The Routledge Handbook of Exclusion, Inequality and Stigma in India 9780367272388, 9780429295706

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THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF EXCLUSION, INEQUALITY AND STIGMA IN INDIA

This handbook critically examines the three concepts of exclusion, inequality and stigma and their interrelationship in the Indian context. Divided into five parts, the volume deals with the issues of exclusion, inequality, gender discrimination, health and disability, and assault and violence. It discusses important topical themes such as caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets, impact of poverty and unemployment, discrimination in education and literacy, income inequality and financial inclusion, social security of street vendors, women social entrepreneurs, rural–urban digital divide, workplace inequality, women trafficking, acid attacks, inter-­caste marriages, honour killings, health care and sanitation, discrimination faced by those with disabilities, and regional disparities in India. The book traces rising socio-­economic inequality and discrimination along with the severe lack of access to resources and opportunities, redressal instruments, legal provisions and implementation challenges, while also looking at deep-­rooted causes responsible for their persistence in society. With emphasis on affirmative action, systemic mechanisms, and the role of state and citizens in bridging gaps, the volume presents several policies and strategies for development. It combines wide-­ranging empirical case studies backed by relevant theoretical frameworks to map out a new agenda for research on socio-­economic inequality in India with important implications for public policy. Comprehensive and first of its kind, this handbook will serve as a key reference to scholars, researchers and teachers of exclusion and discrimination studies, social justice, political economy, sociology, anthropology, economics, political science, development studies, education and public administration. It will also be useful to policymakers, bureaucrats, civil society activists, non-­governmental organisations and social entrepreneurs in the development sector, in addition to those interested in third world studies, developing economies and the global south. NMP Verma is Professor, Head and Dean at the Department of Economics, School of Economics & Commerce and former Vice Chancellor, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. He is founder President of the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development Studies, as well as Conference President (2019), Uttar Pradesh-­Uttarakhand Economic Association. Alpana Srivastava is Professor, Area Head (Statistics, Economics  & Operations) and PhD Programme Director, Amity Business School, Amity University, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, India. She is Vice-­President of the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development Studies.

THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF EXCLUSION, INEQUALITY AND STIGMA IN INDIA

Edited by NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 selection and editorial matter, NMP Verma; individual chapters, the contributors The right of NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-­in-­Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-­0-­367-­27238-­8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-­0-­429-­29570-­6 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Dedicated to All the Life Members of the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development Studies (ASEDS)

CONTENTS

List of figures xi List of tables xiii Notes on contributors xvii Prefacexxii List of abbreviations xxv Introduction NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

1

PART I

Exclusion17   1 Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up with others? An analysis of literacy rates IC Awasthi and HK Varshney

19

  2 Degree of financial inclusion: a comparative study among the Asian countries Sudip Mukherjee, Anirban Sarkar and NMP Verma

34

  3 Impact of poverty and exclusion: an empirical analysis Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta   4 Discrimination and exclusion in education: a study of the children of manual scavenger communities of Rajasthan Nida Khan

vii

40

54

Contents

  5 Caste discrimination and inequality: a case of artisans S Victor Babu and Isha Tamta

69

  6 Caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets Chandi Charan Mehentar

75

PART II

Inequality85   7 Development and rising income inequality in India: an emerging enigma Alpana Srivastava

89

  8 Rural-­urban divide: digital inequality Tanu Tiwari and Alpana Srivastava

103

  9 Urban livelihood and social security of street vendors Daisy Bhattacharjee

116

10 Educational inequality: a case study on school enrolment and infrastructure U Sa Jen Mog and Jahar Debbarma

125

11 Disparity and disconnection in investment and unemployment among the Indian states Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava

136

12 Inter-­caste marriages and social inequality Parul Srivastava

148

13 Millennial women social entrepreneurs: a growing trend Rekha Panwar Khosla

156

14 Time allocation in television news content Vikash Singh

165

15 Socio-­economic inequalities in the agricultural and rural sectors Sarba N Mishra and Nirakar Pattanaik

176

PART III

Gender discrimination

185

16 Perception of gender equality: a comparative study of young men and women Priya

187

viii

Contents

17 A study on gender discrimination among migrant construction workers V Dhivya Keerthiga and Alka Singh

196

18 Inequality, gender and policy initiatives Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik

202

19 An appraisal of gender issues in the Indian corporate sector Mahima Sharma

214

20 Gender inequality in India: legal provisions Archana Chawla

221

21 Analysis of India’s employment scenario: working age population and female participation Arvind Kumar Singh 22 Disabled women: facing double discrimination Priyam Sinha 23 Elected women’s representatives in decentralized governance: a participation-­focused assessment Garima Mishra PART IV

229 238

248

Health hiatus

259

24 Health assessment of women Sunil Kumar Tripathi

261

25 Mathematical issues among children with visual impairment: challenges and strategies Puja

270

26 Impact of bleaching syndrome: the inexorable predicament of dark-­skinned Indian women Sarveshwar Pande

284

27 Regional disparity of sanitation facilities in India Rashmi Shukla

298

28 Beyond the human development index: a conceptual note Ravi Kant

305

ix

Contents

29 Socio-­economic inequalities and their association with health status among the Muslim community Istikhar Ali PART V

311

Violence and trafficking

317

30 Acid attacks: violence related to specific gender Pooja Jaiswal and AK Bhartiya

319

31 Women trafficking in India: a threat to gender equality Madhuri Rathour and Satendra Kumar Sharma

327

32 Violence against differently-­abled persons in India Shruti Kirti Rastogi and Geetika Nidhi

335

Index342

x

FIGURES



0.1 0.2 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4



4.5 4.6 4.7 7.1 7.2 7.3

7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 8.1 8.2 11.1 11.2 11.3

Diagram showing inequality 4 The manifestations of stigma 5 Growth of literacy among social groups by location 22 Growth of literacy among social groups in rural India by gender 22 Growth of literacy among social groups in urban India by gender 22 Disparity in literacy among social groups by location 22 Disparity in literacy among social groups in rural India by gender 23 Disparity in literacy by location in urban India by gender 23 Crime rate against Dalits per lakh SC population 55 Literacy rate gender-­wise in India and Rajasthan, Census 2011 57 Percentage SC enrolment to total enrolment, 2013–14 58 Distribution of surveyed households and their association with manual scavenging59 Educational status of children of surveyed households 63 Education level of children of surveyed households 64 Type of schools attended by children of surveyed households 65 Causes of income inequality 90 Wealth distribution among Indians 95 National income growth in India: full population vs. bottom 50% income group, 1951–2015 96 National income growth in India: full population vs. middle 40% income group, 1951–2015 96 National income growth in India: full population vs. top 1% and top 10% income groups, 1951–2015 97 Top 1% national income share in India, 1922–2015 97 Per capita net national income 98 Nine pillars of Digital India 106 Inequality in rural and urban India 109 Investment inequality among the states 140 Unequal economic growth (in CAGR) among the states 141 Level of unemployment among the states 142 xi

Figures

11.4 Relationship among state GDP growth, investment and unemployment in India 11.5 Shifts towards a capital intensive economy 13.1 Contribution of female leadership 15.1 Dropout rates 15.2 Divorce rate among the women of different social groups in Orissa 16.1 Demographic profile of respondents 16.2 Bar chart of respondents 16.3 Frequency chart of respondents 16.4 Frequency chart of respondents 16.5 Frequency chart of respondents 16.6 Frequency chart of respondents 21.1 The proportion of India’s population in the world 21.2 Population of India under different age groups 21.3 India’s population ages 15–64 (% of total) 21.4 Number of persons employed in India 21.5 Participation of female labour force 21.6 India’s working age population and employment 23.1 Laws of subsidiary operating in the governance model 23.2 Administration of central government of India 26.1 Motivation for fair skin 26.2 Gender preference to fairness cream (%) 26.3 Brand perception on fairness cream 26.4 Awareness of fairness cream 27.1 Percentage distribution of households by no latrine at regional level 27.2 Distribution of households by use of water closet across Indian regions 27.3 Percentage distribution of households by access to toilet facilities across regions of Uttar Pradesh 30.1 Number of acid attack cases 30.2 Gender breakdown of acid attack victims 32.1 Total disabled people in various states of India as per Census 2011 32.2 Types of disabilities in Uttar Pradesh as per Census 2011 32.3 Forms of violence against differently-­abled as per Census 2011  32.4 Comparison of violence against differently-­abled and non-­differently-­abled as per Census 2011

xii

144 145 159 179 179 190 191 191 192 193 194 233 234 234 235 235 236 250 250 285 286 287 288 300 300 302 321 321 336 337 337 337

TABLES

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15

Literacy rates among social groups by location and gender, 1999–2000, 2004–05, 2009–10 and 2011–12 21 Gender disparity in literacy rates among social groups by location 23 Literacy rates by social category in rural India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 27 Literacy rates by social category in urban India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 28 Disparity in literacy rates by social category in rural India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 29 Disparity in literacy rates by social category in urban India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 30 Purpose and relation of the parameters 36 KMO and Bartlett’s test 37 Result of principal component analysis 37 Rotated component matrix 37 Calculation of weights 38 Rank and the index score of the states 38 District-­wise percentage and number of population below poverty line, 2011–201243 Percentage-­wise breakdown of workers, Census 2001 and 2011 44 District-­wise annual rainfall pattern in UP-­Bundelkhand area 45 Agricultural land and caste of the respondents 46 Source of irrigation for agricultural land 46 Reasons of crop loss 47 Whether children go to school 47 Reasons for not going to school 48 Respondent’s migration by caste 48 Reasons of migration 49 Indebtedness of respondents 49 Sources of taking debt 49 Reasons for debt 50 Participation in social functions 51 Social relations 51 xiii

Tables

4.1 6.1 6.2

Profile of school covered 62 Employed workers activities caste-­wise in rural areas, 2011–12 80 Distribution of workers according to landownership in India during 2011–1280 6.3 Average wages of current weekly activity status worker (CWAS) for casual labour in social groups, India, 2011–12 80 6.4 Decomposition result in the average wage of casual labour among social groups in 2011–12 81 6.5 Correlation matrix between averages wages of casual labour and various factors in rural areas 82 8.1 Description of Figure 8.1 106 8.2 SWOT analysis of rural area 110 8.3 SWOT analysis of urban area 111 10.1 Tribal and non-­tribal literacy rate comparison in the state 128 10.2 Year-­wise class X and XII results of TBSE examination 129 10.3 Comparison of school and colleges availability of tribal and non-­tribal areas in the state 130 10.4 Year-­wise percentage of dropout rate in Tripura 131 10.5 Stage-­wise enrolment and student retaining position of tribal and non-­tribal students during 2014–15 131 10.6 State TW department expenditure for tribal students during 2014–15 132 10.7 Tribe-­wise population in the state 133 10.8 Tribal population in the state as per census reports 133 11.1 Capital formation in different corporations during 2012–13 to 2015–16 137 11.2 GDP, investment and unemployment rate in India and various states 139 11.3 Regression result 144 11.4 Sector-­wise gross capital formation (Rs. billion) 145 11.5 Rate of unemployment, investment and GDP growth 146 15.1 Demography of Orissa 177 15.2 Distribution of operational holding among Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Caste people having no land possession 178 15.3 Growth in the proportion of households that do not cultivate land, by social group, rural India, 1993–94 to 2004–05 (in per cent) 178 15.4 Proportion of rural households that do not own any land other than homesteads (excluding cultivated part of homestead) as proportion of total households, 2003–04, by social groups (in per cent) 178 15.5 Households by the types of structure (SC) 178 15.6 Household by type of structure (ST) 178 15.7 Distribution of members in different castes participating in self-­help group 178 15.8 Maternal health inequality in Orissa 179 15.9 District-­wise agro-­climatic zones 180 15.10 Distribution of operational holdings and area: operated by size, class of landholdings in rural Orissa 181 16.1 Demographic profile of respondents 189 16.2 ANOVA table of respondents 190 16.3 Chi-­square values of selected attribute 191 16.4 Percentage table of respondents 191 16.5 Percentage table of respondents 192 xiv

Tables

16.6 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 17.7 18.1 18.2 18.3 18.4 18.5 18.6 18.7 18.8 18.9 21.1 23.1 23.2 24.1 24.2 24.3 24.4.1 24.4.2 24.5.1 24.5.2 26.1 26.2 26.3 27.1 27.2 27.3 27.4 29.1 29.2 29.3 29.4 29.5

Chi-­square values of selected attributes 193 Socio-­economic and demographic background of the migrant workers 198 Harassment of women workers at home 198 Facilities available for women workers at construction site 199 Harassment of women workers at construction sites 199 Discrimination in wages 199 Major problems for women construction workers 200 Factors that causes gender discrimination 200 Review of literature 203 Indicators comparing female to male on different parameters 206 Indicators comparing female to male on different parameters 207 Schemes and programmes of different ministries of the Government of India 208 Percentage of women person-­days out of total under MGREGS 211 Registered Workers and active workers registered under MGREGS for the financial year 2017–18 211 Women account holders for the year 2017–18 under MGREGS 211 Houses allotted in the name of women under IAY from 2006–07 to 2015–16212 Average daily wage rates for agricultural occupations in rural India during July 2017 (by sex) (in rupees) 213 Sectoral distribution of employment in India 235 Gender-­wise participations in Nagar Panchayat in Lucknow 252 Census highlights of Lucknow 253 Health indicators data of India 262 Women’s health condition in India: facts from NFHS 263 Health infrastructure facilities status in Indian states (having higher and lower Human Development Index rank and per capita income in 2015) 264 Women’s health condition in BRICS countries 265 Women’s health condition in SAARC countries 265 Expenditure on health in BRICS countries 266 Expenditure on health in SAARC countries 266 Perception of fair cream 286 Market share 287 Awareness of fairness cream 288 Percentage distribution of households by types of sanitation facilities at national level 299 Percentage distribution of households by types of latrine at regional level 300 Distribution of urban and rural households by types of latrine across states 301 Number of districts at different levels of access to sanitation facility in UP 303 Literacy rates in India (2001) 313 Children studying as a proportion of population by age groups (2004–05) 313 Salaried workers employed in government, public and large private sectors percentage (2004–05) 313 Mean per capita expenditure by place of residence and SRCs (2004–05) 314 Health problems: number of women and men age 15–49 per 100,000 who reported that they have diabetes, asthma, or goitre or any other thyroid disorders by background characteristics, India (2005–06) 315 xv

Tables

29.6 31.1 31.2 31.3

Prevalence of anemia in children: percentage of children age 6–59 months classified as having anemia, by background characteristics, India (2005–06) 315 Year-­wise reported cases of women trafficking 328 State-­wise reported under the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 (2011–15)328 Union territory-­wise total cases under the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 329

xvi

CONTRIBUTORS

Istikhar Ali is Doctoral Fellow at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. IC Awasthi is Professor at the Institute for Human Development, Delhi, India. Previously, he was Professor, Giri Institute of Development Studies, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. With a PhD from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, he works in the areas of labour, employment, livelihood issues and development evaluation. He has contributed over three dozen papers in professional journals and published two co-­authored and three edited books. He is a managing editor of IASSI Quarterly, a journal of the Indian Association of Social Science Institutions. S Victor Babu is Professor of History at the Department of History, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. He is also Head of Department and specialises in pre-­medieval Indian history, history of environment, Christianity and history of North Eastern India. AK Bhartiya is Professor at the Department of Social Work, University of Lucknow, India. He has a PhD in social work and has engaged in social work for a decade apart from academic activities. He is a member of many professional bodies, prominent among them being DACG. Daisy Bhattacharjee researches at the Department of Sociology, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India. Her research primarily focuses on labor and bodies. Archana Chawla has completed PhD in Law from Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, India, and specialises in Indian Law. Jahar Debbarma is Associate Professor at the Department of Economics, Tripura University, Tripura, India. He teaches economics of social sectors, rural development and planning, Indian economic problems, rural demography, agricultural development and livelihoods, rural institutions and good governance and microeconomics. Narendra Gupta is Assistant Professor at the Department of Sociology, Bundelkhand Degree College, India and has a PhD in Sociology. xvii

Contributors

Pawan Kumar Gupta is a doctoral scholar at the Department of Economics, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. He works on foreign investment and international economics and has a keen interest in data crunching and econometrics. Pooja Jaiswal is doing her PhD in Social Work from the Department of Social Work, University of Lucknow, India. Ravi Kant is Assistant Professor at Shri Ram College of Commerce, University of Delhi, India, and specializes in economics. V Dhivya Keerthiga is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, Avinashilingam Institute for Home Science and Higher Education for Women, Coimbatore, India. Nida Khan is Senior Research Scholar at the National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA), New Delhi, India. Rekha Panwar Khosla is Assistant Professor at Amity Business School, Amity University, Lucknow, India and has a PhD in Human Resource Management. Chandi Charan Mehentar is a senior research scholar at the Centre for the Study of Regional Development, School of Social Science, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. He is currently working on rural development. Garima Mishra is Assistant Professor at the Department of Women Studies at Mohanlal Sukhadia University, Udaipur, India. She received her PhD in Women Studies from the Institute of Women Studies, University of Lucknow. Sarba N Mishra is Professor at the Department of Agriculture Economics, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology, Orissa. He has worked on several projects in agriculture and agricultural development. U Sa Jen Mog is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, Tripura University, Tripura, India. Sudip Mukherjee is Assistant Professor at the Department of Commerce, Dinabandhu Mahavidyalaya Bongaon, Kolkatta West Bengal, India and holds a PhD. Geetika Nidhi is Assistant Professor of Education at Integral University, Lucknow, India. She specializes in higher education. Sarveshwar Pande is Assistant Professor at Amity Business School, Amity University, Lucknow, India. He works in the area of finance and obtained postgraduate and doctoral degrees in commerce from Canterbury Business School, Australia. Nirakar Pattanaik is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology, and his research area comprises rural development and inequality.

xviii

Contributors

Priya is Assistant Professor at the Institute of Management Sciences, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, India. She has a PhD from Uttar Pradesh Technical University in Human Resources Management. Puja is Special Educator, Department of Visual Impairment, Dr  Shakuntala Misra National Rehabilitation University, Lucknow, India. Shruti Kirti Rastogi is Resource Person at UIET, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India, and has an MSc in Plant Science and an MEd. She specialises in differently-­ abled education. Madhuri Rathour is Assistant Professor at the Department of Education, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, India. Halima Sadia Rizvi is Professor and Head at the Department of Economics, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India. She got her PhD in Economics with specialisation in International Economics from Goa University, Goa, India. She has more than 32 years of teaching experience in India and abroad. She is Senior Life Member of many professional bodies such as IEA, ISLE, ASEDS and BEA. Anirban Sarkar is Assistant Professor at the Department of Commerce and Management, West Bengal State University. He specialises in and has worked on Eurocurrency. Mahima Sharma is adjunct faculty (Economics) at Jaipuria Institute of Management, Lucknow, India. She completed her doctorate from Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, and has more than 15 years of experience in the field of economics. Her research papers have been published in reputed journals, and she has participated and presented papers in seminars and conferences. Satendra Kumar Sharma is a PhD Scholar at the Faculty of Law, Nehru Gram Bharati Allahabad, India. He works on Indian Law and has produced several research papers. Rashmi Shukla is a postdoctoral scholar at the Department of Economics, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. She works on environmental economics. Alka Singh is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India and works on environmental economics. Arvind Kumar Singh is Assistant Professor at the Department of Law, Amity University, Lucknow, India. He has more than 16 years of experience in economics and has published many books and research papers. Vikash Singh is Assistant Professor (Institute of Media Studies) at Shri Ramwaroop Memorial University, Lucknow, India. He earned his doctorate from the Department of Mass Communication, Mahatma Gandhi International Hindi University, Wardha, Maharashtra, and has considerable experience working with TV and print media.

xix

Contributors

Priyam Sinha is a PhD candidate at the Department of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. Her dissertation focuses on historicizing the representation of sexual culture and disability in popular Hindi cinema. Her research areas include Bollywood, female stardom, disability and queer in South Asia. Alpana Srivastava is Professor, Area Head (Statistics, Economics & Operations) and PhD Programme Director, Amity Business School, Amity University, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, India. She is Vice-­President of the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development Studies. She also edits the International Journal of Social Science and Development Policy. Previously, she has served as Economist–Water Policy Expert, State Water Resources Agency (aided by World Bank and executed by the Government of Uttar Pradesh); Agricultural Economist-­Expert, Project Activity Core Team in Uttar Pradesh Water Sector Restructuring Project (aided by World Bank); Scientist, Institute of Applied Statistics and Development Studies, Lucknow; Research Associate, Indian Agricultural Research Institute, New Delhi; Research Fellow, Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, Mumbai; and Senior Research Fellow and Visiting Faculty, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, Odisha. She has consulted with several international agencies such as Oxfam and World Bank and has published papers in reputable journals. She has also been on the editorial boards of three national and international journals. Asha Srivastava teaches economics at I.T. College, Lucknow, India. She received her doctoral degree from Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. She was also postdoctoral fellow there. Her major work is on centre–state financial relations, and she has published many research papers. Parul Srivastava is a PhD scholar at the Department of History, University of Hyderabad, India. Isha Tamta is Senior Research Fellow at the Department of History, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. Tanu Tiwari is a research scholar at Amity Business School, Amity University, Lucknow, India. She works on financial inclusion and the role of payment banks and small financial banks. She has published many articles in this area in national and international journals. Sunil Kumar Tripathi is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, University of Allahabad, India. He works on the subject of prevention of women harassment. HK Varshney is Former Deputy Director of Institute of Applied Manpower Research, New Delhi, India. Manish K Verma is Professor at the Department of Sociology, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. He postgraduated from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi and obtained his MPhil and PhD. from there as well. He has published six books on globalization and development apart from contributing to and editing more than a dozen books. NMP Verma Professor, Head and Dean at the Department of Economics, School of Economics & Commerce and former Vice Chancellor, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, India. He is founder President of the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development xx

Contributors

Studies as well as Conference President (2019), Uttar Pradesh-­Uttarakhand Economic Association. Previously, he has served at Dr Ram Manohar Lohia Avadh University, Faizabad and Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi. He has also directed several research projects and acted as consultant for the WMO project on Flood Management. He has edited many books, including the most recent Recession and Its Aftermath, published several papers in reputable journals, and has received numerous awards. He is the Editor in Chief of the International Journal of Social Science and Development Policy. He is also on the editorial boards of International Journal of Economics and Finance and International Finance and Banking. Mansi Vinaik is a research scholar at the Department of Economics, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi and works on developmental economics.

xxi

PREFACE

In today’s scenario, ‘free-­market’ is escalating inequalities of income, wealth, education and citizenship. These pose the gravest threat to future social, economic and political stability. To counter this threat, we require a much better understanding of the conceptual relationship between stigmatisation and inequalities. Stigma is one of the most frequently used but least developed concepts in social sciences. A deeper theoretical understanding of stigma is frequently absent from sociological analysis. The centrality of stigma in producing economic and social inequalities has been obscured in literature, but stigma is widely accepted to be a major factor in determining life chances. Yet research on stigma is fragmented and dispersed across academic disciplines. The stigma in India is not only confined to persons with disability or based on age, gender, etc. but has moved to acid attack victims, sexual workers, workplace harassment and others. This needs a well governed policy on the one hand and social conscientisation on the other. The surging economic growth of India has improved the living conditions of its citizens, but these improvements are not uniformly distributed among India’s diverse population. Despite being among the richest countries in the world, India has attracted negative attention in recent years as the second most unequal country in the world, after Russia. The sharp rising inequality in India will lead to slower poverty reduction, undermine the sustainability of economic growth, compound the inequalities between men and women and drive inequalities in health, education and life chances. Discrimination and exclusion in one form or other exist in all social, political and economic systems/institutions, whether it is big or small, all over the world in some or the other form. But because of cultural diversity in a large country like India, this is a real, concerning issue. This prevails from macro levels (caste, religion, racism etc.) to micro levels (family, individual etc.). Vulnerable individuals or weaker sections of society have always become an easy prey for discrimination. Within a family, vulnerable family members like children, old or widowed parents, poor relatives or unemployed youth become easy preys of discrimination. And in a society, poor, illiterate and ignorant people usually become victims of exploitation. Discrimination can be either direct or indirect. At present, discriminatory attitudes based on marital status, caste affiliation, sexual orientation, disability, religion or food preferences do not come within the law’s scope. The constitution and relevant laws do prohibit the practice of untouchability but do not address situations where a private landlord refuses to let out his house to Dalits, Muslims, homosexuals or non-­vegetarians. The law also does not cover situations where discrimination xxii

Preface

on various grounds is practiced in private sector organisations, clubs, societies, NGOs, educational institutions, hospitals and panchayats. The anti-­discrimination bill brings all these entities within its ambit, as well as many more issues to ensure the better well-­being of Indian citizens. Inequality of all types in India is largely a result of deep-­rooted social and economic structures that perpetuate privilege and limit opportunities for the marginalized. The convergence of economics of inequality and the politics of majoritarianism has made India a more divided and unequal society than it was in past. Inequality in income distribution lies at the root of rising inequalities in India. The increasing concentration of wealth in the hands of the few has resulted in large-­scale impoverishment across society. Over the last decade, real wages did not rise at the same level as the rate of growth of GDP. This implies that the larger section of the population, the wage earners, have not been able to reap the benefits of a high rate of growth. The unorganised sector (which includes mostly daily wage earners in sectors such as agriculture, construction, manufacturing, petty trade and services, etc.) is one of the largest sectors of employment in India and also the most vulnerable one. The workers in this sector remain deprived of their basic labour rights and social securities. They often work at less than the stipulated minimum wage norms. Gender-­based inequalities arise from the bias against women existing in different aspects of life. They are manifested in various spheres like access to health care, access to education, female feticide, political representation and access to land and labour market. One needs to challenge the patriarchal social norms that reinforce stereotypes about women, rendering them as unequal citizens. Analysis of social inequalities from the perspective of gender is crucial in understanding the deep impact that such social biases generate. India has the highest number of acid attacks in the world but the worst conviction rates. Acid attack is the worst of the crimes that take place not only in India but in the world. Acid attacks are treated with official apathy and societal indifference. The victims are usually women between the ages of 14 and 35  years, and the attack often occurs as revenge for rejecting a marriage proposal or sexual advances, showing the peculiar mind set of male entitlement and power, and no right for a woman to refuse. Unequal access to health care in India, reflected in poor health indicators, shows the status of public health system in India. Government spending on health care in India, for a long time, has been far below the required levels. The health care inequality arises due to imbalanced resource allocation, limited physical access to quality health services and inadequate human resources for health; high out-­of-­pocket health expenditures, health spending inflation; and behavioural factors that affect the demand for appropriate health care. Major priorities for future include: • • • • •

reforms of money lending: especially in rural areas, breaking the cycle of poverty and debt, annihilating prejudice and discrimination, based on caste system, continuing to ensure the security of tenure and improving the education and opportunities for women.

