The Velislav Bible, Finest Picture-Bible of the Late Middle Ages: Biblia depicta as Devotional, Mnemonic and Study Tool 9789048529735

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The Velislav Bible, the Finest Picture Bible of the Late Middle Ages

Central European Medieval Studies The series focuses on the geographical centre of the European continent, but also a region representing various historically changing meanings and concepts. It challenges simplistic notions of Central Europe as a periphery to the medieval ‘West’, or, equally, a border between barbarity and civilization; an area of a lively convergence of different ethnic groups, and a socially and culturally framed common space; a point where different ‘Others’ met, or an intermediary ‘bridge’ between the Roman Catholicism and Latinity of the West, and the Slavic Orthodoxy and Hellenism of the Byzantine East. Editorial Board Dr. Kateřina Horníčková, University of South Bohemia Dr. Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu, 1 December 1918 University Alba Iulia Dr. Zsolt Hunyadi, University of Szeged Dr. Anna Adamska, Utrecht University Dr. Trpimir Vedriš, University of Zagreb Dr. Nada Zečević, University of Eastern Sarajevo

The Velislav Bible, the Finest Picture Bible of the Late Middle Ages Biblia depicta as Devotional, Mnemonic and Study Tool

Edited by Lenka Panušková

Amsterdam University Press

This publication was supported by the Czech Science Foundation project ‘Imago, Imagines: Metamorphoses of the Function of Medieval Art in the Bohemian Lands,’ no. 13-39192S, and the project ‘Cultural Codes and Their Transformations in the Hussite Period,’ no. P405/12/ G148. It was also supported by the European Regional Development Fund-Project No. CZ.02. 1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734, as well as by Charles University Research Development Program ʻCentre for the Study of the Middle Ages’ (PROGRES Q07), both undertaken at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague. Anna Kernbach assisted with the editing of this volume.

Cover illustration: Vision of Holy Trinity, Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 149v Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout isbn 978 94 6298 044 0 e-isbn 978 90 4852 973 5 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789462980440 nur 684 © Lenka Panušková / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2018 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Every effort has been made to obtain permission to use all copyrighted illustrations reproduced in this book. Nonetheless, whosoever believes to have rights to this material is advised to contact the publisher.



Table of Contents

Preface 9 I

Studying the Velislav Bible

An Overview Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

15

II Image and Text in the Velislav Bible

35

III The Velislav Bible in the Context of Late Medieval Biblical Retellingsand Mnemonic Aids

69

IV The Books of Genesis and Exodus in the Picture Bibles

87

On the Interpretation of an Illuminated Codex Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

Lucie Doležalová

Looking for an Audience Lenka Panušková

V

The Life of Antichrist in the Velislav Bible Pavlína Cermanová

141

VI The Antichrist Cycle in the Velislav Bibleand the Representation of the Intellectual Community

163

VII Ibi predicit hominibus: In Search of the Practical Function of the Velislav Bible

191

VIII The Velislav Bible: Critical Edition with Commentary

203

Kateřina Horníčková

Milena Bartlová

Anna Kernbach

Bibliography 313 Index 333

List of Illustrations I 1 2 3 4 5 6

Studying the Velislav Bible Velislav in adoration of St. Catherine  19 Vision of Holy Trinity 21 Liber depictus 22 Mater dolorosa, Passionale of Abbess Kunigonde 23 Joachim del Fiore, Commentary on the Book of Isaiah 24 Premyslid flaming eagle on the shield  27

II 1 2 3 4 5

Image and Text in the Velislav Bible Closure of Paradise; Eliah and Enoch 36 Story of Tamar 40 Execution of the two lechers  45 St. Peter’s story 55 St. Clement’s legend 57

III

4 5

The Velislav Bible in the Context of Late Medieval Biblical Retellingsand Mnemonic Aids Isaac and two young servants  78 The Decalogue 82 Visual aid for remembering the Decalogue, five senses and seven mortal sins 83 Jacob and Esau 84 Tamar and her sons, twins Perez and Zerah  85

IV 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

The Books of Genesis and Exodus in the Picture Bibles Eve spinning 93 Cain’s life 95 Zillah and Adah 96 Zillah’s children  97 Naamah spinning 98 Sarah with spindle 99 Enoch and Noah with his sons 101 Noah dispatches the dove  102 Noah’s Ark 103 Noah’s sacrifice  106 Noah blesses his sons  107 Tower of Babel and story of Abraham 108 Abraham and Sarah coming to Egypt  110

1 2 3

14 Rescue of Moses from the Nile 112 15 Pharaoh’s command to Hebrew midwives  114 16 Amram carrying Moses into the Nile and Rescue of Moses 116 17 Moses receives the ring  118 18 Moses accepted by the pharaoh’s daughter  119 19 Moses kills an Egyptian  121 20 Moses escapes punishment  122 21 Moses on Horeb  124 22 Moses and the burning bush  125 23 Moses and Aaron before the pharaoh  127 24 The pharaoh’s servants bringing Moses back  129 25 Crossing the Red Sea  130 26 Crossing the Red Sea 132 27 Moses receiving the Decalogue  133 28 Writing Moses  135 29 Good Shepherd 136 30 Judit 138 V 1 2

The Life of Antichrist in the Velislav Bible Birth of Antichrist  151 Burning of the books  158

VI

The Antichrist Cycle in the Velislav Bibleand the Representation of the Intellectual Community 1 The Antichrist cycle from the south-facing window in the church of the Virgin Mary in Frankfurt an der Oder 170 2 Miracle with the speaking column  173 3 Circumcision of Antichrist  175 4 Deception of gifts and presents  177 5 Revealing treasures hidden in the mountains  179 6 Disputation of Antichrist with theologians and philosophers  183 7 Destroying of and building of a new Temple 185 VII

Ibi predicit hominibus: In Search of the Practical Function of the Velislav Bible 1 Duke Spytihněv founding the churches of the Virgin Mary and of St. Peter  199 2 Duke Vratislav builds the Basilica of St. George  200 3 The Basilica of St. Vitus  201

Preface The finality is false, because there you still are, the reader, the observer, the listener, with a gaping chasm in front of you, left out of the resolution of the story that seduced you into thinking yourself inside it. Then it’s done and gone, abandoning you to continuation, a con trick played out and you were the mark. An ending always leaves you standing in the whistling vacancy of a storyless landscape.1

No research has its end. It keeps on going, enquiring into further possibilities, changing points of view, asking other questions that have been raised by previous researchers or else that have been more or less overlooked. This is precisely the aim of this monograph, one that focuses on the Bohemian picture Bible named after the figure of Velislav, who is depicted on its last folio: to approach the manuscript in a more complex perspective that allows image and text to be examined in close interrelationship. The Velislav Bible plays a key role in Bohemian manuscript painting of the first half of the fourteenth century, as there are only a handful of examples from that period still extant. However, knowledge of the circumstances in which the Bible originated, as well as of its donator, is very sparse; neither does the name of the Velislav kneeling in the last scene depicted in the manuscript provide us with any further information on the manuscript itself. Within the time that has passed since the manuscript was researched in its entirety by Antonín Matějček in 1920s2 and by Karel Stejskal 50 years later (in the 1970s),3 new approaches and methods have been introduced in manuscript research in order to further advance our knowledge of the Middle Ages. That is why discussion on the Velislav Bible now has to be revised and viewed from a vantage point different to that from which previous scholars observed it. All the essays in this book target the relationship between word and image in the Velislav Bible both in a more general and in a very specific way, working with stories specially selected from the pictorial narrative. Exploring this relationship enables us to think about the audience for which the manuscript was intended.

1 Diski, Stranger on a Train, p. 2. 2 Matějček, Velislavova bible. 3 Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta.

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The Velislav Bible, the Finest Pic ture Bible of the L ate Middle Ages

At the outset, in their essay ‘Studying the Velislav Bible: An Overview’ Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková provide the reader with a brief resumé of studies dealing with the Velislav Bible up as far as the brief commentary by Zdeněk Uhlíř that was published together with the CD-ROM version of the manuscript. 4 In the second part of the introduction the identity of Velislav is discussed against a background of preserved written sources in which the name Velislav in its medieval variations (Welko, Welek, etc.) is mentioned. The popularity of this name in the period under investigation now casts doubt on the hitherto indisputable identification of the kneeling figure with the Velislav who served as notary and protonotary of King John of Luxembourg and his successor, Charles IV, and reopens this issue to further inquiry. In the second essay, entitled ‘Image and Text in the Velislav Bible: To the Interpretation of an Illuminated Codex’ and also authored by Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková, the authors discuss the image-and-text relationship in more detail. Analysis of the tituli sheds light on the way in which the scribes compiled them, using quotations not only from the Bible but also from various school manuals, or even writing them out from memory. In the New Testament section of the manuscript Anna Kernbach has succeeded in following a chronology which corresponds to the pericopes read during the liturgical year. At a certain point the authors then return to the enigmatic figure of Velislav. They draw attention to the symptomatic distinction between the Latin diminutive form famulcus that identifies Velislav and the famula description that refers to the female figure depicted at the bottom of f. 149v. A more general point of view is taken by Lucie Doležalová in ‘The Velislav Bible in the Context of Late Medieval Biblical Retellings and Mnemonic Aids,’ where the author examines the Velislav Bible’s narrative in the context of medieval Biblical retellings. She explores the selection of texts contained in the Velislav Bible but, unlike in the other contributions to this volume, she focuses on the visual narrative with regard to the medieval ars memorativa. Although observing many differences between those images designed to be used as mnemonic aids and the illustrations contained in the Velislav Bible, she concedes that there is a very close relationship between the manuscript and the concept of memory. An art history-oriented study by Lenka Panušková entitled ‘The Books of Genesis and Exodus in the Picture Bibles: Looking for an Audience’ looks closely at the iconography of the images illustrating biblical events from 4 Uhlíř, Velislavova bible.

Preface

11

the first two books of Moses. Compared to other picture Bibles in which the depicted scenes are very carefully selected to suit the needs of the manuscript’s user, in the case of the Velislav Bible no special purpose has yet been ascertained. In fact the very opposite is true, for the images depend very closely on the biblical narrative. In several instances this dependency is even complemented with other popular, nonbiblical material in order to emphasize the desired historical, typological or moral interpretation and to present the ideal model of Christian behavior. This is obviously the aim of the pictorial cycle which renders the story of Moses as told in the Book of Exodus. The Lord has chosen Moses to lead Israel from Egyptian captivity into the Promised Land. Especially in those scenes that describe the process of persuading the pharaoh to release the Israelites, Moses (depicted with a halo) acts as a mediator between the people and the Lord. Moreover, it is Aaron, Moses’s brother, identified very symptomatically by a tonsure, who performs all the miracles annunciated by the Lord through Moses, and this emphasizing of the roles of both brothers implies that the Velislav Bible would have spoken to a specific audience. These, then, constitute the visual evidence for a chapter school’s probably having been the environment in which the manuscripts were to be used. The following two essays are concerned with the Antichrist story depicted on ff. 130v-135v in the Velislav Bible. While Pavlína Cermanová’s study ‘The Life of Antichrist in the Velislav Bible’ focuses on the process of its creation, taking into account various literary influences, Kateřina Horníčková’s essay ‘The Antichrist Cycle in the Velislav Bible and the Representation of Intellectual Community’ is concerned rather with its visual form. Focusing on the position of the Antichrist motif in salvation history and tracing its roots back to the early medieval patristic authors, Cermanová observes distinct changes in the characteristics of Antichrist, from his role as a through-and-through evil creature to his displaying of negative human characteristics as he acts in opposition to Christ and the latter’s acts on Earth. She then goes on to compare the previously examined textual sources with the image cycle in the Velislav Bible. Horníčková also exploits the typological parallel between Antichrist and Christ and the lives of the saints contained in the last portion of the manuscript’s images. Like Cermanová, she is interested not only in how the Velislav Bible cycle differs from earlier depictions of Antichrist, but also in the features they have in common. She recognizes, however, the emphasis on moral lessons that is implied in the evil doings of Antichrist and his followers. Her analysis finishes in pointing out the didactic function of the Antichrist’s pictorial cycle.

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The Velislav Bible, the Finest Pic ture Bible of the L ate Middle Ages

Milena Bartlová’s essay ‘Ibi predicit hominibus: In Search of the Practical Function of the Velislav Bible’ constitutes a logical conclusion to this monograph. In it the author contemplates the practical function of the medieval manuscript with precise theoretical erudition. In order to define the character of the visual narrative provided by the Velislav Bible she does not hesitate to adapt the terminology used in the modern theory of comics narration. She briefly summarizes the pivotal thesis formulated in the previous essays in this volume and introduces a further hypothesis regarding the original practical purpose that fundamentally influenced the form of the Velislav Bible. Her suggestion that the Velislav Bible was designed as a manual to aid preachers in composing their sermons on various biblical topics is to be perceived as one complementary to the hypothesis proposed in other essays that the Velislav Bible was used as a didactic tool at the Vyšehrad Chapter school. That is to say, both hypotheses are equally plausible, besides also combining to reflect the multifunctionality of arts in the medieval age. The essays presented in this book are supplemented with Anna Kernbach’s edition of the tituli, short Latin inscriptions written just after the pictures were completed. Although it is the image that is the main mediator of the content, it is only through properly interpreting the tituli that detailed research of the text-image relationship may be carried out. This monograph does not set out to provide a complex and definitive interpretation of the pictorial as well as textual material comprised in the Velislav Bible. On the contrary, it rather presents a variety of approaches to the selected topics in order to identify the environment for which the Velislav Bible might have been produced. In this book the Bible’s manuscript is not treated here as a luxurious work of art to be locked away in a glass cabinet as manuscripts are usually exhibited in museums and galleries, but is viewed as an object of daily use, designated to be held in the hands and browsed through. In contrast, however, with Jenny Diski’s feeling of the reader’s being abandoned ʻin a whistling vacancy of a storyless landscape,’ the authors of the present monograph hope to leave their reader with the feeling of having gained a deeper insight into the reading of medieval images. In conclusion, I wish to thank to all the authors who contributed to this volume for their patience and their willingness to look for solutions. My sincerest thanks go to Sarah Gráfová and Iva Dostálová, Stephen Douglas and also Michaela Ramešová and to my colleagues at the Department of Medieval Art of the Institute of Art History of the Czech Academy of Sciences, especially to Klára Benešovská, Kateřina Kubínová, and Hana Hlaváčková, who brought the Velislav Bible to my attention. I also wish

Preface

13

to thank Robert Novotný of the Centre for Medieval Studies at the Czech Academy of Sciences, Jan Salava, David Vrána, and all those others who were always happy to provide help. Finally, I am highly indebted to Jana Viktorová, who has been a constant support to me. Canterbury, 22 May 2016 Lenka Panušková

I

Studying the Velislav Bible An Overview Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

The Velislav Bible is a parchment manuscript of 188 folios containing 747 illuminations.1 Although the manuscript originally comprised around 800 leaves, several of these – as well as one complete quaternion – were lost, probably during a later rebinding.2 Most of the folios are divided into two sections of equal dimensions (to enclose two images per folio) edged along their left and right sides with a double red line and separated from one another horizontally by a triple line, as at the upper and lower edges of the text area. This creates a two-line blank space above, below and between the two images, and here the text has been inserted. The only exception to this are those folios on which just one single, full-page scene is depicted. The text is written in a gothic minuscule used in the first half of the fourteenth century and originates from the pens of five scribes, each of whom was probably allocated those particular quires upon which he was to work. Scribe A was assigned the first six quires (ff. 1r-47v), while Scribe B worked on the seventh to the ninth (ff. 48r-71v). The hand of Scribe C is apparent only at the beginning of the fifth quire (ff. 72r-73v), and throughout the rest of the manuscript the two remaining hands alternate: Scribe D appears in the tenth (although only in part) to thirteenth quires, in the fifteenth to the seventeenth, and on the first page of the nineteenth quire (ff. 74r-103v; 112r-136r), while Scribe E worked on the fourteenth, on the nineteenth (in part) to the twenty-fourth, and on the first page of the twenty-fifth (ff. 104r-111v; 136v-183r). From folio 183v onward no text was provided to accompany the illuminations. Besides continuous text the manuscript also contains brief captions to accompany the illustrations. Most of these are written in the hand of the corresponding scribe for the given section, although ff. 10r, 40r-52r, 78v-79r, 89v-92r and 97v bear Czech and Latin commentaries written in a rather 1 The manuscript is housed in the National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, MS XXIII C 124. 2 One folio has been lost from each of the fourth and the final, twenty-fifth, quire, as well as from the fourth and seventh folios of the twentieth quire. Also missing is the entire eighteenth quire, as is evidenced by the signature marks located always (with the exception of the first quire) at the bottom-middle of the last folio in each gathering. During rebinding the margins were trimmed rather insensitively, which has caused damage to the text in several places.

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Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

hasty gothic minuscule and dating probably from the end of the fourteenth century or the first half of the fifteenth, while ff. 1r-22v and 41r contain German commentary in a seventeenth-century German cursive script. The first scientific monograph devoted to the Velislav Bible was produced by Johann Erasmus Wocel in the 1870s, when the manuscript was still in the possession of Duke George of Lobkovicz,3 further evidence of this being the fact that Wocel himself referred to the manuscript as the Lobkovicz Bible, or, alternatively, the Lobkovicz Picture Bible (Lobkowitzer Bilderbibel). Wocel, who dated the codex to the late thirteenth century – that is, to a period that predates the Passional of Abbess Kunigunde4 – appears nonetheless not to have observed certain stylistic similarities between the two manuscripts. Besides providing us with a basic codicological description, Wocel is probably the only commentator to have concerned himself also with the manuscript’s later binding. In this regard he notes the fact that marks made by the tip of the needle that was used to sew the component parts of the volume together after their completion are still to be seen in various places on the binding, which may attest to the manuscript’s having existed originally as two to three independent volumes that nonetheless shared a common content and purpose. A further significant contribution made by Wocel was the deciphering of the ownership inscription on f. 1r – Milit. Ordinis Crucigerorum cum Rubra Stella Cathalogo inscriptus. Pragae A°. 1725. Regrettably, however, just how the Knights of the Cross with the Red Star came to be in the possession of the codex remains unknown. While he rejects the idea of placing this manuscript in a category along with such traditional types as, for example, the biblia pauperum and the Speculum humanae salvationis, Wocel does nevertheless concede to the fact that the Lobkovicz Picture Bible also works with Old Testament archetypes and with their maturation in the New Testament narrative of the life of Christ. He also very judiciously states that it is precisely the visual depiction of biblical events in their various complementary relationships that renders them more easily memorizable. Perhaps the most revolutionary of Wocel’s ideas, one that has passed unnoticed by other researchers studying this 3 Wocel, Welislaw´s Bilderbibel. Wocel tells us that the first ever work to bring the Bible to the attention of scholars was Schottky’s account of the times of Charles IV; Schottky, Die karolinische Zeit. Wocel goes on to inform us that at that time the Lobkovicz Bible was in the possession of Dr. Schuster. Wocel, Welislaw´s Bilderbibel, p. 2. For details of Schuster’s collections, see Svobodová, Rukopisy ze sbírek, cat. no. 126, pp. 337-350. 4 Prague, National Library of the Czech Republic, MS XIV A 17, 1312 and pre-1320. Stejskal and Urbánková, Pasionál. For more recent work on the MS, see Benešovská et al., A Royal Marriage, cat. no. VI.2.2K, pp. 487-490 (Hana Hlaváčková).

Studying the Velislav Bible

17

manuscript, concerns the possible role of the Latin commentary inscriptions that accompany the pictures; these, he suggests, might have served as handy ‘prompts’ to the clergy as they delivered their interpretations of biblical events to the congregation.5 Wocel justifies this claim in a reference to Abbot Ulrich of Lilienfeld (1345-1351), who produced a rather different compendium of picture types entitled Concordantiae caritatis and, in the preface to this work, defined it is a sermon preparation aid for poor clergy members unable to afford access to sufficient quantities of biblical and exegetic theological literature.6 While these two manuscripts appear at first glance to differ from one another, the authors of the present volume nonetheless consider Wocel’s theory as to the function of the Latin commentaries to be a relevant one particularly in the light of the length and sectioning of the texts and in the manner in which the pictures are organized in corresponding types. Antonín Matějček, author of what is still the most voluminous monograph to date on the subject of the Velislav Bible,7 is in acceptance of Wocel’s belief that there originally existed two independent volumes that were intended for binding into one at some later date. He precedes this acceptance, however, with a critical evaluation of existing opinion on the manuscript,8 of its content and its chronological placing within the history of Bohemian manuscript illumination, thus forming a point of departure from which to venture into his own, primarily stylistic, analytical evaluation of the Velislav Bible. Earlier researchers, including Wocel, misguided by the archaic rendering of garments and architecture in some of the biblical scenes, had previously dated the codex to the close of the thirteenth century or else the beginning of the fourteenth, and for certain to the time prior to the Passional of Abbess Kunigunde. While Wocel’s study, however, was confined to the Book of Genesis and to the iconographic description of the miniatures contained there, Matějček undertook an analysis of the manuscript in its entirety, on the basis of which he was then able to compare the Velislav Bible not only with other manuscript illuminations of Bohemian origin but also in the 5 ‘Die den Illustrationen beigefügten Aufschriften mochten als Gedächtnisshilfe den die biblischen Scenen erklärenden Priestern gedient haben.’ Wocel, Welislaw´s Bilderbibel, p. 3. 6 The original MS is now housed in the Stiftsbibliothek Lilienfeld, Cod. 151, 1349-1351 or c. 1355. Most recently, see Die Concordantiae caritatis des Ulrich von Lilienfeld: Edition as well as Munscheck, Die Concordantiae caritatis des Ulrich von Lilienfeld: Untersuchungen. 7 Matějček, Velislavova bible. 8 Ibidem, pp. 30-36. As we consider Matějček’s recapitulation of various opinions on the Velislav Bible comprehensive, this text will not concern itself with the work of individual authors. Here I refer primarily to collected works on Gothic art in central Europe by such writers as Grueber, Die Kunst des Mittelalters in Böhmen; Neuwirth, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst in Böhmen; Chytil, ‘Vývoj miniaturního malířství’; Janitschek, Geschichte der deutschen Malerei, and others.

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broader context of the development of illumination in Europe throughout the High Middle Ages.9 As does Wocel, Matějček, too, assigns the picture a leading role in the essential concept of manuscript creation, the role of the manuscript’s own ʻconveyer and imparter of the ideas contained in it,’10 perceiving the written text as a set of mere ʻexplanatory notes’ to accompany the events portrayed. In this regard Matějček very correctly points out the use of the demonstrative hic and ibi in the inscriptions, which is a characteristic feature in picture-dominated Bible story retellings (the bible imagée type).11 In addition, he supposes that the illuminations in the Velislav Bible are not original work but rather imitations of those in French Norman manuscripts of the bible historiée (historiale) type, a genre that enjoyed a wide popularity in particular throughout the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.12 Matějček’s views are diametrically opposed to those of Wocel and all his adherents, however, in the matter of classifying and dating the manuscript in terms of its stylistic features, discerning as he does a clear linearity in graphic style linking the Bible’s two illuminators with the stylistic tendencies prevalent in the genre in central Europe – and particularly in those works to have emerged from southern German scriptoria – in the first half of the fourteenth century. By way of an exhaustive enumeration of extant manuscripts Matějček refutes once and for all Wocel’s attempts to date the Velislav Bible to the end of the thirteenth century.13 9 Matějček, Velislavova bible, pp. 35-36. 10 Ibidem, p. 11. 11 Ibidem, p. 37ff. See also Lucie Doležalová’s study in this book. 12 Matějček, Velislavova bible, p. 35. Here the author repeatedly quotes Wocel’s opinion. The bible historiale type, however, is that which would best describe the Velislav Bible, for its Latin texts, which at times provide only the most elliptical of commentaries on the events in the illuminations, do not correspond to the Vulgate, but rather constitute, as was stated earlier, a loose retelling of biblical texts intermixed with various apocryphal and extrabiblical sources. See Kernbach and Panušková’s study in this volume. On manuscripts of the bible historiale type, see Morey, ‘Peter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase.’ Here we take the liberty of emphasizing the fact that Petrus Comestor conceived his Historia scholastica, which provided the foundations for the Old French bible historiée, primarily for use by students of the cathedral school at NotreDame in Paris. After being granted papal approval at the Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215), this abridged and glossed version of the Vulgate became – along with the Sentences of Petrus Lombardus and the glossed Bible – an indispensable part of the university curriculum. 13 On the issue of dating Wocel allowed himself to be swayed by the intentionally archaicizing style of the architecture and of certain figures’ attire. The strongest argument he seems to have found to support the dating of this manuscript to the close of the thirteenth century is the identification of the figure kneeling before the statue of St. Catherine in its final illustration with a Velislav – royal protonotary, teacher, and canon at Vyšehrad – who is mentioned in period sources from the final quarter of the thirteenth century. I consider Wocel’s comment on Velislav’s youthful looks and secular garments, however, to be of importance; these aspects lead him to

Studying the Velislav Bible

19

Figure I.1  Velislav in adoration of St. Catherine (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 188v

assume the manuscript to have originated prior to 1279, the year in which Velislav’s name first appears in sources. See Wocel, Welislaw´s Bilderbibel, pp. 60-61. While it is not possible to link the manuscript to such an early period from a stylistic and iconographic point of view, this observation, made in fact not only by Wocel, plays a significant role in subsequent discussion on the identity of the Velislav Bible’s commissioner and recipient.

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It was not until the 1970s that the Velislav Bible once again became a focal point of specialist interest when Karel Stejskal published a complete and annotated facsimile of the manuscript.14 In this edition Stejskal provides a brief description of the manuscript itself and, in contrast with previous researchers, draws our attention to features of iconographic interest in certain of the scenes depicted. He returns repeatedly to the figure of Velislav on the final folio (f. 188v), although, unlike Wocel, he assumes Velislav to have been Prague canon, notary to John of Luxembourg, and protonotary and then notary to Charles IV; he associates him, in other words, with that dynasty of rulers to have emerged following the extinction of the Premyslids (1306), with a Velislav documented in various sources dating from the period 1341-1354. According to Stejskal, the fact that the male figure in this illumination is kneeling before St. Catherine, patron of theologists and philosophers, is indicative of Velislav’s clerical affiliation. He solves the problematic issue of Velislav’s secular garments and the absence of tonsure so essential for members of the priesthood by referring to Petr Žitavský’s Zbraslav Chronicle, in which Žitavský in no uncertain terms criticizes the tendency among priests to dress in accordance with the fashion of the day and to mask the tonsure with hair. According to Stejskal, then, it would appear that Velislav might be regarded as the commissioner of this illustrated Bible. He goes on to observe that for reasons of slightness of scale the anonymous figures of man and woman kneeling in prayer to the Virgin Mary on f. 149v cannot be assumed to be a donor couple but are most likely rather subjects of no specific relation to Velislav. Stejskal’s identification of a Velislav engaged in the confines of the royal court around the mid-fourteenth century as the commissioner of this manuscript would also appear to support the conclusions drawn by the stylistic analysis previously undertaken by Matějček, an analysis with which Stejskal, too, is in agreement: that the illustrations contained in the Velislav Bible are datable to the period around the middle of the fourteenth century. Stejskal also further expands upon these conclusions by assuming the manuscript to have originated in one of the lay scriptoria of Prague during the reign of Charles IV, a supposition based on the overall content and orientation of this picture Bible of ours.15 In characterizing the graphic style of its illuminators he accentuates the sculptural depth of their vivid depictions of both architectural and figural elements, the detailed execution of the drapery, the distribution 14 Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta. 15 Ibidem, p. 8.

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Figure I.2  Vision of Holy Trinity

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 149v

of the folds in the fabric. He also takes note of the great care taken over the depiction of human hands and the vivid portrayal of their movements, which aids the expression of emotions and the forward momentum of the action; in this matter he uses Matějček’s term ‛sign language.’ He is also in agreement with the idea that the work was shared by two illuminators, the first of whom – seemingly the workshop superior – undertook the illustrations on the first six quaternions (ff. 1r-47v), while the second, a rather less

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Figure I.3  Liber depictus

Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 370, f. 1v

competent illustrator and most likely a mere assistant,16 contributed to the illumination of the two subsequent quires (ff. 48r-71v), with the superior himself then returning for the final stages to bring the illustration of this 16 Ibidem, p. 10.

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Figure I.4  Mater dolorosa, Passionale of Abbess Kunigonde

Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XIV A 17, f. 11r

codex to successful completion. As regards the placing of the Velislav Bible within the context of European manuscript production as a whole, Stejskal repeatedly adopts the research findings of Antonín Matějček. Aside of a certain affinity to an illustrated Bible from the collection of Thomas Phillipps of Cheltenham, now known as the ‘Crusader Bible,’17 and to the Queen 17 Crusader Bible, New York, Morgan Pierpont Library, MS M 638, c. 1240. For details on the manuscript per se, see Weiss et al., The Morgan Crusader Bible. For reviews, see Landau, [Review] ʻThe Morgan Crusader Bible.’

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Figure I.5  Joachim del Fiore, Commentary on the Book of Isaiah

Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea, MS XIV B 17, f. 4v

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Mary Psalter 18 that is almost a century its junior, Stejskal names a further Anglo-Norman vernacular manuscript, the Holkham Bible.19 Rather than matters of style, however, what connects the Velislav and Holkham Bibles is the sheer quantity of textual narrative contained within them, narrative that combines events both biblical and apocryphal, or else nonbiblical, and relates them through the spirited gesticulations of the individual figures in the illuminations. While beyond making this very general observation Stejskal does not dwell on the finer details of the similarity he has noted, we do nonetheless consider it useful to mention at this juncture that researchers would seem to be in more-or-less general agreement, in the light of the introductory miniature, that the Bible was intended for use by an itinerant Dominican friar and preacher; the first folio, that is, shows a Dominican approaching a scribe with a commission,20 a manuscript containing the story of the Virgin Mary and the birth, suffering and resurrection of Christ. The text area here contains the monk’s appeal to the scribe to execute his commission with particular care, as his work is to be shown to men of wealth: Ore feres been e nettement / Kar mustre serra a riche gent.21 This gives rise to the question of whether the Velislav Bible, too, might have been produced for the same purpose – that is, for a cleric or a friar who would have used these stories told in pictures as a visual aid or some sort of mnemonic device that would help him to call to mind all the fundamental details of the holy events at a mere glance while preaching. The nearest parallel phenomenon in the Czech lands is considered by Karel Stejskal to be the Český Krumlov Liber depictus, 22 another richly illuminated manuscript which, besides the typological biblia pauperum (Paupers’ Bible) also contains legends of the saints. Stejskal believes this manuscript to be a stylistic continuation of the Passional of Abbess Kunigunde and of the Christological cycle in the cloister of the Commandery of the Order of St. John at Strakonice Castle, the latter dating from around 1320. He also mentions Joachim del Fiore’s illustrated commentary on the Book of Isaiah, dated to around 1350 and now housed in the National Museum in Prague, MS XIV B 17, and frescoes in the churches at Žďár u Blovic and Starý Plzenec, in Western Bohemia, both from around 1351. The 18 Queen Mary Psalter, London, British Library, Royal MS 2 B VII, 1310-1320. 19 Holkham Bible, London, British Library, MS Add. 47682, c. 1327-1335. See Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, p. 10. 20 For the illumination see http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=add_ms_47682_ fs001r (accessed 31 May 2016). 21 For quotation see Brown, The Holkham Bible, p. 30. 22 Now in Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 3710, around 1358.

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scholar gives consideration to the intentional antithesis of Christological and Antichrist cycles, which, in his opinion, is quite in keeping with the situation around the year 1350, when the raging Black Death merely heightened people’s fears of the impending Apocalypse; once again the Joachimites’ notion of history came to the fore, receiving the support not only of religious mystics but also of the influential Italian humanist and politician Cola di Rienzo, who, coincidentally, in 1350 fled from Italy to the court of Charles IV in Prague. Stejskal even refers to Jan Milíč of Kroměříž, Velislav’s successor at the royal chancellery from 1358 to 1362. Under the influence of the preaching of Konrad Waldhauser, in 1363 Milíč relinquished all official functions to fully immerse himself in public preaching, during which he went so far as to apply the label of Antichrist to the uppermost echelon of the secular hierarchy and even to Charles IV himself. At the end of his commentary to accompany the facsimile edition of the Velislav Bible manuscript Stejskal gives emphasis to the fact that the scriptorium from which this codex emerged had heartily embraced the then widespread tendency toward apocalyptic Joachimite visions and expectations of the impending coming of the Antichrist. Individual illuminations, then, may be said to clearly reflect ‘the contemporary state of medieval life and society, one threatened by an ever-deepening crisis that shaped the way people viewed the Biblical past.’23 The age of the Internet and the digitization of historical collections worldwide have also made possible a new release of the facsimile edition of the Velislav Bible on a CD-ROM enclosed in a brochure containing a commentary by Zdeněk Uhlíř.24 The author automatically identifies the Velislav kneeling at the feet of St. Catherine as being that same notary and protonotary from the office of John of Luxembourg and then of his son Charles. In contrast with Stejskal’s explanation for Velislav’s being depicted as a member of the laity, Uhlíř wonders whether the commissioner may have been a married cleric, a clericus uxoratus, one ordained as a mere acolyte, a status that made him a member of the clergy and thus allowed him to engage in canonical duties, although in practice he would not have been involved in spiritual guidance and so was not required to undergo priestly consecration. Should this truly be the case, the interpretation offered by Uhlíř would be in correspondence with the relatively frequent incidence in those days of free marriage among scribes and notaries. It is also for this reason that Uhlíř goes on to suppose that the male and female figures 23 Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, p. 14. 24 Uhlíř, Velislavova bible.

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Figure I.6  Premyslid flaming eagle on the shield (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 121r

in the picture of the Holy Trinity on f. 149v perhaps represent Velislav and his wife. He finds support for the identification of Velislav as Charles’s notary and protonotary in the appearance of the motif of the Premyslid flaming eagle on the shield of the sentry in the tower on f. 121r. As with the incorporation of the legend of St. Wenceslas, Uhlíř perceives this feature, too, as a conscious historicism or, more precisely, as serving to underline Charles’s royal ancestry and the fact that through him the Czech lands had

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become the center of imperial politics.25 He states that the intermingling of secular and salvational history and the sensitive reflection of contemporary life in the illuminations in this codex is fully in keeping with the mentality prevalent at Charles’s court. It now remains to pause to consider what has been said thus far on the subject of Velislav himself. A good deal of credit for having ‘brought him to life’ goes not only to Matějček and Stejskal but also, and primarily, to Jiří Spěváček, who has produced several studies on the topic of the Bohemian royal chancellery during the reigns of John of Luxembourg and Charles IV.26 He believes the function of the contemporary notary to have consisted primarily in the undertaking of various diplomatic tasks, in the conception and preparation of declarations and resolutions, and in the validation of international negotiations, contracts and agreements through witness presence.27 As in an earlier study published in the Sborník historický (Historical anthology) in 1973, Spěváček had already succeeded in identifying another notary, Vavřinec Mikulášov of Dědice, employed in the services of Charles IV in the period when the latter held the Margraviate of Moravia,28 the scholar now applied similar methods to identify the protonotary and notary. His work resulted in what was the first – and is to this date the only – independent study of Velislav’s activities at the royal chancellery; besides this, the only sources to provide any more detailed mention of Velislav as commissioner, initiator or proprietor of this ‘picture Bible’ are the art-historical sources mentioned above, for which reason Spěváček’s introduction aims first to take stock of the opinions of those authors. He is fairly quick to object to Matějček’s caution in drawing connections between the Velislav portrayed in the codex and the royal notary-protonotary, a caution based upon the fact of Velislav’s appearing here in secular dress devoid of any indication of ecclesiastical rank. We feel Spěváček’s reasoning here to be somewhat awkward; he suggests that Velislav’s clothing here corresponds in type to that worn by most of the other figures in the illuminations and that it was neither necessary nor, indeed, appropriate that when being portrayed in an act of private supplication Velislav should be dressed in richly draped cloaks more suited to figures that were depicted either standing or walking.29 Without going on to state his reasons for making these claims, he then turns his attention to the figure of St. 25 Ibidem, p. 34. 26 See Spěváček, ‘Významní notáři-diplomaté,’ idem, ‘Vavřinec Mikulášův z Dědic,’ and, in particular, idem, ‘Protonotář Velislav.’ 27 See Spěváček, ‘Protonotář Velislav,’ p. 5. 28 Spěváček, ‘Vavřinec Mikulášův z Dědic.’ 29 Spěváček, ‘Protonotář Velislav,’ p. 6.

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Catherine, patron saint of scholars as well as of arts and philosophy faculties throughout Europe. Like Karel Stejskal, Spěváček, too, mentions the cult of St. Catherine, which was so strong in the Czech lands during the reign of Charles IV; indeed, even the emperor himself was an ardent devotee.30 For this reason he automatically accepts Stejskal’s conclusion31 that this illuminated Bible, as an item from the private property of Charles’s protonotary Velislav, constitutes a ʻrare testament’ to medieval intellectual life, its problems and contradictions. Spěváček traces the first mention of Velislav to a deed of John of Luxembourg drawn up per manus Welezlay, Pragensis et Wissegradensis canonici, notarii nostri dilecti on 23 October 1341.32 He then distinguishes between two groups of documents, referring to them as A and B,33 the former group comprising those deeds conceived and handwritten by Velislav himself, the latter comprising those that were conceived or else approved by him. It is a natural outcome of this analysis that Velislav’s activities in the services of John of Luxembourg and of his son Charles, then Margrave of Moravia, may be dated to the years 1325 to 1346, with the 1330s (1335-1337) appearing to have been Velislav’s most active period.34 What Spěváček considers to be the most substantial piece of evidence as to the identity of Velislav, though, is a document issued by Bishop Arnošt of Pardubice in which Arnošt and the provost and the chapter of the Prague church consent to the establishing of a choir of mansionary canons at the collegiate church by Charles in his role as Margrave of Moravia.35 Velislav (Welko) confirms his presence at the signing of the document with a witness’ clause inscribed in his own hand: Et ego welco, canonicus ecclesie pragensis [sic]cum premissis intefuerim, manu propria subscribo in testimonium premissorum.

30 The chapel dedicated to St. Catherine at Karlstein Castle is further evidence of Charles’s veneration of this saint. 31 See Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta. 32 RBM IV, pp. 411-413, no. 1029. The list of those present at the signing of this agreement includes a considerable number of church dignitaries, scholars (Michaelis scholastici, Tobie, scholastici Wissegradensis), and relatives of King John (consanguinei nostri). 33 Paleographic analysis aside, Spěváček also notes the character of the conceptual notes and formulae conscriptum (datum) per manus. Spěváček, ‘Protonotář Velislav.’ 34 For a list of the documents, see ibidem, pp. 7-12. 35 Deed issued by Arnošt of Pardubice on 5 January 1344, transcription at RBM IV, pp. 554-555, no. 1396. Originals now at the Knihovna pražské metropolitní kapituly (Library of the Prague Metropolitan Chapter), sig. VII 8, new system: no. 156. See also Eršil and Pražák, Archiv pražské metropolitní kapituly, p. 62, no. 190.

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Welko’s round seal was also attached to the document, although it has become rather badly damaged. For information on Velislav’s origins Spěváček turned to the papal registers; in an entry dated 3 May 1344, Charles the Margrave requests funding for the upkeep of the parish church in the south Bohemian town of Netolice for the son of Hayn of Sedlčany, Welko, Charles’s curate, secretary and advisor.36 A full ten years earlier, in an act issued by Pope John XXII and dated 29 September 1334, we read that the office of canon – with all attendant privileges – at the collegiate chapter of Vyšehrad has been granted to this same Welko (Welconi Haynae de Sedlcany).37 Four years later, on 9 August 1338, he is granted a canonical post at the Prague chapter (now the Prague Metropolitan Chapter) that had been vacated by the appointment of Canon Nicholas (Mikuláš) to the bishopric in Trent. Of particular interest is the fact that this occurs at the intercession of King John.38 The documents quoted here are convincing evidence of Velislav’s, or Welko’s, close links with the royal court during the reigns of both John of Luxembourg and Charles IV. The faith invested by both Luxembourg rulers in their faithful servant Velislav is clearly borne out by the import of the missions with which they entrusted their respective protonotary and notary; as early as 1338, during the reign of John, Velislav was sent to Avignon as royal secretary to engage in negotiations with Pope Benedict XII on a certain confidential matter, and later, under Charles IV, he was alone among the king’s faithful servants in being entrusted with removing holy relics from Trier to Prague. Further documents in which Velislav appears – whether as scribe, as witness, or more directly as the subject for whom the document in question is requesting a promotion, a canonical post or a prebend – lead us to rightfully assume that during the 1340s and early 1350s Welco, or Velislav, son of Hayn, was at the very height of his career. This is also the period, however, which almost all researchers working in the field agree to be that of the creation of the manuscript now known as the Velislav Bible. The question therefore arises as to whether such a prominent figure in the diplomatic and political employ of both John of Luxembourg and Charles IV would have allowed himself to be portrayed without any of the emblems or attributes that would have clearly indicated his being in the services of the king. And it is primarily in his roles as canon with the Prague and Vyšehrad chapters, with the chapter at the central Bohemian 36 MBV I, no. 376, pp. 231-232. 37 MBV, Tomus prodromus, no. 1131, pp. 604-605. 38 MBV, Tomus prodromus, no. 1293, pp. 696-697.

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town of Sadská and later at the church of St. Apollinaire in the New Town district of Prague (Charles’s new location for the removed Sadská chapter) that Velislav is likely to have been very particular in matters of reference to his ecclesiastical rank, especially at a moment of private veneration, as is the case in the panel painting of the Madonna of Kłodzko,39 before whose throne there kneels the Prague archbishop himself, Arnošt of Pardubice. Although Arnošt’s episcopal vestments – the pontifical gloves, miter and crosier – are laid out on the steps leading up to the heavenly throne, they do nonetheless join his very marked tonsure in forming an integral component of the figure of Arnošt portrayed during a moment of private adoration, or perhaps of receiving a divine vision. 40 The figure of Velislav as depicted in the final scene of our manuscript, however, is reminiscent rather of a youth than of a mature man at the height of his career. Indeed, it is suggested by Anna Kernbach41 that the Latin diminutive form famulcus (from famulus, servant), which appears in the text both in the closing image and in the full-page scene, indicates the relative youth of the figure portrayed. The same scholar points out the age difference that is visible also in the scene with the Holy Trinity, in which the female figure with arms raised toward the Virgin Mary (as Church) is mentioned in the text as famula, while her apparel rather corresponds to that in which a married woman would typically have been depicted. As was stated above, the caption in the hand of the man in the same scene describes him as a famulcus; this diminutive form, however, might wish to hint rather at other aspects of Velislav’s person: humility and penitence. 42 In iconographic terms the nature of Velislav’s garments here – his penitential robes – would attest to this, as has been observed by Miriam Kolářová. 43 These various possible interpretations lead one to believe that the process of identifying the protonotary and notary Welko/Velislav as the commissioner of the manuscript is rather more complex than was originally supposed. Extant written sources from between the twelfth and early fifteenth centuries reveal the considerable popularity of this typically Slavonic name in the Bohemian territories. Suffice it to mention, for example, the Count Velislav whom King Vladislav rewarded for his good services by bestowing 39 Berlin, Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Inv. No. 1624, after 1344. 40 See Hledíková, Arnošt z Pardubic, p. 247; for an account of the work itself see Royt, ‘Die ikonologische Interpretation’ and Suckale, ‘Die Glatzer Madonnentafel.’ 41 See Kernbach and Panušková’s study in the present publication (pp. 35-67). 42 I wish to thank Kateřina Kubínová for alerting me to this meaning. 43 In personal discussion.

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on him trusteeship of Vyšehrad in 1143. 44 Another Velislav, also a canon at Vyšehrad and some time later vice-dean of the same chapter, was active during the last third of the thirteenth century, with sources dating from 1279 mentioning him as protonotary in the king’s employ. 45 In addition to this role he also functioned within his own chapter as a scribe, and represented the chapter in property disputes, 46 and one of the first references to him (on 23 November 1276) mentions his having successfully completed his studies of the civil and canonical law. 47 This is the same Velislav with whom Wocel originally linked the creation of the manuscript on the strength of its archaicism.48 Various other sources from the end of the thirteenth century and the first decade of the fourteenth also mention figures – from among both the clergy and the ranks of the laity – named Velislav. Our aim here, however, is not to call into question those opinions which until now have assigned the Velislav Bible to the period around 1340, but rather to point out the fact that the name Velislav and its various derived forms was a relatively common one in the Czech lands and Moravia not only in the thirteenth century but also in the fourteenth. It is for this reason that we do not regard current opinion on the identity of the Velislav shown venerating St. Catherine in this manuscript as the only possible interpretation; we believe this figure to be a member of the laity, even given the decidedly problematic nature of establishing definite links between him and any of the given Velislavs. At any rate, the argument offered by Uhlíř – that Velislav received the ministry of mere acolyte – is not in agreement with contemporary practice, in which a canon was necessarily and automatically also a priest. In this case Velislav would have to have been portrayed at 44 See Annales Vincencii, FRB II., p. 412 and, in particular, p. 414. 45 See RBM II, no. 1300, p. 561: Dat. Prage per manus mag. Welislai, prothonotarii nostri, a. d. MCCLXXXIII, X kal. Oct. In another deed of King Wenceslas II, however, dated 21 November 1283 – that is, just two months later – it is Václav (Venceslai), canon of Prague and Vyšehrad, who is mentioned in the role of royal protonotary. Apparently on account of the fact that the dating clauses on both deeds are identical, particularly in their reference to the protonotary, Emler assigns this Václav to the register under Velislav; see RBM II, p. 1438. Emler’s identification of Václav with Velislav would appear justified, for in further deeds issued during the ensuing period of 1284/1296 Velislav, canon of Prague and Vyšehrad, appears time and again in the function of royal protonotary. Furthermore, in a deed dated 8 May 1285 Velislav signs as a canon of Olomouc. 46 See RBM II, no. 1180, p. 507 (dispute between the chapter of Vyšehrad and Puta of Riesenberg); no. 1182, p. 509, and other disputes between the Prague provost and the chapter of Vyšehrad at which Master Velislav and Master Jindřich (Henry) appeared together as witnesses and mediators. 47 See RBM II, no. 1051, p. 439: Circa personam tuam de causa gerimus paternae benignitatis affectum, quia sicut in nostra constitutus praesentia retulisti, diu in jure canonico et civili studuisti et profecisti laudabiliter. 48 Wocel, Welislaw´s Bilderbibel, in the note on pp. 60-61.

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least with the tonsure, which is never absent in any of the clerical figures depicted in the manuscript, particularly in its sections dealing with the New Testament and the Legends. Iconographic analysis of the cycle of illuminations in ‘the Velislav,’ with particular attention paid to questions of function and use of the manuscript, may shed more light upon these matters, and this is indeed what the other studies included in this publication aim to contribute to, each from its own, very different point of view.

II

Image and Text in the Velislav Bible On the Interpretation of an Illuminated Codex Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

Text in the so-called Velislav Bible has often been neglected by researchers. Even though its function is mainly to help a better understanding of the imagery, an analysis of the way in which the text was used may shed light on the creation of the codex as a whole. There are mostly two to three lines of text, either corresponding to the Bible or created on the basis thereof, which was written between prepared lines to accompany premade illustrations. The scribe often summarized the biblical text in a statement that best epitomized the image. Such a summary can take various forms. In some places, the scribe used all the free space in the illustration and even wrote the text outside the prepared lines, while elsewhere he maintained and sometimes even invented dialogues for the characters, or wrote one word as a kind of catchword encapsulating an entire biblical scene. In some cases the compression is so absolute that the image, and especially the text, only provide an introduction to a particular story, or else simply present its outcome. The first part (ff. 1r-52v) contains the illustrations according to the Book of Genesis (hereinafter Gn), from the Creation to the death of Joseph of Egypt. Since the images were able to express fairly dense stories corresponding to longer text sections in Gn, the scribe had to use all the free space the illustration allowed, either to the sides or directly within the picture, to inscribe the text. Other important additions are the original scribe’s notes written for individual characters, objects or whole motifs directly into the illustrations, especially when naming entirely abstract things (darkness, light, etc.), or at places where the notes were to supplement or even replace the accompanying text. An example of this might be f. 27r, depicting Isaac digging a well and arguing with shepherds over two other wells. The scribe wrote the following into the prepared lines: Fodit ergo puteos Isaac, quos foderant servi patris sui Abraham, pro quibus rixati pastores Gerare cum pastoribus Ysaac dicentes: Nostra est aqua.

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Figure II.1  Closure of Paradise; Eliah and Enoch

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 5r

Over the first couple of shepherds, there is an inscription that reads Inimicitie, over the second one Calumpna. The illustration summarizes Isaac’s quarrel over wells with shepherds from Gerar (Gn 26:15-22). The scribe has followed the biblical text only partly. While Gn speaks successively of three wells, the first two of which were the subject of an argument between Isaac’s shepherds and the shepherds from Gerar (which is why Isaac called them

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Calumnia and Inimitiae) and the third of which was the only one that could be used by them peaceably, the scribe has summarized the whole story in a single sentence encapsulating the illustration. At the same time, he has written the names of those contentious wells without having to waste space on coherent text. Some annotations describe plot events which can only be inferred from the biblical narrative, although the story as such is not recorded in the Bible. For example, on f. 5v a kind of daily life of Adam and Eve after the Expulsion from Paradise is depicted according to the medieval conception. For the male character depicted as a peasant the scribe has written: Adam terram colit, and the female figure weaving wool is accompanied by the text: Ewa baiolat. On f. 28r, at the top, the deceiving of Isaac by Jacob and Isaac’s subsequent blessing are depicted, while in the other half of the folio there is a man who has shot a deer and is preparing a meal from it. In the Bible there is a longer text in which the blind Isaac checks by smell and touch whether the person who has brought him his favorite meal really is Esau. Deceived, he blesses Jacob, who then leaves when Esau subsequently comes to the father. For the first image the scribe has written only the text according to Gn 27:18-19, in which Jacob introduces himself as Esau, asking for his father’s blessing. For the second image, which has no basis in the Bible and actually shows what is happening in the meantime, the scribe has written: hic Esau sagittat cervum and hic Esau coquit cibos patri suo Ysaac. For the adaptation of Gn, one nonbiblical source was used in addition. In the first part of f. 5r the closure of Paradise to man, following the Expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise, is depicted according to Gn 3:24. In the other half there are two figures, one of whom is identified with the name Helias, the other one with Enoch, all of which is complemented by the Leonine hexameter: Enoch, iustitie polluto cultor in orbe / Raptus de terra nulli comparuit ultra Iudicis adventum f idens athleta secundum / Leviatan contra socio precedet Helia

Based on biblical references, Enoch and Elijah were believed to be the only two Old Testament characters God took to Heaven without them dying. As far back as in the early Middle Ages they were identified with the two witnesses of God – two olive trees or candlesticks – appearing in the Apocalypse, who will fight against evil in the form of the beast and who will be killed, but after three days resurrected (Rev 11:3-13). In connection with f. 5r, this is a medieval interpretation of the closure of Heaven’s gates, with the exception

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of the figures of Enoch and Elijah, who had already gained access before the arrival of the Savior.1 As far as the above Latin text is concerned, this is the 65th to 68th verse of a poem with the title Ecloga Theoduli.2 It is a Christian imitation of bucolic poetry, and particularly of Virgil’s Seventh Eclogue, where two shepherds competing in poetry are replaced by the allegorical figures of Pseustis (Falsehood) and Alithia (Truth). In the verse contest, Pseustis recites verses of Greek myths and Alithia responds with typological stories from the Old Testament. The competition is judged by Phronesis (Intelligence), who accords the status of victory to Truth – that is, to Christianity over paganism. There exist various theories as to the origin of the poem; recently it has been dated to the beginning of the eleventh century.3 It was a very popular work throughout the entire Middle Ages since, with its simple Latin in Leonine rhymed hexameters and the instructive nature of its content, easily applicable for educational purposes, it became compulsory reading for beginners.4 That is why this poem survived the dissolution of the medieval school canon, which occurred after the establishment of universities in the thirteenth century, and remained popular until the seventeenth century.5 The Eclogue of Theodulus was used as an accompanying text for Gn by the scribe two more times, or conceivably three times. F. 19v shows the escape of Lot and his family from Sodom before its demise as well as the subsequent destruction of the city. The biblical narrative according to Gn 19:14 is followed by the text: Servat eum Segor, sed perfida uxor versa est in effigiem salis, lambunt animalia cautem.

This is not a real Leonine hexameter, for, though the author paraphrased the text quite accurately, he did not do so with metrical accuracy.6 The scribe immediately added what is basically the same text: Respiciensque uxor eius 1 From Gn 5:24 it was assumed that God saved Enoch as a completely righteous man before the arrival of the Savior, cf. Schüle, Urgeschichte, p. 108; for Elijah, cf. 2 Kr 2:1-11; Sir 48, 9-11; according to the Old Testament, Elijah is to return to Earth to revive the tribes of Israel (Sr 48:10), and also in the New Testament John the Baptist or Jesus are referred to as Elijah (cf. Mt 17:11-12; Mk 9:11-12). 2 The latest edition, cf. Teodulo, Ecloga. 3 Cf. Herren, ʻReflections on the Meaning,’ pp. 199-217. 4 Cf. Green, ʻThe Genesis of a Medieval Textbook,’ pp. 49-50; records from medieval school canons presented by Curtius, Europäische Literatur, pp. 58-60. 5 Cf. ibid., p. 281. 6 Cf. Ecloga Theoduli, vv. 115-116: Servat eum Segor, sed perfida vertitur uxor / in salis effigiem, lambunt animalia caute.

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post se versa est in effigiem salis, which corresponds to Gn 19:26 (except for the word effigiem, which, apparently under the influence of the eclogue, replaced the biblical statuam). Another fraction of the poem appears in the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, on f. 22v. Here the verse interrupts the text corresponding to Gn 22:9-10, just at the moment when Abraham raises the knife to sacrifice Isaac to God: Rapitur, qui cornibus heret / in dumis aries, sequitur patrem sua proles.7 Verse 107 is not complete, lacking any mention of a voice from Heaven restraining Abraham, which is the content of verses 105-107. This fact is not represented even in the biblical text. The response to the Eclogue of Theodulus can be anticipated also on f. 6r in the story of Cain and Abel. The text accompanying the illustration corresponds precisely to the text of Gn 4:3-4: Factum est autem post multos dies, ut offeret Cayn de fructibus munera Domino, Abel vero obtulit de primogenitis gregis sui

which is supplemented by the scribe’s acceptabile munus. This collocation does not appear at any place in Gn, nor anywhere else in the entire Bible. However, it appears in the 58th verse of the Eclogue of Theodulus, that which deals in particular with Cain and Abel.8 As has already been mentioned, knowledge of the eclogue was an elementary part of school education. Thus it can be assumed that both the creator and the recipient had this knowledge as they had both learned Latin and the Old Testament as well as mythological stories from this text. From the documents above, it is obvious that this was not a direct and accurate copying out of the text of the poem, but rather a supplementing of the text with verses remaining in the scribe’s memory from his school readings. Biblical stories evoked this school text only four times, and this was basically just one part of the text of verses 65-115, the poem consisting of 352 Leonine hexameters altogether. The fact that fractions of the poem do not appear in any other Old Testament story might, though, be caused by the fact that this scribe (A) contributed to the codex only up to f. 47v and thus did not finish even the whole of Gn. When talking about a presumed knowledge of the depicted themes, it is necessary to mention another phenomenon appearing already in the part containing Gn as well as on other pages of the manuscript. Some biblical 7 Cf. ibid., vv. 107-108. 8 Cf. ibid., v. 58: Immolat ante Deum Cain de semine frugum / Frater Abel iustus dedit acceptabile munus.

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Figure II.2  Story of Tamar

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 40v

stories are merely hinted at in both image and text. An example is the story of Judah and Tamar, on ff. 40v and 41r. There are three scenes here altogether. First, Judah is depicted giving Tamar his sons Er and Onan, one after the other; they are simultaneously killed by the Lord. In the next scene, we see Judah talking with Tamar, the latter’s stay in her father’s house as a widow and the arrival of a messenger, and finally the birth of Perez and

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Zerah. In Gn the entirety of Chapter 38 is dedicated to this event. The text to the first scene has been condensed by the scribe according to Gn 38:7-10; for the second scene he has written out the direct speech in which Judah sends Tamar into her father’s house, usque dum crescat puer, by which Judah’s third son, Shelah, is meant, and then the resulting events – that is, Tamar’s departure and her stay in the house of her father. Then the scribe refers to one of the characters as pater and another as nuntius, which is seemingly some sort of a motto for Gn 38:13, where Tamar announces that her father-in-law is to travel to Timnah. For the third scene the scribe has provided text according to Gn 38:27-30, concerning the birth and naming of the twins. The core of the whole story written in Gn 38:14-26 is missing, and only the story’s outcome is presented.9 In order to make the comments on Gn in the Velislav Bible complete, the problem of the fourth quire (ff. 25r-31v) needs to be mentioned. Discontinuities in the illustrations between ff. 25 and 26 indicate that f. 26 was originally at the beginning of this section, which would correspond correctly to the sequence of the stories in Gn.10 On closer examination of the codicological structure of the manuscript we discover that between the present-day ff. 30 and 31, dealing with the births of the twelve sons of Jacob, the births of the sons of his wives’ maids are absent (according to Gn 30:4-15). The missing folio corresponds in the quire to the second folio in particular, which must have been loosened during a later rebinding; it is thus quite possible that the modern binder assigned it to the beginning of the quire. The second part of the Velislav Bible (ff. 53r-88v) was created in accordance with Chapter 1 through to the beginning of the Chapter 35 of the Book of Exodus (hereinafter Ex). The illuminations are accompanied by text written by as many as three scribes, although scribe B, who had already participated in the final texts for Gn, contributed to the greatest extent. The same scribe has also accompanied the scenes from Ex with comments referring to the biblical text, which otherwise is not mentioned. An example is a sequence of images related to the conclusion of the covenant with the Lord on Mount Sinai in ff. 80v-85v (Ex 19-31); the very scope of the biblical text suggests that both the scribe and the illustrator were made to abbreviate the sequence. In Chapter 20, the Lord announces the Decalogue; the illustrator has assigned four scenes to this. In ff. 81r-v, in the upper and lower registers, Moses is always depicted twice with a banderole in his hand, into which the 9 The answer why this story was so important, albeit incomplete, lies in the genealogy of Jesus according to Mt 1:3. The lineage passes through Judah and Perez, whom Judah had with Tamar. 10 For this previously, Panušková, ʻVelislav-Bibel,’ pp. 115-116.

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individual Commandments were to be written. The scribe first wrote: Ibi Moyses proponit singulatim precepta Domini dicens into the laid lines on the top of f. 81r; however, he used the banderole only in the first case, where there is a summary of the First Commandment: Non adorabis deos alienos and Non facies tibi sculptile (Ex 20:3-4). Other Commandments were inscribed into the laid lines, with the banderoles remaining empty. The illustrator actually prepared only eight banderoles for the Ten Commandments, as the following ritual and law regulations contained in Chapters 21-23 were omitted. Thus in the next scene the illustrator has merely depicted Moses in conversation with the Israelites, and Moses, to whom one of the Jews is giving his right hand (f. 82v). The basis for this is the text according to Ex 24:3, which the scribe has written in reduced form, and in which it says that Moses is passing the teachings of the Law (presented in the omitted Chapters 21-23) on to the people, who promise to follow them. There then follows a slightly confusing illustration of Moses ascending the mountain and of him talking to the Israelites. The text to accompany the first scene was compiled according to Ex 24:1-2; in the second scene the phrase previously used in Ex 24:3 is repeated. The illustrator has thus failed to maintain the chronological sequence of the scenes in keeping with the Bible; Moses should first have come up (yet again) to the Lord and only then have submitted all the provisions, revealed by the Lord, to the people, whereupon the people promise to follow them. The scribe therefore had no choice but to repeat the text. On f. 83v, and partly also f. 84r, Moses once again ascends the mountain for 40 days in order to receive the tablets of stone with the Covenant (the text here is in keeping with Ex 24: 12-14). In the second scene on f. 84r, Moses is depicted in conversation with the Israelites, while above him there is a text in accordance with Ex 25:1-3, in which Moses, on the Lord’s command, should tell the Israelites to voluntarily bring offerings, that is, the elevation offering. The scribe has listed only the first few items and added et cetera, que secuntur, by means of which he provides direct reference to the biblical text (Ex 25:4-7). Below the illustration, he then writes: Ibi loquitur Dominus ad Moysen et ipse Moyses loquitur ad populum Domini mandata.

The note looks rather confusing, since Moses is on Mount Sinai all the time, returning to the Israelites only after the Lord has notified him that the people have made a golden calf. Likewise, in the section created in accordance with Ex we also find a nonbiblical source, and that is in the story of the Plagues of Egypt (ff. 61r-66r).

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The first plague (the poisoning of the waters) and the fifth (the livestock becoming diseased) were omitted during the illustrating process, and at the bottom of f. 61v – dealing with the pharaoh’s request to remove the frogs (the second plague) and the fulfilling of his request by Moses – the scribe has written: Prima rubens unda, ranarum plaga secunda. At the bottom of f. 62r there is written: Inde culex tristis – tercia plaga. This is a part of an epigram derived originally from a poem with the title ‘De decem plagis Aegypti’ by Hildebert of Lavardin (1056-1133).11 The poem was so well-known, however, that it made an appearance in all literary types without its author’s name being stated. It also appears in the version of ranarum plaga secunda as in the Velislav Bible.12 The scribe has used the verse as a catchword. To accompany the second plague he has added the verse concerning the first and the second plagues, and for the third he has used the first part of the pentameter, adding to it his own tercia plaga. The manner of presenting the verses here suggests once again that the scribe was writing from memory. Ex is followed in ff. 89r-108r by the Book of Daniel (hereinafter Dn), in which the illuminator first encounters the problem of how to convert abstract visions into images. All ten visions of Daniel are depicted, two of which – the sixth and the ninth – the scribe has even provided with the titles Sexta visio Danielis (f. 102r) and Visio nona Danielis (f. 105r). What is interesting at first glance is the fact that many of the visions are actually given only in outline, that is to say, introduced or concluded only by way of the first verses of respective chapters, as the case may be. This has come about mainly through the fact that while the illustrator often managed with just a picture of Daniel and of the angel explaining the vision to him, the scribe has had to cope with an entire chapter of text. The very first, and perhaps the most famous, vision, that of the statue that appears in a dream to King Nebuchadnezzar, is exemplary (ff. 91v-94r). The illustrator has devoted a good deal of space to the introduction, depicting how the king forgets his dream (f. 91v), demands that the wise men of Babylon interpret its content for him, and then orders all the wise men to be killed as they are unable to fulfill his demand (f. 92r). Daniel then asks the king for time and promises to interpret the dream, and at the same time asks the chief official not to kill the wise men of Babylon (f. 93r). In a dream Daniel receives from the 11 Cf. Hildebertus Cenomannensis, Carmina minora, carm. 34, as Carmen 122 edited in PL 171, col. 1436: Prima rubens unda, ranae tabesque secunda / Inde culex tristis, post musca nocivior istis / Quinta pecus stravit, vesicas sexta creavit / Pene subit grando, post bruchus dente nefando / Nona tegit solem, primam vexat ultima prolem. 12 Cf. Walther, Initia carminum, no. 14595.

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Lord an explanatory vision and interpretation of the king’s own dream, and asks to be brought before the king to give an explanation (f. 93v). To this point, the illustrations and text follow, with some acronyms, the content of Dn 2:1-29. In ff. 93r-v the scribe is mistakenly ahead of the story; first he presents verse Dn 2:24, in which Daniel tells the chief official that he is able to interpret the dream, and only in the subsequent folio are verses 19 and 23 presented, those in which Daniel receives the interpretation from the Lord and praises him. This mistake, however, is immediately brought to the reader’s attention by the scribe through the note: Ista materia debet sequi in mediatorem sequentem, ubi Danyeli dormienti revelantur mysteria divinitus.

The dream itself is not depicted, and so the scribe has summarized the full interpretation also in f. 93v with the words Et dicit ei sompnum suum et interpretacionem eius, and then the conclusion to the story follows, in which the king acknowledges the supremacy of the Lord and raises Daniel over all the wise men of Babylon (f. 94v according to Dn 2:46-49). The last five visions, which are a prophecy of things to come, are stylized in a similar way. They contain an introduction to the vision, explaining how it occurred, or else an indication of the vision itself; but its interpretation, which is provided mostly by the Archangel Gabriel, is absent. However, there is always a certain reference to him. The sixth vision of the four beasts and their end with the coming of the Son of Man follows the biblical text according to Dn 7:1-19 (ff. 102r-103r). The interpretation of the vision is depicted simply by the illustration of an angel in conversation with Daniel; the scribe, however, due to the lack of space, provides only its beginning and refers to it through the note et cetera, ut in Daniele habetur, angelus exposuit Danieli. Similarly, the eighth vision corresponding to Chapter 9, ends with the note et cetera, and an annotation to the illustration – Ibi exponit Gabriel visionem Danieli (f. 105r) – as well as an introduction to the ninth vision according to Chapter 10 with the reference et cetera in Daniele lege (f. 105r). The illuminator has then presented the last two deuterocanonical chapters from Dn. Chapter 13, dealing with the virtuous Susanna (ff. 106r-107v). The illustrations capture the main storyline, though very briefly, and at the same time the scribe has added a sort of ‘comic’ text. In f. 106r both images are summarized in the note Ibi Susanna per iniquos presbiteros iudicata ducitur ad mortem, and on f. 107r it is immediately followed by a dialogue – Dic, ubi eam vidisti? Sub prino. Sub cyno (the hearing of the elders that Daniel reordered) – inscribed over both of the interrogated men, straight after which the execution

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Figure II.3  Execution of the two lechers (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 107v

of the two lechers is depicted (f. 107v). Chapter 14 of Bel and the Dragon, in which Daniel, at the request of the Babylonians, is thrown into the lion’s den for uncovering the ruse of Bel’s priests and slaying the dragon, which was worshipped as a god, is presented rather like a story of the prophet Habakkuk, who was carried over the den by the angel to give Daniel food. Three scenes in ff. 107v-108r always depict Habakkuk with the angel and once with Daniel. The text again describes only briefly what is happening in the illustration.

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The author of the Velislav Bible has then included the detailed story of Samson (ff. 108v-115r) from the Book of Judges (hereinafter Jg), according to Chapters 13-16, to which the accompanying text basically corresponds. The illustrations are very extensive, and the annunciation of the birth of Samson by an angel alone occupies three scenes (ff. 108v-109r). The scribe could therefore afford to be equally detailed and even to spread a full sentence – the conversation of Samson’s father with the angel – across two folios. However, at the end of f. 108v he has added Quo sequitur, verte folium. The following part, based on the Book of Judith (hereinafter Jud) in ff. 115v-129v, is also presented in similar detail. The text for the illustrations, however, was inscribed only up to f. 123v (according to Jud 1-6:19), after which the text mirror was then left empty. The Old Testament part of the Velislav Bible is followed by twelve scenes concerning the Antichrist (ff. 130v-135r). The text was created in accordance with the Compendium theologicae veritatis by Hugo Ripelin of Strasbourg.13 This work has been attributed to Albert the Great or Thomas Aquinas from the fifteenth century, but the oldest manuscripts from the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries connect it with certainty to the Dominican Hugo Ripelin, in 1232, verifiably a prior of the Strasbourg filial convent in Zürich.14 The Compendium is basically a handbook summarizing theology for practical purposes and is intended not for teaching, but for preaching practice, its origin being related to the enormous growth in the Dominican Order in the thirteenth century.15 Its author was a member of the early generation of Dominicans and therefore adopted sources from the first half of the thirteenth century. His work thus does not yet bear the elements of speculative theology typical of a younger generation of Dominicans influenced by the reception of Aristotle, and practiced at universities. This fact, paradoxically, contributed to a huge distribution of the Compendium among broad layers of the clergy that had lost contact with a demanding, academic theology.16 For the accompanying text to the illustrations only Book 7 was used, in particular Chapters VI De adventu Antichristo, VII De mala vita Antichristi, VIII De quatuor modis, quibus decipiet, and X De Gog et Magog.17 However, 13 The work was published under the name of Albert the Great, Compendium, pp. 1-261. The edition goes back to the fifteenth-century Italian incunabula, not to the medieval manuscripts. 14 Cf. Steer, ʻDas Compendium,’ pp. 134-137. 15 Cf. idem, Hugo Ripelin, pp. 198-203. 16 Cf. ibid., pp. 237-239. 17 Chapters are numbered by the edition, from manuscripts of Czech origin to the fourteenth century included, available online (four manuscripts of the National Library), which were compared with the text in the Velislav Bible by Anna Kernbach, however, only one manuscript

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as one quire in the section between the Antichrist and Christ is missing in the Velislav Bible, in which we can assume another sixteen additional scenes to have been present, consideration of at least the following topics – De Elia et Enoch or De morte Antichristi – might be relevant. Comparing the extant text with the Compendium, we find that the scribe followed it only partly, summarizing and leaping between chapters, and in some parts there even appear motifs that do not come from the Compendium, at least not from its edited version. However, this does not necessarily have to be a result of the scribe’s inventiveness. The work was in fact so popular (in Prague alone there survived almost 40 medieval manuscripts mainly of Augustinian provenance)18 that it began to live a life of its own. Various partial copies, versions and excerpts are certain to have been made, and even separate parts of the work were preserved, such as, for example, the same Book 7 mentioned above with the title De fine mundi and the tract De Antichristo (according to Chapters VI-XIV). The real model of the text, though, in fact remains untraceable. The texts in ff. 132v and 133r are completely different from those in the Compendium. They actually come in the form of extensive captions for the illustrations, introduced always by demonstrative pronouns (Hii sunt reges […]; Ibi Antichristus mittit […], etc.). While these texts can be understood as summaries based on images, facts from the Compendium, or medieval notions of the Antichrist as such,19 the texts for the illustrations (and the illustrations themselves) in ff. 134v-135v are an innovation. They concern the Antichrist’s disputations with theologians and philosophers, whom he could not deceive and thus had subsequently beheaded and their books burnt. The illustrations are supplemented with dialogues (f. 134v for the disputation: Ego sum Christus, filius Dei and Tu es filius perdicionis) or with monologue for the depicted characters (f. 135r for the theologians being killed: Deus noster est nobiscum, Deus, Deus). The question remains as to how the part about the Antichrist was completed or rather how it was followed by the sequence concerning the life and deeds of Jesus Christ (today ff. 136r-149r), which now, due to the missing eighteenth quaternion, begins with the end of the story of the lists this numbering, while in another the numbers of chapters are always higher by one, and two manuscripts do not present any chapter numbers at all. See also the comparison of Compendium with the Velislav Bible provided by Chytil, Antikrist. 18 Cf. Steer, Hugo Ripelin, pp. 117-124. 19 E.g. on f. 133r, in which the Antichrist sends his disciples to preach in his name, the text is in fact based on the utterance of Jesus to his disciples according to the Gospels. Antichrist discourse was also considerably influenced in the Middle Ages by Adso Dervensis, De ortu et tempore; a Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, III, 33-35.

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Transfiguration on Mount Tabor according to Mt 17:9. It is followed by sequences based on various Gospels, yet in the following order: the faith of the Canaanite woman (Mt 15:21-28), a warning against the teachers of the Law (Mt 23:1-12), a third prediction of suffering and the request of the mother of Zebedee’s sons (Mt 20:17-28), the parable of Lazarus (L 16:19-31), the parable of the evil vine growers (Mt 21:33-46), the parable of the prodigal son (L 15:11-32), Jesus and Beelzebub (L 11:14-28), preaching at Nazareth (L 4:23-30), the deeds in Capernaum (L 4:38-44), Jesus and the woman of Samaria (J 4:6-42), Jesus and the adulteress (J 8:1-11), the feeding of the five thousand (J 6:1-15), the healing of the blind man (J 9:1-38), the dispute over the origin of Jesus (J 8:12-20), the arrest with Judas’s betrayal (J 18:1; Mt 26:3-4, 14-16), Jesus before the high priest, Jesus before Pilate and the burial (J 18:1-40; J 19:38-41), the three Marys at the tomb (Mt 16:1-7; Mt 28:2-3), the road to Emmaus (L 24:23-35), the entry into Jerusalem (L 24:36-47), the appearance in Galilee (J 21:1-3), and, finally, an illustration on the theme of the good and bad shepherd on f. 149r (J 10:11-14). The stories about Jesus now occupy two quires in the second of which, in the twentieth quire, folios 146 and 148 are missing. In the first case, the missing folio contained at least the Crucifixion and death of Jesus Christ (four images). In ordering the preserved sections, a certain structure can be found, as they correspond to gospel pericopes, being in chronological order as dictated by the liturgical year from the second Sunday in Lent to the second Sunday after Easter. The readings in fact correspond to the Roman Missal, only the readings according to which the first two preserved scenes (the Transfiguration and the faith of the Canaanite woman in f. 136r) are created, varies depending on the time and place of the creation of the Missal.20 While in the Roman Missal the reading from Mt 15:21-28 came on Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent, and on Saturday and on the second Sunday the same reading from Mt 17:1-9 (the Transfiguration) was read, the readings from the Czech missals according to the rite of the Prague diocese follow the same order as that in the Velislav Bible; that is, the Transfiguration was a Saturday reading and the reading on the faith of the Canaanite woman was read on the second Sunday in Lent.21 The younger missal from the second third of the fifteenth century (MS I A 46), however, assigns the reading from Mt 15:21-28 also to the Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent, and the older missal from the first 20 Cf. the table in the appendix; manuscripts found and compared by Anna Kernbach. 21 Especially Thursday readings in Lent may differ depending on the time and place of the use of the missal in liturgical practice, which can be related to the gradual development of Thursday readings in the Roman liturgy, cf. Pascher, Das liturgische Jahr, pp. 107-114.

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third of the fourteenth century (MS XII C 4b) replaces it with a reading from J 8:31-46. It is the same in the missal of the Cistercian monastery of Lilienfeld, from the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Hs 2), the missal of the Premonstratensian Abbey at Chotěšov, from the mid-fourteenth century in this section, corresponds to the younger Prague missal.22 The model for the choice of pericopes was therefore most likely the liturgical practice of the Prague diocese used right up until the mid-fourteenth century. For the preserved section of illustrations and text for the life of Jesus Christ the following pericopes were used: the Saturday after the first Sunday in Lent, the second Sunday in Lent, from the Tuesday to the Saturday after the second Sunday in Lent, the third Sunday in Lent, the Monday and the Thursday to Saturday after the third Sunday in Lent, the fourth Sunday in Lent, and the Wednesday and Saturday after the fourth Sunday in Lent. The scenes of the arrest, conviction, burial, resurrection (ff. 144v-147r) and probably also of the crucifixion and death of Jesus, which can be assumed to have been in the missing fourth folio of the section, correspond to the Good Friday reading from J 18:1-19, 42. However, as the Gospel of John does not include details of the high priests’ plot, and the betrayal of Judas and the kiss, to the first scene of f. 144v, the scribe added the text according to Mt 26:3-4 in which the high priests plot to kill Jesus, to the text from J 18:1. Both illustrations and the text in the subsequent folio were created according to Mt 26:14-16 (Judas before the chief priests) and Mt 16:47-50 (Judas’s kiss). These sections formed a part of the reading on Palm Sunday (Mt 26:1-27, 6). The preserved section of the Easter events ends with f. 147r, in which the first scene (burial) was created according to J 19:38-42. From this, it can be assumed that the missing folio contained the illustrations according to J 19:4-38 (Pilate in a dispute with the Jews, the crucifixion, Jesus’s utterances to Mary and St. John, and the death of Jesus). The second illustration shows the three Marys with ointments by the empty open tomb, at which soldiers are lying and on which an angel is sitting. The first sentence comes from Mk 16:1, which corresponds to the reading on Easter Sunday (Mk 16:1-7). In this section, however, there is no mention of soldiers or an angel sitting at the open tomb. The second sentence: Angelus enim Domini accedens revolvit lapidem et sedebat super eum. Erat autem aspectus eius sicut fulgur et vestimenta eius sicut nix 22 The missal of Chotěšov (Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS XIV C 3) has not been included in the comparison table, as it differs in other readings, in accordance with the Premonstratensian practice.

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corresponds to Mt 28:2-3 (pericope Mt 28:1-7 being read at the Easter Vigil). On ff. 147v-148v there are three post-Easter events depicted (the road to Emmaus, the entry into Jerusalem and the appearance in Galilee), corresponding to the readings from the Monday to the Wednesday after Easter. The last of these scenes, however, had to be completed in the folio, which was originally located after today’s folio 148. In this missing folio, other scenes based on the readings from the first week after Easter can be guessed. In the first half of f. 149r, Christ with the shepherd’s rod is depicted, beckoning to the disciples, especially to Peter, who is holding the same rod. In the second half, Christ is depicted with a rod and sheep, and a cleric with a rod, with demons and sheep being attacked by wolves. The illustrations and accompanying text correspond to J 10:11-14. It is Jesus’s parable telling of Himself as the good shepherd and of the hired hand as the bad shepherd. Although in literature the character of the cleric is identified as a generalized type, that of a sinful bishop, who is the opposite of the only good shepherd – Christ23 (it would therefore be an idea not unlike the disputes over the solemn, or rather useful, sacramental ministry of the clerics during the Hussite period), the illustration, which incidentally corresponds to the reading on the second Sunday after Easter, can be interpreted rather as expressing the meaning of the apostolic succession in the Church. Jesus gives his good shepherd’s rod to the apostles (among whom Peter has a privileged position) as a symbol of Church authority, and they subsequently pass it on to their successors, who are the only ones entitled to spread the word of God and administer the sacraments of the church. The contrast between the good and the bad shepherd, therefore, is to moralize rather than to show any particular phenomenon of the period (the so-called corruption of the Church), as it shows wherein the imitatio Christi of each clergyman lies. Within this framework, the subsequent f. 149v can be interpreted, with its scene of the Holy Trinity, or rather with God the Father, enthroned in the Christomorphic form with the unity of the Son and Holy Spirit in the form of young men. Each of the three figures holds in his hands an open book with statements, emphasizing their unity: ego et Pater unum sumus (J 10:30) and ego in Patre et Pater in me (J 14:10-11). The figure in the middle is wielding a book with the statement ego in vos et vos in me (J 14:20), which is part of Jesus’ sermon delivered in connection with the promise that after His departure the disciples will receive an Advocate who will stay with them forever (J 14:16-20). Above this central figure, moreover, there is the Cross as a symbol of Redemption. Below the Holy Trinity there stands the crowned 23 Cf. Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, p. 7.

