The shadows of poetry: Vergil in the mind of Augustine 9780520920279, 9780520211872

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THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CLASSICAL HERITAGE

Peter Brown, General Editor I Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity, by Sabine G. MacCormack II Synesius of Cyrene: Philosopher-Bishop, by Jay Alan Bregman Til Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity,

by Kenneth G. Holum IV John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century, by Robert L. Wilken V_ Biography in Late Antiquity: The Quest for the Holy Man, by Patricia Cox

VI Pachomius: The Making of a Community in Fourth-Century Egypt, by Philip Rousseau VII Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, by A. P. Kazhdan and Ann Wharton Epstein VIL = Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul, by Raymond Van Dam IX Homer the Theologian: Neoplatonist Allegorical Reading and the Growth of the Epic Tradition, by Robert Lamberton

X Procopius and the Sixth Century, by Averil Cameron XI Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity, by

Robert A. Kaster . XIL_ Civic Coins and Civic Politics in the Roman East, A.D. 180-275, by

Kenneth Harl XUI Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, introduced and translated by Sebastian P. Brock and Susan Ashbrook Harvey XIV Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection, by Carole Straw XV Apex Omnium: Religion in the Res gestae of Ammianus, by R. L. Rike XVI___ Dioscorus of Aphrodito: His Work and His World, by Leslie S. B. MacCoull

XVII On Roman Time: The Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity, by Michele Renee Salzman

XVII Asceticism and Society in Crisis: John of Ephesus and The Lives of the Eastern Saints, by Susan Ashbrook Harvey

XIX Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius, by Alan Cameron and Jacqueline Long, with a contribution by Lee Sherry

XX Basil of Caesarea, by Philip Rousseau XXI In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini, introduction, translation, and historical commentary by C. E. V. Nixon and Barbara Saylor Rodgers XXII Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital, by Neil B. McLynn

Richard Lim |

XXIII Public Disputation, Power, and Social Order in Late Antiquity, by

XXIV The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy, by Virginia Burrus XXV_ Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius’s Life and the Late Antique City, by

Derek Krueger XXVI_ The Shadows of Poetry: Vergil in the Mind of Augustine, by Sabine

MacCormack

BLANK PAGE

THE SHADOWS OF POETRY

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on OL fete ik, baa ae OS Ue. an eas Gunies ace Ys.ey b : eetnane ‘ifootme, ee Tent cols oRfg as . anae ae , rar ciTeoe ee S$. Be.cs_ve®, gs. ‘ye ettee ee ae.Meo yobs -: ae ,“ven owe we Rr be get Rid 2 + aSwe * aaores eS %, and he was shy, so that the noisy and competitive life of the law courts did not suit him.%¢ Altogether, he preferred to live not in Rome but in one of his country retreats; and when he did come to the city, he liked to escape from the admirers who wanted to meet him by vanishing into some nearby edifice.°” Perhaps this was why Vergil’s younger contemporary, Ovid, who was far from shy, remembered merely seeing the admired poet at a distance with31. Servius, In Verg. Aen. 1.276, 292. If identifications must be made, interpreting Quirinus and Remus as Augustus and Agrippa would seem to be closest to Vergil’s sense because the passage as a whole (Aeneid I. 257-297) describes a chronological progression from Rome’s beginnings to Vergil’s own time (contra, Binder [below, n. 43], p. 3). See also the careful discussion by Philippe Bruggisser, Romulus Servianus. La légende de Romulus dans les Commentaires a Virgile de Servius: mythographie et idéologie a l’époque de la dynastie théodosienne, pp. 84-106.

32. Note, for example, Servius’ scruples in In Verg. Aen. V1.779. Having reported one of

the accounts about Remus’ murder, Servius concludes: fabulosum enim est quod a fratre propter muros dicitur interemptus. It is not, however, clear whether Servius is sceptical about the story because Vergil did not include it in the Aeneid or because it cast a negative light on Rome (see further below, Chapter V, n. 140, for Augustine’s criticism of Rome by reference to the fratricide). For further erudite information about Romulus and Remus, see In Verg. Aen. [.273, 291; VI. 777, 779, 783, 859; VII.187. Cf. below, Chapter V, nn. 13~21. 33. This is perhaps the Melissus Spoletinus mentioned by Jerome, Chronicon (ed. Rudolf Helm, Die Chronik des Hieronymus, Berlin 1956) ad annum 4 B.c. 34, Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 15-16, p. 9; see also Seneca Maior, Controversiae (ed. Lennart Hakanson, Leipzig 1989) III, praef. 8: Vergil had no talent for prose: Ciceronem eloquentia sua in carminibus destituit; Vergilium illa felicitas ingenii in oratione soluta reliquit. 35. Facie rusticana, Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 8, p. 8 36. On his early inclination for poetry, see Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 17, p. 9. 37. Ibid. 11, p. 9.

“Their Renowned Poet” 11 out being able to exchange any words with him.** To Horace, however, Vergil was close and dear, so that, when Vergil left Italy on a voyage to Greece, Horace implored the ship that was to carry his beloved friend: Ship to whom is entrusted Vergil, and him you owe me: from Attic lands bring him back safe and sound, I pray, and save for me the half of my own soul. navis, quae tibi creditum debes Vergilium, finibus Atticis | reddas incolumem, precor, et serves animae dimidium meae.°?

Despite his retiring ways, Vergil was famous. In lines that were quoted by Aelius Donatus, the poet Propertius thus expressed his realization that with the Aeneid, Roman literature had attained a certain parity in relation to the daunting achievements of Homer and the Greeks: Make way you Roman writers, make way you Greeks! Something greater than the Iliad is coming to birth. cedite, Romani scriptores, cedite Grai!

nescio quid maius nascitur Iliade.

Propertius was not the only one among Vergil’s contemporaries to think in this way, not the only poet to pay compliments to Vergil by alluding in his own verses to the themes that were being unfolded in the Aeneid.) Even the emperor Augustus took an interest in the poem’s progress and wanted

to see a first draft or some extract.42 As Tiberius Claudius Donatus and 38. Ovid, Tristia IV.10.41.

39. Horace, Odes 1.3.5-8. Horace’s commentator Pomponius Porphyrion, Commentum in Horatium Flaccum (ed. Alfred Holder, Innsbruck 1894), explained the urgency of the poet’s prayer by quoting the philosophical tradition on which it was based: animae dimidium meae. suaviter hoc dictum secundum illam amicitiae definitionem qua philosophi utuntur: Mia wx ev Svoiv ompaot xewéevn. The fact that Horace reformulated what most likely was a familiar statement intensified its message. 40. Propertius, Elegies 11.34.65-66, translation after Goold, who in turn followed Ezra Pound; see G. P. Goold (ed. and tr.) Propertius, Elegies (Cambridge, Mass. 1990), note on 11.34.65.

41. On Propertius’ allusions to all of Vergil’s works in Elegies II.34.61-84, see the commentary by Petrus Johannes Enk, Sexti Propertii Elegiarum Liber secundus cum prolegomenis, conspectu librorum et commentationum (Leyden 1962). On the impact of the Aeneid on Horace, see Fraenkel, Horace, pp. 375, 421, 430, 452. Cf. below, Chapter IIL, n. 4.

42. Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 31-32, pp. 12-13; Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.24.11, cites Vergil’s letter to Augustus to the effect that he had as yet nothing to send; see White, Promised

Verse, pp. 115-116 with nn. 10-12. On Vergil’s growing fame, see further, Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 26, p. 12, Bucolica eo successu edidit, ut in scena quoque per cantores crebro

12 “Their Renowned Poet” Servius perceived it, such interest arose naturally from the content of the work, in which Vergil expressed “the praises of Augustus through his ancestors,”““8 among whom was Aeneas himself. But the Aeneid also had a more intimate and human dimension, as when Vergil, describing

Aeneas’ visit to the other world, had touched on the premature death of the young Marcellus, son of Augustus’ sister, Octavia. Speaking in the person of Anchises, the first progenitor of the Roman people, Vergil had written: Alas, child to be pitied, if you might only outlive your cruel fate, you shall be Marcellus. Give me lilies from full hands, and I shall scatter purple flowers, and honor my descendant’s soul offering these gifts at least, and bestowing thereby an ineffectual homage.

heu miserande puer, siqua fataasperarumpas, __ tu Marcellus eris. manibus date lilia plenis, purpureos spargam flores, animamque nepotis his saltem adcumulem donis, et fungar inani munere.#

According to Servius, Octavia broke down in helpless tears when listen-

ing to these verses during a private recitation at which Vergil himself was present.®

The Aeneid remained unfinished when Vergil died, with revisions pending and a number of the lines that had been placed as “scaffolding” still to be completed. Rumor soon reported that Vergil had ordered the poem to be burned rather than allowing it to be published in an incomplete state. Instead of obeying this instruction, however, Vergil’s friends Varius

Rufus and Plotius Tucca, with the support of Augustus, reviewed, corpronuntiarentur. Given that the Eclogues (except IV) are formulated as dialogues or recitals, this was, of course, an appropriate manner of performance. For adaptations of Vergil for presentation on the stage, see White, Promised Verse, p. 53, n. 45. Vergil himself received public homage such as was matched only by the homage bestowed on the exalted person of Augustus when the entire people would rise to their feet when Vergil was present while his verses were being recited in the theatre: Tacitus, Dialogus de oratoribus XIII.1-2. 43. Servius, Introduction to In Verg. Aen., p. 4, intentio Vergilii haec est... Augustum laudare a parentibus; also, In Verg. Aen. 1.286, 291; VIII.678, on the war of Actium, quia belli civilis triumphus turpis videtur, laborat poeta iustum bellum fuisse. Raymond J. Starr, “An Epic of Praise: Tiberius Claudius Donatus and Vergil’s Aeneid,” Classical Antiquity 11 (1992): 159-172. The question as to what extent the Aeneid praises Augustus and was sponsored by him has been much discussed; see White, Promised Verse, pp. 95-109, 132-138 passim, 145-148; Gerhard Binder, Aeneas und Augustus. Interpretationen zum 8. Buch der Aeneis. . 44, Aeneid V1.882-886. 45. Servius, In Verg. Aen. VI.861. Aeneid V1.883 is quoted with a similar story about Octavia by Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 32, p. 13.

“Their Renowned Poet” 13 rected, and published the text as it stood. This episode exercised the imagination of some later poets, to whom it seemed that Troy, the destruction of which Vergil had described in the second book of the Aeneid, had barely escaped the flames a second time.” In other respects also, legends

were clustering around Vergil’s name. Aelius Donatus reported that his mother when pregnant with him had dreamed that she was giving birth to a laurel branch from which grew a handsome tree with diverse fruits and flowers. According to the grammarian Phocas, who wrote in the late fourth century, no dream more true could have risen from the gates of horn.® Donatus also reported that as a baby Vergil had never cried and that his gentle expression foreshadowed his exalted destiny. Phocas in turn elaborated these accounts with Vergil’s own pastoral imagery: the earth offered flowers, and the universe smiled when the poet was born.” Aelius Donatus taught literature in Rome during the middle decades of the fourth century. The most famous among the students to attend his

school was Jerome, who acquired from Donatus the foundations of his awesome learning. Donatus’ Life of Vergil was based on the section about Vergil in Suetonius’ Lives of Illustrious Men, and it is from this same source

that Jerome extracted the data about Vergil and other poets that he integrated into his Latin translation and continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius.5° In addition, it is from Donatus’ commentaries on Vergil and Terence that Jerome appears to have adapted his own practice of commenting on Scripture according to the “laws of commentaries, in which many opinions of different authors are set down, either with or without 46. Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 39-42, pp. 15-16; see also Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae XVIL.10.7, on Vergil’s request to his friends ut Aeneida, quam nondum satis elimavisset, adol-

erent. As an example of imperfection in the Aeneid, Gellius then compares Pindar, Pyth. l.21 ff., on the eruption of Aetna, with Vergil’s handling of the same topic, in Aeneid III.570 ff.,

which latter he finds wanting. This passage from Aulus Gellius was copied by Macrobius, Saturnalia V.17.8 ff. On the early reception of Vergil, see the important work by James E. G. Zetzel, Latin Textual Criticism in Antiquity, pp. 27-74 passim; also his “Religion, Rhetoric and

Editorial Technique: Reconstructing the Classics,” in George Bornstein and Ralph G. Williams, eds., Palimpsest. Editorial Theory in the Humanities, pp. 99-120. See further the edition with commentary by Robert A. Kaster, Suetonius, De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, especially sections 16, 20, and 24 (on Caecilius Epirota, Hyginus, and Probus) with Kaster’s comments. 47. Willy Schetter, “Drei Epigramme tiber die Rettung der Aeneis,” in his Kaiserzeit und Spitantike. Kleine Schriften 1957-1992, ed. Otto Zwierlein, pp. 466-474. 48. On Phocas, see Kaster, Guardians of Language, pp. 339-341. On the date of the Vatican Vergil, which, at folio 57r. depicts Vergil’s gate of dreams, see David H. Wright, The Vatican Vergil. A Masterpiece of Late Antique Art, pp. 84-91.

: 49. Donatus, Vita (ed. Hardie) 3 and 4, p. 7; Vita Focae (ed. Hardie)13-16 and 23-30, pp. 31 £., (the text is also printed, along with its preface, in F. Buecheler, A. Riese, and E. Lommatzsch, Anthologia Latina I.2 [Amsterdam 1972], number 671); Ludwig Bieler, QEIOZ ANHP. Das Bild des “gittlichen Menschen” in Spitantike und Friihchristentum Il pp. 96-101. 50. The excerpts are reproduced by C. Hardie, Vitae, pp. 37-38.

14 “Their Renowned Poet” the names of these authors, leaving it to the reader’s judgment to decide which opinion he ought to choose.”5! Donatus’ commentary on Vergil followed precisely this method of recording divergent, sometimes incompatible, earlier interpretations and adding his own view where appropriate, thereby leaving the reader to make an autonomous choice among the alternative positions.5? This commentary circulated rapidly and widely, for Augustine, writing in Africa in 392, already referred to it as a standard work.°> By that time, Vergil’s reputation as, quite simply, “the poet” whom

every educated Latin speaker knew well, was both long established and absolutely unchallenged.*4

II Vergil’s contemporaries could engage with the Aeneid as a commentary on recent history and their own experience, seeing that persons and events of the time were included in the poem. They would recognize not only Augustus himself, but also Julius Caesar and Pompey, and Augustus’ nephew and prospective successor, Marcellus. Vergil’s subsequent readers, by con51. Jerome, In Jeremiam prophetam, prologus (PL 24, col. 707), with Holtz, Donat, pp.

44-46. ,

52. I take Servius auctus as representing, broadly speaking, the work of Donatus (see Lloyd, “Republican Authors”; on the value of scholarship after Donatus, see David Daintree, “The Virgil Commentary of Aelius Donatus—Black Hole or ‘Eminence Grise’?” Greece and Rome 37 [1990]: 65~79, where, however, Lloyd’s work is overlooked). For an example of divergent interpretations presented along with the commentator’s own view, see Servius Auctus, In Verg. Georg. IV.219: HIS QUIDAM SIGNIS ATQUE HAEC EXEMPLA SECUTI Pythagorae sectam versat, quam et Stoici sequuntur. et quidam accusant, quod, cum sit Epicureus, alienam sectam usurpare videtur. sed ego puto simpliciter referri sententias philosophorum: neque enim statim Epicureus debet videri, si libertate poetica ait [562] illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat Parthenope, studiis florentem ignobilis oti.

53. Augustine, De utilitate credendi VII.17; see on this passage, Holtz, Donat, pp. 20, 219. 54. Justinian, Institutionum libri quattuor (J. B. Moyle, ed., Oxford 1912) I.2.2: ius quidem

civile ex unaquaque civitate appellatur veluti Atheniensium: nam si quis velit Solonis vel Draconis leges appellare ius civile Atheniensium, non erraverit. sic enim et ius quo populus Romanus utitur, ius civile Romanorum appellamus: vel ius Quiritium, quo Quirites utuntur: Romani enim a Quirino Quirites appellantur. sed quotiens non addimus, cuius sit civitatis, nostrum ius significamus: sicuti cum poetam dicimus nec addimus nomen, subauditur apud Graecos egregius Homerus, apud nos Vergilius. Of the many fourth century authors to quote Vergil in reverent terms, see Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae XV.9.1: Mantuanus vates excelsus; XIX.9.7, poeta praeclarus; XXXI.4.6, eminentissimus vates. That Ammianus had studied Vergil is clear from XVII.4.5, mentioning the death of Cornelius Gallus and Vergil’s affection for him, expressed in Eclogue X. Note also Ammianus XXIL8.3 with Aeneid IIL18 and Servius ad loc.: here, Ammianus does not cite Vergil, but he has so deeply absorbed the story of the Aeneid that a relatively peripheral episode from this work comes to his mind when his context (here, a description of Thrace) makes it seem relevant.

“Their Renowned Poet” 15 trast, were moved not so much by late republican and Augustan history as by characters whom the poet had invented. In particular, the tragic story of Dido, the founder and queen of Carthage, proved to be quite unforgettable.55 Dido had come to the site of Carthage as an exile, having fled from her native Tyre after her husband had been murdered by her own brother. Putting this catastrophe behind her, Dido had found a home for her people and had begun building their city when Aeneas and his Trojans, after their escape from the smoldering ruins of Troy, were shipwrecked on her shores. She welcomed them kindly, only to fall in love with the hero who was destined to become not her consort but the founder of Rome. Dido’s love thus had no future, but nonetheless she clung to Aeneas. When finally he left her, she invoked war and misfortune upon him, vowed her people’s everlasting enmity against all his descendants, and threw herself on the sword he had accidentally left behind. As Servius noted in his commen-

tary, the curse that Dido before dying placed on Aeneas foreshadowed both the hardships he was to encounter upon arriving in Italy and the long wars between Rome and Carthage.*® In following Vergil’s account of the wanderings of Aeneas from one

end of the Mediterranean to the other, therefore, the reader gradually comes to understand that the destinies of entire societies, of cities and empires, are in some sense epitomized in individual human destinies. Vergil’s story of Dido was thus the story of Carthage as viewed by a Ro-

man. It was also a human story centering on a tragic reversal of fortune. The majestic queen who at the time when she greeted Aeneas had been admired by her people and had been “most lovely to behold”*” 55. For Dido’s story, see Aeneid 1.338-368. On the quality of Book IV, see Servius, In Verg. Aen. IV.1: est enim paene totus in affectione, licet in fine pathos habeat, ubi abscessus Aeneae gignit dolorem. sane totus in consiliis et subtilitatibus est; nam paene comicus stilus est: nec mirum, ubi de amore tractatur. See also Macrobius, Saturnalia IV.5.7: saepissime pathos movit

cum aut miserabilem aut iracundum vellet inducere. miserabilem sic: qualis populea maerens Philomela sub umbra [Georgica IV.511]; qualis commotis excita sacris/Thyas [Aeneid IV.301-2] qualem virgineo demessum pollice florem [Aeneid X1.68] et aliae plurimae patheticae parabolae in quibus miseratus est. Further examples from Aeneid IV invoking pathos are cited in Saturnalia IV.6.5, 6, 9-10, 11, 12. On the tragic content of Aeneid IV, see the important essay by Antonie Wlosok, “Vergils Didotragédie. Ein Beitrag zum Problem des Tragischen in der Aeneis,” in Studien zum antiken Epos. Festschrift fiir F. Dirlmeier und V. Péschl (Meisenheim 1976), pp. 228-250, now in her Res humanae—tes divinae. Kleine Schriften; see also the superb introduction by Arthur S. Pease to his edition of Book IV: Publi Vergili Maronis Aeneidos liber quartus, and Ralph Hexter, “Sidonian Dido,” in Ralph Hexter and Daniel Selden, eds., Innovations of Antiquity, pp. 332-384. 56. Servius, In Verg. Aen. IV.615-621 on Aeneas; IV.622-628 on enmity between Carthage and Rome and on Hannibal. Note also In Verg. Aen. IV.629, PUGNENT IPSIQUE NEPOTES: potest et ad civile bellum referri. 57. Aeneid 1.496, forma pulcherrima Dido.

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“Their Renowned Poet” 17 I built a noble city, beheld the walls I raised, avenged a husband, and have repaid a brother’s enmity. Blessed, most blessed would I be if only Trojan ships had never touched our shores.”

