The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages [1 ed.] 0268002673, 9780268002671

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THE STUDY OF

THE BIBLE IN THE

MIDDLE AGES

THE STUDY OF

THE BIBLE IN THE

MIDDLE AGES by

BERYL SMALLEY EmeritusFellowof St. Hilda s College,Oxford

UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME PRESS Notre Dame, Indiana

To A. M. L. -

First Paperback Edition Copyright© 1964 by the University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana

Third printing 1978

Reprinted according to license agreement with Basil Blackwell & Mott Ltd., 4 9 Broad Street, Oxford, England. Blackwell edition published in 1952. Published in the United States ofAmerica.

TABLE

OF CONTENTS

ABBREVIATIONS . PREF ACE TO THIRD EDITION . BIBLIOGRAPHY TO THIRD EDITION INTRODUCTION

Chap. I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

THE FATHERS I. The Letter and the Spirit II. Lectio Divina MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS I. The Carolingian Revival II. The Gloss III. The Quaestio THE I. II. III.

VICTORINES Hugh of St. Victor Hugh as an Exegete Richard of St. Victor

ANDREW OF ST. VICTOR I. Andrew's Life and Character II. Andrew as an Exegete III. The Jewish Sources . IV. Andrew and the Jews V. Andrew's Influence VI. A Pupil: Herbert of Bosham

Vl

vu XIX

xxvu I

26

37 46 66 83 97 106 112 120 1 49

156 1 73

186

MASTERS OF THE SACRED PAGE: THE CoMESTOR,THE CHANTER,STEPHENLANGTON I. Lectio, Disputatio, Praedicatio 196 II. The Literal Exposition 214 III. The Spiritual Exposition 242

VI.

THE FRIARS I. Postills and Postillators II. The Spiritual Exposition in Decline III. Aristotle and the Letter IV. The Libri Naturales, Ethics and Politics V. Hebraica Veritas CONCLUSIONS APPENDIX ADDENDA. INDEX OF PERSONS INDEX OF MSS. V

264 281

292 308 32 9

356

375 395 397

4°4

ABBREVIATIONS Calandra C.S.E.L. M.G.H. P.G. P.L. Quam notitiam

G. Calandra, De historica Andreae victorini expositione in Ecclesiasten (Palermo, 1948). Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Migne, Patrologia Graeca. Migne, Patrologia Latina. S. Berger, Qµam notitiam linguae Hebraicae habuerint Christiani medii aevi temporibus in Gallia ( Paris, Nancy, 1893).

Rech. TMol. anc. med. Rep.

Recherches de Theologie ancienne et medievale.

P. Glorieux, Repertoire des maitres en theologie a Paris au Xllle siecle, Etudes de philosophie medieva!e, xvii, xviii (Paris, 1933-4).

Rev. hen. Rev. bib!.

Revue benedictine. Revue biblique.

'Sapiential Books I'

B. Smalley, 'Some Thirteenth-Century Commentaries on the Sapiential Books', Dominican Studies, ii ( 1949), 318-55, iii (1950), 41-77, 236-74. B. Smalley, 'Some Commentaries on the Sapiential Books of the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries', Archives d'histoire doctrinale et' litteraire du Mayen Age,xviii (1950), io3-128.

'Sapiential Books II'

Spic. Sac. Lav.

Spicq

Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense. Q. Spicq, Esquisse d'une histoire de l' exegese latine au Mayen Age Bibliotheque thomiste, xxvi (Paris, 1944).

'Stephen Langton and the Four Senses' B. Smalley, 'Stephen Langton and the Four Senses of Scripture', Speculum; vi (1931), 60-76. 'Studies on the Commentaries' G. Lacombe and B. Smalley, 'Studies on the Commentaries of Cardinal Stephen Langton', Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen Age, V (1931), 1-220.