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Virgin Mary with the inscription – ego sum mater misericordie – to whom two kneeling figures, a woman and a young man, are praying. The illustrations and inscriptions express the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and meanwhile the Mother of God also symbolizes the Church as an intermediary between the Triune God and the world.24 All that remains to add is the fact that the Triune God is framed by a green ornament, while beneath his feet two figures with six wings covered with eyes are located on each side, and above him there is a symbolic depiction of day and night. This motif comes from Revelation, where it is part of a grand vision of God’s power.25 The illustration therefore shows a kind of ‘state’ of transcendence or of the inner life of the Triune God and the Virgin Mary – the Mother of Mercy as an intercessor (which, on a further interpretive level, could be the Church itself). In ff. 150r-152v a sequence of seemingly unrelated scenes follows: the annunciation of the nativity and the death of St. John the Baptist (f. 150r), the Ascension of Jesus Christ with the text according to Acts 1:11, the Descent of the Holy Spirit (f. 151r), the martyrdoms of St. Peter and St. Paul (f. 151v), the martyrdoms of St. Lawrence and St. Hippolytus (f. 152r) and the Assumption of the Virgin Mary with her coronation (f. 152v). There is no detailed text for the illustrations, and the text is limited mostly to annotations of the illustrations (e.g., Paulus or Nero, inscribed for the relevant figures). In the last illustration at the bottom, the Dormition and Assumption of the Virgin Mary is depicted, and at the top is her Coronation by Christ. Above the first scene there is the inscription: Hac moriente choros super est translata novenos. Above the scene with Christ’s crowning of Mary there stands the text: Accipe, perpetuam, mater dilecta, coronam and Vos michi servite, do vobis gaudia vite. These are simple Leonine hexameters, which perhaps can be attributed to the inventiveness of the scribe. The crowned Virgin Mary and Christ are holding books with statements: Ego mater misericordiarum and Adstetit regina a dextris meis in vestitu aurato. The latter statement comes from Psalm 44:10 (according to the Vulgate); this very verse, mariologically interpreted, was the main basis for theological interpretation of the event of the Coronation of the Virgin Mary in Heaven.26 The events mentioned above are important feasts of the liturgical year celebrated one after another in close succession (except for the Feast of 24 Cf. Panušková, ʻVelislavova biblia,’ pp. 57-58. 25 Cf. Rev 4:2-3 and Rev 4:8. 26 The motif of the Coronation of the Virgin Mary was developed in art as early as in the Middle Ages. However, the official feast (the Feast of the Queenship of Mary) was established as late as 1954. Cf. Schmidt und Schmidt, Die vergessene Bildersprache, pp. 221-223.

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the Ascension of Jesus Christ and that of the Descent of the Holy Spirit – Pentecost – which are moveable feasts celebrated 40 and 50 days respectively after Easter), thus: 24 June (St. John the Baptist) and 29 June (the Feast of SS Peter and Paul), 10 August (St. Lawrence), 13 August (St. Hippolytus) and 15 August (the Assumption of the Virgin Mary). This part is followed by illustrations corresponding to the Apocalypse (hereinafter Rev) in ff. 153v-168v. Similar to that in Daniel’s visions, very abstract symbolic content, difficult to capture either in image or text, is found here, too. Exemplary is the first series of the visions of seven stars and seven candlesticks in the hands of the Son of Man, that is, of the seven angels of the seven churches, to whom seven letters of encouragement or admonition are addressed. While the illustrator was able to manage with illustrations of John receiving a vision or of an angel with a candlestick, and a model of the city in his hands, the scribe had to condense the contents of the first three chapters of Rev to fit into the available blank lines. The problem of the composition, therefore, was solved as follows. On f. 153v St. John is writing and he is depicted with seven angels (i.e., churches), with the text: Johannes septem eclesiis, qui sunt in Asia, gracia vobis et pax ab eo, qui est et qui erat et qui venturus est. (Rev 1:4)

In the other half of the folio there is a man in conversation with a human head and a strange animal, seven candlesticks, a figure of a man with a cruciform halo, a sword in his mouth, keys in his left hand and seven stars in his right hand. Instead of a complicated text, the scribe has made do with apt captions. Above the first male character Iohannes is written; by the human head and by the animal vox; the candlesticks are described as septem candelabra, the man as Christus and the keys as claves inferni. In this way we have a summary of the text from Rev 1:9-20, in which the Son of Man is revealed to John, with seven stars in His right hand and a sword in His mouth, and who says, among other things: habeo claves mortis et inferni. On ff. 154r-v there are seven letters for the seven churches in Asia, that is, corresponding to Chapters 2 to 3 from Rev, depicted always in the same way: St. John in conversation with an angel holding a model of the city in his hand. The scribe has inserted inscriptions only for the figures Iohannes and angelus and a relevant name for the city. In a similarly brief way, in particular through captions for the illustrations, the visions of the End of the World are presented; and it is here that there appears an already mentioned medieval interpretation of Rev 11:3-14 concerning the appointment of two witnesses (two olives trees or two candlesticks) to warn the world. From

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the Abyss, however, the beast emerges and kills those witnesses. Their bodies will lie for three and a half days, and then they will be resurrected and taken to Heaven. On ff. 162r-v, through captions, the witnesses are identified as Enoch and Elijah, the beast is the Antichrist, and the city is called the City of the Devil.27 From the text accompanying Rev, it is obvious that this was not presenting the exact content of the vision but rather a sort of introduction to the topic (e.g., the circumstances under which the vision occurred) and its external description (e.g., a list of the main characters). Such a description may very well serve as a mnemonic, with the help of which a person familiar with the Bible can quickly retrieve the contents and scope of relevant chapters. This is true, in fact, for all the topics presented in the Velislav Bible, though the abstract contents of Rev or Dn in particular indicate this fact most prominently. Even though Rev is the last book of the Bible, in the Velislav Bible it is followed by several scenes from the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul. St. Peter is given more attention (ff. 169r-177r). Firstly, there is an extract of the most important events in his life, as we know them from the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles (hereinafter Acts). In f. 169r Peter is called to follow Jesus (Mt 4:8-20); he is handed the keys to the kingdom of God with the inscription Ibi facit Dominus Petrum clavigerum regni celorum, and he participates in the Last Supper, with the inscription Ibi est cena agni paschalis, ad quam perducat nos misericordia Christi (f. 169v); in f. 170r, the scene of the washing of the feet according to J 13:5-10 follows, yet instead of the dialogue between Jesus and Peter the scribe has merely added Et ibi loquitur ad Petrum; in the second half of the folio on the left, the resurrected Christ asks Peter if he loves him (J 21:17) – hence the introduction to the scene in which Christ awards Peter a privileged position among the apostles. To the right corner of the same folio, the illuminator has fitted in the scene of the healing of the lame man according to Acts 3:1-7, which is indicated by the scribe’s using the mottos Ibi sunt Petrus et Iohannes ad horam nonam, as Peter and John went to the temple at three o’clock; Hic est porta Speciosa, for the image of the church by which the lame beggar was sitting; and Ibi sanat claudum petentem elemosinam ab introeuntibus in templum. The scene is completed on f. 170v, where the healed beggar praises the Lord in the church. (Acts 5:15-16). Ff. 171r-v show Peter and John coming to the city of Samaria, to lay hands on the local believers (Acts 8:14), who then receive the Holy Spirit (Acts 8:17). Even the conflict with Simon, whom the scribe calls magus according to Acts 8:9, who offered the 27 Cf. p. 37.

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apostles money if they would lay their hands on him, is indicated there. Then Peter damns Simon and his money (Acts 8:18-20). In the second half of f. 171v, Peter heals Aeneas in Lydda (Acts 9:32-34); and ff. 172r-173v are dedicated to the resurrection of the disciple Tabitha in Joppa (Acts 9:36-42). From the second half of f. 173v to the first half of f. 174v there is a depiction of Herod’s persecution of the disciples in Jerusalem (Acts 12:1-11), which begins with the beheading of the Apostle James the Greater (Acts 12:1-2) and continues with Peter’s arrest, his imprisonment, and his miraculous liberation by an angel (Acts 12:4-11). The execution of St. James is meant to be a prelude to Peter’s escape from prison, rather than a separate theme focused on St. James.28 The illustrations as well as the text simply pursue the stories according to Acts. This selection also reflects to some extent the most important New Testament pericopes that were read on the eve and the day of the feast of the two Apostles.29 From the second half of f. 174v to f. 177r apocryphal stories of St. Peter are depicted: his argument and struggle with Simon Magus, his condemnation to death, his encounter with Christ (the scene Quo vadis, Domine?), his crucifixion head-down, the removal of his body from the cross by Peter’s disciple Marcellus and his burial in the place called the Vatican. The section is then concluded with a prayer on f. 177r: Tu ergo Petre, preca benignam petram, qui est Christus, ut dignos nos indignos faciat sua gloria.

These motifs are known partly from the original Apocrypha. For us, only Latin versions come into consideration, including the Latin version of the Acts of Peter (Acta Petri cum Simone) from about the mid-second century, then the Passio sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli, the rewritten version of the f irst work from the f ifth or sixth century, or else the Martyrium beati Petri apostoli from approximately the same time,30 and finally the pseudo-Clementine Recognitiones in Rufin’s Latin translation from the fourth century, the text of which is seemingly reflected in f. 175r: Tunc Petrus, ut hec audiunt, oracionis gracia secedere alios iubet et dixit: Oremus 28 This section is already described by Stejskal as illustrations focusing on Peter, Paul and James, cf. Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, p. 7; or Uhlíř, Velislavova bible, pp. 29-31, in which on this basis he developed a theory regarding the allegorical significance of the Apostles James, Peter, and Paul, representing the three cardinal virtues: faith (James), hope (Peter), love (Paul). 29 At the vigil of the Feast, Acts 3:1-10 and J 21:15-19 and on 29 June, Acts 12:1-11 and Mt 16:13-19 were read, as indicated by the Missale Romanum as well as compared missals of Czech provenance. 30 All texts are published in Acta Apostolorum apocrypha I, pp. 45-103; 119-177; and 1-22.

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Figure II.4  St. Peter’s story

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 175r

fraters.31 On closer examination, however, we discover that none of these versions corresponds exactly to Peter’s story as presented in the Velislav Bible, neither in text nor in content. These texts, however, and especially the Passio, which is linked to the off icial feasts of the two Apostles on 29 June, had an enormous influence on other literary production. Their 31 Cf. Recognitiones, chap. II, 19, 5-6.

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motifs appear in hundreds of sermons, legends and retellings throughout the entire Middle Ages.32 The model for the illustrator and scribe could thus have been any version or multiple versions, or Peter’s story as such. Only the concluding prayer probably comes from the pen of the scribe or illuminator. In ff. 177v-179v there are the stories of St. Paul, which in fact correspond to Acts. The folios show Paul’s persecution of Christians (f. 177v), his conversion on the road to Damascus, the Lord’s revelation to Ananias and the Healing of Paul (f. 178r), Paul’s baptism, his sermon on Christ Jesus (f. 178v), the Jews’ conspiracy against Paul and his escape over the wall of Damascus in a basket (f. 179r), Barnabas’s words on Paul before the Jerusalem disciples, and the Healing of the lame man in Lystra (f. 179v). All these events, except for the last scene, which concerns Acts 14:7-9, are created according to Chapter 9 of Acts. The text is very abbreviated, describing the illustration, in fact, using only the demonstrative pronoun ibi, which is always at the beginning of each sentence (e.g., Ibi Ananias illuminat oculos Pauli). The text differs from that of Acts in the first and second scenes on f. 177r, which shows a group of men in handcuffs, Paul in armor, and a church, and in the other half there is Paul taking a letter from a seated man, and Paul’s departure with the letter. The illustration corresponds to the events of Acts 9:1-2, but the text rather describes the individual images. Above the handcuffed men there is the inscription: Ibi sancti missi in vinculos ab isto ferotissimo Paulo; above Paul and the church we read: Ibi Paulus nondum apostolus cupit infringere Christi ecclesiam; and at the scene of the letter we have: Ibi Paulus accipit epistolas a principibus sacerdotum. Although it is true that the Feast of the two Apostles also puts much more emphasis on Peter, the proof of which are the texts read at masses, it can be assumed that the part of St. Paul was not elaborated on thoroughly. The last part of the codex (ff. 180r-188r) shows the legend of St. Wenceslas. The accompanying text is found only on f. 183r, and in ff. 180v-181r the legend is interrupted by four scenes from the life of St. Clement. The accompanying text for the St. Wenceslas cycle on ff. 180r and 181v-183r corresponds to the Bavarian version of the legend Crescente fide christiana, even though it is again very brief and in the form of captions for the individual images. Only the name of the first Christian duke, Bořivoj (in the Bavarian version Spytihněv), comes from the Czech version of the same legend and

32 For comparison of the Apocrypha and their influence, cf. Ferreiro, Simon Magus in Patristic, pp. 55-80.

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Figure II.5  St. Clement’s legend

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 180v

tradition.33 The St. Clement cycle on ff. 180v-181r interrupts the first scene of the St. Wenceslas cycle. In terms of content, the scenes correspond to pseudo-Clementine Recognitiones in Rufin’s translation, although the main 33 Cf. ʻPassio s. Venceslai (recensio bavarica),’ p. 183; and ʻPassio s. Venceslai (recensio bohemica),’ p. 58.

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character in the same stories in the Recognitiones is St. Peter, not St. Clement, who is present but does not perform any miracles.34 These motifs are not part of any legend of St. Clement either, since most of them emphasize his missionary activities in the land of the Khazars and his martyrdom.35 On the other hand, the famous Legenda Aurea, for example, by the Dominican Jacobus of Voragine from the end of the thirteenth century, presents for the Feast of St. Clement among other things the Latin text from Recognitones almost literally, and yet the protagonist or the performer of miracles in it is again St. Peter.36 It can be stated that the overall concept of the codex is unique. If we look for a work at least to some extent similar, we find only the so-called Pamplona Bibles, a work created for King Sancho VII of Navarra at the end of the twelfth century, published and reconstructed by François Bucher.37 However, the Pamplona Bibles capture in summary form in images and brief accompanying texts, all the biblical books in the correct order, as well as stories and especially martyrdoms of dozens of saints and, finally, the events that occur before and during the second coming of Christ. Therefore they contain also the scenes of the Antichrist, although in accordance with an old prophecy of the Tiburtine Sibyl, Rev and Isaiah. Bucher compared his manuscripts with the Velislav Bible and concluded that both codices share about 70 percent of the same sources for the captions for the illustrations, and that in some cases they show the same illogical sequence of images, especially in Dn. According to Bucher, therefore, both codices had one prototype, which, however, was available to the creator of the Velislav Bible only in fragments. Moreover, he trimmed it, so that the Velislav Bible contains just a selection of the biblical books. The anti-Semitic feel in the Antichrist scenes should then reflect the anti-Jewish mood in southern England in the twelfth century, so perhaps this hypothetical prototype came from that environment.38 The last argument cannot be relevant just because the scenes of the Antichrist in the Velislav Bible are based on Hugo Ripelin of Strasbourg’s Compendium, originating in the thirteenth century. In the Pamplona Bibles, 34 Cf. Recognitiones, chap. VII, 12, 1-23, 7. 35 The development of the St. Clementine hagiography is associated with the f inding and transferring of the relics of St. Pope to Rome by St. Constantine – Cyril, by means of which it became part of the hagiography of Cyril and Methodius, cf. the preface to Vita Constantini-Cyrilli cum translatione, pp. 120-121. 36 Cf. Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea, pp. 777-783. 37 Cf. Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles. 38 Cf. ibid., vol. I, pp. 89-90.

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the illogical sequence of Daniel’s visions lies in the fact that the scenes, impossible to depict for their excessive abstractness, were omitted (e.g., the vision of the End of the World). On the other hand, in the Velislav Bible, as we have seen, all these scenes are at least implied in the correct sequence. Regarding the identical sources for the accompanying texts, conformity is provided by the fact that most of the texts simply come from the Bible. In the Pamplona Bibles, the stories about Jesus are presented chronologically, while in our codex they appear in accordance with the gospel pericopes of the Prague liturgical practice. Differences are also to be found in the hagiographic section, which in the Velislav Bible rather takes the form of a listing of feasts supplemented with several Christological events in addition. Aside the specifically Czech theme of St. Wenceslas, scenes of St. Clement, for example, in the Pamplona Bibles correspond to the traditional St. Clementine hagiography, focusing on his martyrdom. What the two manuscripts have in common, though, is not their autograph but their type, which has been handled by the creator of the Velislav Bible in accordance with his own needs. This type of biblical retelling does not yet correspond to the later type, or rather to the biblia pauperum type that flourished in Velislav’s time, a set of several dozen groups of scenes based on the typology of the Old and New Testaments with a clear Christological program (in current sources usually called Speculum humanae salvationis or biblicum or Concordantiae caritatis). These writings began to appear from about the mid-thirteenth century in connection with the spread of various heretical movements of the poor, Albigensian or Cathars (among other things rejecting the Old Testament), essentially as practical apologetic and catechetical material for priests and preachers, and they reached their peak in the fourteenth and especially in the fifteenth centuries, with the development of a new piety among the broader social strata.39 This does not naturally mean that the creator of the Velislav Bible did not work with typology. On the contrary, in fact; for medieval man the history of salvation (understood as a constantly evolving process from the Creation through original sin and the Incarnation of Christ to the Day of Judgment, and as a space for the fulfillment of God’s plan of salvation) could not be understood in any other way but as a typology. In all ages of that history of salvation, typological connections can be found indicating the center of the typological thinking, which is Christ. 40 Specifically with 39 Cf. Weckwert, ʻDer Name “Biblia pauperum,”’ pp. 4-32. 40 For detail see Kernbach, Vincenciova a Jarlochova kronika, pp. 61-66; standard work on medieval typology, cf. Ohly, ʻTypologie als Denkform,’ pp. 445-472.

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regard to biblical typology, the creator selected from the Old Testament only Gn, Ex, Dn, the story of Samson and the Book of Judith, all of which should be read in a Christological, or ecclesiological, way. Gn recounts the oldest history of mankind, understood as the history of salvation and its milestones: Creation, original sin, the promise made to Abraham and his descendants, and their arrival in Egypt. Ex describes the leading of Israel from Egypt to the Promised Land, the appearance of the Law, understood typologically as the liberation of the chosen people of the New Covenant from the snare of sin, and their wandering to the heavenly kingdom through the redemptive work of Jesus Christ. Daniel’s ten visions, too, were read in the Middle Ages in the Christological way: the first five visions were to predict the first coming of Christ, the last five the second coming. In the story of Daniel in the lion’s den, which, as we have shown above, focuses rather on Habakkuk than on Daniel, medieval commentators saw parallels with the Resurrection, and the motif of bread brought by Habakkuk was interpreted as the eucharistic bread bringing salvation. Habakkuk could even be perceived as the Savior himself, whose transfer from Judea, where he prepared the dish of life for the Israelites, to Daniel in Babylon, symbolizes the extension of salvation to pagans. Daniel in the lion’s den represents the nations in the power of demons. 41 Samson, too, was seen by medieval commentators as a type for Christ. It was mainly the annunciation of his birth by an angel, his epithet ‘Nazarite’ (he who has a vow), the breaking down and delivery of the gate in Gaza, symbolizing the resurrection of Christ, or his death in the Philistines’ temple, in which Samson himself perished, evoking Christ’s victorious sacrifice on the cross. Particularly popular was Samson’s battle with the lion after his descent to the city of Timnah to arrange the wedding with the Philistine woman. St. Augustine himself saw in these events a type for Christ, who was going as a groom to his bride – the church among the pagans, and the defeat of the Devil. 42 Judith, too, works as a typological character in medieval literature. With her complete trust in the Lord and her piety she is seen as a type for the Virgin Mary, through whose devotion to God’s will the Savior came into the world. The killing of Holofernes symbolizes the Immaculate Conception 41 In this way the Habakkuk presence in Dn is interpreted by, for example, the biblical dictionary from the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century whose authorship is uncertain but which for a long time was attributed to Rabanus Maurus. It was also published under his name, cf. Hrabanus Mauris, Allegoriae, PL 112, col. 884C-885A. 42 Cf. Augustinus, Contra Faustum, XII, 32, PL 42, col. 271. For Samson in Christian typology and poetry in detail, see Heinzer, ʻSamson dux fortissimus,’ pp. 27-32.

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and the birth of the Messiah, as Judith defeated Holofernes while preserving her chastity and continued to live chastely as a widow. Judith thereby saved her people from Assyrian domination, and the Virgin Mary saved mankind from sin and evil, symbolized by Holofernes. 43 However, Judith was also seen in an ecclesiological way, as a prefiguration of the Church. This allegory was spread due to thirteenth-century Marian hymnology as well as to the exegetical manual Glossa ordinaria to have emerged from the twelfth century, which, until the seventeenth century, was basically a standard interpretive work summarizing the comments of the Church Fathers and later Early Medieval scholars. 44 For example, f. 129r depicts Judith accepting as gifts various items and a sword on which there is written gladius Holofernis, and on f. 129v, where Judith places on the altar a curtain and a sword with the same inscription (this time with a scribe’s error: gladius Holofernus). According to Jdt 15:11 the people gave Judith several items from the Assyrian spoils – Holofernes’s tent and all the silver objects, chairs, dishes and all the furnishing in it. According to Jdt 16:19, in Jerusalem Judith displayed all of Holofernes’s objects, giving the bed curtain to God as an offering. Hence in the illustrations here Holofernes’s sword is rather superfluous. The solution is offered by the playing with the allegorical interpretation of the character of Judith in the work of the Early Christian poet Prudentius, in whose allegorical poem telling of the battle between the virtues and the vices in the human soul, Psychomachia, Judith functions not only as a type for Mary, but also as the personification of purity. 45 This character, Puditia, kills the personified Libido with a sword, and there is a direct reference to the story of Judith and Holofernes. 46 The victorious Puditia then consecrates the sword on the altar of the Christian temple. 47 The scenes of the Antichrist, too, are to be read from the Christological viewpoint. Their location before the section dedicated to Jesus Christ can be explained by the contractor’s effort to create a kind of antithetical parallel between these two sections. Due to the missing quires in this particular part of the codex, it is impossible to follow this parallel in detail; however, we can assume the analogy to the birth of the Antichrist and the beginning of his ministry, or else to Christ’s death and resurrection, which could be analogous to the End of the World, to have been present in the missing folio.48 43 44 45 46 47 48

Cf. Mastrangelo, ʻTypology and Agency,’ pp. 163-165. Cf. Ciletti and Lähnemann, ʻJudith in the Christian Tradition,’ pp. 45-52. Cf. Mastrangelo, ʻTypology and Agency,’ pp. 165-166. Cf. Prudentius, Psychomachia, vv. 58-75. Cf. ibid., vv. 107-108. For this Kernbach & Panušková in this volume, p. 15, ft. 2.

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The subsequent illustrations of saintly martyrs, the Ascension, Pentecost and the Assumption, which can be seen as a list of consecutive feasts, may also be seen as a part of this framework. The creator had the need to further develop two of these events, namely the martyrdoms of St. Peter and St. Paul, and so he included the lives of the two apostles probably according to the retellings based on Acts, apocryphal sources, or their reduced version, following the depiction of the Apocalypse. The St. Wenceslas legend then serves as the source for the origins of Christianity in Bohemia, that is, the period when, according to medieval historiography, the history of the Czech lands (as opposed to the mythical pagan time) begins. In this way, the legend introduced the history of the Czech lands into the flow of the history of salvation. The crucial point for Czech historiography is traditionally the year 894, in which Duke Bořivoj was to be baptized, and with which all historiographies of Czech provenance begin. 49 It has been said that the legend of St. Wenceslas was created in accordance with the Bavarian version of the legend Crescente fide but, in contrast with that version, Bořivoj, and not Spytihněv, was presented as the first Christian duke, as corresponds to the Czech tradition. The St. Clement scenes are included just after the first scene of St. Wenceslas, which states that Bořivoj was baptized (f. 180r). The second scene shows the foundation of the churches of the Virgin Mary and St. Peter by Bořivoj’s son Spytihněv (this again in agreement with the Bavarian version, as in the Czech version the Church of Our Lady at Prague Castle had already been established by Bořivoj).50 The old Czech tradition, however, linked the beginnings of Christianity in Bohemia not only with Bořivoj, but also with St. Clement’s church in Levý Hradec, the very first Christian church in Bohemia, whose founder was also Duke Bořivoj; the oldest castle churches in Bohemia also bear patronage of this saint.51 The emphasis placed on the apostles SS Peter and Paul and St. Lawrence among the saintly martyrs might suggest that the codex originated at Vyšehrad, as the church of the Vyšehrad Chapter is dedicated to both these apostles, and the Basilica of St. Lawrence was also to be found nearby in the Middle Ages.52 As far as sacral buildings on the mount of Vyšehrad are concerned, the situation is as follows: the basilica at Vyšehrad carried initially the patronage only of St. Peter, but at the turn of the twelfth century 49 50 51 52

Cf. Kernbach, Vincenciova a Jarlocha kronika, pp. 69-70. Cf. Třeštík, Počátky Přemyslovců, p. 406. Cf. ibidem, p. 330. For this previously, Panušková, ʻVelislavova biblia,’ p. 59.

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the patronage of St. Paul was documented.53 The Basilica of St. Lawrence was originally a part of the royal or ducal palace, and then from 1322 it became a part of the Vyšehrad deanery.54 St. Clement’s Church has not been archeologically located yet, although based on written and iconographic sources its existence is highly probable.55 For our consideration, however, the patronage of St. Clement is not necessary – the scenes depicting this saint are part of the beginnings of Christianity in Bohemia and serve a different function here than those with saints mentioned in the part apparently in accordance with a calendar. However, it should be noted that as early as in the twelfth century the church at Vyšehrad was referred to as ecclesia sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli sanctique Clementis martyris atque pontificis.56 These patronages are not the only ones related to the saints in the Velislav codex. The chapel of St. John the Baptist is documented in the cloister of the church at Vyšehrad in 1344,57 and the chapel of St. Hippolytus in 1362,58 although this does not necessarily mean that neither chapels may be older. The chapel of St. Hippolytus, however, is not actually necessary to our purpose, because from the early Middle Ages the legends of St. Hippolytus and St. Lawrence were so interconnected (as Hippolytus is supposed to have been the guard of St. Lawrence, who, while awaiting death in jail, converted the former to Christianity) that their martyrdoms were most often portrayed together.59 The Vyšehrad provenance of the Velislav Bible could even explain the somewhat illogical inclusion of Rev among the feasts of saints and other holidays, as well as of the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul. The key perhaps lies in the character of St. John the Evangelist. His feast falls on 27 December, which would fit into the selection of the saints depicted chronologically according to their feast days. Instead of a brief depiction of the life of this apostle, the creator may have inserted his alleged work, which, as it is the last biblical book dealing with the final things, belongs at the end of the codex. The church of St. John the Evangelist was probably the oldest sacral building ever to have stood at Vyšehrad. It was most likely a rotunda whose existence appears in the context of the Vyšehrad church as early as at the end of the tenth century. From the eleventh century it is documented as 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Cf. Nechvátal, Kapitulní chrám, p. 40. Cf. ibidem, pp. 76, 346-361. Cf. ibidem, pp. 339-341. Cf. forgery of Vyšehrad foundation document, CDB I., p. 373, no. 387. Cf. RBM IV., p. 556, no. 1373. Cf. Tomek, Základy starého místopisu, p. 186. Cf. the entry ʻHippolytus’ in Müller et al., Theologische Realenzyklopädie, 15, pp. 381-387.

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part of the then royal or ducal palace, and from the thirteenth century it was believed to have once been consecrated by St. Adalbert.60 The ability to select Old Testament books and give a typologicalChristological interpretation of them, and a knowledge of the parallel of the Antichrist-Christ and the Gospel sequences that are arranged selectively and yet in chronological order according to the liturgical year at the Prague diocese, were essential skills for any cleric. This may also include those scenes reminiscent of the origin of the apostolic succession, the Church doctrine of the Holy Trinity, the saints important for the Church’s own authority, and other important religious holidays of the year. With the Czech milieu there is associated the inclusion of the St. Wenceslas cycle, the aim of which is, through the motif of St. Clement, to incorporate the history of Bohemia into the history of salvation as developed in the previous folios of the codex. The Velislav Bible is not a textbook of the history of salvation, as the extent of the abbreviation in both image and, primarily, text throughout assume a very good knowledge of the Bible in the user. However, it may well evoke biblical stories and thus serve as a mnemonic tool. Nonbiblical sources, as noted, would then seem to point to an environment not necessarily that challenging intellectually, certainly not to a university environment, but rather to one focused on practical preaching. We therefore believe that we may narrow down the possible origin of the codex more precisely to the Vyšehrad Chapter school. This brings us to the figure of Velislav kneeling before St. Catherine on f. 188r. His identification as the notary Velislav just because this very Velislav is documented, and on the basis of a subsequently created hypothesis that attempts to combine his spiritual state with a clear depiction of the layman, is rather forcible.61 The text in the banderole on f. 188v reads: Sancta Katerina, exaudire famulcum tuum Vellizlaum. The same applies to the male figure kneeling before the Virgin Mary on f. 149v with the inscription on the banderole: Sancta Maria, opem fer et auxiliare famulcum tuum. The diminutive famulcus, unlike the word famula (by which a female character is indicated), refers to the rather young age of the given male character. There is therefore no reason to consider the couple to be a husband and wife, as they may well be, for example, a mother and son. At the same time, 60 Cf. Nechvátal, Kapitulní chrám, pp. 342-343. 61 Cf. e.g. link to the mention of the secular clergy clothing at Petr Žitavský at Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, p. 8; or with the hypothesis of Velislav’s acolyte consecration by Uhlíř, Velislavova bible, p. 13; to identify Velislav in specialized literature, cf. the initial study by Kernbach and Panušková.

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it is obvious that these two folios show the same young man who on f. 188r is praying to the patron saint not only of philosophers and scholars but also of students. We can therefore consider the possibility that f. 149v may depict the patrons of the codex intended for the Vyšehrad Chapter school, and meanwhile Velislav was, or is supposed to have been, also a student of the same school, perhaps with the prospects of a generous canonical prebend. This could be the notary Velislav, canon at Vyšehrad from 1334, but the dating of the manuscript would have to be moved to a couple of years before this date.

Mt 15:21-28 Mt 17:1-9 Mt 17:1-9 Mt 23:1-12 Mt 20:17-28 L 16:19-31 Mt 21:33-46 L 15:11-32 L 11:14-28 L 4:23-30 L 4:38-44 J 4:6-42 J 8:1-11 J 6:1-15 J 9:1-38

Thu after I. Sun in Lent Sat after I. Sun in Lent II. Sun in Lent Tue after II. Sun in Lent Wed after II. Sun in Lent Thu after II. Sun in Lent Fri after II. Sun in Lent Sat after II. Sun in Lent III. Sun in Lent Mon after III. Sun in Lent Thu after III. Sun in Lent Fri after III. Sun in Lent Sat after III. Sun in Lent IV. Sun in Lent Wed after IV. Sun in Lent

Mt 15:21-28 Mt 17:1-9 Mt 15:21-28 Mt 23:1-12 Mt 20:17-28 L 16:19-31 Mt 21:33-46 L 15:11-32 L 11:14-28 L 4:23-30 L 4:38-44 J 4:6-42 J 8:1-11 J 6:1-15 J 9:1-38

I A 4663 J 8:31-46 Mt 17:1-9 Mt 15:21-28 Mt 23:1-12 Mt 20:17-28 L 16:19-31 Mt 21:33-46 L 15:11-32 L 11:14-28 L 4:23-30 L 4:38-44 J 4:6-42 J 8:1-11 J 6:1-15 J 9:1-38

XII C 4b64 J 8:31-46 Mt 17:1-9 Mt 15:21-28 Mt 23:1-12 Mt 20:17-28 L 16:19-31 Mt 21:33-46 L 15:11-32 L 11:14-28 L 4:23-30 L 4:38-44 J 4:6-42 J 8:1-11 J 6:1-15 J 9:1-38

Hs 265

f. 136rb f. 136ra f. 136rab f. 136va f. 136vb f. 137rab ff. 137va-138ra ff. 138vb-140rb f. 140vab f. 141ra ff. 140vb-141va ff. 141vb-142rab f. 142vab f. 143rab ff. 143vab-144rab

Velislav Bible

62 Missale Romanum. 63 Prague, National Library of the Czech Republic, MS I A 46 – missal according to the rite of the Prague diocese from the second half of the fifteenth century. 64 Prague, National Library of the Czech Republic, MS XII C 4b – missal according to the rite of the Prague diocese from the first half of the fourteenth century. 65 Diözesanarchiv St. Pölten, Niederösterreich, sign. Hs 2 – missal from the Cistercian monastery of Lilienfeld from the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

Rome 147462

Date in Liturgical Calendar

Appendix: Table of Easter and Post-Easter Gospel Readings

66  Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková

Rome 147462

J 8:12-20 Mt 26:1-27, 1-6

J 18:1-19:42 Mt 28:1-7 M 16:1-7 L 24:13-35 L 24:36-47 J 21:1-14 J 10:11-16

Date in Liturgical Calendar

Sat after IV. Sun in Lent Palm Sunday

Good Friday Easter Vigil Easter Sunday Mon after Easter Tue after Easter Wed after Easter II. Sun after Easter

J 8:12-20 Mt 26:1-27:1-61 + Mt 27:62-66 J 18:1-19:42 Mt 28:1-7 M 16:1-7 L 24:13-35 L 24:36-47 J 21:1-14

I A 4663 J 8:12-20 Mt 26:1-27:1-61 + M 11:1-10 J 18:1-19:42 Mt 28:1-7 M 16:1-7 L 24:13-35 L 24:36-47 J 21:1-14 J 10:11-16

XII C 4b64 J 8:12-20 Mt 26:1-27:1-61 + Mt 27:62-66 J 18:1-19:42 Mt 28:1-7 M 16:1-7 L 24:13-35 L 24:36-47 J 21:1-14 J 10:11-16

Hs 265

ff. 144v-147r f. 147r f. 147r ff. 147v-148r ff. 148v-r f. 148v f. 149r

f. 144v ff. 144v-145r

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III The Velislav Bible in the Context of Late Medieval Biblical Retellingsand Mnemonic Aids* Lucie Doležalová

I claim it as established that all books that have been written, or have existed, in every region of the earth, all tools, records, inscriptions on wax tablets, epitaphs, all paintings, images, and sculptures; […] eye extractions, mutilations, and various tortures of bandits and forgers; […] the slaps that bishops give to adults during sacramental annointings; the blows given to boys to preserve the events of history in the memories; the nods and signals of lovers; the whispers of thieves; courteous gifts and small presents – all have been devised for the purpose of supporting the weakness of natural memory.1

Boncompagno da Signa (c. 1170-1240), teacher of rhetoric at the University of Bologna, includes this curious list in his treatise on memory. On the one hand, anything may indeed serve to improve natural memory, and the authors of late medieval treatises on the art of memory, in accordance with their primary source, Rhetorica ad Herennium, always stressed that one should search for one’s own tools, those suited to one’s own mind. On the other hand, strategies for memorizing changed throughout the Middle Ages and there are discernible patterns in the character of the methods, as well as periods of special interest in mnemonics. The most distinguished period is the late Middle Ages and early modern era (especially the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries), when practical mnemonics flourished primarily * This is a reworked version of my study ‘The Velislav Bible and Latin Biblical Mnemonics in 14th- and 15th-Century Bohemia,’ Daphnis: Zeitschrift für Mittlere Deutsche Literatur und Kultur der Frühen Neuzeit (1400-1750), 41 (2012), pp. 327-355. The research, the results of which are presented in this study, was supported by European Regional Development Fund-Project No. CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734, as well as by Charles University Research Development Program ʻCentre for the Study of the Middle Ages’ (PROGRES Q07), both undertaken at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague. I am very grateful to Susanne Rischpler and Greti Dinkova-Bruun for their kind help. 1 Boncompagno, Rhetorica novissima, VIII, 13; for the English translation, see Boncompagno, On Memory, p. 111.

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at universities and in the context of preaching alongside the rediscovered and reshaped art of memory.2 Mnemonic tools of this time are far more systematic and logically structured than before, even though they still frequently surprise the modern reader as being confusing and impractical. Biblical mnemonics form a special group which cannot be easily separated from biblical retellings. It may seem that mnemonics should serve as pure memory aids, while retellings would strive to offer interpretation as well. But they are much more closely interrelated: both often include interpretation, and both often serve primarily to help readers remember the contents of the Bible. Only Late Antique biblical retellings (e.g., by Cyprianus, Sedulius Scotus, or Arator) might be seen as a specific type, since their main aim was to put the correct content (the Bible) into the appropriate form: Virgilian poetry.3 But even later biblical retellings (in and after the Carolingian times, with examples including the works of Peter Riga, Alexander of Ashby, and Lawrence of Durham) usually disclose a strikingly free and creative manipulation of the sacred text – they not only skip but also add details, interpretations, emotions, and opinions. 4 Two images described in the prologues to two of the most popular medieval biblical retellings can be seen as providing justification for this surprising freedom. In the prologue to the Historia scholastica (c. 1170), a prose retelling of the Bible which quickly became a widespread school text,5 Peter Comestor compares the Sacred Scripture to a dining hall in which God makes his people drunk so that they can become sober.6 Thus, the Bible is a space and, as such, it perhaps does not need to be strictly fixed – the 2 Cf. Heimann-Seelbach, Ars und scientia. Rivers, Preaching the Memory. See also Doležalová et al., The Art of Memory. 3 See, e.g., Roberts, Biblical Epic and Rhetorical Paraphrase; Bažil, Centones Christiani; Green, Latin Epics of the New Testament; Herzog, Die Bibelepik; Springer, The Gospel as Epic in Late Antiquity. 4 Stella, La poesia carolingia Latina; Dinkova-Bruun, ‘Biblical Versifications from Late Antiquity’; Dinkova-Bruun, ʻBiblical Versification and Memory’; Laurentius Dunelmensis, Gottes Heilsplan; Aurora. Petri Rigae Biblia. 5 See, e.g., Luscombe, ‘Peter Comestor.’ For the wider context of reception of Comestor, see Morey, ʻPeter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase’; Sherwood-Smith, ʻDie Historia Scholastica als Quelle’; Clark, ʻThe Commentaries on Peter Comestor’; Schumann, ʻPetrus Comestor und Petrus Lombardus in Minden?’ In the Czech context, a significant endeavor is an Old Czech translation of Comestor written in Glagolitic script, see Staročeský hlaholský Comestor. 6 Petrus Comestor, Scolastica historia, pp. 4-5: ‘Imperatorie maiestatis est tres in palatio habere mansiones: auditorium uel consistorium in quo iura decernit, cenaculum in quo cibaria distribuit, thalamum, in quo quiescit. Ad hunc modum imperator noster, qui imperat ventis et mari, mundum habet pro auditorio ubi ad nutum eius omnia disponuntur […] Animam iusti pro thalamo habet. […] Sacram Scripturam pro coenaculo, in qua suos inebriat, ut sobrios reddat.’ Only the Book

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importance lies in the activity and its result (conversion), not in the rigid textual form.7 A much more explicit defense of selective interpretation and manipulation of the Bible is to be found in a prologue to a later, very popular biblical retelling, the Speculum humanae salvationis (c. 1324). Here the author offers an image of an oak tree that stands within a monastery; when it is cut down, eleven different artisans approach it, each taking from it only that particular part which is useful to him.8 This, the author says, will be his method when approaching the Bible, too.9 Finally, he compares the Bible to soft wax which bears the form given to it by a seal: Sacra scriptura est tamquam mollis cera Que iuxta cuiusque sigilli impressionem Capit in se forme disposicionem Ut si forte leonem continet in se sigillum Cera mollis impressa statim in dispositionem capit illum Et si forte sigillum illud aquilam continebit Eadem cera ibi impressa speciem aquile habebit. Sic una res aliquando signat dyabolum, aliquando Christum; nec mirari debemus scripture modum istum. It should be noted that, in truth, the Holy Scripture can f ittingly be compared to soft wax, which, on receiving the impression of a seal, takes on its shape and form, so that if, say, the seal depicts a lion, the soft wax, having been impressed, will immediately take on its shape, whereas if, say, a different seal has an eagle, the same wax, when it receives the impression, will show the eagle. And thus a thing can at one time signify the devil and at another time Christ, and we should not wonder about this manner of the Scripture.10 of Genesis has a critical edition; for the remaining part of the Historia scholastica there is only the PL 198. 7 I have discussed this image in ‘The Dining Room of God,’ pp. 229-244. 8 For a detailed treatment of this image, see Palmer, ‘Turning Many to Righteousness.’ See this article also for further bibliography on the Speculum. 9 ‘Idem modus in historia componenda tenetur: / Quilibet doctor colligit de ea, quod suo proposito congruum videtur. / undem modum in hoc opusculo servabo: / particulam historiae mihi congruum solummodo recitabo, / totam historiam per omnia nolo recitare, / ne legentibus et audientibus taedium videar generare.’ Prologue, lines 54-58. Cited here from Palmer, ‘Turning Many to Righteousness,’ p. 364. 10 Prologue, lines 59-68.

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The Speculum is in fact not a retelling but a typological narrative of the New Testament. Thus, as far as the mirror images from the Old Testament are concerned, it is indeed extremely selective. The fact that its author felt that a justification of his method was necessary suggests that such treatment was not entirely common. At the same time, though, this sort of manipulation of the sacred text would be impossible in the early modern period. As I have tried to show elsewhere,11 in the Middle Ages biblical mnemonic tools, together with most biblical retellings, form a specific literary type with interchangeable titles, wandering prologues, and various selected extracts copied together in manuscripts. Since most of these texts have not yet been edited, much remains to be done before final conclusions can be drawn. One clear pattern, however, is the same as with mnemonics in general: as the Middle Ages advance, these texts become gradually more tool-like. From the fifteenth century there survive several biblical tools which summarize each chapter of the Bible in two verses, one verse, half a verse, or even a single word. Such texts are constructed rather than created, and thus there seems to be little space left for poetic creativity. During the fourteenth century, on the other hand, the situation is less settled and unified, and a number of unique works originated in that period. As far as works of Czech provenance are concerned, besides the considerably later Manualník, aneb Jádro Biblí svaté (Handbook, or the core of the Holy Bible) of Jan Amos Komenský (Comenius),12 the Velislai Biblia picta, the subject of this volume, is by far the most precious and most original work.13 The place and time of its origin, Prague c. 1340, seem to be certain. In the past, a variety of theories regarding the identity of Velislav (f. 188r) were proposed, but no conclusive evidence has ever been offered. Anna Kernbach and Lenka Panušková persuasively argue in this volume that the book might have been produced for the school at Vyšehrad in Prague.

11 Doležalová, Obscurity and Memory. 12 Komenský (Comenius), Manualník aneb Jádro celé biblí svaté. Komenský f inished the manuscript of the Manualník in 1623, but the book was printed only in 1658 in Amsterdam. Komenský also authored a biblical summary in Latin, Janua sive introductorium in Biblia sacra (covering only the Old Testament, accompanied in print by Epitome Novi Testamenti on the New Testament, printed in Nürnberg by Michael Endter in 1658), which takes the form of a dialogue and was meant to serve also as a kind of textbook of Latin, see Kopecký, ‘Comenius as a Biblist’; Bočková, ʻManualník v kontextu tvorby Komenského.’ 13 Besides this volume, see Matějček, Velislavova Bible; Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta; Panušková, ‘Die Velislav Bibel in neuem Licht’; Uhlíř, Velislavova Bible.

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The codex is, in fact, not really a Bible: it contains only selected parts of the Scripture, while, on the other hand, it also includes a great amount of extrabiblical material, as is seen from the overview of its content on pp. 203 of this volume. It is not easy to understand the plan behind the selection of biblical books and other sources in the Velislav Bible; the general consensus is that a careful design in the creation of the book is lacking. It has even been suggested that the codex was bound randomly. Quite clearly, the work was left unfinished: there is gradually less and less text included, although there are ruled lines for it; some of its parts are missing; some are in the wrong order; and there are several discrepancies and inconsistencies. The fact that the scenes of the Passion of Christ are missing is, however, probably due to the reception of the Velislav Bible rather than to some secret plan: depictions of Jesus on the cross were frequently used for meditation in the context of personal devotion, and thus it is possible that a fervent reader tore the leaves with the Passion out of the codex. The fact that the Velislav Bible was indeed read is made clear by the Czech and Latin glosses which date to the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century, as well as by the German glosses which date to the seventeenth century. The selection of the scenes from the life of Christ was successfully decoded by Kernbach as having been made on the basis of the biblical pericopes arranged in the order of the liturgical year. These aspects confirm the Czech origin of the codex and its close connection to the official program of the Czech medieval Church. Less usual is the inclusion of the chapters from Hugo of Strasbourg, and their placement: the cycle on the Antichrist precedes the cycle on Christ in the Velislav Bible.14 The inclusion of hagiographic material – for example, the legend of St. Wenceslas and other saints venerated in the region – is not surprising. In fact, such occurrences are omnipresent during the Middle Ages, since they establish a connection between the general human history and the local events that were familiar to a particular community of readers. In this way local history became an inherent part of salvation history. The selection and order of biblical books and other texts is often striking; for example, the lives of Peter and Paul come only after the Apocalypse. The same is true also for the selection of the books of the Old Testament: after the entire Book of Genesis comes Exodus (without the last five chapters), followed by Daniel, part of the Book of Judges, and the Book of Judith. From the whole of the Old Testament, which consists of 45 books, there are thus 14 Cf. the contribution by Pavlína Cermanová in this volume.

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– after the first two, comprising almost half of the volume (88 out of 188 folios) – only three shorter books, which are also in an order different from that in which they occur in the Bible, where Daniel is placed 32nd, Judges 7th, and Judith 18th. It is true that these three books were popular and frequently retold, but the same was the case of a number of other biblical books, for example the Books of Kings, which tell the stories of the first kings of Israel, Saul, David, and Salomon.15 So why were Daniel, Judges and Judith chosen above the rest of the Old Testament books? The inclusion of the Book of Daniel (not only the famous story of Susanna and the old vile men and the story of Daniel in the lion’s den, but also Daniel’s visions presented in great detail together with their interpretation)16 stresses the eschatological theme, which is also promoted through the inclusion of the cycle on the Antichrist as well as of the Book of Revelation in their visually elaborated form. The subject of the Last Things is the strongest topic permeating the whole work. But while the Lollards in England and later the Hussites in the Czech lands always linked the Antichrist with their times and identified him with a living person, in the Velislav Bible this character is not personalized or actualized in any way. His story is presented as a mirror story to that of Christ, through both the selection of the scenes and their visualization – particular scenes are frequently interpretable only thanks to a halo around Christ’s head and a little devil placed by the Antichrist; otherwise the two figures are very much alike. It seems that the basic topic is the distinguishing of good from evil rather than the issuing of a warning against a real embodiment of evil and the end of the world. The Books of Judges and Judith were already linked in the original Jewish context: the Book of Judith was undoubtedly written later, but in its style it imitates the Book of Judges. In both the story of Samson and the story of Judith an important role is played by a beautiful and dangerous woman – Delilah manages to lure out of Samson the secret of his strength and thus destroys him, while Judith enchants and inebriates Holofernes in order to cut off his head. This link is not, however, usually thematized; after all, Delilah is viewed as a negative character and Judith as a positive one. The more substantial connection between the two books lies in the fact that they both speak of the victory of the Jews over other nations thanks to the 15 For example, a later Historienbibel in ms. at the Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, Cod. 7 in Scrin., contains the same Old Testament books as the Velislav Bible, but there are the Books of Kings and Samuel, too, and all the books appear in the original biblical order. See Reinitzer, Historienbibel. 16 Because of the passages on the resurrection of the dead and the end of the world, the Book of Daniel was perceived as a kind of Apocalypse of the Old Testament.

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personal bravery of exceptional individuals. Samson is a type of Christ – he is born in order to save the Jews from subjection to the Philistines, and he dies while performing this mission.17 Judith all by herself kills the Assyrian leader Holofernes.18 It is not an exception to find these two books side by side in biblical retellings. Unlike the biblia pauperum19 or the Speculum humanae salvationis, two types originating around the same time and often brought up in the context of the Velislav Bible, the Velislav Bible is not based on biblical typology. Instead, it generally follows the biblical chronology. Nevertheless, typology is clearly present in the selection of the scenes as well as in their portrayal, for example Melchisedek on f. 15v (Gn 14) is portrayed as Christ with the Eucharist.20 Although the typological features rarely interrupt the biblical narrative, an exception is seen, for example, in the scenes depicting the ascension of Elijah (2 Kings 2:11) and Enoch (Gn 5:24) which are included immediately after the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden and God’s placing of a cherub with a fiery sword to guard the gate (Gn 3:24; f. 5r). This is a frequent association found also, for example, in Comestor’s Historia scholastica, where Enoch and Elijah are mentioned precisely because they arrived successfully in Paradise in spite of the cherub. The proposed explanation for this feature is that the cherub did not have his fiery sword when the prophets entered Eden.21 There are no simple parallels to this unique picture Bible. The closest to the Velislav Bible are the so-called Pamplona Bibles from the end of the twelfth century. Their editor, François Bucher, noticed the similarity and argued that these works agree in about 70 percent of the text and originate from the same lost model.22 His estimate is clearly founded on a very superficial survey; a closer look reveals that the two works are substantially different. Exact textual agreement is found only at places where both of them cite 17 See also Dinkova-Bruun, ‘Biblical Thematics.’ 18 The visual presentation of her story is striking: The figure of Judith is all red and always substantially bigger than the Jews around her. She looks like a personification of revenge. 19 See, e.g., Schmidt, Die Armenbibeln, or, idem, Die Wiener Biblia pauperum I. 20 See Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia.’ 21 Petrus Comestor, Scolastica historia, cap. 25, p. 47: ‘Et collocauit ante paradisum uoluptatis cherubim, flammeum gladium atque versatilem, ut angelus arceret diabolum, ignis hominem […] (there follows a brief discussion on why and in what way the sword is versatilis) […] Ablatus enim fuit ad tempus intrantibus Helya et Enoch, penitus vero non donec in morte Christi fuit extinctus.’ 22 Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles.

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directly from the Vulgate, and a more detailed comparison of the texts proves that they are two independent works. Among the many differences, the Velislav Bible devotes substantial space to describing the relationship between individual characters and God: contrary to the Pamplona Bibles, in the Velislav Bible every sacrif ice and every meeting with God or his messengers is depicted and described.23 Or, for example the apocryphal scene after the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden, where Adam is shown ploughing and Eve spinning (f. 5v in the Velislav Bible), is absent in the Pamplona Bibles, while it is included in some manuscripts of the Speculum humanae salvationis, 24 psalters, 25 illustrated Bibles, 26 and mural paintings.27 Further differences abound. Among others, the Pamplona Bibles include detailed depiction of the genealogy of Christ, and they depict the prophets that are quoted in the New Testament.28 In addition, unlike the Pamplona Bibles, the Velislav Bible is actually not a retelling; the text was clearly added only after the illuminations were done,29 and frequently it is basically a mere explanation of the picture it accompanies. The Velislav Bible quotes from an important school text, the Ecloga Theoduli,30 and it also uses mnemonic verses for remembering the ten 23 Further scenes absent in the Pamplona Bibles are: the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham (Gn 15, Velislav Bible f. 16r), the circumcision (Gn 17, Velislav Bible f. 17r), Abraham’s discussion with God (Gn 18:20-23, Velislav Bible f. 18r), the dinner of the angels offered by Lot before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gn 19:3-15, Velislav Bible ff. 18v-19r), God appears to Isaac (Gn 26, Velislav Bible f. 27r), Jacob builds an altar for God (Gn 35:7, Velislav Bible f. 36v), God talks to Jacob (Gn 46:1-4, Velislav Bible f. 48v), and God talks to Moses (Ex 3:7, Velislav Bible f. 57r). 24 E.g., Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, s.n. 2612, f. 5r, c. 1330-1340; Den Haag, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, 10 C 23, f. 6r, fifteenth century; Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce f. 4, f. 1r, c. 1460-1470. 25 E.g., the York Psalter, Glasgow, University Library, Sp Coll MS Hunter U.3.2 (229), c. 1170 or Queen Mary’s Psalter, London, British Library, MS Royal 2 B VII, c. 1310-1320. 26 E.g., Holkham Bible, London, British Library, MS Add. 47682, f. 4v, c. 1320-1335. 27 E.g., Bledlow, Buckinghamshire, England, c. 1300. Otherwise this image is known especially thanks to the English verse ‘When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then a gentleman?,’ made famous in the second half of the fourteenth century by the Lollard priest John Ball. 28 Or, for example Gn 18:1-2 is retold in the Velislav Bible very faithfully (f. 17v): Abraham sees God and then three men (Vulgate and Velislav Bible: ‘Cumque levasset oculos, aparuerunt ei tres viri stantes proter eum’), but in the Pamplona Bibles it is adjusted to stress the tri-unity of God: ‘tres vidit et unum adoravit.’ 29 In many folios the image enters space reserved for writing, and the writing breaks accordingly. It is never the case that an image covers the writing. 30 See Teodulo, Ecloga.

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plagues of Egypt (inc. Prima rubens unda).31 This confirms the observation that various biblical retellings were mutually interconnected and often depended not only on the Bible but also on each other. In the Velislav Bible there is another verse included, when Abraham mourns over the death of Sarah: Flet miser anticus obitum uxoris amene. It is a rather tortuous hexameter with an inelegant hiatus, the source of which I was unable to f ind. In any case, it points to a school rather than an elite intellectual context of origin, which supports the hypothesis of Kernbach and Panušková that the Velislav Bible was commissioned for the Vyšehrad Chapter school. The relationship between the Velislav Bible and the Vulgate itself is complex. Certainly, most differences are due to the text’s having been condensed. Sometimes a certain word used in the Velislav Bible is found somewhat earlier or later in the biblical text, and thus the change is not as substantial as it might seem. The added phrases are frequently picture captions, for example, Hic Abraham deflet uxorem suam Saram (f. 23r) or the explanation of how Rachel tricked her father, Laban, and stole his idols: subtus enim se habebat ydola patris et ideo mentita est illi (f. 32v, cf. Gn 31:35). These little clauses do not have a direct model in the Vulgate, but neither do they indicate a substantial departure from it – the meaning is the same. At other times the Velislav Bible includes actual additions. Women seem to be prominent in this context although mainly due to their obedience; for example, when Abraham tells Sarah to pretend in front of the Pharaoh to be his sister, not his wife (Gn 12:11-13), the Velislav Bible inserts a whole new phrase: Que [Sarah] respondit: Ita faciam (f. 13r). Or, after Abraham instructs Sarah to cook for the guests (Gn 18:6), there is: Que [Sarah] statim fecit, ut dixit (f. 17v). A special addition is Isaac et duo vernuli secuntur patrem (f. 23r), which has no equivalent in Genesis, where it is simply stated that Abraham returned to his servants and Isaac is not explicitly mentioned at all (Gn 22:19: Reversus est Abraham ad pueros suos, abieruntque Bersabee simul, et habitavit ibi). This addition is a description of the image: Isaac is following Abraham and is riding an ass while accompanied by two young men. On the one hand, the added image again stresses typology; Isaac acts as prefiguration of Christ entering Jerusalem. There is a small obstacle to the prefiguration: a large penis added to the ass, which is thus a male animal, and not a female, as was the one Jesus was riding. On the other hand, this 31 Walther, Initia, no. 14595. Edited in PL 171, col. 1436, among the works of Hildebert of Lavardin (Carmen 122).

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Figure III.1  Isaac and two young servants (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 23r

image surely has its source in the words from the Ecloga Theoduli quoted just before: Rapitur qui cornibur heret In dumis, aries. Sequitur patrem sua proles.32 32 Teodulo, Ecloga, verse 107-108.

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This quotation accompanies the image of the sacrifice of a ram instead of Isaac (f. 22v), and thus the second part of the quotation, the theme of a child following his father, remains without a visual counterpart. Within the original context of the Ecloga Theoduli, this is a crucial element of the verse: while Pseustis gave an example of a disobedient son – Icarus not listening to the warnings of his father, Daedalus – Alithia shows Isaac as an obedient son following his father.33 In the Velislav Bible, the visual counterpart to sequitur patrem sua proles is then added on f. 23r, although it has no explicit foundation in the Bible, and is accompanied by a new, nonbiblical sentence. Thus, a nonbiblical source caused the inclusion of a new scene and a newly added sentence in the Velislav Bible. In general, no quick conclusions based on comparison of the texts of the Vulgate and the Velislav Bible should be made: the text of the Vulgate was not completely stable throughout the Middle Ages, and thus the critical edition available to us might be very different from the biblical text which the author of the Velislav Bible might have worked with. For example, there is Gn 6:5-7, where God decides to send a flood to the created world. The Velislav Bible reads: Videns autem Deus, quod multa malicia hominum esset in terra omni tempore. ‘Penituit me fecisse hominem in terra.’ Et precavens in futurum et tactus dolore intrinsecus, ‘delebo,’ inquit, ‘hominem quem creavi a facie terre, ab hominem usque animantia delebo eos.’

The Stuttgart edition of the Vulgate has a similar, somewhat longer text: Videns autem Deus, quod multa malitia hominum esset in terra et cuncta cogitatio cordis intenta esset ad malum omni tempore. Penituit eum quod hominem fecisset in terra. – – – et tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus, ʻdelebo,’ inquit, ʻhominem quem creavi a facie terre, ab hominem usque ad animantia – a reptili usque ad volucres celi paenitet enim me fecisse eos.’

Those passages that are missing in the Velislav Bible are marked here in bold, those that are paraphrased in the Velislav are in cursive, and dashes 33 The whole passage reads: ‘Pseustis: Dædalus aptatis liquidum secat æra pennis; / Filius insequitur, fragilis sed cera liquatur / Et cadit in pelagus, gemuit sub pondere fluctus. / Ille sui compos brumales attigit Arctos. / Alithia: Heredis forma non est motus patriarcha, / Quin mactaret eum, nisi vox emissa deorsum / Parcere iussisset; rapitur, qui cornibus hæret / In dumis, aries; sequitur patrem sua proles.’ Ibidem, lines 101-108.

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mark those points where the Velislav Bible includes additions. The omissions in the Velislav Bible as opposed to the Vulgate do not substantially affect the meaning. Also, the fact that God expresses his pity in direct speech in the Velislav Bible is not striking – it is, in fact, like this in the Vulgate, too, although only in the subsequent verse. The Velislav Bible adds delebo eos, but it is a simple repetition of what has already been said. A special addition in the Velislav Bible is Et precavens in futurum – a phrase entirely missing from the Stuttgart Vulgate edition. Closer inspection, however, shows that the author of the Velislav Bible did not come up with this addition himself: it is a gloss, which was, in many medieval Vulgate manuscripts, included in the main text. Thus, it appears in the commentary of Rupert of Deutz (c. 1075/80-1129),34 for example, but also in the Old Czech Bible of Olomouc.35 In 1558, William Whitaker (1547-1595) wrote in his biblical disputation with Bellaramin36 that Et praecavens in futurum should be eliminated from the Bible. This means that the phrase was included in the Vulgate at that time. Thus it is most likely that the phrase appeared in the Vulgate exemplar used by the author of the Velislav Bible, too, and that it is not his addition at all. The complex intertextual relationships here are gradually becoming easier to detect thanks to a number of growing searchable databases; yet we shall most probably never learn exactly which biblical text the author of the Velislav Bible was using and will thus never be able to describe his particular method in selecting and adjusting it. Comparing the text of the Velislav Bible with the Vulgate as edited in the twentieth century offers a number of useful hints but remains methodologically highly problematic. Since the text was added only after the images, both the content and the length of the text are shaped by the pictorial material and thus the original biblical text is sometimes much condensed, while on some other occasions one biblical sentence is divided into several captions, always according to the pictures that go with it. In this sense calling the Velislav Bible an example of comics37 is rather appropriate – the picture does not only accompany but actually shapes the text, and the text separated from the picture is hardly comprehensible. 34 Commentaria in Genesis, cap. 15. 35 Staročeská Bible drážďanská a olomoucká III: sželilo sě jemu, že člověka učinil na zemi, a dotčen jsa bolestí vnitř srdci a vystřiehaje sě budúcie věci vecě a řka. 36 Whitaker, Disputation on Holy Scripture, p. 175. 37 Uhlíř, Velislavova Bible, p. 16.

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In the visual arrangement of the Velislav Bible, similar scenes are presented in similar ways. Thus almost all the births of offspring, for example, look the same. Each and every one of the ten visions of Daniel is depicted simply as a separate conversation between Daniel and the angel (ff. 104v-106r); their great visual potential is not used at all. The same strategy is applied also, for example, in the Pamplona Bibles, most strikingly in depicting the genealogy of Christ (a long sequence with each image depicting a father and a son) as well as in presenting important quotations from the Old Testament prophets. The fact that there are no clear visual markers distinguishing similar depictions from one another may seem to be a flaw possibly causing confusion – something mnemonic aids should, at least in theory, avoid. Yet, perhaps the point was primarily to set the events at a particular place within the biblical retelling and provide their numbers. Enumerating the visions, or the persons in Christ genealogy while observing the sequence of the depictions (similar to each other though they be) could have helped imprint them in the memory anyway – at least as a sequence of a precise length. Yet, the fact that this strategy could indeed lead to confusion is apparent in two very similar scenes: Abraham tells Sarah twice to pretend to be his sister rather than wife, once for fear of the pharaoh (Gn 12:11-19) and once for fear of King Abimelech (Gn 20:1-5). These two events were indeed sometimes confused and, since they are depicted in a very similar way in the Velislav Bible as well, the scribe adding the text to the images was also confused and speaks in both cases (ff. 13r and 20r-v) about the pharaoh, although the second instance actually concerns King Abimelech. These were exactly the occasions which the ars memorativa that developed in the region from the end of the fourteenth century would treat completely differently: similar situations were to be marked by a clear sign or a symbol to make them easily distinguishable from one another.38 An example which allows us to see the difference in approaches is the depiction of the Decalogue. In the Velislav Bible (f. 81r-v) the Decalogue is shown through a series of scenes portraying Moses speaking to God. Although the gestures of the characters in the individual scenes are different,39 the 38 As Susanne Rischpler rightly points out, the theory and practice of the art of memory often differ: we would expect systematic exploration of the system of signs within the art of memory which would allow us, among other things, to point to correspondences within the Bible and thus to create, for example, a kind of visual concordance to the Gospels. This, however, is done only partially. Were the authors and readers not interested? Were they not systematic? Or did they simply not find it useful? See Rischpler, Biblia sacra figuris expressa. 39 The Velislav Bible as a whole presents a great variety of speech gestures. It would be an excellent topic for future in-depth research.

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Figure III.2  The Decalogue

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, ff. 81r-v

individual precepts cannot be visually distinguished. In contrast, in a singlesheet woodcut from the Benedictine abbey at the Tegernsee (c. 1480), the visual aid for remembering the Decalogue is conceptualized altogether differently: individual precepts are represented by a simple symbol that allows the reader to guess the contents and, in this way, they are easily discernible from one another. 40 In addition, there is a mistake in the depiction of the Decalogue in the Velislav Bible: there are eight scenes showing the conversation between God and Moses (or, rather, there are four double scenes with Moses always in the middle and God on both his sides). God holds a band, on which, in the first two instances, the text of the particular precept is inscribed. In subsequent instances the band is left blank and the shortened precept is written over the scene. In this way, there are eight slots for the precepts. One more precept is inscribed over Moses in the middle in the third scene (f. 81v upper side), giving a total of nine. Thus one precept, the third (or the fourth), about the Sabbath, is completely absent in the Velislav Bible and leads any reader today to doubt its mnemonic efficiency. 40 For this comparison I am indebted to the kind help of Susanne Rischpler. The sheet contains also mnemonic aids for the five senses and five mortal sins. For a more detailed description of the sheet, see also Thum, Die Zehn Gebote für die ungelehrten Leut.’, esp. pp. 39-41 and fig. 5.

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Figure III.3 Visual aid for remembering the Decalogue, five senses and seven mortal sins

Anonymous, a single-sheet woodcut, Tegernsee c. 1480, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 99 C 228961

While mnemonic visualization comes out of reducing a scene into a symbol, the images in the Velislav Bible are based on scene depiction. In addition, the images often depict the biblical characters rather than the content (often potentially very productive visually) of their speeches and visions. Important exceptions include, for example, Nebuchadnezzar’s and Jacob’s dreams (ff. 98r and 29r), and a number of other scenes that are powerful and will doubtless remain impressed upon the reader’s memory, for example, the image of the Antichrist burning books (f. 135r). What is missing is a systematic use of pictorial mnemonic possibilities. For example, when Jacob pretends to be his brother Esau in order to get their father’s blessing,

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Figure III.4  Jacob and Esau

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 28r

he covers his arms in sheepskin to have them as hairy as Esau’s. While in the Pamplona Bibles (as well as in other depictions of this scene) Jacob’s hands are hairy (Amiens, MS lat. 108, f. 16v), 41 in the Velislav Bible this 41 The whole manuscript is digitized and freely available online through Bibliothèque virtuelle des manuscrits médiévaux at http://bvmm.irht.cnrs.fr (last accessed 3 April 2018). In Bucher,

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Figure III.5  Tamar and her sons, twins Perez and Zerah

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 40v-41r

trick is not visually apparent at all (f. 28r). The presentation of the story of Tamar (Gn 38) is striking in a similar way. Tamar is known primarily for having dressed up as a prostitute and seduced her father-in-law Judah in order to show him that he has treated her unjustly. In the visual depictions, the scene is marked by the colorful dress of Tamar, as well as by the three The Pamplona Bibles, this image is on plate 52.

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objects (signet ring, belt, and staff) which Tamar has taken from Judah and which later prove that he is the father of her sons. In the Velislav Bible (again, as opposed to the Pamplona Bibles)42 this scene is entirely absent. Tamar is shown here after the death of her second husband in the house of her father (f. 40v, Gn 38:11) and immediately afterward as the mother of the twins Perez and Zerah (f. 41r, Gn 38:27-30); the whole episode with the special circumstances of their conception and the accusation and defense of Tamar is altogether omitted. 43 Many more examples can be added to this brief survey. One thing is certain, however: from a modern perspective the way the Bible is treated here seems unsystematic and even confusing. The Velislav Bible, just like other medieval Latin retellings and mnemonic tools, operated within an environment in which the Bible was generally known; thus it rests on the assumption that the readers are familiar with the Bible and offers neither a basic initiation into, nor a coherent explanation of the biblical text. Instead, it provides memory triggers. It is highly intertextual but approaches the text in a rather loose way. The choices and changes made by its author are often puzzling. Incomprehensibility is a frequent characteristic of medieval biblical retellings in general; rather than reproducing the content of the Bible, they often consist of mere links, associations, and incoherent fragments. The Velislav Bible presents a selection of biblical books and scenes accompanied by additional material. All is set within the context of salvation history and stresses the necessity of distinguishing between good and evil and of obedience to God. It is not a mnemonic aid in a strict sense, although it is closely connected to memory. The Velislav Bible is impossible to understand easily; it combines familiar features in a new way, and, at the same time, it makes an impression of not following a specific, coherent method of retelling the Bible. This, however, does not mean that it is completely random. It is an attempt to grasp the Bible – that is, to apprehend the dining room of God and the warm wax, the encoded meaning of life unattainable (at least in this world). In this way it fits well among the other biblical retellings and mnemonic tools; together they form a literary type distinguished by a lack of consistence in approach in the modern sense but also by an unceasing fervor in is attempts to decode and interiorize the Bible. 42 Amiens, Bibliothèque municipale, MS lat. 108, f. 25r (digitized image cf. preceding note), and Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles, plate 69, showing Augsburg (formerly Harburg), f. 34v, which is much alike. 43 It should not, however, be assumed that the Pamplona Bibles are systematic; there is much confusion there, too. For example, in the sacrifice of Isaac the text says (correctly, according to the Vulgate) that Abraham carried the flame, while in the image it is Isaac who holds it.

IV The Books of Genesis and Exodus in the Picture Bibles Looking for an Audience Lenka Panušková With imagery dominant over word, the conception of the Velislav Bible follows the tradition of the so-called picture Bible. This phenomenon has its roots in the early Christian period in works such as the Cotton or Vienna Genesis,1 from which a series of later manuscripts is derived. In art history, the term ‘picture Bible’ (Bilderbibel, bible imagée) is understood to refer to a manuscript or book with a varied choice of biblical as well as nonbiblical events, including hagiographic stories and other apocryphal or legendary material transformed into pictorial narrative. Each picture Bible was thus a deeply considered choice of events concerning saints, with regard to its user or function. This is the reason why none of these manuscripts is a complete Bible, but only a reduced and revised version. The text is limited to its minimal essence and serves mainly as commentary and explanatory glosses, often directly related to the adjacent pictures. The text can also figure within the images themselves – by introducing the name of the character or providing a brief appellation of a scene. The primary function of its presence is not to identify the given scene, but is deictic, that is, demonstrative or referential.2 The script or inscriptions, or tituli, refer to a broader context of particular images (historiae) and lend authority to the scenes by presenting their source in the Holy Scripture or some other ʻauthority.’ If we take into account the aspects mentioned above, we can agree with the opinion of Ulrich Rehm,3 who also extends the term ‘picture Bible’ by 1 The Cotton Genesis, London, British Library, MS Cotton Otho B VI, fourth or fifth century. Vienna Genesis, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. theol. gr. 31, first half of the sixth century, Syria. 2 The term (from the Greek deixis = pointing, referencing) was introduced originally in linguistic practice for the designation of means used to refer to extralinguistic reality and thus to anchor an utterance in context. The phrase ʻdeiktische Funktion’ is used by Ulrich Rehm in his study precisely in connection with the use of script in image cycles. Rehm, ‘Jüdische und christliche Geschichte.’ 3 Rehm, ‘Jüdische und christliche Geschichte.’

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including psalter manuscripts, which are introduced with extensive initial imagery, the so-called praefatio cycle. In the images that precede the psalter itself, which in many cases contains yet more figural decoration, there are not only Old Testament events but also scenes from the Christological cycle, supplemented by apocryphal themes or motifs from traditional Judeo-Christian imagery. The oldest representative of this type of psalter is generally considered to be the Tiberius Psalter,4 from the period just before the Norman invasion of England in 1066. The image cycle (ff. 7v-10v) is based on the principle of medieval typology.5 Individual illuminations are accompanied by brief Latin inscriptions identifying scenes. It is not clear whether they might have been a guide for an illuminator or rather accompanying labels for the manuscript user.6 Later, the contemplative concept of the praefatio cycle in psalter manuscripts alternates with the biblical narrative – in a single folio there is a group of chronological scenes arranged so that the selected story is presented in its entirety. As an example, we can mention the so-called Eadwine Psalter,7 the Romanesque adaptation of the Utrecht Psalter8 from the ninth century. Independently of the Eadwine Psalter manuscript, there remained four separate sheets9 verifiably belonging to the psalter as the prefatory picture cycle. The image series begins with the Birth of Moses (PML 724r) – possibly preceded by another sheet with the creation of the world – and culminates in the Descending of the Holy Spirit (V & M 661v). Unlike the Tiberius Psalter, the page is

4 London, British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius C VI, c. 1063. For the general characteristics of the manuscript, see the classic work by Wormald, ‘An English Eleventh-Century Psalter.’ For the relationship between the illuminations in the praefatio cycle and paintings of Greek-Byzantine origin, see Openshaw, Images, Texts and Contexts. The Tiberius Psalter dating problem is dealt with by Heslop, ‘A Dated “Late Anglo-Saxon” Illuminated Psalter.’ For the images, follow the link: http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_tiberius_c_vi_fs001r (last accessed on 31 May 2016). 5 Openshaw, Images, Texts and Contexts; Panušková, Kozmologické predstavy, pp. 241-297, primarily p. 266. 6 The visual praefatio cycle seems to have a very close link to the pre-Easter and Easter liturgy and the sacrament of baptism, as in the illuminations we find motifs that refer directly to the themes of atonement for humans through baptism. See Openshaw, Images, Texts and Contexts, and Panušková, Kozmologické predstavy. 7 Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R. 17. 1, c. 1155-1160/70. The manuscript is named after a scriptor, Eadwine, who is depicted in one of the last folios (f. 283v) and in the inscription identified as scriptorium princeps. See Gibson et al., The Eadwine Psalter. 8 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS Bibl. Rhenotraiectinae I Nr 32, 820-830. 9 Now London, British Library, MS Add. 37472; London, Victoria and Albert Museum, Ms. 661; New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MSS M. 521 and M. 724.

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divided into twelve square segments,10 so that the illuminator gained enough space for all of the scenes. Due to the populous nature of the scenes and the lively gestures of the characters, the painters achieve a dynamic narrative flow, by which the prefatory picture cycle of the Eadwine Psalter resembles the picture Bibles. It has to be said that the New Testament cycle, in addition to the inherent Passion, recounts Christ’s presence on Earth, his miracles or parables in which he spoke to disciples. Such a selection of scenes is rather unusual among twelfth-century psalter prefatory cycles. Their illustrations are by their nature somewhat related to the cycles in the Tiberius Psalter – for example, the Shaftesbury Psalter,11 or the psalter made for Christina of Markyate.12 The analogous concept of the Romanesque Anglo-Norman psalter with an extensive prefatory picture cycle is also followed in the Queen Mary Psalter,13 whose production is associated directly with the English royal court of the first half of the fourteenth century. Here, however, only Old Testament stories are shown, in all their epic scope (ff. 1r-66v).14 The events from the books of the Pentateuch dominate, with emphasis on the Old Testament patriarchs Adam, Noah, Abraham, Jacob, and Joseph. There then follow the Egyptian captivity of Israel, deliverance, and the journey to the Promised Land under the leadership of Moses; the stories from the Books of Joshua and Ruth, and the story of Deborah; and at the end the essential cycle telling of King David and Solomon.15 The images are placed in rectangular fields divided into two registers, with the exception of a 10 With the exception of depicting the Jesse Tree (PML 724v), which has the width of two and height of three squares. 11 London, British Library, MS Lansdowne 383, second quarter of the twelfth century. 12 St. Albans Psalter, Hildesheim, Dombibliothek, MS St. Godehard 1, 1130s. 13 The Queen Mary Psalter, London, British Library, MS Royal 2 B VII, c. 1310-1320. Warner, Queen Mary’s Psalter. Rudloff-Stanton, The Queen Mary Psalter, and also eadem, The Queen Mary Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience, pt. 6. List of literature: http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay. aspx?ref=Royal_MS_2_b_vii, referring to the digitized manuscript (accessed on 24 March 2016). 14 The image decoration of the manuscript is far from exhausted in the prefatory cycle. On the contrary, the Queen Mary Psalter can in this respect be considered a truly encyclopedic work. The text of the psalter (ff. 84r-280r) is accompanied by scenes from the Christological cycle, either at the bottom of the folio (i.e., bas-de-pages) or incorporated into historiated initials, and interspersed with various droleries or with hagiographic scenes. The subsequent Cantica (208v-302r) contain the Passion cycle, again in combination with legendary scenes. These also accompany the text of litanies (ff. 302v-318r); we can find additional scenes from the lives of St. Peter, St. Paul, the martyrs and Mary Magdalene, etc. The texts for personal prayers, unlike the praefatio cycle, are illustrated with full-color images, especially in historiated initials of psalm division, and these scenes expand outside the initial itself. 15 For a detailed enumeration of the scenes, see Rudloff-Stanton, The Queen Mary Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience, pp. 27-32.

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few full-page scenes. Each image is accompanied by a short caption which typically starts with the Anglo-Norman Ici or Coment. More extensive texts are incorporated into the image cycle so as to place individual image cycles into their biblical and chronological context. In this way the text sections separate individual stories, but, on the other hand, they link the storytelling by creating smooth transitions between biblical events. Anne Rudloff-Stanton refers to a functional difference between the picture captions and those texts which introduce the biblical narrative. The captions to the stories of the Book of Genesis are written in continuous verse without the established division of poetic composition into verses. This method is characteristic for texts intended for personal piety and private reading.16 In contrast, texts that were to be read out or declaimed were segmented into parts, indicating where the speaker was supposed to take a pause or emphasize certain parts using voice modulation.17 While introductory texts in the Queen Mary Psalter are written in cursory gothic minuscule (minuscula gothica textualis rotunda), the text of the psalter itself is characterized by a larger and more carefully written script (littera minuscula gothica textualis prescissa), legible even from a greater distance. In addition, it is also interspersed with richly illuminated historiated initials. Rudloff-Stanton in this context refers to the generally prevailing view that psalters with rich decorations were not commissioned for purposes of personal piety, but as a display of the wealth and social status of their donators.18 Today it is hard to assess the circumstances of the origin of the manuscript, which lacks any contemporaneous sources. Therefore, Rudloff-Stanton concentrates on the detailed iconographic analysis of Old Testament scenes, on whose basis a potential donator or addressee of the manuscript may be considered. She notes the unusual accentuation of the role of woman and mother as a key mover of events.19 The analogous accentuation of female protagonists, in particular of the Virgin Mary and of St. Anne as her mother, is also found in the illuminations, which accompany the selected psalms and, again, give prominence to the mother-child relationship.20 16 Joslin, The Heard Word, pp. 48-51. 17 It is different, for example, in the Junius 11 manuscript. The poetic text contains regular punctuation, which suggests that these poems were recited to the audience. This corresponds to the predominantly oral nature of Anglo-Saxon culture, linked to ancient Germanic customs. For the subject of orality in the Middle Ages, see Coleman, Public Reading, especially p. 76ff. 18 Rudloff-Stanton, The Queen Mary Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience, p. 17. 19 Ibidem, p. 85ff. 20 Ibidem, p. 126ff. The theme of motherhood has its place even in the scenes from the lives of saints, in the bas-de-page of folios with the texts of the legends. Also there, the events from the

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Another dominant theme in this Old Testament imagery is the role and position of the king as leader of the nation, for which he is directly responsible to God.21 Rudloff-Stanton finds a comparable image cycle of Old Testament scenes in thirteenth-century manuscripts intended for the members of the Capetian dynasty.22 From the English royal milieu, the closest parallel is represented by the psalter created apparently as a wedding gift from King Edward II to his fiancée, Isabella of France.23 The researcher stresses the thematic similarity in the decoration of both manuscripts: in both the Queen Mary Psalter and the Isabella Psalter, the woman-and-mother role dominates.24 It concentrates on the theme of the offspring as continuation of the family, which emphasizes the role of the queen as an ‘instrument’ for the continuity of a royal dynasty. For Rudloff-Stanton the iconographic analysis is not an end in itself; it represents an unavoidable basis for the identification of the donor or addressee of the psalter. In this way she gains supportive arguments for her previous theories that the manuscript is thematically as well as stylistically very close to the production of the English and French royal courts. It also contributes to the assumption that even the Queen Mary Psalter could be linked to the person of Isabella of France, being perhaps once again a gift from her royal consort. saint’s childhood or his birth are quite obviously emphasized. As is known, the emphasis was usually placed more on the images of the miracles performed by the saint in his lifetime and posthumously. 21 The Old Testament patriarchs were among popular models to follow as early as in the Anglo-Saxon period. A significant place was occupied by Moses, who led Israel from captivity to the Promised Land and conveyed to the people the Law of the Lord. The self-identification of the Anglo-Saxons with the nation chosen by the Lord was perhaps based on their original Germanic tribal organization and, with their being in constant danger from the Vikings, grew ever stronger. See Howe, Migration and Mythmaking, in particular the chapter ‘Exodus and the Ancestral History of the Anglo-Saxons,’ pp. 72-107. 22 Especially the Psalter of St. Louis, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 10525, c. 1253 to 1270 and the slightly older manuscript of the bible moralisée, Vienna, Österreichische National­ bibliothek, Cod. 2554, c. 1220. 23 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Gall. 16, 1303-1308. The attributing of the manuscript to Isabella is based on the depiction of the coats of arms of the English and French Kingdom in the initial A(l seignur) at the beginning of Psalm 119 (f. 94r). The main motif in the initial is a kneeling queen, probably Isabella herself. Also in other initials there appears the figure of a praying or meditating woman in a rich secular garment which is an expression of her high social status. For more about the manuscript and for the role of Isabella as a significant donator, see Rudloff-Stanton, ‘The Psalter of Isabelle.’ 24 Both manuscripts also contain the story of Hagar, which is rarely shown in the Middle Ages. Rudloff-Stanton, The Queen Mary Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience, pp. 188-189.