This book represents the fruits of the national seminar on Emerging Socioeconomic Inequalities in India, jointly organised by Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University and the Association of the Socio-­Economic Development Studies (ASEDS), December  4–5, 2017. After the seminar, chapters were reviewed and revised by respective authors and finally edited by the editors. This book brings out practical problems faced by society through various research papers addressing these lacunas by establishing the relationship between growing inequalities and heightened stigmatization in daily life and public discourse. In all, the book comprises 32 chapters authored by scholars, academics and professionals across the country. The chapters xxiii

Preface

cover various types of socio-­economic inequality, exclusion and stigma faced in day-­to-­day life. They also emphasize legal policies involved in curbing these along with throwing light on future research dimensions. The contributions of Prof Girish Chandra Saxena, who inaugurated the seminar, Prof S K Jain, the keynote speaker, and Prof Manoj Dixit, who made the opening remarks, along with Prof PK Sinha, are especially appreciated. Constructive comments were received at various stages of the review process from our reviewers, Dr I C Awasthi. The editors would like to thank all the 32 contributors for their sincere efforts and generating lively interplay of ideas. Last but not least, we would like to thank our research scholars: Mr Pawan Kumar Gupta, Ms Deepanjali Das, Ms Pratinidhi, Ms Kanti Devi, Mr Altaf Ahmed, and Mr Shanu for their never-­ending efforts. In the end, we are extremely grateful to the experts and the editorial team of Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group to consider publishing this book. We hope that this volume will match the global academic standards and serve as literary motivation for academic reference of postgraduate students, research scholars, top academics and policy planners of social science disciplines. It may also be used as an augmenting source of progressive research.

xxiv

ABBREVIATIONS

ATM Automated Teller Machine BARC Broadcast Audience Research Council BMI Body Mass Index CDI Consciousness Development Index CSAAAW Campaign and Struggle against Acid Attacks on Women CSO Central Statistical Organisation CSR Corporate Social Responsibility CWAS Current Weekly Activity Status Worker CWVI Children with Visual Impairment DBT Direct Benefit Transfer DF Degree of Freedom EGF Editors Guild of India FAO Food and Agriculture Organization FCI Food Corporation of India FGD Focused Group Discussion FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry FPS Fair Price Shop GDP Gross Domestic Product GeM Government e-­Marketplace GHI Global Hunger Index GoUP Government of Uttar Pradesh GST Goods and Service Tax GVA Gross Value added HH Household ICT Internet and Communication Technologies IHDS India Human Development Survey ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary Fund IT Information Technology KMO Kaiser-­Meyer-­Olkin LFPR Labour Force Participation Rate xxv

Abbreviations

LOC Line of Control MDM Mid-­Day Meal MGNREGS Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme MIB Ministry of Information and Broadcasting NABARD National Bank of Agriculture and Rural Development NACDOR National Confederation of Dalit Organisation NBA National Broadcasting Association NCR National Capital Region NDP Net Domestic Product NGO Non-­Government Organization NITI National Institute of Transforming India NNP Net National Product NOFN National Optical Fiber Network NSSO National Sample Survey Organisation NUEPA National University of Educational Planning and Administration OBC Other Backward Caste PCA Principal Component Analysis PCI Press Council of India PMGSY Pradhan Mantri Gramin Sadak Yojana PPP Purchasing Power Parity PQLI Physical Quality of Life Index PSU Public Sector Unit PWD Public Work Department RTE Right to Education SC Scheduled Caste SECC Socio-­Economic and Caste Census SHG Self Help Group Sign. Significance Level SSA Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan sSTEP Society for Social Transformation and Protection ST Scheduled Tribe TED Technology Entertainment Design TLM Teaching Learning Materials TRP Television Rating Point UD Underdeveloped U-­DISE Unified District Information on School Education UNDP United Nations Development Program UPWSRP Uttar Pradesh Water Sector Restructuring Project USOF Universal Service Obligation Fund

xxvi

INTRODUCTION NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

This handbook pivots around three core challenges of exclusion, inequality and stigma that an Indian individual or the Indian society continues to confront even in the millennial century. With India mapping its niche in the globe as an emerging economy, the agenda of inclusiveness and equality has to be given preference for comprehensive social and economic development of the nation as a whole. Towards this intent, this handbook is a dedicated repository that not only collates the problems of exclusion based on gender, caste, religion, ethnicity, colour, race and nationality but also discusses effective and practical suggestions to mitigate these issues in India. There are limitations to the economic analysis regarding inequality and inclusive approach. Hence, the contextual framework of this handbook also includes relevant literature studies on several noneconomic factors such as norms, culture and beliefs that influence the level of inclusion in the present scenario. Furthermore, this repository critically examines the structural stigma towards culture, gender, race, illness and disease and the role of various institutions, individuals and society in handling it. Exclusion: Exclusion implies a state of complete or partial denial of involvement of a group of people from political, social and economic rights, opportunities and advantages. French administrator Rene Lenoir (1974), who was the Secretary of State for Social Action during the Chirac Government, was the first to use this term. He estimated that “the excluded” comprised 10% of the French population that included the mentally and physically handicapped, suicidal people, aged invalids, abused children, drug addicts, delinquents, single parents, multi-­problem households, marginals, asocial persons and other “social misfits.” Ever since then, this terminology has led to several deliberations and discussions on the types of exclusions that people contend with. For instance, political exclusion reflects the refutation of citizens’ rights by not allowing participation or representation in political matters and by placing curbs on freedom of speech and expression. Economic exclusion shows low or stagnant real wages, job insecurity among workers and people having inadequate financial resources or assets which are insufficient to protect them during contingencies. Social exclusion includes discrimination on the basis of social variables such as caste, creed, race, gender and colour. These variables affect the involvement of people in the labour market and services. Cultural exclusion refers to the variables of cultural aspects such as values, traditions, convention and how they are being accepted. Evidently, exclusion is the vector for inequality, unemployment, poverty, illiteracy and other miseries that torment the socio-­economic growth of individuals and the nation as a whole. 1

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

Social conflicts among people of different classes and castes are also the result of exclusion. It leads towards stigmatization and marginalization. A pertinent mention in this regard is the study on exclusion done in Canada (2015). It depicts the status of exclusion in four different groups over 1996 to 2010 in Canada (white Canadian born, racial minority Canadian born, racial minority immigrant, and white immigrant), further underlining the fact that exclusion, anywhere in the world, is also the cause of low standards of living, which affects the economic development of a country. It leads to overall exploitation of people as well. It can be reduced by the greater participation of people, i.e., democratic society, awareness drive, protection from discrimination and exploitation and larger access to resources. Thus identifying exclusion as the nucleus of many ills that still decelerate a society’s evolvement, the first section of this handbook comprises six chapters that discuss in detail issues relating to exclusion. Recently, the Government of India also introduced Jan Dhan Yojna for financial inclusion.1 Inequality: In today’s scenario, the free-­market is escalating inequalities of income, health, education and citizenship, asset and wealth. These conditions pose the gravest threat to future social, economic and political stability. To set things right, we need a much better understanding of the conceptual relationship between stigmatization and inequalities. The surging economic growth of up to 7% in India has decidedly improved the living conditions of its citizens, but these improvements are not uniformly distributed among India’s diverse population. Despite being included among the moderate richest countries, India has attracted negative attention in recent years as being the second in terms of inequality, next only after Russia. This sharply rising inequality in India will lead to slower poverty alleviation and undermine the sustainability of economic growth and prosperity. The recent decline in growth rate to 5% and even less than anticipated will further aggravate the problem. Differential treatments, in one form or other and whether big or small, exist in all the social, political and economic systems all over the world. However in India, the world’s largest democracy which takes pride in its cultural diversity, inequality is probably one of the gravest issues threatening to undo the country’s multicultural ethos. Disparity prevails from the macro level (caste, religion, race, etc.) to the micro level (family or individual). The vulnerable and the weaker sections of the society become easy victims for discrimination. Within a family, vulnerable members like children, old or widowed parents, poor relatives or unemployed youth become easy targets. In a society, the poor, illiterate and ignorant people usually become victims of exploitation and are discriminated directly or indirectly (Verma 2014). Inequality of all types in India is largely a result of chronic social and economic structures that cater to the privileged and limit opportunities for the marginalized. Inequality in income distribution lies at the root of rising inequalities in India. The increasing concentration of wealth in the hands of the few has resulted in large-­scale impoverishment across the country. The unorganised sector which includes mostly the daily wage earners working in agriculture, construction, manufacturing, petty trade and MSMEs is one of the largest sectors of employment in India, but ironically, also the most vulnerable one. Workers in this sector remain deprived of their basic labour rights and social security, and often work at less than the stipulated minimum wage norms. Over the last decade, real wages did not rise at the same level as the rate of growth in GDP. This implies that the larger section of the population, the wage-­earners, have not been able to reap the benefits of a high rate of growth. At present, discriminatory attitudes based on marital status, caste-­affiliation, sexual orientation, disability, religion or food preferences do not come within the scope of law. The constitution and relevant laws do prohibit the practice of untouchability, but do not address situations when a private landlord declines to let out his house to Dalits, Muslims, homosexuals, or non-­ vegetarians. The law also does not cover situations where discrimination on various grounds is 2

Introduction

practiced in private organisations, clubs, societies, NGOs, educational institutions, hospitals and panchayats. The anti-­discrimination bill brings all these entities within its ambit, as well as many more issues to ensure the better well-­being of Indian citizens (Verma 2002a, 2007). Unequal access to health care, as reflected in poor health indicators, shows a miserable Public Health System in India. Government spending on health care in India has been for a long time far below the required level. The health care inequality arises due to imbalanced resource allocation, limited access to quality health services and inadequate human resources for health, high out-­of-­pocket health expenditures, health spending inflation, and behavioural factors which affect the demand for proper health care. Major priorities for the future include reforms of money lending, especially in rural areas, to break the cycle of poverty and debt, breakdown of the of the caste system continuing to ensure the security of tenure and improving the education and opportunities for women (Devi and Verma 2019). Gender-­based inequalities arise from the biases against women existing in different aspects of life. They are manifested in various forms such as restricted access to health care and education, female feticide, political representation and access to land and labour markets. One needs to challenge the patriarchal social norms that reinforce stereotypes about women, rendering them unequal citizens. Analysis of social inequalities from the perspective of gender is crucial in understanding the deep impacts that such social biases generate (Verma 1998, 2000). Economic growth that spreads its benefits equitably among the people is always appreciable. Growth that is distributed unequally needs to be evaluated not simply based on overall change but on the ground of equity. There are two reasons to understand skewed income and wealth distribution. First, there are sympathetic and ethical grounds for reducing inequality. There is no reason why individuals should be viewed differently in terms of their access to economic resources. People have preferences over the course of their lifetime for which only they are held responsible. They are poor because of the “lack of jobs.” In many cases, this may indeed be true, but in many cases the unequal treatment begins from the beginning. Parental wealth and parental access to resources can start two children off on an unequal footing, and for this fact there is little ethical logic. To hold descendants accountable for the backwardness of their ancestors is perhaps overstating. We run into a separate ethical dilemma. To resolve the unequal treatment of individuals from the first day of their lives, we must deprive parents of the right to bequeath their wealth to their children. Eventually, economic inequality is the primary disparity that permits one individual certain substance choices, while denying the other individual those same choices. There is no reason to throw up our hands and say that no meaningful comparisons are possible. Disparities in personal income and wealth at any point of time, in relation to the broader issues of freedom and capabilities, mean something socially inhuman. This statement is even truer when studying economic disparities within a country because some of the broader issues can be regarded (at least approximately so) as understanding everyone in the same way. It is in this spirit that we study income and wealth inequalities. Human Development Report measures inequality in terms of two indicators. The first indicator is the Gini coefficient, which measures the deviation from a perfectly equal distribution of income (or consumption) among individuals within a country. The Gini coefficient (also known as the Gini index or Gini ratio) is a measure of statistical dispersion intended to measure inequality. The coefficient varies between 0, which reflects complete equality, and 100 (or 1), which indicates complete inequality (one person possesses all the income and others have none). It was developed by the Italian statistician and sociologist, Corrado Gini, in 1912. For India, the Gini coefficient was 35.7 in 2010–11 which has gone up above 45. The study of Piketty (2015) is well known. In this respect, inequality is lower in India as compared to the other developing countries, e.g., South Africa (57.8), Brazil (53.3), Turkey (41.9), Sri Lanka 3

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

(39.8), China (38.6), as well as countries like the United States (41.5), which are otherwise ranked very high in terms of Human Development Index (HDI). The second indicator is the quintile income ratio, which is a measure of average income of the richest 20% of the population to that of the poorest 20%. The quintile income ratio for India was 5.0 in 2012–13. Countries like the UK (7.2), Mexico (10.7), Philippines (8.3), Vietnam (5.9), Russian Federation (7.3), Brazil (20.6), China (10.1) and South Africa (25.3) had higher ratios. This implies that the inequality between the top and bottom quintiles in India was lower than many countries. Line of equality

Cumulative portion of Income

100

0

G1

G2 Lorenz curve Cumulative % population

100

Figure 0.1  Diagram showing inequality

The Lorenz curve shows the percentage of total income earned by a cumulative percentage of the population. In a perfectly equal society, the “poorest” 25% of the population would earn 25% of the total income, the “poorest” 50% of the population would earn 50% of total income, and the Lorenz would follow the path of the 45-­degree line of equality. The Gini coefficient is equivalent to the size of the area between the Lorenz curve and the 45-­degree line of the equality divided by the total area under the 45-­degree line of equality. In the figure, it is depicted as area G1 divided by area (G1 + G2). The Gini coefficient can be presented as a value between 0 and 1 or as a percentage. A coefficient of 0 reflects a perfectly equal society in which all income is equally shared; in this case, the Lorenz curve would follow the line of equality. The further the Lorenz curve deviates from the line of equality, the higher the resulting value of the Gini coefficient will be. A coefficient of 1 (or 100%) represents a perfectly unequal society wherein all income is earned by one individual. Hence, to address this prevailing ground of disparities, the second section of this handbook aggregates nine chapters on the issues related to various types of inequalities faced by the Indian society.2 Stigma: Stigma is another key social issue. It is a Greek word which means “mark,” more like a cut or a burn mark on the skin to identify criminal slaves to be shunned in public. However, to phrase more aptly, stigma is ostracism or being classed as ones who are to be excluded from society due to conditions they themselves did not choose or over which they may have little control. This is best explained with the instance of “existential stigma” that one faces due to one’s sexual identity, mental retardation or even marital status. Stigma may also be described as a label that is affixed to a person for representing a set of unwanted characteristics which do not conform to the socially acceptable and culturally approved stereotypes. Once people identify and label one’s differences, others assume that is just how things are, and the person will remain 4

Introduction

stigmatized until the stigmatizing attribute is undetectable. Emile Durkheim, a French sociologist, was the first to highlight stigma as a social phenomenon in 1895. He exhorted his readers to assume that there is a society of saints where ideally no crime happens. However, if some scandal does happen in such a society, then, if this society has the power to judge and punish, it will identify these acts as immoral or deviant and will treat them as such. Thus, the stigma is manifested. According to Erving Goffman, “[S]tigma is a feature, behaviour or reputation which is in a social context discrediting in a particular way” (Goffman 1963). He also defined “stigma” as a special gap between vital social identities. Therefore, stigma comprises two components: the recognition of difference and devaluation (Arjan 2013; Frost 2011). In the present context, though, stigma and its debilitating effect can be perceived in the plight of the people with mental health conditions who have felt discriminated against in a number of areas. Often, in the labour market they are not offered roles, or they do not apply for roles (Verma 2005). In the education sector such as schools and universities, such people are labelled as different/slow and not offered opportunities similar to advanced students. Media also misrepresents those who are afflicted with mental health difficulties. Not just community or society but even families, at times, have an intolerant approach towards the family member with mental ailments. Stigmatising attitudes towards people with mental illness can unleash a series of detrimental effects wherein the afflicted person would shy away from seeking help for treating the illness and, worse, continue to live with impaired relationships.

Structural Stigma

Public Stigma

Stigma by Association

SelfStigma

Figure 0.2  The manifestations of stigma Source: Pryor and Reeder, 201

In 2011, Pryor and Reeder articulated a conceptual model that seeks to bring greater clarity on the current literature on stigma. This model depicts four dynamically interrelated manifestations of stigma. Public stigma is the main component of the Pryor and Reeder model and represents people’s social and psychological reactions to someone they perceive to have a stigmatized condition. The second type of stigma in Pryor and Reeder’s model is self-­stigma, which reflects the social and psychological impact of possessing a stigma. The third type of stigma is by association, which is analogous to Goffman (1963). Stigma entails social and psychological reactions to 5

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

people associated with a stigmatized person as well as people’s reactions to being associated with a stigmatized person. And lastly, structural stigma is the “legitimization” and perpetuation of a stigmatized status by society’s institutions and ideological system. Furthermore, after Goffman’s research, structural factors that promote and maintain stigma gained more attention and paved the way for acknowledging structural factors in the development and presentation of stigmatization (Link and Phelan 2001). Social structure empowers and privileges some people, often at the expense of others. Power differences are vital for the production of stigma (Parker and Aggleton 2003). In the last few years, our understanding of the relationship between the brain and social behaviour has increased phenomenally, and stigma has now become an important research priority. In the coming decades, we believe that the scientific study of stigma will be characterised by interdisciplinary approaches.3 Long after the publication of Goffman’s classic book, we can say that. Tracing the various manifestations of stigma that exist in the Indian context, the third section of this handbook profiles detailed studies on gender-­related issues. India records the highest number of acid attacks in the world but the worst conviction rates. An acid attack is the worst of all the crimes that take place not only in India but in the world. Acid attack victims are treated with official apathy and societal indifference. The victims are generally women between the ages of 14 and 35, and the molestation often occurs as revenge for rejecting a marriage proposal or sexual advances, showing the peculiar mindset of male entitlement and power, with no right for a woman to refuse. Foregrounded in this theoretical and empirical premise, the handbook encapsulates five sections: Exclusion, Inequality, Gender Discrimination, Health, and Violence and Trafficking, which cover the diversified issues, challenges and stigma attached to them. The six chapters in the first section dwell on Exclusion, its ramifications and possible alleviation of the crisis. The second section contains nine chapters on issues related to various types of inequalities besetting Indian society. Gender-­related issues are covered in the third section in eight chapters. The fourth section presents a discussion of health issues with six insightful chapters. The fifth section focuses on violence, assault and trafficking problems faced in Indian society. The chapters in this section throw light on the severity of the problems and suggest potential solutions. This handbook has been envisioned as a useful reckoner for social scientists, academics and research scholars who are concerned with socio-­economic inequities and who are seeking credible solutions to mitigate them.