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Y second edition was published thirty years ago: to bring the book up to date I should have to rewrite it in two volumes. We had no RepertoriumBiblicum or ClavisPatrum Latinorum in those days. Many more texts have now been made available in critical editions. Fashions have changed: the term Heilsgeschichtehad little currency outside Germany, nor was it thought desirable to add 'and Society' to one's title. There are new approaches to modern biblical studies. Medieval exposition of Scripture according to the four senses, literal-historical, allegorical, tropological and angogical, used to be seen as irrelevant, indeed freakish, and of interest only to the historian. What I set out to write all that time ago was a history of the origins and development of biblical scholarship as it then was, or as I understood it to be, through the middle ages up to c. 1 300. That was why Andrew of St Victor and other Christian Hebraists so excited me and why I so much admired St Thomas Aquinas for his distinction and definition of the senses. My book can therefore be read as a period piece. I ts main theme is the medieval study of the literal historical sense and the story of how it came into more prominence. All I can do in a third edition is to correct my most obvious mistakes and omissions, to sketch in a picture of what has happened in the last thirty years and of what studies are in progress, as far as is known to me, and to draw up a select bibliography. I shall begin with the general framework and then go through the chapters in order. Medieval exegesis has more continuity with its remote biblical past than I realised. Most biblical history in the texts which have come down to us consists of a reworking of traditions and the reapplication of earlier prophecies to meet later needs. The medieval exgete used the same kind of process to get what he wanted. There is also more continuity than I thought in ideas on the reader's as well as of the writer's responsibilities. The reader of a text, whether biblical or classical, was expected to be more active and less passive than his modern counterpart. He took less interest in the mind of the author and more in the author's product; he put his own meaning into it. The text was more alive than its author to him. This likeness in attitude underlines the conVll

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tinuity between ancient, patristic and medieval modes of thinking. Interest in exegesis of texts on different levels of meaning has led to a closer scrutiny of the various kinds of non-literal or 'spiritual', to use an umbrella term, interpretation. The allegorical is distinguished from the typological or figurative. Eric Auerbach pointed to the contrast between the Homeric poems and mythology on the one hand and the Bible on the other as subjects for spiritual exegesis. The former are set in time and place; details are filled in; the latter claims to record universal, not local history and leaves more detail to the imagination. Christian figural interpretation supposed two events, both taken as historical; an event recorded in the Old Testament prefigured an event in the New: promise and fulfilment. In pagan allegory by contrast the one event signified not another, but some abstract truth. PhiloJudaeus applied techniques of pagan allegory to his Bible. He influenced the Christian Alexandrians, Clement and Origen. Some modern scholars would justify the figural or typological interpretation, especially when found in New Testament writings, while rejecting allegory as fanciful and subjective. Others question the distinction on the grounds that St Paul himself used both and that the two run easily into each other. They fused in medieval exegesis according to the four senses. Pere Henri de Lubac has gathered all these strands together, tracing the historical background of the four senses from the ancient up to the high scholastic period. He has made a warm plea for their value in the middle ages : the spiritual exposition was no deviant, but essential to devotional Bible study and teaching. He gives copious illustrations to show how it made the sacred writings Christ-centred, unifying them and turning them into a history of salvation and a guide to right living and mysticism. He criticises me for preferring the literal to the spiritual senses: the literal historical sense, as understood in the middle ages, was too dry and unedifying to satisfy medieval readers. His attack is justified in that I looked at the spiritual exposition from the outside and overlooked its central place in the medieval concept of Scripture and consequently of medieval faith. That led to my biggest omission of all. I neglected monastic commentaries after the rise of the secular schools. Religious lectiodivina implied the spiritual exposition; the secular schools offered

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more scope for interest in and study of the literal. However, my neglect has been compensated during the last thirty years. A vast literature, including editions, has poured from the press on religious sermons, homilies and commentaries, especially Rupert of Deutz's, Cistercian and Bernardine. It would swell my preface and bibliography out of all proportion if I tried to describe it. Anyone who thinks me cowardly should look in a library catalogue under the name of Dom Jean Leclercq. The spiritual exposition has caught on in other fields. It has been used as a tool for the understanding of secular vernacular literature, ingeniously, if not convincingly. It is an enticing ploy, since it cannot be proved that a writer did not intend any number of inner meanings in what he wrote. Concurrently historians have given a wider meaning to the literal historical sense by showing how the Old Testament influenced princes through their clerical advisers and how it affected ideas on Christian priesthood. The New Testament inspired reform movements, both Catholic and heretical. Bible history was real history; it taught by example. To see the literal historical sense in perspective we should look beyond its limited role in exposition according to the four senses. It supplied models and standards of behaviour and of institutions too.

