The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten: Theban Tomb 188 9781646022069

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The Tomb of Parennefer, butler of pharaoh akhenaten

The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten Theban Tomb 188

Susan Redford with contribution from Donald B. Redford Architectural drawings by Keith Meikle Facsimile wall drawings by Rupert Nesbitt and Tannis Davidson Photographs by Alexander Nesbitt

Eisenbrauns   |  University Park, Pennsylvania

Frontispiece: Parennefer before the king (North Wall-East, Left Frame). Cataloging-in-publication data is on file with the Library of Congress. Copyright © 2022 Susan Redford All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003 Eisenbrauns is an imprint of The Pennsylvania State University Press. The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ANSI Z39.48–1992

In memory of my parents

Contents

List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Preface and Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Chapter 1. Location and Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1.1 Surrounding Landmarks  3 1.2 Description of Adjacent Monuments  6 1.3 Disposition of the Monuments  7 Chapter 2. Architecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 2.1 Courtyard and External Premises  9 2.2 Interior Arrangement  15 2.3 Shafts and Subterranean Chambers  18 2.4 Present Physical Condition  24 2.5 Preparation of Surfaces for Decoration  26 Chapter 3. Decorative Program (with textual translations and notes by Donald B. Redford) . . . . . . 29 3.1 Courtyard Façade  30 3.2 Exterior Doorway  34 3.3 Reveals of the Entryway  39 3.4 Granary Scene  43 3.5 Vintage Scene  58 3.6 Orchard Scene  60 3.7 Scene of Bringing Cattle  61 3.8 The Per-Aten Complex  64 3.9 The Reward Scene  71 3.10 The Seated Couple  81 3.11 The Processional Scene  83 3.12 Scene of Mortuary Offerings  90 3.13 Doorway to the Inner Shrine  92 3.14 Ceiling and Borders  95

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Contents

Chapter 4. Dating and Chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 4.1 Chronology of the Reign  97 4.2 Dating Criteria  100 4.3 Chronological Ordering of Wall Decoration  101 Chapter 5. Scene Restoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 5.1 South Wall, West Side  109 5.2 South Wall, East Side  111 5.3 North Wall, East Side  113 5.4 North Wall, West Side  115 5.5 Courtyard Façade  118 Chapter 6. Catalogue of Wall Blocks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Chapter 7. The Tomb Owner (by Donald B. Redford) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 7.1 Rank and Functional Titles  135 7.2 Courtesy Titles and Epithets  137 7.3 Chronology of Parennefer’s Career  139 Chapter 8. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

Illustrations

Figures 1.1 Surrounding area of TT 188 looking east  3 1.2 Site plan of TT 188 and adjacent tombs  4 1.3 Site environs  5 1.4 Exterior court of TT 188 and TT 374  6 2.1 Courtyard south elevation, showing façade of TT 188  11 2.2 Courtyard east elevation, showing blocked entrance to TT 374  12 2.3 Courtyard west elevation, showing entrances to AT-1 (left) and AT-2 (right)  13 2.4 Floor plan of TT 188  14 2.5 Entrance passage, facing out  15 2.6 Transverse hall of TT 188, facing the southeast corner  15 2.7 Transverse hall of TT 188, facing the southwest corner  15 2.8 Elevation plans of the transverse hall  16 2.9 Elevation plans of the transverse hall  17 2.10 Underground burial chambers of TT 188, Level 1  19 2.11 Underground burial chambers of TT 188, Level 2  20 2.12 Stairway of Shaft #2  21 2.13 Isometric section of TT 188, facing west  22 2.14 North wall, west of main entryway  25 2.15 The wall decoration styles observed in TT 188  26 3.1 Thematic content of decorated surfaces of TT 188  29 3.2 Chipped and damaged exterior façade to the right of main entrance  30 3.3 Exterior façade to the right of main entrance, Panel A  32 3.4 Exterior façade to the right of main entrance, Panel B  32 3.5 Exterior doorway  34 3.6 Exterior doorway, facsimile drawing  35 3.7 Facsimile drawing of west reveal of entrance  39 3.8 Facsimile drawing of east reveal of entrance  41 3.9 North Wall-East, Left Frame and Panel A (granary courtyard reproduced from Davies 1923a, Pl. XXV)  44 3.10 North Wall-East, Panel B, the granary compound  50 3.11 Granary scene, Panel B, Register 3 (top) photograph of painted decoration, (bottom) facsimile drawing with restored text of epigrapher’s copy  53

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Illustrations

3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.25 3.26 3.27 3.28 3.29 3.30 3.31 3.32 3.33 3.34 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 6.12

Facsimile drawings with restored texts of granary scene, Panel C, upper frame (left), lower frame (right)  55 North Wall-East, Panel C, the scene of the sealing of the wine jars  57 Detail photograph of Register 2, Panel C, stamping the wine jars  58 East Wall, the vintage scene (Reproduced from Davies 1923a, Pl. XXVI)  59 Engaged pillar, the orchard scene  60 West Wall, the cattle-bringing scene  63 North Wall-West, the Per-Aten complex, Panel A (facsimile drawing)  65 Partially intact king’s cartouche and columned inscription of Panel C  69 North Wall-West, the Per-Aten complex, Panel C (facsimile drawing)  70 South Wall-East, the royal baldachin of the reward scene  74 South Wall-East, the royal baldachin of the reward scene (facsimile drawing)  75 Parennefer prostrates before the king, lower right frame of the reward scene  77 South Wall-East, upper right frame of the reward scene  79 South Wall-East, upper left frame  81 The seated couple  82 The royal kiosk in the processional scene (facsimile drawing)  84 South Wall-West, columned inscription of the processional scene  85 South Wall-West, facsimile of figures in procession  87 South Wall-West, facsimile of end figures in procession  89 Contrast-enhanced photo of the freestanding column, facing south  91 Doorway leading to the inner shrine, left-side lintel and left jamb  94 Ceiling decoration in the entryway  95 Decorated surface of the vaulted ceiling in the southeast quarter of the transverse hall  95 Reconstruction of the royal kiosk in the processional scene  110 Reconstruction of the royal baldachin in the reward scene  112 Possible reconstructions of the garden pavillion in the granary scene, traditional style (left), Amarna style (right)  114 Partial reconstruction of the Per-Aten scene, Panel A  116 Reconstruction of the Per-Aten scene, Panel C  117 Reconstruction of the courtyard façade, Panel A  119 Reconstruction of the courtyard façade, Panel B  119 Wall block H18  122 Wall block H23  122 Wall block H28  123 Wall block H37  123 Wall block H98-001  124 Wall block SII 3  125 Wall block SII 89  127 Wall block SIII 20  128 Wall blocks SII 58 (top) and SIII 52 (bottom)  128 Wall blocks H22, SII 4, and Ext. Slope 56  129 Wall blocks recovered from the tomb’s hall  130 Wall blocks recovered from tomb’s hall and adjacent tomb (AT 2)  131

Illustrations

6.13 6.14 6.15 Plates 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

Wall blocks recovered from Shaft #2  132 Wall blocks recovered from the various shafts in the tomb  133 Wall blocks recovered from the various shafts in the tomb and adjacent tomb (AT 2)  134

Decorated lintels of the exterior gate, (a) left side, (b) right side  147 Detail of the western reveal  148 Collecting grain (North Wall-East, Panel A, Register 3)  148 The sun hymn on the eastern reveal (Text 12)  149 Deceased before the royal pavilion and granary yard (North Wall-East, Left Frame, Panel A)  150 The granary compound (North Wall-East, Panels B and C)  151 The king’s speech (North Wall-East, Panel A)  152 Base of the king’s garden pavilion (North Wall-East, Left Frame)  152 Detail of the king’s garden pavilion (North Wall-East, Left Frame)  153 East Wall, the vintage scene, (a) upper frame, (b) lower register  154 Right-hand side of the reward scene (South Wall, east of entrance)  155 Left-hand side of the reward scene (South Wall, east of entrance)  155 Servant presenting gold collars (right upper frame of reward scene)  156 Parennefer adorned in golden collars (right upper frame of reward scene)  156 Parennefer prostrates before the king (Text 36, right lower frame of reward scene)  157 The processional scene (South Wall, west of entrance)  158 Left-hand side of the processional scene showing royal kiosk  159 Left-hand side of the processional scene showing royal kiosk  160 The cattle-bringing scene (West Wall)  161 Details from the cattle-bringing scene, (a) right-hand side of upper frame, (b) right-hand side of lower frame  162 The Per-Aten (North Wall, west of entrance, Panel C)  163 The Per-Aten (North Wall-West, upper-left of Panel A)  164 Detail from the Per-Aten scene, showing courtyard columns (bottom of Panel A)  165 Detail from the Per-Aten scene, showing Rekhyet birds (bottom of Panel B)  166 Decorated lintel of the doorway to the inner shrine, left side  167

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Preface and Acknowledgments

After years of working at East Karnak on the site of Akhenaten’s largest sun temple, the Ministry of State for Antiquities granted me an archaeological contract for three 18th Dynasty tombs in the Theban Necropolis. Among them was the concession for TT 188, the tomb of Parennefer.1 I spent ten field seasons clearing and documenting this monument alone, but, as is often the case, those working in the Theban necropolis find that their concession can unexpectedly expand because of the honeycombed nature of shafts and robber’s holes leading to uncharted tombs hidden under gebel debris. By the rules governing concessions in the valley, the archaeological investigator can fall heir to previously unregistered sites and even sometimes known monuments in need of being stabilized and secured. During clearance operations of the environs of TT 188, I uncovered two unregistered tombs immediately adjacent to Parennefer’s tomb on the west: one of a minor official in the Ramesside Period, and another anepigraphic tomb of Saite date. These were given by our survey the designations AT-2 and ST-5 respectively.2 Apart from the importance of Parennefer’s tomb in studies of the Amarna Period, my work on this site served as well as the focus for a study on tomb reuse in the Theban necropolis, which was the basis of my doctoral dissertation in 2006.3 For that reason, I am doubly indebted to the many individuals who have aided me in the various field seasons at the tomb, but particularly to my core staff whose contribution to this volume appears on the title page. For more recent help, I would like to extend my appreciation to my copy-editor, Dr. Duncan Burns, and my son, Alexander, both of whom have put in hours formatting the manuscript and graphics. Above all, I must thank my husband, Professor Donald Redford, not only for taking on three seasons of work in the field as my epigrapher, but giving me his invaluable insights and advice. Throughout these many years of conducting field operations at TT 188, I have had the support and hospitality of many friends and colleagues in the antiquities ministry both in Cairo and Luxor. I would herewith like to acknowledge these individuals and express my heartfelt appreciation: First and foremost to all the members of the Permanent Committee for Archaeology for granting me the concession of TT 188 and its immediate environs, but in particular to Dr. Zahi Hawass who supported my request and showed a confidence in me to complete this task. Mohammed es-Sugheir, former Director of Antiquities for Upper Egypt, and Dr. Mansur, former director of the Qena/Luxor Region, were both unfailingly helpful to my expeditions, as were the former heads of the West Bank Inspectorate, Dr. Mohammed Nasr, Dr. Mohammed el-Bialy, and Dr. Ali Asfour. In more recent years, Dr. Mohammed Ismail Khaled, former director 1.  The other two are TT 201, the tomb of Re’a (ATP 4 1994), and TT 46, the tomb of Ramose (currently under investigation by the author). 2.  A final publication of the Ramesside tomb (AT-2) appeared in 2013 (S. Redford 2013); the Saite tomb (ST-5) awaits further investigation. 3.  S. Redford 2006 (unpublished).

xiii

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Preface and Acknowledgments

of Foreign Missions, had graciously advised and guided me in necessary matters. In an atmosphere of friendship and camaraderie, I have had the pleasure to work with many assigned inspectors over the years. I thank them for their patience and hard work: all have been courteous, helpful, and, above all, efficient. This publication has been a long time coming. My special thanks and appreciation go to the Griffith Institute, who years ago, granted me permission to make use of Davies drawings and, also, for providing me with his valuable field notes; and to those of the scholarly community who persevered in seeing this publication move forward. I am very much beholden to all my staff and the Egyptian personnel mentioned above, but, of course, I take full responsibility for all content herein. Susan Redford Pennsylvania State University July 2022

Abbreviations

Amarna Tombs Anast. I ANET ASAE ATP BASOR BdÉ Berlin BIFAO CdÉ CRIPEL CT EA GM JAOS JARCE JEA JNES JSSEA KRI LdÄ MDAIK OEAE OIP P. Boulaq P. Koller PM P. Mayer A & B RdE Rec. Trav. RIDA SAGA

N. de G. Davies, Rock Tombs of Amarna (6 vols.) Papyrus Anastasi I J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte, Kairo Akhenaten Temple Project (4 vols.) Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bibliothèque d’Étude Papyrus Berlin Bulletin de L’institute française d’archeologie orientale. Chronique d’Égypte Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille The Coffin Texts The El-Amarna Tablets Göttinger Miszellen Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities K. A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (7 vols.) Lexikon der Ägyptologie Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo D. B. Redford (ed.), Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt (3 vols.) Oriental Institute Publications S. Sauneron, Rituel de l’embaumement: pap. Boulaq III, pap. Louvre 5.158 Papyrus Koller B. Porter and R. L. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs, and Paintings (7 vols.) Papyrus Mayer A & B Revue d’Égyptologie Recueil de Travaux rélatifs à la philology et à l’archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquite Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens

xv

xvi

Abbreviations

SAK Sallier I SAMJ TT Urk. Wb. ZÄS

Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur Papyrus Sallier I Society of the American Medical Journal Theban Tomb K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie A. Erman and H. Grapow, Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache (11 vols.) Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

Introduction

The tomb monument, numbered 188 in the Theban Tomb registry, was constructed in the 18th Dynasty, specifically during the reign of Amenhotep IV (later called Akhenaten, 1365–1348 BC), for the king’s butler Parennefer. This date is secure, established both textually by cartouches of Amenhotep, of which two still remain intact, and stylistically by images of that king (later expunged) and the distinctive thematic content of the painted and relief decoration executed in the so-called Early Amarna art style. The tomb was first surveyed in 1913 by Gardiner and Weigall.1 In the early 1920s, the hall was cleared of rubbish by Winlock, and, with some rudimentary blocking, the tomb was rendered fit for study. Soon thereafter its decoration was first recorded by the famed British draftsman, Norman de Garis Davies. During his time at the tomb, Davies made extensive notes along with several squeezes2 and subsequently published facsimiles of some of the wall scenes and inscriptions therein.3 Investigation of the tomb of Parennefer, pursued under the aegis of the Akhenaten Temple Project, and directed by the author, was initiated in 1991 and continued for ten additional summer campaigns, culminating in our final

1.  Gardiner and Weigall 1913: 32, Pl. ix (B2). 2.  N. de G. Davies mss. (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford), 11.8: 1–25; 11.39: 9–24, 40, 40a–m; 14. TT 188. 1–13. 3.  Davies 1923a.

field season in 2008.4 The project cleared the interior of the tomb and its outer courtyard of all debris, registered recovered objects, photographed and documented all decorated surfaces, completed steps to stabilize, secure and partially restore the monument, and also recorded and began a clearance of adjacent tombs revealed by the presence of robber’s holes. In the course of cleaning the floor of the outer transverse hall, the expedition encountered five shafts cut in the rocky substratum, all of which opened into small chambers at the bottom. All shafts were packed not only with debris from the reuse of the tomb as a place of burial in the first millennium BC,5 but one shaft, in particular, (and some of the floor debris) yielded fragments of painted relief that came originally from the now-demolished north wall. These helped greatly in the restoration of this wall scene. The contents of the shafts and associated burial chambers gives evidence that TT 188 provided a burying place for a number of priestly families in the 21st Dynasty, and was later used by the Choachytes through Ptolemaic times. Moreover, the badly destroyed internal environs of TT 374, a tomb that shares Parennefer’s courtyard,

4.  See ATP 4; S. Redford 1994; S. Redford 1995a; S. Redford 1995b: 62–70; Horne and Redford, 1995:10ff.; S. Redford 1996: 227–34; S. Redford 1998; S. Redford 1999–2000: 245–52. 5.  Also in evidence is debris from old excavators’ dump from other tomb clearance in the vicinity. The West Bank Inspectorate did this refilling in the 1950s as a means of tomb security.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

showed a mixture of material from later interments due to robbers’ activities in connecting the crypts. There is substantial evidence from the regions of Asasif and Khokha, which lies adjacent to Queen Hatshepsut’s temple complex at Deir el-Bahari, of secondary interments on a wide scale in the rock-carved sepulchers from the 18th and 19th Dynasties. Tombs TT 188 and TT 374 are among those that show almost continual use from the Third Intermediate Period to Roman times. This phenomenon of broad reutilization of former funerary structures is likely a reflection of political, economic, and social conditions of the time. The concession thus provides additional information on the phenomenon of tomb reutilization in general in the Theban Necropolis throughout its history.6

6.  S. Redford 2006. The extensive material remains of the later interments found within the two tombs, the extraneous debris recovered from the shafts in TT 188, and the external slope will be treated under separate cover in a subsequent volume.

Chapter 1

Location and Description

Figure 1.1. Surrounding area of TT 188 looking east.

TT 188 is located in the Asasif region of the Theban Necropolis. Excavated into the limestone cliff on the south side of the wadi, it is oriented northeast somewhat parallel to the course of the Nile.

1.1. Surrounding Landmarks Within view of the tomb’s entry is the temple of Deir el-Bahari, lying to the northwest at a distance of about 700 meters. The nearest modern landmark is the old

3

The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 1.2. Site plan of TT 188 and adjacent tombs.

4

Location and Description

5

Figure 1.3. Site environs.

expedition house of the Metropolitan Museum, which is situated at the top of the cliff, a short walking distance of less than 60 meters to the west of Parennefer’s tomb. Nearer on the west, at a distance of about 30 meters, lie the tombs of the Ramesside functionaries Amenemheb (TT 25) and Kyky (TT 409), along with those of Bakenamun (TT 408) and Hori (TT 28). These, it should be noted, occupy the floor of the tiny valley, but there are other tombs recently uncovered by our survey and the West Bank Directorate of the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) that are situated between them and TT 188. All of these face the Deir el-Bahari causeway. Other neighboring tombs in the immediate vicinity of TT 188 include the large 18th Dynasty tomb of Puyemre (TT 39), situated to the east at a distance of approximately 20 meters. A previously unknown tomb discovered by our expedition lies immediately west of Parennefer’s courtyard. It was hidden by an enormous amount of limestone chips and dirt from the gebel slope. The entry of what proved to be a large, open court of Saite date was uncovered and its doorway restored in our 2002 field

season—this tomb we have designated ST-5. Prior to this date, the interior of this tomb could only be accessed by a series of robber’s holes through the hall of TT 188 and the adjacent Ramesside tomb—this smaller tomb we have designated AT-2. Adjacent to TT 188 on its eastern side and sharing its courtyard is TT 374, the tomb of a Ramesside priest, which could also be entered through a break in one of the crypts in Parennefer’s tomb. Also abutting both TT 188 and TT 374 is another hidden tomb we have designated AT-3. The external entrance to the latter lies between Parennefer’s courtyard and that of Puyemre and remains covered by slope debris. Entry can be made, however, through a denuded wall of Parennefer’s inner shrine. A series of other interconnected tombs and concealed courtyard bays, to the west of the Saite tomb ST-5, were discovered in our 1995 field season and have since been exposed by the SCA, though as yet these have not been completely surveyed. Much of the remaining cliff surrounding TT 188 remains covered in limestone chips and has never been investigated.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

1.2. Description of Adjacent Monuments Due to the machinations of both ancient and modern tomb robbers, five adjacent tombs were accessed through TT 188 but have since been secured by our expedition. Starting from the eastern side of the exterior courtyard moving in adjacent order they are as follows. 1.2.1. Theban Tomb TT 374 This small tomb was excavated into the eastern side of TT 188’s courtyard bay and is oriented roughly east–west. The inscribed jambs of the outer doorway identify the owner of the tomb as “scribe of the treasury in the Ramesseum, Amenemopet.”1 This official’s position in the mortuary temple of Ramesses II provides a terminus post quem for the dating of his tomb.

Figure 1.4. Exterior courtyard of TT 188 and TT 374.

Above the tomb at the northeast corner of the courtyard once stood a derelict house belonging to a local sheikh, but it has been recently demolished. It is unclear how long ago this mudbrick structure was built, but a robber’s shaft, descending from a room in the house down into one of the burial chambers of TT 188 and also the crypt of TT 374, attests to the systematic looting of these tombs in recent times. Moreover, a shanty door at the back of the house covered an opening that provided access directly to the main chamber of this tomb. 1.  PM I: 12, 434.

Unfortunately, the once decorated tomb chapel is now utterly destroyed as a result of long-term stabling of livestock. Animal troughs that were attached to the walls and heavy soot damaged the painted walls almost to the point of total obliteration. While some plaster remains on the wall just inside the entrance, only very faded outlines of figures can be discerned. The tomb was cleared of all stable debris by our expedition in the 2004 field season, and the robber’s tunnels were finally sealed. 1.2.2. Adjacent Tomb AT-3 The tomb is situated diagonally in relation to TT 188 and adjacent monuments, aligned in a northeast to southwest direction. Though unrecorded, it is relatively free of debris and was undoubtedly cleared by Egyptian authorities at an earlier time. Of moderate size, the tomb consists of a long narrow corridor, 18 meters long by 2 meters wide, which opens into a two-pillared hall with a square floorspace 5.7 meters to a side. A short rough-cut passage connects the hall with a smaller south chamber in which is situated a large, unexplored shaft. A small patch of painted plaster in the upper corner of the corridor is all that remains of decoration. The owner of the derelict house above, which stands between TT 374 and this tomb, excavated a passage that not only broke into the rear of TT 374 but also breached the north wall of the long corridor of this tomb in three places. One of these holes gave entry into Parennefer’s hall. In the back part of the tomb, the wall that separated it from Parennefer’s inner shrine was removed. 1.2.3. Adjacent Tomb AT-1 Excavated in the massif of the rock, between the external façade and the interior west side of the north wall of the transverse hall, is a small single-chambered tomb. This tomb, being nothing more than a roughly hewn cavity, 6 meters wide by 1.8 meters deep, was provided with its own exterior door, which was carved disregarding the relief on the tomb’s façade. A possible date for its construction or later use is suggested by the presence of a large amphora of Roman date. Such amphorae were sometimes utilized for infant burials from the Late New

Location and Description

Kingdom on.2 Although no skeletal remains were found within, remnants of mummy wrappings were present. 1.2.4. Ramesside Tomb AT-2 The courtyard’s west face shows evidence of an outline of a carved stela, but the interior space was thoroughly removed by robbers in order to penetrate the hall of this small Ramesside tomb. This opening had been sealed with stones and mortar, but at the request of the West Bank Directorate we fitted it with an iron gate in the 2000 field season to provide additional security. Little remains of the decoration inside, except for a few isolated patches of painted plaster on the north wall, and a portion of the south wall on which paint was applied directly to the smoothed limestone surface. Unfortunately, robbers from AT-1 cut an entry into the tomb, destroying a portion of the southeast corner and any decoration thereupon.3 1.2.5. Saite Tomb ST-5

1.3. Disposition of the Monuments Clearly, the 18th Dynasty and later 19th Dynasty constructions were arranged in a line running east–west, following the base of the gebel. During Saite times, the area continued to be a popular burying ground, with open court tombs making use of the available space, but particularly using the floor of the wadi. The dirt road into the wadi that exists today undoubtedly delineates an ancient processional way, on both sides of which tombs were constructed in alignment. The road extends some 57 meters beyond Parennefer’s tomb, where it sharply curves south, passing in front of the tomb of Kheruef (TT 192). It has been convincingly argued that a major thoroughfare existed along this route to accommodate the annual Harvest Festival of the Valley.5 This route is in all probability identical with “the road of Amune to Djeme” that is mentioned in abnormal hieratic and Demotic documents of the first millennium BC.6

A robber’s hole made in the west wall of the hall of AT-2, as well as a breach in its subterranean crypt, gave entry into a hitherto unrecorded tomb of Saite date with ten distinct chambers.4 The interior comprises a main corridor (labeled H in Fig. 1.2) a little over 10 meters in length and 3 meters wide, running north to south. Carved doorways (some badly damaged) line every wall of this corridor: three on the east wall and three on the west wall lead to seven small square chambers; one on the south wall leads to a suite of two larger rectangular chambers. Three of the chambers contained rectangular shafts, the largest, to the south, descending over 7 meters. The doorway at the northern end of the corridor is the tomb’s main entrance, leading to an exterior courtyard previously obscured by debris. Partial clearance of this courtyard has, to date, revealed a carved stepped podium to the right of the entrance. The tomb is anepigraphic.

2.  Aston 1996: 70; Toynbee 1971: 101. 3.  S. Redford 2013: 155. 4.  A sketch plan of the tomb’s layout by P. Barthelmess 1992 is inaccurate. For correct design, see Fig. 1.2 in this volume. Investigation by the author is still ongoing.

7

5.  Eigner 1983: 49, abb. 6. 6.  Andrews 1990: no. 2, nn. 16 and 24; Malinine 1983, vol. 11: 2.

Chapter 2

Architecture

2.1. Courtyard and External Premises The courtyard of TT 188, partly sculpted out of the limestone bedrock, is roughly rectangular (more precisely a parallelogram), measuring 12 meters by 5.2 meters. The bedrock comprising the east and west walls of the courtyard slants downward from the north face to a minimum height of less than 2 meters. Entry to the courtyard is today gained via a modern flight of steps in the center of the north face, but in antiquity this courtyard would have been approached on the flat. The floor of the courtyard is rough and uneven, although mostly level, except in the northeast quadrant, where it rises up significantly. The monument’s external face (the south wall of the courtyard) currently reaches a height of 4 meters and has in modern times been topped with a retaining wall made of fieldstone to keep back the cliff’s debris (see Fig. 2.1). It is probable that the now eroded upper portion of the façade wall would have once included an inset frieze of inscribed funerary cones bearing the owner’s names and titles.1 There is also the possibility that a mud-brick pyramid existed on the slope directly above the façade,2 but no evidence of one remains today.

The façade shows both an original design plan and later renovations. The 18th Dynasty construction included a corniced entry at center, approximately 0.9 meters by 1.9 meters in cross section, with decorated jambs and lintel. The doorway pierces a partly smoothed vertical façade intended for incised relief that was completed only west of the entry. A shallow rectangular niche, roughly 1.5 meters by 0.8 meters, had been carved into the surface left of the entrance (east side), perhaps to receive a statue of the owner or a figure in high relief. In any event, work was never carried through. Another doorway to the right of the entrance was later cut into the cliff face in order to provide entry to a small single-chambered tomb (AT-1) that was excavated in the space between the external face and the interior north wall of the hall (see previous chapter). The cutting of yet another doorway in the façade to the immediate right of AT-1’s entry was started, effectively destroying most of the 18th Dynasty relief. The doorway, however, appears never to have been completed and has since been reinforced with fieldstone and cement by the antiquities department.

1.  Manniche 1988a: 3–12; Manniche 2001: 565–67. No cones of Parennefer were found in the area, and only one possibly attributable to him is known (Davies and MacAdam 1957: no. 253). 2.  Dziobek 1989: 109–32.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 2.1. Courtyard south elevation, showing façade of TT 188.

Architecture 11

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

FIGURE 2.2. Courtyard east elevation, showing blocked entrance to TT 374.

Architecture

FIGURE 2.3. Courtyard west elevation, showing entrances to AT-1 (left) and AT-2 (right).

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 2.4. Floor plan of TT 188.

Architecture

2.2. Interior Arrangement The tomb chapel is fashioned in the typical T-shape style common throughout the 18th Dynasty, consisting primarily of a transverse hall and inner shrine.3 A stepped descent to a burial chamber was also part of the original design, but subsequently other shafts and burial chambers were added during the long period of the tomb’s reuse.

15

The engaged pillar in the east wall is also intact, and it juts out 95 centimeters on its north face but meets the east wall at 52 centimeters on its south face. On the same alignment at the west wall is the other engaged pillar, but one that is much less defined.

2.2.1. Entrance Passage Access from the courtyard into the interior of the tomb is made through the carved doorway. One takes a step down into an entrance passage with decorated reveals that is approximately 2.3 meters long and 1.1 meters in width.

Figure 2.6. Transverse hall of TT 188, facing the southeast corner.

Figure 2.5. Entrance passage, facing out.

2.2.2. Transverse Hall The ceiling of the transverse hall was supported by six rectangular pillars flanked by two engaged pilasters in the east and west walls (shown in Figs. 1.2 and 2.15). The six freestanding pillars, of which only one remained,4 were equally spaced along the length of the hall. The square footprints of the piers average 84 centimeters on a side. 3.  Dodson and Ikram’s “Type Va.” For discussion and full typology of 18th Dynasty private tombs, see Dodson and Ikram, 2008: 214–23. 4.  The Tomb Survey was able to restore one of the denuded pillars in 2004.

Figure 2.7. Transverse hall of TT 188, facing the southwest corner.

The transverse hall, slightly trapezoidal in shape, measures 15 meters by 4.9 meters horizontally, with a height averaging 2.8 meters, and displays fully decorated walls. The hall’s ceiling was also finished and decorated throughout, although the entire north side and western half has completely fallen away along major fault lines in the stone. Running lengthwise, the ceiling is flat at the front (north) half and cambered along the back (south) half in imitation of the zḥ or wꜥbt booth of the burial

The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 2.8. Elevation plans of the transverse hall.

16

Figure 2.9. Elevation plans of the transverse hall.

Architecture 17

18

The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

services.5 The latter architectural element has been noted as a symbolic representation of the funerary ritual at home in the Nile delta.6 Similar to that of the courtyard, the floor in the hall is rough and unsmoothed, although somewhat greater care seems to have been taken to make it level. A large, irregular depression abutting the opening of the shaft in the southwest corner is probably later damage. There is an ancient carving on the floor, situated slightly off midcenter, which mimics a miniature model of a stepped-ramp podium or gateway.7 This may perhaps be intended as a model or base made by the rock-cutters for a courtyard construction that was never carried out.8 2.2.3. Passage and Inner Shrine A doorway with decorated lintel and jambs in the middle of the hall’s south wall marks the entry to a short passage, 1.5 meters in length, that leads to the inner shrine. The inner shrine, sited more or less perpendicular to the hall, is 5.2 meters in length by 2.0 meters in width. At the far end of the shrine, a statue niche, 0.5 meter in depth and 0.8 meter in width, was carved into the back wall at center (see Fig. 2.10).

2.3. Shafts and Subterranean Chambers The reutilization of TT 188 in later periods is evidenced by the existence of four (of a total of five) shafts sunk into the floor of the tomb’s transverse hall, each connecting to a separate burial crypt (Figs. 2.10 and 2.11). A shallow sixth shaft opening onto a demi-chamber was excavated through the floor of the inner shrine as well. 5.  Roth 2001: 577. 6.  Seyfried 2003: 65–66. 7.  This is an architectural component of the Re-Harakhty altar that appears in relief on the north wall (see above). Compare the quartzite model of a temple gateway in the Brooklyn Museum (Fazzini, Romano, and Cody 1999: 110, no. 62). The carving can easily be overlooked, as the stepped ramp does not rise above the unevenness of the floor. This author knows of no other such floor carving in the Theban Necropolis. 8.  Curiously, a stepped-ramp podium of similar design was uncovered in the courtyard of the newly discovered Saite tomb ST-5. Such a podium in the courtyard was undoubtedly intended to accommodate a ka-statue, it being symbolic of the primeval mound (Frankfort 1948: 152–53; for statuettes incorporating this architectural feature, see Frankfort 1948: Fig. 33).

Although Davies had reported in 1923 that he believed there were “four or five” burial shafts within the tomb,9 their location was not immediately obvious when our archaeological investigation of the monument began. The carved limestone floor of the hall was covered by a couple of centimeters of sand and fine limestone powder, with no visible depressions. On the first day of our first field season in 1991, a quick search of the floor turned up evidence of these shafts. In the southwest corner of the hall, a gap appeared in the limestone where the wall meets the floor. On closer inspection, a large rectangular outline could be discerned. At the same time the workmen, cleaning the floor in the southeast corner, exposed a small, rectangular opening immediately adjacent to the free-standing pier. In subsequent seasons, three more shaft outlines were uncovered irregularly situated within the center of the hall. Each shaft was solidly packed to the floor’s surface with debris. The six shafts in TT 188 have been consecutively numbered in the order of their discovery over the course of the author’s seven field seasons. These assigned numbers do not reflect the relative time of their construction and use. The discovery of two shafts located in opposite corners in the south half of the hall was made simultaneously, but the decision was then made to begin clearance of the smaller of the two, which was designated as shaft #1. Shaft placement within the superstructure may, in and of itself, suggest a position in a relative time frame as to the sequence of its excavation, in relation to the other shafts sharing the floor of the hall. Using this working hypothesis, it can then be demonstrated that the sequential chronological order of the construction of the shafts from earliest to latest is: #2, #6, #1, #3, #4, #5. In some cases, the arrangement of burial chambers associated with the shafts further indicates later additional construction. 2.3.1. Shaft #2 There can be little doubt that shafts #2 and #6 were planned as part of the original 18th Dynasty monument, with the other four in the hall being excavated at a later date. This is made obvious by the symbolic significance of their design. Since the tomb’s chapel was meant to 9.  Davies 1923a: 136.

Architecture

Figure 2.10. Underground burial chambers of TT 188, Level 1.

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Figure 2.11. Underground burial chambers of TT 188, Level 2.

Architecture

function as a place to receive visitors bearing offerings for the deceased,10 the optimum locale for a shaft to the subterranean burial chamber(s) appears to have been away from the entrance in one of the far corners of the hall or in the inner shrine.11 This would also fulfill the function of secrecy required as one of the features of sacred space in ancient Egypt.12 Shaft #2 is the best situated of all the shafts, with an opening precisely positioned in the southwest corner of the hall. Shaft 2 is roughly 1.1 meters wide and extends out from the south wall along the west wall for 2.8 meters. Architecturally, it is the largest and by far the best planned. Unlike the other shafts’ simple, straight, and vertical descents, this shaft has a stepped descent of eight roughly hewn stairs. The flight of stairs opens onto a narrow tunneled passage, between 1.0 and 1.2 meters wide. This tunnel allowed for an ancient Egyptian of average height (approximately 1.61 m) to stand erect. It proceeds in a slightly meandering path but with no appreciable decline for about 4.5 meters, when it suddenly makes a sharp descent. From this point, the passage continues in a straight path for another 5.5 meters where it then turns ninety degrees and descends at a much steeper incline for another 6.5 meters. Such a design with stepped descent and/or sloping passage is a well-attested 18th Dynasty innovation.13

10.  Dodson and Ikram 2008: 21–22; Dodson 2001: 433–34. 11.  Shaft placement in documented tombs of the Theban Necropolis is illustrated in PM I. A similar location of the original shaft is attested in TT 201 (ATP 4: 2–3). 12.  Assmann 2003: 48. 13.  For examples, see the tomb of Kenamun (TT 93) (Davies 1930: 8, Pl. 2) and the granary scribe Khnumose (TT 253) (Strudwick 1996: 28, Fig. 3–1). Of particular similar design is the tomb of the royal herald Re’a (ATP 4: 2–3, Fig. 1, Pl. I), located just over a small knoll from TT 188. The burial crypt in the tomb of Re’a was completed (in the early years of the reign of Amenhotep III) and found to be brick-lined, coated in a black gesso with figures of underworld deities painted in golden yellow (ATP 4: 2–3, Pls. xxvi–xxxii). Such a fully decorated burial chamber is uncommon; it might possibly have been planned for Parennefer’s tomb, but it had never reached that stage of completion. For discussion and other examples of decorated crypts, see Dodson and Ikram 2008: 226–28.

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Figure 2.12. Stairway of Shaft #2.

A thick red ochre line was painted encircling the sides and ceiling, delineating the end of the tunnel and the entrance to the burial pit. Remains of a blocked-up entry could be seen in the scattered bits of plaster and bitumen that still adhered to the rock. At the upper left, a welldefined right angle had been carved into the rock, perhaps suggesting a framed and sealed entry of some sort. Less than a meter further on the tunneled passage comes to an abrupt end in a shallow square pit in the floor about 1.3 meters deep. The bottom of this pit extends backward beneath the tunnel to connect with an only partially excavated burial chamber roughly 2 by 4 meters, and not more than 2 meters from floor to ceiling. The unfinished burial crypt further supports the notion that it was part of the original construction. Like the hall’s wall decoration, it is consistent with the other evidence for an abrupt halt in the building of the 18th Dynasty monument. The unexpected discovery of a wooden mallet, commonly used in stone excavation, in the entry to the unfinished chamber lends further credence to this. The mallet is similar to others of New Kingdom date and was perhaps left behind by a workman on what turned out to be the last day of work on the tomb.

Figure 2.13. Isometric section of TT 188, facing west.

22 The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Architecture

2.3.2. Shaft #6 Built in conjunction with shaft #2 is shaft #6, located within the inner shrine. The square opening is situated in the southeast corner of the shrine, extending in front of the recessed niche. The 1.9 meter drop leads to a small low-ceilinged cell of irregular shape a little over 2 meters in length. A well-defined rectangular niche was carved into its north wall, perhaps to accommodate a carved stela or statue, possibly an indication of the burial of the ka.14 The shaft and burial chamber were found empty, further implying its symbolic relevance. The location and design of shaft #6 with its empty demi-chamber together with the “sloping passage” of shaft #2 are indicative of a dual burial system. The dual constructional form has been hypothesized to represent both the Butic (Lower Egyptian) and Abydene (Upper Egyptian) burial rites,15 which is further expressed in the design of the ceiling as well. 2.3.3. Shaft #1 In all probability, shaft #1 was the first of the additions to the original tomb structure. Occupying the second-best, if not equally favorable, location in the tomb’s hall, the shaft is innocuously sited in the southeast corner directly behind the easternmost freestanding pillar. A short vertical descent leads to a burial crypt consisting of two chambers. The shaft opening measures roughly 1.1 meters by 1.6 meters. The climb down into the shaft is aided by a carved ledge halfway down the 3.1 meter drop. From that point on, the shaft opening is reduced in size due to the protuberance of the ledge. At the bottom, a step down brings one into a small chamber with a square footprint roughly 2.8 meters on a side. In a corner of this room, a shallow (50 cm) square depression had been carved into the floor in order to receive the canopic chest.16 The tiny room offered entry to another chamber through an irregularly made doorway in its north wall.

14.  Seyfried 2003: 61. 15.  Seyfried 2003; Assmann 2003: 50. 16.  The chest was not preserved, but two canopic jar lids were found at the edge of the emplacement. For these lids, see S. Redford 1996: 228, Pl. LXII A–B. A detailed treatment of the lids, along with all recovered objects from later interments, will be published in a separate volume.

