading to Alan Stewart 2963 Galba. Caius Julius. Antoninus.

2970 The death of Nero.

2987 Nero. Caligula. Domitianus.

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of Rome thought it meet to obliterate their name from all memory and chronicle because of their wickedness.

2990

The conclusion Much more the life and government of wicked Nero might be entreated of, but this shall be sufficient, to show how tyrannically and beastly he governed unmeet of that throne.

2995

A comparison A Comparison is a certain oration showing by a collation the worthiness or excellency of any thing, or the naughtiness of the same, compared with any other thing or things, either equal or more inferior.

3000

In a comparison good things are compared with good as one virtue with another, as wisdom and strength, which of them most avails in peace and war. 3005

Evil things may be compared with good, as justice with injustice, wisdom with foolishness. Evil things may be compared with evil things, as wicked Nero compared to Domitianus, or Caligula to Commodus, theft to homicide, drunkenness with adultery.

3010

Small things may be compared with great, the king with his subject, the elephant or camel to the fly, a crocodile to the scarab. 3015

In a comparison, where argument is supputated on [Fol. xlvj.v] both the sides, worthily to praise or dispraise.

3020

Where a comparison is made between a thing excellent and a thing more inferior, the comparison shall proceed with like facility. 3013 Small things may be compared with great ] see Aphthonius phant or camel to the fly ] in Lorich 2989 meet ] proper ed ] weighed

2998 collation ] speech

3013–3014 the ele-

3014 scarab ] beetle

3016 supputat-

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All things that may be celebrated with praise or that merits dispraise, all such things may be in a comparison. The person, as Cato, being a wise man, may be compared with Nestor, the sage peer of Greece, Pompey with Caesar, as Lucan compares them, and so of all other men.

3030

Things may be compared, as gold with silver, one metal with an other. Times may be compared, as the spring with summer, harvest with winter. 3035

Places may be compared, as London with York, Oxford with Cambridge. Beasts without reason, as the bee with the ant, the ox with the sheep. Plants, as the vine and the olive.

3040

First, make a proemium or beginning to your comparison. Then compare them of their country. 3045

Of their parents. Of their ancestors. Of their education.

3050

Of their acts. Of their death. 3055

Then add the conclusion.

3027 Cato, being a wise man, may be compared with Nestor ] see Plut. Cat. Ma. 15.5 3028 Pompey with Caesar, as Lucan compares them ] see Lucan 1-3 3031 gold with silver ] see William Fulke The Garden of Natural Contemplation (1563) 3033 Times may be compared ] as in Verg. Ecl. 3033 harvest ] autumn

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A comparison between Demosthenes and Tully TO speak much in the praise of famous men no argument can want, nor plenty of matter to make of them a copious and excellent oration. Their acts in life through nobility will crave worthily more than the wit and pen of the learned can by eloquence express. Who can worthily express and set forth the noble philosophers

3060

[Fol. xlvij.r] Plato or Aristotle, as matter worthily forces to commend, when as of them all learning and singularity of arts have flown? All ages have by their monuments of learning participated of their wisdom. Greece has fostered many noble wits, from whom all light of knowledge has been derived, by whose excellency Rome in time flourishing did seek by nobility of learning to mate the noble Grecians. So much Italy was adorned and beautified with the cunning of the Grecians. Among the Romans many famous orators and other noble men have sprung up who for their worthiness might have contended with any nation, either for their glory of learning or noble regiment. Among whom Tully by learning above the rest rose to high fame that he was a renown to his country, to learning a light, of all singular eloquence a fountain. Whom Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, as a worthy mate is compared with, whom not only the nobility and renown of their country shall decorate, but themselves their own worthiness and nobility of fame. No age has had two more famous for learning, no commonwealth has tasted two more profitable to their country and commonwealth for gravity and counsel, nor 3056 A comparison between Demosthenes and Tully ] see Lorich who follows Plutarch’s Lives of Demosthenes and Cicero, Reynolds’s exordium is substantially longer, for which he may have consulted Leonardo Bruni’s commentary of Plutarch in Vascosani (Paris, 1558). Pseudo-Lucian compares Demosthenes and Homer in his apology 3065 Plato or Aristotle ] for praise of Plato and Aristotle, see Ascham, Schoolmaster (1570), “And you, that do read Plato, as The right you shold” (p. 10), “For he, that can neither like Aristotle in Logicke and Philosophie, nor Tullie in Rhetoricke and Eloquence, will, from these steppes, likelie enough presume, by like pride, to mount hier, to the misliking of greatr matters” (p. 34) 3069 Rome ] see, for instance, Cic. Brut. 310 where Cicero acknowledges his debts to the Greek masters 3074 Tully ] see Quint. Inst. 10.1.112 3077 compared with ] see Plut. Vit. 3066 singularity ] excellency ment ] rule 3065 Plato. Aristotle.

3070 mate ] imitate

3073 Tully.

3071 cunning ] skill

3074 regi-

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the posterity of ages two more worthy celebration. Thucydides, speaking in the commendation of famous men shows, as concerning the fame of noblemen, whose virtue far surmounts them and passes all others. The envious man seeks to deprave the worthiness of fame in others, his bragging nature with fame of praise not decorated. The ignorant and simple nature, according to his knowledge, judges all singularity and tempers by his own acts the praise of others. But the fame of these two orators, neither the envious nature can diminish their praise, nor the ignorant be of them a arbitrator or judge, so worthily has all ages raised fame and commendation of their virtues. Of their country

3095

3100

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3110

[Fol. xlvij.v] IN Greece Demosthenes the famous orator of Athens was born, whose country or city lacks no commendation, either for the nobility of the land or glory of the people. What nation under the sun has not heard of that mighty monarchy of Greece? Of their mighty cities and politic governance? What famous poets, how many noble philosophers and orators has Greece bred? What science and art has not flown from Greece, so that for the worthiness of it, it may be called the mother of all learning? Rome also, in whom Tully was brought up, may contend in all nobility, whose power and puissant glory by nobility of acts rose to that mighty head. In both such excellency is found as that no nation might better contend of their singularity and honour of country than Greece and Rome. Yet first from the Greeks, the light of philosophy and the abundant knowledge of all arts sprang to the Romans from the Grecians. The godly laws, wherewith the Romain Empire was decorated and governed, was brought from the Grecians. If the city may be an honour and glory to these two orators, or their cities a singular commendation, there wants in both neither honour nor nobility.

3082 Thucydides ] in his funeral oration of Pericles 3084 envious man ] a set piece, see commune uitium in magnis liberisque ciuitatibus, ut inuidia gloriæ comes sit (Nep. 3) 3085–3086 ignorant ] another set piece 3100 politic ] wise

3105 puissant ] mighty

3082 Thucydides.

3084 The envious man.

3085 The ignorant.

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Of their ancestors and parents BOth Demosthenes and Tully were born of very mean parents and ancestors, yet they through their learning and virtues became famous, ascending to all nobility. Of their virtues and learning, not of their ancestors, nobility rose to them. Of the education THE singular virtues of them both appeared even in their tender youth. Whereupon they being brought up in all godly learning and noble sciences became most noble orators, and by their copious eloquence, counsel, and wisdom aspired to nobility and honor.

3115

3120

3125

Of their schooling [Fol. xlviij.r] BOth were taught of the mouth of the best learned, Demosthenes of Iseus, a man most eloquent, Cicero of Philo and Milo, famous in wisdom and eloquence. Of their exercise CIcero did exercise himself very much to declaim both in Greek and Latin with Marcus Piso and with Quintus Pompeius. Demosthenes wanted not industry and labour to attain to that singularity which he had, both in eloquence and pronunciation. Of the gifts of their minds IN both integrity, humanity, magnanimity, and all virtues flowed, at what time as Demosthenes was commanded of the Athenians to frame an ac3114 Of their ancestors and parents ] follows Lorich who refers to Plutarch 3115 Demosthenes … them ] true nobility based on virtue, see Buonaccorso De vera nobilitate (c. 1420) trans. John Tiptoft (1481) 3122–3123 in all godly learning and noble sciences ] see Plut. Cic. 2, but according to Plut. Dem. 5, Demosthenes abandoned other studies to concentrate on oratory 3131 Iseus ] Isaeus, see Plut. Dem. 5.6 3131 Philo ] Philon, see Plut. Cic. 3.1 3131 Milo ] according to Plut. Cic. 4.5, Molon’s son Apollonius taught Cicero 3136 Marcus Piso ] Marcus Pupius Piso Frugi (Calpurnianus), consul in 61 BC 3136 Quintus Pompeius ] Quintus Pompeius, see Cic. Brut. 96 3136 Demosthenes ] Plut. Dem. 5 3141 at … would ] Plut. Dem. 14.4 3115 mean ] humble

3138 pronunciation ] delivery

3130

3135

3140

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cusation against a certain man, Demosthenes refused the act. But when the people and the whole multitude were wrath with him and made an exclamation against him, as their manner was, then Demosthenes rose, and said: “O you men of Athens, against my will you have me a counselor or pleader of causes before you, but as for an accuser and calumniator, no, not although you would”. Of this sort Tully was affected, except it was only in the safeguard of his country, as against Catiline, both were of godly and of upright conversation, altogether in mediocrity, and anew leading their lives. Of their acts Demosthenes and Tully both gave themselves to travail in the causes and affairs of their commonwealth, to the preservation of it. How vehemently did Demosthenes plead, and ingeniously handle the cause of all his country, against Philip for the defence of their liberty, whereupon he got fame and great glory. Whereby not only was he counted a great wise counselor but one of a valiant stomach, at whose

3160

[Fol. xlviij.v]

3165

3170

wisdom all Greece stood in admiration. The king of Persia laboured to enter favour with him. Philip, the king of the Macedonians, would say oftentimes he had to do against a famous man, noting Demosthenes. Tully also by his eloquence and wisdom saved Rome and all parts of that dominion from great dangers. Of their authority THeir authority and dignity was equal in the commonwealth. For at their two mouths Rome and Athens were upholed. Demosthenes was chief in favour with Chares, Diopheithes, Leosthenes, Cicero with Pompey, Julius Caesar, ascending to the chief seat and dignity of the Consulship. 3149 against Catiline ] see Cic. In Catilinam 3157 against Philip ] Dem. Phil. 3163 The king of Persia ] Plut. Dem. 20.4 3165 noting Demosthenes ] Plut. Dem. 12.7 3169 Of their authority ] translates Plut. Vit. 3.1 3172 Diopheithes ] the Athenian general 3172 Leosthenes ] the commander of the Greek army in the Lamian war 3150 mediocrity ] moderation, see Plut. De Virt. Mor. 5 3154 travail ] labour, diligence 3165 do against ] fight against 3171 upholed ] upheld, supported 3163 Darius. Philip. Demosthenes.

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Of a like fall that happened to them before their death YOu cannot find such two orators, who born of mean and poor parents that attained so great honour, who also did object themselves to tyrants alike, they had loss of their children alike, both were out of their country banished men, their return was with honour, both also flying happened into the hands of their enemies.

3175

3180

Of their death BOth alike, Demosthenes and Tully were put to death, Demosthenes died, Antipater governing by the hands of Archias. Cicero died by the commandment of Marcus Antonius, by Herennius his head was cut off and set in Marcus Antonius’s hall. His hands also were cut off with which he wrote the vehement orations against Marcus Antonius. The conclusion TO speak as much as may be said in the praise of them their praise would rise to a mighty volume, but this is sufficient.

3185

3190

[Fol. xlix.r] Sopoeia Sopoeia is a certain oration made by voice and lamentable imitation upon the state of anyone.

This imitation is in three sorts, either it is

   Eidolopoeia.

  

  Sopoeia.

 

Prosopopoeia.

3177 loss of their children alike ] see Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon 3. 77, for Tullia Ciceronis’s death see Plut. Cic. 41.7 3178 banished men ] see Plut. Vit. 4 3178 their return was with honour ] see Plut. Dem. 27.7, Cic.33.7 3178 both … enemies ] not in Plutarch 3183 Archias ] Plut. Dem. 28.3-29 3184 Herennius ] Plut. Cic. 48.6, but Plutarch reports his head was placed on the rostra (49.2) 3186 the vehement orations against Marcus Antonius ] a reference to Cicero’s Phillipics. 3195 Sopoeia ] based on Lorich 3182 Antipater. Demosthenes. Archias. Marcus Antonius. Tully.

3195

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That part which is called Sopoeia is that which has the person known, but only it does feign the manners of the same and imitate in an oration the same. Sopoeia is called of Priscianus a certain talking to of anyone or an imitation of talk referred to the manners aptly of any certain known person. Quintilianus says, that sopoeia is an imitation of other mean manners, whom the Greeks do call not only sopoeia but mimesis, and this is in the manners and the fact. This part is as it were a lively expression of the manner and affection of anything, whereupon it has his name. The sopoeia is in three sorts. The first, an imitation passive which expresses the affection to whom it partains, which altogether expresses the motion of the mind, as what pathetical and doleful oration Hecuba the queen made, the city of Troy destroyed, her husband, her children slain. The second is called a moral imitation, the which does set forth only the manners of anyone. The third is a mixed, the which sets forth both the manners and the affection, as how and after what sort Achilles spoke upon Patroclus, he being dead, when for his sake, he determined to fight, the determination of him shows the manner. The friend slain, the affection. In the making of sopoeia, let it be plain and without any large circumstance.

3225

[Fol. xlix.v] In the making of it you shall divide it thus, to make the oration more plain, into three times. 3230

    A present time.  

A time past.

  A time to come.  

3202 That part … the same ] Est quidem Sopœia, quæ notam habens personam, mores solùm effingit (Lorich) 3205 Sopoeia ] in Lorich 3207 Quintilianus ] in Lorich 3210 This part ] in Lorich 3212 three sorts ] in Lorich 3215 Hecuba ] a set piece after Homer, Euripides, Virgil, and Ovid Met. 13 3217 second ] leaves out Lorich’s example, ut quid diceret mediterraneus, primùm conspicatus mare 3220 Achilles spoke upon Patroclus ] another set piece based on the Iliad 3223 the making of sopoeia ] in Lorich 3229 three times ] in Lorich

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Eidolopoeia is that part of this oration which makes a person known though dead and not able to speak. 3235

Eidolopoeia is called of Priscianus an imitation of talk of anyone upon a dead man, it is then called eidolopoeia when a dead man talks or communication is made upon a dead man. Eidolopoeia, when a dead man talks, is set forth of Euripides upon the person of Polidorus dead, whose spirit enters at the prologue of the tragedy. Hector slain, speaks to Eneas in eidolopoeia: “O Eneas thou gods’ son, fly and save yourself from this ruin and fire, the enemies have taken the walls and lofty Troy is prostrate to the ground. I would have thought I had died valiantly enough to my country and my father Priamus if with this my right hand Troy had been defended”. Polidorus, being dead, in eidolopoeia talks to Eneas, which Virgil shows in his third book of Eneados. Julia, the wife of Pompey being dead, spoke to Pompey, preparing his arm against Caesar, eidolopoeia. Read Lucan, in the beginning of his third book.

3240

3245

3250

3255

Tully uses eidolopoeia when he makes talk upon Hiero being dead: “If that King Hiero were reduced from his death, who was an advancer of the Roman Empire, with what countenance either Siracusa or Rome might be showed to him, whom he may behold with his eyes? His country brought to ruin and spoiled, if that King Hiero should but enter Rome even in the first entering, he should behold the spoil of his country”. 3240 Eidolopoeia ] in Lorich 3244 Hector slain ] in Lorich 3250 Polidorus, being dead ] in Lorich 3254 Lucan ] Luc. 3.9ff not in Lorich, it seems 3257 Tully uses eidolopoeia ] the reference is in fact to Liv. 26.32.4, si ab inferis existat rex Hiero, fidissimus imperi Romani cultor, quo ore aut Syracusas aut Romam ei ostendi posse, cum, ubi semirutam ac spoliatam patriam respexerit, ingrediens Romam in vestibulo urbis, prope in porta, spolia patriae suae visurus sit? 3236 Eidolopoeia.

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Tully also uses the like eidolopoeia, as thus upon Lu[Fol. l.r] cius Brutus dead.

3270

3275

If it so were that Lucius Brutus that noble and famous man were to live, and before your presence, would he not use this oration?: “I Brutus, sometime did banish and cast out for cruelty the state and office of kings, by the horrible fact of Tarquinius against Lucretia, and all that name banished, but you have brought in tyrants. I Brutus did reduce the Romain Empire to a freedom and liberty, but you foolishly cannot uphold and maintain the same given to you. I Brutus, with the danger of my life have saved my country of Rome, but you without all danger lose it”.

3280

Prosopopoeia AS concerning prosopopoeia, it is as Pristianus says, when to anyone against nature speech is feigned to be given. 3285

3290

3295

Tully uses for a like example this when he makes Rome to talk against Catiline. Prosopopoeia of Rome “NO mischief has been perpetrated these many years but by you Catiline, no pestiferous act entreprised without you, you alone, for your horrible murder perpetrated upon the city of Rome, for the spoil and robberies of their goods are unpunished. You only have been of that force and power to cast down all laws and authority. Although these things were not to be born, yet I have born them, but now your horrible facts are come to such an issue that I fear your mischiefs. Wherefore leave off, Catiline, and diminish this fear from me, that I may be in security”.

3265 Tully ] translates Rhet. Her. 4.53.66 3282 Pristianus ] Prisc. praeex., conformatio uero, quam Graeci προσωποποιίαν nominant, est quando rei alicui contra naturam datur persona loquendi (in Lorich) 3285 Tully ] translates Cic. In Catilinam 1.7.18 3271 Lucius Brutus.

3289 Catiline.

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Lucan the poet, entreating of mighty and fierce wars against Pompei and Caesar, makes Rome to use this prosopopoeia against Caesar: Quo tenditis vltra quo fertis mea signa viri, Si iure venitis si aues hucusque licet.

3300

Prosopopoeia is properly when all things are feigned, both the manners, the person, as of Rome in this place. 3305

[Fol. l.v] What lamentable oration Hecuba Queen of Troy might make, Troy being destroyed “WHat kingdom can always assure its state or glory? What strength can always last? What power may always stand? The mighty oaks are sometime cast from root, the cedars high by tempests fall, so bitter storms do force their strength. Soft waters pierce rocks and rust the massy iron does bring to naught. So nothing can by strength so stand, but strength may once decay, yea, mighty kingdoms in time decay have felt. Kingdoms weak have rose to might, and mighty kingdoms fallen, no counsel can prevail, no power, no strength, or might in land. God disposes princes’ seats, their kingdom there withstands. I knew before the brittle state how kingdoms ruin caught, my eye the change of fortune saw, as Priamus did advance his throne by favour fortune got, on others fortune then did frown, whose kingdom did decay. Well, now I know the brittle state, that fortune has no stay, all rash her gifts, fortune blind does keep no state, her stone does roll, as floods now flow floods also ebb. So glory does remain, sometime my state on high was set in princely throne, my port and train full royal was, a king my father also was, my husband scepter held. Troy and Phrygia served his beck, many kings his power did dread, his will their power did serve. The fame of Troy and Brute, his glory and renown, what lands knows not? But now his fall, all tongues can speak, so great as glory was, though kingdoms strong was

3297 Lucan ] Luc. 1.190-2 3309 What … destroyed ] the source is probably Seneca, Troades 1 3312 The mighty … fall ] see Zechariah 11:2 and Isaiah 2:13 3325 port ] style of living 3310 Kingdoms.

3326 beck ] will

3311 Oaks. Cedars.

3321 Fortune has no stay.

3310

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3320

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set, lofty Troy in dust prostrate does lie, in blood their glory, people, king are fallen, no queen more doleful cause has felt. The sorrows deep do pass my joys as Phebus’s light with storms cast down. Hector’s death did wound my heart, by Hector’s might Troy stiff did stand, my comfort Hector was, Priamus’ joy, of Troy all them life, the strength, and power, his death [Fol. lj.r]

3340

3345

3350

3355

3360

did wound me for to die, but alas my doleful and cruel fate to greater woe reserves my life, lofty Troy before me fell, sword, and fire has seat and throne down cast. The dead on heaps do lie, the tender babes as lions’ preys are caught in blood before my sight, Priamus dear murdered was, my children also slain, who royal were, and princes’ mates. No queen more joy has tasted, yet woe my joy has quite defaced. My state always in bondage thrall to serve my enemies’ will, as enemy will, I live or die. No cruel force will rid my life, only in grave the earth shall close my woes, the worms shall gnaw my doleful heart in grave. My head shall ponder nought when death has sense down cast, in life I sought no joy, as death I crave, no glory was so wished as death I seek, with death no sense. In prison deep who doleful lies, whom fetters sore does grieve. Their doleful state most wishes death, in dungeon deep of care my heart most pensive is, unhappy state that wishes death, with joy long life, each wight does crave in life who wants smart? Who does not file or bear sometime a bitter storm, to doleful tune mirth full oft changed is, the meaner state more quiet rest, on high who climbs more deeper care, more doleful heart does press, most tempests high trees, hills, and mountains bear, valleys low rough storms do pass, the bending trees do give place to might by force of might, oaks mighty fall, and cedars high are rent from the root. The state full mean in haven has anchor cast, in surging seas full oft in vain to save the mast, the ship anchor casts”. The description THis exercise profitable to rhetoric is an oration that collects and represents to the eye that which he shows, so Priscianus defines it. Some are of 3363 THis exercise ] in Lorich 3352 wight ] person 3332 Hector.

3342 Priamus.

3364 Priscianus ] in Lorich

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that opinion that description is not to be placed among these exercises profitable to rhetoric, because

3365

[Fol. lj.v] that both in every oration made upon a fable all things therein contained are lively described. And also in every narration, the cause, the place, the person, the time, the fact, the manner how are therein lively described. But most famous and eloquent men do place description in the number of these exercises. Description serves to these things, the person, as the poet Lucan describes Pompey and Caesar. The person is described, things or acts, times, places, brute beasts. Nec coiere pares, alter vergentibus annis In senium longo que toge, tranquilior usu. Dedidicit etc.

3370

3375

3380

Homer describes the person of Thersites in the second book of his Iliad. Homer sets out Helena, describing the person of Menelaus and Ulysses, in the fourth book of his Iliad.

3385

Things are described, as the wars attempted by sea and land of Xerxes. Lucan describes the war of the Massilians against Caesar. 3390

Thucydides sets forth in a description the wars on the sea between the Corcurians and the Corinthians. Times are described, as springtime, summer, winter, harvest, day, night.

3378 Nec ] Luc. 1.129-131, not in Lorich 3382 Thersites ] Il. 2.216-219, not in Lorich 3384 Menelaus and Ulysses ] There seems to be a mistake since the correct reference is Il. 3. 200-224, not in Lorich 3387 Xerxes ] see Hdt. 7, 8, not in Lorich 3389 war of the Massilians against Caesar ] Luc. 3, not in Lorich 3391 wars … Corinthians ] Luc. 1.47-51, Lorich gives no precise reference 3394 Times ] Lorich refers to Horace, Ode 5 and 7 for the seasons and Eneid 4 for night and day

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Places are described, as cities, mountains, regions, floods, havens, gardens, temples, which things are set out by their commodities, for Thucydides often times sets forth havens and cities. Lucan also describes at large the places by which the army of Caesar and Pompei passed. The description of any man in all parts is to be described, in mind and body, what he was. The acts are to be described, far passed, by the present state thereof, and also by the time to come.

3405

As if the war of Troy should be set forth in a description, it must be described what happened before the Grecians arrived at Troy and how and after what sort it was 3410

[Fol. lij.r] overthrown, and what thing chanced, Troy being destroyed.

3415

3420

3425

So likewise of Carthage destroyed by the Romans. Of Jerusalem, destroyed by Titus Vespasianus, what admonition they had before, of what monstrous things happened also in that season, of a comet or blazing star, and after that what followed. Lucan also sets forth the wars of Pompey and Caesar, what strange and marvelous things fell of them. A description upon Xerxes WHen Darius was dead, Xerxes his son did succeed him, who also took upon him to finish the wars begun by his father Darius against Greece. For the which wars preparation was made for the space of five years, after that Xerxes entered Greece with seven hundred thousand Persians, 3396–3397 Thucydides ] in Lorich 3399 Lucan ] not in Lorich 3401 in mind and body ] in Lorich 3403 far … come ] in Lorich 3406 Troy ] not in Lorich 3414 Carthage ] in Lorich 3414–3415 Jerusalem, destroyed by Titus Vespasianus ] see Flavius Josephus, Bellum Judaicum bk 6 3416 comet ] Tac. Ann. 15.47 3419 Lucan also sets forth the wars of Pompey and Caesar ] in his Pharsalia 3422 Xerxes ] based on Hdt., Tac. and Suet. 3426 The army of Xerxes.

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and three hundred thousand of foreign power aided him that not without cause, chronicles of ancient time do show mighty floods to be dried up of his army. The mighty dominions of Greece were not able to receive his huge and mighty power, both by sea and land. He was no small prince, whom so many nations, so mighty people followed him, his navy of ships was in number ten hundred thousand, Xerxes had a mighty power, but Xerxes was a coward, in heart a child, all in fear the stroke of battle moved. In so mighty an army it was marvel the chief prince and captain to be a coward, there wanted neither men nor treasure, if you have respect to the king himself, for cowardice you will dispraise the king, but his treasures being so infinite you will marvel at the plenty thereof, whose army and infinite host, though mighty floods and streams, were not able to suffice for drink, yet his riches seemed not spent nor tasted of. Xerxes himself would be last in battle to fight and the first to retire and run away. In dangers he was fearful, and when danger was past,

3430

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[Fol. lij.v] 3445

he was stout, mighty, glorious, and wonderful craking before this hazard of battle attempted. He thought himself a God over nature, all lands and seas to give place to him and puffed with pride, he forgot himself. His power was terrible, his heart faint, whereupon his entering into Greece was not so dreaded as his flight from thence was shameful, mocked and scorned at, for all his power he was driven back from the land by Leonides king of the Lacedemonians, he having but a small number of men, before his second battle fought on the sea. He sent four thousand armed men to spoil the rich and sumptuous temple of Apollo at Delphos, from the which place not one man escaped. After that Xerxes entered Thespia, Platea, and Athens, in the which not one man remained, those he burned, working his anger upon the houses. For these cities were admonished to prove the mastery in wooden walls, which was meant to be ships, the power of Greece brought into one place. Themistocles, 3433 Xerxes was a coward, in heart a child ] see Aeschylus, Persea 353-64 and Justin, Historiae Philippicae 2.10 3446 stout ] proud

3446 craking ] boasting

3432 Xerxes a coward. 3439 Xerxes last in battle, and first to run away. pride of Xerxes. 3459 Themistocles.

3446 The

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favouring their part, although Xerxes thought otherwise of Themistocles, then Themistocles persuaded Xerxes to assay the Grecians. Artemisia the Queen of Halicarnasis aided Xerxes in his battle. Artemisia fought manfully, Xerxes cowardly shrank, so that unnaturally there was in the one a manly stomach, in the other a cowardly heart. The men of Ionia that fought under Xerxes’s banner by the treason of Themistocles shrank from Xerxes, he was not so great a terror or dread by his main host as now smally regarded and least feared. What is power, men, or money, when God changes and pulls down both the success and kingdom of a prince? He was in all his glory an unmanly and a cowardly prince, yet for a time happy state fell on his side, now his might and power is not feared. He flies away in a fishing boat, whom all the world dreaded and obeyed, whom all Greece was not able to receive, a small boat lodges and harbours. His own people contemned him at home, his glory fell, and life ingloriously ended. Whom

3475

[Fol. liij.r]

3480

3485

God sets up, neither treason nor malice, power nor money can pull down. Worthily it is to be pondered of all princes, the saying of Vespasian, Emperor of Rome, at a certain time a treason wrought and conspired against him, the conspirators taken, Vespasian sat down between them, commanded a sword to be given to either of them, and said to them: Nonne videtis fato potestatem dari. Do you not see? Power, authority, and regiment, by the ordinance of God, is left and given to princes. A singular sentence to comfort all good princes in their government not to fear the poisoned hearts of men or the treacherous hearts of pestiferous men. No man can pull down where God exalts, neither power can set up and extoll where God displaces or puts down. Such is the state of princes and their kingdoms.

3490

Thesis THesis is a certain question in consultation had to be declaimed upon uncertain, noting no certain person or thing. 3472 He flies … harbours ] Just. 2.13.9-10 passage

3478 whom … down ] another sermon-like

3473 contemned ] scorned 3481 The saying of Vespasian.

3484 A sentence comfortable to all princes.

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As for example: 3495

Whether riches are chiefly to be sought for in this life as of all good things the chief good. Whether virtue is the most excellent good thing in this life. 3500

Whether the gifts of the mind pass and excel the gifts and virtues of fortune and the body. Whether policy does more avail in war than strength of men. 3505

Who so will reason of any question of these, he has need with reason and witty consultation to discourse and to declaim upon the same. The Greek orators do call this exercise thesis, that is to say a proposition in question, a question uncertain included with no certainty to any particular thing.

3510

[Fol. liij.v] The Latin men do call it a question infinite or universal. Tully in his book of places called Topics, does call thesis, propositum, that is to say a question in determination. Priscian calls it positionem, a proposition in question on either part to be disputed upon.

3515

As for example:

3520

Whether it is best to marry a wife? Whether friendship is above all things to be regarded. Is war to be moved upon a just cause? Is the Greek tongue meet and necessary to be learnt?

3525

3496 riches are chiefly to be sought for ] the refutation is common in sermons, in Lorich 3509 The Greek orators … disputed upon ] in Lorich 3516 Topics ] Cic. Top. 21.79 3517 Priscian ] in his praeex. 3522 Whether it is best to marry a wife? ] the question Aphthonius develops, Reynolds who does not follow Aphthonius’s arguments is probably indebted to Erasmus, Encomium Matrimonii (1518) and to Coniugium first published in 1523 in his popular Colloquia 3525 meet ] suitable

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There is another kind of question called hypothesis, hypothesis is called questio finita, that is to say a question certain noting a certain person or thing, a certain place, time, and so forth. As for example: Is it meet for Caesar to move war against Pompey? Is not there a certain person? Is the Greek tongue to be learnt of a divine? Is the Greek tongue meet for a physician? In this kind of exercises, famous men of ancient time did exercise youth to attain both wisdom and eloquence thereby, to make a discourse upon any matter by art of learning. Aristotle the famous philosopher did train up youth to be perfect in the art of eloquence, that they might with all copiousness and ingenious invention handle any cause. Nothing does so much sharpen and acute the wit and capacity of anyone as this kind of exercise. It is a goodly virtue in any one man at a sudden to utter wittily and ingeniously the secret and hidden wisdom of his mind. It is a great maim to a profound learned man to want ability to utter his exquisite and profound knowledge of his mind. Thesis THis question Thesis, which is a question noting no certain person or thing, is much like to that oration

3550

[Fol. liiij.r] entreated of before called a commonplace. 3555

A commonplace BUt a commonplace is a certain exaggeration of matter induced against any person convicted of any crime or worthy defence.

3526 hypothesis ] follows Aphthonius 3532 Is the Greek tongue to be learnt of a divine? ] Erasmus and other humanists defended ancient Greek as an essential tool for Biblical criticism 3533 Is the Greek tongue meet for a physician? ] another contemporary debate, medical studies at university included Greek but in reality few doctors mastered the language 3547 Thesis ] in Lorich 3538 copiousness ] rhetorical wealth

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Thesis Thesis is a reasoning by question upon a matter uncertain. 3560

Thesis, that is to say a question general, is in two sorts: (

A question

Civil Contemplative

)

. 3565

QUestions Civil are those that pertain to the state of a commonwealth and are daily practised in the commonwealth. As for example: Is it good to marry a wife? Is usury lawful in a city or commonwealth? Is a monarchy the best state of government? Is good education the ground and root of a flourishing commonwealth? A contemplative question THe other thesis is a question contemplative, which the Greeks do call theoricas because the matter of them is comprehended in the mind and in the intelligence of man.

3570

3575

The example: 3580

Is the soul immortal? Had the world a beginning? Is the heaven greater than the earth? (

A question is either

Simple Compound

3585

)

.

Is it good for a man to exercise himself in wrestling, or [Fol. liiij.v] 3561 two sorts ] in Lorich 3570 usury ] not in Lorich 3571 monarchy ] not in Lorich 3572 good education ] not in Lorich 3579 example ] the following three examples are taken from Lorich 3590 good for a man ] the distinction and example are taken from Lorich

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Is it profitable to declaim? 3595

A compound Is virtue of more value than gold to the covetous man? Does wisdom more avail than strength in battle?

3600

Do old men or young men better govern a commonwealth? Is physic more honorable than the law? An oration made upon thesis is after this sort made.

3605

Use an exordium or beginning. Unto the which you may add a narration which is an exposition of the thing done. 3610

Then show it lawful. just. 3615

Profitable. And possible. Then the conclusion.

3620

To this in some part of the oration you may put in certain objections, as thus: Upon this question, “Is it good to marry a wife?” 3625

In marriage is great care and pensiveness of mind by loss of children or wife, whom you love. There is also trouble of dissolute servants. There is also great sorrow if your children prove wicked and dissolute.