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It is not only the time of its origin that links the Velislav Bible with the Queen Mary Psalter. The English manuscript is among those which, in terms of the character and style of the Czech Bible, are considered close parallels to it. Their affinity can be seen in the drawing style, one popular across the whole of Western and Central Europe in the first half of the fourteenth century. Detailed stylistic comparison of the work of the English illuminator with that of the painters of the Velislav Bible suggests that the master illuminator was himself in the main strongly influenced by contemporaneous Anglo-Norman miniature painting in the first half of the fourteenth century, which can be observed in the first place in the typology of the faces. The manuscripts also correspond to each other in terms of content, due to their both being of the picture Bible genre and to their incorporation of extensive Old Testament events into their pictorial narratives.25 Based on these common attributes, in my study of the Velislav Bible I have decided to apply the comparative iconographic method used by Anne Rudloff-Stanton. Here, then, I will focus on the analysis of scenes from the Books of Genesis and Exodus. Both books are a fundamental source of information on the beginning of the Creation (of the world), and on its restoration through the Great Flood and also through the salvation of Israel from Egyptian captivity. An attempt will be made, similar to that of RudloffStanton, to emphasize those events whose incorporation into the Velislav Bible can be considered symptomatic for the potential user of the manuscript. In addition, besides the Queen Mary Psalter, I will also look into older cycles, such as the Ashburnham Pentateuch and Italian mosaics (San Marco in Venice, Monreale and Palermo in Sicily). Above all, however, I will attempt to take into account the illustrated Haggadot in the study of the scenes in the Book of Exodus. As will be explained further in this work, it is precisely in the period of the first half of the fourteenth century that the phenomenon of richly and figuratively illustrated Haggadot develops.26 I believe, therefore, 25 Ibidem, pp. 18-25. The Queen Mary Psalter is an important link also for iconographic comparison – the very first whole page illumination depicts Lucifer’s being cast into the darkness of the abyss (f. 1v). The scene is dominated by God the Creator in majesty with a compass in his right hand. The same attribute also characterizes the Creator in the Velislav Bible (f. 1r). Panušková, Kozmologické predstavy and mainly Panušková, ‘Die Velislav-Bibel.’ 26 The term ‘Haggadah’ refers to a collection of texts intended to be read in the context of the feast of Passover (Pesach), in which Jews commemorate the night when the Lord crossed Egypt. The tradition of illustrated Haggadah was developed in Spain at the end of the thirteenth century. The richest ones emerged throughout the fourteenth century for the needs of Sephardic Jews. These pictorial cycles of varying length beginning sometimes with the Creation of the world and containing mainly events from the Book of Exodus, form a kind of praefatio to the actual

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Figure IV.1  Eve spinning

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 5v

that their comparison with the scenes in the Velislav Bible may lead to further discovery as to what extent Jewish legends were known in the Middle Ages, and to what type of audience had access to them. text of the Haggadah. In this way they are very close to psalters with a prefatory set of images, and thus the term ‘picture Bible’ applies to them, too. Kogman-Appel, Illuminated Haggadot.

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I assume that the Velislav Bible was created as a visual aid for the education of future priests or as a visual ‘handout’ for preparing sermons. In order to provide readers with evidence for this hypothesis, not only will I pursue iconographic themes, but, in selected pictures, the way the characters are dressed, their hairstyles and the gestures they use for mutual communication will also be brought into focus. Since I have dealt with the Creation (of the world) in one of my earlier works,27 here I will go immediately to the events that occurred after the expulsion of Adam and Eve from Paradise (f. 4v). Completely in accordance with older iconographic tradition, they are both depicted at work; Adam is farming the land, while Eve is spinning (f. 5v). The scene depicting Eve’s motherhood, which can be found, for example, in the Ashburnham Pentateuch, 28 is absent here. Cain and Abel appear as two young men, helping their father sow the field and harvest (f. 5v-6r). Abel the shepherd is designated a separate scene in which God’s right hand, coming out of Heaven, blesses him (f. 6r, upper register). There then follow the sacrifices made by the two brothers to the Lord, where only Abel’s lamb is accepted. The disappointed Cain leads his brother aside to kill him with a blow of a hoe or a spade.29 While the story of the first murder is essentially a popular and frequently depicted one in biblical image cycles, the scenes from Cain’s life that follow here can be considered rare (f. 6v). The text still refers to the murder in the previous folio (Dixit autem Dominus ad Kayn; Gn 4:9-10) and this also corresponds to the first scene in the upper register, but the following image and text show Cain’s fleeing from the Lord’s countenance. Also, in the upper register Cain meets his wife; the staff he is holding perhaps symbolizes the itinerant life he lives as a result of his sinful conduct. The two bottom scenes show Cain building a city, which he names after his firstborn son, Enoch (Gn 4:17). Other scenes show Cain’s offspring, who in the Velislav Bible are portrayed in a unified scheme: usually an elderly man is shown holding a naked youth by his hair. It seems that these scenes, in which the father presents his sons or daughters, are paid particular attention to in the illustrations of the Book of Genesis. 27 Panušková, ‘Die Velislav-Bibel.’ 28 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Nouv. acq. lat. 2334, c. third quarter of the sixth century, f. 6r. The manuscript is one of the earliest examples known as picture Bibles. At the same time it is one of the three codices in which Jerome’s Latin translation of the Five Books of Moses (Vulgata) is the most complete and faithfully preserved. For more about the manuscript, see Verkerk, Early Medieval Bible Illumination. 29 For the iconography of this scene, see Schapiro, ‘Cain’s Jaw-Bone That Did the First Murder’; Henderson, ‘Cain’s Jaw-Bone.’ For additional literature, see Barb, ‘Cain’s Murder-Weapon.’

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Figure IV.2  Cain’s life

Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 6v

In f. 7r both of Lamech’s wives – Zillah and Adah – are pictured, together with their children. Adah gave birth to Jabal, who is depicted in a kind of dance movement with his hands rising above his head. He is probably responding to Jubal, who is seated on the right and playing the zither, and

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Figure IV.3  Zillah and Adah

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 7r

who is referred to in the Bible as forefather of all musicians.30 Zillah’s children are depicted in the upper register in f. 7v, which is dominated by the figure of the blacksmith Tubal-cain, the ʻinstructor of every artificer in brass and 30 The firstborn Jabal is described as the forefather of shepherds – those who live in tents and raise livestock (Gn 4:20-21).

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Figure IV. 4  Zillah’s children (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 7r

iron’ (Gn 4:22). The illuminator has placed Tubal-cain’s forge in a massive tower with battlements. To the right of blacksmith Tubal-cain’s forge there stands Naamah, the sister of Tubal and Tubal-cain. In her right hand she is holding a ring with a string to which other rings, whose shape resembles a medieval spindle, are attached. While the Bible only mentions Naamah without specifying her occupation, information about her having been the

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Figure IV.5  Naamah spinning

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Gall. 16, Psalm 19, f. 20v

one who ‘invented’ a variety of textile crafts is presented by Petrus Comestor in Historia scholastica.31 Naamah performs the role of spinner in the Queen

31 Petrus Comestor, Historia Scholastica, PL 198, col. 1079C.

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Figure IV.6  Sarah with spindle

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Junius 11, p. 88

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Isabella Psalter (f. 20v), and in the manuscript of the Egerton Genesis,32 where she is sitting at the loom. In the context of Comestor’s text and the iconography of both English manuscripts, I believe that what we have here is actually a set of schematically illustrated spindles as Naamah’s attributes.33 Unlike the manuscripts of the Egerton Genesis and the Isabella Psalter, which show only selected events, the image cycle of the Velislav Bible follows biblical events almost literally. Even the scene of Lamech’s speech to his wives about a far greater curse befalling those who should lay a hand on him is depicted there (Gn 4:23-24; f. 7v). Folio 8r shows a list of all ten patriarchs in conformity with the text of Genesis. Enoch, who appears immediately after the events of the expulsion of the first parents from Paradise as the one (f. 5r) who will be taken to the Lord despite the closed Gates of Heaven, stands (f. 8v) between his father, Jared, and his son, Methusalah. While he himself rests on a staff, God’s right hand is taking him into Heaven. The transformation from earthly being into heavenly one in the presence of the Lord is accentuated by Enoch’s angel wings. In the lower register (f. 8v) there is the figure of Methusalah’s son, Lamech, who is referring to his father depicted in the upper field, raising the forefinger of his right hand and his eyes. Noah, Lamech’s son, is shown as an adult, with an axe in his hand, which refers to the later construction of the Ark. In front of Noah there are the naked infant figures of his three sons: Shem, Ham, and Japheth. In a scene in the opposite folio (f. 9r, the lower register), the Lord speaks to Noah, commanding him to build an ark (Gn 6:13-14). The motif that links the Velislav Bible with other image cycles that portray the story of the patriarch Noah is the illustration not only of the dispatching of the dove, but also of the raven pecking at the eyes of dead men floating in the water. The Egerton Genesis tells the story of the dispatch of the birds gradually in each of the sequences (f. 3v): Noah first dispatches the raven, then the dove that returned as it did not find a dry place on Earth. After seven days, Noah again sends out the dove that will bring the olive branch in 32 The Egerton Genesis, London, British Library, Egerton MS 1894, third quarter of the fourteenth century. Also here is the picture of Lamech’s offspring (f. 2v): Ada, standing on his right, shows her sons Jabel and Jubal, Zillah presents Tubal-cain the blacksmith and Naamah. See Joslin and Joslin Watson, The Egerton Genesis, p. 39. 33 The spindle can be found also in the Anglo-Saxon manuscript of the Junius 11 in the scene of Sarah and Abraham’s arrival in Egypt (p. 88). The object that Sarah holds is in the form of a simple clay ring. Catherine Karkov believes that through the spindle Sarah is identified with Eve – the Mother of all humankind – and, in the typological sense, also with Mary, the mother of the Savior. Karkov, Text and Picture in Anglo-Saxon England, p. 99.

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Figure IV.7  Enoch and Noah with his sons

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 8v

its beak. The motif of the pecking raven is missing here, but in the Holkham Bible34 and in the Queen Mary Psalter it is an integral part of the scene. 34 The Holkham Bible, London, British Library, MS Add. 47682, c. 1327-1335. For the illumination, see http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=add_ms_47682_fs001r (accessed on 31 May 2016).

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Figure IV.8  Noah dispatches the dove (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 9v

The Holkham Bible connects the whole of the action in one scene with the fact that the counterpart to the raven’s pecking at the head of the horse is the dove’s breaking a green branch off a tree. The Anglo-Norman text to this illumination makes the biblical narrative concise (Gn 8:6-7), but it says that the raven did not return to the Ark for all of seven days, because

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Figure IV.9  Noah’s Ark

Prato Haggadah, now New York, The Jewish Theological Seminary, MS 9478, f. 84v, Courtesy of The Library of The Jewish Theological Seminary

he sat down on the carrion.35 William O. Hassall mentions that this is an ancient theme emerging as early as in the Epic of Gilgamesh, which also 35 Cf. ‘Un corbeu hors yl myt / Por porter ensenie; / Sure caronie yl se assyt / Et ne viint plus la semenie.’ Quoted from Brown, The Holkham Bible, p. 40. The English translation of this part is:

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contains a description of the Great Flood whose similarity to the biblical event is self-evident.36 If we look for the scene of the dispatch of the raven and the dove in the older imagery tradition, it appears in the Ashburham Pentateuch as well as in the Vienna Genesis; but the scene of the raven devouring a carcass is missing in both manuscripts.37 The fact that this theme really existed in the iconographic tradition is confirmed by the illumination of the so-called Prato Haggadah (f. 84b) from the period around 1300.38 In this unfinished picture, Noah’s Ark has the form of a casket with an open lid; the animals are stored in compartments, where Noah also stands, expecting the return of the dove. In the top left we can see a dead man’s body on the top of the mountain, and the raven feeding on his flesh. The greater part of the illumination is covered with waters which also contain, besides human corpses, the ruins of stone buildings and fish. The image of a raven devouring a corpse at the top of the mountain standing out from the water corresponds to Late Classical Jewish comments. In Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrkanos’s Pirke39 (80-120 CE) we read that Noah launched a raven to investigate the condition of the world after the Flood. The raven flew away and found the carcass of a man that had remained on the top of a mountain, and he didn’t come back with a message to Noah, but settled on the carrion to eat. 40 ʻHe released a raven / To bring back a sign; / But it settled on carrion / And did not return all week.’ See ibidem, p. 40. 36 Hassall, Holkham Bible, p. 4. Hassall also notes that an analogous sentence about the Raven can be found in the mystical play Origo Mundi, one of the medieval plays called the Ordinalia, which constitute a primary landmark in Cornish medieval literature. The dating is not exact, but it is commonly stated that the time was around 1375. See The Cornish Ordinalia; Bakere, The Cornish Ordinalia: A Critical Study; and Longsworth, The Cornish Ordinalia: Religion and Dramaturgy. 37 The raven sitting on the carcass can be found on the mosaics in St. Mark’s Basilica in Venice. According to Kurt Weitzmann and Herbert Kessler, the model for these mosaics could be the manuscript of the Cotton Genesis. Weitzmann and Kessler, The Cotton Genesis. However, Kessler admits with hindsight that that reliance of the Venetian mosaics on the Cotton Genesis is to be regarded rather in the spirit of the older iconographic tradition that contractors of the mosaics adhered to and probably followed in many details. 38 The so-called Prato Haggadah, now New York, The Jewish Theological Seminary, MS 9478, Spain, around 1300. 39 Pirkei Avot, which translates into English as ‘Chapters of the Fathers,’ is a compilation of the ethical teachings and principles that is part of the Jewish didactic literature. 40 See Friedlander, The Chapters of Rabbi Eliezer, p. 168: ʻIt went and found a carcase of a man cast upon the summit of a mountain, and it settled thereon for its food, and it did not return with its message to its sender, as it is said, and he sent forth the raven’ (Gn 8:7).

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Hassall41 considers the image of the dove at Noah’s right hand and the raven on his left as a type of Last Judgment where the two birds are symbols of the virtues and the vices, the saved and damned. 42 This symbolism reflects an understanding of the image of the Flood as a destruction of the established order, accompanied by a return of chaos. This is a fundamental prerequisite for the creation or renewal (re-creatio) of the primary ordo, the order that God brought to the world during the Creation. It is therefore not by chance that in the Middle Ages the story of the Great Flood in the world was taken as a prototype of the sacrament of baptism, in which the old man marked by hereditary sin is dying and a new man is being born. The link between the scene of the Great Flood and the Creation or restoration in the Velislav Bible is confirmed by the scene that follows. Here there is no Noah disembarking from the Ark and leading out all the saved creatures, as is pictured in many cycles in books and mural paintings. Instead, the illuminator has depicted Noah’s sacrifice (f. 10r; Gn 8:20), the smell of which made the Lord decide that He would not destroy anything human any more. Other lines, both in the Scripture and in the caption accompanying the lower scene on f. 10r, repeat the Lord’s appeal to Adam and Eve: ʻBe fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the Earth’ (Gn 9:1). 43 In this way, an emphasis on the link with the primary Creation is created: the Lord concludes a new covenant with mankind, and once again commands them to replenish the whole earth. The rainbow, a symbol of the Lord’s promise, is absent in the Velislav Bible in spite of the fact that it is almost inextricably linked with Noah in most picture cycles. In addition to the Velislav Bible, there is another exception and that is the Holkham Bible, where, after the Lord’s appeal to disembark, Noah brings a sacrifice and, in the bottom corner of the illumination, he begins to farm the land (f. 8v). 44 In the Queen Mary Psalter, the disembarking scene is completely missing; the story of the Great Flood ends here with a full-page scene showing the dispatching of the raven and later the dove. However, in earlier cycles of a monumental character – the basilica of St. Mark’s in Venice, the cathedrals 41 Hassall, Holkham Bible, p. 4. 42 Petrus Comestor says about the raven that it did not return probably because it had perished in the waters, or because it had found the carcass and fed on it. See Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1085B. In the commentary Genesis Rabbah, the dispatch of the raven is compared to the verse of Psalm 104 (105), 28: ‘misit tenebras et contenebravit.’ However, there appears also the connection of the raven with the Prophet Elijah, to whom the raven brings bread. Genesis Rabbah I, pp. 348-350. 43 Cf. Gn 1:28. 44 Cf. above, ft. 34.

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Figure IV.10  Noah’s sacrifice (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 10r

of Monreale and Palermo – the image of a vault-like rainbow crowns either the scene of the disembarkation or the bringing of the sacrifice (Palermo). The story of the patriarch Noah and the Great Flood ends with the blessing of Shem and Japheth, and the perdition of Kenaan, Cham’s son (f. 11r), for his father’s wrongdoing (Gn 9:20-27). Cham’s damnation, or the subordination of his offspring to the other brothers, also has its own pictorial representation,

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Figure IV.11  Noah blesses his sons (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 11r

where the young man is on the far right of the scene, far from his brethren. Here it should be noted that Noah’s upper cloak is tied on the right shoulder, terminated by a stripe with yellow (golden) highlighted hemming. The same borders can be seen on Noah’s stockings and also on the ends of his sleeves. There is no doubt that the illuminator has dressed Noah in noble garments here, which throughout the whole manuscript is reserved for certain selected

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Figure IV.12  Tower of Babel (left) and story of Abraham (right, below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 11v-12r

characters – for example, for the Sodomite king welcoming the victorious Abraham (f. 15v), or Joseph, who is thus elevated over his brothers. At the bottom, the illuminator shows the begetter of Noah’s sons, from whom all nations on the Earth originate (Gn 10:32). Three men – perhaps the figures of Noah’s three sons – are wearing typical cone-shaped Jewish hats. Mostly, all the characters are of the same type with the exception of the man talking to another figure. That identified man has curly hair and a beard, as opposed to the others. This suggests a possibility that he is Nimrod, Cush’s son and Cham’s grandson, who according to the Bible became a mighty hunter. In the Jewish tradition, he was believed to own a cloak which he used to attract animals and for which he was then killed by Esau, the elder son of Isaac. Babel is considered to be his kingdom, and, perhaps based on this information, Flavius Josephus believes Nimrod to be the initiator of the construction of the Tower of Babel (f. 11v in the Velislav Bible). 45 The figure of Nimrod or Nemrod as successor to the Cham lineage is also found in the Egerton Genesis. 46 Similarly as in the Velislav Bible there are depicted the descendants of Adam, then the events from Lamech to Noah and 45 Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, I, 4, 2, pp. 54-57. 46 For the illuminations from the Egerton Genesis, see http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer. aspx?ref=egerton_ms_1894_fs001r (accessed on 31 May 2016).

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his sons. Several scenes, from Noah’s drunkenness (f. 4v; Gn 9:21-27) to the establishment of new nations, are dedicated to Noah’s sons. A separate scene is dedicated to the offspring of each of Noah’s three sons (ff. 4v-5r), listing their own sons as well. Nimrod, unlike in the Velislav Bible, appears here in several images, always identified by a caption, with his height significantly exceeding that of the other characters. The Egerton Genesis includes other important moments from Nimrod’s life: the second scene depicts him forcing the people to worship fire47 and the last event is the construction of the Tower of Babel (f. 5v) in the town in which Nimrod reigned. In addition to the biblical history, Nimrod played a major role in the Czech milieu in the time of Charles IV. He is a part of the Luxembourg family tree that was depicted at Karlštejn Castle, and which is attributed to Nicholas Wurmser of Strasbourg. 48 The construction and realization of the Babel Tower, initiated by Nimrod, represents the breaking point in the Chronicle of Jan Marignola (Chronica Bohemorum). In the second book, Monarchos, Marignola describes events whose consequences resulted in the government of tyrants, the first of whom was Nimrod himself – the founder of the first ever kingdom. 49 After the destruction of the Tower of Babel (f. 11v), before Abraham’s story,50 the illuminator shows again the begetter of Noah’s sons (f. 12r). Only in the lower register does the Lord in Christomorphic form call Abraham to leave his birthplace and place his fate in the hands of on God (Gn 12), who promises him a great future. It should be emphasized that when the Lord speaks with some of the forefathers (Noah, Abraham, and later with Moses), he appears in Christomorphic form, as mentioned before, and stands at 47 Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1088A: ‘et filius Chus Nemroth, qui coepit primus potens esse, et in terra robustus venator hominum, et coram Domino, id est exstinctor, et oppressor amore dominandi, et cogebat homines ignem adorare.’ At another point Comestor presents accurate data on the height of Nimrod: ‘Nemrod, Gigas decem cubitorum.’ PL 198, col. 1088B. 48 The cycle vanished shortly before the year 1597, but its appearance was captured in two manuscripts that were created between the years 1569 and 1575. These are a codex deposited today in Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 8330, f. 9r, and the Codex Heidelbergensis, today at the National Gallery in Prague, f. 11r. See Friedl, Mikuláš Wurmser. More recently, see Hlaváčková, ‘Idea dobrého panovníka.’‬ 49 Cf. Johannis de Marignola Chronicon, pp. 506-576. For the characteristics of the Chronicle of Jan Marignola, see Kubínová, Imitatio Romae, in particular pp. 152 and 154. 50 I remind the reader here that Abram becomes Abraham only after the Lord proselytizes that he will become the Father of the Multitude of Nations and promises him the birth of a son (Gn 17). Also, in keeping with the Lord’s promise, his wife, Sarai, is renamed Sarah. In this study, however, I will adhere to the use of the names Abraham and Sarah, as is well established in the art-history literature.

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Figure IV.13  Abraham and Sarah coming to Egypt (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 13r

the same level as the created man. In other cases, the Old Testament Lord is present by means of symbols, such as the right hand of God, or the head of an angel. In the following scene, Abraham asks (f. 13r) Sarah, after their arrival in Egypt, to pretend she is his sister, not his wife, as he is afraid of being killed by the Egyptians for her beauty. Apparently, that is why she is wearing a

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kruseler on her head, while in other scenes her head, as well as other female characters’ heads, is covered with a veil. Sarah’s head is covered with a kruseler in another two scenes. The first is when she advises Abraham (f. 16v) to beget offspring with her Egyptian maid Hagar; at the same time, the caption accompanying the scene expresses Sarah’s resentment toward Hagar. The secondly is in the scene (f. 18r) where one of the three men who visited Abraham at Mamre prophesizes that Sarah will give birth to a son. I believe that, in this case, the kruseler probably indicates Sarah’s ridicule and her mistrust of the Lord’s word. It suggests that the kruseler appears in those situations where it is necessary to emphasize Sarah’s negative conduct or sinful mindset – her contempt of the maid or her ridicule of God’s blessing. Perhaps even the image of the beautiful Sarah on folio 13r can be considered an expression of criticism of a kind, of earthly beauty and transience.51 The emphasis on the continuity of lineage and on the concepts of paternity and maternity that we can observe in the Queen Mary Psalter appears in the Velislav Bible only in those places that correspond to the biblical description of the given events. The overall universality and complexity of the pictorial narrative of the Book of Genesis speak, in my opinion, of the intended purpose of the manuscript: to provide visually attractive lessons on the events in the first Book of Moses. The absence of a broader text indicates that the user or users of the manuscript must already have been familiar with the content of the Bible or must have had further study material available, or else, that browsing through the manuscript would have happened in parallel with receiving the interpretation of a theologically educated cleric. Unlike the Book of Genesis, the second Book of Moses is represented in the Velislav Bible only with its epic part: the events from the birth of Moses through Israel’s exodus from Egyptian captivity to the granting of the Law by the Lord (ff. 53r-88v). It seems that this is a targeted selection of specific scenes, where the conceptor quite logically omitted the parts containing the Lord’s provisions, related to the Jewish cult, which lack any 51 On f. 10r the kruseler covers the head of Noah’s wife, and this is in the scene in which the Lord blesses Noah and his sons after the Flood and commands them to fill the Earth again (Gn 9). Another head cover is on Rebecca’s head when she exhorts Jacob to a ruse (f. 27v) in order to obtain a blessing for the firstborn instead of for his brother Esau. The type of head cover for a female figure in relation to the role of this character in the scene would definitely be worthy of further attention, as space does not permit me to deal with this question in more detail at present. I limit myself here to the presumption that the kruseler, a very modern type of headdress at that time, is used here probably to emphasize the negative effects of the female element in the selected scenes.

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Figure IV.14  Rescue of Moses from the Nile

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 54r

kind of narrative. They are therefore difficult to include as part of a pictorial narrative and, above all, for the purpose of instructing Christians they are of no significance. As we can see, events take place again in the exact biblical chronology with a consistent integration of all the details important for the narrative, some of which are based on Apocrypha. The cycle of the life and activity of Moses starts in the Velislav Bible with his removal from his mother, after three months in hiding following before

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the pharaoh’s command to kill every newborn Hebrew offspring of the male sex (Ex 1:15-22). Although the biblical text talks of the mother’s carrying the child away, in the Velislav Bible (f. 54r) it is Moses’s father, Amram, who, with the assistance of Moses’s sister behind him, places the basket with the child into the Nile. The key point in the narrative is the rescue of Moses. Out walking, the pharaoh’s daughter sees the basket in the river and orders a slave to pull the basket containing the child out of the water (Ex 2:5-7), aware that it is a Hebrew child. For these very reasons this is the most often depicted event in the childhood of Moses; neither is it absent in the cycle of wall paintings preserved in the Dura Europos synagogue (third century).52 The story of Moses’s childhood is told in five scenes, the third and the fourth of which feature Moses hiding in the reeds on the river bank, and his rescue. The pharaoh’s daughter is standing naked in the water with the child in her arms, while three servants watch her as they stand on the river bank. In the Western milieu, approximately at the same time, we see a different representation. In the Via Latina Catacomb in Rome (fourth century), the pharaoh’s daughter is standing on the river bank, extending her hands toward the basket with the baby floating in the waves of the Nile. Hidden in the reeds, Miriam watches her brother’s rescue. The analogies in the contemporary exegesis suggest that this depiction has its origin in Jewish comments, particularly in the Targum Onkelos,53 which mentions Miriam’s prophecy. In her words Moses is the chosen rescuer who will lead Israel from Egyptian captivity. According to another version, which Petrus 52 As has been proven, the iconography of the paintings responds to period comments and interpretations related to the Book of Exodus. For the wall paintings in Dura Europos, mainly for the very scene of the finding of Moses, see Jensen, ‘The Dura Europos Synagogue,’ esp. p. 184. Also see the classic work by Weitzmann and Kessler titled The Frescoes of the Dura Europos. For the interpretation of the paintings in the context of Judaism, see Gutmann, ‘The Illustrated Midrash.’ The attributing of Moses’s rescue to the pharaoh’s daughter starts in Jewish tradition with the work of poet Ezekiel the Tragedian (third century BC), whose treatise on Exodus, like the writings of Philo of Alexandria, was addressed to the Jews living in the diaspora in Egyptian Alexandria. For this theory, see Ulmer, Egyptian Cultural Icons, p. 305, with reference to other literature. 53 Ibidem, p. 62. The term Targum refers to a compilation of oral paraphrases, explanations, and expansions of the stories and statements contained in the Torah. The authorship of the cited Targum is attributed to a convert Onkelos (c. 35-120 CE). See also Ulmer, Egyptian Cultural Icons, p. 305. Also Flavius Josephus similarly describes Moses’s removal from the water. Christian exegetes point to the linking of this event with the baptism of Christ, while in the Jewish interpretation a reference to the princess’s illness is to be found. Her recovery occurs partly through her being immersed in the waters of the Nile (in the Christian preception, the purification of sinners through baptism), and partly through physical contact with the chest containing the child.

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Figure IV.15  Pharaoh’s command to Hebrew midwives (below)

Golden Haggadah, London, British Library, MS Add. 27210, f. 8v

Comestor54 borrowed from Flavius Josephus, the prophecy appeared in Amram’s dream, in which he was encouraged not to be shy and to know his wife, Jochebed, because the Lord would watch over the fate of the child that was to redeem Israel from Egyptian captivity. 54 Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1143C.

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The scene of the discovery of Moses and of his rescue as shown in the Velislav Bible, therefore, follows the original Latin iconography, with an additional motif known from Ex 2:5 the pharaoh’s daughter commands one of her servants to pull the baby out of the reeds. Judging by the princess’s gesture, we can conclude that the scene features this command, rather than the mere extending of her arms toward the child. However, the real rescuer here is Miriam, who, as is also described in the short comment,55 is pulling the baby out of the basket. As already stated in the introduction to this study, the illuminated Haggadot are a source of rich imagery material for the comparative study of the iconography of the scenes in the Velislav Bible. They often start with a picture cycle,56 which, however, does not apply to the accompanying text but features only a selection of events from the Books of Genesis and Exodus. The cycle may begin with the creation of the world57 or with the image of Moses in front of the burning bush.58 If the picture cycle includes events from the childhood of Moses, the opening scene usually shows the pharaoh’s command. According to this command, midwives were to throw every son born to a Hebrew mother into the Nile.59 In the Golden Haggadah,60 the scene is extended by the figure of a man carrying a boy into the river. The suggestion here may be that this is the father of Moses, although the titulus below the picture only quotes the Bible: every newborn boy should be carried into the Nile (Ex 1:22). Kurt and Ursula Schubert mention the scene on f. M. 724r in the Pierpont Morgan Library, belonging originally to the manuscript of the Eadwine Psalter,61 as an analogy to the scene in the Golden Haggadah (f. 8v). In the Eadwine Psalter scene, though, the child is carried by a female figure. Even in the so-called Sister Haggadah,62 whose name is derived from the fact of its being a thematic and iconographic follow-up to the earlier 55 Velislav Bible, f. 54r: ‘Hic excipitur Moyses de fiscella.’ 56 See above in the text. 57 The Sarajevo Haggadah, Sarajevo, the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo, Catalonia, c. 1350, f. 1r. 58 London, British Library, MS Or. 1404, Catalonia, third quarter of the fourteenth century, f. 1v. 59 A detailed description of the changes in the situation in Egypt, the incipient hatred toward Jews, and the pharaoh’s resulting command to kill all the Hebrew newborn sons is also to be found in Petrus Comestor. Comestor also describes how midwives refused to perform this command because they were afraid of the Lord. Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1142 C-D. 60 London, British Library, MS Add. 27210, second quarter of the fourteenth century with later additions, f. 8v. 61 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M. 724r, ca. 1160. The folio was originally part of the prefatory picture cycle of the Eadwine Psalter. See James, ‘The Four Leaves,’ and also above in the text. 62 London, British Library, MS Or. 2884, before the year 1328.

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Figure IV.16  Amram carrying Moses into the Nile and Rescue of Moses

Padua Bible, British Library, MS Add. 15277, f. 1v

Golden Haggadah, in the scene of the pharaoh’s speech to the midwives, appears the figure of a man, this time beardless, who is carrying the child into the river.

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The Hispano-Moresque Haggadah63 features events from the beginning of the Book of Exodus in full-page illuminations. Though the pharaoh’s command is missing there, it presents an all the more realistic picture of its execution (f. 64v): after the removal of the child from his mother, probably by Amram again, there follows a drastic scene in which two men throw Jewish sons into the Nile. The image of Amram taking Moses away from his mother and carrying him to the bank of the Nile appears again in around 1400 in the so-called Padua Bible (f. 1v),64 whose illuminations present several iconographic themes that can be interpreted only on the basis of Jewish tradition, as presented by Flavius Josephus.65 I believe that the seemingly marginal figure of a bearded man in the Golden Haggadah (f. 8v) can be identified with Amram. Not only, therefore, in the Padua, but also in the Velislav Bible, through Amram’s carrying little Moses into the Nile, do we encounter one of the examples of the influence of Jewish tradition on the iconography of scenes which illustrate the Book of Exodus in the Czech manuscript. As Katrin Kogman-Apell argues,66 familiarity with Jewish commentaries, interpretations, and legends may have occurred not only in higher theological circles, and this knowledge was not confined to Flavius Josephus. The researcher considers it very likely that the illuminators of Jewish manuscripts, or Jewish illuminators in general, were not only trained in Latin scriptoria, but also could have worked alongside Christian illuminators.67 Since the decoration of the Hebrew Bible was and is almost exclusively nonfigural, the picture cycles in Spanish illuminated Haggadot followed 63 London, British Library, MS Or. 2737, f. 64v, 1275-1324. 64 The Padua Bible consists today of two separate parts, one of which (the books of Genesis and Ruth) is in Rovigo, Biblioteca dell’Accademia dei Concordi, MS 212, and the second, containing the remaining four books of the Pentateuch, is in London, British Library, MS Add. 15277. Folena and Mellini, Bibbia Istoriata Padovana. More recently, Arensberg, The Padua Bible. Otto Pächt has managed to prove that the Padua Bible corresponds to the manuscript of the Egerton Genesis in many scenes. See Pächt, ‘Giottesque Episode.’ We can therefore believe that both manuscripts are derived from the same iconographic tradition. I would just like to note here that also the scene of the finding of Moses in the Velislav matches the scene in the Padua Bible. 65 For further clarification of the link of the scene in the Padua Bible with the Flavius Josephus’s description of the event, see Shalev-Eyni, ‘The Antecedents of the Padua Bible.’ 66 Kogman-Appel, Illuminated Haggadot, pp. 12-13. Also Kogman-Appel, ‘Der Exoduszyklus der Sarajevo-Haggada.’ 67 Such cooperation was possible in the scriptorium which, in the last decades of the fourteenth century, worked on the spectacular, but unfortunately unfinished project of a complete multivolume Bible known today as the Bible of Wenceslas IV, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2759-2764. For the topic, see Hlaváčková, ‘Old Testament Scenes’ and ‘Bible Václava IV.’

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Figure IV.17  Moses receives the ring (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 54v

the Latin iconographical tradition.68 The influences and analogies that Hebrew picture cycles adopt from, or share with, the Latin tradition, itself enriched by elements derived from their own exegetic tradition, justify, in 68 We see here the effects of the contemporaneous French and Italian iconographic tradition. Kogmann-Appel, Illuminated Haggadot, especially pp. 28-32.

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Figure IV.18  Moses accepted by the pharaoh’s daughter (above)

Padua Bible, British Library, MS Add. 15277, f. 2r

my opinion, the fact that in the Velislav and Padua Bibles, it is Amram who carries Moses to the Nile. The acceptance of the naked child from Miriam’s hands (soror moysi) takes place on f. 54v in the Velislav Bible. The ring the princess holds in her left hand

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when the child is being named, and which in the following scene is passed to Moses now with the inscription ‘adult’ – iam adultus – is a noteworthy feature. Similar iconography can also be found in the Paduan Bible: an already grown boy is introduced to his royal founder (f. 2r).69 The pharaoh’s daughter accepts Moses by her gesture; the passing of the ring, however, is not depicted there. Usually, at this point of the story there appears the scene of Moses’s introduction to the pharaoh, who believing he sees his successor in front of him, puts his crown onto Moses’s head. The child pulls the crown off his head, throws it to the ground and tramples it. Therefore, the present prophets pronounce Moses the one who will bring misfortune to Egypt. The scene is inspired by Flavius Josephus and the rabbinical tradition, but in neither of these sources is reference made to a ring. In my opinion, the ring symbolizes the process of Moses’s adoption by the pharaoh’s daughter, and his custody. Unfortunately, I have not found any evidence that would confirm this hypothesis. Although the literature mentions the symbolism of the ring in the context of the Ancient Roman Empire, specific examples of medieval practice are unknown.70 The story of Moses in the Velislav Bible continues in close connection with the biblical text: Moses first observes the slave labor of his kinsmen (f. 54v). The following scene (f. 55r) is a combination of two processes: first, an Egyptian guard kills a young Hebrew; then Moses avenges his death by killing the Egyptian. The manuscripts mentioned above capture only the assassination of the Egyptian guard. Moses’s encounter with two arguing Hebrews is also absent (f. 55r; Ex 2:13-15). One of them accuses Moses of the Egyptian’s murder; Moses becomes anxious and decides to flee. In both images Moses is pictured as a beardless young man with a pointed yellow hat on his head. The sequence with the Egyptian’s assassination, his burial and then Moses’s meeting with the two Hebrews, including the pharaoh’s command to murder Moses, is also found in the Padua Bible (f. 2r). The Velislav Bible (f. 55v), too, continues with the announcement of Moses’s deed to the pharaoh, when the figure talking to the pharaoh is marked as a plaintiff (accusator Moysi). On the right of the plaintiff, Moses, with a pilgrim’s staff in his hands, is on the run to escape punishment. From this moment on, the way he is depicted changes fundamentally – instead of a young man, we see a man with a beard and a halo (!). Seemingly this attribute can be interpreted 69 None of the illuminated Haggadot feature a scene related to this in respect of either iconography or content. 70 Cf. Jussen, Spiritual Kinship, with references for further readings. For the ring symbolics, see Rapp, Brother-Making in Late Antiquity, esp. pp. 6-47.

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Figure IV.19  Moses kills an Egyptian (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 55r

in concurrence with the principles of medieval typology, the departing Moses representing a prototype for Jesus Christ.71 He, too, even before he

71 The finding of Moses in the Ark is also explained typologically: as a prototype for the Flight of the Holy family into Egypt.

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Figure IV.20  Moses escapes punishment (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 55v

was baptized and began to carry out his works in public, went to the desert to fast for 40 days. The drama of the murder and the subsequent escape of Moses are stressed in the gestures of individual characters. And so we have Moses’s defense against accusations by the Hebrew (f. 55r), for example, expressed by a raised left hand while the right is in a gesture of ‘utterance.’ Or the act of

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accusation or contradiction expressed in a gesture of crossed arms, as is the case with the figure of the plaintiff, whose left-hand finger points to the escaping Moses. The lively gestures of the f igures depicted may be related to liturgical drama, as is proven in the case of the Egerton Genesis. Among other examples, the drama the Ordo prophetarum,72 based on pseudo-Augustine’s sermon Contra Judaeos, Paganos et Arianos Sermo de symbolo, is considered to be a close parallel. The basis for this is part of the Contra Judaeos, in which the Old Testament prophets speak about the birth of the Savior. Since this is a separate performance without any additional setting or accompaniment, this sequence is considered to be a source for the depiction of Adam’s offspring in the Egerton Genesis (f. 2r). A similar scene can be found in the Velislav Bible, at the end of Noah’s story, where the next generations of Noah’s sons (f. 12r) are depicted. There stand twelve men of different ages engaged in lively gestures. The gestures, however, are very likely intended for ‘the viewer,’ who is located outside the image, where the eyes of the men are also oriented. Although in the Czech context only a few records of liturgical drama have survived, and this is in general a little-explored theme, I think that medieval artists might have drawn their inspiration not only from various sample books, but also from public performances.73 Some researchers even suggest a possible link between liturgical drama and the way the figures are dressed in relation to their age, their status or the role they play in the image/drama. In general, contemporaneous customs in clothing respected the social status of a person in the context of the medieval hierarchy.74 There is no doubt that, even in the Velislav Bible, clothes, hairstyle and headwear play a significant role. To begin with, Moses, a beardless young man, is dressed in a short skirt and his short hair is combed back (ff. 54v-55r). At the time of the escape, he is transformed into a bearded man with much longer hair, and with a long cloak over his attire. In the scene with Noah’s offspring (f. 12r) we can identify Abraham

72 Karl Young’s ‘“Ordo Prophetarum”’ is still considered a fundamental study on the content of the play. The visual-art and literary context of the play was already recognized by John K. Bonnell, ‘The Source of the So-called Prophet’s Play.’ A more detailed analysis of the relationship between the illuminations in the Egerton Genesis and contemporaneous dramatic texts is provided by Joslin and Joslin Watson, The Egerton Genesis, pp. 137-154, with a list of other literature. 73 Link between contemporaneous liturgical plays and art are also seen by Jaroslav Folda in the sculptures on the facade of the Cathedral in Reims. Joslin and Joslin Watson, The Egerton Genesis, p. 140 and mainly p. 156, note 21. 74 See Owen-Crocker, et al., Encyclopaedia of Medieval Dress; and Burns, Medieval Fabrications.

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Figure IV.21  Moses on Horeb (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 57r

not only by his position at the head of the crowd, but also by his unusual hairstyle and distinctly youthful face.75 Moses, after his escape, meets the daughters of the priest of Midian (f. 55v) at the well. Among them, we are sure to identify Zipporah in a green 75 Cf. also the depiction of Sarah with the kruseler on her head, or of Rebecca as a single and later a married woman (f. 27v).

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Figure IV.22  Moses and the burning bush (below)

Biblia Pauperum, Constance, Rosengartenmuseum, Hs 4. Laib, f. 1r

dress. She is wearing the same dress in the scene in which Reúel gives her to Moses to become his wife (f. 56v). In the next scene (f. 57r) both of their children are present: her firstborn son, Gershom, (on Zipporah’s right) and also Eliezer (on her left), who is mentioned in the Bible after Israel’s rescue from Egyptian captivity (Ex 18:4). In the bottom picture field in f. 57r Moses finds himself on the sacred Mount Horeb face-to-face with the Lord, who has taken the form of a burning bush.

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A similar image is found in the manuscript of the Biblia pauperum type (today in Constance) that Antonín Matějček has already termed one of the closest stylistic parallels to our manuscript.76 In both manuscripts the Lord, in Christomorphic form, is depicted strictly frontally. All that differs is the gestures: in the Constance manuscript we see only the right-hand blessing, while in the Velislav Bible the Lord’s speech is expressed by the gestures of both hands. The reason is that in one picture field two phases of the event are depicted. Moses first comes to the place where he can hear the call of the Lord (Ex 3:3-4). On the right, he takes off his shoes at the Lord’s command (Ex 3:5) while covering his face from fear at the sight of the Lord. With the exception of this gesture, Moses, taking off his shoes, compositionally corresponds to an identical figure in the Constance manuscript in the scene which prefigures Christ’s birth.77 It also corresponds in the depiction of the shoe that has already been taken off, which here simply points in a different direction. Unlike, for example, the illuminated Haggadot and the Queen Mary Psalter, the Velislav Bible depicts all the miracles (ff. 57v-58r) that are to convince Moses that the Lord has really revealed Himself to him. As we can see, even the picture narrative according to the Book of Exodus follows the biblical story in almost all its details. Only in the sequence where Moses leaves Jethro is there an absent element: the scene in which Zipporah circumcises her son. But even here the titulus records this event exactly according to the Bible.78 As in the Book of Genesis, this is a very rare example of the illustration of all biblical events gradually in chronological order. In the manuscripts with extensive Old Testament cycles that have been mentioned, only selected events are depicted corresponding to the assignment and needs of the recipients. The fact that the conceptor of the Velislav Bible did not make such a selection undoubtedly has its impact on the function that the manuscript was supposed to serve. As I have already stated in another study,79 the Bible was probably intended for the edification of future clerics, or preachers, who studied at the school operating at the Vyšehrad Chapter. This designation is supported by the inclusion of the martyrdoms of St. Lawrence and St. Hippolytus, and 76 See Matějček, Velislavova bible, p. 99ff. The manuscript is now in the Rosengartenmuseum (Constance), Hs 4. Biblia Pauperum: Nach dem Original. Biblia Pauperum: A Facsimile. Weckwerth, ‘Der Name “Biblia pauperum,”’ and, finally, Schmidt, Die Armenbibeln. 77 The same scene is also a prototype for the Annunciation. 78 However, due to the absence of the rite in the Christian environment, I find its omission in the Velislav Bible logical. On the contrary, its representation in the illuminated Haggadot is explicable. 79 Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia.’ In diplomas dating from the f irst half of the fourteenth century Nicholaus and Tobias scholastics at the Vyšehrad Chapter are mentioned several times. See, e.g., RBM IV, no. 653, pp. 253-254.

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Figure IV.23  Moses and Aaron before the pharaoh (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 61r

especially of the legends of St. Peter and St. Paul and a fragment of the life of St. Clement – mostly saints of Vyšehrad’s patronages – to the Velislav Bible. Follow-up events to Moses’s and Aaron’s negotiations with the pharaoh, in my opinion, confirm the hypothesis as to the use of the Velislav Bible.80 80 At this point it should be emphasized that the proposed hypothesis regarding the use of the manuscript does not in any way contradict the hypothesis formulated by Milena Bartlová

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Both brothers are depicted in these scenes with a halo.81 Until the moment of their coming before the pharaoh for the second time (f. 61r), it is impossible to reliably distinguish one from the other. In this scene, Aaron is depicted for the first time with a tonsure, which appears to be consistent with his subsequent role as the high priest. This identification of Moses’s brother probably intentionally follows on from a scene (f. 60v) that acquaints us with the first three tribes of the nation of Israel – those of Reuben, Simeon and then Levi, from the latter of which the two brothers come.82 The tribe of Levi is represented probably by the figure of a man with a typical Jewish hat on his head and a branch in his hand; perhaps it is Aaron himself. It is also Aaron who, in the biblical text as well as in the illuminations, is using his staff to carry out the Lord’s plagues. In the Velislav Bible, all these plagues are described in great detail. At the same time, the first two miracles of the Lord are absent (the turning of the staff into a serpent and in her study in this volume. On the contrary, I think that both views are complementary, since it is possible that the Velislav Bible served in the education of future clerics as well as in the role of a manual for the preparation of sermons. As an example of a possible use for the book, see the Psalter and the Hours of St. Amand, now in Paris, Bibliothèque National, MS Lat. 13260, f. 130r. Within the bas-de-page there is a monk who is reading to a devout lady, or a couple of monks, one of whom is reading to a fellow brother. The analogous use is considered also in the case of the Holkham Bible. Michael Camille considered how the richly illustrated bible moralisée from the thirteenth century was similarly used. He correctly assumed that laymen at that time would hardly have been able to understand such a complex theological program of illuminations. Therefore, they needed a theologian-preacher (sapiens praedicator vel prelatus), who guided the reading of the depicted scenes and their mutual typological relations, and other allegorical meanings, to correspond to the official teachings of the Church. See Camille, ‘Visual Signs,’ mainly p. 126. Finally, even Camille accepts the view that the bible moralisée were rather intended for the clerics as illustrated manuals which, with a mnemonic function, served to educate the clergy in theological teachings and biblical exegesis. I believe that even the Velislav Bible was not intended for laymen, as the understanding of the picture cycle and various numerous allegories, metaphors, and symbols hidden in seemingly commonly known biblical scenes was impossible without erudite theological interpretation. The scene in which Moses appears before the public assembly of the faithful without them bearing their traditional Jewish attribute pileum cornutum), is one that speaks particularly strongly in favor of the use of the Velislav Bible as a manual or a teaching aid. Cf. also Doležalová in this volume. 81 Perhaps the only exception in the entire cycle of illustrations to the Book of Exodus is the scene in f. 60r, where the Jewish guards complain to Aaron and Moses that they have brought about a worsening in the fate of the nation of Israel (Ex 5:20-21). 82 The titulus above the scene, which I identify as an illustration of paternal lineages according to Ex 6:14ff. expresses the obstinacy and despondency of the Jews with regard to the words of Moses (Ex 6:9). I still believe that the inclusion of Aaron as the chosen one, which thus emphasized the importance of the Levi family to the pictorial narrative, is of key importance to the Christian understanding of Moses and Aaron – heralds of the Lord’s will – as the ideal model for contemporaneous preachers.

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Figure IV.24  The pharaoh’s servants bringing Moses back (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 64r

the poisoning of the waters of the Nile) and the f irst depicted plague is that of the frogs (Ex 7; f. 61r-v). The intention was probably to feature only those plagues that led the pharaoh to his promise to release Israel, which was, however, retracted after the danger was averted. For this reason, after the plagues of flies and mosquitoes had infested Egypt, the miracle of tossing soot in the presence of the pharaoh followed, which resulted in the breaking out of festering boils among men and animals (Ex 9:8-12; f. 63r).

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Figure IV.25  Crossing the Red Sea (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 71r

In the picture cycle there thus come to the foreground the pharaoh’s initial obstinacy against the Lord’s prophets and his subsequent repentance, which is, however, a mere act of slyness on the part of a secular ruler. The illuminator did not omit any detail in the plagues; he even featured the pharaoh’s servants bringing Moses back after the ruler’s initial rejection (Ex 10:7-11; 64r). In the narrative there follow another three plagues: the arrival of locusts, the darkness brought upon the land, and the last and

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worst: the Lord’s passing through Egypt, when all the f irstborn die (ff. 64r-67r). I will explore another iconographic motif in the picture cycle of the Book of Exodus and will analyze the function of the captions inserted into the scenes themselves. In the first case we are interested in the scene with the parting of the Red Sea (f. 71r). The Lord decides to finally punish the pharaoh and has him pursue the Hebrews on their journey. They settle on the shore of the sea, on the edge of the desert, for a time. There the pharaoh and his army catch them (f. 70v). When the people notice the enemy, they become afraid and complain against God. God tells Moses to raise his staff and keep on walking into the sea (Ex 14:10-16). The waters part and the Israelites arrive on the opposite shore with dry feet (Ex 14:15-22). The illuminator has depicted the parted waters in the form of two red bulwarks/walls (quasi murus), between which the land stretches. At the forefront of the crowd there is Moses with a branch in his hand, walking. He is looking toward the Lord’s voice, which is depicted in the form of an angel’s head shrouded in a cloud. The presence of the Lord is symbolized also by a fiery cloud behind Moses’s head, probably the image of the fiery column which, according to the Bible, accompanied the Israelites day and night (Ex 13:21-22). What we are most interested in here from the iconographic point of view, however, is the figure of the man on the very left who is collecting stones from the waters. His activity is marked also by a Latin caption iste colligit petras iacinctinas. He shows one of the stones to a man who is turned to him and warning him with a gesture of the right hand not to stop, but to quickly follow the others. This episode, however, is found neither in Flavius Josephus, nor in Comestor. Only the rabbinical targumim mention how the Israelites, after they camped on the coast of the Red Sea, collected pearls and precious stones brought there by the River Pison of Eden.83

83 ʻAnd the Mizraee followed after them, and came upon them as they were encamped by the sea, gathering of pearls and goodly stones, which the river Pishon had carried from the garden of Eden into the Gihon and the Gihon had carried it into the sea of Suph, and the sea of Suph had cast upon its bank.’ See the edition of the Targum Pseudo-Jonathan in The Targums, chap. 14, pp. 483-485. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, in the Middle Ages known as the Jerusalem Targum, comes (in contrast with the Targum Onkelos) from the West. The time when this Targum was created remains highly spurious, estimates ranging from the eighth century to the early fourteenth at the latest. Recently, it has been suggested that its origin goes back to as early as the fourth century. See Mortensen, The Priesthood in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan. For the spreading of the Targum in Europe, see Patmore, ‘The Transmission of Targum Jonathan.’

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Figure IV.26  Crossing the Red Sea

Old English Hexateuch, London, British Library, MS Cotton Claudius B IV, f. 92r

In this situation they are found by the Egyptians, who then surround them and make them cross the sea. As far as I know, this scene does not appear in any

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Figure IV.27  Moses receiving the Decalogue (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 80v

other picture featuring Israel crossing the Red Sea.84 The only exception, even though not entirely unequivocal, is an Anglo-Saxon manuscript containing an Old English adaptation of the books of the Hexateuch, hence also the Book 84 In medieval art, typological symbolism of the whole event probably prevailed, supplanting extrabiblical context.

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of Exodus.85 In the text there are inserted largely unfinished illuminations depicting the events mentioned above. In the part where the poet speaks about the circumstances of the crossing of the Red Sea (v. 520-525), several kneeling figures are depicted who are probably collecting something (f. 92r). Just below this scene we can see a blank space originally intended to carry an illustration. Instead of the image there, paradoxically, we read St. Jerome’s Latin comments to accompany the first Book of Chronicles.86 The end of the poem describes in very drastic terms the doom of the Egyptian army in the waters of the sea and the subsequent exultation of the rescued Israelites. In the last verses we find a reference to a certain African woman (Afrisc meowle – probably the designation of the wife of Moses), who stands on the shore, dressed in gold, while the Israelites collect precious garments, stones and other riches belonging to their Egyptian pursuers.87 It is not clear whether the image of the kneeling people mentioned above is related to the closing verses, or whether it is an independent scene inspired by the rabbinical targumim. However, I think that this episode was known in medieval biblical retelling. For example, Guyart Desmoulins, who transferred Comestor’s Historia scholastica into the form of the Old French bible historiale, writes that he deliberately included in his version several Apocrypha linked to the biblical text that Comestor omitted. Guyart justifies this by the fact that a lot of people like reading them, as they are very entertaining and pleasant to listen to.88 The second aspect I am going to explore in this study concerns the scenes illustrating the Ten Commandments granted to the people of Israel (Ex 19; ff. 80v-81v). Again, we find here a unique manner of depiction in which the commandments are communicated individually to the people in a chronological order. Each separate register is designated two commandments, with the exception of the first image compartment. Each scene is conceived as a discourse of Moses to Israel in the form of a man standing in the middle of an image field. While the first three commandments are also inscribed 85 London, British Library, MS Cotton Claudius B IV, second quarter of the eleventh century. 86 Hieronymus, Liber Paralipomenon, PL 28, col. 1337A. 87 Exodus, v. 580-590, f. 92r: ‘Þa wæs eðfynde Afrisc meowle / on geofones staðe golde geweorðod. / Handa hofon halswurðunge, / bliðe wæron, bote gesawon, / heddon herereafes, hæft wæs onsæled. / Ongunnon sælafe segnum dælan / on yðlafe, ealde madmas, / sceoreaf and randas. Heo on riht sceodon / gold and godweb, Iosepes gestreon, / wera wuldorgesteald. Werigend lagon / mæon deaðstede, drihtfolca mæst.’ 88 ‘Cy apres ensuiuent aucunes hystoires apocrifes de la sante croix. Et sont dittes apocrifes pource que leu ne sceit pas se elles sont vraie ou non. Si ne la doit on mye affeemmer pour vraie. Mais ie lai cy mise pource que moult de gens lisent voulentiers escriptures apocrifes pource quelless sont moult plaisans et agreables, et assoagens les oreilles des escoutans.’ Taken from McGerr, ‘Guyart Desmoulins,’ p. 217.

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Figure IV.28  Writing Moses (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 83r

on the scroll, the others remain empty and the relevant commandment is inscribed into the lines above Moses. In medieval symbolism, a speech scroll (rotulus) was a usual attribute of Old Testament prophets. According to Durand (1230-1296), it expressed their incomplete knowledge; only the apostles, being disciples of Jesus Christ, achieved full knowledge of the Word of God as revealed in his person and so were depicted with books in their

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Figure IV.29  Good Shepherd

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 149r

hands. Durand further states that the inscribed scroll refers to physical speech and so functions as the visual sign for a sermon.89 In my opinion, this idea of the speech scroll may be applied also in the case of the Velislav Bible. Thus Moses in the role of a preacher passes the teachings of the Law of God on to the people. The fact that the majority of speech scrolls 89 Guillelmus Durantus, Rationale divinorum officiorum, I, 3, par. 11-12.

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are lacking texts does not contradict the proposed interpretation. On the contrary, it serves as a prototype of the fulfillment of the Law in the person of Jesus Christ, summarizing the Decalogue in the last commandment, Diligens dominum deum tuum ex toto corde tuo et proximum tuum sicut ipsum. These words are being written into the book by Moses on f. 83r,90 and the image of Moses writing corresponds to the traditional depiction of the Four Evangelists or other church authorities. In the bottom scene on f. 83r, this commandment, now written in an open book, is mediated to the people gathered. In this case, the text is expanded upon with an order to respect the father – honora patrem. Respect not only toward father and mother is ordered by the fourth commandment of the Decalogue, which is inscribed in its entirety at the bottom right of f. 81r. I believe that the emphasis on respect toward the father in the Velislav Bible is probably aimed at the audience for which it was intended – for future clerics, who were inculcated with the concept of respect and unquestioning obedience toward their ecclesiastical superiors. The didactic and moralizing aspects targeted probably at ‘student-readers’ of the manuscript can be recognized also in the scene of the Good Shepherd (f. 149r), which is based on Christ’s parable captured in detail in John’s Gospel (Jn 10). Christ, in the upper register, initially speaks to a gathering of laics, led by the abbot with a crosier in his hand. In the bottom field, where Christ – with an apocalyptic lamb in his arms and an abbot’s shepherd’s staff in his hand – blesses his sheep, the very contrary of a good shepherd is depicted. It is again a figure of an abbot with a crosier, but accompanied by a wolf that devours sheep while the abbot is being served by two winged demons.91 In this connection it may also be assumed, as already stated, that Moses, especially in the scenes in which he submits the Law, presents aspiring clerics and preachers with a model to follow, particularly if we take into account Durand’s acoustic interpretation of the speech scroll. Especially during the process of negotiating with the Egyptian pharaoh, Moses and Aaron prove themselves faithful servants of the Lord, of whose infinite power even the pharaoh becomes convinced when he refuses to keep his promise to release Israel from Egyptian captivity. In fact, this fight against an unbelieving and sinful sovereign is a model situation for priests who are confronted with a lack of faith and tendency to sin while working among people. In addition, the depiction of Aaron with a tonsure 90 Moses is writing only a shortened form of that commandment, which is Christ’s answer to the scribe’s question (e.g., Mk 12: 28-32). This leaves him enough space to capture the second commandment: ‘et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum.’ 91 See also Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia,’ pp. 54 and 58.

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Figure IV.30  Judit

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 129v

places him in the role of a priest acting in accordance with the will of the Lord, who through the performed miracles confirms the Lord’s sovereignty. The Velislav Bible, in its narrative, omits various restrictions contained in the Book of Exodus 20:18-23. However, the sealing of the covenant following the people’s promise to follow the Lord’s commandments (ff. 82r-v) is not absent. While Moses in f. 83r is listing the law in the book and then carries

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out a sacrifice on an altar with the names of the twelve tribes of Israel, in the lower register the chosen people’s promise of obedience to the Lord is repeated. In conclusion, the Velislav Bible presents the events of the Books of Genesis and Exodus in close relation to the biblical text, with the introduction of several apocryphal motifs. However, the method used for the description of events, and the accentuation of certain of the characters, indicates the manuscript’s purpose and mission. From the Old Testament stories, prominence is given to Moses and Aaron, who appear in the role of ideal priests and advocate the will of the Lord before the unbelieving pharaoh, as well as before their own people, who are weakening in their own faith. In addition, this interpretation is confirmed in the context of the New Testament cycle by the depiction of the Good Shepherd and his counterpart (f. 149r). The placing of the Antichrist story against that of the deeds, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (the only Good Shepherd whose death restored people’s hope in eternal life) functions in the same antagonistic spirit. Another significant role in this argument is the way Judith is emphasized in every scene of her story, by the red tint given to her figure throughout (f. 125r-130r). It seems that Judith, like the Virgin Mary in the full-page scene presenting the doctrine of the Holy Trinity (f. 149v), represents the Church Militant (ecclesia militans). Using iconographic analysis, we have managed to demonstrate that, mainly in the Book of Exodus, there can be found indices supporting confirmation of the hypothesis as to the purpose and mission of the manuscript which I proposed in the introduction. The Velislav Bible is very likely to have served to educate future clerics and preachers, and probably as a manual for preparing sermons, as is formulated by Milena Bartlová in her contribution to the present volume.

V

The Life of Antichrist in the Velislav Bible1 Pavlína Cermanová

Antichrist passed for the embodiment of evil in the world for centuries. The great persecutor of the Church, the leader of the forces of evil in the last days of history, Antichrist became one of the central figures of medieval apocalyptic thought and, consequently, that of salvation history. The belief that Antichrist would appear during the final events of history to fulfill an important part of the prophecy of salvation by temporarily imposing his tyrannical rule was taken as certain in the Christian Middle Ages. Theologians, scholars, writers, and artists could hardly ignore the theme, one which led to Antichrist’s becoming the subject matter of numerous learned treatises, prophecies, poems, plays, and iconographic representations. Medieval interpretations of Antichrist developed in the ways that corresponded to the principles of biblical hermeneutics. One of the traditional representations of Antichrist portrayed him as a human figure and the diabolical opposite of Christ at the same time, showing all the details of his earthly life. The other depicted him as a multiple or amorphous entity embodying all the evil in the world.2 The representation of Antichrist in the Velislav Bible followed the former of the above-mentioned traditions. The passage of the Bible dealing in both pictures and words with the life and deeds of Antichrist ranks among the most exceptional pieces of the European culture. In terms of pictorial representation, the detailed and comprehensive way in which the theme is treated made the passage almost unique in the Middle Ages. In manuscript illumination, there are only two textually and iconographically similar treatments of the Antichrist theme from the period spanning the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries to have been preserved in the western Christian world. Both of these, however, are less epic. The one created earlier was a part of the Hortus deliciarum, a compendium written by Herrad of Landsberg in 1167. Here, Antichrist is shown as a monarch with noble 1 This study was created in the Centre for Medieval Studies at the Institute of Philosophy, Czech Academy of Sciences as part of the project P405/12/G148 ‘Cultural Codes and Their Transformations in the Hussite Period’ of the Czech Science Foundation. 2 Basic information on the Antichrist tradition is provided by Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages.

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features, dressed in a sumptuous gown and wearing a crown on his head. Toward the end of the twelfth century, a pictorial vita of Antichrist was created for the so-called Pamplona Bible, whose author directly quotes from the Tiburtine Oracle. The Latin version of this text, together with the widespread Revelations of the Pseudo-Methodius (seventh century), and the treatise of Adso, abbot of Montier-en-Der, brought the image of the Last World Emperor and that of Antichrist conceived as a historical figure involved in eschatological events to general awareness in the Latin Christian world.3 It took a long time for the narrative of Antichrist to develop in Europe. Its roots stretch back to the writings of the patristic authors. Ireneus (second century) discussed the Antichrist theme in the fifth book of his Adversus haereses (especially in Chapters 25 to 31).4 The figure of Antichrist he created was a compilation of several pre-Christian traditions applied to the Christian context. His Antichrist is the opponent and the adversary of Christ, the one who usurped the title and the role of the Messiah. His career begins with a series of deceits. He uses deception to tempt the faithful; he even resorts to brutal violence. On Earth, he acts as the agent of the Devil, who wanted to be admired and worshipped as God. Ireneus showed Antichrist as a ruthless ruler of Jewish origin who resembled a pagan tyrant. It was the increasing number of heresies that he saw as a major sign of the approaching end. He consistently considered them the forerunners of Antichrist. He did not regard the main traits of Antichrist as being violence and tyranny, but rather those of deception and trickery and the various ruses Antichrist carried out using magic. The attitude of Ireneus, marked by an outright opposition to heresy, determined the line of his conception of Antichrist. Deception and false marvels (both understood as figurative tropes for heresies) tempting people to stray thus became a prominent feature of Antichrist at that time. The De Christo et Antichristo, written in the third century, was the first work devoted solely to Antichrist. Its author, Hippolytus, portrays him as a bloody tyrant, a Jewish king born from the tribe of Dan who was to persecute Christians and become the ruler of the world after the fall of the Roman Empire. Hippolytus defined Antichrist as the opposite of Christ; he naturally contrasted his future earthly rule to that of Christ in the heavenly 3 Herrad of Landsberg, Hortus Deliciarum, Plate LXII-LXIV, pp. 212-221. The Antichrist passage in the Hortus deliciarum was based on the Expositio in Apocalypsin of Haimo of Auxerre, and on Adso’s De ortu et tempore Antichristi in particular. For the Pamplona Bible, see Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles; for Antichrist, see vol. I, pp. 24-25. 4 Badalita, Métamorphoses de l´Antichrist, p. 127f.

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kingdom. Hippolytus clearly developed a politically focused Antichrist thought also determined by his time, one marked by the persecution of Christians. Martyrdom, tyranny, political power in general, represented by the Roman Empire, and the expectation of the Parousia – the Coming (the ‘delay’ in which he tried to explain) – were the cornerstones of Hippolytus’s Antichrist concept. It was the allegorical interpretation of Antichrist, however, that eventually prevailed in the interpretations of patristic authors, including that of St. Augustine. They read the apocalyptic image as a projection representing the struggle of the Church, the City of God, against the city of the Devil, the latter of which consisted of both the open enemies of the true Church and false Christians. This complex also determined the interpretation of Antichrist. He did not act as a ‘historical’ individual with his own ‘biography,’ but rather as a negative principle of the world and the epitome of everything that was contrary to Christ, to His teachings and values. In Europe, it was Adso of Montier-en-Der (tenth century), a French abbot and an experienced hagiographer, who, in keeping with the earlier tradition, compiled and popularized a ‘coherent biography’ of Antichrist. Drawing upon hagiographic models, he described him as an ‘antisaint.’ He structured Antichrist’s story as a perversion of the evangelical story of Christ. This aspect also determined the form and shape of his Antichrist story, which was framed as a perverted hagiographic narrative.5 Adso’s work is a synthesis of images and traditions based on the writings of St. Jerome (De Antichristo in Danielem); Haimo of Auxerre (ninth century), especially his In Epistolam II ad Thessalonicenses; Alcuin’s work De fide sanctae et individuae Trinitatis (eighth-ninth centuries); and Byzantine sources which included the Tiburtine Oracle and the Pseudo-Methodius, in particular. The Tiburtine Oracle describes Antichrist as the prince of iniquity born from the tribe of Dan, as the Pauline ‘Son of Perdition,’ and as the master of errors who will turn the world upside down, perform great miracles, and tempt many to take his side by using magical tricks. He will kill Enoch and Eliah, expose the Christian world to his tyrannical rule, and eventually be defeated by Archangel Michael on the Mount of Olives.6 The description of Antichrist provided by the Pseudo-Methodius offered more detailed information on Antichrist’s life – it assumes Antichrist to have 5 Emmerson, ‘Antichrist as Anti-Saint,’ esp. pp. 183-185. 6 ʻDie tiburtinische Sibylle,’ pp. 185-186. Antichrist is described here as the ‘princeps iniquitatis de tribu Dan, filius perditionis, caput superbie, magister erroris, plenitudo malicie, qui subvertet orbem et faciet prodigia et signa magna.’

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been born in Corozaim, reared in Bethsaida, and then ruled at Capernaum. It is obvious from the way in which it describes the miracles performed by Antichrist that these are intended to correspond to the miracles of Christ: the blind gained sight, the deaf were healed, the paralytics got up and walked again, and the demons of the possessed were expelled.7 The Pseudo-Methodius maintains that Antichrist’s rule will be put to an end by the Second Advent of Christ, at which time Antichrist will be defeated and killed. Thanks to Adso, this version of the narrative, one that portrays Antichrist as a Jew from the tribe of Dan,8 born in Babylon through the union of a man and a woman, became established in the western Christian world. Another version of the narrative became widespread later; this suggests that Antichrist was born of the union of a whore and the Devil, or else from a virgin. The basic versions of Adso’s text did not, however, contain these themes. Antichrist will be circumcised in Jerusalem; he will rebuild the temple of Solomon and become a tyrannical ruler. He will send out preachers and teachers into the world to spread his faith. They will help him deceive many who have strayed from the path to join him. He will perform great, unheard-of miracles.9 Before the end of the world, he will afflict the true Christians with persecution and suffering. God will send two witnesses, Enoch and Eliah, to teach people and preach for three and a half years in this unfortunate time. Antichrist will kill the witnesses; great persecution of Christians will ensue. At the end of his career, he will be killed on the Mount of Olives by the agent of Christ,10 but first he will try to work a miracle on himself to allow him to ascend into Heaven. After his death, those who have strayed from the right path will be given a short time to repent. Only then will the Last Judgment come. Contemporary scholarship distinguishes eight basic medieval editions of Adso’s work. Adso himself laid the foundation for all the other versions that followed with his De ortu et tempore Antichristi, written in the tenth 7 Pseudo-Methodius, Sermo de regnum Cantium, p. 94. 8 The argument suggesting Antichrist’s being born of Jewish parents from the tribe of Dan was based on the following biblical passages: Gn 49:16-17, Deut 33:22 and Jer 8:16. cf. Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, p. 23. 9 Adso, De Ortu et Tempore Antichristi, p. 24. 10 Isaiah (Isa 25:6-8) was interpreted as a prophecy suggesting that Antichrist will eventually be killed by Christ on the Mount of Olives, in the same place where Christ ascended to Heaven (stated by Nicholas of Lyra, for example). The first author to indicate the Mount of Olives as the place of Antichrist’s destruction was probably St. Jerome, Hieronymus, De Antichristo in Danielem in his Commentarius in Danielem, 9, 44-45, p. 933.

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century. In the early eleventh century, an anonymous author made a few changes to Adso’s text, creating a version referred to as Descriptio cuiusdam sapientis de Antichristo.11 Several years after Adso’s death, another edition of his treatise appeared. This was a revision called De Antichristo quomodo nasci debeat auctore Albuino12; it was probably written by Alboin, abbot of Tegernsee. Very likely, the same Alboin was also the author of the fourth version – the Sermo sancti Augustini de Antichristo.13 The text was, however, erroneously attributed to St. Augustine. In the course of the eleventh century, another revision of Adso’s text was written in France, the Vita Antichristi ad Carolum Magnum ab Alcuino edita,14 ascribed to Alcuin of York. This Pseudo-Alcuin used the above-mentioned Descriptio as the basis for his work, enriching it with inspiration drawn from the Tiburtine Oracle and the Charlemagne legend widespread in France.15 This gave rise to a new version of the story of Antichrist and the Last World Emperor supplemented with sibylline themes recounting the journey to the Holy Land, the destruction of barbaric rule, the conversion of pagans and the Jews (with reference to Isaiah’s prophecy in Isa 11:10),16 and establishing the rule of peace and plenty that will last for 112 years.17 The De tempore Antichristi is another version of Adso’s treatise.18 The author of this edition also made use of the Tiburtine Oracle. Unlike the Pseudo-Alcuin, he did not create a text compiling the two traditions; he only inserted a part of the sibylline text into Adso’s without linking them together.19 Another edition revising Adso’s treatise was created after 1120. It was erroneously entitled Epistola Methodii de Antichristo.20 Finally, the last edition of Adso’s text was attributed to St. Anselm in the fourteenth century, although there is nothing in the text to indicate his authorship. 11 Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, pp. 33-53. 12 Ibidem, pp. 55-89. 13 Ibidem, pp. 91-104. 14 Ibidem, pp. 105-128. 15 In the eleventh century a legend became widespread in France that portrayed Charlemagne as the prototype of the king-wanderer journeying to the Holy Land accompanied by his army to protect the Holy Sepulchre. Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, p. 107. 16 Ibidem, p. 125, line 198. 17 ‘Erunt divitie magne et terra dabit fructum suum, ita ut tritici modius denario uno vendatur, vini et olei similiter.’ The passage is taken from the Tiburtine Oracle; Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, p. 125, line 180f. again, it is: Die tiburtinische Sibylle 18 Ibidem, pp. 129-137. 19 Ibidem, pp. 135, line 99f.: ‘Hic rex erit Romanorum simul et Grecorum et huic nomen Constans.’ A direct quotation from the sibylline prophecy follows. 20 Ibidem, pp. 139-152.

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This version, known as the Liber Anselmi de Antichristo,21 contains direct quotations from the Tiburtine Oracle. The Antichrist narrative structured in this way, according to Adso, was included in the most commonly used medieval commentaries and compendia of knowledge. In the twelfth century, it found its way into the Elucidarium of Honorius of Autun; later, it appeared in the Compendium theologicae veritatis of Hugo of Strasbourg22 and in the Historia scholastica of Peter Comestor; it was also included in the Speculum quadruplex (maius) of Vincent of Beauvais, written in the thirteenth century.23 The subject matter remained the same, only the details changed. The De Antichristo et adventu Henoch ac Eliae, a chapter in Honorius’s Elucidarium, relates, for instance, that Antichrist was born of a whore from the tribe of Dan, was brought up among criminals in Corozaim, established his tyrannical rule over the world, rebuilt the temple of Solomon in Jerusalem, where he was worshipped as God, killed the two witnesses, and, eventually, was killed himself on the Mount of Olives. Antichrist will use four means to tempt the people: the noble will be tempted by wealth; the common people will be convinced by terror and tyrannical rule; the clergy will be deceived by his great knowledge and eloquence; and the rest (such as monks living in seclusion) will be swayed by the great miracles he will perform – he will make fire from the sky come down to earth, he will seemingly resurrect the dead, etc.24 Besides Adso, the commentary of Haimo of Auxerre was the main source that Honorius used.25

21 Ibidem, pp. 153-166. 22 The Compendium theologicae veritatis was a very popular manuscript in medieval Bohemia. Karel Chytil found twenty manuscript copies in the collections of the National Library in Prague alone. Most of them date back to the fourteenth century. Chytil, Antikrist, p. 31. 23 Cf. Vincentius Belvacensis, Speculum quadruplex, II, pars 2, dist. I, cols. 758-762. In these chapters, he draws upon Petrus Comestor. There are other medieval treatises we could name, such as the Tractatus de victoria Christi contra Antichristum (1319) written by Hugo of Newcastle. See Hugo de Novo Castro, Tractatus. Hugo refers to a number of authorities (Augustine, Jerome, Gregory the Great, Isidore, the Pseudo-Methodius, and the Glossa ordinaria). However, his major source was Adso. Hugo’s Tractatus synthesizes then-contemporary Antichrist knowledge. Even though he refers to Joachim of Fiore, the theories of the Calabrian Abbot were not reflected in his treatment of Antichrist and eschatological events. Hugo of Newcastle also mentions the prophecy of the Fifteen Signs of Doomsday that he placed within the period between the defeat of Antichrist and the Last Judgment. He thus firmly places Antichrist in the context of eschatological events; cf. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages, p. 78. 24 Honorius Augustodunesis, Elucidarium III, 33-35, quotation III, 33, p. 453. 25 The German versions, upon which the Old Czech Elucidarium was based, did not include the Antichrist passage.

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In the middle of the fourteenth century, when the Velislav Bible was created, the Antichrist story was far from unknown in Bohemia. A relatively significant number of manuscripts indicate that the versions made by Adso of Montier-en-Der’s treatise were the basic Antichrist treatments copied and read in Bohemia. The Historia scholastica of Peter Comestor certainly featured as one of the main manuals as well; in the middle of the fourteenth century it was even translated into Czech. The Speculum quadruplex of Vincent of Beauvais was also a frequent work of reference. The Compendium theologicae veritatis of Hugo Ripelin of Strasbourg survived in a number of copies from the fourteenth century, too, and it was this text that the Antichrist cycle treated in the Velislav Bible was based upon. In Bohemian manuscript collections there are, in total, seven manuscripts containing versions of Adso’s treatise. They all date back to the period spanning from the beginning of the fourteenth to the fifteenth century. There are three manuscripts we will not discuss here, since they do not seem to offer any clues to allow their origins to be traced back to Bohemia.26 Manuscript XV E 10, in the National Library in Prague (hereafter NK ČR), is the most famous and the most important one. It once belonged to Cunigunde of Bohemia, abbess of St. George’s Convent at Prague Castle. The manuscript (dated to 1312) contains, among other things, a text entitled De nativitate Antichristi et operibus eius.27 After the incipit entitled De Antichristo scire volentibus, a version of Adso’s text identical to his Liber Anselmi de Antichristo follows. The original Adso text is included in Manuscript NK ČR X A 7, from the fourteenth century.28 This Antichrist treatise, beginning with the incipit De Antichristo scire volentes, is followed by the Tiburtine Oracle, written in the same hand; it is a sibylline prophecy foreseeing the coming of the Last World Emperor, inseparable from the appearance of Antichrist from the tribe of Dan, with great knowledge of magical art and of terrors to afflict 26 Tractatus de adventu Antichristi, de novissimo iudicio, de poenis peccatorum et gaudiis iustorum, Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS XIV E 34, ff. 22r-25r. The text corresponds to the Liber Anselmi de Antichristo. At the end of the text there is a passage taken from: Albertus Magnus, Compendium, p. 245. Tractatus de Antichristo, Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS IV H 24, ff. 90r-93v, corresponds exactly to the Libri Anselmi, as far as we can tell with respect to the damage of the manuscript. The third manuscript in this group is the De Antichristo, Prague, Library of the Metropolitan Chapter of Prague (hereinafter referred to as KMK), MS O 45, ff. 83r-85v. The text corresponds to the Descriptio de Antichristo. This manuscript comes from the library of Georg Barthold Pontanus of Breitenberg. 27 Prague, NK ČR, MS XV E 10, ff. 73v-76v. Verhelst’s edition of Adso’s text does not mention this manuscript. 28 De Antichristo, Prague, NK ČR, MS X A 7, ff. 285r-285v, incipit Ergo de Antichristo scire volentes.