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Unlike the smaller one, the second chamber, with a floorspace of 3.0 meters by 2.4 meters, was poorly excavated with low, rounded sides and ceiling. A large robber’s hole in the floor of this chamber breached the crypt of adjacent tomb TT 374. As a result, grave goods left behind and strewn from the thieves’ entry and exit routes were mixed between the two tombs. 2.3.4. Shaft #3 With the corners of the hall taken, the excavators of shaft #3 opted for a position in the shadows of two pillars on the west side. Sited a reasonable distance from both shafts #1 and #2 and in alignment with the south wall, its placement is fairly unobtrusive. The shaft opening is a little over 1.0 meter square and descends to a depth of 2.1 meters. Shallow, ancient handholds had been carved into two opposite sides of the shaft to facilitate a descent into a single-chamber burial crypt, approximately 4 meters square. Entry into the chamber involves a single step down from the base of the shaft, a design similar to that of shaft #1. 2.3.5. Shaft #4 The situation of shaft #4, opposite shaft #3 on the east side of the hall, indicates that it was planned at a time in the period of the tomb’s reuse when there were spatial restrictions. Unlike the other three, shaft #4 is oriented true north, which, within the confines of the hall, appears askew. The different orientation is perhaps an attempt to avoid intersection with the burial chamber of shaft #1—a plan that was nearly unsuccessful. An accidental break in the limestone of an extremely thin side of shaft #1 revealed a room of shaft #4’s crypt. One of two subterranean chambers that comprise the crypt extends under the center of the hall at a depth of 3 meters. The shaft is 2.4 meters deep with several ancient handholds; it then connects with the first burial chamber by means of a long, sloping step down, approximately 60 centimeters high. The second chamber is reached through the east wall of the first chamber and is considerably smaller. One must step up into the room, which decreases the ceiling height.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

2.3.6. Shaft #5 The last shaft to be added within the tomb’s hall appears to be #5. The ill-contrived position of this shaft, slightly to the left immediately inside the entrance, bespeaks crowding. One literally has to step around it to enter the tomb, making the placement inconvenient in terms of the tomb chapel’s use as a place of offerings for the dead. More telling, the rectangular opening, measuring 1.2 meters by 1.5 meters, overlaps a corner of what was once a standing pillar. Unquestionably, the tomb chapel was already in an initial stage of dilapidation when this shaft was sunk. The shaft descends to a depth of 5.0 meters with handholds placed at regular intervals all the way down and opens up at the base into two chambers, situated side-by-side. At some later date, the excavation of yet another tunneled burial crypt intersected this shaft. At a depth of 1.5 meters, there is a large opening through the north side. This reveals a series of irregular, amorphous recesses that extend slightly beyond the area of the tomb’s outer courtyard. Because of the overburden outside the confines of the courtyard, the shaft entry to this crypt has yet to be located. 2.3.7. Further Remarks The burial chambers attached to the various shafts lend themselves to further dating considerations.17 The secondary chambers of shafts #1 and #4 appear to be hasty afterthoughts to the design and execution of the crypt. The straight shaft design with a stepped-down access and head-on entry into a square-shaped burial chamber is similar in shafts #3, #1, and #4. Only in shaft #3, however, does the crypt terminate with a single chamber. The second added chambers in shafts #1 and #4 are somewhat smaller, with walls notably less regular and lower ceiling height. Moreover, in each case the second chamber is entered by an ill-defined doorway and excavated at a different elevation from that of the primary chamber: chamber 2 of shaft #1 is situated a full meter lower than 17.  The dating and chronological sequencing of the shafts and their associated crypts will be addressed in conjunction with the analysis of the recovered objects and human remains in a separate volume.

chamber 1, while the floor of chamber 2 of shaft #4 is exactly 20 centimeters higher than chamber 1. Furthermore, while ceiling heights in both chambers of shaft #4 are at the same level, the entryway to the second chamber and room itself is substantially off-center to the adjacent chamber. Shaft #5 also has a two-chambered crypt; however, in this case it appears to be part of the initial plan. While they are shaped differently (chamber 1 is square, while chamber 2 is more elongated), both are situated at the same elevation, with identical ceiling height, and are positioned at right angles to each other, opening in from adjacent walls of the shaft.

2.4. Present Physical Condition The façade of the tomb has suffered some further deterioration since Davies’s first study. The inscribed lintel of the entrance doorway, which was carefully copied by Davies,18 shows that a small segment of the text has since fallen away. Much of the right jamb of the exterior doorway has been missing since before Davies’s time. In addition, most of the original west reveal and approximately half of the east reveal of the entrance passage are all but gone and show repair from recent times. Apart from the decorated ceiling, which shows fresh breaks, the tomb’s interior appears to be in the same condition as viewed by Davies.19 However, as in his day, it is in a poor state of preservation. Inhabited by locals in the first two decades of the twentieth century, the domestic activity of these former occupants has resulted in scarring over most of the decorated wall surface. Due to the continual use of torches and hearths in the hall during this period, the walls (particularly the south wall on the west side) and ceiling are covered with a mixture of soot, grime, and types of excremental substances.20 18.  Davies 1923a: Pl. xxiii, top. 19.  Daview 1923a: 137–39. 20.  On the advice of conservator Stephen Rickerby, we resisted attempts to clean the murals: “Egyptian wall paintings generally are too sensitive to withstand the type of cleaning procedures that are normally used to remove sooty deposits, and therefore avoidance is the better option, and noninvasive means of examination preferable” (e-mail to author, 2004). Since that time, however, newly advanced methods have shown great success in removing soot from painted reliefs, and we are currently planning for a future season to carry out this restorative

Architecture

The long occupancy of squatters in the tomb’s inner shrine left it completely denuded, making it look as though it never progressed beyond a roughly hewn excavation. Three finished corners of the shrine, however, can be seen where the walls meet the ceiling, giving evidence of it once having smoothed walls.21 A carved niche of which traces can be seen in the back wall was planned to perhaps receive the “seated couple” ka-statue of the deceased and his wife.22 The east wall was removed at one point by those inhabiting the tomb and now coalesces with the unregistered adjacent tomb AT-523 whose external entry remains blocked by slope debris. The interior doorway into the inner shrine has also suffered extensive damage. The decorated lintel and entire right-hand side jambs of the entranceway are gone, and an adjacent portion of the south wall was taken out with them. Even before the tomb was occupied as a dwelling, it had been subjected to other indignities the original owner could not have imagined. The decoration of the hall was once dominated by the representations of the king and queen. Horemhab’s deliberate program of effacement of the anathematized royal couple wrought havoc with the wall scenes by completely erasing their image and cartouches wherever they appeared. The effacement was intense and thorough. In some cases, however, the remaining chipped surfaces reveal recognizable contours of royal accoutrements and outlines of parts of the royal

measure. Fragile sections of painted plaster were stabilized under the supervision of painting conservator Molly Lambert of Berkeley, CA, in the 2006 field season, and samples were submitted for analysis to the Cairo Lab of the Conservation Department of the Supreme Council of Antiquities. 21.  Moreover, a great quantity of small pieces of painted plaster was recovered in the debris filling the shafts in the tomb. While the minute fragments do not permit any recognizable pattern of decoration, it is possible that some originated from the walls here. In his documentation of the tomb, Davies did not describe the condition of the inner chamber, merely stating that it was “uninscribed” (Davies 1923a: 136, 137). 22.  While no traces of a couple’s statue remain, it is more likely that the functional design of a niche was made to accommodate either a free-standing statue or one carved into the back wall for offerings to be made to the deceased. Although the statue niche was a common architectural feature in 18th Dynasty tombs, there are many with simply a flat back wall where in place of a statue the wall displays an offering scene. For plans of tombs showing the various designs, see Engelmann-von Carnap 1999: passim; Dodson and Ikram 2008: Fig. 241. 23.  Unofficially designated by the Theban Tomb Survey.

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body. The tomb owner’s figure was mutilated as well and his name expunged throughout the tomb. Two niches were carved in the decorated south wall on the east side (Cavities A and B in Fig. 2.9), possibly for later interments. In an attempt to gain entry from the adjacent tomb a hole was also made in the east wall but has since been blocked up with field stone and cement. Except for the edges left in the semblance of a frame, the north wall west of the entrance has been completely denuded. The removal of this wall thus completely exposes the interior of tomb AT-1. The cutting of the anteroom of the latter possibly contributed to the later collapse of the north wall, but because AT-1 was given a separate entry to the outside, it is unlikely that those who made it are responsible for the total destruction of this decorated wall of the chapel. The destruction, however, had to have occurred sometime before the squatters had burned fires in the hall, as many of the painted fragments of the original wall with pristine coloration were dumped into the shafts.

Figure 2.14. North wall, west of main entryway.

Unfortunately, more recently the tomb has been the site of robber activity. This resulted in some damage perpetrated on isolated sections of the north and east walls of the hall.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 2.15. The wall decoration styles observed in TT 188.

2.5. Preparation of Surfaces for Decoration Decoration was applied to the following areas of the monument: 1. The exterior façade to the west of the entrance 2. The jambs and lintel of the entrance doorway 3. The reveals of the entrance passage 4. All four walls of the transverse hall 5. The pillars of the hall 6. The jambs and lintel of the entrance doorway to the inner shrine This decoration was applied by using various methods in different locations.24 All relief is concentrated in the areas that admit greater light: the reveals of the entrance passage, and the stretches of wall immediately adjacent to the entranceway and 24.  The different art styles utilized are discussed in following chapters.

opposite the opening to the inner shrine.25 Most of this naturally lighted space is given over to representations of the king and queen, shared in part with depictions of the tomb’s owner.26 The decoration on both the reveals of the entryway and the north wall is carved in a delicately low, raised relief that was painted with added details. On the eastern and western sides of the north wall, the relief ends abruptly (on the eastern side after approximately 3.5 meters, and on the western side it is difficult to ascertain because only the frame remains intact) and is then finished by flat painting. The limestone walls were prepared with a thin overlay of white plaster to receive the murals. The east and west walls of the hall and the remaining pillar were prepared and painted in the same manner. On 25.  In all T-shaped Theban tombs, the back walls on either side of the entrance to the inner shrine and opposite the entranceway notably receive the best light (Assmann 1987: 36; Schott 1953: 88; Hartwig 2004: 17). 26.  The importance of the images placed on long walls in rectangular tomb chapels has sparked discussion. See Fitzenreiter 1995: 95–130; Engelmann-von Carnap 1999: 411–17; Hartwig 2004: 17–19.

Architecture

the east side of the south wall, the decoration is executed in sunken relief27 over the entire wall. The west side of the south wall was heavily coated with white plaster and molded in high raised relief.28 Here as one proceeds to the right, the relief trails off into flat painting for approximately the last 2 meters of wall space. On the extreme right, the artists’ red guidelines outline the garb of the figures. The ceiling was likewise covered with thick plaster and then painted. Decoration applied from the entrance doorway to the inner shrine was completed with figures and text accomplished in painted sunken relief. A large scene was carved in sunken relief on the exterior façade to the west of the entrance to the tomb, and undoubtedly painted, while the lintel and jambs of the doorway were provided with carved texts and figures as well. It is obvious with regard to the construction of the tomb that draftsmen, sculptors, and painters began their task as soon as certain sections of the tomb had been fully excavated.29 This can be seen in the entryway and transverse hall.30 While decoration was being applied to the transverse hall, work continued simultaneously on the excavation of the burial crypt.31 Incomplete wall scenes and the unfinished burial crypt attest to all facets of the tomb’s construction coming to a halt at a specific point in time.

27.  Similarly in tombs at Amarna (Aldred 1973: 40; Smith 1981: 172–73). 28.  Undoubtedly necessitated by the poor quality of the limestone to receive relief (Mackay 1921: 167). 29.  Construction and decoration of Parennefer’s hall conforms to the study done in Mackay 1921 (similarly Kozloff 1992: 261–87; HodelHoenes 2000: 16–17; Hartwig 2004: 19–20; Bryan 2001: 64; Strudwick 2016: 161–62). 30.  The destroyed condition of the inner shrine makes it impossible to determine if the decoration was completed or even begun in that part of the tomb. 31.  This sequence of tomb construction has been noted in the royal tombs of the Valley of the Kings (Černý 1973: 40; see also, Reeves and Wilkinson 1996: 28–30.).

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Chapter 3

Decorative Program (with textual translations and notes by Donald B. Redford)

Figure 3.1. Thematic content of decorated surfaces of TT 188.

The transverse hall, the only decorated part of the T-shaped tomb that remains largely intact, compares to some extent with earlier tombs of the 18th Dynasty in nature and distribution of thematic decor,1 but it also shows the beginnings of a shift in focus introduced in this reign from the tomb owner himself to the person of 1.  For a study of the decorative program of earlier 18th Dynasty tombs, see Shedid 1988; Engelmann-von Carnap 1995; Manniche 1988b: 32–42; Bryan 2001; Hartwig 2004.

the king.2 While the thematic content of the tomb’s wall scenes provides specifics of Parennefer’s life, it bears witness to the quickly changing political reformation of Akhenaten’s reign. 2.  cf. the private tombs at Amarna (Amarna Tombs I–VI; Freed 1999: 117–19; Aldred 1973: 52–53; Robins 2000: 156–57; Dodson 2001: 437; Owen and Kemp 1994). Nevertheless, remarks by Hartwig concerning the tomb owner as the focus of the decorative program before the Amarna period still apply in Parennefer’s case (Hartwig 2004: 18).

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 3.2. Chipped and damaged exterior façade to the right of main entrance.

3.1. Courtyard Façade [PM 1] A badly chipped surface on the exterior wall on the west side of the court shows the remnants of an early rendition of what would become a standard template in Amarna art: the royal offering scene (Fig. 3.2). Here two large panels, each about 2.2 meters wide and 2.0 meters high, are oriented on the left toward the east, and on the right toward the west. In each case, the king, under the sun-disc with rays, officiates at a laden offering table. On the right side panel, the queen’s figure is in evidence; on the left, nothing of the figure of the queen remains. The remaining elements include two depictions of the sun-disc with radiating arms at top accompanied by the deity’s cartouches. The relief appears to have been composed of two symmetrically balanced scenes with depictions of both the king and queen back-to-back, both of which were partially destroyed by the cutting of two later doorways.

3.1.1. Panel A

Decorative Program

In Panel A on the left, the faint outlines of an offering stand appear at extreme left under the radiating arms of the sun. A long papyrus stalk stands to the left of the trestle table, atop which are traces of three upright floral bouquets. To the right of the offering stand, an attempted breach into the tomb, later sealed with stones and mortar, has effectively destroyed the figure of the king. In his day, however, Davies was able to make out a few vague lines of the king’s figure (←) wearing a nemes-headdress and extending a censer.1 Davies also surmised that Nefertiti “perhaps holding a kherp wand” was pictured behind her husband. Before the king’s figure ran a vertical column of text, but only the very edges of the hieroglyphs remain intact:

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The sun-disc with splaying arms is in evidence above the offering table. Slightly right of center is the divine icon drawn with uraeus and ankh flanked by several registers of text. To the left are substantial traces of the didactic name in two cartouches (28 cm × 22 cm overall) flanked on the right by two columns of text (ca. 25 cm in total width), with a line of text beneath. The traces suit: Text 2

Text 1

ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty [ḥꜥy m æḫt] [m rn·f n šw nty m itn] itn [ꜥnḫ wr] imy [ḥb-sd nb pt tæ ḥry-ib Gm]-pæ-[itn m pr itn]a “Live Re-Harakhty, [he who rejoices in the horizon] [in his name of ‘Light which is in the Disc’ . . . the [great living] Disc, who is in [jubilee, lord of heaven and earth, who resides in Gem]-pa-[aten in the House of the Disc].” . . . rdit [ꜥæbt n]a Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty [. . .]b “. . .offering [a hecatomb to] Re-Harakhty [. . .].” a. The traces suit. The word is very common in the Karnak years of the reign: Meltzer 1988: 87. b. If the column proceeded to the bottom register line of the scene, uninterrupted by the king’s protruding leg, it could accommodate approximately seven groups. This would be sufficient for the full didactic name if the m’s were written with Gardiner Aa15 instead of the owl. It would certainly be enough for the abbreviated name of ḥꜥy m rn·f m šw nty m itn. 1.  Daview 1923a: 136.

a. It is difficult to see what other restoration is possible, since the pæ-bird is very clear. The restoration of the temple name Gm-pæ-itn would then make the façade the only occurrence of it in the tomb. The scene of offering fills the entire area within a double-lined decorative frame.

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Figure 3.3. Exterior façade to the right of main entrance, Panel A.

Figure 3.4. Exterior façade to the right of main entrance, Panel B.

Decorative Program

3.1.2. Panel B

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irt sšš[t n pæ itn] ꜥnḫ snba pæ Wæ-n-rꜥ “. . . playing the sistra [to the] living [sun-disc], that Wa-en-re be sustained in health . . .” a. Snb in a factitive use (paralleled by ssnb) is an oral formula of well-wishing: Bakir 1979: 64; Gardiner 1937: 62:4, 66:14, 70:1, 70:15–16, 115:15, 125:13–14. It is ubiquitous both at Karnak and Amarna: Meltzer 1988: 106; Amarna Tombs, vol. I: Pl. XXX; vol. II: Pl. II; vol. IV: Pls. IX, XVIII; vol. VI: Pl. XX.

The adjacent Panel B to the right shows a reverse image. Here, the head and the upper portion of the queen’s figure is still discernible within the frame. She is wearing the double plume headdress of which only the modius remains to be seen, and her arms are akimbo holding up two sistra. Remnants of a column of text beneath her elbows may be restored: Text 3

Standing in front of her is the figure of the king drawn on a larger scale. Only a part of his back leg and heel remain, although Davies noticed in his day outlines of the blue crown on the king’s head.2 Much of the remainder of the scene has been destroyed by a later doorway giving access to tomb AT-1. Above the king’s figure at the top of the frame the uppermost portions of two cartouches are barely in evidence. Flanking them on the left is: Text 4

nb ẖꜥw ꜥæ m [ꜥḥꜥw·f] “lord of diadems, long in [his lifetime]” At the bottom of the wall are remaining elements of a lower register. Two items of offering are visible beneath the king’s heel, that of a papyrus stalk and possibly the heads of two prostrate birds.

2.  Davies 1923a: 137.

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3.2. Exterior Doorway [PM 2]

The lintel is carved with an identical double scene showing standing figures of the tomb owner, each facing in toward a seated figure of the falcon-headed sun god, ReHarakhty. Parennefer is depicted in a formal full-length robe wearing a long wig with his arms raised in adoration. Between the figure of the tomb owner and the sun god are an offering stand and several columns of hieroglyphic text. This inscription, giving Parennefer’s titles and background, continues behind the figure of the tomb owner and runs down the jambs in three columns (see Pl. 1).

Figure 3.5. Exterior doorway.

Text 5

3.2.1. Lintel Decoration On the right-hand side, Parennefer, standing with arms raised in adoration, faces the seated figure of Re-Harakhty (all but sun-disc lost), followed by the image of the royal kæ. The columnar text before, above, and behind the figure of Parennefer reads:

(1) Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty nṯr ꜥæ [. . .](?)a (2) ḥry-ib [. . .]b (3) s[. . .]c (4) [. . .] “(1) Re-Harakhty, the great god (2) residing in [. . .] (3,4) [. . . . . .]” a. There might possibly be space enough for nb pt, but scarcely more if, as on the left side, two offering stands stood before the seated god. b. The edge of the break below ḥry-ib is curved, allowing for perhaps a single group. One might

Decorative Program

Figure 3.6. Exterior doorway, facsimile drawing

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restore æḫt: for ḥry-ib æḫt as an epithet of ReHarakhty. See Leitz 2002–2003, vol. 5: 311–12. c. Davies saw a diagonal trace beside the s in col. 3, and a hacked cartouche in col. 4, which is quite indistinct today. One wonders whether rd, “podium,” is to be restored, as in the sun hymn on the eastern reveal of the door. The cartouche, however, would remain unexplained. It is tempting to restore ḥr in the second column. Text 6

the owl. On the royal ka, see inter alia Kaplony 1980; Bell 1985; Silverman 1995; Bolshakov 2001. For ḥtp-di-nsw to the living Disc and the royal ka, see P. Berlin 14123. b. Sic: n is written above ḥtp. c. For bit, see the tomb of Ay at Amarna: Amarna Tombs, vol. VI: Pl. 25, col. 13; Tobin 1986: 296. On the left-hand side, paralleling the scene on the right, Parennefer stands with arms raised in adoration facing right. Two offering stands each holding a libation jar draped with a lotus bouquet are intact before a seated ReHarakhty (all but sun-disc lost), followed by an image of the king’s ka (top of figure remains only). The columnar text before, above, and behind the figure of Parennefer reads: Text 7

(5) rdit iæw (6) n Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty sn[tæ n kæ nsw(?)] (7) nb ḥtp·k m (8) ꜥnḫ in wꜥ iḳr æḫ [ḥsy(?)] (9) n nṯr nfr (10) sꜥæ (11) nb tæwy (12) ḥr bit·fc Wsir [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(5) Giving praise (6) to Re-Harakhty, performing pros[kynesis to the king’s ka] (7) when thou settest in (8) life by the uniquely competent and effective one, [praised(?)] (9) by the perfect god, (10,11) whom the Lord of the Two Lands magnified, (12) on account of his character, the Osiris [Parennefer, justified].” a

a. The royal ka is definitely part of the scene. Completing iæw with standing man and plural strokes would make col. 5 roughly commensurate in length with col. 6 if kæ nsw were added. It is puzzling, however, why col. 7 should be so short when nothing prevented moving ꜥnḫ to a position below

(1) Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty (2) nṯr ꜥæ (3) nb pt “(1) Re-Harakhty, (2) the great god, (3) lord of heaven.” Text 8

Decorative Program

(1) rdit iæw n Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty sn tæ n kæ-nsw nb ḫꜥw nb tæwy (2) [Nfr-ḫprw]-rꜥ [Wꜥ-n-rꜥ]a in wbæ-nsw wꜥb [ꜥwy ḥ]sy n nb·fb (3) [P]æ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrwc (4) ḏd·f di[w](?) ḥtp·k st mæꜥtywd (5) ḥr mææ itn tp-dwæyt m æḫt [iæbtt nt pt]e “(1) Giving praise to Re-Harakhty, performing proskynesis to the king’s ka, the Lord of Diadems, Lord of the Two Lands, (2) [Nefer-kheperu]-re [Waen-re], by the royal butler, clean of hands, praised by his lord, (3) [Pa]rennefer, justified. (4) He says: ‘May you be ensconced (on) the seat of the right­ eous, (5) viewing the sun-disc first thing at dawn on the eastern horizon of heaven.’” a. Cartouche hacked out. b. Most of col. 2 was seen and copied by Davies (1923a) but was badly scored by modern robbers who attempted to excise the figure of Parennefer. c. The name of Parennefer above the standing figure was hacked out. d. The column has been gouged out since Davies saw it. Mæꜥtyw, i.e., the justified dead: Wb. II: 25:5–13; Assmann 2001a: 380–84. The context is otherworldly: Meeks 1980–82, vol. 3: 110. At Amarna the nisbe is used only in life situations: Tobin 1986: 156. e. Seen and copied by Davies. No longer extant. 3.2.2. Jamb Inscriptions The doorjambs of the exterior entryway are each decorated in three columns of text, each read inside to outside. The text of each column follows a similar structure. The left jamb reads as follows:

Text 9

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(1) iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ it-nṯr mri nṯr [ḫtm·ty]-bity [mḥ-ib n](?)a nsw wꜥ tkn m ḥꜥw nṯr ḥsy ḏr pri·f m ẖt imy-r ḥmt nbt nt nsw wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy ḥsy ꜥæw n nṯr nfr [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ]-ḫrw “Hereditary prince and count, god’s-father, god’s beloved, [seal-bearer of] the King of Lower Egypt, [trusted(?)] of the king, unique one, who can approach the divine limbs, favored since he emerged from the womb, overseer of all the crafts of the king, the royal butler, clean of hands, greatly praised by the perfect god, [Parennefer], justified.” (2) iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ wꜥ n nsw m st wꜥꜥw ꜥḳ r ꜥḥ pr ẖr ḥswt imy-r kæt nbt nt nsw m pr itn wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy ḥsy ꜥæw n nṯr nfr Pæ-[rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “Hereditary prince and count, privy to the king in the place of privacy, who enters into the palace and emerges with favors, superintendent of all construction work of the king in the House of the Disc, the royal butler, clean of hands, greatly praised by the perfect god, Pa[rennefer, justified].” (3) iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ wr m iæt·f ꜥæ m sꜥḥ·f [sr] m-ḥæt rḫytb mḥ-ib n nsw smn mnw·f m Pr-itn wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy ḥsy ꜥæw n nṯr nfr [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “Hereditary prince and count, great in his office, important in his rank, [magistrate] before the common people, trusted of the king, who sets up his monuments in the House of the Disc, the royal butler, clean of hands, greatly praised by the perfect god, [Parennefer, justified].” a. A reconstruction of wꜥ iḳr n would require too much space. b. [sr] m-ḥæt rḫyt, Wb. II: 447:18. The right jamb, by contrast, is heavily damaged. Two discovered wall fragments, however, have enabled a partial, probable restoration:

Text 10

(2) [iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ . . .] nis·n·f a æt r æt m [šæ]b ŠmꜥwMḥw imy-r [ḥmw-]nṯr [nṯrw nbw] wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwyc [ḥsy ꜥæw n nṯr nfr Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “[Hereditary prince and count . . . who is sum] moned from moment to moment to the [countryside(?)] of Upper and Lower Egypt, superintendent of the priests [of all the gods, the royal butler, clean of hands, greatly praised by the perfect god, Parennefer, justified].” (3) iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ [. . . tm tš r rdwy n nb tæwy m]d st nbte ḫndt·n·f mḥ-ib n nsw m tæ [ḏr·f wbæ-nsw. . . . . .] “Hereditary prince and count [. . . never straying(?) from the feet of the Lord of the Two Lands in] any place he trod, trusted of the king throughout the entire land, [the royal butler . . . . . .].” a. Restored from recovered wall block SII 65 (see chapter 6). b. Is probable. c. Wall Block SII 89 (see chapter 6) can be restored here, or possibly in the adjacent lost column (col. 1). d. Restore. e. From Wall Block SII 65.

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.7. Facsimile drawing of the west reveal of the entryway.

3.3. Reveals of the Entryway [PM 2] The reveals of the main entrance were among the finest decorated surfaces in the tomb. The sculptors had worked in lightly raised relief, the figures and hieroglyphs being painted with full palette against a white background. 3.3.1. West Side (Pl. 2; Fig. 3.7)

Upon entering the hall, the right thickness, or west reveal, depicted the striding life-size figure of the tomb owner and his wife entering the tomb with a text in vertical columns before them. All that remains today are the legs of Parennefer and his wife and the beginning of the first column of the inscription in the upper left corner.3 To the immediate right of the wife’s legs, a small portion of the menat that she holds in her hand can be seen. Four fragments of relief recovered from the clearance operation have yielded the wife’s head, parts of her wig, and a hand that can be restored to the scene.4 More than five columns of text accompanied the figures, and of those only the first two extended from ceiling to floor. The others are shortened to accommodate the head and raised arms of Parennefer and his wife. Nothing remains intact of the five columns of text except for two small portions: one at the top (col. 5) and another before 3.  The retrieved wall block Hx+5 is possibly from the midsection of Parennefer’s torso here (see chapter 6). 4.  Wall blocks H22, SII 4, SIII 41, and Ext. Slope 56 (see chapter 6). The style of the tendrils is similar to that of a princess in the Gm-pæ-itn talatat (see ATP I: Pl. 32.1).

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the foot of the figure of the tomb owner (col. 2). A recovered fragment can confidently be restored to the top of the panel (col. 1 and 2).5

3.3.2. East Side (Pl. 4; Fig. 3.8)

Text 11

(1) dwæ [Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty m ḥtp·f in wdpw-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw ḏd·f inḏ-ḥr·k bik(?)] (2) nṯry [. . . 14 or 15 groups . . .]·f ꜥšæ (3) [. . .] n [. . .] (4) mrwt·[f] a (5) m ib·i [. . .](?)b “(1) Adoration [of Re-Harakhty when he sets, by the royal butler, clean of hands, Parennefer, justified. He says: ‘Hail to thee], (2) Oh divine [falcon(?)]c [. . . 14 or 15 groups . . .] his many [. . .], (3) [. . .] (4) love of [him](?) is (5) in my heart. . . .’” a. Broken and abraded. Cf. Urk. IV: 1728:9 b. If there were additional columns, they probably identified the wife. c. Restoration tentative: Wb. II: 363:9. The word bik does not seem to occur in the vocabulary as reflected in the Karnak talatat (see Meltzer 1988: 90), even though in the early stages of Amarna art the divine falcon is represented (D. Redford 1980: 21). Other possible restorations would be nṯr nṯry (Wb. II: 363:1) or sḫm-nṯry (Seyfried 1991: 29 text 1). If, however, the final glyphs before Parennefer’s toe, [. . .]·f ꜥšæ, connect with the top of col. 2, we should have to read “his many divine [. . .].”

5.  Wall block SII 3. Two others (SII 86 and SII 88) identifying Parennefer’s titles can be tentatively placed on this reveal, but a precise location is difficult to determine (see chapter 6).

The east reveal, on the left upon entering, once showed the couple facing toward the outside. This can be ascertained by a small portion of Parennefer’s foot, which is all that is left of the figures. They were undoubtedly depicted standing with arms raised in the attitude of inḏḥr·k, for before them is a text in eleven or twelve columns, comprising perhaps the earliest sun hymn known from the reign.6 The portion of wall beyond the sun hymn has been largely removed. The beautifully executed inscription shows intricately painted details on the subtly raised hieroglyphs.7 In some sections the paint remains in pristine condition. The hymn comprises five stichs scanned with a standard 3:3 beat. Though not metrically in balance, the brief hymn is built around a lexical variation in the human response to the power of the sun-disc: dwæ, “adoration”;8 inḏ-ḥr·k, “hail to thee . . . !”;9 ihy, “adulation, rejoicing”;10 hnw, “jubilation”;11 ḥknw, “acclamation, praise.”12

6.  See Sandman 1938: 141–42; Murnane 1995: 64–65; Assmann 1999: 210–23. 7.  At least two recovered wall blocks (H27 and H28) are part of the sun hymn text, but too much is missing to exact placement (see chapter 6). 8.  Schott 1990: 402–4. 9.  As a genre, Nelson 1949: 225 Fig. 21. 10.  P. Abbott 5,15; Leclant 1961: 26 n. a. 11.  Winlock 1921: 53–55. 12.  J.-Cl. Goyon 1972: 110 n. 242; Wilson 1997: 683–84.

Decorative Program

figure 3.8. Facsimile drawing of east reveal of entrance.

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Text 12

(1) [d]wæ ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty ḥ[ꜥy]a m rn·f m šw nty m itn [ḥm-nṯr tpy]b n Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy m æḫt m rn·f m šw nty m itn nsw-bity nb tæwy (2) [Nfr-ḫprw]-rꜥ [Wꜥ-n-rꜥ di ꜥnḫ] in wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy [Pæ-rn]-nfr ḏd·f inḏ-ḥr·k wbn·k m æḫtc sḥḏ·n·k šnt nt itnd nfrw·k ḥr tæw nbwe irt nb (3) gmḥ·sn [im·k]f rs·sn ḫft psd·k ꜥwy·sn m ihy n kæ·kg ntk nṯr ḳmæ ḥꜥw·snh ꜥnḫ·sn stwt·k ḥr tæ ir.sni (4) hnw [n wbn·k n ḥtp·k m-mitt] [mi] iry·i ḥknw n ḥr·k nfr [ḥr r]dwj n Ḥꜥy-m-æḫt (5) [. . .k ḥtp-di-nsw pæ itn ꜥnḫ di·f tæ ḥnkt kæ æpdw irp snṯr rn]pwtl n ḥtp-nṯrm prt m- (6) [bꜥḥn n kæ n iry]-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ sꜥæ·n nsw ḥr bit (7) [·f wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(1) [Ado]ration of ‘Live Re-Harakhtym he who rejoices in his name of “Light which is in the Disc”’ [and the first prophet] of Re-Harakhty who rejoices

in the horizon in his name of ‘Light which is in the Disc,’ King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, (2) [Nefer-kheperu]-re [Wa-enre, given life,] by the royal butler, clean of hands, [Paren]nfer, he says: ‘Hail to thee, when thou shinest in the horizon, having illumined the circuit of the sun-disc; thy beauty is in all lands. Every eye (3) [through thee] do they see, they awake when thou sheddest illumination, their arms raised in adulation to thy ka. Thou art the god that created their bodies; they live when thy rays strike the earth; they make (4) jubilation [at thy rising and setting likewise] just as I make praise to thy fair face [at the dais] of HimWho-Rejoices-in-the-Horizon (5) [. . . An offering that the king gives (to) the living Disc that he may grant bread, beer, beef, fowl, wine, incense, and] vegetables of the divine offering that come forth in [the presence, for the ka of the hereditary] prince, count, whom the king has magnified on account of [his] character, [the royal butler, clean of hands, Parennefer, justified].” a. There is insufficient space to accommodate the addition of m æḫt. Thus we must read the variant that occasionally occurs early in the reign. Cf. Urk. IV, 1962. b. The writing now lost in the lacuna at the top must have been abbreviated. For ḥm-nṯr tpy applied to Akhenaten, see Sandman 1938: 147:7; Fakhry 1935: 45, Fig. 5; Habachi 1965: 78, Fig. 7, Pl. 25A; Kees 1956: 370–71; Murnane 1995: 5, 65. Clearly the cleft in the “didactic” name effected by honorific transposition singles out Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty solely as the name. The “didactic” name, as used herein, represents the encapsulation of the essence of divinity, much like the mysterium fïdei of the Roman Catholic faith. With the introduction of the cartouches for the sun-disc, the didactic name occupied the ovals, and epithets identifying the location of the scene in question were added in advance of the cartouches. c. Cf. Sandman 1938: 90:17; Tobin 1986: 85; for wbn beginning a hymn, see ; Meltzer 1988: 88.

Decorative Program

d. Cf. Meltzer 1988: Fig. 9:40; r sḥḏ tæ nb m nfrw·k: Sandman 1938: 90:17–18; [s]ḥd tæwy m [nfrw·f(?)] . e. Bꜥḥ·n·k pt tæ m nfrw·k: Sandman 1938: 75:11–12; mḥ·n·k tæ nb m nfrw·k: Sandman 1938: 93, col. 2; dwæ Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty ḫft wbn·f m æḫt di nfrw·f n Tæ-Tmw: Drioton 1943: 26, Fig. 1. On nfrw, see Gundlach 2009: 139, n. 27. f. I take gmḥ as a second tense. In similar contexts the Amarna lexicon favors the verb ptr: Tobin 1986: 218, . For gmḥ, see Sandman 1938: 95:14: gmḥ tw irt nb r ꜥḳæ·sn, “Every eye sees thee right in front of them!” A similar thought in Sandman 1938: 23:4–5: stwt·f ḥr irt ptrw n ḳmæ·n·f nb, “his rays confer power of sight on all he created.” g. Cf. Sandman 1938: 91:13–14, rs pæ tæ r nhm, “the earth wakes to jubilation!” h. Ḳmæw, “creator,” Hannig 2006: 2520–21. While ḳmæ is a common verb at Amarna (Tobin 1986: 229), our phrase does not occur. On the theme of creation, see Lorton 1993: 136. i. Cf. Drioton 1943: 26, Fig. 1: ꜥnḫ·tw di·n·f stwt·f, “there is life when he bestows his rays!”; TS 8842: šæ ꜥnḫ nb st[wt] ir ḥḏḏwt, “he who ordains life, master of sun [rays], who creates brightness.” Cairo 12068: sḥḏ tæwy m stwt·f di·k nfrw, “O thou that illumines the Two Lands with his rays, mayest though bestow beauty . . . !” j. Restore from Amarna Tombs, vol. III: Pl. 28:3. k. One is inclined at first glance to restore rdw, “dais, terrace, staircase,” as Sandman 1938: 142:5 and Murnane 1995: 65. The line of the break above the d, however, which follows the contour of the lost sign above, does not exactly describe the curve of an r, but perhaps that of another “hand” (d). One can only be drawn toward reading ddw, and construing the word as dd, “grove” or “garden bower”: Wb. V: 502:1; Caminos 1954: 77; Fox 1985: 15, n. m. In the Late Period a Nebenform in the feminine is attested associated with Re-Harakhty and Hathor: Ricke 1935: 112, Pl. II. Whether “podium” or “bower,” the particular installation poses problems of identification. Arguably the focus of the Pr-itn, and its immediate successor,

43

the Gm-pæ-itn, was the so-called Re-Harakhty altar with its sloping ramp and recumbent baboons (ATP 1: Pls. 78–80; TT 188, north wall, west side: see below), not a “grove” (although trees are occasionally depicted: ATP 1: Pl. 92:6–7). A podium with staircase, where beef is offered and the king is lauded, might provide a more suitable venue for ḥknw (ATP 1: Pls. 72, 77; ATP II: 29–34). l. Roughly 1.45 meters missing; possible restore, in part, the rest of the didactic name. m. See TS 2702 (where the ḥtp-nṯr is linked with the ꜥæbt); Urk. IV: 1460:2. Although a ḥtp-di-nsw is possible, one wonders whether this final pericope ended in a precative, thus: [. . . di·k snm·tw·i m tæ ḥnḳt kæ æpdw irp rn]pwt, etc., “[. . . mayest thou cause that I be fed on bread, beer, beef, fowl, wine, and he]rbs, etc.” Cf. Urk. IV: 59, 911, 1055, 1867. n. For prt m bꜥḥ, see Tobin 1986: 108, 216: di·k n·i snw wꜥb pr m bꜥḥ·k, “mayest thou grant me pure food that comest forth in thy presence.” The following sections (3.4–3.14) comprise the transverse hall of the complex.

3.4. Granary Scene: North Wall, East Side [PM 3: I–III; 4: I–II] (Pls. 5 and 6; Fig. 3.9) Within the transverse hall, the north wall to the east of the entrance is devoted to scenes from daily life in which the tomb owner is depicted executing some of the duties of his office. These appear to include the collection and allotment of grain, wine, and fruit with respect to the temple endowment. It must be noted that apart from the royal kiosk, Panel A in Figure 3.9 is the facsimile drawing produced by Davies,13 here republished and fitted into the overview of the entire wall.14 Furthermore, many of the textual registers in Panels B and C are so faint that they defied pickup by the camera’s eye; neither are they placed fully in the facsimile drawings.