Overview of the chapters Part I To achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2020 developing economies like India need to combat poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. In India, the problem of poverty and educated youth unemployment, especially among the marginalized and disadvantaged sections of the society, continues to be the most prevalent one. This results in “social exclusion.” Part I categorises various aspects of this malady in the Indian scenario through six chapters. Chapter  1 discusses the issues of segregation in education due to the caste system. The chapter analyses the social group inequality in terms of literacy attainment among the disadvantaged social groups in India. The study affirms that there has been perceptible improvement in educational achievements of disadvantaged sections of society. However, the authors state that the literacy rate amongst the disadvantaged, particularly female literacy, is considerably lower as compared to other social groups, more so in the rural areas. The chapter observes that gender-­based disparity is more alarming than caste-­based disparity and that all social groups are 6

Introduction

suffering from gender disparity in literacy. With respect to caste-­based inequalities, Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) suffer the most on account of literacy. The condition of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) is better as compared to that of the SCs and STs. Among the SCs and STs, the performance of SCs is better in rural areas while STs are better in urban areas. The chapter iterates that, from the policy point of view, targeted intervention is needed so as to bring the deprived into the net of inclusive growth. Chapter  2 discusses the most common problem of the developing world and highlights how the large sections of the world’s population remain unbanked even in the 21st century. The chapter cites that many households with less income lack access to bank accounts. These households face problems at the time of opening a savings bank account or availing a loan due to lack of information and illiteracy. Participation in the financial system is necessary for economic growth. The study insists that as the majority of the population is still unbanked, the concept of financial inclusion would become a formidable challenge for the world economy. Chapter 3 throws light on the macro problem of the impact of poverty and exclusion on a small region of India, Bundelkhand, Uttar Pradesh. From the sociological standpoint, the author has focused on the causes responsible for the perpetuation of poverty in this region vis-­à-­ vis employment opportunities, food and health status and eventually the interpersonal relations in the society. The article underlines that poverty in India has become a mounting tribulation in contemporary times. The study asserts that the word “poverty” conceptually symbolizes the inability of human beings to secure basic minimum needs for day-­to-­day sustenance and is reflected through a lack of income, inadequate housing and a polluted and unhygienic environment, and it eventually leads to discrimination and exclusion from mainstream society. A large chunk of population in Bundelkhand still lives below the poverty line and is unable to secure even the basic needs of food, clothing, house, education and health. On a micro level, the research empirically analyses the reason for this chronic poverty and concludes that the recurrence of drought, scanty rains, poor irrigation facilities and crop failure are the key causes for poverty. The findings of the chapter highlight that the persisting situation has adversely affected the development of the Bundelkhand region, and, as a result, the inhabitants are getting trapped into a vicious circle of poverty day after day. Chapter  4 deals with a very sensitive issue of discrimination and exclusion in the education of the children of manual Scavenger Communities. The study emphasises that from time immemorial, the community that does manual scavenging has been and continues to be marginalized. Manual scavenging is a caste-­based occupation and involves cleaning dry latrines, sewers, septic tanks etc. According to the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Rehabilitation Act 2013, manual scavenging was made punishable under law, but 180,657 households are still engaged in manual scavenging as per the Census of 2011. The study states that graded inequality is an endemic feature of caste system in India and Schedule Castes, especially the Valmiki caste whose hereditary occupation is manual scavenging, face extreme forms of discrimination and exclusion in society. They are demeaned as “outcasts” and considered as “ ‘lesser human.” The basic objectives of this research study is to understand the socio-­economic and cultural conditions that prevail among the Scavenger Communities in urban areas and to understand the patterns and forms of discrimination that are experienced by the children of the Scavenger Communities within the educational system. Along a similar line of thought, Chapter 5 clearly brings out caste discrimination and inequality in artisans’ community in Uttarakhand. The study focuses on the inequality faced by this caste in terms of land possession, employment and literacy attainment. The chapter emphasises that the welfare schemes launched by the government can reach the artisans only when the loopholes in the system are plugged. 7

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

Chapter 6 of Part I focuses on the problem of exclusion that persists in the labour market. The study observes that the labour market was traditionally regulated by a dominant group of the elite. This tradition of oligarchy continues to be passed on from one generation to the next. Thus, the new players entering the labour market have to confront the brunt of exclusion. Moreover, the chapter also throws light on the proportionate share of SC/ST employment in three broad specific sectors across the social groups in rural India. It also analyses the magnitude and trend of change in employment across the social groups. The high incidence of employment belongs to SC/ST in the unorganised sector and a share of casual workers across the landownership in India. The author also argues that low wages for the Scheduled Caste are due to a discrimination factor rather than an economic factor. So much so that the educational attainment and experience are still not determining employment opportunities as a labourer’s caste takes precedence over skill. The study reiterates that societal exclusion creates involuntary unemployment and increases the inequality in rural India.

Part II The second section contains nine chapters on issues related to various types of inequalities faced by the Indian society. The latest World Inequality Report and its findings placed India at the frontier of inequality. The biggest question haunting India is, when poverty is coming down, how is inequality increasing? The surveys done in the context of this pressing concern reveal that the growth dividends are not reaching the masses. As per official statistics, the share of the population living below the poverty line has come down drastically from 45% to 22% since 1994. But the poverty line in India is the minimum level of subsistence necessary for physical and social development of a person. It is set at $1.90 per person per day in purchasing power parity in 2011. If the poverty line is “doubled,” the number of people found between the poverty line and twice the poverty line is half the population of India in 2012. Thus, the study concludes that the country needs to craft policies and create institutions that would facilitate the elimination of inequality. This calls for increased investments in education and health care of rational quality, skill development and training for the creation of reasonably good jobs to afford a better quality of life for the masses. Chapter 7 focuses on bringing out the causes responsible for the income inequality in India in the present scenario. The main causes identified in the study are increasing competition due to globalization, liberalization and privatization, inflation, jobless growth, tax evasion, labour market problems, uneven distribution, regional and interstate disparity, the law of inheritance and rigid social institution and caste. This repercussion of growth through a mixed economy needs a comprehensive introspection from the economists and policy makers. The richest 5% own 68.6%, while the peak 10% have 76.3%. The study cites that at the other end of the pyramid, the poorer half holds a mere 4.1% of the national wealth. The sluggish growth in manufacturing and the declining growth of agriculture are posing a big obstacle for GDP growth on one hand and increasing income inequality on other hand. The mitigation factors that this study points out include more investment in education and health care, encouragements to agrarian reforms, policy moves towards a cashless economy to curb corruption, promoting skill development and Made in India programs, while bringing reforms in wage distribution and emphasizing generating employment. The author asserts that such measures can only be the catalyst for sustainable and equitable growth in the country. Chapter 8 dwells on the “Rural–Urban Divide: Digital Inequality.” Digital India is a flagship programme started by the Government of India to enhance the support structure and to deliver

8

Introduction

all government services electronically by improved online facilities (Internet infrastructure). Aiming to create the safe, secure, fast, transparent and cost-­effective delivery of services, this programme is expected to make India digitally empowered. This article emphasizes the initiatives in terms of infrastructure, education and awareness that the government needs to build in order to get the complete benefits of Digital India program. It also compares digital inequalities between the rural and urban area due to the lack of infrastructure, digital literacy, income and awareness. The study also highlights the difficulties in the successful delivery of the programme and also suggests areas where the government needs to put more effort and investments. Chapter 9 focuses on the urban livelihood and social security of street vendors. Street vending generates employment in the urban regions and contributes to the informal sector. However, the street vendors face inequalities in both the personal and the professional areas. The Government of India has introduced acts and policies like the Street Vendors Act, 2014, for controlling the inequities faced by the vendors. This chapter is an attempt to describe the socio-­ economic issues faced by the vendors in Guwahati city, Assam. The study states that the Street Vendors Act, 2014, implemented by the government, comes with several setbacks resulting in failure to garner fruitful outcomes. Due to lack of awareness among the vendors and ignorance on the part of the authorities, the street vendors continue to be in a sorry state. Therefore, sincere efforts are required for their security and better quality of life. Chapter 10 considers inequality in education to be the biggest challenge faced by India since independence. The article focuses on the educational facilities in Tripura, which are not evenly distributed in the tribal and the non-­tribal areas. The analysis in the chapter cites that, though the state’s literacy rate reflects a steady increase during the last three decades, the data indicates that the majority of tribal children are still deprived of even basic education facilities. The study also attempts to study the striking inequality in terms of area and as well as community. The author has deeply examined the inequalities in school enrolment rate, infrastructure availability and posited suggestions for the improvement of quality education among the depressed section of the society in Tripura. Chapter  11 focuses on the disparity and disconnection in investment and unemployment among the Indian states. Although India is known as an economic power, the country is still suffering from economic problems like unemployment and possess relatively low investment capacity. Unemployment is a socio-­economic problem which is the main cause of social inequality in India. The study postulates that unemployment can be reduced only by investment but that the disproportionate investment in different states has created unemployment. Chapter  12 describes the problem of caste inequality and recommends the promotion of inter-­caste marriages to overcome caste-­centric discrimination. The chapter discusses the prevalent phenomenon of contentious marriages and elopements in the rural and semi-­urban north India while concentrating on the State of Haryana. The study states that the young members are confronting the caste/kinship ideology upheld by the caste leadership of senior male members by infringing upon sexual codes and taboos. They are defying the demands of status or village exogamy by discarding the notions of “honour.” Here, the author seeks to question the vested interests of the caste panchayat s behind the front of maintaining time-­honoured customs and cultural practices. This chapter highlights the importance of derecognizing institutions like the Khap Panchayat, and it throws light on the response of the State and the police whose duty is to make the citizens of the country feel safe. Chapter 13 focuses on women entrepreneurship that has recently gained momentum and is increasing rapidly. Women today are educated, transformed and innovative members of the overall population who possess the capacity to transform economies into flourishing enterprises.

9

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

Millennial women entrepreneurs have grown in number in recent years and have started ventures targeting areas of social concerns like health, education, information, employment, entrepreneurship development, microfinance, rural development and so on. Chapter 14 is a unique chapter on television in India. In 1959, Doordarshan was started to inform, educate and entertain people. But the picture changed after 1991 when private television news and entertainment channels entered the Indian news market. The Prime Time concept was shaped and marketed to collect more revenue. Private television channels declined to adhere to the pattern of Doordarshan. The objective of this research work is to find out the shifting role of television from being that of development to becoming profit-­centric and to understand the interrelationship between television rating points (TRPs) and revenue as the main cause. This new development in media is posing challenges, and, due to the aforementioned lackadaisical attitude of news media conglomerates, it is leading to the widening of socio-­economic inequalities. Chapter  15 emphasises, by alluding to the example of Odisha, that the main problem of rural India is the socio-­economic inequality in agriculture. Income, housing, education, justice, health care and other issues have also been also been highlighted in the chapter so as to focus on the plight of the rural sector. The influx of manpower from rural to urban zones and its impact on the rural inequalities has also been elaborated upon in the chapter. The chapter analyses the distributions of public grant according to social norms, and the author concludes that inequality in rural Odisha is a complex process that needs more intervention from the government. There is a suggestion for the regular monitoring of various public schemes to increase the efficiency in the system.

Part III The next part is a compilation of eight exhaustive studies to highlight gender specific issues. Chapter 16 examines the perceptions of young men and women towards gender equality. The study insists that even in the most progressive of times like the present, the country is still battling with gender bias. Expectations from a woman to behave in a specific manner, do only specified jobs, have access only to specified education and so on are still practiced in the country. Over time, though, women have been empowered. Yet alarming gender differences remain in various socio-­economic arenas. The chapter analyses this discrimination based on various factors like culture, freedom of expression and mobility, employment opportunities and so on. Chapter  17 highlights gender-­based discrimination as a universal phenomenon. Women partake half of the world’s population and perform two-­thirds of the work. However, they earn only a third of the total income and own less than a tenth of the resources. This discrimination is due to the lack of economic power. The construction sector is the biggest employer in India. More than 31 million people work in the construction industry, second only to the agricultural sector. More than 35% of construction workers are women, and they get poor remuneration and are discriminated in terms of the payment of wages. While the male workforce in the construction industry has promotional opportunities, women have no opportunities to acquire skills and become masons or supervisors. The chapter calls for imminent redemptive actions. Chapter 18 centre-­stages gender inequality and policy initiatives. The harsh reality is that India is facing dire consequences due to gender differences. This situation is more egregious in the rural areas where the women are deprived of basic rights to sanitation, socio-­economic participation and at times even life. All this is leading to the socio-­economic exclusion of women, and rural India faces the maximum heat. The chapter intends to understand gender inequality in rural India and analyse the policies and programmes of the government in this direction. 10

Introduction

Chapter  19 draws on an important issue of working women in private sector. With the increasing corporate culture, globally and across India, the number of women employees engaged in this sector has also increased. The chapter concludes that, on the basis of its findings, there is much scope for business organisations as well as the government in the area of finding credible solutions and taking policy initiatives to ensure the fair and equitable treatment of working women in India. Chapter 20 is a comprehensive discussion on gender inequality in India with special reference to legal provisions. The study underlines that the experience of women trapped in the midst of armed conflict is multifaceted. The myriad states that women go through during any war means separation, loss of relatives, physical and economic insecurity, an increased risk of sexual violence, wounding, detention, deprivation and even death. The author states that though each woman’s feeling is subjective, the predicament faced by women in such conditions should be viewed as the plight of a homogeneous group. Hence, to map remedial action for the rehabilitation of women victimised by war, the researcher advocates for the needs and rights of women in the conflict areas. This study also focuses on the efforts of the UN and the ICRC to protect the rights of the female victims of war. Chapter 21 is a contextual study on India’s employment scenario with special reference to its working age population and female participation. The study points out that women comprise 48.5% of the population and that, with India’s demographic window of opportunity already having been opened in the immediate past, the benefits should be accruing to women. The study calls for effective policies to promote female employment by investing in sectors that afford a more flexible and enabled environment for women’s participation and involvement. Chapter  22 investigates the very sensitive issue of disabled women who face double discrimination. Patriarchy and capitalism operate in the creation of disabling social structures. It excludes women with disability on the grounds of a dual system of discrimination based on sexuality and disability. The author contends that the presence of disabled women was disregarded not just by the able-­bodied men but also by disabled men who failed to incorporate the notions of motherhood, femininity, emotional labour and code of conduct imposed on women. Education and employment of the disabled in society will be possible only when social attitudes are transformed; otherwise, laws that have been passed will only be of token value. This chapter looks at the history of movements, primarily feminist, demanding the inclusion of women with disabilities in society. Chapter 23 throws light on the challenges faced by women in terms of political participation after two decades of enactment of the Seventy-­Fourth Constitutional Amendment Act. Women’s participation has been recognized as an important measure of the status of women in society. This chapter presents success stories of the Elected Women Representatives of Lucknow which explain the impact of good governance and decentralization on decision making and effective participation of women through representation at the local level of governance. It deals with the factors associated with the performance of women representatives in local governance. The research draws attention to reforms that would improve women’s economic and social opportunities to ensure an increase in women’s participation in governance.

Part IV The fourth section revolves around health issues with six thoughtful chapters. Chapter 24 deals with the health assessment of women. The author refers to health as a state of physical, mental and social well-­being. Health is an important issue for all developing and 11

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

underdeveloped countries. For India, women’s health is a very crucial problem due to its social, cultural, sexual, religious and educational diversities. The aim of this study is to assess the health status especially of women in India. Chapter 25 is a detailed study on the mathematical issues among children with visual impairment which is a great challenge to society. Mathematics is one of the most important subjects of the school curriculum. According to the National Policy on Education 1986, mathematics is a vehicle to train a child to think, reason, analyse and articulate logically. The author states that, in the present scenario, the students are showing less interest in learning mathematics. The condition of achievement in mathematics of children with visual impairment (CWVI) is more pathetic than that of seeing children. Generally, CWVI do not opt for math as a main subject for their further education. Various factors contribute to mathematics learning: student factors, socio-­economic factors, school factors, individual factors etc. The most frequent mathematical issues of CWVI along with this are generalizing the ideas, concept, rules, theorems, translating activities and actions into mathematical language, etc. CWVI teaching–learning processes need attitude modification of teachers, parents and learners, proper usage of ICT, use of the Nemeth Braille code, effective use of teaching aids, etc. The author has tried to focus on various factors of teaching and learning mathematics and its challenges. The study posits suggestions to overcome these challenges and to minimize the inequality in performance while enabling the CWVI to enjoy and excel in mathematics. Chapter 26 considers racism to be the biggest challenge faced globally. The author tries to find out the impact of bleaching syndrome specially faced by Indian women. Colourism or skin-­colour stratification is a relentless dilemma for “coloured” people in India. Light-­skinned people are seen as highly esteemed over dark-­skinned people in all spheres of life. India’s fixation with fair skin is well documented. This chapter aims to highlight the discrimination between fair and dark skin shown in all the social and cultural groups of India. Attempts have been made to highlight how the governments and the community at large can outsmart the white-­makeover industries in saving foreign exchange, on the one hand, and the self-­esteem of those affected by the paranoia of dark skin. An extensive evidence of discrimination based on skin colour in criminal justice, business, labour market, housing, health care, media and politics is rampant worldwide. Thus, the mindset of Indians is that having lighter skin tones is seen as preferable. Chapter 27 maps regional disparities that exist in accessing sanitation facilities in India. Sanitation is a basic human need. Insufficient hygiene and deprived hygienic practices are carriers of epidemics which would affect public health while incurring huge costs. The focus of this chapter is to study the inter-­regional disparity in sanitation facilities in India, as well as in Uttar Pradesh (UP), based on the Census data. The study analyses that UP exhibits significant regional disparity in accessibility to toilets. The Western region has higher accessibility to toilet facilities than the Eastern or the Bundelkhand region of the state. This is due to the Western Uttar Pradesh being agriculturally prosperous and relatively more industrialized than other regions. Chapter 28 is a study on the conceptual issue of Human Development Index. The introduction of the Human Development Index (HDI) for first time broke the conventional criteria of judging economic development and uses income, health and education indicators to decide the level of economic development. This index is primarily based on three variables such as life expectancy, literacy level and income on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) in dollars. According to the latest HDI report of 2016, the top three countries are firstly Norway (0.949), followed by Australia (0.939) and Switzerland (0.939). These three countries have achieved high human development levels. The author poses significant questions in this context and observes that, since most of the developed countries have already achieved satisfactory levels of human 12

Introduction

development, would they stop growing further? The study concludes with extremely holistic perspectives which could be employed to measure the growth index of a country. Chapter  29 presents research on the socio-­economic inequalities and its association with health status among the Muslim community. Social inequalities refer to the unequal distribution of the resources (power, wealth and income) and opportunities (education, employment and health). The Socio-­economic inequality is prevalent across religion, class, caste and gender. This analysis reveals that health inequalities escalate according to social inequalities. Inequalities in accessing health care services have been widely studied but have not been adequately considered for the Muslim population. This study examines that inequality and access to health services, especially that of the marginalized Muslim community. Multidimensional social inequality studies among Muslims in India have not yet been done adequately.

Part-­V The fifth section focuses on violence and trafficking problems faced in Indian society today. The three chapters in this section throw light on the severity of this problem and suggest solutions. Chapter 30 profiles a very poignant reading on the heinous crime of acid attacks to which women are being victimised. Over the last decade, India has been witnessing an alarming growth in the crime of acid attacks. Acid violence is a heinous crime committed against women with an intention to disfigure or kill them. It can also be called gender-­based violence against women, but this violence against woman is a more dangerous crime. Acid attack is often referred to as a “crime of passion” fuelled by jealousy and revenge. The main reason behind acid attacks is that, in the male-­dominated society, it is not possible for men to accept refusal or rejection from women. Male ego, to a large extent, is responsible for several erroneous crimes. Moreover, in today’s patriarchal and conservative societies, overemphasis is laid on marriage of a girl. Attacks with acid rarely kill, but they cause severe physical, psychological and social scarring. Victims are often left with no legal resource or limited access to medical or psychological assistance and without the means to support themselves. This chapter deals with the horrendous effects that the acid attack has on the victim. The victim faces challenges from all sides – physical, psychological, social and financial. Chapter  31 is a factual compilation of the appalling cases of women trafficking in India. Organized crime like women trafficking in India is a threat to gender equality. Women are being trafficked for sexual exploitation. Despite the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act in India since 1956, women trafficking is unstoppable. It is shameful that, even in the 21st century, such an outrageously despicable practice prevails in our society. It is not only inhuman but also against gender equality. Efficient initiatives are required to eradicate this practice from India. The main objective of the work is to highlight the lapses in checking women trafficking in India and to suggest measures that can be taken to eradicate this crime forever. Chapter 32 of the book marks a pressing problem of violence against differently-­abled persons in India – those who suffer with deficiencies that may be cognitive, cerebral, psychological, physical and sensory. In some cases, it may be the combination of all. Differently-abled people are at higher risk of violence as compared to the non-­disabled. Disability largely affects people’s life activities, and it may be present from birth or occur during a person’s lifetime. Impairment is a loss or an abnormality of physical bodily structure or function, of logic-­psychic origin or of physiological or anatomical origin. Disability is not only a health problem. It is a complex phenomenon because it reflects the interaction between features of a person’s body and features of the society in which he or she lives. Disabilities may appear at any age. There is some sort of 13

NMP Verma and Alpana Srivastava

limitation or functional loss that prevents the performance of an activity in the length of time considered normal for a human being.

Limitations of the study There were many constraints in the selection of chapters in the book. We feel that the book has already become lengthy with five parts and 32 chapters. Therefore, we deferred to include other parts and chapters. In the exclusion section, Part I, we understand that there are many other aspects of exclusion, which could also have been picked up in the manuscript. In this section, many case studies at the micro level, including financial exclusion, are possible but were not added. In the second section on inequality, there is the scope of inclusion of several other case studies as per job segregation and educational differentiation, compensation in IT sector and so on, which we could not add. A few more chapters could have been included in Part III which deals with the gender issue. In every society, there are various angles of gender-­based study. We missed adding gender budgeting. In Part IV there is scope to add more chapters of contemporary relevance on health and emerging aging issues which are linked to both economic need and social care. In the fifth part on violence, assault and trafficking, we included three chapters; there is still enough scope to add discussions on tribal victims, rape victims, transgender issues, hospitalized victims, travel victims and so on, which we were unable to do in this instance. Owing to the limitations of the study, we could not add many more chapters. We do expect that other left out aspects may be taken up in future, and other academics and researchers may be encouraged to publish and fill these gaps. The present book may provide the motivation and direction so that they may come forward and write on these crucial aspects. The book brings together 32 thought-­provoking chapters and highlights inequality, exclusion and stigma prevailing in Indian economy and society. Every effort is required to control and contain these in order to establish a more decent human civilization.

Notes 1 After the term “exclusion” was coined in France, it became very popular in numerous countries, including India based on caste, income, education, employment and minorities. In the United States also, the term is used often based on race. 2 There are several methods to estimate inequality. Gini coefficient is one. In addition to this index, Atkinson’s index and Sen’s index are also used. 3 Stigma has many aspects in socio-­economic relationships. It could happen because of power structure, ethical erosion, continuity of a valueless society and, beyond globalization, even manifestations of other nation. It could even be due to demonstration effects.

References Arjan, E. R. et al. 2013. “Stigma: Advances in Theory and Research.” Basic and Applied Social Psychology 35 (1). Devi, K., and N. M. P. Verma. 2019. “Health Facilities of Elderly Persons: Some Preliminary Findings of from Lucknow City.” International Journal of Social Science and Development Policy 5 (1) (January–June), ISSN: 2454–5732. BBAU, Lucknow, India, 146–155. Frost, D. M. 2011. “Social Stigma and its Consequences for the Socially stigmatized”, 5 (11), John Wiley and Sons Limited, November. Goffman, Erving, 1963. Stigma, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Lenoir, R. 1974. Les exclus, un français sur dix. Paris: Le Seuil. Link, Bruce G., and Jo. C. Phelan. 2001. “Conceptualizing Stigma.” Annual Review of Sociology 27: 363–85. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.363

14

Introduction Parker, G. R., and P. Aggleton. 2003. “HIV and AIDS-­Related Stigma and Discrimination: A Conceptual Framework and Implications for Action.” Social Science & Medicine 57 (1): 13–24. doi: 10.1016/ S0277-­9536(02)0030\ Piketty, T. 2015. The Economics of Inequality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Verma, N. M. P. 1990. “Female Labour and Work Participation: Validity of the Existing Hypothesis.” Manpower Journal XXVI (4). Institute of Applied Manpower Research, New Delhi, India. Verma, N. M. P. 1998. “Determinants of Women Workers Participation: Notes on Some Interdisciplinary Controversies.” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 34 (1). Shri Ram Centre of Industrial Relations and Human Resources, New Delhi, India. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Hyderabad University, India. Verma, N. M. P.  2002a. “Educational Backwardness of SCs.” Ambedkar Journal of Development  & Social Justice, BANISS, Mhow, India. Verma, N. M. P. 2002b. “Missing Relevance of Social Security in Informal Sector under the Liberalised Era.” Indian Journal of Public Administration, XLV111 (1). New Delhi. Verma, N. M. P. 2005. “Structural Rigidities in Rural Unemployment.” Indian Journal of Applied Economics 2 (1), Luckow University, India. Verma, N. M. P. 2007. “Employment and Income Disparities among Social Group in Jagdishpur, U.P.” Manpower Journal, Vol.XLII, No.1, January-March, Institute of Applied Manpower Research, New Delhi. Verma, N. M. P. 2014. Economic Miseries among Social Groups: A Study of UP, India. New Delhi: Research India Publications.