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on those who refuse to surrender. Much of the manuscript is occupied by the Sermones quadragesimales of Jan Milíč of Kroměříž, a pre-Hussite preacher.29 Manuscript NK ČR XIV H 26 contains a loose adaptation of the Pseudo-Alcuin version. The author did not strictly adhere to the original. He changed the order of the passages and even supplemented the text with additions inspired by his own invention; he also introduced interpolations into it that are not included in the original.30 The last manuscript we should mention is housed at the Library of the Metropolitan Chapter of Prague and bears the signature O XXXVIII. The incipit De Antichristo scire volentes is followed by a loose adaptation of the ‘Anselm’ version; the prophecy of the Last World Emperor is omitted. In contrast to the ‘Anselm’ version, it does contain an extensive account of Antichrist’s army composed of Gog and Magog peoples.31 When reviewing Bohemian Antichrist manuscripts, it should be said in addition that there are also the Tiburtine Oracle and the Pseudo-Methodius prophecy adaptations preserved in Bohemian manuscript collections. The Velislav Bible contains 22 scenes treating the life and deeds of Antichrist that have survived to this day. The part of the manuscript with Antichrist’s vita is, unfortunately, the one that was damaged; a whole quire is missing. Supposedly, the sixteen missing picture frames originally depicted the life and fall of Antichrist. These scenes were followed by illuminations showing the early earthly life of Christ, most probably the Annunciation and the Nativity. Antichrist’s life, as narrated in the works we have mentioned, including the Velislav Bible, was not based in any respect on the biblical text. Here the texts accompanying the images and the explanations are, for the most part, taken from the Compendium theologicae veritatis of Hugo Ripelin of Strasbourg.32 In several passages, the scribe working on the Velislav Bible quoted Ripelin’s Compendium word for word. There are, however, other passages of Ripelin’s text that were shortened, or else supplemented with short insertions quite possibly devised by the author himself or taken from a source that scholars have so far been unable to identify. This is the case, for instance, with the annunciation of the birth of Antichrist, which we 29 Ibidem, f. 285r. 30 Tractatus de Antichristo, Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS XIV H 26, ff. 200r-208r. It is followed by the Lilium in meliori parte, originally a Welsh prophecy here entitled Prophetia de Bohemia. It was updated to the year 1424 to correspond to the situation in Hussite Bohemia. It foresees that a period of unprecedented woe, battles, and wars awaits Bohemia. 31 Prague, KMK, MS O XXXVIII, ff. 178v-179v, The Gog and Magog theme is found on f. 179r. 32 The comparison of the inscriptions in the Velislav Bible with the Compendium was made by Chytil, Antikrist, Appendix II, pp. 227-232.

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will discuss later. The descriptions and comments related to the individual images are phrased either as narratives or as simple explanations of the scenes. The introductory words usually refer to the picture; these include the words Hic or Ibi. The Velislav Bible does not strictly follow the sequence of the scenes as they are arranged in the Compendium. There is even a passage, taken from the Compendium, attributed to two different illuminations within a single folio, as we may observe on f. 131v. The scribe introduced both the top and the bottom scene with almost exactly the same sentence: [Antichristus] predicabit enim novam legem pravam esse et legem Christi pro posse destruet. He has associated it with the scene describing the four means by which Antichrist – portrayed as an allusion to Gn 49:17, bearing four horns on his head – would convert the faithful to his side, and with the image representing Antichrist sending preachers to preach throughout the world. The other scene on the folio, featuring Antichrist seated on a mensa in the act of preaching to his disciples, is introduced by a text reproducing in part the already quoted passage with only a slight shift: Hic Antichristus predicat senior existens, affirmando ante se nullum fuisse Christum sed omne Antichristus fuisse. Predicabit etiam novam legem pravam fuisse et legem Christi pro posse destruet.

In the Velislav Bible, the Antichrist narrative is not connected to the Apocalypse following it at the end of the Bible. Instead, it is inserted between the Old Testament and New Testament passages at the point where the one ends and the other begins; it is placed between the Book of Judith and the Gospel passages treating the life of Christ. The direct relationship of the Christological cycle with the Antichrist narrative is symptomatic of, and in keeping with, the medieval Antichrist concept. The Velislav Bible portrayed Antichrist as a perverted parallel to Christ, or a parody of Christ, a model clearly following the tradition popularized by Adso of Montier-en-Der, which showed Antichrist as the one who was ‘essentially the opposite of Christ.’ Later, the opposition of Christ and Antichrist became one of the central and illustrative ideas of the pre-Hussite and Hussite reform movements. It would be a simplification, however, to trace any direct connection or relationship here. The Velislav Bible was created as a treatise dealing primarily with salvation history. Naturally, the Christological line was central to it in terms of both the Gospels and the Old Testament prefigurations of Christ’s messianic role. Antichrist’s vita is a logical part of the story, even though it is not based upon the biblical text. A portrayal of Antichrist similar to the one we find in the illuminations of the Velislav Bible was developed in the Sermo de

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die novissimo Domini of Jan Milíč of Kroměříž, created a short time later in 1367. At that time, however, the Antichrist narrative was read in a different context. If we describe the Velislav Bible as a kind of soteriological and eschatological compendium with a description of Antichrist’s life logically included in it, then, the very same subject matter was later to become one of the instruments of the Bohemian Reformation, imbued with different content and a different function. The Christ/Antichrist opposition played an important role in both pre-Hussite and Hussite argumentation, but the political, social, and religious context in which the images appeared took a different form, as did the exegetical approach to the Antichrist theme itself. The Velislav Bible shows Antichrist not only as a tyrant but also as a tempter deceiving the faithful and making them stray. His deeds and the visual representations show him as the one who imitates Christ – the outward appearance of Antichrist, resembling Christ, is apparent. Compared to later, more comprehensive, and mostly German-language versions, the Antichrist life cycle in the Bible is shorter. It does not abound with details that would be too many to fit into the dominant concept underscoring the antithesis between Christ and Antichrist. It does not, for instance, include the scenes from Antichrist’s lusty youth. By contrast, much attention is devoted to the methods Antichrist employs to tempt the Christians, to force them to follow his teachings and emulate his deeds while using violence. A very common image showing Jacob’s blessing of his son Dan, from whom Antichrist was derived, is absent in the Velislav Bible.33 The cycle as treated in the Velislav Bible begins with the annunciation and the birth of Antichrist. These scenes correspond to the Annunciation and Nativity of Christ. It is the first recorded instance of such a parallel in an illustrated representation of Antichrist.34 As we mentioned earlier, the annunciation scene is one of those that do not derive from the text of the Compendium, but from another source. We may, nevertheless, find it neither in Adso nor in the other treatments of Antichrist’s life commonly used in the Middle Ages. The inscription related to the annunciation in the Velislav Bible begins with the words: Hic diabolus deposita larva sub specie angelica, quam ante casum habuit anunciat hiis coniugibus, ex eis Antichristum nasciturum.

33 The tribe of Dan was interpreted as the tribe of perdition with reference to verses 16-17 in Chapter 19 of the Book of Genesis (Gn 49:16-17). 34 McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ p. 19.

The Life of Antichrist in the Velisl av Bible

Figure V.1  Birth of Antichrist (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 130v

The following text is an exact quotation from the Compendium: Hic ex parentum seminibus concipietur. Sed post conceptum descendet spiritus malignus in matris uterum, cuius virtute et operatione deinceps puer nascetur. Aletur adolescens, propter quod filius perdicionis dicetur.

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A scene depicting the birth of Antichrist comes next. There is an angel assisting at the birth who is to protect the child, but, instead, he later becomes the one to accuse Antichrist of his sins. The angel appears in later, German-language printed and manuscript versions, as well as in the text of the Compendium.35 The next scenes show Antichrist entering Jerusalem, his early preaching, and his circumcision. He went through all these actions to satisfy the Jews, in order to confirm their law as indicated by the inscriptions accompanying the illustrations that correspond to those in the Compendium.36 The subsequent illuminations focus on the four methods Antichrist uses to gain followers and to deceive the world, claiming to be the true Messiah while asserting his law as the true law.37 Not only does he convert people by preaching and by promising wealth and plenty, but he also uses cruel tyranny (f. 134r, 135r) and false miracles. A scene that depicts Antichrist approaching Gog and Magog in order to make these peoples stand by his side as his army was also included in the cycle. The Velislav Bible did not follow the tradition connecting Gog and Magog with the Jewish tribes once confined by Alexander the Great in the Caspian Mountains, where they lived governed by the Queen of the Amazons until Antichrist took them out to make them his armies in order to march on Jerusalem with them. Here Gog and Magog are shown with royal crowns.38 The rise of the peoples from the North imprisoned there by Alexander the Great was also foreseen by the Tiburtine Oracle versions circulating in Bohemia as well. Nevertheless, the number of the tribes predicted to take the side of Antichrist from the tribe of Dan was 22.39 The inscription explaining the illumination with Gog and Magog in the Velislav Bible begins, unlike in the Compendium, with Antichrist setting out with kings, prophets, and his disciples to meet the Gog and Magog peoples, the ten tribes enclosed in the Caspian Mountains: Antichristus vadit cum regibus et suis prophetis et apostolis contra Gog et Magog, idem contra illas X tribus, que clause sunt ultra montes Caspios. (F. 134v)

An explanation indicating that these tribes will march on Jerusalem with the armies of Antichrist follows only after this sentence. Therefore, the 35 36 37 38 39

Velislav Bible, f. 130v. Ibidem, f. 131r. Ibidem, f. 131r. Ibidem, f. 134v. Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS X A 7, f. 285r.

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subject matter matches the Compendium while the text of the Velislav Bible rather paraphrases it. Traditional versions of Antichrist’s life describe the Jews as loyal allies of Antichrist; the identification of the Jews with the nations of Gog and Magog did not appear until later. This connection was apparently a part of the complex of knowledge that people in fourteenth-century Bohemia possessed of apocalyptic events. 40 This concept, too, took a long time to take definite shape. It was Jacques de Vitry who contributed a great deal to the gradual identification of the Jews with the Gog and Magog peoples. When giving an enumeration of the tribes of Jewish origin in his Historia orientalis, he also listed those enclosed by Alexander in the Caspian Mountains. They will leave the mountains, setting forth in the time of Antichrist to join him on his return to the Holy Land. Jacques de Vitry explicitly mentions the Gog and Magog, describing them as a nation traditionally having perverse eating habits. He places the Gog and Magog in close relationship with the Jewish tribes; the two were, nevertheless, still separated in his writings. 41 An important step forward in the identification of both groups was made thanks to the fictional Letter of Prester John, written around 1165 and addressed to European monarchs, to the Byzantine emperor, and to the Pope; or, to be more precise, thanks to the later editions of the Letter. 42 The first Latin verses of the Letter describe the ten tribes of Israel as subjects of Prester John, living beyond the river of stones, which is possibly a distant allusion to the mythical Sambation. The Assyrian king Shalmaneser V was supposed to have imprisoned the ten Israelite tribes beyond that river.43 The Gog and Magog are rendered in a way that closely follows PseudoMethodius, with its characteristics of ‘unclean nations.’ The Letter reproduces the image of cannibal people who believe that ‘to feed on the flesh of men is an especially holy act.’ The prophecy has it that this ominous spawn will set forth from the four corners of the world in the times of Antichrist to torment the saints and the great city of Rome.44 Although the original Latin version 40 We may find it in the writings of Jan Milíč of Kroměříž as well as in the Tiburtine Oracle versions that predict the rise of the people from the North imprisoned there by Alexander the Great. The Tiburtine Oracle mentions the 22 tribes that will stand by the side of Antichrist from the tribe of Dan, Prague, National Library of Czech Republic, MS X A 7, f. 285r. 41 Jacques de Vitry, Histoire orientale, cap. LXXII, p. 328. A summary overview of cartographic sources is provided by Knefelkamp, Die Suche nach dem Reich, pp. 96-100. 42 Discussion pertaining to the form of the Letter and its language mutations is summarized by Delumeau, Dějiny Ráje, pp. 82-83. 43 For the merging of these two myths, see Richard, ‘L’Extrême-Orient légendaire au Moyen Age,’ p. 236. 44 Der Priester Johannes, p. 911.

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of the Letter did not identify the apocalyptic Gog and Magog nations with the Jewish tribes, in later, especially German-language, versions these two groups merged completely. The features originally attributed to the Gog and Magog, including extreme forms of cannibalism connected explicitly with religious practice, were transferred to the Jews. As a result, they acquired the position of presenting the greatest apocalyptical threat, the position of the destroyers of the world. The above-outlined incorporation of individual apocalyptic narratives into the Alexander legend and their connection to the legend of the ten lost tribes of Israel remained stabilized through popular compendia of knowledge for many years. The intricate web of themes and mythical beliefs was not made clear until the Historia scholastica of Peter Comestor, which finally provided an organized presentation of it. In the course of the thirteenth century, the narrative telling of the ultimate threat to the Christian world took on further details, such as the Queen of the Amazons, who ruled the Gog and Magog nations. 45 At the same time, the conspiracy theory suggesting that the Jews were hopefully waiting for the imprisoned nations to be released before the end of the world in order to come with Antichrist, their Messiah, into Jerusalem to destroy the whole Church, became an established picture. This basic version of the Gog and Magog narrative also appeared in Ripelin’s theological Compendium. Performing miracles was one of the four primary methods Antichrist used to deceive the faithful and to win them over to his side. In the illuminations of the Velislav Bible, they are especially numerous in the scene that depicts Antichrist using his magical power to make the trees bloom and the statues speak and to predict future events. He causes fire and stones to fall down from the sky and he makes an evil spirit descend upon his followers to make them speak in many tongues. 46 The miracle of making a statue speak was based on the Glossa ordinaria47 and later became a part of another version of the Compendium, preserved in a printed copy dating from 1503. 48 A similar illustration may be found on f. 10v of the Apocalypsis s. Johannis cum glossis 45 For the geographical integration of these themes, see Fraesdorff, Der barbarische Norden, pp. 310-311, 316-317. 46 Velislav Bible, f. 133v. 47 Cf. Glossa ordinaria, PL 114, col. 734A (ad Apc 13:15). 48 Epitome seu Compendium theologicae veritatis, Coloniae 1503, cap. 9: ‘Secundus modus subvertendi erit per fallacia miracula, quia per artem magicam faciet illa. Unde Glosa super Apoc. 13. Magica arte faciet statuam loqui et futura predicere. Faciet sicut dicitur Apocalypsis 13 ignem de celo descendere in terram. Glossa, id est malignum spiritum faciet super suos descendere ut loquantur variis linguis. Spiritus enim malignus descendet in eos in conspectu homini, sicut spiritus sanctus descendit in apostolos Christi.’ Cf. Velislav Bible, f. 133v: ‘Ibi subvertit sibi miraculorum ostensione, quia arte magica faciet illa. Faciet enim arte magica arbores florere, statuam ridere

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et Vita s. Johannis, MS 49 at the Wellcome Library in London and in a block print from Nuremberg, f. 9r. 49 There is another manuscript from the second quarter of the fifteenth century, originating from the Upper Rhine, which also contains a picture with Antichrist causing a column to predict future events (on f. 113v). An accumulation of Antichrist’s miracles is shown in the illumination painted two folios earlier.50 This scene may also be found in the stained-glass windows in the Virgin Mary church in Frankfurt an der Oder, Brandenburg, which we will discuss below. A prominent place among the depicted miracles is occupied by the scene of the imitation of Pentecost. The passage pertaining to this theme in the theological Compendium indicates explicitly that an evil spirit will descend upon Antichrist’s disciples in the same way as the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles of Christ.51 The illumination on f. 133r of the Velislav Bible – showing Antichrist sitting on a mensa, holding an open book in his right hand, and addressing a crowd of listeners while the evil spirit portrayed as a little greenish devil floats above them and descends upon them – may be interpreted in this way. The accompanying text refers directly to the receiving of the Holy Spirit, but the words differ from those used in the Compendium: Accipite spiritum sanctum, quorum remisitis peccata remittuntur eis.52 et faciet eam loqui et futura predicere. Faciet et ignem de celo descendere in terram et lapides de celo cadere et malignum spiritum super suos descendere ut loquuntur variis linguis.’ 49 McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ p. 20. McGinn saw this theme as very unique; he thought that its appearance in the illuminations of the Velislav Bible was the first. Cf. Boveland et al., Der Antichrist und Die Fünfzehn Zeichen, scene 16, 1; Der Antichrist und die Fünfzehn Zeichen: Faksimile-Ausgabe, f. 9r (114r). 50 St. Gallen, Staatsarchiv, Cod. Fabariensis XVI, ff. 111v and 113v. It is interesting to note that Antichrist’s life was combined with Mandeville’s Travels in this manuscript. In some later manuscripts of the Travels (fifteenth century), the Antichrist narrative was incorporated as a part of the book. The legends pertaining to the tribes enclosed beyond the Caucasus and to Prester John were also incorporated into it; see Tzanaki, Mandeville’s Medieval Audiences, p. 209. It is also important to observe which other works were frequent to accompany the late medieval Antichrist narrative; it would identify the audiences it targeted. Apart from the Fifteen Signs of Doomsday, it may be frequently found, in German-language versions, for instance together with the Constance World Chronicle (e.g., München, Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 426; Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Mgf 1714; and Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, A 172 – the latter also contains Ulrich von Richenthal’s Chronicle). We may, therefore, conclude that in the late Middle Ages Antichrist’s life and the Fifteen Signs of Doomsday connected to it were not considered a piece of theological scholarly literature, but rather as components in the ‘popular’ literature aimed at a wider range of readers. Letterpress printing contributed in a very significant way to the process of making Antichrist ‘popular.’ 51 Albertus Magnus, Compendium, p. 242. 52 Velislav Bible, f. 133r.

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Since there are several illustrations of the Antichrist cycle missing in the Velislav Bible and the incomplete cycle now ends with the scene depicting the temple of Jerusalem under construction, the parallels to the Resurrection and the Ascension of Christ, most probably originally present in the manuscript, are not included among the scenes from Antichrist’s life. In Ripelin’s Compendium, the final stage of Antichrist’s life is described in this way. It gives an account of Antichrist’s pretended death, his deceitful resurrection and the attempt to ascend to Heaven, at which time his final destruction comes. The scene showing Antichrist imitating the Resurrection is derived from the text of the Bible, namely from Chapter 13 of Revelation and from the Prophecy of Isaiah (Rev 13:3; Rev 13:13; Isa 14:12-15). Even patristic and medieval authors saw Chapter 13 of Revelation as a prefiguration of Antichrist’s attempt to imitate the Resurrection and Pentecost. The theme is found in Primasius’s commentary from the sixth century,53 as well as in that of Haimo of Auxerre, written in the ninth century.54 The Velislav Bible features Antichrist in the apocalyptical cycle as well. Here he is, however, portrayed in a completely different context and interpreted in a completely different way. He is shown in the scenes depicting the ministry, death, and the resurrection of Enoch and Eliah.55 The illuminations portray him as a foot knight rising from a well, referred to by an inscription as ‘the well of the abyss from whence Antichrist rises.’ He is stepping on the head of one of the witnesses while piercing the other with a lance.56 In the other scenes of the Revelation, Antichrist is portrayed as the beasts of Chapter 13. The beast rising from the sea is accompanied by an inscription pointing to Antichrist: Ego sum Christus, nullus similis mei. The beast coming out of the earth is referred to directly by the inscription Antichrist.57 The iconographic representation of Antichrist’s life as it is treated in the Velislav Bible was not entirely unique in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown in the fourteenth century. Antichrist’s vita is found also in the chancel windows of the Virgin Mary church in Frankfurt an der Oder. Nevertheless, 53 Primasius, Commentaria in Apocalypsim, PL 68, col. 879A, Imitating the Resurrection; cf. Imitating Pentecost, col. 882 BD. 54 Haimo Halberstatensis, Expositio in Apocalypsin, PL 117, cols. 1099C-1100C. For the prefigurations of Antichrist, see Emmerson and Herzmann, ‘Antichrist, Simon Magus and Dante’s Inferno XIX.’ 55 Enoch and Eliah are described here as duo olive et duo candelabra lucencia ante dominum. In later decades, these words were frequently associated with pre-Hussite and Hussite preachers who were interpreted as those who fought against Antichrist. 56 Velislav Bible, f. 162r. Cf., e.g., the pictorial interpretation of this scene in MS Prague, KMK, Cim 5, f. 258. 57 Velislav Bible, f. 164r.

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the dating of the stained-glass panels, vital for interpretation, remains problematic.58 Theories suggesting that these stained-glass windows could have been created as early as at the beginning of the Luxembourg rule in Brandenburg59 support the possibility of tracing their direct connection to Prague as a center of artistic production, for here the Apocalypse theme enjoyed much popularity and was even part of royal representations. The handling of Antichrist’s life in Frankfurt an der Oder was part of a larger cycle of which only three chancel windows survive. These are divided into 117 compartments, of which only 111 exist to this day. The whole iconographic program begins with the creation of the world (northeast window); the scenes from the life of Christ follow, with the relevant types from the Old Testament according to the biblical parallelisms applied to them. The program ends with the Last Judgment scenes portrayed in the southeast window; concomitant is the cycle of Antichrist’s life.60 The Antichrist narrative begins with a demonic parody of the Annunciation; panels showing the individual scenes of Antichrist’s career follow, including depictions of his usual four methods of gaining followers – false preaching, the performing of miracles, bribery, and rule of terror. The scenes showing the defeat of Antichrist and his death on the Mount of Olives end the narrative. As for the representation that could have served as the model for these stainedglass panels, only hypothetical assumptions have so far been put forward. There is the so-called Apocalypse of Heinrich of Hesler, created at the end of the thirteenth century, which developed the same scheme to interpret salvation history as the one applied in Frankfurt. Its copies were also richly illuminated.61 We are faced, however, with many problems in this point, especially in terms of the subject matter – the Frankfurt panels include the scene with the Red Jews that, nevertheless, does not appear in the Hesler Apocalypse, although linguistically this sequence of scenes stems from 58 See, e.g., Seeger, ‘Die Antichristlegende,’ p. 265f. 59 Wetter, ‘Die Lausitz und die Mark Brandenburg,’ p. 348; Fajt, ‘Brandenburg wird böhmisch.,’ p. 230. For the incorporation of Brandenburg into the lands of the Bohemian crown, see Bobková, ‘Markrabství braniborské.’ It is also worth mentioning that Peter Parler’s workshop took part in the construction of the Imperial Gate (1375) built to pay homage to Charles IV. 60 The stained-glass windows in Frankfurt have recently been reinterpreted in many different aspects by the authors whose essays appear in Knefelkamp and Martin, Der Antichrist. 61 Cf. Heinrich von Hesler, Die Apokalypse; see also Weber, ‘Das Antichristfenster der Marienkirche,’ p. 84f. Heinrich von Hesler did not yet know the legend of the Red Jews. He only mentioned the Gog and Magog peoples imprisoned in the Caspian Mountains, beyond the river, since the time of Alexander the Great. They were to be released at the end of time to overrun the people with death and ruin, cf. Heinrich von Hesler, Die Apokalypse, v. 18965f.

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Figure V.2  Burning of the books (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 135r

the German-speaking environment, of which the detail of the Red Jews is typical. From this point of view, Ripelin’s Compendium in a German-language version could have provided a textual model for the stained-glass panels in Frankfurt, as it did also for the Velislav Bible in many respects. The scene showing the Red Jews was very frequently incorporated when Latin text was transferred into German; it was a linguistic and cultural addendum

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typical of the German-speaking environment.62 Even if we accept this theory, it is important to stress that the Compendium was not the only source of the iconography used in the stained-glass windows in Frankfurt. They clearly synthesized more Antichrist traditions; the window that includes the scene portraying the annunciation of Antichrist’s birth ranks among them. Similarly, the Compendium did not treat the eschatological roles of emperor and pope, which is represented in both positive and negative ways in Frankfurt. This could have been, as a vaticinium ex eventu, a reflection of the current political situation. It was not by accident that the typological interpretation of salvation history and Antichrist’s life in particular appeared in Frankfurt. The workshop of Nicholas Wurmser of Strasbourg is very likely to have participated in the decoration of the church, bringing many new and inspirational ideas from Prague as a center of artistic production. On the one hand, there are scenes in Frankfurt very similar in design to the illuminations of the Velislav Bible, such as those depicting Antichrist raising the dead and causing a column to speak. But there are also others without any parallels in the codex, for example the scene showing the emperor being given Antichrist’s mark. This might, nevertheless, be explained in the light of the political program, which very probably influenced the creation of the stained-glass panels in Frankfurt.63 Unlike the Frankfurt chancel windows, the Velislav Bible depicts Antichrist as the burner of books. In the Czech-speaking environment, this theme may be found in the writings of Jan Milíč of Kroměříž, for instance. The theme, not particularly common in visual and textual representations of Antichrist’s life, could once again relate to Book 7 of the Compendium. Chapter 9 of the book describes Antichrist preaching that the New Testament was wrong while trying to destroy the law of Christ as much as he can. As we have already seen, the Velislav Bible even quotes this passage twice in the illumination on f. 131v, but not in the context of the book burning. Chapter 8 of the Compendium mentions that Antichrist will become so proud that 62 For the reception of the Compendium in the German-speaking environment, see Steer, Hugo Ripelin von Straßburg. The author works only with the manuscript tradition of the fifteenth century. For manuscripts from the fourteenth century, cf. Landgraf, ‘Zwei mittelhochdeutsche Übersetzungen.’ Landgraf drew attention to the manuscript from Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud. Misc. 521, originally from the Charterhouse of Mainz, that also contained a German translation of the Compendium. It is dated to 1375. Cf. Gow, The Red Jews, pp. 113-115; Gow links the theme of the Red Jews exclusively to the German-speaking territory, including the translations from the Latin models into German; see also Gow, ‘Das Gefolge des Antichristen,’ pp. 102-112. 63 For general information, see Seeger, ‘Die Antichristlegende,’ p. 285. Cf. Flügge, ‘Frankfurt an der Oder,’ p. 69.

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he will try to change the laws, the ceremonies, and even the course of time. These passages were associated with the image of book burning in a block print portraying Antichrist’s vita in the second half of the fifteenth century. Nevertheless, this only confirms that a line connecting this particular text and image existed. We may not, however, take it as decisive in relation to the Velislav Bible. The image of book burning may be interpreted in another way – as an allusion to the act of book burning mentioned in the First Book of the Maccabees. This contains a passage describing Antiochus Epiphanes, who ordered the books of the law be torn to pieces and burnt (I Macc 1:56). There is, furthermore, a correspondence in that both the Book of Maccabees and the Velislav Bible linked the act of book burning with scenes showing the execution of those who did not follow the new (Antichrist’s) teachings. It is necessary to say that the very same Antiochus Epiphanes passed for a prefiguration of Antichrist in apocalyptic literature.64 The image of book burning and the reference to the Maccabees became very topical in Bohemia in 1410, when the archbishop had the writings of John Wycliffe burnt and destroyed. It was Jan Hus who commented on this act with a direct reference to the Maccabees, claiming that ‘you may really feel how similar our case is.’65 The Velislav Bible told the story of salvation history. Not only did it use passages from the Old and New Testaments, it also borrowed from nonbiblical texts, including the descriptions of Antichrist’s life. Man in the Middle Ages took very seriously the words of the Apostle Paul, who warned against the coming of the Son of Perdition in the Epistle to the Thessalonians, explaining it at the same time as a necessary interlude on the path of salvation (2 Thess 2:3-10). Being an essential part of Christian apocalyptical thought and eschatology, Antichrist was indispensable in a treatise like the Velislav Bible. The placement of the narrative in a direct relationship with evangelical passages describing the life of Christ follows an inner logic. This is even more apparent if we realize that it was the opposition of Christ and Antichrist itself that stood as the fundamental principle in the creation of the image of Antichrist, as is already attested 64 The inscription on f. 135r in the Velislav Bible reads: ‘Ibi Antichristus occisis theologis et phylosophis comburit omnes libros eorum et omnes libros theologye’; Jan Milíč in his Sermo de die novissimo Domini, p. 38, wrote: ‘Postea Antichristus ibit in Ierusalem et expugnabit templum Domini et comburet codices nostre fidei et legem nostram condempnavit.’ For the possibility of interpreting the book-burning scene as a theme borrowed from the Books of the Maccabees, see Kolář, ‘Milíč’s Sermo de die novissimo,’ p. 62. For the comparison of the block prints, cf. Boveland et al., Der Antichrist und Die Fünfzehn Zeichen, p. 33; fig. 8, 2. 65 Husova výzbroj do Kostnice, pp. 24-25.

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to in ancient textual interpretations. The Compendium theologicae veritatis served as the primary textual model for the handling of the Antichrist theme in the Velislav Bible. It was quoted word for word or paraphrased. It was not, however, the only text upon which the Antichrist vita in the Velislav Bible was based. The author certainly used commentaries on the relevant biblical verses in addition, as we have seen in the case of the Maccabees. Apart from the Compendium, he was also able to consult another source that we have been unable to identify. Apocalyptic themes remained popular and topical in Bohemia throughout the fourteenth century. After the middle of the century, the subject matter was viewed, however, in a different light and approached from a different perspective. At the time when apocalyptic images became a significant element in the Reformation debate, providing it with an almost ideal tool to describe the evils of society and to call for urgent reform, both their form and function changed. As medieval man felt ever more threatened by the impending crisis and by the manifestation of apocalyptic events, the Reformation authors abandoned the interpretation model applied in the Velislav Bible, a model based on the narrative recounting of Antichrist’s earthly life. Instead, they turned to other eschatological approaches more suited to the situation. They understood Antichrist allegorically, as a reference pointing to the abuse of the Church and to the decay of society in senses both general and very specific.

VI The Antichrist Cycle in the Velislav Bibleand the Representation of the Intellectual Community* Kateřina Horníčková

Pictorial hagiographic narrative plays one of the key roles in the medieval Christian imagination and didactics.1 Analysis of pictorial cycles is, however, traditionally focused just on following the extent of their connections to textual models. The prevailing view is that the pictorial legend can simply be ʻread’ as a story. What precisely ʻreading’ this kind of pictorial narrative means has been the subject of debate for more than two decades.2 Elisabeth Sears, for example, understands ʻreading’ as an ʻinterpretation from a certain perspective,’ while in her view ʻreading’ more suitably includes the eye working together with the mind. Interpretation is based on a detailed analysis of the work within the given functional and contextual framework, and on the understanding of its pictorial conventions and relationships and the imaging mechanisms of the given genre.3 The meaning of the work is deciphered by uncovering the internal logic of the work within the framework of its relationships and contexts and by an understanding of the process of the interpretative act, not just of its time but quite frequently of our time, too. 4 Small details play an important role in this process, just * This article is the product of research undertaken under the auspices of a Special Research Programme (SFB) funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) with the title ‘Visions of Community (VISCOM): Comparative Approaches to Ethnicity, Region and Empire in Christianity, Islam and Buddhism (400-1600 CE)’ (Project speaker: Walter Pohl, Austrian Academy of Sciences/ University of Vienna), https://viscom.ac.at/home/ (accessed 24 May 2016). The Velislav Bible has been the subject of research within the subproject ʻSocial and Cultural Communities across Medieval Monastic, Civic, and Courtly Cultures in High and Late Medieval Central Europe’ (Project leader: Christina Lutter, University of Vienna). I am grateful to Christina Lutter for reading an earlier draft of this article and providing helpful comments, and James Partridge for proof-reading. 1 Hahn, ‘Picturing the Text,’ p. 1. 2 Ibidem, p. 2-5; Sears, ‘“Reading” Images’; Hahn, ‘Valerie’s Gift.’ A useful introduction to the topic is found in Lewis, Reading Images, pp. 1-16. From a different perspective, see Aronberg Lavin, The Place of Narrative; on the theory of visual narrative, see Pimenta and Poovaiah, ‘On Defining Visual Narrative,’ pp. 25-46. 3 Sears, ‘“Reading” Images,’ p. 1. 4 With reflection on semiotics, see Lewis, Reading Images, p. 2.

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as the organization, overall construction, and the media presentation of the narration do. Similarly to a written legend, which is intended to be read before a specific community, in the case of the pictorial narrative the foreseen viewers – as an intended community of interpretation – are joint creators of the meaning of the narrative and they determine its accents, narrative processes and, to a certain extent, the selection of written and pictorial sources. The relationship of the textual patterning and the pictorial treatment is multivalent – something that is all the more true for the pictorial narrative of the anticharacter, as the Antichrist is in Christian teaching. There the modeling of the narrative itself, done in accordance with legend-making procedures, creates an ambivalent relationship.5 Even when the pictorial narrative closely follows the textual model, there may be a potential ‘difference’6 in the meaning of the narrative between the text and the images that conveys certain meanings outside the text. Using the example of the Antichrist cycle in the Velislav Bible, I focus on the ways in which pictorial means are used to create the ‘difference’ that is specific to the pictorial cycle and expresses an argument addressing a particular community of viewers. To begin with, I will place the Velislav cycle within the line of development of the Late Medieval pictorial renderings of the Antichrist legend and explore its iconographic innovations. I will then move on to compare the textual model to the pictorial narrative and elucidate the narrative structure and visual emphases of the story in order to find out the functions of the narrative and which audience it was primarily directed at. Finally, I will look at how different social orders are distinguished in the narrative, reflecting a particular vision of social structure, as well as encouraging a sense of belonging to a particular community. The Vita Antichristi picture cycle from the Velislav Bible – a work whose unique nature and importance has already been noticed by Karel Chytil7 – is one of the most extant pictorial Antichrist cycles known from the Middle Ages. In its original form, it may have been the largest known book pictorial cycle of its type in Central Europe up to the arrival of the block prints in the

5 Cf. Hahn, ‘Picturing the Text,’ p. 3. 6 Based on Barthes’s ʻinsignificant notation’ of the visual narrative, Moxey claims that ʻ[images’] apparent transparency was a product of the cultural values of a specific historical moment,’ cf. Moxey, ‘Reading the “Reality Effect,”’ p. 17. The notion of a cultural history fabric interwoven in a pictorial narrative and the concept of its viewers as a ʻcommunity of interpretation’ form the background of my argument. 7 Chytil, Antikrist, p. 77. For the facsimile, see Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta.

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fifteenth century.8 Although incomplete today, it follows the Antichrist’s life in a narrative composition consisting of 22 scenes in eleven folios (ff. 130v135v) in a close typological parallel to the life of Christ. The cycle precedes the New Testament Christological cycle, whose narrative it emulates and to which it forms a natural antithesis; it opens with the Annunciation of the birth of Antichrist (f. 130v) and closes with the Destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem and the Adoration of Antichrist (f. 135v). The now missing scenes concern the end of Antichrist’s life, evidently depicting an attempt to ascend the Mount of Olives, Antichrist’s fall and death, his Mourning and the Baptism of the Jews. The Vita Antichristi follows the general design of the Bible with ink-drawn images in two registers superscribed with lines of short accompanying texts in Gothic minuscule. Pictorial representations of Antichrist in human form only date back to the tenth century, possibly connected to the treatise De ortu et tempore Antichristi by Adso of Montier-en-Der,9 underlining his deceitful imitation of Christ at the expense of the earlier representation of the Antichrist depicted as inhuman monster-tyrant. From the end of the twelfth century, a new genre of pictorial narrative of Antichrist’s life based on various versions of the text appears,10 variously organizing the events of Antichrist’s life depending on the intended function in a particular environment, and emphasizing specific motifs according to the needs of the overall narrative. The parallel with the life of Christ, however, can also be created by visual means, which is why the pictorial representations of Antichrist’s life sometimes expressly turn to pictorial analogies with the Christological cycles. The idea of Antichrist’s Christomimetic emulation that originates from the written exegetic texts influenced not only the content and structure of the visual narration of Antichrist’s story, but also its form and composition. I will now outline the development of the Late Medieval cycles depicting Antichrist’s life to stress the originality of the rendering of the story in the Velislav Bible. At the end of the twelfth century, not one but two new pictorial Antichrist cycles emerge independently and approximately at the same time. The first known, although no longer extant narrative cycle, is the Antichrist cycle contained in the now destroyed compendium Hortus deliciarum by Herrad of Hohenburg, a didactical, richly illustrated encyclopedic work for the 8 A later picture cycle is the slightly shorter Antichrist’s vita from the Apocalypse, London, Wellcome Library, MS 49, which contains 21 scenes plus two scenes of prophesies about Antichrist. It was therefore shorter than the original Velislav cycle, if we take into account the part of the Velislav manuscript now lost. 9 Adso Dervensis, De ortu et tempore Antichristi. McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ pp. 13-15. 10 See the chapter by Pavlína Cermanová in this volume.

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novices of Mont Sainte-Odile convent in Alsace dated 1170s-1191.11 There, on ff. 241v-242v, a direct link is established between the images depicting Antichrist’s story and parallel descriptive inscriptions. In Hortus deliciarum, the Antichrist’s deceitful intentions are unmasked not only through the descriptive texts but especially through depictions of false miracles and gifts (such as the corruption of kings by gifts).12 The Hortus cycle is divided into seven strips showing Antichrist’s deeds (although some strips contain more than one scene): they start with the murder of the prophets, go on to corruption through the giving of gifts, and are followed by eight scenes depicting the suffering of Christ’s followers. Then comes the killing of Antichrist and the distress of the Jews at his death, followed by the conversion and baptism of his followers. The entire story is set before the Apocalypse, with which it creates an inseparable narrative unit.13 The central axis of the entire story of Antichrist, as seen in Hortus deliciarum, is the almost exemplary depiction of the murders and suffering of Antichrist’s opponents as a pointer to the suffering of the Church,14 which corresponds to the manuscript’s purpose: Hortus is a didactic compendium of the history of salvation intended for the religious community of the canonnesses of Hohenburg.15 The depiction of the torture of Antichrist’s opponents focuses on individual examples of the terrible suffering of the faithful and is meant to demonstrate the exemplary perseverance and moral supremacy of the Church. At the same time or shortly after Hortus’s Antichrist cycle, another depiction of Antichrist’s life was inserted into the salvation history of the illustrated Pamplona Bibles (before 1197).16 The relationship of the Pamplona Bibles with the much later Velislav Bible has been discussed in academic literature in the context of possibly having a common source for their composition,17 however, this similarity is lost in the case of the Antichrist 11 The edition Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II. On the codex lately Griffiths, The Garden of Delights. 12 Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II, f. 241v, Plate 134, fig. 309. 13 The narrative logic linking the Antichrist story immediately to the Apocalypse is also the case with the subsequent Pamplona Bibles and Anglo-French cycles. Chytil, Antikrist, p. 72. In Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum, unlike the Velislav Bible, the scene of the Murder of the Prophets introduces Antichrist’s cycle, f. 241v, Plate 134, fig. 308, whereas in the Velislav Bible it is included along with the Ascension in the Apocalypse. 14 Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II, f. 242r, plate 135, figs. 311-313. 15 Bischoff, ʻLe Texte,’ p. 59. 16 Amiens, Bibliothèque municipale, Cod. 108, ff. 249r-251r; Augsburg University Library, Prince Öttingen-Wallenstein Collection, Cod. I.2.4º15, ff. 267r-270r. Fascimile edition: Die Pamplona-Bibel; see also the commentary volume, Bartz et al., Die Pamplona-Bibel. 17 Panušková, ‘Die Velislav-Bibel.’

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cycle. Even though both manuscripts contain a pictorial narrative of Antichrist’s life, the Velislav Bible obviously used a different source for its Antichrist cycle. We can see a difference both in the choice of scenes and in the general intention from the illuminations in the Pamplona Bibles, which follow the text of Sybilline prophecies supplemented with motifs from Adso. The Spanish Bibles contain a limited number of events from the Antichrist’s life and they have a direct link to the Last Judgment and the sufferings of the faithful as preconditions for the culmination of the history of salvation: a cycle of five scenes is introduced by the image of the Sybil prophesying (only the Augsburg manuscript) and begins with the Adoration of Antichrist (or Antichrist among his followers), then continues with the arrival of Gog and Magog (who are depicted as cavalry and infantry soldiers), the execution of Enoch and Elijah, the prosecution of the faithful, before finishing with the punishment of Antichrist.18 The theme of Antichrist’s Christomimesis is not included in this cycle at all – there are no scenes of false miracles, persuasion, and corruption and the narrative focuses on the Antichrist’s historical role. The Pamplona Antichrist is devoid of narrative detail and context and there is no direct depiction of the figure of the devil as in the Velislav Antichrist; it just focuses on giving a brief report of the events leading up to the Apocalypse. In comparison to the twelfth-century Antichrist cycles in the Hortus and Pamplona manuscripts, the Antichrist scenes of the so called AngloFrench corpus of Apocalypse manuscripts, dating from the middle of the thirteenth century,19 contain even less narrative potential with only one to four Antichrist scenes inserted into the Apocalypse sequence. Within the framework of the narrative of the Last Coming of Christ, the scene of murder of the prophets Enoch and Elijah by Antichrist is of key significance for the Apocalypse narrative and is therefore always present. Other scenes – when present – focus on the history of the prophets following their killing, in particular rejoicing over the dead witnesses and their resurrection and ascension.20 With some notable exceptions,21 the figure of Antichrist is depicted mostly in its monstrous form. In order to keep the flow of the salvation history narrative, the rest of the Antichrist story and his Christomimetic emulation of Christ’s life are left out. The ‘historical’ model of Antichrist’s narrative, as introduced in the Pamplona Bibles or 18 Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles, pp. 285-286. 19 Lewis, ‘Apocalypse,’ p. 121. 20 Lewis, Reading Images, pp. 111-116. 21 E.g., Apocalypse MS M. 524, Pierpont Morgan Library, f. 7. Lewis, Reading Images, p. 112.

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the Anglo-French Apocalypse manuscripts apparently did not meet the requirements of the creator of the Velislav Antichrist; it was evidently not sufficiently extensive and up-to-date for him, nor did it stress Antichrist’s Christomimesis enough. The Velislav Antichrist differs from these manuscripts not just by its greater scope, but also by positioning of the cycle between the Old and New Testaments. This unusual ordering even complicated the smooth running of the story: the scenes with Enoch and Elijah, important for the historical role of Antichrist, had to be taken out from the sequence and included in the Apocalypse (f. 162r). This can be seen both as an effort to faithfully illustrate the Apocalypse and also as the influence of the traditional sequencing, but also as an effort to keep the Antichrist story separate as a unified narrative illuminating Antichrist’s false emulation of Christ, whose story follows it in the manuscript. We thus do not need to consider this unusual sequencing to be due to an incomplete or damaged Bible model; the reason could well be the effort to underline the typological parallel between Antichrist and Christ. And in this way it is logical that the epiphany of Antichrist in his monstrous form was excluded from the story. Another difference from the representation of the Antichrist narrative as shown in the Pamplona Bibles or the Anglo-French Apocalypses was the inclusion of a didactic text as a basis for enriching the story with morally didactic content. The Antichrist scenes in the Velislav Bible include short descriptive texts, clearly aiming at a literate audience, the source of which are mainly Chapters 6-13 of Book 7 of the Compendium theologiae veritatis by Hugo Ripelin of Strasburg, a widely read thirteenth-century medieval theological manual.22 The inscriptions provide brief commentaries on each image and give direction as to how it should be read. The images of the cycle are not, however, just an illustration of the Compendium; rather, they select individual motifs and combine them into their own chronological pictorial narrative that does not always conform to the chronology of Hugo’s text. Neither are the descriptions’ verbatim transcriptions from Hugo’s Compendium. They supplement the text with details that reinforce the underlying thesis of Antichrist’s human form and his false imitation of

22 Chytil, Antikrist, pp. 227-232. Steer, ‘Hugo Ripelin von Straßburg,’ p. 255. Compendium theologiae veritatis was compiled by Hugo of Strasburg probably around 1268, but edited as a work of Albertus Magnus. I was using a digitized Latin incunable from the Vienna University Library (Johann Zainer 1480 edition, Inkunabel UB Wien 12), and a German translation from the second half of the fourteenth century, Heidelberg, University Library, Cod. Pal. germ. 115.

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Christ (as the filius perditionis type),23 and in a few cases they are entirely independent of the text of the Compendium.24 In comparison to the earlier Antichrist cycles, the Antichrist cycle in the Velislav Bible was entirely newly created based on new theological literature, updated in terms of the knowledge of the time, treated as a standalone Christomimetic narrative, and enriched with didactic elements.25 It is not only the ordering of the narrative, the Christomimetic selection of scenes, and the semantic accents of the narration that make the Velislav Antichrist cycle exceptional; it has also been said that certain scenes of the Antichrist cycle are unique. For example, it seems to have the first ever representation and textual description of the Annunciation of the birth of Antichrist, which cannot have come from the text by Hugo of Strasburg since he limits himself to the description of the procreation according to the traditional story of the intrusion of the evil spirit into the mother after conception.26 The Annunciation is treated here in a separate scene from the Birth of Antichrist, most probably in order to reinforce the typological character of the story through the motif picked from the Christological cycle, as also suggested by the composition of the image. The devils as midwives (in the description: erunt dyaboli obstetrices eius) are evidently added in the following birth scene for the same reason.27 They develop Hugo’s idea of the Devil’s care for Antichrist during his birth and growing up; the author of the images uses the pictorial tradition of the motif of midwives from the Nativity of Christ.28 Both the Annunciation and Birth motifs introduced in the Velislav Antichrist can be found in the Antichrist cycle depicted in the windows of the Virgin Mary church in Frankfurt (Oder), recently linked with the takeover of Brandenburg by Charles IV (1373), precisely with regard 23 Rauh, Das Bild des Antikrist, pp. 516 and 520. See also the anthology Apocalyptic Spirituality, p. 91. 24 McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ pp. 18-19. 25 On the updating of the style and pictorial narrative in another fourteenth-century manuscript close to the Pamplona Bibles, MS Spencer 22, see Finch, Bibles en images. 26 Chytil, Antikrist, p. 227. After conception, an evil spirit enters the mother’s womb, cf. the German translation of the Compendium, VII, chap. 6, Heidelberg, University Library, Cod. Pal. germ. 115, http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg115/0013/scroll?sid=1459739e73bf7d46b46 e2919bb32ed2c, f. 13v (accessed 25 April 2013). The motif can be found in the windows of the Virgin Mary church, Frankfurt an der Oder. See Ulrich and Martin, Der Antichrist, fig. 13. It has originally been inspired by Adso’s mention of prophecy for the descendants of the tribe of Dan; see Apocalyptic Spirituality, pp. 90-91. 27 Velislav Bible, f. 130v. 28 The innovative nature of this solution was noted by Chytil, Antikrist, pp. 79 and 227. See also the southern window of the Virgin Mary church in Frankfurt an der Oder. Ulrich and Martin, Der Antichrist, fig. 13.

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Figure VI.1 The Antichrist cycle from the south-facing window in the church of the Virgin Mary in Frankfurt an der Oder

Reproduced from Ulrich Knefelkamp and Frank Martin, eds., Der Antichrist. Die Glasmalereien der Marienkirche in Frankfurt (Oder) (Leipzig: Edition Leipzig, 2008), Abb. 15-16, pp. 125-126

to the political potential of the motif of the last emperor triumphant over Antichrist, which is akin to the politico-allegorical imagination of Charles IV’s court.29 The stained-glass Antichrist cycle from the south-facing window in the Church of the Virgin Mary in Frankfurt (Oder), with its 33 scenes, is the largest surviving cycle on this subject from the fourteenth century in Central Europe.30 Beside its temporal proximity with the Velislav cycle, and its possible link to Prague cultural background, we can detect other similarities in the selection of certain themes and details: the aforementioned Annunciation and the devilish midwives in the Birth scene, as well as motifs depicting the corruption of Jews, seen as a nation susceptible to Antichrist’s lures, the Circumcision of Antichrist, the scenes of corruption of people through gifts (four scenes in all!) and the depiction of the miracles of the speaking 29 Weber, ‘Das Antichristfenster,’ p. 96. See also Kubínová, [Review] ʻDie Kunst des Mittelalters in der Mark Brandenburg.’ 30 The precise ordering of the scenes of the cycle is debated; see Schoen, ʻDie Rückgabe,’ p. 198. Above the scenes there are three nonfigurative tableaux from the Apocalypse, and Christ as the apocalyptic God is positioned at the top of the window.

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statue (column) and the heavenly fire. The story of Antichrist in Frankfurt is ordered chronologically and likened to the visual realizations of the life of Christ. In the majority of the scenes, it is the devil himself assisting Antichrist in his harmful activities. The scenes of the Annunciation, Birth, and Circumcision of Antichrist are followed by the Antichrist’s preaching and the epiphany-sermon in the Temple, and the first distribution of false treasures. The next line of scenes depicts the Devil showing Antichrist the hidden treasures and Antichrist distributing treasures to his followers, who use them to bribe the people – this scene shows a Jewish priest as a distributor of harmful treasures who is identical to the figure in the Circumcision, thus endowing the scene with further anti-Jewish significance aimed at an urban audience. This is followed by the scenes of the denial of Christ’s sacrifice, the summoning of Gog and Magog (who are depicted as ‘red Jews’ in another anti-Jewish reference), the representation of the last emperor and pope (the persuasion of the last emperor?), featuring here probably as a political allusion to the ruler of the March. The narrative continues with Antichrist’s miracles, the branding of his followers, and the drastic depictions of the suffering of the Church with the prayer of the last faithful and the influence of the prophets Enoch and Elijah. The narrative concludes with the murder of the prophets, Antichrist’s punishment, and the resurrection of the prophets. If the expensive decoration of windows and details of the portal of the church is indeed related to the takeover of the March of Brandenburg by Charles IV in 1373 (and the current author supports this argument given the evident interest in the political potential of this topic),31 it would prove the popularity and resonance of this theme in the circles of the Prague court. Apart from the Frankfurt Antichrist cycle, monumental cycles with this topic are rare in the region and their role in the development of the pictorial narrative is therefore difficult to assess. Some researches consider the fragmentary wall paintings of the secular space of the so-called Gozzoburg ‘palace,’ in Krems an der Donau in Lower Austria, to be an Antichrist cycle of geographic proximity and temporal precedence. Its exact dating, function, and iconography is highly debated; various authors place it between 1270 and 1290. Based among other things on the mature style of painting, the later dating of this cycle, that is, around 1280, is more probable in my opinion. The exact way this elegant space of the urban palace complex was used is not entirely clear either, however, it is most certainly not a private space, but a public or

31 Weber, ‘Das Antichristfenster,’ p. 96.

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a semipublic space,32 including an administrative, representative, or judicial function. I agree with Christian Opitz that the paintings do indeed show an Antichrist cycle33; its origin might be connected to the rise of heresy in the region in the second half of the thirteenth century.34 This opinion is further supported by the name of the prophet Elijah and his exposure of Antichrist as the false Son of God in one of the scenes, by gestures, the composition of the scenes (especially the punishment of Antichrist), details revealing the deceit of Antichrist’s disciples, and the overall narrative flow of the paintings, starting with the past empires and ending with the Last Judgment. From the scenes depicted, only fragments remain: possibly the Birth (?), the Sending out of disciples (?), the Fight (of the last emperor with Gog and Magog?), Elijah’s denunciation of Antichrist, the Punishment of Antichrist and his Mourning (?). The scenes are anchored in the ‘historical’ narrative of the history of salvation as they are preceded by a representation of the world’s empires in the figures of emperors, and the scenes themselves precede the Apocalypse. A feature linking the Velislav Antichrist cycle to the Antichrist of Frankfurt an der Oder and to another extensive fifteenth-century cycle of the Apocalypse (MS 49 of the Wellcome Library35), the origins of which have been localized to Germany, Thuringia, is the iconographic anomaly of the miracle of the speaking ‘statue,’ which is represented as a column in the Velislav Antichrist (f. 133v).36 McGinn considers this motif to be related to the false prophet of the Apocalypse,37 who makes a statue speak. A column (säul) can, however, be found in the German translation of the Compendium theologiae veritatis from the second half of the fourteenth century,38 and also in German religious poetry of that period. The German poem Gottes Zukunft by Heinrich von Neustadt, which originated at roughly 32 Schönfellner-Lechner, ʻGozzo – Stadtrichter und Kammergraf,’ pp. 4-7; Lanc ,ʻDie neu entdeckten mittelalterlichen Wandmalereien,’ pp. 20-26; Lutter, Zwischen Hof und Kloster, pp. 118-122. 33 Opitz, ‘Die Wandmalereien im Turmzimmer.’ See also Blaschitz, ‘Wandmalereien im Freskensaal’; and eadem, ‘Buddha in Krems,’ where the author accepts the later shift of meaning toward Antichrist. 34 I see the cycle as linked with the activity of inquisition along the Danube since the midthirteenth century in the face of the spread of the Waldensian heresy, which culminated in the burning of heretics in Krems in 1312-1315. 35 Wellcome Apocalypse, London, Wellcome Library, MS 49, ff. 10v-13r, accessible online http:// search.wellcomelibrary.org/iii/encore/record/C__Rb1968491?lang=eng (accessed 25 May 2016). 36 There are several block prints beside MS 49 Wellcome Library. McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ p. 20. 37 Ibidem, p. 20. 38 Compendium, VII, chap. 8, Heidelberg, University Library, Cod. Pal. germ. 115, http://digi. ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg115/0013/ scroll?sid=1459739e73bf7d46b46e2919bb32ed2c, f. 16r (accessed 26 May 2016).

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Figure VI.2  Miracle with the speaking column (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 133v

the same period as the Velislav Bible, includes in a passage dedicated to Antichrist his magical trick of creating a speaking statue-idol standing on a column.39 The motif suggests that the illuminator of Antichrist used 39 Heinrichs von Neustadt ʻGottes Zukunft,’ p. 416, lines 5684-5686: ‘Heizt er ein bilde machen / Mit zeuberlichen sachen / Daz stet uf einer sul enbor.’ I’d like to thank Gabrielle Klug from the University of Salzburg for her help with the German medieval texts.

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the German translation of the Compendium or another similar German text as his source. The translation, as well as the picture, were probably influenced by popular medieval pictorial tradition originating from the image of an idol on a column. 40 What represents an innovation in relation to the Compendium (where this motif is based on Apocalypse 13:15) is not only a picture showing the column standing, but also the descriptive text, which makes the ‘statue-column’ laugh (ridere) in addition to the usual speaking and predicting of the future. A parallel to this rare motif can again be found in religious poetry; it appears in the Pèlerinage de la vie humaine by the French Cistercian monk Guillaume de Dequileville (first version 1330, second around 1355), which personifies Idolatry as a statue laughing at the moment when its creator becomes its idolator. 41 This and other details, the choice and accents of narration in Velislav’s Antichrist, prove not only the use of the text of Hugo Ripelin of Strasburg, but also that other textual sources acted as inspiration. Just as is the case with the Frankfurt windows, Velislav’s Antichrist is a chronologically ordered unified whole. This is not, however, a uniformly rhythmical, diachronic narration; at a certain point the narrative starts to depict parallel events displaying the various means of Antichrist’s corruption in separate scenes. Velislav’s narrative is often subdivided into parts, where the sequence of scenes in a specific part corresponds to the social orders at whom the Antichrist’s lure is directed. This pattern of narration takes its inspiration from the Elucidarium by Honorius of Autun, which is a similarly organized text.42 The linear time sequence is broken within the story both through details that typologically link the story to Christ, synchronizing the Antichrist story with that of Christ, and through these subdivisions, which work parallel actions into separate units, thereby creating a cyclical narrative structure. 43 I will elucidate the use of this narrative pattern and its inspiration in the textual sources to demonstrate its role in the reinforcement of the didactic aspect of the story. Following the Annunciation and Birth (f. 130v), which were clearly inspired by the iconography of the childhood of Christ, five scenes (ff. 131r-132r) are dedicated to Antichrist’s influence on the Jews, reflecting anti-Jewish themes as found in the Compendium. 44 Antichrist comes to Jerusalem and 40 See Camille, The Gothic Idol, p. 241, on idolatry as the daughter of Satan, and on sculptures that cannot speak. Idolatry shows the followers of Antichrist as heretic-idolaters. 41 Ibidem, p. 294. 42 Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, pp. 343-477. 43 Hahn, ‘Picturing the Text,’ p. 3. 44 Gow, ‘Das Gefolge des Antichristen,’ p. 105; idem, ‘The Tiburtine Sibylle.’

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Figure VI.3  Circumcision of Antichrist (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 131r

lets himself be circumcised in order to demonstrate his acceptance of Jewish Law (f. 131r). The texts usually only remark on this act briefly (e.g., in the Compendium, one sentence in Chapter 6), however, the Velislav cycle shows the unusual motif of circumcision of an adult, which thus differentiates the scene from the representation in Frankfurt as well as from the traditional representation of the circumcision of Christ. Next (f. 131v), there follows the depiction of two sermons to the Jews illustrating his metamorphoses; first,

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where he preaches disguised as a youth (iuvenis) in his first epiphany with horns in a reference to an Apocalyptic beast, and then as an elder (senior). The images are accompanied by quotations from Chapters 6 and 8 of the Compendium45 concerning Antichrist’s methods of persuasion and sending out of preachers to various parts of the country. The listeners are portrayed as Jews, which gives an anti-Jewish significance and coherence to this part of the narrative. In both cases, the text concerns the abolition of the old law and its replacement with Antichrist’s lex nova. However, even better suited to the picture is the motif from Heinrich von Neustadt’s poem, in which Antichrist preaches to the Jews that he himself is the Messiah and the New Law. 46 The following scene of the Adoration of Antichrist/the sermon in the Temple (f. 132r, upper register) is similarly assimilated to the Judaic theme; the audience is portrayed again as Jewish. The subject of Antichrist’s blasphemy can be found in the textual source of the Compendium (Chapter 6), although its text does not make a clear link with the Jews, as is the case of the visual rendering of this part in the Velislav Bible. The ʻJewish section,’ rendering Jews as a distinct social group, constitutes the first integrated narrative unit of the pictorial story. It stresses the Antichrist’s corruption of the Jews47 and the Jews as a people particularly susceptible to his seductive influence. The following pictorial sequence of Velislav’s Antichrist focuses on the corruption of the first non-Jewish people, the rulers of this world. In the first scene (f. 132r, lower register) Antichrist brands his followers, depicted as kings, with a mark on their right hand. In the Compendium these first converts are not specified, although the text later mentions kings and princes among Antichrist’s followers. 48 But in older eschatological texts (for example, in Rupert of Deutz), the first converted non-Jews are described as kings. 49 This scene is thematically linked to the next one, where Antichrist converts kings using treasure – a motif already encountered in the Elucidarium of Honorius of Autun, and in Hortus deliciarum.50 The Velislav Bible denotes rulers either 45 The incunabula of the Compendium, VII, was used for comparison: https://fedora.phaidra. univie.ac.at/fedora/get/o:148632/bdef:Book/view# (accessed 7 February 2013). For Chapter 6, see p. 300; for Chapter 8, see pp. 301-302. The chapter number according to Chytil, Antikrist, and to the print edition Albertus Magnus, Compendium, is always one behind. 46 Heinrichs von Neustadt ‘Gottes Zukunft,’ p. 407, lines 5099-5122. 47 Gow, ‘Das Gefolge des Antichristen,’ p. 106. 48 The incunabula of the Compendium, VII, chap. 9, p. 303, https://fedora.phaidra.univie.ac.at/ fedora/get/o:148632/bdef:Book/view# (accessed 7 February 2013). 49 Rupertus Tuitiensis, Commentaria in Apocalypsim, VIII, 13, PL 169, col. 1067A. 50 Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, III, 33, p. 453; Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II, f. 242r, Plate 134, fig. 309.

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Figure VI.4  Deception of gifts and presents (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 132v

by a crown and a princely cap, or by a bishop’s miter. While Antichrist is branding his followers with a mark on their hand, two kings and a bishop (?) are turning away from him. The Antichrist texts of the period were often brought up-to-date with contemporary political allusions. It is therefore tempting to consider the possibility that the older and younger kings, who see through Antichrist’s trap and leave, are an allusion to Charles IV and John of Luxemburg and the political situation in Prague between 1341 and 1346.

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The theme of the corruption of rulers in Velislav’s Antichrist has been expanded to an entire four-scene sequence. After the kings’ hands have been marked (f. 132r), three scenes (on ff. 132v-133v) follow: offering false treasures to kings, making an additional mark (a second one!) on their foreheads, and the unveiling of hidden treasures to them. In the Frankfurt cycle, four scenes are dedicated to corruption through gifts,51 but the recipients are not kings as they are in Velislav. A short passage in Chapters 7 and 9 of the Compendium relates to the hidden treasures, saying that Antichrist attracts bad people through gifts and good ones through coercion (trahet malos per munera et bonos per tormenta)52 – but no explicit mention is made to the kings as prone to accepting gifts.53 The first scene of the offering of gifts to the kings in the Velislav Bible (f. 132v) is accompanied by the description in which Antichrist offers money, precious objects, and golden chalices to the kings in order to gain their favor and which in this extent has no parallel in the text of the Compendium. In the picture the treasures are, in agreement with the text, represented by tableware (cups, bowls), money, and sheets of raw precious metal, and the scene is rich in detail with the Devil assisting in the background; he is, in fact, present in all scenes with the exception of the Circumcision and the Adoration in the Temple. The corruption scene is represented in a similar fashion in Hortus deliciarum, where Antichrist, dressed as a ruler, distributes treasures to two kings: a bowl filled with money and a chalice.54

51 Ulrich and Martin, Der Antichrist, p. 123, f igs. 2c, 3a, 3b, 3c. The f ifth scene is unclear in meaning, and possibly a mistake during restoration; Ulrich and Martin, Der Antichrist, p. 124, figs. 14, 6a. 52 The incunabula of the Compendium, VII, chap. 9, p. 303, https://fedora.phaidra.univie.ac.at/ fedora/get/o:148632/bdef:Book/view# (accessed 7 February 2013); the German translation, http:// digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg115/0013/scroll?sid=40be15d5cdd3ba03ca77f43771ee9699, f. 18v, see ft. 31: ‘er wirt die posen ziehen durch die gab und die gueten durch die peinigung.’ 53 Cf. Latin text, https://fedora.phaidra.univie.ac.at/fedora/get/o:148632/bdef:Book/view# (accessed 7 February 2013), VII, chap. 8: ‘De Quattuor modis quibus decipiet,’ p. 302: ‘Tertio decipiet per munera. […] Ipse namque Antechristus inveniet thesauros absconditos, per quos ad sequendum se inclinabit plurimos. Ditabit enim divites huius seculi. Et tunc eorum falsam felicitatem ad decipiendum plurimos ostentabit.’ The German translation, http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/ diglit/cpg115/0013/scroll?sid=40be15d5cdd3ba03ca77f43771ee9699, f. 17r: ‘Zu dem dritten mal wirt er betruegend durch die gab, wann der Antechrist wirt finden die verporgen schätz durch die er vil naygent wirt Ihm nachvolgent und er wirt reich machent im die reichen der welt und den wirt er erzaugen ir falschen saligkeit zu betriegen die anderen.’ Cf. Chytil, Antikrist, pp. 229-230, and Patschovsky, Der Passauer Anonymus, Appendix II, p. 163. 54 Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II, f. 241v, Plate 134, fig. 309.

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Figure VI.5  Revealing treasures hidden in the mountains (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 133r

On f. 133r we then find the scene of exposure of treasures hidden in the mountains for those kings who had not so far been converted, with the following text: Hic Antichristus ducit per manus reges incredulos et ostendit eis montes aureos et argentos.

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This does not originate from the Compendium, where the uncovering of hidden treasures constitutes one of the general ways of persuading the many (plurimos). The Compendium does not hesitate to stress the true meaning of this action: Antichrist displays the false treasures of this world. Thus is an open reference to the biblical parables of the Kingdom of Heaven as the Hidden Treasure and the Pearl of Great Price.55 Antichrist goes so far in his imitation of Christ that he offers the ‘hidden treasures’ to the kings in the manner of Christ’s parable; however, in contrast to the spiritual treasures offered by Christ, Antichrist shows to the ‘mighty of this world’ the earthly treasures whose purpose is to corrupt them and lead them off the Christian path.56 In the Velislav picture, the kings are led to mountains of gold, which are revealed to them so that they would convert and believe in Antichrist, but the scene can also be understood as an allusion the king’s droit de régal.57 This section of the cycle shows the treasures as a means to corrupt the powerful and it appeals to the rulers and to the audience not to succumb to their temptations. The Exposure of the Treasures has the meaning of a kind of moralizing antiparable. Velislav therefore represents the antithetical relationship between Antichrist and Christ not only through 55 In the medieval imagination treasure represents not just the zenith of the material world and a means of legitimizing power, but it also has a spiritual dimension – it is a cultural metaphor that reflects the relationship of man to the material world. The medieval imagination contrasts the gathering of transient earthly treasures and how the eternal treasures of Heaven bring salvation. The Parable of the Hidden Treasure (Mt 13:44-47, Mk 6:19-21, Lc 12:33-34, Eccl 29:11) provides the foundation for one of the key medieval principles for understanding the material world. St. Augustine depicted the gathering of earthly treasures as being dangerous for the salvation of man, cf. Augustinus, Ennarrationes in psalmos, In Psalmum CXXXVII, 8, PL 37, col. 1778: ‘Ille tantummodo avarus est, ille tantummodo superbus, ille tantummodo luxuriosus; iste est avarus, et superbus, et luxuriosus: multiplicatus est in anima sua, sed malo suo. Multiplicatio ista egestatis est, non ubertatis.’ There follows a passage on kings, for whom magnificence is necessary, but dangerous without humility. When face to face with the Last Judgment only spiritual treasures can lead to salvation, while material treasures, by contrast, are deceptive, corrupting and counterproductive. Hundsbichler, ‘Religiös orientierte “Schatz,”’ pp. 58-59. Earthly treasures were understood not just as transient and destructive in the material sense, but mainly as ruinous in the spiritual and eschatological sense. Brunner, ‘Der Schatz und die Motten,’ p. 22. The moral-allegorical idea of the harmfulness of earthly valuables resonates in particular in the court environment, where treasures were not only part of the representation of the sovereign and the courtly economy of gift-giving, but also played a role in the legal and political position of the sovereign. Potin, ‘Le roi trésorier,’ pp. 92-97. 56 See a Compendium’s version in Albertus Magnus, Compendium, chap. 9, p. 243: ‘Ditabit enim bonis divites huius seculi, et tunc eorum falsam felicitatem ad decipiendum alios ostendet.’ Chytil, Antikrist, pp. 78-79, Appendix II (the comparison of this text with the one in the Velislav Bible, ff. 132r-v). 57 Lichtblau, ‘Schatzvorstellungen,’ p. 54.

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the imitation of life and miracles, but also on the allegorical level of Bible exegesis. Velislav’s Antichrist, just as the Antichrist in Hortus deliciarum, joins in one image two themes from Antichrist texts: the kings corrupted by Antichrist58 and corruption through false gifts and treasures. The Old Testament typological source for this linking is Ezekiel’s rebuke of the king of Tyre as an example of the temptation of kings and the powerful through gold and treasures (Ez 28:2-5). Ezekiel, in his prophecy, designates luxuria and opulentia together with superbia and idolatry to be clear symbols of Antichrist,59 and the authors of other Antichrist texts specify these further as the gold, silver and gifts that Antichrist uses to buy his followers.60 It may be possible to detect an influence here of Augustin’s reading of Psalm 137, where he warns kings against demanding earthly things (terrena), which is dangerous for them and their rule.61 The scene of the uncovering of hidden treasures in f. 133r also takes its inspiration from Ezekiel’s rebuke of the king of Tyre that nothing stays hidden from him, and that he is showing off the treasures that were revealed to him thanks to his cleverness. The treasures of Tyre, however, are not true treasures (Ez 28:3); they corrupt Tyre’s rule and he thus loses the favor of God. The scenes with the Jews and the kings were interpreted by the illuminator under the influence of typological readings of parables and medieval learning, wherein he stressed the role of kings and their tendency to succumb to the temptations of earthly treasures, just as previously he had represented the Jews as a nation susceptible to the temptations of Antichrist. In the visual representation he accentuated not only the didactic but also the moral plea when he introduced the possibility of refusing the treasures and of not following Antichrist – in the Velislav Bible through the image and textual description in f. 132v (Hic sunt qui cognita fallacia avertunt se ab ipso nollentes eum sequi). In an analogy to the audience of Hortus, the moralizing (meaning portraying Jews and kings as susceptible to the Antichrist’s deception) gives a hint as to the kind of intended audience of such a narrative in the Velislav Bible: it would function well as a source of theological instruction and exempla in a spiritual community with links to the court.62 58 Patschowsky, Der Passauer Anonymus, p. 163. 59 Rauh, Das Bild des Antikrist, pp. 27-28. 60 Ibidem, p. 28, e.g., Tichonius, De septem regula, VI, PL 18, col. 63B: ‘ita sit, ut et diabolus habeat aurum et argentum et lapides preciosos.’ 61 Augustinus, Ennarationes in psalmos, In Psalmum CXXXVII, 9, PL 37, col. 1778. 62 Pre-defined, socially-structured audience being reflected in images before the CounterReformation is assumed by Kemp, Kunstwissenschaft und Rezeptionsästhetik, p. 10.

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The following sequence of five scenes (ff. 133r-134r) focuses on gaining disciples and followers from the faithful by persuasion, false miracles, gifts, and coercion. In ff. 133r-134r the following scenes represent the sending of Antichrist’s disciples out into the world (f. 133r, lower register), with a little devil descending in an antithetical image to the Descent of the Holy Spirit in the Pentecost63; then the false miracles (the speaking statue-column, trees blossom, heavenly fire, and raining rocks, little devil descending, f. 133v upper register); and at the bottom of f. 134r the miracle of the resurrection of the dead.64 The folio 133v (below) then presents one more scene of distribution of money and false gifts (f. 133v), this time to Antichrist’s disciples.65 In the picture, Antichrist distributes a chalice and satchel (?), while money, a purse, a cyphus, and pieces of precious metals lie around; the scene is accompanied by a text inspired by the Compendium and developing the theme of the false treasures of this world. Those who cannot be persuaded by any of these means must die: in the upper part of f. 134r, Antichrist is murdering Christians who remained true to the Law. A characteristic feature of Antichrist picture cycles is the dramatic, sometimes even savage, depiction of Antichrist’s rampages; this is the case for this image, too, even if unlike in Hortus,66 the narrative of this part is not elaborated and remains restricted to a single scene. Scenes in ff. 133r-134r are a vivid demonstration of the four types of Antichrist’s temptations of people, as introduced in Chapter 8 of the Compendium, which in Hugo’s text are inspired by the Elucidarium: corruption through obsequious persuasion, false miracles and magic, gifts, and, finally, coercion and torture (callida persuatione, miraculorum operatione, donorum largitione, tormentorum exhibitione).67 Velislav’s Antichrist thus translates the didactic content of the Elucidarium into a visual form keeping with its argumentative structure and aims as faithfully as possible. The Velislav Antichrist cycle is thus as much a pictorial exemplum as it is a pictorial handling of a didactic theological compendium. 63 Patschowsky, Der Passauer Anonymus, p. 164. 64 Inspired by the Compendium, cf. Albertus Magnus, Compendium, chap. 9, pp. 242-243; similarly Elucidarium, III, 33-34, p. 453. Both texts contain the Resurrection of the Dead by Antichrist. 65 Velislavova Bible, f. 133v: ‘Ibi Antichrist donaria sua sibi credentibus thesauros distribuit. Ipse namque inveniet thesauros absconditos, per quos ad sequendum se inclinabit plurimos. Ditabit et divites huius seculi falsis diviciis.’ Chytil, Antikrist, Appendix II, p. 231. 66 Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum II, f. 242r, Plate 135, figs. 311-313. 67 Cf. Compendium, VII, chap. 8, https://fedora.phaidra.univie.ac.at/fedora/get/o:148632/ bdef:Book/view#, p. 301; see also the passage in Honorius Augustidunensis, Elucidarium, III, 33, p. 453.

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Figure VI.6  Disputation of Antichrist with theologians and philosophers (below)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 134v

After a standard scene of the Antichrist narrative showing the calling out of the nations of Gog and Magog (f. 134v), the illuminator returns once again, and in a rather original fashion, to the motif of Antichrist’s temptation through persuasion (ff. 134v-135r). A sequence of three scenes develops the motif of the disputation of Antichrist with theologians and philosophers (f. 134v below), that is, with those who are not easily fooled. While the Compendium limits itself to the mention of false persuasion and destruction

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of the Christian Law (predicabit enim legem novam pravam et legem Christi pro posse destruet), the scenes create their own narrative and causality for this part of the story. Those listening to Antichrist are identified by their headwear as scholars – theologians and philosophers, as the text states: Ibi Antichristus disputat contra theologos et phylosophos dybolo sibi in aurem sibilante nec potest eos ad suam viam et voluntatem convertere.

As it is not possible to persuade them to accept Antichrist as the Messiah by their own free will – one objects to Antichrist’s assertion that he is the Son of God by using a phrase taken from St. Paul’s epistles about the Son of Perdition, and another even points at Antichrist with a ridiculing and disrespectful gesture – on the following page they are executed by sword on his orders (f. 135r, see fig. V.2). This scene can be understood as a kind of original antiepiphany of Antichrist, unmasked by Christian scholars. The books of the scholars reporting the Law of Christ are subsequently burnt in an antithetical parallel to the destruction of books of Jewish Law in the Old Testament, and this act becomes the pinnacle of Antichrist’s destruction of the Christian Law in order to establish his own more easily.68 The scenes have clearly been inspired by the Old Testament narrative of the burning of the Jewish books in the First Book of Maccabees: the originator of this destruction, Antiochos IV Epiphanes, was seen by later interpreter-theologians as the prototype of Antichrist.69 What gets burnt here are not just the books of the Law but, according to the description, all theological and philosophical literature – on the page of the open book is the faith-professing text: deus noster est nobiscum, deus, deus. In this sequence, then, the scholars and theologians are thematized as the social order most resistant to Antichrist’s temptations, the most unshakeable in their faith and the most capable of recognizing the truth and even dying for it, thereby constituting the largest obstacle in his path to the universal corruption of mankind. The last surviving folio of the cycle contains the scenes of the Destruction of the Temple and the Adoration of Antichrist’s statue in the Temple, another well-known motif from the Compendium.70 It is based on the prophecy of Daniel and the second epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalonians71 and shows 68 Werner, Den Irrtum liquidieren, p. 66. 69 Ibidem, pp. 65-66. 70 Cf. Compendium, VII, chap. 7, https://fedora.phaidra.univie.ac.at/fedora/get/o:148632/ bdef:Book/view#, p. 301. 71 On the Destruction of the Temple, see Dan 9:26-27; on Antichrist’s blasphemy, see 2 Thess 2:4.

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Figure VI.7  Destroying of and building of a new Temple

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 135v

Antichrist’s blasphemy and the pride with which he lets the Temple in Jerusalem be destroyed and then built again, placing his own statue inside it to be worshipped (f. 135v). The author of Velislav’s Antichrist develops this motif in two scenes. In the upper scene, Antichrist is personally involved in the destruction of the original Temple; in the lower scene, his statue already stands on the altar while the new Temple is still being built. The

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Elucidarium and the Compendium both state that Antichrist will settle on the place of God, and will let himself be worshipped by the Jews. This scene, here obviously directly based on the reading of Daniel’s prophecy 9:26, emphasizes again Antichrist’s destruction of the Christian Law and its replacement with his own.72 The cycle is conceived as an autonomous and largely independent pictorial narrative, the chronology of which is subordinate to the desired narrative structure, inspired by the didactical theological literature. It uses the Compendium and other textual sources, but also finds inspiration in the pictorial tradition (life of Christ) and the motifs pertaining to the theological scholarly environment. The key to understanding Velislav’s Antichrist is his imitation of Christ (Christomimesis).73 Using motifs of the Christological narrative accentuates Antichrist’s false imitation of Christ, and this in turn is further reinforced by being positioned before a Christological cycle. The cycle develops the four main methods of Antichrist’s falsehood as a parody to Christ’s public activity: persuasion, miracles, distributing of treasures, and torture. In addition to the main line of the Antichrist narrative, this part of the cycle reflects contemporary views of the social structure74 – each method of corruption is suitable for a different social order: the first section of the narrative shows the use of ways of corrupting the Jews (persuasion of the young and the old about the Law, and accepting their Law, which explains the presence of circumcision), making them worship him.75 The second section makes a plea to the kings who are introduced as being in the position of the first non-Jews to be corrupted and who have special responsibility for their subjects. Their own propensity to pride and desire for wealth is used to corrupt them. In the following section, where the Christian people are being corrupted, the repertoire of methods of persuasion is at its largest with false miracles, distribution of money, and killing those who remain true to their faith. At the end the theologians and philosophers who have seen through his blasphemous Christomimetic stylization are under coercion. They resist his temptation the longest, and the harshest methods must be used to conquer them. The author of Velislav’s Antichrist seems to have used the Elucidarium for these parts, where the four means of corruption (treasures – per divicias, coercion – terrore, wisdom and eloquence – sapientia 72 Honorius Augustidunensis, Elucidarium, III, 34, p. 453. 73 Hahn, ‘Absent No Longer,’ p. 152. 74 For a basic orientation on the topic, see Oexle, ʻSoziale Gruppen.’ For new development in the field, see the anthologies Gingrich and Lutter, Visions of Community, and Hovden et al., Meanings of Community. 75 Camille, The Gothic Idol, p. 184.