13.  Davies 1923a: Pl. XXV. 14.  The facsimile drawings of the royal kiosk and the remainder of scenes on the wall were the work of Theban Tomb Survey artists Rupert Nesbitt and Tannis Davidson.

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Figure 3.9. North Wall-East, Left Frame and Panel A (granary courtyard reproduced from Davies 1923a, Pl. XXV)

Decorative Program

3.4.1. Left Frame: Deceased Before the King [PM 3] (Frontispiece, Pls. 5, 7, 8 and 9; Fig. 3.9) To the left of the three registers, a nearly life-size depiction of the tomb owner, 1.8 meters in height, standing before the royal enclosure, dominates the entire wall. Here, as on the rest of the tomb’s walls, the importance of the tomb owner with respect to royalty is expressed by the large-scale format of the figures. Parennefer faces left toward the entrance and is portrayed in an attitude of respect, bowing from the waist with his left hand on the knee and his right hand raised to his mouth. The gesture signifies the tomb owner’s obsequious response to the king’s address to him. The figure is virtually intact save for his mutilated eye and hand to mouth, which may have been a symbolic attempt to blind and silence him. Parennefer’s speech, which includes an interesting veiled threat, appears in four columns of text above his head: Text 13

(1) [wbæ] nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy ḥsy mr nb tæwy [Nfr-ḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ] ḏd·f ir pæ (2) Rꜥa sw rḫw pæ ḥnwtyb nty ḥr rdit ḥr·f n ḥtp-nṯr ḫr ir pæ ḥnwty (3) nty n sw ḥr rdit

45

ḥr·f n ḥtp-nṯr n pæ itn ḫr di·fc sw m drt·k pæ (4) wnn ḫæ·tw bækwd n nṯr nbe m [i]p⟨t⟩ ḫæ·tw n pæ itn m wbn “(1) The royal [butler], clean of hands, favored and loved by the Lord of the Two Lands, [Neferkheperu-re Wa-en-re], he says: ‘As for (2) Re, he knows the operative who is diligent about the divine endowment! Now as for the operative (3) who is not diligent about the divine endowment of the SunDisc, he delivers himself into thy hand, (4) because the labor taxes (in grain) for every god are measured by (mere) oipe, (but) in superabundance do they measure for the Sun-Disc!’” a. One of the earliest examples of the reduction of aspects of solar power (rꜥ, šw, itn: Wb. II: 401:8; Wb. IV: 431:1) to generic hypostasis by the addition of the definite article. b. Derived from ḥn, “regulate,” through ḥnt, “task, job, assignment,” for which there are rules. “Administrative service”: Hannig 2006: 1692; Dévaud 1916: 21:96P; Grandet 1994, vol. 2: 196, n. 805. The term extends into the religious sphere: cf. irt ḥnt, “to perform the rites,” el-Sayed 1974: 37, n. 2; ḥnwtyw, divine creatures detailed to guard the gods: Gourlay 1979: 313–74. The ḥnty is a professional administrator, assigned a task within the government. c. Ḫr di·f sw: ḫr with indicative sḏm·f, a gnomic pattern in the Second Intermediate Period and 18th Dynasty: Urk. IV: 690:4–5; P. Berlin 1062:9–11; Anast. I:10.4; Astart 5y; KRI II: 65; sharing semantic space with the more frequently used ḫr + first present. d. Bækw: Wb. I: 428:6–14; Hannig 2006: 790. The term has been subjected to intensive study over the past decades: D. Redford 1988a: 41, n. 27; Bleiberg 1996: 4–5; van den Boorn 1988: 102; Römer 1994: 382–85; Warburton 1997: 297–99. The word seems best to cover a levy (unspecified) on “products of one’s own peculiar labor,” in the present case grain production. e. N nṯr nb: in several texts from the Theban years of the reign, mention is made of “gods” or of “every god (and every goddess)”: Traunecker 1984: 62–63; D. Redford 1988a: 30, Fig. 4; ATP 2099:7

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

(“house of this god”). These, however, emerge from a context of temple economy only and are an oblique way of referring to “Temple X.” Other references seem to satisfy the long-standing and not-to-be-ignored demands of the jubilee: ATP 2268:2 (goddess), 1275:7 (god—context unclear); 047901706 (nt-ꜥ nṯrw, “ritual procedures of the gods”—attribution to talatat collection unclear), 1952:2 (“[. . . on a carrying-ch]air of electrum, [he] seated [himself . . . in] the Gm-pæ-itn [. . .] more than all the gods . . .”—perhaps a statement of preference), 166:8 ([. . .] their [. . .] sustenance that sustains the people [. . .] therein, the heart of the gods is [. . .] thou art risen . . .”). None of these imply any belief in the reality of the continuing plurality of the supernatural. Parennefer is dressed in white garments consisting of a knee-length kilt with large apron and a short-sleeved shirt, both of which appear to be semitransparent. His hair is close-cropped and confined by a skullcap, and his feet are shod in sandals. In the space between Parennefer’s bowing figure and the front pole of the royal edifice is a caption in two rows: Text 14

(1) wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy [Pæ-rn-nfr] (2) spd ḥr m-bæḥ nb tæwy [m ẖrt hrw] nt rꜥ nb “(1) The royal butler, clean of hands, [Parennefer] (2) alert in the presence of the Lord of the Two Lands [on a daily basis] every day.”

The position of the hacked-out outlines of the king’s hands, which can be seen within the confines of the front pole, is all that remains of the standing royal figure within. One hand rests on the screen-wall of the enclosure; the other is raised, palm down, in a gesture of acknowledgment of the presence of the tomb owner. Between the king’s hands are two small rows of text, an order issued to Parennefer: Text 15

imy [ḥr]·k n ḥtp-[nṯr] n pæ itn “Give your attention to the divine endowment of the Sun-Disc.” The remnants of two cartouches appear side-by-side above the raised hand of the king. Although more than half of one of the rings is intact, what remains of the interior shows that the king’s name has been completely erased. The edifice in which the king stands is that of a garden pavilion such as are depicted in tomb reliefs at Amarna.15 The front half of the gazebo has for the most part remained intact. It is constructed with a checkered-patterned pole with a double lotus capital from which hangs a length of ribbon. Attached to the front pole is a protective screen wall enclosing the king’s figure. The king’s hand appears to rest atop the balustrade of the screen, which is depicted as having a decorated panel. The screen wall itself is mounted on a stepped dais. The decoration of the screen wall panel is the foreign captive motif (Pl. 9). What remains of a single large male figure can be seen, with a pointed beard and flowing robe, 15.  Amarna Tombs I: Pl. XXXI; III: Pl. XIV [Meryre]. Noted by Davies (Davies 1923a: 141). For possible graphic restoration, see chapter 5.

Decorative Program

portraying a foreigner of northern extraction. The stance of the figure implies arms pinioned behind his back and tied perhaps to a smæ-plant (missing) with papyrus fronds that engulf the captive.16 Undoubtedly, in the missing half, the northern captive was balanced by the like-sized and similarly positioned figure of a Nubian.17 A vertical column of text appears before the captive’s figure. The signs, unfortunately, are painted in the same dull red color as the background and as a result are difficult to discern:

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Text 17

Text 16

(1) [Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy] m æḫt [m] rn·f n šw (2) nt[y] m [itn] [nsw]-bity nb tæwy [Nfr-ḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ] di ꜥnḫ mi [Rꜥ] ḏt “(1) [Re-Harakhty, he who rejoices] in the horizon [in] his name of Shu (2) wh[o] is in [the disc], [the King of Upper] and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, [Nefer-kheperu-re Wa-en-re], given life like [Re] forever.” tæw nbw ḫæswt nbwt [dmḏ ẖr rdwy] nfr nṯr “All countries and all foreign lands together are under the feet of the Perfect God.” A border frames the decorative panel inscribed with the didactic name of the sun-disc and the king’s cartouche (excised). The hieroglyphic text, painted in the same dull red color as the rest of the screen, proceeds horizontally from left to right and then continues vertically at right:

16.  A similar screen decoration appears on a Ramesside royal pavilion (with the king positioned in the same manner as Akhenaten in our scene). See Davies, 1927: Pl. xxvii. 17.  For comparison, see a similar motif with multiple captives depicted on the window of appearances at Amarna (Amarna Tombs II: Pl. XXX [Meryre]; Amarna Tombs VI: Pls. XIX [Tutu] , IV [Parennefer]).

As for the dais, only a little more than half is preserved, including the five-step staircase at right. A mural of foreign captives is painted on its side (Pl. 8). Although badly faded and slightly smeared, various details of the painting are still discernible. The three foreigners, depicted in patterned robes, are representative of the far reaches of the Egyptian empire. Depicted are a cropped-haired Nubian, a Syrian sporting long hair with a fillet and a pointed beard, and a bald-headed Mittanian also with a pointed beard, all shown with their arms raised in supplication. They face left toward a large smæ-plant, the symbol of unity, and the men are tied to it and to each other by papyrus fronds about their necks.18 The scene is visually divided in half by the smæ-plant, on each side of which 18.  A similar dais design appears on a royal pavilion in the tomb of Neferhotep (TT 49) at Thebes. In this case, however, the captives are kneeling, and they have changed, replacing the Nubian with a Libyan. (Davies 1933a: Pl. XI). It also is shown on the Window of Appearance

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

there is a papyrus plant, symbolizing Lower Egypt, and a lotus plant, symbolizing Upper Egypt. The rest of the painting is gone, but it can be assumed that it was symmetrically balanced by three other figures of foreigners in the same pose, facing right with lotus fronds tied around their necks. 3.4.2. Panel A: The Granary Courtyard [PM 3 I–III] (Pls. 3 and 5; Fig. 3.9) The tomb owner’s presence before the king in his pavilion is given context in the next 2 meters of wall space. The action depicted is being carried out in a single locale, that of a large, open-air granary compound. From similar templates of such a facility found in other Theban tombs, this may well be identified as what was formerly the Granary of Amun,19 possibly located on the south side of the Temple of Amun20 and within the vicinity designated for the Aten temples. This section of wall is actually painted in equal tripartite registers. The artist, however, has cleverly melded the upper two together by adding a row of sycamore trees that overlap both registers and partially hide a ground line. In Register 1, crowded rows of cone-shaped piles of grain fill the available space that is confined at the top of the scene by a depiction of the white enclosure wall of the compound.21 Some grain piles are colored a deep amber, others a light cream, but all are detailed with dark red kernels. Even though the various colored stacks of grain are interspersed, they fall into two separate storage areas defined by a wall that divides them into groups of twelve and seven. The Egyptian artist’s lack of perspective in drawing is marked in the depiction of two gates that give access to the storage areas. Both are painted in frontal view. While the one at left is certainly to be viewed as in the Memphite tomb of Horemheb with more captives in number (Martin 1989: Pl. 19). 19.  Davies 1929: 41–49; van Siclen 1982: 31. Although van Siclen does not go so far as to identify Parennefer’s granary yard as that of the Granary of Amun, it seems probable that this enormous compound fully operational in the reign of Akhenaten’s father (see Kozloff 1992: 274), rather than be relocated or shut down, would have simply been given over and renamed as the Granary of the Aten. 20.  Van Siclen 1982: 30–31; Kozloff 1990: 64. 21.  The white walls of the compound compare with the granary complex identified as the “Granary of Amun” in TT 253 (Strudwick 1996: 37).

opening onto the courtyard, the other, centered on a white dividing wall,22 is to be interpreted at right angles and interior to the courtyard portal. In Register 2, a display of bustling activity is represented as going on in the granary courtyard. Both registers, continuing on into the middle wall panel, show similar activity relating to grain collection and measurement. At extreme left, three scribes face right with palettes raised in position for documenting the task at hand. Their costume, consisting of a flounced kilt, shirt, and long wig, is in keeping with their elevated status vis-àvis the other workmen in the scene. They stand beside a pile of grain while ten men, painted in echelon, bend over the pile with arms extended. Here is a graphic representation of the policy stated in Parennefer’s text (see above) being carried out: the workmen are shown with their hands “patting” down overfilled containers of grain, the superabundance accorded to the temple of the Sundisc. Directly behind them are five workers with besoms and winnowing scoops sweeping together the scattered kernels. One of the five is shown turning to face another group of five men whose demeanor of authority identifies them as belonging to a supervisory level. Behind them are another five individuals: four men brushing the ground and scooping up scattered grain into a second pile, one upright with a brush at his shoulder gesticulating(?) or handing something to one of the supervisors.23 The bottom Register 3 is for the most part a reduplication of the one above. The identical positions of the scribes, workmen, piles of grain, and even a small tree in both registers suggest that the artist is portraying a timelapsed sequence of the same people carrying out the same task. In the bottom register, however, the general movement of the groups of men suggests activity more in unison than in the scene above, thus giving the impression that the work has progressed in an orderly fashion.

22.  Or possibly a pathway through the complex (Davies 1923a: 46). 23.  Scenes of assessing and measuring grain are present in several 18th Dynasty tombs, of which a few show some artistic elements such as the arrangement and deportment of scribes and field hands that offer comparison to Parennefer’s vignettes. See TT 75 (Davies 1923b: Pl. IX); TT 253 (Strudwick 1996, vol. 2: Pl. XIII), and in comparison to Parennefer (Strudwick 1996, vol. 1: 37); TT 52 (Shedid and Seidel 1996: 38); TT 69 (Hawass and Taha 2002: Pl. XXIIb); TT 17 (Rostem 1948: 177, Fig. 17).

Decorative Program

3.4.3. Panel B: Measuring the Grain [PM 3 III] (Pl. 6; Figs. 3.10 and 3.11) The middle section of the north wall consists of three registers,24 two of which (middle and bottom) show a continuing progression from the granary courtyard. As was true in the courtyard of Panel A, these two nearly identical registers appear to show a slight time lapse of individuals in the same locale. In this middle panel, however, the activity seems to progress from the bottom register to the register immediately above. Finally, at top, a different locale is depicted in which the measurement of grain has proceeded to its next (and final?) stage. Hence, the numbering of the three registers in this panel follows this “reading” from bottom to top. The outer wall of the granary compound is clearly demarcated by a narrow, white, vertical band extending the length of both Registers 1 and 2. Curiously, however, it is ignored with the insertion of a single worker straddling both vignettes (between Panels A and B). At the bottom in Register 1, the worker has apparently scooped up a container of grain from the courtyard pile and is shown turning and emptying its contents into a 24.  Pommerening 2005: 333 (D80).

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basket being held by another workman who faces him. Previously filled baskets are shown on the shoulders of two men as they make their way through a corniced gate.25 Immediately on the other side of the portal is an individual sweeping the entry of loose grain with a short broom.26 To the right, two men have entered with baskets of grain on their shoulders, while a third worker bends to empty his burden onto a large grain pile. Two shirted overseers with flounced kilts stand at the extreme right, supervising the work detail. Above in Register 2, the workman who spans the extent of the courtyard wall is shown in the process of scooping up grain from the courtyard pile. The rest of the vignette displays an arrangement of the workmen in similar attitudes to their counterparts in the bottom register, with some slight variation of movement. Moreover, in this register we can see the flow of grain as it is being emptied onto the pile, a feature that was damaged in the bottom register. The only real change is in the positions 25.  The containers depicted appear to be of similar design to baskets that date from New Kingdom times. See, for example, Brovarski, Doll, and Freed 1982: 138, no. 136. 26.  The short-handled broom can be compared to those that date from New Kingdom times. See, for example, Brovarski, Doll, and Freed 1982: 139, no. 137.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 3.10. North Wall-East, Panel B, the granary compound.

Decorative Program

of the overseers: one of the two has now moved in front of the portal, replacing the figure of the sweeper who is no longer there. Both these registers show approximately sixteen vertical columns (5.5 cm wide) designed to receive texts. Only columns 1–7 on the right side of the lower register show identifiable traces of text and can be read. Many of these readings are conjectural. Text 18

(1) imy-r pr wr [. . .]a (2) n ḥm f Pæ (3) -rn- nfr mæꜥḫrw (4) ḥr ḏd [. . .]b wæḥ .tn it (5) ḫr(?) nṯr nfr mr·n(?) itn [. . .] nꜥæc (6) wbn n·tn pæ itn (7) n ḥtp ⟨·t⟩ rꜥd m imntt(?) (8–11) [. . . . . .] “(1) The chief steward, [trusted one(?)] (2) of His Majesty, Par- (3) -ennefer, justified, (4) [he(?)] speaks to the [. . .]: ‘Pile ye up the grain (5) for the Perfect God, beloved of the sun-disc [. . .] inasmuch as(?) (6) the Sun-Disc shines for you, (7) before sunset in the West(?). . . .’ (8–11) [. . . . . .].” a. b. c. d.

There is enough space for mḥ ib. Possibly n·sn. Restore n ꜥæ(t) n? Or ḥtp ⟨t⟩ Rꜥ m imntt, construing as an n sḏmt·f.

In Register 3, Parennefer is seated on a camp stool facing right. He holds a staff in one hand, and holds out the other in a gesture of giving directives to the men before him. Two scribes sit on the floor at his feet, one of which, holding a papyrus scroll with the ends of a tie string protruding from his fist, turns toward Parennefer gesturing obedience. The other scribe, his higher status

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denoted by full dress and long wig, holds out a measuring rod(?) decorated at the striker end with a uraeus, indicating an official procedure, or an allusion to Renenutet.27 With it, he levels off the contents of a measured container28 being held by a man of lesser rank facing him. The latter has a scribal palette tucked under his arm and kneels amid six small piles of kernels asymmetrically arranged around him. Another individual of his rank is shown sitting adjacent (above) on his haunches with an implement in hand. He strikes one of two small, domed piles before him, which in some way facilitates the filling of four storage jars nearby. Three of their colleagues stand watching the procedure at extreme right. One of the three holds out his scribal palette in front of him, while another beside him gestures with his hand to his mouth. These five men, including the seated individual who addresses Parennefer, are depicted shirtless and clean shaven, which befits their designation as middleranking overseers of the field. Six columns of text before Parennefer’s figure address directives to his overseers but are badly faded. On the right hand side are thirteen more columns of text that are for the most part likewise hard to read but, from what little can be seen, appear to be captions to the actions below: Text 19

27.  Davies compares it with one shown with a ram’s head (of Amun) depicted in TT 86 (Davies 1923a: 143, Pl. XXVIII; cf. Davies 1933a: Pl. X). A similar scene appears in a register in TT 75 (Davies 1923b: Pl. IX). For Renenutet and her role in the granary, see Te Velde 1977; Schmitz 1984; Leitz 2002–2003, vol. 6: 686–89. 28.  The straight-sided rimless vessel being depicted in the painting may be identified as the capacity measure for the standard hin. For an example of the genuine article, see Brovarski, Doll, and Freed 1982: 62, no. 36.

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(1) irt(?)a [ꜥḳw(?)] m nn n [ḥ]nwb r (2) [. . .]r (3) [. . .] nb . . . ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-Ḥr-æḫty m æḫt (4) m rn·f m šw nty m itnc . . . (5,6) [. . . traces only . . .]d “(1) . . . making rations in these [vesse]ls(?) for (2) [. . .] in order to (3) [. . .] every . . . ‘Live Re-Harakhty, he who rejoices in the horizon (4) in his name of ‘Light which is in the Disc’ . . . (5,6) [. . . . . .]e” a.

b.

c.

d. e.

Text 20

less likely (although my initial reading) would be . If is correctly read, it may be either a caption infinitive (as in the translation) describing the activity beneath, or a subjunctive in precative mode, “let rations be made. . . .” We have restored , but this might require more space than is available. An alternative reading might be , preferable, perhaps, because of the context of measurement. The reading of the didactic name here is not at all certain. The columns on the left may have contained Parennefer’s name and titles. Col. 6 might contain part of Parennefer’s titulary. The six columns on the left are very difficult to read. Davies (1923:Pl. xxviii, left) reads col. 7 mr . . . f(?) . . . ; I thought I saw r + circle + bookroll, thus rḫ. Col. 1 can be made out as irt (or rdit?) ꜥḳw m nn n. . . . Col. 2 is wholly beyond recall, I think, apart from an r at the bottom. Cols. 3 and 4 contain in part the didactic name of the Disc (early form). One might expect Parennefer’s name and title in the final columns. The fact that Parennefer is gesticulating might lead us to suspect that direct speech is involved and that a ḏd·f would not be inappropriate, but it would be difficult to insert such a group for reasons of space.

(7) rḫt(?)a (8) ḫæy (9) . . . [n šnwty]b (10) šæwc (11) [. . .] (12) it(?) (13) mꜥ šmꜥwd (14) imyw-r æḥwt nt šnwtye [n] (15) pæ ḥtp-nṯr . . . (16) m ḥtp wꜥb (17) pꜥt kæ æpdw tæ ḥnkt n (18) [. . .] nfr(?) . . . (19) [. . . . . .] (7) tally(?) (8) of the measurer (9) of the [gr] anaries(?) (10) šæw-vessels (11) [. . .] (12) grain (13) of Upper Egypt (14) the overseers of the fields of the granaries [of the] (15) divine endowment, f brought(?) (16) as a pure offering ⟨of⟩ (17) pꜥtloaf, beef, fowl, bread, and beer for (18) the Perfect God . . . (19) [. . . . . .].” a. Reading . b. The traces suit the context. For the title, see Eichler 2000: 42–46; Pommerening 2005: 14; for ḫæy at Amarna, see Sandman 1938: 12–13. c. Cf. Wb. IV: 433:12–13; Hannig 2006: 2435; the word may appear already in Old Egyptian: Posener-Kriéger 1976, vol. 2:380; du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: 119. The vessel is consistently associated with beer (cf. P. Boulaq 18: Pl. 30:22). Alternatively (and preferably?) one might restore wšmw, specifically a measuring vessel for beer, and often of metal: Urk. IV: 23:4, 828:7; Hannig 2006: 740–41. The determinative approximates the shape of the four red jars in the scene. d. One wonders whether the traces suit the inclusion of mḥty, thus . e. The traces suit. f. On the title, see Eichler 2000: 39; Berlev and Hodjash 1998: 42. On æḥwt, see Moreno Garcia 2006; Katary 1999. The “divine endowment” is the sum total of the landed and livestock holdings of a temple (Boswinkel and Pestman 1979: 116 and n. 17, ἱερὰ γῆ; Menu 1998: 326–27; Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 3: 205) and as such represents the “income” (προσόδον: Urk. II: 152) of the divine estate. In this case in this reference we would have our earliest allusion to the new, expanded estate of the sun-disc.

Decorative Program

Figure 3.11. Granary scene, Panel B, Register 3 (top) photograph of painted decoration, (bottom) facsimile drawing with restored text of epigrapher’s copy.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

3.4.4. Panel C: Sealing Wine Jars [PM 4 I–II] (Pl. 6; Figs. 3.12, 3,13 and 3.14) The remaining expanse of the north wall is balanced by scenes of Parennefer overseeing the assemblage of products from the vineyard and orchards for storage and distribution. The panel is arranged in two separate frames, which are each subdivided into two registers. Both frames are fronted by the figure of the tomb owner, facing right, striking a stance of authority. The large figures of Parennefer, double the size of all other figures on this part of the wall, are shown with cropped hair and dressed in a long, semitransparent robe. In Register 1, before Parennefer’s face and outstretched right arm are four columns (the first 23 cm deep), a band of text (34 cm long) above Parennefer’s head, and two columns behind his head: Text 21

(1) ḥsy ꜥæ mr nb tæwy imy-ib ꜥæ n Wꜥ·n·rꜥ [. . . 8 groups . . .] mt (2) y·f a wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy (3) imy-r pr Pæ-rn-[nfr] (4) ḏd·f imy ḥr·tn (5) r(?) [. . .] ir [. . .] n nb [. . . 2 or 3 groups . . .] (6) [m rdit(?)]b wnmw m-bæḥ [nṯr nfr(?) . . .] w·tn [. . .] sḏm·tn [ḏdt·n] (7) pæ imy-r pr wr nfr n·snc [sic] rꜥ nb wꜥbd ꜥwy·tn f [. . . 4 groups . . .]e . . .f šꜥyw n nṯr nfr hrw pn m mn n nḥḥ “(1) The greatly favored one, beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands, great confidant of Wa-en-re, (2) his reliable one, royal butler, clean of hands, (3) the steward Parennefer, (4) he says: ‘Give your attention (5) to(?) [. . .] doing [. . .] for the lord [. . . . . .] (6) [in placing(?)] edibles before the [Perfect God(?)] [. . . . . .] your [. . .]s . . . listen ye [to what] (7) the chief steward [says]: “May it go well with you [sic] daily! Keep your hands clean when [you] b[ear] rægeese and šꜥy-cakes to the Perfect God, this day and ever more!”’” a. For mty cf. Wb. II: 173:1–2; Hannig 2006: 1153–54; Doxey 1998: 316. It is possible that some other word is present here, mry or ḥis, although this would involve redundancy. b. There seems to be too little space for fæy or wæḥ. c. Very faint, but sn is arguably present. If, however, Parennefer is speaking to the servants, a second plural suffix would be required. A less likely restoration would be [pæ] imy-r pr wr mdw n·sn, “[the] chief steward speaks to them. . . .” d. Wꜥb in a factitive sense, a pi‘el-form, undoubtedly suggested by the epithet wꜥb-ꜥwy. e. Possibly restore f [æ·tn]. f. The traces suit a fowl, and possibly plural strokes; for the collocation of ræ-geese and šꜥytconfections, see Urk. IV: 761–63; cf. also Wb. IV: 421; Hannig 2006: 2427–28. Still in the top frame, two men approach the tomb owner from the right: one holding a basket of grapes, the other grape bunches tied with papyrus stems. Two stages of sealing and stamping wine jars are depicted in the registers behind them. In Register 1, a worker is depicted bending over several large vessels on stands doing something

Decorative Program

55

Figure 3.12. Facsimile drawings with restored texts of granary scene, Panel C, upper frame (left), lower frame (right).

to the neck of one,29 while his fellow worker applies a stamp to the neck of another amid baskets of grapes tied with lotus fronds. In Register 2, three workers are sealing large wine amphorae under a grapevine. The amphorae sit directly on the ground without ring stands for support, kept in an upright position by a cloth band around the necks of the group. The man on the right may be kneading clay for the stoppers, while his companion on the left rams the stoppers into place. The man in the center imprints the top with a stamp, while holding a small saucer in his 29.  This would be the spot on the shoulder where an ink docket might be written: Bavay, Marchand, and Tallet 2000.

other hand for moistening the stamp. Emanating from the extreme right corner of the register is a grape vine that grows upward and spreads horizontally across the heads of the men stamping the jars (Fig. 3.14). In the similarly arranged Lower Frame, three vertical columns extend in front of Parennefer’s face (first 93 cm deep; second 20 cm; third 18 cm), but the text within them is very faint. Parennefer stands, again facing right, with one hand draped over the top of a staff. A band of text, now illegible, extends above Parennefer’s head, containing in part the verb ḏd·f, “he says.” Two columns of text on the left behind Parennefer extend the entire height of the lower frame. The columns show a horizontal dividing line at the point where the upper and lower frames are separated:

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Text 22

(1) [sꜥæ]·na nb tæwy imy-ib mnḫ n ḥm·f imy-r ḥmwnṯrw n nṯrw nbw šmꜥ mḥw imy-r pr wr [nt] (2) [nswbity Nfr-ḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ]b (3) [imy-r wr pr Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw]c (4) [. . .] tm ḥms·tn n st pr-ꜥæ ꜥt·s nb [. . . wꜥbw(?) . . .] n nfr [. . . 40 cm . . .] (5) ir tw·tw r ḏd n·tn in sw in sw ir·n ir·n r iry ḫr ḏd·tn [. . . 20 cm . . .] “(1) Whom the Lord of the Two Lands magnified(?), good confidant of His Majesty . . . (?) archbishop [of all the god]s(?) of South and North, chief steward (2) [of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferkheperu-re Wa-en-re], (3) [the chief steward, Parennefer, justified]. (4) [. . .] completely(?)d that you may sit/dwell in the place of Pharaoh. Its every pantry is [pure(?)] and well [. . . 40 cm . . .]. (5) If One shall saye to you: ‘Bring it! Bring it!’ ‘Yes, we’ll do it! We’ll do it dutifully!’f that’s what you shall sayg [. . . 20 cm . . .].” a. Doubtful restoration. An s seems to be in evidence on the right side of the column. b. Intentionally erased. c. Conjectural restoration.

d. The text is difficult. If tm has been correctly read, two possibilities offer themselves. The one adopted here would construe tm as part of an adverbial context to be the concluding element in the preceding (lost) statement of Parennefer. Ḥms·tn could then be understood as a subjunctive. But it remains possible that we have an example of those rare cases where the suffix subject gravitates anomalously to the negatived verb (Gardiner 1957: §343 [end]; Edel 1955–1964: §1102, §1115). The result would be a negative subjunctive—namely, “that you may not sit.” e. For the third future found in the protasis of a condition (rare), see P. Mayer A rs. 1, 16; P. Mayer B, 5; possibly also Wenamun 2,32; 2,60; Amenemope 17,11; 25,9; cf. Gardiner 1957: §332. The third future is conspicuous by its absence from Amarna Egyptian: Tobin 1986: 331. f. R-iry, lit. “thereto.” g. For ḫr + subjunctive as a species of tempus consuetudinis, sharing semantic space with ḫr + first present, cf. Urk. IV: 690:4–5; P. Berlin 1062: 9–11; Anast. I: 10,4. Parennefer views two rows of men approaching him with products in hand. Register 3, above, shows one individual kissing the earth before his master.30 He is followed by six others bearing bunches of grapes and stands with heavily laden baskets full of this fruit. Register 4, below, shows a group of four or five(?) men in echelon respectfully bowing toward Parennefer. Behind them, four individuals (the fourth figure almost completely obliterated at the end of the scene) bring large bouquets of plants and flowers. One figure appears to be squatting possibly arranging a large bowl of grapes on a trestle stand, but the wall is broken at this point. A grape vine motif in similar arrangement to the one in Register 2 frames the scene.

30.  On proskynesis, usually before king or god, see Fischer 1982.

Decorative Program

Figure 3.13. Facsimile drawings with restored texts of granary scene, Panel C, upper frame (left), lower frame (right).

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Figure 3.14. Detail photograph of Register 2, Panel C, stamping the wine jars.

3.5. Vintage Scene: East Wall, North Side [PM 5] (Pl. 10; Fig. 3.15)

Thematically, the scene on the north wall depicting the sealing and stamping of wine jars continues from the wine-production scene on the north side of the east wall.31 The partially preserved painted mural takes up the expanse of wall adjacent to the north wall to the point of the engaged pillar. In the main panel of this scene, commanding about one-third of the entire painted surface, is a kiosk positioned at upper right. Only the top and bottom corners of the enclosure are preserved, but these indicate a standard canopy with unbroken cornice in a style typical of the preceding reigns. The king undoubtedly sat within, which accounts for the deliberate destruction of the image. The scanty remains of a ten-column inscription adjacent to the front pole of the kiosk give evidence that a missing figure of Parennefer undoubtedly stood at the foot of the edicule making his report to the king:

31.  Facsimile drawing by Davies 1923a: Pl. XXVI.

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.15. East Wall, the vintage scene (Reproduced from Davies 1923a, Pl. XXVI).

Text 23

(1) [. . .] (2) mḥ-ib n nṯr nfr [. . . æwbæ-nsw] (3) wꜥbꜥwy [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] (4) ḏd·f n [. . .] (5) ḥnw [. . .] (6) [. . . traces . . .] (7–8) [. . . . . .] (9) [. . .] mæ [. . .] “(1) [. . .] (2) trusted of the Perfect God . . . [the royal butler], (3) clean of hands, [Parennefer, justified], (4) he says to [. . .].a (5) vessels(?) [. . .]. (6–8) [. . .] (9) [. . .] seen [. . .].”

a. The implication is that he is speaking to the king, but the exact mode of address is not known. Interestingly, pictured above these columns of text is the image of the snake goddess, Renenutet, Mistress of the Granary, upon a papyrus-front pedestal.32 The goddess appears in similarly executed vintage scenes in earlier Theban tombs, specifically within the grounds of the Amun granary, again pointing to the use of a template by artists in depicting a specific location.33 Six baskets of grapes atop low tables are pictured surrounding the goddess’s podium. 32.  For this goddess, see Broekhuis 1971. 33.  Van Siclen 1982: 28–38.

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Wine processing activities occupy a register at the bottom extending the full length of the wall (see Pl. 10b), and a sidebar of three superimposed vignettes to the left of the main panel.34 In the register, at the bottom right of the scene, Parennefer stands gesticulating with his right hand, facing left, while his left hand holds a long staff. His costume consists of a shirt, a shendyet-kilt, and a sheer overgown. Before him seven servants pick grapes from vines supported by a pergola with five light columns, while on the left two men deposit the grapes in some kind of cornered storage area, now lost. In the upper vignette of the sidebar on the left, eight men tread out the grapes in a wine vat under a poled canopy, while one other worker stands between them in a gesture of speech perhaps indicative of his role in keeping them in rhythm. In the lower (badly preserved) frame men squeeze the grapes in the sack-press.35 Between them36 in a vignette divided into three subregisters, five men pour the wine into amphorae using the tall, slender decanting jars.

3.6. Orchard Scene: Engaged Pillar on the East Wall [PM 6] (Fig. 3.16) Painted at right angles to the vintage scene, a badly faded mural is discernible at the top of the engaged pillar. An orchard is depicted with five workers picking fruit from trees. In one of the trees is a small boy who hands down fruit to the worker below. Beneath the trees are baskets filled to capacity. Another vignette was painted immediately below this but is no longer visible. A painted fragment recovered from one of the shafts showing a worker’s feet appears to have come from this pillar.37

34.  In general, see Meyer 1986; Lucas and Harris 1989: 16–24; Lerstrup 1992; Poo 2001; Murray 2000b. 35.  For a similar scene, see Davies 1922–1923, vol. 1: 64, 65. 36.  On the anomalous position, see Lerstrup 1992: 72 n. 48. 37.  Wall block SIV 45 (see chapter 6).

Figure 3.16. Engaged pillar, the orchard scene.

Decorative Program

3.7. Scene of Bringing Cattle: West Wall, North Side [PM 11: I–II] (Pls. 19 and 20; Fig. 3.17)

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preserved figure of the tomb owner has suffered much damage. The deterioration of the painted surface has left it clearly outlined in red ink lines with the artist grid now in evidence (see Pl. 20a).38 The left side figure of Parennefer also faces right, but here with his arms by his side. There is also a slight variation in his dress: he wears a short-sleeved shirt with a long transparent skirt over the knee-length kilt, with sandals on his feet. Two columns of text are placed on the extreme right of the scene, between the bouquets held by the tomb owner and the lower register line: Text 24

It should be noted that like both the east wall and north wall to the east of the doorway, the west wall and north wall to the west of the doorway also depict Parennefer performing his primary job of “royal butler, clean of hands.” As purveyor of drink and victuals to the court, the themes addressed east of the entranceway are the production of wine and beer and the storage of grain; west of the entranceway the production of livestock dominates the subject matter (see Pl. 19). In its present state, the north wall west of the entrance preserves its decoration at the extreme top and bottom, and at the two ends, leaving enough to establish that the “reading” of the paintings must begin on the adjacent west wall, where cattle are being brought with the tomb owner leading the way carrying a bouquet. Here, in two separate frames, one above the other, commences a procession toward the temple scene that occupies the adjacent north wall. 3.7.1. Upper Frame [PM 11:I] Two figures of Parennefer drawn to the height of the frame flank each end. The figure on the right side faces right clad in a short kilt and short-sleeved shirt, with sandals on his feet. His arms are bent and extended outward holding two bouquets of lotuses and herbs. This partially

(1) msi rnpwta nb[t] nfrt wꜥbt ḫæw nb nḏm sti m [imn] y[t] (2) nt rꜥ nbb wꜥb sp sn ⟨ḥr⟩ ꜥwy sæ·k nsw [Nfrḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ] in ḥsy mri nb tæwy (3) [wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw]c “(1) Bringing various fine and pure herbs and various sweet-smelling plants from the offering menu (2) of every day—pure! pure! upon the hands of thy son, King [Nefer-kheperu-re Wa-en-re]—by him that is praised and loved of the Lord of the Two Lands, (3) [the royal butler, clean of hands, Parennefer, justified].”

38.  For discussion of the artist’s grid, see Robins 1994: 108–15; Robins 2001: 60–63; Bryan 2001: 64; Hartwig 2004: 21–22.

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a. See Dittmar 1986; Koemoth 1994: 37–38; Baum 1988: 102. b. As closely tied to the “endowment” (ḥtp-nṯr) as it was (KRI II: 532:2, 878:12), the daily menu will have fallen within Parennefer’s bailiwick: sources of supply include pantries (KRI II: 347:14–16), cattle stalls (KRI II: 510:8; Urk. IV: 188:10), and food production units (KRI II: 533:15). For a imnyt list inscribed in a scene depicting the Gm-pæ-itn’s pylon, see ATP 1: Pl. 56. c. Above Parennefer’s head (lost). Whether a third column, now lost, continued with the conventional titles and name of Parennefer cannot be discerned. Between the two figures of the tomb owner, the remainder of the upper frame is divided into two registers. In the upper register, servants, of which only the partial figures of two are preserved, bear bunches of herbs(?) and flowers. In the lower register, what remains are the hind parts of two groups of cattle with the second being driven by a servant leading them right. 3.7.2. Lower Frame [PM 11:II] Unlike the upper frame, the paint of the remaining mural of the lower frame is much better preserved. Unfortunately, it occupies a section of wall so damaged that the overall thematic content is unclear. To the right, traces of Parennefer’s figure can be seen facing left dressed in a long, transparent gown over a kilt and shod in sandals. Behind him, drawn on a smaller scale, stands a servant in white kilt and sporran, also facing left (see Pl. 20b). Above the servant’s head, in the upper right corner of the frame, were at least four columns of text, but the few traces do not permit a connected reading. Two columns of text are set between the figures of the servant and Parennefer. They clearly connect with columns now lost, further to the left or above:

Text 25

(1) [. . . ḫæw nb] r sꜥn[ḫ s] n n nhn·tw·f a (2) [ꜥšæ ḫ]t rḫ di[t it]n ⟨r⟩ iꜥ ib·f b “(1) [. . . all sorts of herbs] ⟨to⟩(?) sustain [th]em; he is one that lacks nothing. (2) Nu[merous are the th]ings [the Sun-Disc] is able ⟨to⟩ give to the slaking of his heart’s desire!” a. The context, which features very large cattle, calls for some commentary. The verb is probably nhi, “to lack,” in the sense (also found at Amarna) of “he (is the one that) lacks nothing”—i.e., he is a perfect specimen: Wb. II: 280:12. Less likely is either hn, in the sense of, “(forcibly) bend down (the head),” an allusion to the act of felling cattle (Wb. II: 494:10, in an extended sense; cf. Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 2: 232; Lesko 1984, vol. 2: 83–85); or nhm, “to lean for support” (Wb. II: 286:5). b. A common expression of joy and gratitude at the largesse of god or ruler: D. Redford 1970: 213, n. 3. A preserved piece of the painted mural upper left of center reveals that the lower frame as well was divided into two registers. In this small intact section of Register 1, two servants are depicted facing each other and arranging flowers upon a stand. The remainder of the left side of the entire frame is missing save the border.39 39.  A recovered fragment (SIII 34) that possibly shows a red-outlined figure carrying something(?) may belong on the lower frame of this wall (see chapter 6).