15

PART I

Exclusion

The first section discusses issues relating to exclusion and comprises six chapters on diverse social problems faced by an individual or group. The first chapter discusses the status of literacy amongst disadvantaged social groups in India. Though it is seen that there is perceptible improvement in educational achievements of disadvantaged sections of society, the literacy rate among them is considerably lower compared to other social groups. Even today, after 70 years of independence, the regional disparity among females in rural area is abysmal. The illiterates among the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) are concentrated within a few states. More so is the gender-­based disparity within caste-­based disparity, and almost all social groups are suffering from gender disparity in literacy to date. With respect to caste-­based inequalities, it has been observed that SCs and STs suffer the most on account of low literacy. The condition of OBCs is better compared to SCs and STs. Among SCs and STs, the performance of SCs is better in rural areas, while STs are better off in urban areas. In-­depth analysis reveals the facts and figures in relation to the literacy bias in the country. Thus there is a need for targeted interventions for the socially disadvantaged groups at various levels: primary, secondary and to some extent tertiary levels for enhancing their participation in education and thereby reducing literacy gaps so that they may be brought under the inclusive growth net. On similar lines, the fourth chapter discusses the education inequality faced by Manual Scavengers. Scavenging is a caste-­based occupation and involves cleaning dry latrines, sewers, and septic tank wastes in India. According to the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Rehabilitation Act 2013, manual scavenging was made punishable under law, but 180,657 households are still engaged in manual scavenging as per Census 2011. Graded inequality is an endemic feature of the caste system in India and Schedule Castes, especially the Valmiki caste whose hereditary occupation is manual scavenging, face extreme forms of discrimination and exclusion in society and are considered “outcast” and “lesser humans.” Thus parental occupation largely impacts the child’ education along with other social exclusions. Education, a public good for the benefit of all, has transformed into a commodity in the knowledge economy. It has become a tool for the reproduction of social inequalities in society. The elementary objectives of this research work is to know the socio-­economic and cultural conditions that prevail among the Scavenger Communities in urban areas and also to find out about the patterns and forms of discrimination experienced by the children of the Scavenger Communities within the educational system. 17

Exclusion

The second chapter focuses on financial inclusion among the Asian countries and analyses in-depth the reasons for it. It is seen that the households with low income often lack access to bank accounts, and quite often families face problems in opening a savings bank account or accessing a loan. The main reason cited for lack of participation in the financial system is illiteracy and poor infrastructure. As the majority of the population is still unbanked, the concept of financial inclusion becomes a challenge for the national and global economy; hence various suggestions to overcome this hurdle are offered in the chapter. It also tries to rank the countries on the basis of the index score. The third chapter throws light on the impact of poverty and exclusion in the Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. It views the problem from the sociological angle by exploring the causes responsible for the perpetuation of poverty in the region vis-­á-­vis employment opportunities, food and health status and eventually the interpersonal relations in the society. The word “poverty,” according to the authors, conceptually symbolizes the inability of human beings to secure basic minimum needs for day-­to-­day sustenance and is reflected through lack of income, inadequate housing, polluted and unhygienic environment that may eventually lead to discrimination and exclusion from the mainstream of society. On a micro level, this research empirically examines the Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh suffering from chronic poverty due to its landscape, recurrence of drought, scanty rains, poor irrigation facilities and crop failure. The findings of the chapter focus on the continuing situation that is adversely affecting the development of the Bundelkhand region, and, as a result, the inhabitants are getting trapped into a vicious circle of poverty. The fifth chapter in this section revolves around the sensitive issue of caste discrimination faced by the artisans of Uttarakhand. Shilpakars, who are one of the marginalized communities in Uttarakhand, facing discrimination and exclusion in possessing land, education and employment. It was observed that one of the major reasons for inequality and exclusion of this community from the society mainstream was caste. Traditionally, they were not allowed to own land and most of the time provided services to the village community. After independence, the Government of India implemented affirmative measures (in terms of reservations both in education and employment) to bring the community on par with other sections of society. Thus, the chapter suggests hard government interventions and cooperation from society to plug the loopholes in the system and to see that all welfare measures reach to the target groups. Another chapter also deals with the problem of discrimination due to caste from a different perspective  – that is, exclusion in the rural labour market. Occupation is traditionally regulated by the dominant groups of some elite people who pass privilege from one generation to another; hence, the change of occupation among a community becomes a great hurdle. Their identity with the name of community and caste creates hindrances in switching occupation. As occupation was decided according to caste in India for a long time, the mobility of labour from one occupation to another in the Indian labour market is restricted by society. That is why people belonging to the lower castes continue to face problems in the formal sector or organised sector jobs. This chapter examines the proportionate share of SC/ST employment in three broad specific sectors across the social groups in rural India, along with the magnitude and trend of change in employment across the social groups. Thus Part I concentrates on exclusion in the Indian economy based on caste, occupation, income and arts.

18

1 ARE SOCIALLY DISADVANTAGED GROUPS CATCHING UP WITH OTHERS? An analysis of literacy rates IC Awasthi and HK Varshney Literature on discrimination abounds with opportunities historically denied to lower social groups which are deep-­rooted in the caste system for generations (Thorat and Newman 2007; Jodhka and Shah, 2010). The exclusionary approach continued even after independence despite the fact that there has been huge awakening in political processes and affirmative actions initiated into the policy domain. This shows ingrained prejudice and denial of social justice to marginalized social groups. This kind of exclusion leads to discrimination in the labour market that eventually results in perpetual injustice meted out to marginalized classes. The labour market discriminations are evident in accessing jobs, even with the same educational and skill sets possessed, primarily due to social intolerance and prejudice (Deshpande and Newman 2007; Jodhka and Newman 2007). This has resulted in income and endowment differences between the disadvantaged social groups and the others (Madheswaran and Attewell 2007; Haan and Dubey 2005). It is strongly argued that affirmative action and institutional mechanisms are vital to correct bias and prejudice in order to weaken the economic and social disparities (Ghosh 2006). From the policy point of view, several steps have been taken to bridge the gaps between the disadvantaged groups (namely, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) and others in the form of a special component plan and sub-­plans. Likewise, special area programmes were launched with a view to reducing regional disparities and dealing with legitimate aspirations of people in these neglected regions (Planning Commission 2011). Notably among them are Vidharbha region, KBK region (Kalahandi, Bolangir and Koraput), Border area development programme, and North Eastern Council (NEC) and Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER). In addition, special area programmes have been initiated in order to bring improvements in the livelihood and incomes of people (specially the Scheduled Tribes) living in the disadvantaged areas. One of the problems often faced in the study of socially disadvantaged groups is the lack of data exclusively for social groups, which deters analysis in terms of social and economic indicators over time and across states. It would therefore be indispensable from the policy point of view to initiate institutional mechanism to collect data on various aspects of social groups in order to aid policy. 19

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney

This chapter examines literacy rates as indicators with far-­reaching implications on the well-­being of historically disadvantaged social groups. Literacy is an important parameter to measure achievement and development in the field of education. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), in its Human Development Reports, had equated literacy rates with knowledge. The chapter provides some of the evidence from the recent data that markedly shows that there has been convergence among disadvantaged social groups over the years. Convergence is clearly discernible across states and even in backward states that have progressed faster in terms of literacy. Yet the gap in literacy rates still persists that clearly manifests the clear divergence process as well. Our enquiry has revealed this phenomenon clearly. The chapter has been structured in three sections. The first section briefly overviews some conceptual nuances on the issue of discrimination and disparities to the disadvantaged social groups. The second section deals with the developments and disparity of literacy among various social groups at all India levels. The third section presents an interstate analysis of the improvements and disparity in literacy among various social groups. The last section summarizes the main conclusions and reports policy imperatives. Though the gap in the indicators between the marginalized groups and others is the most common measure to reflecting the disparity, a mere gap or absolute difference in literacy in percentage terms can be a misleading indicator, since it would be necessarily small when literacy rates are too low (or high). The study of disparity indices avoids this problem. As a result, a number of disparity indicators have been suggested by scholars like Sopher (1974), Naik (1971), Tilak (1983) and Kundu and Rao (1986). Varshney (2002) has used different indices in his study and has observed that though the numeric value of these indices differ, the relative ranking of states remain almost identical. The disparity index by Tilak (1983) has been used in this chapter to measure the disparity between two subgroups of population as it is based on the values for the two subgroups as well as for the combined value.

Growth and disparity in literacy at the all-­India level Growth in literacy rates among various social groups by sex and location at the all-­India level during the period 1999–2000 to 2010–11 is presented in Table 1.1. The data reveals that the literacy rates have shown considerable improvement across all sections of society. The improvement was seen across both genders and in both rural and urban India (Figures 1.1, 1.2 and 1.3). The increase in rural India was higher (13.4 percentage points) as compared to urban India (5.5 percentage points). The increase was more pronounced in the case of females than males in both rural and urban areas. Despite this, the problem of illiteracy was particularly acute in rural India, especially in the case of females. Even in 2011–12 (i.e., after 65 years of independence), about 40% of women in rural areas were illiterate. From Table 1.1, it is observed that, across all social groups, STs had the lowest literacy rates in rural India, while SCs had the lowest literacy rates in urban India at both points of time, i.e., 1999–2000 and 2011–12. However, both groups made maximum progress during this period. Compared to rural India, the status of literacy in urban India was much better across all social groups and also across genders within any particular social group. Though literacy rates for males were higher at all places all the time, the improvement was more visible for females than males. The reason may be the low figures in the base period and the concentrated efforts to remove female illiteracy. Despite the improvements in literacy rates across all social groups, the gender gap is an area of concern (Figures 1.4, 1.5 and 1.6) and is reflected through gender disparity indices (Table 1.2). 20

21

12.11 10.40 7.89

Urban SC vs. Others ST vs. Others OBC vs. Others 11.56 6.11 5.44

15.65 18.2 8.0

83.10 88.00 88.60 93.50 90.00

72.10 70.10 78.00 84.20 77.30

7.97 6.87 5.20

14.62 17.3 9.0

86.20 87.20 88.70 93.40 90.30

73.50 71.40 77.90 84.90 78.00

34.99 27.39 20.19

53.23 61.3 35.9

55.70 61.20 66.40 81.00 72.30

33.60 30.10 41.10 56.70 43.40

30.89 24.10 17.98

40.44 46.6 27.9

60.7 65.8 70.4 83.9 75.1

42.60 39.50 48.90 62.90 50.20

2004–05

21.42 17.74 13.56

27.69 27.2 18.8

69.10 72.00 75.30 86.00 78.90

52.30 52.60 57.50 68.50 58.50

2009–10

20.53 17.15 11.89

27.27 28.6 19.2

70.20 72.90 77.10 86.60 79.90

54.50 53.70 59.40 71.00 60.50

2011–12

25.44 20.68 14.04

37.68 45.5 23.0

66.20 70.00 75.30 86.50 79.80

46.60 42.20 54.80 67.70 56.00

1999–2000

Person

20.22 16.79 12.25

29.23 35.3 18.2

71.50 74.30 78.00 88.00 81.60

53.80 50.10 60.50 71.60 60.90

2004–05

(i) NSS 55th round. Report No. 473: Literacy and levels of education in India, 1999–2000. (ii) NSS 61st round Report No. 516 (61/10/2): Employment and Unemployment Situation among Social Groups in India, 2004–05. (iii) NSS 66st round Report No. 543 (66/10/3): Employment and Unemployment Situation among Social Groups in India, 2009–10. (iv) NSS 68th round Report No. 563 (68/10/4): Employment and Unemployment Situation in India, 2011–12.

Sources:

21.77 27.7 11.5

Social disparity index Rural SC vs. Others 29.50 ST vs. Others 36.9 OBC vs. Others 16.2

17.80 15.38 9.13

81.30 82.80 85.00 91.90 87.50

76.00 78.10 83.50 91.40 86.50

Urban SC ST OBC others All (incl. n.r.)

64.5 60.3 71.8 80 71.2

58.80 53.80 67.80 78.80 67.80

2011–12

1999–2000

2009–10

1999–2000

2004–05

Female

Male

Literacy rates Rural SC ST OBC Others All (incl. n.r.)

Social group

Table 1.1  Literacy rates among social groups by location and gender, 1999–2000, 2004–05, 2009–10 and 2011–12

16.04 11.32 9.20

21.11 22.3 12.9

76.40 80.40 82.20 90.00 84.8

62.30 61.50 67.90 76.70 68.20

2009–10

13.72 11.25 8.21

19.88 22.2 13.4

78.50 80.60 83.20 90.20 85.3

64.30 62.70 68.80 78.10 69.40

2011–12

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up?

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney 100.00 80.00 60.00 40.00 20.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000

2011–12 Urban

Rural SC

ST

OBC

Others

Figure 1.1  Growth of literacy among social groups by location Source: Table 1.1 100.00 80.00 60.00 40.00 20.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000

Male

2011–12 Female

SC

ST

OBC

Others

Figure 1.2  Growth of literacy among social groups in rural India by gender Source: Table 1.1. 100.00 80.00 60.00 40.00 20.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000

Male

2011–12 Female

SC

ST

OBC

Others

Figure 1.3  Growth of literacy among social groups in urban India by gender Source: Table 1.1. 60.00 40.00 20.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000 Urban

Rural SC vs. non-SC

2011–12

ST vs. non-ST

Figure 1.4  Disparity in literacy among social groups by location Source: Table 1.1

22

OBC vs. non-OBC

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up? 80.00 60.00 40.00 20.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000

Male

2011–12

Female

SC vs. non-SC

ST vs. non-ST

OBC vs. non-OBC

Figure 1.5  Disparity in literacy among social groups in rural India by gender Source: Table 1.1.

40.00

30.00 20.00 10.00 0.00

1999–2000

2011–12

1999–2000

Male SC vs. non-SC

2011–12 Female

ST vs. non-ST

OBC vs. non-OBC

Figure 1.6  Disparity in literacy by location in urban India by gender Source: Table 1.1.

Table 1.2  Gender disparity index in literacy rates among social groups by location 1999–2000, 2004–05, 2009–10 and 2011–12 Social group

Gender disparity index 1999–2000

2004–05

2009–10

2011–12

Rural SC ST OBC others All (incl. n.r.)

54.08 56.16 48.72 32.64 43.57

40.71 41.52 37.85 23.88 34.48

31.78 28.46 30.19 20.47 27.57

29.55 28.23 26.89 17.80 25.22

Urban SC ST OBC others All (incl. n.r.)

30.66 24.14 22.71 12.02 17.79

28.81 22.88 18.72  9.09 15.20

18.32 19.90 16.18  8.33 13.09

20.38 17.74 13.94  7.54 12.19

Source: Same as in Table 1.1.

23

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney

Literacy among Scheduled Castes This category has made a significant improvement in urban areas where literacy rates for males increased from 76% in 1999–2000 to 86.2% in 2011–12. Literacy rates for females over the same period increased from 55.7% to 70.2%; thus achieving an overall growth of about 14.5% during the period under reference. The literacy rates in rural areas were quite low, especially for females. About 40% of rural females were still illiterate in 2011–12. These achievements compared to other population are significant, though they still lag behind them. However, the gap in literacy between SC and other populations has decreased significantly. The measure of disparity index has been reduced from 25.4 in 1999–2000 to 13.7 in 2011–12 in urban areas and from 37.7 to 19.9 over the same period in rural areas. In both rural and urban areas, the disparity has declined more sharply in the case of females. As a result of higher rate of growth in literacy among SCs, in both rural and urban areas, the social disparity index between SCs and non-­SCs has declined considerably. While in rural areas it declined by 18 percentage points, in urban areas it declined by 11 percentage points.

Literacy among Scheduled Tribes Scheduled Tribes are in a better position in urban areas. Their literacy rates increased from 70% in 1999–2000 to 80.6% in 2011–12 in urban areas, as compared to 42.2% in 1999–2000 to 62.2% in 2011–12 in the rural areas. The increase in literacy rates for females was higher in both rural and urban areas. This helped reduce gender disparity in literacy rates. The gender disparity index in rural areas has been reduced significantly by 28 percentage points. In urban areas, the gender disparity index has been reduced by 7 points. The overall growth in literacy rates among STs has reduced the gap between STs and non-­ STs. In rural areas, the social disparity index between STs and non-­STs has been reduced by 23 points, while it dropped by about 10 points in urban areas. Thus, it is clear that people from the tribal category perform better when they migrate to urban areas. However, the gender disparity is more alarming than the social disparity.

Literacy among Other Backward Classes (OBCs) “Other Backward Class” (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify castes which are socially and educationally disadvantaged. It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs). OBCs are best placed among all the socially disadvantaged groups. Their literacy rates in rural areas increased from 54.8% in 1999–2000 to 68.8% in 2011–12. Over the same period, in urban areas, these rates increased from 75.3% to 83.2%. As in the case of other social categories, the literacy rates for females is less than that for the males irrespective of the area of location, and literacy rates for both males and females in rural areas are lower than those in urban areas. The disparity index between OBC and non-­OBCs has declined by 10 percentage points in rural areas and by about 9 percentage points in urban areas. The social disparity between OBCs and non-­OBCs in rural and urban areas has declined significantly and has reached up to 13.4% and 11.3% respectively in 2011–12. The data reflects that OBCs in terms of literacy have merged with the mainstream in urban areas. 24

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up?

Gender disparity among social groups Though there is disparity between the disadvantaged communities and others, there is disparity within the communities as well. There is a wide gap between the male–female literacy among various subgroups of society in both rural and urban areas (Table 1.1). As a result of the rise in female literacy, the gender disparity index has decreased throughout all the social groups. Both in rural and urban areas, gender disparity has declined, more so in urban areas. The gender disparity index for various social groups has been presented in Table 1.2. The gender disparity index for all social groups declined from 43.6% to 25.2% in rural areas and from 17.8% to 12.2% in urban areas during 1999–2000 to 2011–12. It is interesting to note that gender disparity is much higher than the inter-­category disparity in all areas at both points in time. In rural areas, the gender disparity among SCs has dropped by 25 percentage points – from 54.1% in 1999–2000 to 29.6% in 2011–12. The gender disparity among STs was a little higher than SCs in 1999–2000 but declined by 28 percentage points and has come down to 28.2% in 2011– 12 – less than SCs. Among OBCs, which are more advanced as compared to other social groups, gender disparity declined from 48.7% to 17.8% (15 percentage points) over the same period. Like inter-­category disparity, the gender disparity is also lower in urban areas. Gender disparity was reduced among SCs from 30.7% to 20.4%, while among STs it decreased from 24.1% to 17.7%. Among OBCs, the gender disparity decreased from 22.7% to 7.5% over the period under reference. Thus, it is evident from the data that urbanization leads to reduction in disparity, be it gender or inter-­community. Having highlighted the gender disparity among social groups, further analysis is limited to disparity among social groups in different states.

Growth and disparity in literacy at the state level The literacy rates among different social categories in rural and urban areas by states in the years 1999–2000 and 2011–12 have been provided in Tables 1.3 and 1.4, respectively. For the same period, Tables  1.5 and 1.6 provide the inter-­social category disparity in literacy in different states by rural and urban areas, respectively. All the social categories have made a significant progress in literacy. At the all-­India level, aggregate literacy in rural areas was 69.4% in 2011–12. Delhi, Kerala, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Daman and Diu have achieved 90% literacy in 2011–12; Bihar and Rajasthan were the states with the lowest literacy rates. At the all-­India level, the growth in literacy was 13.4 percentage points. States with more than 15% growth were Assam, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Chandigarh and Puducherry.

Literacy among Scheduled Castes The population distribution, according to Census of India 2011, highlights that 46% of the SC population in India was concentrated in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh. These four states together accounted for about 50% of the illiterates among SCs. In urban India, both male and female literacy were the lowest in the case of SCs in 2011–12.

Rural areas The literacy among Scheduled Castes in rural areas still needs special attention. The literacy was just 62.7% in 2011–12. Unfortunately, states with higher concentrations of SCs in population have more illiteracy among them. Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Madhya 25

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney

Pradesh are examples of it. On the other hand, in the North Eastern States, literacy among SCs is greater than in other communities. Assam, Chhattisgarh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal are also states where literacy among SCs is higher than in others. In the rural areas, the literacy has increased from 46.6% in 1999–2000 to 62.7% in 2011–12, i.e., by about 16 percentage points. Major contributors to this increase were the states of Delhi, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan and Chandigarh. In Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa and Tamil Nadu, the literacy rates declined during this period. In Assam, Orissa and Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura and Puducherry, the literacy rates among SCs were higher than others’ in 1999–2000, whereas in 2011–12, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Daman & Diu, Chandigarh and Andaman and Nicobar Islands showed this trend. The efforts by educationally backward states have resulted in a decline in the interstate variation of literacy. As a result of higher rate of growth in literacy among SCs as compared to others, the disparity index between SC and non-­SC has declined from 37.7% in 1999–2000 to 22.2% in 2011–12. Major contributors for this convergence are Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Delhi.

Urban areas In the urban areas, the literacy among SCs was not far behind the others, but about one-­fifth of the population was still illiterate in 2011–12. States which have achieved literacy rates above 90% in 2011–12 were Assam, Kerala, Sikkim, Uttarakhand, A&N Islands, Lakshadweep, Puducherry and North Eastern States. During the period under review, the literacy rates increased from 66.2% in 1999–2000 to 80.6% in 2011–12, i.e., by 14.4 percentage points. Major contributors in this increase were Assam, Bihar, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, J&K and Puducherry. The literacy among SCs seems to be more uniformly distributed across different states. Literacy rates have decreased by 15 percentage points in Arunachal Pradesh during this period. As a result of a higher rate of growth in literacy among SCs, the index of disparity between SCs and non-­SCs has declined from 25.4% in 1999–2000 to 11.25% in 2011–12. This decline is more pronounced in Assam, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, J&K and Puducherry.

Literacy among Scheduled Tribes From Tables 1.3 and 1.4, it is observed that among social groups, STs have remained the most marginalized in all states. Their literacy rates were particularly low in UP, Rajasthan, TN and Bihar (all below 50%). The population distribution of India highlights that in 2011–12, 48% of the ST population was concentrated in five states (Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh and MP) but that 55% of the illiterates among STs resided in these five states. In rural Rajasthan, the literacy rates for the ST population increased by only 8 percentage points during the period 1999–2000 to 2011–12. This increase was much lower than the average for the ST population in rural India as a whole, which witnessed an increase in literacy rates of 22 percentage points. In all these states except Rajasthan, the share of ST population in the total population was negligible. In Rajasthan, however, the share of the ST population in the total population accounted for 13%.