3596 virtue … man ] Not in Lorich. University students had to answer such questions in rhetorical jousts. 3604 after this sort made ] follows Lorich

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The answer to this objection will minister matter to declaim upon. 3630

Is it good to marry? SInce the time of all ages and the creation of the world, God has so blessed his creation and marvelous workmanship in man, as in all his other creatures, that not only his omnipotence is thereby set forth but also from time to time the posterity of men in their offspring and procreation abundantly commonstrate the same. The state of all kingdoms and commonwealths by procreation derived have only continued on the face of the earth, thereby [Fol. lv.r]

3640

many hundred years. How soon would the whole world be dissolved and in perpetual ruin if that God from times and ages had not by godly procreation blessed this infinite issue of mankind? The dignity of man in his creation shows the worthy succession maintained by procreation. In vain were the creation of the world if there was not as man so excellent a creature to behold the creator and his marvelous creation. To what use were the elements and heavens, the stars and planets, all beasts and fowls, fish, plants, herbs, and trees, if men were not? For man’s use and necessity, all things in the earth were made and procreated. Wherein the Stoic philosophers do note the excellency of man to be great. For, say they: Que in terris gignuntur omnia ad usum hominum creari? To what use then were all things if man was not, for whose cause, use, and necessity these things were made? If a continuance of God’s procreation was not, immediately a ruin and end would ensue of things. What age remains above a hundred years? If after a hundred years no issue was to be on the face of the earth, how soon were kingdoms dissolved, where as procreation roots a new generation, issue and offspring, and, as it were, a new soul and body? A continuance of laws, a permanent state of commonwealth does ensue. Though the life of man be frail and soon cut off, yet by marriage man by his offspring is as it were new framed, his body

3652 Que … creari ] Cic. Off. 1.22 3629 minister ] provide

3635

3636 commonstrate ] demonstrate

3636 Kingdoms continue by marriage and commonwealth. 3644 The dignity of man shows the worthiness of marriage. 3657 Godly procreation.

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by death dissolved, yet by issue revived. Even as plants, by the bitter season of winter, from their flowers fading and withering, yet the seed of them and root, vegetable, and living do root yearly a new offspring or flower in them. So marriage, by godly procreation blessed, doth perpetually increase a new body, and thereby a vast world and infinite nations or people. Xerxes the mighty king of Persia, viewing and beholding his main and infinite host, weeped, who being demanded why he so did: Doleo inquit post centum annos, neminem ex hijs superesse. It is a pity-

3670

[Fol. lv.v] ful and doleful case that after a hundred years not one of these noble captains and valiant soldiers to be left. 3675

The objection But you will say peradventure marriage is a great bondage always to live with one. 3680

3685

3690

The solution To follow pleasure and the beastly motions of the mind, what liberty call you that to live in a godly, mean, and mediocrity of life with your spoused wife? There is no greater joy, liberty, or felicity. Who so practices a dissolute life, whose love and lust is kindled and set on fire with a harlot, he follows a brutish society. What difference is there between him and a beast? The beast as nature leads, he obeys nature. Reason wants in beasts, man then indued with reason, which is a guide to all excellency, how is it that he is not ruled by reason, whom God has clothed and beautified, with all virtue and all singularity? If a godly conversation of life moves you to pass your days without marriage, then must the motions of your mind be tamed and kept under. Otherwise, execrable is your purpose and determination of life. If you hope of love of a harlot though you enjoy her 3669 Doleo inquit post centum annos, neminem ex hijs superesse ] Hdt. 7.46.2, ὁ δὲ εἶπε ‘ἐσῆλθε γάρ με λογισάμενον κατοικτεῖραι ὡς βραχὺς εἴη ὁ πᾶς ἀνθρώπινος βίος, εἰ τούτων γε ἐόντων τοσούτων οὐδεὶς ἐς ἑκατοστὸν ἔτος περιέσται.’ ὁ δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων ‘ἕτερα τούτου παρὰ τὴν ζόην πεπόνθαμεν οἰκτρότερα.’ 3692 love of a harlot ] Reynolds may be indebted to Erasmus’s Adolescentis et scorti in his Colloquia (1523) 3687 indued ] endowed 3665 A similitude. 3682 The liberty in marriage. 3691 Chastity in marriage.

3684 A brutish society with harlots.

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otherwise, you are deceived. Bacchis the harlot, whom Terence makes mention of in the person of herself, shows the manners of all harlots to Antiphila, saying:

3695

Quippe forma impulsi nostra nos amatores colunt: Hec ubi immutata est, illi suum animum alio conferunt. Nisi prospectum est interea aliquid nobis, deserte viuimus. 3700

For, says she, the lover enamoured with our love and set on fire therewith, it is for our beauty and favour, but when beauty is once faded, he converts his love to another whom he better likes. But that we provide for ourselves in the mean season, we should in the end live utterly forsaken. But your love incensed with one whose manners and life contents you, so you both are linked together

3705

[Fol. lvj.r] that no calamity can separate you, who so hopes love of a harlot or profit, he may hope as for the fruit of a withered tree, gain is all their love, vice their joy and delight. In virtue is liberty, in virtue is felicity, the state of marriage is virtuous, there can be no greater bondage than to obey many beastly affections to the which whoredom forces him unto, love is feigned, cloaked amity, a heart dissembled, many a mighty person and wise has been overthrown by the deceits of harlots. Many a city plagued, many a region overthrown for that mischief, to obey many affections is a great bondage. Who so serves the beastly affections of his mind to that purpose, he must also as Hercules to Omphala be a slave, not only to his own will and affection but to the manners, will, and expectation of the harlot. So served Thraso and Phedria Thais, that gorgeous harlot, Antony and Julius Caesar, Cleopatra, this is a bondage to live slave from reason

3693 Terence ] Terence, Hautontimorumenos. 2.4.9-11 3710 no calamity can separate you ] the entire passage reads very much like a sermon 3719 Hercules to Omphala be a slave ] see Apollodorus mythographus, Bibliotheca 2.6.3 3721 Thraso and Phedria Thais ] see Terence, Eunuchus, Philipp Melanchthon produced a complete edition of his plays in 1516 3721–3722 Antony and Julius Caesar, Cleopatra ] see for instance Propertius 3.11 3710 The love of a harlot.

3718 Hercules. Omphala.

3710

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and all integrity to a monstrous rablement of vices, who so serve a harlot they must learn this lesson: Da mihi and affer, give and bring. 3725

3730

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3745

3750

The women of Scythia, abhorring the godly conversation of marriage with their husbands, left them, who in time were so mighty that they repelled them by force, they called marriage not matrimony but bondage. For the chronicles do testify they became conquerors over many kings, all Asia obeyed them. They did build many a great city and for their success they might compare with many princes. These women were called Amazons afterward, the order of their life was this, once in the year they would enjoy the company of a man. If it so were that they had a man child, the father would have it, if a daughter, then they possessed her and forthwith burned her right pap. For they were all archers and wonderfully excelled therein, but in the end they came all to ruin. One of them, Thalestris their queen in the time of Alexander the Great, came to Alexander, thinking that he had been some monstrous man of stature, [Fol. lvj.v] whom, when she did behold (for Alexander was of no mighty stature) did contemn him, and offered him hand to hand to fight with him. But Alexander like a wise prince, said to his men, if I should overcome her, that were no victory, nor manhood against a woman, and being overcome, that were greater shame than commendation in all my victories and conquests, but afterward there was a great familiarity between them. The adulterer and the adulteress never prosper, for many mischiefs are reserved to that wicked and beastly love. Sincere love is not rooted, friendship coloured, the sober and demure countenance is much to be commended in a chaste woman whose breast ponders a chaste life. The fact of the matrons of Rome seems strange to be told, of Papirius, a sen3724 Da mihi and affer ] Terence Hautontimorumenos. 2.1.11, Magis nunc me amicae dicta stimulant: “Da mihi, atque affer mihi” 3732 Amazons ] see Hdt. 4.110-116 3737 Thalestris ] see the Alexander Romance, Diod. Sic. 17.77.1-3, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni 6.5.24-32, Just. 12.3.5-7 3752 Papirius ] translates Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights 1.23 3723 rablement ] crowd

3743 contemn ] despise

3723 The harlot’s lesson to her lovers. 3731 The life of the Amazons. 3736 Thalestris. 3742 The offer of a woman to Alexander. 3745 The answer of Alexander to the offer. 3751 The fact of the matrons of Rome.

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ator’s son being taken to the Senate house of his father. The child being indued with a singular wit heard many causes in the assembly talked and consulted upon. At his return home, his mother was inquisitive of their consultation to hear somewhat. The child was commanded by his father to utter no secret that he heard, whereupon of a long time he refused his mother’s demand, but at the last subtly he satisfied his mother’s request. Truth it is my father willed me to utter no secret, you keeping my counsel I will show you, it is concluded by the senate house that every man shall have two wives, that is a strange matter, says the mother. Forthwith she had communication with all the matrons of Rome that could do somewhat in this matter, they also full willingly assembled themselves. To let this purpose, to the senate house they went to utter their swollen griefs. The senators were amassed at their coming, but in this matter bold they were to enterprise that which they were grieved at. A dame more eloquent than all the rest, and of stomach more hardy, began in these words: “Otherwise than right, we are injuriously handled, and that in this assembly, that now we should be cast off and neglected. That whereas it is concluded in this

3755

3760

3765

3770

[Fol. lvij.r] counsel that every man should have two wives, more meet it were that one woman should have two husbands”. Strange it was in the senators’ ears such a request, whereupon a proof made how that rumour rose, Papirius was found the author, who told before the senate his mother always inquisitive to know that which he should not tell, and thereupon he feigned that which he might better tell. It is to be supposed the senators mused thereat and the matrons of Rome went home ashamed, but their secret cogitation of mind was manifest, what willingly in heart they wished. What greater felicity can there be than in a unity of life, the husband to live with his wife? The beasts in their kind condemn man’s brutish affections herein. There is no fact that shows a man or woman more like to beasts than whoredom. The objection But you will say many calamities happen in marriage. 3754 indued ] endowed 3758 Papirius.

3765 amassed ] gathered

3774 meet ] proper

3766 The oration of a matron to the senators.

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The solution Fortune herein is to be blamed and not marriage, if any misfortune happens to man therein the felicity and quiet state that any man enjoys thereby. The discreet election is therein approved in the state itself, nothing can be found worthy reprehension if a man will impute the bitter storms of life to marriage, whatsoever happens our own reason may judge contrary. Place before your eyes all the affairs and occupations of this life, by all times pleasant to the husbandman, many a cold storm pierces his body and many a mighty tempest does molest him and grieve him. Summer is not the time to cast his seed in the ground, or employing to occupy himself. Shall he therefore leave his husbandry or does he rather neglect it, his diligence therein is the more, and labour more industrious? From whence comes the tempest, the storms, and bitter seasons? From his house, from his wife, from his art and occupation, all those things by violence are expelled from the [Fol. lvij.v] air. No state of life is able to give riches, health, or security to his state. There has been princes and emperors needy, full of infirmities and sickness, in dangerous state, oppressed with many calamities, was their dignity and office the cause of their calamities? No, God tempers the state of every one, how and after what sort to possess the same. Some are full fortunate in marriage, if marriage were of necessity the cause, then all should be only fortunate or only unfortunate, then in marriage is not the cause. If in marriage the manners do disagree and love is extinguished, blame your own manners, your choice, and your election. The mariner that passes the dangerous seas, and by dreadful tempests and huffing waves is always in peril, and many often times drowned, the merchant losing his merchandise by shipwreck, shall they impute the danger and loss to their wife at home? Or do the mariners leave for all these tempests their art of navigation? Or the owner break his ship? Or the merchant prove no adventures because of his loss, and many have been of this sort drowned? No. But more earnestly they do assay themselves thereto. Because war spoils many a man of his life, do princes therefore leave to

3790 Fortune herein is to be blamed ] follows Aphthonius and Lorich 3791 Election in marriage. 3807 Emperors. 3817 The merchants. 3822 War.

3811 Marriage.

3815 The mariners.

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move armour against the enemy? But because who so in the defence of his country dies manfully is worthily advanced, and in perpetual memory, no danger is refused, because evil things happen in life, is the state of good things to be avoided and eschewed? Were it not unseemly, if husbandmen for no storm or tempest do leave their state, their laborious, and rough condition of life, nor the shipman his art of navigation, because he sees many drowned venturing the same and he himself often times in danger? Nor the soldier or captain, their perilous condition of life, do leave for danger. Should marriage be less set by because always riches and quietness happen not? The objection The loss of a good wife and children is a great grief to

3825

3830

3835

[Fol. lviij.r] any man and a cause to blame marriage. The answer You yourself are born to die, they also by death obey likewise nature, this is the law of nature once to die, which you seem to blame. Then the death of your wife and children is not the blame in marriage. What is the cause that you die? Nature’s imbecility and weakness then in them. Marriage is not the cause. Nature in her first mould has so framed all, wherefore do you ascribe that to marriage that is found faulty in nature? They die that marry not, what infirmity, danger, or peril happens to any in marriage as sharp and perilous molest and torment the others. If any man by death loses right honest wife clothed with all chastity, demureness, sobriety, and also with all singularity of virtue adorned, he has lost a rare treasure, a jewel of price, not in all to be found. Did you love your wife that was so goodly, so honest, and virtuous? There was great cause, say you, for her virtuous sake, God has chosen her from a mortal creature to immortality, with her it cannot by better. There is no cause why you should blame marriage for the loss of her, or of your children, or for the loss of you, she to blame marriage. If for your own sake, this sorrow be,

3843 The law of nature.

3853 A chaste woman.

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Est seipsum amantis non amici, it is then of a self-love to yourself, not for her cause. For I must answer as Lelius did to Africanus, Cum ea optime esseactum quis neget, quid est quod non assecuta est immortalitatem. Who can deny, says he, but that with her it cannot be better? What is it that she has not attained? Immortality. She was virtuous, chaste, sober, discreet, of behaviour womanly, for her virtues beloved. Well, now she has immortality and blessing, are you sorry thereat? That were envious. Did you love her living? Love her also departed, her virtuous showed unto us her immortality. The objection There is a care for the wife and children if the husband [Fol. lviij.v] dies before them.

3875

3880

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The answer If you leave them riches, hope not that your riches shall be a stay to them, though they be innumerable. A wretched, a miserable executor, wastes and destroys oftentimes the fruits of thy travail, who rejoices more of your death than of your life. Or your children’s father in law shall spoil and spend with a merry heart that which you have long travailed for. Stay yourself and yours upon God’s providence, for it has been seen many a rich widow with infinite treasure left to her children, also like portions descending, afterward both wife and children have been brought to misery and beggarly state. Otherwise, poor children committed to the providence of God and virtuously brought up and the wife in like state, yet they have so passed their days that they have rose to a godly state. See that your riches be not injuriously gotten by falsehood, by lying, by usury,

3859 Est seipsum amantis non amici ] reminiscent of Cic. Amic. 10, suis autem incommodis graviter angi non amicum, sed se ipsum amantis est 3860–3861 Cum ea optime esseactum quis neget, quid est quod non assecuta est immortalitatem ] reminiscent of Cic. Amic. 11, cum illo vero quis neget actum esse praeclare? nisi enim, quod ille minime putabat, immortalitatem optare vellet, quid non adeptus est, quod homini fas esset optare 3881 travailed ] worked 3877 A wretched executor.

3881 Stay ] trust 3881 God’s providence

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if it so be, then Male parta male dilabuntur. That is this, goods evil got evil spent, such riches never give deep root to their offspring. That is an evil care by an injurious care to purchase things and goods wickedly. Also marriage takes away widowhood and does repair with a new fresh marriage the lack and privation of the others. She that was by death left a widow, marriage again has coupled her to a new husband and does restore that which death took away. What that death dissolves and destroys, marriage increases, augments and multiplies. Be it so, but marriage is a painful life, it forces everyone to travail to uphold and maintain his state. I commend not the idle life neither a life occupied to no virtuous end. Nature moves every man to love himself and his, so your care and pain be to a godly purpose. It is commendable, it is the duty of every man, as his power, wit and industry are able, to employ thereto his cogitation. To labour for your wife whom you love and dear children, your labour is [Fol. lix.r]

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pleasure, the joy eases your labour. To behold yourself in your children, they being virtuously brought up, it is a goodly comfort to live with a chaste woman, sober and continent, her virtues be a continual pleasure, a passing joy. In marriage ought to be great deliberation whom you choose to your continual company or fellowship, her life past well known, her parents and kindred how honest and virtuous, her manners, her fame how commendable, her countenance sober, a constant eye and with shamefastness beautified, a mouth uttering few words discreetly. She is not to be liked whom no virtuous qualities in her education beautify and adorn, the godly qualities show the well framed and nurtured mind. These things may be sufficient to show what excellency is in marriage and how necessary it is to the procreation and preservation of mankind.

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3889 Male parta male dilabuntur ] Cic. Phil. 2.65, a proverb illustrated in Alciato’s emblems 3893 Death. Marriage wife.

3908 The marriage of a chaste woman.

3913 The choice of a

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Legislation An oration either in the defence of a law or against a law. MAny learned men are in this opinion that upon a law alleged an oration may be made in the defence of it, or matter may be suppeditated to inveigh by force of argument against it. Although the law alleged be in manner the whole cause because it does contain all the matter included in the oration.

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In this oration, the person is induced to be spoken upon, unknown, uncertain. Wherefore it is to be placed rather in the state and form of consultation, and to be examined with judgement. The induction of a law is in two sorts.

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A confirmation of any old law or a confutation. As for example: 3940

The civil law does well commend bondmen to be manumised, that is, to be made free. The law is herein to be praised that wills the counsel of the parents and friends to be known before the contract.

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[Fol. lix.v]

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Upon a law alleged worthily matter may rise weighing the godly end, whereunto the law was first invented, decreed, and established, what profit thereof ensues and follows. What it is to virtue a maintainer, otherwise if it be not profitable? What moved anyone to frame and ordain such a law as was to a commonwealth unprofitable, to virtue no aider? If it were a profitable law and godly, it is as Demosthenes says, of God invented, though by famous wise and godly men established and decreed. Good laws temper to all states equity and justice without favour or friendship, no more to the one than the other. 3923 alleged ] cited 3924 suppeditated ] supplied 3940 bondmen ] slaves 3940 manumised ] a rare word according to the author 3948 alleged ] cited 3954 Law

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The order to make an oration by a law is in this sort. First, make a prohemium or beginning to enter your matter. In the second place, add a contrary to that which you will entreat upon. Then show it lawful. Just. Profitable. Possible. You may as in thesis, which was the oration before, use a contradiction or objection, and to that make an answer or solution. A confutation of that law which suffered adultery to be punished with death, no judgement given thereupon SOlon was a famous philosopher in the time of Croesus, King of Lydia, and a law giver to the Athenians, by whose laws and godly means the Athenians were long and prosperously governed. Among many of his laws, this Solon set forth against adulterers, Fas esse deprehendenti mæchum in ipso adulterio interficere: it shall be lawful, says he, who so takes an adulterer in his beastly fact to kill him. Solon, being a wise man, was more rigorous and cruel in this one law than he ought to be. A marvelous

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[Fol. lx.r] matter and almost incredible so wise, so noble, and worthy a law giver to burst out with such a cruel and bloody law, that without judgement or sentence given, the matter neither proved nor examined, adultery to be death. Wherefore, reason forces every man to judge and ponder with himself that adultery is a most horrible vice, most beastly and pestiferous and not meet to tarry upon the censure and sentence of a judge. Or Solon was not so wise, discreet, and a politic person but a rash and fond law giver that in such a terrible voice he should burst out, as adultery so horrible as not worthy to be pondered, examined, and boulted of in judgement. The Athenians received that law, they did also obey his other laws. Their dominions thereby in felicity were governed, there was no 3967 A confutation … thereupon ] Aphthonius Lorich 3985 tarry ] linger

3986 fond ] foolish

3972 Fas … interficere ] Plut. Sol. 23.1, in

3988 boulted ] thoroughly examined

3969 The most rigorous and most cruel law of Solon.

3984 Adultery a horrible vice.

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populous number of adulterers to let that law, they lived most godly, a strange world, a rare moderation of that age and people. Plato the godly philosopher, who left in his works and monuments of learning great wisdom and also godly laws in his books entitled upon laws and government of a commonwealth, did not pass by in silence to give and ordain a law against adultery who also as it seemed judged adultery as most horrible and detestable in his ninth book de Legibus. This is the law: Adulteram deprehensam impune occidi a viro posse. The adulterous woman, says he, taken in the crime, her husband may without danger of death or fear of punishment slay her. A strange matter, two so noble, so famous for wisdom to make adultery present death, no judgement or sentence of magistrate, proceeding to examine and judge, upon the state of the cause. A man may say, O godly age, and time in virtue tempered, each state as seems bridled and kept under and far from voluptuousness removed. There were no stews or bawd’s houses where such laws and lawmakers were. Sobriety was in maids and chastity harboured in matrons and wedded wives a heart inviolable to honest conversation. [Fol. lx.v]

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Where adultery is cut off, there many detestable vices and execrable purposes are removed. Cato the sage peer of Rome, endued with like severity, did favour that law and highly extolled it. Although adultery be a detestable vice horrible, yea, although it be worthy of death, better it were by judgement, and the sentence of the magistrate the fault to be determined, than at the will of every man as a law by death to be ended. The commonwealth shall be in a more quiet state when the horrible facts of wicked men by the law made worthy of death are nevertheless by a lively law, which is the judge, pronounced and condemned according to the law. Else, many mischiefs might rise in all kingdoms and commonwealths

3997–3998 Adulteram deprehensam impune occidi a viro posse ] in Lorich, this seems to be a misreading of Pl. Leg. 9.874c which states a husband has the right to kill a man raping his wife (see Cohen pp. 98-132), on how adultery should be punished see Quint. Inst. 5.11.9, see the bill for adultery 9 Jan. 1549 4000 her husband … her ] Dion. Hal. 2.25, Suet. Tib. 35 4012 Cato … it ] see Gel. 10.23, in Lorich 3992 strange ] exceptional 3992 Plato against adultery made a law. 4011 Cato’s sentence upon adultery. 4015 Law. 4018 The judge, a lively law.

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under a color of law, many an honest person murdered and many a murderer by cloak of a law from danger saved. In Rome sometime a law there was ordained against adultery, which was called Lex Julia, this law Octavius Augustus set forth. The law was thus: Gladio iussit animaduerti in adulteros. The law commanded adulterers to be headed. The chronicles of ancient times herein do show, and the decrees of ancient elders also, how horrible a thing adultery is when they punish it with death. Who knows not among the Israelites and in the old law they were stoned to death. Well, as magistrates are in commonwealths removed, or as times change laws also are changed and dissolved, and as the proverb is, Lex vt regio, the laws are according to the region. Afterward Valerius Publicola, a man ascending to high nobility of honour and fame among the Romans, gave this law: Qua neminem licebat indicta causa necare. By this law it was not lawful any man to be put to death their cause not examined in judgement, this was a godly law. Then afterward, law givers rose in the commonwealth that with more facility tolerated that vice, then wickedness flowed, adultery not punished by death. And since that, the Roman Empire wrapped and snared

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with such mischiefs has decayed in fame, nobility, and virtue, many a part of their dominion plagued, devoured, and destroyed. The good and godly men need not to fear any law godly, their life being in virtue and godliness nurtured. The terrible sentence of a law forces the good and godly, to persevere and continue in godliness. The terrible sentence of a law cuts off the wicked enterprises of pestiferous men. Vice where law is not to correct will inure itself by custom as a law, or born and tolerated

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4023 Lex Julia ] Lex Julia de Adulteriis Coercendis, in Lorich 4024–4025 Gladio iussit animaduerti in adulteros ] does not occur in the law 4029 Who … death ] see Deuteronomy 22:22, Leviticus 20:10 4030–4031 Lex vt regio ] in Lorich, this legal proverb does not seem to exist, lex loci does 4033 Qua neminem licebat indicta causa necare ] a reference to the Lex Valeria de provocatione, legem ad populum tulit eam quae centuriatis comitiis prima lata est, ne quis magistratus ciuem Romanum aduersus prouocationem necaret neue uerberaret (Cic. De republica 2.31) 4022 cloak of a law ] a set phrase 4034 A godly law.

4038 wrapped ] beset

4043 The good man.

4046 Law.

4048 inure ] establish

4048 Vice as a law by custom.

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against a law. Therefore, as adultery without judgement to be punished worthy of death is ungodly, so it ought not to be passed over or tolerated in any region or commonwealth, as no law severely to punish the same. The contrary ALl other laws do differ from that rigorous law of Solon and Plato herein, yea, and though they be vices horrible, yet they are not determined without the sentence of the magistrate and judge. But this cruel law of Solon repugns all laws established in all cities and commonwealths. And since the law is of itself universal, with equity, giving and tempering to all states. Fond must that law be of Solon, which rashly without consideration of judgement does proceed, no man ought in his own cause to be his own judge or magistrate. This is argument sufficient to confound the law of Solon. All laws are repugnant to that, because with judgement they proceed against vices most pestiferous. In commonwealths theft is by law pronounced worthy of death, whereupon also the magistrate and judge determine the matter and hears of both the action of the case before he condemns, so in all other mischiefs. But you may say many mischiefs rise of adultery. Although it so be, the judge determines upon murder, which is in like sort horrible, such also as do seek to cast into peril their country and by treason to destroy the same. [Fol. lxj.v]

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Judgement proceeds by determination of the law and judge. And so in all other wicked facts and mischievous enterprises, the judgement in every cause proceeds as law and right will from the mouth of the judge, he being a lively law to the law written. The cruel law of Solon is like to the phantasy and will of a tyrant who, as phantasy and will lead, murders at his pleasure, whose will is always a sufficient law to himself, as who should say, so I will, so I command, my will shall stand for a law, but godly laws do justly, according to reason and virtue, temper the cause of every man. No godly law makes the accuser his own judge.

4058 repugns ] opposes 4049 Adultery. 4058 The law universal and equal to all men. judge a lively law. 4081 The will of a tyrant his own law.

4064 Theft.

4077 The

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Lawful WHo so by law is judged and the offense proved, there is no excuse in the malefactor nor suspicion seeing that, according to the law, the fact is punished and, as Demosthenes says, two things moved the wise elders to make laws, that the wicked should be hindered and cut off from their purpose, and that good men, seeing by a law the acts of pestiferous men kept under, by the terror of them are afraid to commit the like fact. This was even according to law. The terrible sentence of a law executed upon most wicked persons keeps under many a mischievous enterprise, which through the doleful and lamentable end of the wicked drives and forces all others to all godliness.

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Just THe accuser by law and judge is able to defend himself when his cause is ended according to the law. Virtue thereby upheld when by order of the law vice is condemned. The malefactor has no excuse, all stain and colour removed, the accuser by just law pleads when the law is thereby supported and saved. And herein a great part of justice is placed when the favour of the judge or friendship is only on the cause, the person neg-

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lected, that is justice to give to every one his own. Profitable IT must be profitable to the whole body of the commonwealth when by the justice of godly laws, virtue is in high price advanced, vice by the open sentence and manifest proof convicted, the malefactor shall be known, the sincere and godly delivered, and from time to time maintained. Laws as they be universal so they openly ought to give sentence.

4087 Demosthenes ] this seems to allude to Lept. 20. 154, εἰσὶ δ᾽οὗτοι τίνες; οἵ τε τοῖς ἀγαθόν τι ποιοῦσι τὰς τιμὰς διδόντες καὶ οἱ τοῖς τἀναντία πράττουσι τὰς τιμωρίας. εἰ γὰρ ἅπαντες ὡς ἀληθῶς τὰς ἐν τοῖς νόμοις ζημίας φοβούμενοι τοῦ κακόν τι ποιεῖν ἀποσταῖεν, καὶ πάντες τὰς ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δωρειὰς ζηλώσαντες ἃ χρὴ πράττειν προέλοιντο, τί κωλύει μεγίστην εἶναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ πάντας χρηστοὺς καὶ μηδέν᾽ εἶναι πονηρόν. 4085 Laws were made for two causes.

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Possible THen without law to proceed and judgement of the magistrate, as Solon did in this law, it were not possible any commonwealth to flourish thereby. Therefore in judgement ought the cause of every one to be pleaded and examined that thereby all suspicion and grievous enormities may be put off. Vice is not therefore tolerated because for a time judgement ceases, but hereupon vices are more deeply rooted out, all people knowing the determination of the law and the manifest sentence of the judge heard. A terror ensues to all malefactors and pestiferous men, good men are incensed to all godliness when vice by law is condemned, cut off, and destroyed. Good men by law and authority upheld and maintained.

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This is the state of good laws by order to proceed, the cause in judgement examined, the fact proved, virtue in any person upheld, vice in all cast down and defaced, so there is good law, as Demosthenes says, sincere judge and sentence inviolable.

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4129 Demosthenes ] probably Dem. Lept. 154 4127 The state of good laws.

William Medley A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike (1575), Cecil Papers MS 238/6

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© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2018 | DOI 10.1163/9789004356344_004

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A brief discourse of Rhetorike Liber : primus : Caput primum Of the Definition of rhetorike. Rhetorike is an arte, of speakinge well and eloquentlye. Of the diuision In rhetorike, ar three things specially, to be considered : The orator, The oration, & the question. For in all other arts, the artificer, the workmanshipp, and the matter, wherein the artificer Doth practyse his arte: ar chiefly respected: so is it also in Rhetorike, wherein the orator is the artificer, the oration the workmanship: and the question the matter, whearin the orator, Doth practyse his arte. The Duetyes of an Orator. In the orator, ar some duetys, reaquired: Inuention: Disposition: Eloqution: Pronuntion, Memorie: Fyrst he must consider, what is to be spoken, of the cause cause propounded, Secondarylye in what order, Thirdly whth what woords, and sentences, euery thinge is to be vttered: Fourthly, with what voyce, countenaunce, and gestures, and Last of all, it bekometh him to adioyne, memory : as a safe keeper, and treasorer of the lease

10 Rhetoricke … well ] Quint. Inst. 2.17.37 ars bene dicendi 10 eloquentlye ] Cic. Orat. 1.138; Arist. Rh. 1.2.1 1355b25-26 13–14 The … question ] See Cic. Part. 1 14 artificer ] artifex, artist in the sense of craftsman 14–15 workmanshipp ] opus, Quint. Inst. 2.14.5. 17 matter ] materia, Cic. Inv. 1.5.7. 23 cause propounded ] what is useful for one’s own party: Rhet. Her. 1.2.3 23 order ] Quint. Inst. 7.1, dispositio in ordinem digestas 26 safe … lease ] Rhet. Her. 3.16.28 22 Pronuntion ] pronunciation 26 adioyne ] add 26 safe keeper ] The O E D has only one occurrence for “safekeeper” 1561 T. Norton Calvin’s Inst. i. Pref. 2 b, She assuredly trusteth that he is her safekeper and defender. 26 lease ] contract, the comparison is a legal one

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The parts of an Oration. 1 In the oration, ar fower parts reaquiered : The beginninge, and entraunce, into the cause. 2 The Narration, or Declaration of the Part, How euery thinge, was donne 3 The Confirmation, and proofe, of the matter, of the matter, taken in Hande 4 The Conclusion, and knittinge vpp of all

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The matter subiect to the orator : or the question. The last thinge, considered, in rhetorike, is the question which is propounded to the orator, to speake of. which is eyther Infinite, without anny mention of person : as wheather anny man, may iustly be slayne? Or Definite, with some person named: As whether Clodius wer iustly slayne, of Milo, or no: Caput: 2 : Of the fyrst duety of an Orator, which is Inuention Thease things beinge briefly touched, we must retourne to the Orator: In whome, because Inuention, is fyrst required: Let vs consider, what he must invent: The orator must inuent, whearwith to proue the cause, and howe, to styre vpp affections, in the minds of the Hearers, for it he must consider, the nature of the cause, and of the Hearer, whereof the one is to be proued, the other be moued [fol. 1v]

29 fower parts ] exordium, narratio, argumentatio, peroratio (Marius Victorinus, Explanationes 1.14) 31 Narration … donne ] statement of the facts Quint. Inst. 4.2.31, Cic. Inv. 1.27 32 proofe, of the matter ] generally several Quint. Inst. 5.1.1 probationes 32 of the matter ] scribal mistake 38–40 Infinite … named ] See Cic. Inv. 1.8 and Quint. Inst. 3.5.5-18 40–41 As … no ] Cic. Mil. 12, a classic case discussed by Quint. Inst. 3.5.10 46 because … requird ] Cic. Part. 2, Quoniam igitur invenire primum est oratoris, quid quaeret? 48– 49 wherewith … hearers ] Cic. Part. 2, Ut inveniat quemadmodum fidem faciat eis quibus volet persuadere et quemadmodum motum eorum animis afferat 34 knittinge vpp ] See 1530 Palsgr. 599/2, I knytte up a mater, I make an ende or conclusyon of a matter (O E D) 38 propounded ] put forth 48 styre ] stir

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The kynds of arguments i Proofe is mad with arguments, drawen out of places, as out of a treasorye wheareof theare be twoo kynds: The one sort is of such arguments, as arr not invented in the orators art, but ar brought vnto him by others, : Testimonyes, diuine and Humane :

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2 The other soart, of such as arre, graffted in the cause it sealfe, and ar fownd out, of the orator, by his art and cunninge i Of the Last soart thear be fower kinds : For eyther they are drawen, from an vniuersall notion: As for example thus: All vertue is to be embraced, therfore Justice, therfore Temperaunce; therfor Fortitude: whearvnto maye also a definition be applyed: As Justice is a vertue, which geaueth to euery man; His owne: therfor was Aristides iust in so doinge. 2 Or els the argument is taken of the parts. as thus, He is a wise man, a iust man, a valiaunt man, a temperat man, therfor he is a vertuus man. 3 Or of the signification of the woorde, As thus : he knoweth the description of the worlde & situation of places, thearfor he is a good Cosmographer. 4 Or lastly of those things, which ar not so neerly ioyned to the nature, of the cause, as those Befoare mentioned : But haue a certeyne affinity withit, and ar thervnto appertinent and for that cause ar called affecta: . Of this kynde thear be : 13 : soartes. i Coniugata which ar so called, because they ar, as it wer, vnder one yoke, and beginning a like: Varry onely in the eand as wisdome, wise wisely : Wheareof an argument is thus taken : wisdome is commendable, thearfor a wise man is woorthye of commendacion, and to doe wisely deserueth prayse.