Chap. II Monastic and CathedralSchools The most outstanding results of modern scholarship on the Carolingian and post-Carolingian period concern its personnel. The mysterious Pseudo-Jerome has come to life as a not very learned Jewish convert. The ghost of Haimo of Halberstadt has been laid in favour ofHaimo of Auxerre. We still need a study ofRemigius of Auxerre, the last of the early Auxerre school and one of its most prolific commentators. Research on exegetes of this period has still been mainly directed to tracing their sources, since they tended to quote rather than innovate, and to measuring their use as sources by their successors. That has to be done; but there is now a welcome disposition to look at their methods and books in the light of their own goals in an ambitious educational program. Turning to the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, progress has been reculerpour mieux sauter. Intensive research on early masters has reduced our supposed knowledge of them by throwing many ascriptions into the melting pot. We

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no longer have certainly identifiable commentaries by St Bruno of Chartreux, Manegold, Gilbert the Universal or Anselm ofLaon. The pre-history of the Gloss,later known as 'Ordinaria' still bristles with question marks. At least it now seems clear that the glossators started from earlier sets of glosses. Anselm of Laon, his brother Ralph and Gilbert the Universal are still the only glossators known to us. No one as yet has made a critical edition of any part of the Gloss. Research on its components, undertaken in the margin of other studies, has brought out the not surprisingly widespread use of Paterius' excerpts from St Gregory on the Octateuch, and the more surprising transmission of John Scot Erigena's commentary on St John through Anselm's Glosson the fourth Gospel. The discovery that the Gloss on various books went through revisions before it was standardised has made the task of editing even more daunting. When and how did standardisation take place? Dr Guy Lobrichon has heroically taken on the task of making a survey of the early history of the Glossfrom manuscripts for the new French Dictionnaire de la Bible. May some of our questions be answered! Another question poses itself at the other end of the Gloss's history. When writing my piece on the Gloss for the TheologischeRealenzyklopddie,I tried to find out when, where, by whom and why the Glosswas mistakenly split into two, the marginal being given to Walafrid Strabo and only the interlinear to Anselm of Laon. A continuous medieval tradition down to Trithemius ascribed the whole Gloss to Anselm. There was no local tradition at Reichenau, Strabo's abbey, to link him to the Gloss. V tter failure on my part! The editors of the first editions in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries printed it anonymously as 'Ordinaria'. Sixtus Senensis made the split and the ascription of the marginal to Strabo without giving any evidence in his Bibliothecasancta (Venice, 1 566). Later bibliographs copied him, again without evidence. The mistake lingers on in library catalogues and out-of-date reference books. Someone versed in early sixteenth-century scholarship might be able to disclose the sources of the Bibliothecasancta and to tel1 us how Sixtus' ascriptions originated. The clouds lift when we watch the transfer of the Laon Gloss to Paris, whence it spread over Latin Christendom. Peter Lombard, we now know, not only expanded the Gloss

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on the Psalter and the Pauline Epistles, he also lectured on the Gospel of St Luke with its Gloss and possibly on other glossed books as well. His practice passed in to the school syllabus for theology. Paris scribes perfected the layout of text and Glossin the margins and between the lines. At first the glosses had been added in an untidy irregular way, making it hard to distinguish one from another where they were plentiful and wasting space where there were fewer. By the late twelfth century this school book had been made pleasing to the eye as well as easier to teach and study. What we still need is an estimate of Gilbert of Poi tiers' contribution in his Media Glosaturaon the Psalter, which came between Anselm's Parva and the Lombard's Magna glosatura.A glance at Gilbert on the Psalter in manuscript convinced me that he did much more than merely amplify the Parvaglosatura.A keen mind is at work there, as one would expect from Gilbert's reputation as a philosopher and theologian. The thrills of the first crusade evoked a new type of interpretation of biblical prophecies. The New Testament still fulfilled the promises of the Old; Jerusalem retained its four senses; but the psalmist and the prophets also foretold the Frankish conquest of the holy City. Promises stretched elastically from the past to the present. Isaias' prophecy: that I may bring my sonsfrom afar (lx,g) foretold the victory of the Franks, God's new Israelites, over the Saracens, his enemies (Robert of Rheims, Rec. des historiensdes Croisades.Hist. occid. iii, 880). This reapplication of prophecies, widespread in chroniclers of the crusades and in St Bernard's defence of the Knights Templar, did not pass into monastic or school exegesis, as far as I know. By the time that commentaries on the prophets become thicker on the ground, the failure of the second crusade and the Saracen reconquest of Jerusalem would have voided it. One might perhaps trace vistiges in the many Psalter commentaries of the years around 1100. But although short-lived, it speaks for the manifold uses of the expanding Bible as perceived in the middle ages.