“dulces exuviae, dum fata deusque sinebant, accipite hanc animam meque his exsolvite curis. vixi et quem dederat cursum Fortuna peregi, et nunc magna mei sub terras ibit imago. urbem praeclaram statui, mea moenia vidi, ulta virum poenas inimico a fratre recepi, felix, heu nimium felix, si litora tantum numquam Dardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae.”*®

When Vergil wrote, Dido was known to historians as the resourceful and courageous founder and queen of Carthage who had thrown herself on a funerary pyre in order to avoid marriage with an African king. As most of Vergil’s readers understood clearly, the variant account, to the effect that Aeneas came to Dido’s court and that she killed herself for love of him, was, quite simply, the poet’s invention.*? But this account, although pure fiction, turned out to be extraordinarily persuasive. As Macrobius shrewdly observed, the poet’s narrative art endowed the story of Dido

and Aeneas with such power that even those who were aware of the true cause of their queen’s death went along with the fiction because the sheer intimacy of Vergil’s human insight seeped imperceptibly into the reader’s heart.© 58. Aeneid IV.651-658; translation with help from R. G. Austin, P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos Liber IV, q.v. on these verses. 59. The ancient sources about Dido were assembled by O. Rossbach, s.v. Dido in Paulys Real-Encyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. V (Stuttgart 1905), cols. 426-433. For Christian sources, see A. Stuiber, s.v. Dido in Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentum III (1957), cols. 1014-1016. The earliest extant mention is by Timaios of Tauromenion, frag. 82 in Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Dritter Teil B Nr. 297-607 (Leiden 1993),

p. 624; note Jacoby’s commentary arguing that Vergil, not some earlier writer such as Naevius, invented the version of the Dido story that is told in Aeneid I and IV. Contra, among others, M. von Albrecht, “Naevius’ Bellum Poenicum,” in Erich Burck, ed., Das rémische Epos (Darmstadt 1979), pp. 15-32, at p. 20; see also N. M. Horsfall, “Dido in the Light of History,” Proceedings of the Vergil Society 13 (1973-74): 1-13 (S. J. Harrison, ed., Oxford Readings in Vergil’s

Aeneid, pp. 127-144). The most fundamental difficulty (which Horsfall seeks to overcome) about Vergil’s story of Dido and Aeneas was, as Jacoby pointed out, chronological, because in the Aeneid, the foundation of Carthage precedes that of Rome. 60. Macrobius, Saturnalia V.17.6: tantum valuit pulchritudo narrandi ut omnes Phoenissae castitatis conscii, nec ignari manum sibi iniecisse reginam, ne pateretur damnum pudoris, coniveant tamen fabulae, et intra conscientiam veri fidem prementes malint pro vero celebrari quod pectoribus humanis dulcedo fingentis infudit. See also, Ovid, Heroides VIL, letter of Dido to Aeneas, accepting, expanding, and dramatizing Vergil’s account. Quintilian, De institutione oratoria IX.2.64, takes the story’s persuasive power as given; Jean-Michel Poinsotte, “L’image de Didon dans I’antiquité tardive,” in Enée et Didon. Naissance, fonctionnement et survie d’un

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“Their Renowned Poet” 43 elsewhere in Christian exegesis, Vergil’s bees are exemplars of ethical integrity and of political and social order.'5! But the imposition of such Christian meanings on Vergil’s text precluded reflection on the destructive

potential of order, the kind of order with which the bees, “forming columns” like a Roman army, set about their work,5? and the military precision with which a swarm of bees could descend on a tree, taking possession of it,153 thereby betokening the bloody war that preceded the Trojan settlement in Italy and thus the foundation of Rome. Ambiguities of this kind, whereby a positive evolution enshrines its own negation, pervade Vergil’s work.1*4 On occasion, Augustine’s pagan contemporaries noticed

these dimensions in the poet’s text, although often they endeavored to transform these latent meanings into some manner of positive certainty; as when Tiberius Claudius Donatus insisted on interpreting the death of the great Italian hero Turnus at the hands of Aeneas as an event redound-

ing to the latter’s glory. Donatus wanted to understand the Aeneid as a panegyrical poem in praise of Aeneas, Augustus, and Rome,'¢ a poem that had a uniform message and gave no real scope to the tragic story of Dido or to that of Turnus.15” Christians likewise looked for certainty when reading Vergil, whether this was the certainty of knowing the identity of the messianic child of the fourth eclogue or the certainty of being able to explain to precisely what extent Vergil’s theology was compatible with Chris-

tian theology. |

151. Ambrose, Exameron V.21.67 ff.; see also Macrobius, Saturnalia V.11.2-4, comparing Vergil’s bee simile of Aeneid I.430-436, discussed above at n. 141, to Homer's bee simile in Iiad 11.87—-93 and concluding: vides descriptas apes a Vergilio opifices, ab Homero vagas; alter discursum et solam volatus varietatem, alter exprimit nativae artis officium. 152. Note the military image in Aeneid VII.66, pedibus per mutua nexis, as though the bees were forming a line of battle; but Servius says, PER MUTUA invicem: et est absolutum. Melissus qui de apibus scripsit, ait duobus pedibus se tenent et duobus alias sustinent. 153. See Servius, In Verg. Aen. VII.66: OBSEDERE APICEM verbum oppugnationis est “obsedere,” quo usus est signate propter bellum futurum. 154, Donatus thus observed that in the Eclogues, Vergil had sometimes written allegorically and sometimes not, it being the reader’s task to interpret appropriately: Donatus, Vita

(ed. Brummer), pp. 16-17: illud tenendum esse praedicimus, in bucolicis Vergili neque nusquam neque ubique aliquid figurate dici, hoc est per allegoriam. 155. Tiberius Claudius Donatus, Interpretationes Vergilianae, pp. 640 ff., on Aeneid XII.945 ff.

156. See Starr, “An Epic of Praise.” 157. In addition, the political events to which Vergil on occasion alluded were far distant in time and appeared irrelevant to the direct experience of his late antique readers, for whom the transformation of republic into empire had long ceased to be a burning issue; political events and personalities to whom Vergil referred were thus not infrequently misun-

derstood in late antiquity; see James E.G. Zetzel, “Servius and Triumviral History in the Eclogues,” Classical Philology 79 (1984): 139-142; cf. Syme, “Pollio, Salonius and Salonae.”

44 “Their Renowned Poet” Ultimately, however, the verses of Vergil defied such categorizations

because they continued spilling off the page into the living reality of another day. “How small is the parchment that contains the measureless Vergil,” the poet Martial had written in the late first century.58 The way in which “the measureless Vergil” continued to haunt his readers during subsequent generations bears witness to the truth of Martial’s words. 158. Martial, Epigrammata (ed. D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Stuttgart 1990), 14, 186:

Quam brevis immensum cepit membrana Maronem! ipsius vultus prima tabella gerit.

The verses describe a Vergil codex with the poet’s portrait at the beginning (cf. Ludwig Fried- : laender, M. Valerii Martialis Epigrammaton Libri. Mit erklirenden Anmerkungen [Leipzig 1886], ad loc.); for the author portraits of Vergil (none of which, however, serves as a frontispiece) in the Vergilius Romanus, see Wright, Codicological Notes, pp. 59 ff., 64 ff., 69 ff. 159. Michael McCormick, Five Hundred Unknown Glosses from the Palatine Virgil (The Vatican Library, MS Pal. lat. 1631) (Studie Testi 343, Vatican 1992), provides new information and insight into how Vergil was studied in the ninth century; see also John J. Contreni, Codex Laudunensis 468. A Ninth Century Guide to Virgil, Sedulius and the Liberal Arts (Armarium Codicum Insignium vol. III, Turnholt 1984).

TT : ) ” CHAPTER II

THE SCENT OF A ROSE

Language and Grammar between Pagans and Christians

I In the autumn of 387, Augustine and a small group of friends and students, along with his mother, were gathered on the country estate of Cassiciacum in northern Italy. The leaves were falling, and the sunny autumn days gradually turned into wintry days of mist, rain, and clouds while Augustine reflected with his companions on the Christian philosophy he had decided to embrace earlier that year.1 After nine years of struggling with the alien imagery and cosmology of the Manichees, Augustine was not only returning to the religion he had been taught in childhood,” but was also spending time reflecting on the texts of the Roman classics, among them Cicero, Varro, and Vergil, which he had first studied when young. Long hours that passed in discussing the nature of knowledge, blessedness, and certainty were interspersed with periods of relaxation when Vergil’s Aeneid was read or recited.3 1. Augustine, Contra academicos 1.4.10 lovely weather; IIl.1.1: bad weather; De beata vita 23, morning mist; De ordine 1.3.7, drainpipe blocked by autumn leaves; see Wolfgang Hiibner, “Der ordo der Realien in Augustins Frithdialog De ordine,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 33 (1987): 23-48. 2. Augustine, De utilitate credendi 1.2; De duabus animabus 1; cf. 11. 3. Contra Academicos 1.5.15 reviewing Aeneid I; note that the quotation from the Aeneid in 1.5.14 is from this book: line 401; Contra Academicos 1.3.10 reviewing Aeneid I-IV; Contra Academicos IIl.1.1 Trygetius enjoys Vergil; De ordine 1.7.26 listening to half a book of Vergil every evening before dinner. Karl Hermann Schelkle, Virgil in der Deutung Augustins, lists and

46 “The Scent of a Rose” These readings, often timed to conclude distinct phases of argument that

the group was engaged in, gave shape and rhythm to the days at Cassiciacum. Vergil’s words penetrated into many aspects of the discussion and were quoted sometimes lightheartedly and playfully and sometimes in a serious sense. The armor that the god Vulcan had forged for Aeneas might thus be compared to the intellectual and moral training that was appropriate for those who searched after truth, while philosophic certainty appeared at times to remain as elusive as Vergil’s prophetic deity Proteus, who was able to change himself into countless shapes in order to elude his suppliants.* Elsewhere, Augustine engaged with the conundrums of Vergilian scholarship, as for example when his friend Alypius responded to one question by posing another. Augustine thought that this was just as when, in Vergil’s third eclogue, Damoetas had posed a riddle to Menalcas, his rival for the affections of the beautiful Phyllis: Tell me in what lands—and you shall be my great Apollo— the circuit of the sky extends no further than three yards.

Dic quibus in terris—et eris mihi magnus Apollo— tris pateat caeli spatium non amplius ulnas.

Only to be confronted with the riposte: Tell me in what lands do flowers grow inscribed

, with names of kings? And Phyllis shall be yours alone.

. Dic quibus in terris inscripti nomina regum nascantur flores: et Phyllida solus habeto.5

discusses the citations of Vergil by Augustine and other authors, arranging them according to the chronological sequence of the poet’s work; results, ordered by the chronological sequence of Augustine’s writings, are summarized briefly at the end. A similar procedure is followed in the invaluable work by Harald Hagendahl, Augustine and the Latin Classics (Gothoburg 1967); see also James J. O’Donnell, “Augustine’s Classical Readings,” Recherches Augustiniennes 15 (1980): pp. 144-175. Pierre Courcelle, Lecteurs paiens et lecteurs chrétiens de l’Enéide. I. Les témoinages littéraires (Paris 1984) provides exactly what the title and the preface

promise: a commentary on the Aeneid through the writings of those who quoted it and thought about it. Without claiming to recapitulate or improve on these researches, I seek instead to explain how and why Vergil influenced Augustine, and how and why his ideas about Vergil changed.

ring to Georgica IV.388 ff.

4. Contra Academicos II.9.22 referring to Aeneid VIII.441; Contra Academicos Il.5.11 refer-

5. Vergil, Eclogue III, 104-107, with Contra Academicos IIl.4.9, see Heinz Hofmann, “Ein Aratpapyrus bei Vergil,” Hermes. Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie 113 (1985): 468-480; Clausen, A Commentary on Virgil Eclogues pp. 116-117.

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eee “et .*t . ‘ .fe ,> . . ’* ,- roe* vy+= ‘‘ ‘ “rand~* *ra’ ” 4’+*~ ors. sof ‘ ty + : Py 1eur ergil s third eclogue describes the half-serious, half-mocking taunts exSsINgine competition etween them. Their frien alaemon, seated wl 18 0) 24 a the left, acts as arbiter.

« 7 * **

>

*® enaicas: eli me Vamoetas, who owns the her s it Meliboeus °* amoetas: o, itis Aegon egon has only now brought them to me Menalcas: oor sheep, ever luckless flock! ie courtin

this intrudi k f the sh milks th tw h

e*

d the st th is drained f the flock, th ilk f the lambs.

amoetas: ave a care not to offend real men with taunts so libera

hi k e,b he me d mphs | hed

were watc Ins askance, ut t rry WwO0OO ny p S aug : Eclo u Il 1I-

>*****

**e2*«

°

t Cassiciacum, conv ersing wit is students ugustine Was appy to remem-

ber this ecl but lat h iting the City of God, h ived

.e*

sinister meaning in the laughter of the wood nymphs ource: verg1iius Romanus, fol. 6r.

48 “The Scent of a Rose” Possible answers to these riddles® were not discussed because Augustine

insisted that philosophical discussion should move forward, only to weave further Vergilian images into his discourse later on.’ The playful al-

legory of these images endowed the discourses of Cassiciacum with beauty and charm, but this was not the only dimension that Vergil brought to the conversations between Augustine and his students. At times Vergil’s verses articulated the very truth that was being sought by this small assembly of lovers of wisdom. Supplications that were addressed in Vergil’s poem to Apollo, the god of prophecy, thus became for Augustine steps toward his own supplication of the Christian god.® Ina broader, more sweeping sense, the protracted wanderings, errores, that had led Aeneas from his

native city of Troy to distant Italy exemplified for Augustine the many years he himself had spent searching for the truth whereby God might be known.? Vergil’s verses could accordingly direct a “well-educated soul” to endure life’s vicissitudes as steadfastly and firmly as the exemplary characters of the Aeneid had done: Firmly he stands, like a rock in the sea.

Ile velut pelagi rupes immota resistit.!

Augustine was surrounded at Cassiciacum by his nearest and dearest.

He had known them for a long time, and they were all from Africa: no need, therefore, to defend himself against Italians criticizing his provincial African pronunciation." The conversations among the company at Cassiciacum that Augustine recorded in his dialogues, however, had a distinctly Italian and Roman air. Just as long ago, Cicero had withdrawn from the trials of public life to the peace of the countryside, so now Augustine. 6. See Servius, In Verg. Buc. Il.104—107; Filargirius, Expl. in Verg. Buc. II.105—106 with

different solutions. 7. Contra academicos III.5.11 and III.6.13 (Proteus in Georgica IV.386—414); III.10.22 line 24 (allusion to Aeneid VIII.184-275 about Hercules and Cacus; the latter stands for Carneades and Academic scepticism).

8. Augustine, De ordine 1.4.10, incorporating quotes from Vergil, Aeneid X. 875, ITIl.88-89, IX.785~788.

9. Augustine, Contra academicos 1.5.14 quoting Aeneid I.401. 10. De ordine 11.20.54, quoting Aeneid VII.586. On the anima bene erudita see De ordine II.19.50; also De beata vita 8, animi nullis disciplinis eruditi, i.e. lacking the liberal arts, are full of vices and hungry; on the pervasive influence of Vergil in classical late antique poetry see Willy Schetter, “Nemesians Bucolica und die Anfange der spatlateinischen Dichtung,” in Studien zur Literatur der Spitantike, C. Gnilka und W. Schetter, eds., Antiquitas Reihe 1, vol. 23 (Bonn 1975): 1-43. 11. De ordine 11.16.45 Augustine’s African accent; he responds by correcting false sonus in the speech of Italians. Once back in Africa, Augustine became more assertive about the validity of African pronunciation, see De doctrina Christiana IV.10.24 on Afrae autres.

“The Scent of a Rose” 49 Moreover, many of the issues that occupied Augustine and his companions were derived from ancient and especially Roman philosophy, scholarship, and educational theory." Discussions about certainty and the happy life accordingly took their departure from similar themes in the dialogues of Cicero, while Augustine’s interest in language, grammar, and dialectic echoed the researches of

the Roman scholar and antiquarian Varro.3 Varro had investigated the 12. See Maurice Testard, Saint Augustin et Cicéron (Paris 1958); also, Alan Cameron, “The Latin Revival of the Fourth Century” in Warren Treadgold, ed., Renaissances before the Renaissance. Cultural Revivals of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Stanford 1984), pp. 42-58; 182-4; Quintilian’s program of study, unlike that of Augustine, was still bilingual, see De institutione oratoria X.1; see also, on the importance of memorizing the classics, Libanius, Autobiography (Oration I), ed. and tr. A. F, Norman (Oxford 1965), pp. 8-11. M. von Albrecht, A History of Roman Literature pp. 1664-1708 is a helpful survey of Augustine’s writings.

13. Varro, using arguments reiterated by later grammarians, had explained the origin of Latin, as of other languages, with the image of a river and its source. The original words, verba primigenia, constituting the source of the river, were terms imposed on things at the outset of human history, while the ever-swelling body of the river was composed of the different classes of inflected and composite words. Varro, De lingua Latina (hereafter LL) VIIL5 image of the source and the river; verba primigenia and declinatio VI.36 ff; composite words, VI.38. The meaning of language, its ability to afford a speaker the terms to express true thoughts, was thus a product of its history. See Augustine, De ordine II.12.35, comprising the following passage, which is included among the fragments of Varro’s De grammatica by G. Goetz and F. Schoell, M. Terentii Varronis de lingua Latina quae supersunt (Leipzig 1910), p. 227:

Sed audiri absentiurn verba non poterant; ergo illa ratio peperit litteras, notatis omnibus oris ac linguae sonis atque discretis. Nihil autem horum facere poterat, si multitudo rerum sine quodam defixo termino infinite patere videretur. Ergo utilitas numerandi magna necessitate animadversa est. Quibus duobus repertis, nata est illa librariorum et calculonum professio, velut quaedam grammaticae infantia, quam Varro litterationem vocat; Graece autem quomodo apelletur, non satis in praesentia recolo. Similarly Burkhart Cardauns in H. Hagendahl, Augustine and the Latin Classics, vol. 1. (Gothoburg 1967), p. 270. Conversely, studying the history of one’s language by reading and expounding its ancient authors enhanced one’s own

ability to express oneself. For an entertaining version of such linguistic enquiry, see Aulus | Gellius, Noctes Atticae IV.1 about penus. See also Varro, LL V1.39 on Epicurus and Democritus

about origin of words; cf. Lucretius, De rerum natura V.1028-1090. David Blank, Ancient philosophy and grammar. The Syntax of Apollonius Dyscolus Chico (1982) chapter 3. Finally, ac-

cording to Varro, the organic evolution of a language, documented and explained by scholars, endowed works written in that language with authority and indeed with truth. Daniel J. Taylor, Declinatio. A Study of the Linguistic Theory of Marcus Terentius Varro (Amsterdam 1974)

describes and analyzes Varro’s terms declinatio voluntaria (derivational morphology), thus de-

scribed by Varro because it refers to words formed by speakers more or less at will (for example, Romulus derived Roma from his own name), and declinatio naturalis (inflectional morphology), thus described because it follows fixed grammatical rules which can be studied. Declinatio begins functioning once the verba primigenia have been imposed. On the Stoic resonances of this theory, see Elizabeth Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic (Baltimore 1985), pp. 126, 129. On Augustine’s philosophical reading, see Aimé Solignac, “Doxographies et manuels dans la formation de saint Augustin,” Recherches Augustiniennes 1 (1958): 113-148, at pp. 120-128.

50 “The Scent of a Rose” question of how and why specific words were imposed on things and concepts!4 by inquiring, as Stoic philosophers had done before him, into the origin, the change over time, and the inflection of words. In this way, he constructed an archeological portrait of the Latin language from the very beginnings to his own time.!¢ The first words that were imposed on things in the long distant past, he thought, bore a similarity to the entity that they

referred to, which meant that language was in the last resort inherently meaningful and for this reason capable of communicating. Words could thus be described as forming an ordered society that displayed discernible relationships of consanguinity, agnation, and general family resemblance.” Alternatively, the history and meaning of a word could be viewed like a tree that had roots that spread underground from its own field into neighboring ones, so that in reflecting about the word agricola, farmer, for example, one would spontaneously pass on to agrarius homo, man of the countryside, and ager, field.18 This natural, organic dimension of language was modified by inflection as manifest in the usage, consuetudo, of speakers, which was voluntary and hence, in a sense, arbitrary, even though here also Varro discerned organic, natural principles.!9 Within this framework of what was natural in language, the individuals who took a decisive lead in creating expressions, imposing names on things, changing inflection, and perceiving and articulating meaning were poets. For example, Varro wrote, Poets say that a fiery seed fell from heaven into the sea and that Venus was born from the foam, from this joining of fire and moisture; poets therefore say that the energy, vis, of fire and moisture is that of Venus. Those born from this vis have life, vita, as Lucilius wrote: 14. Varro, LL V.2, VII.32. For a lucid discussion of ancient theories about the origin of language, see Ineke Sluiter, Ancient Grammar in Context. Contributions to the Study of Ancient Linguistic Thought (Amsterdam 1990), pp. 188-210; cf. below n. 122. 15. Hellfried Dahlmann, Varro und die hellenistische Sprachtheorie (Berlin 1964); Marc Baratin, La naissance de la syntaxe 4 Rome (Paris 1989), especially pp. 221-255, about the relationship between Varro’s De lingua Latina and Augustine’s De dialectica. 16. Varro, LL V.3-10 outlines the program of enquiry. 17. LL V.13 cognatio; societas verborum,; VII.1 propago of words from stems; VIII.3-4 cognatio of words: agnationes and gentilitates of humans and of words; IX.34 lentil seeds pro-

duce lentil plants, and words likewise propagate like from like; X.4 similitudo of words matches that of things; see also VI.40 on societas of words from Greek and Latin. 18. LL V.13; also VII.3~4. See also LL VI.3 on nature as guiding human speakers: ea [sc. natura] enim dux fuit ad vocabula imponenda homini; LL VI.37 on original words and inflection: Primigenia dicuntur verba ut lego, scribo, sto, sedeo et cetera, quae non sunt ab aliquo verbo sed suos habent radices. Contra verba declinata sunt, quae ab aliquo oriuntur, ut ab lego legis, legit, legam, et sic indidem hinc permulta. Other words are not inflected, likewise by the guidance of nature, duce natura, LL VIII.10. 19. LL VIil.21-4; IX.1-9; 33. See also, Vivien Law, “The Techne and Grammar in the Roman World,” in Vivien Law and Ineke Sluiter, eds., Dionysius Thrax and the Techne Grammatike

(Miinster 1995), pp. 111-119.