Rural areas Scheduled Tribes are the most deprived class in rural areas. There was just 42.2% literacy in 1999–2000, which increased to 64.3% in 2011–12, thus recording an increase of 22.1 percentage points. STs are well placed in the North Eastern States. It is interesting to note that in these states, the literacy rates among STs were higher than among the others. Similarly, in 26

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up? Table 1.3  Literacy rates by social category in rural India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 States/UTs

SC

ST

OBC

Others

Total

1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Delhi Goa Gujarat Haryana Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu UP West Bengal Arunachal Pradesh Himachal Pradesh J&K Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura Uttarakhand A&N Islands Chandigarh Daman and Diu D&N Haveli Lakshadweep Puducherry All India

39.4

44.7

26.1

54.7

42.5

58.3

62.3

70.2

45.8

58.7

69.7 25.7

71.6 34.4

65.2 94.1 67.8

83.8 81.5 86.3 98.4 87.6 81.1 77.7 74.1 77.2 96.6 82.3

69 41.8

56.6 88.3 55.6

84.6 62.9 74.9 96.8 82.2 69.9 71.8 67.7 70.5 92.9 70.2

66.7 59.2

41.3 80.2 32.4

86.3 54.6 69.6 90.1 49.7 73.5 73 61.5 64.8 86 62.1

72.9 42.4

44.3 79.1 46.6

85.2 57.5 73.9 82.5 69.1 61.9 70.2 61.2 59.9 68.7 58.6

55.9 89.4 49.8

84.5 64.7 74.1 95.8 83.3 70.4 74.8 65.7 69.7 92.9 67.3

63.5 74.8 51.9 36.7 55.9 40.7 57.1 78.2

60 56.2 69.2 52.3 47.1 60.5 61.3 73.8

49.9 33.1 69.2 38.4 50.8 47.7 41.6 49.3

73.9 56.2 69.2 52.3 72.5 48 69.7 73.1

69 61.6 63.5 46.3 66.3 47.6 74.6 57.3

79.4 74.2 79.3 62.8 76.4 62.3 78.4 84.7

72.2 73.9 70.4 57.8 81.7 64.9 64.7 57.5

79.1 83.2 79.4 75.4 92.4 75.9 72.2 75.2

66.5 53.8 62.5 46.5 63.8 51.1 61.7 51.4

76.1 69.7 74.6 62.2 75.3 63.5 71.3 74.2

67.7

79.2

73.1

77.4

81.1

85.8

74.2

82.8

73.4

81.7

57.7 70

52.8 63 74.8 91.1 82.8 74.2 80.5

68.9 86.8 100 100 90.5 76.7 81.4 77.1 100 99.8 90.9

55.8 77.3 68.7 100 78.7 72.3 78.8

70.6 77.3 95.2 94.5 99.1 95.2 86 82 83 85.8 89.6

63.4 68.6 75.5 90.5 82.4 74 77.2

55.2 64.2 91.2

75.8 86.8 98.9 66.5 100 87.2 86.4 72.5 88.9 75 94.3

64.8 71.4 91.8 72.8 66.5 77.6 75.5

65.4 92.4

70.3 85.5 95.5 94.9 91.8 85.6 83.1 75.1 85.3 100 96.2

81.5 65.3 80.2

71.1 85.5 95.5 94.1 91.8 86.3 84 79.2 84.7 84.6 91.8

53.2 89

77.2 54.8

60 100 87.9 68.8

90.1

60.1 46.6

61.9 87.4 50 62.7

99 100 95.6 78.1

58.6 89.3 72.5 56

64.8 87.4 88.5 69.4

43.2 55.5 50.7

68.4 76.9

60.8 50.3 48.3

76.5 62.2 66.6

42.2

100 100 87.3 64.3

88.6 58.8 55.8 58.1

Source: Same as in Table 1.1.

27

86.2 82.1 75 67.7

83.5 65.9 88.8

67.7

84.8 81 62 61.2

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney Table 1.4  Literacy rates by social category in urban India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 States/UTs

SC

ST

OBC

Others

Total

1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 1999–00 2011–12 Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Delhi Goa Gujarat Haryana Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pr. Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu UP West Bengal Arunachal Pr. Himachal Pr. J&K Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura Uttarakhand A&N Islands Chandigarh Daman and Diu D&N Haveli Lakshadweep Puducherry All India

67.3

73.9

57.5

74.7

69.2 47.5

85.3 69.7

67.1 79.7

97.8 75.4 78.1 87.3 85.3 79.5 68.6 83.3 68.7 96.4 73.2 83.6 67.2 88.6 64.5 82.3 81.9 81.8 73.9 89.7 87.9 94.1 98.9 98.8 97.8 91.4 91.7 94.3 95.3 78.4 71.2

92.3 68.4 73.1 81.1 88.5 81 73.5 66.4 83.2 91.6 77.1 86.8 69.6 72.2 70.3 82.4 68.5 83.1 88.2 90.5 79.2 85.7 100 100 97.3 91.4 88.2 87.9 100 78.9 92.9

71.2 66.2

84.4 90.6 100 80.6

73.9 71.2 53.4 65.6 87.9 64 80.1 53.2 60.1 56 74.1 58.1 67.4 89.4 81.2 62.4 85.7 96 84.5 74.2

82.4 66.8 93.7 53.9 97.5 59.8 79.4 55.2 75.5 69.1 95.7 78.5 63.2 88.1 85.4 81.4 94.2 91.6 98.8 94.6 89.2 94.8

79.2 71.8 79.2 87.2 70

88 100 88.5 78.5

68.8 80.1 63.6 79.9 83.6 76.7 75.5 79.6 92.3 73.5 83 79.4 80.3 70 84 59.3 81.2 91.4 78.9 77.3 84.6 95.4 100 80.5 84.4 85.5 86.7 81.3 82 91.3 87.6 75.3

81.1

82.2

87.1

74.5

82.5

93.8 83 82.6 86.5 92.3 83.3 82.5 84.8 87.4 94.7 82.4 89.6 83 84.4 75.5 88.2 68.3 87.6 84.1 80 82.8 90.5 100 96.5 100 96.8 90.6 78.1 94.8 87.2 89.9

89.7 84

86.1 69.6

87.3 88.9 95

92.2 88.5 93.1 92 92.1 92 92.1 92.1 90.9 96.4 92.4 92 90.6 90.9 90.3 94.1 86.1 88.3 90.1 93.2 80.9 93.5 99.6 94.8 100 91.5 95.3 90.4 88.7 85.9 89.3

87 85.1 88.8

92.9 82.3 83.2 88.5 91.8 87.6 86.9 83.9 87.3 95 84.5 90.2 82.1 85.2 79.5 87.6 75.1 87.2 90.7 91 81 90.8 99 98.8 97.8 93.7 92.2 75.1 89.3 84.6 88.9

93.3 93.8 94.2 86.5

94.1 100 95.5 90.2

88.9 87.1 86.9 79.8

91.3 90.9 92.8 85.3

85.7 100 92.7 83.2

89.8 88.1 91.2 84.6 88.9 96.4 87.9 88.3 85.8 87.2 84.4 92.9 79.7 86.2 89.5 93.3 79.1 89 92.1 98.9 93.1 88.3 87.4

86.3 87.4 84.1 76.6 82.1 93.7 77.5 86 75.5 78.9 75.1 84.5 70.1 82.2 89.6 90.2 77.7 87.2 91.8 98.8 93.9 87.1 85.2

Source: Same as in Table 1.1.

other ST-­dominated states, the literacy rates are above the national average and more than the others category. The states of Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal made significant improvements in tribal literacy over the period. The disparity index between ST and non-­ST in literacy has declined from 45.5% to 19.9%, i.e., more than 25 percentage points. The states where inter-­community disparity is still significantly high are Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. 28

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up? Table 1.5  Disparity in literacy rates by social category in rural India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 States/UTs

Social disparity index SC vs. others 1999–00

Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Delhi Goa Gujarat Haryana Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu U.P. West Bengal Arunachal Pradesh Himachal Pradesh J&K Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura Uttarakhand A&N Islands Chandigarh Daman & Diu D&N Haveli Lakshadweep Puducherry All India

50.00 −4.35 80.14 50.71 31.45 27.78 37.39 16.78 42.57 13.08 −1.67 29.60 45.38 40.44 47.36 12.32 −40.27 8.86 11.20 2.04

12.43 −1.81

0.77 −4.49

−82.90 37.68

ST vs. others 2011–12 43.44 −1.66 37.09 16.73 16.60 22.21 27.27 10.03 19.63 24.82 30.03 35.22 25.10 38.74 13.67 37.14 60.16 24.25 15.29 1.89 4.41 0.42 −9.59 −0.31 −0.43 7.95 11.12 3.45 8.71 −2.72 −16.78 −7.19 57.25 14.42 51.53 22.19

1999–00 79.04 −7.10 59.33 29.95 39.84 31.70 42.75 15.55 71.08 33.53 75.84 1.92 41.72 48.43 33.66 37.44 15.95 1.50 18.93 12.24 22.52 −20.22 −19.78 4.59 −6.48 8.59 5.67 27.68 62.97 −99.66 45.54

OBC vs. others 2011–12 26.41 −2.96 41.58 22.54 8.66 45.50 10.80 6.28 19.18 17.79 11.41 30.01 6.83 38.74 13.67 37.14 26.43 43.94 3.51 2.83 6.61 2.39 −11.11 −5.03 −5.84 9.37 21.44 5.48 6.19 −20.07 −16.55 −1.42 −1.54 0.00 9.38 19.88

1999–00 43.23 −8.99 40.19 −2.83 28.77 30.97 15.69 15.38 6.49 24.50 4.81 22.86 11.04 24.73 24.14 33.86 −16.05 0.39 −9.40 14.20 −8.60 30.60 −30.06 −14.81 7.16 −4.27 34.72 2.60 −2.99 153.75 0.00 −106.48 23.04

2011–12 20.27 −0.95 28.75 15.38 1.67 6.48 15.91 7.89 9.74 9.61 3.98 17.98 -­0.39 12.91 0.13 20.26 21.25 21.42 −8.70 -­12.80 −3.67 −7.31 −11.11 −3.87 29.76 −0.98 9.27 −0.48 11.99 −6.97 12.77 −5.12 60.19 0.00 8.70 13.40

Source: Calculated from data in Table 1.3.

Urban areas STs are basically residents of rural isolation, but in urban areas, they are better placed than SCs, as far as literacy is concerned. Their literacy rates increased from 70% in 1999–2000 to 78.5% in 2011–12. Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, A&N Islands, Daman and Diu, and Lakshadweep recorded higher literacy rates than the others category. The growth of 8.5 percentage points 29

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney Table 1.6  Disparity in literacy rates by social category in urban India, 1999–2000 and 2011–12 States/UTs

Social disparity index SC vs. others 1999–00

Andhra Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Delhi Goa Gujarat Haryana Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh West Bengal Arunachal Pradesh. Himachal Pradesh Jammu and Kashmir Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura Uttarakhand Andaman-­Nicobar Chandigarh Daman and Diu D&N Haveli Lakshadweep Puducherry All India

20.00 23.81 52.44 18.42 100.80 23.78 40.73 28.38 9.07 30.84 9.53 43.18 34.35 37.82 22.25 30.81 22.87 0.11 13.41 21.49 102.06 6.97 2.94 99.15 4.36 15.49 100.34 25.62 17.23 104.95 107.69 26.47 25.44

ST vs. others 2011–12 16.00 −6.03 15.92 18.03 5.31 7.41 14.27 27.04 10.49 25.43 0.00 22.72 9.31 28.50 2.70 32.45 13.47 5.59 7.45 17.86 3.85 −8.64 −0.66 0.71 −4.05 2.25 0.11 3.90 −5.19 −7.39 8.87 20.36 10.62 10.34 −4.85 11.25

1999–00 33.15 5.11 20.55 8.57 100.80 29.01 −11.88 42.63 −1.17 36.26 10.35 40.53 14.83 20.37 −3.31 1.71 27.98 1.56 8.76 −2.96 −5.96 0.54 0.10 −1.60 −1.03 −8.69 100.34 11.40 26.13 15.86 7.58 108.40 20.68

OBC vs. others

2011–12

1999–00

2011–12

15.03 −0.11 24.42 24.04 12.32 3.92 12.56 21.40 30.63 8.82 5.05 18.11 5.76 25.58 21.95 25.16 13.36 23.44 5.96 2.09 2.97 2.10 8.59 −0.40 −5.26 2.76 0.11 7.70 3.33 −12.65 8.27 −4.05 6.68 0.00 7.54 13.72

17.99 11.15 29.31

7.27 −1.72 6.68 12.62 6.21 −0.22 9.93 11.05 8.70 4.01 1.79 11.83 2.66 9.26 7.63 18.62 6.74 23.70 0.80 6.62 14.51 −2.35 3.30 −0.40 −1.72 0.00 −5.66 5.10 16.38 −6.83 −1.54 −0.67 9.20 0.00 3.02 8.21

11.47 5.15 17.24 11.88 11.33 4.38 18.58 6.16 8.48 8.75 19.17 10.53 29.10 6.08 −2.12 15.96 2.32 5.05 −3.59 −1.11 13.42 4.48 2.23 0.69 8.93 14.64 2.25 107.69 7.59 14.04

Source: Calculated from data in Table 1.4.

in literacy rates during this period was mostly shared by the states of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Daman and Diu, and Karnataka. At the same time, the literacy rates among STs decreased in some states: Haryana, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, and Manipur. The interstate analysis highlights that the variations among states has declined. The disparity between STs and non-­STs has dropped from 20.7% to 13.7% over this period. Major 30

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up?

contributing states to this phenomenon are Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, and Daman and Diu. However, in some of the states, the disparity level has increased, which is a matter of concern.

Literacy among Other Backward Classes Unlike SCs and STs, OBCs did not bear the pain of isolation and social discrimination. In fact, until the implementation of Mandal Commission, they were a part of others. Hence they are well ahead of SCs and STs.

Rural areas The literacy rates among OBCs increased from 54.8% in 1999–2000 to 68.8% in 2011–12. States with higher literacy rates compared to the national average in 1999–2000 were Assam, Delhi, Kerala, West Bengal, Himachal Pradesh, Daman and Diu, and Puducherry. As a result of improvement in education facilities, literacy in most of the states has increased at almost equal percentage points. In some of the states like Assam, West Bengal and Tripura, the literacy among OBCs is higher than the others’. The interstate variation in literacy rates was also low, and literacy rates are moving around the national average. The disparity between OBCs and non-­OBCs has declined from 23% to 13.4% during the period under reference. Major improvements have been observed in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Meghalaya and Uttar Pradesh.

Urban areas The literacy rates among OBCs were quite satisfactory and were close to the national average. In 1999–2000, 75% of the population in this category was literate, a rate that rose to 83.2% in 2011–12. (See Figure 1.6.) The states which achieved more than 80% literacy in 1999–2000 were Assam, Goa, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and North Eastern States. States where literacy rates increased by more than 10 percentage points during the reference period were Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Nagaland and Sikkim. The literacy rates declined in Arunachal Pradesh and Dadra and Nagar Haveli. There is large interstate variation in literacy rates. The disparity between OBC and non-­OBC has declined by about 4 percentage points and has come down to single digit. Significant improvements have been recorded in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Assam, and Bihar. The OBCs are ahead of others in some of the states like Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. The analysis of literacy among different social groups in rural and urban areas across the states revealed that, despite considerable improvement in the literacy rates, illiteracy remains a major problem, particularly in rural India. The gender disparity was very much evident in literacy rates across all social groups in both rural and urban India. Though the literacy rates increased at a higher rate in rural India than in urban India, nearly half of the females belonging to SCs and STs in rural India were still illiterate. As a result of improvement in their literacy over the years, it is important to note that literacy rates among SCs, STs and OBCs were converging with the others over time. Similarly, the literacy rates among males and females are also found to be converging over time. The illiterates among the SCs, STs and OBCs were concentrated within a few states. Among various social groups, SCs and STs had the lowest value of literacy rates, in both rural and urban India. This was not at all surprising given the fact that SCs and STs lagged behind the rest of the population in terms of several other socio-­economic indicators also. 31

IC Awasthi and HK Varshney

With respect to the caste-­based inequalities, it has been observed that SCs and STs suffer the most on account of literacy. The condition of OBCs is better as compared to SCs and STs. Among SCs and STs, the performance of SCs is better in rural areas, while STs are better in urban areas.

Policy implications Obviously, from the policy point of view, there is a need for targeted interventions on behalf of the disadvantaged social groups in order to better their lot and bring them into the net of inclusive growth process.

Notes and comments • •

•

•

In any society, no two subgroups can be equal; disparity is likely to exist either way. It is for society and policy makers to determine how much disparity is acceptable. Gender disparity index measures the differential achievement in literacy by males and females. The social disparity index between SC and non-­SC measures the differential achievements by the SCs and by the other population (excluding the STs and OBSs). The differentials will be less if we include the STs and OBCs in others while comparing with SCs. it is similar for other indicators. A number of indices have been proposed by various researchers to define and describe the equality/disparity. While some of them relied on simple differential measure of the two rates (popularly known as gap in male–female literacy), others have used the ratio of the two rates (ratio measure) and a combination of differential-­ratio measure. The Census of India frequently makes use of the male–female gap in literacy. Disparity index by Naik (1971): If R1 and R2 represent the literacy rates for males and females respectively, then: • •

•

Disparity index by Tilak (1983): If R1, R2 and R represent the literacy rates for males, females and combined population, then: • •

•

D (T) = {(R1 − R2)/R}*100 The index is zero at perfect equality, a positive value for disparity against females and a negative value for disparity against males.

Disparity index by Kundu and Rao (1986): If R1 and R2 represent the literacy rates for males and females respectively, then: • •

•

D (N) = {1 − (R2/R1)}*100 The index is zero at perfect equality, a positive value for disparity against females and a negative value for disparity against males.

D (KR) = log (R1/R2) + log {(200 − R1)/(200 − R2)} The index is zero at perfect equality, a positive value for disparity against females and a negative value for disparity against males. This index is a modification to the index by Sopher (1974) by using 200 in place of 100.

The definitions and limitations of National Survey Sample Organisation data for various rounds are applicable.

32

Are socially disadvantaged groups catching up?

References Deshpande, Ashwini, and Katherine Newman. 2007. “Where the Path Leads: The Role of Caste in Post-­ University Employment Expectations.” Economic and Political Weekly 42 (October 13–19): 41. Ghosh, Jayati. 2006. “Case for Caste-­based Quotas in Higher Education.” Economic and Political Weekly XLI (June 17): 24. Haan, Arjan De, and Amresh Dubey. 2005. “Poverty, Disparities, or the Development of Underdevelopment in Orissa.” Economic and Political Weekly XL (May 28–June 4): 22–23. Jodhka, Surinder S., and Ghanshyam Shah. 2010. “Comparative Contexts of Discrimination: Caste and Untouchability in South Asia.” Economic and Political Weekly 48 (November 27): vol xlv, 99–106. Jodhka, Surinder S., and Katherine Newman. 2007. “In the Name of Globalization Meritocracy, Productivity and the Hidden Language of Caste.” Economic and Political Weekly 42 (October 13–19): 41. Kundu, A., and M. Rao Jagan. 1986. “Inequalities in Educational Development: Issues in Measurement, Changing Structure and its Socio-­economic Correlates with Special Reference to India.” In Educational Planning: A Long Term Perspective, edited by Moonis Raza. New Delhi: National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration. Madheswaran, S., and Paul Attewell. 2007. “Caste Discrimination in the Indian Urban Labour Market: Evidence from the National Sample Survey.” Economic and Political Weekly XLII (October 13): 41. Naik, J. P. 1971. “Education of the SCs and STs in 1965–66.” Occasional Monograph, 5–6. New Delhi: Indian Council of Social Science Research. Planning Commission, Government of India. 2011. Faster, Sustainable and More Inclusive Growth: Approach to the Twelfth Five Year Plan. New Delhi. Sopher, D. E. 1974. “A Measure of Disparity.” The Professional Geographer 26: 4. Thorat, Sukhadeo, and Katherine S. Newman. 2007. “Caste and Economic Discrimination: Causes, Consequences and Remedies.” Economic and Political Weekly XLII (October 13): 41. Tilak, J. B. G. 1983. “Inequality in Education by Sex in India.” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 18: 3, New Delhi. Varshney, Hemant Kumar. 2002. “Inter-­state Gender Disparity in Literacy Rates: A Look at Census Data (1991 & 2001).” Journal of Educational Planning and Administration XVI: 537–49.

33

2 DEGREE OF FINANCIAL INCLUSION A comparative study among the Asian countries Sudip Mukherjee, Anirban Sarkar and NMP Verma Access to finance is a prerequisite for economic growth. Access to finance especially by the poor and vulnerable segment of the economy is necessary for employment and poverty reduction. Access to finance means individuals possess bank accounts, with some savings and provision of loan facilities when needed. According to World Bank Annual Report (2016), it is estimated that 2 billion adults worldwide do not have a basic account. Globally, 59% of adults without an account cite the lack of enough money as a key reason, which implies that financial services are not yet affordable or designed to fit low-­income users. Other barriers to account opening include distance from a financial service provider, lack of necessary documentation papers, lack of trust in financial service providers and religion. Particularly, households with low income often lack access to bank accounts. These families face problems at the time of opening a savings bank account or accessing a loan. Participation in the financial system is necessary for economic growth. As the majority of the population is still unbanked, the concept of financial inclusion becomes a challenge for the world economy. Against this backdrop, the objective of the study is to estimate the degree of financial inclusion among the Asian countries: Mongolia, Malaysia, United Arab Emirates, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, India, Philippines, Nepal, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Pakistan and Afghanistan. This chapter constructs an index to measure the degree of financial inclusion of the countries of Asia. The chapter is divided into the following sections: This section is introduction and is followed by a Literature Review in Section 2. Section 3 presents the description of data and methodology used for the construction of the index. Section 4 gives analysis and results, and Conclusion is presented in Section 5.

Literature review Financial inclusion sets the stage for better sustainable economic development of the country. It helps in the empowerment of the poor and vulnerable groups of society with the mission of making them financially literate. Also, the objective of a financial inclusion exercise is easy availability of financial services, allowing maximum investment in business opportunities, education, saving for retirement, insurance against risks, etc. by rural individuals and firms. 34

Degree of financial inclusion

According to the Planning Commission of India (2009), financial inclusion refers to universal access to a wide range of financial services at a reasonable cost. These include not only banking products but also other financial services, such as insurance and equity products. GOI (2008) defines financial inclusion as the process of ensuring access to financial services and to timely and adequate credit, when needed, by vulnerable groups such as weaker and low-­income groups at an affordable cost. The meaning of financial inclusion is the delivery of financial services to the poor and vulnerable groups, especially the excluded sections of the population with the provision of equal opportunities. The main target is the access of financial services for a better standard of living and higher income. According to Chakrabarty (2011), financial inclusion is the process of ensuring access to the appropriate financial products and services needed by all sections of society including vulnerable groups such as weaker sections and low-­income groups at an affordable cost in a fair and transparent manner by mainstream institutional players. Mehrotra (2009) developed an index for financial inclusion using indicators, like number of rural offices, figures on rural deposit accounts, the amount of rural deposit and credit, for 16 major Indian states. In addition, World Bank Annual Report (2008) provides a compound measure of access to financial services i.e., the percentage of adult population that has an account with a financial intermediary for 51 countries. According to the study of Sadhan Kumar Chattopadhyay in a working paper for RBI on “Financial Inclusion in India: A Case-­Study of West Bengal” (2011), there has been an improvement in outreach activity in the banking sector, but the success is not remarkable. An index of financial inclusion (IFI) was also constructed in the study using data on three magnitudes of financial inclusion such as banking penetration (BP), accessibility of the banking services (BS) and usage of the banking system (BU). The NABARD (2009) study calculated the Financial Inclusion Index (FII) where the proposed index theoretically takes values between zero (0) and one (1). The value 0 was interpreted as indicating “no financial inclusion” and the value 1 as indicating “complete financial inclusion.” FII = Σ Zi/n where: Zi = Dimension Index computed using min-­max for each variable in the Dimension, and n = number of dimensions. The researchers have tried to compute an index assuming equal weight for all the parameters. This study also computes an index of financial inclusion determining the weights of each parameter. On the basis of the index score, the study presents the picture of the Asian countries. The chapter uses data from the World Bank’s Global Findex database for the year 2014, which includes individual-­level data originating from a survey of more than 150,000 adults in 148 countries. The indicators taken in this study are Account (% age 15+), ATMs per 100,000 adults, Borrowed from a financial institution in the past year (% age 15+), Branches per 100,000 adults, Deposit accounts per 1,000 adults, High frequency of account use (% age 15+), Made or received digital payments (% age 15+), Received wages or government transfers into an account (% age 15+). The purpose and the relation of the parameters with the financial inclusion are shown in Table 2.1. This study examines the degree of financial inclusion of the Asian countries. For that reason, the study develops an index to measure the degree of financial inclusion. 35

Sudip Mukherjee, Anirban Sarkar, NMP Verma Table 2.1  Purpose and relation of the parameters Parameters

Relation

Purpose

Account (% age 15+), ATMs per 100,000 adults Borrowed from a financial institution in the past year (% age 15+) Branches per 100,000 adults Deposit accounts per 1,000 adults High frequency of account use (% age 15+) Made or received digital payments (% age 15+) Received wages or government transfers into an account (% age 15+)

The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better The higher the better

Deposit penetration Branch penetration Credit penetration Branch penetration Branch penetration Credit penetration Branch penetration Branch penetration

Source: All tables are prepared by the authors based on research data unless otherwise specified.