Chap. III The Victorines The Victorines, apart from Andrew, have stimulated much industrious interest as regards their theology and mysticism. Their exegesis has been overlooked in comparison, though Hugh's independent picture of Noe's ark has been noted. My chance discovery of an anonymous Christian

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Hebraist's glosses on the literal the Victorines seem less original 'Master X', as I call him, was teaching in some North French with St Victor at Paris.

EDITION

sense of Leviticus has made as pioneers than I thought. a contemporary of Hugh's, school; but he had no links

Chap. IV Andrew of St Victor Andrew, by contrast, has moved to the front of the stage. Fr. A. Penna has edited his commentary on Job. Mrs Hadfield's unpublished thesis on Andrew and his Jewish sources tells us that he knew enough Hebrew to read the biblical text with the help ofajew, but that left on his own he was apt to misremember and to make howlers. Dr Michael Signer is preparing a critical, annotated edition of Andrew on Ezechiel, and Dr Mark Zier is doing the same for Andrew on Daniel. We shall soon have a fuller picture of this adventurous Victorine's contacts with contemporary rabbis and know better how he tackled the relations between Jewish and Christian interpretation of Old Testament prophecies. His pupil Herbert of Bosham passes examination by a modern Hebraist with higher marks than Andrew. Chap. V Masters of the Sacred Page: The Comestor, the Chanter, Stephen Langton This chapter at least could now have 'and Society' added. Professor J. W. Baldwin in his book on the social views of Peter the Chantet and his circle has shown how the masters of sacra pagina applied its teaching to practical current problems. I have tried to fit the Becket conflict into its school background. Lately I have been making up for my neglect of gospel commentaries by reading those of Peter Comestor and Peter the Chanter. They constrast strikingly. The Master of the Histories extended his interest in the literal historical sense of the Old Testament to the New, searching for new sources on gospel history from the limited means at his disposal and showing a sense of historical development in his acceptance of change from the early Church to the present. Current uses, though not abuses, he defended as necessary: times change and we change with them. The Chanter was not interested in New Testament history as such and he looked back nostalgically to the primitive Church, mourning its difference from the powerful

xm institution he belonged to. He acted as a St John Baptist to the friars. Many anonymous lecture courses survive from this period, waiting to be explored, not to mention large tracts of teaching by our three masters. PREFACE

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Chap. VI The Friars Recent work on the first friar doctors at Paris has confirmed my impressionistic survey. The Postilla super totam Bibliam of Hugh of St Cher has turned out to be even more composite, so much so that it would be more correct to call the Postillator 'Hugh's team'. That fits into a growing appreciation of the scope for teamwork in mendicant studia. Friars were better equipped than secular masters to organise projects and to allot dull duties to their members. The concordances, indexes, tables, word-lists and layout of pages adapted to students' needs, all of which we take for granted, go back to mendicant use of friar power. Pursuing gospel commentaries into the thirteenth century as represented by Hugh of St Cher, Alexander of Hales and John ofla Rochelle, I was surprised to find how conservative they were in substance. They clung to the tradition of the biblical moral school: Peter Comestor was Hugh's basic source on the Gospels. One could hardly guess from reading them that Hugh was a Dominican and John a Franciscan; if Alexander gave his lectures before he joined the Franciscan Order, one could hardly guess that it attracted him. The question to be tackled next is whether the seculars' offensive against the mendicants at Paris in the 1250s and later forced friar doctors to identify themselves more sharply in their lectures. I answer with a clear 'yes' in a forthcoming paper. The section called 'The Spiritual Exposition in Decline' is the faultiest part of my chapter on the friars. I dismissed Joachim of Fiore and Joachism as 'an attack of senile dementia' in the spiritual exposition. The outflow of books and papers on the subject has made my metaphor look silly. I must change it and say that the spiritual exposition in its old age produced a thriving child, though not one that I should care to adopt. Certainly I buried it while it was still alive. It was a Dominican, Augustine of Denmark, who put into circulation the famous lines: 'Littera gesta docet, / quid credas allegoria, / moralis quid agas, / quid speras anagogia.' Augustine was writing his Rotulus pugillaris as late as c. 1 260,