56 Proofe … cunninge ] Cic. Part. 2, C.F. Quibus rebus fides fit? C.P. Argumentis, quae ducuntur ex locis aut in re ipsa insitis aut assumptis 56–57 treasorye ] perhaps an allusion to the treasure-house of invention, the definition of memory in Rhet. Her. 3.16.28 64 Of … cosmographer ] Quint. Inst. 5.10.54 68 Aristides ] Aristides the Just. Plut., Vit. 69 Or … parts ] see Cic. Top. 6, In ipso tum ex toto, tum ex partibus eius 71 Or … woorde ] see Cic. Top. 13 74 Of … affecta ] Quint. Inst. 5.10.80 78 13 : soartes ] Medley seems to follow Cicero’s Part. 2 79 Coniugata ] Cic. Top. 12, more often called polyptoton 68 geaueth ] gives

76 appertinent ] pertinent

82 woorthye ] worthy

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2 Genus : which is a generall notion, conteyning many particular kinds vnder it : As the name of an arte, or science, conteyneth every particular art, and scyence : whearof an argument is thus taken. Euery liberall art, is woorthy to be studied by a noble man, thearfore Rhetoricke. 3 Forma or species, which is a kinde, of the former generality : and of this place, we may reason thus: He did valiauntlye, thearfor he did verteouslye. [fol. 2]

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4 Similitudo, which is a like comparison of the cause, with some other matter: As if the Shipmaster, be carefull for them that ar in the shippe, to deliuer them from all the Daungers of the sea, and to bringe them into a saufe Hauen : Then ought the ruler of a city to be carefull, for his cytyzens, and in deliueringe them from all daungers, sett them in peace and quietnes.

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5 Differentia, which is a comparison, separatinge thinges Vnlyke. As Tully reasoneth for Murena : I ought not, because I fauored yowe, in seaking the [consus] consulshipp : to fauor yowe in Like sorte : when yow seake Murena his life :

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6 Contraria . as those which cannot agree togeather, in one subiecte, As Vertue and Vice, knowledge and ignoraunce, We reason of this place thus : If we flye vice, let vs folowe vertue If ignorance be evill: knowledge is goode

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7 Coniuncta arr such, as follow, one a nother probably, but not necessarylye as thus: He was his enemye: thearfore He kylled him. 115

8 Antecedentia arr such as necessarylye goe befoare: As He hath perced his harte. thearfore he will Dye. 84 Genus ] Cic. Top. 31 96 Shipmaster ] cf. Pl., Resp. 6. 487c and Plut., Praecepta gerendae reipublicae. 5 102 Differentia ] Cic. Top. 16 103 Murena ] Cic. pro Murena 3.8 107 Contraria ] contrarium, antithesis, contrast, opposite, Cic. Inv. 1.28.42, Rhet. Her. 4.19.27 (Lewis & Short), Quint. Inst. 5.11.31 112 Coniuncta ] see Cic. Top. 53 115 Antecedentia … Repugnantia ] see Cic. Top. 19 90–91 verteouslye ] virtuously

116 harte ] heart

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9 Consequentia which necessaryly folowe, one another : As he hath studied: for he is learned. 10 Repugnantia whose natures ar so repugnant, that theare can be no agreement betwene them: As he envieth not his prosperyty : if he loue him.

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11 Cause: which cause anny thinge : As fier causeth Heate, so that we maye reason thus : theare is a fier therfore theare is Heate 12 Effecte which procead of those causes. as heat of fier, learningeof studye: Love of taulke: So that we maye reason thus: He is learned : for he hath benne a greate studente. 13 Compartio. Maiorum, Minorum, & Parium : whearin ar compared, greater things with lesse: and those that be equall, betweene them sealues. As for example thus If Princes, 1 for ciuill quarells, and aboutt matters of small importaunce warre one with another: It is not to be marueyled at, if they take armour, for religious cause : 2 And contrarywise.if for religious cause, they doe not, other causes, of small importaunce, ought not to moue them.

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3. Equall things ar thus compared, then deserue like prayse, and Like rewarde, that geaue good counsayll, and that defend thear freands 145

Thus much concerninge the places, and Inuention of Arguments, whearin this is also to be geauen in precepte : that after diligent searche

117 Consequentia ] see Cic. Top. 20 120 Repugnantia ] a type of contrarium according to Quint. Inst. 5.11.31, aliter repugnantia, ut verum falso. See too Quint. Inst. 5.8.5, 5.10.2, 6.3.66, Cic. de Orat. 2.40.170, Top. 4.19, 12.53 126 Cause ] Cic. Top. 15.58, Ignis accendit 129 Effecte ] Cic. Top. 18.67 133 Compartio ] comparatio 133 Maiorum … Parium ] Cicero’s distinction in Top. 11. 127 fier ] fire 131 benne ] been 147 geauen ] given

144 geaue ] give

144 thear freands ] their friends

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made in thease places, for arguments we vse discretion and iudgment in choosinge the beste, and strongest arguments, and refusinge thoase, that be of small force, to proue our cause [fol. 3]

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It was sayed that in the fyrst duety of an Orator, which is Inuention: wer twoo things required: How to proue the cause, and howe to moue the Judge, or hearers. Off proofes, we haue sufficiently spoken: It seameth nowe, requisite in order, to speake of Motions and affections : But because they may better be declared heareafter, in the second and thirde parte, of Rhetoricke, we will heare leaue them, vntouched, and procead to disposition, the second parte, and duety of an Orator. Caput: 3 : Of the second duety of an Orator, which is disposition When the Orator hath Inuented, what he will saye : his: nexte duetye is to consider in what order, he will vtter ; his invented matter : So that disposition, is a fytt, and orderlye placinge of such things, as are invented : which order, is to be vsed, both in the parts of the oration, and in the arguments and reasons, whearwith the cause is to be proued

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The parts of the oration, ar naturally to be disposed thus : Fyrste the Beginninge : then the Narration : thirdlye the Confirmation ; and last of all the Peroration : And yet sometymes, a good orator, maye invent the order: or leaue out some parte, if the cause requier it 175

Arguments are to be placed and disposed, as souldiers, in battayle : the strongest and best fyrst: and likewise in the eand of the oration : In the

167 So that … invented ] Rhet. Her. 1.2.2 172 Beginninge ] usually called exordium 172 Confirmation ] often called argumentatio 173 Peroration ] Aristotle, Quintilian, Fortunatianus, Isidore of Seville too have four parts 176 battayle ] Wilson (p. 183) uses the same image which is taken from Rhet. Her. 3.10.18, “An army never getteth victory that is not in array and set in good order of battle. So an oration hath little force with it and doth smally profit which is uttered without order”, a passage which Medley sums up while inverting its order, see too Cic. de Orat. 50 157 Off ] Of

165 duetye ] duty

167 fytt ] fit

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middes, those that be of lesse foarce : For the hearer, in the beginninge, excepte he Heare some good and stronge reasons: douteth 180

[fol. 3v] of the truthe of the cause : And in the eand, fyrme reasons ar verrye reaquisite, because that which is last spoken is best remembered 185

178 middes ] middle

179 douteth ] doubts

183 fyrme ] firm

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[fol. 4] fol. 1°

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Diuers kinds of disposition The diuersity of questions, causeth, diuers orderings, and dispositions, of our arguments. If the question be infinite, with out mention of person : Our disposition is the freer. And if we will, we may follow the order which is before prescribed, of places and arguments: But if the question be definite, because we must folowe, the affections of persons; and apply our oration, vnto that, which the hearer desiereth, and looketh for, then that order is to be chaunged. And in disposinge our argumentes, we must not onely take credit, but mingle also, and intersperse, motions, and affections, which ar diuers, accordinge to the variete of causes. For in demonstratiue causes, wherin we prayse or disprayse, some certeyn person, the motion, which the orator must stirre vp in the hearers is delectation and pleasure. In Deliberatiue causes, (whearin we consult and speake our sentence of ciuill affayres hoape or feare. In iudiciall controuersis, (which ar pleaded before the iudge of the accuser and defendant) seueritye or mercye.

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The kinds of causes beinge knowen, and the seuerall motions propounded, to the orator, in euery kinde, let vs consider, what disposition we must vse, in all causes, whearby the hearer, maye be moste moued. 25

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Caput: 4 : Of the disposition, in demonstratiue causes In demonstratiue causes, we eyther folowe, the order, and degrees of times : As in praysinge a man, we first speake, of his childhood, then of his yowth, thirdly of his manhood, and last of all of his ould age. Whearunto, he hath applied him sealfe,: What he hath donne, in all thease degrees of ages and tymes.

5 If … chaunged ] Cic. Part. 3 12 And in disposinge our argumentes ] Cic. Part. 72 16– 19 Deliberatiue … mercye ] Cic. Part. 3 27–28 eyther … times ] Cic. Part. 4 28 childhood … ould age ] the four ages of man, see Horace, Ars Poetica 153-78 9 desiereth ] desires

15 certeyn ] certain

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Or else we folowe, the order of diuision: As, praysing the Vertue of a man, we first commend his wisdome, then his Justice, his Valiantnes, and his Temperance. 35

Or els we haue respect, to the greatnes, and woorthines, of the things, which we commend, eyther ascendinge, from the lesse, to the greater, or descendinge, from the greater to the lesse: As speakinge of the Victories, and triumphs, of a noble capitayne, we first tell the greater, and afterward the lesse: Or first the lesse, and afterward the greater in order.Or els we vse, intermingled variete, in order, most pleasaunt : Joyninge small thinges with greate, single with double, Obstu[e]re with Playne, Joyfull with Sorowfull, Increadible, with suche as ar [it] likely to be true: Caput: 5 : Of the disposition of deliberatiue causes In deliberatiue causes, we use, eyther no beginninge, or one, Very short. Because those that come, into the parliament, or counsell house, to heare an other speake, of great affayers, touching the common weale, are of them sealues attentiue, and diligent, to heare, considering the orator, deliberateth, of thear wealfare and prouffitt: And yet if the person of the speaker, or the reprochfull oration of the aduersary, requier a beginninge : Or the matter seame not so weighty to the hearer, as the orator woulde haue it seame: Or if finally the entraunce into the cause, seam monstruus, and headlonge, without a beginninge: There is it meete and conuenient, that one be vsed. Touching the narration, it ought also, eyther to be none, or uery short: Because a Narration declareth things donne, a deliberation, is of things to comme. Whearfore the whole oration of the orator, is to be imployed, in the proofe of his matter, and in mouinge, the counsaill or senate.

32 Or … diuision ] Cic. Part. 4 32 wisdome … Temperance ] the four cardinal virtues, see Plat. Resp. 6. 427e 37–38 eyther … lesse ] Cic. Part. 4 40–43 Or … true ] Cic. Part. 4 47–51 we … prouffitt ] Cic. Part. 4, Principia vel non longa vel saepe nulla; sunt enim ad audiendum qui deliberant sua causa parati 51–56 And … vsed ] reminiscent of Arist. Rh. 3.14.8 58–61 narration … senate ] Cic. Part. 4 42 Obstu[e]re ] Obscure 61 counsaill ] council

49 affayers ] affairs

49 common weale ] commonwealth

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Cap: 6 : Of the disposition of Iudiciall causes In iudiciall causes, the accuser, and defendant, vse not like disposition, because their ends be diuers [fol. 4v]

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The one, seaketh to wounde his aduersary, and to moue the iudge to indignation, and displeasure: The other, to heale the wounds, and moue the iudg to pitye, and mercy Whearfore, the accuser, in his beginninge, seaketh attention and seuerity. In his Narration, he maketh suspicius tale agaynst him, whome he [acc] accuseth In the Confirmation, he propoundeth, his arguments vehemently: and concludeth them sharply to wounde his aduersary. In the peroraicion, by all means, he seaketh to incense, and inflame, the iudge, with angre and Displeasure. Contrariwise, the defendant, in the beginning, seaketh fauor : The Narration, eyther he omitteth, or only telleth that which healpeth his cause. The arguments of the accuser, eyther he taketh away altogether : Or else bringeth other argumentes, agaynst them, as manny and as stronge : Or els he drowneth as it wer, & ouerwhelmeth them, with force and vehemencye of oration : Or if he can doe none of thease, he seaketh in the weaker cause, to moue the iudge, to enclyne to his part.

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In the peroration, he is altogether occupied in mouing pity . This order is to be keapt, except the cause, or the hearer, moue vs to change it : which a good orator can iudge of him sealfe :

65 iudiciall … disposition ] Cic. Part. 4 77–78 The … Displeasure ] Cic. Part. 4 80 Contrariwise ] Cic. Part. 5 84 arguments … part ] Cic. Part. 12.44 91–93 order … sealfe ] Cic. Part. 5 65 like ] the same

75 propoundeth ] sets forth

88 enclyne ] incline

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Cap: 7 : The thirde duty of an Orator, which is Elocution When the orator, hath invented what he will say, and disposed his matter in good order: His next duety is, to sett fourth, and adorne the same, with fitt woordes & choyse sentences. This is called, in an orator, Elocution: Whiche is the applienge of picked woords and sentences, Vnto the matter. The elocution of an Orator, is occupied, in three kinds of Styles and conteyneth three speciall Vertues :

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The kinds of Styles i The first kind of style, is grand, high, and lofty, bewtified with excellent woords, grand sentences, and figures most fit, for that kinde.

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2 The second, is a moderat kinde of style, Lower than the first, both in woords, and sentences and yet not common or Vulgare:

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3. The third is a familiar kind of oration, such as is dayly vsed in common taulke The Vertues of Elocution . 1 The Vertues which perfect elocution hath, ar thease: Elegancy : Composition: and Dignity: The first, causeth a pure and playn oration

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2 The second, is a good ioyning togeather, of woords in a sentence 120

3 The third setteth foorth the oration, with ornamentes and figures. 98–99 adorne … sentences ] See Sherry (Sig. B i), “it setteth oute & garnisheth wyth lyghtes of eloquent speche, the thinges that be spoken of, and also wyth very graue sentences, choyse wordes, proper, aptly translated, and wel soundyng”, and Wilson (187), “whereby not only words are aptly used, but also sentences are in right order framed” 100–101 whiche … matter ] See Quint. Inst. 8.1 and Rhet. Her. 3.19.11 102–103 three … Vertues ] Rhet. Her. 4.11.8, see Sherry (Sig. B iii), “And there hath bene marked inespecially thre kyndes of endightynge: The greate, the small, the meane”, and Wilson (195), “There are three manner of style or enditings: the great or mighty kind, when we use great words or vehement figures” 116–117 Elegancy … Dignity ] Rhet. Her. 4.17.12 117 first … oration ] Rhet. Her. 4.17.12 119 second … sentence ] Cic. Part. 6 121 third … figures ] Rhet. Her. 4.17.13, see too Cic. Part. 6 100 orator ] oration

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Cap: 8: Of figures The ornaments and figures, ar eyther in the woords; or in the handling of the matter and sentences: Of woords thear ar 45 figures : of sentences 19 The figures of woordes Repetition, is when we beginn diuers sentences or members of one sentence, with the same woorde, As Scipio, ouercame Numentia : Scipio, destroyed, Carthage: Scipio, saued the city: Or thus, what is thear in this cause, that may be defended? what is theare that yow can requier of the Judge? what is theare that deserueth pardon? [fol. 5]

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2° 1. Or thus, Did yowe not breake your othe? Did yow not yealde, and deliuer vp your Capitayne? Did yowe not betray your contry? The vse of this figure is in amplifienge, and bewtifienge, our oration .

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2. Conuersion is contrary to repetition: For as in repeatition, the first woorde is repeated: so is the last, in conuersion: thus: Since concord was taken away Liberty was taken away: Fayth was taken away: Frendship was taken awaye.

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3. Complexion contayneth both the former figurs: repeating both the first, and latter woord: thus: who broke league with yow? the men of Carthage. Who dealt cruelly in war? the men of Carthage. who spoiled Italy? the men of Carthage. Consider thear for what yow doe. whome the counsaill hath condemned, whome the Judges haue condemned: whome the common reaport of all men hath condemned: For him will yow craue pardone or seake his Deliueraunce?

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124–125 ornamentes … sentences ] See Cic. Part. 6.18 and Quint. Inst. 8.1 125 woordes … 19 ] Medley follows Rhet. Her. 128 Repetition ] anaphora. de Orat. 3.206, repetitio a primo, Rhet. Her. 4.13.19, Wilson (p. 225) 129–130 Scipio … city ] Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 130–132 what … pardon? ] Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 136–138 Did … oration ] A paraphrase of Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 140 Conuersion ] epistrophe or antistrophe 142–143 Conuersion … awaye ] A paraphrase of Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 145 Complexion ] symploce 145–151 Complexion … Deliuerance? ] A translation of Rhet. Her. 4.14.20. Quintilian, Inst. 9.3.31, also cites the example, but without naming the figure (as noted by Caplan) 136 othe ] oath

136 yealde ] yield

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4. The reduction is which in often vse of one woord, Doth not onely [not] not offend the hearer but maketh his oracion moue pleasant in this wise: He that in life, hath nothinge more pleasant then Life, Ought not in euery small quarrell, to aduenture his Life. why doest thow care so muche for riches : which bring with them so manny cares? In thease fower figures, one woord is often repeated. Not for want of other woords: But to adorne the oracion. Which ornament, is easily decerned, by the eare. 5. Contention, is when the oration, is made of contrary woordes: As Flattery hath pleasant beginninges, But it bringeth a sower eand. Yow ar easily entreated of yowr enemyes, but inexorable to your freandes. In peace he seaketh warr, In warr, he seaketh peace. In could matters, he is hoat: in hoat matters coulde. In his bed, he braygeth of Valiauntnes: In the field, he runneth away for cowardnes . This is a figure of much foarce, and greatly benefittes the oration. 6. Explanation, is which vttereth a signification of greif, or indignation, by calling vpon, some man citye, place or other thinge : As I speake vnto the ô Africane, whoose name being dead, is a woorship and honor to this city. Thy sonnes and nephews haue washed away the cruelty of enemies, with thear blood : O trucebreakers ye scottes, How iustly ar ye punished, for keapinge those rebells: whome now ought longe since to Haue Deliuered? This figure vsed sealdome, and when weightenes of the matter requireth, easily stirreth vp indignation in the Hearer. 7. Interrogation : is then an ornament, when thoase thinges being called to remembraunce, which Hurt the aduersaries cause, confirmeth the former oration, in this soarte. when as ye haue sayd, and donne thes things :

152 reduction ] Traductio or diacope 152–156 reduction … cares ] A translation of Rhet. Her. 4.14.20 160 In … eare ] Rhet. Her. 4.14.21 162 Contention ] antithesis 162– 168 Contention … oration ] A partial translation which does not follow the order of Rhet. Her. 4.15.21 (Sherry, Sig. D iiiiv) 170 Explanation ] in fact exclamation or ecphonesis 170–174 Explanation … blood ] Rhet. Her. 4.15.22 174–176 O … Deliuered? ] Medley’s own example 176–177 This … Hearer ] Rhet. Her. 4.15.22 179 Interrogation ] erotesis 179–181 Interrogation … oration ] Rhet. Her. 4.15.22 166 braygeth ] brags

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wheather haue ye committed treason or no? and whether thinke ye your selues woorthy of death or no? 185

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8 Ratiocination, is wherin we requier of our selues, whie we speake euery thinge, and often tymes desier an explanacion of euery sentence. As thus Wise men in auncient tyme if they condemned a woman of one fault, they thought Her conuicted, of manny crymes in the same iudgment. How so? because, whome they thought to be vnchast, Her also they thought to be a poysoner of men. Why so? Because it is necessary, for her to fear manny that doeth prostitut her body to filthy pleasure. Whome must she feare? Her housband, her parentes, all those to whome the infamy redoundeth of her dishonesty. what then? whome she feareth, those will she poyson, if she can. why? because no consideration or respect of Honesty & vertu, can contayn Her in order, whom the Haynousnes of her ayme, maketh fearfull Incontinency maketh boulde, womanly nature, maketh inconsiderate. [fol. 5v]

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This exornation, keapeth the hearer, Very attentiue, both with the pleasauntnes thearof, with the expectation of reasons, why every thinge is sayed 205

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9 A sentence is an oration taken of reason, or common experience, which showeth what is, or what ought to be, in the Lief and manners of man. As thus: It is hard for Him to Liue always [in prosperity] vertuusly, that Liueth always in prospearity. They that ioyne freandship, for commodity and pleasure, so soone, as fortune frowneth and no pleasure can be donne, chaunge theare minds 10 Contrarietie is which of twoo diuers thinges, concludeth one breifly thus: He that hath ben careles in his owne matters, will not be carefull 182–183 wheather … no? ] Medley’s examples 197 Ratiocination … inconsiderate ] Rhet. Her. 4.16.23 201–203 This … sayed ] Rhet. Her. 4.16.24 205 sentence ] sententia or proverb 205–210 sentence … minds ] A partial translation of Rhet. Her. 4.17.24 212 Contrarietie ] contrarium 193 redoundeth ] casts opprobrium upon 195–196 Haynousnes ] heinousness 196 ayme ] aim 201 exornation ] embellishment 206 Lief ] life 208 ioyne ] attach themselves to

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of his freands affayres. He that hath ben proud, beinge poore, and a priuat man: who can hoape, to haue him know him sealfe, beinge in great wealth and auctoritye.

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ii A member is a part of a sentence, which is afterward, receaued, of a nother member, whearof this figure consisteth thus: Yow proffited your enemy: hurtt your freand: and did no good, to your sealfe. Yowe did neyther seruice to your country, nor honor to your prince, nor procured anny glorye or commendacion to your sealfe.

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12 An article is when euery Woord, is distinguished with a comma thus. In auctority, power, estimation, fauor, He far surpasseth, his aduersarye. 13 Continuacion, is a thicke heapinge vp of woordes with perfection of sentences, thus. Him cannot fortune much hurte, whoe hath Layed vp for him selfe stronger ayed in vertues then in chaunce: for if a man, put not much confidence in fortune: how can fortune muche hurt him? whearfor, if the force of fortune be greatest agaynst them, that haue committed, all thear doinges to fortune: Let vs not committ, all vnto Her, Least she Haue to much rule ouer vs. The Vse of this figure, is in sentences, in Contraries, in Conclusions.

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14 Compar: is called a figure, whearin the members, and partes of a sentence, Haue equall numbers of sillables in them: thus: Fortune, to the one gaue prosperity, Industry to the other, brought Vertu. Thease members, ar not to be numbred but to be iudged equall by the eare. 240

15 Similiter cadens is, when as in the same sentence, thear be two woordes, or more, which end alike, in the same case thus: Diligence, bringeth wealth Slouthfulnes Hindereth Health. Fayth apprehendeth saluation, Infidelity, causeth dampnation. 212–216 Contrarietie … auctoritye ] Rhet. Her. 4.23.25-26 (Sherry Sig. D iiiiv-D v) 218 member … sentence ] membrum orationis 218–222 which … sealfe ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 (Sherry, Sig. D v) 224–225 article … aduersarye ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 227– 234 Continuation … Conclusions ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.27 236–239 Compar … eare ] isocolon, Rhet. Her. 4.20.27 243 Similiter … Health ] Rhet. Her. 4.20.28 244 fayth … dampnation ] Medley’s example 214–215 priuat man ] ordinary soldier 227–228 perfection of sentences ] complete, selfcontained sentences 229 ayed ] ayde, help

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16 Similiter desinens, is when as the woordes end alike, which haue no cases: thus yow speake bouldly, and doe couldly: He runneth fast, but to [f La] fight cometh Last 17 Annomination is, when by changinge a few letters, we vse the like woordes, vnto which we vsed before: In them the sicke man reposeth his hoape: among whome He disposeth his goodes: The treable is a trubble, to the reast of the singars. 18 Subiection is, when we demaund, a question of our aduersaries, and awnswer it our selues thus: I demaund how he came so rich? was ther anny patrimony Left him?: no: all his fathers goodes wer sould. did anny other man make him his heyer? [fol. 6]

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2° He was dishearited, of all his freandes: Did he gett, anny thinge, by suite in Lawe? He was condemned this Last tearme, in a hundred poundes. Was he enriched, by trauell or traffike? He always Liued an Idell Life without [abt ] anny busines or affayers. whearfore, if he became rich by none of thease meanes, eyther he hath fownd somme great treasure, or els he hath comme by his monnye Vnlawfully 19 Gradation is, when we procead, not to the next woord, before we haue repeated the first, and so goe forward, as it wer, by stepps, and degreeas,

245–246 Similiter … thus ] Homoeoteleuton, Rhet. Her. 4.20.28 246–247 yow … Last ] Medley’s example 249–250 Anomination … before ] paronomasia, Rhet. Her. 4.21.29 252 In … them ] Medley’s example 254–257 Subiection … heyer ] rhetorical question, Rhet. Her. 4.23.33 261–266 He … Vnlawfully ] Rhet. Her. 4.23.33 257 heyer ] heir

266 monnye ] money

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thus. What hope is thear of Liberty, if euill men, what they list, they may, and what they maye, they dare, and what they dare, they doe, and what they doe, yowe suffer []? Industry causeth Vertue, Vertue Bringeth Honnour, and Honnour procureth emulacion and envie 20 Definition is which doth breifly and absolutely, expresse the proper nature and signification, of a thinge thus: The maiesty of the common weale, is that whearin, the woorship, and honnor, of the common estate is conteyned. This is not diligence, but couetousnes, for diligence, is a carefull keapinge of a mans owne. But couetousnes, is an iniurious desier, of another mans goodes. 21 Transition is, that which when it hath breifly declared, what is already sayed. dothe in like soarte, shewe what doeth folowe thus. Yowe haue harde, howe he hathe vsed him sealfe, towards his country: Nowe shall yowe heare, howe, he hathe behaued him selfe, towardes his parents. Ye nowe knowe my desarts towards him: Heare likewise, howe gratefull he hath shewed him sealfe for those benefittes: 22 Correction is, which Vnspeaketh that was sayed, and for that, Vseth a truer, and fitter woord. thus: After that they had conquered or rather were conquered: for howe shall I call that a conquest, which procureth moare damage, and calamity, to the Victorers, then commodity and glorye? O Envy, the companion of Vertue, which doest folowe good men, or rather persue them. In this figure, the Last woord, hath a greater grace, then if it had ben first and onely vsed.

268–272 Gradation … suffer ] Rhet. Her. 4.25.34 274–275 Industry … envie ] cf. Rhet. Her 4.25.34 (Sherry, Sig. D vr) 280 Definition … conteyned ] Rhet. Her. 4.25.35 280– 282 This … goodes ] Rhet. Her. 4.25.35 284–290 Transition … benefittes ] Rhet. Her. 4.26.35 (Sherry, Sig. D vi) 292–298 Correction … vsed ] Rhet. Her. 4.26.36 270 list ] desire 285 soarte ] sort 295 Victorers ] victors

286 harde ] heard

288 desarts ] rewards

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23 Occupation is, when we say we will passe ouer, and not speake, of that which we cheafly speake, and woulde haue noted. thus. I will not heare, call to remembraunce, Howe Disobediently, yowe Haue always behaued your sealfe towards those that ar in auctoritye: I will passe ouer, yowr vncourteus dealinge, towards those that haue best deserued of yowe Finally for my parte I will remitte, and not obiecte, your crueltye, shewed in like cases 24 Disiunction is when euery thinge, that we speake of, hath his verbe, rendered vnto it thus. The Romayns, ouercame Numantia, Destroyed Carthage, ouerthrewe Corinth. The flower of beawty, Doth eyther fall awaye, with sicknes, or decaye with age [fol. 6v]

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25 Coniunction is, when the former and the Latter parte, of a sentence, ar ioyned togeather with one Verbe in the middest thus, Beawty, eyther with siknes decayeth, or with age. 26 Adiunction is when the Verbe, is putt, eyther first, or Last, [thus]. first, thus. Decayed is bewty, eyther with sicknes, or with age. Last thus. Beawty eyther by sicknes, or age, is decayed. 27 Conduplication is, an iteration of one, or many woordes in a sentence, when we, amplifie, or moue pitye. thus. Darest thowe come, into the Queens sight thowe Rebell? I saye, darest thowe come into the Queens sight. When ye see his teares, ar ye not moued to pitye. O ye iudges? Ar ye not moued I saye, when ye see His teares.This figure, doth moue the Hearer Very muche: Euen as an instrument, oftentymes thrust into the same wounde

300–301 Occupation … thus ] Rhet. Her. 4.27.37 301–306 I … cases ] Medley’s example 308–311 Disiunction … age ] Rhet. Her. 4.27.37 (Sherry, Sig. B viiv) 315–317 Coniunction … age ] Rhet. Her. 4.27.38 321 Adiunction … decayed ] Rhet. Her. 4.27.38 323–324 Conduplication … pitye ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 326 thus … sight ] is adapted from Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 326–327 When … teares ] Medley’s example 327–329 This … wounde ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 316 middest ] middle

328 instrument ] sword

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28 Interpretation is, which doeth not [iterat] iterate the same woord, but addeth another equivalent to the first thus He hath robbed His fellows, He hath spoyled, his companions: The common weale, is by Him decayed. By Him it is Vtterly ouerthrowne. This figure doth much moue, when the first sayeng is renewed, with other woordes that signified the same 29 Commutation is when twoo sentences, differinge, between them selues, ar so Vttered, that the Latter seameth, to procead, of the first. And yet contrary to the first. thus. We must eate, that we may liue, and not liue, that we may eate. Because he is a foole, thearfor, he is silent, and not because He is silent, thearfor, he is a foole. If [t] the Magistrat, be a speaking Lawe, then the Lawe is a silent magistrate. 30 Permission is, when we wholy committ, some thinge, to an others will and pleasure, thus Because all other thinges beinge taken from me, thear remayneth onely, a minde and a bodye: thease too, which of manny, ar onely [best] Lest I [thearfor], deliuer vp my selfe to your handes. Vse me, and abuse me, at your pleasure. Geaue sentence, and Determine, as yow list. I will obey. This figure is most fitt, to moue pitye

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31 Dubitation is, when the orator, of manny thinges seameth to doute, what he shall saye as thus. The common weale, reaceued, much detriment: whether shall I saye by the folly [of] or fearfulnes, of the Magistrate? or Bothe 355

32 Expedition is, when manny means, be reackened, howe a thinge might be donne, or not donne, all other beinge taken away, [and] one is Lefte which we cheifly entend, as thus. When as it is well knowen, that this was my grounde. yowe muste eyther proue, that yowe came into possession of it, beinge Voyde. Or that yow mad it yowes by occupation, or that yow

330–331 Interpretation … first ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 331–332 thus … companions ] Medley’s example 332–333 The … ouerthrowne ] adapted from Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 (Sherry, Sig. D i, sinonimia) 333–335 This … same ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 337–341 Commutation … foole ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.39 341–342 I … magistrate ] Cic. Leg. 3.1.2 344–349 Permission … pitye ] Rhet. Her. 4.29.39 (Sherry, Sig. D iiii) 351–354 Dubitation … bothe ] Rhet. Her. 4.29.40 (Sherry, Sig. D iiiv) 344 an others ] another’s

348 Geaue ] Give

349 list ] desire

360 yowes ] yours

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bought it: Or that yow came by it by enheritance: And as for leinge Voyd, yow coulde not possesse it, when as I was in possession my sealfe. By occupation, in so shorte tyme, yow could not make it yowrs No sale can be shewed? By enheritance, my goods could not come Vnto yow by my Life tyme. It remayneth therfor, that yow thrust me out of my grounde, by Violence [fol. 7]

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4° 33 Dissolution is, which is vttered, by seuerall partes without coniunctions, thus: Honour thy prince, obey the lawe, searue, the Lorde, Loue thy freande 34 Precision is, when part of the sentence, beinge vttered, the reast is cut of, and Lefte to the iudgment of the hearer, thus Darest thow appeare in Iudgment? whoeof all in the north partes? I will not speak it: Least in a small controuersy of Lande, I bringe yow in daunger of Life. Will yow compare with me? when as I? I will not speake it, Least to some I seame arrogant: But yow, haue ben always accompted, the worst of yowr name & familye 35 Conclusion is, which by a breif argumentacion, of those things, which wer befoare donne, or spoken, concludeth that which doeth necessarye followe. As: If theare weare an awnswer by the Oracle, geauen to the Troianes: that Troy should not be taken, with out Philocteta his dartes, and those did nothinge els, but kill Paris. Then was Paris death, the cause of takinge Troy 36 Nomination is, when we geaue a name Vnto that, which hath eyther no name, or not a fitt name As thoase which fyrst invented thear names, The roringe of the seas: the blusteringe of the windes