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et eloquentia, signs, prophecies, miracles – signis et prodigiis et miraculis) are aimed directly at different social orders: the nobles and the powerful, the people, the clergy and those who despise the world, that is, the monks.76 He takes over its idea of representation of social orders based on the degree of resistance to the deception by Antichrist, and renders it faithfully in a visual medium. While doing this he has also tried to preserve the structure of the didactic text in the pictorial narrative, which required for its pictorial application a preexisting viewer’s knowledge of this approach. However, he exercised a lot of freedom in compiling his textual sources, combining them with motifs from religious poetry, and inspiration from Christological picture cycles. He made abundant use of representational conventions in order to underline the typological parallel to the life of Christ, as well as the fraudulent character of Antichrist’s actions. This effort resulted in a highly original narrative piece, best characterized as a hagiographical antinarrative. Apart from the Bible, his own visual interpretation of the Compendium – the illuminator probably used the German translation – and the Elucidarium, the author of the concept was most likely familiar with other texts, including religious poetry and possibly even some of the specialized treatises.77 On the other hand, he very notably eschews the possibilities offered to him by the political actualization of the topic. We have to reject as groundless Stejskal’s idea, taken freely from Chytil’s view on the antipapal rhetoric of the cycle, which considers the Velislav cycle to be a precursor of the reformist critique.78 The objective of the narrative is to instruct the viewer about Antichrist’s origin, life, his snares, methods of deception, and his false imitation of Christ, which determines his subverted role in the history of salvation. The didactic subtext of the pictorial narrative provides a counterweight to the 76 Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, III, 33, p. 453. 77 Similar motifs to those we find in the pictorial narration of the Velislav Antichrist can also be found in the later Middle High German treatise on the Antichrist Vom Antichrist, which was based freely on Anonymous of Passau. It is difficult to date the treatise: surviving manuscripts are from the fifteenth century, although the original text is sometimes dated to around 1400. As in Velislav, here we can find Antichrist’s mendacious imitation of Christ, the parallel motifs between Christ and Antichrist, and some identical details: Antichrist’s disciples, for example, are introduced as ‘jungern’, Vom Antichrist, p. 639. Here we find the motif of the seduction of the Jews and the rejection of Antichrist by some of the faithful, as well as the use of the word karakter (XXII De ymagine et karakteri Anticristi) as a sign for Antichrist. The text also contains a special chapter on Antichrist’s gifts and riches (XIV De diviciis Antichristi), where the author mentions his distribution of false treasures, and also the motif of the wealth that corrupts the sovereign (XX De superbia Antichristi). The similarities indicate that the pictorial Antichrist and this German text may have had a common model. Vom Antichrist, pp. 85 and 92. 78 Stejskal’s reasoning has been convincingly rejected by McGinn, ‘Portraying Antichrist,’ pp. 18-19.

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didactic account of Christ’s parables and miracles that follow the cycle in the manuscript. The Antichrist cycle maintains a similar position in the Velislav Bible to other pictorial legends of the saints within the manuscript – it fulfills the role of a(n inverted) hagiographical exemplum. It therefore differs from earlier versions of this story, which are primarily concerned with the role of Antichrist in the Apocalypse. Although it is based on the older tradition of biblical compendia and a knowledge of Christological cycles, its breadth testifies to a much broader inspiration and effort for an original pictorial narrative interpretation of the story using various textual sources. The story is the antithesis of the hagiographical cycles in the manuscript, supplemented by a number of semantically functional details (the head of the Devil, the small demons) livening up the narrative and throwing a clear light on the entire deception, while the written commentary often plays a secondary role in the understanding of the meaning of the narrative. The didactic-ethical character of the visual interpretation is noticeable as it constitutes an antithesis to the didactic character of the scenes of Christ that follow it; the illuminator tried to capture visually the various methods of temptation used by Antichrist as presented in the textual sources, even going so far as to structure the visual narration of the story on the model of a theological treatise. The interest in the detailed depiction of Antichrist’s story and the systematic ordering of the narrative reveal the effort put into presenting a unified pictorial cycle and making imaginative didactic use of the visual medium. The visual account of the story thus represents a semantic shift compared to the source of textual glosses, Chapters 6-9 of the Compendium theologiae veritatis.79 This is not just about the original visual details of the representation, as already noted by Chytil.80 What was created here was a chronologically and typologically coherent whole that represented the means of Antichrist’s temptations of social orders through a translation of theological-didactic writings into visual form, expressing their hierarchy regarding their resistance to Antichrist. In addition, certain motifs are developed to an extent missing in the texts. A correct ‘reading’ of the story required a certain theological education, or was aimed at acquiring it, allowing for an allegorical interpretation and the subsequent moral reflection on the themes presented. Some of these themes, such as the corruption of kings by means of false treasures, required at least a basic awareness of 79 Chytil, Antikrist, p. 79. 80 Ibidem, p. 71.

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the exegetic background of the topic and made possible further ethical interpretation of the parallels and parables of the Old Testament. Can we deduce from the accents in the pictorial narrative for whom it was intended? The character of the Antichrist narrative, the choice of didactic compendium as the source for its narrative structure, and its theological-ethical content all support the hypothesis that it was intended for use in a clerical setting, most likely with a didactic and educational purpose. The motifs of the theologians and philosophers as the last bastion of the resistance against Antichrist, who are then killed for the truth, while downplaying of the resistance of other social groups, would have a powerful educational effect on the members of a religious community or on students in an educational institution that was training young Church members, clergy, and future scholars. Its faithfulness to the textual source of a theological treatise, and especially the inclusion of this motif, placed this pictorial legend of Antichrist among those didactic narrations that constituted a direct plea to future clerics for constancy in their faith in the performance of their religious service.

VII Ibi predicit hominibus: In Search of the Practical Function of the Velislav Bible1 Milena Bartlová

Why do the tinted drawings on the 188 preserved folios of the codex known as the Velislav Bible look the way they do? That is, according to Michael Baxandall, a question art historians could be and should be able to answer.2 In order to find the answer, it is necessary to study the codex from a number of perspectives, those presented in the chapters of this book. I will deal with one of them by asking: What was the practical function of the codex at the time of its creation? I assume that such a function will undoubtedly have left a major imprint on the appearance of the image. We might also say that the practical function of the visual-art work in question, a picture book, is in itself that very element which, within the work’s complex structure, connects it in an important way to historical social practice. What I mean here by ‘practical function’ is that to which seemingly trivial questions are related: What was the book used for? For what purpose was it created? What were its potential users able to do with it? How did they use it? It is obvious that in the field of medieval studies we have to be satisfied with a relatively small degree of certainty that most often leaves us only with more-or-less convincing hypothetical assumptions. The influence that practical function had on the final form of the image seems, however, to be so significant that investigation is at least worth attempting. Although the scholars who studied the Velislav Bible in the past also, of course, asked the question concerning the function of the codex and its illuminations, it had a different significance in their methodological approach.3 Their identif ication of the codex as an educational book is insufficiently specific. Art-historical literature on medieval Christian art has long used the category of didactics to show the difference between the 1 This study was created as part of the project P405/12/G148 ‘Cultural Codes and Their Transformations in the Hussite Period’ of the Czech Science Foundation. 2 Baxandall, The Patterns of Intention. The title quotes the text written on f. 176r. 3 Matějček, Velislavova bible; Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta; Uhlíř, Velislavova bible; Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia.’ See also Schmidt, Krumaer Bildercodex II, chap. VII.

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nature of medieval images and of modern and contemporary images, in the latter of which artistic (aesthetic) function and the expression of the author’s subjectivity prevail. The classification of some medieval images as devotional images (Andachtsbilder), had, after all, the same purpose. 4 Otto Pächt has already correctly observed that the didactic function of manuscript illumination and the identif ication of pictures as ‘Scripture for the illiterate,’ a role played especially by wall paintings and pictorial textiles, are altogether different from each other.5 He saw the noetic functions of diagrammatically constructed images that allowed people to visualize the complex nature of religious dogmata and represented visions of the world beyond visible reality as a more precise formulation of the term ‘didactic illumination.’6 Recent research has already enabled a more specific characterization of the manuscript as a didactic book. It is presumed that it could have been used in school education; the costs associated with manuscript production, however, eradicate the possibility of regarding the manuscript simply as a schoolbook. The studies by Anna Kernbach and Lucie Doležalová in this publication, as well as Lenka Panušková’s previously published article, approach the question from different angles. These authors’ research is based on detailed analysis, the results of which are then considered within wider contexts. If we combine those points in which they agree, we may presume that the codex was created to be used at a school but not at a university.7 This hypothesis suggests that the Velislav mentioned in the painted colophon could be identical with the young man referred to by the diminutive famulcus who is shown with a woman, possibly his mother, adoring the dogmatic image of the Holy Trinity (f. 149v). Panušková clearly considers Velislav to be the adviser or conceptor, a scholar who would decide the choice and the conception of the illuminations and who could, if needed, find a model for the illuminations in an earlier manuscript. This would also lead to the presumption that the book was made for him in the 1340s as an educational tool for use at the Vyšehrad Chapter school while he was preparing to pursue a clerical career. Contemporary authors are interested in the mnemonic function of medieval manuscripts. It is from this perspective that Doležalová studies 4 For more detailed information, see Bartlová, Skutečná přítomnost, pp. 210-214. 5 Pächt, Buchmalerei des Mittelalters, pp. 155-160. 6 For further details and additional sources, see Bartlová, Skutečná přítomnost, pp. 150-156. 7 See the studies by Kernbach and Panušková, and Doležalová in this book; Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia.’

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the possible function of the Velislav Bible. She describes the codex as a book that retells the biblical text and she observes that a combination of common typological interpretation and the narrative of the episodes was the key to the selection of the Old Testament scenes. As a result, she comes to the conclusion that the effectiveness of the illustrations as mnemonic devices is not convincing: as the repeated scenes and figures are shown in the same way, without differences, it is easy to confuse them. The users of the codex did, indeed, confuse them and they used identifying inscriptions as an aid. Doležalová also points out, as does Zdeněk Uhlíř, that the codex may be described as a type of contemporary comic-strip book because it is the image that plays the dominant role in the relationship of text and image. In this essay, I would like to develop these thoughts and explore in more detail the communication techniques of the pictorial narrative used in the Velislav Bible. I believe that this may help answer the question of its practical function. First of all, it must be noted that I do not consider the idea that the selection of scenes could be confused and illogical a good starting point.8 Kernbach’s analysis points to the same conclusion we might ourselves easily arrive at if we consider that the codex was still frequently used in the seventeenth century: as a digest of biblical and other texts the Velislav Bible served its purpose well. The logic behind the selection is certainly there, but it might differ from the logic expected by modern readers, shaped as they are by the conventions of printed books and their reception. The preference given to the narrative parts of the Bible during the selection process and the creation of the images leads us to think that the work was intended primarily to provide a visual aid for a number of shorter continuous narratives. The absence of deliberate differentiation between similar scenes and identical characters leads to the same conclusion. It is not very useful as far as the art of memory is concerned, but it does help in establishing greater narrative continuity between individual scenes. The tinted drawings were made in stages by two or three artists.9 These were illuminators of the highest quality, unlike those who made the Liber Depictus, a quite similar and approximately contemporary codex from Český Krumlov; they were certainly not scribes.10 There were five scribes who worked on the text successively; in two places several leaves were left without any text. Kernbach believes that at least the 8 This view is held by Matějček, Velislavova bible; Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta, and Uhlíř, Velislavova bible. 9 Matějček, Velislavova bible; Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta. 10 Cf. Schmidt, Krumauer Bildercodex.

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first scribe did not merely copy the text mechanically but was also engaged in selecting and conceiving the texts.11 It is clear from the technical execution of the manuscript that the drawings were produced first, then the textual passages were written and finally the tinting was applied. The text accompanies the images and plays a secondary role. We have to assume that the overall concept and the selection of scenes in particular, a condensation of the entire text of the Bible, were either conceived by a single conceptor or by two people, a scholar and an illuminator working in close and systematic cooperation. It was the selection and the manner of representation that were considered first. In this sense, as mentioned above, it is appropriate to draw comparisons between the Velislav Bible and contemporary comic books. The ‘narrative form of comics, based on sequential narrative and combining text and image’ works with the primacy of the image, which, on the other hand, cannot work without the text.12 The form of comics, as a sign system, affects the reading, which is guided by the image. In this respect it is similar to film, because it is constructed as a sequence of frames (called panels in the comics genre). We, however, are accustomed to the contemporary visual language of film that radically shapes the visual design of comics as well. On the other hand, comics allows for a nonlinear reading, thanks to the spatio-temporal sequence of images and their position in relation to one another, unlike film. Medieval spatio-temporal narrative sequences are, nevertheless, very different to those in modern comics, since the former rarely feature direct speech (speech balloons) and ‘interjections and symbols referring to sounds, smells, movements and the moods of the characters’ are also absent there.13 We cannot, therefore, develop parallels between modern comics and medieval pictorial sequences, such as the illustrations in the Velislav Bible, any further. They ensued, after all, from the need to legitimize comics as a cultural form by means of tracing its ‘early history.’14 These parallels are useful for medieval studies in so far as they point to the differences between the medieval narrative mode and the modern one familiar to us

11 See the second study by Kernbach and Panušková in this volume, pp. 35-67. 12 Pospiszyl, ‘Vzpoura mozků,’ quotation p. 152; for the following, see also Groensteen, The System of Comics. 13 Pospiszyl, ‘Vzpoura mozků,’ p. 140. The analysis of the Velislav Bible found, in terms of its relationship to comics, several instances of direct speech: Novák, ‘Velislavova bible – perla,’ http://www.komiks.cz/clanek.php?id=1480 (accessed 20 January 2014). 14 Pospiszyl, ‘Vzpoura mozků,’ p. 139.

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from comics and films.15 And yet the Velislav Bible is not identical with other medieval narrative images, such as the Bayeux Tapestry featuring the Norman conquest of England in 1066: this embroidered linen strip probably hung on the walls of the great hall where commemorations of the glorious victory were held each year. It seems reasonable to imagine that the words and images were really used to aid the storytellers. The captions recorded on the tapestry explain the scenes. The evocation of narrative continuity is so successful here that the film animation of the embroidery is perfectly natural.16 The illustrations in the Velislav Bible clearly lack such narrative dynamics. Not only is there not a single continuous story, but, if the series of illustrations are cut into short ‘clips,’ only little forward progression remains; very often, it is absent. There are even certain scenes with symmetrical composition, not to speak of the dogmatic image showing the Holy Trinity.17 In order to understand the narrative sequences in the Velislav Bible, we need only the basic, threefold characterization of narrative structure: quis-quid-ubi (who-what-where). It is the gestures made by the figures in terms of both posture and hand gestures, rather than the representation of movement, that prevails as the mode of communication. These gestures may be seen partly as conventional codes of communication, partly as universal human gestures.18 Both the faces and the hands of disproportionate size (the hands in particular) stand out in the composition. The expressive hand gestures make us think that it would be possible to decode them as a sign language similar to those used by the hearing impaired. Apart from finger-pointing, however, we are able to identify for certain only gestures of command (raised right arm), of wise and even learned commentary (finger-counting), of benediction, of prayer.19 Neither mnemonics nor narration forms the main structure of these pictorial sequences, although both do have their place there. The emphasis is placed on communication and action as expressed by the body, but still within a rather static framework. What, then, was the purpose of those images in the Velislav Bible? What message do they convey? What did they 15 For the theoretical background, see Ryan, ‘On Defining Narrative Media.’ 16 For further details and bibliography, see Bartlová, Skutečná přítomnost, pp. 245-246; The Animated Bayeux Tapestry. 17 This image is studied in detail by Panušková, ‘Die Velislav-Bibel in neuem Licht.’ 18 Cf. Schmitt, Svět středověkých gest, especially pp. 27-29. Schmitt points out the great variability of rhetorical and everyday gestures and does not see it as an unambiguously determinable sign system. 19 This iconographic theme was recently studied by Šroněk, ‘Comput digital and Jan Hus.’

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teach, and to whom? It is clear that they are not there merely to decorate the codex. As Kernbach, Doležalová and Uhlíř have maintained, we cannot understand the images without the texts. In addition to that, in many places the combination of words and images alone does not guarantee our understanding of what the biblical passage being referred to at any given moment is about. The book could be successfully understood, and used, only by a person who had already been well acquainted with the Bible. Uhlíř reconceives the comparison of the codex to comics, suggesting that, instead of an epic cycle relating past events, what the Velislav Bible contains is a ‘set of images with a unifying theme – the idea of Salvation History.’20 Key interpretation is offered by Kernbach, who points out how important it is to recognize which Old Testament texts were ‘liturgically active’ in order to understand the manuscript, that is, to know which texts were used as typological parallels to the New Testament pericopes and psalms. Negligence of this structural feature is obviously what had previously confused modern authors and made them see the selection of texts as random. The inclusion of those texts that do not come from the biblical books shows that the Velislav Bible contains neither just a reproduction of selected biblical stories nor their retelling or shortened version used as a mnemonic device. It rather comprises a theological interpretation of the Bible, as the other authors contributing to this book have already shown. Its primary hermeneutical method was that of biblical typology. The stories and the details chosen from the Old Testament could be used as types in the Christian tradition; Prophecies of Daniel is an Old Testament parallel to the Revelation of Saint John, and even the life of the Antichrist may be seen as a sui generis Old Testament parallel to the Gospels.21 I would like to suggest that another important aspect of the selection could be the pastoral one, because many of the scenes could be used as the basis for moral interpretation showing the morally right solutions to everyday problems and warning against the wrong ones. In my view, a book that contains narrative sequences combining text and image with a theological interpretation of the Bible from a pastoral point of view belongs most probably to the context of homiletics. Uhlíř concludes his review of the study on Bohemian medieval homiletics by saying: ‘Preaching cannot be treated as a narrative or a diplomatic source; similarly, it cannot be studied as a literary text. Sermons – both written and spoken – fall within a broad and undefined field in between literature and

20 Uhlíř, Velislavova bible, p. 16. 21 Cf. the studies by Doležalová and by Cermanová in this book.

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rhetoric, written and oral culture.’22 An appropriate understanding of the book that works – unlike conventional manuals for preachers – not only with text but also with pictorial representations poses a similar methodological problem. I believe that the great advantage offered by the combination of image and text was the chief reason why authors have engaged in this demanding task. Kimberly A. Rivers has observed that ‘the picture thus solved the rhetorical problem of copiousness of material.’23 The picture makes the preacher simultaneously recall various aspects of the subject matter (that he has read before) and the commentaries on it. The commentaries could be twofold – they could be taken from the tradition of homiliaries, postils and other manuals, and they could also be references to everyday practices as discussed in moral commentaries. There is also the possibility of a nonlinear ‘reading’ of the images useful for preachers who needed to stray from their subject. The possibility of always returning to the central topic after rhetorical detours is the reason why pictorial sequences feature both key moments of the narrative and its general characterizations.24 The biblical stories were particularly important in sermons, although medieval sermons were very far indeed from the reformation interpretations of Scripture based on humanistic methods. According to Rivers, the manual explaining the use of mnemonics in preaching, written by the Catalan preacher Francesc Eiximenis in the second half of the fourteenth century, became very widespread in Central Europe.25 Eiximenis emphasizes the importance of composing the ‘modern’ sermon on Classical rhetorical principles but applying them in such a way as to have the maximum effect on the listener. In addition, in order to make the listener retain the substance of the sermon, the logical order of the speech is, in his view, more important than the old mnemonic rules regarding active images and places (loci) that aid the memory. In my opinion, the logical arrangement of the narrative that simultaneously fulfills the requirements of the various possibilities of text interpretation corresponds to the very combination of text and image we see in the Velislav Bible. The amount of space devoted to the Old Testament in the Velislav Bible may be rather surprising. An explanation for this can be found in the writings 22 Uhlíř, ‘Středověké kazatelství.’ 23 Rivers, Preaching the Memory, p. 270. The author speaks of mnemonic compositions; this statement may, however, also be applied to our case, although in a slightly different way. (I thank Lenka Panušková for bringing this book to my attention.) 24 See the introduction to this volume by Kernbach and Panušková. 25 Rivers, Preaching the Memory, pp. 152-169. For types, structure, genres, and the nature of preaching, cf. Soukup, Reformní kazatelství, pp. 123-156.

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of Hugo of St. Victor, which often inspired preaching in the High Middle Ages. According to Hugo, ‘biblical history comprises the foundation of exegesis, and the details of the historical events described in the Bible have to be committed to memory in order for that foundation to stand. Thus the bases of allegorical interpretation and even meditation will be secured.’ Hugo proposes ‘a brief summary’ as an effective method to achieve this goal; the method rests upon three foundations: persons – place – deeds, expressed by gestures.26 It is precisely this simplification of the rhetorical rules of good interpretation that we find exemplified in the narrative sequences of the Velislav Bible. We may, therefore, conclude that the adviser or the creators of the codex were very well familiar with current preaching methodology; they created a book based on those principles that was to serve – and, according to the later inscriptions, also did serve – as a handbook for the preparation of sermons. This conclusion complies with the findings of Kernbach, who suggests that the selection and succession of textual and pictorial fragments corresponds to the Scripture readings of the liturgical year in the Diocese of Prague and also to the dedication of the churches at Vyšehrad. Stylistic and iconographic comparisons may support the suggestion that the manuscript was produced in Prague even if we refuse to identify the Velislav shown in the colophon with a cleric from the Diocese of Prague who worked in the Chancery of Charles IV.27 It is important to stress that the painters engaged in the execution of the manuscript were of very high quality. The treatment of the figures, the faces, the inner space of individual scenes, the way in which the settings are suggested and the folds of the draperies are formulated, all are quite similar to what we find in the paintings of the Vyšší Brod Cycle (the last three panels in particular), painted in Prague in the 1340s.28 It is remarkable to observe that the drawings in the Velislav Bible (especially those undertaken by the first, the best, painter) are even more similar to a group of three wooden sculptures dated to the mid-fourteenth century – the Enthroned Virgin from the Schwarz collection, and the Apostle and the Virgin from the church of Saint James in Brno.29 They display the same archlike curve in the figures themselves, the same arrangement and modeling in the drapery, fashionable women’s hairstyles 26 Rivers, Preaching the Memory, pp. 57-58. 27 Following Wocel, this was suggested by Matějček, Velislavova bible; Stejskal, Velislai Biblia picta; Uhlíř, Velislavova bible; Panušková, ‘Velislavova biblia.’ Kernbach and Panušková have put forward arguments against this suggestion. 28 For a general survey, see Fajt et al., Karl IV, cat. no. 9, pp. 86-87 (Wilfried Franzen). 29 More recently on these statues, see ibidem, cat. no. 106, p. 301 (Julien Chapuis) and cat. no. 107a-b, pp. 301-302 (Kaliopi Chamonikola), unfortunately without correlation.

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Figure VII.1 Duke Spytihněv founding the churches of the Virgin Mary and of St. Peter (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 181v

and veils of the day, and even the same stylized male faces with their wavy beards. Another interesting iconographic detail in the illuminations in the Velislav Bible is the detailed knowledge evidenced of the churches at Prague Castle; the painter depicted these in the legend of St. Wenceslas. If we compare them to the other church buildings in the manuscript, we observe that this painter clearly knew of the great apse of the former church

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Figure VII.2  Duke Vratislav builds the Basilica of St. George (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 182r

of St. Vitus, where St. Wenceslas had been buried (although he could not have known that it had been a rotunda), and that he knew the two towers of the basilica of St. George and also the arrangement of the Romanesque basilica of St. Vitus, with its large south gate and a tower above the tomb of St. Wenceslas, in particular.30 30 Maříková-Kubková, ‘Bazilika sv. Víta, Václava, Vojtěcha a Panny Marie.’

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Figure VII.3  The Basilica of St. Vitus (above)

Velislav Bible, Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky, MS XXIII C 124, f. 187r

On the basis of the thoughts and arguments presented above we finally come to suggest that the Velislav Bible served as a book intended for the preparation of sermons. The combination of visual and textual components provided a ready-assembled selection of biblical scenes (and scenes from the life of the Antichrist) that could be used to compose sermons on the subject matter for each sermon as determined by the liturgical year. The illustrations accompanied by the texts form a specific kind of interpretation that allowed

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the preacher to follow the narrative line, in a nonlinear way if necessary, and to recall various theological interpretations and commentaries. The preacher knew the commentaries and the biblical text itself from other sources; he could consult other books on these. The Velislav Bible was not the only volume of its kind; the kind does not, however, seem to have been very widespread, for the costs associated with the acquisition of such a book must have been very high and beyond the means of most preachers. We may therefore conclude, for instance, that the codex could have been a gift from Velislav, and his mother (or perhaps wife), to a church in Prague, and possibly to the Vyšehrad church itself. The word pitlone used for the Latin sacci (f. 50r), referring obviously to the sacks used by Joseph’s brothers to take away the corn, points to a Czech-speaking environment. An increase in demand for preaching both in Czech and in German is documented from the mid-fourteenth century. The Velislav Bible thus stands at the beginning of this period. The life of the Antichrist included in the codex reveals the role that the Antichrist imagery played in local preaching; it created a basis upon which communication on this subject matter was taken up again in the following, pre-Hussite period.

VIII The Velislav Bible: Critical Edition with Commentary Anna Kernbach 1

Introduction to the Edition

The text to accompany the illustrations in the Velislav Bible was edited in accordance with Bohumil Ryba’s unpublished set of rules for the transcription of literary texts in Latin. In the manuscript itself there are various kinds of notes related to the main text. Explanatory notes written by the scribe of the tituli (e.g., the names of the depicted figures, descriptions of objects, etc.) have been left in the same type of script as the main text. The Czech and Latin notes accompanying the illuminations on ff. 10r, 40r-52r, 78v, 79r, 89v-92r, 97v and dating to the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century are written in majuscule letters (e.g., NOE or FARAO), despite the fact that they are minuscule in the original, in order that they may be clearly differentiated from the considerably more copious notes written in German provided for the illustrations to the Book of Genesis on ff. 1r-22v and 41r, which date back to the seventeenth century. Principally, these either constitute a translation of the original Latin notes (e.g., the German word Finsternüss explains the Latin ʻtenebre’) or provide information regarding the Biblical book and chapter reference corresponding with the main tituli (e.g., Gen 1). They are printed in italics in the edition. There are two critical apparatus system footnote types used in the edition. The first type is a system of text-critical notes apparatus referring to the codicological context. The second constitutes a type represented by factual comments. The first system of critical comments device/apparatus relates to the scribe’s errors, which are corrected in the edition (e.g., fenestram: em.; bis in textu or cucurrit: em.; cocurrit in textu), or else supplements the edition with words that were omitted by the scribe or blurred in the original manuscript. In these cases I worked in accordance with a version of the Vulgate, which is the reason for the introduction of book, chapter and verse numbers in such places (e.g., : add. sec. Gn 4, 17; or [Deus fiat] : del. in textu; add. sec. Gn 1, 3; or lugens : em. sec. Gn 37, 34; ingens in textu). Corrections made by the scribe himself are indicated in the critical comments using the abbreviation em. ex. together with details of the relevant error, or else of the manner in which the error was corrected (e.g., dixitque :

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Anna Kernbach

em. ex. dixitque Deus per rasura; or adversum : em. ex. adversus per rasura et –m ascriptum). I worked using a conventional system of brackets: words that were omitted by the scribe are inserted in angle brackets; words that are blurred but were originally in the main text are inserted in square brackets. The critical comments also take into account most significant differences between the original text and the Vulgate (including its various readings) in the edition Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, ed. by Robert Weber and Robert Gryson (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1969/4th ed., 1994). The Velislav Bible scribes basically abbreviated the biblical text throughout or else summarized the text in their own words. I have therefore taken note of those differences which alter the meaning of the text, point to textual misunderstandings on the part of the scribe or, on the other hand, attest to his improvisational abilities (e.g., abutamur eis : cognoscamus eos Vulg.; or Egiptu : Geraris Vulg.; or Iacob tempore : iam tempus Vulg.). The transcribed text has been supplemented with punctuation. Any further amendments apply solely to the writing of capital letters. These are used not only for personal and local names (including their adjective forms) but also for the so-called nomina sacra (Deus, Dominus, etc.). The text is supplemented on either side with numbers; there are line numbers on the left and folio numbers on the right, the end of each folio being marked with the symbol ||. The second system comprises only references to quotations from the Holy Writ and to the writings of several other authors. Where biblical quotations are concerned, these references comprise the abbreviation of the corresponding book and the numbers of the relevant chapter and verse, in accordance with the above-mentioned Stuttgart Vulgate edition. Where the text accompanying the illustration differs only slightly from the biblical one, there is the Latin cf. before the book title. Where differences are more fundamental but the titulus is still based on the biblical version, there is the Latin sec. References to other authors are quoted in abbreviated form; complete bibliographical references are to be found in the List of Primary Sources. Abbreviations add. – additum (added) cf. – confer (compare) del. – deletum (erased) em. – emendatum (amended) em. ex. – emendatum ex (amended from) in marg. inf. – in margine inferiore (in the lower margin)

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om. – omittit (absent) mss. – manuscripta (manuscripts) sec. – secundum (according to) transp. – transpositum (moved/shifted) transp. ex – transpositum ex (moved/shifted from) Vulg. – Vulgata (Vulgate)

2

A Codicological Description of the Manuscript

Prague, National Library of the Czech Republic (Národní knihovna České republiky), MS XXIII C 124. XIV. med., Bohemia, perg., I + 188 + I ff., 310x245, illustr., binding later Collation: 3.VIII (f. 24) + (VIII-1, f. 31) + 13.VIII (f. 135) + (VIII-2, f. 149) + 3.VIII (f. 173) + (VIII+1, f. 182) + (VIII-1, f. 188). Following folios 30v, 146v, 148v and 188v there is one folium missing, as well as the complete eighteenth quire, very probably also with text. Catchwords (custos) given at the end of each quire in the middle of the lower margin with the exception of the first quire, which is not marked: IIus-XVIIus = ff. 9-135, XIXus-XXIIIIus = ff. 136-182, two hands: IIus-XIIIus a XIIIIus-XXIIIIus. – Foliation: modern, in pencil, 1-188, amended from f. 18 to the end (originally 17 bis). – Layout: folium divided into two registers separated usually by two lines intended to carry the text accompanying the illustrations. – In some places illustrations as well as text mutilated by cutting during the rebinding process. Script: five scribes, A ff. 1r-47v, B ff. 48r-71v, C ff. 72r-73r, D ff. 73v-103v, 112r136r, E ff. 104r-111v, 136v-183v, all in Gothic minuscule XIV. med. – Decoration: illustrations passim. Irregular rubrication in the part written by A. – Binding: wooden boards overlaid with parchment, four cornerpieces and one boss in the middle of the front and back board, remainder is clasp metalwork. For both front and back endpapers parchment folium was used with a scarcely legible, richly glossed text from the thirteenth century (Gothic), cf. pastedowns from the fragments of annotated text in medieval antiphonaries. Explanatory notes (names of depicted persons, objects, etc.) for the illustrations passim (always made by the scribe responsible for the text portion on the same folium), Czech and Latin explanatory notes for the illustrations on ff. 10r, 40r-52r, 78v-79r, 89v-92r, 97v from the fourteenth/fifteenth century (Gothic minuscule). German explanatory notes for the illustrations

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Anna Kernbach

accompanying the Book of Genesis, with book title and chapter number respectively, ff. 1r-22v, 41r, seventeenth century (cursive). On f. Ir an entry in pencil: ‘188 beschriebene Blätter’ – Shelfmarks: 67 (nineteenth century, front pastedown), XXIII C 124 (twentieth century, ibidem). ff. 1r-188v: [Biblia Velislai] ‘In principio creavit Deus celum et terram’ X (183v) ‘Ibi sanctus Wenceslzaus [!] orat Dominum. Et ibi revertitur domum.’ Colophon: ‘Sancta Katerina, exaudire famulcum tuum Vellislaum.’ Illuminations are mostly provided with the corresponding passages of biblical text or by summaries based on the Bible, or else on other apocryphal or hagiographic material. On ff. 1r-52v the complete Book of Genesis is illustrated; ff. 53r-88v contains Exodus, Chapters 1 to 35; the Book of Daniel follows on ff. 89r-108r, which comprise Daniel’s story and some of his apocalyptical visions; on ff. 108v-115r Samson’s story is depicted according to Judges, Chapters 13 to 16; on ff. 115v-130r we find the Book of Judith (although the accompanying text is left uncompleted); ff. 130v-135v are occupied by twelve scenes of Antichrist after Chapters 7 to 11 of the Compendium totius theologicae veritatis written by Hugo of Strasbourg; however, since a complete quire is missing between the Antichrist rendering and the ensuing Christological cycle (ff. 136r-149r), whose accompanying text was composed in keeping with gospels pericopes (following the liturgical year from the second Sunday of Lent to the second Sunday after Easter in accordance with the rite of the Prague diocese), it is neither possible to say if the Antichrist cycle was to be continued, nor to recognize which stories in the Christological cycle preceded the extant ones; on f. 149v there is a Trinitarian scheme including gospel quotations, with Mary the Queen in the role of Mater Misericordiae and two kneeling figures of a woman and a young man in prayer to the Virgin Mary; f. 150r renders scenes of the Annunciation of the birth and the death of John the Baptist, f. 150v the Ascension and f. 151r the Descent of Holy Ghost; on ff. 151v-152r the martyrium of St. Peter and St. Paul, St. Lawrence and St. Hippolytus is illustrated; f. 152v depicts the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin Mary; ff. 153r-168v deals with the Revelation of St. John; on ff. 169r-177r the illustrations of the life of St. Peter follow a legend based partly on the Acts of the Apostles, partly on apocryphal sources (this cycle finishing with a prayer: Tu ergo Petre, preca benignam petram, qui est Christus, ut dignos nos indignos faciat sua gloria); ff. 177v-179v show stories of St. Paul, again according to Acts; ff. 180r-188r comprise the legend Crescente fide Christiana (the text on ff. 180r,

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181v-183r follows the Bavarian redaction, with only the name of the first Christian prince taken from the Bohemian version or tradition), the rest of the illustrations lack any accompanying text; the St. Wenceslas cycle on ff. 180v-181r is interpolated with four scenes from the life of St. Clement, which correspond to Rec. VII in Rufin’s translation, although the key role in both these stories is played by St. Peter; on f. 188r there is a figure kneeling in prayer to St. Catherine, the inscription in the script roll reading: Sancta Katerina, exaudire famulcum tuum Vellislaum (a donator?).

3

List of Primary and Secondary Sources

Albertus Magnus, Compendium Theologicae veritatis in septem libros digestum, in Opera Omnia, 38 vols., ed. by Auguste Borgnet (Paris: Vivès, 1890-1899), XXXIV: (1895), pp. 1-261. Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, ed. by Robert Weber and Roger Gryson (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1969/4th ed., 1994). ʻPassio s. Venceslai incipiens verbis Crescente fide Christiana (Recensio bavarica),’ in Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, 8 vols., ed. by Josef Emler et al. (Prague: Muzeum Království českého, 1873-1932), I: Vita sanctorum et aliorum quorundam pietate insignum, ed. by Josef Emler (1873), pp. 183-190. ʻPassio s. Venceslai incipiens verbis Crescente fide Christiana (Recensio bohemica),’ ed. by Jaroslav Ludvíkovský, in Jaroslav Ludvíkovský, ʻNově zjištěný rukopis legendy Crescente fide a jeho význam pro datování Kristiána,’ Listy filologické, 81.1 (1958), pp. 56-68. Recognitiones in Rufins Übersetzung, ed. by Bernhard Ehm, 4 vols., in Die Pseudoklementinen, ed. by Georg Strecker et al. (Berlin: Akademischer Verlag, 1992-2008), II (1994). Teodulo, Ecloga: Il canto della verità e della menzogna, ed. and trans. by Francesco Mosetti Casaretto (Florence: SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 1997) (= Per verba: testi mediolatini con traduzione 5). Walther, Hans, Initia carminum ac versuum medii aevi posterioris Latinorum: Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfänge mittellateinischer Dichtungen (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959/2nd ed. 1969).

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In principio creavit Deus celum et terram, terra autem erat inanis et vacua. Et tenebre 1r erant super faciem abissi. Et Spiritus Domini ferebatur super aquas. Dixit [Deus: fiat] lux! Et facta [est lux].1       Gen. 1    die Finsternüß 5     tenebre        der Geist des Herren                 abissus       lux               r. Abgrundt       s. Licht 10 Et vidit Deus lucem, quod esset bona, et divisit eam a tenebris. Appellavitque lucem diem et tenebras noctem et factum est vespere et mane dies unus.2

15

   nox                     dies   i. Nacht                    r. Tag||

1v Et vocavit Deus firmamentum celum.3 Dixit vero Deus: fiat firmamentum in medio aquarum et dividat aquas ab aquis!4 Et factum est ita.5         Hic creat angelos et creatos in gratia iam confirmaverat. 20              Gen. 1. Die Waßer über uns Hee sunt aque, que sunt super firmamentum  Hee sunt aque, que sunt sub firmamento 25

                        die Waßer under uns

Dixit vero Deus: congregentur aque, que sub celo sunt, in locum unum et appareat arida! Et factum est ita. Et vocavit Deus aridam terram, congregaciones aquarum appelavit maria.6 Dixit quoque Deus: germinet terra herbam virentem et facientem semen et lignum 30 pomiferum faciens                Gen. 1.        s. Meer fructum! Et factum est ita.7 Et vidit Deus, quod esset bonum.8 Factumque est vespere et 35 mane dies tercius.9 || 1 scriba A ff. 1r-47v – In : litera I- rubre scripta – Et : litera E- rubre scripta – 2 Et : litera E- rubre scripta – Dixit : litera D- rubre scripta – [Deus fiat] : del. in textu; add. sec. Gn 1, 3 – 3 [est lux] : del. in textu; add. sec. Gn 1, 3 – Gen. 1 : nomina liberum et numera capitularum Bibliae sicut et ceteri notitiae theutonicae in cursiva manu saec. XVII. – 7 lux : rubre scriptum – 10 Et : litera E- rubre scripta – 13 dies : rubre scriptum – 17 Et : litera E- rubre scripta – 18 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – 19 Hic : litera H- rubre scripta – 22 Hee : litera H- rubre ornata – 26 Dixit : litera D- rubre scripta – 29 Dixit : litera D- rubre scripta

40

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Gn 1, 1-3. Gn 1, 4-6. Cf. Gn 1, 8. Gn 1, 6. Cf. Gn 1, 7. Cf. Gn 1, 9-10. Cf. Gn 1, 11. Cf. Gn 1, 12. Cf. Gn 1, 13.

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Dixit etiam Deus: f iant luminaria in f irmamento celi, ut dividant diem ac noctem 1 et 2r illuminent terram!2 Et fecit Deus luminare minus, ut presit nocti, luminare maius, ut presit diei.3 5    Luna                   Sol   Mondt        Gen. 1.         Sonne Ibi Deus dividit diem et noctem Et factum est mane et vespere dies quartus. 4   nox                            dies 10   Nacht                           Tag Dixit quoque Deus: producant aque reptile anime viventis et volatile super terram5 secundum genus suum! Ita et vidit Deus, quod esset bonum.6 Factumque est vespere et mane dies quintus.7 Et ecce volatilia et pisces! 15 Gen. 1. || Dixit vero Deus: producat terra animam viventem in genere suo, iumenta et reptilia, bestias 2v terre secundum species suas! Et factumque est ita.8 Et vidit Deus, quod esset bonum.9 Et 20 ait: faciamus hominem ad [imagine]m et similitudinem nostram, ut presit piscibus maris et animantibus terre! 10 Et vidit Deus cuncta, que fecerat, et erant valde bona. Et factum est vespere et mane 25 dies sextus. 11 Die vier Waßerquellen im Paradeiß Gen. 2. 1 2 4 Fison Yeon Eufrates 3 30 Tygris Ibi sunt quatuor fluvii egredientes de paradiso.12 Et inspiravit in faciem eius spiraculum vite.13 ||       35

1Dixit : litera D- rubre scripta – 5 Sol : rubre scriptum – 7 Ibi : litera I- rubre ornata – 9 dies : rubre scriptum – 12 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – 18 producat : supra Deus et terra ascriptum – 20 ad : em.; bis in textu – 23 [imagin]em : del. in textu; add. sec. Gn 1, 26 – animantibus : volatilibus caeli et bestiis universaeque Vulg. – 28-30 nomina fluminum paradisi rubre scripta – 28 Yeon : em. manu saec. XVII. in Zyon

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Cf. Gn 1, 14. Cf. Gn 1, 15. Sec. Gn 1, 16. Cf. Gn 1, 19. Cf. Gn 1, 20. Cf. Gn 1, 21. Cf. Gn 1, 23. Gn 1, 24. Cf. Gn 1, 25. Cf. Gn 1, 26. Gn 1, 31. Sec. Gn 2, 10-14. Cf. Gn 2, 7.

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Tulit ergo Dominus Deus hominem et posuit eum in paradisum voluptatis, ut operaretur 3r et custodiret illud. Precepitque ei dicens: ‘Ex omni ligno paradisi comede, de ligno autem sciencie boni et mali non comedas, in quocumque vero die ex eo comederis, morte morieris’.1 5 Hoc est lignum vite Verbot der Frucht

10

15

Inmisit Dominus Deus soporem in Adam et tulit unam de costis eius et replevit carnem pro ea. Et edificavit costam, quam tulerat de Adam, in mulierem.2 Hic benedicit Dominus Deus Ewam. Gen. 2. Adam ||

20

Ewa

Et aduxit eam Dominus ad Adam.3 Dixitque Adam: ‘Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis et caro 3v de carne mea, hec vocabitur virago, quoniam de viro sumpta est.’4 Erant autem uterque nudi et non erubescebant.5

25

Gen. 2.

Sed et serpens erat calidior cunctis animantibus terre, que fecit Dominus Deus. Qui dixit ad mulierem: ‘Cur precepit nobis Dominus, ut non comederemus de omni ligno 30 paradisi?’6 Cui respondit mulier: ‘De fructu ligni, quod est in medio paradisi, precepit nobis Dominus, Gen. 3. 35

ne comederemus, ne forte moriamur.’7 Cui respondit serpens: ‘Nequaquam morte moriemur, sed aperientur oculi vestri et eritis sicut dii scientes bonum et malum.’8 Que comedit9||

40

21 dixitque : em. ex. dixitque Deus per rasuram – 29 nobis : vobis Vulg. – comederemus : comederitis Vulg. – 37 moriemur : moriemini Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Gn 2, 15-17. Cf. Gn 2, 21-22. Cf. Gn 2, 22. Cf. Gn 2, 23. Cf. Gn 2, 25. Gn 3, 1. Cf. Gn 3, 2-3. Cf. Gn 3, 4-5. Cf. Gn 3, 6.

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211

deditque viro suo. 1 Et aperti sunt oculi amborum. Cumque cognovissent se esse 4r nudos, absconderunt se sub f icu. 2 Et cum audissent vocem Domini deambulantis in paradiso ad auram post meridiem, abscondit se Adam et uxor eius,3 eo quod se nudos esse agnovissent. Gen. 3.

Vocavitque Dominus Adam et dixit ei: ‘Adam, ubi es?’ Qui ait: ‘Audivi, Domine, vocem tuam et timui, eo quod nudus essem, et abscondi me.’4 ‘Quis vero indicavit tibi, quod nudus 10 esses?’5 Dixitque Adam: ‘Mulier, quam dedisti michi, dedit michi de Gen. 3. 15 ligno et comedi.’ Et dixit Dominus ad mulierem: ‘Quare hoc fecisti?’ Que respondit: ‘Serpens decepit [me] ///’6 ||

20 Ait autem Dominus ad serpentem: ‘Quare hoc fecisti? Maledictus eris inter omnia 4v animantia et bestias terre et super pectus tuum gradieris et terram comedes omnibus diebus.’7 Mulieri autem dixit: ‘Multiplicabo erumpnas tuas et in dolore paries f ilios et sub viri potestate eris.’8 25

Gen. 3.

Ade vero dixit: ‘Quia audisti vocem uxoris tue plusquam me, maledicta terra in opere tuo!’9 Fecit quoque Deus Ade et uxori eius tunicas pelliceas et induit eos.10 Et emisit eum 30 de paradiso, ut operaretur terram, de qua sumptus est.11 Et dixit: Gen. 3. ‘Ecce, Adam, factus es quasi unus ex nobis sciens bonum et malum.’12 Et eiecit eos de 35 paradiso.13|| 2 absconderunt … f icu : consuerunt folia f icus et fecerunt sibi perizomata Vulg. – 16 [me] /// : del. in textu; add. sec. Gn 3, 13 – 20 Ait : litera A- rubre ornata – quare : quia Vulg. – maledictus : -le- super ascriptum – 34 Ecce : litera E- rubre scripta

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Cf. Gn 3, 6. Cf. Gn 3, 7. Cf. Gn 3, 8. Cf. Gn 3, 9-10. Cf. Gn 3, 11. Gn 3, 12-13 Cf. Gn 3, 14. Cf. Gn 3, 16. Cf. Gn 3, 17. Cf. Gn 3, 21. Cf. Gn 3, 23. Cf. Gn 3, 22. Sec. Gn 3, 24.

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Collocavit ergo Dominus ante paradisum cherubin et gladium flammeum atque versatilem 5r ad custodiendam viam ligni vite.1 Gen. 3.

5

der Engel Cherubin

Enoch, iustitie polluto cultor in orbe. Raptus de terra nulli comparuit ultra Iudicis adventum fidens athleta secundum. Leviatan contra socio precedet Helia.2 10

Gen. 5. Helias

Enoch||

15 Adam terram colit

Ewa colum baiolat

5v

Gen. 3. 20

Abel

Adam

Kayn

Gen. 4.||

25 Fuit autem Abel pastor ovium et Cayn agricola.3 Gen. 4. Abel pascit oves 30

Adam sata metit

6r

Cayn excutit aristas

Factum est autem post multos dies, ut offeret Cayn de fructibus munera Domino. 4 Abel vero obtulit de primogenitis gregis sui5 acceptabile munus.6 Dixit quoque Kayn ad Abel: ‘Egrediamur foras!’ 35 Gen. 4. Abel Cain Abel Cain Cain Abel 40

Cumque essent in agro, consurrexit Kayn adversus fratrem suum et interfecit eum.7|| 1 Collocavit : litera C- rubre scripta – 7 Enoch : litera E- rubre ornata

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 3, 24. Cf. Ecloca Theoduli v. 65-68. Cf. Gn 4, 2. Gn 4, 3. Cf. Gn 4, 4. Sec. Ecloca Theoduli v. 58. Gn 4, 8.

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5

Dixit autem Dominus ad Kayn: ‘Ubi est Abel, frater tuus?’ Qui respondit: ‘Nescio, Domine.’1 6v Dixitque ad eum: ‘Quid fecisti? Ecce, vox sanguinis fratris tui clamat ad me de terra!’2 Egressus est ergo Kayn a facie Domini.3 Gen. 4. Gott fragt nach Abel Kayn

uxor eius

Kayn

Vox sanguinis Abel clamat de terra 10

15

Cognovit autem Kayn uxorem suam, que concepit et peperit Enos, et edificavit ˂civitatem˃ et vocavit nomine filii sui Enos. 4 Cain baut ein Stadt uxor Kayn|| Porro Enos genuit Yrad. Et Yrad genuit Mauiahel. Et Mauiahel genuit Matusahel.

7r

Gen. 4. 20

25

Yrad

Mauiahel

Et Matusahel genuit Lamech. Qui accepit duas uxores, nomen uni Ada et nomen alteri Sella. Ada genuit Iabel, qui fuit pater habitancium in tentoriis atque pastorum, et nomen fratris euis Tubal, ipse fuit pater canencium cytera et organo.5 Sella

Lamech

Ada

Gen. 4. 30

Matusahel

Iabel

Tubal||

Sella quoque genuit Tubalcain, qui fuit maleator et faber in cuncta opera eris et ferri.6 Gen. 4.

35

40

Dixit quoque Lamech uxoribus suis, Ade et Selle: ‘Audite vocem meam, uxores Lamech, auscultate sermonem meum, quoniam occidi virum in vulnus meum et adolescentulum in livore meo. Septuplum dabitur ultio de Cayn, de Lamech vero septuagies septies.’7 Lamech

Gen. 4.

Ada

Sella||

1 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – 2 Dixitque : litera D- rubre ornata – 10 Cognovit : litera C- rubre ornata – 10+11+16 Enos : Enoch Vulg. – ˂civitatem˃ : add. sec. Gn 4, 17 – 16 Porro : litera P- rubre scripta – 22 duas : em.; dua in textu – 24+28 Tubal : Iubal Vulg. – 31 Sella : litera S- rubre ornata – 35 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – 37 Septuplum : litera S- rubre ornata

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 4, 9. Gn 4, 10. Cf. Gn 4, 16. Cf. Gn 4, 17. Gn 4, 18-21. Cf. Gn 4, 22. Gn 4, 23-24.

7v

214 

5

ANNA KERNBACH

Vixit autem Adam C et XXX a annis et genuit filium vocavitque nomen eius Set.1 Et factum 8r est omne tempus, quod vixit Adam, anni nongenti XXX et mortuus est. Vixit quoque Seth CV annos et genuit Enos.2 Et facti sunt omnes dies Seth nongentorum et XII annorum et mortuus est.3 Gen. 5. Adam Eua Seth Seth

10

15

20

25

30

35

Enos

Vixit vero Enos nonaginta annis et genuit Caynam. 4 Et facti sunt omnes dies Enos nongentorum V annorum et mortuus est. Vixit quoque Caynam LXX annis et genuit Malahel.5 Malahel vero genuit Iareth.6 Et facti sunt omnes dies Malahel octingenti et nonaginta anni et mortuus est.7 Gen. 5. Malahel Enos Iareth|| Iareth vero genuit Enoch.8 Et facti sunt omnes dies Iareth nonaginta LX anni et mortuus 8v est. Porro Enoch vixit sexaginta V annis et genuit Mathusalem.9 Et ambulavit Enoch cum Deo.10 Et facti sunt Gen. 5. Mitusalem filius Enoch Iareth pater Enoch Enoch wird von Gott weggenomen omnes dies Enoch CCC LXV anni. Ambulavitque cum Deo et non apparuit ultra, quia tulit eum Dominus. Vixit autem Matusalem C LXXX VII annis et genuit Lamech.11 Et facti sunt omnes dies Matusalem nongenti LX IX anni et mortuus est. Gen. 5. Lamech, filius Matusalem et pater Noe Noe Sem Cham Iaphet Vixit autem Lamech octoginta duobus annis et genuit f ilium Noe dicens: ‘Iste consolabitur nos.’12 Et facti sunt omnes dies Lamech septingenti et septuaginta anni et mortuus est. 13|| 1 Vixit : litera V- rubre ornata – 3 Seth : em. ex Set per -h ascriptum – 10 Vixit : litera V- rubre ornata – 12 nonaginta : nonaginta quinque Vulg. – 18 Iareth : litera I- rubre ornata – nonaginta LX : nongenti sexaginta duo Vulg. – 19 Porro : litera P- rubre ornata – 25 omnes : litera o- rubre ornata – 32 Vixit : litera V- rubre ornata – octoginta : centum octoginta Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Cf. Gn 5, 3. Gn 5, 5-6. Gn 5, 8. Gn 5, 9. Gn 5, 11-12. Cf. Gn 5, 15. Cf. Gn 5, 17. Cf. Gn 5, 18. Gn 5, 20-21. Cf. Gn 5, 22. Gn 5, 23-25. Cf. Gn 5, 28-29. Gn 5, 31.

215

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

Videns autem Deus, quod multa malicia hominum esset in terra omni tempore. ‘Penituit 9r me fecisse hominem in terra.’ Et precavens in futurum et tactus dolore intrinsecus. ‘Delebo,’ inquit, ‘hominem, quem creavi, a facie terre, ab homine usque animantia delebo eos.’1 Filii Seth cum filiabus Kayn exercent malitiam Gen. 6.

10

wegen der Boßheit der Menschen beroet Gott, das er sie erschaffen hat

Dixit vero Deus ad Noe: ‘Finis venit universe carnis coram me, repleta est terra iniquitate et ego disperdam eos cum terra. Fac tibi archam de lignis levigatis et cum bithumine linies eam intrinsecus et extrinsecus et sic facies eam.’2 Gen. 6. Gott befilcht Noe die Archam zu machen Noe

15

20

25

30

35

Sem

Cham

Iaphet||

Fecit Noe omnia, que precepit ei Deus.3 Et dixit ad eum Dominus: ‘Tua in archam! Te vero 9v vidi iustum coram me in generatione hac. 4 Ex omnibus animantibus mundis tolle septena et septena masculum et feminam, de animantibus vero non mundis duo et duo masculum et feminam5 pone Gen. 7. in archam, ut salvetur semen super universam faciem terre.’6 Cumque ingressus fuisset archam Noe, rupti sunt omnes fontes abissy magne et catheracte celi aperti sunt. Et facta est pluvia maxima super terra XL diebus et XL noctibus.7 Consumpta est ergo omnis caro, Cumque transissent XL dies, aperiens Noe fenestram arce dimisit corvum,8 qui non est reversus. Emisit quoque collumbam post eum, que reversa est ad eum9 portans ramum olive in rostro suo.10 Gen. 7. que movebantur super terram, volucrum, animantium, bestiarum omniumque reptilium, que reptant super terram, universi autem homines. Et cuncta, in quibus spiraculum vite est in terra, mortua sunt.11 ||

2 me : eum Vulg. – Et … futurum : om. Vulg. – 10 archam : em. ex. arcam per -h- ascriptum – 19 feminam : em.; femina in textu – 24 catheracte : em. ex. cateracte per -h- ascriptum : cataractae Vulg. – 25 super : em. ex supra per rasuram – 28 fenestram : em.; bis in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 6, 5-7. Cf. Gn 6, 13-15. Gn 6, 22. Cf. Gn 7, 1. Gn 7, 2. Cf. Gn 7, 3. Cf. Gn 7, 11-12. Cf. Gn 8, 6. Sec. Gn 8, 8-9. Cf. Gn 8, 11. Gn 7, 21-22.

216 

ANNA KERNBACH

Egressus ergo Noe et filii eius et uxor eius et uxores filiorum illius cum eo, sed et omnia 10r animantia secundum genus suum de archa egressa sunt.1 Edificavit Noe altare Domino et tollens de cunctis pecoribus et volucribus mundis obtulit holocausta super altare.2 NOE 5 Gen. 8. das Opffer holocaustum Odoratus estque Dominus odorem suavitatis et ait: ‘Nequaquam ultra maledicam terre.’3 10 Benedixitque Deus Noe et f iliis eius et dixit ad eos: ‘Crescite et multiplicamini super terram.’4 Gen. 9. Gott segnet Noe und die Seinigen|| 15 Cepit ergo Noe vir exercere terram et plantavit vineam.5 Gen. 9.

10v

Bibensque vinum inebriatus est et nudatus est in tabernaculo suo. Quod cum vidisset Cham, pater Canaan, verenda patris sui esse nudata, nunciavit duobus fratribus suis foras. 20 At vero Sem et Iaphet palium inposuerunt Gen. 9. Noe trunken

25

humeris suis et incedentes retrorsum operuerunt verenda patris sui faciesque eorum averse erant et virilia patris non viderunt.6||

Evigilans autem Noe ex vino, cum audisset, que fecerat ei filius suus minor, ait: ‘Maledictus 11r Canaan, servus servorum erit fratribus suis’.’ Dixitque: ‘Benedictus Dominus Deus Sem sitque Canaan servus eius!’7 Gen. 9. 30 Noe segnet Sem Iaphet und verflucht Cham Hee sunt generationes Noe iuxta populos et nationes suas, ab hiis divise sunt gentes in terra post diluvium. 8 Erat autem terra labii unius et sermonum eorundem. Cumque 35 proficiscerentur de oriente, invenerunt campum in terra

40

Gen. 10. Noe Geschlecht hat sich sehr gemeret. Senpnaar habitaveruntque in ea. Dixitque alter ad proximum suum: ‘Venite, faciamus lateres et coquamus eos igni!’9|| 4 NOE : manu saec. XV. in minuscula gothica sicut et ceteri notitiae in maiuscula – 27 audisset : didicisset Vulg. – maledictus : em. ex. maledictis – 33 generationes : familiae Vulg. – 39 eos : em. ex eas

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 8, 18-19. Gn 8, 20. Cf. Gn 8, 21. Cf. Gn 9, 1. Cf. Gn 9, 20. Gn 9, 21-23. Gn 9, 24-26. Cf. Gn 10, 32. Cf. Gn 11, 1-3.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

217

‘Venite itaque, faciamus nobis civitatem et turrim, cuius culmen pertingat usque ad celum, 11v et celebremus nomen nostrum, antequam dividamur!’1 Descendit autem Dominus, ut videret civitatem et turrim, quam edificabant filii Noe. Et dixit: ‘Ecce, unus est Gen. 11. der Thurm Babel populus et unum labium omnibus.2 Venite igitur, descendamus et confudamus linquam eorum, ut non audiat unusquisque vocem

10

proximi sui!’ Et ita eos divisit.3 Et idcirco vocatum est nomen eius Babel, 4 id est confusio.||

15

Hee sunt generationes filiorum Noe: Sem, Arfaxat, Sale, Heber, Faleg, Reu, Saruch, Nachor, 12r Thare genuit Abraham.5 Gen. 11. Verkerung der Sprach und Zerteilung der Menschen.

20

25

30

35

Dixit autem Dominus ad Abraham: ‘Egredere de terra tua et de cognacione tua et de domo patris tui et veni in terram, quam dabo tibi, et faciam te crescere in terram magnam.’6 Gen. 12 Abraham Sara Loth||

Egressi sunt autem Abraham et Sara, ut irent in terram Canaan. Cumque venissent in 12v eam,7 aparuit eis Dominus dicens illi: ‘Semini tuo dabo terram hanc.’ Qui edificavit ibi altare Domino Deo.8 Gen. 12.

Exinde transgrediens ad montem Betel, qui edificavit ibi altare Domino et invocavit ibi nomen Domini.9 Gen. 12.||

40

3 Noe : Adam Vulg. – 10-11 id … confusio : om. Vulg. – 22 dabo : monstrabo Vulg. – 22-23 crescere … magnam : in gentem magnam Vulg. – 36 Betel : qui erat contra orientem Bethel Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 11, 4. Cf. Gn 11, 5-6. Cf. Gn 11, 7-8. Cf. Gn 11, 9. Sec. Gn 11, 10-26. Cf. Gn 12, 1-2. Cf. Gn 12, 5. Cf. Gn 12, 7. Cf. Gn 12, 8.

218 

ANNA KERNBACH

Dixit Abraham uxori sue: ‘Novi, quod pulcra sis mulier. Et quod cum viderint te Egiptii, 13r dicturi sunt: uxor eius est et interficient me, te vero reservabunt. Dic ergo, obsecro, quod soror mea sis, ut bene michi sit ob gratiam tui!’1 Que respondit: ‘Ita faciam.’ Quam cum vidissent 5 Abram Gen. 12. Sara Servi pharaonis loquentes de pulcritudine Sare Diese loben die Schöne Saram 10

15

Egiptii, illam esse pulcram nimis nunctiaverunt Pharaoni et laudaverunt eam apud regem et sublata est mulier in domum Pharaonis.2 Abram

Sara

Gen. 12.

Rex Pharao||

Flagellavit autem Dominus Pharaonem et domum eius plagis maximis propter Saram, 13v uxorem Abrahe. Pharao et dixit ei: ‘Quidnam est, quod fecisti michi? Quare non indicasti, 20 quod uxor tua esset?3 Nunc igitur ecce, coniunx tua, accipe eam et vade!’4 Gen. 12.

Sara

Pharaon

Abram

25 Ascendit ergo Abraham de Egipto, ipse et uxor eius et Loth cum eo.5 Et edificavit altare Domino, qui custodivit eum. Loth

Gen. 13.

30

Sara

Abram

Abram||

Dixit ergo Abraham ad Loth: ‘Ne, queso, sit iurgium inter me et te et inter pastores tuos. 14r Recede a me, obsecro, fratres enim sumus.’6 Elegitque sibi Loth regionem circa Iordanem 35 et moratus est in Sodomis.7 Sara Abram Loth theilen sich voneinander Gen. 13.

40

Facta est ergo rixa inter pastores gregum Abraham et Loth.8 Gen. 13. Die Hirten Abraham und Loth werden uneins wegen der Weidt.|| 2 obsecro : supra ergo ascriptum – 3 Que … faciam : om. Vulg. – 18 plagis : em.; palgis in textu – 20 uxor : em.; ucxor in textu – 25-26 Et … eum : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Cf. Gn 12, 11-13. Cf. Gn 12, 14-15. Cf. Gn 12, 17-18. Cf. Gn 12, 19. Cf. Gn 13, 1. Cf. Gn 13, 8-9. Cf. Gn 13, 11-12. Gn 13, 7.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

219

Dixitque Dominus ad Abraham, postquam divisus est Loth ab eo: ‘Leva oculos tuos et 14v vide! Omnem terram, quam conspicis, dabo tibi.’1 Edificavit ergo ibi altare Domino Deo.2 Gen. 13. Gott segnet Abraham 5

10

15

20

Egressi ergo sunt rex Sodomorum et rex Gomorre rexque Adame et rex Sebam, rex Bale, que et Segor, et direxerunt aciem istos adversum quatuor reges in walle Silvestri.3 Tuleruntque omnem substanciam Sodomorum et nec non et Loth et substanciam eius. 4||

Et ecce, unus, qui evaserat, nunctiavit Abraham Ebreo,5 captum videlicet Loth, fratrem 15r suum. Quod cum audisset Abraham, captum videlicet Loth, fratrem suum, numeravit expeditos vernaculos suos CCCtos et XVIII et persecutus est eos der Bott Gen. 14. Abraham usque Dan.6 Et divisis sociis irruit super eos nocte percussitque eos. Et reduxit omnem substanciam, insuper Loth, fratrem suum, et substanciam suam et mulieres.7 Gen. 14. Abram yagt den Feinden nach. Abraham||

25

30

35

Egressus ergo rex Sodomorum in occursum Abrahe. 8 At vero Melchisedech, rex Salem, 15v proferens panem et vinum, erat enim sacerdos Dei altissimi, et benedixit ei.9 Gen. 14. Abraham Melchisedech Iesus Hiis ita peractis factus est sermo Domini ad Abraham per visionem dicens: ‘Noli timere, ego sum tuus protector et merces tua magna nimis.’10 Eduxit eum ergo foras Gen. 15. Gott verspricht dem Abraham den gebenedeyten Samen et ait: ‘Suspice celum et numera stellas celi, si potes, sic erit generacio tua et nomen tuum.’11|| 8 adversum : em. ex. adversus per rasura et -m ascriptum – 13-14 captum … suum : om. Vulg. – 14 fratrem : punctione em. ex fratrem fratrem – 15 XVIII : supra X manu XVII. saec. 18 ascriptum – 19 Dan : Hoba quae est ad levam Damasci Vulg.– 36-37 nomen tuum : om. Vulg.

40 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 13, 14-15. Cf. Gn 13, 18. Cf. Gn 14, 8. Cf. Gn 14, 11-12. Cf. Gn 14, 13. Gn 14, 14. Cf. Gn 14, 15-16. Cf. Gn 14, 17. Cf. Gn 14, 18-19. Cf. Gn 15, 1. Cf. Gn 15, 5.

220 

ANNA KERNBACH

Dixit ergo Dominus ad Abraham: ‘Summe michi vaccam triennem et arietem trium annorum 16r et turturem quoque et collumbam!’1 Gen. 15. 5

10 Qui tollens universa hec, divisit ea per medium et utrasque partes contra se altrinsecus posuit, aves autem non divisit. Descenderuntque volucres super cadavera et abigebat eas Abraham.2 Gen. 15.|| 15

20 Igitur Sarai, uxor Abraham, non genuerat liberos, sed habens ancillam Egiptiacam nomine 16v Agar. Dixitque marito suo: ‘Ingredere ancillam meam, ut ex illa suscipiam f ilios.’3 Qui ingressus est et concepit. Que videns se concepisse dispexit dominam suam. Dixitque Sara ad Abraham: ‘Inique agis contra me.’4 Abraham Gen. 16. Saray Agar Abraham 25 Ysmahel 30

35

Affligente autem eam Sara Agar fugam iniit. Cumque invenisset eam angelus Domini,5 dixit ad eam: ‘Agar, ancilla Saray, unde venis aut quo vadis? Revertere ad dominam et humilia te sub manibus eius.’6 Agar

Gen. 16.

Abraham

Agar||

40 20 Igitur : litera I- rubre ornata – 21 Ingredere : litera I- rubre ornata – ut : si forte saltem Vulg. – 22 concepit : om. Vulg. – 34 humilia : humiliare Vulg. – 40 in marg. inf. fol. 16v custos IIus

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cf. Gn 15, 9. Gn 15, 10-11. Cf. Gn 16, 1-2. Cf. Gn 16, 4-5. Cf. Gn 16, 6-7. Cf. Gn 16, 6-8-9.

221

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5

Apparuit autem Dominus Abrahe et dixit: ‘Ego sum Deus omnipotens, ambula coram 17r et esto perfectus!’1 Et cecidit Abraham in faciem suam 2 et adoravit eum pronus in terram.3 Dixitque ei Deus: ‘Ego sum Deus et pactum meum tecum, nec ultra vocabitur nomen tuum Abram, sed appelaberis Abraham.’4 Gen. 17. Abram

10

15

Abraham

Dixitque ei Deus: ‘Circumcidetur ex vobis omne masculinum et circumcidetis carnem prepucii vestri, ut sit in signum federis inter me et vos.’5 Cumque f initus esset sermo loquentis, tulit Abraham Ysmahel, filium suum, habentem XIII annos et omnes vernaculos et circumcidit eos eodem die et seipsum circumcidit eadem die. LXXXXIX annorum erat Abraham, quando circumcisus est.6 Gen. 17. Die Beschneidung

20

Dixit Deus ad Abraham: ‘Uxori tue Saray benedicam et ex illa dabo tibi filium, cui benedicturus sum eritque in nationes et reges populorum orientur ex eo.7 Vocabis nomen eius Ysaac.’8||

25

Apparuit autem Dominus Abrahe in convalle sedenti ad radicem Manbre, sedenti in hostio 17v tabernaculi sui. Cumque levasset oculos, aparuerunt ei tres viri stantes propter eum in ipso fervore diei.9 Gen. 18.

30

Cucurrit ergo Abraham ad armentum et tulit inde vitulum saginatum deditque puero, qui festinavit et coxit illum.10 Uxorique sue dixit: ‘Accelera tria sata simile, comissce et fac subcinereos panes!’11 Que statim fecit, ut dixit. Gen. 18.||

35

2 : add. sec. Gn 17, 1 – 4 Dixitque : litera D- rubre ornata – Ego : litera E- rubre ornata – vocabitur : em.; vocabit in textu – 10 Dixitque : litera D- rubre ornata – Dixitque … Deus : om. Vulg. – Circumcidetur : litera C- rubre ornata – 19 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – 25 sedenti ad radicem : om. Vulg. – Manbre : em. ex in Manbre per rasura – 30 Cucurrit : em.; cocurrit in textu – 32 Que … dixit : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 17, 1. Cf. Gn 17, 3. Sec. Gn 19, 1. Cf. Gn 17, 4-5. Cf. Gn 17, 10-11. Sec. Gn 17, 22-24. Cf. Gn 17, 15-16. Cf. Gn 17, 19. Cf. Gn 18, 1-2. Cf. Gn 18, 7. Cf. Gn 18, 6.

222 

ANNA KERNBACH

Tulit itaque Abraham lac et butirum et vitulum, quem coxerat, et posuit coram eis, ipse 18r vero stabat iuxta eos. Cumque comedissent, dixerunt ad eum: ‘Revertens veniam tempore isto et habebit filium Sara, uxor tua.’ Quo audito Sara risit.1 Dixitque Dominus ad Abraham: ‘Quare risit uxor tua?’2 5 Gen. 18. Dixitque Abrahe Dominus: ‘Clamor Sodomorum et Gomorreorum multiplicatus est et peccatum eorum agravatum est nimis.’3 Abraham autem adhuc stabat coram Domino 10 dicens: ‘Numquid perdes iustum cum impio?’4||

15

Venerunt ergo duo angeli Sodomam vespere sedentem Loth in foribus civitatis, adoravit 18v eos pronus in terram.5 Gen. 19.

Ingressique sunt angeli in domum illius fecitque eis convivium et coxit azima et 20 comederunt.6 Gen. 19.|| 25 Vocaverunt viri de Sodoma Loth et dixerunt:7 ‘Ingressus es ut advena, numquid tu iudices 19r nos?’ Vim faciebant Loth vehementissime. 8 Et dixerunt: ‘Educ viros, qui ad te ingressi sunt, ut abutamur eis!’9 Gen. 19. 30

Cogebant angeli Loth dicentes: ‘Surge, tolle uxorem tuam et omnia, quecumque tua sunt, et egredere foras, ne pereas cum hiis!’10 hii sunt angeli missi ad Loth Gen. 19.

35

Hii sunt ab angelis occisi|| 40

1 Tulit : litera T- rubre ornata – 2 iuxta : supra stabat ascriptum – 8 Dixitque : litera D- rubre ornata – 13 sedentem : sedente Vulg. – 27 abutamur eis : cognoscamus eos Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 18, 8-10. Cf. Gn 18, 13. Cf. Gn 18, 20. Cf. Gn 18, 22-23. Cf. Gn 19, 1. Cf. Gn. 19, 3. Cf. Gn 19, 5. Cf. Gn 19, 9. Cf. Gn 19, 5. Sec. Gn 19, 15.

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THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Egressus itaque Loth locutus est ad eos: ‘Surgite, egrediamur! Disperdit vero Deus civitatem 19v hanc’.’1 Servat eum Segor, sed perfida uxor versa est in effigiem salis, lambunt animalia cautem.2 5

10

Respiciensque uxor eius post se versa est in eff igiem salis.3 Igitur Dominus pluit super Sodomam et Gomorram suplhur et ignem et subvertit civitates has. 4 /// [Ab]raham ///s alo/// ///flet Hic Abraham deflet Loth, fratrem suum, putans eum esse cum civitatibus subverssum.||

15

20

Dixitque maior filia Loth ad minorem: ‘Ecce, pater noster senex factus est et nullus virorum 20r remansit in terra, qui possit ingredi ad nos. Veni, inebriemus eum vino et dormiamus cum eo, ut servare possimus ex patre nostro semen.’ Dederuntque ei bibere vinum.5 Et inebriatus concubuit cum eis.6 Gen. 19. Amon

25

Die zwo Töchter hat trincken ihren Vatter voll Wein und sündigen mit ihm.

30

Conceperunt ergo due filie Loth ex patre suo et maior ergo peperit filium, quem vocavit Moab. Minorque peperit filium, quem vocavit Amon.7 Profectus inde Abraham descendit in Egiptum.8 Erat enim fames in terra.9 Loth Abraham Moab

35

Cumque prope essent, ut ingrederent Egiptum, dixit Abraham ad Saray, uxori sue: ‘Novi, quod pulchra sis mulier. Et cum viderint te Egyptii, dicturi sunt: uxor eius est, et occident me propter te. Dic, queso, quod soror mea sis, et erit michi bene ob gratiam tui.’10||

40

1 eos : generos suos Vulg. – egrediamur : egredimini Vulg. – disperdit : delebit Vulg. – 3 cautem : em.; catem in textu – 6 effigiem : statutam Vulg. – 10 /// … flet : pagina membranea abscissa – 12 Hic … subverssum : om. Vulg. – 16-17 inter virorum et remansit rasura – 30 Egiptum : Geraris Vulg.

1 Cf. Gn 19, 14. 2 Cf. Ecloca Theoduli v. 115-116: Servat eum Segor, sed perfida vertitur uxor / in salis effigiem, lambunt animalia cautem. 3 Cf. Gn 19, 26. 4 Cf. Gn 19, 24-25. 5 Cf. Gn 19, 31-33. 6 Sec. Gn 19, 33-35. 7 Cf. Gn 19, 36-38. 8 Sec. Gn 20, 1. 9 Sec. Gn 12, 10. 10 Cf. Gn 12, 11-13.

224 

ANNA KERNBACH

Cumque ingressus esset Abraham in Egiptum, viderunt Egiptii et nunctiaverunt Pharaoni.1 20v Misit ergo et tulit eam. Venit autem angelus ad regem per sompnum et ait illi: ‘En morieris propter mulierem, quam tulisti!’2 Vocavit autem Pharao Abraham et dixit ei: ‘Quid fecisti nobis? Quare non indicasti nobis, quod uxor tua esset? Nunc ecce, coniunx tua, accipe 5 eam et vade.’3 Gen. 20. Sara Sara Abraham 10 Igitur Sara non genuerat filios, sed habens ancillam Egipciatam nomine Agar, dixit marito suo: ecce, conclusit me Dominus, ne parerem, ingredere ad ancillam meam, si forte ex illa suscipiam filios.’4 Que concepit et peperit filium, quem vocavit Ismahel.5 Abraham Abaham Agar die Magt Sara die Frau Abraham 15 Gen. 16. Ysmahel

Ysaac

Tempore procedente concepit etiam et ipsa Sarai et peperit filium, quem vocavit Isaac.6 20 Cumque vidisset Sara filium Agar Egiptie ludentem cum Ysaac, dixit ad Abraham: ‘Ecce, ancilam hanc et filium eius.’7 Surrexit itaque|| Abraham mane et tollens panem et urtem aque inposuit scapule eius tradiditque puerum 21r 25 et dimisit eam.8 Que abiit et sedit e regione procul, quantum potest arcus sagitam iacere, sedens contra levavit vocem suam et flevit.9 Abraham Agar Gen. 21. 30

Vocavitque angelus Domini Agar dicens: ‘Quid agis Agar? Noli timere!’10 Apperuitque Deus occulos eius, que videns puteum aque, abiit et inplevit urtem deditque puero bibere. Et fuit Deus cum eis. Qui factus est sagitarius optimus.11 Gen. 21. 35 Agar Ismahel

40

Ismahel||

2 angelus : Deus Vulg. – regem : Abimelech Vulg. – 24+32 urtem : utrem Vulg. – 26 sedens contra : supra iacere ascriptum – 32-33 Et … eis : et fuit cum eo Vulg. – 33 sagitarius : em.; segitarius in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 12, 14-15. Cf. Gn 20, 2-3. Cf. Gn 12, 18-19. Cf. Gn 16, 1-2. Cf. Gn 16, 15. Sec. Gn 21, 2-3. Cf. Gn 21, 9-10. Cf. Gn 21, 14. Cf. Gn 21, 16. Cf. Gn 21, 17. Cf. Gn 21, 19-20.

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THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

10

15

Et accepit illi mater sua uxorem de terra Egipti. 1 Eodem tempore dixit Abimalech ad 21v Abraham: ‘Deus tecum est, iura ergo michi per Deum, ne noceas michi et posteris styrpique mee.’ Qui ait: ‘Iurabo.’2 Agar Gen. 21. Gen. 21. Ismahel rex Abimalech Abraham Abraham vero abiit inde et plantavit nemus in Bersabe et invocavit nomen Domini Dei eterni. Et fuit colonus terre Philistinorum diebus multis.3 Gen. 21.|| Temptavit Deus Abraham et dixit ad eum: ‘Abraham, Abraham!’ At ille: ‘Assum.’ Ait 22r illi: ‘Tolle filium tuum, quem diligis, Ysaac, et offeres michi illum in holocaustum.’ Nocte ergo consurgens Abraham, stravit asinum ducens secum duo iuvenes et Yssaac, filium suum. 4 Abraham Abraham Gen. 22. vernaculi

20

25

30

35

Ysaac

Cumque concidisset ligna in holocaustum, abiit ad locum, quem preceperat ei Deus.5 Dixit ergo Abraham ad pueros suos: ‘Expectate hic cum asino, donec revertamur ad vos!’6 Abraham Gen. 22. Abraham pueri|| Tulit ergo Abraham ligna holocausti et inposuit super Ysaac, filium suum, ipse vero portabat 22v ignem et gladium.7 Abraham Gen. 22. Abraham Ysaac Ysaak

altare

Cumque pergerent duo simul, dixit Ysaac patri suo: ‘Ecce ignis et ligna, ubi est victima holocausti?’ Qui respondit: ‘Deus providebit, fili mi.’8 Cumque colligasset Ysaac, filium suum, posuit eum in altari super struem lignorum extenditque manum et arripuit gladium, ut immolaret filium.’9 Gen. 22. Rapitur, qui cornibus heret in dumis, aries. Sequitur patrem sua proles.10||

40

1 Eodem : litera E- rubre ornata – 7 Abraham : litera A- rubre ornata – Abraham … inde : om. Vulg. – 8 colonus : em.; colononus in textu – 13 Yssaac : -a- supra -ac ascriptum – 20 Abraham : em. ex ad Abraham rasura – 31 patri : em.; bis in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 21, 21. Cf. Gn 21, 24. Cf. Gn 21, 33-34. Cf. Gn 22, 1-3. Cf. Gn 22, 3. Cf. Gn 22, 5. Cf. Gn 22, 6. Cf. Gn 22, 6-8. Cf. Gn 22, 9-10. Cf. Ecloca Theoduli v. 107-108.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Ysaac et duo vernaculi secuntur patrem. 23r Hiis ita gestis nunctiatum est Abrahe, quod Melcha genuisset octo filios Nachor, fratri suo, et unam filiam Rebeccam.1 5 Vixit autem Sara CXXVII annis et mortua est.2 Hic Abraham postulat a filiis Effron agrum, ut sepeliat Saram, uxorem suam.3 Hic Abraham deflet uxorem suam Saram Sara||

10

Hic Abraham dat Effron quadringentos siclos argenti probati monete publice atque ita 23v sepelivit Saram, uxorem suam. 4 Flet miser anticus obitum uxoris amene.

Dixitque ergo Abraham ad servum suum: ‘Iura michi sub femore meo, ut non accipias 15 uxorem filio meo de filiabus Cananeorum, inter quos habito, sed ad terram ad cognacionem meam proficiscaris, et unde accipies sibi uxorem.’5 Posuit ergo servus manum sub femore Abraham, domini sui, et iuravit illi super sermone hoc. 20 Tulitque decem camelos de grege domini sui et abiit. Profectusque perrexit in Mesopotaniam ad urbem Nachor.6|| Cumque camelos fecisset accumbere extra opidum iuxta puteum aque vespere eo tempore, 24r quo solent mulieres ad hauriendam aquam egredi, dixit: ‘Domine Deus domini mei Abraham, 25 fac misericordiam cum domino meo Abraham! Ecce, ego sto prope fontem. Puella igitur, cui dixero: inclina ydriam tuam, ut bibam, et ipsa dixerit: bibe, domine, nam et camelis potum tribuam, ipsa est, quam preparasti servo tuo Ysaac.’ Nec intra se verba conpleverat, et ecce, Rebecca egrediebatur habens ydriam in sua scapula. Virgo decora,7 que deposuit ydriam et dedit ei bibere. 30 Servus Rebecca Servus Rebecca Cumque ille bibisset, adiecit: ‘Nam et camelis tuis potum tribuam.’ Et haustam aquam omnibus dedit.8 Postquam autem biberent omnes cameli, protulit vir ille inaures aureas duas et totidem armillas dixitque ad eam: ‘Cuius es filia, indica michi, est in domo patris 35 tui locus Rebecca mater Rebecce Abraham servus Abrahe

40

ad manendum?’ Que respondit: ‘Filia Batuelis sum, f ilia Melche, que peperit Nachor’.’9 Batuel, pater Rebecce, filius Nachor et Melche.|| 1 Ysaac … patrem : om. Vulg. – vernaculi : conieci – secuntur – em.; bis in textu – 12 Flet … amene : om. Vulg. – 28-29 que … bibere : om. Vulg. – 33 omnes : em.; bis in textu – 34 domo : em.; domomo in textu – 38 filia Melche, que : filii Melchae, quem Vulg. – 39 Batuel … Melche : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Sec. Gn 22, 20-21. Cf. Gn 23, 1-2. Sec. Gn 23, 8-13. Sec. Gn 23, 14-20. Cf. Gn 24, 2-4. Cf. Gn 24, 9-10. Cf. Gn 24, 11-16. Cf. Gn 24, 19-20. Cf. Gn 24, 22-24.