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perhaps even later; he died in I 285. His distich embodied current teaching. The spiritual senses were too integral to the faith and too useful in homiletics to be dropped or even pushed far into the margin. Certainly too I underrated their place in the doctrine of St Thomas Aquinas. They inhered in his belief that the Old Testament prefigured the New. He used them in his own scriptural commentaries, including his Catena aurea of patristic excerpts on the Gospels. The two exceptions are his brilliant exposition of Job ad litteram and his lecture course on Isaias, given when he was a bachelor, reading the Bible cursorieand therefore ad litteram.Readers of my book today will also look in vain for a fuller treatment of St Bonaventure's meta-historical approach to Scripture. And yet there were snags in the spiritual exposition, perceptible to the schoolmen themselves. First comes the notion 'absurdity sign of allegory': an event which could not have happened or a precept which could not be obeyed had no literal sense at all; it pointed to an inner spiritual meaning. BothJerome and Augustine applied the rule even to texts in the Gospels, as I noted with surprise when investigating patristic sources for twelfth-century commentators (see my paper on Peter Comestor on the Gospels). Comestor and other commentators on the Gospels quietly restored a literal sense to passages formerly counted as 'absurd', without openly contradicting the Fathers. The rule lived longer in Old Testament exegesis. The search for absurdities reached its height of absurdity in Ralph of Flaix on Leviticus. He toothcombed the legal and ceremonial precepts to find proofs that 'the letter could not stand' in order to refute the Jews, who kept to 'the letter' of the Mosaic Law. Their letter was often absurd and therefore to be understood in a spiritual sense only. Ralph on Leviticus became a standard school book, in spite of its monastic origin. A check of quotations from it showed that lecturers on Leviticus at first followed Ralph blindly. Then, in the course of the thirteenth century, they came to admit a literal sense, obscure though it might be, for passages which Ralph had written off as nonsense. Secondly, the use of proof texts in their spiritual sense in argument was subjective and uncontrollable; but it figured in polemics of the 'Investiture Conflict', in disputes on the relations between regnumand sacerdotiumand between regular and secular dergy. A Paris disputation presided over by

xv Hugh of St Cher on the holding of benefices in plurality shows texts being bandied about on both sides in the disputation, quoted according to their spiritual senses (see F. Stegmiiller, Historischesjahrbuch lxxii ( 1953) 176-204). No wonder! Bible punching entailed Gloss punching; many glosses carried spiritual senses. St Thomas demonstrated that these could not serve in theological argument: 'theologia symbolica non est argumentiva.' It has been suggested that the current anti-mendicant polemic may have drawn his attention to the problem of the four senses. His demonstration cleared up the muddle in theory. How far it affected practice is another matter. His influence needs to be studied. Thirdly, the fourfold exposition raised the question of how to classify Old Testament prophecies. How far could the psalmist and the prophets be interpreted as foretelling Christ's coming directly? Were some prophecies intended to apply to the immediate future of Israel in their literal sense? If so, then their christological interpretation belonged to the allegorical, not to the literal sense. Andrew of St Victor gave a Jewish interpretation of the messianic prophecies in Isaias as their literal sense. Hence he forced his successors to face up to the question of the prophet's first intention. They were aware ofit and it puzzled them. The young Thomas wrestled with it in his bachelor's lectures on Isaias. His mature teaching, that the literal sense was all that the sacred writer intended, sharpened the problem by the very fact of clarifying its nature. What should be included in 'all'? That brings me to the impact of Maimonides' Guide of the Perplexed. I went wrong on it for want of wider reading. I should have begun with William of Auvergne. Fascinated by the rationalisation of the Mosaic Law in the Guide, William saw the legal precepts as no mere veil for the spiritual senses, but as having moral reason and purpose, intended by the legislator. The discovery led William to question the validity of exposition according to the four senses. He called it 'imposition' rather than exposition. It made the sacred writer say what he had not intended to mean differently. Comparison, not signification, was the proper way to adapt Old Testament history to teaching purposes. William claimed to speak for 'many', who thought that allegories and tropologies brought Bible exposition into disrepute. He does not tell us who the 'many' were. A respected doctor and bishop of Paris had planted a PREFACE