356–366 Expedition … Violence ] Rhet. Her. 4.29.40-41 370–372 Dissolution … freandes ] Rhet. Her. 4.30.41 (Sherry, Sig. D vi) 374–375 Precision … hearer ] Rhet. Her. 4.30.41 375–380 Darest … familye ] Medley’s example 385 Philocteta his dartes ] Philoctetes, to whom Hercules gave the bow and arrows without which Troy could not be taken 382–387 Conclusion … Troy ] Rhet. Her. 4.30.41 (Sherry, Sig. D iiii) 391 Nomination … windes ] Rhet. Her. 4.31.42 379 accompted ] accounted

391 blusteringe ] tempest

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37 Pronominacion is when we demonstrat that, by a straunge surname, which can not so well be called, by his owne name. As: The nephews of Aphricane, wer not suche? speakinge of the twoo Gracchi 395

38 Denomination is, which taketh the oracion, of neere, and finici[]all thinges, whearby the thinge may be vnderstood, which is not called by his owne name: As if [an] A mane vse the name of. Bacchus for wine, Or of Ceres for corne or of Mars, for warre 400

39 Circuition is, an oracion, which doth circumscribe, a simple thinge, with manny woordes thus The prouidence of, Scipio, ouercame the wealth of Carthage: Wheare but for ornaments cause, it had ben sufficient to haue sayed: Scipio ouercame Carthage The writer of the troiane warr, was the best of all great poetes : in which woordes Homer is sayed to bee the beaste. 40 Superlation is an oration, passinge the trueth, eyther in encreasinge or diminishinge some thinge : As : if we keap concord in our realme, we shalbe able, to measure, the Largnes of our empier, With the vprisinge and going downe of the sonne His harnes glistered and shined, aboue the sunne 41 Intellection is, when the whole matter is Vnderstood, of a small parte, or a parte, of the whole, Or on manny, or of manny, one. As: did not those nuptiall shalmes, admonish yow of that mariage? whear all the ceremonies of mariage, ar vnderstood by the onely signe of the shalmes

392–394 Pronomination … Gracchi ] Ti. and C. Sempronius Gracchus, Rhet. Her. 4.31.42 396–399 Denomination … warre ] sums up Rhet. Her. 4.32.43 401–404 Circuition … Carthage ] Rhet. Her. 4.32.43 (Sherry, Sig. C viv) 404–406 The … beaste ] Medley’s example 412 Superlation … sunne ] Rhet. Her. 4.33.44 414–417 Intellection … shalmes ] Rhet. Her. 4.33.44 406 beaste ] best 417 shalmes ] shawm: A medieval musical instrument of the oboe class, having a double reed enclosed in a globular mouthpiece. Coverdale, followed by the Prayer-book Psalter, uses shawmes in Ps. xcviii. 7 where the original and the ancient versions have “trumpet” or “horn”. Tibia is a pipe or flute because the first flutes were of bone (Lewis & Short)

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Of the whole, part is vnderstood: thus as if a man say vnto him, that showeth his fayer aparell doest thow showe me thy riches? and braggest of thy wealth? Of one, manny is vnderstood, as thus : The Spaniard is at league with the Freanchman

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Of manny, one is vnderstood as thus : My Letters, haue filled your breaste with manny sorowes 42 Abusion is, when we abuse, a like woord, for a proper woord : thus : He is a man of great wisdome and small taulke

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43 Translation is when a woord, is chaunged, from one thinge to another, and from his proper signification to a straunge: significacion : thus : Thease Last tumultes haue wakened England with sodayne feare. A sweet oration floweth from [from] his mouth, and in his minde, ar [fownt] fowntayns of Eloquence [fol. 7v]

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44 Transgression is, which doth transpose and prevent, the order, of woordes: As thus Vertu yowr, hath his vice, to put flight: for Vertu hath put vice to flight 45 Permutation is: an oration, declaring one thinge in woordes another thing in sense. As when the sheapardes dogge, playeth the woalfe, how, can the sheape be in safety And sometyme by one contrary, another is signified: As we call a coward a valiant, stout Champion. A nigard, very 418–420 Of … wealth? ] Rhet. Her. 4.33.44-45 422–423 The … freanchman ] perhaps a reference to the French and Spanish alliance in the Low Countries, Rhet. Her. 4.33.45 425–426 My … sorrowes ] Medley’s example 428 Abusion … thus ] Rhet. Her. 4.33.44-45 428–429 He … talke ] Medley’s example 432–433 These … feare ] perhaps a reference to the Northern rebellion in November 1569 433–435 Translation … Eloquence ] Rhet. Her. 4.34.44-45 where England replaces Italy. Compare Sherry (Sig. C ivv), “The wordes flewe oute of hys mouth” 439–440 Transgression … woordes ] hyperbaton, Rhet. Her. 4.33.44 419 fayer ] fair tains

419 aparell ] clothing

433 sodayne ] sudden

435 fowntayns ] foun-

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prodigall and sumpteous. Theas ar the figures of woordes. Now foloweth the figures of sentences. Cap: 9 : Of the figures of sentences which ar i9 i Distribution is, when the oration, is deuided, into manny thinges, or manny persons Thus Whosoeuer Loueth his prince, must neades hate a rebell, who seaketh to displace his prince. Whosoeuer, fauoreth nobility, must neades be offended with him, that goeth aboute to obscure nobilitye : Whosoeuer is a defender, of the common people, cannot Like well, of Him, that impugneth and spoyleth that condition of men 2: Licentia is, when as before them, whome we ought to reuerence, and feare, we speake some things bouldly, that doathe not offend them, and charge them, with some defaulte, whearin they may iustly be reprehended. thus: Doth your honor maruayll, whie men dare offend the Lawes? Maruell not at this: But attribut it, to your remission and Leauitye for if yow had sharply and seuearly executed Justice vpon those, which befoare transgressed the lawe theis, whoe nowe stand in iudgment, would haue ben terrified from offence, by thear example. But impunity then graunted to others, made thease men, more boulde to offende: If this Licence of speakinge, offend with bitternes, it must be mittigated, with commendacions, straight waye thus. But, it was the goodnes, of your nature, enclininge to mercy and pitye. That befoare graunted pardon, which is nowe to be sharpened, agaynst the frowarde, and malitious natures, of euill men. Whome your goodnes Hathe encouraged to be euill.

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This figure is, oftentymes so handeld, that the hearer is much pleased, when he is reprehended, for that, whearin, he desireth to be rebuked. As 443–447 Permutation … sumpteous ] Rhet. Her. 4.34.46 447–448 Theas … sentences ] Rhet. Her. 4.34.46 457 Distribution … men ] Rhet. Her. 4.35.47 459–463 Licentia … this ] Rhet. Her. 4.36.48 463–466 But … example ] Medley departs from his source 468–469 But … offende ] Not in the original either. 469–471 If … pitye ] Rhet. Her. 4.37.49 471–474 That … euill ] Medley’s example 447 sumpteous ] spending largely 457 impugneth ] attacks 462 maruayll, whie ] marvel, why 463 remission ] inclination towards pardon 465 theis ] thus 472 frowarde ] perverse

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if a popular magistrat, be reprehended for gentilnes, or a iudge, which desireth to be thought mearcifull 480

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3 Diminution is, when praysing some thinge in our sealues, or in them, whome we defend, we diminish it in woordes, Lest we shoulde be noted arrogant boasters. thus: This I dare affirme of my sealfe, that thorough my Laboure, and trauayll, I am not the woorst scholler, in the Vniversitye, or the woorst souldier in the fealde, or the woorst marchant in the cytye Heare if a man shoulde affirme him sealfe to be best, he shoulde, seame arrogant. although he sayed trewe. But in this forme of speakinge, He both auoydeth envy, and getteth commendacion 4 Description: is which contayneth, a playne exposition of thinges consequent, and ensuinge, ioyned with much grauitye: Thus: If yow absolue and deliuer him by sentence, he will straight waye, like a lion, lett out of his denne, or some other fearce, and cruell Beast, leased, of his chaynes: Soe vp and downe in the cytye, invadinge and spoylinge euery man, threateninge death to euery one that shall reasist him. [fol. 8]

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5° Whearfore, caste him out of the cyty, deliuer Vs all of feare, and prouide for your sealues. For if yowe Lett him goe free, and vnpunished, yow shall Lease a cruell, and a truculent beast: ready to invade and destroy yowe, so soone as he is deliuered. And as indignation, is moued by this figure, so is pitye: thus: yowe ar not ignorant, what miseryes followe warr. For the one part, beinge ouercomme, they that ar conquered, ar eyther most cruelly slayne, or taken into perpetuall bondage and slauery: Theare howses ar spoyled, thear

476–479 This … mearcifull ] Medley’s example 481–488 Diminution … commendacion ] Medley adds the scholar and the merchant to Rhet. Her. 4.38.50 490–495 Description … him ] a shorter version of Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 499–502 Whearfore … deliuered ] Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 504 And … pitye ] Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 478 gentilnes ] gentleness 485 fealde ] battle-field 487 trewe ] true 491 ensuinge ] resulting from 493 fearce ] fierce 493 leased ] released 494 spoylinge ] mugging 501 truculent ] savage

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wifes rauished, thear childerne slayne, in thear moother Lapps, No man is able, to comprehend in oration, the greatnes of that calamitye. 510

5 Diuision is, which separatinge, one thing from another, concludeth Both, with a reason, thus: whie shoulde I obiecte anny thinge vnto yowe? if yowe be a good man, yow haue not deserued it,: if yow be evill, yow will not be ashamed: Whye should I speake, of my deseartes towardes yow? if yow remember them, it is not neadfull: if yow haue forgotten them, it is a follye to putt him in remembraunce, that will strayght waye forgett them. 6 Frequentation is, when thinges dispersed, thorough out, the whole cause, ar gathered togeather in one place, whearby the oration, may seame, moare weyghty, sharpe and vehement: thus whye, woulde ye dealiuer him, ô ye iudges? what vice is theare, which is not in him? He is ambitious, Couetous, Intemperat, Proude, Vngodly, towardes his parentes, vnthankfull to his freandes, towardes his betters, disobedient, disdaynfull towardes his equalls, Cruell to his inferiors, intollerable towardes all men. This figure is much vsed in coniecturall causes: when suspicions seuerally handled, ar heaped vp togeather in one place, whearby, the matter, seameth not suspicious, but euident, when manny coniectures, concurre in one. 7 Expolition is, when, we tarry longe, in one place, and seeme to saye some other thinge. This oration, is expolished, twoo wayes: One, when one thinge, is spoken diuersly in woordes, pronunciation, or handelinge; The other, when we speake much of one thinge, prouinge it, and adorninge it with reasons, sentences, contraryes, similitudes, examples, and such like; One thing is diuersly spoken thus: Thear is no daunger so great, that a wise man will refuse for his contrey. When the common estat & preseruation is in hand, of his countrey: no well minded, & discreet gentilman, will seake to auoyd, anny priuat perill. But he will always most willingly aduenture his life, in the defense thearof Of

504–509 yowe … calamitye ] a shorter version of Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 511–516 Diuision … them ] Rhet. Her. 4.40.52 (Sherry, Sig. D iiiir-v) 528 Frequentation … one ] Rhet. Her. 4.40.52-3 (Sherry, Sig. D i v) 530–539 Exposition … thearof ] Rhet. Her. 4.42.54 508 moother Lapps ] mothers’ laps 514 deseartes ] deserts, favours ished ] polished thoroughly 538 discreet ] judicious

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the same matter, much may be sayed, by an expolition, bringing sentences, of auncient writers, appertenant, to the cause: with examples of wise men, whoe aduentured thear liues, when thear country, was endaungered: with similitudes also and comparisons. Thexample hearof, is Longe, but to be seane 4° ad Herennium: fol i29

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8 Commoration; is when we persist longe, in some strange argument, whear with the cause is best proued, and oftentymes, retourne to the same agayne. 550

An example thearof, can not be well geauen, because this figure, must be vsed, thorough out, the whole cause, repeatinge often tymes, the strongest reason and argument. [fol. 8v]

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9 Contention is, whearby contrary sentences, ar rendered, one to another : And it differeth, from the former figure in woordes, called contention: because, thear contrarye woordes, ar rendred on to the other. But in this contrary sentences: As thus yow ar sorry for his losses: but he reioyceth at the calamity of the common wealthe i0 Similitude, is an oration, which traduceth, some likenes, from another thinge, Vnto the present cause. Which is Vsed, eyther for an ornament: Or to proue the cause: Or to make the matter playne: Or to set it fourth in such wise, as it may seame, to be presently donne, befoare our eyes. Thus: As a Musitian, coumminge foorth, finely deacked, & sumpteously appareled, with an Iuory instrument, in goulde distinguished. He him sealfe also, very comely in person: And after great expectation made, and silence procured, he vtter an vnpleasaunt voyce, with rude and vnseamly gesture, the more costly, his apparell is, and the greater expectation, he moued, the more he is Laughed at and explauded out of presence. So, a man placed, in hyghe auctoritye and bearinge a great countenance, 539–544 Of … fol i29 ] a comment on commonplacing and amplification. The example seems to be taken from Rhet. Her. 4.44.56-7 (Sherry, Sig. F vii-viii v) 546–548 Commoration … agayne ] Rhet. Her. 4.45.58 550–552 An … argument ] Rhet. Her. 4.45.58 556–560 Contention … wealth ] Rhet. Her. 4.46.59 562 traduceth ] translates 566 deacked ] adorned 567 appareled ] clothed plauded out of presence ] booed away 572 hyghe auctoritye ] high autority

571 ex-

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in the common Wealthe, beinge rychly adorned, with manny gyftes of fortune, If when he shall come to speake, of great matters of the common wealth, he then Vtter, a foolish, and Vndiscreat sentence, he is the more contemned and derided. ii Example, is a declaration of some deade, or sayeinge past, with the name of him, that was the doer, or speaker: As, in speakinge of wisdome, we Vse the example of [Socrates] Socrates: Or in taulkinge, of Justice, we call to remembraunce, some dead of Aristides: Or entreatinge of Valiauntnes, we bringe in Scipio or Hanniball, for examples 12 Imago, is a comparison, of one forme, with a nother, with a certayne liknes, and similitude, betweane them, eyther Vsed, in prayse, or disprayse. thus: English men, in warre, fight, like fearce and Valiaunt Lions. But Freanchmen, like foxes, seakes caues, and dennes, and consult rather, howe by craft, they may ouerthrow thear enymies, then manfully, encounter with them.

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13 Effiction is, when the forme of a mans bodye, is so described: that the hearers, may Vnderstand, of whome it is meant. as thus: I speake, O ye Iudges, of a gentilman, in countenaunce modest, and welfauored: In stature, tall and well proportioned: In gesture, Comely, of great foarce, and verry actiue, If by anny meanes, yow can call to your remembraunce whome I meane 14 Notation is when, the nature of a man, is described, by certayne signes: As thus, He of whome I speake. O ye iudges, is a Verry curteous gentilman. Of a stout and Valiaunt courage. Of a hart, Liberall and magnificall: 562–576 Similitude … derided ] Rhet. Her. 4.45.59-47.60 578–579 Example … speaker ] Rhet. Her. 4.49.62 581 Aristides ] the Athenian statesman and general renowned for his honesty 582 Scipio ] a type of excellence, nec tamen omness possunt esse Scipiones aut Maximi, Cic. de Senectute 13 (Oxford Latin Dictionary) 579–582 As … examples ] Medley’s examples 584–586 Imago … disprayse ] Rhet. Her. 4.49.62 586– 589 English … them ] contemporary stereotypes 591–592 Effiction … thus ] Rhet. Her. 4.49.63 592–596 I … meane ] Medley’s example which follows the model of the perfect Renaissance man 598 Notation … signes ] Rhet. Her. 4.50.63 575 Vndiscreat ] indiscreet, inconsiderate sult ] contrive 588 then ] than 600 magnificall ] bountiful

576 contemned ] condemned 587 con589 encounter ] confront in battle

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Delighted as well with liberall artes and scyences, as with Martiall feates and actiuity : I will say no moare: Hearby may yow knowe, whome I meane 605

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15 Sermocination, is when we make some man speakinge, and expound, his sayengs, accordinge to his nature, and person: thus When the souldiers, raunged, vp and downe, the citye, suche a capitayne, with his sword drawen : and haulf a doozin Lusty souldiers, folowinge him. rushed, into a house, and with a loud Voyce, Vttered, thease woordes; Wheare is the rich Carle, that oweth this, howse: will he not appeare when he is called? Whye, howlde yow all your peace? Heare, all the seruauntes, beinge astonied with feare, keapt silence: His wife with manny tears, fallinge flatt on the grownd, befoare him, sayed Spare Vs I beseach yow, by this right hand: and all thease thinges, which ar most deare to Voyce Haue marcy Vpon vs, and kill vs not: already dispoyled of our goodes. Then sayed he: Leaue of to trubble me: deliuer me him, that I maye kill him : And when he had fownd him, he sayed Vnto him: Art thow aliue, thow Villayne? Haue not my woordes already slayne the? He with a good Courage awnswerd : neyther thy word, nor swoord, could could, harme me, if thow wert not a conqueror: and accompanied with so mannye souldiers

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6° Then sayed the capitane : Bearest thow, so invincible a mind? beinge ouercomme and conquered? neyther wilt thowe become, suppliaunt to him: in whose handes: thy life standes? Then speake the wife: Yes Sir, He desiereth and entreateth yowe to haue some pyty, and thrust her from

599–603 As … meane ] Medley’s example which describes the perfect Renaissance man 605–613 Sermocination … sayd ] Rhet. Her. 4.52.65 615–617 Spare … goodes ] Rhet. Her. 4.52.65 619–624 Then … souldiers ] not in Rhet. Her. 607 raunged ] roamed 608 doozin ] dozen 608 Lusty ] strong 610 Carle ] countryman 611 howlde yow all your peace ] remain silent 612 astonied ] paralysed 616 marcy ] mercy 621 the ] thee

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him: And when he beganne to speake somethinge stoutlye: the Capitayne, thrust his swoord, to his harte 16 Conformation is, when some person which is not preasent, is fayned to be present Or some thinge, which can not speake, is fayned to speake thus: If Lucius Brutus, wer now Livinge, and wer in preasence, do ye not thinke, that, He would thus speake? I haue caused Monarches to be thrust out. But yow bring in Tyrauntes: I haue gotten yow Liberty? I haue deliuered my contry, with daunger of my owne lief: But yow had rather see your country destroyed: then yow would aduenture your Liues, for the preseruacion thearof : If this cyty could vtter anny Voyce? woulde it not thus say? I which haue ben honoured, with manny Victories, which haue floorished in manny glorious triumphs? Which haue ben enriched with the spoyle, of myne enymies. Am now Vexed O ye Citizens with your ciuill dissension. 17 Signification is which Leaueth nowe in suspicion, then is contayned, in the oration: As if a man should say too one that hath gotten manny Large patrimonyes, and enheritaunces: Looke yow whoe can see most.

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18 Breauitye is an oration, knitt Vp, with as few woordes as is possible: thus: He was first Tribune, then Preator, Lastly Consull 655

19 Demonstration is when a thinge is so expressed in woordes that it seameth, now to be donne befoare our eies. Which may be if those thinges be declared that wer donne after, and at the present tyme of the fact doinge: and if all circumstances be adioyned, appertinent to the facte: The example is Longe but may be fownd in diuers places This much of Elocution: the thirde duety of an Orator

628–633 Then … harte ] Rhet. Her. 4.52.65 642 Conformation … thearof ] Rhet. Her. 4.53.66 644–647 If … dissension ] Rhet. Her. 4.53.66 649–651 Signification … most ] Rhet. Her. 4.54.67 653–654 Breauitye … Consull ] Rhet. Her. 4.54.68 656– 660 Demonstration … facte ] Rhet. Her. 4.54.68 660 in diuers places ] perhaps a reference to the catalogue of ships in Homer, il. 2. 494-759 631–632 thrust her from him ] pushed her away

640 lief ] life

650 too ] to

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Caput: 10 : Of the fourth duety of an Orator which is Action. The fourth duety of an Orator, is Action, or pronunciation, which is a Coomely Vtteringe of the oracion, obseruing, moderation in Voyce, countenaunce, and motion of the bodye whearof, theare be some preceptes: but not necessary for him, who knoweth him sealfe how to sett fourth euery thinge with moderation and comlynes

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Caput: ii: Of the last duety which is memorye The Last duety, is memory, wherin the Orator, Layeth Vpp as in a treasure, his matter invented and disposed: Likewise his woordes, and sentences, with the pronunciation thearof. And taketh them fourthe agayne, when he shall come to Vtter them, in the handlinge of his cause. [fol. 9v]

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The Second Booke Caput primum Of the second part of Retoricke which is the oration Retorike, in the beginninge, was deuided, into three partes: and because, of the first, it is sufficiently spoken it foloweth now, to speake of the second. The second, which is the oration, was sayed to haue thease fower partes: The beginninge, The declaration of the matter, The confirmation of the cause - And the Conclusion Whearof, two ar to be applied, to moue the Judge: The beginninge with mylde affections, The Peroration, with vehement motions.

666–667 Action … whearof ] Wilson (p. 243), “Gesture is a certain comely moderation of the countenance”, Rhet. Her. 3.15.26 673–674 memory … disposed ] Wilson (p. 233), “and shall not an orator have in store good matter in the chest of his memory to use and bestow in time of necessity?”, Rhet. Her. 3.16.28 683 Retorike … partes ] See Quint. Inst. 2.14.5 686–687 fower … Conclusion ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.13.4, Cic. Part. 27 689–690 two … motions ] Cic. Part. 27 669 comlynes ] comeliness, propriety

685 thease fower ] these four

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Two ar vsed, in prouing the cause The Narration whearin the matter is declared and the Confirmation, whearin our part is confirmed, and strengthened, the aduersaries part, confuted and weakened. Of beginninge, of oratory causes generally What a beginninge is A beginninge, is that part, of the oration, which openeth the way & enteraunce vnto the cause, and fitly prepareth, and winneth the hearers mindes, vnto the rest of the oration

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What proaulium, is with the musicians, and the prologue with the poetes and the prolusion, in the art of defence, the same is the beginninge, in causes oratory Whearof Beginninges ar taken, and to what eand and purpose Beginninges ar taken, eyther of the persons, or of the present matter, which is handeled, and ar referred i to three eandes: To Beneuolence, that we may be hard with fauor : 2 To docility, that we may be hard, with Vnderstandinge 3 - To diligence that we may be hard with attention Of what persons, beneuolence is to be taken and in what soart Beneuolence, the first eand, consisteth in persons Persons to be

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  1 the person of the orator, and client considered of the  2 the person of the accuser, and the aduersarye orator ar three:  

3 the person of the Judg and the hearer.

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691–693 Two … weakened ] Rhet. Her. 1.4.3, Cic. Part. 27 698–699 fitly … oration ] Quint. Inst. 4.1.5, Rhet. Her. 1.4.3 701 What … poetes ] Arist. Rh. 3.14.1.1414b 19, the comparison with the prolusio, or practice fight, does not occur in Aristotle 702 prolusion ] Cic. de Orat. 2, 325 708 Beginninges … referred ] Cic. Part. 28 709 to … eandes ] Cic. Part. 28 709 To Beneuolence ] Cic. Part. 28, ut amice 710 To docility ] Cic. Part. 28, ut intellegenter 711 To diligence ] Cic. Part. 28, ut attente audiamur 717 the … client ] Cic. Part. 28, see too Rhet. Her. 1.4.7 701 proaulium ] praeludium, prelude

709 hard ] heard

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And in procuringe beneuolence, of thease three persons, or condicions of men, three thinges

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specially ar to be considered: 1 Commendacion: 2 Crimination: 3 Preoccupation How Beneuolence is sought, by commending our sealues or the Judges. Commendation of our sealues, or of our Clientes, whose cause, we haue in hand, is to be referred to the Precept of Aristotell: that we seame vertuous, and good. In signifieng our desartes, our woorthines, or our vertu: And that specially, our Liberality, Justice, faythfulnes, duety, or some singular, notable act by vs donne. But in the iudge or hearer, we haue to commend, thinges by them donne Valiauntly, wisely and courteously, and also to declare, what accompt, and estimacion, is made of them. And what expectation is of thear Judgmentes, in this preasent cause [fol. 10] 7°

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Howe Beneuolence is sough to by reprehension of our Aduersaries Crimination, is to be Handeled, contraryly, in charging our accusers, or aduersaries Wythe Vnfaythfulnes, Iniury, Contempt of duety, Want of Liberalytye and thearfor, it hathe Hate, and Envy, propounded Vnto hit. And other Like motions: is Feare, in terefienge, Hoape, in encouraginge, Pyty in remembringe, the misery of our Clientes. But it is cheifly referred, to Hate, envy, and Contempte; whearof the first, is procured in Vtteringe suche thinges, as wer donne, by our aduersaries, haughtely, cruelly, and malitiously.

730 the … Aristotell ] Arist. Rh. 1.2.4 1377b-1378a 731–733 In … donne ] Cic. Part. 28, see too Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 733–736 But … cause ] Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 742–743 Crimination … aduersaries ] Cic. Part. 28, contrariisque rebus in adversarios conferendis 748–750 But … malitiously ] Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 724 Crimination ] antedates 1583 Fulke Defence xvii. 512 You have placed your crimination in the first chapter (O E D) 731 signifieng ] signifying 731 desartes ] deserts, good deeds 735 accompt ] account 744 propounded ] proponed, state before a tribunal 744 hit ] it 745 motions ] passions

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The second is in reportinge, the power, might, riches, freandes, fauor, Kindred, and the arrogant, and intollerable Vse thearof. That thear trust, may appeare, rather repoased, in thease thinges then in the goodnes of thear cause. 755

The thirde is in remembringe, the sloath, negligence, Ignoraunce, want of skill, studys mispent, Lessure evill employed: in wantones and pleasure How Beneuolence is wonne by preoccupation of offences Preoccupacion is Vsed, when eyther, by our aduersaries former oration, we ar drawen into Hate, and offence, Or otherwise some suspicion, is conteaned of vs, or at Least, we feare, Least by our preasant enterprise, we may peraduentur, incurr offence and mislykinge. And, in our beginninges therfore, we preuent, or at least, meet with offences : Which we doe, eyther by takinge them away wholye, or by diminishinge them. They ar taken away, when by deniall, they ar refuted, with argumentes They ar diminished, eyther by extenuatinge those, which our aduersaris, amplified, & encreased aboue measure Or by recompensinge, small offences, with greater well doinges Or by deprecatinge our error or default, when we haue no refuge, of excuse Examples of the former preceptes of winninge beneuolence Examples of all thease preceptes, ar to be seane, in the beginning of Tullies orations: As in the beginninge of his oration for Quintius, He heapeth envy Vpon Neuius, in remembring, his might, wealth, fauor, and freandes: and winneth fauor to Quintius, in reaportinge his pouerty, want of freandes and manny incommodityes.

752–754 The … cause ] Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 756–757 The … pleasure ] Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 761 Preoccupacion ] praeoccupatio, procatalepsis, anticipation, praesumptio, Quint. Inst. 9.2.16-17, Philipp Melanchthon, Institutio rhetorica d2v-d3v 778–781 As … incommodityes ] Cic. Quinct., 1.1., an example given by Quintilian, Inst. 9.2.17, Cic. Div. Caec. 1 752 thear ] their 753 repoased ] rested on 763 Least ] lest 781 incommodityes ] disadvantages

763 conteaned ] contained

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In the beginninge of his oration for Sestius, he commendeth his owne duety, in defendinge sestius, and praysethe the Vertues, of Sestius. 785

In his oration for Milo, he attributeth, great fortitud, and Valiauntnes, to his client, and doth preoccupat, the secreat suspicion, which was raysed, touchinge the force of armor, and souldiars, which wer encamped about the place of iudgment

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In his oration for Deiotarus the kinge, he reporteth, the kinges desearts, towardes the Romains and the cruelty and malice of His accusars

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Thus much of obtaininge beneuolence, which is procured, of the person. It foloweth to declare, howe we shall obtayne, to be hard, with vnderstanding and attention How docility and attention ar obteyned. That we may be hard, with Vnderstandinge, and attention, our beginninge, is to be taken of the matter, which is handeled:

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By what means, we obtayn to be Hard with Vnderstandinge 1 Vnderstandinge, is easely obtayned, fyrst, by a breif comprehension of the whole cause. 2 Then by propositions, which define the matter 3 By deuisions, which straighten it into certeyn partes and Limites 4 By moderat enumeracions, which breifly and playnly, open euery poynct, without confusion 5 By such periods and comprehensions, as hinder not the memory of the hearers, with multitude of woordes How we may gett Attention To winne attention, the precept is short: if the greatnes: the Necessity, and the priuate commodity of the hearers, be declared: For as Aristotell 782 Sestius ] Cic. pro Sestio 2.5 785 Milo ] Cic. Mil. 1.2-3 790–791 In … accusers ] Cic. Deiot. 2 805–806 Vnderstandinge … cause ] Rhet. Her. 1.4.7 807 Then … matter ] Rhet. Her. I.4.7 786 preoccupat ] dispel

794 hard ] heard

816 commodity ] interest

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writethe in his Rhetoricke, we ar attentiue, to great, and weyghty matters, to those which ar maruelous, which concerne ourselues, which ar pleasaunt on hearinge 820

How oftymes the beginninge is taken of preasent occasions Lastly, it is not to be omitted, in preceptes, that if the present tyme, or place, or cause, or comminge in of some person into the iudgment place, or the speach, and interpretacion, of anny that is present or some sayenge of our aduersary, and specially in the end of his oration; shall geaue Vs occasion, to speake, somethinge, fitt and agreable, to the tyme and other circumstances; that we in anny wise doe hit. And that to this end cheifly, that we seame not to bringe our oration, from Home with vs. but rather, speake sodaynly vpon the present occasion theare ministred. For that oration beareth greater creadit, which is so vttered vppon occasion of the present matter and circumstances therof, then that, which hath a great shewe of diligence, in the frame and composition thearof. Manny examples hearof ar to be fownd, in Quintilian and other Rhetoricians. And therfor Quintilian sayeth, that the place, the tyme the furniture and habit of the persons, opinion, fame of the iudgment, expectation of the people, although they ar not of the substance of the cause, yet appertineth thearvnto So did tyme, minister occasion, to Tully, in the beginninge, of his oration for Caelius, beinge made Vpon a holly day, when publique plays, and shewes wer. So did the place, in his oration for Deiotarus, beinge made, in Caesars priuate howse with out anny publique assembly: And so also did the armour of the souldiers, in his oration for Milo. and for Roscius: the comming in of a boy of whome Tully plesantly sports because Erucius the accuser in the middest of his cause, sent the boy to prouid supper: But that was donne, not in the beginninge for thease preceptes ar to be obserued in the middest of the cause 817–818 we … ourselves ] Arist. Rh. 3.14.7 1415b, Rhet. Her. 1.4.7 823–833 if … thearof ] Cic. Inv. 1.17, see too Rhet. Her., 1.4.9 836–839 And … thearvnto ] Quint. Inst. 4.1.31 840–842 So … wer ] Cic. pro Caelio 1.1 842–843 So … assembly ] Cic. Deiot. 2.5 844 the … Milo ] Cic. Mil. 1.2 844–846 and … supper ] Cic. S. Rosc. 59 826 sayenge ] saying 828 hit ] it 830 ministred ] served 836–837 furniture ] aptitudes 839 appertineth ] appertain 840 minister occasion ] serve the occasion 844 armour ] protection 846 middest ] middle 848 middest ] middle

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Diuers kindes of causes, haue diuers beginninges But when as, thear ar diuers kindes of causes, thear ar also peculiar and proper preceptes of beginninges, in euery kinde of cause. For the orator, in demonstratiue causes, foloweth certeyn preceptes of the beginning his oration, And in deliberatiue causes other. And so Lastly in Judiciall Whearof it foloweth generally to entreate.

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8° Of beginninges in demonstratiue causes. Caput secundum The beginninge, in demonstratiue causes, is free, as proaulium is with the Musitians, who vse a kinde of preface, in thear songes when they will not, they omitte it: And the beginning in this kinde, is so free, as the orator, may take it of the matter and persons, startinge from the cause, before he enter into the declaration of the cause, which is handled. As Isocrates did in the beginninge of his oration, of the prayse of Helena. From whence beginninges ar taken Beginninges in demonstratiue causes, ar taken eyther of prayse or disprayse, of the present matter, or of some other As Gorgias praysed the Crecians, for the institution of publike assemblys, in the oration had, of the Olimpiacall contentions Contrarily, Isocrates dispraysed the Crecians, for that they honoured, the vertues of the body with rewardes but had appointed no reward for wisdome Sometyme also, they ar taken of deliberation and counsayll : As when in beginninge a demonstratiue cause, we say, that it is a thing verry prouffitable for the common wealth, that good men, be rewarded with prayse and honour, to the eand; that other may be stirred vp, to the Like Vertues. and that euill men, with disprayse, and shame,: to the eand, other may avoyd and detest like dishonesty and vice.