“The Scent of a Rose” 51 - Energy is life, you see, and makes us do everything. Vis est vita, vides, vis nos facere omnia cogit.20

Augustine in his turn discussed language and grammar in the course of a conversation at Cassiciacum about divine providence and the order of knowledge as articulated in the liberal arts, the disciplinae, of which grammar was the most basic. The organizing principles of this discussion, describing an ascent from sense perception to reason and through the order of the disciplinae, came to Augustine from Neoplatonist sources,?! which also identified God’s providence as the ultimate object of study.22 Augustine’s ideas about language, however, were in part inspired by his reading of Varro and in part by his earlier professional training.” But whereas Varro and the grammarians had been primarily interested in the phenomenon of language in its own right, what interested Augustine was the role of language as a means of communication. He therefore began his discussion of language by asking how words, a speaker’s mode of expression, loquendi consuetudo, struck the ear of a listener.24 One could say of a song, quod rationabiliter sonat, that it sounds in accord with reason,

but one could not say the same thing of the scent of a rose because no scope for the engagement of reason existed unless the object being contemplated contained a “certain measure and proportion” or was designed 20. Varro, LL V.63; further, on poets, antiquity and inflection, V.7, V.9, IX.17, X.74. 21. See Ilsetraut Hadot, Arts libéraux et philosophie dans la pensée antique (Paris 1984), pp. 101-136 and James J. O’Donnell, Augustine’s Confessions. Introduction, Text and Commentary (Oxford 1992) vol. II, pp. 269-278, on Confessions IV.16.30, who, unlike Hadot, allows for some presence of Varro’s writings in Augustine’s thought about the disciplinae; Frederick Van

Fleteren, “Augustine, Neoplatonism and the Liberal Arts,” in Duane W.H. Arnold and Pamela Bright, eds., De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture (Notre Dame 1995),

pp. 14-24. Further, Ubaldo Pizzani, “La dottrina Agostiniana dell’origine del linguaggio e l’esegesi di Gen. 2.19-20,” Studi Tardoantichi VII (1989): 399-416; also, Danuta Shanzer, “Arcanum Varronis iter’: Licentius’ Verse Epistle to Augustine,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 37 (1991): 110-43. 22. De ordine I1.7.22-23. 23. Hadot, Arts libéraux pp. 109 with n. 33; 132-135 regards the influence of Varro on Au-

gustine’s ideas about the disciplinae as minimal. On the other hand, Augustine’s view of the original human need for imposing words on things (De ordine 11.12.35 illud quod in nobis est rationale . . . vidit esse imponenda rebus vocabula) is reminiscent of the program of De lingua Latina. I do not wish to suggest, however, that Book II of De ordine includes Varro in a patchwork of different sources, but rather, that Augustine included material from Varro, whom he names specifically, in his own synthetic argument, an argument which he formulated for his own purposes and which retained his interest, as I here seek to show, throughout his life. See further, H. 1. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (Paris 1958), pp. 15-17, 125-131, 237-40.

24, Augustine, De ordine JI.11.32; see also De dialectica 7 on harsh and gentle, unfamiliar and familiar sounds. 25. Augustine, De ordine 11.11.32.

52 “The Scent of a Rose” for some explicable purpose.”6 At the same time, reasonableness as conveyed to the mind through sense perception was different from an abstract reasonableness that appealed directly to the mind. Augustine illustrated this distinction by discussing two lines from Vergil’s prayer that the Muses teach him the paths of the stars and the movements of the sun and moon. Why, the poet had asked, ... do winter suns hasten to bathe in the ocean, and why in summer is nightfall so long delayed. quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet.

The meter and content of these verses, Augustine observed, were appreciated at different levels. Thus, one did not mean the same thing when one said about the framing of verse, rationabiliter sonat, “it sounds in accord with reason,” as when one said about the meaning rationabiliter dictum est, “it is stated in accord with reason.”?” Nonetheless, reason and sense perception converged, albeit at different levels, in apprehending verse, for while the ears appreciated the sounds and meter of verse, reason, moving beyond sense perception, captured its meaning. This coordination of sense perception with reason was precisely what the disciplinae beginning with grammar fostered in the student.78 Augustine amplified his point about the converging levels of reasonableness” by outlining the history of grammar, the issue being that such reasonableness as Augustine found to be inherent in human speech merited study in its own right. Relying on Varro, Augustine described language as an outcome of human sociability; writing in turn developed in order to communicate with those who were absent, and it led to a need for teachers. Next came the classification of sounds, syllables, and parts of speech so that, finally, “whatever was considered worth remembering,” much of it being the stories and myths invented by poets, was written down and was in turn expounded to students by grammarians.*© 26. Augustine, De ordine 11.11.33 id ad rationem pertinere fateamur ubi quaedam dimensio est atque modulatio. And earlier, . . . id autem est rationalis animantis factum propter aliquem finem. 27. Vergil, Georgica I1.481-2, cited in De ordine 11.11.34.

28. In De ordine I1.12.35-15.42, Augustine listed the disciplinae on which he placed reliance and which at the same time articulated the ascent of the soul: grammar, its evolution being viewed historically as Varro (to whom Augustine refers at 12.35) had done (35-37); dialectic (13.38); music (14.39-41); geometry and astronomy (15.42). See Jan Pinborg, “Das Sprachdenken der Stoa und Augustins Dialektik,” Classica et Mediaevalia 23 (1962): 148-177, and above n. 21 (Hadot). 29. De ordine 11.12.35: tria genera sunt rerum in quibus illud rationabile apparet, unum est in factis ad aliquem finem relatis, alterum in discendo, tertium in delectando. 30. De ordine I1.36-37.

“The Scent of a Rose” 53 For Varro, the impact of poets on language was fundamental. Not only

did poets create graphic expressions such as the “sky’s embrace of the earth,” the “blue temples of heaven,” and the “path of the night,”3! but they also corrected faulty and infelicitous usages.32 The impact of poetic diction on the Latin language became even greater after Vergil’s works had been integrated into the school curriculum and thence into the personal culture of every Latin speaker. Augustine himself was a participant in this tradition.°3 Nonetheless, at this juncture, with the contributions to language by

poets, Augustine parted company with Varro and his own former colleagues, the grammarians. Initially, Augustine accepted Varro’s view of the role of poets as creators of language and exponents of hidden meanings, although at the same time he shifted away from Varro’s interest in language in itself to the mythological content of what poets were saying. Poets were endowed, as Augustine expressed it, with the “power of formulating reasonable lies,” of creating fictions to please and instruct, it being the subsequent task of grammarians to expound these poetic creations.*4 However, like other Christians before him, Augustine was troubled by the fact that the stories of the poets were, as he viewed it, not true. How could one therefore blame anyone for never having heard of Daedalus and Medea or for not knowing the name of the mother of Vergil’s hero Euryalus?% And how could one rescue grammar as a discipline when it passed on so much false information? In the first instance, Augustine attempted such a rescue:

The stories are not false because of grammar, but, whatever they are, grammar describes them. For a story is a lie composed to be useful or to 31. LL V.17 quoting Pacuvius: Hoc vide circum supraque quod complexu continet terram; LL VIL.6 quoting Ennius, Unus erit quem tu tolles in caerula caeli templa; LL VII-76 from. Pacuvius, noctis decurso itinere. 32. Varro, LL IX.17. 33. On Vergil and the study of grammar, see W. D. Lebek, “Neues iiber Epistolographie und Grammatikunterricht,” Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 60 (1985): 53-61. Otto Ribbeck, Prolegomena ad P. Vergili Maronis opera maiora (Leipzig 1866) still merits reading; see,

for the study of Vergil during the Roman imperial period, pp. 114-200; also, on critics of Vergil, pp. 96-113. 34. For reasonable lies (rationabile mendacium), see Augustine, De ordine II.14.40: pluri-

mum eos (sc. poetas) honoravit (ratio) eisque tribuit quorum vellent rationabilium mendaciorum potestatem. Et quoniam de prima illa disciplina stirpem ducebant, judices in eos grammaticos esse permisit. I take the phrase rationabilium mendaciorum potestatem from the edition of De Ordine by Pius Knéll, CSEL 63 (Vienna 1922). Note that it is ratio which empowers the poets: the idea is derived from Varro, LL IX.6: ratio controls the usage of language and the individual takes his usage from the people; cf. LL IX.18-22, 33. See also Augustine, Soliloquia 1.9.16, distinguishing fallax from mendax. 35. De ordine 11.12.37... factum est ut quicquid dignum memoria litteris mandaretur, ad eam (that is grammatica) necessario pertineret. Itaque unum quidem nomen, sed res infinita multiplex, curarum plenior quam iocunditatis aut veritatis huic disciplinae accessit, historia

54 “The Scent of a Rose” , please, while grammar is the science* that guards and directs articulate speech. It is thus of necessity compelled to bring together all the productions*” of human language that have been committed to memory or recorded in writing, including fictions. It does not create these fictions, but rather by means of them teaches something that is true.%8

Similarly, an actor on the stage was not a professional liar; rather, while intending to represent a false Priam or Hecuba, a false Hector, Andromache,

or Hercules, he all along continued to be a tragic actor and a human being.°? Nonetheless, the difficulty remained that such representations were essentially false because, like the visions of sleepers and the insane, they purported to be what they were not.” As a result, the stories of the poets and grammar as a discipline emerged as having little to offer in Augustine’s impassioned quest to know, as he put it in the Soliloquies, “God and the soul.”41

Augustine’s interest in language and grammar, on which the remain-

- ing disciplinae rested, had been fostered by the ancient conviction that through study of the disciplinae, rooted as all of them were in an engagement of sense perception with reason, the soul could ascend to the immaterial reality of God. As a Christian, however, Augustine met an ever growing number of people who, like his own mother, knew God without the benefit of a liberal education or recourse to the disciplinae. There was thus room to approach the question of grammar and language from another vantage point. Augustine therefore commented critically on grammatical writings of his own and an earlier day because it seemed, as he explained to his mother, that the strictures against barbarisms and solecisms that figured so prominently in these works were exaggerated: “Our contemporaries have searched out so many barbarisms that even Cicero’s Catilinarian orations, which saved Rome, seem barbarous. But you yourself have made light of these preoccupations as being childish and irrelevant, and therefore understand the almost divine energy and nature of grammar, so that you seem to have seized hold of grammar’s soul while leaving aside

ee f

non tam ipsis historicis quam grammaticis laboriosa. Quis enim ferat imperitum videri hominem, qui volasse Daedalum non audierit .. . See also Soliloquia 11.11.20; for the further exploration of the topic using the example of Medea, Soliloquia 11.15.29. See also De ordine I].12.37 on not knowing the name of the mother of Vergil’s Euryalus. 36. “science:” thus for disciplina. 37. “productions:” thus for figmenta. 38. Soliloquia 11.11.19.

39. Augustine juxtaposes the two terms voluntate and natura verus homo. 40. Soliloquia Il.10.17. 41. Soliloquia 1.2.7.

“The Scent of a Rose” 55 its body.”*? Similarly, echoing Cicero’s repeated criticisms of Stoic logic, Au-

gustine expressed his impatience with defining terminology, verba, when what really mattered were realities, res. On the one hand, using language precisely, knowing “to what thing a name had been applied,”“ was part of the grammarian’s art, and Augustine was a master at it. But on the other hand, Augustine’s interest in the Latin language was not defined by the Var-

ronian endeavor to understand the meaning of words by tracing their origins and histories or by the endeavor of grammarians to cultivate good usage; instead, what interested Augustine was the comprehension that could be elicited in a person’s mind by whatever means.* In one discussion at Cassiciacum, it was thus Augustine’s mother, Monica, who concluded a conversation about the blessed life and the search for wisdom by singing a line froma hymn composed by “our bishop,” Ambrose. The words that she sang, Fove precantes, Trinitas, “Hear our prayer, oh Trinity,” were deeply rooted in her memory, Augustine explained, and were brought forth out of an intense

inner attention whereby Monica at that moment “awakened into her faith.”46 The meticulously crafted Vergilian images of voyage and attainment and the careful grammatical definitions that pervaded this dialogue” were thus supplanted by appealing to the teaching authority of Ambrose, “our bishop,” and by recourse to an inner understanding that was utterly independent of correct linguistic usage and the disciplina of grammar. 42. Augustine, De ordine 11.17.45, Barbarismorum autem genus nostris temporibus tale conpertum est ut et ipsa eius oratio barbara videatur qua Roma servata est; see also Contra Faustum XXIL25, where Augustine defends Vergil against ignorant critics. Further, Holtz, Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical pp. 136-162, on barbarism and solecism according to Donatus and other grammarians. 43. Augustine, De ordine II.2.4: si enim de verbis inter nos controversia est, facile contemnetur, dummodo rem ipsam quam concepisti mente videamus; II.7.21 ubi res convenit, quis non verba contemnat? cf. II.7.22 virtus enim per seipsa . . . consideranda est et in homine, quanto magis in deo, si tamen in angustiis rerum atque verborum componere illis quoquo modo ista permittimur; see further, Clifford Ando, “Augustine on Language,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 40 (1994): 45-78 at p. 50 with n. 20. 44. In qua re vocabulum sit impositum, Varro LL V.1.2.

45. As is beautifully shown by Clifford Ando (above n. 43), Augustine’s view of language was formed by his endeavor to speak in language about God, that is, to ask of language what, as Augustine himself realized, it could ultimately not deliver. Varro’s De lingua Latina, and works such as Donatus’ Ars, on the other hand, were written in light of the supposition that language was indeed a satisfactory means of communication. _ 46. Augustine, De beata vita 35. Hic mater recognitis verbis quae suae memoriae penitus inhaerebant et quasi evigilans in fidem suam, versum illum sacerdotis nostri: “Fove precantes Trinitas” laeta effudit. 47. See De beata vita 3, allusions to Elysium from Vergil, Aeneid V1. 639-641; allusion to Palinurus navigating, Aeneid III.515; and to the Sirens in Aeneid V.864. Note also terminological definitions in the style of grammarians, De beata vita 8, nequitia; frugalitas “a fruge, id est a fructu.”

56 “The Scent of a Rose” II Both during the months after he was baptized and once he had returned to North Africa, this inner and natural understanding came to occupy Augustine ever more deeply and contributed to the formulation of his ideas about language. In his uncompleted treatise On Dialectic, Augustine reproduced some of the material about the origins of words that Varro had presented to demonstrate that signification was inherent in language.® The very sound of some words, such as the robust, sturdy sound of vis, pointed to the word’s meaning “power” or “energy.” Elsewhere, the phonetic proximity of two terms yielded a meaning, as in the case of urbs, city, and orbis, circle. When founding a city, the ancient Romans used to plough a circle round the site, so the urbs, as Varro saw it, arose from the orbis. When citing this example, Augustine embellished it with a line from Vergil

about the foundation of Segesta in Sicily, which “Aeneas laid out by ploughing,” only to conclude that the pursuit of this aspect of meaning in vocabulary was pointless because the variables were too numerous and could not be systematized in any useful way.” Effectively, as Augustine saw it, Varro’s etymological material did nothing to explain the meaning and the ambiguities of language because the real problem lay elsewhere. Take Vergil’s famous opening line of the Aeneid: I sing of arms, and of the man who first from Trojan shores

reached Italy. ,

Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris

Italiam ... venit

In the manner of a grammarian teaching his class, Augustine asked: “What

part of speech is arma?” The answer that might be expected could resemble Donatus’ definition of a noun: “A noun is a part of speech with case endings that signifies a body or thing specifically or generally; specifi48. Cf. above at notes 17-19; also, Varro LL X.77: si declinationem naturalem habeat, similem verbum verbo tum quoniam et rem quam significat et vocem qua significat est in figurae transitu declinationis parile, with Marc Baratin, “Les origines stoiciennes de la théorie Augustinienne du signe,” Revue des Etudes Latines 59 (1982): 260-68, at p. 267. On Augustine’s project of writing manuals on the disciplinae, of which the incomplete work on dialectic is one, see Retractationes 1.6. On his De grammatica, see Vivien Law, “St. Augustine’s ‘De grammatica’: Lost or Found?,” Recherches Augustiniennes 19 (1984): 155-83, describing Augustine as the probable author of the Ars Augustini pro fratrum mediocritate breviata. 49. For vis, see Varro LL V.63, cited above at n. 20; Augustine, De dialectica (ed. Pinborg) VI.12; for urbs and orbis, LL V.143; De dialectica V1.11 and Aeneid V.755; for dismissal of etymology in the Ars breviata see Law (above n. 48), p. 175.

“The Scent of a Rose” 57 cally as in Rome, Tiber; generally as in city; river.”©° Alternatively, Servius commented: By “arms,” Vergil means war, the term being a metonymy. For he put the arms which we use in war for war itself, just as we put the toga we use in

peacetime for peace, as when Cicero says: “Let arms give way to the toga,” that is, war to peace. Others construe “arms” in this passage as being said specifically, first because they were victorious, second because they were divine, and third because Vergil always subjoins the man to the

arms, as in “carrying the weapons and the man,” and “arms must be made for a brave man.”

But Augustine took a quite different route in defining the word “arms.” Rather than looking for ways of defining the word etymologically or from its context in Vergil, he instead defined the mental processes that rendered this or any other term intelligible in the first place. As Augustine saw it, words were perceived in the mind before being spoken or written. Vergil had thus perceived arma before writing it down so as to make it signify a thing, res. This thing was the armor that Vulcan had made for Aeneas, or else it was the wars that Aeneas had waged, be they mythic or historical.°! A spoken word, accordingly, was simultaneously a thing in its own right and a sign of the thing it described; a written word in turn was also a thing in its own right and a sign of a spoken word.*? Language therefore was not

a replica of reality, but a system of pointers that might lead to inner understanding in the reader or listener. The crucial task, which Augustine addressed in his dialogue The Teacher, where he converses with his son Adeodatus, therefore was to comprehend the inner understanding whereby the

many obscurities, ambiguities, and equivocations that words inevitably 50. Donatus, Ars maior I1.2 ed. Holtz in his Donat, p. 614: Nomen est pars orationis cum casu corpus aut rem proprie communiterve significans, proprie ut Roma, Tiberis, communiter ut urbs, flumen. In Augustine, De magistro IV.8, Adeodatus defines a noun in a similar way by listing Romulus, Roma, virtus, fluvius as examples; although definitions of this kind do not make a central contribution to the discussion, Augustine was of course aware of their existence. 51. De dialectica V8.

52. De dialectica V11.13: lam vero non secundum se sed secundum id quod significat verbum movet, quando per verbum accepto signo animus nihil aliud quam rem ipsam intuetur, cuius illud signum est quod accepit. Augustine was already thinking about signs and signification at Cassiciacum; see De ordine II.14.39 (Ratio) primo ab auribus coepit, quia dicebant ipsa verba sua esse, quibus iam et grammaticam et dialecticam et rhetoricam fecerat. at ista poten-

tissima secernendi cito vidit, quid inter sonum et id cuius signum esset distaret. Giovanni Manetti, Theories of the Sign in Classical Antiquity (Bloomington 1993); Alfred Schindler, Wort und Analogie in Augustins Trinititslehre (Tubingen 1965), pp. 75-118, a lucid and beautifully

documented discussion of res, verbum and signum in the context of Augustine’s theology.