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bomb in the Paris schools. John of la Rochelle hurried to defuse it in his De legibus. He argued against William for the traditional allegorical interpretation of Old Testament precepts and ceremonies, while allowing that some of them could have a rational and moral purpose according to their literal sense. Thomas adopted John's argument; he set it out in a clearer, more orderly way in the section on the Old Law in his Summa theologiae.He did not come to Maimonides directly, as I mistakenly supposed, but through John of la Rochelle versus William of Auvergne. He welcomed the Guide as a help to literal interpretation, but upheld John against William's revolutionary ideas on the broader front. My paper on the Old Law (see bibliography) replaces what I wrote on St Thomas and Maimonides in my book. It is the most important revision that has to be made. William was the radical, more so than Andrew of St Victor, and Thomas the enlightened conservative on the four senses. That needs to be said in spite of his insistence on the overriding authority of the New Law of the Gospels. The four senses formed part of the schoolmen's world; but they were an awkward part. Their value outweighed their awkwardness in the early middle ages; indeed it went unperceived. It came to be realised and to raise insoluble problems in some quarters during the thirteenth century. That the four senses persisted nonetheless pays tribute to their deep roots in the medieval concept of the Bible. Recent studies on Thomist exegesis and views on salvation history have brought out their theological richness. They have also shown that more work needs doing on Thomas's sources, especially the Greek, and on transmission, before his commentaries can be examined in depth. The same holds good for the biblical commentaries of St Albert. The exegesis of these two doctors is the most neglected part of their enormous output. Professor Raphael Loewe has continued to explore the efforts of Christian Hebraists in England; but not much seems to have been achieved on Continental equivalents before Nicholas of Lyre. Thirty years' work has opened up new perspectives on medieval Bible study and provided new material. It has left some areas almost as blank as they were. The late thirteenth century includes the challenging figure of Peter John Olivi, whose numerous postills are still for the most part waiting

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to be read. When these blank spaces have been filled in I hope that some scholar or team of scholars may set about the lifetime's effort called for in prolonging the survey over the later middle ages and linking up with the Institut de l'histoire de la Reformation at Geneva. Members of the Institut have been pushing back their researches on the Reformers' sources and precedents in exegesis into the middle ages; so there could be a meeting point. I offer a new reading list, which has to be selective for reasons of space. It is arranged roughly according to the order of subject matter in each chapter. I have tried to avoid duplication by listing the most recent book or paper which gives a comprehensive bibliography. A preface should end with a string of 'thank yous'. That would also be too long. My gratitude to all my helpers over the last thirty years. B.S. OXFORD, I 982

BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION

:

TO THIRD

EDITION

reference books and books covering more than one of

my chapters F. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi (Madrid, 1950-1961); Supplementum, with N. Reinhardt (1976-1980). These 11 volumes give MSS, editions and bibliography, where they exist, for each item, with full indexes in the last volume The Cambridge History of the Bible ii, ed. G. W. H. Lampe (Cambridge, 1969) The Bible and Medieval Culture, ed. W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst (Medievalia Lovanensia Series i, Studia vii, 1979) H. J. Spitz, Die Metaphorik des geistigen Schriftsinns. Eine Beitrag zur allegorischenBibelauslegung des ersten christlichen _jahrtausends (Munich, 1972) H. de Lu bac, Exegese medievale. Les quatre sens de l' Ecriture ( Paris, 1959- 1964) J. M. Evans, Paradise Lost and the Genesis Tradition (Oxford, 1968) A. Borst, Der Turmbau von Babel. Geschichteder }.1einungeniiber Ursprung und Vielfalt der Sprachen und Volker (Stuttgart, 1957-1963) F. Ohly, Hohelied Studien. GrundziigeeinerGeschichteder Hohenliedauslegungdes Abenlandes bis um 1 200 (Wiesbaden, 1958) H. Riedlinger, Die Makellosigkeit der Kirche in den lateinischen Hohenliedkommentaren des Mittelalters (Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philos. und Theo!. des Mittelalters xxxviii/3, 1958) W. Affeldt, Die weltliche Gewalt in der Paulus-Exegese. Rom. 13, 1-7 in den RiimerbriefkommentarenderlateinishcenK irchebis zum Ende des 13 Jahrhunderts (Giittingen, 1969) P. Prigent, Apocalypse 12. Histoire de l'exegese (Beitrage zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese, ii Tiibingen, 1959) E. A. Gosselin, The King's Progressto Jerusalem, Some Interpretationsof David during the Reformation Period and Their Patristic and 1\1edievalBackground (Humana Civilitas ii, Malibu, California, 1976) J. Chydenius, Medieval Institutions and the Old Testament (Helsinki, 1965)