860–865 The … Helena ] glosses Arist. Rh. 3.14.1. 1414b 868–871 Beginninges … wisdome ] glosses Arist. Rh. 3.14.2 1414b 877–880 As … eand ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.3 1414b 854 entreate ] handle 860 proaulium ] praeludium, prelude tentions ] Olympiadical games

871 Olimpiacall con-

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Thear ar also, some beginninges, in demonstratiue causes, like to iudiciall, which ar taken, of suche matter, as apparteyneth, to winne the fauor, of the hearer: And those beginninges, ar preoccupatiue, As when we speake of thinges increadible, difficult, common, or manifest to all men. In such cases to auoyd suspicion, of vanitye, simplicity, and folly, it is convenient, to preoccupat, such offenses, as we may incure, euen as the orator, often doth in Judiciall causes.

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The summe of the preceptes of this kind of beginninges Whearof we Learne, that beginninges in this kinde of causes, ar eyther proper, such as presently, beginne with the cause, we haue in hand, Or straunge: such as ar not, of the present matter, but of some other 895

And thease ar taken, eyther of prayse, or disprayse: Exhortation or dehortation, Or els of Iudiciall causes: which last kinde of beginninges properly appertayneth, vnto the Hearer: Onely one thinge Aristottel specially willeth to be obserued, in the beginninge of demonstratiue causes: which is, so to frame, our oration, that the hearer, may thinke, that eyther he him sealfe, shalbe, also commended by vs, Or his ancestours, or his endeuour and studies, or some thinge els: And thearfore if we speake at Athens, the commendation of our cause, or man, whome we Haue to commende, must be ioyned, with the prayse of the Athenians: If we speake at Lacedemon, with the prayse of the Lacedemonians; Not contrarywise, the Lacedemonians, at Athens, Or the Athenians at Lacedemon ar to be praysed: by vs in our beginninges: Because we Heare our owne doinges, commended, more willingly, then others Caput:3: Of beginnings in deliberatiue causes, which naturally haue no beginninges Deliberatiue causes, naturally, requier no beginninge: to winne the fauor, of the hearer, for commonly the hearers knowe, of what cause, the orator, is to speake: neyther dothe, the matter it selfe, nead a beginninge when

885–887 And … men ] cf. Arist. Rh. 1415b, Cic. Inv. 1.16, Rhet. Her. 1.4.7 898 Whereof … Hearer ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.4 1415b 898–908 Onely … others ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.11 1415b 885 preoccupatiue ] anticipative, the O E D has no occurrence for this sense of the term 888 preoccupat ] anticipate 888 incure ] fall, run into 896–897 dehortation ] dissuasion 901 shalbe ] shall be 908 then ] than

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as, all men, desier, to be aduised, and counsayled, in those thinges, which appertayne, to thear owne, or the commodity and prouffitt, of all the cytizens, especially, if they them selues, be ignoraunt, what is best to be donne. 920

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When a beginninge is necessary in this cause But tymes, and other circumstances, often varrye, a necessity, of beginninge, in this kind, of causes and fower such tymes, thear ar, in the which, the senator, or speaker, in parliamentes and counsaylls, 1 Vseth a beginninge: Eyther in respecte of him selfe 2 Or in respecte of His aduersarye: 3 Or by reason of the matter, which seameth, not so great & weighty, to the rest, as to the orator and 4. speaker: Or Lastly, for ornament and comelines sake. In respect of his owne person, the orator vseth a beginninge, when he is desierous, to geaue aduise, and of the counsyall, for the commodity, of his country; but is yownge and wanteth auctority and thearfor first seaketh beneuolence, and authority by a beginninge Least the hearers thinke, that by reason of his yowthe: he is able to geaue no good counsayll. Likewise, when he is to oulde, Least they thinke him, to doate, or if thear be anny other thinges which may seame to derogate, creadit and authority from him 2. When he hath aduersaries, then must he Vse a beginninge, and thearin reprehend, thear aduises, and counsayls, as pernicious, and dangerous, to the common wealthe. Repell thear calumnniations, and reproches. Confute thear argumentes: Or at Least diminish and extenuate, what was by them amplified, and encreased: Or Lastly, amplifie some thinges, which they diminished in respecte, of common Commodity and prouffitt:

927 1 … speaker ] cf. Arist. Rh. 1415b 935–937 is … yowthe ] perhaps an allusion to Cic. S. Rosc. 1 938 when … oulde ] On the orator’s youth and old age see Quint. Inst. 12.6 and 12.11 942–947 When … prouffitt ] seems to take up various points from Arist. Rh. 3.15.1 917 appertayne ] belong 936 Least ] lest ate ] lessen 947 prouffitt ] profit

938 to oulde ] too old

945 extenu-

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So doeth Cicero, Vse a beginninge, in his second Philippica agaynst Antony: Therfore in this second tyme, beginninges of deliberatiue causes, haue eyther: Crimination: Refutation, Dmminution: or Amplification. because thear is some thinge, eyther to be blamed, Confuted, Amplified, or extenuated and diminished 3 Sometyme, the matter seameth not so weightye, to the hearers as to the orator, that geaueth constant and thearfor, hath nead of a beginninge, whearby, he may winne them to attention and diligence in hearinge: for audience, with fauor, is not oftentymes necessary: but with attention and vnderstandinge; Alwayes

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4 Lastly, a beginninge, is to be vsed, for ornaments sake, lest the matter, whearof we deliberate and consult, seame rude, and impolished: And lest the entraunce into the cause, seame also hedlong, and monstruous: What manner, of beginninges Gorgias vsed, in the commendation of the citizens of Elis whoe beganne, his oration, in this soarte Elis a cyty furnished with all thinges &c: Thus much seameth to be taught by Aristotell touchinge beginninges, in this kind of Causes Tullies precept of the matter of beginninges in this kinde of causes Tully almost to the same effect, writeth, that beginninges, in demonstratiue causes, ought to be shortened because, the orator, commeth not supliant, as to a Judge, But an exhorter and author. whearfor, he must declare, in few woordes, with what mind, and purpose, he speaketh, which is a place, of beneuolence. Of what matter, he is to speake, which is a place of docility, And lastly exhort them, to heare him speake, briefly of the cause, which is a place of attention.

949–950 second … Antony ] Cic. 2 Phil. 1.1 950–953 Therfore … diminished ] the summary seems to be Medley’s 961–962 Lastly … impolished ] a paraphrase of Arist. Rh. 3.14.12 1415b 964–966 What … thinges ] Aristotle, Rh. 3.14.12 971–974 Tully … speaketh ] perhaps an allusion to Cic. Part. 15 974–977 which … attention ] Cic. Inv. 1.20, see too Quint. Inst. 4.1.5 951 Crimination ] The action of charging with a crime or grave offense stant ] the word could be “contrast” 977 place ] locus

956 con-

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When the matter, of beneuolence, vnderstanding, and attention, is to be had Which matter, of beneuolence, vnderstanding, and attention, is to be taken out of the common precepts of beginninge, and the beginninge, it selfe, of deliberatiue causes, when soeuer it shalbe Vsed: boroweth, of the Iudiciall, as Aristotell writeth.

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9° Of the beginninges in Iudiciall causes Caput: 4m As the beginnings, in demonstratiue causes, ar like, to the musicians Proautia, which ar free, so ar, the beginninges, in Iudiciall causes; to be compared, with the beginninges of Comicall, and epicall Poetes, which ar bounde to declare, the present, matter, and argument, which is Handeled.

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with many controuersies In Judiciall causes, a preface to the cause, is not necessary, when it is eyther knowen, or of small weyght ˆnot implied with many controuerciesˆ yet is it not to be sayed, an oration, without a heade, wanting a preface: for the proposition of the matter, or cause, conteyning, the necessary pointes, and partes thearof, supplieth the place, of a preface: which is of matters accidentary, and not of the substaunce But if the cause, be weighty, controuersious, and doubtfull, then must we Vse, a beginninge as a medicine, and therin, seake for Beneuolence and mercy For Aristotell calleth, all beginninges as medicins, which heale, the ears of the hearers, and moue thear mindes, to be fauorable, to the cause: And therfor Tully in the beginninge of his oration for Quintius: complayneth, that susteyninge, the part of the defendant, is forced, notwithstanding, to plead his clientes cause, in the first place: So that if the aduersaries,

982–984 the … writeth ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.4 1415b 990–994 As … Handeled ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.5-6.1415a 997–998 In … weyght ] Arist. Rh. 3.14.6. 1415a 1007–1008 Aristotell … cause ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.7.1415a 1009–1011 Tully … place ] Cic. Quinct. 1.1 998 implied ] entangled trouersious ] controversial

1002 accidentary ] accidental, non-essential

1004 con-

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shall obiect, a false crime, as a poysoned dart, thear shalbe no place Left to apply the medicine From whence, such medicines ar taken Such medicins ar taken, eyther of the person of the hearer; Or of the Orator, Or of the aduersarye, Or of the matter it sealfe By the person of the orator, is vnderstood, booth the person of the speaker, and of the Client By the person of the aduersary, is vnderstood the aduersary, that speaketh, which is the accuser, and the aduersarye, by whome the accuser, is suborned, and sett on to speake 1 In the beginninge which ar taken, of the person of the hearers, all things are referred to the obteyninge, of beneuolence, and fauor. Sometyme also to attention which twoo ends, of beneuolence and attention, may welbe, referred, as Aristotell writeth, to twoo other endes, that is, that we be hard with vnderstandinge, and that our manners, be well liked and approued for we all, willingly heare him, that teaceth Vs, and we fauor, good, innocent, and iust men. And we ar also attentiue, in both: when we ar taught, and when we see, as in a glasse, 2 the vertues of Others.. So that of the Orators person also, beneuolence and fauor, is procured: if by his oration, he declare, the goodnes, of his nature and manners

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3 In the beginning which is taken of the person of the aduersary, we haue fyrst and cheifly, to note, his criminations, and calumnacions, and the same to confute: which is diuersly donne. for the accuser, must spread abroad, his criminations, and calumniacions, in the Latter eand, of the cause, that the remembraunce thearof, and displeasur for the same befreshe [brief], in the iudges minds. Contrarywise, the defendant, in the verry entraunce, of his oration, must fyrst of all salue, and Heale, crimes which ar obiected: to resist and take away the displeasure, conceaued, by the hearer. 1016–1017 Such … sealfe ] Arist. Rh. 3.14.7.1415a 1024–1030 In … men ] cf. Quint. Inst. 4.1.5, 4.1.37, and Arist. Rh. 3.14.7.1415a 1032–1034 So … manners ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.7.1415a, and Quint. Inst. 4.1.7, see too Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 1036–1044 In … hearer ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.7.1415a, see too Rhet. Her. 1.5.8 1022 suborned ] supported 1027 hard ] heard 1042 salue ] anoint with healing unguent

1029 teaceth ] teaches

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4 Lastly, like remedies, also vse they, which haue, an euill cause to defend, or a good to oppugne: for both seke they beneuolence, and also attention and when as, they cannot directly and playnly persist in the cause, thear reafuge, is to thoase, that are

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circumstant, and appertinent thearvnto. And as Aristotell calleth them τὰ ἐγ κύκλω, which stand as in a circle, about the cause for if the cause, be playne and manifest, a beginninge, is not neadfull, as it was sayed befoare. more then the proposition, briefly comprehending the same. What ar specially to be sought for, in beginnings of this kinde Twoo things especially, in beginnings, of this kind of causes, ar to be Labored by the orator. fauor in accusing: Mercye in defendinge: which ar alwayes necessarye, to obtayne the Victory in any Judiciall cause. Thus much of the beginnings in the three kinds of causes, Demonstratiue, Deliberatiue, and Judiciall

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Caput:5: Of the order and disposition of a beginninge Besides invention of matter, fitt for a beginninge, thear is also a certeyn disposition, and order, to be obserued, which Hermogenes, teacheth in his retoricke. 1 The first part of a beginninge, is a generall proposition, eyther simple, or compounde.

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2 The second, is the reason, eyther one, or mannye, of that proposition.

1045 Lastly … thearvnto ] possibly a reference to Arist. Rh. 3.14.10 1053 stand as in a circle ] the exact phrase does not seem to occur in Aristotle, but Medley may allude to Rh. 1.9.33 1053–1056 for … befoare ] cf. Arist. Rh. 3.14.6 1068–1070 thear … adioyned ] Hermog. On Invention, Bk I, chap. 5 [107], “Every prooemium is composed of (1) a protasis, […] (2) a kataskenē; (3) an apodosis, which is an axiosis; and (4) a basis, which joins together the protasis and the apodosis” (Kennedy, p. 28) 1046 oppugne ] attack

1060–1061 Labored ] worked at

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3 The thirde, is some ground, and piller, of the present cause, and matter whearof mention is made in the beginninge. 4 The Last is the Conclusion, which proceadeth, and floweth, from the fyrst generall, proposition, whearvnto also, a reason, often tymes, is adioyned A most playne example thearof, may be the preface, which Tully vseth befoare, his booke, entituled Orator The proposition is dubble Wheather it wer, a harder matter, to denye your often request, or to doe that, whiche yowe requiered: haue greatly douted deare freand Brutus The reason also is dubbell eyther part seuerally applyed, to take part of the proposition. For it seamed to me, a verry vncurteus part, to denye him, whome I both singularlye Loued, and to whome, I perceaued my sealfe, most deare, especially, reaquiring such things, as of Duety, I ought to Doe, and such, as arre of them sealues most notable and excellent And furdermore, to take so great, and weyghty a matter in Hand, as is saide, not only thoroughe abilyty of witt, and Learninge, to expresse, but also to comprise, in cogitation, and discourses, of minde I thought it scarce, the parte, of a modest, and shamefast man; that feared the reprehension, of the wise and Learned. The ground and foundacion, foloweth whearof, this was spoken: which also conteynethe the effecte of the treatice: For what is more difficult and Harde, than in such great Varietye, and Disliknes, of good oratours, to iudge, which is the best, and truest kinde, or forme, of speakinge. In this Last place is the reddition and conclusion, whearvnto also, a reason, is annexed

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[fol. 13] 10° Whiche not withstandinge, because you requier me often to doe, I will take it in hande, not for that I hoape to perfoorme, and accomplishe

1083–1084 … ] Cic. Orat. 1.1 … speakinge ] Cic. Orat. 1.2

1088–1092 For … Learned ] Cic. Orat. 1.1

1100–1102 For

1087 dubbell ] double 1088 vncurteus ] uncourteous 1095 cogitation ] thought 1096 shamefast ] virtuous 1103 reddition ] the application of the comparison

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myne enterprise. But for that I am willinge to trye what I can doe. For I had Leaver, when I haue satisfied your desier, seame to yowe devoyde of reason and wisdome, then in not doinge that yowe requier, anny defecte, shoulde appeare in me of readines, and good will. Thus is the preface compar[]ed, of these partes and euery part aptely linked and ioyned with other. Caput:6: Of the second part of an Orator, and the Vertues thearof In the declaration of the matter (whearin, is toulde, what was donne, what was Lefte Vndonne: with the causes and Counsaylls, of doinge, our pretermittinge anny thinge) arre three Vertues, chiefly to be considered: Briefnes, Playnes, and probabilytye. The declaration is made brief, yf it be beganne, whear it is neadfull to beginne and folowed no farther: then Like neades reaquireth If we speake not, of all partes and circumstances, whear it is sufficient, to declare, the summe. If no transition be made, into an other matter. If thease things, that ar hurtfull, and not profitable, to the cause, be pretermitted: If one thinge, be but once sayed, and not afterwarde, repeated.

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Secondly, it is made playne, if every thinge be towlde in such order as it was donne, and all confusion avoyded

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Thirdly, it is made probable, if thease thinges shall seame to be in hit which appeare, in true matters. If the manners of persons Be obsearued: If the causes be shewed, why euerye thinge was donne If it shall appeare that theare was tyme, place and opportunity, to doe the fact Lastely, if the narration be applyed; Vnto thear natures, whoe arr sayed, to Haue donne it. Vnto the common reaporte and opinion of the Hearers.

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The vertues of a Narration ar rather dispersed, thorough out, the whole explication of the matter, then to be noted, in anny one sentence, and thearfore cannot so fittly, be declared, by examples. 1108–1113 Whiche … will ] Cic. Orat. 1.2 1121–1122 three … probabilytye ] Rhet. Her. 1.9.14, and Cic. Inv. 1.20.28 1124–1129 The … repeated ] sums up Rhet. Her. 1.9.14 1131– 1132 Secondly … avoyded ] Rhet. Her. 1.9.15 1134–1139 it … Hearers ] loosely translates Rhet. Her. 1.9.15 1111 Leaver ] liefer, rather 1112 then ] than 1134 hit ] it 1142 then ] than

1121 pretermittinge ] leaving out

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Caput:7: Of the thirde parte of the oration which is Confirmation. The thirde part of the oracion, is the confirmacion, whearof the generall places, and argumentes, wer explicated, in the fyrst duety of an Orator.: But because, euery state of cause, hath his priuat places and argumentes, whearwith it is proued, or confuted: It seameth most fitt and commodius, first to declare, the diuers states of those causes and matters which ar called into question: or controuersy: and afterward, to apply to every one, his proper places, and argumentes.

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The states of Causes 1 In euery matter, which is called into Controuersy, we eyther enquier, of the facte, wheather it wer donne or no: As wheather, Roscius, killed, his father, or not? 1160

2 Or els of the name of the facte: by what name, it is to be called: As if a man steale, an holye thinge, out of a priuate place: wheather it be theafte or sacryledge? Or els 3 of the kinde and quality of the facte: As knowinge, that Milo killed Clodius, and by what name, his facte is to be called: We enquier, wheather he killed, Lawefully or not 4 Some adde a fourth state translatiue, when we enquier, wheather the Judge, accuser or Patrone, be Lawefull: And wheather, the cause, be pleaded in due place, tyme and order. But because this state is rare I meane not to geaue anny preceptes thearof.

1156 The … Causes ] quattuor status generales, Quint. Inst. 3.6.85 1157–1159 In … not? ] a reference to the question An fecerit (Quint. Inst. 3.6.5), the example is taken from Cic. S. Rosc. 1161–1163 Or … sacryledge? ] a reference to the question Quid fecerit (Quint. Inst. 3.6.5), the example is taken from canon law and may be related to the destruction of monasteries, see Quint. Inst. 3.6.41, 7.3.21-25 1165–1167 of … not ] a reference to the question An iure fecerit, Quint. Inst. 3.11.15 1169–1172 Some … thearof ] see Quint. Inst. 3.6.83-4 1147 explicated ] explained ius ] useful

1148 his priuat places ] its own loci

1149 commod-

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Caput 8m Of the first state of causes, called coniecturall When we enquier, of the fact, because the cause is proued by coniectures, the state also is called coniecturall Coniectures, ar taken, of proper and certeyn noates, Or of probable tokens, and signes. Propre noates, ar such as neauer fayle, but declare a certeyn trouthe: As smoake Declareth that thear[s] is fier. Milke in a womans breaste:testifieth that she is with childe. Probable signes, and arguments, ar such, as for the most parte declare a trueth: As the hauinge of a bloody swoord, in ones hand, argueth that he killed the man, which is slayne: But because the orator, doth commonly Vse, probable signes and tokens, in coniecturall causes and hath no proper noates, whearby the suspicion is made evident thearfore ar those probable signes, to be explicated more at large.

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Probable signes, and tokens, are taken eyther, of the person, or of the place, or of the tyme, or of the facte, or of the event, or of the nature of the matter wherof we taulke. 1195

1 In the person, ar considered, the gifts of the bodye, as Comelines, streangth, Health, Age, and such like: whearby a coniecturall cause is thus proued: He is stronge, and healthfull; and thearfore, like to be a good souldier. She is younge and beautifull, and thearfore like to be well maried.

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2 Lykewise, in the person arre considered, the affections of the minde ar Vertues or Vice Learninge or ignoraunce: and such like: whearby a coniecturall cause is thus proued: He is a ruffen, and a common fighter, thearfor likest to kill the man that is slayne. 1175 Of … coniecturall ] Quint. Inst. 3.6.80, see too Cic. Inv. 2.14-51 1179 proper and certeyn noates ] what Aristotle calls τεκμήριον (Rh. 1.2.16 1357b) 1183–1184 Milke … childe ] Aristotle, Rh. 1.2.18 1357b 1185–1186 As … slayne ] a reference to Rhet. Her. 1.11.18 1195 In … like ] habitus corporis, Quint. Inst. 5.10.26 1197–1199 He … maried ] Medley’s examples 1201–1202 the … Vice ] animi natura, Quint. Inst. 5.10.27, 7.2.6 1203– 1204 He … slain ] Medley’s examples 1189 explicated ] explained 1197 like ] likely mon ] notorious 1204 likest ] most likely to

1203 ruffen ] ruffian

1203 com-

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Or contrary: He is quiet and no quarreler, therfor he killed him not.

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3 Lastly, in the person ar considered, things externall as kindred, freandshipp: Riches, Honnour, power, Authority, Liberty, and such like; whearof we may reason thus He is a noble man: and hath manny freandes: thearfor his cause wilbe reaueng[e]d

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[fol. 14] 11° In [the] place, We Haue thease things, to consider, wheather it be playne, or Hillye, smoothe or roughe, neare the sea, or farre of. Hoalsome, or pestilent, open to the sunne, or shadowed: frequented, or deasert, buylden vpon, or waste, obscure, or well knowen, Hollye or Prophane, whearof we may reason thus: The Londeners, keepe on a moory grownde, full of hills and dales, roughe and waste, thearfore they [k] cannot, easyly be taken He folowed him into a deepert place, therfor he sought opportunyty to kill Him In tyme, ar considered, tyme past, present, and future tyme: springtyde, sommer, haruest winter; and Hower, a day, a moneth, a yeare, holly dayes, woorkinge dayes & such like whearof an argument is thus taken It is now winter, our enemyes thearfoe will not yett warre agaynst vs: He is threescore yeares owld, therfor he will not marrye The fact and event, ar often tymes confounded: and yett they differ, in that the event foloweth the facte. In coniectures, they ar thus Handeled, because they thought to Haue Roscius goods, therafor, they killed the father, cast the sonne, out of Doores, and thoroughe Christogones meanes & brought him into Lawe: Aiax killed the Oxen and sheape [as] he thought them to be grecians.

1207–1210 kindred … reaueng[e]d ] Quint. Inst. 5.10.26 1214–1217 In … Prophane ] Quint. Inst. 5.10.37, Rhet. Her. 2.4.7 1218–1220 The … taken ] a puzzling topography, I wish to thank Vanessa Harding for a discussion 1223–1225 In … dayes ] Rhet. Her. 2.4.7 1225– 1226 It … vs ] Medley’s example 1226–1227 He … marrye ] Medley’s example 1231– 1233 because … Lawe ] see Cic. S. Rosc. 7 1233–1234 Aiax … grecians ] cf. Rhet. Her. 1.11.18 and Cic. Inv. 1.8.11 1215 Hoalsome ] wholesome, salubrious

1217 buylden ] built

1223 springtyde ] spring

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The nature of the matter, or busines, whearof we taulke often tymes, ministreth coniectures. thus: Roscius had manny goodly farmes, and rich possessions, thease did his kinsmen, possesse, by killinge him, and thought [to] keape them still by killinge His sonne. He vseth to ayde with much monny thearfor is like to be slayne of a theafe.

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Thear is also a kinde of argument which is taken of signes folowing the fact, euen as stepps: As if one wer taken with a weapon, sprinkeled with bloode, stumblinge in taulke, changinge his coloure, treamblinge and speakinge Vnconstantlye. If anny thinge wer seen hard, or coulde as vlisses was fownd by Aiax, his handes besprinkeled with bloode, therfor, he did the murder. Thease signes and tokens, which ar probable, and not certeyne, ar eyther generally to be handled if they be weyghty, and of great force, to moue suspicion: Or els to be heaped vpp togeather if generally they moue but littell. Hermogenes circumstances. In Confirmation, and especially in coniecturall causes, Hermogenes six circumstances, ar to be vsed, whearof some werr, handled, before, as whoe, what, whearfore, how, wheare, when. The first, respects, the person, what manner of man, he is that standeth in iudgment base, or noble, wise, or foolish, Valiaunt, or fearfull. The second respects the fact, what it is that is committed, treason, or murder, Theaft or slaunder. The thirde, the cause, whye the thinge was donne, for Honnour, and dignity, for riches, and welfare, or for pleasure and delighte. The fourthe, the manner, of doinge, how it was donne, As wheather a man wer slayne Valiauntly in fight, or cowardly, by Lyinge in wayte. The fifte the place, whear it was donne, as in the fealdes, or in the streates, in the common hyghe waye, or, in some deasert place,: The sixt, the tyme, when it was donne, as by daye or by night, in the morninge, or at middaye, Th-

1236–1239 Roscius … theafe ] see Cic. S. Rosc. 7 1241–1246 Thear … murder ] Quint. Inst. 4.2.13, see too Rhet. Her. 1.11.18 1248–1251 Thease … littell ] Cic. Inv. 1.10 1254–1256 In … when ] Hermog. Staseis 21 (Rabe, p. 47) 1235–1236 ministreth ] determines 1245 vlisses ] Ulysses

1244 Vnconstantlye ] incoherently

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ease circumstances beinge artificially Handeled, bringe great light vnto the cause. 1270

[fol. 14v] Caput:9 Of the second state of causes, cauled definitiue When we contend of the name of the facte, because the woorde, is to be defined, the state also, is called definitiue. In suche kinde of controuersys, the word, must fyrst be defined: and described brief by As if one steale, a Holly thinge, out of a priuate place, the controuersye is, wheather he be to be accused, of theaft, or sacryledge, whearin it is necessarye to define bothe, and to proue, by our definition, or description, that the facte whearof we speake ought to be called, by an other name, then our aduersaries call hit. And because all the controuersy consists, in the definition and explication of the woorde:, we must, aswell by manny reasons, and argumentes confirme, our owne definition, as also confute, the definition of our aduersaries, which we maye doe, in shewinge ours, to be true, & the allowinge thearof to be honest, and prouffitable. Contrarywise, our aduersaries, to be faulse, and the allowinge therof, dishonest, and daungerous

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Finally it is to be noted, that the orator, in this state of causes, is not striktlye bounde, to phylosophicall definitions but maye Vse at his pleasure, descriptions, enumerations, explications of the record, expositions by contraryes, by thinges Vnlike, equall comparable: &:

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Caput:10 The third state, of causes, called generall When we agree, of the facts, and of the name of the fact, but contend, of the nature, kynde or qualytye, thearof: As wheather, it be iuste or

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1274 definitiue ] Quint. Inst. 3.6.5, Cic. Inv. 1.10, and 2.17.52 1278–1282 As … hit ] see Quint. Inst. 3.6.41, and Quint. Inst. 7.3.21-25 1298 generall ] Cic. Inv. 1.10 1275 contend of ] dispute

1278 brief ] briefly

1282 then ] than

1282 hit ] it

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Vniuste, honest or vnhonest, prouffitable or vnprouffitable: The state is called generall, not for the largnes, thearof, (althoughe it be most common and Vniuersall) [bu] but because we enquier, de genere facti 1305

A partition of this state, called generall The kinde, or quality of the facte, is eyther simply and absolutely, defended by it selfe, to be iuste, fair, or prouffitable, which is called, an absolute, constitution, of the qualitye of the facte

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Or els the defense, is not taken of the nature, of the facte, beinge not simply of it selfe, to be allowed, but borowed els wheare, and the facte approued, by some forayne defense : which constitution is called assumptiue because some other aid is assumed, and taken, then that which is proper to the cause: As for example: One facte, in killinge his moother, cannot simply be defended, by it selfe, but reaquireth some forrayne defense; as this: He killed her iustlye, because she befoare, Had killed his father

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Caput:ii The comparatiue, constitution This Last constitution, called assumptiue, is deuided, into mannye kindes: for the defense, is taken, eyther of our selues, when we take, the fault vpon vs, but we recompence the same, some better waye And by comparyson proue, that it was better, to doe that; which we did, then that which otherwise we should Haue ben forced to doe; As for example thus. [fol. 15]

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12° Cayus Pompilius, a romayne capitane, beinge besieged of the Freanchmen, and not able, eyther to reasiste, the foarce, or to escape thear handes couenaunted with them, to leaue all his furniture, of warre, sothat he 1300–1301 iuste … vnprouffitable ] Arist. Rh. 1.3.1358b.25 δίκαιον (iustum) ἄδικον (inustum), 1.3.1358b.22 συμφέρον (utile) βλαβερόν (inutile), 1.3.1358b.25 καλὸν (honestum) αἰσχρόν (turpe) 1308 The … facte ] cf. Quint. Inst. 7.4.4 1314–1317 As … father ] cf. Cic. Inv. 1.18-19, Rhet. Her. 1.26, Quint. Inst. 3.11.4 1321 assumptiue ] Cic. Inv. 1.15 1324 by comparyson proue ] Cic. Inv. 1.15 and Quint. Inst. 7.4.7 1330 Cayus Pompilius ] the example is taken from Rhet. Her. 1.15.25 1332 couenaunted ] covenanted, agreed

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might departe, with his souldiers, in safety, At his retourne to Roome, he was accused of treason, for deliueringe, such munitions, of warre, into his enemyes hands: He defendeth his fact, not simplye, but by comparason thus: It is better to condescend, to suche a condition, then to suffer, all the souldiars, to perishe: And because the facte, is defended, bye a comparison, the constitution also, is called comparatiue

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Or ells, we flye, to some outward, ayde, takinge our defense, not of our sealues, but of some other which is called, a translation of the faulte: As when, we confesse, the facte, but alleadge, that we did it, mooued, and prouoked, with the former offense, of others As Orestes, kylled his moother but prouoked, by her crueltye, in killinge his father. Remotion of the cause Lykewise, we remoue, from our sealues, not the cryme, but the cause thearof, and transferr, it eyther to some person, or other thinge: As thus: The Rhodians, sent certayne ambassadours, to Athens, who because, they coulde gett no moonye, of the treasurer of the [ryche] ˆcytyˆ, to furnish thear, iourney with all, remayned at, home, and went not They wer accused, for that they executed, not such a publique office, and charge, beinge sent, by a common decree, of the cytyzens. They defend them sealues, and remoue the cause, of thear not goinge, from them sealues, to the treasurer, whoe woulde deliuer them no monye, for thear iourney Purgation of the faulte Or els, we pourge our sealues, defendinge our will, and not our fact: in which case, we must flye, 1 eyther to ignoraunce, necessity, or chaunce. To Ignoraunce, thus, Certayn Marriners, being tossed, on the seas, with a great tempest, made a Vowe, that if they coulde come to the hauen, which they sawe, they would sacryfice theare, a caulfe, to the god of that place: It happened that by that hauen, was the temple of Diana, to whome it was not Lawfull, to sacryfise a caulfe, The marriners, being ignoraunt of that Lawe, 1344–1345 A translation … father ] Rhet. Her. 1.15.25, see too Cic. Inv. 1.18, see too Quint. Inst. 7.4.8 1347 Remotion … cause ] cf. Rhet. Her. 2.17.26 1350–1357 The … iourney ] Cic. Inv. 2.87 1334 munitions ] provisions

1352 thear ] their

1360 pourge ] purge, exculpate

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made thear sacryfise, accordinge to thear Vowe They are accused: they confesse the fact, but defend themselues, by ignoraunce: 2 To necessitye thus: cannot, being intercluded with waters, or intercepted by theaues, or els deteyned by Magistrates, 3 To chaunce thus, the capitayne in that battayll, shewed not him sealfe, so valiaunt, as in the other, for that his speare brake, or his horse, was striken, or he himselfe, Vnfortunatly wounded

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Deprecation of the faulte Or Last of all, we flye to mercye and clemency, confessinge both the fault, and facte which kinde of constitution, hath, no place in iudgment, Houlden accordinge, to the seuerytye of Lawe, but eyther Before the prince, or Befoare them, who Haue absolute auctorytye, of them sealues to absolue, or condemne Caput:ii Of the manner of confutinge, our aduersaries oration

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But because, in the thyrd part of our oration, our cause is not onely to be proued, but the argumentes of the aduersarye, to be confuted: it is requisite to speake, somethinge, of confutation which of the rhetoricians, is sayed, to be diuided, into two kinds, for eyther the orator endeauoreth, to take away the argumentes, vsed of his aduersarye. Or els, bringeth as manny, and as strong reasons, on the contrary part, to countervayle, or more, and stronge to ouerthrowe the aduersaries cause,

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i And in the fyrste kinde of confutation, it is to be pretermitted, which Tully teacheath, in His booke, entitled Orator that if we can not take 1362–1369 Certayne … ignoraunce: ] Cic. Inv. 2.95 1370 being … waters ] an allusion to Cic. Inv. 2.96-97 1373 his speare brake ] perhaps an allusion to Il. 13.162, 13.608, 17.607 1373–1374 his … striken ] perhaps an allusion to Caesar, African Wars 16 or Tac. Ann. 1.65 1374 Vnfortunatly wounded ] perhaps an allusion to Cotta wounded in the Gallic War 1376 Deprecation ] Cic. Inv. 1.15, see too Quint. Inst. 7.4.17 1394 rhetoricians … cause ] Cic. de Orat. 2.72.293-4, see too Arist. Rh. 2.25 1397 Orator ] the military image does not occur in Orat., this seems to be a garbled translation of Cic. Part. 12.44 (I owe the reference to Brian Vickers), see too Quint. Inst. 5.13.11 1370 intercluded with ] surrounded by ted