Construction of the index 1

Normalization: Parameters have different units and cannot, therefore, be aggregated directly to arrive at a composite index. So every parameter is first normalized using the following formula: NVij = 1 – {Maximum Xi − Observed Xij}/{Maximum Xi − Minimum Xi}

2

Computation of factor loadings and the weights: After the computation of normalized value, the next step is to determine the factor loadings and the weights. Factor analysis is used to compute the factor loadings and the weights. Principal components have been extracted by Kaiser normalization, which considers only the components having Eigen values greater than one. The study used Varimax rotation criteria. The weights are determined by multiplying the Eigen values by the rotated component matrix values.

The formula of the index is given as: I = ∑Xi (∑|Lij|Ej )/(∑|Lij|Ej ) where: I = Index, Xi = ith parameter, Lij = is the factor loading value of the ith variable on the jth factor, Ej = Eigen value of the jth factor. The statistical package STATA is used for the analysis. The study is exclusively based on secondary data, which is mainly available from various reports of government and semi-­government organisations, research publications and the renowned books in this particular topic, as well as relevant websites on the Internet in this field.

Analysis and result Table 2.2 shows the result of Kaiser-­Meyer-­Olkin (KMO) and Bartlett’s test. The value of KMO is 0.700, which indicates that the sample size in the study is suitable for factor analysis. The value of chi-­ square in Bartlett’s test is 122.01 and statistically significant. Consequently, principal component analysis (PCA) is suitable for analysing the magnitude of the selected parameters in financial inclusion. 36

Degree of financial inclusion Table 2.2  KMO and Bartlett’s test Kaiser-­Meyer-­Olkin measure of sampling adequacy Bartlett’s test of sphericity

0.700

Approx. chi-­square df Sig.

122.01 28 .000

Source: CRISIL, NABARD and RBI Annual Report. Table 2.3  Result of principal component analysis Total variance explained Component

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Initial Eigen values

Extraction sums of squared loadings

Rotation sums of squared loadings

Total

% of variance

Cumulative %

Total

% of variance

Cumulative %

Total

% of variance

Cumulative %

5.928 1.026 .456 .355 .157 .059 .013 .005

74.103 12.826 5.706 4.442 1.960 .738 .164 .061

74.103 86.929 92.635 97.077 99.037 99.775 99.939 100.000

5.928 1.026

74.103 12.826

74.103 86.929

4.160 2.794

51.999 34.930

51.999 86.929

Source: CRISIL, NABARD and RBI Annual Report. Table 2.4  Rotated component matrixa Attributes

Component

Account (% age 15+) ATMs per 100,000 adults Borrowed from a financial institution in the past year (% age 15+) Branches per 100,000 adults Deposit accounts per 1,000 adults High frequency of account use (% age 15+) Made or received digital payments (% age 15+) Received wages or government transfers into an account (% age 15+)

1

2

.867 .847 .376 .131 .864 .764 .820 .726

.452 .132 .853 .941 .141 .548 .512 .613

Source: CRISIL, NABARD and RBI Annual Report.

Table 2.3 has shown the results of the PCA. This study has reflected two principal components which have Eigen values greater than 1. Rotation sums of squared loadings show that the first rotated principal component has explained 74.103% of total variation in financial inclusion of the states. The second rotated principal components have explained 12.826% of variance. Two components explain 86.929% of total variation in the financial inclusion of the states. Table 2.4 depicts the result of rotated component matrix, and Table 2.5 shows the value of weights. Weights are calculated by multiplying the Eigen value with the rotated component 37

Sudip Mukherjee, Anirban Sarkar, NMP Verma Table 2.5  Calculation of weights Attributes

Component

Eigen value Account (% age 15+) ATMs per 100,000 adults Borrowed from a financial institution in the past year (% age 15+) Branches per 100,000 adults Deposit accounts per 1,000 adults High frequency of account use (% age 15+) Made or received digital payments (% age 15+) Received wages or government transfers into an account (% age 15+)

weight

1

2

5.928 .867 .847 .376 .131 .864 .764 .820 .726

1.026 .452 .132 .853 .941 .141 .548 .512 .613

5.60 5.15 3.10 1.73 5.26 5.09 5.38 4.93

Table 2.6  Rank and the index score of the states Country

Index

Rank

Mongolia Malaysia United Arab Emirates Thailand Saudi Arabia Indonesia India Philippines Nepal Bangladesh Myanmar Pakistan Afghanistan

0.83 0.73 0.73 0.56 0.49 0.27 0.27 0.19 0.13 0.12 0.06 0.05 0.02

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Source: CRISIL, NABARD and RBI Annual Report.

matrix score. The component 1 score is multiplied by the Eigen value of component 1 and the same for the component 2. Weights are computed by adding the values of the two components. (For ATM adding (5.928 * .847) and (1.026 * .132) and the sum obtained is 5.15). Each variable has different weights. Account (% age 15+) has the highest weight, and Branches per 100,000 adults have the lowest weight. The value of the index is determined using the value of weights of Table 2.5. The ranks of the states and their index scores are shown in Table 2.6. In terms of the index constructed in the study, Mongolia has the highest index value and secured rank 1, and Afghanistan has the lowest index value. Table  2.6 indicates that, out of 13 countries, only 4 have index values greater than 0.5. Myanmar, Pakistan and Afghanistan have very poor conditions of financial inclusion. India is in 7th position with an index score of 0.27, which is below the average.

38

Degree of financial inclusion

Conclusion From the study it is clear that the weights of the eight indicators are different. According to the index scores, South Asian countries are in a shocking condition. The topmost countries engaged in financial inclusion are Mongolia, Malaysia and United Arab Emirates, and the bottommost are Myanmar, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The governments of the South Asian countries should adopt relevant policies to increase the index value.

References Chakrabarty, K. C. 2011. “Keynote Address on Financial Inclusion.” Mumbai, September. Chattopadhyay, S. 2011. “Financial Inclusion in India: A Case-­study of West Bengal.” CRISIL. 2013. “Inclusix Financial Inclusion Index.” June. Government of India. 2008. “Committee on Financial Inclusion.” Mehrotra, Nirupam. 2009. “Financial Inclusion – An Overview.” Occasional paper by the Department of Economic Analysis and Research, National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development, India. Planning Commission. 2009. “Report on Financial Sector Reforms.” RBI. 2014. “Annual Report.” RBI. 2015. “Annual Report.” World Bank Annual Report. 2008. World Bank Annual Report. 2016.

39

3 IMPACT OF POVERTY AND EXCLUSION An empirical analysis Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta Poverty is a socio-­economic phenomenon in which a section of society is unable to fulfil even its basic necessities of life. It deprives human beings from adequate food and nutrition, proper shelter, education, treatment during illness and similar essential material needs. In India, it is generally agreed that the people who fail to reach a certain minimum consumption standard are considered poor (Kumari 2013, 69). Today, poverty has become a major problem for all third world countries. Adam Smith rightly said in 1776, “No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members are poor and miserable.” Although persistence of poverty has been a common problem with most countries, the issue of poverty in the third world is at an alarmingly high proportion (Verma and Gupta 2017, 19–32). Therefore, out of all the problems, poverty has hit the newspaper headlines more often in these countries. As a developing country and as one of the leading nations of the third world, India in no way is free from the scourge of poverty. It is estimated that one-­third of the world’s poor live in India. There are more poor people in India alone than in the whole of Sub-­Saharan Africa. Although official estimates of the Government of India say that only every fourth Indian is poor, according to the estimates of the internationally recognized poverty line of a dollar a day, 44% of the population in India are poor, and 86% of the people earn less than US$2 a day (Saxena 2012, 4). Poverty is closely related to inequality which appears to have been on the rise worldwide in recent decades at both the national and international levels. More than 80% of the world’s population lives in such countries where income differentials are widening. The poorest 40% of the world’s population account for only 5% of global income. On the other hand, the richest 20% account for 75% of world income (UNDP 2007, 25). Poverty is the principal cause of hunger and undernourishment. According to the most recent estimates of Food & Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO 2009), the number of hungry people worldwide has reached 963 million, or roughly 15% of the estimated world population1 (Kumari 2013, 69–70). Every six seconds, a child dies because of hunger and its related causes (FAO 2004). Out of all the hungry people in developing countries, 50% of families are farming families. More than 60% of chronically hungry people are women (FAO 2006). More than 70% (146 million) of world’s underweight children aged below five years live in just 10 countries (UNICEF 2006). Asia and the Pacific region are the homes to over two-­thirds of the world’s hungry people (FAO 2008). Sixty-­five per cent of the world’s hungry people live in only seven countries: India, China, The Democratic Republic of Congo, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan and Ethiopia 40

Impact of poverty and exclusion

(FAO 2008). As per a study by the FAO (2009), 1.02 billion people do not have enough to eat, and out of them, 907 million people are in developing countries2 like India (Rani 2011, 1). Indian poverty is predominantly rural in nature where landless labourers and casual workers are the worst off economic group. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, women, old-­aged people and female children are facing more deprivation than others. The majority of the rural poor in India are engaged in agriculture and its allied activities, including fisheries and livestock. But the regular occurrence of environmental catastrophes have vastly affected the production of agriculture, due to which a majority of the rural people who are totally dependent on agriculture for subsistence of livelihood are bound to live in poverty. Land degradation and over-­ exploitation of groundwater has also seriously threatened the sustainability of food production, traditional irrigation systems and even the availability of safe drinking water. In a nutshell, these causes have adversely affected the living standard and quality of life of the rural poor. In India, nearly 300 million people live below the poverty line in appalling conditions of extreme deprivation whose social status in the society is relegated to below the holy cow. Estimates on poverty level suggest that 21.9% of population is below the poverty line in India, out of which 25.7% are in rural areas (Mathew 2003, 155–162). The problem of poverty is more acute in several states of India like Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh etc. But focusing on the micro level of the issue, the Bundelkhand region is chronically poverty stricken and was disreputably known for a couple of decades due to farmers’ committing suicides under pressure from famine and drought. The region is agriculture based, and most of the people are engaged in agriculture activities for their subsistence and livelihood. For the last few years, Bundelkhand has been struck by natural catastrophe in the form of the regular scarcity of water, which has retarded the overall development and growth of the region as well as locals residing there. The situation has adversely affected the livelihood of a majority of rural population and pushed the villagers of the region into the trap of a vicious circle of chronic poverty (Singh 2012, 2). Due to the chronic poverty, locals are facing the problems of food insecurity, poor health, lack of employment, migration, indebtedness, and social relations with community in the society. In this background, the chapter examines two districts of Uttar Pradesh, Bundelkhand  – namely Banda and Mahoba – and covers 400 samples to comprehend the precise situation of poverty. The chapter is divided into three segments. The first part discusses theoretical understanding of poverty. The second part focuses on a brief introduction of the research area. The third section of the chapter highlights various causes which are responsible for the existence of poverty in the region. The adverse impact of poverty on the people of the region is analysed in the last section of chapter.

Poverty: a theoretical insight As a matter of concern, several Western and Indian scholars define the concept of poverty in different perspectives. Harry Johnson emphasizes that poverty exists only when the resources of families are inadequate to provide a socially acceptable standard of living. Seebohm Rowntree (1936) has used the concept of “subsistence poverty” to define poverty. He draws a poverty line in terms of the minimum weekly sum of money which is necessary to enable the poor families to secure the necessaries of a healthy life, which cover fuel and electricity, food, clothing, household and personal sundries, etc. Harrington (1962) defines poverty with reference to deprivation. According to him, poverty is the deprivation of those minimal levels of food, health, housing, education and recreation which are compatible with the contemporary technology, beliefs and values of a particular society. Further, Becker 41

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta

(1966) has conducted his study in United State and defined the concept of poverty in terms of materialistic possessions like TV set, telephone and washing machine by poor people. Likewise to define poverty, Henry Bernstein (1992) has underlined the following dimensions: (1) lack of livelihood strategies, (2) inaccessibility to resources (money, land, credit), (3) feelings of insecurity and frustration and (4) inability to maintain and develop social relation with others because of lack of resources. Further, Amartya Sen (1999) mentions that poverty is seen more in terms of capability failure than in terms of the failure to meet the basic needs of specified commodities (Ahuja 2009, 27–32). In terms of the minimum income required for subsistence: poverty has been defined as an inability to gratify the psychological needs that is need [sic] for survival, safety and security. Here poverty is perceived in terms of poverty line which is determined by the prevailing standards of what is needed for health, efficiency, nutrition of children, social participation and maintenance of self respect. (Becker 1996) In most of the Indian studies on poverty, the focus has been mainly on measuring the number of people living in absolute poverty as this problem looms large in vast parts of the country and affects the majority of the population. In this respect, many Indian scholars have also studied the situation of poverty in India. Bardhan (1974) used two alternative poverty norms for the same period. The first was a poverty line of Rs. 20 per capita per month at 1960–61 prices as recommended by a group of experts and accepted by the Planning Commission. The second was a nutritional norm based on the formula drawn up by the commission. In this case, the rural poverty line was worked out to be at Rs. 14 at 1960–61 prices and Rs. 28 at 1968–69 prices. Further, other attempts have also been made to explain the causes underlying the persistence of rural poverty in India. Dandekar and Rath (1971) argued that states with a high proportion of wage labour in the rural population also had a higher percentage of rural poor. In addition, the incidence of poverty among the agricultural labour households was much greater than the rural population in general. The proportion of poor was higher among small cultivator households than large cultivator households. According to Minhas (1974), the majority of the poor come from agricultural labour households while a large proportion of the remaining are smaller landowners with holdings of less than five acres (Ahuja 2009, 27–32).

Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh Geographical profile: Bundelkhand is known for its cultural-­geographic region in India which is surrounded by Vindhyan Hills in the south, the Yamuna river in north, Ken river in east and the Betwa and Pahuj rivers in the west. Bundelkhand region of central India is a semi-­arid plateau that encompasses seven districts of Uttar Pradesh (Jhansi, Jalaun, Hamirpur, Lalitpur, Banda, Chitrakut and Mahoba) with total area of 29,418 square kilometres, which is 12.21% of the total geographical area of Uttar Pradesh. The region experiences the extremes of temperature, reaching 48°C during summer months and dropping as low as 1°C in winter. It suffers from acute ecological degradation due to deforestation and consequent top soil erosion which degrades the fertility and productivity of land. The rainfall distribution pattern in the region is irregular. Over the last decade, the rainfall pattern has become 42

Impact of poverty and exclusion

very erratic, causing adverse effects on growth and the production of crops (Verma and Pal 2014, 103). Demography profile: According to Census 2011, the Bundelkhand region has a total population of around 18.2 million, out of which the Uttar Pradesh part of the region consists of the population of around 9.6 million. The total population of seven districts of UP-­Bundelkhand is 9,659,718, of which male and female are 5,149,243 and 4,510,475 respectively. The rural population is 7,954,680 and the urban population is 2,195,078 of which the male and female populations in rural areas are 3,981,236 and 3,973,444, and the male and female populations in urban areas are 1,163,849 and 1,031,229 respectively. Correspondingly, the literacy rate is 4.98% of which male and female literacy is 61.55% and 38.45%. The sex ratio is 877 females for every 1,000 males, which is lower than the national average of 942 for India, showing a bias against the girl child in the region. The average density of population in UP-­Bundelkhand is 277 persons per square kilometre, which is much lower than the state average of 830 persons per square kilometre. Situation of poverty in the study region: The region is a landscape of drought and starvation, and its inhabitants live in chronic poverty. In recent decades, Bundelkhand has become synonymous with drought, unemployment, perennial water stress, hunger and starvation. For the last few decades, intellectuals, planners and politicians have been stating the causes like deforestation, drought and crop failure, etc. for the existence of poverty. Further, it can be said that the maladies like unequal landholding and landlessness, etc., are the causes of poverty in the study region. A first-­order approximation of the extent of existing inequality can be made in terms of the proportion of land operated by various sections of society and the size of the destitute class composed of agricultural labourers and marginal and small cultivators. In the region, the majority of the population has to rely upon the sale of their labour, and various archaic forms of human bondage have emerged. There are incidences of high malnutrition in Banda and Mahoba Districts. This shows that poverty still continues to be a serious issue in the districts. The rate of rural poverty in these districts is higher than in Uttar Pradesh and India. In 2011–12, the percentage of families below the poverty line in selected districts was 34.1% and 44.6% respectively, as against 30.4% for Uttar Pradesh and 25.7% for India (Table 3.1). Table 3.1  District-­wise percentage and number of population below poverty line, 2011–2012 S. no.

Districts

1 Hamirpur 2 Jalaun 3 Chitrakoot 4 Banda 5 Mahoba 6 Jhansi 7 Lalitpur UP-­Bundelkhand Uttar Pradesh India

Rural

Urban

Total

%

Persons (in lakh)

%

Persons (in lakh)

%

Persons (in lakh)

11.0 38.9 33.9 34.1 44.6 12.9 6.8 30.4 30.4 25.7

61.8 4.2 92.1 320.4 88.9 0.5 0.4 479.4 479.4 2,166.6

5.8 20.3 2.5 31.2 24.8 9.8 4.1 26.1 26.1 13.7

17.0 0.7 9.2 37.8 15.2 16.5 0.4 118.8 118.8 531.2

9.2 34.7 32.0 33.7 39.9 9.9 5.1 29.4 29.4 21.9

78.8 4.9 101.3 358.2 104.1 17.0 0.8 598.2 598.2 2,697.8

Source: NSSO, various volumes, www indiastat.com/table.

43

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta

Causes of poverty Many factors positively contribute to the perpetuation of poverty in the study area. The most important among them are agricultural dependency, erratic rainfall, unequal distribution of land, drought and poor irrigation facilities.

Agricultural dependency and labour force Agriculture being the main occupation in the region, the effect of drought is observed in the form of a decrease in production and the consequent fall in employment of agricultural labourers. Drought has intensified the poverty of chronically poor and made non-­poor transiently poor. Acute vulnerability to drought is observed amongst landless agricultural labourers and daily wage labourers. Table 3.2 shows that the maximum number of population consists of cultivators and agricultural labourers, which is higher in both the selected districts than the state and national averages. Around 60% of the workers in total belong to the category of agricultural labourers, which is higher than the figure of 21% of the state as a whole in comparison. The percentage of workers engaged in other work is far less than that of other workers of the state. It reveals that there is less employment opportunity in other sectors, due to which locals are highly dependent on agriculture and allied activities. Therefore, the heightened dependency on agriculture and the adverse affect of low productivity due to regular drought have led residents into the trap of a vicious circle of poverty.

Erratic rainfall The rainfall pattern in Bundelkhand is typically mono sonic. The region gets around 600 to 1,350 millimetres of rainfall annually, while the Uttar Pradesh part of Bundelkhand gets around 600 to 900 millimetres of normal rainfall annually (UPWSRP 2013). The fluctuation of rainfall pattern in UP-­Bundelkhand is depicted in Table 3.3. Data shows that the rainfall deficit was high in 2005, 2006 and 2007, which is certainly far below the normal annual rainfall of UP-­Bundelkhand. In 2008 and 2009, the average rainfall in the region was 670 millimetres and 619 millimetres respectively. After the year 2010 when we look at the rainfall trends, it suggests that, in 2011, there was much rainfall in comparison to other years. Moreover, the rainfall was much less in 2012 and 2013. Hence, it can be said that the rainfall is quite erratic and uneven in the region. The phenomenon has been incessant for many years, having adverse impacts on water resources. Erratic rainfall has adversely affected the land and people of Bundelkhand continuously since couple of decades. It has shattered the villagers’ hope of earning in the past few years because they do not have any choice except waiting for rain in required time but monsoon come with water Table 3.2  Percentage-­wise breakdown of workers, Census 2001 and 2011 District

Mahoba Banda UP average India average

Cultivator

Agricultural labour

Household industry

Other work

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

54.4 54.6 47.0 33.9

40.4 41.8 34.9 –

17.7 20.4 15.1 20.3

27.9 32.1 21.8 –

3.0 3.0 5.3 3.9

3.4 2.3 5.4 –

23.5 21.4 32.6 42.7

28.2 23.7 37.9 –

Source: Statistical Handbook of 2001 and 2011.

44

Impact of poverty and exclusion Table 3.3  District-­wise annual rainfall pattern in UP-­Bundelkhand area (mm) Districts

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

Chitrakoot Hamirpur Jalaun Banda Mahoba Jhansi Lalitpur UP-­Bundelkhand

793 559 629 837 743 693 742 713

789 784 542 704 448 545 952 680

540 439 92 411 444 328 542 399

306 466 271 303 366 360 443 359

425 889 493 661 679 717 824 670

600 794 586 511 488 571 752 619

– 539 700 669 700 602 754 566

425 905 687 1008 869 883 1321 867

–­ 644 675 784 –­ 649 872 517

1053 621 572 673 –­ 1204 945 724

Source: Statistical Handbooks of various years.

against their hope and the farmers stands with empty handed just watching the lands. The rainfall in study area is too scant to meet out the existing problems such as water shortage, food insecurity and livelihood crisis. It is continuously dissipating the villager’s source of earning for last few years because of their major dependency on mansoon. But the changing mansoon is often against their hope and thus, they have no choice except watching the arable land (Verma and Gupta 2015, 97–110). It indicates that rainfall deficiency has reduced water availability and further affected the agricultural production.

Unequal landholdings Land is the primordial source of wealth and power in an agricultural society, and as in the rest of India, ownership of land is highly skewed across social groups in Bundelkhand. Theoretically, a larger holding should enable greater capital formation and greater investment in the production-­ enhancing use of fertilizers, improved seeds and modern agriculture equipment. However, due to the monsoon’s inherently unfavourable conditions for agriculture in a major part of the region, it is practically not seen in Bundelkhand. The distribution of landholding by size is quite uneven among the farmers. In her study of the Bundelkhand region, Bhavna Srivasta categorizes the locals into large farmers, marginal farmers, small farmers and landless people. She finds that the skewed distribution of land is one of the prominent reasons for poverty and hunger. While examining poverty by distribution of operational holdings, she locates the highest percentage of poor from the landless category, followed by small and marginal farmers (Srivastava 2012, 168). From the study region, it is observed that the acquisition of landholding is closely related to caste. The dominant castes like Thakur, Lodhi and Yadav have grabbed bigger patches of agricultural land, thus excluding the marginalized caste groups. Table 3.4 shows that, among Scheduled Castes, the number of large farmers is much lower, while the number of small farmers is higher. Thus such meagre landholdings by the majority of marginal farmers are neither viable nor sustainable for the region with a million-­plus mouths to feed.

Agriculture and poor irrigation facilities Adequate rainfall or irrigation is a crucial need for agricultural production. But due to uneven and irregular rainfall, the region is continuously drought affected. The alternative water resources for saving crops during scanty rainfall are quite frustrating. Generally, in the past, irrigation was done from tanks, ponds, dug wells and other sources, but due to the negligence 45

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta Table 3.4  Agricultural land and caste of the respondents Total land in Bigha

1–5 6–15 16–25 26 and above Don’t have land Total

Caste of the respondent General

OBC

SC

Total

  45 (11.3%)   30 (7.5%)   8 (2.0%)   8 (2.0%)   13 (3.2%) 104 (26.0%)

  49 (12.3%)   16 (4.0%)   20 (5.0%)   8 (2.0%)   33 (8.2%) 126 (31.5%)

  61 (15.2%)   10 (2.5%)   4 (1.0%)   0 (0.0%)   95 (23.8%) 170 (42.5%)

155 (38.8%)   56 (14.0%)   32 (8.0%)   16 (4.0%) 141 (35.2%) 400 (100.0%)

Source: Computed from primary data. Table 3.5  Source of irrigation for agricultural land Source of irrigation

Frequency

Percentage

Pumping set Tube well Well Canal No agricultural land Total

46 51 33 129 141 400

11.5 12.8 8.2 32.3 35.2 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

of traditional water management systems and in the absence of their maintenance, most of them are not in any condition to provide irrigation. In the present time, residents are using pumping sets, tube wells, wells and canals for the irrigation of land. About one-­third of the households are dependent on canals which remain dry for most of the time due to the occurrence of drought. It adversely affects agricultural production and leads to chronic poverty (Table 3.5).