58 “The Scent of a Rose” contained were correctly interpreted by the mind when it connected words with the things they signified.*> Discussion opens with a line from the second book of the Aeneid, where Aeneas expressed his despair about the impending fall of Troy: If it please the gods that nothing remain of so great a city. si nihil ex tanta superis placet urbe relinqui.™4

It was perhaps no accident that Augustine chose a quotation about the destruction of Troy to begin a discussion that concluded by setting aside the definition of parts of speech and linguistic procedures that in the opinion

of grammarians explained how and why language communicated. According to Augustine, words had force only insofar as the listener had prior knowledge of what they signified>$ and “only to the extent that they move the listener.”°”? Even knowing what specific words signified, one could listen attentively and still mistake a speaker’s meaning, or one might grasp the intention but fail to understand the words.58 A discussion that began with grammar and dialectic thus became a discussion about learning, and learning, as Augustine now understood it, was a mental process that could be initiated but not completed from outside the individual. Students being

instructed in the disciplinae, he pointed out, learn when “they consider within themselves whether true things have been said, looking for the inner truth with all their might. That is the point at which they learn, ... when they find what is truthfully said within themselves.”? As a result, Augus53. Ambiguity, obscurity and equivocation are discussed in De dialectica VII-X. M. F. Burnyeat, “Wittgenstein and Augustine De magistro,” The Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 61 (1987): 1-24 supersedes much earlier discussion about this dialogue. 54. Augustine, De magistro II.3 and Aeneid II.659; further on this verse as quoted by Augustine, Christopher Stead’s review of John Rist, Augustine (Cambridge 1994), in Journal of Theological Studies 47 (1996): 319-20. 55. Jean Collart, “Saint Augustin grammarien dans le De Magistro,’ Revue des Etudes Au-

gustiniennes 17 (1971): 279-92, at p. 292: il intégre ses arguments grammaticaux a4 des développements qui dépassent le plan de la grammaire. Looking for the “cradle and origin of words” as Varro had done and as grammarians of Augustine’s own day were still doing in order to establish how and what words signified, was therefore, according to Augustine, a waste of time. See Augustine, De dialectica VI; De magistro VIII.22 (on the two syllables of homo meaning nothing independently of each other); X.33-35 (on sarabellae: a word one will not understand if one does not know the res it refers to). 56. De magistro VIII.24, discussion of the two syllables ho and mo, and the word homo; also X.33 about the sarabellae in Daniel IIl.94. 57. De dialectica VU; De magistro X.33-35; see also Epistulae CCXXXI.1 to Darius, neque enim aut paucis aut multis verbis indicari potest quod indicari verbis non potest . . . fortasse dici potest quod dici non potest. 58. Augustine, De quantitate animae XII.21; De magistro XII1.42-43. 59. De magistro XIV.45; see also De civitate dei X1.4, God sine strepitu intus enarrat.

| “The Scent of a Rose” 59 tine and Adeodatus could conclude that the true teacher was not any human being, but Christ, who admonishes a person within the heart while words are being spoken and signs conveyed from outside. In his dialogue On Music, begun in 387 in Milan and finished some years later in Africa, Augustine pursued a similar agenda.®! On the surface, this dialogue, packed with traditional grammatical and musical erudition,

presents few surprises. The opening line of the Aeneid, “Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris/Italiam ... venit,” pervades the first five books of De musica because Augustine returned to this line repeatedly to explain to his imagined interlocutor the intricacies of quantity, rhythm, meter, and scansion, all these being time-honored themes of rhetorical and musical instruction.® Such technical details were woven into a more general discussion that was also far from new, namely, the relationship be-

tween tradition, the authority of the poets of the past as explained by grammarians, on the one hand,® and the dictates of reason® as they affected the crafting of verses, on the other.

What was very new, however, was Augustine’s deployment of this long established material toward explaining inner understanding. Wellordered sound, as in Vergil’s classic arma virumque cano, was pleasing to the senses and hence to reason, Augustine argued, not so much because it sounded or was stated in accord with reason, but because the order of the words exemplified a harmony that could be described numerically. Unlike daily speech, the numerical harmony of verse was not subject to the 60. De magistro XIV.46 Adeodatus: ... utrum autem vera dicantur, eum docere solum,

qui se intus habitare, cum foris loqueretur, admonuit, quem iam favente ipso tanto ardentius diligam, quanto ero in discendo provectior. The point is reiterated in Retractationes J.12.

61. Retractationes 1.6, 11; cf. S. M. Zarb, “Chronologia operum Sancti Augustini,” Angelicum 10, fasc. 3 (1933): 359-96; fasc. 4 (1933), 478-512; 11, fasc. 1 (1934), 78-91, at pp. 387; 390-391, De musica was begun in Milan in 387 and finished in Africa. The work has received surprisingly little attention; H. I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique pp. 266 ff., 292 ff.; W. F. Jackson Knight, St. Augustine’s De Musica. A Synopsis (London 1949) is very helpful. See now Adalbert Keller, Aurelius Augustinus und die Musik. Untersuchungen zu “De musica” im Kontext seines Schrifttums (Wirzburg 1993). 62. Josef Martin, Antike Rhetorik. Technik und Methode (Munich 1974), pp. 323-28. 63. See De musica II.1.1 the grammarian as: custos ille videlicet historiae, nihil aliud as-

serens cur hunc corripi oporteat, nisi quod hi qui ante nos fuerunt et quorum libri exstant tractanturque a grammaticis ea correpta, non producta usi fuerint. quare hic quidquid valet, auctoritas valet. [1.7.14 Asclepiades nescio qui aut Archilochus poetae scilicet veteres aut Sappho poetria et caeteri quorum etiam nominibus versuum genera vocantur . . . ; [V.16.30 about mixing different kinds of feet within one verse: cuius rei cognitio non arte sed historia tradi-. tur. See further, sections 31 and 32; also III.2.4; V.1.1. 64. See for example De musica II.7.14; after listing some poets after whom metres were named, Augustine concludes, ratione potius quam auctoritate versum esse generatum e (assentior); see A. Keller, Aurelius Augustinus und die Musik (above note 61), pp. 294-297.

60 “The Scent of a Rose” loquendi consuetudo, the speech patterns that changed over time and were studied by grammarians. Instead this harmony of verse was rooted in the

unchanging and eternal relationships between numbers. Music, which traced these numerical relationships, was accordingly capable of articulating the soul’s ascent to an eternal God much better than the disciplina of grammar, bogged down as this was both in poetic fictions and in voluntary and hence random speech acts. In addition, numerical harmony, precisely because it was eternal, was present, like an unconscious memory, in

all human souls. One therefore did not have to be learned, Augustine thought, to appreciate a well-crafted verse.© This was the basis upon which Augustine wrote the sixth, concluding, book of De musica. Having started the first book with Vergil, he now began with the opening line of the same hymn by Ambrose that Monica had

remembered and sung at Cassiciacum and that he had himself remembered once again when Monica was laid into her grave in Ostia.®” God creator of all things,

Deus creator omnium,

he quoted. Classical versification, meter, and quantity no longer mattered

in this context, but Augustine was still interested in the issues that had originally led him to write De musica. In the sixth book, however, the many

questions that Augustine had asked about how words and language signify, and what they signify, were reduced to one single question, to wit, how using the senses of the body, as human beings must do, the eternal sweetness and evenness, aequalitas, of God can somehow be perceived and thus loved.® The eyes love evenness in colors, and the ears in voices; the scent of a rose has an evenness, and sweets have an even taste.©? Such ma65. De musica Il.2.2. But see also Augustine’s later view on this issue, Retractationes 1.20, on the Psalmus contra partem Donati: Non aliquo carminis genere id fieri volui, ne me necessitas metrica ad aliqua verba quae vulgo minus sunt usitata compelleret; further on reason and the authority of long established usage, De musica V.5.10. Images of ascent, but independent of the theory of numbers, figure repeatedly in Augustine’s own sermons, see Suzanne Poque, Le langage symbolique dans la prédication d’Augustin d’Hippone (Paris 1984), pp. 299-341. 66. The first mention of Vergil is De musica I.4.8 about memory, where Vergil is cited to show that animals also have it, Georgica III.316: atque ipsae memores redeunt in tecta capellae, where Augustine supplied “capellae,” perhaps thinking of Ecloga X.77: ite domum saturae, venit Hesperus, ite capellae. ~ 67. Confessions IX.12.32; also X.37.57.

68. Sweetness, see De musica V1.15.52; aequalitas, VI.13.37. 69. Augustine, De musica V1.14.44. Note that Augustine sets aside the hierarchy of the senses whereby sight and hearing were differentiated from tasting, touching and smelling; cf. above at note 25, on De ordine 11.11.32 where Augustine had made this differentiation: tasting, touching, smelling cannot be described as being rationabile, whereas, in certain circumstances,

“The Scent of a Rose” 61 terial aequalitas, however, cannot approach the evenness of God, even though it may serve as a pointer: in the words of the psalm, “Taste . . . the Lord is sweet.”70

The issue was to identify these pointers to divine sweetness. Listening to the four iambic feet of Ambrose’s line with the ears of the body, Augustine found in them one such pointer, for irrespective of whether the verse

was being pronounced or not, its measure or number remained in his memory and was accessible to reasoning.” It could even, Augustine thought, be elicited from a person who was unaware of its nature by asking questions about it,” which demonstrated that this kind of measure existed independently of being. framed or thought of and was therefore eternal.”3 Sense perception and reason accordingly converged in the contemplation of the verse Deus creator omnium, as they did also regarding the verses from Vergil and other Roman poets whom Augustine had analyzed

earlier. What differentiated this verse from Vergilian and other pagan verses, however, was that its statement “God creator of all things” allowed

a more complete convergence of sense perception with reason,” a channeling of one into the other that was not possible when a statement was not true or was not true in the same absolute sense that Deus creator omnium was true for Augustine.” what one hears and sees can be thus described. See also Confessions X.6.8 tamen amo quan-

dam lucem et quandam vocem et quendam odorem et quendam cibum et quendam amplexum cum amo deum meum; but note that the passage was cited by Berthold Altaner, Au: gustinus und Origenes, in his Kleine patristische Schriften (Berlin 1967), p. 243 as referring to Origen’s five spiritual senses; see also James O’Donnell, Augustine’s Confessions vol. IH, pp- 167-168. 70. De musica V1.16.52. 71. De musica V1.2.2-4.7.

72. De musica V1.12.35-36 with 9.23. Note the contrast Augustine makes in 12.35: no amount of questioning can elicit from us what we have eaten a year ago, which reveals that the numerical harmonies of verse, which can be elicited even from a person who has never been taught them, are eternal (see 36), and this in turn reveals that the understanding in question is given to the soul by God (36). The idea is ultimately derived from Plato’s Meno, which Augustine’s fellow African Arnobius had endeavoured to disprove, Adversus gentes II 24-8. 73. On the hierarchy of numbers see De musica V1.2.3, 4.5, 9.24; Arnobius had earlier rejected such ideas; see Michael Bland Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca. Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (Oxford 1995), pp. 159 ff.

74. Another aspect of this argument concerns the relation of soul and body. In De ordine If.11.32 Augustine had said that of smell and taste one cannot say that they act rationabiliter; in De musica V1.15.52, however, Augustine quotes Psalm XXX.g gustate et videte quoniam suavis est Dominus, which he refers to an eternal quality of God. The realm of the sense of taste is thus also made rationabile—in short, the body is comprised in immortality and validated. 75. See Augustine, De utilitate credendi V.11, about different kinds of writers and read-

ers: either a writer writes usefully, but is misunderstood; or he writes badly and is understood badly; or he writes badly, but the reader derives a useful meaning (this is the case of the

62 “The Scent of a Rose” | In tracing the convergence of sense perception with reason in the act

of understanding and in deploying the arguments of grammar and dialectic to explain language, Augustine drew on cultural and philosophical

traditions that he could share with his pagan contemporaries.” Increasingly, however, he did not address the same reading public as did those contemporaries, as he made clear in the preface to Book VI of De musica. “We have delayed for a long time,” he wrote, and for the duration of five books in the traces of numbers that belong to intervals of time . . . a labor that we thought we ought to undertake for the sole purpose of drawing the young, or men of any age whom God has endowed with a good intelligence, away from the carnal senses and from the carnal letters to which they so easily cling. We have, moreover, sought to do this not hastily but by certain gradual steps and with the guidance of reason, so that these persons may with love for the unchanging truth adhere to the one God and Lord of all things who rules human minds directly and without any interposition of nature. Whoever may read those books, will find that in them we conversed with souls inclined to grammar and poetry, not because we chose to cohabit with them, but because we were obliged to travel alongside them.”

The sixth book, by contrast, was explicitly addressed to a Christian reader.”8

The distance that Augustine perceived between himself and the pagan reading public was very real, and with the sixth book of De musica, he deliberately crossed the ever deepening divide that not only in his writings, but in the Mediterranean world at large, was gradually separating Christian religious and literary interests from those of pagans.”? At Cassiciacum, poets of classical antiquity, cf. De utilitate credendi IV.10); or, finally, the writer writes usefully and the reader derives a useful understanding: here, the Scriptures and related writings were examples, and ultimately were the only effective examples. See further, on Augustine’s atti-

tude to literature, Camille Bennett, “The Conversion of Vergil: The Aeneid in Augustine’s Con- , fessions,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 34 (1988): 47-69 at pp. 47-54.

76. Usetraut Hadot, Arts libéraux, pp. 101-36; 156-90; Danuta Shanzer (above note 21). 77. De Musica V1.1.

78. See Augustine, Epistulae CI, to bishop Memorius, who had asked Augustine to send him materials for the instruction of his son, the deacon Julianus, the future bishop of Eclanum. Augustine sent the sixth book of De musica, ubi est omnis fructus ceterorum, and made disclaimers about the importance of the remaining five. 79. The arguments exchanged between Symmachus and Ambrose over the altar of Victory are indicative of this divide, in that neither could conceivably have been satisfied by the position outlined by his opponent. J. Wytzes, Der letzte Kampf des Heidentums in Rom (Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’empire romain vol. 56, Leiden 1977); see also Lellia Cracco Ruggini, Il paganesimo romano tra religione e politica (384-394 d.C.). Per una reinterpretazione del Carmen contra paganos (Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 376 (1979) Memorie. Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche serie VIII, volume XXIII, fase. 1

“The Scent of a Rose” 63 Augustine had raised questions that he derived from philosophical and literary debates of the Roman past; there was a certain presumption here that philosophical commitment could transcend confessional boundaries. But the sixth book of De musica provided a rationale for addressing Christians in their own right.® De doctrina christiana, begun in 396 and finished thirty

years later, was another book of this kind. The work is a guide to studying the Bible and to the branches of human knowledge relevant for that purpose. Augustine thus assigned to history, geography, the science of numbers, astronomy, and other fields of knowledge that had long been mobilized to expound Vergil and other pagan texts their place in the exegesis of Scripture. At the same time, however, he made clear that Scripture could not be interpreted in the context of these writings, but occupied a rank all its own. At Cassiciacum, seeking to explain how reason and sense perception converged in the appreciation of lines of verse, Augustine had suggested, in accord with pagan theological opinion, that Jupiter as reason, and memory as the interior sense of the soul, had brought forth the poetry that was personified by the nine Muses, this being one of the “reasonable lies” produced by poets.®2 His view in De doctrina christiana was very different.

[Rome 1979]), identifying the consul and praefectus of the Carmen contra paganos as Praetextatus and differentiating the values and interests expressed by Roman pagans in 383/4 from those expressed during the pagan reaction of 391-4. 80. Cf. Confessions VIII.2.4 on the conversion of Marius Victorinus, and the philosopher’s question, ergo parietes faciunt christianos? with James J. O'Donnell, Augustine’s Confessions. Commentary (Oxford 1992), ad loc.

81. This is not to say, of course, that other earlier works by Augustine were not written

for exclusively Christian purposes, e.g. De utilitate credendi, addressed to Augustine’s Manichean friend Honoratus, to help him understand the Old Testament. For the chronology of De doctrina christiana, see S. M. Zarb, “Chronologia operum Sancti Augustini,” Angelicum 10, fasc. 3 (1933), Ppp. 359-96; fasc. 4 (1933), pp. 478~512; 11, fasc. 1 (1934), pp. 78-91, at pp. 480 ff.: book I-book III.25.35 written in 396, and the remainder completed 426/7. Further, Augustine, De doctrina christiana, ed. and tr. R. P. H. Green (Oxford 1995), pp. ix-xiv; Charles Kannengiesser, “The Interrupted De doctrina christiana,” in Duane W. H. Arnold and Pamela Bright, eds., De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture (Notre Dame 1995), pp. 3-13 with Kenneth B. Steinhauser, “Codex Leningradensis Q.v.1.3.: Some Unolved Problems,” ibid., pp. 33-43. From the voluminous literature on signs and De doctrina christiana, I cite

merely the helpful and lucid account of Christopher Kirwan, Augustine (London 1989), pp- 35-59; Hermann-Joseph Sieben, “Die ‘res’ der Bibel. Eine Analyse von Augustinus, De doctr. christ. 1-IIL,” Reoue des Etudes Augustiniennes 21 (1975): 72-90; Darell B. Jackson, “The Theory of Signs in St. Augustine’s De doctrina Christiana,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes (1969): 9-49; see also, R. A. Markus, “St. Augustine on Signs,” Phronesis 2 (1957) 60-83, reprinted in his Sacred and Secular (London 1994) number XIV. Cf. above n. 53. 82. De ordine 11.14.42; the opinion is criticized in Retractationes 1.3.2: (displicet mihi) quod

multum tribui liberalibus disciplinis quas multi sancti multum nesciunt, quidam etiam qui . Sciunt eas sancti non sunt et quod Musas quasi aliquas deas quamvis iocando commemoravi.

64 “The Scent of a Rose” Refusing to allegorize any pagan text or idea, he approached the nine Muses historically and in the literal sense. Drawing on Varro, Augustine therefore explained that originally there had been three Muses, each representing a different aspect of sound: the human voice, the sound of wind instruments, and percussion. Then a Greek city commissioned three artists to sculpt statues of the Muses, so as to place the most beautiful set in the temple of Apollo. Because all three sets turned out to be beautiful, they were all dedicated in the temple, and subsequently the poet Hesiod gave them names, whence the nine Muses.® Returning to his earlier reflections about words as signs,84 Augustine now interpreted the Muses within a framework of signs that comprised not only language but also the world of nature and of human creations. In one sense, accordingly, the Muses were imagined signs, creations of Hesiod’s poetic fancy, and in another sense, they were signs signifying the human voice and musical instruments. Similarly, statues of Neptune, god of the sea, were signs of the sea.®

The difficulty with all such images was that even when they were not in themselves worshipped idolatrously as gods, they were nonetheless signs of such gods*®* and hence prone to lead human beings into the “carnal servitude” of false religion.®” In short, Augustine no longer thought of poetic fictions as “reasonable lies” in even a potential sense. 83. De doctrina christiana 11.16.26-17.27.

84. De doctrina christiana 1.2.2 sunt autem alia signa quorum omnis usus in significando est, sicut verba. 85. De doctrina christiana T.7.11 86. For the imaginary signs of astrology, see De doctrina christiana I1.21.32-22.34; for the signs of augurs and haruspices, De doctrina christiana II.20.30. Some pagan religious images, such as those of Justice and Virtue, corresponded to a res, a reality, but it was a reality that ought to have been cherished in the heart, not adored in stone, De doctrina christiana II.18.28. Images of Mercury, the Muses, and other deities, by contrast, corresponded to no reality and

in themselves were nothing, although as signs, they served as focal points of the cult of demons, see De doctrina christiana 11.18.28; 23.36. These issues were of considerable pastoral importance to Augustine: for a detailed discussion of pagan religious images, see his sermon on the Kalends of January 404, Augustine, Sermon Dolbeau (in Augustine, Vingt-six sermons) 26.17-24; 35; 47, distinguishing images of gods representing celestial bodies, the elements (Jupiter, Juno, Neptune, Vulcan), and abstract concepts (e.g. Mercury for ingenium). 87. Neptune and carnalis servitudo, De doctrina Christiana IIl.7.11, juxtaposed with christiana libertas, De doctrina christiana 1.8.12. While thus opposing the fictions of poets, Augustine at the very same time remembered Vergil, as Dr. Ineke Sluiter, who is working on the first Dutch translation of De doctrina christiana has pointed out to me. She writes (personal letter): “I spotted a reference to Vergil that has probably gone unnoticed so far .. . The text is Ddc Ill,7,11, following on a quotation from a Roman poet (for which see Fragm. poet. rom. Baehrens 1886 p. 388; E. Courtney (ed.) The Fragmentary Latin Poets, Oxford. 1993, 456; Jiirgen Blansdorf, Fragmenta poetarum Latinorum epicorum et lyricorum, Stuttgart 1995 p. 442; Isid. Orig. 1,37,4). The topic is the idle use of the concept of ‘sign’ in pagan texts about the gods, if such a concept does not lead to a true meaning of spiritual significance. Augustine comments:

“The Scent of a Rose” 65 This did not mean, however, that the classical past had nothing to offer to the Christian exegete. But what it had to offer was related to the study not of the imaginary signs of poets, but of those that were useful and necessary for life in society, such as dress, coinage, weights and measures, writing, and shorthand.*®8 In addition, history and the disciplinae that had occupied Augustine and his circle at Cassiciacum were still relevant, but only insofar as they could shed light on the Bible. The issue was that although in his youth Augustine had studied and emulated Cicero and other Latin authors for content and style, he now looked to the authors of the Scriptures, as well as Cyprian, Ambrose, and other “men of the church”®? as exemplars, asserting that all of them had

written with the same eloquence, stylistic diversity, and abundance of rhetorical tropes that had distinguished the writers of classical antiquity.” There was thus no need to read classical writers for any purpose other than

Haec siliqua intra dulce tectorium sonantes lapillos quatit; non est autem hominum sed porcorum cibus. Novit quid dicam, qui evangelium novit. The latter reference has correctly been traced to Luc. 15:16, but the first line is an allusion to Virgil G. 1,74: laetum siliqua quassante legumen (the pulse that rejoices (and is plentiful) in its quivering pods).” Regarding fictions of the imagination, using the example of divination, see De doctrina christiana 11.23.35. On the other hand, see De doctrina christiana 11.40.60 on despoiling the Egyp-

tians by taking from the Platonici what they forte vera et fidei nostrae accomodata dixerunt, cf. C. Witke, Numen litterarum. The Old and the New in Latin Poetry from Constantine to Gregory the Great (Leiden 1971), pp. 202 f., on classical poetic fictions as understood by Christian poets.