1379 Houlden ] held

1396 pretermitted ] omit-

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away, and altogeather oppresse, and beate downe, our aduersaries, aydes and munitions: It is good by somme meanes, to weaken them, and to make them, seame of small foarce, which the aduersary Vsed, as most strong castles of his defense But if by no meanes, they can be taken awaye, nor thear foarce weakened Then ar they to be ouerwhealmed and drowned, with a plentifull, and forcyble oration, And the minds of the Hearers, to be caried awaye, to some other matter, by digressions and excursions. In all confutations, the nature of probable argumentes is specially to be considered: which beinge not necessary, ar eyther not true, or doutefull. They ar not true, which ar eyther faulse, or fayned & thearfor such, ar playnly to be denied: Of doutefull and vncertayne argumentes, some ar such, as theare trueth, is Vnknown, as that argument which was vsed against Roscius, who killed his father, for that he was hated of him: whearin the reason is as doutfull ande Vnknowen, as the cryme pretended. 2 Another kynde thear is, impertinent to the purpose, as the ˆsameˆ orator, accusinge Roscius, of kyllinge his father, Vsed this, for an argument, that he spoyled the common treasurye 3 The third kynd, is that concludeth nothinge, as this, It was, such a tyme, whearin, one, might kyll another, without feare of punishment, thearfor Roscius killed his father whearin, the conclusion, might be inferred, as well of anny other, as of Roscius: Thease vncertayn argumentes, ar thus to be confuted, Fyrst, if thear truthe, be doutfull, and Vnknown, we may demaund, what causes, our aduersary can alleage, And if He can, or Haue brought anny, thoase we may confute. When they appertayne, not to the purpose, nor arre proper, to the cause: fyrst, we may take them away, if we can: Afterward seame, to reieact, and contemne them as arguments, whear with the cause, is not proued. And

1406 In … considered ] Quint. Instit. 5.10.15 1408–1409 They … denied ] Quint. Instit. 5.13.15 1411–1413 argument … pretended ] see Cic. S. Rosc. 40-41 1415–1416 orator ] Erucius 1417 he … treasury ] seems to allude to Cic. S. Rosc. 82 1419–1420 It … punishment ] Cic. S. Rosc. 80 1399 munitions ] fortifications 1412 Vnknowen ] unknown 1415 kynde thear ] kind there 1415 impertinent ] not pertinent 1429 reieact ] reject

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when they conclud nothinge, we may doe in like parte. But if they be commons reasons, seruinge aswell on one syde, as agaynst Vs, we may retort them, agaynst our aduersary: Or conclude the contrary to that, which he beefoare concluded. 1435

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Finally whearas the accuser, Heapeth Vp many suspicions togeather, that they may seame, to be of greater foarce, the defendaunt must confute, euery one, generally, that all may seame, to be of small weyght and moment. Examples, ar also, to be Vsed, in confutinge, or confirming a cryme. And Lastly places, of complaynt, if the criminous, oration, of common accusers and sclaunderours, may anny thinge impeach, the estimation, of good men. Caput:i2

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13° Of the rhetoricall handlinge of Arguments Because it is sufficiently spoken, of the inuention of Argumentes, as Well in confirminge our cause, as in confutinge, the aduersaries part It foloweth to entreat briefly, of the Handelinge, and settinge foorth, of the same, in our oration. which Handelinge, and explication, of an argument, is called argumentatio The kinds of argumentations Theare be two; kinds of argumentations: The one tendeth directly, to proue, the cause. The other, rather enclyneth, to movinge of the Judge. The fyrst kind, Hath a playne, and naturall disposition, both of the question, and of necessary propositions. whearwith the question is proued: whearin, after that the proposition is Vttered, which is to be confirmed, the reason, and assumption must folowe, whearwith it is proued :

1434 Thease … concluded ] Medley does not seem to follow any particular source 1436– 1439 whearas … moment ] perhaps based on Quint. Instit. 5.13.11-14 1439 Examples … cryme ] Exempla as refutation and accusation 1440–1442 places … men ] topics or loci of accusation, see Rhet. Her. 2.48-49 1456 two … argumentations ] the ordo naturalis based on docere, and the ordo artificialis based on movere 1456–1457 fyrst … proued ] an allusion to Cicero’s first type of narratio, Inv. 1.19.27 1458 disposition ] dispositio, order 1440 criminous ] accusing of crime 1441 sclaunderours ] slanderers peach ] discredit 1441 estimation ] reputation

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The other proceadeth more couertly, so as the hearer perceaveth not, the orators meaninge, befoare he came to the end of His argumentation. for this kynd, the orator concludeth not, befoare he supposeth the Hearer to be sufficiently moved. The conclusion thearfore is proper, to the cause: But that which was proued and amplified enclyneth rather to some motion. Tully in his fyrst booke of invention, sayeth that euery argument, is to be handled, eyther by induction or ratiotination, which is commonly called a rhetoricall syllogisme Of induction Induction is an oration, which proceedeth by certayne questions, and graunts, wherof, the like in the ende, is concluded by the orator: As Socrates declareth that Aspasia commoned with Xenophons wife, sayenge, Tell me sayeth Aspasia, if yowr finer goulde then yow, whether, had yow leauer, Haue Hers, or yowr owne? She awnswered, Her neyhbours. What if she haue more costly; and sumptuus apparell, then yowe, wheather, had now leauer haue hers, or yowe owne? Hers sayeth she. goe to then: If she haue a better housband then yowe, whether had yow leauer Haue hers, or yowr owne? Heare she blushed and awnswered nothinge. Then Aspasia, beganne, the like talke to Xenophon, Tell me Xenophon, if your neyghbor haue a better goaldringe then yowe wheather had you, leauer, Haue your owne, or his? his sayeth Xenophon. If he Haue better Lande then yowe; which had you leauer haue? truely the better sayeth he. what if he Haue a better wief then yowe, wheather would yow choose? Heare Xenophon also became silent: Then spake Aspasia: because, neyther of yow sayeth He, awnswereth me to that, which I onely desiered to Heare: I will tell my sealfe, what both of yowe thinke - for yow, o woman, wyshe to Haue the best Housband: and yow Xenophon desier to haue the choysest wife. Wherafor, except yow performe this, that theare be neyther better. Thus by demaunds and graunts of things, not doutfull, that is concluded, which being generally asked, would haue ben denied. This kind of reasoninge did Socrates vse reducinge his aduersarye, by his owne graunts, to confesse that which He went to proue. 1462–1465 couertly … moved ] see Cic. Inv. 1.27.24 1.31.51 1473 induction ] Cic. Inv. 1.31.51-52

1471 Tully … syllogisme ] Cic. Inv.

1466 enclyneth ] inclines 1466–1467 motion ] persuasive force 1475 graunts ] premises 1475 like ] same kind of thing 1476 commoned ] talked 1477 then yow ] than you 1478 leauer ] rather 1484 goaldringe ] gold ring 1492 performe ] grant

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A ratiotination, or rhetoricall syllogisme, is an oration, which draweth some probability, out of the cause it selfe: which beinge explicated, and declared, defendeth it selfe, by His owne foerrce, and reason This differeth not, from the Logicians Syllogisme, but that it Hath more parts, and is more copius and plentifull. for wheare that standeth of three parts, this contayneth fyve. i fyrst, it behoueth Vs, to expound the summe of our argumentation, which is the grounde and fowndation of the reast, and of the Logicians, is called, the greater proposition 2 Secondaryly that proposition, is to be proued, with many reasons, and to be amplified, & adorned,with most copious woords and ˆsentencesˆ, choyse sentences

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3 Thirdly, when the proposition, is thus proued, that which the orator meaneth to shewe, is to be assumed, of the force of that proposition, which parte is called, the assumption of the Lesser proposition 1520

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4 Fourthlye the proofe, and approbation of this assumption, is to be adioyned, and to be enlarged, in like soart, as the proofe, of the fyrst proposition 5 Lastly the conclusion which inferreth that which necessaryly foloweth of the premisses An example,Heareof, is in tully, in the same place, thus: Things ar better gouerned, which arr ordered by counsayll, then those that ar administred, without counsayll. For that House, that is ruled, by reason, is better furnished, with all things, then that which rashly, and carelesly without counsayl is gouerned: And that army, which a wise and skilfull capitayne leadeth is better ruled then that which is guyded, by the folly, and rashnes of an vnwise & inexpe[ ]

1501–1506 A … fyve ] Cic. Inv. 1.31.57 1502 explicated ] explained houeth Vs ] necessary for us

1525 in … place ] Cic. Inv. 1.34

1503 foerrce ] force 1505 standeth ] consists 1521 adioyned ] added 1525 tully ] Cicero

1508 be-

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The same reason is also in nauigation: For that shipp is best guyded, that hath the most skillfull Mayster in Hit But nothinge, is better gouerned, then the worlde for the plannettes, keap thear certayne course and order, The tymes of the yeare, folowe alwayes after an start, for the vse and prouffitt of men. The mighty and daylye course, is not altered, Thearfor the worlde is gouerned, by the diuine counsayll of god This is the disposition, and thease, ar the partes, of a Rhetoricall syllogisme: But an orator, in haondlinge his argumentes, must seake Variety and delectation, both in chaunginge the order of his propositions, and in omittinge those sometymes, which ar not necessarye to be Vttered. Caput:i3 Of the 4 part of the oration, which is the peroration or conclusion. Thear remayneth the last part of the oration, called the peroration, which is the knittinge Vp, of the whole oration, and it is deuided into two partes Enumeration i Enumeration [the fyrst], is a brief repetition of those things, which wer handeled at Large, in the confirmation: And it is Vsed eyther when we mistruste thear memorye before. whome we speake: Or els, when the Heaping vp of our arguments, in the eand of our oration, may make our cause, seame more probable, then the seuerall Handelinge, of them Befoare, in the confirmation.

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[fol. 17] 14° But hearin We must endeauour our selues, to make choyse, of those thinges, which wer moste graue, [most g] and weyghty in our former oration. And Breifly touche them that the hearers, memory, may be renued, and not our whole oration seame to be repeated.

1532–1537 nauigation … god ] Cic. Inv. 1.34 1539 Variety and delectation ] varietas, see Quint. Instit. 10.2.1, 12.10.59 1546–1547 the … oration ] see Cic. Inv. 1.98, Conclusio est exitus et determinatio totius orationis 1547 deuided … partes ] see Cic. Part. 15.52 1550– 1555 Enumeration … confirmation ] Cic. Part. 17.59 1559–1562 We … repeated ] Rhet. Her. 2.30.47 1533 Hit ] it

1547 knittinge Vp ] conclusion

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Amplification 2 Amplification, is a graue, and vehement affirmation, which by movinge, of the hearers mynds, Winneth creadit Vnto the cause. And it consisteth in matter, and woords: For nothinge moueth, except if seame great, and probable, neyther Hath weyghty matter, his force except fitt woords be applyed thearvnto

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The amplification of matter is taken out of the same places, that argumentes arre. But chiefly definitions Heaped Vpp togeather, frequentation of consequents, a conflicte of contraries, of things Vnlike, and fightinge betweane them sealues, causes, and effects, similitudes, and examples, the oration of fayned persons, and mute things, doe preuayle in amplification Woords doe amplifye, if they geaue light to the matter, and doe not swarme, from the accoustumed Vse of speache. If they be graue, full [] sowndinge, Metaphoricall, passinge the truthe, not common, or Vulgare, Iterated, double, ascendinge by degreeas, from lower to Hygher, and suche Like: whearvnto is to be added, a certayne action in Voyce, countenance, and geasture, fitte and apte to move, the minds, of the Hearers Generally, all things, ar to be Vsed in amplification, if the cause, suffer, that to be accoumpted, great and weyghtye: Whearof thear be two kinds : For some things seame greate, and maruelous, of thear owne nature, Other by vse: i By nature, those that arr celestiall and diuine things: whose causes be Vnknowen, and arre, maruelous in the Worlde 2 By vse, suche as seame, to prouffitt, or hurt men moaste. whearof, thear be three kynds, to amplifye our oration: i For eyther men are moued wythe godlynes, towards god, thear countrye or thear parents,: 2 Or els with Love, towards theare

1566–1567 Amplification … woords ] Cic. Part. 53 1567–1569 for … thearvnto ] Cic. Part. 54 1571–1575 The … things ] Cic. Part. 55 1578–1583 Woords … Hearers ] Cic. Part. 53-54 1572 frequentation ] frequent use 1573 consequents ] consequences ed ] repeated 1586 accoumpted ] accounted, considered

1581 Iterat-

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wyfes, chylderne, brethren, and kyndred: 3 Or with honesty, as vertues, and especially thoase, that appertayne, to the cyuill societe, and felowshipp of men. Of thease ar exhortations taken, both to reteyne and embrace them, and also to styrre vp hatred, agaynst thoase, of whome they ar Violated. Great iudgement, is to be vsed, what kynd of amplification, we vse, in euery matter or cause 1 For in demonstratiue causes, which arre bewtified, with oration, for delectations sake, suche places arr to be handeled, as may moue, expectation, admiration, and pleasure, : In exhortations, and 2 Deliberatiue causes, enumerations, of good and evill things, that may chaunce, and examples to most preuayle: 3 In iudiciall causes, the accuser, for the most parte, must vse suche places, as moue anger and displeasure, The defendaunt such, as moue mercy and pytye: and yet sometyme, the accuser, must moue pytye, and the defendant, displeasure

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The places of mouinge indignation, and mercy which arre, which arre most common in perorations, especially in all Judiciall causes, are playnly sett foorthe, in the eand of Tullyes, fyrst Booke of Inuention, which for breauityes sake, I ommitte.

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[fol. 17v] Nowe ar all the fower parts of an oration, sufficiently explicated, except peraduenture, it seam necessarye, to make awnswer Vnto them, that shall requier more partes, then arre comprehended, in this our diuision: For Tully Him sealfe, oftentymes, in his booke of Rhetorike, nameth six parts: The beginninge, the Narration, the Partition, the Confirmation, the Confutation and the Conclusion. Other Rhetoricians, will haue the

1601 Whearof … Violated ] Cic. Part. 55-56 1613 Great … displeasure ] Cic. Part. 58 1617 in … Inuention ] Cic. Inv. 1.53 1628–1629 six … Conclusion ] Cic. Inv. 1.19 and Rhet. Her. 1.3.4 1624 explicated ] explained

1626 comprehended ] contained

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proposition of the cause, to be a Parte of the oration: and some the excursion, which commonly foloweth the narration: To whome I awnswer with Sturmius, that in devision, it is most commendable to Vse, an artificiall breuytye, so that no part be omitted. Confutation as a necessary companion, foloweth Confirmation And the proposition, and partition, as Judges and Leaders, goe before them bothe Finally excursion, is called the Handmayde of the Narration as one, whome it necessarylye woorketh Vpon - But this is spoken, of the the Rhetoricians, Metaphorically, whose meaninge is, that the proposition, Partition, and confutation, ar all ioyned, with confirmation, And the excursion, is appertinent, Vnto the Narration: For when the orator, goeth about to confirme his cause, he muste fyrst propounde, the summe thearof briefly, which is donne, by the proposition and afterwards declare, what speciall poynts, He meaneth, to entreat of, whearupon the cause may be buylde as Vpon certeyn fowndations, and grownds. And Lastlye, eyther befoare, or after, His confirmation, he must take away; all such reasons, as be, or may be, brought agaynste his defension: Otherwise his proofs of the cause, will seame to be of lesse foarce: so that all thease, ar necessarylye, linked, with the Confirmation : Finally excursion, in like soarte, foloweth the narration: and is Vsed partly, to move the Hearer, afore the tale toulde, Partly to make a readier entraunce, Vnto the Confirmation.

1630–1631 excursion ] Quint. Inst. 4.3.12 1632 Sturmius ] In partiendo subtilem briuitatem et artificiosam, plenam tamen confectari, laudabile est. Plenam est cui nihil deest (John Sturm, Partitiones Oratorias Ciceronis, Dialogi duo (Paris, 1543), Sig. 4), I owe the reference to Manfred Kraus 1637 Confutation … bothe ] Ibid. Sig. 4, Est enim refutatio comes semper confirmationis, quemadmodum propositio atque partitio, dux utriusque, et narrationis pedissequus est ille quasi excursus, sed uehementior ad mouendum narratione, I owe the reference to Manfred Kraus 1641 proposition … Narration ] the number of parts and their order seems to follow Julius Victor’s Ars Rhetorica, Excogitare igitur et invenire debet orator principium, narrationem, egressum, partitionem, confirmationem, reprehensionem, epilogum, ut integra quasi membris constet oratio (Halm, pp. 373, 27) 1643 proposition ] or exposition, see Rhet. Her. 1.17 1643–1644 declare … of ] or enumeratio, see Quint. Instit. 4.5.1 1646–1647 take away … defension ] refutatio or confutatio, see Quint. Instit. 5.13.1 1649–1650 excursion ] or digressio 1650–1651 to move the Hearer ] see Cic. de Orat. 2.76-77.310-312 1642 propounde ] set forth

1647 defension ] defense

1651 afore ] before

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The thirde Booke Caput primum : of Questions The thirde thinge to be considered, in Rhetorike, was sayed to bee the question whearof, i there be two kinds the one infinyte, the other definite, Infinite questions, ar devided, into manny braunches, But because they rather pertayne to Phylosophers, then Orators, for breavityes sake, I will omitte them. 2 Of definite questions, which ar called causes, and Controuersyes, thear be three kynds, Demonstratiue, Deliberatiue, and Judiciall 1 The demonstratiue kynde is, whiche is occupied, in the prayse, or disprayse of some certeyne person.

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2 The deliberatiue kynde, is which beinge occupied, in ciuill consultation, conteyneth the counsayll and sentence, of the orator, concerning that matter, whearof present deliberation, is taken. 1670

3 The Judiciall kinde is which beinge occupied, in iudgment, conteyneth accusation, and defention, or petition, and deniall. [fol. 18] 15° Caput 2 Of the difference of thease kyndes Thease three kyndes differ fyrst, in the eand, which is seuerally propounded, to euery one of them. For in demonstratiue causes, We enquier what is honest, or dishonest, In deliberatiue, what is prouffitable, or vnproffitable. In Judiciall, what is just or vniuste. In the fyrst we speake to delight the hearer, In the other to perswade him i They differ also in tyme, For deliberation, is of the future tyme: As whether proffitt shall redound, to the common wealth or no, if Pompey be chosen capitayne, generall, agaynst Mythrydates?

1658 infinyte ] Quint. Inst. 3.5.5 1658 definite ] Cic. Inv. 1.6.8, Quint. Inst. 3.5.7 1663 three … deniall ] Medley seems to follow Rhet. Her. 1.2.2, see too Arist. Rh. 1.3.3 1358b, Rhet. Her. 1.2.2 and Cic. Inv. 1.12 1678–1679 Thease … him ] Arist. Rh. 1.3.5. 1358b 1683 They … generall ] Arist. Rh. 1.3.4 1358b 1684 if … capitayne ] cf. Plutarch, Lucullus 5.2 1672 defention ] defense

1684 redound ] contribute

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2 Judgment, is of the tyme past as whether Milo, haue kylled Clodius iustly or noe? 3 Demonstration, or Commendation, although it be of things past, notwithstandinge it is properly of things present: For as Aristotell sayeth, we prayse or disprayse, other, respectinge, thear present well, or evill doings. Thear is also some difference, in place, wheare these causes, ar commonly, pleaded, 1 For Judiciall causes, for the most part, ar handeled in place of Judgement : 2 deliberatiue in senett parliament or counsayll howse, 3 Demonstratiue, in some open theater, and concurse, of a multitude. Caput 3 Of the matter of demonstratiue causes In demonstratiue causes, the greatest part of commendacion, is occupied, in praysinge the Vertues, and Vertuous doings of Him, whome we commend: And on the contrary syde, the greatest part of disprayse, in reprehendinge Vices and vicious actes, and Because vertue showeth her sealfe, in other good things, and is occupied speciallye, in the well Vsinge of them, we may commend also externall, and corporall goods, Vsed accordinge, to the rule, and prescription of Vertue: Whearof in our oration, thease things, ar chiefly to be handled; Byrth, education, Institution, Manners, doings, Sayengs, Studies, Counsayles, Opinions, Caurces and Euents, neyther is his death to be pretermitted with silence, if it wer woorthy commendacion, whoose Life befoare, of Vs is commended The elocution, in demonstratiue causes And because, the eand of this kynd, is to delight the hearers, those ornaments of woords, and sentences, ar to be Vsed, in it, which ar most sweet, and pleasaunt: As oulde woordes, made woordes, woordes translated, and Metaphoricall, falling and endinge alike, of equall nomber of syllables, contraryes, woords dubbled, fallinge full, in the eande Likewise, 1687–1688 kylled … noe ] Cic. Milo. 1691 Aristotell … doings ] Arist. Rh. 1.3.4 1358b 1692–1693 Thear … pleaded ] Arist. Rh. 1.3.2 1358b distinguishes between three types of audiences rather than places 1702–1704 praysinge … actes ] cf. Cic. Part. 1.69 1710 Byrth … Euents ] sums up Cic. Part. 82 1711 neyther … commended ] Cic. Part. 82, see too Rhet. Her. 3.7.14-15 1709 Caurces ] courses 1716 made woordes ] coinages 1717 falling and endinge alike ] similiter cadens and similiter desinens 1718 dubbled ] doubled, repeated 1718 fallinge full, in the eande Likewise ] rhyming

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ornamentes of matter, and sentences, ar to be Vsed, which arre straunge, marvelous signified by monstars, or Oracles, things which seame, to haue chaunced fatallye, and divinely Vnto him, of whome we speake. For all expectation, and admiration, Haue pleasure, in hearinge

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Caput 4 Of the matter of deliberatiue causes In deliberatiue causes, prouffit is the eand whearvnto, all things arr referred, in geauinge counsayll, and declaringe our sentence, wher also it is to be considered, what maye be donne, or what may not: what is necessary, or what is not: For if a thinge cannot be donne, all Deliberation is taken away, although the thinge be, prouffitable, and if it be necessary to be donne, so as otherwise we cannot keape our safety, and freadome, it is in ciuill consultation to be preferred ˆbefoare ˆ all other commoditye But when we enquier, what may be donne, we must also consider, how easylye, it may be donne: For such things, as arre verry difficulte, arr oftentymes to be accompted, as impossible: And when We enquier of necessitye, we must also, attend, the greatnes and weyghtenes of the matter: For oftentymes, a great and weyghty matter, is to be accompted, as necessarye. Whearfore this kynde consistinge of perswasion, and disswasion: the counsayll of him that perswadeth, must thus, If it be prouffitable, and may be donne, Lett it be donne. The counsayll of Him that disswadeth: [tnf] this: Yf it be not prouffitable, lett it not Be donne, yf it can not be donne, lett it not be taken in hande. Other kynds of good things, ar also to be deliberated, of, in this consultation, although prouffitte be the common eand thearof: And then must the orator, Haue respecte of his Hearers, and amplifye most, the parts of Honesty and prouffitt. accordinge to theare affection Caput 4 Of the matter of Judiciall causes Of Judiciall causes, equity is the eand, and thearfor all questions, of ryght, equyty, and Lawe, ar conteyned in this kynde : As wheather, it be Lawfull, 1722 And … hearinge ] Cic. Part. 1.72-73 1728 deliberatiue causes ] sums up Cic. Part. 83-87 1752 Of … eand ] cf. Rhet. Her. 2.2.3, Cic. Part. 98 1719 ornamentes of matter ] tropes 1719 sentences ] figures of syntax 1721 chaunced ] occurred 1737 accompted ] accounted

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to kyll, such a tyraunt or no? Wheather Milo kylled Clodius, iustly or no? wheather, it be ryght, that Pansa, or Hircius, should succead, in the patrymony, or no? In this kinde specially, eyther we enquier of the fact, or of the name of the facte. Or of the qualytye, and kynde, of the facte: In which constitutions, befoare explicated, and declared: is conteyned, all the handelinge, of this kynd of causes, and thearfore, neade not heare to be reiterated: For although in the other causes, thear be somme state and constitution. Yet chiefly, it appeareth, in this kynde: whearvpon soamme of the Greake Rhetoricians, thought, the other, to be without anny constitution, and Defined a state, to be a conflicte, ar controuersye, in Judiciall causes.

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16° Cap primum Lib 4 The cause, whye periods wer reserved for the last booke Albeit, it behoveth, in the tracte of Elocution, to handell periodes, and the comprehensions, of sentences, as a parte and member, of the sayed Elocution, notwithstandinge for that the Last perfection, of an Orator, is conteyned, in the framinge of woordes and sentences, fallinge, in full compasse, and measure: I thought good, Lastlye to entreat of this matter. which is Last of all to be consydered, of an Orator. The composition of words, and sentences : Period, or continuation of a perfect sentence, is distinguished, eyther with Commas, Or members (which also arre called Colons) Or bothe. For that which the hand, is in the mans bodye, the periode, is in the Oration. And that which the fyngar is in the hande the Colon or member 1754 wheather … no? ] a classic problem, see Arist. Eth. Nic. 1160b, Cic. Off. 3.6.32, Pl. Resp. 3.22.33, Seneca De Clemencia 1.26.1 1754 Wheather … no? ] Cic. Milo 1755– 1756 wheather … no? ] perhaps an allusion to the nomination of Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus and Aulus Hirtius as consuls in 43 1756–1757 In … facte ] cf. Cic. Part. 104, Rhet. Her. 1.12.21 1757 of … facte ] cf. Cic. Inv. 1.12 1762–1764 whearvpon … causes ] a reference to the distinction between status (στάσις) and constitutio (σύστασις), see Dieter (1950) 1771–1773 Albeit … Elocution ] cf. Rhet. Her. 1.2.2 1774–1775 the … measure ] cf. Cic. de Orat. 2.8.33-34, Cic. Part. 72, Quint. Inst. 9.4.13 1758 explicated ] explained definitive

1771 behoveth ] is suitable

1773 Last ] final, conclusive,

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is in the sentence. Finally the Commas, and articles, in the composition of woordes, ar aptely compared, to the ioynts: in the fingar: So that the Periode, Beinge a parte of the oration, as the hand is of the bodye: is neuertheles, a whole, and perfecte sentence, conteyninge members and clauses, as fingars, and shorte poynts and intercesions, as ioynts in the fingar. The Methode of this booke But because it is a methode, most agreable, to nature, to beginne fyrst with the lesser parts, and then orderlye to proceade, to the greater: Lett vs fyrst seuerally Handell, the least part of a periode, which of the Grecians, is called Comma, of the Latines articulus, or incysum: Afterwoarde, the member, and clause, which commonly by the Greaks is called Colon. And Lastlye the Periode, which is a composition, and frame, of woords, makinge a full and perfecte sentence Caput 2 of a Comma Comma, or incisum, is the shortest pointe, in a [poynt] parte of a sentence, without perfect sence and it is so called of the Grecians and Latines, because, the woords ar distinguished and intervalled: with spaces, as thoughe the oration wer cutt a sonder; and one parte, disseuered, from the other: For not onely the periode, but also the members, and clauses thearof, ar distinguished, with Commas The frequent Vse, of those shorte poyntes, in our oration and taulke, as it was fyrst naturall, so it is nowe become artificiall: That it Was naturall, the shepards taulke, declareth in Virgill, in the : 3 : Eclog : Pallemon : Dic mihi, Dameta: cuium pecus? an Melibei?: Dam: Non verum AEgonis, nuper mihi tradidet AEgon: And likewise Simoes taulke in Terence, Vos, istaec intro auferte, abite, Sofia, adesdum, paucis te Volo: But since, the same kynde of speakinge, is become artificiall: adorned, eyther, with the figure called articulus, thus, with sharpe speach; countenance, and Voyce, yowe Haue

1784–1788 for … fingar ] the anatomical image is probably based on Sturm. De per. 6v 1796–1797 the … sentence ] cf. Demetr. Eloc. 1.10 1800 incisum ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.22, Cic. Orat. 62, a literal translation of the Greek 1801–1804 without … other ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.122 1807 The … artificial ] sums up Sturm. De per. I.1 and quotes his examples 1809 Virgill ] 3.3. Ecl. 3 1811 Terence ] Andria 1.1.1-2 1803 cutt a sonder ] cut asunder

1785

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1810

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terifide your enemyes,: Or with the figure, called dissolutum thus Meane truly, speake Constantlye, doe vprightlye, Or with the figure called Membrum, thus yow hurt your freands, and spare your foes, and iniurye your selfe, or with somme other ornament befoare, mentioned, in the fygures. And although aswell Commaes, as Colons, and members, arre properly parts of periodes, whearof they take thear name, notwithstanding being seuerally Vsed, without a full and perfect sentence, they retayne thear name & quality still: as thus: I haue spoken, ye haue said, nowe iudge ye. and in reasoninge thus whye soe? by what meanes,? what then?

1825

[fol. 19v]

1830

Caput 3 of the Lengthe of Commaes Touchinge the Lengthe of Commaes, it is easye to obsearue, that some conteyne, one syllable, some two, some three, fower, fiue, syxe, or seauen: and so arre enlarged, to the quantytye and lengthe, of a small member, and clause: whearof ryseth a certeyne measure of the parts, of a sentence and so the whole sentence, taketh of them his measure, and compasse.

1835

1840

1845

Howe a Comma is iudged and measured A Comma, is iudged and measured two wayes: Fyrst by the number of syllables, when it is vttered seuerally without member or, periods. For every kynd of sentence which hath no full compasse, of woords, and conteyneth fewer then viii syllabels, is a comma. Secondaryly by the numbre of feete when beinge part of a member and clause, it hath a perfecte sence, but not a perfect number. Examples of the fyrst kind may be thease Veni, vidi, vici Evasit, erupit, excessit: Examples of the second, ar thease: Diximus, testes dare Volumus, Vicimus, nuno Laurum petimus Whatsoeuer, is enlarged, and producted, from this numbre, of syllables, 1815 the … enemyes ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 (Sherry, Sig. D v) 1818 the … selfe ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 (Sherry, Sig. D v) 1822 notwithstanding … still ] the words bear a slightly different meaning in English 1833 Touchinge … compasse ] this seems to be Medley’s analysis 1843 Veni … excessit ] Cæsar quoted in Plut. Vit. 50.3 and Suet. 37.2 and Cic. Cat. 2.1.1 1845 Diximus … Volumus ] Quint. Inst. 9.5.122 1846 Vicimus … petimus ] Medley’s example 1847 producted ] extended

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to the lengthe, of an Hexametre verse, is a membre and not a Comma as that sentence of Tullye. Aguntur certissima populi: Rom: Vectigalia. And those verses of Virgill. Et quae tanta fuit, Romam tibi causa Videndi? or thus : Anna soror, quae me suspensa, insomnia terrentur. And yet although, for the most part Commaes, conteyn not aboue, six or seauen syllables, which number, is prescribed to them by Hermogenes,: Neuertheles, they may sometyme, be enlarged, furder, as those sentences, of Tully arre. Instruit accusatores: 8 stuius exitium exoptat : 9 Whearof the one conteyneth viii, the other ix syllables: But as they ar lengthned, so may they be contracted, and cutt shorter, when a sentence Hauinge manny syllables, is reduced to fewer, as to fyve, fower, three, or two: which ar the members of the least commaes After this soart, ar Commaes, to be measured, when they ar not conteyned, in the compasse of periodes: But because the iudgment, of an orator, is free, and not servile, and tyeth not the Liberty of the tounge, to a certayne and prescript noumber of syllables, it oftentymes chaunceth, that a Comma, is as Longe as a member, and a member, as shoart as a Comma, But the seuerall, and proper precepts, of Commaes, ar those, befoare mentioned. Thus much of Commaes: It foloweth in order, now to entreat of members Caput 4 of a Colon A member which is of the Grecians called Colon, is a short sentence, without full compasse and measure, and part of a periode, whearof it taketh His name: For it is called a member, in respect of the whole bodye: which is the periode.

1850 Aguntur … Vectiglia ] Cic. pro Lege Manilia 2.6, quoted by Agricola (Mack 1993, p.230) 1852 Et … Videndi? ] Ecl. 1.26 1853 Anna … terrentur ] Aen. 4.9 which has “terrent” 1858 Instruit accusatores ] Cic. pro Cluentio. 6.18 1859 stuius exitium exoptat ] Cic. pro Cluentio. 6.18 has exitium exoptat 1875–1878 a … periode ] Quint. Inst. 9.4.123 1856 furder ] further

1850

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1860

1865

1870

1875

246 1880

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How diuersly Members, ar to be considered Members, are to considered, partly by themsealues, severally, when without compasse of period they persett or adorne, sentences, Partly, in a continuation, and comprehension of woordes, Hauinge, full measuer, and number, which is called a periode, whearof they ar the cheafest, parts: Generally members, are Vsed, without period, in that example of Tullye: [fol. 20] 17°

1890

1895

Nonae sunt hodie Sextiles: Hora nona, convenire caepistis: Hunc diem iam ne numerant quidem: Decem dies sunt, ante Ludos Votiuuos Hos Cnai: Pomp: facturus est. Hii Ludi, dies quindecem auserent Deinde continuo Romani consequentur Members ar vsed in a Periode, in this example.