Decorative Program

Figure 3.17. West Wall, the cattle-bringing scene.

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3.8. The Per-Aten Complex: North Wall, West Side [PM 10] (Pls. 21–24; Figs. 3.18–3.20)

wall. A similar text occurs in three columns over Parennefer’s shoulder and behind him:

In its present ruined condition this wall preserves its decoration only at the extreme top and bottom, and at two ends (see Figs. 3.18 and 3.20), but enough remains to establish the following. First, the wall’s decoration, once stretching approximately 6.75 meters between the northwest corner and the entranceway, was apportioned among three panels: Panel C, on the right nearest the entryway, is a little over 2.1 meters wide; Panel A, on the left, seems to be approximately 2.0 meters wide; Panel B, center, is approximately 2.5 meters wide and was separated from A and C with two vertical lines. Second, in the right and left panels (and probably in the middle as well), the king was depicted proceeding to the right on foot, with Parennefer following and carrying a bouquet. Third, the dominant feature of Panel C was the Re-Harakhty altar. The discovery of the decorated fragments recovered from the tomb’s shafts permit us to fill in some gaps.

Text 26

3.8.1. Panel A: King and Parennefer in Colonnaded Way On the extreme left in the corner stood the king, whose blue crown can barely be made out in outline, with Parennefer shown on a slightly smaller scale behind him (see Pl. 22). The tomb owner still carries bunches of herbs, putting the viewer in context with the scene on the west

(1) mst rnpwyt (2) nbt in iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ wꜥ iḳr (3) mri nb tæwy ḥsy ꜥæ nṯr nfr wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy [Pæ-rn-nfr] [mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(1) Bringing herbs (2) of all kinds, by the hereditary prince and count, uniquely competent, (3) beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands, greatly praised by the Perfect God, royal butler, clean of hands, [Parennefer, justified].”

Decorative Program

Figure 3.18. North Wall-West, the Per-Aten complex, Panel A (facsimile drawing).

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The act is thus ritual in nature and associated with the daily offering menu. Close examination of the panel reveals two bands of partly preserved columns (originally ca. 30 cm deep) providing a border above and below the king and Parennefer, who are making their way across a colonnaded way. At both the top and the bottom of the panel are small sections showing a line of columns having closed lotus-form capitals (see Pl. 23). It should be noted that, in talatat depictions of the jubilee, such columns are found in the palace.40 If a vertical line from the next separates each panel, the scheme of movement down a transit axis would demand apertures. Another wall fragment partly blackened with soot provides this requisite.41 On it appears the broken cavetto cornice of a gate and horizontal torus, with the flanking battered inner edges of the pylon massifs. The dimensions permit the reconstruction of a pylon with overall dimensions circa 40–50 centimeters in width and circa 25–30 centimeters in height. The original placement of the pylon is likely to have been on the right side of the panel, straddling a putative vertical line separating Panels A and B, the forward limit of the temple complex proper. Another fragment depicting an open lotiform capital in yellow with red outline may indicate an outwork of the pylon.42 Said pylon would then be the egress from Panel A into whatever space is represented in the middle panel.

altar are decorated with kneeling figures in groups of two separated by columns of text—the spacing of the columns on the right suggests that at some point the number was reduced to a single figure—performing the rite of hy-hnw. The full text of each column, recoverable from the traces, would be:

3.8.2. Panel B: Open-Air Offering Tables

The first figure in each group, then, and the only one in the reduced format to the right, is that of the king. Who the second figure is in the two metopes beneath the slope of the ramp cannot be ascertained by caption or appearance, but it is a fair guess to suggest a bæ of Pe or Nekhen. The decoration parallels that of the so-called Re-Harakhty altars in the Gm-pæ-itn.43 Here either the king is shown as celebrant elevating the offerings, or the “Souls of Nekhen” perform hy-hnw. In Parennefer’s case, a trace of preserved paint suggests that toward the middle of the side of the altar a standing figure faced left holding a wæsscepter. This can only be the anthropomorphic depiction of the falcon-headed Re-Harakhty. To judge from one fragment,44 which must fit here, the sloping balustrade

The middle panel is clearly demarcated on the right by a vertical line, as possibly also on the left (see above), but apart from this there is little more left to describe the complete scene. One thing is clear: the flanking colonnades found in Panel A are here replaced, at least at the bottom of the scene, by a frieze of rekhyet-birds on plates, their (human) hands raised in adoration (see Pl. 24). This frieze would have accommodated approximately fourteen or fifteen repetitions of the motif. The rekhyet-birds appear to be the decoration of the dais of a large, flat-topped altar, at least 40–45 centimeters high, approached by a sloping ramp. The sides of the 40.  ATP 1: Pls. 59–60. 41.  Wall block Hx+3 (see chapter 6). 42.  Wall block SII 192 (see chapter 6).

Text 27

irt hy-hnw i[n] nsw-[bity Nfr-ḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ ꜥæ] m ꜥḥꜥw di ꜥnḫ “Performing hy-hnw b[y] the King of Upper [and Lower Egypt Nefer-kheperu-re Wa-en-re, long] of lifetime, given life!”

43.  ATP 1: Pls. 78–80. 44.  Wall block H37 (see chapter 6).

Decorative Program

was adorned with figures of the prostrating king along with blue spotted baboons with red faces, raising arms in adoration.45 We can scarcely doubt that again the king and Parennefer were the main, if not the only, participants in the scene, the king upon the altar and Parennefer behind. Indeed, the balustrade fragment shows the king’s ankle at an angle climbing the ramp and outlines the king’s foot on the ramp behind it. Other than that, no fragment found to date yields a trace of the rest of the king’s figure, but Parennefer may be represented by a block that shows the back of a close-fitting blue wig of a man facing right, with traces of the epithet [wꜥb]-ꜥwy, “pure of hands,” behind him.46 His shoulder would have almost touched the vertical line in raised relief, which must mark the left edge of the panel. What perhaps would be near to Parennefer’s feet is a trussed bull next to the altar’s ramp at the base line, followed by a badly faded nondescript form.47 Traces of the decoration of the upper left part (i.e., above Parennefer’s head) may be contained in five fragmentary blocks. One displays two vertical columns of text, perhaps in an extended series, containing the early form of the didactic name of the Disc followed by the titles and cartouches of the king.48 Each column is bound right and left by vertical torus molding, thus denoting piers: these are, appropriately enough, depicted in slightly molded plastered relief. Another bears traces of the didactic name again written horizontally.49 Unquestionably, what is being depicted is a colonnade of piers with architrave. It seems likely that three small additional fragments showing linear and rectilinear designs come from the same architectural representation. Partially still intact is the offering table that stood on the broad top of the altar at the right side, immediately adjacent to the vertical line forming the right-hand boundary of the panel (see Fig. 3.19). The end portion of a censer atop the offerings, undoubtedly in the hands of the king, thus reveals the nature of the cultic act.50 A large 45.  Davies believes the block fits here (Davies 1923a: 145; Pl. XXVIII D). See for comparison ATP 1: Pl. 78. 46.  Wall block SII 229 (see chapter 6). 47.  See possible scene reconstruction in Fig. 5.4. 48.  Wall block SIII 20 (see chapter 6). 49.  Wall Block SII 42 (see chapter 6). 50.  Noted by Davies’s keen eye (1923a: 144), and still in place but difficult to see due to the overlying plaster that has fallen away.

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fragment shows parts of the offerings, which included pigeon, haunches of beef and flowers.51 Some other fragments recovered with nondescript rectilinear designs and traces of text with names of the sun-disc and the king might conceivably come from the table itself.52 3.8.3. Panel C: Offering on the Re-Harakhty Altar The components of the right panel have been known since Davies first examined the wall,53 but we have been able to add some further elements. The decoration occupies horizontally a little over 2 meters of wall space and terminates on the right by the inner western corner of the outer door (see Pl. 21). The scene is dominated by an altar or podium with cavetto cornice approached by a ramp, the sides of which are decorated by three falcon-headed Souls of Pe performing hy-hnw. In attempting to identify the sacred space that the wall is depicting schematically, this altar at the far end of the wall adjacent to the entrance stands out as a crucial piece of evidence. It has long been dubbed “the Re-Harakhty altar,” for it is in fact the sun god who is being worshiped thereon. In the talatat scenes, such an altar drawn on a large scale clearly occupies the focal point of the proceedings and significantly is said to be in the Gm-pæ-itn.54 As to the name by which it is designated, it very likely is the rdw n Ḥꜥy-m-æḫt, “the staircase of HeWho-Rejoices-in-the-Horizon,” which is mentioned in the hymn to the Disc on the east reveal of the outer door to Parennefer’s tomb (see section 3.3). The king, whose figure for the most part is gone, stands on a register line that extends backward partly off the summit of the podium. This expedient may have been imposed on the artist because of the reduced space available for the podium, which was occupied entirely by the offering table and god. He wears the blue crown and is protected above by the hovering vulture. Curiously, in what can only be a later modification, two sunrays, one with hand turned toward king, are depticted before the

51.  Wall block H31 (see chapter 6). 52.  For comparison, see ATP 1: 20–22, Fig. 3–5. 53.  Davies ibid. 54.  ATP 1: Pls. 78–80. A earlier structure of a similar nature, dedicated to Atum, is shown in the plan of the temple of Hathor (30th Dynasty) at Heliopolis: Ricke 1935: 116; Pl. 3.

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king’s forehead.55 A wall fragment recovered from Shaft #3 depicting the finial of a censer with the king’s hand can be inserted with confidence.56 Another separate fragment depicts the flame of a censer embraced by sunrays,57 but the angle of the rays best fits with the censer in Panel B.58 The form in which the sun god is depicted in the scene is not immediately apparent, but upon close examination the toe of a figure facing left with the bottom of a staff on the base line can be detected. Significantly, similar remaining elements on the decoration of the altar in Panel B, and the depiction of the spread-winged vulture in the top left corner of the scene, therefore militates in favor of the traditional anthropomorphic representation of the god.59 Between the vulture and the top of the king’s crown, part of the king’s cartouche is in evidence: Text 28

utilized here is reminiscent of the tombs of the high officials of Amenhotep III and those of the interregnal period, such as Khaemhat (TT 57), Ramose (TT 55), and Kheruef (TT 192). This technique was introduced in the Theban area in Year 28 of Amenhotep III. The king’s migration south in that year from the then capital of Memphis,61 which might have been due to health reasons,62 undoubtedly prompted a relocation of the entire court, including the finest craftsmen in the country. It was this northern influence, with its exquisitely fine modeling in low limestone relief, that replaced the rather harsh, flat painting technique and inferior artistic quality of the Theban schools, at least in tombs of those officials favored by the king. While not as precisely detailed as the Ramose and Kheruef reliefs, particularly the hieroglyphs, the graceful lines of Parennefer’s reliefs are conspicuously in the Memphite style. Above Parennefer’s head is carved a text in six columns (see Fig. 3.19): Text 29

[Imn-Ḥtp] nṯr ḥḳæ Wæst ꜥæ m ꜥḥꜥw·f di ꜥnḫ “[Amenhotep], the divine ruler of Wēse, long in his lifetime, given life.” Behind the king at ground level stands the bowing Parennefer. He wears a gown extending to midcalf and proffers flowers, as indicated by the five more recovered blocks showing torso, shoulders, and hands grasping the stalks of the plants.60 The royal offering scene is well executed in low raised limestone relief. The delicate, wafer-thin technique 55.  For further discussion, see chapter 5. 56.  Wall block SIII 1 (see chapter 6). The fragment has black soot adhering to it, which gives indication that it was still on the wall in modern times when locals occupied the tomb. 57.  Wall block H24 (see chapter 6). 58.  Wall block SIV 10 (see chapter 6). The fragment depicts a painted relief of a vulture’s wing, which indicates a similar motif in Panel B. 59.  Smith and Redford 1976: 53, Pl. IV, VIII; Aldred 1968: Pl. 27. 60.  Wall blocks H14, H20, H98–001, SII 58, and SIII 52 (see chapter 6). For additional commentary and a graphic restoration, see chapter 5.

61.  D. Redford 1984: 44. 62.  D. Redford 1984: 52.

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Figure 3.19. Partially intact king’s cartouche and columned inscription of Panel C.

(1) msi rnp[wt nbt] nfrt wꜥbt n ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy ma (2) rn·f m Šw n[t]y [m] itn [sæ·k] mr[y·k]b (3) nṯr [nfr] nb tæwy [mry itn]c nsw-bity [Nfr-ḫprw]-rꜥ [Wꜥ-n-rꜥ] (4) [di·k n·f nsyt Rꜥ m] pt gnwt·k [ḥr] nst[·f] tp tæd (5) [iry-pꜥt ḥty-ꜥe . . .] [sꜥæ·n] nb·f f r imy-[ib] n Ḥr (6) [ḥsy ꜥæ nb] tæwy wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r ḥmw-nṯr n nṯrw nbw [Pæ]-rn[-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(1) Bringing [various] fine and pure herbs for ReHarakhty, he who rejoices in (2) his name of ‘Light which is in the Disc,’ [and(?) thy son] whom [thou lov]est (3) [the Perfect] God, Lord of the Two Lands, beloved [of the Disc(?)], King of Upper and Lower Egypt, [Nefer-kheperu]-re [Wa-en-re]. (4) [‘May thou bestow on him the kingship of Re in]

heaven, thine annals upon [his] earthly throne!’ (5) [The hereditary prince and count, . . .] [whom his lord magnified(?)], to be(?) trusted one of Horus, (6) [greatly praised of] the [Lord] of the Two Lands, the royal butler, clean of hands, archbishop of all the gods, [Pa]ren[nefer, justified].” a. There is no space unaccounted for at the bottom of the first column, as the flowers Parennefer is holding extend upward within a centimeter or two of the m-sign. Unless this is a mental lapse on the part of the draftsman scribe, should we consider this an early though rare variant of the first stage of the didactic name? For the extensive

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Figure 3.20. North Wall-West, the Per-Aten complex, Panel C (facsimile drawing).

Decorative Program

b.

c.

d.

e. f.

bibliography, see Fecht 1960: 102–108; Assmann 1975: 529–30; Hornung 1999: 33–34; Leitz 2002– 2003, vol. 5: 33. The allusion to the king cannot be to his agency (necessitating in), but, as in the hymn on the reveals of the front door, he is coupled with the Disc as recipient. Since the piece is directed toward the Disc, addressed in the second person, a restoration of sæ·k mry·k would suit both sense and space. Barely admissible because of space limitations might be sæ·k pr m ḥꜥw·k, “thy son who came forth from thy limbs”: Sandman 1938: 96:1–2, cf. 54:2, 75:12, 78:1, etc. A restoration mry + sun-disc is probable. At some time in the reign mry itn came into vogue: von Beckerath 1999: 142–43. Pr-itn is ubiquitous in the talatat, but conceivably it could be rendered by the simple disc: cf. ATP 355:1, 1528:10; Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. XX; F. Ll. Griffith 1889: xiii, 9,11, where the disc is identified by the word itn. The most likely restoration is nsyt nt Rꜥ (cf. D. Redford 1986: 68–70, nos. 29, 37, 38, 40, 73, 79, 84), less likely ꜥḥꜥw n Rꜥ (D. Redford 1986: nos. 15, 55). Wall Block H19 (see chapter 6). Also, restores bottom of ḥsy at top of col. 6. The traces might be restored sꜥæ·n nb·f, “whom his lord magnified.” The r, however, cannot be satisfactorily construed, unless as an indicator of futurity and linked to what follows: “whom his lord exalted to (the status of) confidant of Horus.”

To conclude: what we have on Parennefer’s north wall, reflecting his agency in helping build the Pr-itn, is the earliest example of a processional involving that complex. It incorporates, from left to right, the elements: palace (the colonnade), transit corridor, pylon, two open courts, the piers, and the Re-Harakhty altar. What is missing cannot help but attract attention: the colossoi against the piers and the open-roofed kiosks, both in place for the sd-festival. In fact, the scene depicts the Pr-itn in its earliest state, before part of it was transformed into the Gm-pæ-itn.

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3.9. The Reward Scene: South Wall, East Side [PM 8:I–II; 9:I–II] (Pls. 11–15; Figs. 3.21–3.25) The thematic content of the south wall to the east of the passage to the inner shrine is that of the reward of Parennefer for his service to the king.63 This extensive scene of reward was laid out in essentially two long horizontal frames of nearly equal height and length that are fronted by the depiction of the king within the royal baldachin at extreme right (see Fig. 3.21). As might be expected, these are almost always ceremonies that take place in the vicinity of a palace setting.64 While there is no reference to the locale of Parennefer’s reward in the accompanying inscriptions, his duties as royal butler places him in the palace context.65 Twice in TT 188 the king appears in the court in a formal context (as opposed to his cultic function on the north wall), and in both cases, here and on the western side of the south wall, he is seen in a kiosk on a dais. Much of the decoration on this wall has not survived, since at some later time two cavern-like niches were excavated into the lower part of the wall, effectively destroying major sections that depict the figure of the tomb owner and his entourage. A stark white background provides high contrast for hieroglyphs filled in with light blue paint, a color palette typical of the tombs at Akhetaten (see Pl. 15). A kheker frieze extends over the entire length of the upper panel. 3.9.1. Royal Baldachin (Figs. 3.21 and 3.22) The scene of reward begins before the royal baldachin that occupies almost a full third of the entire wall. The edifice, having a raised dais with an entry ramp, is constructed of two light poles with lotus capitals. An ornate canopy is pictured having a double cornice (perhaps an attempt 63.  The importance of the scenes on the back walls of 18th Dynasty Theban tombs has been discussed by Hartwig 2004: 18. 64.  For a discussion on this, see Binder 2008, 198–200. Rekhmire’s reference (Urk. IV: 1159:10–13) must be excluded. Here the vizier is merely greeting his traveling sovereign with bouquets, as is often done by court grandees on the king’s arrival back home from a journey. For further discussion and commentary on the venue and mechanics of the reward scene in TT 188, see sections 4.3 and 5.2. 65.  One of Parennefer’s contemporaries at Amarna, Pentu, is similarly rewarded by the king under a baldachin that is clearly shown to be within the grounds of the palace (Amarna Tombs IV: Pl. viii).

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to show the far side of the canopy). Alternating lines of light blue, white, and red decorate the cornice, which is topped by a frieze of uraei. The sun-disc icon with radiating rays is centered within the canopy, breaking the cornice into two separate, unsupported sections. The sun-disc is flanked on both sides by double cartouches, all four of which have been erased, and two columns of identical text giving epithets of the deity:

Directly below the sun-disc’s cartouches are those of the king, but on a slightly smaller scale. One of the cartouches on the right has been erased, but the companion still bears the king’s nomen. We can assume they were balanced by a pair of cartouches on the left, but these are no longer preserved. Text 31

Text 30

itnꜥ nḫ wr imy ḥb-sd nb pt tæ sḥḏ tæwy “The great living Aten who is in jubilee, the lord of heaven and earth, who brightens the Two Lands.”

Nb tæwy [Nfr-ḫprw-rꜥ Wꜥ-n-rꜥ] “Lord of the Two Lands, [Nefe-kherperu-ra Wa-en-ra]” Nb ḫꜥw Imn-Ḥtp nṯr ḥḳæ Wæst “Lord of diadems, Amenhotep, divine ruler of Thebes”

Decorative Program

The interior of the royal kiosk has been completely obliterated except for some remnants of columns of text. These, along with hacked-out outlines, confirm the positioning of the royal couple. The king sat facing left with the queen sitting behind, also facing left.66 Before the king’s face, two columns of text run inside the left pole of the kiosk: Text 32

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(1) ḏd [nsw] n wbæ-nsw [wꜥb-ꜥwy Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw wḏ]w n·i it·i [(ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy m æḫt) (m rn·f m šw nty m itn)] (2) [idb·wy tæw nb ḫæswt nbt rsiw mḥtiw imntyw] æbtyw di[w] ẖr [ṯb . ty·i n nḥḥ ḏt] “(1) [The king] speaks to the royal butler, [clean of hands, Parennefer, justified]: ‘My father, [Live Re-Harakhty, he who rejoices in the horizon in his name of ‘Light which is in the Disc’], has [ordain]ed for me (2) [the two banks, all countries, all foreign lands, the southerners, northerners, wester]ners, and easterners being beneath [my] sandals.’” Behind the space that once held the figure of the queen, a single vertical column lies within the confines of the right pole: Text 33

ḥmt-nsw [wrt][mrt-f nbt-tæwy Nfrt-i-ti] ꜥnḫ-ti [ḏt nḥḥ]a “The [Great] King’s Wife, [whom he loves, the Mistress of the Two Lands, Nefertiti] living [forever and ever]” 66.  For additional commentary and graphic reconstruction, see section 5.2.

a. Restoration based on talatat blocks of the ḥwtbn-bn -temple. See D. Redford 1984: 76.

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Figure 3.21. South Wall-East, the royal baldachin of the reward scene.

Decorative Program

Figure 3.22. South Wall-East, the royal baldachin of the reward scene (facsimile drawing)

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3.9.2. Lower Right Frame (Pl. 15; Fig. 3.23) Parennefer is pictured on his knees to the immediate left of the baldachin pole. The chipped outlines of his hands indicate that they extended slightly within the interior of the kiosk, possibly presenting the king with his sandals in keeping with the reference to sandals in the king’s address to him or with cloth and water jug in hand to wash the king’s feet as in a similar scene in his Amarna tomb.67 Parennefer kneels on a small parapet that raises him to the level of the top of the dais, perhaps in order to perform his task. Four horizontal lines of text (the last one missing) record Parennefer’s response: Text 34

(1) wbæ-nsw [Pæ-rn-nfr] ḏd·f ntk [sic]a pæ (2) šri nfr n pæ itnb (3) di·f [n·k] ḥḥw m sdw ḏt m [ḥbw]c “(1) The royal butler, [clean of hands, Parennefer], he says: ‘You are the (2) beautiful child of the sundisc. (3) May he give [to you] millions of jubilees and an eternity of [festivals(?)].’” a. Metathesis in the text, perhaps occasioned by the misreading of a poorly written hieratic original. b. Šri-nfr, already in talatat texts from Karnak: Meltzer 1988: 108; cf. Tobin 1986: 229. c. ḥbw is barely visible in the traces. Two more figures of the tomb owner follow to the immediate left. They are almost identically drawn, one above the other, except that the top figure has a perfume cone of fat on his head. In deference to the king’s presence, they are prostrate with their heads touching the ground. The mirror-image depictions represents a sequence of repetitive action by the tomb owner on his hands and knees, bending forward and “kissing the earth” twice, 67.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. VI.

probably in the space of a few minutes of real time. With each action, adulation of the king is given as Parennefer’s responses in twelve vertical columns of text that extend over the top of each figure. In the upper register, we read: Text 35

(1) rdit iæw n nsw [nḫt] (2) sn-tæ n Wꜥ-n-rꜥ (3) in wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy (4) ḥsy ꜥæ n nṯr nfr (5) imy-r pr [wr Pæ-rn-] (6) [-nfr] mæꜥ-ḫrw ḏd·f (7) inḏ-ḥr·k (8) ḥḳæ psḏta (9) [. . . swḏ(?)] (10) n n·k it·k [. . .](?)b (11) ḏt ḥr [st·f wrt(?)] (12) mi ir·[f . . .] “(1) Giving adoration to the [mighty] king, (2) kissing the earth to Wa-en-re (3) by the royal butler, clean of hands, (4) the greatly favored one of the perfect god, (5) the [chief] steward [Paren-] (6) [-nefer]. He says: (7) ‘Hail to you! (8) O ruler of the Nine Bows! (9) [. . .] (10) Your father has [bequeathed(?)] to you [his lifetime(?)] (11) forever upon [his great throne], (12) as [he] did [. . .].’” a. Wb. III: 171:26; on the broad inclusiveness of the term, see Galán 1995: 124; Grimal 1986: 372. b. Restore something like ꜥḥꜥw·f or rnpwt·f; see Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. XXV, 3; ATP FN 2126:6; TS 8796. In a similar scene in the bottom register, we read: Text 36

(1) rdit iæw n nṯr nfr (2) sn-tæ n ḥḳæ Wæst (3) in wbænsw wꜥb- (4) -ꜥwy imy-r ḥmw-nṯr [Pæ-r] (5) [n-nfr

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.23. Parennefer prostrates before the king, lower right frame of the reward scene.

mæꜥ-ḫrw ḏd·f] (6) [inḏ] ḥr·k (7) [mrr]wa pæ (8) itn Wꜥ-n-rꜥ nn sn·nw·f pæ (9) ḳd sḫprb (10) di·k ḏd rmṯ n (11) [niw]t·i [nfr(?)]·wy (12) [. . .] “(1) Giving adoration to the Perfect God, (2) kissing the earth to the Ruler of Thebes (3) by the royal butler, clean of (4) hands, overseer of the prophets of the gods Par- (5) [-ennefer, justified. He says:] (6) ‘[Ha]il to you, (7) [beloved of] the (8) Sun-Disc, who is without equal! O you (9) fashioner and creator! (10) May you grant the people of (11) my [ci]tyc to say: ‘how [glad](?) (12) [. . .].’’” a. There seems not to be enough room for šri nfr n. b. Pæ ḳd sḫpr: construe as nominalized participles in the vocative. Alternately “O thou my fashioner and my creator!” The two verbs are common in the biographical texts from Amarna: cf. Amarna Tombs III: Pl. XXIX:3; IV: Pl. II:9; V: Pl. IV; VI: Pl. XV:6, XV:9, 11. c. For the construction, see Wb. II: 423:8. For the importance of the approbation of the home village, see Urk. IV: 437:1.

Moving from right to left, along the upper stretch of wall, separate vignettes portray a sequence of events each with a figure of the tomb owner as its focus. Three figures of Parennefer, drawn of equivalent scale to the entire height of the frame, dwarf the servant figures of the scenes. 3.9.3. Upper Right Frame (Fig. 3.24) Immediately adjacent to the front pole of the kiosk is a scene that is demarcated by a standing figure of Parennefer (of which only his back leg remains) facing right. A servant wearing a kilt with a flounced sporran leans toward him. Although details of how his form articulates with that of the tomb owner are not preserved, we can surmise that this attendant is in the act of placing a collar around his neck.68 The composition is a common template used in the reward scene that occurs in numerous Amarna tomb

68.  See, for example, Khaemhat (Denkmäler III, bl. 76); Amenhotep-sise (Davies 1923b, Pls. XI–XII); Pentu (Amarna Tombs IV, Pls. VII, VIII); Meryre (Amarna Tombs II, Pl. XLI); Meryre (Amarna Tombs I, Pl. XXX); Ramose (Davies 1941: Pl. XXXVII).

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reliefs.69 Two other servants shown behind are present for this act. These two figures in action are drawn in two registers, one above the other, which in Egyptian artistic perspective denotes that they are actually aside each other. A caption in eight columns extends across the top of the scene: Text 37

(1) ꜥḥꜥ m-bæḥ [nsw nḫt] (2) fḳæ wbæ-nsw (3) wꜥb-ꜥwy ḥsy n (4) Wꜥ-n-rꜥ imy-r pr imy-r šnwty (5) [Pæ-rnnfr mæꜥ-ḫrw ḏd·f] (6) [inḏ ḥr·k nsw nḫt] (7) [ꜥšæ ḫt rḫ dit·w] (8) itn ḥr iꜥ ib·f. “(1) Standing in the presence of the [mighty king]; (2) rewarding the royal butler; (3) clean of hands, the favored one of (4) Wa-en-re, steward, overseer [of the granary,](?)a (5) [Parennefer, justified. He says:] (6) [‘Hail to thee, O mighty king!] (7) [Numerous are the things] the sun-disc [is able] (8) [to give], to his heart’s satisfaction!’”b

nṯr nfr pæ m[r t]w pæ ḥḳæ “It is the Perfect God that loves thee (viz.) the Ruler.” In the upper register, accounting for the protruding cone of fat on the missing figure of the tomb owner, the servant, bending at the waist, offers a large bowl for the application of scented oils. Nearby are two more bowls filled with perfumed fat that sit atop tall trestle stands. In the lower register, the other servant carries a tray holding a collar and several bracelets (see Pl. 13). Before him is a stand with a tray of similar accoutrements, and behind him five more sets. Toward the middle of the upper frame, the vignette is completely destroyed except for the torso and cranium of a partially intact figure of Parennefer facing left. The tomb owner is shown wearing the awarded gold collars with a cone of perfumed fat on his clean-shaven head (see Pl. 14). His face and hands display the deliberate mutilations carried out after his death by his enemies. Several columns of text were inscribed in front of Parennefer’s face, but only the last two are preserved: Text 39

a. Or possibly ḥmw-nṯr nbw. b. On this άσυχις-formula, see D. Redford 1970: 213, n. 3. Behind the figure of the servant in attendance is his response in a small text of two columns: Text 38

69.  Amarna Tombs I: Pls. VI, XXX; II: Pls. X, XI, XXXIII, XXXVI; III: Pls. XVI, XVII; IV: Pls.VI, VII, VIII, IX; VI: Pls. IV, V, XX, XXIX, XXX, XXXI. It also occurs earlier in the tomb of Khaemhat (TT 57) (El-Mallakh and Bianchi 1980: 118).

[. . .] nbw [. . .] ḥsy n Wꜥ-[n-rꜥ] [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “[. . .] of gold [. . .] for the favored one of Wa-[enre(?)] [Parennefer, justified].” A comparison of similar reward scenes gives evidence that the missing elements of the scene probably included an entourage of jubilant servants and underlings in various attitudes greeting Parennefer, newly decorated by the king.70 70.  For example, see Davies 1941: Pl. XXXVI; Amarna Tombs II: Pl. X–XI; IV, Pl. VIII.

Decorative Program

Figure 3.24. South Wall-East, upper right frame of the reward scene.

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3.9.4. Left Upper Frame (Pl. 12; Fig. 3.25) The final scene in the upper frame stretches for more than 1.75 meters to the east end of the wall. At the extreme left sits the tomb owner, formally attired in a long kilt and shirt with a cone of fat on his head. He holds a long staff out before him and faces two registers of servants bearing the gifts of his reward. Parennefer’s name and titles are inscribed in four vertical columns that run in front of his face. The fourth column, which undoubtedly contained his name, has been completely excised. Traces of a fifth column are in evidence behind his head, but nothing can be discerned: Text 40

(1) iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ it-nṯr mry-nṯr mḥ-ib n nsw m tæ ḏr·f ḥsy[·f] (2) mr nb tæwy wbæ-nsw (3) wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r pr (4) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(1) The hereditary count and prince, god’s father and god’s beloved, trusted one of the king in the entire land, [his] favored one, (2) beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands, the royal butler, (3) clean of hands, steward (4) [Parennefer, justified].” In the upper register, to Parennefer’s upper right, four rows of tables, painted one atop the other, hold bestowed gifts. The top row has four tables each with a tray of jewelry, the second row shows another four tables holding elaborately designed vases, and the two bottommost rows consist of eleven tables piled with bundles of fine linen. An attendant, standing beside the tables, faces Parennefer in a dutiful pose to present the gifts. Following behind him are servants, nine of which remain, carrying trestle tables and trays with more of the same items. Four more rows of four tables, each holding bundles of cloth, are similarly depicted in the lower register, to Parennefer’s lower right. A scribe in a long wig with what appears to be a scroll in his hand leads in a troupe of dancing women. Although badly damaged, the foremost figure can be seen playing the double-pipes and another playing a tambourine. The girl at the end is shown in a bent-over dance position. After the women comes another procession of servants bearing trestle tables and trays of gifts, but only one remains partially intact.

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.25. South Wall-East, upper left frame.

3.9.5. Left Lower Frame Although the lower frame at this end of the wall is today completely gone, a small portion of a scene visible directly beneath the dancing women indicates that this section of wall was likewise arranged in two registers with similar scenes of trestle tables and servants bearing gifts to the tomb owner, who undoubtedly sat at left in identical fashion as pictured above. In Davies’s day, some remnants of this panel remained intact, which he described as follows: “sixteen tables of cloth, ranged in four rows of four, no doubt set before a seated figure of Parennefer. The porter of a jar is faced by a number of excited women.”71 This missing section of relief is positioned directly above one of the niches carved into this back wall, which obviously caused additional stress fractures sometime in the following sixty or so years.

71.  Davies 1923a: 140.

3.10. The Seated Couple: East Wall, South Side [PM 7] (Fig. 3.26) The eastern end of the wall possibly continues the time sequence of the reward scene with the tomb owner and his wife at home. All that remains of the decorated wall shows Parennefer sitting on a chair facing right with his wife seated behind him on a cushioned stool. This is a common artistic motif in private Theban tombs of the 18th Dynasty in which the seated couple is either hosting an extensive party with guests and servants before them or receiving offerings. The width of the wall can only accommodate the latter, which would include a stacked offering table before them and possibly a servant or their children in attendance.72 Unfortunately, only the upper torso of Parennefer and the high back of his chair is intact; his face is hacked away, as is true of every one of the tomb owner’s figures throughout the tomb. 72.  Some limited wall space examples of this include TT 21 (Davies 1913: Pl. XXV); TT 75 (Davies 1923b: Pl. XV); TT 50 (Hari 1985: Pl. VII); TT 92 (Bryan 2001: Pls. 16.1, 17.2, 20.3).

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Figure 3.26. The seated couple.

His wife is shown in full, pleated gown with a perfumed cone atop her head. She holds a lotus bouquet to her nose with one hand; the other rests on her lap holding single lotus. Like her husband, her face has too suffered removal. The couple appears to be positioned under a decorated floral arch or vine that extends across the entire top portion of the wall.73 The depiction of the seated 73.  Interestingly, Parennefer’s house is pictured in his Amarna tomb and, although unfinished, shows entry of it below a garden setting

couple occupies an upper frame at the left corner.74 What was smoothed and white-painted for a lower frame scene never received decoration. This is the only occasion the wife’s figure appears intact in the tomb. Unfortunately, she is not named. (Amarna Tombs VI: 5, Pl. VII). For a somewhat similar Theban motif, there appears a grape vine on the ceiling in the tomb of Sennefer, TT 96, which intrudes into the scene as a frieze (see Dodson and Ikram 2008: Pl. VIII). 74.  For additional commentary, see section 4.3.

Decorative Program

3.11. The Processional Scene: South Wall, West Side [PM 12] (Pls. 16–18; Figs. 3.27–3.30) A single scene partitioned by figures of the tomb owner occupies this entire expanse of wall (see Fig. 3.30 and Pl. 17). A royal appearance is again the focus of the scene and provides the dominating theme.75 3.11.1. The Royal Kiosk The king was seated within the royal kiosk (possibly in the company of a queen or goddess). The king’s figure has been completely excised but approximately half of the ornate construction remains intact. The edifice is pictured having a low dais and a shallow, encased staircase that appears as a ramp in profile.76 The badly faded painted decoration on the side of the dais appears to be a dado of alternating ꜥnḫ-signs and wæs-scepters over nbbaskets. A perspective rendering of the kiosk is attempted by the artist, showing both front poles and the opposite

75.  The significance of the tomb owner before the royal kiosk on the back walls of the tomb, and the iconography of the royal kiosk is discussed at length in Hartwig 2004: 18, 54–73. 76.  For another, see the tomb of Kheruef (Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Fig. 143).

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side of the canopy. Both cornices with their frieze of uraei are drawn one atop the other, while the poles are distinguished by having different capitals. The innermost pole has a closed papyrus capital, the taller outermost pole with a capital of open lotus design.77 3.11.2. Procession of the Tomb Owner To the right of the royal kiosk, the tomb owner is depicted in a line of seven identical figures, each 1.35 meters in high, approaching the king in a striding gait.78 The figures, of which the first four were completed in painted high raised relief (although most of the fourth figure is destroyed), bear the great falcon staff of the ankh-bouquet to the king on the occasion of the sixth day of the lunar month.79 A bald-headed Parennefer is dressed in a midcalf-length kilt with a flounced sporran, a shirt, and sandals. He grasps the ceremonial staff held vertically

77.  For additional commentary and possible graphic reconstruction, see section 5.1 78.  Davies mentions “eight or more,” but this is puzzling, as what remains of the seventh figure is at the very end of the wall. Perhaps in Davies’s day there were traces of more figures on the return of the destroyed west wall (Davies 1923a: 140)? 79.  See the translation note below.

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Figure 3.27. The royal kiosk in the processional scene (facsimile drawing).

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.28. South Wall-West, columned inscription of the processional scene.

with both hands outstretched before him. The first three staves are topped with falcon heads of Re-Harakhty. The head on the fourth staff appears to be wearing the atef-crown, but it is badly damaged, as are the rest. The remaining portions of three figures show they were executed in flat ink. Despite the forward stride of the figures, there is no illusion of movement in the scene. Rather, the rigid posture of the figures and the straight line of the staves create an impression of separate frames of fixed and static representation. Indeed, each figure is further encased about the head by a single vertical and horizontal register attesting the titles and name of the tomb owner.

Below a painted kheker-frieze border, vertical registers of text extend out above the procession of figures. A recurrent formula in five columns is apparently the spoken words of each individual figure below, although the registers do not line up precisely over each. This formula is much the same as in similar scenes in the tomb of Ramose and Amenemhat-Surer.80 The titles and names for each figure with accompanying text reads as follows: 80.  Davies 1941: 27–30, Pl. xxix–xxxi, l–liii (left), lv (4); T. SäveSöderbergh 1957: Pl. 40.