The chronic saga of drought The Bundelkhand region has a long-­standing history of droughts and famines. For many of the years, residents experience acute scarcity of water for agricultural and domestic use. It witnessed the so-­called Panic Famine of 1873–74. The Indian famine of 1896–97 began in Bundelkhand early in 1895 and spread across many parts of the country. The report on drought mitigation strategies for UP-­Bundelkhand suggests that the region experienced a major drought every 16 years during the 18th and 19th centuries, which increased by three times during the period 1968 to 1992 (Sharma 2008). The inter-­ministerial Central Team reported that drought became evident in 2004–05 with a 25% shortfall in monsoon rains. The rainfall deficit increased further to 43% in 2006–07 and to 56% in 2007–08, leading to severe drought conditions in recent years (Gupta 2014, 2). The residents have given some reasons of crop loss which are depicted in the Table 3.6. The data reveals that 223 (55.8%) households report crop loss due to drought and 22 (5.5%) due to hailstorms. Only 14 (3.5%) households confirm that animals destroyed their crops. Here, it is observed that the continuous appearance of drought, along with erratic rainfall, has resulted in 46

Impact of poverty and exclusion Table 3.6  Reasons of crop loss Reasons

Frequency

Percentage

Drought Animals Hailstorm Not applicable Total

223 14 22 141 400

55.8 3.5 5.5 35.2 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

Table 3.7  Whether children go to school Response

Yes No Total

Distribution of respondents Frequency

Percentage

208 192 400

 52.0  48.0 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

crop failure, and thus people of the region have become poorer and poorer. The study of Kaul and Ram also supports the output of the table wherein they find drought as the main cause of poverty in the farming families in Bundelkhand leading to low income and food insecurity (Kumar and Sharma 2013, 43).

Socio-­economic impact of poverty Various adverse impacts of poverty are found in the study region, have retarded the whole course of development, and have been continuously sweeping away the happiness of locals. The most important among them are lack of education, job insecurity, food insecurity, health problems, indebtedness, migration, limited participation in social functions and poor social relations with community members in the society.

Education Education is the process of learning and acquiring knowledge, of developing the powers of reasoning and judgment and generally of preparing oneself or others intellectually for a mature life; it is more essential at the primary level for children’s better future. Primary education is the initial stage of education, and its basic aim is to enhance the knowledge level. It offers opportunities to children to achieve balanced cognitive and psychomotor development. The drastic situation of poverty has adversely affected the children’s education in the region. Table  3.7 shows that about 50% of respondents are unable to send their children to school. The respondents have given many reasons why their children are not going to school, as depicted in Table 3.8. About one-­fourth (24.5%) of the respondents accept that, due to poverty, they are unable to send their children to school. Twenty-­two households (5.5%) inform that they are not sending their children to school because of its distant location. 47

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta Table 3.8  Reasons for not going to school Reasons

Distribution of respondents

Poverty Far from house Don’t want to go Other reasons Not applicable Total

Frequency

Percentage

98 22 13 59 208 400

24.5 5.5 1.2 14.8 52.0 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

Table 3.9  Respondent’s migration by caste Caste

General OBC SC Total

Distribution of households as per migration Yes

No

Total

  18 (4.5%)   38 (9.5%)   56 (14.0%) 112 (28.0%)

86 (21.5%) 88 (22.0%) 114 (28.5%) 288 (72.0%)

104 (26.0%) 126 (31.5%) 170 (42.5%) 400 (100.0%)

Source: Computed from primary data.

About 59 households (14%) record the other reasons (including caste discrimination in seating arrangements and food distribution at school) regarding their inability to send their children to school.

Migration The impact of poverty is also seen in the migration of locals. It is evident from Table 3.9 that the majority of the respondents (72.6%) are found to be non-­migrants, whereas 112 households (28%) are migrants from villages to towns and cities. Caste-­wise analysis of migration shows the highest percentage (14%) of migration among Scheduled Caste people. This is due to a lack of resources of employment for survival or livelihood. Table 3.10 shows the various reasons for the migration of locals from their residences. It is evident from the data that the overwhelming majority of the respondents (20%) are migrated in search of work and employment in urban areas. Similarly, migration due to service and some other reasons is negligible. A  case study of villages in the Mahoba district by the Overseas Development Institute proves high migration rates, which is seasonal in nature, among locals of the region. Nearly, half of the households migrate between October and June in search of livelihood (Deshingkar 2010, 6). Therefore, it can be concluded that migration is caused by the unavailability of employment in rural areas, bringing about villagers’ migration from the rural to the urban areas. Thus the overall data reveals that chronic poverty has forced the majority of locals to migrate from the region in search of employment to secure livelihood. 48

Impact of poverty and exclusion Table 3.10  Reasons of migration Reasons

Employment Service Others Not applicable Total

Distribution of respondents Frequency

Percentage

80 10 22 288 400

20.0 2.5 5.5 72.0 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data. Table 3.11  Indebtedness of respondents Response

Frequency

Percentage

Yes No Total

261 139 400

65.2 34.8 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data. Table 3.12  Sources of taking debt Response

Frequency

Percentage

Neighbours Relatives Moneylenders Bank Not applicable Total

21 27 143 70 139 400

5.2 6.8 35.8 17.4 34.8 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

Indebtedness India is an agrarian country with around 65% of its population depending upon agriculture activities. But unfortunately many farmers in the country are reeling under heavy debt burdens, forcing hundreds to kill themselves every year. The condition of farmers in Bundelkhand region has become pathetic due to the unpredictable monsoon and exploitative attitudes of the local moneylenders and government banks. The Bundelkhand area is heavily in debt to both moneylenders and government banks because of the adverse effect of changing weather which only makes it harder to pay back huge amounts of loans, adding up to greater distress, helplessness and, in extreme cases, suicides. The recent incidents of farmers’ suicides in the study areas and elsewhere in the country are associated with the inability to repay the debts taken from relatives, banks and Sahukars (moneylenders). The data presented in Table 3.11 shows that 139 respondents (34.8%) have not taken on any debt, whereas the majority of respondents (65.2%) are found to be indebted. The locals have taken on a huge amount of debt from various sources like neighbours, relatives, moneylenders and banks. Table 3.12 shows that 21 respondents (5.2%) say that they have 49

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta Table 3.13  Reasons for debt Reason

Frequency

Percentage

Marriage Business House built Agriculture Health treatment Daily consumption Not applicable Total

33 4 3 73 46 102 139 400

8.2 1.0 0.8 18.2 11.5 25.5 34.8 100.0

Source: Computed from primary data.

taken on debt from neighbours and 27 respondents (6.8%) have taken on debts from their relatives. The majority of the respondents (35.8%) confirm that they have taken on a huge amount of debt from local moneylenders at high interest rates. Further, 70 respondents (17.4%) confirm that the bank is the source of taking on debt. Respondents state that they have taken on debt for various purposes like agricultural activities, family rituals, health problems, daily needs, etc. It can be seen from Table 3.13 that the majority of respondents have taken on debt for their daily consumption. The second main purpose of having debt is agriculture and its allied activities. Health problems are also a major issue for which locals of the region are taking on huge amounts of debt. Around 46 respondents (11.5%) confirm that they have taken debt for the purpose of health treatment. Thus the overall data indicates that the locals of the study area live in severe poverty.

Social participation Social participation of a person in various events and functions shows the degree of his involvement in social and cultural life. This is likely to have an impact on his views and attitudes about the particular problem. Keeping this in mind, the social participation of locals in various functions in the society investigated and the collected data from the field are presented in Table 3.14. The table clearly shows that about one-­third of the respondents (29.2%) never participate in any social function organised by the others in the locale. More than half of the respondents (55.8%) inform that they regularly participate in social functions, whereas 60 respondents (15%) admit that they occasionally participate in social functions. The non-­participation in social functions of respondents reveals the predicament of respondents and also their exclusions from social life. The reason attributed is that, due to indebtedness and a feeling of inferiority, they prefer to remain excluded from social activities. Thus, the overall data shows that mostly the poor households keep away from participation in social functions; i.e., poverty is the main reason for the non-­participation of locals. Poverty has also adversely impacted the social relations of locals with others in society. It hampers the harmonious and cordial relationship in the society. The data pertaining to the relations of respondents with others in the neighbourhood is presented in Table 3.15. It is evident from the table that about one-­third of the respondents (28.3%) have very good relations and about 85 respondents (21.2%) have good relations with others in society. More than a quarter of respondents (26.3%) rate their relationships with others in society as average. 50

Impact of poverty and exclusion Table 3.14  Participation in social functions Social participation

Regularly Occasionally Never Total

Distribution of households Poor households

Non-­poor households

Total

  91 (22.8%)   40 (10.0%) 104 (26.0%) 235 (58.8%)

132 (33.0%)   20 (5.0%)   13 (3.2%) 165 (41.2%)

223 (55.8%)   60 (15.0%) 117 (29.2%) 400 (100.0%)

Source: Computed from primary data.

Table 3.15  Social relations Social relation with others in society

Distribution of households Poor households

Non-­poor households

Total

Very good Good Average Not at all good Total

  35 (8.8%)   62 (15.4%)   55 (13.8%)   83 (20.8%) 235 (58.8%)

  78 (19.5%)   23 (5.8%)   50 (12.5%)   14 (3.4%) 165 (41.2%)

113 (28.3%)   85 (21.2%) 105 (26.3%)   97 (24.2%) 400 (100.0%)

Source: Computed from primary data.

The most outstanding feature of the figures is that a handful of respondents have good relations with other people of the region. Especially, the non-­poor respondents have good relations, whereas poor respondents have average and bad relation with others, indicating poverty as a major problem behind non-­cordial relations. On the basis of the preceding discussion, we can filter out various causes of poverty: agricultural dependency, unequal landholding patterns, regular drought, deforestation, unemployment, lack of irrigation facilities, etc., which are deeply embedded in the socio-­economic structure of the region. The region is agriculture based, wherein most of the population is dependent on agricultural activities for subsistence or livelihood. But drought as a major cause of poverty has lessened the ecological dependence of locals. More than 60% of households have faced the problem of crop loss due to the recurrence of environmental catastrophes like drought and hailstorm. Landholding is highly caste based wherein the dominant castes have grabbed the bigger patches of agricultural land. It has excluded marginal farmers and relegated them to the level of hand-­to-­mouth existence, leading to many health-­related problems. Irrigation facilities are very poor in the region. The majority of the households (32.2%) are dependent on canals for irrigation, which remain dry for most of the time. Overall, these causes have pushed the locals into the vicious circle of poverty.

Conclusion Poverty has created an adverse impact on rural employment opportunities, health status, food status, indebtedness, education, social participation and social relations with community members in the society. Due to chronic poverty, about one-­fourth of the households are unable to send their children to school. Further, poverty has forced the majority of locals (28%) to migrate 51

Manish K Verma and Narendra Gupta

from the region in search of employment in order to secure sustainable livelihoods. It has also forced a large segment of poor farmers (65%) to take on huge amounts of debt at higher interest rates from various sources like local moneylenders, banks and relatives. Money is borrowed for various purposes like agricultural activities, family rituals, health problems and daily needs. This clearly indicates that the people of the area are living in severe poverty. Furthermore, the impact of poverty has also been seen in the locals’ participation in social functions as well as in social relations with others in the society. About one-­fourth of the poor households never participate in social functions. The reason attributed is that, due to indebtedness and a feeling of inferiority, they prefer to remain excluded from social activities. Thus poverty has hampered harmonious and cordial relationships in the society. The endemic situation urgently demands serious introspection and the evaluation of government development policies in the region. Furthermore, the reformulation of its development strategies is the need of the hour for an enduring and sustainable solution to the existing crisis in order to connect the backward Bundelkhand region to the mainstream milieu.

Notes 1 http://www.finance.gov.pk/survey/chapter_10/09_Poverty.pdf /25-07-2016/10:25AM and point out at (Page-40, 5th line of paragraph-2, after “75% of world income”). 2 http://www.wfp.org/hunger/stats, United Nations World Food Programme – Fighting Hunger Worldwide.

References Ahuja, R. 2009. Social Problems in India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, pp. 27–32. Bardhan, P. K. 1974. “On the Incidence of Poverty in the Rural India in the Sixties.” In Poverty and Income Distribution in India, edited by T. N. Srinivas and P. K. Bardhan. Calcutta: Statistical Institute. Bernstein, H. 1992. Rural Livelihoods: Crises and Responses. New York: Oxford University Press. Becker, H. 1966. Social Problems: A Modern Approach, 436. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc. Dandekar, V. M., and N. Rath. 1971. Poverty in India, Indian School of Political Economy. Pune: Indian School of Political Economy, p. 86. Deshingkar, P. 2010. Migration, Remote Rural Areas and Chronic Poverty in India, 6. London: Overseas Development Institute. FAO. 2004. The State of Food insecurity in the World-­2004, Monitoring Progress towards the World Food Summit and Millennium Development Goals, Food and Agricultural Organization, Rome, Italy. http://www.fao.org. FAO. 2006. The State of Food Insecurity in the World-­2006, Eradicating World Hunger – Taking Stock Ten Years After the World Food Summit, Food and Agricultural Organization, Rome, Italy. http:// www.fao.org. FAO. 2008. The State of Food Insecurity in the World-­2008, High Food Prices and Food Security-­ Threats and Opportunities, Food and Agricultural Organization, Rome, Italy. http://www.fao.org. FAO. 2009. The State of Food Insecurity in the World-­2009, Economic Crises – Impacts and Lessons Learned, Food and Agricultural Organization, Rome, Italy. http://www.fao.org. Gupta, A. K. 2014. Bundelkhand Drought Retrospective Analysis and Way Ahead, 2. New Delhi: National Institute of Disaster Management. Harrington, M. 1962. The Other America: Poverty in the United States [manual (1958)]. New York: Simon & Schuster, p. 83. Kumar, A., and P. Sharma. 2013. “Impact of Climate Variation on Agricultural Productivity and Food Security in Rural India.” The Open-­Access: 43. Kumari, L. 2013. “Poverty Eradication in India: A Study of National Policies, Plans and Programmes.” Research World-­Journal of Art, Science and Commerce IV (2): 2–3, 69. Mathew, G. 2003. “Panchayati Raj Institutions and Human Rights in India.” Economic and Political Weekly: 155–62.

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Impact of poverty and exclusion Minhas, B. S. 1974. “Rural Poverty: Land Distribution and Development Strategy.” In Poverty and Income Distribution in India, edited by T. N. Srinivas and P. K. Bardhan. Calcutta: Statistical Institute, p. 257. Rani, A. 2011. “Poverty in Punjab: A District Level Study.” Punjab, 1. http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/ bitstream/10603/10225/8/08_chapter%201.pdf. Rowntree, B. Seebohm. 1936. Poverty: A Study of Town Life. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons. Saxena, N. C. 2012. Food Assistance Programmes and their Role in Alleviating Poverty  & Hunger in India, 4. http://www.sccommissioners.org/Starvation/Articles/foodassistanceprogrammessaxena.pdf. Sen, A. 1999. Inequality Reexamined. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Shamra, J. S. 2008. Report on Drought Mitigation Strategy for Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. New Delhi: Inter-­ministerial Team. Singh, S. P. 2012. Explaining the Plight of Bundelkhand_Drought, Suicide and Governance. www.Bundelkhand.in, Vol. 59 (5), p. 2. Srivastava, B. 2012. Post Reform Economic Disparities in Rural Uttar Pradesh, A Ph.D. research under the supervision of Prof. A. K. Sengupta, Director, Institute of Development Studies and Pro-­Vice Chancellor, Lucknow University, Lucknow, p. 168. https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/44141/11/ final%20bhavana.pdf. UNDP. 2007. Human Development Report, 25. New York: Oxford University Press. UNICEF. 2006. Progress for Children: A Report Card on Nutrition-­2006, Nutrition and MDGs, United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. http://www.unicef.org. UPWSRP, P. 2013. Social & Environmental Assessment Framework for Entire Area of Uttar Pradesh ‘Final Report for Bundelkhand. Lucknow. Verma, M. K., and A. Pal. 2014. “Exploration of Ethno-­botanical Uses of Major Plants Species by the Local Tribal Communities of Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh, India.” Journal of Biodiversity and Environmental Sciences (JBES) 4 (3). Verma, M. K., and N. Gupta. 2015. “Development, Food Insecurity and Health Predicaments: A Study of Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh.” In Communities and Social Development in India, edited by Rabindra Garada. New Delhi: Avon Publication, pp. 97–110. Verma, M. K., and N. Gupta. 2017. “Issues of Poverty and Development in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh: An Empirical Analysis.” Research Process (International Journal of the Social Research Foundation) 5 (I & II): 19–32.

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4 DISCRIMINATION AND EXCLUSION IN EDUCATION A study of the children of manual scavenger communities of Rajasthan Nida Khan Attainment of education is deemed to be one of the key indicators of the development of marginalised community. According to Paulo Freire (Bergman 1972), education is not a neutral process but has a critical role to play both as a subject of reform and as the promoter in the process of the socio-­political relational dynamics. “Education serves the role of a mirror; just as a mirror reflects the reality in front of it, education mirrors our inner development” (Majumdar and Moooij 2011). In the present scenario, education has become a tool for social domination and control, and the educational polices, rather than promoting equality and social justice, are just reproducing the status quo. Rapid urbanization and advancement in technology, education itself has become a commodity in the knowledge economy which in a very subtle way has programmed the individuals like an “appendage to the machine” to become workers in the hierarchical and stratified capitalist production process, thereby submerging to the new “culture of silence” where there is no place for dialogue or critical thinking. The whole education system has become one major instrument for the maintenance of this culture of silence. Inequality is an endemic feature of Indian society and is manifested in various forms. The graded inequality is a unique feature of the caste system in India as it has close ties with other social, economic, cultural and political systems such as kinship, power regimes, political relations, etc. In India, a number of social groups undergo deprivation on the basis of groups’ characteristics like caste and ethnicity (Thorat and Saberwal 2010). However, there are differences in sources and processes of deprivation. The exclusion and deprivation of the Scheduled Castes, for example are closely associated with the institution of caste and untouchability. Exclusion on the basis of caste is of central importance in India, as it is perceived as the fundamental form of social exclusion in Indian society. Historically, SCs are considered as “outcast” and “lesser human” and have to face extreme discrimination and exclusion in society. As per the ancient Hindu text Manusmriti, Shudras or Dalits are described as polluted and unclean by birth, and the other twice-­born castes have to maintain a certain distance from them in their daily lives. They are still not allowed to enter the house, are paid lower wages, are not allowed to sell goods in the marketplace, have restricted entry to temples and to marriage and ritual ceremonies, etc. In the case of children, they have to face a lot of discrimination in school, are made to sit separately, are not allowed to drink water from the main source, etc. They are socially excluded in society and are denied their basic 54

Discrimination and exclusion in education 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

57.3

52.3 38.9

36.9

31.4

30.9

25.7

24.7

20.2

19

Figure 4.1  Crime rate against Dalits per lakh SC population Source: National Crime Records Bureau 2015.

rights and opportunities in society, thereby leading to their low human development and high poverty. Children of the marginalized sections of society are subjected to various forms of discrimination and humiliation which have an adverse effect on their confidence and self-­respect. Traditionally, they are even denied education, and even those with educations have experienced very little social mobility due to caste-­based opposition to their occupational mobility (Jeffery, Jeffery and Jeffery 2004). Untouchability was abolished in India many years ago as per Article 17 of the Indian Constitution. Despite this, crime and violence against the SCs are on the rise. According to National Crime Records Bureau, Census 2011, Rajasthan stands second in crime against SC/STs, with Uttar Pradesh first and Bihar third. Rajasthan has emerged as the state with the highest incidence of registered atrocities against Dalits across the country (57.6%), Figure 4.1 depicts this. Out of 47,064 incidences of violence against registered Dalits, Rajasthan accounts for 8,028 of them. Fifty-­two to 65% of all crimes in Rajasthan have a Dalit as the victim. This is despite the fact that the State’s SC (Dalit) population is just 17.8% of its total population. With 6% of India’s Dalit population, the State accounts for up to 17% of the crimes against them across India (Pathak and Sampat, July 2016, The Hindu). At the national level, the atrocities reported against SCs across India have increased by 6% from 38,564 in 2015 to 41,041 in 2016.

Manual scavenging In simple terms, the term “manual scavenging” means the obnoxious and inhuman occupation of certain communities of manually removing night soil and filth (human excrement) using their hands (Advocacy manual, ILO Convention no. 11). The occupation has remained intact with the Valmiki communities based on the ancient caste system where one’s caste decides the nature of the occupation one does. As a result, even though manual scavenging is punishable under law i.e., per the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Rehabilitation Act, 2013, many caste groups are still very much engaged in doing this manual scavenging work of cleaning dry latrines, sewers and septic tanks, etc. The concept of purity and pollution is very much a reality to date, even though the forms of manual scavenging and cleaning of human excreta have changed over time in both rural and urban areas. The inhuman and demeaning occupation of manual scavenging continues in different forms and manners. According to the socio-­economic caste Census 2011, 180,657 households are still engaged in manual scavenging directly or indirectly and more than 55

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794,000 people were working as manual scavengers in India. They are commonly known by different caste names like known as Bhangis, Balmikis, etc. and have to face various forms of discrimination and exclusion  – economic, social and cultural  – in society. Ranikumari Khokar a lawyer, earlier manual scavengers, states that “Every morning I would take a broom and tin plate to the homes of the upper caste Thakurs to pick up their faeces. I would collect the waste in a cane basket and later throw it in a dumping ground outside the village.” For cleaning 10 toilets a day, she earned six rotis (chappatis), some leftover food and a set of old clothes during the Diwali festival (Venkatraman 2016). Manual scavenging is a caste-­based occupation, and mostly women are engaged in cleaning excreta from dry latrines with their hands, while men are engaged in cleaning open gutters and sewer lines, often without proper equipment. One major problem is in understanding the concept of manual scavenging, which is generally confused with domestic workers and sweepers. They are not the same as manual scavenging means manually cleaning dry latrines, sewers and septic tanks; domestic workers help in cleaning the house and performing other menial works, and sweeper is one who sweeps the roads, institutions, homes as a job. But many a time we treat all three the same. A very recent example occurred at Anna University where a couple was employed and the dean “forced workers to perform manual scavenging with no protective gear, to perform personal chores in her private residence (including washing her and her husband’s underwear and cleaning their home’s toilets), and that she allowed her husband to sexual harass them.” The couple were employed on a contractual basis with the job title of “sweeper” and were expected to work as sanitary workers at the college campus. Later when the couple approached the court, they were fined Rs. 25,000 for “wasting” the court’s time. The court said: Similarly, when a sweeper/scavenger is employed, he/she has to clean up the toilet also, because she was appointed for washing the clothes of all the family members for which she has been paid therefore. Hence, being a domestic maid appointed as Sweeper and Cleaner, she has to wash all the clothes irrespective of the clothes, whether it is inner cloth or outer cloth. Similarly, a Sweeper cannot complain that she cannot be compelled to clean up the toilet, therefore, making a complaint that the scavenger was compelled to clean up the toilet, is wholly unacceptable. (Das 2018,) Since then, the couple has been in hiding, as they have had death threats, they have no jobs and their children have stopped going to school because they have no money left to pay the fees. Interestingly, manual scavenging is a punishable crime as per the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Rehabilitation Act, 2013, and even in this case rather than punishing the accused for making them do manual scavenging, the victims had to bear the burden of a fine as well as the loss of their job as they refused to suffer the harassment. It seems that even the judicial system has its own caste prejudices, thereby neglecting the reality of the situation. Two Dalit children were brutally beaten and rusticated from a primary school in Rajasthan on September 22, 2014, for drinking water from a matka (earthen pot) used by an upper-­caste teacher. The teacher, Mangal Singh, rusticated 11 Dalit children for this “crime,” half of the student body of the 25-­student school in Meghwalo ki Dhani in Tant village of Bikaner district in Rajasthan (The Citizen 2014). In another incident, a 12-­year-­old Dalit student of Class IV Dinesh of Rajkiya Ucch-­madhyamik Vidyalaya was beaten up by his teacher in a government

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Discrimination and exclusion in education

school in Jodhpur for taking a plate from a stack reserved for non-­Dalits. The episode happened in a Government Higher Secondary School in Osian town of Jodhpur. Rahul, a student of Class V in a government school in Kishangarh Bas area, was allegedly beaten with a stick on July 15 by a teacher, Virendra, in Rajasthan’s Alwar district (Khan 2015, Indian Express). All these incidents show very clearly that violence against Dalits has been on the rise. According to data released by the National Confederation of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR), a total of 3,198 cases related to atrocities on Dalits have been registered between 2004 and 2013 as against 1,305 from 1994 to 2003.