CHAPTER

I. THE

FATHERS

E. Auerbach, 1\1imesis. The Representationof Reality in Western Thought, transl. W. Trask (New York, 1957) J. Pepin, 'A propos de l'histoire de l'exegese allegorique: l'absurdite signe de l'allegorie, 'Studia Patristica i ( 195 7) 394-413; My theet allegorie/es originesgrecqueset [es contestationsjudeochritiennes (Paris, 1958) XlX

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H. Dorrie, 'Zurn Problem der Ambivalenz in der antiken Literatur', Antike und Abendland xvi ( 1970) 85-92 W. Den Boer, 'Allegory and History', Romanitas et Christianitas. Studia lano Henrico Waszink oblata, ed. W. Den Boer and others (Amsterdam, 1973) 15-27 J. Barr, Old and New in Interpretation. A Study ofthe Two Testaments (London, 1960) 103-148 T. P. T. O'Malley, Tertullian and the Bible (Utrecht, 1967) M. A. Fahey, Cyprian and the Bible: A Study in Third-Century Exegesis (Beitriige zur Geschichte der biblischen Hermeneutik ix, Tiibingen, 1971) J. N. D. Kelly, St. Jerome. His Life, Writings and Controversies (London, 1975) Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo a biography (London, 1967) M. Pontet, L'exegese de Saint Augustin predicateur (Paris, 1944) C. Dagens, Saint Gregoire le Grand. Culture et experience (Etudes Augustiniennes, Paris, 1977) A. Williams, 'Bedas Bibelauslegung' Archiv far Kulturgeschichte xliv ( 1962) 281-314 G. Bonner, Saint Bede in the Tradition of Western Apocalyptic Commentary Oarrow Lecture vi, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1966) Clavis Patrum Latinorum, ed. E. Dekkers, 2nd ed. (Sacris Eruderi iii, 1961) The Latin Josephus, ed. F. Blatt, i (ActaJutlandica, 1958) J. Chatillon, 'Isidore et Origene, recherches sur les sources et l'influencr des "Questiones in Vetus Testamentum" d'lsidore de Seville', Melanges bibliques rediges en l'honneur d'Andre Robert (Paris, 1957)

CHAPTER

II. MONASTIC

AND CATHEDRAL

La Bibbia nell' Alto Medioevo (Settimane

SCHOOLS

di Studio di Centro Italiano sull' Alto Medioevo x, Spoleto, 1963) B. Bischoff, 'Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese in Friihmittelalter', Sacris Erudiri vi (1954) 189-281 R. E. McNally, The Bible in the Early Middle Ages (Woodstock Papers iv, 1959); 'The Tres Linguae Sacrae in Early Irish Bible Exegesis', Theological Studies xix ( 1958) 395-403 M. Thiel, 'Grundlagen und Gestalt der Hebriiischkenntnis des friihen Mittelalters', Studi Medievali x/3 (1969) 3-212 R. Wasselynck, 'L'influence de l'exegese de Saint Gregoire le Grand sur les commentaires bibliques medievaux (Vlle-Xlle siecle) ', Rech. Theol. anc. med. xxxii (1965) 183-192 E. A. Matter, 'Exegesis and Education: the Carolingian Model', in press for Teaching and Learning the Christian Tradition: Essays on Schools of Christian Thought, ed. W. S. Babcock and others (Fortress Press, 1983); 'The Lamentations Commentaries ofRabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus' in press for Traditio xxxviii ( 1983)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