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Text 41

(6) ḏd-mdw n kæ·k ꜥnḫ n it·k (7) [ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy m æḫt m rn·f m šw nty m itn] (8) ḥs·f twc mr·f twc swæḥ·f (9) tw di·f n·k ꜥnḫ wḏæ snb sḫrw (10) ḫfty·k m mt m ꜥnḫ (side) in wbæ nsw wcb-cwy mh ib n nb·f (top) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæc-hrw] “Words spoken for your ka, a bouquet of your father, [name of the sun-disc erased]. May he favor you; may he love you; may he cause you to endure; may he grant you life, prosperity, and health. May your enemy be overthrown in death and life! ⟨Spoken⟩ by the royal butler, clean of hands, trusted of his lord, [Parennefer, justified].” Text 43

(1) ḏd-mdw n kæ·k ꜥnḫa n it·k (2) [ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy m æḫt m rn·f m šw nty m itn]b (3) ḥs·f twc mr·f twc swæḥ·f (4) twd di·f n·k ꜥnḫ ḏd wæs sḫrw (5) ḫfty·k m mt m ꜥnḫe (side) in wbæ nsw wcb-cwy [hsy] n ntr nfr (top) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæc-hrw] “Words spoken for your ka, a bouquet of your father, [name of the sun-disc erased]. May he favor you; may he love you; may he grant you long life; may he grant you life, stability, and dominion; may your enemy be overwhelmed in death and life! ⟨Spoken⟩ by the royal butler, clean of hands, the [favorite] of the good god, [Parennefer, justified].” Text 42 (11) ḏd-mdw n kæ·k ꜥnḫ n it·k (12) [ꜥnḫ Rꜥ-ḥr-æḫty ḥꜥy m æḫt m rn·f m šw nty m itn] (13) ḥs[·f] twc mr·f twc swæḥ·f (14) tw di·f n·k ḳnt nḫt (15) [sḫr]w ḫfty·k m mt m ꜥnḫ (side) in wbæ nsw wcb-cwy wc ikr mr nb-tæwy (top) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæc-hrw] “Words spoken for your ka, a bouquet of your father, [name of the sun-disc erased]. May he favor you; may he love you; may he cause you to endure; may he grant you valor and victory. [May] your enemy be [overwhelmed] in death and life! ⟨Spoken⟩ by the royal butler, clean of hands, uniquely competent, beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands, [Parennefer, justified].”

Decorative Program

Figure 3.29. South Wall-West, facsimile of figures in procession.

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Text 44

“[Words spoken for your ka, a bouquet of your father, the good god, Lord of the Two Lands, [Aa]kheperu-en-[ra , justified. May he favor you]; may he [love] you; may [he] cause [you] to endure [. . . . . .].” Text 46

(16) [ḏd-mdw n] kæ·k ꜥnḫ n it·k (17) [nṯr nfr nb] tæwy ꜥæ-ḫprkæ-rꜥ mæꜥ-ḫrwf (18) [ḥs·f tw] mr·f tw swæḥ·f (19) [tw di·f n·k] snb nb sḫr (20) [w ḫfty·k m] [mt m] [ꜥnḫ] (side) in wbæ nsw wcb-cwy imy-ib [. . .] (top) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæc-hrw] “[Words spoken for] your ka, a bouquet of your father, [the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of] the Two Lands, ꜥæ-ḫpr-kæ-rꜥ, justified. [May he favor you]; may he love you; may he cause [you] to endure; [may he grant you] all health. [May your enemy] be overwhelmed [in death and life!] ⟨Spoken⟩ by the royal butler, clean of hands, confidant of [. . .], [Parennefer, justified].” Text 45

(21) [ḏd-mdw n kæ·k ꜥnḫ n it·k] (22) [nṯr nfr nb tæwy] [ꜥ æ]-ḫpr-n- [-rꜥ g mæꜥ -ḫrw] (23) [ḥs·f tw mr]·f tw swæḥ[·f] (24,25) [. . . lost . . .]

(26) [ḏd-mdw n kæ·k ꜥnḫ] n it·k (27) [nṯr nfr nb] tæ[wy] Mn-ḫpr-rꜥ(?)h mæꜥ[-ḫrw] (28,29) [. . . lost . . .] “[Words spoken for your ka, a bouquet] for your father, [the good god, Lord] of the [Two] Lands, Mn-ḫpr-rꜥ, [justified . . . . . .].” a. For ꜥnḫ, see Schott 1953: 48–60; Guglielmi 1976: 101–3; Dittmar 1986; Koemoth 1994: 106–9. The form of the ꜥnḫ-bouquet, known already in the Old Kingdom (cf. Posener-Kriéger and de Cenival 1968: Pl. V), is intimately associated with sun worship and Re-Harakhty: P. Sallier I: 1:4; Save-Söderbergh 1960: Pl. 15; Davies 1941: Pl. 30; Sauneron 1952: 9,23–10,1; 10,7; “the Chief of Seers comes forth to thee at the offering-podium with the ꜥnḫ of the lords of the išd-tree on the first of proyet, last day” (Scott-Moncrieff 1939: Pl. 39 [155], lines 8–9). For the sixth lunar day, when royal children and courtiers made presentation of the ꜥnḫ, see Nelson 1949: 335, Fig. 36. The scene is characterized as “coming in peace to the place where the king is, bearing the bouquet of god X”: Davies 1933a: Pl. 3; Urk. IV: 928. On the form the “bouquet” takes, see Chassinat 1968: 538; Schott 1953: 50–51. A technical term for these bouquets seems to be rnpwt ms, “portable herb (bunches)”: KRI V: 124:2, 126:3, 129:8.

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.30. South Wall-West, facsimile of end figures in procession.

b. The traces, such as they are, show no signs of cartouches and suggest that the didactic name was “freestanding.” The scale of the glyphs would have been slightly smaller than the signs in adjacent columns. c. The second masculine singular dependent pronoun, in the occurrences noted, shows plural strokes diagonally above the chick. d. These benedictory phrases are common in bouquet-bringing and other social settings: Urk. IV: 923, 955, 1416, 1572, 1578, 1780; Davies 1933a: Pl. 24; Barguet 1962: 181, 182 n. 1; Cairo 42239 (Leclant 1961: 91); Cairo 42207f6; Donadoni 1967: Pl. 37. e. Wb. II: 167:3; Urk. IV: 1781:2 (Ramose: TT 55); Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 2: 177. f. For an Amun-bouquet from the mortuary temple of Thutmose I, see Urk. IV: 136:14.

g. The cartouche is very badly faded—from column 22 to 28 the texts are in paint only—but part of the ḫpr-sign and a trace of n is discernible. h. The traces appear to suit. The king’s names and the sequence approximate a royal offering list: D. Redford 1986: 45–56. Which king occupied the seventh (and last?) position is difficult to say; in any event the list cannot have been complete in terms of the immediate royal ancestors of Akhenaten. Over the fourth, fifth, and sixth figures (cols. 17, 22, and 27), the royal cartouches—the first of Thutmose I, the second of Thutmose II (badly damaged), and the third possibly of Thutmose III, though the paint is badly worn and covered with soot—appear instead of the cartouche of the sun-disc.

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3.12. Scene of Mortuary Offerings: Central Pillar [PM Pillar A: a–b] (Fig. 3.31) The easternmost freestanding pillar, one of an original six, is the only pillar of the hall still standing, having been repaired with stones and cement in an earlier time. Remnants of dark and extremely discolored paintings appear on two sides. The west face retains a portion of decoration on its left side in which the very edges of Parennefer’s figure can be made out. He faces left and is approached by a servant offering him a cloth.81 On the north face, the most heavily blackened decorated surface in the tomb, a servant holding what under the sooted surface appears to be a jug by the handle stands before a figure of Parennefer, facing right (of which only part of the broad collar that the figure wears can be discerned). In its remaining topmost portion, the scene showed with seven columns of text above his head.82 Text 47

(1) int[. . .] mhr (2) n irṯt ḥnꜥ mnsæ n (3) biæw Šmꜥ sbæ n biæw (4) Ḳisw sẖkrw m ꜥwt nbt (5) rdi ḳbḥw [ḫ]r·f šd-r. h (6) ṯs-fæy in iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ mḥ-ib (7) n nṯr nfr nsw nḫt Wꜥ-n-rꜥ [wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “(1) [Bringing(?) . . . pail] (2) [for] milk together with a ja[ra of] (3) Upper Egyptian hard stone, a gate-legged tableb [of hard stone of] (4) Kusae,c ornamented with [all sorts] of gems (5) to provide 81.  Noted by Davies (1923a: 145). 82.  Davies (1923a: Pl. xxvii [O]) missed the first and seventh columns of text, and appears to have misconstrued a handful of much faded glyphs.

it with cool water drawn forth into a cupd (6) and a portable hṯsfæ-vase,e by the hereditary prince and co[unt, trusted one] (7) of the Perfect God, the mighty king [Wa-en-re(?), the royal butler, clean of hands, Parennefer, justified].” a. The loss of the bottoms of the columns and the scene that they explicated leaves us uncertain as to what to restore. The almost certain occurrence of mnsæ in column 2 militates strongly in favor of restoring mhr n before irṯt, “a milk pail” (Wb. II: 115:5–8; Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: 37–38; Guglielmi 1982; Faltings 1998: 20; Guglielmi 2001), and the agential marker in column 6 points to an infinitive at the head of column 1. On mnsæ (for water, milk, or beer), see Wb. II: 88:8–10; Hannig 2006: 1081; usually vase-form (Habachi 1977: 353[4]; Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 1: 161) but sometimes clearly in the shape of milk jugs: University of Chicago 1979: Pl. 53. On its cultic use, see Barta 1963: 98–103; Posener-Kriéger 2006: 242–46. b. Read sbæw: Hannig 2006: 2155. For the related word sbḫt, which means “screen” or something similar, see Spencer 1980, and Urk. IV: 174:9–10 (cf. 206, worked in electrum and black copper), 422:2, and the representations in 629 and 634. Both words will have received their meaning through the resemblance of the object to a monumental portal and its associated features. Although a like-named object (in pairs) appears in the tool kit of the Opening-of-the-Mouth ceremony and offering menus, its pictorial representation as “blades” would seem to suggest a different object: cf. Blackman 1914–1953, vol. 3: 36; Roth 1992. Perhaps the spout whereby the “drawing off” of cool water was effected suggested two “blades.” c. Biæwt Šm ꜥ w; biwt Ḳis, “Upper Egyptian hard stone” and “Kusite hard stone”: Wb. II: 438:10; Hannig 2006: 799; Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 2: 122 (iron or hematite); Harris 1961: 168–70 (magnetite); Aufrère 1991: 698–99 (quartzite). Since monumental paraphernalia are here in question, varieties of quartzite suggest themselves as acceptable translations. (It is worth noting, however, that Kusae is nowhere near any worked quartzite

Decorative Program

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Figure 3.31. Contrast-enhanced photo of the freestanding column, facing south.

quarries: Kessler 1981: 116–19; Gomaà 1986, vol. 1: 280–83.) In Akhenaten’s construction in East Karnak, the only monuments carved from quartzite were the royal statues on the north side of the first court: D. Redford 1983: 222. d. Read šdw r ḥnt (that is, for libations). If a separate vessel, it would presumably be mortar-shaped: Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: 85. But it seems more likely that the phrase is a further qualification of the sbæ-offering table, indicating the rectangular depression for liquids. e. On the hæṯs-vessel used for wine in pairs in offering lists and of hard stone (black and translucent), see Wb. II: 482:8–9; Hannig 2003: 746; Hannig 2006: 1559; Posener-Kriéger 1976, vol. 1: 174 (B-8); Roth 1992: 116. The pillar text alludes to five items Parennefer contributed, ostensibly to the Pr-itn.83 (It is altogether likely that these were depicted in front of his figure in the scene beneath.) The first is lost in a lacuna; then follow a milk pail, a mnsæ-vessel (for beer?), an offering 83.  It is conceivable that three other destroyed pillars extended this list. It is possible that these items constituted the mnw, “monuments,” that the owner boasts of on the outer door jamb.

table-cum-“reservoir,” and a portable vase. Being in the main of hard stone, these cultural objects display temple quality, rather than the expected mediocrity of private equipment. The list of items approximates similar lists of offering paraphernalia,84 used variously for mortuary purposes, although their primary function may have had broader reference. One wonders whether the inferred content of all the pillar scenes may have comprised specific donations, perhaps illustrative of Parennefer’s claim to have introduced various “monuments” into the Pr-itn. From the text translated above, it seems that a figure of the king himself was in the offing, and one wonders if it was included in the pillar scene itself. If so, it would be most likely that the king’s figure would have graced the two pillars opposite the entrance. It is tempting to postulate that the north and adjacent sides of the pillars, where the light hits, held images in low relief showing the tomb owner offering before the king.85

84.  Blackman 1914–1953, vol. 2: Pl. 6. 85.  Several recovered fragments showing items of offering may have a place here, including what may be the rḫyt-bird design on a royal dais (SII 53, see chapter 6). For this dais motif, see TT 192, the tomb of Kheruef (Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Fig. 146). Decorated pillars with offering scenes also appear in TT 49, a tomb near in date and location to TT 188 (Davies 1933a: 61–62, Pl. LI).

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3.13. Doorway to the Inner Shrine [PM 13] (Pl. 25; Fig. 3.32)

(1) r[dit] iæw n [Wsir sn-tæ] (2) n Wnn-nfra [i]n wbænsw [wꜥb-ꜥwy] (3) [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ]-ḫrw ḏd·f (4) inḏḥr·k nsw ꜥnḫwb (5) i·n·i ḫr·k dwæ·⟨i⟩ (6) nfr·k swæš·i ḥm·k r [. . . 37 cm . . .] “(1) Giving praise to [Osiris, proskynesis] (2) to Wennefer by the royal butler, [clean of hands], (3) [Parennefer, jus]tified. He says: (4) ‘Hail to thee, O king of the living! (5) I have come to thee in order to adore (6) thy beauty, that I might extol thy majesty [. . .].’” a. Leitz 2002–2003, II: 375–76. The form with reduplicated n is the more common. b. Leitz 2002–2003, IV: 323; Luft 1978: 78–80, 86. Unfortunately, the doorjamb on the right side has been completely lost, save for a retrieved wall fragment (SII 67), restored here.87

Only the left-hand side of the carved doorframe remains partially intact,86 but one can reasonably assume that a mirror image appeared on the right side lintel and jamb. Here on this entryway, gods other than Re-Harakhty, the sun-disc, are mentioned. At the top is a standing figure of Parennefer dressed in a formal robe adorned with two collars and a shoulder-length wig (see Pl. 25). He faces inward with both arms raised in adoration to the missing figure of Osiris. Above his figure, portions of six columns of text are preserved, extending across the lintel, which give formulaic praise to that god. Text 48

Text 49

(1) [. . .] mry nb-tæwy wbæ-nsw [. . .] “[. . .] beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands, royal butler [. . .]” (2) [. . . sr m]-ḥꜥt rḫyt wbæ-nsw [. . .] “[. . . magistrate] before the commons, royal butler [. . .].” Below the tomb owner’s figure are four long columns of text that adorn the left jamb, containing ḥtp-di-nsw formulas, with the last invoking Anubis.88

86.  Retrieved wall block H21 can be restored here (see chapter 6).

87.  Two other fragments of incised hieroglyphic text and same color palette (SII 66, SII 72) probably come from this missing right jamb but cannot be precisely placed (see chapter 6). 88.  For discussion of titles and epithets, see chapter 7.

Decorative Program

Text 50

(1) [ḥtp-di-nsw . . . 50 cm . . . iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ imy-] [ib]a n Ḥr m pr·f ḥsy ꜥæ n nb tæwy wbæ-[nsw] wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r pr Pæ-[rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “[An offering that the king gives . . . the hereditary prince and count, tru]sted(?) of Horus in his house, the greatly favored one of the Lord of the Two Lands, the [royal] butler, clean of hands, the steward, Pa[rennefer], justified.”

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(2) [ḥtp-di-nsw n . . . 45 cm . . . iry-pꜥt ḥty-ꜥ w]ꜥ iḳr mty hr·tw ḥr prw n ræ·f wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r ḥmwnṯr [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “[An offering that the king gives to . . . the hereditary prince and count, uniquely] competent one, the precise one with the utterance of whose mouth people are content, the royal butler, clean of hands, overseer of priests, [Parennefer, justified].” (3) [ḥtp-di-nsw n . . . 6 groups . . .] ḥtp ḥr ꜥb [n itn(?)b n kæ] n iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ [mḥ-ib] n nsw m tæ (r) ḏr·f wbænsw wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r pr [Pæ-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “[An offering that the king gives to . . .], resting on the offering stone [of the sun-disc(?) for the ka] of the hereditary prince and count, [trusted] of the king in the entire land, the royal butler, clean of hands, the steward, [Parennefer, justified].” (4) ḥtp-di-[nsw]⟨n⟩ ʼInpw [imy]-wt di·f rwd ẖæt m ẖrt-nṯr bæ ḥtp m ḥwt·f c rꜥ nb n kæ n iry-pꜥt ḥæty-ꜥ iry rdwy n nb tæwy m st nbt ḫndt·n·f wbæ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy imy-r ḥmw-nṯr Pæ [-rn-nfr mæꜥ-ḫrw] “An offering that the [king] gives to Anubis, who is in the sepulcher, that he might cause the body to survive in the necropolis, while the ba rests in its tomb every day, for the ka of the hereditary prince and count, he who follows in the footsteps of the Lord of the Two Lands in every place he treads, the royal butler, clean of hands, the overseer of priests, [Parennefer, justified].” a. See Section 3.2 for the full epithet on the east jamb of the outer door. b. The traces suit the restoration of itn. This column is reminiscent of the purport of the talatat scene (ATP 1: Pl. 56): “The divine offering His Majesty established for his father, Amenhotep III, as the daily offering menu on the [offering table (ḫæwt) of the Disc that is in (blank)].” The space, never filled in, implies a universal menu, valid for all temples from Elephantine to Sambehdit wherein the king had set up an offering table to the Disc. c. On the complementarity of ba and corpse as to ultimate fate, see CT III: 327c–d; CT IV: 178m; CT VI: 73c, 84f, 84j; Žabkar 1968: 44–45.

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    Figure 3.32. Doorway leading to the inner shrine, left-side lintel and left jamb.

Decorative Program

3.14. Ceiling and Borders

Figure 3.33. Ceiling decoration in the entryway.

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The ceiling of the entryway and transverse hall was plastered and colorfully painted in patterns that are typical of those in 18th Dynasty tombs.89 Unfortunately, very little remains of the decorated ceiling today, except in three, small, isolated sections. The largest expanse of the decoration is in the southeast quarter of the hall, and this is badly blackened. The pattern on the vaulted ceiling here consists show concentric circles of white and pale blue on a red background. The ceiling in the entrance passage is mostly intact and consists of thin red zigzag lines alternating with rows of a continuous string of muted blue bordered diamonds. Within the diamonds is a pinwheel design painted in red on a white background.90 Several ceiling fragments recovered from the shafts indicate that a different ceiling pattern decorated the northern half of the hall. The decoration at the entranceway also preserves the remains of a band of text painted in bright blue hieroglyphs. It reads: Text 51

[. . .]wt pr(w)t m·bꜥḥ ḥr ḫæwt nt [pæ itn . . . (?)] “[the . . .]s which come forth; in the ‘Presence’ upon the altar of [the Disc(?) . . .].” The same pattern presumably continued along the center axis of the hall to the doorway of the inner shrine. Here, directly in front of it, a small section shows a band (with text no longer discernible) flanking broad, longitudinal rows of red and muted blue zigzag lines. The alternating lines are interspersed with red-rimmed diamond blocks. A kheker-frieze runs along the tops of the north and south walls on both halves of the transverse hall. On the south wall, however, where depictions of the royal baldachin flank the doorway to the inner shrine, the frieze Figure 3.34. Decorated surface of the vaulted ceiling in the southeast quarter of the transverse hall.

89.  Vilímková 1963. 90.  For similar patterns, see Vilímková 1963: Pl. 10, nos. 31, 32, 33; Pl. 11, nos. 34, 35. For examples, see also Shedid and Seidel 1996: 58, 82; Hawass and Taha 2002: Pl. X(B), XL; ATP 4: Pl. V(A); Wilkinson and Hill: 15.5.19g, 15.5.19i, 30.4.24; Strudwick 2016: Pls. 8.A, 36. See also Dodson and Ikram 2008: 124–27.

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stops at what is the ornate roof of the structure filling the space. For the most part, the coloration of the frieze has been blackened by soot.91 The baseline border on the walls of the transverse hall show some variation. The western half of the south wall and the west wall show three thick bands of red, each slightly separated from the other, painted directly atop the limestone. The same border is present on the western half of the north wall, but only under the panel scene immediately adjacent to the entrance (Panel C). The rest of the length of wall shows a change to bands of alternating colors: black, yellow, black, red, black, yellow, black. The yellow and red bands are of equal width; the black bands are roughly half the thickness. On the bottom length of the north wall, east of the entrance, is again the three-band border similar to that on the south and west walls, but here the color bands are black, red, black. A narrow band of alternating blocks of colors appears to have framed the decoration at the sides of each wall. Most of this decorative edging has been discolored and blackened by soot, but in some areas, most notably on the east side of the south wall, it is painted white and Amarna blue.

91.  For a succinct summary of tomb frieze decoration, see Dodson and Ikram 2008: 124, Fig. 115.

Chapter 4

Dating and Chronology

4.1. Chronology of the Reign There is, of course, a wide range of views on this topic.1 It has been argued elsewhere2 that Akhenaten, using his birth name Amenhotep IV, ascended to the throne in the first month of proyet (midwinter), probably on the eighth day. For the first year the wine and food dockets from Malqata3 indicate the young king was in residence in his father’s palace, the bḫn of Ḥꜥ-m-ꜣḫt, and he was still there early in his second year.4 The king, probably throughout the first year, continued doing things much as they had been done under his father, Amenhotep III. Monuments dated to this transition period demonstrate quite simply that royal artisans from the previous reign continue to produce in the same vein, turning out traditional representations of the king in the standard offering scenes before the “gods.” The reveals of the third pylon in the Temple of Amun complex at Karnak were carved with a scene showing the king smiting foreigners in a motif typical of the warrior pharaohs of the

1.  See inter alia: Gabolde 1998; Reeves 2001; Dodson 2009; Dodson 2015; Kozloff 2012; Laboury 2010. 2.  D. Redford 1966: 121–22. 3.  Hayes 1951: 44 Fig. 4:6 (citing five examples of Year 1 dockets); Leahy 1978: Pl. 11 no. 130. 4.  Hieratic docket appended to EA 27: Moran 1992: 90 n. 20. The residence otherwise called pr-ḥꜥy (Hayes 1951: 180; Hölscher 1929: 7 Fig. 6[g]).

New Kingdom.5 Amenhotep IV also appears in classic form in the tomb of the vizier Ramose, enthroned within a kiosk with the goddess Ma’at.6 On the façade of the tomb of Kheruef, the steward of the king’s mother, the king is portrayed in the style of the preceding reign paying homage to several deities.7 To these early months must also be dated those stelae in which the facial profile, and occasionally the paunch, of the gods depicted, Osiris in particular, conforms to the peculiarities of Akhenaten’s profile.8 Architecturally, things remained the same. The traditional unit of masonry, the large substantial block, continued to be utilized in Amenhotep IV’s constructions as they had been from time immemorial. In the sandstone quarries at Gebel Silsileh, a tableau was carved on the face of a cliff commemorating the initiation of his building program.9 On it, the king had been initially pictured censing before the god Amun, but in keeping with his later religious inclination, the figure of Amun was subsequently cut out. The text inscribed on the scene refers to quarrying blocks for the benben of Re-Harakhty at Karnak.

5.  6.  7.  8.  9. 

Hall 1986, Fig. 36. Davies 1941: Pl. XXIX. OIP 1980: Pl. 8. Grimm and Schlögl 2005: Pl. xx–xxvi. PM V: 220; Urk. IV: 1962.

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Mention of the benben poses a problem. The term as used in the name ḥwt-bnbn has been plausibly argued to be a reference to the “obelisque seule” of Thutmose IV around which a shrine devoted to Nefertiti was built.10 This was a modest affair (though incorporating tall, slender, and graceful components) and certainly would not have called forth the enormous corvée to which the Silsileh text refers. The likelihood is that the great tableau commemorates the initial stage of Akhenaten’s own construction work (as opposed to surviving structures from his father’s reign), in which all building at Thebes was subsumed under the rubric “the benben of Re-Harakhty.” He was soon to discard this lexical extension. This may possibly be the edifice from which the tenth pylon blocks originated, as they represent this early ephemeral stage in his rapidly developing thinking. At any rate, this second stage, characterized by traditional style and size of masonry, arguably extends into the king’s second year. Very shortly afterward there appears a modification in standardized scenes, not in artistic style but in content. Depictions of all gods except that of the falconheaded sun god Re-Harakhty are eliminated. Inscribed blocks retrieved from the core of the tenth pylon at Karnak show the king and the sun god, as well as the offering scene itself in traditional form. In fact, he has not yet given orders to restrict the thematic material, but the accompanying royal decree that “all the other gods have ceased” was now graphically acted upon.11 At the same time a decision was taken to honor the sole deity with a “house,” the Pr-itn, to be located on the east of the Temple of Amun. The dramatic changes and innovations that are the hallmarks of Amarna art are in place by the end of Year 3 and seem to be related to the decision to celebrate a sd-festival. Signaling the introduction of the thoroughgoing Amarna style is the placement of the deity’s name in cartouches: the disk is now but a projection into the heavenly realm of the idea of absolute kingship on earth, which dominated Akhenaten’s mind.12 Empirical evidence for this chronological ordering is provided by two pieces 10.  D. Redford 2013: 22; Habachi 1977a: 112–14. 11.  D. Redford 1981. 12.  D. Redford 1980: 23–25.

of linen recovered from the tomb of Tutankhamun.13 One piece inscribed with the epithet of the sun god in columns is dated Year 3, while a second piece with a Year 4 date shows the sun god’s name in cartouches. It is irrefutable, therefore, that the alteration in the sun god’s name came about in the interstice between Year 3 and Year 4, when the sd must have been celebrated.14 A second innovation at this time involves construction engineering. The use of the large unwieldy size of masonry blocks is given up in favor of a new type of block three handspans in breadth.15 Called talatat (from the Arabic for “three”),16 these sandstone “bricks” can be easily carried by one man, thereby increasing the speed at which temples could be erected. The craving for speed was undoubtedly the impetus behind the smaller block size in light of the king’s decision to celebrate the sdfestival early in his reign.17 For reasons that are unclear, it appears that he decided to continue the rapid sequence of performances of his father’s last decade with his own sd-festival in his third year on the throne. An immense temple, called the Gm-pꜣ-itn, an embellished expansion of the Pr-itn, was erected of talatat for the purposes of the jubilee and dedicated to the worship of the sun god.18 The carved reliefs that adorned the temple’s walls introduced an eccentric new art style that discarded the conventional grid system in favor of a unique canon of style and proportion of figure, focusing on the king’s view of his own form.19 Gone was the figure of the athletic pharaoh with the perfect physique, and in its place was what at first appears to be a caricature. The royal figure was now depicted as a gangly individual with an elongated face, spindly arms and lower legs, bulbous thighs, a protruding belly, spidery fingers, and backwardturning joints. If the intent were not to create a sort of 13.  Smith and Redford 1976: 55. 14.  The evidence suggests the feast was intentionally scheduled to “straddle” the anniversary of the accession: Martin 1984; von Beckerath 1991. 15.  Earlier parallels of similar-sized blocks in construction, however, have been noted. See, D. Arnold 2000: 259. 16.  An alternate hypothesis would derive the word as a loan from Italian tagliata, “cut (masonry)”: N. B. Millet, oral communication. It is not certainly known what a talatat was called in Egyptian. ATP Archives, FN 121–8, refers to “sand” and “stone brick[s]”: ḏbꜣt inr. 17.  Gohary 1976. 18.  ATP 1, passim. 19.  See Robins 1994: 119–21.

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symbolism, then the artistic portrayal of the royal figure in the new style would be accentuating what was the king’s actual physical appearance. 20 Along with what may be a desire for realism, which some have identified by the king’s epithet, “living in truth,”21 came the reduction of the anthropomorphic figure of his solar deity to the simple symbol of a disc. This change in iconography is concomitant with the modification of the sun god’s name. The reference to the sun god that had been formerly an epithet inscribed in front of the sun god’s figure in columns was now encircled in cartouches.22 The sun god’s cartouches appear on the tenth pylon blocks with the falcon-headed god in scenes that had been carved in Year 2, but they are immediately recognizable as a later addition, as they were hastily incised and not in raised relief like the rest of the scene. The Gm-pꜣ-itn temple, constructed with talatat masonry and decorated in the radical new art style, displays the cartouches of the sun god in conjunction with the sun-disc icon. While no text assigns the temple a year of completion, there can be no doubt that it was largely finished by the end of Year 3 in time for the king’s jubilee. The new art style also incorporated scenes of different thematic content such as a new venue for royal appearances, the king in intimate family life, and the queen and daughters taking part with him in offering rituals to the sun god. Particularly the popular scene showing queen and daughter(s) offers another dating criterion that can be applied, depending on the varying number of daughters that are depicted following behind the king and queen.23

20.  Ongoing discussion and debate of the artistic portrayal of the royal figure in the new art style has focused on attributing the king’s odd physique to a congenital condition called Marfan’s Syndrome (Burridge 1993; Braverman, Redford, and Mackowiak 2009). While this diagnosis and others (see Eshraghian and Bart 2012: 661–64) has been put forward, a medical explanation has been vociferously disputed in the last twenty years with in-depth argumentation based on pathological examinations and an alternate hypothesis of symbolism and unrealistic portrayal of kingship (Monserrat 2000: passim; Robins 2003: 225–29; Spieser 2004: 9–16; Laboury 2011: 3–4; Kozloff 2012: 242–47; Gabolde 2013: 177–203; Hawass 2015: 222–24; see also Manniche 2010: 85–117). Further argumentation on this issue will be addressed in a forthcoming book by D. Redford and S. Redford, Per-Aten: House of the Sun-Disc. 21.  This view first put forward in Anthes 1952, contrary to that of Aldred 1968: 185. 22.  Smith and Redford 1976: 53–55. 23.  ATP 1: 83–94.

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There appears to be one daughter in the scenes from the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple, and she is already a toddler. Of the other temples the king erected in Thebes, the Rwd-mnw and the Tni-mnw must be only slightly later as again only one daughter is in evidence. For the most part, two daughters are pictured only in the Hwt-itn, while three daughters occur only twice or possibly three times among several hundred representations of parents-cum-offspring. That would argue that the first daughter was born very early in the reign, the second daughter substantially later, probably when the Hwt-itn was under construction, and the third daughter in Year 5, just when the royal family was about to depart for the new city. It would follow, then, that the Gm-pꜣ-itn was the first temple constructed (and thus the earliest attestation of the new art style) with the Rwd-mnw and Tni-mnwu underway about the same time. The building of the Hwt-itn, on the other hand, must have commenced in Year 4 following the jubilee.24 As we have seen above, one final change took place before leaving Thebes: no longer would he be called Amenhotep. Instead, his new name of Akhenaten (“Beneficial to the Sun-Disc”) would reflect his obsessive filial devotion to his father the sun god. The hundreds of cartouches of the king inscribed on the walls of the Gm-pꜣ-itn and the other sun-temples show a recarving from an original ʼImn-ḥtp, “Amenhotep,” to ꜣḫ-n-itn, “Akhenaten,” while only two were originally carved in the new name. These two instances indicate that the king changed his name just before the final decision to stop work and leave, undoubtedly a decision taken in Year 5. As the motive for attacking the royal nomina was to expunge ʼIdmn, it is clear that the persecution of the god Amun came at this time. As he was preparing to leave, he set his artisans to the task of cutting out the name and figure of Amun wherever it occurred. In summary, the chronology of the first five years, established with respect to substantive changes in the art record and verified by textual evidence, is as follows:

24.  For further discussion on the building date of these temples, see D. Redford 2013: 22–23. See also ATP 2: passim.

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I Year 1 (from 5th month, day 8) • Completion of monuments dating from Amenhotep III’s reign (Kheruef, Ramose, monumental gate25 on south of Karnak). Traditional iconography and thematic content. • Experimentation with theological combinations: Amun-re-harakhte-aten.26 II

Late Year 1 • Speech to court with introduction of sun-disc as sole god.27 • First daughter is born. Late Year 1 / Early Year 2 • Opening of quarries at Gebel Silsileh. • Beginning of construction of the Pr-itn. • Inclusion of altars to the sun-disc temples of Upper and Lower Egypt.28 • As of 5th month in Year 2, the king is still resident in Malqata.29 • Epithet of Thebes: “First Great Seat of the Disc.” • Incomes of temples begin to be diverted to Pr-itn.30 III End of Year 2 • Second daughter is born. • Compound of Pr-itn (initial phase) is completed. • Announcement of the jubilee. Year 3 • Transformation of Pr-itn into Gm-pꜣ-itn. • Introduction of new Amarna art style with sun-disc iconography. • Didactic name of sun-disc used in cartouches. • Introduction of Nefertiti’s epithet nfr-nfrw-itn. End of Year 3 / Early Year 4 • Celebration of sd-festival in Gm-pꜣ-itn. 25.  Constructed from dismantled masonry now recycled within pylon X; the name of this gate is now partially obscured by hornet’s nests (D. Redford 2013: 15 n. 27, Fig. 5). 26.  Smith and Redford 1976: Pl. V:3; cf. Cairo 34146. 27.  D. Redford 1981. 28.  Saad and Manniche 1971: Pl. XXI; probably also ATP Archives FN 1952-2, and by implication ATP I: Pl. 56. 29.  EA 27. 30.  See above, section 3.4.1.

IV Year 4 • Construction of Ḥwt-bnbn, Tni-mnw, and Rwd-mnw. • Third daughter is born. • By the 3rd month, day 11, High Priest of Amun is sent to Wadi Hammamat to quarry stone.31 Early Year 5 (prior to 7th month, day 19) • King continues to be called ʼImn-ḥtp, “Amenhotep.” • The conventional list of temples.32 Year 5 (after 7th month, day 19) • Change of the king’s name to ꜣḫ-n-itn, “Akhenaten.” • Begins program of alteration and defacement of names and reliefs. Late Year 5 • King moves to Amarna (temporary residence by Year 6, 8th month, day 13). • All construction and decoration ceases in Thebes.33

4.2. Dating Criteria The tomb is unquestionably and securely dated to the early years of the reign of Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten. First and foremost, the cartouches in the tomb’s hall and the art style of the decoration both militate in favor of such a date. But it is also possible by an analysis of the content of the reliefs and murals on the tomb’s walls to elicit a chronological order to the program of decoration. Based on empirical textual evidence as well as stylistic grounds the specific regnal years during which the tomb was constructed can be ascertained with some confidence. In the area of decoration, in particular, the dynamics of the king’s religious program34 as well as the society it depicts are startlingly reflected. Indeed, there is a cohesiveness about the Amarna period, more than any other period of Egyptian history, that defies separation of 31.  G. Goyon 1957: nos. 90–91, dated 3rd month, day 10. 32.  Griffith 1898. 33.  It is an open question whether other Egyptian sites suffered a hiatus in construction work because of the king’s new fixation with Amarna. To judge by the presence of the later didactic name, as well as the Dutch discoveries at Saqqara (Löhr 1975), work continued at Memphis beyond Year 6. The wine-jar dockets, however, simply indicate source of income (Year 8: TA Pl. 25:93; CoA III Pl. 89:127) or provide a terminus a quo: Zivie 1990: 165:102. 34.  For Akhenaten’s socioreligious program, see D. Redford 1984; Hornung 1995.

Dating and Chronology

art and literature from religious thought. Easily the most recognizable of any period in Egypt’s long history, the art of the Amarna period has been repeatedly referred to as “revolutionary” by many art historians in the field.35 It is true that many of the fundamental principles of representation were still adhered to, most notably the depiction of figures in a quasi-frontal stance, as well as head in profile with a full-view eye, and lack of depth perception.36 However, certain radical innovations, in both style and iconography, were introduced by the king himself37 and derived from his religious and ideological revolution.38 In effect, he quite consciously used art as a tool to express his extreme religious program, which was more potent in a largely illiterate society. Certainly, it is undeniable that forms of intellectual expression such as writing, speaking, and art are affected by drastic political and social upheaval.39 This is especially true in ancient Egypt, where art was used primarily as a vehicle to promote the religious beliefs ingrained in the very fabric of its society. In this respect, it can be demonstrated that the term “revolutionary” is in fact applicable as an expression of both an historical situation, for which there were no precedents or antecedents throughout the 3,500 years of pharaonic history, and the artistic content (and to a lesser extent the distinctive art style) that was introduced during that time. A terminus ante quem for the decoration of Parennefer’s tomb can be established as the end of Year 5 of Akhenaten’s reign. This is the date of the court’s move from Thebes to the new capital city of Akhetaten 150 miles downstream. Several pieces of evidence converge to support such a claim. The decoration of the Gm-pꜣitn at Karnak as well as Parennefer’s tomb shows only the early form of the didactic name and ʼImn-ḥtp as the

35.  Among others: Aldred 1968; Mekhitarian 1954; D. Arnold 1996; Freed 2003: 218. For an opposing view, see Robins 1994: 119–23; Laboury 2011. 36.  Freed 1999: 119; Robins 1994: 120; Fazzini 1973: 16–18. 37.  Baines 1998; Smith and Redford 1976. For an insightful description and analysis of these changes, see Robins 1994: 119–59. 38.  The term “revolution” is here used as defined by the OED: “a complete or drastic change of any kind; overthrow of a government, form of government, or social system with another taking its place.” It has been suggested by others that this period of history might best be described as “evolutionary” or even “reactionary” rather than revolutionary. See Freed 1999: 18; Johnson 1999: 47–49. 39.  T. Smith 1996.

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royal birth name.40 The change of name to ꜣḫ-n-itn was effected just before decoration at Karnak ceased.41 But two months into the fifth regnal year the birth name ʼImnḥtp was still in use,42 while by the 8th month of Year 6, day 13, it had been abandoned.43 It would seem, therefore, that the change of name was decided upon shortly before the cessation of work at Karnak, and the move to Amarna sometime within the subsequent twelve-month period. Scrutiny of wine jar dockets found at the site offers a clue as to the specific time of the king’s arrival. The earliest dockets attributable to Akhenaten are dated Year 4 but are extremely few in number (seven). It is only in Years 5 and 6 that the numbers begin to increase (twenty-four for Year 6), indicative of the presence of a workforce and perhaps the king himself.44 The boundary stelae further confirm that the royal family was living in a tent early in Year 6 while the city, including the palace and the royal tomb, was being built.45 That the king’s chief courtiers were also in residence by Year 6 can reasonably be assumed. Parennefer’s relocation to Akhetaten is demonstrated by the existence of his second tomb, carved in the cliffs to the north of the city.46 Thus, with the king’s departure sometime toward the end of his fifth year, it can be reasonably inferred that all major building activity in Thebes came to an abrupt halt.