88. De doctrina christiana I1.26.39-40. Apart from useful signs such as coinage, which articulate human institutions, Augustine mentioned vain and superfluous ones, such as the gestures of actors and dancers: De doctrina christiana 11.18.28, 25.38 on actors and dancers: illa enim signa quae saltando faciunt histriones. The manner in which actors and dancers communicate by gestures had interested Augustine earlier, see De magistro X.32; but note, here he does not describe such communication as signs: hominum . . . spectacula . . . sine signis ipsis rebus exhibenitium. R. A. Markus, “Signs, Communication and Communities in Augustine’s De doctrina christiana,” in De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture (above note 81), pp. 97~108 at pp. 103-6. 89. De doctrina christiana I1.40.61, citing Cyprian, Lactantius, Victorinus, Optatus and Hilary; IV.14.30, 21.45-8 on Cyprian and Ambrose; ecclesiastici viri, I1V.5.8. On figures of speech, De doctrina christiana I1.29.40-41. 90. The same arguments were applied to Paul’s writing already in De magistro V.14-5. Augustine’s interest in Paul in the early part of De doctrina runs alongside his exegetical work on Romans, see Paula Fredriksen Landes, Augustine on Romans. Propositions from the Epistle to the Romans. Unfinished Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. Text and Translation. (Chico 1982); see also Paula Fredriksen, “Paul and Augustine: Conversion Narratives, Orthodox Traditions and the Retrospective Self,” Journal of Theological Studies 37 (1986) 3-33. For Augustine’s use of the rhetorical theory of Cicero and other classical authors, see Sr. Therese Sullivan, S. Aureli Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi De Doctrina Christiana Liber Quartus. A Commentary with a Revised Text, Introduction and Translation. (Washington D.C. 1930) and the classic treatment by Erich Auerbach, Literary Language and its Public in Late Antiquity and in the Middle Ages (London 1965), pp. 27 ff.

66 “The Scent of a Rose” such light as they might incidentally shed on the Scriptures.?! Augustine accordingly regarded the Christians whom he addressed in De doctrina as culturally self-sufficient and as forming an autonomous speech community. Their Latin had gained its own characteristic coloring, and they were members of a society that looked to its own body of authoritative texts.” However, this speech community, caring little about the opinions of pagans, had needs not experienced by pagans. In one sense, Augustine

came to require less of language than did his pagan contemporaries. Where a grammarian might have discussed the nature of long and short syllables in order to foster precise and accurate communication, Augustine commented, once again, on the arbitrary aspect of language, noting that in the opening verses of the Aeneid, Vergil had chosen to write the first syllable of Italia as long whereas in older usage it had been short. One could discuss the nature of numbers because numbers have innate properties, Augustine explained. But syllables and words did not because they resulted from customary usage, which was itself changeable and did not determine

how and why words signified.*? As a result, the validity of a person’s 91. See De doctrina christiana 11.18.28; 25.38-39, 59; also, on the dispensability of the traditional study of grammar, De doctrina christiana III.29.40; IV.2; IV.3,5; IV.14.44. Augustine also

discussed the issue in Contra Crescontium, on which see Franz Weissengruber, “Augustins Wertung von Grammatik und Rhetorik im Traktat Contra Crescontium,” Hermes 105 (1977): 101-24.

92. Augustine was aware that the monuments of Christian eloquence that he cited in De doctrina were unlikely to satisfy a pagan reader; cf. above Chapter I, at notes 102-5, on Volusianus. For the concept of speech community in Augustine, see De doctrina christiana 1.6.6, “latinae linguae socios.” On the Christian speech community, De doctrina christiana 11.14.21, tanta est vis consuetudinis etiam ad discendum, ut qui in scripturis sanctis quaodam modo nutriti educatique sunt, magis alias locutiones mirentur easque minus latinas putent, quam illas quas in scripturis didicerunt neque in latinae linguae auctoribus reperiuntur. See C. Mohrmann, “Comment Saint Augustin s’est familiarisé avec le latin des chrétiens,” Augustinus Magister I (Paris 1954), pp. 111-116, and her study, Die altchristliche Sondersprache in den Sermones des hl. Augustin (Njimegen 1932). On the continuity of pagan and Christian exegetical methods, cf. Ineke Sluiter, Ancient Grammar in Context, pp. 168-171. On the cognitive issues involving the acquisition of “true religion,” Brian Stock, Augustine the Reader.Meditation, Self-Knowledge and the Ethics of Interpretation (Cambridge Mass. 1996), pp. 174-206. For the library at Hippo, see Harry Y. Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church. A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven 1995), considering, however, only the holdings of Christian texts,

and among those, primarily works of Augustine. A great deal more must have been there. 93. De doctrina christiana 11.38.56 Iam vero numeri disciplina cuilibet tardissimo clarum est, quod non sit ab hominibus instituta, sed potius indagata et inventa. non enim sicut primam syllabam Italiae, quam brevem pronuntiaverunt veteres voluit Vergilius et longa facta est, ita quisquam potest efficere, cum voluerit, ut ter terna aut non sint novem, aut non possint efficere quadratam figuram, aut non ad ternarium numerum tripla sint, ad senarium sesqui, ad nullum dupla, quia intellegibiles numeri semissem non habent. In De musica V1.12.35-36, Augustine also comments on the conventional nature of long and short syllables giving the example of Italia, and contrasts this kind of number with the “eternal” quality of mathematical numbers; but note also De musica V1.14.47 where number in versification is used as a tran-

“The Scent of a Rose” 67 prayer was not affected one way or another by being phrased in bad Latin. As regarded communication among human beings, Augustine produced a metaphor to illustrate his long held opinion that language on its own might well be an insufficient means of communication. Explaining the Scriptures, he wrote, was like pointing to a star with his finger. Some readers might not even see the finger and thus fail to understand his meaning; others, failing to see the star, would also not understand. Both kinds of readers, Augustine suggested, should not censure him, but pray to God

for better eyesight. ,

If in one sense, one could not call on language fully to sustain one’s

meaning, in another sense, the meaning that language when used by Christians was required to sustain far exceeded what pagans had been wont to expect. The issue was the drawing out of the Bible’s hidden meanings, the interpretation of its words and tropes as signs that instructed the

sition toward the comprehension of an immaterial God as described above at n. 65. On the “nature” of long and short syllables, compare Servius auctus In Verg. Aen. 1.2 Sane Italiam 1 contra naturam producta est cum sit natura brevis; also Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.4.20. 94. Prayer in bad Latin, De doctrina christiana 1.13.19. Cf. De magistro 1.2: Jesus taught the Lord’s Prayer: non enim verba, sed res ipsas eos verbis docuit, quibus etiam se ipsi com-

monefacerent, a quo et quid esset orandum, cum in penetralibus ut dictum est mentis orarent. See also De magistro 1.2, God does not have to be informed of what humans want: qui enim loquitur, suae voluntatis signum foras dat per articulatum sonum, deus autem in ipsis rationalis animae secretis, qui homo interior vocatur, et quaerendus et deprecandus est; haec enim sua templa esse voluit. Christ thus taught the Lord’s prayer so that humans turn the words over in penetralibus . . . mentis. Confessions 1.18.29: vide quomodo diligenter observent filii hominum pacta litterarum et syllabarum accepta a prioribus locutoribus et a te accepta aeterna pacta perpetuae salutis neglegant. 95. De doctrina christiana, prologue 3; further on language and its ambiguities, De civitate dei XII1.11 about dying; cf. below, Chapter V, at notes 190-3. For two different approaches to Augustine’s dissatisfactions with language as a means of communication, see Ando (above

. n. 43) and Margaret W. Ferguson, “Augustine’s Region of Unlikeness. The Crossing of Exile _ and Language,” in Ralph Hexter and Daniel Selden, eds., Innovations of Antiquity (New York 1992) 69-94. 96. But Augustine also often insisted that a literal reading must be allowed for whenever possible; see De civitate dei XV.8 defendenda mihi historia ne sit scriptura incredibilis; XV.26 flood as historia and figura; XIII.21, a spiritual reading is acceptable dum tamen et illius historiae veritas fidelissima rerum gestarum narratione commendata credatur. See also De doctrina christiana 1.36.41-37.41: quisquis in scripturis aliud sentit quam ille qui scripsit, il-

lis non mentientibus fallitur....adserendo enim temere quod ille non sensit quem legit, plerumque incurrit in alia, quae illi sententiae contexere nequeat. quae si vera et certa esse

consentit, illud non possit verum esse, quod senserat, fitque in eo nescio quomodo, ut amando sententiam suam scripturae incipiat offensior esse quam sibi. quod malum si serpere siverit, evertetur ex eo. per fidem enim ambulamus, non per speciem. On Augustine’s own practice, see Anne-Marie la Bonnadiére, “La chananéenne, préfiguration de l’Eglise,” in Anne-Marie la Bonnadiére, ed., Saint Augustin et la Bible (Paris 1986), pp. 117-143; Martin Irvine, The Making of Textual Culture. ‘Grammatica’ and Literary Theory 350-1100, pp. 244-271.

68 “The Scent of a Rose” Christian reader. At the most straightforward level, for example, God was

not contained in the two syllables Deus, even though the sound moved everyone speaking Latin to “reflect on some most excellent and immortal nature.” Similarly, as Augustine had explained jokingly in The Teacher, when we say “lion,” we are understood not because a lion leaps from our mouth, but because the person hearing us knows what a lion is, so that the word is indeed a sign for the animal. In Scripture, however, signs reached further than merely correlating a word with a visible thing, as in the statement “The Lion of Judah has conquered,” where Christ was meant. In another context, the “roaring lion” referred to the devil.*” Such interpretation of the Scriptures required its own distinct disctplina.% Initially, the reader must understand what the words signified and, if necessary, had to compare the original Hebrew or Greek, just as exegetes of Vergil were accustomed to compare the passages of Homer that their

poet had built on. It was then possible to consider the import of signs translated from Hebrew, signa translata, for example, Jerusalem, the “city of peace,” and figurative expressions, figuratae locutiones. Among the figurative expressions that pleased Augustine greatly were those enshrined in numbers, as when the number four referred both to the forty-day fasts of Moses, Elijah, and Jesus and to the four parts of the day: morning, noon, evening, and night.!0! 97. De magistro VIII.23; De doctrina christiana III.25.36 leo de tribu Juda, i.e. Christ, and leo rugiens, i.e. the devil. See, for Augustine’s own use of this image, Suzanne Poque, Le langage symbolique, pp.15—18 (the devil); 395-396 (Christ); see also her discussion of De doctrina christiana, pp. xxi ff. About the two syllables Deus, see De doctrina Christiana 1.6.6, where Augustine also makes the point that by saying that God is ineffabilis, we have already said something about him. 98. De doctrina christiana 11.31.48; see Basil Stuiber, “Die Kirche als Schule des Herrn bei Augustinus von Hippo,” in Georg Schélligen and Clemens Scholten, eds., Stimuli. Exegese und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum. Festschrift fiir Ernst Dassmann (Minster 1996), pp. 485-498, at pp. 494 ff. 99. De doctrina christiana I1.10.15, when the word bos, ox, is written, the reader must be

able to understand that this refers to pecus, cattle; II.13.19, on divergent translations. For Homer and Vergil, see below at notes 135-140. 100. Signa translata, see De doctrina christiana Il.10.15 bos as the evangelist; II.16.23 on the hidden meanings in names, such as Jerusalem, Adam, Eve. 101. Locutiones figuratae, De doctrina christiana 11.6.7; see further, for “wise as ser-

pents,” and meanings contained in numbers II.16.24-26, where Augustine also mentions three as signifying three epochs, two before and after the Law, and the third under Grace. Another figure Augustine cherished came from the Song of Songs, where the bridegroom says to the bride: “Your teeth are like a flock of sheared ewes coming up from the washing, who all bear twins, and not one is sterile.” Given that the bride in the Song of Songs was the church, Augustine understood the bride’s teeth to be the saints cutting human beings away from their errors. The shearing of the ewes, that is of the saints, betokened that they had relinquished worldly care, and also the washing was baptism. De doctrina christiana 1.16.15.

“The Scent of a Rose” 69 Signs of this kind, rooted as they were in the very fabric of daily life, were to be interpreted, Augustine thought, in the light of understanding the tasks, events, and learned traditions that formulated daily life. This was why the disciplinae and the other branches of knowledge such as agriculture, architecture, and history continued to be relevant to the student of the Scriptures.1°2 There were, for example, legitimate reasons why Christian scholars might inquire whether the psalmist’s cithara had ten strings because of some law of music, for, if there were no such law, then the ten strings should perhaps be understood to refer to the Decalogue.'% Augustine clinched his argument against pagan literature, which as he saw matters was littered with imaginary signs, by recourse to logic. These imaginary signs were the result of faulty reasoning, of arriving at a conclusion that was inevitably false because the premise was false.’ Astrology provided an especially graphic example. The stars had been named af-

ter nonexistent gods and had been endowed with these gods’ human characteristics, thus bringing into existence a host of imaginary signs. These signs, however, “were not perceived because they possessed any inherent worth, but rather, they were endowed with worth because they had

been hit upon and were then made into signs.” Correct reasoning, by 102. See De doctrina christiana I1.16.24 listing knowledge of animals, stones and plants as relevant to understanding scripture; similarly, II.16.25 the four seasons, four parts of the day and four elements in relation to understanding numbers in scripture; 26, music, numbers and the Psalter; 2.25.39, human institutions, such as coinage, dress codes, marks of status, shorthand writing; II.28.42 history and methods of reckoning time: Olympiads and consular years; 30.47 architecture and agriculture. However, note also that Augustine describes author’s intention as “translate ac mystice posita,” De doctrina christiana 11.16.25; Augustine here appears to say that the interpretation is literal, because the “hidden” (mystice) meaning Augustine referred to is what the Biblical author wrote and intended, not what the exegete added. See De doctrina christiana 11.7.9 ... cogitare potius et credere id esse melius et verius quod ibi scriptum est etiamsi lateat, quam id quod nos per nosmetipsos sapere possumus. III.5.9 how to proceed when the figurata locutio is, according to Augustine, what the biblical writer intended: ea demum est miserabilis animi servitus, signa pro rebus accipere; et supra creaturam corpoream oculum mentis ad hauriendum aeternum lumen levare non posse, where the servitus of the Jews is what the Christian exegete must avoid, IIIJ.6.10. See also II.1.1 on signum and res. In IIl.12.18 ff. Augustine discusses what allowance the exegete must make for the customs of the scriptural writer’s time when they differ from those of the exegete’s time, citing among other examples the polygamous marriages of the patriarchs, II].12.20, discussed in greater detail in De civitate dei XV.16. 103. De doctrina christiana 11.16.26; cf. Confessions III.8.16 . . . et vivitur male adversus tria

et septem, psalterium decem chordarum, decalogum tuum. Rolf Kniitel, “Christliche Zahlensymbolik im Digestenplan,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte Romanistische Abteilung 113 (1996), pp. 422~430, suggests that some of the sacred meanings Augustine perceived in numbers were applied by Justinian to the subdivisions of the Digest. 104. De doctrina christiana 11.31.48-49.

105. De doctrina christiana 11.21.32 on Venus and Mars, with 24.37: non enim quia valebant animadversa sunt, sed animadvertendo atque signando factum est ut valerent. I

70 “The Scent of a Rose” contrast, was anchored in the God-given order of things.!°° By way of example, Augustine cited Paul’s reasoning about the resurrection, “If Christ did not rise from the dead, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain,” as being in accord with logical sequence and therefore true.!°” No such claim could be made, he thought, in expounding pagan texts because the signs that spoke in them were imaginary and thus false. That was why, in Augustine’s view, pagan literature had no real public validity.1 Augustine’s distinction between imaginary and other signs therefore

led to and indeed comprised his further distinction between what was worth reading and what was not. Beyond that, however, his interpretation of words as signs enshrined a view of language that differed profoundly from that held by grammarians both of the past and of his own day and by pagan men of learning. Augustine lived, after he returned to Africa, in a Christian speech community that accepted nonclassical syntax and neologisms of many kinds as normal. In such a context, it was natural for him to highlight those aspects of ancient grammatical theory that dealt with signification on the one hand and the changeable aspects of word formation on the other. The history of the language he was using, by contrast, in-

terested Augustine only incidentally because he did not regard correct usage, historically conditioned as it was, as worth cultivating in its own right. The point was that, in Augustine’s estimation, meaning in language was conveyed much more by signs than by correct usage because, in the last resort, usage was manmade, but signs were inherent in the God-given nature of things.1” translate animadversa as suggesting that the mind can “hit upon” something that does not exist and then construe it as existing. For examples of what Augustine had in mind in the field of literary interpretation, Servius on Vergil, Georgica I.33, 335, 336; Il.406; and on Aeneid IV.610, VI.714; Servius with Servius auctus on Aeneid X. 272 and X1.51; Servius auctus on Aeneid IV.92. 106. De doctrina christiana II.32.50: Ipsa tamen veritas conexionum non instituta, sed animadversa est ab hominibus et notata, ut eam possint vel discere vel docere. nam est in rerum ratione perpetua et divinitus instituta. sicut enim qui narrat ordinem temporum non eum ipse componit, et locorum situs aut naturas animalium vel stirpium vel lapidum qui ostendit, non res ostendit ab hominibus institutas, et ille qui demonstrat sidera eorumque motus, non a se vel ab homine aliquo rem institutam demonstrat; sic etiam qui dicit: “cum falsum est quod consequitur, necesse est ut falsum sit quod praecedit.” verissime dicit neque ipse facit ut ita sit, sed tantum ita esse demonstrat. 107. De doctrina christiana 11.33.51 with 31.49. 108. Note the insinuation of Macrobius’ Evangelus that the interlocutors of the Saturnalia are discussing secreta, i.e. religious matters lacking public validity, in Saturnalia 1.7.4; further, below note 119. 109. At the same time, however, the interpretation of Scripture had by Augustine’s time generated a learned tradition, a maiorum auctoritas, independent of the Greek and Latin classics: Augustine, De utilitate credendi VII.16, where the maiorum auctoritas clustering around the works of Cicero and other classical writers is implicitly paralleled with the authority of

the church. As Augustine saw it, the Christian learned tradition had been validated by the

“The Scent of a Rose” 71 But none of this meant that Augustine had forgotten Vergil. For example, in his work on the Trinity, the writing of which overlapped with composing De doctrina christiana, he quoted the poet several times, with pro-

found respect on the one hand and with latent criticism on the other. The Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, Augustine argued in this work, is in some sense intelligible to human beings because it is reflected in the makeup

of the human mind, for God created human beings in his image. At any given moment, the human mind remembers itself, understands or sees itself, and loves itself, and insofar as this is the case, it is a trinity," the point being that there is a form of memory that resides in the present. “Anyone who says that memory is not of things in the present,” Augustine wrote, should take notice how this is expressed even in secular letters where more

attention was paid to the perfection of words than to the truth of things: Ulysses from Ithaca would not endure such outrage and in such peril was not forgetful of himself. nec talia passus Ulixes, oblitusve sui est Ithacus discrimine tanto.

When Vergil said that Ulysses was not forgetful of himself, what did he say other than that he remembered himself?™

A little further on, Augustine considered the nature and origin of selfdestructive behavior in which legitimate love of self is perverted into selfhatred. This devastating delusion in human beings seemed to resemble the cattle plague that Vergil had described in the Georgics: May the gods bestow a better fate on the good, and send to our enemies such an affliction! The animals tore at their mangled limbs with their own bare teeth. di meliora piis, erroremque hostibus illum!

discissos nudis laniabant dentibus artus."2 sheer multitude of followers it had generated, and they in turn had endowed this tradition with the authority of their own numbers and of history. Christianity had come to stay, and it was a disciplina, a body of teaching that could be learnt only in its own right and in its own environment. See on the universality of the church, De utilitate credendi VIl.19; Christianity as a disciplina with its own domus and teacher (i.e. Christ), De disciplina christiana (written in 398 CE) I.1; on Latin for Christians, note Augustine, Retractationes II.3: De agone christiano liber

unus fratribus in eloquio latino ineruditis humili sermone conscriptus est. 110. De trinitate XIV.8.11. 111. De trinitate XIV.11.14, quoting Aeneid III.628-9.

112. Vergil, Georgica III.513-4, quoted in De trinitate XIV.15.18. Augustine quoted this same passage in Contra Crescontium III.75.87 by way of responding to Crescontius’ charge that he had committed a grammatical error.

72. “The Scent of a Rose” Finally, reflecting on what it means that Christ is the Word of God, Augustine took it to mean that in God there is no change. Human words were something formable and evolving: “And what is this formable and not yet formed something if not some part of our mind which we cast about here and there in a revolving motion while we consider now this and now another thing as we discover it or it occurs to us?” It was a process that Vergil

had understood well. That distinguished master of speech knew both the meaning of words and the power of thought when he said in a poem:

Aeneas revolves within himself

the changing fortunes of war. | , secumque volutat eventus belli varios.

That is, he thinks. Hence, the Son of God is not called the thought of God, but the Word of God.