227

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

10

15

20

Et apositus est panis in conspectu servi. Qui dixit: ‘Non comedam, donec loquar sermones 24v meos.’ Respondit ei Batuel: ‘Loquere!’ Ait: ‘Servus sum domini mei Abraham,1 qui adiuravit me dicens: non accipias filio meo uxorem de filiabus Cananeorum, sed perges ad domum patris mei et de cognatione mea accipies uxorem filio meo.’2 Laban

Rebecca

camelo et tollens cito palium cooperuit se. Ysaac vero accepit eam et introduxit in tabernacula Sare, matris sue.5|| Orta erat fames in terra, que acciderat in diebus Abrahe. Abiit Ysaac ad Abimalech, regem 25r Palestinorum, in Gerara. Ibique apparuit ei Dominus et ait: ‘Ne descendas in Egyptum, sed requiesce in terra, quam dixero tibi.’6 Cumque interrogaretur a viris loci illius super uxorem suam, respondit: ‘Soror mea est.’ Prospiciens autem Ysaac servi

Abimalech

rex per fenestrum vidit eum iocantem cum Rebecca, uxore sua, et accersito eo ait: ‘Perspicuum est, quod uxor tua sit, cur mentitus es sororem tuam esse? Potuit coire quispiam de populo cum uxore tua, induxeras super nos grande malum!’7 Rebecca Ysaac

30

Batuel

Responderunt Laban et Batuel: ‘A Domino egressus est sermo iste. En Rebecca coram te est, tolle eam et proficiscere.’3 Que ascenso camelo secuta est virum. Eo tempore Ysaac deambulabat in agro. 4 Quo viso Rebecca descendit de servus Rebecca Rebecca Rebecca Ysaac

Rebecca 25

servus Abrahe

Rex Abimalech||

Seminavit ergo Ysaac in terra illa et invenit in ipso anno centuplum et factus est multum 25v dives in familia. Benedixit ei Dominus, donec magnus effectus est vehementer. Habuitque possessionem ovium et familie plurimum.8

35

Hoc videntes Palestini obstruserunt omnes , quos foderant servi patris, inplentes humo in tantum, ut ipse rex Amalech diceret: ‘Recede a nobis, quoniam potencior nobis factus es.’9||

40

1 Et : rubre ornatum – Qui : litera Q- rubre ornata – 2 Respondit : litera R- rubre ornata – 8 Responderunt : litera R- rubre ornata – Laban : em.; Lababan in textu – En : litera E- rubre ornata – 10 in agro : per viam Vulg. – 15 in marg. inf. fol. 24v custos IIIus – 17 Orta : litera O- rubre ornata – 18 Gerara : litera G- rubre ornata – 20 suam : em.; meam in textu – 24 per : supra rex ascriptum – 25 inter potuit et coire rasura – 30 Seminavit : litera S- rubre ornata – 30-31 factus … familia : om. Vulg. – 34 Hoc : litera H- rubre ornata – : add. sec. Gn 26, 15 – 35 Recede : em. sec. Gn 26, 16; Rebece in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 24, 33-34. Cf. Gn 24, 37-38. Cf. Gn 24, 50-51. Cf. Gn 24, 61-62. Cf. Gn 24, 64-67. Cf. Gn 26, 1-2. Cf. Gn 26, 7-10. Cf. Gn 26, 12-14. Cf. Gn 26, 14-16.

228 

ANNA KERNBACH

Abraham vero aliam duxit uxorem nomine Ceturam,1 que genuit ei hos filios. Deditque 26r Abraham cuncta, que possiderat, filio suo Yssac, filiis autem concubinarum largitus est munera.2 5 Fuerunt autem dies vite Abraham centum quinquaginta anni et sedecim anni et deficiens mortuus est in senectute bona. Et sepelierunt eum Ysaac et Ysmahel, filii sui, in spelunca duplici.3 Ysmahel filii Ysmahel Ysmahel Ysaac 10 hic Abraham sepelitur in spelunca duplici|| Deprecatusque est Ysaac Dominum pro uxore sua, eo quod esset sterilis. Exaudivit ergo 26v 15 eum Dominus, qui dixit uxori sue et dedit conceptum Rebece. 4 Sed collidebantur in utero eius parvuli, que ait: ‘Si sic michi futurum erat, quid necesse fuit concipere?’ Dixitque, ut consuleret Dominum. Qui respondens ait: ‘Due 20 gentes in utero tuo sunt et duo populi ex ventre tuo dividentur.’5 Ecce, Iacob tempore pariendi avenerat, et ecce, duo in utero reperti sunt.6 Coxit ergo Iacob pulmentum,7 qui dedit fratri suo pro primogenita sua.8|| 25 Fodit ergo puteos Isaac, quos foderant servi patris sui Abraham,9 pro quibus rixati pastores 27r Gerare cum pastoribus Ysaac dicentes: ‘Nostra est aqua.’10 Inimicitie11 Calumpna 12 30 Apparuit igitur Dominus Ysaac dicens: ‘Ego sum Deus Abraham, patris tui.’ Qui edificavit ibi altare Domino et invocavit nomen Domini.13 Profectus inde fodit alium puteum, pro quo non contenderunt.14 Ysaac||

35

1 que … filios : om. Vulg. – 5 quinquaginta … sedecim : septuaginta quinque Vulg. – 15 qui … sue : om. Vulg. – 19 Dixitque : perrexitque Vulg. – 21 Iacob tempore : iam tempus Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Cf. Gn 25, 1. Cf. Gn 25, 5-6. Cf. Gn 25, 7-9. Cf. Gn 25, 21. Cf. Gn 25, 22-23. Cf. Gn 25, 24. Cf. Gn 25, 29. Sec. Gn 25, 29-34. Cf. Gn 26, 18. Sec. Gn 26, 20. Sec. Gn 26, 21. Sec. Gn 26, 20. Cf. Gn 26, 24-25. Cf. Gn 26, 22.

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5

10

15

Vocavit itaque Ysaac Esau, f ilium suum, et ait ei: 1 ‘Sume arma tua, pharetram et arcum, 27v et affer michi de venatione tua, ut comedam, et benedicat tibi anima mea, antequam moriar.’2 Rebecca Iacob Esau Ysaac Quod cum audisset Rebecca et ille abisset, dixit f ilio suo Iacob: ‘Audivi patrem tuum loquentem cum Esau, fratre tuo, et dicentem: affer michi de venatione tua et fac michi cibos, ut comedam, et benedicam tibi coram Domino, antequam moriar. Nunc ergo, fili mi, aquiesce conciliis meis et pergens ad gregem affer michi duos edos, ut faciam ex eis escas patri tuo, quibus libenter vescitur, ut benedicat tibi.’3 Abiit ergo et attulit deditque matri sue. 4 Iacob

Rebecca

Iacob

Iacob

Cui ille respondit: ‘Nosti, quod frater meus homo pilosus est et ego lenis, si atractaverit pater.’5||

20

Coctisque cibis intulit patri et dixit: ‘Pater mi!’ At ille: ‘Audio, quis tu es, f ilii mi?’ Qui 28r respondit: ‘Ego sum Esau, primogenitus tuus, feci, sicut precepisti michi, surge, sede et comede de venatione mea, ut benedicat michi anima tua.’6

25

hic Esau sagittat cervum

30

Coctaque venatione Ezau intulit patri suo dicens: ‘Surge, pater mi, et comede de 28v venatione mea, ut benedicat michi anima tua.’ Dixit Yzaac: ‘Quis enim es tu?’ Qui respondit: ‘Ego sum filius tuus Esau.’ ‘Et quis est, qui michi attulit cibos, antequam tu venires?’7 Nunctiatum est Rebecce,8 quod Esau querebat occidere Iacob.

35

Dixit Ysaac ad Iacob: ‘Ecce, Esau, frater tuus, minatur, ut occidat te, nunc ergo, filii mi, vade ad Laban, fratrem meum,9 et esto ibi.’ Precepitque dicens: ‘Ne duca coniugem de filiabus Canaan.’10||

40

1 Ysaac : supra itaque ascriptum – 11 Abiit : em.; Abii in textu – 16 pilosus : em.; pilogus in textu – 28 Coctaque : litera C- rubre ornata – 29 Qui : litera Q- rubre ornata – 30-31 Ego … venires : in rasura – 32 Nunctiatum : litera N- rubre ornata – querebat : em.; qurebat in textu – quod ... Iacob : om. Vulg. – 34 Dixit : litera D- rubre ornata – Dixit … Iacob : om. Vulg. – minatur : supra tuus ascriptum – 35 Precepitque : litera P- rubre ornata

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 27, 1. Cf. Gn 27, 3-4. Cf. Gn 27, 5-10. Cf. Gn 27, 14. Cf. Gn 27, 11-12. Cf. Gn 27, 18-19. Cf. Gn 27, 31-33. Cf. Gn 27, 42. Cf. Gn 27, 42-43. Cf. Gn 28, 1.

hic Esau coquit cibos patri suo Ysaac||

230 

ANNA KERNBACH

29r

Ibi votum vovit Iacob Domino dicens: ‘Si fueris mecum in via ista et custodieris me, cunctorum, que dederis michi, decimas offeram tibi.’1 5 Surgens Iacob mane tulit lapidem, quem erexit in titulum fundens oleum desuper.2 10

Iacob

altare

Vidit ergo Iacob in sompnis scalam stantem super terram et cacumen eius celos tangebat, angelos quoque ascendentes et descendentes per eam et Dominum innixum scale dicentem 15 sibi: ‘Ego sum Dominus Deus Abraham, patris tui, et Deus Ysaac, terram, in qua dormis, dabo tibi et semini tuo.’3|| 20

Profectus ergo inde Iacob venit ad teram orientalem et vidit puteum in agro tresque ovium 29v greges accubantes iuxta eum. 4 Dixitque Iacob ad pastores: ‘Fratres, unde estis?’ Qui dixerunt: ‘De Aram.’ ‘Nostis,’ ait, ‘Laban, filium Nachor?’ ‘Novimus,’ inquiunt. ‘Sanusne est?’ Inquit. ‘Valet,’ inquiunt.5 Adhuc ergo loquebatur et ecce, Rachel veniebat cum ovibus patris sui, 25 nam gregem pascebat ipsa.6 Iacob

30

pastores

Rachel

puteus

Adaquato grege osculatus est eam at illa festinans nunctiavit patri suo. Conplexusque eum pater et curens ad oscula dixit: ‘Os meum et caro mea es.’ Duxitque eum in domum 35 suam.7 Iacob 40

Rachel

Rachel

Laban

Iacob

Laban||

1 Ibi : litera I- rubre ornata – fueris : fuerit Deus Vulg. – 2 custodieris : custodierit Vulg. – 14 dicentem : em. sec. Gn 28, 13; dicente in textu – 16-17 Ego … tuo : sermo Dei in phylacterium in manu Dei rubre inscriptus – 24 loquebatur : loquebantur Vulg. – 28 Rachel : -e- supra -h- ascriptum – 33 Adaquato : em.; Adaquto in textu – 34 curens ad oscula : in oscula ruens Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 28, 20-22. Cf. Gn 28, 18. Cf. Gn 28, 12-13. Cf. Gn 29, 1-2. Cf. Gn 29, 4-6. Cf. Gn 29, 9. Cf. Gn 29, 11-14.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

10

15

20

‘Num quia frater meus es, gratis servies michi? Dic michi, quid mercedis accipies?’1 Respondit 30r Iacob: ‘Serviam tibi pro Rachel, filia tua minore, septem annis.’ Respondit Laban: ‘Melius eam dem tibi quam alteri viro. Et mane apud me!’2 Qui vocatis amicorum turbis convivium et nuptias fecit. Et vespere filiam suam Liam ad eum introduxit dans ei ancillam nomine Selpham, ad quam cum ex more fuisset ingressus Iacob. Facto mane vidit Liam et dixit: ‘Quid est, quod facere voluisti? Nonne pro Rachel servivi tibi?’3 Selpha ancilla Lye

Lye

35

40

Laban

Iacob

Respondit ei Laban: ‘Inple ebdomadam dierum huius copule et hanc dabo tibi pro septem annis aliis.’ Et aquievit Iacob et ebdomada transacta Rachel duxit uxorem. 4 Videns autem Dominus, quod despexit Lyam, apperuit vulvam eius sorore sterili permanente. Que concepit vocavitque nomen eius Ruben dicens: ‘Vidit Deus humilitatem meam et nunc amabit vir meus me.’5 Iacob Laban Rachel Iacob Lya Ruben|| Rursumque concepit Lya et peperit filium et ait: ‘Quoniam vidit Deus habere me contemptui, 30v dedit michi istum.’ Vocavitque nomen eius Symeon.6 Concepit tercio et genuit alium dixitque: ‘Nunc copulabitur michi meus maritus, eo quod peperierim illi tres filios.’ Et idcirco appelavit nomen eius Leui.7

25

30

231

Symeon

Leui

Quarto concepit et peperit filium et ait: ‘Modo confitebor Domino.’ Et ob hoc vocavit eum Iudam et cessavit parere.8 Cernens autem Rachel, quod infecunda esset, invidit sorori et ait marito suo: ‘Da michi liberos, alioquin moriar.’9 Iacob Lya ibi confitetur Lia Dominum Iacob Rachel Iudas Cui iratus Iacob dixit: ‘Num pro Deo ego sum, qui privavit te fructu ventris tui?’ At illa: ‘Habeo,’ inquit, ‘ancillam Balam, ingredere ad illam, ut pariat super genua mea, ut habeam ex ea filios.’10|| 4 et nuptias : supra convivium ascriptum – 14 despexit : em.; despxit in textu – 15 : add. – 20 vidit : audivit Vulg. – habere : haberi Vulg. – 26 Leui : rubre scriptum – 37 pariat : em. ex pareat

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 29, 15. Cf. Gn 29, 18-19. Cf. Gn 29, 22-25. Cf. Gn 29, 26-28. Cf. Gn 29, 31-32. Cf. Gn 29, 33. Cf. Gn 29, 34. Cf. Gn 29, 35. Cf. Gn 30, 1. Cf. Gn 30, 2-3.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Redeuntique ad solis occasum de agro Iacob egressa est in occursum eius Lya et ait: ‘Ad 31r me,’ inquit, ‘intrabis, quia mercede conduxi te pro mandragoris filii mei.’ Dormivitque cum illa nocte illa et concepit filium et vocavit nomen eius Ysachar.1 Rursumque Lya concepit et peperit filium sextum et ait: ‘Ditavit me Deus dote bona, etiam 5 hac vice mecum erit maritus meus, eo quod genuerim ei sex filios.’ Et idcirco appelavit nomen eius Zabulon.2 Lya Iacob Ysachar Zabulon 10 Postea concepit et peperit filiam, quam vocavit nomine Dynam.3 Recordatusque est Dominus Rachelis et exaudivit eam et apperuit vulvam eius. Que concepit et peperit filium dicens: ‘Abstulit Deus obrobrium meum.’ Et vocavit nomen eius Ioseph dicens: ‘Addat michi Dominus et alterum filium.’4 15 Iacob Lya Iacob Rachel Dyna

Ioseph||

20 Dixit itaque Iacob socro suo: ‘Dimitte me, ut revertar in patriam meam. Et da michi uxores 31v meas et liberos meos, pro quibus servivi tibi, ut abeam.’ Ait ei Laban: ‘Constitue mercedem tuam, quam dem tibi.’ At ille: ‘Modicum habuisti, antequam venirem, et nunc dives effectus es.’ Dixitque Laban: ‘Quid dabo tibi?’ At ille: ‘Nichil volo, sed si feceris, quod postulo, iterum pascam pecora tua. Gira omnes greges tuos et separa cunctas oves et quodcumque ruffum 25 et maculosum fuerit, erit merces mea.’5 Dixitque ei Laban: ‘Gratum habeo, quod petis.’ Et separavit illo die capras et oves et yrcos et arietes varios et maculosos.6 Tollens ergo Iacob virgas populeas virides et amigdalinas 30 et expolians decorticavit eas detractisque corticibus in hiis, que expoliata fuerant, candor apparuit, illa vero, que integra erant, viridia permanserunt. Posuitque in canalibus, ubi effundebatur aqua, cum venissent 35 greges ad bibendum, et ante occulos haberent virgas et in aspectu earum conciperent.7 Cunctum autem gregem unicolorem, id est albi et nigri coloris, tradidit in manu filiorum suorum. 8 Misit ergo Iacob ad Rachel et ad Liam in agrum, ubi pascebat greges. Dixitque ad eas: ‘Video faciem patris vestri, quod non sit erga me sicut heri et nudius tercius.’9|| 40 11 quam : em.; quem in textu – 30 expolians : ex platanis Vulg. – 34 cum : ut cum Vulg. – 35 haberent : em.; habent in textu, -t in rasura – 36 coloris : velleris Vulg. – 40 in marg. inf. fol. 31v custos [IV]us

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 30, 16-18. Cf. Gn 30, 19-20. Cf. Gn 30, 21. Cf. Gn 30, 22-24. Cf. Gn 30, 25-32. Cf. Gn 30, 34-35. Cf. Gn 30, 37-38. Cf. Gn 30, 35. Cf. Gn 31, 4-5.

233

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Surrexit itaque Iacob et positis liberis suis et coniugibus super camelos abiit.1 Eo tempore 32r Laban ierat ad tondendas oves et Rachel furata est ydola patri sui.2 Iacob

5

10

Rachel

Lya

Dyna

Nunctiatum est Laban, quod fugeret Iacob. Qui asumptis fratribus suis persecutus est eum septem diebus et conprehendit eum in montem Galaad.3 fratres Laban persecuntur Iacob fugientem

15

20

25

35

Laban||

Vidit ergo Laban in somnis Dominum dicentem sibi: ‘Cave, nequaquam aspere loquaris 32v contra Iacob.’ Iam extenderat tabernaculum Iacob. 4 Rachel loquitur patri dicens: ‘Ne irascaris, pater, quod coram te assurgere nequeo, iuxta consuetudinem feminarum nunc accidit michi.’5 Laban

30

filii Israel

‘stulte operatus es’6

subtus enim se habebat ydola patris et ideo mentita est illi

In crastinum dixit Laban ad Iacob: ‘Quare ita egisti, ut clam abigeres f ilias meas quasi captivas gladio? Cur ignorante me fugere woluisti nec indicare michi, ut prosequerer te cum gaudio et canticis et tympanis et lyris et cytaris? Non es passus, ut oscularer f ilios et f ilias meas? Stulte vero operatus es!’7 Respondit Iacob: ‘Quod inscio te profectus sum, timui, ne violenter auferres f ilias tuas.’ 8 Dixitque Laban ad Iacob: ‘Veni et ineamus fedus, ut sit testimonium inter me et te.’ Tulit ergo Iacob lapidem et erexit in titulum. Dixitque fratribus suis: ‘Afferte lapides, qui congregantes fecerunt tumulum.’ Et comederunt super eum.9||

40 2 Rachel : -e- supra -h- ascriptum – 16 nequaquam : ne quicquam Vulg. – 18 irascaris, pater : irascatur dominus meus Vulg. – 31 inscio : em. sec. Gn 31, 31; insciens in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 31, 17. Cf. Gn 31, 19. Cf. Gn 31, 22-23. Cf. Gn 31, 24-25. Cf. Gn 31, 35. Cf. Gn 31, 28. Cf. Gn 31, 26-28. Cf. Gn 31, 31. Cf. Gn 31, 44-46.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Dixit itaque Laban ad Iacob: ‘Veni et ineamus in fedus, ut sit testimonium inter me et te.’1 33r Respondit Iacob: ‘En tumulus hic et lapis, quem erexi, inter me et te. Testis erit tumulus. Iste et lapis sint in testimonium. Si autem ego transiero illum pergens ad te, aut preteriens malum michi cogitans, Deus Abraham et Deus Nachor iudicet inter nos.’ Iuravit ergo Iacob 5 pre Timore patris Yzaac. 2 Laban vero surgens osculatus est f ilias suas ac benedixit eis reversusque est in locum suum.3 Laban 10

Iacob

Lya

Laban

Rachel, filie sue

Lapis, quem erexit Iacob

15 Iacob ergo abiit itinere, quo ceperat, veneruntque ei angeli Dei obviam. Quos cum vidisset, ait: ‘Castra Dei sunt hec.’ Et appelavit nomen loci illius Manaim, id est Castra. 4 Iacob

angeli Dei||

20 Misit autem Iacob nunctios ante se ad Esau dicens: ‘Sic loquimini domino meo Esau: hec 33v dicit frater tuus Iacob: apud Laban peregrinatus et fui usque in presentem diem. Habeo 25 oves et boves et azinos et servos atque ancillas mittoque nunc legationem ad dominum meum, ut inveniam gratiam in conspectu tuo.’5 Iacob Nunctii, quos Iacob mittit ad Esau, fratrem suum 30 Reversi sunt nunctii ad Iacob dicentes: ‘Venimus ad Esau, fratrem tuum, et ecce, properat in ocursum tuum cum XLtis viris.’ Timuit Iacob valde et perterritus divisit populum, qui secum erat, greges quoque oves et boves et camelos, sic dicens: ‘Si venerit Esau ad turmam 35 et percusserit eam, alia turma, que reliqua, salvabitur.’6 nunctii

nunctii

Iacob

‘in duas partes, scilicet turmas divide!’ ||

40

2 Respondit Iacob : dixitque rursus ad Iacob Vulg. – 3 Iste et lapis : em. sec. Gn 31, 51; et lapis iste in textu – 5 Yzaak : -z- supra Ya- ascriptum – 15 veneruntque : fueruntque Vulg. – 23 meo : em.; me in textu – 26 conspectu : em.; conspctu in textu – 33 XLtis : quadringentis Vulg. – 35 et … turma : sub in duas partes … divide sub textum ascriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cf. Gn 31, 44. Cf. Gn 31, 51-53. Cf. Gn 31, 55. Cf. Gn 32, 1-2. Cf. Gn 32, 3-5. Cf. Gn 32, 6-8.

235

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

Dixit ergo Iacob pueris suis: ‘Antecedite me et sit spacium inter gregem et gregem.’ Et 34r precepit priori dicens: ‘Si obviam habueris fratrem meum Esau et interrogaverit te: cuius es et cuius sunt ista, que sequeris, respondebis: Servi tui Iacob. Munera misit domino meo Esau, ipse quoque post nos venit.’1 pueri

Iacob prima turma

10

15

Esau

35

quarta turma||

Cum mature surexisset Iacob, tulit duas uxores suas et totidem famulas cum XI filiis suis 34v et transivit vadum Iacob. Transductisque omnibus, que ad se pertinebant, remansit Iacob solus, et ecce, vir luctabatur cum eo usque mane. Qui cum videret, quod eum superare non posset, tetigit nervum femoris eius et statim emarcuit.3

hic Iacob pronus suscipit fratrem suum Esau Dixitque ei: ‘Dimitte me, iam vero aurora ascendit.’ Respondit: ‘Non dimittam te, nisi benedixeris michi.’ Ait ergo: ‘Quod nomen tibi est?’ Respondit: ‘Iacob.’ At ille: ‘Nequaquam,’ inquit, ‘vocaberis Iacob, sed Israel erit nomen tuum.’4 Currens ergo Esau obviam fratri suo, osculatus est eum stringensque collum eius osculatusque eum flevit.5 Levatisque Esau

40

pueri

tercia turma

20

30

secunda turma

Similiter quoque mandata dedit secundo et tercio et quarto et cunctis, qui sequebantur greges, dicens: ‘Loquimini isdem verbis ad Esau, cum inveneritis eum, et addetis: ipse quoque servus tuus Iacob iter nostrum insequitur.’2 pueri

25

pueri

Iacob

Rachel

Lya

filii Iacob

Dyna

oculis vidit mulieres et parvulos earum et ait: ‘Quid sibi isti wolunt? Et si ad te pertinent?’ Respondit iste: ‘Parvuli sunt, quos donavit michi Deus, servo tuo.’6|| 2 Esau : em.; Esu in textu – 23 vadum Iacob : vadum Iaboc in paucis manuscriptis Vulg. – 34 osculatus : amplexatus Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cf. Gn 32, 16-18. Cf. Gn 32, 19-20. Gn 32, 22-25. Cf. Gn 32, 26-28. Cf. Gn 33, 4. Cf. Gn 33, 5.

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Emit ergo Iacob partem agri a filiis Emor, patris Sychem, centum agnis.1 Egressa est vero 35r Dyna, filia Lye, ut videret mulieres regionis illius.2 Quam cum vidisset Sichem, filius Emor Evei, princeps terre, adamavit eam, 5 Iacob

filii Emor

Dyna

mulieres illius regionis

rapuit eam et dormivit cum illa vi oprimens virginem.3 Conglutinata est anima eius cum illa tristemque blandiciis delinivit. Et pergens ad Emor, patrem suum, ait: ‘Accipe michi 10 puellam hanc coniugem.’4 Egresso autem Emor, patre Sychem, ut loqueretur ad Iacob.5 Dyna

Sychem

Iacob

Emor||

15 Ingressi sunt itaque portam urbis, locuti sunt populo: ‘Viri isti pacifici sunt et volunt habitare 35v nobiscum, filias vero eorum accipiemus uxores et nostras illis dabimus.6 Circumcidamus ergo masculos nostros tantum!’7 Emor Iacob Simeon Leui 20

Die vero tercia duo filii Iacob, Symeon et Leui, fratres Dyne, areptis gladiis ingressi sunt confidenter urbem interfectisque omnibus masculis,8 Emor videlicet et Sychem, filium suum.9 Symeon Leui 25 Emor Sychem|| Parvulos vero eorum et mulieres sui uxores duxerunt captivas.10

30

35

Leui

Symeon

36r

filiis Iacob, Symeon et Leui captivi ligati ducuntur

Quibus peractis audacter Iacob dicit Symeon et Leui: ‘Turbastis et odiosum me fecistis Cananeis et Ferzeis!’ Responderunt: ‘Num ut scorto abuti debuere sororem nostram!’11 Interea locutus est Dominus ad Iacob dicens: ‘Surge et ascende Bethel et habita ibi.’12 Iacob

Symeon

Leui

Iacob||

28 mulieres … uxores : uxores eorum Vulg. – 30 f iliis Iacob : om. Vulg. – 32 peractis : patratis Vulg. – odiosum : em.; odiens in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Cf. Gn 33, 19. Gn 34, 1. Cf. Gn 34, 2. Cf. Gn 34, 3-4. Gn 34, 6. Cf. Gn 34, 20-21. Sec. Gn 34, 22. Cf. Gn 34, 25. Sec. Gn 34, 26. Cf. Gn 34, 29. Cf. Gn 34, 30-31. Cf. Gn 35, 1.

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Iacob vero convocata omni domo sua ait: ‘Abicite deos alienos, qui in medio vestri sunt, 36v et mundamini ac mutate vestra vestimenta. Surge et ascendamus Bethel, ut faciamus ibi altere Domino.’1 Iacob filii Iacob Eo tempore mortua est Debbora, nutrix Rebecce, et sepulta est ad radices Bethel subter quercum.2 Iacob Iacob edificavit ibi altare Domino3|| 37r Erexit Iacob lapideum titulum, in quo loco locutus fuerat ei Deus. 4 Cum ergo parturiret Rachel, ob difficultatem partus periclitari cepit dixitque obstetrix: ‘Noli timere, quia et hunc habebis filium.’5

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Fundens oleum desuper Egrediente autem anima pre dolore et inminente iam morte vocavit nomen filii sui Bennoni, id est filius doloris mei, pater vero appellavit eum Beniamin, id est filius dextre.6 Mortua est autem Rachel et sepulta est in via, que dicitur Effrata, Iacob Benyamyn Hic est tumulus monumenti Rachelis hec Bethlehem.7 Erexit ergo Iacob tytulum super sepulcrum eius.8|| Cumque habitaret in regione illa, habiit Ruben et dormivit cum Bala, concubina patris 37v sui, quod illum minime latuit.9 Esau Ysaac Iacob Esa Iacob Ysaac sepelitur Conpleti sunt dies Ysaac centum nonaginta annorum. Et mortuus est sepelieruntque eum Iacob et Esau, filii sui.10 Hic acusat Ioseph fratres suos aput patrem suum crimine pessimo. Israhel autem diligebat eum super omnes filios eius, eo quod in senectute genuisset eum.11 Iacob Ioseph Ruben Symeon Leui|| 2 vestra : em.; bis in textu – Surge : surgite Vulg. – 19 dicitur Effrata : ducit Efratham Vulg. – 21 Hic : litera H- rubre scripta – 24 Bethlehem : -h- supra -ee- ascriptum – 27 dormivit : em.; dormivi in textu – 28 latuit : em; latutuit in textu – 32 nonaginta : octoginta Vulg. – sepelierunt : em.; sepe ierunt in textu; em. ex sepepierunt rasura

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 35, 2-3. Cf. Gn 35, 8. Sec. Gn 35, 7. Cf. Gn 35, 14. Cf. Gn 35, 16-17. Gn 35, 18. Cf. Gn 35, 19. Gn 35, 20. Gn 35, 22. Cf. Gn 35, 28-29. Cf. Gn 37, 2-3.

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Hic Ioseph narrat sompnium suum fratribus suis dicens: ‘Audite sompnium meum, quod 38r vidi. Putabam nos manipulos ligare in agro et quasi consurgere manipulum meum et stare vestrosque manipulos circumstantes adorare manipulum meum.’ Responderunt fratres dicentes: ‘Numquid rex noster eris aut subieciamur dicioni tue?’1 5 Iacob Ioseph fratres Ioseph 10 Vidit et aliud sompnium, quod narrans fratribus ait: ‘Vidi per sompnium quasi solem et lunam et stellas XI adorare me.’ Quo audito increpavit eum pater vehementer et ait: ‘Numquid ego et mater tua et fratres tui adorabimus te super terram?’2 Iacob sol luna|| 15 ‘Vade,’ inquit Iacob, ‘et vide, si cuncta prospera sint erga fratres tuos et pecora et renunctia 38v michi!’3 Abiit ergo et invenit eum vir errantem et interrogavit eum, quid quereret. At ille respondit: ‘Fratres,’ inquit, ‘meos quero.’4 Dixit ei vir: ‘Recesserunt de loco isto et audivi 20 eos dicentes: eamus in Dotain.’ Iacob Ioseph arator Perrexit ergo Ioseph post fratres suos et invenit eos in Dotain.5 Qui cum vidissent eum 25 procul, cogitaverunt eum occidere. Et mutuo loquebantur dicentes: ‘Ecce, sompniator venit. Venite, occidamus eum!’6 Confestim ergo ut pervenit ad fratres suos, nudaverunt eum tunica talari et polimita.7 fratres Ioseph Iudas Ruben Symeon Ioseph|| 30 39r

Hic miserunt eum in cisternam veterem, que non habuit aquam. Et sederunt et comederunt panem.8 35 Hic Ioseph missus est in cisternam

Hic Ioseph extrahitur de cisterna

Venderunt eum Ismaelitis pro triginta argenteis, qui duxerunt eum in Egyptum.9 40

fratres Ioseph 38 triginta : viginti Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 37, 6-8. Cf. Gn 37, 9-10. Cf. Gn 37, 14. Cf. Gn 37, 15-16. Cf. Gn 37, 17. Cf. Gn 37, 18-20. Cf. Gn 37, 23. Cf. Gn 37, 24-25. Cf. Gn 37, 28.

Ismahelite

Ioseph ducitur in Egyptum||

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Tulerunt vero tunicam eius et in sanguine edi tinxerunt. Mittentes, qui ferrent ad patrem et 39v dicerent: ‘Vide, si tunica filii tui sit an non?’ Quam cum agnovisset pater, ait: ‘Fera pessima devoravit eum, bestia maligna comedit Ioseph.’ Scissis vestibus indutus est cilicio lugens multo tempore.1 Iacob Congregati sunt autem videlicet f ilii Iacob, ut delinirent dolorem eius, qui noluit illos audire, sed ait: ‘Descendam ad filium meum lugens infernum.’2 filii Iacob consolantur eum

Iacob||

15

Eodem tempore descendens Iudas a fratribus suis, divertit ad virum Odellamitem nomine 40r Yram. Viditque ibi mulierem, filiam hominis Cananei, vocabulo Sue.3 Iudas

20

Et uxore accepta concepit et peperit tres filios, Her, Onam et Sela. 4 Dedit autem uxorem primogenito suo nomine Thamar.5 Iudas Sue Iudas Tamar Her HER||

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35

Her Onam Sela

Iste est Her, qui a Domino Deo occisus est, quia fuit nequam coram Domino.6 Dixit ergo 40v Iudas ad Onam: ‘Ingredere ad uxorem fratris tui et suscitare semen fratri tuo.’ Introiens ad uxorem fratris sui, semen fundebat in terram, ne liberi fratris nomine nascerentur. Et idcirco percussit eum Dominus.7 Iudas Onam Thamar Onam Her Dixit ergo Iudas nurui sue: ‘Esto vidua in domo patris tui, usque dum crescat puer.’ Que abiit et abitavit in domo patris sui.8 Iudas Tamar nuntius Pater Thamar||

40

3 lugens : em. sec. Gn 37, 34; ingens in textu – 8 videlicet : supra f ilii ascriptum – 8-9 illos audire : consolationem accipere Vulg. – 12 in marg. inf. fol. 39v custos Vus – 14 Eodem : litera E- rubre ornata – descendens : em; descendes in textu – 28 introiens : em.; introgiens in textu – 29 semen : em.; bis in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Cf. Gn 37, 31-34. Cf. Gn 37, 35. Cf. Gn 38, 1-2. Sec. Gn 38, 2-5. Cf. Gn 38, 6. Cf. Gn 38, 7. Cf. Gn 38, 7-10. Cf. Gn 38, 11.

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Instante autem partu aparuerunt duo gemini atque unus protulit manum, in qua obstetrix 41r ligavit coccinei filum dicens: ‘Iste egredietur prior.’ Illo vero retrahente manum egressus est alter dixitque mulier: ‘Quare propter te divisa est maceria.’ Ob hanc causam vocavit nomen eius Phares. Postea egressus est frater eius, in cuius manu erat coccinium, quem 5 appellavit Zara.1 Tamar Tamar Die Hebame Baba Phares Zara obstetrix 10 Igitur ductus est Ioseph in Egiptum emitque eum Putiphar, eunuchus Pharaonis principis. Fuitque Dominus cum eo.2 Ismahelite vendunt Ioseph Putiphar Ioseph Puthiphar Ioseph|| 15

Erat autem Ioseph pulcra facie, etiam decorus aspectu. Iniecitque domina oculos suos 41v in eum et ait: ‘Dormi mecum.’3 Accidit autem in quadam die, ut intraret Ioseph domum illam, in qua erat mulier. Que hic ministrat Ioseph patri familias 20 qui nequaquam ‘dormi mecum’ aquievit apprehensa lacinia eius vestimenti dixit: ‘Dormi mecum!’ Qui relicto in manu eius palio fugit et egressus est foras. Cumque vidisset mulier vestem in manibus suis et se esse contemptam, 4 25 advocavit homines domus sue et ait: ‘Ingressus est ad me Ebreus, ut coiret mecum.’ Marito suo revertenti domum ait: ‘Ingressus est ad me servus Ebreus, quem aduxisti, ut illuderet michi. Cumque vidisset sibi clamare me, reliquit palium et 30 fugit foras.’5|| Iratus autem Putifar tradidit Ioseph in carcerem, ubi vincti regis erant.6 35 pistor Ioseph pincerna

Custos carceris, qui educit istos 42r pistor

pincerna

Recordatus est ergo rex inter epulas magistri pincernarum et pistorum principis. Restituit alterum in locum suum, ut porrigeret illi poculum. Alterum vero suspendit in patibulo.7 40

pincerna

FARAO||

Pharao, rex Egipti

pistor

2 manum : em.; manuum n textu – 10 principis : princeps Vulg. – 18 illam … mulier : om. Vulg. – 23 lacinia : em. sec. Gn 39, 12; lascivia in textu – 28 coiret : em. sec. Gn 39, 14; cogeret in textu – Marito ... Ingressus : in rasura – servus : em.; serus in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 38, 27-30. Cf. Gn 39, 1-2. Cf. Gn 39, 6-7. Cf. Gn 39, 11-13. Cf. Gn 39, 14-18. Sec. Gn 39, 19-20. Cf. Gn 40, 20-22.

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Hoc est sompnium, quod vidit Farao: Putabat se stare super flumen, de quo ascendebant VII 42v boves pulcre nimis et pascebantur in locis palustribus. Alie quoque septem emergebant de flumine fede confecteque macie. Devoraveruntque eas, quarum mira species et habitudo corporum erat.1 Evigilans ergo Pharao post quietem et facto mane terrore perterritus misit ad coniectores Egipti cunctosque sapientes et accersitis narravit illud sompnium. Nec erat, qui interpretaret. 2 Protinus ad regis imperium eductus est de carcere Ioseph et olatus est ei. Cui rex ait: ‘Vidi somnium, nec est, qui edisserat, que audivi te prudentissime sompnia convertere.’3 FARAON IOSEPH

15

Respondit Ioseph: ‘Absque me Deus respondebit prospere Pharaoni.’ Narravit ei ergo rex cuncta, que viderat. 4 Ioseph vero optime predixit et exposuit ortum sompniorum, que a rege audiverat.||

20

Dixit ergo ei rex: ‘Tu eris super domum meam et ad tui oris imperium cunctus populus 43r obediet tibi. Ecce, constitui te super universam terram Egipti.’ Tulitque anulum de manu sua et dedit ei et stolaque byssina et torquem auream collo circumposuit.5 Et dixit: ‘Ego sum Pharao, absque tuo imperio manum vel pedem nec movebit quisquam.’6 ‘Hic es salvator mundi, ante illum genua flectite cuncti!’ Sic preco clamat.7

25

30

35

40

Ioseph

KERHA||

Dedit ergo rex uxorem Ioseph Ascenech, filiam Phuriphares, sacerdotis Eliopobes.8 Abuitque 43v ex ea duos filios, Manassen et Effraim.9 uxor Ioseph Ioseph Manassen Effraim Egressus itaque Ioseph circuivit omnes regiones Egipti.10 Venitque fertilitas septem annorum et in manipulos redacte segetes congregate sunt in horrea Egipti. Omnis etiam frugum abundancia in singulis urbibus condita est. Tantaque fuit multitudo tritici, ut arene maris coequaretur et copia mensuram excederet.11|| 1 ascendebant : em.; ascendebat in textu – 6 Evigilans : litera E- rubre ornata – 9 edisserat : em.; edissarat in textu – 14-15 Ioseph ... audiverat : om. Vulg. – 20 : add. sec. Gn 41 42 – stolaque : -que supra -la ascriptum – 28 Abuitque : -que supra –it ascriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Gn 41, 1-4. Cf. Gn 41, 7-8. Cf. Gn 41, 14-15. Cf. Gn 41, 16-17. Cf. Gn 41, 40-42. Cf. Gn 41, 44. Sec. Gn 41, 43 et 45. Cf. Gn 41, 45. Sec. Gn 41, 50. Cf. Gn 41, 45. Cf. Gn 41, 47-49.

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In cuncta autem terra Egipti erat fames maxima. Qua esuriente clamuit populus ad 44r Pharaonem alimenta petens, quibus ille respondit dicens: ‘Ite ad Ioseph et quidquid vobis dixerit, facite.’1 FARAO Aperuitque Ioseph universa orrea et veniebat cunctus Egiptus, nam illos opresserat fames. Omnesque provincie veniebant, ut emerent escas.2

10 Ioseph||

Audiens autem Iacob, quod alimenta venderentur in Egipto, dixit filiis suis: ‘Quare negligitis? 44v 15 Descendite in Egiptum et emite nobis necessaria.’3 Iacob

filii Iacob

20 Ingressi sunt autem terram Egipti cum aliis, qui emebant, que necessaria erant. Cumque adorassent Ioseph et ille eos agnovisset, quasi ad alienos durius loquebatur, interrogans eos: ‘Unde estis?’ Qui responderunt: ‘De terra Canaan venimus, ut victui necessaria emamus.’4 Recordatusque est fratres Ioseph 25 sompnia, que aliquando viderat, ait ad eos: ‘Exploratores estis! Ut videatis infirmiora terre, venistis.’ Qui dixerunt: ‘Non est ita, domine, sed sumus filii unius patris.’5|| 30 Tradidit ergo eos Ioseph in custodiam tribus diebus. Die autem tercia eductis de carcere ait: 45r ‘Facite, quod dico, ut vivatis, Deum enim ego timeo. Si pacifici estis, frater vester unus ligetur in carcere, vos autem abite et ferte frumenta, que emistis, et fratrem vestrem minimum ad 35 me aducite, ut ˂possim˃ vestros sermones probare.’ Qui et ita fecerunt.6 Ioseph

Simeon

40 At illi portantes frumenta in asinis profecti sunt.7|| 7 veniebat … Egiptus : vendebat Aegyptiis Vulg. – opresserat : em.; opresseat in textu – 20 que … erant : om. Vulg. – erant : em.; erat in textu – 32 eos : supra Io- ascriptum – 33 facite : em.; fecit in textu – 35 ˂possim˃ : add. sec. Gn 42, 20

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 41, 54-55. Cf. Gn 41, 56-57. Cf. Gn 42, 1-2. Cf. Gn 42, 5-7. Cf. Gn 42, 9-11. Cf. Gn 42, 17-20. Gn 42, 26.

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Aperto ergo unus sacco, ut daret iumento pabulum in diversorio, contemplatus pecuniam 45v in ore sacci. Dixitque fratribus suis: ‘Reddita est nobis pecunia, en, habetur in sacco.’1 Venerunt ad Iacob, patrem suum, et narraverunt omnia, que accidissent sibi.2 Quibus respondit Iacob: ‘Absque liberis me esse fecistis, Symeon tenetur in vinculis et Ioseph non super est.’3 IACOB

10

Consumptis ergo cibis, quos ex Egipto tulerant, dixit Iacob ad filios suos: ‘Revertimini et emite nobis pacsillum escarum!’ Respondit Iudas: 4 ‘Permitte puer ire nobiscum! Si autem non vis, non ibimus.’5 Dixit iterum Iudas: ‘Nisi reduxero et tradidero

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IACOB

IUDAS

eum tibi, ero peccati reus vite et omni tempore.’6 Dixit ergo pater eorum ad eos: ‘Si sic necesse est, facite, quod vultis.’7||

Cum ergo venissent in Egiptum, steterunt coram Ioseph. Quos cum vidisset et Beniamin 46r simul, precepit dispensatori domus sue dicens: ‘Introduc viros in domum et occide victimas, quoniam mecum hodie sunt comesturi.’8 IOSEPH

30

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DISPENSATOR

Dispensatori enim locuti sunt: ‘Ita oramus,’ inquiunt, ‘te domine, ut audias nos. Iam ante descendimus, ut emeremus escas. Quibus emitis cum venissemus ad diversorium, aperuimus sacculos nostros et invenimus ˂pecuniam˃, quam nunc eodem pondere Leui

Iudas

Ruben

dispensator

Yzacar

Ioseph

Symeon

reportavimus.’9 At ille respondit: ‘Pax vobiscum, nolite timere!’10|| 40

1 ergo : supra -to ascriptum – diversorio : em. sec. Gn 42, 27; diverso in textu – 2 nobis : mihi Vulg. – 18 vite : in te Vulg. – 30 inquiunt : em.; inquit in textu – 32 ˂pecuniam˃ : add. sec. Gn 43, 21

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 42, 27-28. Cf. Gn 42, 29. Cf. Gn 42, 36. Cf. Gn 43, 2-3. Cf. Gn 43, 5. Cf. Gn 43, 9. Cf. Gn 43, 11. Cf. Gn 43, 15-16. Cf. Gn 43, 20-21. Gn 43, 23.

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Ingressus est ergo Ioseph domum suam et adoraverunt eum proni in terram. At ille clementer 46v salutatis interrogavit eos: ‘Salvusne est pater vester? Adhuc vivit?’ Qui responderunt: ‘Sospes est servus tuus, adhuc vivit.’ Attolens autem oculos vidit Beniamin stantem et ait: ‘Iste est frater vester, de quo dixeratis michi? Deus,’ inquid, ‘misereatur tui, fili mi.’ Festinavitque in domum et ploravit.1 Beniamin Rursumque lota facie egressus continuit se et ait: ‘Ponite panes!’ Quibus apositis seorsum Ioseph et seorsum fratribus, Egiptiis quoque, qui vescebantur, simul seorsum.2 Maior enim pars venit in hoc.3 Mirabantur omnes, Beniamin Egiptii sederunt ergo coram eo primogenitus iuxta primogenita sua et minimus iuxta etatem suam. 4 Illicitum est vero Egiptiis comedere cum Ebreis.5|| Precepit ergo Ioseph dispensatori: ‘Inple saccos eorum frumento. Et inpone in saccum 47r minoris cifum meum argenteum.’6 IOSEPH DISPENSATOR Orto autem mane dimissi sunt cum asinis suis. Ioseph ergo accersito dispensatore domus ait: ‘Surge, persequere viros et aprehensis : Quare redditis malum pro bono? Cifum, quem furati estis, ipse est, in quo dominus meus auguriari solet. Pessimam rem fecistis.’7|| ‘Cur sic,’ inquit Ioseph, ‘agere voluistis?’8 Cui Iudas: ‘Apud quemcumque inveneris ciphum, 47v moriatur, nos quoque erimus servi.’9 Respondit Ioseph: ‘Qui furatus est cifum, sit servus meus, vos autem eritis liberi.’10 Iudas Ioseph Ibi Ioseph eiulat et flet Ibi osculatus cunctos fratres suos,11 maxime Beniamin, quem tenere dilexit primogenitus. Dixit ille: ‘Ego sum Ioseph,’ inquid, ‘quem in Egiptum vendidistis. Nolite expavescere neque terreamini!’12 Ioseph|| 2 : add. sec. Gn 43, 27 – 22 : add. sec. Gn 44, 4 – 38 in marg. inf. fol. 47v custos VIus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Cf. Gn 43, 26-30. Cf. Gn 43, 31-32. Cf. Gn 43, 34. Cf. Gn 43, 33. Cf. Gn 43, 32. Cf. Gn 44, 1-2. Cf. Gn 44, 3-5. Cf. Gn 44, 15. Cf. Gn 44, 9. Cf. Gn 44, 17. Cf. Gn 45, 15. Cf. Gn 45, 4-5.

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Ibi Yoseph tribuit Benyamyn trecentos aureos cum quinque stolis optimis. 1 Hic inperat 48r Pharao Yoseph, ut dicat fratribus suis: ‘Cuncti ite et velociter cum patre vestro redite!’2 Yoseph

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Benyamyn

Ioseph

rex Pharao

Hic dat Yoseph binas stolas cunctis fratribus suis.3 Precepitque illis dicens: ‘Tollite plaustra regis ad subvencionem patris parvulorumque suorum ac coniugium vestrarum.’4 Ioseph|| Hii sunt, qui vehunt cunctas divicias Egypti. Anunciantque patri: ‘Ioseph,’ inquiunt, ‘filius 48v tuus vivit et ipse dominatur terra Egypti!’ Quo audito revixit spiritus eius et dixit: ‘Vadam et videbo eum, antequam moriar.’5 Iacob Profectusque est Israhel cum omnibus, que habebat, et venit ad puteum Iuramenti mactatisque victimis Deo ibi. Audivit vocem sibi dicentem: ‘Iacob, Iacob, noli timere! Descende in Egyptum, ego namque tecum ibo, revertensque tecum ero.’6 Iacob||

Surrexit ergo Iacob de puteo Iuramenti et tulerunt filii parvulos et uxores suas in plaustris, 49r que miserat eis rex Pharao Egypti ad subvehendum.7

Hic osculatus Iacob filium suum Ioseph. Dixitque Iacob ad Ioseph: ‘Iam letus moriar, quia vidi tuam faciem et te reliqui superstitem.’8 Symeon

40

Leui

Iacob

Ioseph Hic Iudas nunciat Ioseph adventus patris9 ||

Ioseph

1 scriba B ff. 48r-71v – 8 Precipitque … Tollite : praecipe etiam, ut tollant Vulg. – 14 Hii … Egypti : om. Vulg. – 15 : add. – 22 revertensque … ero : ego inde adducam te revertentem Vulg. – 29 subvehendum : portandum senem Vulg. – Egypti : em. ex ad Egypti – 33 Hic … Ioseph : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 45, 22. Sec.Gn 45, 17-18. Cf. Gn 45, 22. Cf. Gn 45, 19. Cf. Gn 45, 26-28. Cf. Gn 46, 1-4. Cf. Gn 46, 5. Cf. Gn 46, 30. Sec. Gn 46, 28.

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Post hec introduxit Ioseph patrem suum ad regem et statuit eum coram eo. Et interrogatus 49v est ab eo: ‘Quot sunt anni vite tue?’ Respondit: ‘Centum XXX anni sunt.’1 Benedicto vero rege egressus est foras. 2 5 FARAO Ioseph Iacob rex Egypti Ibi dat Ioseph patri et fratribus suis possessiones in Egypto in optimo loco terre Ramesses, 10 sicut preceperat rex Pharao.3 Hic pascit patrem ministrans ei alimenta. IOSEPH

IACOB||

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20

Ibi veniunt Egypcii ad Ioseph dicentes: ‘Da nobis panem, quare fame morimur coram 50r te.’ Quibus dixit: ‘Adducite michi peccora vestra et dabo vobis annonam, si precium non habetis.’4 Que cum adduxissent, dedit eis alimenti pro equis et ovibus et bobus et asinis.5

25

PITLOUE Ioseph

sacci||

30 Emitque Ioseph cunctam terram Egypti vendentibus singulis possessiones suas pre 50v magnitudine famis et subiecit eam Pharaoni.6 Cumque apropinquare cerneret Iacob mortis sue diem, vocavit filium suum Ioseph et dixit 35 ad eum: ‘Iura ergo michi, ut non sepelias me in Egypto! Sed dormiam cum patribus meis.’ Quo iurante adoravit Israhel Dominum.7 IA˂COB˃ 40

IOSEPH||

10 Hic … alimenta : om. Vulg. – 18 annonam : cibos Vulg. – 38 IA˂COB˃ : add.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Gn 47, 7-9. Gn 47, 10. Cf. Gn 47, 11. Cf. Gn 47, 15-16. Cf. Gn 47, 17. Cf. Gn 47, 20. Cf. Gn 47, 29-31.

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Applicuit ergo Ioseph ambos filios suos, Manassen et Effraym, ante patrem suum Iacob et 51r extendens Iacob manum, dextram posuit super caput Effraym, iunioris fratris, sinistram vero super caput Manasse, qui maior natu erat, commutans manus.1 Quod Ioseph graviter accepit. Dixitque ad patrem: ‘Non ita convenit, pater, quia hic est primogenitus.’ Qui rennuens ait: ‘Scio, fili mi, scio et iste quidem erit in populos et multiplicabitur, sed frater eius iunior maior erit.’2 IA˂COB˃ IOSE˂PH˃

10



EFFRAYM

MANAS 15

Ibi Iacob congregat filios suos et anunciat, que sunt ventura.3 Benedicitque illis singulis benediccionibus suis propriis. 4 ||

20

Cernens autem Ioseph mortuum patrem suum, ruit super faciem eius flens.5 Flevit itaque 51v eum Egyptus fletu magno septuaginta diebus.6

25

30

Locutus es ergo Yoseph ad familiam Pharaonis dicens: ‘Si inveni graciam in conspectu vestro, loquimini in auribus Pharaonis, quod pater meus adiuraverit me dicens: En morior! In sepulchro, quod fodi in terra Chanaan michi, sepelias me!’7||

Quo ascendente ierunt cum eo omnes senes domus Pharaonis.8 Et planxerunt planctu 52r vehementi diebus sex.9 IACOB

35

Ibi enim sepelierunt eum in spelunca duplici, quam emerat Abraham ab Effron Etheo contra fontem Mambre.10 IACOB||

40 8 IA˂COB˃ : add. – IOSE˂PH˃ : add.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Gn 48, 13-14. Cf. Gn 48, 17-19. Cf. Gn 49, 1. Cf. Gn 49, 28. Cf. Gn 50, 1. Cf. Gn 50, 3. Cf. Gn 50, 4-5. Cf. Gn 50, 7. Sec. Gn 50, 10. Cf. Gn 50, 13.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Fratres locuntur ad Ioseph: ‘Obsecramus te et deprecamur, domine, ut obliviscaris scelera 52v fratrum tuorum et peccati atque malicie, quam exercuimus in te.’ Quibus auditis flevit Ioseph.1 Dixeruntque: ‘Servi tui sumus.’ Quibus ille respondit: ‘Nolite timere!2 Ego enim pascam vos.’3 Fratres Ioseph

Ioseph

Iterum locutus est Ioseph fratribus suis dicens: ‘Deus visitavit vos. Asportate vobiscum 10 ossa mea de loco isto!’ Mortuus est ergo Ioseph expletis centum et decem annis vite sue et conditus aromatibus repositus est in loculo in Egypto. 4

15



Hic sepelitur Ioseph et fratres sui deflent eum.||

Mortuo autem Ioseph et universis fratribus eius et omni cognacione sua filii Israhel creverunt 53r et quasi germinantes multiplicati sunt et roborati sunt, nimis inpleverunt terram. Surrexit 20 interea rex novus super Egyptum, qui ignorabat Yoseph.5 Et ait ad populum suum: ‘Ecce, populus filiorum Israhel multus et forcior nobis est. Venite, sapienter opprimamus eum, ne multiplicentur.’ Preposuit itaque rex eis magistros operum, ut affligerent 25 eos oneribus.6||

Edif icaverunt vero urbes thabernaculorum Pharaoni Phyton et Ramesses. Et quanto 53v 30 opprimebat eos, tanto magis crescebant et confortabantur.7 Dixit autem rex obstetricibus: ‘Quando obstetricabitis Hebreas et tempus advenerit, si fuerit masculus, interficite, si femina, reservate!’8 35 Precepit ergo populo dicens: ‘Quidquid masculini fuerit, in flumen proicite, quidquid femine, reservate.’9 obstetrices|| 40 9 Asportate : em. sec. Gn 50, 24; asportare in textu – 14 Hic … eum : om. Vulg. – 33 obstetricibus : em.; obstetitricibus in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Gn 50, 17. Cf. Gn 50, 18-19. Cf. Gn 50, 21. Cf. Gn 50, 24-25. Cf. Ex 1, 6-8. Cf. Ex 1, 9-11. Cf. Ex 1, 11-12. Cf. Ex 1, 15. Cf. Ex 1, 22.

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Egressus est ergo post hec vir de domo Leui accepta uxore. Que concepit et peperit filium 54r et videns eum facie elegantem abscondit tribus mensibus. Cumque iam celare non posset, sumpsit fiscellam styrpeam et posuit eum in carreptam ripe fluminis.1 Moysi mater Soror 

Moyses absconditur in fiscella stirpea

Et ecce, exiebat filia Pharaonis et descendebat, ut lavaretur in flumine et puelle eius. Et ait: ‘De infantibus Hebreorum est hic.’ Cui soror pueri: ‘Vis,’ inquit, ‘vadam et vocem tibi mulierem, que nutrire possit.’ Respondit: ‘Vade.’ Perrexit ergo puella et vocavit matrem eius.2 Hic excipitur Moyses de fiscella Ad quam locuta f ilia Pharaonis dixit: ‘Accipe puerum et nutri michi et ego dabo tibi mercedem tuam.’3|| Suscepit ergo mulier infantem et nutrivit eum adultumque tradidit filie regis. Quem illa 54v adoptavit in locum filii vocavitque nomen eius Moysen dicens: ‘Quia de aqua tuli eum.’4 Soror Moysi

Moyses

mater Moysi

filia regis Moyses iam adultus

In diebus illis postquam creverat Moyses: Egressus ergo Moyses ad fratres suos et vidit affliccionem eorum.5 Moyses||

30

35

40

Viditque virum Egypcium percutientem de Hebreis fratribus suis. Cumque 55r circumspexisset se huc atque illuc et nullum adesse vidisset, percussit Egypcium et abscondit in zabulo.6 Egypcius Moyses Et egressus die altera vidit duos Hebreos rixantes contra se dixitque ei, qui faciebat iniuriam: ‘Quare percutis proximum tuum?’7 Qui respondit: ‘Quis te constituit principem aut iudicem super nos? Num occidere me tu vis, sicut occidisti Egypcium?’ Timuit Moyses et ait: ‘Quomodo palam factum est verbum istud?’8|| 3 styrpeam : scirpeam Vulg. – carreptam : carecto Vulg. – 19 dicens : transpos. ex dicens Moysen – 31 : add. sec. Gn 2, 11

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Cf. Ex 2, 2-3. Cf. Ex 2, 5-8. Cf. Ex 2, 9. Cf. Ex 2, 9-10. Cf. Ex 2, 11. Cf. Ex 2, 11-12. Cf. Ex 2, 13. Ex 2, 14.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Audivitque Pharao sermonem hunc et querebat occidere Moysen, qui fugiens de conspectu 55v regis moratus est in terra Madyan et sedit iuxta fontem.1 5

Rex

accusator Moysi

Moyses fugit a facie regis

Erant autem sacerdoti Madyan VII filie, que venerunt ad hauriendum aquam et inpletis cannalibus adaquare cupiebant greges patris sui. Supervenerunt ˂pastores˃ et eiecerunt 10 eas.2 Moyses||

15 Surrexitque Moyses et defensis puellis adaquavit oves earum.3 Pastores

Moyses

56r

Filie Raguel

Adaquavit oves earum. 4 Que cum revertissent ad Raguel, patrem suum, dixit ad eas: ‘Cur 20 sic velocius venistis solito?’ Responderunt: ‘Vir Egypcius liberavit nos de manu pastorum. Insuper et hausit aquam nobiscum potumque dedit ovibus.’ At ille: Moyses

25

Filie Raguel

‘Ubi est?’ inquit. ‘Quare dimisistis hominem? Vocate eum, ut comedat panem.’5|| 30

Iuravit ergo Moyses, quod habitaret cum eo.6 Moyses

35

Sephora

56v Moyses

Raguel

Accepit ergo Moyses Sephoram, filiam Raguelis, in uxorem.7 Hic osculantur se invicem

40

Moyses

Sephora

Raguel||

9 ˂pastores˃ : add. sec. Ex 2, 17 – 12 in marg. inf. fol. 55v custos VIIus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Ex 2, 15. Cf. Ex 2, 16-17. Cf. Ex 2, 17. Cf. Ex 2, 17. Ex 2, 18-20. Cf. Ex 2, 21. Cf. Ex 2, 21.

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Sephora ergo peperit Moysi filium, quem vocavit Gersan, dicens: ‘Advena fui in terra aliena.’1 57r Alterum quoque peperit, quem vocavit Elyzar, dicens: ‘Deus patris mei adiutor meus et eripuit me de manu Pharaonis.’2 5

Moyses

Sophora Gersan

Moyses Elyzar

10

Moyses autem pascebat oves Ietro, cognati sui, sacerdotis Madya. Cumque minasset gregem ad interiora deserti, venit ad montem Dei Oreb. Apparuit Dominus Moysi in flamma ignis de medio rubi et videbat, quod rubus ardebat et non conburebatur.3

15

Ibi abscondit faciem suam, non enim audebat respicere contra Dominum 4

20

25

30

35

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Dixit Moyses: ‘Vadam et videbo visionem hanc magnam, quare non conburatur rubus.’ Cernens autem Dominus, quod pergeret ad videndum, vocavit eum de medio rubi et ait: ‘Moyses, Moyses!’ Qui respondit: ‘Assum.’ At ille: ‘Non appropies,’ inquit, ‘huc! Solve calciamentum de pedibus tuis! Locus enim, in quo stas, terra sancta est. Ego sum Deus patris tui, Deus Abraham et Deus Ysaac et Deus Iacob.’ Et abscondit Moyses faciem suam.5||

Cui ait Dominus: ‘Vidi aff liccionem populi mei, qui est in Egypto, et clamorem eius 57v audivi propter duriciam eorum, qui presunt operibus. 6 Veni ergo, ut mittam te ad Pharaonem, ut educas filios Israhel de Egypto.’7 Dixit Moyses: ‘Ecce, ego vadam ad filios Israhel. 8 Et ipsi non credent michi neque audient vocem meam, sed dicent: non apparuit tibi Dominus.’ Dixit ergo Dominus: ‘Quid est hoc, quod tenes in manu tua?’ Respondit: ‘Virga.’ Ait: ‘Proice eam in terram!’ Proiecit et versa est in colubrum, ita ut fugeret Moyses.9 Dixitque Dominus: ‘Extende manum tuam et apprehende caudam eius.’ Extendit et tenuit versaque est in virgam. ‘Ut credant,’ inquit, ‘quod apparuerit tibi Deus patrum tuorum, Deus Abraham et Deus Ysaac et Deus Iacob.’10|| 3 manu : gladio Vulg. – 23 tui : em. ex mei

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Ex 2, 22. Sec. Ex 18, 4. Cf. Ex 3, 1-2. Cf. Ex 3, 6. Cf. Ex 3, 3-6. Ex 3, 7. Cf. Ex 3, 10. Cf. Ex 3, 13. Cf. Ex 4, 1-3. Cf. Ex 4, 4-5.

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Dixitque rursum Dominus Moysi: ‘Mitte manum tuam in sinum tuum!’ Quam cum misisset, 58r protulit leprosam adinstar nivis. ‘Retrahe,’ ait, ‘manum tuam in sinum tuum!’ Retraxit et protulit iterum et erat similis carni relique.1 Abiit ergo Moyses et reversus est ad Ietro, socerum suum, dixitque ei: ‘Vadam et revertar 5 ad fratres meos in Egyptum’.’ Cui ait Ietro: ‘In pace’.’2 Dixit ergo Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Vade in Madyan et reverte in Egyptum, mortui sunt enim, qui querebant animam tuam.’3 Dixitque ei Dominus revertenti in Egyptum: ‘Vide, ut omnia 10 ostenta, que posui in manu tua, facias coram Pharaone.’4 Tulit ergo Moyses uxorem et filios suos et posuit eos super asinum, reversus est in Egyptum portans virgam Dei in manu sua.5 15 Dixitque Dominus Moysi revertenti in Egyptum: ‘Vide, ut omnia ostenta, que posui in manu tua, facias coram Pharaone, ego enim indurabo cor eius et non dimittet populum meum. Dicesque ad eum: Hec dicit Dominus: filius meus primogenitus Israhel! Dixi tibi: dimitte filium meum, ut sacrificet michi, et noluisti dimittere eum. Ecce, ego interficiam filium tuum primogenitum.’6|| 20

Cumque esset in itinere in diversorio, occurit ei Dominus et volebat occidere eum. Tulit 58v 25 ergo Sephora acutissimam petram et circumdedit prepucium f ilii sui tetigitque pedes eius et ait: ‘Sponsus sanguinum tu michi es.’ Et dimisit eum, postquam ˂dixerat˃: ‘sponsus sanguinum tu michi es’ ob circumcisionem.7 30 Dixit autem Dominus ad Aaron: ‘Vade in occursum Moysi in desertum.’ Qui perrexit ei obviam in montem Dei et osculatus est eum. Narravitque Moyses Aaron omnia verba Domini, pro quibus miserat ˂eum˃, et signa, que mandaverat. 8 Veneruntque ad seniores 35 filiorum Israhel. Locutusque est Aaron omnia verba, que dixerat Dominus ad Moysen, et fecit signa coram populo. Et credidit populus audieruntque, quod visitasset Dominus filios Israhel et quod respexisset affliccionem eorum, et proni adoraverunt.9|| 40

1 sinum : em.; sinu in textu –18 sacrificet : serviat Vulg. – 24 ei : em. ex eum – 26 ˂dixerat˃ : add. sec. Ex 4, 26 – 27 circumcisionem : em.; circucisionem in textu – 32 ˂eum˃ : add. sec. Ex 4, 28 – 37 respexisset : em. ex vidisset

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Ex 4, 6-7. Cf. Ex 4, 18. Ex 4, 19. Cf. Ex 4, 21. Cf. Ex 4, 20. Cf. Ex 4, 21-23. Cf. Ex 4, 24-26. Ex 4, 27-28. Cf. Ex 4, 29-31.

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Post hec ingressi sunt Moyses et Aaron et dixerunt Pharaoni: ‘Hec dicit Dominus Deus 59r Israhel: dimitte populum meum, ut sacrificet michi in deserto.’ At ille respondit: ‘Quis est Dominus vester, ut audiam vocem eius et dimittam Israhel? Nescio Dominum et Israhel non dimittam.’ Dixerunt: ‘Deus Hebreorum vocavit nos, ut eamus viam trium dierum in solitudinem et sacrificemus Domino Deo nostro, ne forte accidat nobis pestis aut gladius.’1 Ait ad eos rex Egypti: ‘Quare sollicitatis populum ab operibus suis?’2

Precepit ergo in die illo prefectis operum et exactoribus populi dicens: ‘Nequaquam dabitis ultra ad conficiendos lateres sicut prius, sed ipsi vadant et colligant stipulam. Et mensuram laterum, quam prius faciebant, inponetis super eos nec minuetis.’3||

Igitur egressi prefecti operum et exactores ad populum dixerunt: ‘Sic dicit Pharao: non do 59v vobis paleas. Ite et colligite, sicubi invenire poteritis! Nec minuetur quicquam de opere vestro.’ Dispersusque populus per omnem terram Egypti ad colligendas paleas. Prefecti quoque operum instabant dicentes: ‘Conplete opus vestrum cottidie, ut prius facere solebatis, quando dabantur vobis palee!’4 Flagellatique sunt, qui preerant operibus f iliorum Israhel, ab exactoribus Pharaonis dicentibus: ‘Quare non inpletis mensuram laterum sicut prius nec heri nec hodie?’5||

Veneruntque prepositi filiorum Israhel et vociferati sunt ad Pharaonem dicentes: ‘Cur contra 60r servos tuos sic agis? Palee non dantur nobis et lateres similiter inperantur. Ecce, famuli tui flagellis cedimur et iniuste agitur contra populum tuum.’6 Qui ait: ‘Vacatis otio et idcirco dicis: eamus et sacrificemus Domino. Ite ergo et operamini! Et palee non dabuntur vobis et reddetis consuetum numerum!’7

35

40

Videntes prepositi suum malum occurrerunt Moysi et Aaron, qui stabant ex adverso, egredientes a Pharaone et dixerunt ad eos: ‘Videat Dominus et vindicet, quoniam fetere fecistis odorem nostrum coram Pharaone et servis eius et prebuistis ei gladium, ut occideret nos.8|| 30 lateres : em.; latere in textu – 32 dicis : dicitis Vulg. – 38 vindicet : iudicet Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Ex 5, 1-3. Cf. Ex 5, 4. Cf. Ex 5, 6-8. Ex 5, 10-13. Ex 5, 14. Ex 5, 16. Cf. Ex 5, 17-18. Cf. Ex 5, 19-21.

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Reversusque Moyses ad Dominum ait: ‘Domine, cur afflixisti populum tuum? Quare misisti 60v me? Ex eo enim, quod ingressus sum ad Pharaonem, ut loquerer in nomine ˂tuo˃, afflixisti populum tuum et non liberasti eos.’1 Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Nunc videbis, que facturus sum Pharaoni. Per manum 5 fortem dimittet eos et in manu robusta eiciet eos de terra sua.’2 Narravit ergo ea, que dixit Dominus, filiis Israhel, qui non acquieverunt ei propter angustiam spiritus et opus durissimum.3|| 10

15

Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: ‘Ingredere et loquere ad Pharaonem, regem 61r Egypti, ut dimittat filios Israhel de terra sua.’ Respondit Moyses coram Domino dicens: ‘Ecce, filii Israhel non me audiunt et quomodo audiet Pharao, presertim cum sum incircumcisus labiis?’4 Hic loquitur Pharaoni verba Domini, ut dimittat filios Israhel

Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Ingredere ad Pharaonem et dices ad eum: hec dicit Dominus: dimitte populum meum, ut sacrificet michi! Sin autem nolueris, ecce, ego percutiam omnes terminos tuos ranis. Que ingredientur domum et cubiculum lecti tui et servorum tuorum et in reliquias ciborum tuorum.’5 Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Dic ad Aaron: extende 20 manum tuam super fluvios et super rivos ac paludes

25

et educ ranas super terram Egypti!’ Et extendit Aaron manum super aquas Egypti et ascenderunt rane operieruntque terram Egypti. Fecerunt autem et malefici per incantaciones similiter eduxeruntque ranas super terram Egypti.6||

Vocavit autem Pharao Moysen et Aaron et dixit ad eos: ‘Orate ad Deum vestrum, ut auferat 61v ranas a me et a populo meo et dimittam populum, ut sacrificet Domino.’ Dixitque Moyses Pharaoni: ‘Constitue michi, quando deprecer pro te et pro servis tuis, ut abiciantur rane a 30 te et domo tua.’ Qui respondit: ‘Cras.’ At ille: ‘Iuxta verbum tuum,’ inquit, ‘faciam, ut scias, quoniam non est alius Deus sicut Dominus Deus noster.’7 Egressique sunt Moyses et Aaron a Pharaone et clamavit Moyses pro sponsione ranarum, quam condixerat Pharaoni. Fecitque Dominus iuxta verbum Moysi et mortue sunt rane 35 de domibus et de villis congregaveruntque eas in inmensas aggeres.8

40

Videns autem Pharao, quod data esset requies, ingravavit cor suum et non audivit eos, sicut preceperat Dominus.9 Prima rubens unda, ranarum plaga secunda 10|| 2 ˂tuo˃ : add. sec. Gn 5, 23 – 7 que … Dominus : om. Vulg. – 17 nolueris : em. ex noluerit – 29 servis tuis : populo tuo Vulg. – 34 Moysi : em. ex Domini punctione

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Ex 5, 22-23. Ex 6, 1. Cf. Ex 6, 9. Ex 6, 10-12. Cf. Ex 8, 1-3. Ex 8, 5-7. Cf. Ex 8, 8-10. Cf. Ex 8, 12-14. Ex 8, 15. Cf. De decem plagis Egipti, cf. Walther, Initia, n. 14595.

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Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Loquere ad Aaron: extende virgam tuam et percute pulverem 62r terre et sint cinifes in universa terra Egipti.’ Feceruntque ita et omnis pulvis terre conversus est cynifes per totam terram Egypti.1 5

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Feceruntque similiter malefici suis incantacionibus, ut educerent cynifes, et non potuerunt. Erantque cynifes tam in hominibus, quam in iumentis. Et dixerunt malefici ad Pharaonem: ‘Digitus Dei est hic.’ Induratum est cor Pharaonis et non audivit eos.2 Inde culex tristis:3 tercia plaga.|| Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Consurge diluculo et sta coram Pharaone, egredietur 62v enim ad aquas et dices ad eum: hec dicit Dominus: dimitte populum meum, ut sacrif icet michi! Quod si non dimiseris eum, ecce, ego inmittam in te et in servos tuos, in populum tuum et in domos tuas omne genus muscarum et inplebuntur domus Egypciorum muscis diversi generis. Faciamque mirabilem in die illa terram Gessen, in qua populus meus est, ut non sint ibi musce, et scies, quia ego Dominus in medio terre. 4 Ponamque divisionem inter populum meum et populum tuum. Cras erit signum istud.’ Et venit musca gravissima corrupitque totam terram Egypti. Vocavitque Pharao Moyses et Aaron et ait eis: ‘Ite et sacrificate Deo vestro in terra hac.’5 Et ait Moyses: ‘Non potest ita fieri. Abhominaciones enim Egyptiorum immolabimus Domino Deo nostro. Quod si mactaverimus ea, que colunt Egypcii, coram eis, lapidibus nos obruent. Viam trium dierum pergemus in solitudinem et sacrificabimus Deo nostro, sicut precepit nobis Dominus.’ Dixitque Pharao: ‘Ego dimittam, ut sacrificetis in deserto. Verumtamen longius non abeatis et rogate pro me.’ Dixit Moyses: ‘Rogabo.’6|| Egressusque Moyses a Pharaone oravit ad Dominum, qui fecit iuxta verbum illius. Et 63r aggravatum est cor Pharaonis, ut nec hac vice dimitteret populum suum.7 Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron: ‘Tollite plenas manus cinere de camino et aspergat illum Moyses in celum coram Pharaone. Sitque pulvis super omnem terram Egypti.’ Erant enim in hominibus et iumentis ulcera et vesice turgentes in universa terra Egypti.’8 Nec potuerant malefici stare coram Moyse proter vulnera, que in illis erant et in omni terra Egypti. Induravit Dominus cor Pharaonis et non audivit eos, sicut locutus est Dominus ad Moysen.9|| 1 pulverem : em. ex Pharaonem punctione – 28 pagina membranea inf. abscisa textu deleto

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 8, 16-17. Cf. Ex 8, 18-19. De decem plagis Egipti, cf. Walther, Initia, n. 14595. Cf. Ex 8, 20-22. Cf. Ex 8, 23-25. Cf. Ex 8, 26-29. Cf. Ex 8, 30-32. Cf. Ex 9, 8-9. Ex 9, 11-12.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Dixit quoque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Mane consurge et sta coram Pharaone et dices ad 63v eum: hec dicit Dominus Deus Hebreorum: dimitte populum meum!1 Et cum si non feceris, extendens manum meam percutiam te et populum tuum post te peribisque de terra.2 En pluam hac ipsa hora cras grandinem multam nimis, qualis non fuit in Egypto a die, qua 5 fundata est.’3 Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Extende manum tuam in celum, ut fiat grando in universa terra Egypti super homines et iumenta et super omnem herbam agri.’ Extenditque Moyses virgam in celum et Dominus 10 dedit tonitrua et grandinem et discurrencia fulgura super terram Egypti. 4 Pluitque Dominus grandinem super terram Egypti. Et grando et ignis inmixta pariter ferebantur. Et percussit grando cuncta, que erant in terra Egypti ab homine usque ad 15 iumentum. Tamen in terra Gessen, ubi erant filii Israhel, grando non cecidit.5||

Misitque Pharao et vocavit Moysen et Aaron dicens ad eos: ‘Peccavi etiam nunc, Dominus 64r 20 iustus, ego autem et populus meus inpii. Orate ad Dominum, ut desinant tonitrua Dei et grando, ut dimittam vos et nequaquam hic ultra remaneatis.’ Et ait Moyses: ‘Cum egressus fuero de urbe, extendam palmas meas ad Dominum et cessabunt tonitrua et grando, ut scias, quia Domini est terra. Novi autem, quod et tu et servi tui non timetis Dominum.’6 25 Hic eiciuntur a Pharaone Egressus Moyses a Pharaone tetendit manus ad Dominum et cessaverunt tonitrua et grando. 30 Videns autem Pharao, quod cessasset pluvia et grando, auxit peccatum. Et ingravatum est cor eius nec dimisit filios Isrhael.7 Et dixit Dominus ad Moyses: ‘Ingredere ad Pharaonem!8 Et dices ad eum: Hec dicit Dominus Deus Hebreorum: usquequo 35 non vis subici michi? Dimitte populum, ut sacrificet michi! Sin autem resistis, ecce, ego inducam cras locustam in fines tuos. Que operient super faciem terre nec quicquam eius appareat, sed comedetur, quod residuum erat grandini.’ Avertitque se Moyses et Aaron a Pharaone et egressi sunt a Pharaone.9|| 40 2 Et … feceris : om. Vulg. – 3 meam : supra percutiam ascriptum – post te : pestem Vulg. – 14 in … Egypti : in agris Vulg. – 16 in marg. inf. fol. 63v custos VIIIus – 36 super faciem : superficiem Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 9, 13. Cf. Ex 9, 15. Cf. Ex 9, 18. Cf. Ex 9, 22-23. Cf. Ex 9, 23-26. Cf. Ex 9, 27-30. Cf. Ex 9, 33-35. Cf. Ex 10, 1. Cf. Ex 10, 3-6.