4.3. Chronological Ordering of Wall Decoration Parennefer’s tomb, a typical 18th Dynasty T-shaped sepulcher, shows three stages of decoration. The artistic style, method of application, and thematic content of the tomb’s decoration varies to a great extent from one wall to another, providing evidence of a timeline in the

40.  Smith and Redford 1976: 54–56; ATP I: 76–79 and passim. 41.  D. Redford 1984: 142, n. 5. 42.  Griffith 1898: Pl. 38. 43.  Amarna boundary stela (Amarna Tombs V: Pl. XXVI). 44.  Addition of the numbers of dockets published by Peet in three volumes of City of Akhenaten. 45.  Murnane and van Siclen 1993: 100, 105 n. f; Amarna Tombs V: Pl. XXVI, line 5. 46.  For the Amarna tombs of Parennefer and these other courtiers, see Amarna Tombs I–VI. For others, see Der Manuelian 1999: 148. Parennefer undoubtedly died before the end of Akhenaten’s reign at Amarna.

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monument’s construction. Based on a combination of the above criteria, a tight sequence of the work carried out over the limited time span of the king’s few years at Thebes can be postulated. In the following list, the three phases are differentiated by the defining events of these years as adumbrated in the above sections. Phase I: first months of Year 1 Traditional art style in sunken relief: 1. Lintel of exterior doorway. 2. Lintel and jambs of doorway to inner shrine. Phase II: late Year 1 through Year 2 Traditional art style in low limestone relief: 3. Reveals of the entranceway. 4. North wall: east and west sides adjacent to entranceway. Transitional art style with plastered raised relief: 5. South wall: west side adjacent to inner shrine doorway. Transitional art style with flat painted murals: 6. North wall: east and west sides furthest from entranceway. 7. South wall: west side furthest from inner shrine doorway. 8. West wall. 9. East wall: left section. 10. Pillars. Phase II/III: by the end of Year 2 Sunken relief: 11. Jambs of the exterior doorway. Phase III: Year 3 to the end of Year 4 Amarna art style in sunken relief: 12. South wall: east side. 14. Courtyard façade. 15. North wall: west side addition. Amarna art style on flat painted mural: 13. East wall: right section.

4.3.1. (1) Lintel of Exterior Doorway and (2) Inner Shrine Doorway Clear indications of an early date are seen in the iconography and textual references to the old polytheistic religion that was eventually discarded by the king in Year 2. The columnar inscription on the jambs of the inner shrine represents the first phase. Here there is no trace of the sun-disc. Parennefer adores [Osiris]-Wennepher and invokes Anubis. Arguably, therefore, the door to the inner shrine dates from a period before the initial appearance of the king’s predilection for itn (Year 1). The painted relief depiction of the tomb owner, with his sculpted collar, on the inner shrine lintel is of the standard type found in the tombs of the high officials in the reign of the king’s father.47 The decoration of the lintel of the exterior door followed quickly. Here Parennefer is shown in flanking scenes, worshiping Re-Harakhty with falcon head, seated and accompanied by a symbol of the king’s life force (kꜣ). Once again the itn is conspicuous by its absence. 4.3.2. (3) Reveals of the Entryway The overall style of the relief as seen in the remaining glyphs on the west reveal and fragments of the wife’s wig is identical to the workmanship displayed at the adjacent inner corner of the north wall. It is apparent that these portions of the tomb were decorated not only at the same time but by the same artisans. The quality of the carving matches in excellence what is seen in the tomb of Ramose. 4.3.3. The Transverse Hall At the corners of each of the four longitudinal walls, the royal appearance complements the celebrated events of the life of the tomb owner, Parennefer. In each case, Parennefer is portrayed in close proximity to the person of the king. In fact, no one is shown approaching the king or attracting his attention except the deceased. Besides position, the tomb owner’s importance is also graphically 47.  For comparison, see in Kozloff and Bryan 1992: Figs. II.1 1; 58, 59.

Dating and Chronology

indicated by the size of his figure. In keeping with the conventional standard in which size is equivalent to importance, Parennefer’s figure is second in scale only to those of the king and queen. In many respects the second phase in the decoration of TT 188 is the most important. It was there that the north wall of the broad hall, east and west of the entrance, received the scenes showing Parennefer at his post, doing his job. 4.3.4. (4) North Wall, Adjacent to Entrance On both sides of the north wall adjacent to the entrance, the skilled hands of the artisans crafted artwork in low limestone relief. On the west side, the preserved elements germane to the dating include the following: the outline of the king’s war crown and right shoulder, the sandaled feet of the king followed by those of the tomb owner, an altar with columns of text, the protecting vulture hovering above the royal head, and the lower half of a cartouche immediately above the king’s crown. The traces of the hieroglyphs within the cartouche are sufficient to justify the restoration of the name Amenhotep, unmodified, confirming a date before the end of Year 5, when he changed the royal name. More precisely, a date before Year 3 is indicated by the didactic name of the sun god that appears in the columns of text accompanying the scene without the confining double cartouche. Another crucial element in terms of dating is the image of the vulture goddess in the corner of the scene. Her very presence argues for a date in the end of the second regnal year at the latest. What may well be the template for the scene under discussion is the motif that recurs on the blocks recovered from the tenth pylon. Here the king, wearing the blue war crown and offering to the anthropomorphic ReHarakhty,48 is identical in outline with the king’s figure on this wall in TT 188. Moreover, traces of a scepter and toe atop the altar make for little doubt that in this scene west of the entry the king stood before the anthropomorphic falcon-headed form of the sun god.49 The sculpted relief continues into the middle panel of decoration, but the application of plaster is more 48.  Freed, D’Auria, and Markowitz 1999: catalogue #20, 207. 49.  See the restoration below (section 5.3).

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noticeable in the sculpting and painted details. Little remains on the wall except for foodstuffs on a stacked offering table that mostly show the scoring of the relief beneath the plaster. This is also noticeable on a few disarticulated fragments. The north wall to the east of the entrance is similar in style and technique to the west side but differs in thematic content. The composition involves the king’s presence on a visit to the state granary. The figure of the tomb owner and those of the workmen in the granary courtyard are rendered, for the most part, with well-proportioned contours typical of the previous reign. Indeed, other details carved in nearly identical fashion in the tomb of Ramose, such as the flounce of the kilts, the neck-ties of the tomb owner’s transparent shirt, his skullcap and the modeling of his ear, display the conventional New Kingdom art style adhered to in the first two years of Akhenaten’s reign. However, while there was no nod given to the eccentricities of the king’s physiognomy that later appeared in the tombs at Akhetaten, the representations of human figures, and their random distribution and poses, begin to approximate the “Amarna style” in subtle transitional elements such as a protruding belly and thin upper bodies with shoulders slightly narrower than hips.50 Because this scene of a royal commission at the granaries is unique,51 no parallels can be offered with respect to the missing figure of the king. That the king’s likeness was executed in a transitional style like the others in the scene might be expected, but it is not a given.52 The introduction of an unusual royal enclosure presented a new context in which the king needed to be shown. The depiction of the royal kiosk had been developed in Theban tomb murals from the mid-18th Dynasty and was carried over into the medium of relief. A scene of the king’s appearance enthroned within this edifice became a standard in the reign of Thutmose IV and remained so throughout the reign of his son, Amenhotep III. Variations in detail attest to an array of baldachins and thrones that were obviously in use throughout the latter’s reign. Very likely the king’s 50.  Amarna Tombs I–VI. In particular compare the figure of Parennefer in his Amarna tomb: Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. III, VIII. 51.  Amenhotep III is depicted on the grounds of the state granaries in the tomb of Amenemhat Surer (TT 48), but presiding over the official celebration of the harvest festival (PM I, pt. 1: 88; Kozloff 1992: 274). 52.  For further comments and proposed graphic reconstructions, see section 5.3.

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appearance at different times and in different places under different circumstances created a need for varying installations. One diagnostic element was the decorative motif around the base of the dais. The kiosk used for the king’s jubilee displayed a dado of rḫyt-birds;53 another used for official celebrations shows foreign name rings.54 A variation involved kneeling captives from the extremes of the empire shown either with their hands raised in adoration or bound with a single lotus stem.55 The general design of the kiosk, however, never deviated from a stepped dais with light (wooden?) poles holding up an elaborate canopy within which was the throne. The depiction on the east side of the north wall in TT 188 shows that another type of royal pavilion has here been added to the repertoire—namely, one with an elevated platform having a screened balustrade. The motif of two standing captives with their backs bound to a smꜣ-plant that graced the rungs of his father’s throne in earlier tomb scenes is now transferred to the side of the balustrade screen.56 The outline of the king’s hands indicates an attitude of the king standing and leaning over the parapet with the decorated balustrade screen—an element that was soon incorporated into the reward scene at the palace balcony (see below). As for the dais itself, it is painted with yet another variation of the bound captive theme. To fill the available heightened space made by the six-stepped ascent, the captives are now depicted standing erect.57 A pavilion of similar design appears in relief in the Amarna tomb of the king’s official, Meryre, also in a setting of a granary courtyard, although in this case the king is not present.58 More definitive in terms of dating are the inscriptions in this scene, which are indicative of a specific timeline. As is seen on the west side, the didactic name of the sun-disc again appears in columns, this time painted on the garden pavilion. Furthermore, the lengthy inscription above the 53.  As seen in the tomb of Kheruef (Hodel-Hoenes 2000: Fig. 146). 54.  As seen in the tombs of Kheruef, Ramose, and Khaemhat (Hodel Hoenes 2000: Fig. 153, 154; Davies 1941: Pls. xxix–xxxi; Prisse d’Avennes 1997: Pl. II.18. 55.  TT 226 and the tomb of Anen (TT 120): Davies 1933a: Pl. xli– xliii; W. S. Smith 1981: Fig. 255. 56.  The tomb of Khaemhat (TT 57): Prisse d’Avennes 1997: Pl. II.18. 57.  Davies has noted that the screen wall around the dais was meant “to protect the occupants where there are no stairs”: Davies 1923a: 132–34. 58.  Amarna Tombs I: Pls. xxv, xxxi.

tomb owner’s head that appears in this scene provides more evidence that we are dealing with a scene that was completed by early Year 3. Here there is reference only to the Pr-itn, a term applied to the grounds given over to the cult of the sun-disc. There is no mention of the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple that was standing and in use for the ḥb-sd jubilee in the king’s third year. 4.3.5. (5) South Wall, West Side Adjacent to Inner Shrine The scene of procession to the right of the entry to the inner shrine was executed in raised relief but of a very different quality from that of the north wall. The higher and more rounded nature of the carving of the figures and especially of the registers of hieroglyphic text present a much less delicate appearance overall, but this may be due to the fact that a heavy plaster had been applied to carry out the carving of relief. Nonetheless, the multiple figures of the tomb owner were completed in similar style and proportions to those on the north wall and entry reveals. From what remains of the royal kiosk it is clear that it was a type common in preceding reigns. Curiously, the sides of the canopy show that at midsection a swath had been smoothed over and the paint smeared as though there was to be an emendation. This discolored patch, which extends somewhat above the top of the frieze, is exactly positioned for the insertion of the sun-disc icon with long rays to engulf the king’s head. Similar representations of the sun-disc rays entering through either the unbroken line of the roof or interrupting that line are seen in the Amarna tombs.59 At any rate, the omission of the god’s new icon in a royal scene indicates a date before Year 3. It further suggests that the missing figure of the king, enthroned under the baldachin, was pictured in the more classic style. Although in relief of possibly much better quality, Amenhotep IV is similarly portrayed in the tomb of Ramose.60 4.3.6. (6) North Wall, Further from Entrance An abrupt transition from decoration in low limestone relief to flat painted murals is seen on both sides of the 59.  See the tombs of Parennefer, Tutu, and Ay (Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. VI; II: Pl. XXXVIII). 60.  Aldred 1968: 90, Fig. 11.

Dating and Chronology

north wall, as well as the west side of the south wall. This sudden change could possibly be an index of the sequence of work within the tomb’s hall. Being the most expensive and time-consuming method of decoration, relief was initially carved where it could best be seen and appreciated. The painted murals, on the other hand, begin at the point where the natural light from the entranceway fails to reach. They would have taken much less time and did not require raking light. Moreover, good sculptors were in high demand and the best were at the beck and call of the king. Certainly, by the middle of the king’s third year on the throne, most would have been commandeered to work on Pharaoh’s own extensive and rapidly executed building program underway on the east bank.61 Nevertheless, not much time could have elapsed in completing the decoration of the remaining sections of the north wall as the new art style of the king’s command was not yet initiated when the painted murals were applied. Both in thematic content and artistic style, the painters carried out a program on the eastern side of the north wall that is in keeping with other painted tombs of the previous reign. But clearly the murals were done expeditiously with little time accorded to detail. 4.3.7. (7) South Wall: West Side Further from Inner Shrine The comments made above in the case of the north wall sections further from the entrance apply in kind to the decoration on the west side of the south wall. While the entire wall remains with a heavy plaster coating, the figures of the tomb owner are executed in nothing more than flat paint. 4.3.8. (8) West Wall, (9) Left Section of East Wall, and (10) Pillars The flat painted murals continue in a color palette and style (as well as theme completion) similar to the adjacent walls and remaining pillar. As is the case with the reliefs, the art style, particularly in terms of the drawing of the 61.  D. Redford 1999: 50–59; D. Redford 2013: 19–22; Reeves 2001: 99–100.

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human figures, is moderate as opposed to the eccentric Amarna style. Perhaps another indication that we are dealing with work undertaken prior to Year 3 is the inclusion of the snake goddess, Renenutet, in the vintage scene on the east wall, although this is not a reliable marker. Renenutet was an integral part of garden and vintage scenes as a nourishing spiritual presence rather than a divinity to be worshipped.62 Her presence may not have been viewed offensive in terms of the new monotheism, much like the protecting uraeus, or it is possible that such symbols were so engrained in the cultural landscape as to have become inconspicuous. 4.3.9. (11) Jambs of the Exterior Doorway These surfaces, of which only the eastern jamb is completely intact, seem to continue the text and content of the lintel above. Formulae on the fragmentary right (western) jamb pointing to his function as a šmsw before his protégé came to the throne suggest a broader life purview. There is indication, however, of a date late in Phase II, as Parennefer appears to have accomplished more than he had done when the lintel was carved. In particular he now has the oversight of artisans and has been instrumental in introducing monuments into the Pr-itn, which is thus already in existence. Significantly, as elsewhere in this tomb, Gm-pꜣ-itn is nowhere mentioned. 4.3.10. (12) South Wall, East Side On the eastern side of the south wall (to the left of the entrance to the inner chamber) the full-blown Amarna style and iconography are finally exhibited in a scene depicting the rewarding of the tomb owner. Thus, it represents the latest scene to be executed within TT 188. The ungainly proportions of the king’s likeness, introduced by the end of Year 3, are reflected in the standing figures of Parennefer and the servants. Reward scenes, a common theme in 18th Dynasty tomb decoration,63 will undergo a change that begins with this one presently under discussion. 62.  Leitz 2002–2003 IV: 686–92. 63.  Munro 1975; Binder 2008.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

The rewarding of officials is not confined to a single setting but can change subject to practical or ideological considerations. In the simplest format the king, alone or with the queen (especially in the Amarna period), stands in an open space, sometimes with a backdrop of a broader vista: ships in the harbor and villas,64 a kiosk or temple,65 a colossal statue.66 Most frequently this outdoor ceremony obliges the king (and his hostess) to be seated67 in an open kiosk or standing at a gate68 within a large open space, the latter required for practical reasons to accommodate what is on display.69 The original ceremony was probably conceived as an open-air performance for maximum audience70 and required the king to be enthroned within a roofed kiosk. Some examples involving kiosks are conceived along otherworldly lines, showing forth the monarch in Osirian context with divine companions, as though the reward had graduated to a moral register extending beyond the grave.71 The translation of the ceremony to a large court in front of the palace façade, thus necessitating an elevated balcony, likewise derived from practical considerations. Only in such a venue could an entire army or vast quantities of tribute be viewed,72 and only in such a setting could the king see and be seen when he bestowed his largess on an assembled multitude to be rewarded for good service. The bestowal of honors, as it developed in the context of the window, is an offshoot of the monthly recompense of officialdom, both official (srw) and support staff (smdt), with victuals and favors, offered up at a banquet.73 The architectural arrangement eliminated the intimacy of 64.  Amarna I: Pl. 30; IV: Pl. 8 (top). 65.  Amarna II: Pl. 41; IV: Pls. 6–7. 66.  Ippel and Roeder 1921: Abb. 33. 67.  Cf. Davies 1923b: p. XI. Possible restoration of caption [ḥms] -nsw [ḥr sṯ] wrt, “Royal [sitting upon] the great [throne].” 68.  OIP 1980: Pls. 24, 28 [Kheruef]. 69.  On New Year’s gifts, see Davies 1923b (“monuments placed in the presence for viewing”); Schott 1957: Pl. 3; on captives, see Martin 1989: Pls. 107, 108; OIP 1980: Pl. 24 [Kheruef] (courtiers fêted by king). 70.  OIP 1980: where the rewarding of the courtiers is said to take place at the great gate of the palace. 71.  Davies 1923b; OIP 1980 (with Hathor); Vergote 1959: 132, Fig. 7; KRI I: 291–93 (with Ma’at); TT 23 (18) (with souls of Pe and Nekhen and winged goddess). 72.  Anast. iii. 7.5; iv. 17.7; P. Koller 5.1. 73.  ATP 1: 132–36. The passage in Kheruef’s tomb is most explicit (OIP 1980: Pl. 28).

confronting the multitude in a ground-level kiosk, but it facilitated singling out individuals and scattering trinkets broadside.74 While this feasting and rewarding of the multitude has a long history,75 and it would be foolish to deny the presence of windows in palace architecture at an early date,76 the window of appearance77 entered the iconography of the reward scene through the mediacy of the Karnak palace.78 The decoration of TT 188 had not reached that point in development and retains the kiosk in the scene in question. In TT 188 this key element in the composition appears in transition. Although the surface is badly damaged, the king and queen are seated in what seems to be a typical kiosk, the canopy of which, however, has been modified to admit the rays of the sun-disc. The broken cornice, which appears to have edges floating in midair, becomes standard in depictions of the royal palace, specifically framing the window of appearance.79 In every other respect it is a kiosk, not the palace façade that is being depicted in 74.  The Horemheb decree is explicit on this: (Urk. 2158–59) “My majesty made it an irrevocable custom of my [majesty] for every first day, that they should wait on [my majesty at the particular] time of the month, and be treated right festally, each man sitting at his portion of all good things, viz. fine bread, beef, cake of royal provenience, [their heads(?)] being an[ointed with] unguent, their shouting reached heaven, extolling the lord’s goodness; . . . the chiefs of the foot soldiers, every officer of the army and every man in [. . . 4 groups . . . without] exception, casting things down to them from the window and calling every man by name by the king himself. They went forth from the presence rejoicing and fed with the king’s largess . . .” No word description could better gloss the scenes from the Gm-pꜣ-itn (ATP 1: Pls. 63–65). 75.  See ATP I: 134; to which add Farage 1980: col. 25+x (military commanders and their recruits). 76.  Undoubtedly under Asiatic influence: cf. the singular importance of the window in Ba‘al’s palace (ANET: 134–35), the windows through which Apophis’s women peep at Avaris (Helck 1975: 92 line 8), the common “women-at-the-window” motif (Roaf 1990: 157), and the window euhemerized in the story of The Doomed Prince (5,5). 77.  On the window of appearance in general, see Stadelmann 1973: 221–42; Kemp 1976: 81–99; Vomberg 2004. 78.  The palace stood north of the fourth pylon at an undetermined though modest remove: Gitton 1974: 63–73; D. Redford 1973: 87–90. Its position influenced the siting of the Gm-pꜣ-itn, which was connected to it by a transit corridor (D. Redford 1994a: 485–92). Excavations by the author at East Karnak and by D. Redford at the site in 2006 have demonstrated that this corridor, paved with sandstone, remained in use into the Third Intermediate Period, long after the palace was gone. The façade of the palace faced south, thus providing the starting point for the north–south processional corridor through pylons 7 through 10 (yet to be published). 79.  See above (section 3.9.1); Davies 1923a: 138–39, Pl. XXIII; for the balcony in the talatat scenes, see ATP I: 122–36; Vergnieux and Gondran 1997: 178.

Dating and Chronology

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our scene. Indeed, the palace balcony was first introduced in the jubilee reliefs of the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple on the east bank. Before the move to Akhetaten, it was fully developed as the setting for the audience and reward ceremony, as evidenced in the tomb of Ramose.80 In the future this window and the court in front would provide the venue for all reward ceremonies.81 Once this template of the Window of Appearances is incorporated in the repertoire of reliefs in the Amarna tombs, the royal kiosk is no longer rendered with a broken cornice. Parennefer’s Theban tomb is, then, the earliest example of the standard reward scene carried over into the new art style. A new template representing the king in his eccentric form, seated within the kiosk, must have been introduced on this wall of the tomb, later to be reduplicated in the tombs at Amarna. Notwithstanding some differences, the slouching figure of the king in the Amarna tombs of Meryre II and Parennefer must surely have paralleled closely the TT 188 relief. This scene dates from the time that the talatat scenes of the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple were being carved and painted, in the run-up to the jubilee at the end of the third year.82 Arguably, the remodeled palace façade with its window was introduced originally to meet the demands of Akhenaten’s sd-festival,83 yet we look in vain in the sun-disc’s epithets for a reference to Gm-pꜣ-itn. Thus, we are provided with a chronological time spanning merely months.

arms.84 Although there is not much detail beyond outlines painted on a flat painted stark white background, traces of the Amarna blue color adheres to a lotus flowers she holds in her hands. There can be little doubt the wall was decorated within the same time frame as the reward scene on the south wall. Although very little remains, this may be the only instance of the commonplace artistic template of the seated couple at home in 18th Dynasty tomb decoration adapted in the Amarna art style in the Theban Necropolis.85

4.3.11. (13) East Wall, Right Section

A slight modification to the royal offering scenes was the addition of the iconic sunray arms over the king and censer. This can be seen still on the wall before the king’s face and on a recovered fragment.87 What makes the addition distinct is their execution in sunken relief as opposed to the rest of the wall.

The wall is badly damaged and sooted. However, the figures of the tomb owner and his wife are clearly defined. The human form of the Amarna art style that appears on the adjacent south wall is here evident: Parennefer is drawn with narrow shoulders, a gangly neck, and a tight-fitting cap over a protruding skull. His wife, sitting behind, has a rather scrawny figure with extremely thin

80.  Davies 1941, Pls. XXXII–XXXVII; see also discussion of location in Binder 2008: 82. 81.  Amarna Tombs I, Pl. VI; VI, Pls. XIX, XXIX; II: Pl. XXXIII; III: Pls. XVI, XVII; where Parennefer too will be later honored (Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. IV). 82.  See D. Redford 1994a. 83.  There seems no evidence that this mode of presentation of the royal person dates from Amenophis III’s reign: Gnirs 2009: 35–36.

4.3.12. (14) Courtyard Façade Finally, the scene carved on the courtyard façade represents the last surface to undergo decoration before work on the tomb was abandoned. After the art was “purified,” the only cultic scene that was permitted was that of the king, often the queen as well, making offerings to the sundisc. The standardized format of the scene first appears on the talatat reliefs of the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple and is then carried to Amarna with next to no new elements being added.86 The appearance of the name Gm-pꜣ-itn inscribed in the scene further pinpoints the date of the tomb’s abandonment. 4.3.13. (15) North Wall, West Side Addition

84.  The drawing of her figure is highly reminiscent of that of Nefertiti sitting in the palace, as depicted on the walls of the Gm-pꜣ-itn temple (ATP 1: Pls. 63, 70; D. Redford 1984: Fig. 16). One is tempted to see the hand of the same artist at work. 85.  It did make the transfer to Amarna tomb decoration, as seen in the tomb of Paneshy (Amarna Tombs II, Pl. XXIII). The width of the wall scene in Paneshy’s tomb suggests that Parennefer’s scene might have contained similar elements. 86.  See the scene restoration below (section 5.5); Smith and Redford 1976: 55–56. 87.  Wall block H24 (see chapter 6).

Chapter 5

Scene Restoration

TT 188 is historically one of the most important tombs in the Theban Necropolis, not least of all due to the fact that the tomb’s decorated walls show the evolution and execution of a new artistic style and thematic content insisted upon by the king’s new monotheistic religious program. Examination of the reliefs and paintings in this tomb shed new light on this period of transition between the traditional canons of art that had been the norm long before Akhenaten came to the throne and the expressionism of the new Amarna art style. Both appear on the walls in revealing sequence. This has been adumbrated in the previous chapters and is visually shown in the plates within this volume. Since figures of the king and queen have been thoroughly excised from the tomb’s walls as part of the damnatio memoriae perpetrated against them, a precise graphic restoration of how they were depicted in each scene can never be achieved. The south wall reward scene and façade were carved at approximately the same time as decoration was being applied to the king’s temple constructions on the east bank (quite probably by some of the same craftsmen). The immediate initiation of a new unconventional art style demanded of these artisans produced varying results. Even a mere cursory look at the figures of the royal couple as they appear on the walls of the Gm-pꜣ-itn (as well as Rwd-mnw, Tni-mnw, and Ḥwt-bnbn) reveals several different artists’ hands, each giving a somewhat different treatment of the royal

physiognomy.1 Indeed, their appearance on the Karnak talatat ranges from grotesque caricature to soft and naturalistic portrayal.2 Current and detailed art historical study has fully recognized the noticeable change in the king’s figure throughout the span of the Amarna period, and certainly much has been written on what came about in just a few short years from the reign of Amenhotep III to that of his son. Nevertheless, what is at times simply called “the early form” in reference to the king’s Theban years prior to his move to Akhetaten is worthy of closer dissection.3 That said, the arguments outlined in the previous chapter on dating criteria and chronological sequence for the tomb’s decoration allow for suggested reconstructions of the missing scenes of royal appearance.

5.1. South Wall, West Side On the south wall to the right of the inner shrine doorway, Parennefer’s figure is represented seven times bringing 1.  Possibly as many as six, but this is, admittedly, nothing more than an arbitrary impression. Material bearing upon the art style for the first five years of the reign will be treated separately by the author in a forthcoming volume (D. Redford and S. Redford, Per-Aten: House of the Sun-Disc). 2.  The intact depiction of servants in Parennefer’s reward scene will likely aid in the identification of a particular nuanced form seen on talatat. This will entail a lengthy disquisition that will be left for the aforementioned future publication. 3.  As noted by Johnson 2015: 295.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 5.1. Reconstruction of the royal kiosk in the processional scene.

the ꜥnḫ-bouquet to the king seated in a kiosk on the left (see Pl. 17; Fig. 3.27). All that remains of the royal kiosk are the front poles, a small section of the dais decorated with a recurring pattern of ꜥnḫ and wꜣs-scepters over a nb-basket that might have included a ḏd-column,4 and 4.  For interpretation of the reading “all life, all stability, and all sovereignty,” and a complete listing of tomb decoration showing examples of the similar frieze on the dais, as is found in our scene, see Harwig 2004: 58. This particular frieze minus the ḏd-column appears often on the Osiris dais in the underworld and also on cartonnage mummy cases of the 22nd Dynasty, and it may possibly be iconographic symbolism for eternal life. For examples, see Taylor 2003: Pls. 45, 48.

most importantly, in terms of restoration, more than half of the canopy. Here, at what must be the center-point of the canopy, the paint has been washed out. The size and position of the erasure suggests that after the unbroken cornice of the kiosk was painted, there was a plan to go back and insert the sun-disc icon with radiating arms. This was never realized. Nevertheless, such as it is, it is possible to ascertain the width of the kiosk and in doing so approximate the position of the king sitting within. Given the narrowness of the structure and the probable height of the seated figure, not much space is allowed for

Scene Restoration

the inclusion of a seated female figure, as is the case in the royal kiosk scene in the tomb of Ramose where Amenhotep IV appears with the goddess Ma’at. Certainly it is possible that the figures overlap, but the degree of overlap would be far more extensive in our kiosk than what we see in Ramose. What seems more probable is that the king is seated either alone or with a female figure standing behind him. One can point to parallels for either scenario, albeit from earlier reigns. The tomb of Khaemhat depicts Amenhotep III alone within the kiosk,5 and in the tomb of Amenhotep-sise, Thutmose IV is also depicted alone within a kiosk, being offered a bouquet. However, a stronger argument can perhaps be made for the inclusion of a standing female figure.6 In the tomb of Nakht and TT 226, both decorated in the early part of Amenhotep III’s reign, that king appears with his mother behind him. Given the width of the royal kiosk in the Parennefer scene, the forward position of the king’s figure would easily allow for the standing figure behind. Moreover, the presence of the queen mother early in her son’s reign is attested in both texts and reliefs from this period.7 The restoration of the king’s figure militates in favor of a traditional depiction on two counts. First, the figures of Parennefer in this scene, while perhaps not done in the high classical art style of Ramose’s figures, are certainly not in the eccentric new style exemplified by the talatat and on the opposite wall (south wall, east side). Second, the inclusion of the sun-disc icon as an afterthought indicates that at the time of the painting of the royal kiosk, the new canons of style had not yet been introduced.

5.2. South Wall, East Side The south wall adjoining the inner shrine on the east presents the king and queen presiding over the rewarding of Parennefer (see Pl. 11; Fig. 3.21). The focus of the reward scene is the royal kiosk, which frames the entire height of the wall at far right. Unlike the edifice that is pictured on the opposite side, this baldachin displays stylistic 5.  Prisse d’Avennes 1997: Pl. II.18. 6.  Harwig, 2004: 65. 7.  The tomb of Kheruef (Aldred 1968: Pl. 41); Freed, D’Auria, and Markowitz 1999: Fig. 117, cat. #120 (EA 26).

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elements developed later. These include a broken double cornice that allows for the insertion of the sun-disc icon and its rays stretching down over the royal couple, and the early didactic name of the Aten enclosed in double cartouches. Besides the cartouches of the diety, two cartouches of the king are also visible, but only the one bearing the name of Amenhotep remains intact. Although the space within the frame of the structure has been hacked away almost in its entirety with no trace of the figures of the royal couple, certain outlines can be discerned. No part of the king’s throne remains, but most noticeable is the outline of the queen’s chair, which can be recognized as a low-backed chair with lion’s-paw legs. The edges of the king and queen’s footstools can also still be discerned. The queen’s footrest is in part preserved with a clearly defined space indicating the position of the queen’s feet and the flow of her gown. Partially intact along the inside of both the right and left side tent poles are registers of text. At right is a register beginning with the title ḥmt-nsw, “King’s Wife,” which confirms that Nefertiti was indeed depicted here. Also preserved is the base of the queen’s cartouche, and beneath, the word ꜥnḫ, “living.” Given the length and size of the register, one can confidently restore: “[Great] King’s-Wife, [his beloved, Nefer-neferu-aten Nefertiti], living [forever].” Along the left side, two badly fragmented registers expressing “words spoken to Parennefer” extol a rather standard patter of all lands being under the feet of the king. The pattern of chipping immediately beneath these registers as well as the excising of a small portion of the bottom part of the canopy pole denotes the inclusion of Parennefer’s hands within the space of the baldachin. Other traces include the back portion of the king’s footstool and sharp, angular outlines that perhaps indicate the sashes of the king’s gown. But what will clinch the positioning and size of the royal figures are the king’s toe (resting on the footstool), the outline of the king’s seatcushion and the hack-lines of the tops of the king and queen’s crowns. The king wears the khopresh crown, as clearly revealed in outline by the rounded front curve and downward slant of the backside. The tall flat crown of Nefertiti is in evidence by partially remaining carved lines of the flat top and corner. This is not the only depiction of the queen at Thebes wearing her unique headdress. She

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 5.2. Reconstruction of the royal baldachin in the reward scene.

appears in it twice in talatat from the Gm-pꜣ-itn depicting her in an offering scene with her daughters8 and showing her on a panel of the royal barge.9 The human figures in this scene and the kiosk elements are executed unequivocally in the Amarna art style; furthermore, the decoration on this wall, right up to the obliterated corner, was carried out in sunken relief filled in with Amarna blue paint. There can be little doubt, 8.  ATP 1: Pl. 32:7. 9.  ATP 1: Pl. 23:2. See also Tawfik 1975: 162; Fig. 1; Matić 2017: 103–21. For discussion and the possible significance of the queen’s tall headdress, see Gabolde 2015.

therefore, that the images of the king and queen were here likewise depicted.10 In that regard, the possible restoration can be suggested mimicking one type form of the king’s and queen’s figures seen in Gm-pꜣ-itn reliefs and the similar kiosk scene in Parennefer’s Amarna tomb.11 The queen’s figure may have slightly overlapped that of 10.  The views of Davies and Nims (Davies 1923a: 147; Nims 1973: 184) that the depiction of the royal couple was in the traditional art style seems highly unlikely. 11.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. VI. The decoration seen on his Amarna tomb walls can only be a matter of one year (if that) after the final scenes put on the walls of his Theban tomb.

Scene Restoration

her husband; however, the position of the couple’s arms and hands is supposition.12 The rest of the wall has suffered extensive damage as well, but enough remains for one to somewhat fill in the missing sections with templates used commonly in the reward scenes in tomb decoration. The practice of rewarding good service by the bestowal of gold in various forms—a fundamental incentive informing Egyptian society—makes its first appearance in the Old Kingdom,13 but it is only in the 18th Dynasty that the ceremony is pictured. In the most direct but not the most original means of putting the rewards (usually collars) into the hands of the honored courtier, the king and/or queen toss the objects down from the window.14 More commonly—and this must have been the original format—two or more servants intervene to adorn and anoint the favored one.15 Usually the servant adjusting the collar(s) will stand with his back to the window or kiosk, while his colleagues who do the anointing or carry trays will line up on the far side.16 Coincidentally, the most detailed and realistic representation of a reward scene appears to be that of Parennefer himself at Amarna.17 Three servants remove the gold collars from a box while a scribe makes a note of the withdrawal on his papyrus. One servant, back to the window, adjusts the collars, while his colleague smears on the unguent and three others proceed from the box bearing bowls of unguent18 and additional collars.19 The large number of wine jars being carried in the lowest register apprises us of the gala party that must follow.20 Another 12.  There is no indication of a daughter, or daughters, either standing by her mother’s chair (cf. Amarna VI: Pl. VI) or on her mother’s lap (cf. Amarna VI: Pl.XVII). Nor, given the size and positioning of the royal couple, does there seem to be any available space for their names. 13.  Feucht 1977: 731–33. 14.  D. Redford 1970: 210–13, nos. 8, 11, 17, 23, 24. 15.  Rarely only one: ibid., nos. 12, 14; cf. Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. XIX (Tutu). 16.  Amarna Tombs I: Pl. XXX [Meryre]; II: Pl. 33 [Meryre]; IV: Pl. VIII [Pentu]; VI: Pl. XXIX [Ay]. 17.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. IV. 18.  This large carinated bowl, perhaps of metal, is seen in several reward scenes. In addition to the examples in TT 188, cf. Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. IV; Hari 1985: Pl. VI. This type is well known in the ceramic repertoire of the 18th and 19th Dynasties: Kelley 1976: Pls. 67.4, 67.18, 67.11 etc.; ATP III: Pl. LXXII, no. 2. 19.  Similarly, Martin 1989: Pl. 107–8. 20.  This is specified in TT 50 as silver, gold, clothing, ointment, loaves, beer, beef, and cakes (Hari 1985: Pl. VI). Elsewhere: bread of the

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register pictures jubilant women with tambourines greeting the return of the decorated tomb owner. This is a feature in other tombs of which a small bit remains intact in the TT 188 scene.21 The reward scene ends, though, in his Theban tomb with Parennefer sitting (at home) overlooking the stacking of numerous trestle tables with his gifts.

5.3. North Wall, East Side To the east of the main entryway, Parennefer is depicted receiving a commission from the king (his figure is now destroyed), who tersely commands: “Give your attention to the divine endowment!” Parennefer responds with the obversations translated earlier (see section 3.4) and then turns to supervise the collection of food and drink depicted in the three panels on the right. Except for the corner adjacent to the entrance, the whole is reasonably well preserved, and the fading is slight, and therefore it needs no added graphic restoration. Arguably the most famous scene in the tomb, the king was depicted within the confines of an unusual garden pavilion, now almost wholly destroyed (see Pl. 9). The high frontage of the structure, with its double-tiered decoration of adoring and bound captives, can be directly paralleled to representations of the palace façade as shown in Parennefer’s and others’ Amarna tombs.22 This decorative motif allows for the estimated width of the illustration and the pavilion itself. Three adoring Asiatics, lassoed by papyrus stems, face the smꜣ-plant, and undoubtedly they were counterbalanced by three adoring figures of Sudanese captives lassoed by lotus stems. Atop the dais, the screen wall is decorated with the single figure of an Asiatic, bound with arms behind him by papyrus fronds. The other half of the panel can be confidently restored with a Nubian similarly bound with lotus fronds.

royal breakfast, beer . . . , fatty beef, vegetables, various fruit, honeyed cakes, wine, and cool water (Urk. IV, 59 [Ineny]); bread, beer, beef of long-horns, wine, cakes, all sorts of fine vegetables (Urk. IV, 911 [Amenemheb]); fine bread, beef, cakes, royal dainties (Urk. IV 2158 [Horemheb]). 21.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pls. V [Parennefer], XX [Tutu]; II: Pls. X– XI [Panehsy], Pls. XXXIII–XXXVI [Meryre]; Davies 1933a: Pl. XVII [Neferhotep]. 22.  For parallels, see above.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Figure 5.3. Possible reconstructions of the garden pavillion in the granary scene, traditional style (left), Amarna style (right).

Within the estimated space that the enclosure provides, the figure of the king can be positioned given the hacklines of the king’s hands. The left hand rests on the outline of a cushion; the right is raised and gestures toward Parennefer. With so many depictions at Amarna showing the king leaning over a cushioned parapet with his hands positioned in the exact same manner, it is difficult to imagine him in any other form but the new art style. It must be

admitted, however, that Parennefer and the lesser figures on this wall are rendered in a much more moderate style. Moreover, the Sun-Disc’s name as it appears on the pole of the enclosure is not in cartouches, pointing to a date prior to the middle of Year 3. What remains of the pavilion shows a fluidity of the low limestone relief with the rest of the granary scene, and therefore it seems unlikely that the enclosure with its royal occupant was completed

Scene Restoration

sometime later. One is left to wonder if the king’s figure was rendered in a truly “transitional” style. There is some possibility that the king in the pavilion was altered later to include the sun rays over him, as is in evidence on the western side of the north wall. For the restoration below, Davies’s rendering of the missing figure of King Ay in the tomb of Neferhotep in the palace window may serve as a model of the art style in place on the morrow of the return to Thebes.23

5.4. North Wall, West Side The north wall to the west of the entrance has suffered 90 % destruction. In the later reuse of the tomb, the chamber carved in the rock between the transverse hall and the outer façade (AT-1), the relief scenes were smashed and the fragments scattered over the floor. Many found their way into four burial shafts. Careful clearance of the shafts has brought some forty-five fragments to light, which together with the surviving decoration of the margins of the wall has made possible a reconstruction of the sequence and nature of the scenes in broad terms.24 As the east side of the north wall depicts the production of grain and wine, so the west side is devoted to cattle production. On the shorter north side of the west wall, large cattle are being tended, and apparently one is singled out. The “reading” of the reliefs must thus begin on this adjacent west wall, where cattle are being brought and Parennefer leads the way with a bouquet. As one rounds the corner onto the north wall, three panels confront the viewer—from left to right, Panels A, B, and C—each one occupying the full height of the wall (see Pl. 22; Fig. 3.18). What we have in the first two panels (A and B), reflecting Parennefer’s agency in constructing the Pr-itn (the House of the Sun-Disc), is the axial corridor of that compound before the erection of the Gm-pꜣ-itn. Continuing on from the west wall onto Panel A, Parennefer follows his king on foot through an open-columned court, symbolized 23.  Davies 1933a: Pl. IX. For analysis on the various stages of artistic changes both pre-Amarna and post-Amarna, see among others, Freed 1999: 187–96; Johnson 1990: 26–46. 24.  The tentative placement of these blocks is noted in chapter 3. See also the wall block listing in chapter 6.