The point Augustine wanted to clarify was that human words arise from a process of cogitation, a process of change. But in God no change is possible, and his Word is not formable from any revolving motion." In the Trinity and elsewhere, Vergil continued to crystallize Augustine’s ideas and feelings, but it was no longer in the easygoing, sunny gaiety of the dialogues of Cassiciacum. The weight of Augustine’s attention had shifted, as he himself remembered it, from the study of Christian philosophy to the time-consuming care for the church and his congregation."4 In addition, the meaning of Vergil had changed for Augustine because, however much the poet was indeed “that distinguished master of speech” and “their most exalted poet,” it was also the case that Vergil’s text was full 113. De trinitate XV.15.25 and XV.16.25, quoting Aeneid X.159-160: (15.25) quid est, inquam, hoc formabile nondumque formatum nisi quiddam mentis nostrae quod hac atque hac volubili quadam motione iactamus cum a nobis nunc hoc, nunc illud sicut inventum fuerit vel occurrerit cogitatur? . . . (16.25) Bene quippe noverat verba et vim cogitationis inspexerat locutor egregius qui dixit in carmine:

secumque volutat eventus belli varios

id est cogitat. non ergo ille dei filius cogitatio dei sed verbum dei dicitur. (Translation partly after S. McKenna.) The recurrence of the terms “volubilis” and “volutare” in this context shows clearly that the quotation from Vergil is planned, that it is not a casual reminiscence; cf. on this passage Ando (above n. 43), pp. 63 f. 114. In Retractationes Prologus 2, Augustine comments that he rarely had the opportu-

nity to listen to and learn from others, because he was in much demand as a speaker. The theme is reiterated throughout the Retractationes where Augustine mentions the pastoral obligations that gave rise to his writings.

“The Scent of a Rose” 73 of those imagined signs that Augustine had pilloried in De doctrina christiana and elsewhere. In addition, Augustine did not think of the Latin language as the organic, coherent, and natural vehicle of communication that it was for those of his contemporaries who made the study of Vergil one of their preferred occupations. Therefore when as an old man Augustine re-

viewed his many writings, he was displeased by the references to Vergil and other poets that he found in the dialogues he had written at Cassiciacum. Given, however, that these dialogues had been published and could thus not be recalled or corrected, he desired that his readers should “not imitate my errors but rather my progress in better ways.”!5

{il Not long after Augustine in Hippo completed the last book of De doctrina christiana, the Senator Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius in Rome composed a dialogue, the Saturnalia, that deals with Roman religion and antiquities as articulated, for the most part, in the works of Vergil. Macrobius lived in and wrote about a world in which Augustine had never participated."'6 Nonetheless, the Saturnalia shares one feature with Augustine’s Christian Doctrine. Both works focus on a single body of writing that is viewed, for all its diversity, as coherent and—this is the crucial point—as universal. Just as in Augustine’s world, the books of the Christian Scriptures somehow enshrined everything that was worth saying and moreover formed the speech and the collective imagination of a Mediterranean-wide community, so in the world of Macrobius did Vergil and some of the Latin classics."7 As read in the earlier fifth century, therefore, Vergil and the 115. Augustine, Retractationes Prologus 3. 116. T. D. Barnes, “Augustine, Symmachus and Ambrose,” in Augustine. From Rhetor to Theologian, Joanne McWilliam, ed. (Waterloo Ontario, 1992), pp. 7-13; regarding the contemporary relevance of antiquarian learning as viewed by pagans, see G. Maslakov, “The Roman

Antiquarian Tradition in Late Antiquity,” in Brian Croke and Alanna M. Emmett, eds., History and Historians in Late Antiquity (Sydney 1983), pp. 100-106, who rightly points out that Augustine’s focus on Varro, so far from burdening the De civitate dei with irrelevant erudition, responds directly to the intellectual and religious commitments of educated pagans of the time. In an important article, Alan Cameron described these commitments as minimal; see his “Paganism and literature in late fourth century Rome,” in Christianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive en occident. Fondation Hardt, Entretiens XXIII (Geneva 1977), pp- 1-40, note the discussion pp. 31-40. On Macrobius, see also M. von Albrecht, A History of Roman Literature, pp. 1485-1491.

117. Augustine reviewed the canon of the Christian scriptures in De doctrina christiana 11.8.12; see further Anne-Marie la Bonnadiére, “Le canon des divines Ecritures,” in her Saint Augustin et la Bible, pp. 287-301; see also Christine Mohrmann, Die altchristliche Sondersprache (above n. 92), pp. 61-8. Domenico Comparetti, Vergil in the Middle Ages (New York 1929). For

74 “The Scent of a Rose” Christian Scriptures redefined, and this not only in the writings of Augustine and Macrobius, what it was to be an author and what it was to speak. In some crucial respect, to be an author was to comment: to perform on a

large scale the humble but exacting task that grammarians had for cen- | turies performed in their schools. As for the act of speaking, it entailed, as Augustine understood it, a set of unavoidable choices, the necessity of constructing continuities and discontinuities with the past. Although the past

that Macrobius had in mind differed profoundly from Augustine’s, he would not have disagreed that one’s relationship with it was articulated by the language one chose to speak and write. Indeed, these choices, constructions of continuities and discontinuities with the past, constitute the underlying theme of Macrobius’ Saturnalia. The dramatic date of the dialogue is December 384, and the participants were a group of pagan Roman aristocrats, friends of the dialogue’s central

personage, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus, in whose house the event took place."8 The young grammarian Servius figured as an honored guest among the aristocratic participants and so did the Greek philosopher Eustathius, who spoke in some detail about passages of Homeric inspiration in the Aeneid. They were nine guests in all, like the nine Muses, before three

newcomers, the Christian Evangelus and his two companions, were permitted to join them, thereby adding, as it were, the three Graces to the assembled company."”

sortes (lots drawn for purposes of divining the future) from the text of Vergil, see Scriptores Historiae Augustae (ed. Ernestus Hohl, Leipzig 1937), Hadrian II.8; Alexander Severus XIV.5;

Augustine disapproved of sortes being taken from the Christian Scriptures, Epistulae LV.20.37; the fact that the Scriptures did, along with Vergil, serve as a basis for this kind of divination, indicates a parallel function for these texts; their production in codex form facilitated such consultation, see William V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge Mass. 1989), PP. 294-7, 303. 118. See Alan Cameron, “The Date and Identity of Macrobius,” Journal of Roman Studies 56 (1966): 25-38 (for the date, p. 29); Jacques Flamant, Macrobe et le néo-platonisme latin a la fin du IVe siécle (Leiden 1977).

119. Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.7.12. Characteristically, the precedent for a gathering of nine guests plus three, the Muses and the Graces, was taken from Varro’s Menippean Satires; Macrobius’ direct source probably was Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae XTII.11.1 where the Graces are mentioned before the Muses. Flamant, Macrobe, pp. 74-5; 197-8 thinks Evangelus was a pagan, while Kaster, “Macrobius and Servius” (below n. 133), pp. 226 ff., leaves the question

open. On the basis of the interchange between Evangelus and Praetextatus at Saturnalia I.7.4-11, however, I think it likely that Macrobius intended Evangelus to be a Christian. Evangelus offers to leave so as not to break into the secreta that the assembled company is involved in: if one reads this in the context of the anti-pagan legislation of the late fourth and early fifth

centuries, then Praetextatus’ reply, which spontaneously interprets the secreta Evangelus referred to as religious ones is particularly apt: (6) neque ego sum immemor nec horum quemquam inscium credo sancti illius praecepti philosophiae, sic loquendum esse cum

“The Scent of a Rose” 75 The collective mood emerged early, during discussions on Roman and other methods of reckoning the beginning and end of the day, on the appropriateness of using old-fashioned words, and on the origin of the festival of the Saturnalia. Macrobius liked thinking about etymology and about

the history of the Latin language with its “innate elegance,” which he loved.!2° Like Varro, some of whose writings he had read, while others came to him via Aulus Gellius, Macrobius believed that etymology revealed certain correlations between the morphology of words and their meanings: he thought, in short, that the process of finding names for things was not as arbitrary as Augustine did. Having for example listed the sub-

divisions of the night from midnight to daybreak, Macrobius’ Caecina spoke about the etymology of the word mane, “morning”: “We say mane,

because the first light emerges from the nether world, that is from the Manes, the spirits of the dead, or, as seems to me more likely, we say it as a prognostic of good omen. For the people of Lanuvium say mane for ‘good,’ and so among us the opposite to good is immane, for example an immanis belva, monster, or an immane facinus, crime.”!2! Here, the morphology of the word goes hand in hand with its meaning: in short, Macrobius thought of mane as belonging to a cluster of terms that were related to each other by virtue of having been derived from one of Varro’s verba primigenia, the words that had originally been imposed on things.!24 Elsewhere, Macrobius’ Praetextatus commented on the term delubrum, “shrine.” According to Varro, the morphology of delubrum, a building that housed the image of a god, deus, was analogous to that of candelabrum, the holder of a taper,

candela, That connections of this kind were valid became evident when one examined the work of classical authors. Macrobius’ Praetextatus thus hominibus tamquam di audiant, sic loquendum cum dis tamquam homines audiant. See further on Evangelus, Otto Ribbeck, Prolegomena, pp. 103 ff., suggesting that in Evangelus’ persona Macrobius unites earlier traditions of criticism of and opposition to Vergil’s work.

120. Macrobius, Saturnalia I Praefatio 12...in nostro sermone nativa Romani oris elegantia. 121. Saturnalia 1.3.13. On the divisions of the night and on mane, Servius seems to refer to the same passage in Varro, see Servius In Verg. Aen. 11.268; related material is presented in Varro LL VI.4-5. On Macrobius and Aulus Gellius, see Flamant, Macrobe, pp. 241 ff., and on Macrobius’ Caecina, pp. 62-63. 122. Above at notes 13-20; Varro LL VI.36~7, on word formation: the verba primigenia were few and the words systematically derived from them by declinatio innumerable, because people did not want to have too many words to remember. R. Lamberton, “The Neoplatonists and the Spiritualization of Homer,” in R. Lamberton and J. Keaney, eds., Homer’s Ancient Readers (Princeton 1992), p. 118, “For Zeno and Chrysippus language was composed of a series of primary particles.” Further, on the history of language as perceived in antiquity, M. Frede, “Principles of Stoic Grammar,” in his Essays in Ancient Philosophy (Minnesota 1987), PP. 301-337 at pp. 333 ff.

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“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 99 mother was pouring out her prayers. At this juncture, however, his story diverged from its Vergilian prototype, for whereas Dido had been en-

snared and then deserted by treacherous gods, Monica’s prayers were heard and fulfilled beyond her most cherished hopes by the Christian God when Augustine, as he had expressed it at Cassiciacum, entered the haven of philosophy.28

Augustine himself was aware of the emotive tone, the pathos of the Confessions. When in 426, near the end of his long life, he reviewed his many writings, he described the Confessions with a note of personal engagement that is absent from the comments on his other works. “The thirteen books of my Confessions,” he wrote, “praise the justice and goodness of God with regard both to my evil and my good experiences, and arouse human intellect and love toward him. So far as I am concerned, the book affects me now as I read it in the same way as it did when being written. What others think is for them to say; but I know that it has pleased and still

pleases many brethren.” Not only had Augustine been captivated by Vergil’s pathos, the poet’s capacity to move the reader, but he was also aware of having become a master of this art of stirring emotion in his own right. Indeed, Augustine condemned one of his own works that, so he felt, could not move and hold the reader’s attention.*° At the same time, however, Augustine’s rhetoric was increasingly directed toward purposes that he himself carefully differentiated from those that inspired non-Christian writers.*! Furthermore, by the 28. The flames of Dido’s pyre, Aeneid V.3~4. The haven of philosophy: De beata vita 1.4-5,

dedication to Manlius Theodorus; in the Confessions, the vocabulary of voyaging that Augustine applied to his conversion was more abstract than in this passage so as to highlight the role of the will; see Confessions VIII.8.19: ego fremebam spiritu indignans indignatione turbulentissima, quod non irem in placitum et pactum tecum, deus meus, in quod eundum esse omnia ossa mea clamabant et in caelum tollebant laudibus: et non illuc ibatur navibus aut quadrigis aut pedibus, quantum saltem de domo in eum locum ieram, ubi sedebamus. nam non solum ire, verum etiam pervenire illuc nihil erat aliud quam velle ire, with Plotinus, Enneads 1.6.20. The imagery is discussed in detail by Robert J. O’Connell, Soundings in St. Augustine’s Imagination (New York 1994).

29. Augustine, Retractationes 11.6.1. Confessionum mearum libri tredecim et de malis et de bonis meis deum laudant iustum et bonum, atque in eum excitant humanum intellectum et affectum. Interim quod ad me attinet hoc in me egerunt cum scriberentur et agunt cum leguntur. Quid de illis alii sentiant, ipsi viderint; multis tamen fratribus eos multum placuisse et placere scio. On the role of emotive states in Augustine’s search for God, see also the classic passage on Cicero’s Hortensius, Confessions IIl.4.7 ille vero liber mutavit affectum meum et ad te ipsum, domine, mutavit preces meas et vota ac desideria mea fecit alia. 30. See Retractationes 1.5.1 on De immortalitate animae: nescio quomodo me invito exiit in

manus hominum, et inter mea opuscula nominatur. qui primo ratiocinationum contortione atque brevitate sic obscurus est, ut fatiget cum legitur etiam intentionem meam, vixque intelligatur a me ipso. 31. See above, Chapter II, at notes 65 ff.

100 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” time that Augustine wrote the Confessions, he had arrived at a conception of the human soul that diverged significantly from that held by his pagan contemporaries and by earlier philosophers. As a result, where in the Confessions it had been the emotive content of the story of the Aeneid that had engaged Augustine, what came to occupy him in subsequent years were the ideas Vergil expressed about the relationship between soul and body and about the light this shed on the content and nature of emotions.

Il At Cassiciacum, Augustine and his friends had searched after wisdom and after a life of tranquillity and the knowledge and love of God. Their aspirations were essentially continuous with those of ancient philosophers as portrayed, most especially, in the dialogues of Cicero, which inspired much of Augustine’s writing at that time.2 One of Cicero’s central ethical concerns had been to surmount disquietude and inner conflict. He thought this was a matter of education, of training one’s soul to master the passions, which he described in terms that had been evolved by Stoic philosophers as the alternating sadness and gaiety that clouded a person’s experience of the present, and the conflicting fears and desires that compromised perceptions of the future.*° These four passions, gladness and desire, fear and sadness,“ and the countless inner disturbances arising from them could be described collectively as sicknesses, aegritudines, analogous to the sicknesses of the body. But although sicknesses of the body were beyond one’s control, those of the soul, so Cicero believed, could and should be mastered by the will and by reasoned reflection. Indeed, failing to master the passions of the soul amounted to a moral failure*> and stood in the way of 32. Maurice Testard, Saint Augustin et Cicéron. I: Cicéron dans la formation et dans l’oeuvre de saint Augustin. I: Repertoire des textes (Paris 1958); see also, Ragnar Holte, Béatitude et sagesse: saint Augustin et le probleme de la fin de l'homme dans la philosophie ancienne (Paris 1962).

33. Tusculanae disputationes (hereafter Tusc.) IV.7.14 on the perturbationes: aegritudo is

an opinio recens mali praesentis; laetitia is an opinio recens boni praesentis, metus is an opinio impendentis mali, while libido is the opinio venturi boni; similarly, Tusc. IV.6.11 libido concerns the future, laetitia the present; metus concerns the future, aegritudo the present. See also Tusc. IIl.4.7, on perturbationes animi, formidines, libidines, iracundiae, t&8n, morbi; misereri, invidere, gestire, laetari, haec omnia morbos Graeci appellant motus animi rationi non obtemperantis; cf. Tusc. I1I.34.83; Tusc. Il.11.24~25, laetitia, cupiditas, metus, aegritudo; Tusc.

IV.4.8 f., metus, laetitia, libido.

34, Tusc. Wl.11.24~25 laetitia, cupiditas or libido, metus, aegritudo; cf. Tusc. IV.6.11; at IV.4.8 ff., and elsewhere, the classification varies slightly. 35. Cicero, Tusc. II.28.66 voluntate igitur et iudicio suscipi aegritudinem confitendum est; also III.33.80 whatever evil (malum) may be in aegritudo, id non naturale esse, sed voluntario iudicio et opinionis errore contractum. See also III.34.82-83; IV.13.29 is about disturbances of the body and of the soul, the difference between them being that corporum offensiones sine culpa

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 101 achieving the inner constancy and composure that were preconditions for living a virtuous, self-sufficient, and “blessed life.”%¢ These philosophical aspirations provided much of the framework for both living and studying at Cassiciacum, and they also inspired some of Augustine’s writings during the following few years.3”7 From Cicero’s

philosophical doxologies, Augustine accepted the proposition that the soul was immortal,5®° and he also agreed that the sicknesses of the soul,

which he commented upon in some detail and watched at work within himself,3? were to be avoided.* Many of Cicero’s ideas and much of his terminology thus recur in Augustine’s early writings, although from the very beginning, both the ideas and the terminology were deployed for purposes

that had nothing to do with Cicero. Above all, Augustine, having shaken off his Manichean past, now felt bound to resolve in his own right the one central question the Manichees claimed to resolve: unde malum, whence is evil? A sequence of positions to which Augustine was to adhere all his life soon emerged. The nature of evil could not be explained by reference to the

good and evil principles that the Manichees saw at work both in the cosmos and in each individual human soul. In addition, evil could not have originated with a just and good God.*! Therefore, the human soul, accidere possunt, animorum non item. This distinction anticipates Augustine’s insistence that fault arises not from the conjunction of soul and body, but from a failure of the soul in its own right. Where Augustine ended up disagreeing with Cicero was that he did not locate the ultimate cause of that failure in the absence of reasoned reflection, but straightforwardly in the will. 36. Cicero, Tusc. V.1.1 virtutem ad beate vivendum se ipsa esse contenta. 37. Ragnar Holte, Béatitude et Sagesse (Paris 1962), pp. 29 ff. 38. Augustine, Contra Academicos JII.17.37 f£., with reminiscence of Tusc. 1.16.38 f. on the immortality of the soul according to Plato and Pythagoras; cf. Aimé Solignac, “Doxographies et manuels dans la formation philosophique de saint Augustin,” Recherches Augustiniennes 1

(1958): 113-148, at p. 116. :

39. Augustine, De immortalitate animae V.7, Namque aut secundum corporis passiones, aut secundum suas anima dicitur inmutari . . . secundum suas autem, ut cupiendo, laetando, metuendo, aegrescendo—-to which he adds that the soul is also changed by study and learning (studendo, discendo); on the date and place of this work, Retractationes 1.5.1. Further on the four aegritudines, De libero arbitrio 1.22.78, cupiditatum illud regnum tyrannice saeviat et variis contrariisque tempestatibus totum hominis animum vitamque perturbet, hinc timore, inde desiderio, hinc anxietate inde inani falsaque laetitia, hinc cruciatu rei amissae quae diligebatur, inde ardore adipiscendae quae non habebatur, hinc acceptae iniuriae doloribus inde facibus vindicandae. . . . See also Confessions X.14.22 with James J.O’Donnell, Augustine’s Con-

fessions, ad loc.; X.25.36 exploring where God is in animi sedes: intravi ad ipsius animi mei sedem, quae illi est in memoria mea, quoniam sui quoque meminit animus, nec ibi tu eras, quia sicut non es imago corporalis nec affectio viventis, qualis est cum laetamur, contristamur, cupimus, metuimus, meminimus, obliviscimur et quidquid huius modi est, ita nec ipse animus es. 40. Augustine, Soliloquia 1.11.16 reflection on the inner disturbances that impede the pursuit of the knowledge of God: fear of losing a loved one, of pain and of death; 1.12.21 toothache prevents contemplation. 41. The origin of evil is discussed in De ordine IJ.7.22-23: Monica resolves the dilemma

102 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” although immortal, could not in any sense be a part of God, although it was made by him. And finally, sin and evil were explicable in terms of the soul’s turning away, aversio, from God, the source of its being and true hap-

piness.” This turning away was a failure or lack that Augustine thought was freely chosen by an act of the will.” The idea of turning away from God to lesser things came to Augustine from Platonist philosophy, and the idea that an inner choice was an act of will, voluntas, had been expressed by Cicero when discussing how perturbations in one’s soul were to be overcome. In Augustine’s thinking, however, these well-worn opinions led to entirely new conclusions because he

, was much less interested in describing and curing the various passions than he was in comprehending how human beings could choose to turn away from good in the first place. In the fall of 387, therefore, Augustine simply described the perturbations collectively as desires, libidines, which should be ordered by reason,“ only to conclude, a little later, that in effect the state of one’s soul was defined not by reason but by the will and by what one freely chooses. At the same time, the choice Augustine now had in mind was no longer a recollected philosophical life free from the pas- — sions, but the soul's choice to “delight in the Lord who will give you your for the time being: (23) Ego, inquit, non puto nihil potuisse praeter Dei ordinem fieri, quia ipsum malum, quod natum est nullo modo Dei ordine natum est, sed illa justitia id inordinatum esse non sivit et in sibi meritum ordinem redegit et conpulit. For the continuance of the discussion, see, De libero arbitrio 1.1.1 ff.; Retractiones I.9.1: constitit inter nos diligenter ratione discussa malum non exortum nisi ex libero voluntatis arbitrio.