TO

THIRD

EDITION

XXl

M. L. Laistner, 'Some Early Medieval Commentaries on the Old Testament', Harvard TheologicalReview xlvi (1953) 27-46 J. Leclercq, 'Les Psaumes 20-25 chez Jes commentateurs du haut moyen age', CollectaneaBiblica Latina xiii ( 1959) 213-229 G. Italiani, 'La tradizione esegetica nel commento ai Re di Claudio di Torino', Q,uadernidell'Istituto di Filologia Classica "Giorgio Pasquali'' dell'Universita degli Studi di Firenze iii (1979) 9-147 Pseudo-JeromeQ,uaestioneson the Book of Samuel, ed. A. Saltman (Studia Post-Biblica xxvi, Leiden, 1975); 'Rabanus and the PseudoHieronymian Q,uaestionesHebraicae in Libros Regum et Paralipomenon', Harvard TheologicalReview !xvi ( 1973) 43-75 C. Maus, A Phenemologyof Revelation.PaschasiusRadbert's Way of Interpreting Scripture (Pontificium Athenaeum Antonianum Facultas Theses ad Lauream, clxxx, 1970) Jean Scot Homelie sur le Prologuede Jean. Introduction,texte critique, traduction et notes, ed. E. Jeauneau (Sources Chretiennes cli, 1969); Jean Scot Commentaire sur l' Evangile de Jean etc., ed. E. Jeauneau (Sources Chretiennes clxxx, 1972) R. Quadri, 'Aimone di Auxerre alla luce de! "Collectanea" di Heiric di Auxerre, Italia Medioevalee Umanisticavi ( 1963) 1-48 J. J. Contreni, The CathedralSchoolof Laonfrom 850 to 930 (Miinchener Beitrlige zur Medilivistik und Renaissance-Forschung xxix, 1978) M. T. Gibson, 'Lanfranc's Commentary on the Pauline Epistles', Journal of TheologicalStudies N.S. xxii ( 1971) 86-112; Lanfranc of Bee (Oxford, 1978) Iohannis Mantuani in Cantica Canticorum et de Sancta Maria Tractatus ad Comitissam Matildam, ed. B. Bischoff and B. Taeger (Spicilegium Friburgense xix, 1973) I. S. Robinson, 'The Metrical Commentary on Genesis of Donizo of Canossa. Bible and Gregorian Reform', Rech. Theol. anc. med. xii (1974) 5-37 R. Gregoire, Bruno de SBgni.Exegeteet theologienmonastique(Spoleto, 1965) S. Martinet, Montloon rejletfidele de la montagne et des environs de Laon de 1100 a 1300 (Laon, 1972) 0. Lottin, Psychologieet moraleaux XIIe et XI Ile sieclesv (Gembloux, 1959) H. Weisweiler, 'Paschasius Radbertus als Vermittlers des Gedankengutes des Karolinischen Renaissance in den Mattliuskommentaren des Kreises um Anselm von Laon', Scholastikxxxv ( 1960) 363-402; 503-536 D. Van den Eynde, 'Literary Note on the Earliest Scholastic Commentariiin Psalmos', FranciscanStudies xiv ( 1954) 121-154; 'Complementary Note', ibid. xvii (1957) 149-172 V. I.J. Flint, 'Some Notes on the Early Twelfth Century Commentaries on the Psalms', Rech. Theol. anc. med. xxxviii (1971) 80-88 W. Hartmann, 'Psalmenkommentare aus der Zeit der Reform und der Friihscholastik', Studi Gregorianiix (1972) 312-366 K. Guth, 'Zurn Verhliltnis von Exegese und Philosophie im Zeitalter des Friischolastik', Rech. Theol. anc. med. xxxviii ( 1971) 121-136

XXll

BIBLIOGRAPHY

TO

THIRD

EDITION

B. Smalley, 'Les commentaires bibliques de l'epoque romane: glose ordinaire et gloses perimees, Cahiers de civilisation medievaleiv ( 1961) 15-21, reprinted in my Studies in Medieval Thought and Learning from Abelard to Wyclif (London, Hambledon Press, 1981) 17-26; 'An Early Twelfth-Century Commentator on the Literal Sense of Leviticus' Rech. Theo[. anc. mid. xxxvi (1969) 78-99, reprinted in Studies 27-48; Ralph of Flaix on Leviticus', Rech. Theo[. anc. mid. xxxv ( 1968) 35-82, reprinted in Studies 49-96: 'Some Gospel Commentaries of the Early Twelfth Century', Rech. Theo[. anc. mid. xiv (1978) 147-180; 'An Early Paris Lecture Course on St Luke', "Sapientiae doctrina". Melanges de theologieet de litteraturemidievalesoffertsaDom HildebrandBascour(Rech. Theo!. anc. med. numero speciale i, 1980) 299-311; in press for Theologische Realenzyklopiidie,'Glossa Ordinaria' H. C. Van Elswijk, GilbertusPorreta: sa vie, son