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by rows of papyriform columns at the top and bottom of the wall, until they reach a pylon (see Pl. 22). In light of what is to come in the second and third panels, this must represent the egress from the palace compound.25 An oftrepeated scene in the talatat decoration of the Gm-pꜣ-itn signals the start of the daily procession. It may well be that the figure of the king was holding bouquets for presentation to the Re-Harakhty altar in the next panel.26 An unplaced fragment may indicate what precedes Parennefer and his king as they exit the palace. The block shows two men facing right holding on to and pulling a rope.27 What the latter was attached to is now lost, but in light of the theme on the talatat scenes, it is tempting to restore the common “bull-dragging” scene, in which a gang of men pulls a wheeled cart containing an enormous bull that has been fattened since birth and cannot walk.28 Since the figures of Akhenaten and Parennefer at the left extremity of the scene in Panel A would have occupied roughly one square meter of wall space, there would have been roughly the same amount remaining within to accommodate the dragging scene—which for reasons of size and content cannot be placed elsewhere.29 Several scenes from the Gm-pꜣ-itn show a pylon fronting the temple, sometimes with an offering menu engraved before it. Another stray block betrays the presence of this pylon.30 Most likely, and by a process of elimination in fact, this architectural feature provided the intersection (with a vertical dividing line?) separating Panels A and B 25.  ATP 1: Pls. 36, 59, 60, 72; D. Redford 2013: 17; D. Redford 1984: 119, Fig. 7.12. 26.  The king is seen offering bouquets to a hawk-headed sun god on the walls of the Gm-pꜣ-itn, which depicts the tenth pylon offering scene (Smith and Redford 1976: Pl. VIII.3). Though the tenth pylon decoration is in the tradition art style of Phase II, the talatat block shows it represented in the new style of Phase III introduced for the sdjubilee. Again, this is indicative that the decoration of the tomb’s north wall was carried out amid these events. 27.  Wall block H23 (see chapter 6). 28.  See ATP 2: 10, Pl. 31. It would be only logical that an animal sacrifice was included in the action of the scene, and the only place for it would be this panel. Perhaps the arrangement approximated that of the altar scene in the Gm-pꜣ-itn, in which behind the king at the offering table lies a row of trussed bulls: see D. Redford 1983: Pl. XXXI. 29.  It must be admitted, though, that the depiction is executed in low limestone relief that fits with the method utilized in Panels A and B rather than the remains of the flat painted mural of Panel C. 30.  Wall block Hx+3 (see chapter 6). A talatat from the Gm-pꜣ-itn depicts an identically drawn pylon with the king entering (ATP 1: Pl. 56, 2).

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Figure 5.4. Partial reconstruction of the Per-Aten scene, Panel A.

and therefore represents the front of the temple.31 Thus, in Panels B and C we are to imagine ourselves within the Pr-itn. The middle panel (Panel B) has suffered most of the three, but again random fragments and the margins of the scene fix its contents. The scanty remains of wall decoration show the sacred space of the compound occupied by a broad Re-Harakhty altar, which dominates the scene. At the right end of the altar podium stood a table, which surviving traces 31.  One other recovered block (SII 192) reveals an architectural feature that is very similar to one depicted in the tomb of Amenhot-sise (TT 75). This has been identified as an outwork porch attached as an entranceway to the fourth pylon at Karnak (Davies 1923b: 14, Pl. XII; Yoyotte 1953: 28–38). Where this loose block would fit before the pylon in the panel is difficult to determine. It may be that it belongs to a lost scene on another wall or pillar (see chapter 6).

combined with recovered fragments tell us was laden with food and bouquets.32 Presumably the king was shown, as celebrant before the table with Parennefer behind him, but apart from an errant block no trace of either of them has survived intact on the wall. It is unclear whether we should include any other components in this vignette, but two fragments recovered from one of the shafts might well come from this wall. The fragments in question depict square piers and an architrave that would have been erected within the Pr-itn compound. Of significant note (for both in terms of the chronology of the reign and the dating of 32.  A full description of the Re-Harackte altar, what remains intact on the wall, and what the placement of the recovered wall blocks entails, is adumbrated above (see section 3.8.2).

Scene Restoration

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Figure 5.5. Reconstruction of the Per-Aten scene, Panel C.

the decoration of the north wall) is what is being shown within the compound. Apart from two outdoor Re-Harakhty altars (one the dominating feature of this panel and the other the single focus of Panel C), there is nothing else—simply because there was nothing more standing at that point in time. The walls of the Gm-pꜣ-itn were yet to be constructed, and the name itself had not yet been decided. The final panel on the right, Panel C, enjoys the best preservation (see Pl. 21). Here was depicted (in somewhat smaller scale) a second podium, also approached by a sloping ramp. A single scene of the king on the ReHarakhty altar, with the tomb owner in attendance, occupies the entire frame. Atop the altar, traces of a human

toe and staff evince a depiction of the common image of the anthropomorphic falcon-headed deity. The human occupants of this scene have survived in traces. The king’s figure and stance can be put into the picture by the remaining minute features, which include the outline of his blue crown and the edge of his sandal and shoulder. That he holds a censer in hand proffering to the deity is determined by a recovered fragment here inserted in the restoration. Parennefer is easily restored by his lower legs and feet, which remain intact. Moreover, the several fragments recovered from the hall and shafts showing his torso, shoulder, and hands grasping the stems of an offering are here restored. Davies mentions a “derelict fragment” showing him wearing “gold collars,” but

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unfortunately this block was not found.33 Included in this restoration is the later addition of the sun god’s iconic rays in sunken relief, although where they emanate from is no longer detectable. Judging from the angle of the rays, it can only be the spot occupied by the protecting vulture still in evidence above the king. Several important conclusions may be drawn from the reconstruction of this western side of the north wall. First, the whole depicts the procession from palace to the enclosed grounds of the “House of the Disc” complex and the animal sacrifice and bouquet-bringing ritual performed therein (the exercise that is dubbed in the accompanying inscriptions “bringing all fine and pure vegetables and all aromatic herbs”). The “House of the Disc” already has features that would become familiar in the context of the renamed Gm-pꜣ-itn—palace colonnade, processional way, pylon, podium-altars-cum-ramps (so-called Re-Harakhty altars), and rectilinear piers (but lacking the later colossi). Second, the “House of the Disc,” the precursor to the Gm-pꜣ-itn, is shown with two, not one, courts ostensibly open to the sky. Now in the light of what was exposed in the renovation of the drainage system in the villages to the east of Karnak,34 Parennefer’s schematic rendering may introduce a caveat. For in the diggings associated with the renovations on the site of East Karnak it was discovered that the talatat walls of the later Gm-pꜣ-itn described a square roughly 220 meters on a side. The evidence of the tomb scene now obliges us either to introduce a north-tosouth cross-wall within this “square,” thus dividing the whole into two courts, or to postulate the presence of a second court, as yet undetected, lying east of the first and under the present village.

5.5. Courtyard Façade Although only a few elements of this thematic motif can still be discerned, enough remains to restore what becomes the most generic template of the Amarna period. The artistic representation of the royal couple (with the later addition of their daughters) engaged in offering food sacrifices to the sun-disc was reproduced ad nauseam 33.  Davies 1923b: 144. 34.  Oral communication, Edwin C. Brock†.

throughout the reign. Since the artistic repertoire was depleted of any mythological symbolism or polytheistic imagery, the artists of the realm had almost nothing left to depict in terms of religious format. What was left was this one single type of cultic scene in which the king, the queen, and his sun-disc were predominant. The typical artistic elements of the Amarna style are present on the tomb’s façade—the full face of the iconic sun-disc,35 the didactic name of the sun god in cartouches, the backward turn of the legs—giving indication of an almost fully developed template of the offering scene early on. In Panel A on the left, the border of the frame behind the king shows there is little space for the queen’s figure, although since she does appear in the right panel, it is likely she was included in this frame as well. Relying on Davies’s notes and the traces of relief, a possible restoration of the figures in the left panel can be attempted: the king wearing a nemes headdress with a censor in hand, the queen behind him holding a scepter. In Panel B on the right, partial traces of relief give us definite figure placement of both the king and the queen: a portion of the queen’s figure, in a slightly smaller scale to that of her husband’s, shows her wearing the doubleplumed headdress holding a sistrum; the remaining bits of relief have the king in the blue crown wearing a bull’s tail and offering a dish with the goddess Ma’at figure. The talatat reliefs must be heavily relied upon to provide a restoration of this scene.36 Also useful is the façade of Parennefer’s Amarna tomb, where the royal offering scene appears, albeit with some variation.37 In particular, the relief on the left-hand side of the façade of Parennefer’s Amarna tomb has a lower register in which are shown bound papyrus stalks with a trussed carcass of beef. These objects, in a scene that includes a kneeling figure of Parennefer, are positioned beneath the feet of the king in the upper register. It is tempting, likewise, to restore the similar register on the west side of the north wall of Parennefer’s Theban tomb (see discussion of Panel B in previous section), where traces of a bound papyrus stalk with pinioned geese are in evidence. 35.  Smith and Redford 1976: 55. 36.  ATP 1: Pl. 3. 37.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. II.

Scene Restoration

Figure 5.6. Reconstruction of the courtyard façade, Panel A.

Figure 5.7. Reconstruction of the courtyard façade, Panel B.

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Chapter 6

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

Sixty-nine fragmented wall and ceiling blocks originating in the decorated hall were recovered from the various shafts and environs of the tomb. Although the majority are so battered or have such minimal remaining decoration that they defy placement, several can be restored to their original position on the walls with confidence. (For these blocks in context on the walls, and any inscriptional restoration some provide, see chapter 3.) The blocks, each of which was assigned a field number according to its provenience, are described here.

H14

Painted plaster with carved plant stalks. Flesh tone color with red outlines on a white background denotes tomb owner’s figure (Fig. 6.11). Original location: Panel C, north wall, west side. Fits with blocks H20, SII 58, SIII 52. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 23.5 cm × 12.0 cm.

H15

Painted plaster. Remains of hieroglyphic register painted blue and outlined in red: bottom portion of a reed leaf above; another reed leaf and the red painted curl of red crown below; blue painted register and border lines (Fig. 6.11).

Original location: undetermined. Flat painted surface with left-facing text narrows possibilities of placement to the end of walls or pillar. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 17.0 cm × 9.0 cm.

H16

Remains of two hieroglyphic columns in low limestone relief that is a portion of the didactic name of the SunDisc: remnants of nsw in the left column; an ꜥayin (facing right) with a stroke beneath followed by a book-roll in the right column (Fig. 6.12). Original location: style and direction of the glyphs indicate Panel C, on the north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 9.0 cm × 6.5 cm.

H17

Painted plaster. Remains of hieroglyphic register: nswsign painted blue and outlined in red on white background (Fig. 6.12). Original location: undetermined. Possibly part of the same text as H15.

H18

Painted low limestone relief showing a portion of an ꜥꜣ-sign with an owl beneath. Pristine coloration in red detailing and red register line (Figs. 6.1, 6.11).

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Original location: undetermined. Possibly from another tomb as the thick deep red register line and detailing does not match any textual inscription in the tomb. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 18.0 cm × 5.5 cm.

H22

Low limestone relief shows sculpted tendrils of wig of tomb owner’s wife, and portion of broad collar and fringed garment. Some traces of red and blue paint still adhering (Fig. 6.10). Original location: west reveal of entrance passage. Joins with SII 4 and Ext. Slope 56. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 16.0 cm × 5.5 cm.

H23

Figure 6.1. Wall block H18.

Painted low limestone relief depicting a portion of a man’s torso and arm with another man’s arm, both pulling on a rope. Flesh tones of man’s body intact (Figs. 6.2, 6.12). Original location: Panel A of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 17.0 cm × 17.5 cm.

H19

Remains of two hieroglyphic columns in low limestone relief: ḥm-sign in left column; irpꜥ(t) in right column (Fig. 6.11). Original location: top of fifth column in Panel C of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 12.0 cm × 7.5 cm.

Figure 6.2. Wall block H23.

H20

H24

Painted low limestone relief shows bottom portion of mꜣꜥ-ḫrw and Parennefer’s upper arm. Colors are pristine in blue, red, and flesh-tone pink on a white background (Figs. 6.12). Original location: Panel C of north wall, west side. Joins with block H98-001 as H202-98-001. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 17.5 cm × 6.5 cm.

H21

Painted limestone incised with hieroglyphic text: (partial) [god’s name hacked out] di·f pr. . . . Red register lines with blue-filled glyphs (Fig. 6.11). Original location: left jamb of entrance to inner shrine. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 24.0 cm × 6.5 cm.

Incised limestone showing arms of sun-disc with flame from the king’s censor carved in low relief. Traces of painted red plaster adhering to flame (Fig. 6.12). Original location: courtyard façade. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 24.0 cm × 14.5 cm.

H26

Painted low limestone relief of badly abraded hieroglyphic text. Tail end of f-snake (facing left) and r-sign beneath still discernible. Traces of light red and dark red paint on a white background (Fig. 6.11). Original location: undetermined—possible top right corner of east or west reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 8.0 cm × 9.0 cm.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

H27

Low limestone relief with remains of Parennefer’s title: an f-snake over two ankhs (Fig. 6.11). Original location: text columns of west reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: tansverse hall. Dimensions: 10.0 cm × 19.0 cm.

H28

Remains of three columns of hieroglyphic text painted low limestone relief: two reed leaves, n (water sign), and imy-r or ns (tongue) within two register lines. Pristine colors of red and pale blue on a white background (Figs. 6.3, 6.12). Original location: sun hymn on east reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: transverse hall (floor, west end). Dimensions: 29.0 cm × 7.0 cm.

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H31

Painted low limestone relief depicting food stack on an offering table, inc#luding a bird carcass, a beef haunch, and loaves of bread. The top of a floral bouquet can be seen at right. Color palette of blue and red on a white background with painted details (Fig. 6.11). Original location: Panel B on the north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 40.5 cm × 16.5 cm.

H37

Painted low limestone relief depicting baboons and prostrating king in a parapet design of the Re-Harakhty altar. Baboons are painted light blue with yellow dotted details. The king’s ankle and foot are evidence on the ramp (Fig. 6.4). Original location: Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall (see Davies 1923, Pl. xxviii, D). Dimensions: 21 cm × 28 cm.

Figure 6.3. Wall block H28.

H29 Badly abraded text in limestone relief. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall (floor, west side). Dimensions: 22.0 cm × 20.5 cm.

H30

Painted hieroglyphic text on plastered limestone: flat m and the top of ḥ along with another unidentifiable rounded-top sign. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 15.0 cm × 22.5 cm.

Figure 6.4. Wall block H37.

H98-001

Painted low limestone relief shows squatting figure (facing right) next to nfr-sign with upper portion of mꜣꜥ-ḫrw beneath. To the left of the text divided by a register line are the remnants of a floral bouquet; to the right of the text is the hacked-out shoulder and back of the head of the tomb owner. Colors are pristine in blue, red, green, and yellow on a white background (Figs. 6.5, 6.12).

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Original location: Panel C of north wall, west side. Joins with H20 as H202-98-001. Provenience: main hall, north recess. Dimensions: 32 cm × 13 cm.

Hx+5

Painted low limestone relief showing back portion of torso of male figure on a white background painted in a light red flesh tone. Scale and direction possibly indicates that it is the tomb owner’s figure (Fig. 6.11). Original location: possibly from reveals of entrance passage. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 16 cm × 14 cm.

Hx+6 Figure 6.5. Wall block H98-001.

H43

Painted low limestone relief. All that remains is a red outline on a white background. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: AT-1. Dimensions: 8.0 cm × 5.0 cm.

Hx+2

Painted limestone showing vertical lines in dark red filled in light red. Original location: possibly part of the offering table in Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 27 cm × 10 cm.

Hx+3

Painted low limestone relief showing upper portion of pylon gates. Traces of plaster and red paint (Fig. 6.12). Original location: division element between panels C and B of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 27 cm × 11 cm.

Hx+4

Painted limestone: white background with portion of a register line and abraded edges of two glyphs (tꜣ and nb) painted blue. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 36 cm × 17 cm.

Painted plastered limestone showing blue painted glyphs (arm and reed leaf) on a white background. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 14 cm × 9 cm.

Hx+7

Painted plastered limestone showing badly abraded red painted glyphs in two columns (two ayin-signs and traces of a pr-sign) on a white background. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 18 cm × 8 cm.

Hx+8

Painted plastered limestone showing vertical lines in red with blocks of dark red on a white background. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 12 cm × 13 cm.

Hx+9

Painted limestone relief with vertical lines and traces of blue paint. Possibly tomb owner’s wig badly hacked? Original location: possibly reveals of entrance passage. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 14 cm × 5 cm.

Hx+10

Painted plastered limestone. Unidentifiable pattern of blue and yellow lines outlined in red. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 12 cm × 5 cm.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

Hx+11

SII 4

Hx+12

SII 15

Low limestone relief with traces of royal titulary (nb-t3wy). Original location: based on style and discoloration of stone, likely panel C of north wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 10 cm × 15 cm.

Red draftsman’s lines on white plastered limestone. Original location: unfinished draftsman’s lines appear on the south wall, west side. Provenience: transverse hall. Dimensions: 20 cm × 10 cm.

SII 2

Painted plastered limestone with border frieze. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 23.5 cm × 8.0 cm.

SII 3

Low limestone relief showing three columns of text: dwꜣ (star and man with hands raised) in first column; nṯry in middle column; and traces of n and bird’s feet in third; each separated by a register line (Figs. 6.6, 6.13). Original location: west reveal at top left. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 34.0 cm × 13.5 cm.

125

Low limestone relief depicting wig of tomb owner’s wife (Fig. 6.10). Original location: west reveal of entrance passage. Joins with H22 and Ext. Slope 56. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 16.5 cm × 8.0 cm.

Painted limestone showing corner of royal kiosk with artistic elements of a was-scepter and personified staff in the henu position. Original location: based on color palette, a tomb other than TT 188(?). Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 7.0 cm × 7.5 cm.

SII 16

Painted limestone showing edges of two columns of text: w-chick in right column; portion of circle glyph and tip of red crown in left column. Color palette is same as SII 15. Original location: tomb other than TT 188(?). Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 18.7 cm × 8.2 cm.

SII 24

Painted plastered limestone showing nondescript décor in red, light red, and yellow on a white background. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 17.5 cm × 9.5 cm.

SII 28

Painted plastered limestone showing dark red vertical lines filled in dark yellow with adjacent blue band(?). Original location: possibly part of the royal kiosk on south wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 22.5 cm × 13.0 cm. Figure 6.6. Wall block SII 3.

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SII 29

Painted plastered limestone showing dark red vertical lines filled in light red and band of dark yellow. Color scheme similar to Hx+2. Original location: possibly part of offering table in panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 40 cm × 19 cm.

SII 35

Painted plastered limestone with unidentifiable elements. Dark red coloration with blackened soot damage. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 8 cm × 9 cm.

SII 42

SII 57

Low limestone relief depicting top of sun-disc with edge of uraeus. Original location: figure of Re-Harackhty on Panel C of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 21 cm × 8 cm.

SII 58

Low limestone relief depicting plant stems of tomb owner’s bouquet. Stems are painted pale blue and yellow on a white background (Figs. 6.9, 6.13). Original location: Panel C of north wall, west side. Joins with block SIII 52. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 31.5 cm × 14.0 cm.

Painted plastered limestone showing architraves of colonnaded court with textual band. Architraves are painted red lines, and text is pale blue on a white background. Original location: Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 25.5 cm × 12.5 cm.

SII 65

SII 53

SII 66

Corner block showing double-sided decoration of painted limestone. Simple edge of wall border design painted in bands of blue and yellow on one side; other side depicts a star above a rḫyt-bird upon a nb-basket in low relief (Fig. 6.13). Original location: possibly corner of the west reveal (completely denuded) or perhaps a corner of one of the missing hall piers. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 20.5 cm × 17.5 cm × 10 cm.

SII 55

Painted plastered limestone showing traces of a border design of blue and yellow bands. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 27 cm × 10 cm.

Incised limestone showing unfinished textual registers: standing figure in left column; st and nb signs in right column (Fig. 6.14). Original location: right jamb of entrance doorway. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 23 cm × 11 cm.

Incised limestone showing partial textual register with glyphs and register line filled in blue over red: partial ḫ with r beneath followed by tp facing left (Fig. 6.13). Original location: right jamb of inner shrine doorway. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 18 cm × 9 cm.

SII 67

Incised limestone showing two columns of text that include tomb owner’s titles with red register line and glyphs filled in blue (Fig. 6.13). Original location: lower portion of right jamb of doorway to inner shrine. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 19 cm × 13 cm.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

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SII 71

Low limestone relief with what appears to be a hand with extended fingers facing left. Badly blackened stone shows elements of a floral marsh in painted details. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 18 cm × 9 cm.

SII 72

Incised limestone showing partial textual register with a portion of a pt-sign in negative and a register line filled in blue outlined in red (Fig. 6.14). Similar to blocks SII 65 and SII 66. Original location: right jamb of inner shrine. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 10 cm × 9 cm.

SII 86

Low limestone relief showing portion of tomb owner’s titles in two columns of text: top part of wdpw-nsw (right); tꜣ (left). Traces of red painted outlines and yellow and red detailing on glyphs (Fig. 6.14). Original location: textual columns on east or west reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: Shaft 2. Dimensions: 23 cm × 10 cm.

SII 88

Low limestone relief showing three columns of glyphs: t (left column); in (red crown) irpꜥ(t) (middle column); edge of flat m (right column). Register lines are painted blue; glyphs have traces of red and blue paint (Fig. 6.13). Original location: textual columns on west reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 21 cm × 13 cm.

SII 89

Incised limestone showing portion of Parennefer’s titles. Traces of blue filled glyphs over red (Figs. 6.7, 6.13). Original location: right jamb of doorway to inner shrine. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 23 cm × 18 cm.

Figure 6.7. Wall block SII 89.

SII 92

Painted plastered limestone showing badly abraded glyphs: r above a nb; the r is outlined in blue and painted red (Fig. 6.14). Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 8.0 cm × 9.0 cm.

SII 192

Low limestone relief depicting the capital of a light canopy pole flanked by nondescript architectural elements. The pole is painted yellow with red detailing; the flanking elements are red painted on a white background (Fig. 6.14). Original location: undetermined; possibly Panel A or B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 21 cm × 6 cm.

SII 229

Low limestone relief depicting back of tomb owner’s wig(?) and shoulder with ending glyphs of tomb owner’s title painted in deep red (Fig. 6.15). The wig is painted pale blue with yellow stripes outlined in red. Original location: the only possible placement is Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #2. Dimensions: 20 cm × 11 cm.

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SIII 1

Low limestone relief showing falcon-headed finial of the king’s censor with portion of incense cup (Fig. 6.15). Original location: Panel C of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #3. Dimensions: 20 cm × 14 cm.

SIII 20

Limestone with painted scene on thin veneer of white plaster. Possibly depicts a gate of a temple painted in red outline with two columns of text painted in powder blue. Larger column has portion of sun-disc’s name (Figs. 6.8, 6.15). Original location: Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #3. Dimensions: 28 cm × 15 cm.

SIII 52

Parennefer’s hand holding red and blue painted stems of plant bouquet. Executed in low limestone relief (Figs. 6.9, 6.13). Original location: Panel C of north wall, west side. Joins with SII 58. Provenience: Shaft #3. Dimensions: 31 cm × 22 cm.

Figure 6.9. Wall blocks SII 58 (top) and SIII 52 (bottom).

SIV 10 Figure 6.8. Wall block SIII 20.

SIII 34

Painted limestone of what may be the toe portion of a male’s foot painted in deep red; along with other unidentifiable elements of yellow and white outlined in red. Original Location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #3. Dimensions: 44 cm × 22 cm.

SIII 41

Executed in low limestone relief: lower arm and hand of Parennefer’s wife holding the menat (Fig. 6.14). Original location: west reveal of entrance passage. Provenience: Shaft #3. Dimensions: 12 cm × 7 cm.

Plastered low limestone relief of stretched out wing of a vulture goddess’s wing painted powder blue with traces of red painted outline (Fig. 6.15). Original location: Panel B of north wall, west side. Provenience: Shaft #4. Dimensions: 10.5 cm × 2.5 cm.

SIV 45

Painted scene picturing workman’s lower legs and feet painted dark red with blue border band below (Fig. 6.14). Original location: vintage scene of the east wall, or engaged pier at east wall. Provenience: Chamber 1 of Shaft #5. Dimensions: 15 cm × 14 cm.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

SV 1

Unidentifiable portion of scene executed in low limestone relief; outlined in red and painted in colors of russet, yellow, and white. Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Shaft #5. Dimensions: 16 cm × 12 cm.

SV 13

Painted limestone with small remnant of decoration in white and yellow with red lines. Original location: undetermined (cf. SII 29). Provenience: Chamber 1 of Shaft #5. Dimensions: 10 cm × 9 cm.

Ext. Slope 56

Two joining fragments of limestone depicting head and shoulder of Parennefer’s wife executed in detailed low relief. Traces of blue paint adhering to lotus head fillet (Fig. 6.10). Original location: west reveal of entrance passage. Joins with H22 and SII 4. Provenience: external slope adjacent to tomb courtyard. Dimensions: 42 cm × 27 cm; 32 cm × 7.5 cm.

SV 17

Plastered white limestone with red draftsman’s lines. Possible drawing of a bended arm (Fig. 6.15)? Original location: undetermined. Provenience: Chamber 1 of Shaft #5. Dimensions: 10 cm × 8 cm.

AT 34

Painted relief depicting portion of stacked food offerings in colors of yellow, red, black, and green on a white background (Fig. 6.12). Same relief style and color palette as AT 78. Original location: north wall, west side, or possibly one of the missing hall pillars? Provenience: AT tomb hall. Dimensions: 9.5 cm × 5.7 cm.

AT 78

Painted relief depicting portion of food offering of water fowl. The birds are outlined in red with yellow, red, and blue coloring (Fig. 6.15). Original location: north wall, west side, or possibly one of the missing hall piers? Provenience: AT tomb crypt. Dimensions: 20 cm × 12 cm.

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Figure 6.10. Wall blocks H22, SII 4, and Ext. Slope 56.

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Figure 6.11. Wall blocks recovered from the tomb’s hall.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

Figure 6.12. Wall blocks recovered from the tomb’s hall and adjacent tomb (AT 2).

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Figure 6.13. Wall blocks recovered from Shaft #2.

Catalogue of Wall Blocks

Figure 6.14. Wall blocks recovered from the various shafts in the tomb.

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Figure 6.15. Wall blocks recovered from the various shafts in the tomb and adjacent tomb (AT 2).

Chapter 7

The Tomb Owner Donald B. Redford

The name of the tomb owner was inscribed in various locations throughout the monument. Although deliberately abraded in the later desecration of the tomb, remnants of the signs are still discernible; in particular, on the lintel of the exterior doorway and on the left jamb to the inner shrine, the name of Parennefer can be confidently restored. Besides his formal titles and duties, the monument’s inscriptions (and scenes as well) promote Parennefer’s physical closeness to the king in his capacity as royal butler, his primary position. The lintel and left jamb of the exterior doorway are especially revealing in that he further proclaims himself to be a trusted confidant and childhood acquaintance of the king.

7.1. Rank and Functional Titles The following lists Parennefer’s official functional titles as they appear in his tomb. The number of occurrences of each are given in parentheses: 1. iry-pꜥt ḥꜣty-ꜥ, “hereditary prince and count” (8). Originally designating a member of the ruling elite and a plenipotentiary of the king,1 these titles, by the New Kingdom, had sacerdotal and municipal associations

1.  Jones 2000, vol. 1: 315, 496–98.

when used individually.2 In combination at the head of a titulary they probably indicated no more than member of the peerage, accepted at court. 2. it-nṯr mry-nṯr, “god’s-father, god’s-beloved” (2). A priestly class, known already in the Old and Middle Kingdoms.3 In the New Kingdom,4 it was borne by superior civil and priestly functionaries, often associated with civil administration of temples.5 In Ramesside times (already at Amarna?) the title denoted a personal relationship to the king.6 3. imy-r kꜣt nbt nt nsw m Pr-itn, “overseer of all construction of the king in the House of the Disc” (1). Here, as everywhere else in the tomb except the façade, the cult seat of the Sun-Disc is identified as the Pr-itn, “the House of the Disc.” As demonstrated above, this locution refers to the long, east–west tract of land extending from the Karnak palace to the “mud-flats,”7 and bounded on the north by the temenos of Montu and on the south by 2.  3.  4.  5.  6.  7. 

Winlock 1921: 41 n. 4; van den Boorn 1988: 98–109. Kees 1961; Blumenthal 1987. Meeks 1980–1982, vol. 3: 37. Helck 1982; Eichler 2000: 194–96. Raedler 2006: 53. D. Redford 1991: 29, 41 n. 23.

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the temple of Amun. If he is taken at his word, Parennefer seems to be taking credit for the earliest construction in this area. 4. smn8 mnw·f m Pr-itn, “who sets up his (the king’s) monuments in the House of the Disc” (1). This title must be taken along with the previous title and seems to refer to specific acts. Since the locution can refer to stelae, statues, obelisks, and memorials,9 it might be as well to translate as “furnishings.”10 Mnw occurs in the talatat: cf. FN 1713:6 (“[. . . surround]ed(?) with fine monuments of [excellent] workmanship [. . .] in his presence! Thy monuments shall exist [as long as . . . shall exist . . .] in recompense wherefore [. . .]”); TS 1458 (“[. . .] thy monuments, as great [as . . .] millions of jubilees!”). 5. imy-r ḥmt nbt nt nsw, “overseer of all the crafts(men) of the king”11 (1). This title must be construed with Titles #4 and #5 and must be seen only in light of his royal commission to construct and equip the first buildings in the Pr-itn. 6. imy-r ḥmw-nṯr (n nṯrw nbw), “archbishop (of all the gods)”12 (3). A function within the civil administration, rather than a purely sacerdotal title, 13 undoubtedly established because of the proliferation of a semiprofessional priesthood. Nearly every high-priest of Amun from the time of Hatshepsut bears this title.14 The one who may well

8.  The reading smnḫ (Guksch 1994: 138 [025] 12) is probably excluded on the grounds of available space. 9.  Wb IV: 132:5–9. 10.  Cf. Vandier 1950: 206 (mnw nbw nw pr pn, “all the furnishings of this house,” i.e., the tomb). 11.  Jones 2000, vol. 1: 179–81; Caminos 1954: 500; Drenkhahn 1976; Steinmann 1980: 141–43; Eichler 2000: 362. 12.  Lit. “overseer of priests (of all gods).” imy-r ḥmw-nṯr (n nṯrw nbw) [and variants] and ἐπίσκοπος (bishop) indicate the purview of an institution and/or its functionaries. Since in the present case both terms relate to priests and temple service, the semantic overlap is convincing and useful—an apt translation. 13.  Graefe 1985: 80. 14.  Lefebvre 1929: nos. 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13; Eichler 2000: 124–25.

be the immediate predecessor of Parennefer, Ptahmose,15 the high-priest of Amun and southern vizier,16 shares with our worthy the titles of overseer of all royal construction and steward. In the Brooklyn Museum statue, Ptahmose broadcasts himself as a celebrity of the first order: “One who reports the Southland to the Lord of the Two Lands and brings up the Northland to the king . . . pure [i.e., guiltless of perjury] in regard to his name, who establishes his laws as per instruction . . . magistrate in whom confidence is placed, august grandee laden with favors, brilliantly skilled in the hieroglyphs. . . .”17 In light of the social and ideological reorganization of Egypt during the Amarna period, Parennefer is likely to have been the last archbishop before the restoration under Tutankhamun and Horemhab. 7. ḫtmty-bity, “seal-bearer of the King of Lower Eygpt”18 (1). Though ḫtmtyw are common in the administration,19 the present title is obsolete. Possibly through Parennefer’s close association with the receipt of produce and its preparation is the title appropriate: note how Menkheperrasoneb displays it when he is shown receiving minerals and produce from Nubia and the eastern desert.20 8. imy-r pr, “steward”21 (2). This entry occurs twice in the reward scene with the adornment of his collar and the receipt of the gifts, which follows. 9. imy-[r] z[š]·wt(?), “overseer of fowling marshes” (1).

15.  A second(?) Ptahmose, son of the vizier Thutmose and highpriest of Ptah in Memphis, also bore the title of archbishop (Bosticco 1965: Pl. 33 [and 34?]), but his place in the sequence is unknown. 16.  Helck 1958: 441 no. 14; Urk. IV: 1914–15. 17.  James 1974: no. 256, Pl. 67. 18.  cf. Jones 2000, vol. 2: no. 2775. 19.  Van den Boorn 1988: 287–88. 20.  Davies 1933a: Pl. IX. 21.  On this title and its responsibilities, see Helck 1958: 89–91; van den Boorn 1988: 286 (with a council); Warburton 1997: 180; Katary 1989: 6.

The Tomb Owner

This entry occurs immediately beneath the previous title’s occurrence in the reward scene. The reading is doubtful. Immediately below imy-r is a flat sign from which emerges a curved protrusion facing right. If one reads Gardiner G49, the title must be a resuscitation of the archaic “overseer of fowling pools.”22 At the bottom a -t- and traces of plural strokes seem certain, which would necessitate postulating a feminine Nebenform.23 If this restoration proves correct, it must be construed with the epithets on the right jamb of the outer door (see above ?), which puts one in mind of the bucolic “outings” of the court that created a genre of rhetorical celebration, the “Pleasures of Fishing and Fowling.”24 One further possibility might be imy-r ꜥbw [wḥm]t, but the placement of signs would have to be highly irregular. It is conceivable that the curved protrusion is the head of the wr-bird, in which case the whole (Titles #8 and #9) would read “chief royal steward.” 10. wbꜣ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy, “king’s butler, clean of hands” (passim). The nuance inherent in the addition of wꜥb-ꜥwy probably bears the implication of personal service to the king. Early bearers of this title25 seem to have enjoyed an early and close association with the crown prince as ẖrd n kꜣp.26 Parennefer’s immediate(?) predecessors, Sen-nefer in Memphis27 and Neferronpet and his brother Tjawy in Thebes,28 also bore the title imy-r pr wr, “chief royal steward,”29 which places the office within the context of alimentation and supply, which are the themes addressed on the north wall of Parennefer’s tomb.

22.  Wb. III: 484:12–14; Gillam 1979: 17; Jones 2000: no. 767; Wilson 1997: 921; van der Plas and Borghouts 1998: 266. 23.  Less likely, it would seem to me, would be a badly made ḫꜣst. 24.  Caminos 1956. 25.  Eichler 2000: 327 (566), 284 (288), 275 (233). 26.  Feucht 1995: 266–68; Mathieu 2000. 27.  Helck 1958: 488 no. 18; Eichler 2000: 317 no. 503. 28.  Gessler-Löhr 1990. 29.  See the possible reading of the combined Titles #8 and #9, mooted under #9, above.

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7.2. Courtesy Titles and Epithets Continuing from the previous section, the following lists Parennefer’s honorary and courtesy titles found inscribed in TT 188. 11. sr m-ḥꜣt rḫyt, “minister at the head of the commons” (2).30 Known from the Middle Kingdom,31 the title denotes the upper echelons of the civil service (ministers, secretaries, undersecretaries), who operated in disregard of spatial limitations with both administrative and juridical function.32 The counterpart of sr at a low operational level is the “support staff” (smdt),33 normally operating locally, but sometimes brought in from outside.34 12. wr m iꜣt·f ꜥꜣ m sꜥḥ·f, “outstanding in his office, great in his dignity” (1). The title indicates competence in office and a correspondingly high status in the ranking system. 13. mḥ ib n ḥm·f, “trusted of His Majesty” (5). On the outer (right) and inner (left) door jambs m tꜣ r ḏr·f, “in the entire land,” is added.35 14. wꜥ tkn m ḥꜥw nṯr ḥsy ḏr pr·f m ẖt, “one with unique access to the divine person,36 praised since he emerged from the womb”37 (1). It is true that in most cases cited the antecedent for the act of “emerging from the womb” is the officeholder himself, but in the present case a certain degree of ambiguity attaches itself to the expression. Suspicion is heightened 30.  One example, long known, on the left jamb of the outer door is now matched by a block from one of the shafts (SII67) that comes from the right jamb of the inner door leading to the shrine. 31.  Wb. II: 447:18; Doxey 1998: 375. 32.  Théodoridès 1969; McDowell 1990: 65–70 and passim. 33.  Valbelle 1991. 34.  Janssen 1992: 13; Anast. VI: 26:5–6. 35.  For the epithet, see Guksch 1994: 131–38. 36.  For the sense of the first part, see Wb. V: 334:11; Guksch 1994: 119–20. 37.  See Guksch 1994: 147.

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when one recalls the statement in Parennefer’s Amarna tomb that he was “praised of the perfect god and a servant of the king from the time he was a child (inpw).”38 The two passages must be construed as evidence that Parennefer was a prince’s attendant from the prince’s youth, not his own.

This title, which usually has military connotations,44 is here used simply of attendance upon the king, perhaps when he was very young.45

15. wꜥ n nsw m st-wꜥꜥw, “king’s privy in the chamber of privacy”39 (1). 16. hr·tw ḥr prw n rꜣ·f, “one whose verbal statement gives satisfaction”40 (1). 17. [sḥtp(?)] ib(?) n Ḥr m pr·f, “[who placates(?)] the heart(?) of Horus in his house” (1).

In conjunction with Title #21, below, this epithet is singular in its phraseology.