42. De immortalitate animae IV.6 manifestum etiam est immortalem esse animum humanum. De duabus animabus 9-10, on the soul made by God and the question unde malum? 10-11 on aversio; the subject of this treatise is the question whether the good and evil principles that the Manichees saw at work in the cosmos were lodged equally in each individual human soul. 43. De duabus animabus 12: nusquam . . . nisi in voluntate esse peccatum; 14: non... nisi voluntate peccatur; see further on free will, Ludwig Koenen, “Augustine and Manichaeism in Light of the Cologne Mani Codex,” Illinois Classical Studies 3 (1978): 154-195, at pp. 154-161; Albrecht Dihle, The Theory of Will in Classical Antiquity (Berkeley 1982), chapter 6.

44, Augustine, De libero arbitrio 1.9.22: libido is a cupiditas, and metus is a cupiditas for living without fear; I.18.65—19.76, arguing that the libidines must and can be ruled by mind (mens); 1.18.65 on mens, ratio, spiritus as ruling the irrationales animi motus; cf. 1.22.77—78, on

the tyrannical government exercised by the cupiditates. For an excellent study of the evolution of Augustine’s ideas on these issues, see William S. Babcock, “Augustine on Sin and Moral Agency,” Journal of Religious Ethics 16 (1988): 28-55. On the date, Retractiones 1.9.1. 45. The shift from mens to liberum arbitrium and voluntas is prepared in De libero arbitrio 1.20.76 nulla res alia mentem cupiditatis comitem faciat quam propria voluntas et liberum arbitrium. Thus where Cicero had thought of the passions as movements of the soul that were also voluntary, for Augustine, such movement was a movement of the will plain and simple; see De duabus animabus X,14: voluntas est animi motus cogente nullo ad aliquid non amitten-

dum vel adipiscendum. -

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 103 heart’s desire.”46 Anything else amounted to betraying one’s God-given nature and thereby diminishing it: as if the light of the sun were suddenly to become as pale as that of the moon.” Such a flawed choice was not generated by circumstance or fate and even less by the nature of human beings, by the fact that human beings, as the historian Sallust had written, shared their bodily capacities with animals while the soul approximated to the gods. Rather, the choice resided “in the movement whereby the will

is turned away from the good to itself” and hence, ultimately, to evil deeds.*8 This was the context in which Augustine explained that a just God

rewarded the good and punished the wicked: although such punishment would be experienced as an evil by the sufferer, it did not make God into the author of evil, nor did it make the human nature that God had created anything other than good.” These conclusions entailed a new understanding of how soul and body were connected. Cicero had thought that the soul dwelt in the body 46. Augustine, De libero arbitrio 11.35.137: Ecce tibi est ipsa veritas: amplectere illam si

potes et fruere illa et delectare in domino et dabit tibi petitiones cordis tui, citing Psalm XXXVI.4.

47. Augustine, De immortalitate animae VII.12 aversio ipsa a ratione per quam stultitia contingit animo sine defectu eius fieri non potest; si enim magis est ad rationem conversus eique inhaerens, ideo quod inhaeret inconmutabili rei quae est veritas, quae et maxime et primitus est, cum ab ea est aversus, idipsum esse minus habet, quod est deficere. Omnis autem defectus tendit ad nihilum. See also De immortalitate animae 12.19; image of sunlight, De duabus animabus V1.6 (written in 391/2). Cicero had also described flaws and vices as a tendance towards nothingness, see Tusc. II].8.17—18 about nequitia with Maurice Testard Saint Augustin et Cicéron. Repertoire des Textes, pp. 7, 9. Natura is another Ciceronian term that Augus-

tine put to quite new uses: see e.g. Tusc. II].28.71 on aegritudo residing not in natura but in opinion; III.80: the malum of aegritudo: id non naturale esse, sed voluntario iudicio et opinionis errore contractum; further III.34.82-83. For Augustine on the other hand, natura defines

the characteristics of beings, for example of humans, De libero arbitrio 11.20.54,203; Iil.11.32,113; I11.13.35,126~128; Enchiridion IV.12; De civitate dei X1I.3-9; XIII.14; XIV.5. Else-

where, however, Augustine’s usage remained continuous with Cicero’s, cf. below n. 88. 48. De libero arbitrio 1.35.116 sin occurs cum quisque avertitur a divinis vereque manentibus et ad mutabilia et incerta convertitur; also II.43.170 incipit (homo) non posse videre quod summe est, et malum putare quicquid fallit inprovidum aut inlicit indiguum aut captum excruciat, cum ea pro merito patiatur aversionis suae et quicquid iustum est malum esse non possit; IlI.1.1 cupio per te cognoscere unde ille motus existat quo ipsa voluntas avertitur a communi atque incommutabili bono et ad propria vel aliena vel infima . . . convertitur. Note also his earlier use of such vocabulary in De immortalitate animae VI1.12 with XII.19 Sapientiam vero, quia conversione habet ad id ex quo est (sc. animus), aversione illam potest amittere. Conversioni namque aversio contraria est. Further on defect in the soul, De duabus animabus V1.6~7; will, ibid. X.12-14; Augustine stresses, in the second passage, that the will acts without external duress, nullo cogente, of its own initiative. For the Sallustian echo, De libero arbitrio 1.18.61-63, with Sallust, Catilina I.1~2. 49. These are the themes of De libero arbitrio, begun in Rome in 387, and finished in Africa in 391/2; see S.M. Zarb, “Chronologia operum Sancti Augustini,” Angelicum 10.3 (1933): 359-396, at p. 389. The further questions about original sin, infant baptism and grace that arise from these positions of Augustine’s do not enter into the present enquiry.

104 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” as in “a stranger’s house,” and Plotinus and Porphyry, some of whose writ-

ings Augustine knew, expressed similar views.°° The point was that the mortality of the body was plain for all to see, whereas it was possible to en-

tertain the idea that the soul was immortal. Soul and body could thus be viewed as being in some way separate and distinct, with the immortal soul being ruled by reason, but pain and the passions arose, at least in part, from the mortal body.5! Concurrently, true knowledge was the rational knowledge of the soul, but the knowledge of impermanent and material things was derived from sense perceptions, which were part of the body. In one respect, Augustine shared these ideas. During the early years after his con-

version, he thought about knowing God in terms of an ascent through sense perception to reason,*2 even though he did not regard these two aspects of knowing as separable in any absolute way.

Take visions and prophetic dreams. During the night in which the Greeks had captured Troy, Aeneas found himself alone and at a loss as to whether to continue fighting, when his divine mother Venus appeared to

him and revealed that further resistance was useless because the gods themselves were destroying the city: “Look on, for all the watery cloud which now confines your mortal sight and swirls around you I shall remove. And you, fear not your mother’s precept, or refuse to do my bidding. Here, where you see a scattered mound and rocks torn up from rocks, and billowing smoke rolling with dust, Neptune with his great trident shakes the walls to their foundation, uprooting the entire compass of the city from its place. Here Juno girded in steel and raging savagely has occupied the Scaean Gate while calling her allied army from the ships.”

“aspice namque omnem, quae nunc obducta tuenti mortalis hebetat visus tibi et umida circum 50. Cicero, Tusc. I.22.51 qualis animus in corpore sit tamquam alienae domi; I.22.52 animi receptaculum. On the role of Plato, Plotinus and Porphyry in the formation of Augustine’s ideas on body and soul, see Jean Pépin, “Ex Platonicorum persona.” Etudes sur les lectures philosophiques de saint Augustin (Amsterdam 1977); Goulven Madec, “Augustin et Porphyre.

; Ebauche d’un bilan des recherches et des conjectures,” in DO®IH2 MAIHTOPE2. “Chercheurs de sagesse.” Hommage 4 Jean Pépin (Paris 1992), pp. 367-382; see also his, “Le néo-

platonisme dans la conversion d’Augustin. Etat d’une question centénaire (depuis Harnack et Boissier 1888),” in his Petites Etudes Augustiniennes (Paris 1994), pp. 51-69; Dominique Doucet, “Soliloques II,13,23 et les magni philosophi,” Reoue des Etudes Augustiniennes 39 (1993): 109~128.

— 51. On this dichotomy in Plotinus, cf. Peter Brown, The Body and Society. Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York 1988), pp. 178-189 passim. 52. See below, Chapter III, at notes 71-75.

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 105 caligat, nubem eripiam; tu nequa parentis iussa time neu praeceptis parere recusa: hic, ubi disiectas moles avulsaque saxis saxa vides, mixtoque undantem pulvere fumum, Neptunus muros magnoque emota tridenti fundamenta quatit totamque a sedibus urbem eruit. hic uno Scaeas saevissima portas prima tenet sociumque furens a navibus agmen ferro accincta vocat.”

Such a spectacle was not usually visible to human eyes, but as Macrobius commenting on this passage explained, what Venus did was to remove

for Aeneas the veil of bodily perceptions that normally shrouded human sight.°? Similar opinions were held by many, which was why Augustine’s dearly loved friend Nebridius thought that the soul did not need

to resort to sense perception and the body in order to imagine material things.*4

Augustine disagreed completely, for to hold such an opinion amounted

to saying that sleepers and the insane had a better grasp of reality than those who were awake and in their right mind. Indeed, so far from the body

impeding and diminishing the soul, Augustine thought that, instead, it was often the soul that imposed its disorders on the body, as when anger triggers a bodily action like breaking one’s pen because of disliking what one has just written. But the body did seem to affect the life of the soul 53. Macrobius, Commentarii in somnium Scipionis 1.4.17-19, citing Vergil, Aeneid II.604-606 (here cited as far as line 614), and Porphyry’s observations about Homer’s gate of dreams. See also Servius In Verg. Aen. II.604: NAMQUE OMNEM ordo est: omnem tibinubem eripiam quae umida circum caligat et mortales hebetat visus tuenti. dicitur enim nebula orta de terris obesse nostris obtutibus: unde aquila, qui supra nebulam est, plus videt. est etiam theologica ratio, quia ignorantes usum Venerium videre dicuntur et numina: unde nunc merito post Veneris abscessum numina vidisse dicitur Aeneas. 54. Augustine, Epistulae V1.2 Nebridius to Augustine: potest enim, quem ad modum noster animus intellectualis ad intelligibilia sua videnda a sensu admonetur potius quam aliquid accipit, ita et phantasticus animus ad imagines suas contemplandas a sensu admoneri potius quam aliquid adsumere. nam forte inde contingit, ut ea, quae sensus non videt, ille tamen aspicere possit. quod signum est in se et a se habere omnes imagines. 55. Augustine, Epistulae VII.2.3: quod tibi videtur anima etiam non usa sensibus corporis, corporalia posse imaginari, falsum esse convincitur isto modo, si anima, priusquam corpore utatur ad corpora sentienda, eadem corpora imaginari potest et melius, quod nemo sanus ambigit, affecta erat, antequam his fallacibus sensibus implicaretur, melius afficiuntur animae dormientium quam vigilantium, melius phreneticorum quam tali peste carentium. For a similar thought, see Cicero, De divinatione I1.58.120. Nebridius was not entirely satisfied with Augustine’s reply because he wanted to know how human beings could communicate with supernatural powers; see Augustine, Epistulae VIM and IX; for breaking one’s pen, see Epistulae IX.4: frustration and anger with what I write may lead me to break the pen I am writing with: but I would be wrong to blame my body, because the anger comes from my soul. Further, below, Chapter IV, at nn. 33 ff.

106 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” that was incarnate in it. In the course of a child’s maturing into adulthood,

for example, the soul appears in some way to grow with the body, and when the body is in pain, “the soul is saddened.”56 When thus Paul had written “no one hates his own flesh,” the issue was that the soul cherishes its body and attends to the body’s pain. As for sense perception, it was “an affection of the body that is not hidden from the soul,”°” which was why one learns from seeing, hearing, touching, smelling, and feeling and why the soul lives in the body in what Augustine described as a “sweet converse,” a far cry from the stranger’s house that Cicero had envisioned.*® In his later writings, Augustine reiterated and expanded many of these ideas, and they provide the groundwork for his renewed encounter with Vergil in the City of God, the writing of which occupied him intermittently for nearly fifteen years. The book was occasioned by the sack of Rome by the Visigoths in the year 410. Did this disaster indicate, as pagan Romans were asserting, that the ancient gods who had made Rome great had now, in Christian times, abandoned the city? And did it mean that Christians were not capable of cherishing ethical and political values such as could sustain the Roman Empire and society in general? The Aeneid as interpreted by many ancient readers, including Augustine, expounded these Roman values,? and episodes from the poem shaped the tenor of Augustine’s response to those “who preferred their own gods” to the founder of

the “most glorious City of God.” One of these episodes, which Augustine returned to again and again, described how Aeneas, in the company of the Sibyl of Cumae, visited the

, other world. There, in Elysium, Aeneas watched while his father, Anchises, showed him the felicity of the noble and blessed souls who had accomplished their tasks on earth, souls who were to return to a life in the body so as to become the great Romans of the future. Aeneas thus saw the proud 56. Augustine, De quantitate animae XIV.24 £.; XV.26; Enarrationes in Psalmos XLIL6 ex do-

lore corporis plerumque anima contristatur. interest tamen quid doleat, et quid contristetur. dolet enim caro, tristis est anima; similarly Enarrationes in Psalmos XLIL3. 57. Augustine, De quantitate animae XXV.48 omnis sensus passio corporis est animam non latens; further, XXIX.57 f.

58. Augustine, Epistulae CXL.6.16, with quotation of Ephesians V.29, nemo enim umquam carnem suam odio habuit; this was a favourite quote of Augustine’s: see also e.g. De cura pro mortuis gerenda VII.9; XVIII.22; De patientia VIII.6; further, Tarsicius Jan van Bavel,

““Nio one ever hated his own flesh.’ Eph. 5:29 in Augustine,” Augustiniana 45 (1995): 45-937 Peter Brown, The Body and Society, p. 405, who translates the phrase carnis et animae dulce consortium as “sweet marriage bond of body and soul.” 59. Cf. Servius In Verg. Aen. VI.752 on the history of Rome as recounted in parts of

the Aeneid: unde etiam in antiquis invenimus, opus hoc appellatum esse non Aeneidem, sed gesta populi Romani: quod ideo mutatum est, quia nomen non a parte, sed a toto debet dari. 60. De civitate dei I, Preface.

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 107 figures of Numitor and Romulus, Julius Caesar and Augustus, lunius Brutus, the Decii, Manlius Torquatus and Furius Camillus, Cato the Elder, the Gracchi, and many others, on whose austere virtues and imperious deeds Augustine passed judgment in the course of his long work. In his view, these great Romans had restrained and ruled their lesser passions only to fall victim to one of the most insidious passions of all, the desire for praise, cupiditas laudis.©!

Vergil’s Aeneas, however, was occupied with very different questions. On the edge of Elysium, he observed figures crowding along the banks of a stream; but he was unable to explain to himself what was occurring: Now Aeneas espied deep in a valley a sheltered grove, the whispering edges of a forest and the river of Lethe gliding past these tranquil haunts. In clusters and crowds people were roaming there: as when on quiet summer days bees in a meadow alight on flowers, and they crowd around the radiant white lilies, and the field sounds loudly with their humming. Uncomprehending, Aeneas was gripped by this strange spectacle and asked its meaning: what might be the river and who the people crowding on the banks. Interea videt Aeneas in valle reducta seclusum nemus et virgulta sonantia silvae, Lethaeumque domos placidas qui praenatat amnem. hunc circum innumerae gentes populique volabant: ac velut in pratis ubi apes aestate serena floribus insidunt variis et candida circum lilia funduntur, strepit omnis murumure campus. horrescit visu subito causasque requirit inscius Aeneas, quae sint ea flumina porto, quive viri tanto complerint agmine ripas.

When Anchises explained that they were souls who would drink the waters of forgetting from the quietly gliding river and would then return into bodies and to a new life on earth, Aeneas was bewildered, for he was unable to understand how these souls could desire to leave their felicity so as 61. De civitate dei IIl.16; V.18, citing Aeneid VI.820-823 on Iunius Brutus. See also De libero

arbitrio 1.18.63 amor laudis et gloriae et adfectatio dominandi, quae tametsi bestiarum non sunt, non tamen earum rerum libidine bestiis meliores nos esse arbitrandum est. On the reception of Vergil’s vision of the next world in literature and philosophy, see Pierre Courcelle, “Les péres de l’église devant les enfers virgiliennes,” Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen age 30 (1955): 5-74. 62. Aeneid V1.703—712.

108 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” to live once more among the sorrows of terrestrial life that he knew so well. Thus he asked his father: “,..can we believe that some exalted souls return from here again to assume beneath the sky a mortal body? What fearful longing for the light afflicts these souls?”

“...anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est sublimis animas iterumque ad tarda reverti corpora? quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido?”®

To this question, Anchises responded with a Stoic-Platonist discourse on the genesis of the universe, the body or mass of which was sustained by a directing mind.* Human souls were in a sense small replicas of this universe: “A fiery strength is theirs, a heavenly origin, so long as harmful bodies do not weigh on them, and mortal members, earthly limbs impair their course. From these they fear and yearn, grieve and rejoice, and blindly caught in prison and the dark, they cannot see the light.” " “igneus est ollis vigor et caelestis origo seminibus, quantum non corpora noxia tardant terrenique hebetant artus moribundaque membra. hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque, neque auras dispiciunt clausae tenebris et carcere caeco.”

At death, so Anchises continued, the souls were purged in wind, water, and fire; and having been purified from all afflicting traces of the body, they reached Elysium. From there, after long periods of time, “God calls the souls to Lethe’s stream in a great host, so that forgetful they should see again the vaulted sky and should desire once more to take a mortal body,”®

63. Aeneid V1.719-721. 64. Aeneid V1.724-727, discussed by Augustine, De civitate dei IV.11; see Eduard Norden, P. Vergilius Maro Aeneis Buch VI (Berlin 1915, Stuttgart 1957), pp. 16 ff.; 309 ff.; P. R. Hardie, Virgil’s Aeneid: Cosmos and Imperium (Oxford 1986) pp. 69-83.

65. Aeneid V1.730-734, 749-751; ancient commentators recognized a Platonist dimension in these lines; see Servius, In Verg. Aen. V1.703; Aldo Setaioli, La vicenda dell’ anima nel com-

mento di Servio a Virgilio (Frankfurt 1995), chapter 8; Jean Doignon, “Souvenirs Cicéroniens (Hortensius, Consolation) et Virgiliens dans l’exposé d’Augustin sur I’état humain d’ “ignorance et de difficulté” (Aug. lib. arb. 3,51-54),” Vigiliae Christianae 47 (1993): 131-139 provides

a case study of the complexity of Augustine’s adaptation of classical themes, including Aeneid . VI.732-740 passim; cf. above, Chapter I, note 127. For the interpretation of Aeneas’ conversation with Anchises in the context of Vergil’s own time, see Thomas N. Habinek, “Science and Tradition in Aeneid 6,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 92 (1986): 223-255. Further, below at note 108.

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 109 “has omnis... Lethaeum ad fluvium deus evocat agmine magno, scilicet immemores supera ut convexa revisant

rursus et incipiant in corpora velle reverti,” : this being the spectacle that Aeneas had observed when he entered Elysium. By way of answering his son’s question as to why souls should desire to return to a terrestrial life in the body, Anchises described a cosmic process whereby, on the one hand, souls were called by God to drink forgetfulness and, on the other hand, they desired to return to a bodily existence. This cosmic process of forgetfulness and new life lay at the root of the unfolding of Roman history, seeing that the souls returning to earth were those of Rome’s leading political figures.® The Roman senator and scholar Macrobius therefore juxtaposed this glimpse by Aeneas of Rome’s future with the dream in which, according to Cicero, Scipio Africanus the Younger had seen his grandfather, the elder Scipio Africanus, abiding in the blessedness of the celestial spheres. There, he was reaping the reward of those who “have saved, aided and increased their homeland. . . . For of things happening on earth, nothing is more welcome to that supreme god who rules the world than the meetings and gatherings of men associated by law which are known as cities. Their rulers and

protectors proceed from the abode of the blessed and return there after death.”°” For Macrobius, the younger Scipio’s vision expressed a political ideal: to wit, the pursuit of virtue in the service of Rome. In “revering parents, cherishing children, loving kinsmen, directing the welfare of citizens and protecting allies with careful forethought,” the statesman gave tangible expression to the cardinal virtues of prudence and temperance, fortitude and justice, which would in due course hasten his soul’s return to the

celestial homeland. Therefore, public life, far from being inimical to 66. On the context of the process of death and rebirth that Anchises describes, see David Quint, Epic and Empire (Princeton 1992), p. 55, on “the universal benefits of forgetting.” 67. Macrobius, Commentarii in somnium Scipionis 1.8.1, quoting Cicero, De re publica V1.13: omnibus qui patriam conservarint adiuverint auxerint, certum esse in caelo definitum

locum ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur; nihil est enim illi principi deo, qui omnem mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat, acceptius quam concilia coetusque hominum iure sociati, quae civitates appellantur. earum rectores et servatores hinc profecti huc revertuntur. Scipio Africanus the Elder is speaking in the celestial sphere; translation of last sentence adjusted for contextualization. 68. Macrobius, Commentarii in somnium Scipionis.1.8.6-8, on the exercise of the four cardinal virtues in a political context; (note 1.8.13 definition of cities which are societies iure sociati, whereas gatherings of gladiators are also societies, but not iure sociati; that a respublica is defined by its members’ being iure sociati is fundamental to Cicero’s definition of a commonwealth, discussed by Augustine, De civitate dei I].23 and XIX.23.