1900

Saepe, Iudices animadverti: multos aliqua ex honesta re. (quam ne inimici quidem criminari possint:) sibi praesidium petere Quorum nihil potest aduersarius facere: 1905

1910

The Vse of Members Agayne, the vse of Members is partely in ioyninge, and framinge sentences: Partely, in bewtifienge, and settinge foorth the oration: For as they are parts, of a full sentence, and Periode, whearof it is compounded,: so beinge artificially placed, and ordered, they cause manny figures, and ornaments, in the oration.

1881–1882 without … sentences ] cf. Cic. de Orat. 3.49.190 1886 Tullye ] Cic. in Verrem 1.10, line 5 should be “quos Cn. Pompeius facturus est” and line 7 should read “quindecim”, quoted by Sturm. De per. 3v 1899 example ] Rhet. Her. 4.24.33 1882 persett ] set

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The fyrst Vse Of the frame, and composition of members, which ar the parts of Periodes, diuers kynds, of periodes, Proceade: For if the periode conteyne, two members: it is called, bymembris periodus: If three. Trimembris,: If fower Quadrimembris: If more then fower, it is noe periode. but periodicum quiddam, or spiritus productio : Examples Hearof may be thease

Periodus Bimembris

   Rescribo ad te

1915

1920

Cum priores ad me dederis literas

  ad me dederis literas    O virtutis comes invidia

Periodus Trimembris:

Quae bonos insequeris plaerumque   Atque adeo, insectaris

Periodus quadrimembris

1925

  Quem Senatus damnarit   

Quem populus Rom: damnarit:

 Quem omnium existimatio, damnarit    Eum, vos sententiis vestris, absoluetis?

Cap: 5 The second Vse of Members As the number of members, in a periode, geaueth name, to the periode, and distinguisheth the one kynde from the other: So the artificiall framinge, of them togeather, causeth some figure, and the diuersity of Composition, diuers, ornamentes

1930

1935

1940

The fyrst fygure which proceadeth, of a cunninge frame of members, is called, by the same name Membrum for that one membre, is fytly receaved of an other, thus

1917 if … Quadrimembris ] cf. Demetr. Eloc. 16-17 1917–1918 periodicum … productio ] probably based on Sturm, Kocin, eds., Hermog. (1570), Sig. aa iiij, nimirum iis quae numerum membrorum in periodis excedunt: ex quibus primum locum occupat πνεῦμα, spiritus oratorii productio, quod genus comprehensionis ab Hermogenes πνεῦμα κάτ εξοχήὺ nominatur. For Sturm’s source see Hermog. de Inv. 4.4 (ed. Rabe) 1923 ad me dederis literas ] see Tertullian, ad me literas dederis (Ambrosii Traversarii, Latinae Epistolae in libros X X V, ed. L. Mehus, vol. 2 (1759) col. 394-397) 1926 Periodus Trimembris ] Rhet. Her. 4.26.36 1930 Periodus quadrimembris ] Rhet. Her. 4.14.20

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[fol. 20v] 1945

Et inimico proderas Et amicum Laedebas Et tibi ipsi non consulebas 1950

1955

1960

In this one example, thear be also, more ornaments hyd, for that the Members ar artificially framed. i Fyrst the figure Compar: is in the fyrst sentences, because, in iudgment of the eare, they conteyne equall syllables, although beinge numbred, the one hath one syllable, more then the other 2 Secondaryly in the whole frame, the figure called similiter desinens, for that the woordes ar alyke 3 Thyrdly contentio, contrary woords, beinge rendred to other, that ar contrary Vnto them. Furdermore, this kynde of oration, vttered by members, is adorned, with manny other fygures, of woords and sentences.

with Repetition thus:

     Vos domo expulistis : 

Vos bonis spoliastis:

1965

with Conversion thus:

1970

1975

.

   Vos vitam eripuistis:    Cicero Orator disertus fuit:   

Senator ingeniosus fuit: .   Philosoph: actus, et multiplici doctrina       praeditus fuit: (

with lyke fallinge in the eande:

with Subiection

    

Turpiter audes facere: Nequiter studes dicere

 Ecqua in homine Virtus est?      Ne minimum quidem, in eo Virtutis    iudicium elucet  Ecquod Consilium:?     Non potest dici:   

Nemo est enim imprudentior

1946 Et … proderas ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 quoted by Susenbrotus, Epitome (1566), sig. D4r 1954 the … other ] or isocolon, Rhet. Her. 4.20.28 1955–1956 similiter … alyke ] or homoeoteleuton, Rhet. Her. 4.20.28 1958 contentio … them ] Rhet. Her. 4.45.58, Contentio est per quam contraria referentur 1950 hyd ] hidden

1957 rendred ] linked

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

with Gradation:

249

  Imperium Graeciae, fuit apud Athenienses   

Atheniensium potiti sunt: Spartiatae:

 Spartiatas superauere Thebani:    Thebanos, Macedones Vicerunt:  Nihil Numantinis, Vires corporis, auxiliatae sunt:      Nihil Carthaginensibus scientia rei militaris,    adiumento fuit:

with disiunction

 Nihil Corinthiis, erudita calliditas, praesidii tulit:     Nihil fragellanis, morium et sermonis societas,   

1980

1985

opitulata[e] est (

with Interpreatition

with dissolution

Triumphus Vincenti, Laudem comparat: Illustrem, et pervagatam gloriam, Victori affert

  Deum reuerere:   

1990

Rempublicam tuere:

 Parentibus obsequere:    Legibus obtemperare: 1995

[fol. 20v]

with Frequentation thus

  Quae tandem in eo Virtus desideratur?     Quid est, cur quisquam eum arquere Velit?      In rebus gerendis, prudens est:                

with Breuytye

Fortis in periculis suscipiendis: In Voluptatibus temperans: AEquus in Judiciis: Humanus, Comis, Liberalis: Omni denique Virtute, septus & ornatus:

2000

2005

  Primum Tribunus plebis factus est:   

Deinde Praetor Vrbanus:

 Tum Consull.    Postremo Imperator 2010

With manny other ornaments, and figuers, those sentences, arr adorned, which ar Vttered by Colons, and members. But because, the figures, be1979 Gradation ] Rhet. Her. 4.25.34 1984 disiunction ] Rhet. Her. 4.27.37 1992 dissolution ] based on Rhet. Her. 4.30.41 2008 Breuytye ] seems to be based on Rhet. Her. 4.54.68 2007 Tribunus … est ] SHA 3.4

250

2015

2020

2025

2030

fore mentioned, doe most evidently appeare, in an artificiall frame of suche parts, I thought good especially, to geaue examples, of them Cap: 6 whowe Commaes and Members, ar ioyned in sentences With Members in sentences, Commaes, ar often tymes ioyned: without anny full compasse, and periode: As for example, in Complexion thus: Qui sunt, qui Vrbem tuentur? Milites, Qui sunt, qui castra propugnant? Milites Qui sunt, qui hostium, incursiones repellunt? Milites Videte ergo vt milites, in Vrbe habeatis How Members and Periodes, ar ioyned Members likewise, ar ioyned, with periods, by Course, as for example, in subiection: thus. Quid facere ˆmeˆ conveniret? Cum a tanta multitudine Gallorum circumfederer? An dimicarem? Ac cum parua manu prodiremus: Locum quoque immicissimum, habebamus: Sederem in Castris? At neque subsidium, quod expectarem, habebamus: Neque erat : quo Vitam produceremus.

2035

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William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

Howe Commaes, Members, and Periods, ar mingeled In some sentences, Commaes, Members, and Periodes, ar mingled together thus [fol. 21]

2050

18° period: }Credo inimicum, quem nocentem putabas, in iudicium adduxisti comma et membr: }Non, nam indem patum, necasti:

2032 subiection ] Rhet. Her. 4.24.33

2045 thus ] Rhet. Her. 4. 24.33

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

251

period: }Leges quae id facere, prohibent, Veretus es? membrum: }At ne scriptas quidem, indicasti: periodus: }Cum ipse, te Veteris amicitii, commonefaceret, commotus es? At nihil minus: sed etiam studiosius, occidisti: 2055

Caput 7 of the Length of Members Sentences, and compositions of woords, which arr extended aboue eyght, or nyne syllables, ar to be called membres specially beinge parts, of Periods 2060

Diuerse Lengths of Members 1 Of thease, some ar moderat, conteyninge ten, eleauen or twelue syllables, as for example, this Quod erat odium, dii immortales:? 2065

2 Some ar producted farder, to the length of an Hexameter Vearse as thus Quam grauis, atque incredibilis arrogantia: 3 Some are called longe Members, which passe that measure as for example, this Iam Vero Virtuti Cnai:Pompeii, quae potest oro: par inveniri Thus muche concerninge Members, it foloweth nowe, lastely to entreat of Periods. Cap. 8 Aristotels definition, of a Periode Aristotell, in the thyrd booke of his rhetorike, written to Theodectes, defineth a Periode, to be a kynde of compound oration, whearin thear is a beginninge an ende, and a iuste lengthe: For betweane the beginninge, and the eande, thear ought be a moderate space, and the sence thearin conteyned, must be perfeted in that compasse of Woords

2064 Quod … immortales ] Cic. Clu. 39, quoted in Bartholomaeus Keckermann, Systema rhetoricae p. 322 2067 Quam … arrogantia ] Cic. Cluent. 39, quoted in Kecker. Sys. rhet. p.322 2071–2072 Iam … inveniri ] pro Lege Manilia 29 2082 Aristotell … Woords ] follows Sturm. De per. Sig. 29v who translates Arist. Rh. 3.9.3 2066 producted farder ] extended further lows

2069 passe ] exceed

2074 foloweth ] fol-

2070

2075

2080

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2090

Hermogenes definition. Hearmogenes, in his definition, betwene, the beginninge, and the eande: compriseth an argument, and the conclusion thearof: so that a period, accordinge, to his iudgment, is to be defined, a perfecte comprehension of an argument, and the conclusion: which if it wer true, then in one periode, and full sentence, a whole argumentation, ought to be conteyned: and everye sentence, appertayninge, eyther to the proovinge, or enlarginge thearof.

2095

Demetrius Phalereus, his definition. But Aristotells definition, is bothe Larger and better, which demetrius Palereus, folowed in defininge a periode, to be, a composition of Commaes, and Members, appliable, to the persetinge of a sentence

2085

[fol. 21v]

2100

Cap: 9: Of the causes of Periods   Materialis    Efficiens Theare be fower causes of Periods  Finalis    formalis

2105

i The materiall cause, as Hermogenes thought, is an argument : And as Aristotell iudged, euery sentence, and the woords thearof: whearof, the sentence is framed: So that woords and sentences, may welbe sayed, to be the matter of Periods

2110

2 The efficient cause of a Periode, is the consecution, and collocation of woords, when they arre placed, and folowe in such order, as a compasse, and measure of sentence, may aryse thearof

2115

3 A period was invented, for two speciall causes, and ends: Fyrst for perspicuitye, that the sentence, might be remembred. Secondaryly, for

2090 Hearmogenes … thearof ] follows Sturm. De per. Sig. 29r who quotes Hermog. de Inven. 4.3 2092 Demetrius … definition ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 30r who quotes part of Demetr. Eloc. 10 2099 causes of periods ] translates Sturm. De per. Sigs. 36-37 2102 fower ] cf. Arist. Metaphysica 5 1013a 2110 consecution ] sequence

2115 perspicuitye ] perspicacity

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253

sweetnes, and plesauntnes, that the eares of the Hearers, might be delighted, with a well numbred, and full fallinge sentence: For whyle the orator, stayeth at the eand of a periode, the Hearer, Hath Leysure, to revolue, the sentence in His mynde: and taketh pleasure, of the sweet ordered, and full soundinge oration: which moued Aristotell to saye, that this kynd of oration, is pleasant and easy to be Vnderstoode. 4 The forme of a Periode, consisteth, in the number of Members, and in the habite, and ornature thearof. for accordinge to the number of Members, and parts, it is called, eyther Periodus, Vnius membri, Bimembris, Trimembris, or Quadrimembris. And if anny of them, be configurated, and adorned, with annye colour or figure, thearof also arysethe, a pleasaunt, and bewtifull forme of Oration. Cap: 10: A Periode of one Member A period of one Member, is called of Aristotell, a simple periode, because the oration, is beganne, with one Member, and ended, with the same: and it may be bewtified, with manny figures:

2120

2125

2130

2135

with an Article thus Inimicos, inuidia, iniuriis, potentia perfidia, sustulisti with Exclamation: thus: O Africane, tuque Victoriae, atque triumphi, per Vniuersum orbem: celebrantur with like cases in the end thus Hominem Laudas, aegentem Virtutis, abundantem faelicitatis with Conduplication thus Tumultus, Carii Graethi, tumultus, domesticos, et intestinos, comparat with dubitation thus: Perdidit hominem, siue stultitiam, siue temeritatem mauis dicere, sive potius, Vtramque

2133 A … same ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 37r, propterea quod uno membro inchoetur, eodemque perficiatur oratio, Arist. Rh. 3.9.5, see too Quint. Inst. 9.4.124 2136 Article ] Rhet. Her. 4.19.26 2138 Exclamation ] differs from Rhet. Her. 4.15.22 2141 like cases ] Rhet. Her. 4.20.28 2143 Conduplication ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.38 2145 dubitation ] Rhet. Her. 4.29.40 2119 revolue ] turn

2124 ornature ] ornament

2127 colour ] scheme

2140

2145

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William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

With all other figures, may a period of one Member, be garnished, which may be conteyned, in one full sentence. 2150

[fol. 22] 19°

2155

2160

Caput ii: A periode of two members A period of two members, is that whearin the beginninge, contayneth a proposition of one member, and the eande, a reflection, and reddition, of an other member as for example, that sentence of Tully Non tam insolens sum Qui Jouem me esse dicam This kynde of periode, may be adorned with manny figures, as for example

2165

(

with Traduction thus

Amari, iucundum est Si curetur, ne quid insit amari

with equalyty of syllables which is called Compar 2170

(

with Annomination: (

with Commutation 2175

(

with Superlation

(

Illi fortuna, dedit felicitatem Huic industria, Virtutem comparauit

Nolo esse Laudator Ne Videar adulator:

Esse oportet, Vt Viuas Non Viuere ut edas

Tantus erat in armis splendor Vt solis fulgor, obscurior Videretur

2154 two members ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 38 who quotes the same example 2159 Non … sum ] Cic. de Dom sua. 92 2166 Traduction ] Rhet. Her. 4.14.21 2169 Compar ] Rhet. Her. 4.20.21 2172 Annomination ] Medley’s example 2174 Commutation ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.39 2177 Superlation ] Rhet. Her. 4.33.44

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike (

with Denomination

255

Armis Italia non potest Vinci Nec Graecia disciplinis 2180

Manny other exornations, ar incident, to this kynde of periode: as may appeare in the examples, of figures, before Handeled; in the fyrst booke: it is sufficient in this place, to showe Howe this kynde of periode, is framed, and Howe of the cunninge frame thearof, theare procead, and figures 2185

Caput i2: A periode of three Members A period of three Members, is that which is compounded, of three members, aptly ioyned, and framed ioyned togeather. As that sentence of Tully agaynst Rullus

2190

Videte, quantum interuallum, interiectum sit inter maiorum nostrorum consilia: et inter istorum hominum amentiam 2195

The ornaments of thease periods, ar manny as for example

Traduction thus:

   Eum tu hominem appellas

Qui, si fuisset homo:

  Nunquam tam crudeliter, Vitam hominis petiisset

2200

[fol. 22v]

Correction thus:

   O Vitutis comes Inuidia:

quae, bonos insequeris, plerumque:

  atque adeo insectaris:    Accusatoris officium est:

Distribution thus:

inferre crimina:

  defensoris, diluere, & propulsare:

2179 Denomination ] Rhet. Her. 4.32.43 2187 three Members ] Sturm. De per. Sig. 39 quotes the same example 2189–2190 Tully … Rullus ] Cic. de Lege Agraria. 2.33.89 2199 Traduction ] Rhet. Her. 4.14.20 2205 Correction ] Rhet. Her. 4.26.36 2209 Distribution ] Rhet. Her. 4.35.47 2181 exornations ] embellishments

2181 incident, to ] pertinent to

2205

256 2210

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

Diminution thus:

   Hoc pro meo iure, iudices, dico:

me Labore & industria curasse:

  Vt disciplinam militarem non in postremis tenerem

2215

Conclusion thus

  Quod bi pro Repub: debere accedere ad periculum, &   

ratione demonstratum est & exemplo comprobatum

 ii sapientes sunt existimandi:    qui nullum pro salute patriae periculum Vitant

And diuers others, in like soarte, which in readinge, is easye to obserue 2220

2225

Caput 13 Of a periode of 4 members A periode of 4 members, is that which conteyneth 4 members, An example wherof, may be the fyrst periode in the oration of Tully mad in defence of Cecinna

2230

Si quantum, in agro, Locisque desertis, audacia ˆpotestˆ tantum, in foro, atque iudiciis, impudentia, Valeret: non minus in causa, cederet A: Cecinna, sexti Ebutii impudentiae; quam tum in Vi facienda, cessit audaciae Thease periods also ar bewtified with figures: as for example with

2235

Conuersion thus

 Cum istos, Vt absoluant te, rogas:       Vt peierent, rogas:

Vt existimationem negligant, rogas

   Vt leges popul:Romam, tuque Libidini largiantur,   

rogas

2240

Complexion thus

2245

  Quem plebs, admiratur   

quem ciues, admirantur

 quem proceres, admirantur:    Eum princeps, non complectetur & diliget

[fol. 23] 2211 Diminution ] Rhet. Her. 4.38.50 2216 Conclusion ] Rhet. Her. 4.44.57 2222 4 members ] Sturm. De per. Sig. 39v quotes the same example 2224–2225 the … Cecinna ] Cic. pro Caecina 1 2236 Conuersion ] Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 2242 Complexion ] Medley’s example

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

Gradation thus

  Industria Virtutem parit:   

20°

Virtus Laudem excitat:

 Laus adfert honorem:    Honoris socia est, et comes AEmulatio

Commutation thus

Distribution thus

Diuision thus

257

2250

  Quae de illo dicuntur, [dici non]   

dici non possunt:  quae dici possunt:    non dicuntur:

2255

  Senatus officium est:   

consilio ciuitatem inuare:

 Magistratus officium est:    opera & diligentia, consequi senatus Voluntatem

  Si probus es:   

2260

non meruisti:

 sin improbus:    non commoveris:   Vt hirundines aestiuuo tempore, praesto sunt   

Similitude thus

Expolition thus

2265

frigore pulsae recedunt:  Ita falsi amici amici: sereno vitae tempore, presto sunt    Simulatque hyemem fortunae dederint deuolant omnes  Qui est tam tenui cogitatione praeditus:     cuius animus, tantis angustiis invidiae continentur:       Qui non hunc hominem, studiosissime Laudet,

2270

et sapientissimum iudicet:

   Qui pro salute patriae, pro incolumitate ciuitatis     pro Reipub: fortunis, quamuis magnum atque   

atrox periculum, studiose subeat?

Finally with diuers other figures, this kynde of period is decked, and sett fourthe, But it is sufficient, Heare to noate thease

2249 Gradation ] Medley’s example, compare Vincent de Beauvais, De morali principis institutione, chap. 9, line 46 2253 Commutation ] Rhet. Her. 4.28.39 2258 Distribution ] Rhet. Her. 4.35.47 2263 Diuision ] Rhet. Her. 4.40.52 2267 Similitude ] Rhet. Her. 4.48.61 2273 Expolition ] Rhet. Her. 4.43.55, studiose suscipiat et libenter subeat?

2275

258 2280

2285

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Caput 14 Comprehensions of more members then fower The greake rhetoricians, as Aristotell, and Hermogenes, conclude, euery true periode, within the number of 4 members, although Quintilian; in his ixth booke, calleth that a meane number, of members, wherof periods ar made, so that by his iudgment, that is a full comprehension and periode, which conteyneth viii members [fol. 23v]

2290

2295

2300

The Comprehension called periodica But Aristotels, and Hermogenes, doctrine seameth rather to be folowed; and that diuision of Hermogenes, heare to be vsed: whearin he distinguisheth a comprehension, made in true forme of a periode, from that which is called periodica: that is to say not a true periode, but like Vnto a periode. What it is, and the vse thearof Whensoeuer, thearfore, the compasse of the oration, is produced, beyond that moderat leangthe, of 4 members, and yet Hath an open forme, and shew of a periode: it is called comprehensio periodica, which kynde of comprehension, is fittly vsed in the beginninge of great and weyghty causes, and likewise, in loonge woorks, conteyninge diuers and seuerall matters, As for example, such is the fyrst comprehension, in tullyes oration, made in the defence of Milo.

2305

2310

Etsi Vereor, Iudices, ne turpe sit: pro fortissimo Viro, dicere incipientem, timere: minimeque deceat (cum Titus Annius Milo: ipse magis, de Reipub: salute quam de sua perturbetur) me ad eius causam parem animi magnitudiment, afferre non posse: Tamen haec noui iudicii, noua forma, terret oculos: qui quocumque iuciderunt,

2286 greake … members ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 124v, Quintilianus libro IX, medium numerum quatuor membrorum esse uult: propterea quod frequenter etiam plura recipiant. Ex quo intelligitur: si quatuor membrq medium numerum constituunt: plenam esse comprehensionem: quae octo sit membrorum. Graeci medium numerum certis uerbis notarunt: & omnem periodum, intra τετρακωλίαν concluserunt. The last sentence refers to Hermog. de Inv. 4.3 2303 Whensoever … Milo ] follows Sturm. De per. Sigs. 124v-125 2300 shew ] show, shape

2303 tullyes ] Cicero’s

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

259

Veterem consuetudinem fori, & pristinum morem iudiciorum requirunt Like vnto this also, is the fyrst comprehension in the fyrst booke of Tullys offices thus

2315

Quanquam te Marce fili: annum iam audientem Cratippum, idque Athenis, abundare oportet praeceptis, institutisque philosophiae: propter, summaris & doctoris, autoritatem & vrbis, quorum alter, te scientia augere potest, altera exemplis.

2320

Tamen vt ipse ad meam vtilitatem, semper cum graecis Latina coniunxi,: Neque id in philosophia solum, sed etiam, in dicendi exercitatione feci: Idem tibi censeo faciendum: vt parsis in vtrius-que orationis facultate

2325

This kinde of comprehension is vsed, in graue, great, and loaftye matters; in small, controversies woords, and sentences, are otherwise to be ioyned, and framed 2330

Caput 15. [fol. 24] 22° How this comprehension, is also adorned with Figures As members, and periods, so thease longer comprehensions haue thear exornations, and Figures: as for example

with Conuersion thus

 Ex quo tempore concordia, de ciuitate      sublata est:   

Libertas sublata est

 fides sublata est     Amicitia sublata est   

Respub: sublata est

2314–2315 Tullys offices ] Cic. Off. 1.1, quoted in Sturm. De per. Sig. 125v 2329 kinde … framed ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 126v 2338 example ] Rhet. Her. 4.13.19 2338 exornations ] embellishments

2335

2340

260

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2345

with Gradation thus

 Nam quae reliqua spes libertatis, manet:      Si illis & quod libet, licet:   

Et quod licet possunt:

 Et quod possunt audent:     Et quod audent faciunt   

Et quod faciunt: vobis molestum non est

2350

And diuers other ornamentes, as Expedition, Distribution, Praecision, Description, with others The examples whearof, may bee seene in the former tract of fygures 2355

2360

2365

Cap: 16. The composition of the oration, called spiritus oratorii, productio Finally the last and longest kynde, of compoundinge woords, and sentences, is called of the greake rhetoricians, of the latines, productio spiritus oratorii: which is a composition, of the oration, finishinge a sentence, with Commaes onely, and members, without full compasse of woords, and sentences,: and it is extended, and lengthened so farre, as the breath and strength of the orator, will suffer, and for that cause, is called productio spiritus Wherin this kynd differeth from a period This kynd conteyneth : 8 : or : 9 : sentences, or more, and differeth from a periode, in that a period hathe a certeyn number of members, and is vttered roundly togeather. This hath no certeyne number, and is pronounced, with manny inspirations.:

2370

Diuers kynds of thease productions and continuations: Hermogenes, writeth, that of such continuations, of woords, and sentences, thear be two kynds: The one is, whose beginninge, and eande, 2347 Gradation ] Rhet. Her. 4.25.34, quoted by Susenbrotus, Epitome p. 84 2351 Expedition ] expeditio or the method of residues in refutation, Rhet. Her. 4.29.40 2351 Distribution ] perhaps a reference to Rhet. Her. 3.13.23 2351 Praecision ] praecisio, Rhet. Her. 4.30.41 2352 Description ] Rhet Her. 4.38.51 2361–2363 is … spiritus ] follows Sturm. De per. Sig. 134v, who quotes Hermog. de Inv. 4.3, and Quint. Inst. 9.4.125 who refers to Cic. Orat. 222 2369 This … interspirations ] follows Sturm. De per. Sig. 135 2374 one … Catylyne ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 135v, who quotes the same example (Sig. 136) 2360 onely ] only

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

261

hath one sense, cutt in sunder, in the middes, with members of other sentences: as that producted sentence, of Tully agaynst Catylyne thus Hunc ego hominem tam acrem, tam paratum, tam audacem, tam callidum tam in scelere vigilantem, tam in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis, insidiis, in castrense Latrocinium, compulissem, (dicam id quod sentio Quirites) non facie hanc, tantam mosem mali, a ceruicibus Vestris depulissem [fol. 24v]

2375

2380

2385

The other kynde is whearin, the sentences ar perfited, in short members and not the whole sence, dependinge on the eande, such is that continuation of Tully, in the oration pro Lentio 2390

Quid nunc vobis faciendum est: studiis militaribus, apud iuuentutem absoletis: hominibus autem, & summis ducibus partim aetate partim ciuitatis discordiis: ar Reip: calamitate consumptis? cum tot bella, aut a nobis necessario suscipiantur: aut subito, ac improuiso, nascantur? nonne, & hominem ipsum, ad dubia Reip: tempora conseruandum, & caeteros, studio laudis & uirtutis, inflammandos putatis? The vse of this kynde This kynd of Composition, is vsed in Enumerations, in frequentations, and heaping togeather of arguments in Commorations, and Longe tarienge, in one matter in inflaminge the hearers and finally, in graue and weyghty matters and causes

2376 of … Catylyne ] Cic. Catil. 3.17 which has “facile” 2387 other … eande ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 135v, Alterum genus est huiusmodi productionis in quo membratim sententiae continentur absoluuntur which is a translation of Hermog. de Inv. 4.4. Sturm quotes the same example (Sig. 137) 2389 pro Lentio ] Cic. pro Fonteio 19 2399 This … composition ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 137 2399 frequentations ] see Rhet. Her. 4.40.52 2400 Commorations ] see Rhet. Her. 4.45.58 2375 cutt in sunder ] cut apart 2375 middes ] middle 2376 producted ] produced 2387 perfited ] perfected 2401 tarienge ] tarying, provoking

2395

2400

262

2405

2410

2415

2420

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Sturmius has noted in readinge, a third kynde of this continuation wherin the sentence is finished, in the middes therof As example Hearof, may be that continuation of Tully in his first oration pro Plancio: Memini enim, neque vnquam obliuiscar, illius noctis: cum tibi vigilanti, assidenti, morienti, vana quaedam, miser atque inania, falsa spe inductus, pollicebar: me, si essem in patriam restitulus, presentem tibi gratiam, relaturum. Sin autem vitam, mihi mors ademosset: aut vis aligna maior, reditum peremisset: hos (quos enim ego tum alios animo intuebar) omnia tibi illorum Laborum praemia persoluturos Cap: 17 This kynde of Composition, is garnished with ornaments, and figures, as the other are: as for example Neminem vestrum fugit Quirites: period: capta vrbe, quae miseriae, consequi soleant πνενμα: Arma qui contra tulerint, statim crudelissime trucidantur Ceteri qui possunt per aetatem, & vires, laborem ferre: rapiuntur, in seruitudinem.