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5

10

15

20

25

30

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40

257

Revocaveruntque Moysen et Aaron ad Pharaonem, qui dixit eis: ‘Ite, sacrificate Domino 64v Deo vestro. Quinam sunt, qui ituri sunt?’ Ait Moyses: ‘Cum parvulis et senibus nostris pergemus, cum ovibus et armentis.’ Respondit: ‘Quomodo dimittam vos et parvulos vestros? Non ita fiet! Sed ite tantum viri et sacrificate!’ Statimque eiecti sunt a conspectu Pharaonis.1 Dixit autem Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Extende manum tuam super terram Egypti ad locustam, ut ascendat super eam et devoret omnem herbam, que residua fuerat grandini.’2 Et Dominus induxit ventum urentem tota die illa et nocte.3 Et mane facto ventus urens levavit locustas. Que ascenderunt super universam terram Egypti et sederunt in cunctis finibus Egypciorum. Opperueruntque universam faciem terre vastantes eam. 4||

Quam ob rem festinus Pharao vocavit Moyses et Aaron et dixit ad eos: ‘Peccavi in Dominum 65r vestrum et in vos. Nunc dimitite peccatum michi etiam hac vice et rogate Dominum Deum vestrum, ut auferat a me pestem istam.’5 Egressusque Moyses de conspectu Pharaonis oravit Dominum. Qui flare fecit.6 Egressusque Moyses a conspectu Pharaonis oravit Dominum. Qui flare fecit ventum ab occidente et areptam locustam proiecit in mare Rubrum. Induratum est cor Pharaonis nec dimisit filios Israhel.7 Dixerunt autem servi Pharaonis ad eum: ‘Usquequo patiemur hoc scandalum? Dimitte homines, ut sacrificent Domino Deo suo! Nonne vides, quod perierit Egyptus?’8||

Dixit autem Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Extende manum tuam in celum et sint tenebre super 66r terram Egypti iam dense, ut palpari queant.’ Extenditque Moyses manum et facte sunt horribiles tenebre in universa terra Egypti tribus diebus. Et nemo vidit faciem suam nec movit se de loco, in quo erat. Ubicumque autem habitabant filii Israhel, lux erat.9 Hec sunt tenebre palpabiles, quas induxit Dominus super Egypcios.|| 13 faciem : superficiem Vulg. – 20 pestem : mortem Vulg. – 31 Fol. 65v sine textu – 35 iam : tam Vulg. – 36 faciem : fratrem Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 10, 8-11. Ex 10, 12. Cf. Ex 10, 13. Cf. Ex 10, 13-15. Ex 10, 16-17. Cf. Ex 10, 18-19. Cf. Ex 10, 19-20. Ex 10, 7. Ex 10, 21-23.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Vocavitque Pharao Moysen et Aaron et dixit eis: ‘Ite et sacrificate Deo vestro! Oves tantum 66v vestre et armenta remaneant, parvuli vestri eant vobiscum.’ Ait Moyses: ‘Hostyas quoque et holochausta dabis nobis, que offeramus Domino Deo nostro. Cuncti greges pergent nobiscum, non remanebit ex eis ungula.’1 Dixitque Pharao ad Moysen: ‘Recede a me! Cave, 5 ne ultra videas faciem meam!’ ‘Ita fiat, ut locutus es.’2

Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Adhuc una plaga tangam Pharaonem et post hec dimittet 10 vos et exire conpellet. Dices ergo omni plebi, ut postulet vir ab amico suo et mulier a vicina sua vasa argentea et aurea.3 Hec dicit

15

Dominus: Media nocte egrediar in Egyptum. Et morietur omne primogenitum.’4||

Dixit Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron:5 ‘Loquimini ad universum cetum filiorum Israhel et 67r dicite eis: X a die mensis huius tollat quisque agnum per familias et domos suas. Sin autem 20 minor est numerus, ut sufficere non possit ad vescendum agnum, assumat vicinum suum, qui iunctus est ei.6 Nullus vestrum egrediatur hostium domus usque mane. Transibit enim Dominus percutiens Egypcios.’7 25 Factum est autem noctis medio, percussit Dominus omnem primogenitum in terra Egypti a primogenito Pharaonis, qui sedebat in solio eius, usque ad primogenitum captive, que erat in carcere, et omne primogenitum iumentorum. 8|| 30

35

Surrexitque Pharao nocte et omnes servi eius cunctaque Egyptus et ortus est clamor magnus 67v in Egypto. Vocatisque Moysen et Aaron nocte ait: ‘Surgite, egredimini a populo meo et vos et filii Israhel, ite, inmolate Domino, sicut dicitis! Oves vestras et armenta ˂adsumite˃, ut petieratis, et abeuntes benedicite michi.’9

Urgebantque Egypcii populum exire de terra velociter dicentes: ‘Omnes moriemur!’10|| 40 14 egrediar : em. sec. Ex 11, 4; egredi in textu – 33 ˂adsumite˃ : add. sec. Ex 12, 32

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Ex 10, 24-26. Cf. Ex 10, 28-29. Cf. Ex 11, 1-2. Cf. Ex 11, 4. Cf. Ex 12, 1. Cf. Ex 12, 3-4. Cf. Ex 12, 22-23. Cf. Ex 12, 29. Cf. Ex 12, 30-32. Ex 12, 33.

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Tulit ergo populus conspersam farinam in saccis, antequam fermentaretur, et ligans in 68r palliis posuit super humeros suos.1 5

Feceruntque filii Israhel, sicut preceperat Dominus Moysi, et petierunt ab Egipciis vasa argentea et aurea vestemque plurimam. Et spoliaverunt Egypcios. 2 Profectique sunt filii Israhel de Rames in Sichet, sexcenta milia peditum virorum preter parvulos et mulieres.3||

10 Ibi matres ducunt suos parvulos, festinant ex Egypto.

68v

15 Isti deportant et fermenta et omnia, que possunt.|| 20

Isti educunt omnia, quecumque possunt, greges ovium et armentorum et cetera alia.

25

Isti sunt filii Israhel de terra Egypti exeuntes. Habitacio autem f iliorum Israhel, qua manserunt in Egypto, fuit CCCC XIX annorum, quibus expletis eodem die egressi sunt. 4||

30

69r

35

Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron: ‘Hec est religio phase: omnis alienigena non 69v comedet ex eo. Omnis autem servus empticius circumcidetur et sic comedet ex eo. Advena et mercenarius non .’5 Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: ‘Sanctifica michi omne primogenitum, quod apperit vulvam in filiis Israhel tam de hominibus, quam de iumentis.’6

40

Et ait Moyses ad populum: ‘Mementote diei huius, in qua egressi estis de Egypto et de domo servitutis, quoniam in manu forti eduxit vos Dominus de loco isto, ut non comedatis fermentatum panem.7‘||

1 conspersam : em.; conspsam in textu – 25 XIX : triginta Vulg. – 33 : add. sec. Ex 12, 45

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Ex 12, 34. Cf. Ex 12, 35-36. Cf. Ex 12, 37. Cf. Ex 12, 40-41. Cf. Ex 12, 43-45. Cf. Ex 13, 1-2. Ex 13, 3.

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ANNA KERNBACH

Hic anunciant Egypcii regi Pharaoni dicentes, quod fugisset populus. Inmutatumque 70r est cor Pharaonis et servorum eius super populum et dixerunt: ‘Quid volumus facere, ut dimittamus Israhel, ne serviret nobis?’ Assumpsit ergo omnem populum suum et CCC currus falcatos et persecutus est eos.1 Tulit quoque Moyses ossa Yoseph secum, eo quod adiurasset filios Israhel dicens: ‘Visitabit vos Deus: Efferte ossa mea hinc vobiscum!’2||

10 Ibi rex Pharao Egypti persequitur Iudeos cum exercitu suo in CCCtis curribus falcatis.

70v

Cumque apropinquasset Pharao, levantes oculos suos filii Israhel viderunt Egypcios post se et timuerunt valde clamaveruntque ad Dominum. Et dixerunt ad Moysen: ‘Forsitan non erant sepulchra in Egypto? Ideo tulisti nos, ut moreremur in solitudine? 15 Quid hoc facere

20

voluisti, ut educeres nos de Egypto!3 Nonne iste sermo, quem loquebamur ad te in Egypto dicentes: Recede a nobis, ut serviamus Egypciis!’ Ait Moyses ad populum: ‘Nolite timere! State, videte magnalia Domini, que facturus est hodie!4‘||

Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Quid clamas ad me? Loquere filiis Israhel, ut proficiscantur! 71r Tu autem eleva virgam tuam et extende manum super mare et divide illud, ut gradiantur filii Israhel in medio maris per siccum.’5 Tollensque se angelus Dei, qui precedebat castra 25 Israhel, abiit post eos et cum eo pariter columpna nubis.6

30

Extendensque Moyses manum super mare abstulit illud Dominus flante vento vehementi et urente tota nocte et vertit in siccum divisaque est aqua. Et ingressi sunt filii Israhel per medium maris sicci. Erat autem aqua eis quasi murus.7 Iste colligit petras iacinctinas||

Ibi equos Pharaonis et omnem exercitum eius Dominus proiecit in mare et subvertit rotas currium.8 35 Et ait Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Extende manum super mare, ut revertantur aque ad Egypcios super currus et equites eorum.’9 Moyses percutiens Ibi f ilii Israhel exierunt de mari gaudentes et laudantes Dominum, qui facit mirabilia 40 semper.|| 3 Assumpsit : em.; Assupsit in textu – CCC : sescentos Vulg. – 4 falcatos : electos Vulg. – 31 Iste ... iacinctinas : om. Vulg. – 39-40 Ibi ... semper : om. Vulg. – 41 in marg. inf. fol. 71v custos IXus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 14, 5-8. Ex 13, 19. Ex 14, 10-11. Cf. Ex 14, 12-13. Ex 14, 15-16. Cf. Ex 14, 19. Cf. Ex 14, 21-22. Sec. Ex 15, 4 et 14, 25. Cf. Ex 14, 26.

71v

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261

Ibi Maria prophetissa, soror Aaron, sumpsit tympanum et multe alie secuti sunt eam cum 72r tympanis et choris et liris precinentes et laudantes Deum, qui eduxit eos de Egipto per mare Rubri.1 5

10

Egressus vero Israhel de mare Rubro ambulaverunt per sollitudinem tribus diebus et non inveniebant aquam. 2 Et murmuravit populus contra Moysem dicens: ‘Quid bibemus?’3 Aque huius loci sunt amare. 4||

15

Clamavit ergo Moyses ad Deum, qui ostendit ei lignum, quod cum misisset in aquas, in 72v dulcedinem verse sunt ille aque.5

20

Ibi constituit eis precepta atque iudicia et temptat eos dicens: ‘Si audieritis vocem meam, et quod rectum est coram Domino tuo, feceris et obedieris mandatis eius, cunctum langorem, quem posui in Egipto, non inducam super te.’6||

25

30

35

40

Ibi venerunt autem in Elym, ubi erant XII fontes aquarum et LXX palme et castra metati 73r sunt iuxta aquas.7 hec sunt palme Ibi murmuravit omnis multitudo filiorum Israhel contra Moysen et Aaron in deserto Syn. Dixeruntque ad eos: ‘Utinam mortui fuissemus per manum Domini in terra Egypti, quando sedebamus ad ollas carnium et comedebamus panem in saturitate! Cur induxistis nos in desertum istud, ut occideretis omnem multitudinem fame?’8|| 1 scriba C ff. 72r-73r – 9 loci : in rasura – 14 quod : em.; quid in textu – 35 Dixeruntque : em.; dixuntque in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Sec. Ex 15, 20-21. Cf. Ex 15, 22. Cf. Ex 15, 24. Sec. Ex 15, 23. Cf. Ex 15, 25. Cf. Ex 15, 25-26. Ex 15, 27. Cf. Ex 16, 2-3.

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Dixit autem Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Ecce, ego pluam vobis panem de celo. Egrediatur populus 73v et colligat, que sufficiunt per singulos dies, ut temptem eum, utrum ambulet in lege mea an non.’1 Dixerunt Moyses et Aaron ad filios Israhel: ‘Hec dicit Dominus: audivi murmur vestrum 5 contra Dominum, quia musitatis contra nos. Dabit vobis Dominus carnes vespere edere et mane panes in saturitate.’2 Locutus est autem Dominus ad Moysen dicens: ‘Audivi murmuraciones filiorum Israhel, 10 vespere comedetis carnes et mane saturabimini panibus.’ Factum est ergo vespere et ascendit coturnix et operuit castra, mane quoque ros iacuit

15

per circuitum castrorum.3||

Dixitque Moyses ad Aaron: ‘Dic universe congregacioni filiorum Israhel: Accedite coram 74r Domino! Audivit enim murmur vestrum.’ Cumque loqueretur Aaron ad omnem cethum 20 filiorum Israhel, respexerunt ad solitudinem, et ecce, gloria Domini apparuit in nube4 et ros super terram in similitudine pruine.5 Quod cum vidissent f ilii Israhel, dixerunt ad invicem: ‘Man thu?’ Id est: quid est hoc? 25 Ignorabant enim, quid esset. Quibus ait Moyses: ‘Iste est panis, quem dedit vobis Dominus ad vescendum.6 Colligat unusquisque, quantum sufficit ad vescendum.’ Feceruntque ita filii Israhel et collegerunt, alius plus, alius minus.7|| 30

35

40

Dixitque Moyses ad eos: ‘Colligite et nullus reliquat ex eo usque mane.’ Qui non aud- 74v ierunt eum, sed dimiserunt quidam ex eo usque mane et scaturire cepit vermibus atque conputruit. 8 Et iratus est contra eos Moyses. Colligebant autem mane singuli, quantum sufficiebat ad vescendum. Cumque incaluisset sol, liquefiebat. In die vero VIa collegerunt cibos duplices, id est duo gomor.9|| 1 scriba D ff. 73v-103v – 5 musitatis : em. ex musitastis per rasura – 33 sed dimiserunt : em.; bis in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Ex 16, 4. Sec. Ex 16, 6-8. Cf. Ex 16, 11-13. Ex 16, 9-10. Sec. Ex 16, 14. Ex 16, 15. Cf. Ex 16, 16-17. Cf. Ex 16, 19-20. Cf. Ex 16, 20-22.

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Factum est ergo vespere et ascendit conturnix et operuit castra eorum.1 Et accepit unus- 75r quisque, quantum volebat. 5

Venerunt ergo principes multitudinis et narraverunt Moysi2 de conturnicibus et quomodo die VIa collegerunt duo gomor. Qui ait eis: ‘Hoc est, quod locutus est Dominus: Requies sabbati sanctificata erit Domino. Cras quodcumque operandum est, facite!’3

10

15

20

25

30

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Moyses||

Dixitque Moyses ad Aaron: ‘Sume tibi vas unum et mitte mane ibi, quantum potest capere 75v gomor, et repone coram Domino ad servandum in generationes vestras!’4 Sicut precepit Dominus Moysi, Ibi Aaron colligit manna ibi Aaron posuit in thabernaculo reservandum5 man atque gomor. Filii autem Israhel comederunt man XL a annis, donec venirent in terram habitabilem Canaan. Hec cibo aliti sunt. Gomor autem decima pars est ephy.6||

Profecta est ergo omnis multitudo f iliorum Israhel de deserto Syn, castra metati sunt in 76r Raphydyn, ubi non erat aqua ad bibendum populo. Qui iurgatus contra Moysen ait: ‘Da nobis aquam ad bibendum.’ Quibus iratus Moyses ait: ‘Quid iurgamini contra me? Cur temptatis Dominum?’ Sitivit ergo populus ibi pro aque penuria et murmuravit contra Moysen dicens: ‘Cur nos exire fecisti de Egypto, ut occideres nos et liberos nostros siti?’ Clamavit ergo Moyses ad Dominum dicens: ‘Quid faciam populo huic? Adhuc pusillum et lapidabit me!’7 Ait Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Antecede populum et sume tecum de senioribus populi Israhel et virgam, in qua percussisti fluvium, tolles in manu tua! En ego stabo coram te supra petram Oreb, percutiensque petram et exibit ex ea aqua, ut bibat populus.’ Fecitque Moyses ita coram senioribus Israhel.8|| Venit autem Amalech et pugnavit contra Israhel in Raphydyn.9 Dixit Moyses ad Yosue: ‘Elige tibi viros et egressus pugna contra Amalech! Cras et ego stabo in vertice collis absens, virgam Dei in manu mea tenens.’ Fecit Yosue, sicut locutus est Moyses. Moyses autem et Aaron et Hur ascenderunt super verticem collis.10|| 1-2 Et … volebat : om. Vulg. – 4-5 de … gomor : om. Vulg. – 24 temptatis : em.; temptis in textu – 30 in qua : qua Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Ex 16, 13. Cf. Ex 16, 22. Cf. Ex 16, 23. Ex 16, 33. Cf. 16, 34. Cf. Ex 16, 35-36. Cf. Ex 17, 1-4. Cf. Ex 17, 5-6. Ex 17, 8. Cf. Ex 17, 9-10.

76v

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Cumque elevaret Moyses manus, vincebat Israhel. Sin autem paululum remisisset, superabat 77r Amalech. Manus autem Moysi erant graves. Sumentes igitur lapidem posuerunt subter eum, in quo sedit, Aaron autem et Hur sustentabant manus eius ex utraque parte.1 Fugavitque Yosue Amalech et populum suum in ore gladii.2 A˂aron˃

10

V˂r˃||

Dixit Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Scribe hoc ob monumentum in libro et trade in auribus Yosue: 77v Delebo enim memoriam Amalech sub celo.’ Edificavitque Moyses altare et vocavit nomen eius ‘Dominus exaltacio mea’.3

15 Cumque audisset Yetro, sacerdos Madyan, cognatus Moysi, omnia, que fecerat Dominus Moysi et Israhel, populo suo, tulit Sophoram, uxorem Moysi, quam remiserat, 4 et duos filios eius, Yersan et Elyezer.5 Hic Yetro mandat adventum suum Moysi dicens: ‘Ego Yetro, 20 cognatus tuus venio ad te.’6||

25 Ibi Moyses egressus in occursum cognati sui Yetro et uxoris et f iliorum suorum, sal- 78r utaverunt se verbis pacificis. Cumque introissent thabernaculum, narravit Moyses cognato suo cuncta, que fecerat Dominus Pharaoni et Egypciis propter Israhel, et universum laborem in itinere.7 Letatusque est Yetro super omnibus bonis, que fecerat Dominus Israhel. 8 30 Hic Yetro, cognatus Moysi, offert holochausta et hostias Domino. Veneruntque Aaron et omnes seniores Israhel, ut comederent panem cum eo coram 35 Domino.9 Aaron|| 40

7 A˂aron˃ : add. – V˂r˃ : add. – 19 Yersan : Gersan Vulg. – 26 salutaverunt : em.; salutavit in textu – 33 cognatus … offert : transpos.; offert cognatus Moysi in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 17, 11-12. Ex 17, 13. Cf. Ex 17, 14-15. Ex 18, 1-2. CSec. Ex 18, 3-4. Cf. Ex 18, 6. Cf. Ex 18, 7-8. Ex 18, 9. Cf. Ex 18, 12.

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Altero autem die sedit Moyses, ut iudicaret populum, qui assistebat Moysi a mane usque 78v ad vesperam. Quod cum vidisset cognatus eius Yetro, omnia scilicet, que agebat in populo, GETRO 5 ibi reprehendit Yetro Moysen dicens: ‘Quid est, quod agis in populo? Cur solus sedes et omnis populus prestolatur de mane usque ad vesperam?’1 Cui respondit Moyses: ‘Venit ad me populus querens sententiam Dei.’2 Ait Yetro: ‘Non bonam rem facis. Stulto labore consumeris, ultra vires tuas est negotium, solus illud non poteris sustinere.’3 10

GETRO

‘Sed audi verba mea et erit Dominus tecum. Esto tu populo in hiis, que ad Deum pertinent, ut referas, que dicuntur ad eum. Ostendasque populo cerimonias et ritum colendi. Provide autem de plebe sapientes et timentes Deum, in quibus est veritas et avariciam oderint, et 15 constitue ex eis tribunos et centuriones, qui iudicent populum.’4 Quibus auditis Moyses hec fecit omnia.5||

20

Hic dimittit Moyses Yetro, cognatum suum, qui reversus abiit in terram suam.6 GETRO GETRO

79r

Mense ergo egressionis de Egypto venerunt in solitudinem Synay.7 Fixerunt tentoria. 8 Moyses autem ascendit in montem Synai ad Dominum vocavitque eum et ait: ‘Hec dices filiis Israhel: vos ipsi vidistis, que fecerim Egypciis et quomodo portaverim 25 vos super alas aquilarum. Si ergo audieritis vocem meam et custodieritis pactum meum, eritis michi in peculium de cunctis populis, mea est enim omnis terra. Eritis michi gens sancta.’9|| 30

Venit Moyses et convocatis maioribus natu populi exposuit omnes sermones, quos man- 79v daverat ei Dominus. Respondit universus populus simul: ‘Cuncta, que locutus est Dominus, faciemus.’10

35 Ibi refert Moyses verba populi ad Dominum. Ait Dominus: ‘Iam nunc veniam ad te in caligine nubis, ut audiat populus me loquentem et credat tibi in perpetuum.’ Hic anunciat filiis Israhel verba Domini.11|| 14 sapientes : viros potentes Vulg. – 19 Moyses Yetro : transpos. ex Yetro Moyses – 22 Mense : mense tertio Vulg. – 23 : add. sec. Ex 19, 3 – 38 in marg. inf. fol. 79v custos Xus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Ex 18, 13-14. Ex 18, 15. Cf. Ex 18, 17-18. Cf. Ex 18, 19-22. Cf. Ex 18, 24. Cf. Ex 18, 27. Cf. Ex 19, 1. Sec. Ex 19, 2. Cf. Ex 19, 3-6. Cf. Ex 19, 7-8. Cf. Ex 19, 8-9.

266 

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Nunciavit ergo Moyses verba populi ad Dominum. Qui dixit ei: ‘Vade ad populum et 80r sanctifica eos hodie et cras. Laventque vestimenta sua et sint parati in diem tercium. Die enim tercia descendet Dominus coram omni plebe super montem Synai. Constituesque terminos populo per circuitum et dices: Cavete, ne ascendatis in montem, ne tangatis fines 5 illius. Omnis, qui tetigerit, morte moriatur. Manus non tangetur, sed lapidibus obruetur aut iaculis confodietur.’1 Descenditque Moyses de monte ad populum et sanctif icavit eum. Cumque lavissent 10 vestimenta sua, ait ad eos: ‘Estote in diem tercium, ne apropinquetis uxoribus vestris.’2 Hic lavant suas vestes||

15 Iamque advenerat dies tercius et mane inclaruerat, et ecce, ceperunt audiri tonitrua et 80v micare fulgura et nubes densissima operire montem clangorque tubarum vehementius perstrepebat. Cumque eduxisset eos Moyses de castris in occursum Dei, steterunt in radice montis3 operta facie, ne videret eos Dominus. Moyses loquebatur et Dominus respondit ei. 4 20 Moyses loquebatur et Dominus respondit ei.5 Ibi narrat Moyses populo cuncta, que audierat a Domino.6 25

30

Deus verus ab initio mundi||

Ibi Moyses proponit singillatim precepta Domini dicens:

‘Non adorabis deos alienos!’7 35

40

‘Non assumes nomen Dei tui in vanum!’9

‘Non facies tibi sculptile!’8 ‘Honora patrem tuum et matrem tuam!’10||

9 lavissent : em. ex lavissens – 10 : add. sec. Ex 19, 14 – 18 operta … Dominus : om. Vulg. – 25 Deus … mundi : in phylacterio in manibus Moysi – 33 Non adorabis … alienos : in phylacterio in manu Moysi – Non facies … sculptile : in phylacterio in manu Moysi – 37 bina phylacteria in manu Moysi sine textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Ex 19, 9-13. Cf. Ex 19, 14-15. Cf. Ex 19, 16-17. Cf. Ex 19, 19. Cf. Ex 19, 19. Sec. Ex 19, 25. Cf. Ex 20, 3. Cf. Ex 20, 4. Cf. Ex 20, 7. Cf. Ex 20, 12.

81r

267

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

‘Non occides.’1

‘Non mechaberis.’2

‘Non furtum facies.’3

81v

‘Non loquaris falsum testimonium.’4 ‘Non concupiscas rem vel domum proximi tui.’5|| 5

10

15

Venit ergo Moyses et narravit plebi omnia verba Domini atque iudicia.6

82r

Responditque omnis populus una voce: ‘Omnia verba Domini, que locutus est, faciemus.’7|| Dixit quoque Dominus Moysi: ‘Ascende tu ad me et Aaron et Nabaioth et Eliud et LXX a 82v senes ex Israhel et adorabitis procul.’ Solusque Moyses ascendit ad Dominum et illi non apropinquabunt et nec populus ascendet cum eo.8 Responditque populus una voce: ‘Omnia verba Domini, que locutus est ad te, faciemus.’9||

Scripsit autem Moyses universos sermones Domini et mane consurgens edificavit altare 83r 20 ad radicem montis et XII titulos per XII tribus Israhel. Misitque iuvenes de filiis Israhel et obtulerunt holochausta et ymolaverunt victimas pacificas Domino vitulos XII. Tulit ergo Moyses partem sanguinis et misit in crateras, partem autem residuam fudit super altare. 10 25

30



Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum 11

Ruben Symeon Leui Iuda Isachar Zabulon Benyamin Dan Neptalym Gad Aser Yoseph

Assumensque volumen federis legit audiente populo. Qui dixerunt: ‘Omnia, que locutus est Dominus, faciemus et erimus obedientes.’12 Diliges Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo et proximum tuum sicut te ipsum, honora patrem 13||

35

2 bina phylacteria in manu Moyse sine textu – 4 bina phylacteria in manu Moysi sine textu – 12 Nabaioth et Eliud : Nadab et Abiu Vulg. – 21 XII : om. Vulg. – 24-26 Diliges … ipsum : textus in libro a Moyse scripto – 24-29 Ruben … Yoseph : nomina 12 tribuum Israhel a Moyse in titulos scripta – 34-35 Diliges … patrem : textus in volumine a Moyse lecto

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Cf. Ex 20, 13. Cf. Ex 20, 14. Cf. Ex 20, 15. Cf. Ex 20, 16. Cf. Ex 20, 17. Cf. Ex 24, 3. Cf. Ex 24, 3. Cf. Ex 24, 1-2. Cf. Ex 24, 3. Cf. Ex 24, 4-6. Sec. L 10, 27. Cf. Ex 24, 7. Sec. L 10, 27 et Ex 20, 12.

268 

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Ibi Moyses residuum sanguinem spersit in populo et ait: ‘Hic est sanguis federis, quod 83v pepigit Dominus nobiscum super cunctis sermonibus vestris.’1 Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Ascende ad me in montem et esto ibi daboque tibi 5 lapideas tabulas et legem et mandata, que scripsi, ut doceas eos.’ Surrexerunt Moyses et Yosue, ministri eius. Ascendensque Moyses in montem Dei senioribus ait: ‘Expectate hic, donec revertar ad vos. Habetis Aaron et Vr vobiscum. Si quid natum fuerit questionis, 10 referetis ad eos.’2|| Cumque ascendisset Moyses, operuit nubes montem. Et habitavit gloria Domini super Synai 84r tegens illum nube VI diebus, septimo autem vocavit eum de medio caliginis. Erat autem 15 species glorie Domini quasi ignis ardens super verticem montis in conspectu filiorum Israhel. Ingressusque est Moyses in medium nebule et fuit ibi quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus.3 Locutus est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: ‘Loquere filiis Israhel, ut tollant michi primicias. Ab 20 omni homine, qui offert ea ultroneus, accipietis eas. Hec sunt autem, que accipere debetis: aurum et argentum et es, iacinthum et purpura’ et cetera, que secuntur. 4 Ibi loquitur Dominus ad Moysen et ipse Moyses loquitur ad populum Domini mandata.|| 25

Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: ‘Descende, peccavit populus tuus, quem 84v eduxi de Egypto! Recesserunt cito de via, quam ostendisti eis, feceruntque sibi vitulum conflatilem, adoraverunt atque inmolantes hostias dixerunt: Isti sunt dii tui Israhel, qui te eduxerunt de terra Egypti.’5 30 Ibi dat Dominus Moysi tabulas testamenti6 Ibi Moyses per ira fregit tabulas testamenti7 Videns populus, quod Moyses moram faceret in monte, congregatus adversus Aaron ait: ‘Surge, fac nobis deos, qui nos precedant! Moysi enim, huic viro, qui nos eduxit de terra 35 Egypto ignoramus, quid acciderit.’8 Dixitque ad eos Aaron: ‘Tollite inaures aureas de uxoribus filiorum et filiarum vestrarum auribus et ferte ad me.’ Fecit populus, que iusserat. Quas cum ille accepisset, fecit eis vitulum conflatilem. Et Aaron fecit ei altare.9 Ibi filii Israhel presentant Aaron 40 inaures aureas et annulos, ex quibus conflavit vitulum.||

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

6 ministri : minister Vulg. – 23 Ibi … mandata : om. Vulg. – 24 in prima dimidia parte versi rasura – 34 qui : em.; bis in textu

Cf. Ex 24, 8. Ex 24, 12-14. Cf. Ex 24, 15-18. Cf. Ex 25, 1-4; cetera, quae sequuntur, cf. Ex 25, 4-31, 18. Cf. Ex 32, 7-8. Sec. Ex 31, 18. Sec. Ex 32, 19. Cf. Ex 32, 1. Cf. Ex 32, 2-5.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

269

Ibi adorant vitulum factum ex Aaron digitis dicentes: ‘Hii sunt dii tui, Israhel, qui te 85r eduxerant de terra Egypti!’1 Et [obtule]runt holochausta et hostias pacif icas2 presente Aaron. 5

10

15

20

Cumque filii Israhel obtulissent victulo holochausta et hostyas pacificas, se[dit populus come]dere et bibere3 cum leticia.|| Postquam hostias et holochasta vitulo obtulerunt et postquam comederunt et biberunt, 85v surrexerunt ludere nudi. 4 Spoliaverat enim eos Aaron propter ignominiam sordis et inter hostes nudum constituerat.5 Dixitque Moyses ad Aaron: ‘Quid tibi hic fecit populus, ut induceres super eum peccatum maximum?’ Qui respondit: ‘Tu enim nosti populum istum, [quod pronus sit] ad malum. Dixit michi: fac nobis deos, qui precedant nos, nescimus enim, quid factum sit Moysi.’6 Arripiens autem Moyses [vitulu]m, quem fecerant, contrivit eum et conbussit usque ad pulverem, quem sparsit in aquam, et dedit ex eo potum filiis Israhel.7||

25

Hic Moyses dat f iliis Israhel bibere aquam sparsam pulvere vituli, ut inveniat signum in 86r eis, qui sunt rei istius sceleris, et biberunt omnes. Qui autem rei sunt, habuerunt aureas barbas.

30

Stans ergo Moyses in porta castrorum ait: ‘Si quis est Domini, iungatur michi!’ Congregatique sunt ad eum omnes filii Leui. Quibus ait: ‘Hec dicit Dominus Deus Israhel: Ponat vir gladium super femur suum, ite et reddite de porta usque ad portam per medium castrorum et occidat unusquisque fratrem et amicum et proximum suum!’8||

35

Feceruntque filii Leui iuxta sermonem Moysi et ceciderunt in die illo quasi XXX milia 86v hominum. Et ait Moyses: ‘Consecrastis manus vestras hodie Domino unusquisque in filio et fratre suo, ut detur vobis benediccio.’9|| 1 Ibi… dicentes : om. Vulg. – 2 [obtule]runt : add. sec. Ex 32, 6; dextera pars folii membranei deleta – 2-3 presente Aaron : om. Vulg. – 5-6 se[dit … come]re : add. sec. Ex 32, 6; dextera pars folii membranei deleta – 6 cum leticia : om. Vulg. – 14 [quod … sit] : add. sec. Ex 32, 22, sinistra pars folii membranei deleta – 18 [vitulu]m : add. sec. Ex 32, 20; sinistra pars folii membranei deleta – 23-25 Hic … barbas : om. Vulg.

40

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Ex 32, 4. Sec. Ex 32, 6. Sec. Ex 32, 6. Sec. Ex 32, 6. Cf. Ex 32, 25. Cf. Ex 32, 21-23. Cf. Ex 32, 20. Cf. Ex 32, 26-27. Ex 32, 28-29.

270 

ANNA KERNBACH

Locutus est Moyses ad populum dicens: ‘Peccastis peccatum maximum. Ascendam ad 87r Dominum, si quomodo eum quevero deprecari pro scelere vestro.’1 5 Reversus ad Dominum ait: ‘Obsecro, Domine, peccavit populus iste peccatum magnum feceruntque sibi deos aureos. Aut dimitte eis hanc noxam, aut si non facis, dele me de libro, quem scripsisti.’ Cui respondit Dominus: ‘Qui peccaverit in me, delebo eum de libro meo. Tu autem vade et duc populum istum, quo locutus sum tibi.’2|| 10 Dixitque Dominus ad Moysen: ‘Loquere f iliis Israhel: populus dure cervicis es! Semel 87v ascendam in medio tui et delebo te! Iam nunc depone ornatum tuum, ut sciam, quid faciam tibi.’ Deposuerunt ergo filii Israhel ornatum suum a monte Oreb.3 15 Ibi deponunt filii Israhel ornatum ad Domini mandatum Moyses quoque tollens thabernaculum tetendit extra castra procul vocavitque nomen eius thabernaculum federis et omnis populus, qui habebat aliquam questionem, egrediebatur 20 ad thabernaculum federis extra castra. 4 Cumque ille revertebatur ad castra, minister eius, Iosue, filius Num, puer, non rece-

25

debat de thabernaculo.5||

Cumque ingrederetur Moyses thabernaculum, aspiciebant post tergum Moysi, donec 88r ingrederetur tentorium. Ingresso autem illo in tentorium federis, descendebat columpna 30 nubis et stabat ad ostium thabernaculi.6 Loquebatur autem Dominus ad Moysen facie ad faciem, sicut loqui solet homo ad amicum suum.7 Et ait Moyses: ‘Ostende michi gloriam tuam.’8 Respondit: ‘Ponam te in foramine petre et videbis posteriora mea. Faciem autem meam non videbis.’9 35

40

Dixitque Dominus: ‘Precide tibi duas tabulas lapideas instar priorum et scribam super eas verba, que habuerunt tabule, quas fregisti. Esto paratus mane, ut ascendas in montem Synai stabisque mecum super vertice montis.’10 Ibi stat cum Domino in vertice montis|| 25 in marg. inf. fol. 87v custos XIus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Ex 32, 30. Cf. Ex 32, 31-34. Ex 33, 5-6. Ex 33, 7. Cf. Ex 33, 11. Cf. Ex 33, 8-9. Cf. Ex 33, 11. Cf. Ex 33, 18. Cf. Ex 33, 22-23. Cf. Ex 34, 1-2.

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10

271

Hic dat Dominus precepta Moysi in monte Synai. 88v Cumque descenderet Moyses de monte Synai, tenebat duas tabulas testimonii et ignorabat, quod cornuta esset facies sua. Videntes autem Aaron et filii Israhel timuerunt prope accedere.1 Congregata igitur omni turba filiorum Israhel dixit ad eos: ‘Hec sunt, que iussit Dominus fieri. Sex diebus facietis opus. Septimus dies erit vobis sanctus, sabbatum et requies Domini. Qui fecerit in eo opus, occidetur. Non succendetis ignem in omnibus habitacionibus vestris per diem sabbati.’2||

15

Anno tercio regni Yoachym, regis Iuda, venit Nabuchodonozor, rex Babylonis, in Iherusalem 89r et obsedit eam et tradidit Dominus in manus eius Yoachym, regem Iude, et partem vasorum domus Dei et transportavit ea in terram Sennar in domum Dei sui et vasa intulit in domum thesauri Dei sui.3||

20

Ibi Nabuchodonosor, rex Babylonie, ducit Yoachym, regem Iude, in Babyloniam 89v kathenatum. YOACHYM NABUCHODONOSOR Ibi rex Nabuchodonosor infert vasa domus Dei, que asportaverat de Iherusalem in domum Dei sui. 4

25

30

35

NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃|| Hic precipit Nabucho rex preposito eunuchorum, ut introduceret de filiis Israhel et de semine 90r regio pueros, in quibus nulla esset macula et decoros forma et eruditos omni sapiencia, cautos sciencia et doctos disciplina, et qui possent stare in pallacio regis, et ut doceret eos litteras et linguam caldeorum. Et constituit eis rex annonam per singulos dies de cibis suis et de vino, ut enutriti tribus annis postea starent in conspectu regis.5 NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃ Fuerunt autem inter eos de filiis Iuda Daniel, Ananias, Misael et Azarias.6 Proposuit autem Daniel in corde suo, ut non pollueretur de mensa regis neque de vino potus eius et rogavit prepositum eunochorum, ne polluerentur.7

40

PREPOSITUS|| 1 Hic … Synai : om. Vulg. – 18-19 Ibi … kathenatum : om. Vulg. – 22 vasa : em.; bis in textu – 25+34 NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃ : add. – 32 in : em. ex in in

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Cf. Ex 34, 29-30. Ex 35, 1-3. Dn 1, 1-2. Sec. Dn 1, 2. Cf. Dn 1, 3-5. Cf. Dn 1, 6. Cf. Dn 1, 8.

272 

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ANNA KERNBACH

Dedit autem Deus gratiam et misericordiam Danieli in conspectu principis eunuchorum. Et 90v ait princeps eunuchorum ad Danielem: ‘Timeo ego dominum meum regem, qui constituit vobis cibos et potus, qui si viderit vultus vestros macilentiores pre ceteris adolescentibus, coewis vestris, condempnabitis caput meum regi.’1 MALASAR Ibi Daniel cum sociis suis recusant contaminari de mensa regis et averterunt vultus eorum a rege.|| Dixit Daniel ad Malazar, prepositum eunuchorum: ‘Tempta nos, obsecro, servos tuos, 91r diebus X et dentur nobis legumina ad vescendum et aqua ad bibendum. Et contemplare vultus meos et vultus puerorum, qui vescuntur cibo regio, et sicut videris, facies cum servis tuis.’ Qui audito sermone temptavit eos diebus X. Post dies autem X apparuerunt vultus eorum corpulenciores et pulchriores pre omnibus pueris, qui vescebantur cibo regio. Porro Malazar tollebat eorum cibaria et vinum eorum dabatque eis legumina.2 MA˂LASAR˃

20

Hii sunt pueri, qui vescuntur cibo regio

Pueris autem hiis dedit Deus scientiam et disciplinam in omni libro et in omni sapientia, Danieli autem intelligentiam omnium visionum et sompniorum.3|| 25

30

35

Conpletis itaque diebus, post quos dixerat rex, ut introducerentur, et introduxit eos prep- 91v ositus eunuchorum in conspectu Nabuchodonosor. Cumque locutus fuisset eis rex, non sunt inventi de universis tales ut Danyel et Ananias et Misael et Azarias, qui steterunt in conspectu regis. Et omne verbum sapientie et intellectus, quod sciscitatus est ab eis rex, invenit decuplum super cunctos ariolos et magos, qui erant in universo regno eius. Fuit autem Danyel usque ad annum primum Ciri regis. 4 MA˂LASAR˃

NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃

In anno secundo regni Nabuchodonosor vidit Nabuchodonosor sompnium et contristatus est spiritus eius et sompnium eius fugit ab eo. Precepit ergo rex, ut convocarentur omnes arioli et magi et malefici et Chaldei, ut indicarent regi sompnia sua.5

40

NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃

NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃||

3 vobis : em.; nobis in textu – 4 coewis : em. ex conwis per -e- ascriptum – 8-9 Ibi … rege : om. Vulg. – 14 meos : nostros Vulg. – vescuntur : em.; vesciuntur in textu – 19+34 MA˂LASAR˃ : add. – 34+40 NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃ : add. – 36 contristatus : conterritus Vulg.

45 1 2 3 4 5

Dn 1, 9-10. Cf. Dn 1, 12-16. Cf. Dn 1, 17. Dn 1, 18-21. Cf. Dn 2, 1-2.

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Qui cum venissent, steterunt coram rege. Et dixit ad eos rex: ‘Vidi sompnium et mente 92r confusus ignoro, quid viderim.’ Responderuntque Siriace Chaldei regi: ‘Rex, in sempiternum vive! Dic sompnium servis tuis et interpretacionem eius indicabimus.’ Et respondens rex ait Chaldeis: ‘Sompnus recessit a me. Nisi indicaveritis michi sompnium et coniecturam eius, peribitis vos, domus vestre publicabuntur.’1 Responderunt secundo atque diNA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃

10

xerunt ei: ‘Rex sompnium dicat servis suis et interpretacionem eius indicabimus.’ Respondit rex et ait: ‘Certe novi, quia tempus redimitis scientes, quia recessit a me sompnus ut sermo.’2 Respondentes regi dixerunt: ‘Non est homo super terram, qui sermonem, rex, possit inplere.3 Sermo enim, quem tu

15

NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃ queris, rex, gravis est.’4 Quo audito rex in furore et in ira magna precepit, ut perirent omnes sapientes Babilonis.5||

20 Et egressa sententia interficiebantur omnes sapientes querebantque Danyel et socios eius, 92v ut periret.6 25

30

35

40

Tunc Daniel requisivit de lege atque sententia ab Arioch, principe militie regis, qui egressus fuerat ad interficiendos sapientes. Et interrogavit, ob quam causam tam crudelis sententia a facie regis esset. Cum ergo rem indicasset Arioch Danyeli,7||

tunc Daniel ingressus rogavit regem, ut tempus daret sibi ad solucionem indicandam 93r regi. Et ingressus est domum suam Danyel et indicavit sociis suis negocium, ut quererent misericordiam a facie Dei celi super sacramento isto et non perirent cum ceteris sapientibus Babilonis.8 Post hec Daniel ingressus ad Arioch, quem constituerat rex, ut perderet sapientes Babylonis, sic ei locutus est: ‘Sapientes Babilonis ne perdas! Introduc me in conspectu regis et solucionem regi narrabo.’9 Ista materia debet sequi in mediatorem sequentem, ubi Danyeli dormienti revelantur mysteria divinitus.|| 4 sompnus : sermo Vulg. – 8+15 NA˂BUCHODONOSOR˃ : add. – 11 sompnus ut : om. Vulg. – 38 mediatorem : conieci

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Dn 2, 2-5. Cf. Dn 2, 7-8. Cf. Dn 2, 10. Cf. Dn 2, 11. Dn 2, 12. Dn 2, 13. Cf. Dn 2, 14-15. Cf. Dn 2, 16-18. Dn 2, 24.

274 

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ANNA KERNBACH

Hic Danieli per visionem nocte misterium revelatur et Daniel benedixit Deum celi dicens: 93v ‘Sit nomen Domini benedictum a seculo et usque in seculum!1 Tibi, Deus patrum meorum, confiteor teque laudo, quia fortitudinem et sapientiam dedisti michi, et nunc ostendisti michi, que rogavimus, quia sermonem regis apperuisti nobis.’2

Harioch, princeps milicie, festinus introduxit Danielem ad regem et dixit ei: ‘Inveni hominem de f iliis transmigracionis Iude, qui solucionem regi annunciet.’ Tunc rex dixit Danieli: ‘Putasne, vere potes michi indicare sompnium?’ Et respondens Daniel coram rege ait: ‘Mysterium, quod rex interrogat, sapientes et magi et arioli non queunt indicare.3 Sed est 10 Deus in celo revelans mysteria, qui indicavit tibi, rex

15

20

Nabuchodonosor, que ventura sunt novissimis temporibus. Sompnum tuum et visiones capitis tui in cubili tuo huiusmodi sunt. Tu, rex, cogitare cepisti in stratu tuo, quid esset futurum post hec.’4 Et dicit ei sompnum suum et interpretacionem eius.|| Tunc rex Nabuchodonosor cecidit in faciem suam et Danielem adoravit et hostias et 94r incensum precepit, ut sacrif icarent ei. Loquens ergo rex Danieli ait: ‘Vere Deus vester Deus deorum est et Dominus regum et revelans misteria, quoniam potuisti apperire sacramentum hoc.’5

Tunc rex Danielem in sublime extulit et munera magna et multa dedit ei et constituit eum super omnes Babilonis provinvias principem et prefectum et magistrum super omnes sapientes Babilonis. Daniel quoque postulavit a rege et constituit super omnia opera provincie Babilonis Sydrach, Misael et Abdenago. Ipse autem Daniel erat in 25 foribus regis.6||

30

Nabuchodonozor rex fecit statuam auream altitudinis cubitorum LXa, latitudinis cubitorum 94v VI et statuit eam in campo Duram provincie Babylonis.7 Et misit ad omnes satrapas, duces, magistratus omnesque principes regionum, ut convenirent ad dedicationem statue, quam erexerat rex Nabuchodonozor. 8||

35 Preco dicit: ‘Vobis dicitur populis, tribubus et linguis: In qua hora audieritis sonitum tube 95r et fistule et cythare, sambuce et psalterii universique generis musicorum, cadentes adorate statuam hanc! Si quis autem non adoraverit, mittetur in fornacem ignis ardentis.’9 Ibi rex Nabuchodonozor et cunctus populus adorant statuam. Sed Anania, Sidrak et Mysael 40 nolunt adorare.10|| 14 Et … eius : om. Vulg. – 22 et magistrum : magistratuum Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Dn 2, 19. Cf. Dn 2, 23. Cf. Dn 2, 25-27. Cf. Dn 2, 28-29. Dn 2, 46-47. Cf. Dn 2, 48-49. Cf. Dn 3, 1. Cf. Dn 3, 2. Cf. Dn 3, 4-6. Sec. Dn 3, 7-12.

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Dixit ergo rex Iudeis: ‘Vere, Sydrak, Mysaak et Abdenago, deos meos non colitis et statuam 95v auream, quam erexi, non adoratis?’1 Qui dixerunt: ‘Non oportet nos de hac re respondere tibi,2 rex, nam statuam, quam erexisti, non adoramus nec colimus.’3 Tunc rex ira repletus iussit eos duci et proici in fornacem ignis et succendi fornacem septuplum, quam succendi consueverat, et mitti eos ligatis manibus et pedibus. 4 Ibi Anania, Azarias, Misael ligati ducuntur ad fornacem ignis incensi.||

10 Ibi missi sunt hii tres pueri in caminum ignis ardentis, quos omnino non tetigit ignis. 15

96r

Ministri fornacem accedentes Accessit ergo rex ad caminum ignis ardentis videns eos illesos ait: ‘Sydrac, Mysaac, Abdenago, servi Dei excelsi, egredimini et venite!’ Statimque egressi sunt de fornace.5||

20

25

Tunc erumpens Nabuchodonozor ait: ‘Benedictus Deus deorum Sydrak, Mysaac et 96v Abdenago, qui misit angelum suum et eruit servos suos, quia crediderunt in eo et verbum regis inmutaverunt et tradiderunt corpora sua, ne adorarent omnem deum excepto Deo suo!6

30

A me ergo positum est hoc decretum, ut omnis populus, tribus et lingua, quicumque locuti fuerint blasphemiam contra Deum Sydrac, Mysaac, Abdenago, dispereat et domus eius vastetur.7 Signa et mirabilia aput me fecit Deus excelsus, placuit ergo michi predicare signa eius.’8 Nabuchodonosor, rex Babilonie, omnibus populis et gentibus et linguis sit pax||

35 BALTHASAR|| 40

8 Ibi … incensi : om. Vulg. – 9 in marg. inf. fol. 95v custos XIIus – 12 Ibi … ignis : om. Vulg. – 17 videns … illesos : om. Vulg. – 18 servi : em.; sevi in textu – 22 erumpens : em.; erupens in textu – deorum : eorum Vulg. – 27 lingua : em.; linguis in textu – 33 Nabuchodonosor … pax : in phylacterio in manu regis – 34 Fol. 97r sine textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Cf. Dn 3, 14. Cf. Dn 3, 16. Cf. Dn 3, 18. Sec. Dn 3, 19-20. Cf. Dn 3, 93. Cf. Dn 3, 95. Cf. Dn 3, 96. Cf. Dn 3, 99-100.

97v

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ANNA KERNBACH

‘Ego Nabucho quietus eram in domo mea et florens in pallacio meo. Sompnium vidi et 98r perterruit me et visiones capitis mei conturbaverunt me.1 Videbam enim, et ecce, arbor in medio terre et altitudo eius nimia. Magna et fortis et proceritas eius contingens celum et aspectus eius erat usque ad universos terminos terre. Subter habitabant animalia et bestie 5 et in ramis eius conversabantur volucres celi et ex ea vescebatur omnis caro. Videbam in visione capitis mei et ecce, vigil et sanctus descendit de celo. Et clamabat fortiter et ait: Succidite arborem et precidite ramos eius!2 Verumtamen germen radicum eius in terra sinite et rore celi tingatur et cum feris pars eius et VII tempora 10 mutentur super eum’.’3|| ‘Tu ergo, Balthazar sive Danyel, interpretationem enarra festinus, tu potes, quia spiritus 98v deorum sanctorum in te est.’ Tunc Daniel cepit intra se ipsum tacitus cogitare quasi 15 hora una et cogitationes cordis conturbabant eum. Respondens autem rex ait: ‘Daniel, sompnium et interpretacio eius non conturbent te!’ Respondit Daniel et dixit: ‘Domine, sompnium hiis, qui te oderunt et interpretacio hostibus tuis sit! 4 Arborem, quam vidisti,5 tu es, rex.6 20 Quod autem, rex, vidisti descendere vigilem sanctum de celo et dicere: Succidite arborem et dissipate illam,7 quia eicient te ab hominibus et cum bestiis ferisque erit habitacio tua et fenum comedes ut bos et rore celi infunderis. Septem quoque tempora mutabuntur super te, donec 25 scias, quod dominetur Excelsus super regnum hominum, et cuicumque voluerit, det illud.’8|| Ibi redditus est sensus Nabuchodonozor9 precibus Danielis. 30 Ibi sedit in throno regni sui, cui congaudent sui. Et benedicit Deo deorum gratias agens. Balthazar rex fecit grande convivium optimatibus suis mille et unusquisque bibebat secundum suam etatem. Precipitque ergo iam temulentus, ut afferrentur vasa aurea et argentea, que asportabat Nabuchodonozor, pater eius, de templo, quod fuit in Iherusalem, 35 ut biberent ex eis rex et optimates eius uxoresque eius et concubine.10 Bibebant vinum et laudabant deos suos aureos et argenteos et ereos, ferreos, ligneos et lapideos.11|| 40

29-30 precibus … agens : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Dn 4, 1-2. Cf. Dn 4, 7-11. Cf. Dn 4, 12-13. Cf. Dn 4, 15-16. Cf. Dn 4, 17. Cf. Dn 4, 19. Cf. Dn 4, 20. Cf. Dn 4, 22. Sec. Dn 4, 31. Cf. Dn 5, 1-2. Cf. Dn 5, 4.

99r

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

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277

Bibebant ergo vinum rex cum suis et laudabant deos suos.1 In eadem hora apparuerunt digiti 99v quasi manus scribentis contra candelabrum in superficie parietis aule regis et rex aspiciebat articulos manus scribentis. Tunc facies regis inmutata est et cogitationes perturbabant eum et conpages renum eius solvebantur.2 Mane techel phares3

10

Exclamavit itaque rex fortiter, ut introducerent magos et sapientes, et loquens rex sapientibus ait: ‘Quicumque legerit scripturam hanc et interpretacionem eius michi manifestam fecerit, purpura vestietur et torquam auream ˂habebit˃ in collo et tercius in regno meo erit.’4||

15

20

25

30

35

40

Hic iubente rege Danyel indutus est purpura et torques circumdata est collo eius et predica- 100r tum est, ut sit tercius in regno eius. Eadem nocte interfectus est Balthazar, rex Caldeorum. Et Darius et Medus successit ei in regnum.5 Placuit Dario et constituit super regnum satrapas CXX, ut essent in toto regno suo. Et super eos principes terre, ex quibus Daniel unus erat, ut satrape illis redderent rationem et rex non sustineret molestiam.6 Igitur Daniel superabat omnes principes et satrapas, quia spiritus Dei amplior erat in illo. Porro rex cogitabat constituere eum super omnem regnum, unde principes et satrape querebant occasionem, ut invenirent eum ex latere regis, nec potuerunt.7||

Dixerunt ergo viri illi: ‘Non inveniemus Danieli huic occasionem aliquam nisi forte 100v in lege Dei sui.’ Tunc principes et satrape suggesserunt regi et sic locuti sunt ei: ‘Darii rex, in eternum vive! Consilium invenerunt cuncti principes regni et magistratus et satrape, ut decretum imperiale exeat et edictum, ut omnis, qui petierit aliquam peticionem a quocumque deo vel homine usque ad dies XXX a nisi a te, rex, mittatur in lacum leonum.’ 8 Hic locuntur inter se, unde possent eum accusare.|| 7 Mane … phares : a manu scribentis inversum scriptum – 12 torquam : em. ex tamquam punctione – ˂habebit˃ : add. sec. Dn 5, 7 – 19 Darius et Medus : Darius Medus Vulg. – 23 terre : tres Vulg. – 35 invenerunt : inierunt Vulg. – 40 Hic … accusare : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Sec. Dn 5, 4. Cf. Dn 5, 5-6. Sec. Dn 5, 25. Cf. Dn 5, 7. Cf. Dn 5, 29-31. Cf. Dn 6, 1-2. Cf. Dn 6, 3-4. Cf. Dn 6, 5-7.

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‘Nunc ergo, rex, confirma sentenciam et scribe decretum, ut non inmutetur, quod statutum 101r est a Medis et Persis, nec prevaricari cuiquam liceat.’ Porro rex Darius proposuit edictum et statuit.1 5 Quod cum Daniel conperisset, id est legem constitutam, ingressus est domum suam et fenestris apertis in cenaculo suo contra Iherusalem tribus temporibus in die flectebat genua sua et adorabat Dominum suum. Viri igitur illi curiosius inquirentes invenerunt Danielem adorantem Deum suum.2 Hic Danyel orat|| 10 Ibi accusant Danielem dicentes: ‘Rex, nunquid non constituisti, ut omnis homo, qui rogaret 101v quemquam de diis et hominubus usque ad dies XXX a nisi te, rex, mitteretur in lacum leonum?’ Ad quod respondens rex ait: ‘Verus est sermo iuxta decretum Medorum atque 15 Persarum, quod prevaricari non licet.’ Tunc respondentes coram rege dixerunt: ‘Daniel de filiis captivitatis Iude non curavit de lege tua, sed tribus temporibus per diem orat.’ Quod audiens rex turbatus est pro Daniele et usque ad occasum laboravit, ut eriperet eum.3 Et cum non posset usque ad occasum, 20 tunc rex precepit et adduxerunt Danielem et miserunt in lacum leonum. Allatus est lapis unus et positus est super os laci, quem rex signavit anulo suo et anulo optimatum suorum, ne quid fieret contra Danielem. 4|| 25 Sexta visio Danielis: ‘Videbam in visione mea et ecce, IIIIor venti celi pugnabant in mari 102r magno. Et IIIIor bestie grandes ascendebant de mari diverse inter se. Prima quasi leena et alas habebat aquile. Aspiciebam, donec avulse sunt ale eius et super pedes homo stetit. Et ecce, alia bestia similis urso et tres erant ordines in ore eius et sic dicebant ei: Surge, comede carnes plurimas!5 30 Post hec vidi, et ecce, alia quasi pardus et alas habebat avis IIIIor super se et IIIIor capita erant super bestiam. Post hec vidi, et ecce, IIIIa bestia terribilis, dentes habebat ferreos et cornua decem.’6|| 35

‘Aspiciebam ergo hanc bestiam, donec troni positi sunt et antiquus dierum sedit, vesti- 102v mentum eius quasi nix candidum. Milia milium ministrabant ei et decies milies centena milia assistebant ei.7

40 Iudicium sedit et libri aperti sunt. Aspiciebam propter vocem sermonum grandium, quos cornu illud loquebatur.’8|| 7 curiosius : em. ex curioso per –us adscriptum – 13 diis : em. ex hiis – 17-18 Et … occasum : om. Vulg. – 32 super : in Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Dn 6, 8-9. Cf. Dn 6, 10-11. Cf. Dn 6, 12-14. Cf. Dn 6, 16-17. Cf. Dn 7, 2-5. Cf. Dn 7, 6-7. Cf. Dn 7, 9-10. Cf. Dn 7, 10-11.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

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279

‘Et vidi, quoniam interfecta esset bestia et perisset corpus eius et traditum esset ad con- 103r burendum igni.1 Aspiciebam ego in visione noctis, et ecce, cum nubibus celi quasi filius hominis veniebat et usque ad antiquum dierum pervenit et in conspectu eius obtulerunt eum. Et dedit ei potestatem et honorem et regnum et omnes populi, tribus et lingue servient ei. Ego Daniel territus sum in hiis et horruit spiritus meus et visiones capitis mei conturbaverunt me.2 Accessi ad unum de assistentibus et veritatem querebam ab eo de omnibus hiis, qui dixit michi interpretationem sermonum et edocuit me. Hee bestie magne IIIIor IIIIor sunt regna, que consurgent de terra.3 Suscipient autem regnum Dei sancti altissimi et obtinebunt regnum usque in seculum et seculum seculorum. Post hec volui diligenter discere de bestia IIIIa, que erat dissimilis valde ab omnibus et terribilis nimis, dentes et ungues eius ferrei’4 et cetera, ut in Daniele habetur, angelus exposuit Danieli.||

‘Anno tercio regis Balthazar ego Danyel5 vidi, et ecce, aries unus stabat ante paludem 103v habens cornua excelsa et unum excelsius altero. Postea vidi arietem cornibus ventilantem contra occidentem et contra aquilonem et contra meridiem et omnes bestie non poterant resistere ei. Ecce, autem hyrcus caprarum veniebat ab occidente super faciem totius terre et non tangebat terram.6 Porro hyrcus habebat cornu insigne inter oculos. Et venit usque ad arietem illum cornutum et cucurrit ad eum in inpetu fortitudinis sue. Et percussit arietem et conminuit duo cornua eius et non poterat aries resistere ei.’7||

‘Hyrcus autem caprarum factus est magnus nimis. Cumque crevisset, fractum est cornu 104r magnum et orta sunt cornua IIIIor subter illum. De uno autem ex eis egressum est cornu unum modicum et factum est grande. Et magnificatum est usque ad fortitudinem celi et deiecit de fortitudine et de stellis et conculcavit eas. Et usque ad principem fortitudinis magnificatus est et tulit ab eo iuge sacrificium. 8 Et audivi unum de sanctis loquentem et dixit unus de sanctis alteri nescio cui loquenti: Usquequo visio et iuge sacrificium et peccatum desolationis, que facta est, et sanctuarium et fortitudo conculcabitur? Et dixit ei: Usque ad vesperem et dies et mane.’9|| 28 in marg. inf. fol. 103v custos XIIIus – 31 scriba E ff. 104r-111v – 39 et dies et mane : mane duo milia trecenti Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Dn 7, 11. Cf. Dn 7, 13-15. Cf. Dn 7, 16-17. Cf. Dn 7, 18-19. Cf. Dn 8, 1. Cf. Dn 8, 3-5. Cf. Dn 8, 5-7. Cf. Dn 8, 8-11. Cf. Dn 8, 13-14.

280 

ANNA KERNBACH

‘Factum est autem, cum viderem ego Daniel visionem et quererem intelligenciam, ecce, 104v stetit in conspectu meo quasi species viri. Et audivi vocem viri inter Hulai et clamavit et ait: Gabriel, fac intelligere istam visionem! Et venit et stetit iuxta, ubi ego stabam. Cumque venisset, pavens corrui in faciem meam et ait ad me: Intellige, fili hominis, quoniam in 5 tempore f inis conplebitur visio.1 Cumque loqueretur ad me, collapsus sum pronus ad terram et tetigit me et statuit me in gradu meo. Dixitque michi: Ego ostendam, que futura sunt in novissimo die 10 malediccionis. Aries, quem vidisti habere cornua decem, rex est Medorum atque Persarum.2 Porro hyrcus caprarum rex est Grecorum et cornu grande, quod erat inter occulos eius, ipse rex primus. Quod autem fracto illo 15 surrexerunt IIIIor pro illo. Quatuor reges de gente eius consurgent, sed non in fortitudine eius. Et post regnum eorum cum creverint iniquitates, rex impudens facie,3 scilicet Antichristus. Et ego Daniel langui et egrotavi per dies paucos.’4|| 20 ‘In anno primo Darii regis ego Daniel intellexi in libro numerum annorum, de quo factus 105r est sermo Domini ad Iheremiam prophetam, ut conplerentur desolationis Iherusalem LXX a anni. Et posui faciem meam adorare Dominum Deum meum in ieiunio, sacco 25 et cynere. Et dixi: Obsecro, Domine Deus magne’5 et cetera. ‘Adhuc me loquente in oracione, ecce, vir Gabriel, quem videram in visione a principio, cito volans tetigit et docuit me, dixit michi: Daniel, nunc egressus sum, ut docerem te.6 Septuaginta ebdomade abreviate sunt.’7 Ibi exponit Gabriel visionem Danieli 30

35

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Visio nona Danielis: Cum ieiunasset diebus trium septimarum in fletu et oracione, cum esset contra fluvium Tygrim, vidit virum vestitum lineis et renes eius accincti auro obrizo et corpus eius quasi crisolitus8 et cetera in Daniele lege. Viri autem, qui cum eo erant, non viderunt 9 et ipse audiens vocem eius iacebat consternatus.10||

16 scilicet Antichristus : om. Vulg. – 26 Gabriel : em.; Gabel in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Dn 8, 15-17. Cf. Dn 8, 18-20. Cf. Dn 8, 21-23. Cf. Dn 8, 27. Cf. Dn 9, 1-4. Cf. Dn 9, 21-22. Cf. Dn 9, 24. Sec. Dn 10, 3-6. Sec. Dn 10, 7. Sec. Dn 10, 9.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

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Hic loquitur Danieli ille vir, quem Daniel viderat vestitum lineis et gemule de auro obrizo 105v in renibus eius, et cum loqueretur ei, ut intelligeret verba, que loquebatur, stetit tremens.1 Et cum ille finivisset sermonem, Daniel corruit in terra et tacuit. Et ecce, quasi similitudo filii hominis tetigit labia sua et aperiens os suum locutus est ei, qui stabat contra eum, 5 dicens:2 ‘Et quomodo poterit servus Domini mei loqui cum Domino meo! Nichil enim in me remansit virium.’3 Et dixit ei vir ille: ‘Noli timere, vir desideriorum. Nunquam scis, quare venirem ad te? 10 Nunciare tibi, quod expressum est in scriptura veritatis. 4 Tu autem claude sermones et signa librum usque ad tempus statutum.’5 Et dicit ei, que ventura sunt.||

15 ‘Et ego Daniel vidi et ecce, quasi alii duo stabant, unus hinc super ripam f luminis et 106r alius inde ex altera ripa fluminis. Et dixi viro, qui indutus erat linteis, qui stabat super aquas fluminis: Usquequo finis mirabilium erit? Et audivi virum, qui indutus erat lynteis, qui stabat super aquas fluminis, cum levasset dextram suam et synistram in celum et iurasset per vivem in eternum. Et ego audivi et non intellexi et dixi: Domine mi, quid 20 erit post hec?’6

25

Erat vir in Babilone et nomen eius Joachym. Et accepit uxorem nomine Susannam, filiam Elchie, pulchram nimis et timentem Deum.7 Et eruditam secundum legem Moysi.8 Hic docetur legem Moysy Svsanna.|| Ibi frequentant presbyteri domum Ioachim et omnes, qui habebant iudicia.9 Hic concupiscunt presbyteri Susannam.||

106v

Ibi Susanna per iniquos presbiteros iudicata ducitur ad mortem.10 Ibi Daniel precipit populo reverti ad verum iudicium.11

107r

30

35 Ibi Daniel Susannam a morte liberat. Ibi Daniel diiudicat et convincit inpudices presbyteros iniusto iudicio Susannam iudicasse. ‘Dic, ubi eam vidisti?’ ‘Sub prino’. ‘Sub cyno’.12|| 4 suum locutus : transpos. ex locutus suum – 11 Et … sunt : om. Vulg. – 28 Hic … Susannam : om. Vulg. – 35 Susannam : em.; Susanna in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Sec. Dn 10, 11. Sec. Dn 10, 15-16. Cf. Dn 10, 17. Sec. Dn 10, 18-21. Cf. Dn 12, 4. Cf. Dn 12, 5-8. Cf. Dn 13, 1-2. Sec. Dn 13, 3. Sec. Dn 13, 6. Sec. Dn 13, 34-45. Sec. Dn 13, 49. Sec. Dn 13, 52-58.

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Ibi interf iciuntur duo presbyteri, qui convicti sunt ex ore Danielis iniustum iudicium 107v iudicasse.1 Ibi precipit angelus Abacuc, ut ferat Danieli panem in lacum leonum. 5 Respondit Abacuc: ‘Domine, Danielem ignoro et lacum nescio’. Ibi angelus portat Abacuc ad lacum 2||

10

Ibi cum magno impetu angelus ponit Abacuc in lacum leonum.3

108r

Ibi restituit angelus Abacuc in locum suum. 4|| 15 Erat autem vir quidam de Sara et de stirpe Dan nomine Manue habens uxorem sterilem. 108v Cui apparuit angelus Domini et dixit ad eam: ‘Sterilis es et absque liberis, sed concipies et paries filium. Cave ergo, ne vinum bibas et siceram, nec inmundum quicquam comedas, quia concipies et paries filium, cuius caput non tanget novacula. Erit enim Nazareus ab infancia sua et ipse incipiet liberare Israhel de manu Philistinorum.’5 20 Que cum venisset ad virum suum, dixit ei: ‘Vir Dei venit ad me habens vultum angelicum. Qui dixit michi: Ecce, concipies et paries filium. Cave, ne aliquo inmundo vescaris. Erit enim puer Nazareus Dei.’6 Oravit Manue ad Dominum et 25 dixit: ‘Obsecro, Domine, ut vir Dei, quem misisti, veniat iterum et doceat nos, quid debemus de puero, qui nasciturus est.’ Exaudivit Dominus precem Manue, apparuit rursum angelus Dei uxori eius sedenti in agro. Que nunciavit viro suo, qui veniens ad virum Dei dixit ad eum:7 Quo sequitur, verte folium.|| 30

35

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Hic Manue, pater Samsonis, interogat dicens: ‘Quando puer nascetur? Quid vis, ut faciat 109r aut a quo se abservare debebit?’ Respondit angelus: ‘Quidquid ex vinea nascetur, non comedat, vinum et siceram non bibat.’8 Hic Manue offert edum de capris suis Domino super altare.9 Peperit itaque filium et vocavit ˂nomen˃ eius Samson. Crevitque puer et spiritus Domini erat cum eo.10 Descenditque Samson in Tamnata vidensque ibi mulierem de filiabus Philistim 11 et concupivit eam.|| 12 restituit : em.; restuit in textu – 17 ne vinum : em; ne num in textu – 31 nascetur : em.; nscetur in textu – 33 capris : em.; capras in textu – 36 ˂nomen˃ : add. sec. Idc 13, 24 – 38 et … eam : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Sec. Dn 13, 61-62. Sec. Dn 14, 33-35. Sec. Dn 14, 35. Cf. Dn 14, 38. Cf. Idc 13, 2-5. Cf. Idc 13, 6-7. Cf. Idc 13, 8-11. Cf. Idc 13, 12-14. Sec. Idc 13, 19. Cf. Idc 13, 24-25. Cf. Idc 14, 1.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

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Dixit Samson patri suo et matri: ‘Vidi mulierem in Tamnatha de filiabus Philistinorum, 109v quam queso, ut michi accipiatis in uxorem.’ Cui dixerunt pater et mater sua: ‘Nunquid non est mulier in filiabus fratrum tuorum et omni populo tuo? Quia vis accipere uxorem de Philistim, qui incircumcisi sunt?’ Respondit: ‘Hanc michi accipe, quia placuit occulis meis.’1 Descenderuntque in Tamnatha. Cumque venissent ad vineas oppidi, apparuit ei leo sevus et rugiens, quem discerpsit sicut edum nichil omnino habens in manu.2 Hic Samson loquitur mulieri, que placuerat oculis suis. Et post aliquot dies revertens, ut acciperet eam, declinavit, ut videret cadaver leonis, et ecce, examen apum erat in ore leonis et favus mellis. Quem accepit et comedit in via veniensque ad patrem et ad matrem dedit eis partem.3||

Descendit itaque Samson cum patre ad mulierem et fecit Samson, filio suo, convivium. 110r Cum igitur cives loci illius vidissent eum, dederunt ei sodales triginta, qui essent cum eo. 4 Quibus locutus est Samson dicens: ‘Proponam vobis problema, quod si solveritis michi infra septem dies convivii, dabo vobis triginta sydones et eiusdem numeri tunicas.’ Qui dixerunt: ‘Propone nobis, ut audiamus!’5 Dixitque eis: ‘De comedente exivit cibus et de forti egressa est dulcedo.’ Nec potuerunt per tres dies proposicionem eius solvere.6 Cumque adesset dies septimus,|| dixerunt ad uxorem Samson: ‘Blandire viro tuo et suade ei, ut indicet tibi, quid significet 110v problema! Quod facere nolueris, incendemus te in domum patris tui!’ Que fundebat aput Samson lacrimas dicens: ‘Odisti me et non diligis, idcirco problema, quod proposuisti filiis populi mei, non vis michi exponere.’7 Et septem diebus convivii . Tandem VIIo die exposuit ei, que statim indicavit civibus suis. Et illi dixerunt ei septimo die ante occubitum solis: ‘Quid dulcius melle et quid fortius leone?’ Qui dixit eis: ‘Si non arasetis in vitula mea, non invenissetis proposicionem meam.’8 Irruit itaque in eum spiritus Domini descenditque Ascalon et percussit ibi triginta viros, quorum ablatas vestes dedit hiis, qui problema solverant.9 4 accipe : em.; accipere in textu – 9 examen : em.; exam in textu – 11 partem : em.; paratem in textu – 15 Samson cum patre : pater eius Vulg. – 28 : add. sec. Idc 14, 15 – 30 : add. sec. Idc 14, 17 – 33 ante : em.; an in textu – 34 fortius : em.; fortis in textu – invenissetis : em.; invessetis in textu – 38 solverant : em.; bis in textu

40

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Cf. Idc 14, 2-3. Cf. Idc 14, 5-6. Cf. Idc 14, 7-9. Cf. Idc 14, 10-11. Cf. Idc 14, 12-13. Idc 14, 14. Cf. Idc 14, 15-16. Cf. Idc 14, 17-18. Cf. Idc 14, 19.

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Hic Samson dat vestes et tunicas triginta illis, qui solverunt problema.1

111r

Iratusque nimis descendit in domum patris sui, uxor eius accepit maritum, unum de amicis 5 suis.2 Cum autem redisset Samson et vellet ingredi cubiculum uxoris sue, pater uxoris prohibuit eum dicens: ‘Dedi eam alteri viro putans, quod odisses eam.’ Cui respondit Samson: ‘Ab hac die non erit culpa in me contra Philisteos!’3|| 10

Ibi Samson accepit CCCtas vulpes et ligat caudam ad caudam et dimittit eas huc illuc 111v discurrere per segetes Philistinorum. Que discurrentes combusserunt omnes eorum segetes. 4||

15 Ibi locuntur Philystym inter se et dicunt: ‘Quis fecit hanc rem?’ Quibus dictum est: ‘Sampson, 112r gener Thanathei, quia tulit uxorem ei et dedit eam alteri.’5 20

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Ibi Phylystym incendunt domum et patrem et matrem et uxorem Sampsonis, propter quod eam tradiderat alteri.6||

Propter hanc causam percussit Sampson Phylysteos ingenti plaga, ita ut stupentes suram 112v femori inponerent et descendit habitavitque in speluncha petre Ethan.7

30 Veneruntque Philistym in terram Iuda et castra metati sunt. Dixeruntque viri Iuda ad eos: ‘Cur ascendistis adversum nos?’ Qui dixerunt: ‘Ut ligemus Sampson et reddamus ei, que in nos operatus est.’8 Descenderuntque tria milia de Iuda ad speluncham, in qua erat 35 Sampson. Dixeruntque ad Sampson: ‘Nescis, quod Phylystym imperent nobis? Quare ergo hoc facere voluisti?’ Qui respondit: ‘Sicut fecerunt michi, sic feci eis.’ ‘Ligare te,’ inquiunt, ‘venimus et tradere te in manus Philystynorum.’ ‘Iurate michi,’ ait, ‘quod me non occidatis!’ Dixerunt: ‘Non te occidemus, sed viventem trademus Philisteis.’ Ligaveruntque eum duobus novis funibus.9|| 40 4 descendit : ascendit Vulg. – 14 in marg. inf. fol. 111v custos XIIII – 17 scriba D ff. 112r-136r – 38 viventem : vinctum Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Sec. Idc 14, 19. Cf. Idc 14, 19-20. Cf. Idc 15, 1-3. Sec. Idc 15, 4-5. Cf. Idc 15, 6. Sec. Idc 15, 6. Cf. Idc 15, 8. Cf. Idc 15, 9-10. Cf. Idc 15, 11-13.

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Qui cum venissent ad locum Maxille et cum Philistim vociferantes occurissent ei, irruit 113r spiritus Domini in eum, et sicut solent ad ardorem ignis ligna consumi, ita et vincula, quibus ligatus erat, dissipata sunt et soluta. Inventaque maxilla asini interfecit in ea mille viros.1 Hoc facto proiecit mandibulam de manu.2 Sitiensque valde, clamavit ad Dominum et ait: ‘Tu dedisti in manu servi tui salutem hanc maximam atque victoriam et ecce, siti morior incidamque in manus incircumcisorum.’3 Apperuit itaque Dominus molarem dentem in maxilla asini et egresse sunt ex ea aque, quibus haustis refocillavit spiritum et vires recepit. Et idcirco vocatum est nomen loci illius Fons invocantis de maxilla. 4||

Abiit quoque in Gazam civitatem et vidit meretricem mulierem ingressusque est ad eam. 113v Quod cum audissent Philistim, circumdederunt eum positis in porta cunctis custodibus, ut facto mane exeuntem occiderent. Dormivit autem Sampson usque ad medium noctis et inde consurgens apprehendit ambas portas cum postibus et sera portavit ad verticem montis.5 Post hec amavit mulierem nomine Dalidam veneruntque ad eam principes Philistim et dixerunt: ‘Decipe virum tuum et quere ab eo, in quo tanta fortitudo sua existat, quod si feceris, dabimus tibi singuli mille centum argenteos.’6||

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Hic Dalida deprecatur Sampsonem, ut dicat illi, ubi sua maxima virtus sit et ‘Quid sit, 114r quo ligatus erumpere nequeas?’ Qui respondit sibi: ‘Si VII nerveis funibus nondum siccis ligatus fuero, inf irmus ero sicut ceteri homines.’7 Quibus allatis ligavit eum insidiis latentibus aput se f inem rei expectantibus clamavitque ad eum: ‘Philistim super te, Sampson!’ Qui rupit vincula sicut f ilum de stuppa tortum et non est cognitum, ubi esset fortitudo eius. 8 Dixitque ad eum Dalida: ‘Ecce, illusisti michi et falsum locutus es, saltem nunc indica michi, in quo ligari debeas!’ Cui ille: ‘Si ligatus fuero novis funibus, qui nunquam fuerunt in opere, infirmus ero.’9 Quibus iterum Dalida vinxit eum et clamavit: ‘Phylistim super te, Sampson!’ in cubiculo insidiis preparatis. Qui ita rupit vincula quasi f ila telarum.10 2 ardorem : odorem Vulg. – 22 virum tuum : eum Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Idc 15, 14-15. Cf. Idc 15, 17. Cf. Idc 15, 18. Cf. Idc 15, 19. Cf. Idc 16, 1-3. Cf. Idc 16, 4-5. Cf. Idc 16, 6-7. Sec. Idc 16, 8-9. Cf. Idc 16, 10-11. Cf. Idc 16, 12.

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Dixitque Dalida rursum ad eum: ‘Usquequo decipis me et falsum loqueris michi? Ostende 114v michi, quo vinciri debeas!’ Cui Sampson: ‘Si,’ inquit, ‘VII crines capitis mei cum licio plexeveris et clavum hiis circumligatum terre fixeris, infirmus ero.’ Quod cum fecisset Dalida, clamavit dicens: ‘Phylystim super te, Sampson!’ Qui consurgens de sompno extraxit 5 clavum cum crinibus et licio.1 Dixit ad eum Dalida: ‘Quomodo dicis, quod ames me, cum animus tuus non est mecum? Per tres vices mentitus es michi.’ Cumque ei molesta esset, nec daret quietem, tunc apperiens 10 rei veritatem dixit ad eam: ‘Ferrum nunquam ascendit caput meum, quia nazareus sum. Si rasum fuerit caput meum, recedet fortitudo mea a me.’2 At illa fecit eum dormire super genua sua et vocavit 15 tonsorem et fecit radire crines eius et cepit abicere eum.3 Statimque vocavit Philisteos, qui venerunt cum pecunia promissa et eruerunt sibi oculos. 4||

20 Hic Philistei Sampsonem exoculatum posuerunt in carcerem et fecerunt eum molere. 115r Iamque capilli eius ceperant renasci. Et principes Philistinorum convenerant in unum, ut hostias magnificas ymmolarent Dagon, deo suo, et epularentur dicentes: ‘Tradidit deus inimicum nostrum in manibus nostris.’5 Epulantes itaque preceperunt, ut educeretur et luderet coram eis Sampson.6 Apprehendens 25

30

autem ambas columpnas ait: ‘Moriatur anima mea cum Philisteis!’ Et mortuus est.7 Fratres vero Sampsonis venerunt et tulerunt corpus eius et sepelierunt illud in speluncha patris sui Manue. Iudicavitque Israhel viginti annis.8||

Arphaxat, rex Medorum, subiugaverat multas gentes inperio suo et ipse edif icavit civi- 115v tatem potentissimam, quam appelavit Ethbathanis, ex lapidibus quadratis et sectis.9 35 Anno igitur XIIo regni sui Nabuchodonozor, rex Assiriosum, qui regnabat in civitate magna Nynywen, pugnavit contra Arphaxat et obtinuit eum in campo magno Ragau et occidit eum. 10 civitas regis|| 40

8 ames me : em. sec. Idc 16, 15; a me in textu – 15-16 qui … promissa : om. Vulg. – 34 Ethbathanis : Igbathanis Vulg. – 37 et occidit eum : om. Vulg. – 38 civitas regis : in imagine civitatis, quam rex in manu tenet, inscriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Idc 16, 13-14. Cf. Idc 16, 15-17. Cf. Idc 16, 19. Sec. Idc 16, 21. Cf. Idc 16, 21-23. Cf. Idc 16, 25. Sec. Idc 16, 29-30. Cf. Idc 16, 31. Cf. Idt 1, 1-2. Cf. Idt 1, 5-6.