The surviving traces at the top of the preserved section of the column show a round abrasion on the right, not suitable for the restoration of an -r-, as Sandman and Murnane suggest.41

In spite of itself, this banal epithet has a ring of truth. Nowhere in TT 188 or in his Amarna tomb does Parennefer dwell upon, or even mention, his lineage: something other than ancestral claims must have brought him to the crown prince’s attention.

18. [.  .  .] ꜣt r ꜣt m šꜣ Šmꜥw Tꜣ-mḥw, “[.  .  .] from moment to moment in the fens of Upper and Lower Egypt” (1). Our excavation of the shafts has produced a block (SII 65) that fits perfectly at the preserved top of the column. The preceding word ended with Gardiner A26 and the trace of an upright to the left that suits an -s- and betrays the presence of the verb nis. There is no additional word between A26 and the first ꜣt. The translation, therefore, must be “he who is summoned42 from moment to moment43 in the fens of Upper and Lower Egypt.” The whole recalls the bucolic outings postulated above (see Title #9). 19. iry-rdwy n nb tꜣwy m st nbt ḫndt·n·f, “following at the heels of the Lord of the Two Lands wherever he trod” (2).

38.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. III, cols. 4–5. 39.  For comparable locutions, see Doxey 1998: 283; Hannig 2006: 627; Wb. I: 278:3; Urk. IV: 479:3, 1380:14. 40.  This common epithet has several variants: see Guksch 1994: 178–79. 41.  Sandman 1938: 142:14; Murnane 1995: 66. 42.  Extended use of the passive participle without resumptive. 43.  On the expression ꜣt r ꜣt, see Assmann 1972: 58(6); Assmann 1978: 34, col. 31; Zivie 1975: 52 (rendered “continuellement”).

20. wꜥ iḳr ꜣḫ46 n nṯr nfr, “one uniquely competent and useful to the perfect god” (3).

21. sꜥꜣ·n nb-tꜣwy47 ḥr bit·f, “whom the Lord of the Two Lands has made a VIP on account of his qualities”48 (2).

22. ꜥḳ r ꜥḥ pr ḫr ḫswt, “who enters the palace and emerges laden with favors” (1). A distinction referring to the reward scene; see there. 23. mry nb tꜣwy, “beloved of the Lord of the Two Lands” (7+). The most common of Parennefer’s epithets that is known. 24. ḥsy ꜥꜣ n nb tꜣwy,49 “greatly praised of the Lord of the Two Lands” (3). A very common epithet, especially during the Amarna period, when rewards, and the scene commemorating them, were popular.50

44.  45.  46.  47.  48.  49.  50. 

Gnirs 1996b: 46–51. Guksch 1994: 198–200. Var. mty, “precise, exact,” on the jamb of the inner door. Var. nsw, “king,” on the east reveal of the main entry. See Guksch 1994: 223 (105) 03. Var. wꜥ-n-rꜥ. Drenkhahn 1972; Guksch 1994: 142–43.

The Tomb Owner

7.3. Chronology of Parennefer’s Career The passage in the adoration text on the south reveal of Parennefer’s Amarna tomb51 claims that he was “servant of the king since he was young.”52 This casts light on the phrases on the left door jamb of his Theban tomb— namely, “One with unique access to the royal person, whom he praised since he emerged from the womb.” This last epithet, ambiguous or relating to the speaker in other contexts,53 here can only refer to the king himself. Parennefer must, therefore, have been one of the attendants (šmsw),54 or perhaps the chief thereof, of the king since childhood. Like many at Amarna,55 Parennefer credits the king, rather than family connection or independent accomplishment, with his promotion to high rank.56 The king discerned his character (see above, Title #21) and thus became “my builder, my creator” (see section 3.9). Rather than being evidence for the new king’s predilection for “new men” and parvenus, the phenomenon of

51.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. 3, col. 5. 52.  Hannig 2003: 306; Wb. I: 96:5–6; Brunner 1964: 28–30; Meeks 1977: 89; Murnane 1977: 254–55; Feucht 1995: 503–12. 53.  See Title #14. 54.  Cf. Simpson 1972: 47–48; Lange and Schäfer 1908: no. 20541; Spiegelberg 1894: 64–66. 55.  The trope has currency earlier: cf. BM 1213 (sḫpr·n Ḥr nb ꜥḥ, “whom Horus, lord of the palace, has created”): Hannig 2006: 2306, 2354. But the Amarna period introduces a new type of biographical statement in which the king, his glory, his wisdom, and his favor are lauded by the grateful officer who is eternally and completely beholden to the king for his status and very existence: Gnirs 1996a: 232–33. 56.  One of the most frequent epithets used is sḫpr in the participial form, “my creator” (of the king): Sandman 1938: 16:9, 21:15–16 (“whom the Lord of the Two Lands created,” both Meryre I), 24:1, 26:10, 28:6 (Paynehsi), 39:1 (Huya), 47:1 (“he brought me up when I was a child,” Ahmose), 74:7 (Tutu), 88:3 (“I am the servant whom the Lord of the Two Lands created,” Ay). Also common is ḳd·i, “my builder,” mostly with the antecedent “the ruler” or “my god”: Sandman 1938: 16:9 (Meryre I), 24:1, 26:10 (Paynehsi), 66:11 (Sutau); paralleled by ir(w), “my maker,” or “the one who made me”: Sandman 1938: 16:9 (Meryre I), 24:2, 26:10, 28:6 (“the ruler who made me a man, who caused everyone to know me,” Paynehsi), 66:11 (Sutau), 55:17 (“I am a magistrate of the ruler’s creation,” Ramose), 74:7 (“he [the king] made me,” Tutu); for sꜥꜣ, “make great, turn into a VIP,” see Sandman 1938: 16:11 (Meryre I), 24:4, 24:7 (Paynehsi). Maya, Paynehsi, and Sutau (cf. Sandman 1938: 24:3, 66:11) specify the former low estate they had occupied before coming to the king’s attention, by use of the word nmḥw. It is uncertain whether they are claiming to have belonged to the social class of “poor freemen” (Sweeney 1997: 65 n. 17) or simply to have been born into unexceptional families (see Assmann 1980: 11–15).

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associates and supporters with no family or celebrity status may reflect that Amenhotep’s circle was established before his own future was made certain by the death of this brother, the crown prince. As a second son, no special care would have been taken in surrounding him with the sons of men of high degree. These “unknowns” would have been his contemporaries, his generation, his pool of friends to whom he would naturally have turned when he chose a government. This new Egypt in the making could not have contrasted more sharply with the old regime of Amenhotep III, who had clearly enunciated his preference for blue-bloods: “I made festive thy temple, its senior and junior priests being of the upper class, the elite of the entire land. I did not appoint any, if they had no aristocratic ancestry from one (generation) to the next.”57 Several of the banal epithets, largely lacking in his Amarna tomb, stress Parennefer’s accustomed physical presence with the king (see above, Titles #13–17). Normally this would have been in a palace context, but others (Titles #18–19) put one in mind of progresses and perhaps pleasure outings. “King’s butler, clean of hands,” his principal title (Title #10), undoubtedly entailed a proximity to the royal person at all times. The early years of the reign witnessed the channeling of Parennefer’s career into three spheres of activity: food supply, endowments, and engineering. His advancement to the rank of butler probably followed immediately upon his young master’s accession and represents the first of three (temporal) stages of his Theban career. If the clear message of the scenes on the north wall is a reliable guide, the office of butler encompassed the gamut of alimentation, from cattle production to cereal storage and viticulture. The office of butler was accompanied, to judge by the earliest inscription in the tomb (namely, the jambs of the door leading from the hall to the inner shrine), by the episcopal appointment (Title #6). Although no scene in the tomb graphically depicts this function, it is implied by the oversight of food production and hinted at in Parennefer’s response to the king’s injunction to see to the endowment (see above). The veiled threat in this statement points to policies that

57.  Urk. IV: 1674:10–14; cf. 1796:3.

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may be expected to raise objections. These can be nothing less than the redirection of income to the endowment of the planned new temple, and the diversion of manpower to its required priesthood and the burgeoning support staff. While the daily consumption of the sun altars is relatively modest,58 talatat lists (unfortunately unmatched into scenes) record substantial amounts undoubtedly for the sustenance and the rations of the growing staff:59 (ATP 416:7) 850 [bread(?)], 729 [units of some commodity] in “pots” (ḳrḥt), 600,000 various [perhaps “bread”], (ATP 209:10) 260 [+x] wine jars (snw), 4,600 [. . .], 690 [bread(?)]; (ATP 984:4) 2,680 [. . .], 455 [ꜥpr-jars(?)], 9,000 [perhaps some sort of fowl], 100 wine jars (snw). Partly matched talatat scenes specify the donations (dit) made by a variety of middle-ranking officials, including scribes, stewards, controllers, livestock overseers, beekeepers, and the like, as well as the cattle imposts (ipw) of mayors and headmen throughout the land.60 Such freewill “benevolences” are well known during the New Kingdom: now they are directed to the House of the Disc. Similarly familiar in the mechanics of the economic system is the binding tax (ḥtr) based on a budgetary estimate: but now the “tax sum of mayor of town so-and-so” is “directed to the House of the Disc in Southern Heliopolis.” The king himself leads by example, directing taxes from his royal domains to the new temple endowment.61 Temples, too, are obliged to contribute: upward of 120 such institutions—“the house of god X, lord of town Y”—are named, contributing silver, incense, wine, and cloth. The transfer of manpower to the new temple is also reflected in unmatched talatat blocks: (ATP 120:6) “3,62262 [. . .], [. . . x number . . .] of herdsmen (minw), [. . .] thereof, the first of the [. . .], 1,049 men [. . .], their . . . needs(?) [. . .] introduced into the House of the Disc”;63 (ATP 1241:2) “people of the House of the Disc who are

in [. . .] . . . 6,800 men,64 their [. . .] requirements [. . .] introduced into the House of the Disc. . . .” One cannot resist feeling that we are witnessing a redistribution of some proportions, involving new appointments to office,65 and perhaps wholesale recruitments of erstwhile priests of other gods as functionaries in the new temple. Parennefer’s activity as builder and decorator of the House of the Disc falls during the second phase of his career (Titles #3–5). The king’s decision to build and his choice of the unoccupied terrain east of the Karnak palace may have come already in his first year, so that by the beginning of the second year, presumably contemporary with his revelation to the court,66 work would have been in full swing. It is doubtful that Parennefer was solely responsible for the construction work in the new temple: the vizier Ramose clearly received some sort of instruction from the king67 and makes veiled allusions (apparently) to monuments and quarry work.68 Significantly, Parennefer does not mention the later Gm-pꜣ-itn (constructed during the course of the third year in anticipation of the jubilee), except in the last scene to be included in his tomb, on the outer façade. Presumably he was not involved in the renovation and expansion of the original structure that resulted in the Gm-pꜣ-itn. Parennefer’s reward presumably came about through the work he had accomplished on the House of the Disc, but it is only in the scene commemorating this event and on the front façade that the “Amarna Style” is full blown. Strangely, no mention is made of Parennefer’s participation in the jubilee (late Year 3 to early Year 4), and there is some indication that the king’s cartouches were never modified to ꜣḫ-n-itn.69 All this might suggest that work on the tomb stopped before Year 5. Was Parennefer one of the earliest to make the move to the new site, perhaps even in advance of the king?

58.  Cf. Saad and Manniche 1971; Helck 1973. There remain four additional lists, which will be addressed in a forthcoming volume. 59.  See D. Redford, n.d. 60.  ATP 1: 113–20 (and plates thereto). 61.  Traunecker 1984: 65. 62.  Urk. IV: 1993:15. 63.  Helck apparently saw this block and read “men of Upper Egypt”: Urk. IV: 1993:17. His “1,573 men of Lower Egypt” must be on another block that I have not seen.

64.  I could not see Helck’s mrt, “chattels”: Urk. IV: 1992:15. 65.  ATP I: 111–13 66.  D. Redford 1981. 67.  Urk. IV: 1782:17. 68.  Urk. IV: 1783:8–15. 69.  The full-scale replacement of “Amenhotep” by “Akhenaten” everywhere in the talatat (with but one or two exceptions) indicates that name change and suppression of divine names was one of the last acts before the move to Amarna: D. Redford 1973: 92.

The Tomb Owner

The third phase in Parennefer’s career took place at Amarna, but here he appears to have suffered an eclipse. His grandiose titulary, which he had enjoyed at Thebes, is gone, and he must be content with one of the smallest tombs in the mountain.70 The king continues to lavish rewards upon him and obviously released the best sculptors and painters for his tomb, which is exquisite in its detail. Clearly he continued to be intimate with the royal family and the king himself, but the work he had bestowed on readjusting the economy of the nation and the temple of the Sun-Disc was finished.

70.  Amarna Tombs VI: Pl. II.

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Chapter 8

Conclusion: “The Good Name”

Parennefer’s burial monument is a rock-cut tomb carved into the northern slopes of the Asasif Valley just west of the tomb of Puyemre, the treasury minister and favorite of Queen Hatshepsut, a century before the heresy. In such a location, it occupied prime real estate overlooking the great processional way leading to Deir el-Bahari, and its bestowal on its owner may have looked like an undeserved honor. For Parennefer, for whom it was built, started life as a humble nonentity. How he came to the notice of the monarch, Amenhotep III, is nowhere stated,1 but (by his own statement) he was assigned as tutor to the king’s second son.2 Not expected to be the heir apparent, and misshapen to boot, the young prince, Amenhotep, and his tutor, would have remained in the shadow of history.3 But with the demise of the crown prince Thutmose, Parennefer found himself favored by fortune and the man who would become the next king. Parennefer’s place of origin is unknown. In the reward scene he refers to his town and its inhabitants (see section 3.9) but fails to mention the name. The personal name of Parennefer itself, however, may offer some indication of hometown. “The good name,” possibly a designation meaning a person of good reputation, does not occur in

“The good name.”

1.  The supposition that Parennefer succeeded his father’s position and that his father was Ipuya, chief of craftsmen under Amenhotep III, has no basis in fact. Cf. Aldred 1968: 104; Kiser-Go 2006: 306. 2.  For a discussion on the royal tutors appointed by Amenhotep III, see Shirley 2015: 442–45. 3.  Dodson 1990: 88–89.

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

the Egyptian onomastic before the New Kingdom.4 While not a common name, as far as is known it is only attested in the Theban area. Besides our man, there are two others of high-ranking positions in the Amun priesthood known by this name, both of whose tombs in the Theban Necropolis were decorated within a fifteen-year time span between the beginning of the reign of King Tutankhamun and that of Horemhab.5 Be that as it may, certainly, Thebes was where Parennefer was first gainfully employed by the royal family and thought he would pass his life and be buried. Curiously, there is another bearing the name Parennefer who appears in a tomb belonging to two chief sculptors of Amenhotep III (TT 181). In a scene depicting the royal workshop, undoubtedly located at Thebes, where the king now resides, this man is shown seated inscribing a vase. Of the numerous workmen depicted on the wall, only he is identified. Two short columns of text are squeezed in before and above his head: sš ḳd n [Im]n pꜣ-sꜣnsw ḏd·n·f pꜣ-rn- nfr, “draftsman of [Amun],6 Pa-sa-nesu, who is called Parennefer.”7 What gives one pause is the date, which is contemporary with the owner of TT 188, and also the unusual birth name Pa-sa-nesu—that is, “the king’s son.” Is it mere coincidence that an individual of nonroyal birth has a name that implies a connection to the son of a king? It is tempting to identify this young man, who later calls himself Parennefer, with the owner of TT 188 here presented at an early stage of his career. Indeed, Parennfer tells us that he was in the service of the king since he (the king) was a youngster. Prior to the death of the king’s older brother, this service would not have been viewed as anything other than a career cul-de-sac, but with Amenhotep’s sudden and unexpected rise to the status of heir apparent, the personnel of his own entourage now could look forward to a higher office than they could otherwise have dreamed of. Perhaps this is pointedly 4.  The definite article pꜣ makes a regular appearance in Late Egyptian. See Ranke 1935: 114 no. 24. Possibly a shortened form of pꜣ-[n]-rnnfr (Ranke 1935: 114 no. 24 n. 1) “the one of the good name” giving the meaning a slightly different nuance. For a discussion on this, see Doxey 2001: 490–91. 5.  See Hari 1985; Seyfried 1995; PM I: 95. 6.  The name of the god Amun was erased throughout the tomb, which derives from to Akhenaten’s directive at the end of Year 4. 7.  Davies 1925: Pls. XI, XII, XIV, XIX, XX (also shown in another scene at the funeral of the tomb owner in the capacity of wꜥb-priest).

made apparent by Pasanesu-Parennefer’s appearance as a middling draftsman in the final years of the former king’s reign. Upon the prince Amenhotep’s accession to the throne, Parennefer immediately became royal butler responsible for the administration of the new king’s house.8 A question remains: was this position of wbꜣ-nsw wꜥb-ꜥwy, “King’s Butler, Clean of Hands,” a singular function within the hierarchy of royal officialdom, excluding a second incumbent? Parennefer’s tomb scenes, both at Thebes and at Amarna, suggest it was. Parennefer was in charge of beef, grain, beer, and wine production on a nation-wide scale.9 There can be no doubt that Parennefer was sole bearer of the title during his lifetime.10 8.  There is no evidence that he held a position in the administration of Amenhotep III. For full discussion on Parennefer’s titles and career, see chapter 7. 9.  His duties in the palace included beef production (cf. Tale of Two Brothers 16,7), wine and beer production (Gardiner 1947: 43*–44*), and cup-bearer’s duties (Vergote 1959: 33–35). In cultic duties he could also wield the censor (Zivie-Coche 1976: 99 line 6), or the sistrum (wꜥb-ꜥwy ẖr sššt) (Gitton 1978: 393). wꜥb-ꜥwy can be used alone or with a different reference to the king, such as nb tꜣwy (Berlanini-Grenier 1974: 9[d], 13 n. 2). 10.  Some may argue otherwise, postulating that others may have been appointed to that rank in the early years of Akhenaten’s reign and exercised that position both at Amarna and Memphis (Raven 2017: 587). This is unlikely, particularly for the royal butler, Amunemweya/ Ptahemwia. His tomb in the great Saqqara burying ground is among those government officials, such as the general Horemheb (Martin 1989), Maya (Martin 2012), Meryneith (Raven and Walsem et al. 2001: 82–86), Iniuia (Schneider 2012), and others who served the court of Tutankhamun when it relocated to the Pr-ꜥꜣ-ḫpr-kꜣ-rꜥ, the old palace of Thutmose I in the Memphite area in that king’s Year 3. In content and style the artwork in the tomb belongs wholly to that twilight zone in Amarna art encompassing Tutankhamun Year 3 to Horemheb Year 1. It has nothing to do with the stiff caricatures of the early part of Akhenaten’s reign. Furthermore, the use of tomb brick sizes to establish chronology (cf. Hays 2011: 87–88) is wrongheaded and misleading. Variation in dimension of bricks depends on four basic factors: the brickyards from which the bricks came, the texture of the mud, the keying material, and the owner. Through considerable fieldwork and site planning at various sites, fortress walls (Tel Kedwa), temenos walls, mud-brick pylons, and “official buildings” (Buto, East Karnak, Mendes) show a standard length of ca. 42 cm, which, because of the moisture and consistency of the brickyard floor, can vary in the drying process by as much as 2 cm. A second brick size that we found in domestic architecture, and which corresponds to the “private” brick implied in the Hermopolitan law code, is ca. 32 cm long, with the 2 cm margin described above. Clearly brick size in ancient Egypt depends not on an evolving fad but on who paid for the work! And the size used was also dictated by size and weight of the architecture. Thus, it demonstrates an argumentum a fortiori that Amunemweya/Ptahemwia functioned post-Parennefer, dying under or after Tutankhamun (Raven and Walsem et al. 2001, 590). Certainly, it is possible that some were the

Conclusion

On the wall of his two tombs, we are given a glimpse in reality of what was the expected demeanor of the royal cupbearer in service to Akhenaten, without any need of symbolic reading of the new art style. In the early Theban years, Parennefer bowed respectfully when receiving his directives from his king but walked in a stiff upright gait when accompanying him for ritual celebrations. A change perhaps came in Year 3, with Akhenaten’s celebration of the sd-jubilee; it is from then on that we see Parennefer on his knees when in the presence of the king, with everyone else in the immediate vicinity perpetually bent.11 “The beautiful child of the sun-disc,” as Parennefer now lauds him, and one of “unfailing beauty”—an image the king undoubtedly had of himself12—demands this adoration and nothing less. The location and decoration of Parennefer’s Amarna tomb reveals not only his immediate transfer to the new capital city along with his suzerain early in Year 6 but also the time of his passing. His tomb was sited first (i.e., northernmost) in a line of tombs of high officials on the terrace of the southern foothills. It was the prime locale to catch the breezes of the north wind and nearest to the downward path to the central city. The fully decorated façade depicts only the three daughters born upon the royal family’s arrival at Akhetaten. On the wall, the youngest of the three born in Year 4, Ankhesenpaaten (Tutankhamun’s future queen), is a mere toddler being chucked under the chin by her older sister while two nurses supported her steps.13 The sudden interruption in the excavation of his tomb14 sometime before Year 9 indiimmediate successors of Parennefer. For a discussion on administrative successions post-Akhenaten, see Shirley 2013: 601–9. 11.  Except when being adorned with the collars of gold. It is only then those rewarded stand upright, as is obviously necessary in order to have the collars draped on their neck. The arms are raised outward in a gesture of joyful homage. Cf. Binder 2008: 83–84. 12.  The question of whether the figure of Akhenaten in the new art style is a realistic portrayal of the king or one of complex religious symbolism is an ongoing debate that is too involved to be addressed here. 13.  Her appearance in the talatat proves she was born in Year 4 (D. Redford 1984: 79). The queen will give birth to three more daughters at Akhetaten, the fourth probably born by Year 8, and the others by Year 11 (Dodson 2009: 13). 14.  The unfinished monument shows roughly hewn chambers with unsmoothed walls and floor. Decoration in relief began while excavation was still continuing but is limited to the courtyard façade, the reveals of the entryway, the north side of the west wall, and the north side of the east wall, which was left incomplete (Amarna Tombs VI: I–VI).

145

cates the end of his ministerial career and his life.15 But within those three short years, Parennefer received further laudatory commendation for carrying out his duties as the king’s personal servant, which was so recorded in scenes on his tomb walls.16 A perusal of the events of the regnal years of Akhenaten and those of his father can offer only an unsubstantiated estimation of Parennefer’s age at death. The crux of the matter is when, exactly, did Parennefer enter into the service of the second son, the prince Amenhotep? If we are to assume that Parennefer was a Theban by birth, then this would not have occurred until the royal family’s move to Thebes in Amenhotep III’s 28th year on the throne. Akhenaten’s age at death can be estimated to have been around thirty-five years.17 His death after a reign of seventeen years would mean that he was born around regnal Year 20 of his father’s reign, and therefore eight years of age upon his arrival at Thebes. Being a prepubescent youth involves no contradiction with Parennefer’s statement that he had been Akhenaten’s tutor since he was a child (inpw). Moreover, Parennefer never claims to have been a child of the royal nursery (ẖrd n kꜣp), which makes it more likely that he was of the previous generation than that of his charge. At the very least we can assume Parennefer to have been at the start of his adult life when assigned in service to the prince.18 Whether the prince was already destined to the kingship remains to be seen,19 but as both his tombs reveal, it was his career in service to a king that was most important. Parennefer did not return to his hometown of Thebes for burial. The partially excavated burial chamber with the discarded workman’s mallet found within attests to his noninterment in TT 188.20 When he passed away, we 15.  An altered name of the sun god occurred in Year 9 (Aldred 1968: 235; Dodson 2009: 10). The previous name only appears in the tomb, thus providing a terminus ad quem. 16.  Amarna Tombs IV: Pls. IV, VI. 17.  Based on both historical and pathological studies of the king’s mummy as the likely approximate age (Habicht, Bouwman, and Rühli 2016: 224). 18.  For discussion on the career in the administration of the king’s house, see Murnane 1998: 212–17). 19.  Year 30 of his father’s reign has been suggested for his older brother’s death and his ascension as heir apparent (see Dodson 2009: 6). 20.  Numerous human remains, along with coffin fragments and other burial objects, were recovered from this shaft and well as

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The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

can assume that he was laid to rest in his tomb in the cliffs at Akhetaten, though his mummy has never been recovered. Is there a note of awareness of the approach of death—from a man perhaps only forty-nine or fifty years of age—in his statement on the reveal of the entryway to his Amarna tomb? “(The king) [who makes fa]te and creates fortune, master undertaker (nb ḳrst), who grants the aged (be already) possessed of a robust lifetime on the day of his dispatch . . . may he grant . . . the attaining of the state of the ‘weary’ with a good burial and with the ‘[Wel]come!’ of the Perfect [God]. . . .”

the others, but nothing points to the specific time frame of the tomb owner. Analysis report on the recovered human remains and a catalogue of objects will be published in an upcoming volume.

Plates

(a) left side

(b) right side Plate 1. Decorated lintels of the exterior gate.

147

148

Plates

Plate 2. Detail of the western reveal.

Plate 3. Collecting grain (North Wall-East, Panel A, Register 3).

Plates

Plate 4. The sun hymn on the eastern reveal (Text 12).

149

Plate 5. Deceased before the royal pavilion and granary yard (North Wall-East, Left Frame, Panel A).

150 Plates

Plate 6. The granary compound (North Wall-East, Panels B and C)

Plates 151

152

Plates

Plate 7. The king’s speech (North Wall-East, Panel A).

plate 8. Base of the king’s garden pavilion (North Wall-East, Left Frame).

Plates

plate 9. Detail of the king’s garden pavilion (North Wall-East, Left Frame).

153

154

Plates

(a) upper frame

(b) lower register plate 10. East Wall, the vintage scene.

Plates

Plate 11. Right-hand side of the reward scene (South Wall, east of entrance).

Plate 12. Left-hand side of the reward scene (South Wall, east of entrance).

155

156

Plates

Plate 13. Servant presenting gold collars (right upper frame of reward scene).

Plate 14. Parennefer adorned in golden collars (right upper frame of reward scene).

plate 15. Parennefer prostrates before the king (Text 36, right lower frame of reward scene). Plates 157

Plate 16. The processional scene (South Wall, west of entrance).

158 Plates

Plate 17. Left-hand side of the processional scene showing royal kiosk.

Plates 159

Plate 18. End figures of the processional scene.

160 Plates

Plates

Plate 19. The cattle-bringing scene (West Wall).

161

162

Plates

(a) right-hand side of upper frame

(b) right-hand side of lower frame Plate 20. Details from the cattle-bringing scene.

Plates

Plate 21. The Per-Aten (North Wall, west of entrance, Panel C).

163

164

Plates

Plate 22. The Per-Aten (North Wall-West, upper-left of Panel A).

Plates

Plate 23. Detail from the Per-Aten scene, showing courtyard columns (bottom of Panel A).

165

Plate 24. Detail from the Per-Aten scene, showing Rekhyet birds (bottom of Panel B).

166 The Tomb of Parennefer, Butler of Pharaoh Akhenaten

Plates

Plate 25. Decorated lintel of the doorway to the inner shrine, left side.

167

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Index

A adjacent tombs, 1, 6, Fig. 1.2 AT-1, 6, 7, 9, 25, 33, 115, 124, Fig. 2.3 AT-2, 5, 7, Fig. 2.3 AT-3, 5, 6 ST-5, 5, 7, 18n8 Akhenaten, 1, 29, 42, 47, 48n19, 89, 91, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 101n46, 103, 107, 109, 115, 140n69, 146n6, 146n10, 145, 145n12, 145n13 Akhenaten Temple Project, 1 Akhetaten, 71, 101, 103, 107, 109, 145, 146 altars, 18n7, 43, 64, 66, 67, 68, 71, 95, 100, 103, 115n28, 116, 116n32, 117, 123 Amarna, 27n27, 29n2, 33, 36, 37, 43, 46, 47n17, 52, 56, 62, 71n65, 76, 77, 78, 82, 100, 100n33, 101, 101n43, 104, 106, 109, 113, 114, 115, 135, 136, 138, 139, 139n55, 141, 141n69, 144n10, 145, 146 art style, 1, 30, 40, 96, 98, 100, 102, 103, 105, 107, 112, 118 Amarna Tombs, 33, 36, 43, 46, 47n17, 71n65, 76n67, 77n68, 78n69, 78n70, 82n73, 101n43, 101n45, 101n46, 103n50, 104n58, 104n59, 106n64, 106n65, 107n81, 107n85, 112n11, 113n12, 113n15–18, 21, 118n37, 138n38, 139n51, 141, 145n14, 145n16 Amenemhat-Surer, 85 Amenemheb (TT 25), 5 Amenemope, 56 tomb of, 6 Amenhotep III, 21n13, 68, 93, 97, 100, 103, 103n51, 107n83, 109, 111, 139, 143, 143n1, 143n2, 144, 144n8, 145 Amenhotep IV, 1, 97, 100, 104, 111 Amun, 51n27, 59, 89, 97, 99, 100, 136, 144, 144n6 amphorae. See wine jars ankhs, 31 Ankhesenpaaten, 145 Anubis, 92, 93, 102 Asasif, 2, 3, 143 Aten, 48, 70, 72, 99, 109, 111, 116, 117 Ay, 104, 113, 115, 139n56 tomb of, 36, 104n59 B ba, 66, 93 baboons, 43, 67, 123 Bakenamun (TT408), 5

balastrade, 104. See also screen-wall benben, 97, 98 bḫn of Ḥꜥ-m-ꜣḫt, 97 bouquets, 31, 36, 56, 61, 64, 71n64, 82, 83, 86, 88, 89, 110, 111, 115n26, 116, 118, 123, 126, 128 “bull-dragging” scene, 115 burial chambers, 1, 6, 15, 18, 20, 21, 21n13, 23, 24, 147, Fig. 2.11, Fig. 2.12 C canopic chests, 23 canopies, 58, 60, 71, 72, 83, 104, 106, 110, 111, 127 captives (foreign), 46, 47, 47n17, 47n18, 48n19, 97, 104, 106n69, 113 Asiatic, 113 Libyan, 47n18 Mittanian, 47, 47n18 Nubian, 47, 47n18, 113 Sudanese, 113 Syrian, 47 cartouches, 1, 25, 30, 31, 33, 36, 42, 46, 47, 67, 68, 72, 89, 98, 99, 100, 103, 111, 114, 118, 140, Fig. 3.19 cattle, 61, 62, 115, 139, 140, Fig. 3.17 censers, 31, 67, 68, 107, 117, 118, 122, 128 chief steward, 51, 54, 56, 137 Choachytes, 1 cornices, 58, 66, 67, 71, 72, 106, 107, 110, 111 crowns: atef, 85 blue, 33, 64, 67, 103, 117, 118 khopresh, 111 D dais, 42, 43, 46, 47, 47n18, 66, 71, 76, 83, 91n85, 104, 110, 113 dancing women, 80, 81 daughters, 99, 113n12, 118, 145, 145n13 Davies, N. de G., 1, 1n2, 1n3, 9n1, 18, 18n9, 21n13, 24, 24n18, 25n21, 31, 33, 36, 37, 43, 43n13, 46, 47, 48n19, 48n23, 51n27, 52, 58n31, 60n35, 67n45, 67n50, 77n68, 78n70, 81n71, 81n72, 83n78, 85n80, 88, 89, 90n81, 90n82, 91n85, 97, 104n53, 104n55, 106n67, 106n71, 106n79, 107n80, 112n10, 113n21, 115n23, 116n31, 117, 118, 123, 136n20, 144n7, Fig. 3.9, Fig. 3.15

181

182

Index

decorations: flat painted, 27, 102, 104, 105, 107 high raised relief, 27, 104 low raised relief, 27, 39, 67, 84, 102, 103, 105 sunken relief, 27, 102, 107 Deir el-Bahari, 2, 3, 5, 143 didactic names, 31, 42, 43, 47, 52, 67, 69, 89, 100n33, 101, 103, 104, 111, 118, 121 E East Karnak, 91, 106n78, 118, 146n10 18th Dynasty, 1, 5, 7, 9, 15n3, 18, 21, 25, 29, 29n1, 45, 48n23, 71n63, 81, 95, 101, 103, 105, 107, 113 F friezes, 9, 66, 72, 82n73, 83, 96n91, 104, 110n4, 125 kheker, 71, 85, 95 funerary cones, 9 G Gebel Silsileh, 97, 100 Gm-pꜣ-itn (Gem-pa-aten), 31, 39n4, 43, 46, 62, 66, 67, 71, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 106n74, 106n78, 107, 109, 112, 115, 115n26, 115n28, 115n30, 117, 118, 140 god’s-father, 38, 135 gold collars, 78, 113, 117 granaries, 21n13, 48n19, 48n21, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 59, 78, 103, 104, 114, Figs. 3.9–3.12, Fig. 5.3 Granary of Amun, 48, 48n21 Granary of the Aten, 48n19 H Harvest Festival of the Valley, 5, 7 Hatshepsut, 2, 136, 143 headdresses: double-plumed, 33, 112n9, 118 nemes, 31, 118 Hereditary prince and count, 38, 64, 69, 93, 135 high-priest of Amun, 136, 136n15 ḥmt-nsw / King’s Wife, 111 Horemhab, 25, 136, 144 decree, 106n74 tomb of, 48n19 Hori (TT28), 5 House of the Disc, 31, 38, 118, 135, 136, 140 in Southern Heliopolis, 140 ẖrd n kꜣp, 137, 145 ḥtp-di-nsw formula, 92 ḥtp-nṯr, 43, 45, 52, 62 ḥwt-bnbn, 73, 98, 100 Hwt-itn, 99 hy-hnw, 66, 67 J jubilee. See sd-festival

K ka, 18n8, 23, 25, 34, 36, 37, 42, 52, 86, 88, 93 Karnak, 31, 33, 40, 76, 97, 98, 100, 101, 106, 109, 116n31, 118, 135, 140 Khaemhat (TT 57), 68, 78n69, 104n54, 104n56 kherp, 31 Kheruef (TT192), 83, 97, 100, 104, 106, 111 tomb of, 7, 68, 91n85, 104n53, 104n54, 111n7 Khokha, 2 king’s butler, clean of hands. See royal butler, clean of hands kiosks (royal), 43, 58, 71, 73, 76, 77, 83, 83n75, 84, 97, 104, 106, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 125, Fig. 3.27 “kissing the earth,” 76. See also proskynesis Kusae, 90 Kyky (TT 409), 5 L libation jars, 36 lotuses, 36, 46, 48, 55, 66, 71, 82, 83, 104, 107, 113, 130 M Ma’at, 97, 106n71, 111, 118 mallets, 21 Malqata, 100 Memphis, 68, 100n33, 136n15, 137, 144n10 Memphite style, 68 menat, 39, 128 Menkheperrasoneb, 136 Montu, 137 mortuary temple of Ramesses II, 6 N Neferronpet, 139 Nefertiti, 31, 73, 98, 100, 107n84, 111 Nekhen, 66, 106n71 New Kingdom, 6, 21, 49, 97, 103, 106, 135, 140, 144 19th Dynasty, 2 O offering stands, 31, 34, 36 offering tables, 66 Osiris, 36, 92, 97, 102, 110n58 overseer of all construction of the king, 38, 135 of priests, 93, 138n12 of the priests of all the gods, 38 P pa-bird, 31 papyrus, 31, 33, 47, 48, 51, 54, 59, 83, 113, 118 Pa-sa-nesu, 144 pavilion (garden), 46, 47n16, 47n18, 48, 104, 113, 114, 115 Pe, 66, 67, 106n71 Pentu, 71n65 pillars, 15, 23, 26, 91, 91n83, 91n85, 130

Index Pr-itn (Per-Aten), 38, 43, 64, 71, 91, 98, 100, 104, 105, 115, 116, 135, 136, Figs. 3.18, Fig. 3.20, Figs. 5.4–5.5 proskynesis, 36, 37, 56n30, 92 Ptahmose, 136, 136n15 Ptolemaic times, 1 Puyemre, 143 tomb of, 5 R Ramose, 77n68, 89, 97, 100, 141n56, 140 tomb of, 68, 85, 102, 103, 104n54, 107, 111 Re-Harakhty, 31, 34, 36, 37, 40, 42, 43, 47, 52, 64, 66, 67, 69, 71, 73, 85, 88, 92, 97, 98, 102, 103, 115, 116, 117, 118, 123, 126 rekhyet (rḫyt)-birds, 66, 91n85, 104, 126 Renenutet, 51, 59, 105 “the road of Amune to Djeme,” 7 Roman times, 2 royal baldachin, Figs. 3.21–3.22, Fig. 5.2. See also canopy royal butler, clean of hands, 37, 38, 40, 42, 46, 54, 61, 64, 69, 76, 86, 88, 90, 93, 137, 139, 144 Rwd-mnw, 99, 100, 109 S screen-wall, 46, 104n57, 113 scribe of the treasury in the Ramesseum, 6 sd-festival, 71, 98, 104, 107, 115n26, 140, 145 seal-bearer of the King of Lower Egypt, 38, 136 Sen-nefer (TT96), 82n73, 137 sistra, 33, 118, 144 smꜣ-plant, 47, 104, 113 stewards, 54, 56, 76, 78, 80, 93, 97, 136 sun hymn, 36, 40, 40n7, 123 superintendent. See overseer T talatat, 39, 40, 46, 66, 67, 71, 73, 76, 93, 98, 98n16, 99, 106n79, 107, 109, 109n2, 111, 112, 115, 115n26, 115n30, 118, 138, 140, 140n69, 145n13 Temple of Amun, 97, 98 Theban tombs: TT 226, 104n55, 111 TT 374, 1, 2, 5, 6, 23, Fig. 2.2 TT 39, 5

Third Intermediate Period, 2, 106n78 Thutmose I, 89, 144n10 Thutmose II, 89 Thutmose III, 89 Thutmose IV, 98, 103, 111 Tjawy, 137 Tni-mnw, 99, 100 tomb of: Amenemope. See under Amenemope Anen, 104n55 Amenhotep-sise, 111 Ay. See under Ay Horemhab. See under Horemhab Kheruef. See under Kheruef Meryre II, 107 Nakht, 111 Neferhotep, 47n18, 115 Puyemre. See under Puyemre Ramose. See under Ramose Tutankhamun. See under Tutankhamun trestle tables/stands, 31, 56, 80, 81, 113 T-shaped tomb, 15, 26n25, 29, 101 Tutankhamun, 136, 144, 144n10, 145 tomb of, 98 21st Dynasty, 1 U uraei, 31, 51, 72, 83, 105, 126 V vultures, 67, 68n58, 103, 118, 128 W was-scepters, 66, 110, 125 Wēse, 68 Window of Appearance, 47n18, 106, 106n77 wine jars, 6, 54, 55, 58, 60, 91, 113, 140 Winlock, 1, 40n11, 135n2

183