2425

2430

2435

Qui non possunt: vita priuantur: with description thus Vni denique atque eadem tempore, donuis hostili flagrat incendio: Et quos natura, aut voluntas, necessitudine, aut benevolentia coniunxerit: distrahuntur. Liberi, partem e gremiis parentum, diripiuntur: Partim, in sinu iugulantur: Partim, ante pedes construpantur: Nome Judiices est, qui possit satis, rem consequi verbis: Nec referre oratione, magnitudinem calamitatis

2403 Sturmius ] De per. Sigs. 137r-v, Necque dissimile est exemplum: quod iam ex Fonteiana adduximus. Sed Hermogenes fortassis idcirco hoc genus non indicauit: quia reditum habet, in medio, quotes the same example 2405 first … Planco ] Cic. pro Planco 42 2417 example ] Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 2427 with description ] Rhet. Her. 4.39.51 2404 middes ] middle

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263

[fol. 25] 22° Sapiens, qui omnia, Reip: causa, suscipienda pericula putabit period: saepe ipse secum Loquitior : 2440

πνενμα: Non mihi soli sedetiam atque adeo, multo potius, natus sum patriae: With Exposition thus

   Vita quae fato. debetur, saluti patriae,

potissimum, soluatur:

2445

  Aluit haec me, tute atque honeste:

produxit vsque ad hanc aetatem Muniit meas rationes, bonis legibus, optimis moribus sanctisimis [moribus] & disciplinis Quid est quod ae me, salis ei persoliu: possit? With frequentation in like sort, with similitude, and diuerse other figures, this kynde of Composition may be adorned Cap: i8: Thease are all the kynds of comprehensions, and continuations, of woords and sentences, it may seame, now requisite to entreat of the well placinge, and ioyninge woords together, in sentences: Of enlarginge, and contractinge, euery kynde of periode. Of fitt and number, which oratours obserue, in the full compasse of periods, which I will touche breifly for Breuityes sake. The placinge of woords Concerninge the well placinge of woords, although manny precepts may be geauen and seuerall entreaty made of vowells diphtons, and consonants which ar best soundinge, and maye most fyttly be ioyned together: notwithstanding, to one of iudgment, this one precepte shalbe sufficient: to make choyse of such words, as serue for the matter, conteyned in the sentence, most significant: to the eare most pleasaunt: in the continuation, and compasse of sentence, most full and perfect: and to ioyne them

2439 period ] Rhet. Her. 4.43.55 2445 Exposition ] Rhet. Her. 4.43.55 tion ] see Rhet. Her. 4.40.52 2452 similitude ] see Rhet. Her. 4.40.59 2459 fitt ] feet

2465 entreaty ] treatments

2452 frequenta-

2450

2455

2460

2465

2470

264

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

together in such order, that the composition seame not roughe chipped, nor gapped: but one woorde, cohearent, and well coursed, with the other and the whole sentence, euenly flowinge, and proceadinge, from the orator. 2475

2480

2485

Cap: i9 how periods ar producted and contracted Periods are producted and dilated, by proposition, postposition and interposition, and are agayne contracted, by mixture of woords, and sentences, for it oftentymes chaunceth, that of 4 members ar made 3: and of :3:2 and of :2:one: and contrarywise, of one:2: of :2:3 of:3:4: as for example: that period of Tully, in diuination, hath but :2: member: Quas res luxuries, in flagitiis, crudelitas, in suppliciis, auaritia, in rapinis, superbia, in contumeliis, efficere potuisset: eas omnes; hoc vno praetore, per triennium, pertulisse: [fol. 25v]

2490

The same may be mad, to haue :3: members thus Quas res, luxuries, crudelitas, auaritia, superbia, efficere potuisset: In flagitiis, suppliciis, rapinis, contumeliis: Eas omnes hoc vno per triennium pertulisse

2495

Whear the seuerall interposition, of those woords, which wer before mingled, with other, causethe a thyrde member, which was not in the fyrst periode 2500

Cap: 20: As the whole periode is producted, or contracted, so arr lykwise the parts: The parts I call the Beginninge: (which Hermogenes, nameth the propo-

2478 Periods … member ] translates Sturm. De per. Sig. 80r who quotes the same example 2482 Tully … diuination ] Cic. Div. Caec. 1.3 2490 thus ] Cic. Div. Caec. I.3 2502 The parts … reflection ] Sturm. De per. Sigs. 79-80, Atque id principium πρότασιν, finem, απόδοσιν nominat. Fit igitur, ut aliquando, in periodis aperta sit propositio, & disiunctus reditus 2477 producted ] extended

2501 producted ] extended

2501 lykwise ] likewise

William Medley, A Brief Discourse of Rhetorike

265

sition) and the eande, (which he calleth the reddition, or reflection): whearof riseth this diuision, that the parts, ar sometyme equall, Sometyme, the proposition, longer then the reddition, sometyme the reddition longer then the proposition The parts, ar equall, in the periode Sed nimis multa de nugis: ad maiora veniamus

2505

2510

The proposition longer, in this: Atque autem guidem, maiores copias alere poterat nunc exiguas, vix tueri potest 2515

The reddition longer, in this: Quae a te, in eam partem, accepta sunt: Vt eum, amplissimo regis honore, & nomine, affeceris Crassus commendeth length, in the ende: Hermogenes, prayseth shortnes: Aristotell preferreth equall members: But suerly a moderat length in the ende, both soundeth better, and beareth more grauytye and maiestye. Cap: 21: The like variety, is to be fownd in periodes, of:3: members, or rather greater, for eyther they Haue :2: numbers, equall, and the third vnequall: or els all equall, or all vnequall An example of the fyrst kinde, may be this sentence of Tully, in the beginninge of his oration pro Quintio:

2520

2525

2530

Quae res in ciuitate, duae plurimum possunt: hae ambae contra nos faciunt in hoc tempore: suma gratia & eloquentia 2535

[fol. 26] 2502–2503 the proposition ] protasis, Hermog. Inv. 4.3 2503 reddition … reflection ] Cic. de Domo sua. 92, redditio is the Latin equivalent of apodosis (O L D), Hermog. Inv. 4.3 2508 periode ] Cic. Phil. 6.6.6 2512 this ] Liv. 5.4.5, 23.38.12 and 39.9.5 2516 this ] Cic. Deiot. 14 2520 Hermogenes ] Hermog. Inv. 4.3 2521 Aristotell ] perhaps a reference to Arist. Rh. 3.9.9 2529–2530 this … Quintio ] Cic. Quinct. 1

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23° And, as the short member is sett last, so might it haue ben placed fyrst thus: 2540

Summa gratia & eloquentia: quæres in ciuitato duæplurimum possunt: hæambæ, contra nos, faciunt, in hoc tempore 2545

Or in the middes thus Quae res in ciuitate, duae plurimum possunt: summa gratia & eloquentia: hae ambae contra nos faciunt: in hoc tempore:

2550

Of those periods, whearin all the parts, arr vnequall, infinit examples, occure in euery author Of the third kynde, whearin all parts, arre equall: this sentence of Tully agaynst [Tully] Piso may be an example. 2555

2560

2565

2570

Obrepsisti ad honores, errore hominum: commendatione fumosarum imaginum: Quorum simile nihil habes, praeter colorem: In productinge or contractinge, periods of 4: members: the same order is to be observed, which is in the other kyndes. whearin it also chaunceth, that of 4 members, ar made 3: and of :3:4: but this is to be practysed rather then learned, by naked precepts. Cap: 22: Of Number in the oration: To make a numerous, and full soundinge oration: Three things ar required, 1 the voyce of the speaker, the sownd of the woords, and a certayne number of fitt: The voyce is geauen of nature, but framed by exercyse, to be great, small, and meane: as the matter requireth. 2 The sownde of the woords is eyther lowe, hygh, or circumflexed: 2553 Tully … Piso ] Cic. in Pisonem 1 2545 middes ] middle

2559 productinge ] extending

2569 fitt ] feet

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267

3 Number, is measured by fett: and full by syllables: To make thearfore a full, perfect, and pleasaunt sownd in vtteringe the periode, fyrst ar required, well sownding woords, Secondarylye a certeyne number of fett: Thirdly a running pronuntiation of the orator To wrytt seuerally, of fitt and syllables, it wer infinite, neyther, ar they commonly obserued but in the end of the period: whear thease fyett, ar most commendable: spondeus – – dichoraeus –u–u molossus – – – Anapestus uu– dactilus –uu Creticus –u– bacchius – –u: [pye] Pean – –u–

2575

2580

Aristotell aboue other commendeth pean – –u– or – – –u. Tully was most delighted with dichoreus –u–u and therfor practised that clause, of Crassus in oratore. 2585

Patris dictum sapiens, temeritas filii comprobauit

2578 thease fyett ] chosen from Sturm. De per. Sig. 207 2578–2579 spondeus ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.97 2579 dichoraeus ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.95 2579 molossus ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.100 2579 Anapestus ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.98-9 2579 dactilus ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.104 2580 Creticus –u– bacchius – –u ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.97 2580 Pean ] cf. Quint. Inst. 9.4.89 2582 Aristotell … dichoreus ] follows Sturm. De per. Sig. 208r, Quamobrem neque de Dichoreo hic dicendum: quem Cicero amat: neque de paeane: de quo est apud Aristotelem who probably refers to Arist. Rh. 3.8.4.1409a, and Cic. Orat. 3.47 2583–2584 Crassus … oratore ] Cic. Orat. 63.214 quoted by Sturm. De per. Sig. 207r 2573 fett ] feet

2576 wrytt ] write

Bibliography a

Manuscripts

Cecil Papers 238/6. BL, Harley MS 973. MS Bodley MS 616.

b

Primary Sources

Abstract of the Returns of Charitable Donations for the Benefit of Poor Persons, Made by the Ministers and Churchwardens of the Several Parishes and Townships in England and Wales, London, 1816. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, Reinhard Lorich (ed.), Agricola trans., Marburg: Christian Egelnolff, 1542. ———, Progymnasmata in Rhetores Graeci, Leonhard Spengel (ed.), Lipsiae: Teubner, 1854. ———, Progymnasmata, Hugo Rabe (ed.), Lipsiae: Teubner, 1926. ———, Progymnasmata in Corpus Rhetoricum, vol. I, Michel Patillon (ed.), Paris: Belles Lettres, 2008. Appian, Appiani Alexandrini Romanorum Historiarum, Basel: Hieronymus Froben und Nicolaus Episcopius 1554. Ascham, Roger, The English Works, John G. Cochrane (ed.), London: White, Cochrane, 1815. ———, Works, vol. II, ed. by Rev. Dr Giles, London: John Russell Smith, 1864. Baily, Thomas, The Life and Death of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, London: s.n., 1655. Wing B1513. Barclay, Alexander, The Boke of Codrus and Mynalcas, London: Richard Pynson, 1521. de Beauvais, Vincent, ed. by Robert J. Schneider, De morali principis institutione, Turnhout: Brepols, 1995. Bodenham, John, Politeuphuia: Wits Commonwealth, London: I. R., 1597. Bracciolini, Poggio, “De vera nobilitate” (1440) in Guido Ruggiero. Albert Rabil, Jr., ed. and trans., Knowledge, Goodness, and Power: The. Debate over Nobility among Quattrocento Italian Humanists (Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies), Binghamton: New York, 1991. Bullinger, Heinrich, Fiftie Godlie and Learned Sermons Diuided into Fiue Decades, London: Ralph Newberie, 1587.

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Index Nominum Adamson, Sylvia 25 Aesop 48, 58 Agesilaus 105 Agricola 4, 8 Agrippina 138 her dream in Nero’s conception 139 Alciatus 120 Alexander 35, 64, 72, 78, 80, 86, 87, 125, 164 his answer to Darius as concerning a monarchy 86 his answer to the offer 164 his kingdom fell by many kings 86 offer of a woman to 164 preferred a monarchy 86 the saying of a soldier to 116 Amintas 131 Amphion 128 Anne, Richard’s wife 65 Antigonus 83 Antiochus Soter 83 Antipater 86, 147 Antoninus Caracalla 140 Antonius 41 Antony 163, 217 Apelles 48 Aphthonius 2, 6, 36 Arbaces 98 Archias 147 Archidamus 105 Aristides 181 Aristotle 2, 13, 25, 35, 39, 50, 53, 57, 73, 79, 84, 88, 103, 110, 143, 158, 210, 212, 217–220, 240, 251, 253, 258, 265, 267 Artemisia 156 Ascham, Roger 2 Assyrians treason of 101 Astyages 98 Athenians 41, 43, 46, 70 Aulus Hirtius 242 Bacon, Francis 27 Bill, William 1 Bishop of Ely 10 Bodenham, John 13

Brinsley, John 8 Brutus 124, 221 Brutus of Troy 87 Buckingham, Duke of 44 Bullinger, Heinrich 12 Cadmus 128 Caesar 37, 41, 67, 69, 82, 87, 97, 123, 127, 129, 142, 146, 149, 153, 154, 158, 163 Caesars, line of 41 Caius Julius 140 Caius Volusenus 68 Caligula 84, 140, 141 Cambises 85 Campbell, James S. 14 Carthaginians 82 Cassander 86 Cassibelan 69 Cassius Scaeva 107 Castiglione 11 Catiline 129, 150, 261 Cato 40, 41, 123, 142, 172 his sentence against usurers, a discomfort to usurers 118 his sentence against usurers, usury is murder 118 Cato the Younger 106 Catulus 41 Cecil, Lord Burghley 14 Cecil, Sir Robert 17 Chares 146 Cicero 2, 13, 25, 36, 38–42, 57, 63, 90, 123, 125, 127, 143–147, 149, 150, 157, 182, 211, 212, 217, 218, 221, 230, 237, 245, 246, 254–256, 258, 259, 261, 262, 264–267 Cirus 101 Claudius Tiberius 138 Cleopatra 83, 163 Clodius 240 Codrus 105 Comius Atrebas 68 Commodus 129, 141 Conon 105 Constantinus the great 82 Constantius 82

Index Nominum

277

Cooke, Mildred 16 Corcurians 41 Cottius 139 Cox, Leonard 24 Crassus 41 Craterus 86 Cresus 58 Croesus 171 Cynaegirus 104 Cyrus 75, 125

Germanicus 138 Gorgias 40, 73, 217 Grey, Henry Duke of Suffolk Grey, Jane Lady 16

Darius 85, 101, 102, 125, 146, 154 Demetrius 25, 252 Demetrius Poliorcetes 83 Demonicus 73 Demosthenes 38, 40–44, 46, 57, 73, 78, 110, 115, 119, 123, 125, 127, 143–147, 170, 175, 176 Diogenes 72 Diopeithes 146 Doctor Fisher 11 Domitian 84, 140, 141 Domitius Enobarbus 138 Duke of Buckingham 66

Hadrian 127, 133 Harding, Vanessa 23 Hector 152 Hecuba 38 Henry V 125 Henry VIII 11, 45 Henry, Earl of Richmond 66 Herennius 147 Hermogenes 25, 36, 220, 226, 245, 252, 258, 260, 264, 265 Hesiod 43 Hiero 149 Homer 56, 61, 80, 81, 89, 91, 115, 153 Caesar commends this poet 81 content of his books 80 praise of 80 the Ilias meet for princes to look upon 80 Horatius Cocles 104, 134

Edward IV, King 65 Elizabeth I, Queen 1, 37 Elyot 11 Epaminondas 38, 105, 106, 126–128, 131 a most noble and valiant peer 106 Epaphroditus 140 Erasmus 8, 13, 14 Eschines 40 Euclid 2 Eumenes 87 Evagoras 73

Imanuencius 69 Isaeus 145 Ismenias 104 Isocrates 40, 71, 73, 79

Fehrenbach, R. J. 24 Fisher, Bishop of Rochester Fulwood, William 4, 24

King Lud 68 King Marobod 82 Kingston, John 1

45

Gaius Valerius Flaccus 106 Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus 106, 242 Galba 133, 140 Galerius Armentarius a shepherd’s son 131 Galerius Maximinus 131 George, Duke of Clarence 65

16

Jeremy 123 Johnson, Francis Jones, John 4 Jonson, Ben 14 Julia 149 Justin 100–102

13

Lacedemonians 41, 70, 81 Learchos 86 Leedham-Green, E. S. 24 Leicester 1, 14, 35 Lelius 168 Leonides 104, 155 Leonnatus 87

278 Leontinus 73 Leosthenes 146 Licerus 58 Licinius 82 Lisander 105 Lisias 104 Lorich, Reinhard 4 Louis, French King 65 Lucan 142, 151, 153, 154 wars of Pompey and Caesar Lucius Brutus 150 Lucretia 92 Lycurgus 76 Lydia 75 Lysimachus 73, 87

Index Nominum Nerva 134 Nicanor 83 Ninus 83, 97 Numa Pompilius Octavia 140 Octavius Augustus Ovid 43, 54 154

Mack, Peter 11, 24 Mandubratius 69 Marcello Palingenio Stellato 77, 118 Marcus Antoninus Caracalla 130 Marcus Antonius 129, 147 Marcus Attilius 104, 106 Marcus Marcellus 106 Marcus Piso 145 Marcus Regulus 134 Margolin, Jean-Claude 10 Marius 82 Medley, George 16 Meleager 86 Menander 87 Menenius 51 Meres, Francis 13 Milo 145, 240, 258 Minos 76 More, Thomas 37 Morton, John, Archbishop of Canterbury 44 Mucius Scaevola 107 Mueller, Janel 24 Mythrydates 239 Mytileneans 41 Neophitus 140 Nero 38, 84, 135, 136, 140, 141 caused Seneca’s death 139 his death 140 his shameful life 139 unworthy to be chronicled 139

133

123, 127, 173

Papirius 165 Parrhasios 48 Pedanius Centurio 106 Peloponesians 41 Perdiccas 86 Pericles 103 Pharamond 87 Philip, King of Macedonia 41, 43, 73, 131, 146 Philon 145 Plato 12, 53, 56, 79, 84, 88, 103, 110, 121, 125, 143, 172, 174 Pliny 50, 79 Plutarch 240 Polemon II of Pontus 139 Policletus 48 Pompey 82, 97, 142, 146, 149, 153, 154, 158, 239 Pompilus, Caius 228 Priam 152 Priscian 110, 148–150, 152, 157 Probus a gardener’s son 131 Prodicus 73 Ptolemy I Soter 86 Publius Scipio Nasica 106 Pythagoras 76 Quintilian 25, 27, 36, 148, 213, 258 Quintus Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus 107 Quintus Pompeius 145 Raven, Edward 25 Read 17 Richard III, King 10, 37, 44, 65 Richard, Earl of Warwick 65 Roscius 225, 226, 231 Rullus 255

Index Nominum Sabina 140 Sandford, William Phillips 8 Schoeck, Richard J. 21 Scipio 106, 129, 134, 137, 168, 190 Scipio Aemilianus 106 Scythians a sentence against theft 117 theft horrible among 117 Seleucus I Nicator 87 Semiramis 37, 64 Seneca schoolmaster to Nero 138 Severus 130 Sherry, Richard 24, 28 Silla 82 Socrates 41, 233 Solon 38, 171, 174, 176 most rigorous and cruel law of Sporus 140 Stanhope, Michael 16 Stoic philosophers 50, 161 Sturmius 25, 238, 262 Susenbrotus 25

279 Jerusalem destroyed by Trajan 127, 134, 138 Trajan Decius 134 Trogus Pompeius 102 Troinovants 69 Tyrrell, James 65

154

Valerius Publicola 173 Vespasian 127 the saying of 156 a sentence comfortable to all princes 156 Virgil 26, 243, 245 Vives, Juan Luis 24

171

Tarquinius 92 Terence 26, 163, 243 Themistocles 37, 70, 155 Theodosius 127 the epistle of 114 Thrasybulus 104 Throckmorton, Nicholas 17 Thucydides 41, 70, 78, 79, 107, 116, 144, 153, 154 Tisias 40 Titus Manlius Torquatus 106 Titus Vespasianus

Weaver, William 11 Williams, Grant 8 Willoughby, Francis and Margaret Wilson, Thomas 1, 5, 13, 24, 36 Wyatt, rebellion of 1554 16

17

Xenophon 233 Xerxes 38, 104, 105, 153, 154, 162 a coward 155 his pride 155 last in battle and first to run away the army of 154

155

Zeno 39 Zopyrus 38, 100–103, 108 caused the deformity of his body, for the good state of his country 102 deformed, a beauty of his country 108 fact of 108 policy of 102 Zurcher, Andrew 29

Index Rerum abusion 200 action 208 adjunction 196 adultery 174 a horrible vice 171 Cato’s sentence 172 Plato against adultery made a law 172 affection 180, 184, 186 alchemy 14 all excellency with labour is attained 73 all things being on the earth do consist by a harmony or concord 111 alliance in time treacherous 68 Amazons life of 164 ambition Caesar fell by 97 Romulus killed Remus by 98 amplification 236 all things are to be used 236 consists in matter and words 236 deliberative causes enumerations of good and evil things that may chance and examples to most prevail 237 demonstrative causes places as may move expectation, admiration, and pleasure 237 great judgment is to be used 237 judicial causes the accuser must use such places as move anger and displeasure 237 the defendant as move mercy and pity 237 of matter taken out of the same places that arguments are 236 three kinds to amplify 236 godliness 236 honesty 237 love 236 an ignorant life, a brutish life 101 anaskeuē, or refutation 6 anomination 194 antecedentia 182

ants 59, 62 mirror to all men 59 argument 181 affecta 181 by the orator’s art 181 handled by induction or ratiocination 233 invention 183 taken of signs 226 taken of the parts 181 testimony divine and human 181 universal notion 181 argumentatio 232 two kinds 232 the one tendeth directly to prove the case 232 the other enclines to moving of the judge 232 aristocracy 84 the end of 84 Armenia 139 assumptive constitution devided into many kinds 228 Assyria the first monarchy 83 Athens 81 order of 107 attention how we may get it 212 Babylon taken of the Assyrians 101 beauty a poison in an adulterous mind 94 without virtue, nothing of valour 93 beginning demonstrative cause 214 taken of deliberation and counsayll 214 taken of praise or dispraise 214 first part simple proposition or compound 220 last part conclusion 221 medecine 218

Index Rerum from whence it is taken 219 of the person of the adversary 219 of the person of the hearer 219 of the person of the orator 219 order and disposition 220 second part reason, one or many, of that proposition 220 taken of present occasions 213 third part matter of the present cause 221 beginning of vice is to be cut off 121 benevolence examples of winning 211 how it is sought 210 of what persons it is to be taken 209 Bosworth 66 brevity 207 Britain 87 Britain called of the Greeks Olbion 68 Cambridge 125, 142 Cappadocia 139 Carthage in a monarchy 82 destroyed by the Romans 154 Carthaginians 137 cause 180, 183, 186 demonstrative pleasure 186 first state of called conjectural 224 judicial severity or mercy 186 remotion of 229 states of 223 cause of our birth 61 causes deliberative hope or feare 186 to persuade 239 demonstrative to delight 239 differ in the end 239 in demonstrative we enquire what is honest and dishonest 239 in demonstrative what is profitable or unprofitable 239 in judicial what is just or unjust 239

281 differ in time 239 deliberation is of the future 239 demonstration is of the present 240 judgment is of the past 240 difference in place 240 deliberative 240 demonstrative 240 judicial 240 chria 6 three sorts chria verbal 71 the second containing the fact or deed of the person 72 the third mixed verbal and noting the fact 72 chronicles most necessary to be read 100 worthiness of 100 circuition 199 civil quarrels 183 Colchis 139 comet 154 comma articulus 243 commas and members how they are joined in sentences 250 in complexion 250 commas, members and periods how they are mingled 250 commonwealth consists by unity of all states 53 like to the body of man 51 amiable part of the body consists by the basest and most deformed 52 basest part of the body most necessary 51 no mean state to be condemned 52 rotten members of 52 shepherd’s state necessary 52 state of the husbandman most necessary 52 the amity of wicked men 57 worthy state of princes and counsellors 56 commoration 204 compar 193 comparatio 183 comparative constitution 228

282 complexion 190 composition of words and sentences 242 conclusion 198 conduplication 196 confirmation 180 Hermogenes’s six circumstances, who, what, wherefore, how, where, when 226 conformation 207 confutation nature of probable arguments to be considered 231 two kinds 230 contervailing away the adversary’s cause 230 taking away the adversary’s arguments 230 confutations nature of probable arguments to be considered concludes nothing 231 either not true or doubtful 231 impertinent to the purpose 231 confuting 230 coniugata, polyptoton 181 coniuncta 182 conjecture taken of proper and certain notes or of probable tokens and signs 224 conjunction 196 consequentia 183 contention 204 continuation 193 contraria 182 contrariety 192 conuersion 190 correction 195 counsel of wicked men 55 counsellors troublous state 56 covetousness a great evil 132 crimination how it is to be handled 210 in reportinge, the power, might, riches, friends, favor, kindred, and the arrogant, and intollerable use thearof 211 referred to hate, envy and contempt 210

Index Rerum won by preoccupation of offenses

211

decay of a kingdom 75 declaration 180 taken of the signification of the word 181 definition 195 definitive state 227 when we contend of the name of the fact 227 deliberative cause Cicero’s precept of the matter of beginnings 217 naturally have no beginning 215 when a beginning is necessary 216 by reason of the matter 216 for ornament or comelinesses sake 216 in respect of himself 216 in respect of his adversary 216 deliberative causes 241 democratia 85, 113 demonstration 207 demonstrative causes consider how easily it may be done 241 elocution 240 equity is the end 241 honesty and profit 241 most sweet and pleasant ornaments of words and sentences to be used 240 praising vertues and vertuous doings commend external and corporal goods 240 death 240 we enquire of necessity 241 consists of persuasion and dissuasion 241 denomination 199 description 202 destruction or subversion or reprehension 89 diēgēma, or narrative 6 differentia 182 diligence 62 diminution 202 discord 97 disjunction 196 disposition 179, 184

Index Rerum deliberative cause 187 no beginning or a very short one 187 no narration or a very short one 187 demonstrative cause 186 ascending 187 descending 187 order and degrees of time 186 order of division 187 variety in order 187 judicial cause 188 the accuser 188 the defendant 188 dispraise 186 dissolution 198 dissolutum 244 distribution 201 division 203 docility and attention how they are obtained 212 dog passes all creatures in smelling 50 doleful state of a queen, a 66 drunkard, the proud person, the prodigal, the covetous, the robber 116 dubitation 197 due reward for thieves and murderers 113 duty of all good subjects 107 duty of all noble peers 85 duty of good governors 132 effect 183 effiction 205 Egypt in a monarchy 83 eidolopoeia imitation of talk upon a dead man 149 ekphrasis, or description 6 elocution 179, 189 three kinds of styles 189 familiar 189 grand 189 moderate 189 vertues 189 elegancy, composition and dignity 189 eloquence virtue of 40 emperors 166 enkōmion, or praise 6

283 enumeration 235 envious man, the 144 Essex 16 evil education 76 evil education brings to ruin mighty kingdoms 75 evil manners the occasion of good laws 111 excursion a part of the oration 238 the handmaid of the narration 238 expedition 197 explanation 191 exposition 203 fable its moral 42 orators 43 poets 43 the ground of all learning 42 three sorts 42 mixed 43 moral 42 of reason 42 well applied 44 fables Aesop’s a true praise commended by fame itself 49 commonwealths may learn concord out of 48 precepts to Kings and subjects 49 the content of all laws 49 philosophy in 48 fact kind and quality of 223 name of 223 quality of absolute constitution 228 assumptive constitution 228 whether it were done or no 223 fact and event often confounded 225 fact of the matrones of Rome 164 fault deprecation of 230 we fly to mercy and clemency 230 purgation of 229

284 we must fly to ignorance, necessity, or chance 229 figures 190 forma, species 182 fortitude 181 fortune has no stay 151 France 87 France and Scotland upheld by the governors of this land 124 frequentation 203 friendship 61 general state 227 partition 228 three genera nature, kind or quality 227 genus 182 Germany 87 gnōmē, or maxim 6 gnomon 79 God fame chiefly routes after death 127 God permits means to pull down tyrants 66 godly law, a 173 godly life the end of all arts and sciences 48 good counsel 183 good education the foundation of the Roman Empire 74 good man, good magistrate 128 good man, the 173 good subject, a ready to live and die for his country 103 gradation 194 grasshopper 60 Greece fountain of all learning 94 the land of fair women 93 harlots a brutish society with 162 love of 163 no commendation in upholding and maintaining of 92 the adulterer and the harlot 116 their lessons to their lovers 164 their love dissembled 95 Helen 91, 96, 153 defence of 95

Index Rerum followed Paris 92 Paris her lover 94 Hercules Omphala 163 hexameter verse 245, 251 histories knowledge of makes us as it were living in all ages 101 historiographers 101 homicide 117 homicide, the thief, the murderer 119 horrible vices 117 houses, families, towns, cities 113 how a kingdom rises to all felicity 132 husbandmen 61 idleness 62 ignorant, the 144 imago 205 imitation three sorts eidolopoeia 147 prosopopoeia 147 sopoeia 147 intellection 199 interpretation 197 interrogation 191 invention 179, 180 move the judge 184 prove the cause 184 Inventors of arts and sciences commended to posterity 48 Janus 61 judicial cause beginning are to be sought for favor in accusing, mercy in defending 220 beginnings in 218 the accuser arguments 188 peroration 188 judicial causes 241 juge a lively law 172 justice 181, 187 kataskeuē, or confirmation 6 kingdoms rise and fall 86

Index Rerum koinos topos, or commonplace

285 6

Lambeth Palace 2 law 170, 172 laws made for two causes 175 the judge a lively law 174 the state of good laws 176 the will of a tyrant his own law 174 universal and equal to all men 174 laws force of 115 laws give equity to all states 120 Leicester 66 licentia 201 life of a magistrate, a law 114 Litchfield 66 London 10, 225 the praise of 124 magistrate, subject 121 maimed soldiers must be provided for 116 man a chief creature 50 body of without concord of the parts perishes 51 born by nature to society 111 called of the philosophers a little world 51 marriage 166 a chaste woman 167 a similitude 162 a wretched executor 168 chastity in 162 choice of a wife 169 death 169 election in 166 God’s providence 168 godly procreation 161 kingdoms continue by marriage and commonwealth 161 liberty in 162 mariners 166 merchants 166 of a chaste woman 169 the dignity of man shows the worthiness of marriage 161 the law of nature 167 war 166

matter benevolence, understanding and attention 218 conjectures 226 member 193 members divers lengths 251 of their length 251 members and periods how they are joined 250 in subjection 250 membrum 244 memory 179, 208 Menelaus 153 mixed fable 43 monarchy in heaven, a 82 monarchy of the Medes 83 monarchy preferred of the Persians 85 motion 186 murderer, the 113 mythos, or fable 6 narratio 63, 180 four properties plain and evident 64 probable 64 short 64 four propertys 63 historical 63 judicial 63 poetical 63 six notes of 63 the cause 63 the fact 63 the manner 63 the person 63 the place 63 the time 63 nature 61 nobility 130 a beginning 130 rose by virtue 129 nomination 198 nomou eisphora, or introduction of a law notation 205 obedience of laws established the mighty monarchies 114

6

286 oblivion 126, 128 occupation 196 oligarthia 85 one sun 82 oration 179, 208 beginning 209 end and purpose 209 taken either of the persons or of the present matter 209 Cicero names six parts 237 four parts beginning, the declaration of the matter, the confirmation of the cause, the conclusion 208 second part vertues thereof 222 third part confirmation 223 oration of a matron to the senators 165 orator 179 order 110 conserves commonwealth 111 Oxford 125, 142 pairing 13 Penelope her chastity 93 period Aristotle’s definition 251 colon 244 a member 245 comma first natural now artificial 243 how it is judged and measured 244 commas length of 244 Demetrius’s definition 252 has full measure and number 246 Hermogenes’s definition 252 members cause many figures and ornaments in the oration 246 figures and ornaments 247–249 frame and composition 247 use of 246 members diversely to be considered 246 by themselves 246

Index Rerum in a continuation and comprehension of words 246 members used in 246 of four members 256 with commutation 257 with complexion 256 with conversion 256 with distribution 257 with division 257 with exposition 257 with gradation 257 with similitude 257 of more than four members 258 of one member 253 Aristotle’s definition 253 conduplication 253 dubitation 253 with an article 253 with an exclamation 253 with like cases 253 of three members 255 with conclusion 256 with correction 255 with diminution 256 with distribution 255 with traduction 255 of two members 254 with annomination 254 with commutation 254 with compar 254 with denomination 255 with superlation 254 with traduction 254 part of the oration as the hand is of the body 242 placing of words 263 the four causes of material, efficient, perspicuity, sweetness 252 periodica not a true period, but like unto a period 258 used in the beginning of great and weighty causes 258 what it is and its use 258 with conversion 259 with expedition, distribution, precision, description 260

Index Rerum with gradation 260 periods are dilated by proposition, postposition and interposition 264 are again contracted by mixture of words and sentences 264 beginning or proposition 264 belong to elocution 242 end or reddition or reflection 265 how they are producted and contracted 264 last perfection of an orator 242 numbers Cicero most delighted with dichoreus 267 commends the pean 267 spondeus, dichoreus, molossus, anapestus, dactilus, creticus, bacchius 267 parts a moderate length in the end bears more gravity and majesty 265 Aristotle prefers equal members 265 Crassus commends length 265 Hermogenes commends shortness 265 permission 197 permutation 200 peroration devided into two parts 235 or conclusion, the fourth part of the oration 235 personification (Ēthopoeia) 6 place 225 places 183 Plato rejects poets from the commonwealth 91 pleasure, idleness, ignorance 77 politeia 84 Pontus 139 positionem 157 poverty 60 praise 183, 186 precepts to parents and children 49 precision 198 Priam 96 prince’s law, the 114 princes and magistrates

287 as gods on earth 119 grave and constant 120 probable signs for the most part declare a truth 224 if weighty move suspicion or else heaped up together 226 taken of the person affections of the mind 224 gifts of the body 224 things external 225 taken of the person, place, tyme, the facte, or of the event, or of the nature of the matter 224 productio spiritus oratorii 260 differs from a period 260 its use 261 Sturmius’s third kind 262 two kinds 260 the one cut in the middle 260 the other perfected in short members 261 with description 262 with exposition 263 with frequentation and similitude 263 pronomination 199 pronunciation 179 proof 181, 184 proper notes declare a certain truth 224 proposition of the cause a part of the oration 238 prosopopoeia when to anyone against nature speech is feigned to be given 150 Providence 62 psogos, or invective 6 public wealth to be preferred to private wealth 103 question 179, 180, 239 compound 159 definite 180 causes and controversies 239 deliberative kind 239 demonstrative kind 239 demonstrative, deliberative and judicial 239 judicial kind 239

288 infinite 180 infinite or universal 157 simple 159 uncertain 157 questions infinite and definite 239 ratiocination 192 reduction 191 religious cause 183 repetition 190, 193 repugnantia 183 reward 183 rhetoric and logic compared with the hand 39 rhetorical syllogism 234 Rome 137 destruction to ashes in time 138 root of learning bitter, the 74 saying of the philosophers, the 128 sentence 192 sentence graven of Britain in the commendation of Caesar 69 sermocination 206 sheep the wool of rich and commodious 50 worthiness of 50 shepherd’s name given to the office of kings 56 shepherds profitable and necessary 51 signification 207 similiter cadens 193 similiter desinens 194 similitude 182, 204 sopoeia three sorts imitation passive 148 mixed imitation 148 moral imitation 148 three times a time to come 148 present time 148 time past 148 Spain 87 state and constitution difference between 242

Index Rerum state of a wicked man, the 66 state of counsellors worthy chief honour and veneration 55 state of many kings in one land 81, 82 state translative 223 subjection 194, 197 superlation 199 synkrisis, or comparison 6 temperance 181, 187 Thalestris 164 the cause of our birth 108 the war and politic government of the Britons 68 theft 174 thesis question general in two sorts civil 159 contemplative 159 thesis, propositum 157 thief, the 113 thieves and all injurious persons 115 thieves not meet to be in any society 112 three things required to make a numerous and full sounding oration the voice of the speaker, the sound of the words, and a certain number of feet 266 Thucydides wars on the sea between the Corcurians and the Corinthians 153 time 225 to believe lightly a furtherance to peril 57 transgression 200 transition 195 translation 200 treason a confusion to the mightiest dominions 69 trees cedars 151 oaks 151 Trinity College, Cambridge 1 Troy kingdom of whoredom 95 Troy, battle of Nature abhors the war of the Grecians 96 ten years for a harlot 90 the cause of the forged invention 92

Index Rerum

289

tyrannicide 242 tyranny 84, 85

what are laws? 110 what does beautify the throne of a prince 84 what drives the magistrate to horrible sentence against wicked persons 121 what is a history 100 wherein the praise of a city consists 124 who is an unfortunate child 74 who live in all ages 126 who lives in shame 106 why magistrates are pictured without hands 120 why thieves and wicked men are cut off by law 112 wicked men burdens of the earth 115 wisdom 61, 187 wolf inferior to the mastiff 50 Lycaon 54 Lycaon changed into a wolf 54 man 54 most ravening and cruel 49 of all beasts most oblivious 49 the invention of the poet Ovid to compare a wicked man to a wolf 54 wolves counsel of 53, 55 first progeny of 54 words the sound either low, high or circumflexed 267

Ulysses 153 understanding means to be heard with a brief comprehension of the whole cause, by propositions which define the matter, by devisions which straighten it into certain parts and limits, by moderate enumerations, by such periods and comprehensions, as hinder not the memory, or the hearers, with multitude of woordes 212 usurers 117 usury a dangerous game 119 vain invention of poets 91 valiant captain, a to his country a pillar, to his enemy, an occasion to dexterity 133 valiantness 187 vanities of poets 90 vice 135 vice as a law by custom 173 virtue 135, 187 what is virtue 136 virtuous life, worthy commendation in all ages 92 voice given by nature but framed by exercise 266 great, small, and mean as the matter requires 266

York

142