110 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” moral integrity, as some earlier philosophers had suggested, provided occasions for overcoming the four perturbations of the soul that had occupied Cicero and that were listed in Vergil’s line “they fear and yearn, grieve and rejoice” by matching them with their corresponding political virtues. This human and ethical process that was played out in political society formed one part, as Macrobius understood matters, of the cosmic process whereby the soul acquired a body in the course of descending from

the empyrean through the constellations and planetary spheres down to earth. Embodiment or, in Macrobius’ words, the “wrapping”” of souls in the different material substances that pertained to each sphere led them to forget their origin, and this in turn, as the grammarian Servius also noted in his commentary on Vergil, brought on the perturbations and soul sicknesses that were to be remedied in terrestrial life by the practice of virtue.”! Macrobius thus agreed with those earlier philosophers who had described the body as an impediment, tomb, or prison,”” because the soul's real home 69. Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis 1.8.11 quoting Aeneid VI.733, metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque; see also Servius, In Verg. Aen. V1.733 where the passions listed in this line are identified as the four perturbations discussed by philosophers, Varro being the specific example that Servius gives. On the ethical value of the political virtues, see also Plotinus, Enneads I.2 referred to by Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis 1.8.5, where the political virtues are defined as the first level of virtue, to be followed by purification, the virtues of the soul already purified, and the virtutes exemplares; further, In somnium Scipionis 1.8.8 ff. In the passage from Enneads that Macrobius had in mind, Plotinus viewed political virtue as being be-

low virtue such as leads to conformity with the One, and Augustine, Contra Academicos IlI.17.37 reporting the views of Plato, judged similarly: quidquid tamen ageretur in hoc mundo per eas virtutes quas civiles vocabat, aliarum verarum virtutum similes, quae nisi paucis sapientibus ignotae essent, non posse nisi veri simile nominari. This was precisely the kind of opinion that Macrobius, by placing the political virtues into a continuous sequence of

virtues, was endeavouring to contradict.

70. Obvolutio, Macrobius, In somnium Sciptonis 1.11.12. 71. Servius, In Verg. Aen. V1.714: docent autem philosophi, anima descendens quid per singulos circulos perdat: unde etiam mathematici fingunt, quod singulorum numinum potes-

tatibus corpus et anima nostra conexa sunt ea ratione, quia cum descendunt animae trahunt secum torporem Saturni, Martis iracundiam, libidinem Veneris, Mercurii lucri cupiditatem, Jovis regni desiderium: quae res faciunt perturbationem animabus, ne possint uti vigore suo et viribus propriis (further on this process, In Verg. Aen. X1.51, cited below, note 147). Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis 1.11.10-12,16 describes the process in much greater detail and also in more positive terms, note I.12.14: in Saturni (sphaera) ratiocinationem et intelligentiam, . . . in Iovis vim agendi,...in Martis animositatis ardorem, .. .in solis sentiendi opinandique naturam . . . In accord with this more positive view of the descent of the soul, Macrobius also described soul and body as being joined together in a “society,” In somnium Scipionis I1.12.9, about Plotinus: nec hoc neglectum ... relinquit, quo animae beneficio, quave via societatis animetur; further on this chapter, Hermann De Ley, Macrobius and Numenius. A Study of Macrobius, In Somn. I,c.12 (Collection Latomus vol. 125, Brussels 1972); Mario Regali, Commento al Somnium Scipionis Libro I. Introduzione, testo, traduzione e commento (Pisa 1983).

72. Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis 1.10.9-10; also I1.17.12, the body as an “alien burden” for the soul; [1.17.14 soul lives in body as a sojourner (peregrina); Vergil, Aeneid V1.734 with Servius ad loc.

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 111 was not this earth, but the cosmos at large and ultimately the empyrean where Scipio had seen his grandfather. Alongside this doctrine, however, Macrobius endeavored to assert the supreme value of life in the city. From the empyrean, the ruling and eternal part of the universe, which directed the changing, terrestrial part, the souls of virtuous statesmen would continue to supervise the affairs here below.” The problem that Macrobius did not raise, and that Servius in commenting on Vergil discussed without much ado in terms of received opinions,” was the problem that primarily interested Augustine. This was why the souls should, as Vergil’s Aeneas had asked, experience the “fearful longing” that made them “desire once more to take a mortal body.” Augustine returned to this issue repeatedly in the later books of the City of God, having earlier, sometime in or before 410, preached two Easter ser-

mons comparing pagan and Christian notions of the life after death. 73. Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis 1.9.9 with 1.11.5. Alan Cameron, “Pagan Ivories,” in F. Paschoud, G. Fry, and Y. Rutsche, eds., Colloque Genevois sur Symmaque 4 l'occasion du mille six centiéme anniversaire du conflit de l’autel de la Victoire (Paris 1986), pp. 41-72, at pp. 45-51 ar-

gues that the consecratio ivory in the British Museum depicts the apotheosis of a private citizen, not an emperor, specifically Quintus Aurelius Symmachus. As Cameron points out, this interpretation matches Macrobius’ view of the afterlife of the statesman admirably. David Wright tells me that he is inclined to identify the individual as Antoninus Pius; this suggestion can be supported by the fact that Antoninus received a very good press in the late fourth century; see Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus XV.1-6; cf. comments ad loc. by Pierre Dufraigne, in his edition, translation and commentary on Aurelius Victor, Livre des Césars (Paris 1975). Also, David Wright, “The Persistence of Pagan Art Patronage in Fifth-Century Rome,” forthcoming in Festschrift Cyril Mango (Stuttgart). 74. See Servius In Verg. Aen. V1.719, showing no real interest in what Aeneas has asked: AD CAELUM HINC IRE PUTANDUM EST miscet philosophiae figmenta poetica et ostendit tam quod est vulgare quam quod continet veritas et ratio naturalis. nam secundum poetas hoc dicit: credendum est animas ab inferis reverti posse ad corpora? ut ‘caelum’ superos intellegamus, id est nostram vitam. secundum philosophos vero hoc dicit: credendum est animas corporis contagione pollutas ad caelum reverti? On line 721, Servius says: QUAE LUCIS MISERIS TAM DIRA CUPIDO ut id desiderent, propter quod se sciunt poenas dedisse, scilicet vitam. See further In Verg. Aen. V1.703, where Servius paraphrases Anchises’ answer to his son’s question as explaining straightforwardly that souls must return to earth, that they can, and that they desire it, again without engagement in the dilemma that Aeneas poses. D. C. Feeney, “History and revelation in Vergil’s underworld,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 32 (1986), 1-24, at p. 3, commenting on Servius’ interpretation of line 719, states: “That ...is the pertinent philosophical question at this point.” I seek to explain how Vergil’s sense can be understood in the opposite direction. _ 7%. Augustine, Sermones CCXL and CCXLI. For the date, see Pierre-Patrick Verbraken, Etudes critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin (Steenbrugge 1976), pp. 115 f.; for

the content of the two sermons, and of related passages in the City of God, see Jean Pépin, Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne. (Ambroise Esam. 1,1-4) (Paris 1964), 426-442; 523-525;

also, Eugene TeSelle, “Porphyry and Augustine,” Augustinian Studies 5 (1974): 113-147, especially 139 ff.; and Laura Simonini, ed., Porfirio, L’antro delle Ninfe (Milan 1986), chapters 12 and

25 with editor’s commentary. |

112 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” Aeneas, so it seemed to Augustine, who here captured the full emotive weight and poignancy of the conversation between father and son in the Elysian fields, seemed to understand far better than Anchises could explain the dilemma of supposing that souls returned from eternal felicity to a mortal life. Interpreting Vergil’s text, as he so often did, in a literal sense, Augustine proceeded to highlight its inconsistencies: how could it be that a “fearful longing,” a passion to be in the body, would beset blessed and

wise souls that had been freed from the body? Viewed in another light, | how could the souls enjoy their blessedness in Elysium if they knew that misery on earth would befall them once more? Or perhaps the souls were ignorant of their future return to bodies and to terrestrial suffering; but in that case, their blessedness was purely imaginary, based as it was on a mistaken understanding of their future. “In their error they are blessed,” Augustine concluded ironically before dissecting the philosopher Porphyry’s dictum that “all bodies must be eschewed.” Given that philosophers had conceptualized the universe as a body with Jupiter as its soul, Augustine pointed to the horns of a dilemma: “You who say, ‘all bodies must be eschewed’: try and kill the world! And you who say that I must flee from my flesh, first let your Jupiter flee from heaven and earth!”” In the City of God, Augustine returned to these arguments at greater

length, addressing them with the full armory of his well-stocked and razor-sharp mind. Against the Manichees, he had proved earlier that each person’s own individual will, and the original sin of Adam and Eve, must

be held accountable for the good and evil that befalls in the world; and against philosophers, including Plato, Cicero, Plotinus, and Porphyry, he had proved that soul and body were, in effect, a unit, so that it made little

sense to speculate about the astral destiny of disincarnate souls. What clinched these ideas for Augustine was his experience and subsequent re-

flection about sexuality. Chastity, he wrote in 391 and repeated subsequently, was a virtue of a person’s soul that could not be compromised by actions external to that soul, such as rape.”” The Romans liked to praise the virtue of Lucretia, who had killed herself after being raped by the son of Tarquin the Proud: was that perhaps, Augustine asked mercilessly in the 76. Augustine, Sermo CCXLI.4-8, at 7: tu qui dicis, corpus omne est fugiendum, occide mundum. tu dicis ut fugiam de carne mea: fugiat Iupiter tuus de coelo et terra. 77. Augustine, De libero arbitrio 1.12.38; see also De continentia I.1, I1.5, VIII.19. In De bono

coniugali 5, written in 401 AD, Augustine described his own situation before his conversion, without, however, mentioning himself. If a man and woman, both unmarried, live together until a suitable marriage is arranged for the man, the relationship is adulterous, although Augustine was reluctant to call the woman an adulltress if she did not marry again after her first partner left her; on the other hand, non peccare tamen quis dixerit, cum eam viro, cuius uxor non est, misceri sciat? Throughout the treatise, Augustine insisted on intentions as determining the nature and quality of physical actions.

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 113 opening book of the City of God, because, “although the young man rushed

in upon her violently, she nonetheless, enticed by her own desire, consented and therefore, punishing herself, was so afflicted that she believed the deed could be expiated only by death?’ In such a case, Lucretia could not be counted among those innocent suicides like Queen Dido, of whom Vergil had written that they brought death upon themselves, though innocent, by their own hand, and hating the light cast forth their souls. qui sibi letum insontes peperere manu lucemque perosi proicere animas.”

However the story was interpreted, Augustine concluded, it demonstrated that the state of a person’s mind and conscience involving acts of the will, not the state of the body, was decisive in the ultimate assignment of guilt

or innocence. The heroic courage of Lucretia and the tragic resolve of Queen Dido were accordingly found wanting when compared to the holy patience of Christian women who had suffered rape during the sack of Rome and did not commit suicide: “they possess within themselves the glory of chastity, the testimony of their conscience.”®°

iil Some years later, continuing his work on the City of God,8! Augustine returned in greater detail to the relationship between body and soul as expounded in Vergil’s description of Aeneas’ experiences in Elysium in or-

der to highlight what he considered to be a further set of salient contradictions in ancient thought.

It was not only that the idea that souls “fear and desire, grieve and re- | joice” merely because they are in a body was demonstrably wrong. It was also that, in the course of thinking about God, the body, the soul, sin, and sexuality, Augustine had arrived at a way of defining human nature that was, in the last resort, incompatible with earlier definitions. Writing in the early fifth century, the grammarian Servius, commenting on what Aeneas had seen and heard in Elysium, recorded a widely held opinion according 78. De civitate dei 1.19. 79, Aeneid V1.434-436, quoted in De civitate dei I.19.

80. On Lucretia, De civitate dei 1.19 line 76: sociam quippe facti se credi erubuit, si quod

alius in ea fecerat turpiter, ferret ipsa patienter. On Christian women ibid. line 82: habent quippe intus gloriam castitatis, testimonium conscientiae. 81. On the chronology, see S.M. Zarb, “Chronologia operum” at 501-502.

114 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” to which individuality resided in the body, the point being that immortal human souls shared a common origin, which was God, and were therefore essentially the same. The reason that all human beings did not feel and perceive in the same way was that dissimilitude, that is, diverse personal characteristics, such as vivaciousness or slowness, was derived not from the soul, but from the body and the body’s climactic and geographical environment. The “fiery,” divine soul contained in a body, Servius wrote, was thus like a lion caught in a cave: the lion did not lose its power, even though ithad no scope for exercising it. That was why Vergil had said that the soul was caught in the body as “in a blind prison,” this being a view with which Augustine disagreed ever more profoundly.

In discussion with Count Marcellinus, to whom he dedicated the first two books of the City of God, in correspondence with Jerome,® and in responding to inquiries by Orosius and others, Augustine had repeated occasion to think further about the nature of the soul. The issues that now required reflection, however, differed substantially from the ones that had occupied Augustine in earlier years. In controversy against Pelagius and his followers, Augustine endeavored to show, in the years after 411, that all human beings, even newborn infants, bore the stain of Adam’s sin and there-

fore stood in need of the grace of baptism and that eternal felicity was attained not by human virtue, as the ancient philosophers had taught, but only by the grace and gift of God.*4 Simultaneously, Augustine was informed, first by Jerome, and later, in the year 414, by the Spanish priest Orosius, about the teachings of Origen of Alexandria, who had sought to account for the evils

of this world by postulating that, during earlier existences, souls had accumulated faults and sins from which they were being purified in the present and subsequent lives in order to return at last to eternal blessedness.® 82. Servius In Verg. Aen. V1.724, p. 101; but note that Servius was not always consistent in his commentary. Thus on Aeneid VI.733 (mentioning the four perturbations) he noted that the four perturbations nascuntur ex ipsa coniunctione, nam neque animi sunt, neque corporis propria: pereunt enim facta segregatione. See Aldo Setaioli, La vicenda dell’ anima, pp. 18 ff., referring, inter alia, to Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis I1.12.8 ff.; Pierre Hadot, Marius Victorinus. Recherches sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris 1971), p. 229.

83. About the content and chronology of the correspondence between Jerome and Augustine, see Ralph Hennings, Der Briefwechsel zwischen Augustinus und Hieronymus und thr Streit um den Kanon des Alten Testamentes und die Auslegung von Gal. 2,11-14 (Leiden 1994), which includes discussion about the new Epistula 19* by Augustine to Jerome; for Augustine’s friendship and correspondence with Count Marcellinus, see Madeleine Moreau, Le dossier Marcellinus dans la Correspondance de saint Augustin (Paris 1973). 84. Paula Fredriksen, “Beyond the body/soul dichotomy. Augustine on Paul against the Manichees and the Pelagians,” Recherches Augustiniennes 23 (1988), 87-114 differentiates issues bearing on the topic that occupied Augustine before 394/8 and thereafter, and discusses the ideas he held especially during the latter period. 85. Berthold Altaner, Augustinus und Origenes, in his Kleine patristische Schriften (Berlin 1967), pp. 224-252; Elizabeth Clark, The Origenist Controversy. The Cultural Construction of an

“The Tears Run Down in Vain” 115 Amid much uncertainty about the origin of human souls, Augustine arrived at one firmly held conclusion: souls were created out of nothing and were therefore not part of the divine substance, as Origen and others had thought.% That individuality, the dissimilitude between each human being and all others, could be conceptualized much better by reference to the soul than to the body was clear to Augustine for several further reasons, among them that twins born of the same parents in the same place, whose bodies thus shared both genetic and environmental characteristics, nonetheless displayed distinct personalities and inclinations.®” Beyond reflecting on these ancient questions, however, Augustine gradually arrived

at a formulation of his own position that was quite new because he thought of the human body and soul not as being thrown together in some cosmic fusion or accident, but as forming a nature that God had deliberately created in its own right, distinct from all other natures.®® The issue

Early Christian Debate (Princeton 1992), pp. 227-243 is an admirably clear and nuanced description of the interrelations between Pelagian and Origenist problems in some of Augustine’s later writings; see further, A.-M. la Bonnadiére, “Jerome informateur d’Augustin au sujet d’Origéne,” Revue des Etudes Augustininnes 22 (1974): 42-52, taking a minimalist view of Augustine’s familiarity with Origen’s writings and ideas; for an interpretation in the opposite direction, see Giulia Sfameni Gasparro, “Agostino fronte alla ‘eterodossia’ di Origene: un aspetto della questione origeniana in occidente,” Augustiniana 40, Mélanges T. J. van Bavel (Louvain 1990), pp. 219-243.

86. Augustine, Epistulae CLXVI.3. (This letter, addressed to Jerome, is the same as Jerome, Epistulae CXXXI.) What is new about this conclusion is that the soul was created from

nothing, for, as he states in this letter, Augustine had already established against the Manichees that God was not the author of evil (above at notes 41~43). Augustine never resolved to his satisfaction the question whether souls all derived from Adam, or were created for each individual conception and birth, see Clark, Origenist Controversy, p. 243. In De libero arbitrio 1.81, 3.193 f., Augustine is still willing to consider the possibility of the pre-existence and the earlier incarnations of the soul. 87. See Confessions VII.6.9-10, with O’Donnell, Augustine's confessions on this passage, about babies born at the same time, and about twins, especially Jacob and Esau; further, De civitate dei V.4 Jacob and Esau; XV.7 Cain and Abel.

88. For a discussion of natura, see Cicero, Tusc. I.17.40—41: natura here describes the inherent qualities of the elements and of the soul; see also: 1.29.70 natura of animus; similarly, Augustine describes a human natura that was created good but was vitiated by sin brought on by free will, De libero arbitrio II1.26.94: quod autem ipsae non desunt animae quas vel peccantes sequitur miseria vel recte facientes beatitudo, semper naturis omnibus universitas plena et perfecta est. non enim peccatum et supplicium peccati naturae sunt quaedam, sed adfectationes naturarum, illa voluntaria, ista poenalis; also III.35.126: omnis natura quae minus bona fieri potest bona est, et omnis natura dum corrumpitur minus bona fit; De Genesi ad litteram I1l.23 potestas et facultas ipsa data naturae humanae sumendi ad escam pabulum agri et fructus ligni; cf. IIl.24 end, deus naturarum optimus conditor; IV.18, p. 117: et ideo dum ipse manet in se, quidquid ex illo est retorquet ad se, ut omnis creatura in se habeat naturae suae terminum, quo non sit, quod ipse est, in illo autem quietis locum, quo servet, quod ipsa est. In De civitate dei XII.1 ff., the nature and will of different creatures are discussed at length.

116 “The Tears Run Down in Vain” therefore was not merely that body and soul influenced each other, but that one was inconceivable without the other. Hence, the perturbations of the soul were much more intelligible when understood as acts of the will that conditioned the body than they were, in the way that Vergil had written, as products of “earthly limbs and mortal members.”®? The decisive argument here was provided by Vergil’s own statement that even in Elysium, blessed souls experienced a “fearful longing” to return to a body, for if a soul experienced a longing while not in the body, “so that it desires and fears, rejoices and is sick, then truly it is perturbed by these move-

ments within itself.” But this did not mean that the body was merely an “adornment or support applied to the soul from outside, but rather, it is part of the very nature of human beings.”®! Thus when a person prayed, bodily gestures customarily gave visible expression to the attention of mind

and heart; these gestures were not needed to convince God, but because “the affect of the heart, which prompts the gestures, will grow once

they have been performed.”*? Indeed, even the Stoics, Augustine observed, had realized that body and soul formed a certain coherent composite. Though it behooved the Stoic wise man to be in control of his emotions, it was impossible not to be caught unawares by sudden terror, sorrow, or desire, and these “fantasies” impacted on the body, which thus, so far from being a prison, gave expression to the soul’s movements.

So it was that Aeneas had wept while he was being “tossed this way and that way by the voices” of Dido and her sister complaining of his departure, “and he felt in his breast a ravaging pain.” Nevertheless, Vergil wrote, his mind remained unmoved; the tears run down in vain.

mens immota manet, lacrimae volvuntur inanes.” 89. De civitate dei XIV.5, quoting Aeneid VI.732. 90. Augustine, De civitate dei XIV.5 end: Unde etiam illis fatentibus (that is, pagan writers) non ex carne tantum afficitur anima, ut cupiat metuat, laetetur aegrescat, verum etiam ex se ipsa his potest motibus agitari. Note that Augustine here uses the term aegrescat, derived from Cicero’s Tusculan Disputations (cf. above notes 33 ff.). 91. De cura pro mortuis gerenda Iil.5 (written in c. 422 to Paulinus of Nola): haec enim (cor-

pora) non ad ornamentum vel adiutorium, quod adhibetur extrinsecus, sed ad ipsam naturam hominis pertinent. 92. De cura pro mortuis gerenda V.7, ac per hoc (gestures) cordis affectus, qui ut fierent ista | praecessit, quia facta sunt crescit. 93. Aeneid IV.449, quoted in De civitate dei IX.4. See also Aeneid XII.400 on Aeneas lacrimis immobilis, where Servius comments, non suis, sed illorum, thereby showing that it was conceivable that Aeneas should weep. Tiberius Claudius Donatus ad loc. highlights the hero’s constantia.

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