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Tunc exaltatum est regnum Nabuchodonozor et cor eius elevatum est et misit nuncios 116r suos1 ad universas provincias,2 ut subessent imperio suo. orbis 5

omnis terra sub pedibus meis Qui omnes uno animo contradixerunt et sine honore illos abiecerunt.3||

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Anno XIIIo factum est verbum in domo Nabuchodonozor, regis Assiriorum, ut defenderet se. 116v Vocavitque omnes maiores natu, duces et bellatores et habuit consilium cum eis. Dixitque cogitacionem suam in eo esse, ut omnem terram subiugaret suo imperio. 4 Quod dictum placuit omnibus. Cum placuisset omnibus,

15

vocavit rex Nabuchodonozor Holofernem, principem milicie sue. Et dixit ei: ‘Egredere adversum omne regnum occidentale et contra principes, qui contempserunt inperium meum. Non parcat oculus tuus ulli regno et omnem urbem munitam subiungabis michi!’5 OLOFER˂NES˃||

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Tunc Holofernes vocavit duces et magistratus virtutis Assiriorum et dinumeravit viros in 117r expedicionem CXX milia peditum pugnatorum et equites sagittarios XII milia.6|| Omnemque expedicionem suam fecit preire in multitudine innumerabilium camelorum, 117v boum quoque armenta gregesque ovium, quorum non erat numerus. Frumentum ex omni Syria in transitu suo parari constituit. Aurum vero et argentum de domo regis assumpsit multum nimis.7|| Cum pertransisset fines Sirie, obtinuit omnem municionem. Effregitque civitatem opinatis- 118r simam Meloth.8|| Predavitque omnes f ilios Tharsis et omnes f ilios Israhel9 et ligatos per colla duxit eos 118v captivos. Omnesque arbores et vineas fecit incidi 10 et radicitus destrui.||

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2 ad … suo : om. Vulg. – 3 orbis : in globo in manu regis inscriptum – 5 omnis … meis : sub pedibus regis in throno sedentis inscriptum – 12-13 Quod … omnibus : Quod dictum cum placuisset omnibus Vulg. – 16 contra principes : contra eos praecipue Vulg. – 18 OLOFER˂NES˃ : add. – 34 Israhel : Ismahel in paucis manuscriptis. Vulg. – 34-35 et ligatos … captivos : om. Vulg. – 37 et radicitus destrui : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Idt 1, 7. Sec. Idt 1, 7-9. Cf. Idt 1, 11. Cf. Idt 2, 1-3. Cf. Idt 2, 4-6. Cf. Idt 2, 7. Idt 2, 8-10. Cf. Idt 2, 12-13. Cf. Idt 2, 13. Cf. Idt 2, 17.

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Tunc Holofernes misit legatos suos ad omnes reges et principes universarum urbium et 119r provinciarum Syrie, ut venirent coram eo et suas urbes eo presentarent.  Isti sunt legati, quos mittit Holofernes. 5

ad regem Mesopotanie et Syrus et Yobal 1|| Ad regem Libie

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Ad regem Cylicie2 119v

Qui omnes venientes ad Holofernem dixerunt: ‘Desinat indignacio tua circa nos. Vere serviemus tibi et Nabuchodonozor regi et subditi erimus tibi.’3|| Tunc descendit Holofernes de montibus cum equitibus et virtute magna. 4 Et excipientes 120r eum ducentes choros in tibiis et liris et omnis generis musicorum nec tamen ferocitatem potuerunt mitigare.5 Preceperat enim Nabuchodonozor rex, ut omnes deos exterminarent, videlicet ut ipse solus diceretur deus esse.6|| Hic Holofernes expugnat Mesopotaniam, civitatem munitissimam.7

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Et sedit ibi per XXX a dies, in quibus adunare precepit in unum exercitum virtutis sue.8|| Audientes hoc filii ˂Israhel˃ timuerunt valde et horror magnus invasit eos9 et munierunt 121r civitatem.

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Sacerdos etiam magnus Elyachim scripsit ad universos Israhel, ut munirent transitus et ascensus montium.10|| Et fecerunt filii Israhel, sicut preceperat illis sacerdos Domini Elyachym.11 Et clamavit omnis populus ad Dominum in instancia magna et humiliaverunt animas suas prostraveruntque se unanimiter contra faciem templi.12 2 in marg. inf. fol. 119v custos XV – 15 omnis : em.; omni in textu – 22 expugnat … munitissimam : pertransiens […] Mesopotamiam […] accepitque civitates eorum Vulg. – 27 ˂Israhel˃ : add. sec. Idt 4, 1 – 27-28 et … civitatem : om. Vulg. – 30 universos : em. ex universus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Sec. Idt 3, 1. Sec. Idt 3, 1. Cf. Idt 3, 1-2. Cf. Idt 3, 7. Cf. Idt 3, 10-11. Cf. Idt 3, 13. Sec. Idt 3, 14-15. Cf. Idt 3, 15. Cf. Idt 4, 1-2. Sec. Idt 4, 5-6. Cf. Idt 4, 7. Cf. Idt 4, 8-9.

121v

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Ibi offerunt filii Israhel munera Domino, ut eos liberet ab instancia Holofernis.

122r

Hic Holofernes querit, quis sit populus iste, qui eum noluit suscipere in pace.1 Respondit Achyor dicens:2 ‘Domine mi, iste populus unum Deum colit.3 Qui semper pugnat pro eo et 5 vincit. 4 Unde si non est offensio eorum aput Deum eorum, non possumus resistere eis.’5 Tunc iratus Holofernes

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iussit eum duci ad filios Israhel, ut cum vicerit filios Israhel, ipse Achyor recipiat penas gladii sui, eo quod dixit: ‘Deus eorum defendat eos.’6|| Cum ergo apropinquassent servi Holofernis ad montana, tunc exierunt contra eos fun- 122v dibularii7 et sagittarii, qui prohibuerunt eis accessum ad montana.

15 Illi autem divertentes a latere montis ligaverunt Achior ad arborem manibus et pedibus. 8|| Filii Israhel descendentes de Betulia venerunt ad Achyor ligatum ad arborem, quem solventes 123r 20 duxerunt ad filios Israhel. Et statuentes eum in medio eorum perconati sunt dicentes, quid rerum esset et cur illum vinctum Assirii relinquissent.9 Stans autem Achior in medio Iudeorum dixit: ‘Ego dixi Holoferni: Iste populus unum Deum colit, qui pugnat pro eis et defendit eos. Unde si non est offensio eorum aput Deum, non 25 possumus resistere eis.’10|| Ibi Iudei ab Holoferne angustiati fundunt preces Domino, ut eos liberet ab inimicis.11

123v

30 Tunc Ozyas, princeps Iudeorum, duxit Achior in domum suam et fecit cenam magnam. 12||

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gladius Holofernis||

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gladius Holofernus||

129v

1 Ibi … Holofernis : om. Vulg. – 12 contra : em. ex cuncta – 13 et … montana : om. Vulg. – 21 esset : em.; est in textu – 32 fol. 124r-128v sine textu – 32 in marg. inf. fol. 127v custos XVI – 33+36 gladius Holofernis : in os gladii inscriptum – 37 fol. 130r sine textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Sec. Idt 5, 3-4. Sec. Idt 5, 5. Sec. Idt 5, 9. Cf. Idt 5, 16. Cf. Idt 5, 25. Sec. Idt 6, 1-3. Cf. Idt 6, 8. Cf. Idt 6, 9. Cf. Idt 6, 10. Sec. Idt 6, 12-13. Sec. Idt 6, 14-15. Cf. Idt 6, 19.

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Hic dyabolus deposita larva sub specie angelica, quam ante casum habuit, anunciat hiis 130v coniugibus ex eis Antichristum nasciturum. Hic ex parentum seminibus concipietur, sed post conceptum descendet spiritus malignus in matris uterum, cuius virtute et operatione deinceps puer nascetur, aletur, adolescet, propter quod et filius perdicionis dicetur.1 Nascetur autem in Babylonia de tribu Dan et erunt dyaboli obstetrices eius. Angelus bonus primo deputabitur ad custodiam Antichristo, sed postea, quando obstinabitur in peccato, tunc non habebit eum ad promocionem, sed ad accusacionem.2 || Post hec veniet in Iherusalem et circumcidet dicens Iudeis se esse Christum illis promis- 131r sum. Unde plebs Iudayca specialiter adherebit ei, donec Enoch et Helya predicantibus ad Christum convertentur.3 Iudei de Iherusalem suscipiunt Antichristum

Iherusalem civitas

Hic ad conplacenciam Iudeorum in Iherusalem se Antichristus circumcidet, ut legem eorum confirmet.|| 20 Merito Antichristus conparatus in Genesi cerasti, qui est serpens cornutus, quia IIIIor 131v cornibus armabitur ad subvertendos homines, scilicet callida persuasione, miraculorum operatione, donorum largicione et tormentorum exhibicione. Primus ergo modus 25 subvertendi homines erit callida persuasio, predicabit enim Novam Legem pravam esse et Legem Christi pro posse destruet, predicatoresque sui discurrent per universas partes mundi. 4 Ibi predicat iuvenis existens 30 Hic Antichristus predicat senior existens affirmando ante se nullum fuisse christianum, sed omnes antichristianos fuisse, predicabit etiam novam Legem pravam fuisse et Legem Christi pro posse destruet.5 Ibi dyabolus sibilat sibi in aurem|| 35

Hic ad maiorem contumeliam Dei faciet ymaginem suam adorari. Confitebitur enim se 132r verum filium Dei et hominis, ita ut in templo Dei sedeat, tamquam ipse sit Deus.6

40 Hic omnes illos, qui ad eum conversi sunt et in eum credunt, signat in manu dextera. Alii autem avertunt se ab eo nolentes eum sequi nec in eum credere.7||

1 Cf. Hugonis de Argentina Compendium theologiae veritatis, editio typica in B. Alberti Magni Opera omnia 34, ed. Auguste Borgnet, Parisiis 1895, p. 241, cap. VII. 2 Cf. Ibidem. 3 Cf. ibidem. 4 Cf. ibidem, p. 242, cap. IX. 5 Cf. ibidem, p. 242, cap. VIII-IX. 6 Cf. Ibidem. 7 Cf. ibidem.

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Hii sunt reges, quos allicit per munera ad sibi credendum et ad se sequendum. Unde eis 132v habunde pecuniam fundit et clenodia diversa et ciffos aureos. Hii sui predicatores et apostoli Antichristi secuntur eum. Hii sunt, qui cognita sua fallacia avertunt se ab ipso nolentes eum sequi.

Isti sunt, qui acceptis donis Antichristi accipiunt karacterem sive signum suum in frontibus eorum.1 Hic ille dyabolus, qui in concepcione sua intravit uterum matris, semper sequitur eum. 10 Isti vero nolunt recipere karacterem suum.||

Hic Antichristus ducit per manus reges incredulos et ostendit eis montes aureos et 133r 15 argenteos. Ibi Antichristus mittit discipulos et predicatores suos dicens: ‘Ite in universum mundum et predicate dicentes: Ecce, Messias, Christus, filius Dei et hominis, verbum per prophetas 20 et patriarchas promissum iam venit. Accipite Spiritum sanctum! Quorum remiseritis peccata, remittuntur eis!’||

25 Ibi subvertit incredulos sibi miraculorum ostensione, quia arte magica faciet illa. Faciet 133v enim arte magica arbores florere, statuam ridere et faciet eam loqui et futura predicere. Faciet etiam ignem de celo descendere in terram et lapides de celo cadere et malignum spiritum super suos descendere, ut loquantur variis linquis.2 30

Ibi Antichristus donaria sua sibi credentibus thesauros distribuit. Ipse namque inveniet thesauros absconditos, per quos ad sequendum se inclinabit plurimos. Ditabit et divites huius seculi falsis diviciis.3||

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Ibi conpellit per minas et tormenta, quos aliter vincere non poterit. Tanta vero, sicut ait 134r Dominus, tanta erit tribulacio, ut in errorem ducantur, si fieri potest, eciam electi, et hoc innuitur in Apokalypsi. 4 Ibi Antichristus virtute dyabolica suscitat mortuos et eorum consanguineos per manum ducit ad eos, ut loquantur eis. Et ipse dyabolus persuadet eis, ut eum fateantur esse Christum.|| 1 ad se : em. ex ade – 27 lapides de celo : em. ex lapides ex celu

1 2 3 4

Sec. ibidem, p. 242, cap. VIII. Cf. ibidem, p. 242-243, cap. IX. Cf. ibidem, p. 243, cap. IX. Cf. ibidem.

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Ibi Antichristus vadit cum regibus et suis prophetis et apostolis contra Gog et Magog, 134v idem contra illas X tribus, que clause sunt ultra montes Caspios. Non tamen ita clause sunt, quoniam bene possent exire, sed non permittuntur a regina Amazorum, sub cuius regno et dicione vivunt. Isti tempore Antichristi sunt venturi in Iherusalem cum suo 5 exercitu. 1 Ibi Antichristus disputat contra theologos et phylosophos dyabolo in aurem sibilante nec potest eos ad suam viam et voluntatem convertere. 10

Ego sum Christus, filius Dei Tu es filius perdicionis||

15 Ibi Antichristus illos theologos et phylosophos, quos disputacione sua vincere non potuit, 135r vincit eos tormento. Nam iubet eos omnes capitibus privari. Unde ibi decollantur omnes. Ibi Antichristus occisis theologis et phylosophys conburit omnes libros eorum et omnes 20 libros theologye. Deus noster est nobiscum, Deus, Deus|| 25

Ibi Antichristus destruit templum in Iherusalem, quod a Iudeis reedificabitur. Iudei namque 135v templum, quod Romani destruxerant, ante tempus Antichristi reedificabunt, 2 quod ipse funditus destruet.

30 Ibi Antichristus destructo templo Iudeorum et novo reedificato iubet se adorari, tamquam ipse sit Deus. Confitebitur enim se verum filium Dei et hominis, ita ut in templo Dei sedeat tamquam Deus.3 || 35

‘Nemini dixeritis visionem, donec filius hominis a mortuis resurget’.’4

Ecce, mulier Chananea clamabat dicens: ‘Miserere mei, domine, filia mea male a demonio vexatur.’5 40 ‘O mulier, magna est fides tua, fiat tibi, sicut petisti.’6|| 8 eos : em. ex ad eos – 12 Tu … perdicionis : in phylacterio in manu theologorum scriptum – 16 Unde : em. ex Ubi – 22-23 Deus … Deus : in libro igne combusto inscriptum – 33 in marg. inf. fol. 135v custos XVII – 40 tibi : em. ex michi

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cf. ibidem, p. 243-244, cap. XI. Cf. ibidem, p. 242, cap. VIII. Cf. ibidem. Cf. Mt 17, 9. Cf. Mt 15, 22. Cf. Mt 15, 28.

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‘Super kathedram Moysi sederunt scribi et pharisei! Omnia, quecumque vobis dixerint, 136v servate et facite! Secundum vero opera eorum nolite facere!’1 5

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phariseus

‘Ecce, asscendimus Iherusolimam et filius hominis tradetur.’2 Tunc accessit ad eum mater filiorum Zebedei petens illum. Qui dixit illi: ‘Quid vis?’ Que dixit ei: ‘Dic, ut sedeant hii duo filii mei unus ad dexteram tuam et alter ad sinistram.’ Dicit ei Ihesus: ‘Nescitis, quid petatis. Potestis bibere calicem hunc sicut ego?’ Dicunt ei: ‘Possumus.’ Ait illis: ‘Calicem quidem meum bibetis, sedere vero ad dexteram meam vel sinistram non est meum dare vobis.’3|| Homo quidam erat dives et induebatur purpura et bysso et epulabatur cottidie splendide. 137r Et erat quidam mendicus nomine Lazarus, qui iacebat ad ianuam eius ulceribus plenus cupiens saturari de micis, que cadebant de mensa divitis, sed et canes lingebant ulcera eius. 4 Factum est autem, ut moreretur mendicus et portaretur ab angelis in synu Abrahe. Mortuus est autem et dives et sepultus est in inferno.5 Et ipse clamans dixit: ‘Pater Abraham, miserere mei!’6|| Homo erat pater familias, qui plantavit vineam et sepem circumdedit ei et fodit in ea 137v torcular et edificavit turrim et locavit agricolis et peregre profectus est.7 Cum autem tempus fructuum apropinquasset, misit servos suos ad agricolas, ut acciperent fructus eius. Et apprehendentes servos alium occiderunt, alium ceciderunt, alium vero lapidaverunt.8|| Iterum ergo misit alios servos plures prioribus et fecerunt illis similiter.9 Novissime autem 138r misit ad eos f ilium suum dicens: ‘Verebuntur f ilium meum.’ Agricole autem videntes f ilium suum dixerunt intra se: ‘Ecce, heres, venite, occidamus eum et herebimus hereditatem!’ Et apprehensum eiecerunt extra vineam et occiderunt.10||

1 scriba E ff. 136v-183r – 2 servate : em. ex servata punctione et -e supra ascriptum – 26 acciperent : em.;accipent in textu – 36 apprehensum : em.; apprehnsum in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Mt 23, 2-3. Cf. Mt 20, 18. Cf. Mt 20, 20-23. Cf. L 16, 19-21. L 16, 22. Cf. L 16, 24. Cf. Mt 21, 33. Cf. Mt 21, 34-35. Mt 21, 36. Cf. Mt 21, 37-39.

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Malos male perdit et vineam suam locat aliis agricolis, qui reddant ei fructum temporibus 138v suis.1 5

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30

35

Homo quidam habuit duos f ilios. Et dixit adolescencior: ‘Pater, da michi porcionem substancie, que contingit.’ Et divisit illi substanciam. Et non post multos dies congregatis omnibus adolescencior filius peregre profectus est in regionem longinquam.2|| Et ibi dissipavit substanciam suam vivendo luxuriose.3

139r

Cepitque egere. Et adhesit uni civium regionis illius et missit illum in vilam suam, ut pasceret porcos. Et cupiebat inplere ventrem suum de siliquis, quas porci manducabant et nemo illi dabat. 4|| Ibi se autem reversus dixit: ‘Quanti mercenarii in domo patris mei habundant panibus, ego 139v autem hic fame perio. Surgam et ibo ad patrem meum.’5 Et surgens venit ad patrem suum et osculatus est eum.6 Dixit autem pater ad servos suos: ‘Cito perferte stolam primam et induite illam et date anulum in manu eius et calciamenta in pede eius!’7|| Et aducite vitulum saginatum, ut manducemus et epulemur!’8 Et ceperunt epulari, quia 140r hic filius suus mortuus fuerat et revixit, perierat et inventus est.9 Frater autem, filius eius senior, ˂erat˃ in agro, et cum veniret et adpropinquaret domui, audivit symphoniam et chorum. Et servum et interogavit, que hec essent. Isque dixit: ‘Frater tuus venit et occidit pater tuus vitulum saginatum, quia salvum illum recepit.’10 Patri: ‘Tot annis servivi tibi et nunquam dedisti michi edum, ut cum amicis mei epularer.’11 ‘Fili, tu semper mecum es et omnia tua sunt. Epulari et gaudere oportebat, quia frater tuus mortuus fuerat et revixit, perierat et inventus est.’12||

12 pasceret : em.; vasceret in textu – ventrem : em.; ventere in textu – de siliquis : em. ex deliquis per -si- adscriptum – 17 patrem : em.; patrm in textu – 18 ad : sub versum ascriptum – 20 illam : illum Vulg. – 25 revixit : em.; revxit in textu – 26 ˂erat˃ : add. sec. L 15, 25

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Cf. Mt 21, 41. Cf. L 15, 11-13. Cf. L 15, 13. Cf. L 15, 14-16. Cf. L 15, 17-18. Cf. L 15, 20. Cf. L 15, 22. Cf. L 15, 23. Cf. L 15, 24. Cf. L 15, 25-27. Cf. L 15, 29. Cf. L 15, 31-32.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

295

Erat Ihesus eiciens demonium et illud erat mutum, et cum eiecisset demonium, locutus 140v est mutus et admirate sunt turbe.1 5

‘Cum fortis armatus custodit atrium suum, in pace sunt omnia, que possidet.’2 Extollens vocem quedam mulier dixit: ‘Beatus venter, qui te portavit et ubera, que suxisti!’ At ille dixit: ‘Quin ymmo beati audiunt verbum Dei et custodiunt illud!’3||

10

15

141r ‘Quanta audivimus facta in Cavharnaum, fac et in patria tua!’4 Et surrexerunt et eiecerunt illum extra civitatem et duxerunt illum usque supercilium montibus, ut precipitarent eum.5 Socrus autem Symonis tenebatur magnis febribus et rogaverant illum pro ea. Et stans super illam inpetravit febri et dimisit illam.6||

20

25

30

35

Omnes, qui habebant inf irmos variis languoribus, ducebant illos ad eum. At ille singulis 141v manus inponens curabat eos. Exibant autem demonia a multis clamancia et dicencia: ‘Quia tu es f ilius Dei!’ Et increpans non sinebat ea loqui, quia sciebant ipsum esse Christum.7 Ihesus autem fatigatus ex itinere sedebat sic supra fontem. Venit mulier de Samaria haurire aquam. Dixit ei Ihesus: ‘Da michi bibere!’8 Respondit ergo ei mulier: ‘Quomodo tu, Iudeus cum sis, bibere a me poscis, que sum Samaritana?’ Respondit ei Ihesus: ‘Si scires donum Dei, et quis est, qui tibi dixit: da michi bibere, tu fortassis ab eo peteres et dedisset tibi aquam vivam.’9 Discipuli autem eius abierant in civitatem Samarie, ut cibos emerent.10||

40 7 audiunt : qui audiunt Vulg. – 32 et quis est : em. ex et dixit quis est

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. L 11, 14. L 11, 21. Cf. L 11, 27-28. Cf. L 4, 23. Cf. L 4, 29. Cf. L 4, 38-39. Cf. L 4, 40-41. Cf. J 4, 6-7. Cf. J 4, 9-10. J 4, 8.

296 

5

ANNA KERNBACH

Exibant discipuli de civitate et venerunt ad Ihesum dicentes: ‘Rabi, manduca!’ Ihesus autem 142r respondens ait: ‘Ego habeo cibum manducare, quem vos nescitis.’1 Reliquit ergo mulier ydriam suam et habiit in civitatem et dicit hominibus: ‘Venite et videte Messiam, qui dicitur Christus.’2 Cum ergo venissent ad illum Samaritani, rogaverunt, ut ibi maneret, et mansit ibi duos dies. Et crediderunt in eum multi.3||

10

15

Adducunt ante Ihesum scribe et pharisei mulierem in adulteriio deprehensam. 4 Ihesus 142v autem inclinans se deorsum scribebat in terra. ‘Qui sine peccato est, mittat in illam lapidem!’5 Mulieri quoque dixit: ‘Vade et amplius noli peccare!’6 Ihesus igitur se iterum inclinans scribebat in terra.7||

20 Cum sublevasset igitur occulos Ihesus et vidisset, quia multitudo maxima venit ad eum, 143r dixit ad Philipum: ‘Unde ememus panes, ut manducent hii?’8 25

Ex quinque panibus et duobus piscibus saciavit Dominus quinque milia hominum.9||

30

Preteriens Ihesus vidit hominem cecum a nativitate. Et interrogaverunt eum discipuli sui: 143v ‘Rabi, quis peccavit, hic aut parentes eius, ut cecus nasceretur?’10 Expuit in terra Ihesus et fecit lutum ex sputo et linivit occulos ceci.11

35

Dixitque ei Ihesus: ‘Vade et lava in natatoria Siloe et oculos tuos lava!’ Et habiit et lavit et vidit.12|| 2 Ego habeo : em. ex ego autem habeo – 12 ante : autem Vulg. – 32 terra : terram Vulg. – lutum : em.; litum in textu – ex sputo : em.; ex puto in textu – 37 in marg. inf. fol. 143v custos XIX

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Cf. J 4, 30-32. Cf. J 4, 28-29. Cf. J 4, 40-41. Cf. J 8, 3. Cf. J 8, 6-7. Cf. J 8, 11. Cf. J 8, 8. J 6, 5. Sec. J 6, 9-13. J 9, 1-2. Cf. J 9, 6. Cf. J 9, 7.

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

10

297

‘Nonne hic est, qui sedebat et mendicabat?’ Ille autem dicebat: ‘Quia ego sum.’ Dicebant 144r ei: ‘Quomodo aperti sunt oculi?’ Respondit: ‘Ille, qui dicitur Ihesus, linivit oculos meos et video.’1 Dicebant ceco iterum: ‘Tu, quid dicis de eo, qui aperuit tibi oculos?’2 Et eiecerunt eum foras. Ut audivit Ihesus, quia eiecerunt eum foras, et cum vidisset eum, dixit ei: ‘Tu credis in filium Dei?’ Respondit ille et dixit: ‘Quis es, domine, ut credam in eum?’ Dicit ei Ihesus: ‘Et vidisti eum, et qui loquitur tecum, ipse est.’3|| Dicebat Ihesus turbis Iudeorum: ‘Ego sum lux mundi!’4

144v

Egressus est Ihesus trans torentem Cedron, ubi erat ortus, in quem introvit ipse et discipuli eius.5 Tunc congregati sunt omnes principes sacerdotum. Et consilium fecerunt, ut Ihesum 15 dolo tenerent et occiderent.6|| Tunc habiit unus de duodecim, qui dicitur Iudas Scarioth, ad principes sacerdotum. Et 145r ait illis: ‘Quid vultis michi dare et ego eum vobis tradam?’ At illi constituerunt ei triginta 20 argenteos.7 Iudas Ecce, Iudas venit cum turba multa et cum gladiis et armis et fustibus et facibus et dicit illis: ‘Quemcumque osculatus fuero, ipse est, tenete eum et ducite caute!’ Et accedens ad 25 Ihesum dixit: ‘Ave, rabi!’ Et osculatus est eum.8 Tunc accesserunt et manus iniecerunt in Ihesum et tenuerunt eum.9|| 30 Symon ergo Petrus habens gladium eduxit eum et percussit pontificis servum et abscidit 145v auriculam eius. Erat autem nomen servo Malchus.10 Hic adduxerunt Ihesum ad Annam primum.11 Exivit ergo discipulus alius, qui erat notus pontifici et dixit hostiarie et introduxit Petrum. 35 Dixerit ergo Petro: ‘Et tu ex discipulis es eius!’ Negavit ergo et dixit: ‘Non sum.’12 Erat Petrus stans, calefaciens se, dixit ergo Petro ancilla hostiaria: ‘Nunquid et tu ex discipulis es hominis istius?’ Dicit ille: ‘Non sum!’13|| 8 es : est Vulg. – 19 vultis : vu- rasum – 23 gladiis … facibus : cum gladiis et fustibus Vulg. – 24 et … caute : om. Vulg. – 30 ergo : supra versum ascriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Cf. J 9, 8-11. Cf. J 9, 17. Cf. J 9, 34-37. Cf. J 8, 12. Cf. J 18, 1. Cf. Mt 26, 3-4. Mt 26, 14-15. Cf. Mt 26, 47-49. Cf. Mt 26, 50. Cf. J 18, 10. Cf. J 18, 13. Cf. J 18, 16-17. Cf. J 18, 17 et 25.

298 

ANNA KERNBACH

Pontifex ergo interrogavit Ihesum de discipulis suis et de doctrina eius.1 Et ecce, unus ex 146r suis dedit alapam Ihesu.2 Et misit illum Annas ligatum ad Caypham pontificem.3 5

Dicit ergo Petro unus ex servis pontificis, cognatus eius, cuius Petrus abscidit auriculam: ‘Nunquam ego te vidi cum illo?’ Iterum ergo negavit illum Petrus et statim cantavit gallus. 4||

10

Dicit ei ergo Pylatus: ‘Tu es rex Iudeorum?’5 Dixerunt ergo Iudei: ‘Si non esset hic malefactor, 146v non tibi tradidissemus eum.’6

15

Tunc ergo aprehendit Pylatus Ihesum et flagelatum. Et milites plectentes coronam de spinis et inposuerunt capiti eius et veste purpurea circumderunt eum. Et veniebant ad eum et dicebant illudentesque: ‘Ave, rex Iudeorum!’7||

20

Acceperunt ergo Ioseph et Nichodemus corpus Ihesu et licaverunt linteis cum aromatibus, 147r sicut mos est Iudeis, et sepelierunt.8 Erat in loco, ubi crucifixus est, ortus. Et in orto monumentum novum, ubi posue-

25

runt eum.9 Maria Magdalena et Iacobi et Salome aromata ferentes venerunt ad monumentum orto sole.10 Angelus enim Domini accedens revolvit lapidem et sedebat super eum. Erat autem aspectus eius sicut fulgur et vestimenta eius sicut nix.11||

30

Duo ex discipulis Domini ibant in castellum Emmaus.12 Et ipse adpropinquans ibat cum 147v illis.13 Et factum est, cum recumberet cum illis, accepit panem et benedixit ac fregit et porigebat illis. Et aperti sunt oculi eorum et cognoverunt eum et ipse evanuit ab oculis eorum.14 Et surgentes eadem hora regressi sunt in Ierusalem.15||

35 13 flagelatum : flagelavit Vulg. – 19 mos : em.; mors in textu – 31 cum : supra versum ascriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

J 18, 19. Cf. J 18, 22. J 18, 24. Cf. J 18, 26-27. Cf. J 18, 33. Cf. J 18, 30. Cf. J 19, 1-3. Cf. J 19, 40. Cf. J 19, 41-42. Sec. M 16, 1-2. Cf. Mt 28, 2-3. Cf. L 24, 13. Cf. L 24, 15. L 24, 30-31. Cf. L 24, 33.

299

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Et congregatos invenerunt undecim et eos, qui cum ipsis erant, dicentes, quod surrexit 148r Dominus vere1 et ˂que˃ acta sunt.2 Stetit Ihesus inmedio discipulorum suorum et dicit eis: ‘Pax vobis, ego sum.3 Videte manus 5 meas et pedes meos, quia ipse ego sum. 4 Ne terremini, ne turbemini!’||

At illi obtulerunt ei partem piscis assi et favum mellis. Et cum manducasset coram eis, 148v 10 sumens reliquias dedit eis.5

15

Manifestavit Ihesus se discipulis suis ad mare Tyberiadis. Erant autem ibi Petrus et Thomas et Nathanael et filii Zebdei et ex discipulis eius duo. Dicit eis Petrus: ‘Vado piscari.’ Dicunt ei: ‘Venimus et nos tecum.’6||

‘Ego sum pastor bonus. Bonus pastor animam suam dat pro ovibus suis’.’7

149r

20 ‘Ego sum pastor ovium et cognosco meas et cognoscunt me mee. 8 Mercenarius, et qui non est pastor ovium, videt lupum, dimittit et fugit, sed lupus rapit et dispergat oves’.’9||

25 ego et Pater unum sumus10

ego in vos et vos in me11 ego sum mater misericordie

30

Sancta Maria, exaudire famulam tuam!

Elyzabeth 35

ego in Patre et Pater in me12

Sancta Maria, opem fer et auxiliare famulcum tuum!|| Zacharias

Angelus Altare||

1 congregatos : em.; cogregatos in textu – 2 ˂que˃ : add. – 5 Ne … turbemini : om. Vulg. – 20 ovium : bonus Vulg. – 25-26 ego … me : in tres libris in manu trium personarum S. Trinitatis inscriptum – 27 ego … misericordie : in libro in manu S. Mariae inscriptum – 31 in marg. inf. fol. 149v custos XXus

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Cf. L 24, 33-34. Sec. L 24, 35. Cf. L 24, 36. Cf. L 24, 39. L 24, 42-43. Cf. J 21, 1-3. J 10, 11. Cf. J 10, 14. Cf. J 10, 12. J 10, 30. Sec. J 14, 20. Sec. J 10, 38 et 14, 10-11.

149v

150r

300 

ANNA KERNBACH

150v

‘Viri Galilei, quid statis aspicientes in celum? Hic Ihesus, qui assumptus est a vobis in celum, sic veniet.’1|| 5

151v

Sanctus Petrus in cruce Nero

Paulus

Paulus||

10 152r

Passio sancti Laurencii Passio sancti Ypoliti||

15

Accipe perpetuam, mater dilecta, coronam.

Vos michi servite, do vobis gaudia vite. 152v

Adstitit regina a dextris meis in vestitu aurato. 2

20 Ego mater misericordiarum

Hac moriente choros super est translata novenos Assumpcio sancte Marie||

25

30

Iohannes septem eclesiis, qui sunt in Asia, gracia vobis et pax ab eo, qui est et qui erat et 153v qui venturus est.3 vox

Iohannes

vox

claves inferni4

Christus septem candelabra5||

35

40

Hec dicit Dominus Deus: ‘Caritatem reliquisti primam. Nisi egeris penitenciam, movebo 154r candelabrum.’6

Iohannes

angelus

Ephesus

angelus

Pergamus

Smirna Iohannes

Ciatira

angelus angelus||

3 fol. 151r sine textu – 20 Ego … misericordiarum : in libro in manu S. Mariae inscriptum – adstitit … aurato : in libro in manu Iesu inscriptum – 25 ff. 153r sine textu

1 2 3 4 5 6

Cf. Act 1, 11. Cf. Ps 44, 10. Cf. Apc 1, 4. Sec. Apc 1, 18. Sec. Apc 1, 12-13 et sqq. Sec. Apc 2, 4-5.

301

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Iohannes Iohannes

Sardis angelus

angelus Laodicia

15

20

Iohannes

Philadelifia

angelus 154v

Vox dicit: ‘Ascende huc!’1

Vidi ostium apertum in celo.2||

5

10

Iohannes

155r

Septem candelabra Iohannes flens3 Dignus es, Domine Deus noster, accipere gloriam et honorem et virtutem, quia tu creasti omnia. 4 Dignus est Agnus, qui occisus est, accipere virtutem et claritatem et sapienciam et gloriam.5 Viginti quator seniores procidentes ante thronum.6||

Ecce, equus albus et sedenti supra illum data est corona et habebat arcum in manu.7 25

Iohannes

155v

vox

Ecce, equus ruffus et datum est ei, ut sumat pacem de terra.8 30

35

40

Iohannes

vox||

Ecce, equus niger, et qui sedebat in eo, habebat stateram in manu.9 Iohannes

vox

Iohannes

vox

Infernus sequitur mortem.10||

19 ante thronum : inter ante et thronum rasura – 23 sedenti : em.; sedentem in textu – habebat : em.; habeba in textu – 28 datum : em.; datam in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Apc 4, 1. Cf. Apc 4, 1. Sec. Apc 5, 4. Cf. Apc 4, 11. Cf. Apc 5, 12. Sec. Apc 4, 10. Sec. Apc 6, 2. Cf. Apc 6, 4. Cf. Apc 6, 5. Sec. Apc 6, 8.

156r

302 

ANNA KERNBACH

Vidi sub altare Dei animas interfectorum. 1 Iohannes 5

Et date sunt illis singule stole albe et 156v palme in manibus eorum.2

Anime

Sol factus est niger. Stelle ceciderunt. Ecce, terre motus magnus. Et luna facta est velud sanquis.3 Celum

10 Et reges et divites et omnis servus et liber absconderunt se in speluncis et petris montium. Et dixerunt montibus et petris: ‘Cadite super nos et cooperite nos!’4|| 157r

Angeli

15

Venti Angelus habens signum Dei5

20

ventus

ventus||

Et ecce, turba magna in conspectu agni amicti stolis et palme in manibus.6

157v

25 Ex tribu Beniamin7 Vox 30

Iohannes

Angeli habentes tubas.8||

Ascendit fumus in conspectu Dei de manu angeli.9

158r

Maiestate sedens et per loca singula presens.|| 35

Iohannes

vox

Ex tribu Gad 40

De tribu Iuda

Ex tribu Ruben

Ex tribu Asser

Ex tribu Manasse10||

29 in marg. inf. fol. 157v custos XXI – 36-38 De tribu … Manasse : semper in phylacterio in manu filiorum Israhel inscriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Cf. Apc 6, 9. Cf. Apc 6, 11 et 7, 9. Sec. Apc 6, 12-13. Cf. Apc 6, 15-16. Sec. Apc 7, 1-2. Cf. Apc 7, 9. Sec. Apc 7, 8. Sec. Apc 8, 2. Sec. Apc 8, 4. Sec. Apc 7, 5-6.

158v

303

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

5

10

15

Ex tribu Symeon

Ex tribu Leui

Ex tribu Ysakar

Ex tribu Zabulon

Ex tribu Neptalyn

Ex tribu Yoseph 1||

Angelus tuba cecinit.

ignis grando Omne fenum viride conbustum est.2

25

Et tercius angelus tuba cecinit et cecidit stella de celo in mare. 4 Et multi bibentes mortui 160r sunt.5 Mare Et quartus angelus tuba cecinit et percussa est tercia pars solis et lune.6 ‘Ve, ve, ve habitantibus in terra!’7||

vox

Et quintus angelus tuba cecinit et cecidit stella.8 angelus corone puteus abyssy, unde locuste exierunt9 Iohannes

vox inmundi angeli

sol

aure

160v

Et sextus angelus tuba cecinit.10

Eufrates11||

30

Quatuor angeli occidunt terciam partem hominum.12 35

159v

Et secundus angelus tuba cecinit et mons magnus igne ardens missus est in mare.3||

Iohannes 20

ignis

159r

Iohannes

Dyaboli interficiunt terciam partem hominum.13

161r Sacrificium 14||

1-3 ex tribu … Yoseph : semper in phylacterio in manu filiorum Israhel inscriptum – 12 cecinit : em.; cenit in textu – mare : tertiam partem fluminum et in fontes aquaraum Vulg. – 16 solis : em.; sol in textu – 18 Ve … terra : in phylacterio in ungue aquilae volantis inscriptum – 34 Dyaboli : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Sec. Apc 7, 7-8. Sec. Apc 8, 7. Cf. Apc 8, 8. Cf. Apc 8, 10. Sec. Apc 8, 11. Cf. Apc 8, 12. Cf. Apc 8, 13. Cf. Apc 9, 1. Sec. Apc 9, 3. Cf. Apc 9, 13. Sec. Apc. 9, 14-15. Sec. Apc 9, 15. Sec. Apc 9, 16-18. Sec. Apc. 9, 20.

304 

ANNA KERNBACH

Angelus

fortis Septem tonitrua

Vox

Iohannes

161v

5 Mare1 Iohannes devorat librum.2

Angelus 10

15

Hic dat angelus calamum Iohanni.3 Mare||

Iohannes metit altare. 4

162r

Isti sunt due olive et duo candelabra lucencia ante Dominum.5 20

Ibi interficit Enoch et Helyam. Et illi gaudent et munera dant se invicem.

25 Puteus abyssi, unde procedit Antichristus.6||

162v

30 Et timor magnus irruit super istos. Ibi stant super pedes suos et audiunt sibi dicentem: ‘Ascendite huc!’7 35

Enoch

Helyas

Ibi factus est terre motus magnus et occisi sunt septem milia hominum.8 Civitas dyaboli destruitur ibi.||

40

21 Enoch et Helyam : om. Vulg. – 25 Antichristus : bestia Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Sec. Apc 10, 1-5. Sec. Apc 10, 8-10. Sec. Apc 11, 1. Sec. Apc 11, 1. Cf. Apc 11, 4. Sec. Apc 11, 7-10. Sec. Apc 11, 11-12. Cf. Apc 11, 13.

305

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Septimus angelus tuba cecinit.1

Dominus noster 5

corona stelle XII

luna

15

Draco ruffus habens capita VII et coronas X et VII dyademata.3||

Flumen

Ibi draco dat virtutem suam bestie.7

caput mortuum

30

Antichristus

angeli nequissimi6||

Bestia similis pardo habens capita VII et cornua X et super cornua X diademata.8

stans super mare Ibi adorant idolum9||

Angelus angelo imperat et dicit: ‘Mitte falcem et vindemia botros terre!’10

10 coronas : cornua Vulg. – 27 Ego … mei : om. Vulg. – 31 Antichristus : om. Vulg.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Apc 11, 15. Sec. Apc 11, 15-16. Sec. Apc 12, 1-4. Cf. Apc 12, 5. Cf. Apc 12, 6. Sec. Apc 12, 7. Cf. Apc. 13, 2. Sec. Apc 13, 1-2. Sec. Apc 13, 3-8. Sec. Apc 14, 18. Cf. Apc 15, 1.

164r

‘Ego sum Christus, nullus similis mei!’

Hii sunt angeli VII habentes plagas septem et per istos est consumata Dei ira.11|| 40

163v

virtutes celorum

Michael pugnat cum dracone et draco cum Michael.

os loquens magna

35

Mulier fugit in desertum.5

Draco Michael

25

vox

fulgura

Mulier et filius eius raptus est ad Deum. 4

20

XXIIIIor seniores2

vox

Ecclesia 10

163r

voces voces

164v

306 

ANNA KERNBACH

Septem angeli et septem fiale.

165r

Vox Templum Et primus efudit fialam suam

5

Et factum est vulnus sevum et pessimum et multi mortui sunt.1|| 10

Et secundus angelus effudit fialam suam in mare et omnis anima mortua est in mari.2

165v

Et tercius angelus effudit fialam suam super flumina et facte sunt velud sanquis.3 15

altare4

vox Iohannes||

20

Et quartus angelus effudit fialam suam in sole. Et estuaverant homines estu magnu.5

166r

Et quintus angelus effudit fialam suam et factum est regnum tenebrosum.6|| 25 Ignis descendens de celo 30

35

40

demoniorum’.’7 Iohannes

vox

Angelus dicit: ‘Cecidit Babilon et facta est habitacio

Morte et luctu et igni conbusta est, que dicebat: ‘Sedeo regina et luctum non habeo.’8

Ibi mittit angelus fortis lapidem molarem in mare.9 Et planxerunt planctu magno et dixerunt: ‘Quis est similis civitati huic magne!’ Et miserunt pulverem super capita sua flentes atque lugentes dixerunt: ‘Ve, ve, ve, civitati huic ma gne!’10|| 18 in marg. inf. fol. 165v custos XXII – 21 estuaverant : em.; estuaverat in textu – 33 regina : em. sec. Apc. 18, 7; regi in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Sec. Apc 16, 1-2. Cf. Apc 16, 3. Cf. Apc 16, 4. Sec. Apc 16, 7. Cf. Apc 16, 8-9. Cf. Apc 16, 10. Cf. Apc 18, 2. Sec. Apc 18, 7-8. Cf. Apc 18, 21. Cf. Apc 18, 18-19.

166v

307

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

alleluya alleluya

5

10

15

20

167r

Dominus noster

alleluya

viginti quatuor seniores1

Angelus

Sanctus Iohannes cecidit ad pedes angeli, ut adoraret, et dixit angelus ei: ‘Vide, ne feceris, concivis enim tuus sum!’2|| Ecce, equus albus, et qui sedet super illum, vocatur Rex seculorum.3 Et in celo qui sunt, 167vr sequuntur illum. 4 Angelus Angelus clamat voce magna omnibus avibus: ‘Venite, congregamini ad cenam magnam Dei, ut manducetis carnes regum et forcium!’5|| Angelus habens catenam magnam in manu et ligat dyabolum et proicit in puteum abyssi 168r atque signat.6 Ibi ostendit angelus Iohanni civitatem agni dicens illi: ‘Veni, ostendam tibi sponsam agni!’7||

25

168v

˂Civitas Dei˃ ˂prima rota intrinseca:˃ crisolitus, berilus, topazyus, crisoprasus, iacintus, ametistum, iaspis, saphirus, calcedonius, smaragdus, sardonix, sardinis8

30

35

˂secunda rota intrinseca:˃ Petrus, Paulus, Andreas, Iacobus, Iohannes, Thomas, Iacobus, Phylypus, Bartholomeus, Matheus, Symon, Taddeus9 ˂tertia rota intrinseca:˃ porta Ruben, porta Iude, porta Gad, porta Asser, porta Neptalin, porta Manasse, porta Symeon, porta Leui, porta Ycakar, porta Zabulon, porta Yoseph, porta Beniamin 10 ˂rota extrinseca:˃ oriens, hora prima, Eufrates, hora secunda, hora sexta, Tygris, hora nona, vesper, nox non nocendus, Fison, auster, aquilon, Gyon

40

custodes murarum

custodes murarum||

9 concivis : conservus Vulg. – 11 equus : em.; equs in textu – Rex seculorum : Fidelis et Verax Vulg. – 28 calcedonius : em.; calredonius in textu – 40 custodes murarum : in phylacterio in manu duorum angelorum incriptum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Sec. Apc 19, 1-4. Cf. Apc 19, 10. Cf. Apc 19, 11. Cf. Apc 19, 14. Cf. Apc 19, 17-18. Cf. Apc 20, 1-3. Cf. Apc 21, 9. Fundamenta muri civitatis lapidibus praetiosis ornata sec. Apc 21, 19-20. Nomina apostolorum in duodecim fundamenta muri inscripta cf. Apc 21, 14. Duodecim nomina filiorum Israhel in portis muri civitatis Dei sec. Apc 21, 12.

308 

ANNA KERNBACH

Ibi vocat Dominus Petrum et Anderam mittentes rete in mari.1 5

Ibi sequuntur Dominum.2|| Ibi facit Dominus Petrum clavigerum regni celorum.3

10

15

Ibi interrogat Dominus Petrum: ‘Symon Iohannis, amas me?’ Cui Petrus respondit: ‘Domine, tu omnia scis, quia amo te.’5 Ibi sunt Petrus et Iohannes ad horam nonam. Hic est porta Speciosa

20

Ibi sanat claudum petentem elemosinam ab introeuntibus in templum.6|| Ibi intrat claudus cum illis in templum ambulans et laudans Dominum.7

30

35

169v

Ibi est cena agni paschalis, ad quam perducat nos misericordia Christi.|| Ibi lavat Dominus pedes apostolorum. Et ibi loquitur ad Petrum. 4

25

169r

170r

170v

Ibi sanat Petrus infirmos sibi adductos. 8|| Cum vero audissent apostoli, quid recepisset Samara verbum Dei, misserunt ad illos Petrum 171r et Iohannem.9 Ibi inponunt manos super illos, ut accipiant Spiritum sanctum.10|| Ibi obtulit Symon magus pecuniam sanctis apostolis. Dicit ad eum Petrus: ‘Quoniam donum 171v Dei existimasti pecunia possideri, pecunia tua in perdicione tecum sit!’11 Ibi sanat Petrus Eneam, illustrem virum.12|| 4 sequuntur : em.; sequntur in textu – 17 et : em.; ei in textu – 23 claudus : em.; cladus in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Sec. Mt 4, 18-19. Sec. Mt 4, 20. Sec. Mt 16, 19. Sec J 13, 5-10. Cf. J 21, 17. Sec. Act 3, 1-7. Cf. Act 3, 8. Sec. Act 5, 15-16. Cf. Act 8, 14. Cf. Act 8, 17. Cf. Act 8, 18-20. Sec. Act 9, 33-34.

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THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

Hec ergo Dorcas erat plena operibus bonis et elemosinis, quas faciebat.1 Contingit vero, 172r ut infirmata moreretur. 5

10

15

Quam vero cum lavissent, posuerunt in cenaculo.2|| Discipuli vero audientes, quia Petrus esset Iopem, miserunt duos viros pro illo dicentes: 172v ‘Ne pigriteris venire usque ad nos!’3 Ibi loquuntur cum Petro.||

Ibi eicit foras omnes Petrus.

Ibi ostendunt mulieres vestes, quas faciebat illis Dorcas. 4

Ponens vero Petrus genua sua oravit. 20

25

30

35

40

173r

Conversusque ad corpus dixit: ‘Thabita, tibi dico: surge!’5||

Cum ergo vocasset Petrus sanctos et viduas, asignavit vivam.6

173v

Ibi precipit Herodes occidi Iacobum, fratrem Iohannis, gladio.7||

174r

Ibi precipit Herodes Petrum reduci in carcerem.8 Ibi angelus Domini astitit et lumen refulsit in habitaculo carceris percussoque latere Petri excitavit eum dicens: ‘Surge velociter!’9|| Ibi transeunt primam et secundam custodiam et continuo discessit ab eo.10 174v Petrus ad se reversus dixit: ‘Nunc scio vere, quia misit Dominus angelum suum et eripuit me de manu Herodis’.’11 Ibi predicit Symon magus, dicit, quo Petrum possit habere ad disputandum. ||

11 loquuntur : em; loquntur in textu –23 in marg. inf. fol. 173v custos XXIII – 26 reduci : em. ex. redudi – carcerem : em.; carcere in textu

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Cf. Act 9, 36. Cf. Act 9, 37. Cf. Act 9, 38. Cf. Act 9, 39. Sec. Act 9, 40. Cf. Act 9, 41. Sec. Act 12, 1-2. Sec. Act 12, 4. Cf. Act 12, 7. Cf. Act 12, 10. Cf. Act 12, 11.

310 

ANNA KERNBACH

Tunc Petrus, ut hec audiunt, oracionis gracia secedere alios iubet et dixit: ‘Oremus 175r fratres!’1 5

Ibi est conflictus inter Petrum et Symonem magum. ||

10

Ibi prosternunt se ante pedes apostoli et deprecantur, ut misereatur eis.

15

20

175v

Missus Symonis magi, qui effectus est christianus. Ibi ostendit sanctus Petrus infelicitatem. ||

Propter Symonem maleficum precipit Herodes suis in cruce figi Petrum.

176r

Ibi sanctus Petrus suum finem predicit hominibus. || 25 Ibi sanctus Petrus orat Dominum. 30

35

40

45

176v

Et ibi obviat illum dicitque illi Petrus: ‘Domine, quo vadis?’ Ibi docet populum, ut credant cuncti in Dominum. Ibi ducunt vinctum ad crucem sanctum Petrum. ||

Ibi est fletus magnus pro beatissimo Petro, qui iuste crucifigitur. Ibi deposuit eum sanctus Marcellus de cruce suis manibus propriis. Et ibi sepelit eum in sarchofago novo in loco, qui dicitur Uazicanus. Tu ergo Petre, preca benignam petram, qui est Christus, ut dignos nos indignos faciat sua gloria!|| 1 audiunt : em.; audunt in textu – 19 Propter : em.; proter in textu – 32 sanctum : em. ex. sanctus rasura – 36 iuste : em. in iniuste manu XVII. saec.

1 Textus sec. Rec. II, 19, 5-6 esse videtur, sed veri similior est, ut idem sec. quendam textum medii aevi, qui sec. plures Apocryphos conscriptum fuerat, factus est, sicut et sequentes de Simone mago et passione s. Petri in ff. 174r-177r.

177r

THE VELISL AV BIBLE: CRITICAL EDITION WITH COMMENTARY

311

Ibi sancti missi in vinculis ab isto ferotissimo Paulo. Ibi Paulus nondum apostolus cupit infringire Christi ecclesiam.

177v

5 Ibi Paulus accipit epistolas a principibus sacerdotum.1||

Ibi audit vocem sibi dicentem: ‘Saule, Saule, quid me persequeris?’2 10 Ad manus autem illum trahentes introduxerunt Damascum.3 Ibi apparet in visu Ananie Dominus. 4

178r

Ibi Ananias illuminat oculos Pauli.5||

15 Ibi baptizatur Paulus.

Ibi accipit cibum Paulus.

178v

20 Ibi sunt discipuli orantes super Paulum. Ibi Paulus predicat Cristum.6||

25

Ibi fit consilium, ut Paulum dolo tenerent et occiderent.7

179r

Ibi submiserunt per murum Paulum in sporta.8||

30 Ibi narrat Barnabas apostolus de Paulo.9

179v

Ibi sanat Paulus claudum, qui nunquam ambulaverat.10|| 35 Crescente ergo fide christiana in diebus illis dux Bohemorum nomine Boriuoy ydolorum 180r culturam ˂abiciens˃ una cum exercitu suo baptizatus est.||11 36 ˂abiciens˃ : add.

1 Sec. Act 9, 1-2. 2 Cf. Act 9, 4. 3 Cf. Act 9, 8. 4 Cf. Act 9, 10. 5 Sec. Act 9, 17-18. 6 Sec. Act 9, 18-20. 7 Sec. Act 9, 23. 8 Sec. Act 9, 25. 9 Sec. Act 9, 27. 10 Sec. Act 14, 7-9. 11 Sec. Crescente fide christiana, s. 183. Textus sec. recensionem Bavaricam, sed primus dux christianus sec. recensionem Bohemicam Bořivoj est.

312 

ANNA KERNBACH

Ibi Clemens episcopus predicat populo. Ibi sanat mulierculam quedam stipem petentes. 5

15

20

180v

Hic sunt columpne vitree.1 || 181r

Hic est mater sancti Clementis episcopi. Clemens episcopus

10

Ibi eicit demonia.

Ibi rogat deferere paraliticam.

Hic portant in lectulo.

Ibi precipit surgere. ||

Filius quoque Ziptigneus condidit ecclesiam sancte Dei genitricis Marie et alteram in 181v honore sancti Petri, apostolorum principis.2 Ibi transiit Boriuoy, vir venerabilis. pro eo.3||

Ibi eligunt fratrem Uratizlaum ducem ac principem

Iste vero Uratizlaus construxit ecclesiam in honore sancti Georgii martiris. 4

182r

Ibi mittit Wratizlaus filium suum primogenitum, a quodam plebano reverenti nomine Innocencio ut discat psalterium.5|| 25

Ibi obiit vir inclitus nomine Wratizlaus, pater incliti Wenceszlai.

182vr

Ibi eligunt principem ac ducem sanctum Wenceszlaum super cunctum populum.6|| 30

Ibi sanctus Wenceslzaus orat Dominum. 35

183r

Ibi dat sanctus Wenceslzaus victum et potum egenis. Et ibi revertitur domum.7||

Sancta Katerina, exaudire famulcum tuum Vellizlaum!|| 29 in marg. inf. fol. 182v custos XXIIIIus – 34 fol. 183v-187v sine textu – 36 Sancta … Vellislaum : in phylacterio in manu Velislai inscriptum

1 Ff. 180v-181r Historia de Clemente sec. Rec. VII, 12, 1-23, 7 esse videtur sed persona Clementis pro Petri mutata. 2 Sec. Crescente fide, s. 183. 3 Cf. Crescente fide, s. 183: Cumque prefatus vir venerabilis [Spitigneus] transisset de hoc seculo, omnes populi, qui eius fuerant, congregantes se elegerunt fratrum eius iuniorem nomine Wratizlaum ducem et principem pro eo. 4 Cf. Crescente fide, s. 183. 5 Cf. Crescente fide, s. 183: [Wratislaus] misit eum in civitatem nuncupatam Budceam, ut ibi disceret psalterium a quodam presbytero nomine Uenno [Ucino sec. recensionem bohemicam, s. 58]. 6 Sec. Crescente fide, s. 183. 7 Sec. Crescente fide, s. 184.

188r

Bibliography List of Manuscripts Amiens, Bibliothèque d’Amiens Métropole MS Latin 108 Augsburg, Universitätsbibliothek Cod. I.2.4°15 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek MS Mgf 1714 Bernkastel-Kues, Stiftsbibliothek Cod. 207 Cambridge, Trinity College Eadwine Psalter, MS R. 17. 1 Glasgow, University Library York/Hunterian Psalter, Sp Coll MS Hunter U.3.2 (229) Den Haag, Museum Meermano-Weestrianum MS 10 C 23 Hamburg, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Cod. 7 in Scrin Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek Cod. Pal. germ. 115 Liber Scivias, Cod. Sal. 10, 16 Hildesheim, Dombibliothek MS St. Godehard 1 Konstanz, Rosengartenmuseum Biblia pauperum, Hs 4 Lilienfeld, Stiftsbibliothek Concordantia Caritatis, Cod. 151 London, British Library Padua Bible, MS Add. 15277 MS Add. 27210 MS Add. 37472 Holkham Bible, Add. 47682 Cotton Genesis, MS Cotton Otho B VI

314 

The Velisl av Bible, the Finest Pic ture Bible of the L ate Middle Ages

Tiberius Psalter, Cotton Tiberius C VI Egerton Genesis, MS Egerton 1894 MS Lansdowne 383 MS Or. 1404 MS Or. 2884 Queen Mary Psalter, MS Royal 2 B VII

London, Victoria and Albert Museum MS 661 London, Wellcome Library MS 49 Los Angeles, Getty Museum MS Ludwig I 16 München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Isabelle Psalter, Cod. gall. 16 MS Cgm 426 New York, The Jewish Theological Seminary Prato Haggadah, MS 9478 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS M. 521 MS M. 524 Crusader Bible, MS M 638 MS M 724 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Junius 11 MS Laud. Misc. 521 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France St Louis Psalter, MS Latin 10525 St Amand Psalter and Book of Hours, MS Latin 13260 MS Nouv. Acq. Lat. 2294 MS Nouv. Acq. Lat. 2334 MS 99 C 228961 Prague, Knihovna Pražské metropolitní kapituly (Library of the Prague Metropolitan Chapter) sig. VII 8, new system: no. 156 MS Cim 5 MS O 38 MS O 45 Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky MS I A 46 MS IV H 24

Bibliogr aphy



MS X A 7 MS XII C 4b Passional of Abbess Kunigonde, MS XIV A 17 MS XIV E 34 MS XIV H 26 MS XV E 10 Velislav Bible, MS XXIII C 124 Chotěšov Missal, MS XIV C 3

Prague, National Gallery Codex Heidelbergensis Prague, National Museum MS XIV B 17 Rovigo, Biblioteca dell’Accademia dei Concordi Padua Bible, MS 212 Sankt Gallen, Staatsarchiv Cod. Fabariensis XVI St. Pölten (Niederösterreich), Diözesanarchiv Hs 2 Sarajevo, Zemaljski Muzej Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo Haggadah Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek Utrecht Psalter, MS Bibl. Rhenotraiectinae I Nr 32 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Vienna Genesis, Cod. theol. gr. 31 Liber depictus, Cod. 3710 Bible moralisée, Cod. 2554 Cod. s. n. 2612 Wenceslas IV. Bible, Cod. 2759-2764 Cod. 8330 Wrocłav, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka Wrocłav Missal, M 1151 Zürich, Zentralbibliothek MS A 172

315

316 

The Velisl av Bible, the Finest Pic ture Bible of the L ate Middle Ages

Primary Sources ʻActa Petri cum Simone,’ ed. by Richard Adelbert Lipsius and Maxmilianus Bonnet, in Acta apostolorum apocrypha, 2 vols. (Lipsiae: Mendelssohn, 1891-1903; repr. Hildesheim and New York: Olms, 1972) I (1972), pp. 45-103. Adso Dervensis, De ortu et tempore Antichristi necnon et tractatus qui ab eo dependunt, ed. by Daniel Verhelst (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976) (= Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis, 45). Albertus Magnus, Compendium theologicae veritatis in septem libros digestum, in Opera Omnia , ed. by Auguste Borgnet, 38 vols. (Paris: Vivès, 1890-1899) XXXIV (1895), pp. 1-261. ʻAnnales Vincencii, Pragensis ecclesiae canonici,’ in Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, ed. by Josef Emler et al., 8 vols. (Pragae: Muzeum Království českého, 1873-1932) II: Cosmae Chronicon Bohemorum cum continuatoribus, ed. by Josef Emler (1874), pp. 407-460. Der Antichrist und die Fünfzehn Zeichen. Faksimile-Ausgabe des einzigen erhaltenen chiroxylographischen Blockbuches, 2 vol., ed. by Heinrich Theodor Musper (München: Prestel, 1970). Der Antichrist und die Fünfzehn Zeichen vor dem Jüngsten Gericht. Faksimile der Ausg. Straßburg, ed. by Karin Boveland, Christoph Peter Burger, and Ruth Steffen (Hamburg: Friedrich Wittig, 1979). Apocalyptic Spirituality: Treatises and Letters of Lactantius, Adso of Montier-en-Der, Joachim of Fiore, the Franciscan Spirituals, Savonarola, trans. by Bernard McGinn (New York: Paulist Press, 1979). Augustinus Aurelius, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, ed. by Josef Zycha (Pragae, Vindobonae: Academia litterarum caesarea Vindobonensis, 1891) (= Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 25/1), pp. 249-797. Augustinus Aurelius, Ennarrationes in psalmos, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 36 (1861), cols. 67-1968. Aurora. Petri Rigae Biblia versificata, ed. by Paul E. Beichner, 2 vols. (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1965). Biblia Pauperum: A Facsimile and Edition, ed. by Henry Avril (Aldershot: Scolarpress, 1987). Biblia Pauperum: Nach dem Original in der Lyceumsbibliothek zu Constanz, ed. by Friedrich Laib und Franz Joseph Schwarz (Zürich: Wörl, 1867). Boncompagno da Signa, On Memory, trans. by Sean Gallagher, in The Medieval Craft of Memory: An Anthology of Texts and Pictures, ed. by Mary Carruthes and Jan M. Ziolkowski (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), pp. 103-117. Boncompagno da Signa, Rhetorica novissima, in Bibliotheca iuridica medii aevi. Scripta Anecdota Glossatorum, ed. by Antonio Gaudenzi et al., 3 vols. (Bononiae: Societas Azzoguidiana, 1888-1901) II: Scripta anecdota antiquissimorum glossatorum, scilicet Rainerii de Perusio, Rofredi Beneventani, Anselmi de Orto, Hugolini, Iohannis Bassiani aliorumque, praeit Hincmari Remensis Collectio de ecclesiis et cappellis, accedit Boncompagni Rhetorica novissima, ed. by Antonio Gaudenzi (1892, repr. Torino: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1962), pp. 247-297. Codex Diplomaticus et Epistolaris Regni Bohemiae, ed. by Gustav Friedrich et al. , 7 vols. (1904-) I: 805-1197, ed. by Gustav Friedrich (Pragae: comites regni Bohemiae, 1904-1907). Die Concordantiae caritatis des Ulrich von Lilienfeld. Edition des Codex Campililiensis 151 (um 1355), ed. by Herbert Douteil et al., 2 vols. (Münster: Aschendorff, 2010). The Cornish Ordinalia: A Medieval Dramatic Trilogy, trans. by Markham Harris (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1969). Epitome seu Compendium theologicae veritatis (Colonia Agrippina: Quentel, 1503).

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Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities. Books 1-4, trans. by Heinrich St. John Thackeray, in Josephus with a English Translation, trans. by Heinrich St. John Thackeray and Ralph Marcus, 9 vols. (London: Heinemann 1926-1965) IV (1930, repr. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014). Genesis Rabbah: The Judaic Commentary to the Book of Genesis: A New American Translation, trans. by Jacob Neusner, vol. 3 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985). Glossa ordinaria, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 114 (1852), cols. 9-750. Guillelmus Durantus, Rationale divinorum officiorum, ed. by Anselmus Davril and Timothy M. Thibodeau, 3 vols. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995-2000) I: Libri I-IV (1995) (= Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis, 140). Haimo Halberstatensis, Expositio in Apocalypsin, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 117 (1852): cols. 937-1220. Heinrich von Hesler, Die Apokalypse: Aus Danziger Handschrift, in Dichtungen des Deutschen Ordens, ed. by Torsten Evert Karsten et al., 4 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann 1907-1910) I: ed. by Karl Helm (1907) (= Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 8). Heinrichs von Neustadt ʻAppollonius von Tyrland’ nach der Gothaer Handschrift, ʻGottes Zukunft’ und ʻVisio Philiberti’ nach der Heidelberger Handschrift, ed. by Samuel Singer (Berlin: Weidmann, 1906) (= Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 7). Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus deliciarum, ed. by Rosalie Green et al., 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1979) (= Studies of the Warburg Institute, 36) I: Reconstruction. Herrad of Landsberg, Hortus Deliciarum (Garden of Delights), ed. and trans. by Aristide D. Caratzas (New Rochelle and New York: Caratzas Brothers, 1977). Hieronymus Stridonensis, Liber Dabre Iamin, id est Verba dierum, qui apud nos dicitur Paralipomenon, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 28 (1845), cols. 1327-1402. Hieronymus Stridonensis, Opera, 3 vols. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1959-) I: Opera exegetica 5: Commentariorum in Danielem libri III , ed. by Franciscus Gloria (1964) (= Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina, 75 A), pp. 745-1026. Hildebertus Cenomannensis episcopus, Carmina minora, ed. by A. Brian Scott (Lipsiae: Teubner, 1969/2nd ed., Monachii and Lipsiae: Saur, 2001). Hildebertus Cenomannensis episcopus, Carmina miscellanea tam sacra quam moralia, sive Libellus qui dicitur Floridus aspectus, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 171 (1854), cols. 1381-1457. Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, in L’Elucidarium et les Lucidaires: Contribution, par l’histoire d’un texte, à l’histoire des croyances religieuses en France au Moyen Age, ed. by Yves Lefèvre (Paris: Boccard, 1954), pp. 343-477. Hrabanus Maurus, Allegoriae in universam sacram Scripturam, ed. by Jacques Paul Migne, in Patrologia Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Migne, 1844-1864) 112 (1852): cols. 849-1088. Hugo de Novo Castro, Tractatus de victoria Christi contra Antichristum (Nürnberg: Johann Sensenschmidt, 1471). Husova výzbroj do Kostnice: Řeč o míru: O postačitelnosti Kristova zákona: Řeč o víře: Prohlášení o článcích Pálčových, ed. and trans. by Amadeo Molnár and František M. Dobiáš (Praha: Ústřední církevní nakladatelství, 1965). Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea: Goldene Legende, ed. by Bruno W. Häuptli, 2 vols. (Freiburg, Basel, Wien: Herder, 2014) II. Jacques de Vitry, Histoire orientale: Historia orientalis, ed. and trans. by Jean Donnadieu (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008).

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330 

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Svobodová, Milada, Rukopisy ze sbírek Tomáše Antonína Putzlachera, Michaela Schustera a dalších nešlechtických bibliofilů ve fondu pražské lobkowiczké knihovny v Národní knihovně České republiky, 2 vols. (Praha: Národní knihovna České republiky, 2012) I. Thum, Veronika, Die Zehn Gebote für die ungelehrten Leut’: Der Dekalog in der Graphik des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit (München: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2006) (= Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien, 136). Tomek, Václav Vladivoj, Základy starého místopisu pražského: Malá Strana, Pražský Hrad a Hradčany (Praha: Královská česká společnost nauk, 1872). Třeštík, Dušan, Počátky Přemyslovců: Vstup Čechů do dějin (530-935) (Praha: Lidové noviny, 1997). Tzanaki, Rosemary, Mandeville’s Medieval Audiences: A Study on the Reception of the Book of Sir John Mandeville (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003). Uhlíř, Zdeněk, ‘Středověké kazatelství v českých zemích: nástin problematiky,’ Almanach Historyczny, 7 (2005), pp. 57-94, http://digit.nkp.cz/mns/uhlir_kazatelstvi.htm (accessed 20 January 2013). Uhlíř, Zdeněk, Velislavova bible: Velislai biblia: Velislav Bibel (Praha: Národní knihovna České Republiky, 2007). Ulmer, Rivka, Egyptian Cultural Icons in Midrash (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2009) (= Studia Judaica: Forschungen zur Wissenschaft des Judentums, 52). Verkerk, Dorothy, Early Medieval Bible Illumination and the Ashburnham Pentateuch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). Vojtíšek, Václav, ‘Pražský zlomek komorního registra krále Jana z roku 1312,’ in Sborník prací věnovaný prof. dr. Gustavu Friedrichovi k šedesátým narozeninám jeho žáky, ed. by Václav Vojtíšek, Miloš Kratochvíl, and Marie Válková (Praha: Historický spolek, 1931), pp. 425-435. Walther, Hans, Initia carminum ac versuum medii aevi posterioris Latinorum: Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfänge mittellateinischer Dichtungen (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959/2nd ed., 1969). Warner, George F., Queen Mary’s Psalter: Miniatures and Drawings by an English Artist of the 14th Century: Reproduced from Royal MS. 2 B. VII in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1912). Weber, Annette, ‘Das Antichristfenster der Marienkirche in Frankfurt (Oder) im kulturhistorischen Kontext,’ in Der Antichrist: Die Glasmalereien der Marienkirche in Frankfurt (Oder), ed. by Ulrich Knefelkamp and Frank Martin (Leipzig: Edition Leipzig, 2008), pp. 80-101. Weckwerth, Alfred, ‘Der Name “Biblia pauperum,”’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 83 (1972), s. 1-33. Weiss, Daniel H., et al., eds., The Morgan Crusader Bible, 2 vols (Luzern: Faksimile Verlag Luzern, 1999) I: Facsimile; II. Commentary. Weitzmann, Kurt, and Herbert L. Kessler, The Cotton Genesis: British Library Cod. Cotton Otho B. IV. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986) (= The Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint, 1). Weitzmann, Kurt, and Herbert L. Kessler, The Frescoes of the Dura Europos and Christian Art (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1990) (= Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 28). Werner, Thomas, Den Irrtum liquidieren: Bücherverbrennungen im Mittelalter (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007) (= Veröffentlichungen des Max-Plancks-Instituts für Geschichte, 225).

Bibliogr aphy

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Wetter, Ewelin, ‘Die Lausitz und die Mark Brandenburg,’ in Karl IV.: Kaiser von Gottes Gnaden: Kunst und Repräsentation des Hauses Luxemburg (1310-1437): Katalog zur Ausstellung Karl IV.: Kaiser von Gottes Gnaden: Kunst und Repräsentation unter den Luxemburgern 1347-1437 vom 16.2. bis 21.5. 2006, Bildergalerie der Prager Burg, ed. by Jiří Fajt et al. (München and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2006), pp. 340-355. Wocel, Johann Erasmus, Welislaw’s Bilderbibel aus dem dreizehnten Jahrhundert in der Bibliothek Sr. Durchl. des Fürsten Georg Lobkowic in Prag (Prag: Königl. böhm. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1871). Wormald, Francis, ‘An English Eleventh-Century Psalter with Pictures: British Museum, Cotton MS Tiberius C. VI,’ The Volume of the Walpole Society, 38 (1962), pp. 1-14. Young, Karl, ‘“Ordo Prophetarum,”’ Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 20 (1922), pp. 1-82.

Index abbots Adso (Montier-en-Der) 47, 142-147, 149-150, 165, 167, 169 Alboin (Tegernsee) 145 Ulrich of Lilienfeld (Lilienfeld) 17 acolyte 26, 32, 64 St. Adalbert, bishop 64 Albert the Great 46, 147, 155, 168, 176, 180, 182 Albertus Magnus see Albert the Great Albigensian 69 Alcuin 143, 145, 148 Alexander of Ashby 70 Alexander the Great 152, 153, 157 Alithia 38, 79 Amazons 152, 154 St. Anselm 145-148 Antiochus Epiphanes 160 St. Apollinaire Church, Prague New Town 31 Aquinas Thomas 46 Arator 70 Aristotle 46 Arnošt of Pardubice 29, 31 ars memorativa 10, 81 St. Augustine 60, 123, 143, 145-146, 180 Avignon 30 Babylon 43-44, 60, 144 Ball John 76 Basilica of St. George see Prague Castle Bayeux tapestry 195 Bellaramin 80 Bethsaida 144 Bilderbibel see picture Bible biblia pauperum 16, 25, 59, 75, 125-126 bible historiale 18, 134 bible imagée see picture Bible bible moralisée 91, 128 Bledlow, Buckinghamshire England 76 Bohemian Reformation 150, 161 Bologna university of 69 Boncompagno da Signa 69 Bořivoj 56, 62 Capernaum 48, 144 Capetian dynasty 91 Caspian Mountains 152-153, 157 Cathars 59 St. Catherine 6, 18-20, 26, 29, 32, 64, 207 Charlemagne 145 Charles IV, Bohemian king, Margrave of Moravia 10, 16, 20, 26, 28-30, 109, 157, 169-171, 177, 198 Cheltenham Thomas Phillipps of 23 Chotěšov, Premonstratensian monastery 49 Chronica Bohemorum see Marignola Jan

St. Clement 6, 56-59, 62-63, 127, 207 clericus uxoratus 26 Cola di Rienzo 26 comics 12, 80, 194-196 Compendium theologicae veritatis 46-47, 58, 146-156, 158-159, 161, 165-166, 168-169, 172, 174-176, 178, 180, 182-184, 186-188, 206 Concordantiae caritatis 17, 59 St. Constantine – Cyril 58 Contra Judaeos 123 Corozaim 144, 146 counter-Reformation see Reformation Crescente fide christiana 56, 62, 206 Cyprianus 70 Desmoulins Guyart 134 Dequileville Guillaume de 174 Diski Jenny 9, 12 Dura Europos 113 Durand William, bishop of Mende 135-137 Ecloga Theoduli 38, 76, 78-79 Edward II, king of England 91 Eiximenis Francesc 197 Elijah 6, 36-38, 53, 75, 105, 143-144, 156, 167-168, 171-172 Eliezer ben Hyrkanos Rabbi 104 Elucidarium see Honorius of Autun Endter Michael 72 Enoch 6, 36-38, 47, 53, 75, 94, 100-101, 143-144, 146, 156, 167-168, 171 Epic of Gilgamesh 103 Ezekiel the Tragedian 113 Ezekiel, prophet 181 Flavius Josephus 108, 113-114, 117, 120, 131 Frankfurt an der Oder, Virgin Mary Church 7, 155-157, 159, 169-172 George, Duke of Lobkovicz 16 St. George’s Convent see Prague Castle Glossa ordinaria 61, 146, 154 Good Shepherd 7, 48, 50, 136-137, 139 Gog 46, 148, 152- 154, 157, 167, 171-172, 183 Gozzoburg 171 Haggadah / Haggadot 92-93, 103, 104, 114- 118, 120, 126 Haimo of Auxerre 142-143, 146, 156 Hayn of Sedlčany 30 Heinrich of Hesler Apocalypse 157 Herrad of Landsberg 141-142, 165-166, 176, 178, 182 Hildebert of Lavardin 43, 77 Hippolytus 142-143

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THE VELISL AV BIBLE, THE FINEST PIC TURE BIBLE OF THE L ATE MIDDLE AGES

St. Hippolytus 51-52, 63, 126, 206 historia scholastica 18, 70-71, 75, 98, 105, 109, 114-115, 134, 146, 147, 154 historiae 87 Honorius of Autun 47, 146, 174, 176, 182, 186-187 Hortus deliciarum 141-142, 165-166, 176, 178, 181-182 Hugo of Newcastle 146 Hugo of St. Victor 198 Hugo Ripelin of Strasbourg 46, 58, 73, 146- 148, 206 Hus Jan 160, 195 Hussite 4, 50, 74, 141, 148-150, 156, 191, 202 Hyrkanos Eliezer ben 104 imitatio Christi / imitation of Christ 50, 165, 180, 186-187 Ireneus 142 Isabelle of France, Queen of England 91 St. James Church, Brno 198 St. Jerome 94, 134, 143-144, 146 Jerusalem 48, 50, 54, 56, 61, 77, 131, 144, 146, 152, 154, 156, 165, 174, 185 Joachim of Fiore / Joachim del Fiore 6, 24-26, 146 Joachimites see Joachim of Fiore / Joachim del Fiore John of Luxembourg 10, 20, 26, 28- 30 St. John Evangelist’s Church see Vyšehrad Karlštejn 109 Khazars 58 Knights of the Cross with the Red Star 16 Komenský (Comenius) Jan Amos 72 Krems an der Donau 171-172 Kunigonde, abbess 6, 23 kruseler 111, 124 St. Lawrence 51-52, 62-63, 126, 206 Lawrence of Durham 70 Legenda aurea 58 Letter of Prester John 153, 155 Levý Hradec 62 Liber Anselmi see St. Anselm Lilienfeld, Cistercian Abbey 49, 66 Lollards 74, 76 Lucifer 92 Madonna of Kłodzko 31 Magog 46, 148, 152-154, 157, 167, 171-172, 183 Mainz, Charterhouse 159 Marignola Jan 109 Milíč of Kroměříž Jan 26, 148, 150, 153, 159, 160 Monreale, Cathedral 92, 106 Nero, Roman Emperor 51 Netolice 30 Nicholas, canon 30

Nicholas of Lyra 144 Nürnberg 72 Olomouc 32, 80 (Bible of Olomouc) Onkelos see targum Origo mundi 104 Ordinalia 104 Ordo Prophetarum 123 Palermo, Cathedral 92, 106 Passover 92 Pearl of Great Price 180 Pesach see Passover Petrus Comestor 18, 70, 75, 98, 100, 105, 109, 114-115, 131, 134, 146-147, 154 Philo of Alexandria 113 picture Bible 9-11, 16-20, 28, 75, 87, 89, 92- 94 pileum cornutum 128 Pirke / Pirkei Avot 104 Popes Benedict XII Pope 30 Gregory the Great 146 John XXII 30 praefatio-cycle see prefatory cycle Prague Castle 62, 199 Basilica of St. George 7, 200 Basilica of St. Vitus 7, 200-201 St. George’s Convent 147 pre-Hussite see Hussite prefatory cycle 88-89, 92 Prophetia de Bohemia 148 Pseudo-Alcuin see Alcuin Pseudo-Augustin see St. Augustine Pseudo-Jonathan 131 Pseudo-Methodius 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 153 Prudentius 61 Pseustis 38, 79 Psychomachia see Prudentius Puditia see Prudentius Rabanus Maurus 60 Recognitiones 54-55, 57, 58 Reformation 150, 161, 181 (counter-Reformation), 197 Reims, Cathedral 123 Riga Peter 70 Rupert of Deutz 80, 176 Rufin 54, 57, 207 Sadská 31 Sancho VII, king of Navarra 58 Sedulius Scotus 70 Shalmaneser V, Assyrian king 153 Sibyl Tiburtine 58, 143, 145, 147, 174 Speculum humanae salvationis 16, 59, 71-72, 75-76 Speculum quadruplex 146, 147 Spytihněv 7, 56, 62, 199 Starý Plzenec 25

335

Index

Strakonice, Commandery of the Order of St. John 25 Stuttgart Vulgate edition 79-80, 204 Tegernsee, Benedictine abbey 82-83, 145 Targum / targumim 113, 131-134 temple in Jerusalem see temple of Solomon temple of Solomon / Temple 7, 144, 146, 156, 165, 171, 176, 184-185 Tiburtine Oracle see Sibyl Tiburtine tituli see titulus titulus 10, 12, 87, 115, 126, 128, 203-204 Torah 113 Trent 30 Trier 30 Ulrich of Richental 155 Velislav 9-10, 18-20, 26–33, 59, 64-65, 72, 192, 198, 202 Venice, St. Mark’s Basilica 92, 104-105 Via Latina Catacomb, Rome 113 Vincent of Beauvais 146-147 Virgin Enthroned, Schwarz collection 198

Vitry Jacques de 153 St. Vitus Basilica see Prague Castle Vladislav Bohemian king 31 Voragine Jacobus of 58 Vyšehrad 62, 198, 202 Basilica of St. Lawrence 62-63 Chapter school 12, 64-65, 72, 77, 192 Collegiate Chapter 18, 30, 32, 62, 126-127 St. John Evangelist’s Church 63 Vyšší Brod Cycle 198 Waldhauser Konrad 26 Welko / Welek see Velislav St. Wenceslas 27, 56-57, 59, 62, 64, 73, 199-200, 207 Wenceslas II, king of Bohemia 32 Whitaker William 80 Wurmser Nicholas of Strasbourg 109, 159 Wycliffe John 160 Zbraslav Chronicle 20 Zürich 46, 155 Žďár u Blovic 25 Žitavský Petr 20, 64