Status of education in Rajasthan Schools are place of socialization, and classrooms are zones of free enquiry where students from across the social spectrum work and learn in close proximity. The diversity and hierarchy that is widespread in our society is clearly reflected in our school system which are like microcosms of society. Literacy plays a major role in the economic development of a nation. India is home to the largest number of illiterate people in the world, accounting for about one-­third of all illiterates worldwide. Rajasthan has the 33rd worst literacy rate (67.10%) across India and stands below the national average (74.04%). Enrolment and retention among girls are significantly lower than those of boys, and the gap is even greater among SC/STs and OBCs. The graph in Figure 4.2 depicts the literacy rate of India and Rajasthan. As per Census 2011, out of a total 208 million children between 6 and 13 years, 18.3% were not attending any educational institution. That percentage means 38 million children, a number that shows a significant reduction from 58 million in 2001. Alarmingly, of these 38 million children, including 7.1 million Dalit and 4.6 million Adivasi children, more than 80% have never attended any educational institution (Oommen 2015). According to estimates by the National Sample Survey, three out of four children are currently out of schools in India who are either Dalits (32.4%, 2 million), Muslims (25.7%, 1.5 million) or Adivasi (16.6%, 1 million), and the actual numbers are much higher. When we look at the enrolment pattern of the Schedule Caste children from primary to higher secondary level in the case of Rajasthan, we see a declining trend; as the level of education increases, fewer people are enrolled as compared to the all-­India. Figure 4.3 depicts this. There are various reasons for

100.00% 80.00% 60.00% 40.00% 20.00% 0.00%

Rajasthan

Literacy rate

Rajasthan

67.10%

Male literacy rate 80.50%

India

74.04%

82.14%

Female literacy rate 52.70% 65.46%

Figure 4.2  Literacy rate gender-­wise in India and Rajasthan, Census 2011 Source: Census 2011

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India

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25 20 15 10 5 0

Rajasthan India

%SC Population Census 2011

Primary level

Upper primary level

Secondary Higher level secondary

Figure 4.3  Percentage SC enrolment to total enrolment, 2013–14 Source: U-­DISE 2013–14, School Education in India.

low enrolments and higher dropouts from the higher level of education, which I will deal with later in the chapter. Education has been the focal point of the Schedule Caste struggle for equity and social justice. There is a difference in enrolment patterns between SC/ST children and non-­SC/STs, and the gap widens as we move towards higher education. There are various reasons behind it, which include various kinds of inequalities and prejudices that persist in society, like caste discrimination, poverty, illiteracy, struggle for access to school; discrimination in school by management, teachers, peers; teacher absenteeism, etc. This research is aimed at understanding the patterns and forms of discrimination and exclusion of the children of Scavenger Communities and is intended to measure the relationship between the social, economic and cultural causes and extent of exclusion

Rationale for selection of study area The focus of study is Rajasthan for a few reasons: First, it is the largest state in India. Secondly, in Rajasthan, the poverty level is very high, the literacy level is low with wide gender gap and the health and demographic indicators are equally indifferent. Thirdly, according to National Crime Records Bureau, Census 2011, Rajasthan stands second in crimes against SC/STs. It has emerged as the state with the highest incidence of registered atrocities against Dalits across the country (57.6%). With 6% of India’s Dalit population, the State accounts for up to 17% of the crimes against them across India (Pathak and Sampat 2016). Rajasthan state has crossed the Supreme Court–fixed limit of the 50% cap on caste-­based reservation for SC/STs and OBCs and now has reservations up to 68.5%. The government has enforced the two-­child norm in the state since June  1, 2002, barring its employees from having a third child after June 1, 2002. To address the issue of the shortage of school teachers, the Rajasthan Government has started a rationalisation programme to merge schools with lower enrolment in the state from August 2014, which had adversely affected the education of the children. The major reason for selecting Alwar is a part of city which has connectivity to Delhi, which shows the imprint of urbanization thereby leading to lot of migration and rural–urban divide and the development of slums. It is governed by the Municipal Corporation which comes under the Alwar Metropolitan Region. Alwar is part of the National Capital Region (NCR) and is connected to three state highways. According to Census 2011, Alwar city has a population of 315,379 out of 58

Discrimination and exclusion in education

which 166,765 are males and 148,614 females. Average literacy rate of Alwar city is 85.95% of which male and female literacy was 92.67 and 78.48%. The Schedule Caste consists of 16.99% of the population. The total number of slums in Alwar city and its outgrowth is 682, in which a population of 3,799 resides. The majority of the population were employed in traditional economic activities which are handed down to them over generations. Alwar, being a smaller city, faces the problem of poverty due to inadequate employment opportunities and an oversupply of labour in the context of local market. The objective of this research was to understand the socio-­economic and cultural conditions that prevail among the Scavenger Communities today in urban areas and also to find out about the patterns and forms of discrimination experienced by the children of the Scavenger Communities within the educational system, from the students and teachers etc. and society at large. The research was conducted adopting a mixed-­method approach, exploring both primary and secondary sources of data to study the research questions. Through purposive sampling, two settlements were selected which had Valmiki communities as inhabitants whose hereditary caste occupation was manual scavenging. At the first stage, a household survey was done of the two settlements to get the basic profile of the household. In the second stage, a detailed study was done through case study and in-­depth interviews; observations with teachers, students, parents and school administrators were done in order to understand the forms and patterns of discrimination and exclusion faced by children of manual Scavenger Communities. Pseudo or dummy names have been used in order to keep the identities of respondents hidden. The study was conducted in Alwar city with the focus on two settlements which had large Valmiki populations and that were currently engaged in manual scavenging, even those who had left their hereditary caste occupation. The two settlements covered were slum areas: Mohalla Khadhan in the main market and Lal Khan Akhipuri the in outer part of city. The total households (HH) covered were 265 HH and consisted of 100 HH covered in Lalkhan Aakhipuri settlement and 165 HH covered in Mohalla Khadhan settlement. Out of the total 265 surveyed households and associations with manual scavenging, 69.1% (183 households) were currently engaged, 27.5% (73 households) were currently not engaged, and 3.4% (9 households) were never part of it. The bar graph in Figure 4.4 depicts the same. The nature of

90.00% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00%

Currently engaged Currently not engaged Never part of it

Lalkhan Aakhipura Mohallah Khadhan

Total

Figure 4.4  Distribution of surveyed households and their association with manual scavenging Source: U-­DISE 2013–14, School Education in India.

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the work that the majority was engaged in was sweeping work, followed by garbage collection and cleaning drains and sewers. There were even few reported cases of people engaged in cleaning septic tanks and cleaning human and animal excreta, even though such work has been banned by government under protection of the manual scavenging and rehabilitation act and is punishable under law. The people here were mostly contractual or daily wage labourers, and very few were in government jobs. Many people even reared pigs as a part-­time occupation.

Basic profile of the settlements Urbanization in India is taking place at a rapid speed, with challenges in the form of disparity between the redistribution of economic opportunity and growth. Due to urbanization, a different lifestyle and culture develop in cities, thereby changing the very ethos of the life prevalent in other parts of the landscape. Rapid urbanization has led to serious problems that create a threat to the very fabric of space, economy and society. In Alwar city, the two settlements covered were slum areas: Mohalla Khadhan in the main market and Lal Khan Akhipuri in the outer part of the city. These slum areas can be described as an overcrowded habitation which lacks basic facilities like sanitation, water supply, electricity, health and education facilities. The population in these slums was heterogeneous in nature as people in cities migrated from different regions and were of different castes and religions. But the only uniting factor in this diversity was their low-­income status and non-­affordability of good and reasonable accommodation, as well as the preference of people of the same caste to stay in the majority in order to avoid discrimination and exclusion. The majority of dwellings were pucca and semi-­pucca structure, but there were also predominantly kachha or temporary structures whose walls were made of mud and roofs with plastic sheets or tents which were unsuitable for extreme weather conditions. The legality of ownership was a major problem in these settlements. Water was a major problem, roads were narrow and there was no scope for the entry of regular vehicles to make business on a large scale possible. Drains and sewer lines were invariably open and served as a depository of both solid waste and human excreta. No Safai karamcharis were appointed by the Nagar Parishad to clean the area. The houses were unhealthy, inadequate and unsafe. Most of the houses did not have toilet facilities and, as a result, used community toilets built by Sulabh International that were far fewer in number in relation to the population and that at times even charged money so that many people ended up going in the open, worsening conditions. One of the major problems of the settlement was liquor. In the evening, most of the men got drunk daily and created a scene in the locality. The settlements covered had a majority of Scheduled Caste population i.e., Valmiki, Mehattar, Regar, etc. There were other castes as well, like Rajput, Baniya, Kori, Chamar, Balmiki, Nayak, Meena, Gurjar, Dheemar, Muslims, Balai, etc. As a result, all the castes had their separate religious places which were not visited by other caste groups. The people were superstitious, and the practice of untouchability and discrimination and exclusion based on caste was very much present. The colony has a road down the middle, or as they say “LOC,” or the Line of Control with restricted movement, with Valmikis on one side of the road and other higher castes on the other side. Water tanks with boring facilities were provided by the government for the people but that, as of now, are under Rajput’s control. In another settlement, the main lane had a water supply which was not extended to the inner Basti. As a result, people living in the inner portion of the settlement faced a lot of problem. The settlement pattern was very much based on caste hierarchies in terms of resource and facilities and who controlled them. 60

Discrimination and exclusion in education

Profile of the surveyed households The environment of the house plays a major role in the formation of an individual’s personality. Social and educational opportunities of the child are determined by the economic status of the households as well as by the educational status of the parents. Type of family: In the present study, out of the total 265 surveyed households, 82.3% (218 households) had nuclear families, and 17.7% (47 households) had joint families. In both settlements, the majority of the people were living in single nuclear family unity, the reasons being low economic status, working as contractual daily wage labourers and small accommodations. Many people had migrated to cities alone in search of better jobs, and it was economically infeasible to have joint families at such a stage. Economic status of surveyed households: The average monthly income of the majority of the surveyed households is Rs. 5,000–15,000. There can be little fluctuation in monthly income as respondents were a little reluctant to tell their actual income. The people who had pig rearing as their alternate business did not report their actual income. Mostly people were poor and had five to eight members per house; as a result, most of the money was spent on food and other necessities and sometimes income was not sufficient enough to meet the basic needs of the family. A very small proportion of income was left for education, shelter, clothing, medicine, etc. Education of the head of surveyed household: The education of parents and other adults in the family has a great impact on the progress of the education of the child. Out of the total of 265 surveyed households, 56.2% (149 respondents) were illiterate, 11.7% (31 respondents) had primary education, 19.6% (52 respondents) had middle primary education, 9.1% (24 respondents) had secondary education, 2.3% (6 respondents) had higher secondary education and 1.1% (3 respondents) were graduates. The education of parents and other adults in the family has a great impact in the progress of the education of the children. Mostly people were illiterate but were very much aware of the importance of education. Discrimination due to one’s caste occupation: It came out very clearly during the focused group discussion (FGD) in Alwar that “Humne toh jhadoo-­kadka kar liya par humare bacchein na kareinge.” They stated that “an illiterate is like an animal”; there is no job for uneducated people, and unemployment was the main reason for the backwardness of this section of the society. Most of the surveyed households belonged to the Valmiki caste so, even though they had attained good education, their caste stigma haunts them even today. One’s caste affected the nature of their job. As reported: “Mahesh belonged to Valmiki caste had done Masters of Arts but still was working as a sweeper in a bank due to the caste stigma which did not allow him to take up any other job except his hereditary occupation.” In another case: A man of Valmiki caste was working as a peon in a private school for three years and would do all the work like serving water, ringing the bell, office work etc. But this was only for a short duration until people came to know about his caste. He was actually boycotted and was asked to leave the job as people of higher caste refused to accept water and food from him due to purity and pollution concept. The upper castes stated that “Pehle tum bathroom dhoge, jhadoo lagao ge phir pani donge-­aysa kaysa ho sakta hai hum kayse pani pe lenge tumhare haath se.” The principal was kind enough as the man stated, so he was not removed from the job, rather the nature of his work was changed from peon to safai karamchari in the school. Three of his children studied in the same school that further had to face humiliation and discrimination after this whole episode. 61

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This shows that even though one might attain a higher level of education, but their caste became a reason for their discrimination and exclusion. At the national level, Rajasthan is one of the educationally backward states, in addition to having the highest incidence of registered atrocities against Dalits across the country. Occupational sector of surveyed households: The surveyed households belonged to lower-­income groups and were mostly illiterate migrants and unskilled labourers. Out of total 265 surveyed HH, 49.10% (130 households) were in the private sector, 22.3% (51 households) were in the government sector, 22.3% (59 households) were unemployed, 2.6% (7 households) were self-­employed and 1.5% (4 households) were housewives. The majority of the household were into contractual labour, and those in the government sector were mostly elderly people, not the younger generation. The Rajasthan government had decided to enforce the two-­child norm in the state from June 1, 2002, barring its employees from having a third child. Through this policy, the government was trying to place a check on the rising population. This policy of the government had a very serious impact on the people. Now, talking about the relationship between the occupational sector of HH and their association with caste, the data highlights that 22.3% were unemployed, and these were mostly educated people who were not ready to do their hereditary job as they devalued their own hereditary occupation, considering it low and dirty. “Humare maathin pe likha hai ke hum safai ka he kaam kareinge” i.e. is it written on their foreheads that they are meant to do cleaning work generation after generation.” The educated people of Valmiki caste were not getting decent jobs, and the moment their caste identity was revealed, they had to face humiliation and even their nature of work was changed to a safakaramchari. “Hum, MA/BA bi Kara dein phir bi humare haath mein jhaddo ki pakda dengein, koi acchi naukri do Na, babu banne bi chyein humare bacchain.” This shows the helplessness of people who, however educated they might be, are still haunted by their caste stigma. Many people started engaging in alternative jobs like tailoring, vegetable and fruit sales, confectionary shops, meat shops, tent house businesses. etc., but here also they faced a lot of discrimination due to their caste and were not successful. SCs are still considered “less than human” and face extreme discrimination and exclusion in society. Social exclusion does not limit itself to market discrimination but extends to discrimination and denial of access in all aspects of life and addresses the multiple and cumulative aspects of being excluded and the consequences that arise out of it (Prakash 2008).

Coverage of schools In the present study, a total of four schools were covered in two settlements of Alwar: Khaddana Muhallah and Lalkhana Akhipri. These schools were nearer to the settlements and were attended by the majority of the students of the settlements belonging to the target group. The basic profile of the four schools is given in Table 4.1. Table 4.1  Profile of school covered Name

Type of school

Location

Educational level

Total students

Total teachers

School 1 School 2 School 3 School 4

Private unaided Government Private unaided Private unaided

Khaddana Muhallah, Alwar Lal Khana Akhipuri, Alwar Lal Khana Akhipuri, Alwar Khadana Muhallah, Alwar

Upper primary Upper primary Upper primary Upper primary

165 100 150 60

7 4 6 2

Source: Primary data.

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Discrimination and exclusion in education

Education status of children total

Completed

Ongoing

Dropout

Never attended

Figure 4.5  Educational status of children of surveyed households

Educational status of children Education is not a neutral process; rather, the various shades of society are clearly reflected in our educational system and particularly the school system, which acts as a microcosm of the society. Schools are place of socialization, and classrooms are zones of free enquiry; it is here that various social actors across various sections of the society work and learn in close proximity. The present study was conducted in order to understand the forms of discrimination that exist in society and at the school level and how it affects a child’s education. Depending on educational status, the children were classified into four categories: ongoing, dropout, never attended school and had completed education. The educational status of children within the ages 4–21 years were included. Age-­wise, only those children below 4 years were recorded who were enrolled and entered in schooling; while only those children above 21 years of age were recorded whose educational status was in the “ongoing’ category, i.e., those who were still continuing their education. And all these children belonged to the Valmiki caste category. Out of the total 265 surveyed households, the total of 256 children were covered which consisted of 57.4% (147 children) male and 42.6% (109 children) female. In all these children, 52% (133 children) were ongoing to school, 36.7% (94 children) were dropout, 10.2% (26 children) never attended school and 1.2% (3 children) had completed education. (See Figure 4.5.)

Educational level of children of surveyed households Out of the total 256 children of surveyed households, a total of 230 children attained certain levels of education while the rest of the children had either never attended school or were not in the age group of 4–21 years. The educational level of children was divided into three broad categories: Primary (includes pre-­primary, primary and middle school), Up to secondary (includes secondary and higher secondary) and Up to postgraduation (includes undergraduation, graduation and postgraduation). Out of the total of 230 children, 75.70% (174 children) had primary education, 22.20% (51 children) had up to secondary education and 2.10% (5 children) had up to postgraduation level of education. (See Figure 4.6). The enrolment in upper primary education has been increasing steadily with more children moving from the primary to the upper primary stages of education. The transition rate to the upper primary stage of education has increased from 83.7% in 2006–07 to 89.6% in 2013–14 (U-­DISE, NUEPA). But as the level of education increases, the percentage of children decreases with increases in level of education. The education of parents has a great impact on the educational status of children as the majority of the people were poor, illiterate and contractual labour, so they had little awareness about the importance of education. There are various reasons for 63

Nida Khan 75.70%

22.20% 2.10% Primary

Upto secondary

Up to post graduation

Figure 4.6  Education level of children of surveyed households

children dropping out; for boys, it’s the lack of interest or the burden to contribute to family income, while for girls dropping out, it’s the distance of school from home, taking care of siblings, etc. Illiterate parents believe why waste time in education, which doesn’t guarantee a job? Rather, it was better, especially for a male child, to develop skills and get a better paying job and be financially stable until he reaches marriageable age. In most cases, one observes higher enrolment at lower levels of education due to free and compulsory education provided by government from 6 to 14 years, the RTE 25% reservation in private schools, various scholarship benefits, etc. But when these benefits decrease, the dropout rate also increases. The dropout rate increases as age increases, especially in the case of girls. People of lower castes do not prefer to send their female children to distant schools for fear of harassment and eve teasing. It was reported in the fieldwork that, in a few cases of eve-­teasing, the police refused to file an FIR (First Information Report) as they believe the people of the lower caste have no self-­esteem. Sunita, sweeper of the Valmiki caste, stated, “Daar rehta hai ke ladki ke saath kuch uuch-­neech nah o jayein, kyuki hum choti jati ke hain or choti jaat kit oh koi ijjat nai hoti.” It means that the parents are scared especially for girls; in case of any mishap, the police will not even file an FIR as they belong to lower caste (Valmiki), who according to them have no self-­respect/dignity and the girl’s honour will be at stake. In many cases, the children were first-­generation learners, had illiterate parents who were unable to assist the child in education and, being poor, were unable to provide private tuitions. Even if they could afford the tuitions, they had to face discrimination and humiliation due to their lower caste. As reported: “Nandini belonged to Valmiki caste and her father worked as sweeper in Nagar Nigam. She had to face humiliation due to her parent’s caste and occupation. The upper caste children teased her saying, ‘Yeh tere papa hai kya inko toh maine apne muhallein mein jhadoo lagatein dekha tha.’ It means, ‘Is this your father whom I saw sweeping in my locality that day.’ After this incident, Nandini stopped taking private tuitions and eventually failed in maths.”

Type of school Out of the total 230 children who had attended school at some point in time, 49.60% (114 children) went to private unaided schools, 37% (85 children) went to government schools and 13.50% (31 children) went to private aided schools. The bar graph in Figure 4.7 gives a clear picture of the distribution of the children population. There was a lot of competition among parents over which school the child is sent to as there was inter-­community competition among people. With the rise in disposable income of the 64

Discrimination and exclusion in education

49.60% 37.00% 13.50%

Government school

Private aided school

Private unaided school

Figure 4.7  Type of schools attended by children of surveyed households

people, private schools were preferred over government schools (as out-­of-­pocket expenditures in private unaided institutions were much higher than in government schools) due to better infrastructure facilities, education, regular teachers and good pupil–teacher ratio. Most of these private schools were budgeted schools of low quality. There was a clear hierarchy within the type of schools in terms of the quality of education and facilities provided by the school. It was observed in the field that most of these private schools stated that they had both English and Hindi mediums of instruction, but in reality most of the private schools had only Hindi as the medium of instruction with the justification given by school administration that, as they charged the minimal amount of fees, could not offer English medium services to the students on this limited budget. A very interesting case was reported of a private low-­budgeted school that was charging fees like any other good private school, but according to the parents facilities provided were not up to the mark. The school was shut down or shifted to a new location all of a sudden without notice, leading to a long gap in schooling as children were unaware of the new location of the school and even led to the dropping out of many children whose parents stated that they were better off getting admission next year in another school. Later, after interrogation, it was revealed that the school was situated in a rented building and that, due to the non-­payment of rent, it had to be shifted to a new location. It came out very clearly from the field that parents considered government schools as lacking quality and basic facilities, and they preferred private schools even though most of them were budgeted schools as revealed during the field research. Parents believe that, since they are paying fees in private schools, the chances of discrimination faced by students are lessened. They feel that, in the case of discrimination, they can go directly to the school authorities and fight. While in the case of government schools education is free, if a child encounters discrimination, the parents cannot do anything as they have no power. Even the children considered private schools – with better facilities like uniforms, infrastructure, teachers who don’t beat them, and good education – discrimination is comparatively low. The children of private schools denoted children going to government school as “Bhikkari ke bachhai” as they were studying in government schools for free. The study conducted in the Rajasthan villages (Nambissan 2000) also stated that how social division was seen in government schools between children coming from “basti” and “colony.” Discrimination was practiced at the school level between Dalit and non-­Dalit; for example, Dalit children are denied drinking water from the pot, jars or a tank which is kept in schools and are forced to drink water from a hand pump which is at a little distance from the school. The actual seating arrangements tend to be influenced largely by teacher expectations and preferences [“intelligent” (hoshiar) students in the front rows and those considered “weak” (kamzor) 65

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behind], peer group dynamics (in relation to caste/social dominance) and “locational” identity (basti as against colony). Many times teachers are inclined to talk to clever students leaving out others; as a result, many children find it difficult to cope with this indifference as they have little or no family atmosphere and support for learning and find it difficult to catch up with their peers who are better endowed (Govinda, ed. 2011). As reported in the field: In case of Alwar, [in] a government upper primary school in LalKhana Akhipuri settlement the majority of students were SC’s. There were 4 teachers and one principal all of general caste. As observed in the field that during morning assembly there was a separate line for Valmiki community than for other caste groups. [An important] thing to note is that even though the majority of students were SC’s but still among them there was caste hierarchy. Lower caste was made to clean the school and classroom before starting to study. The justification given by teacher was that since the man who was appointed to do cleaning work in school rarely came so students did it themselves. The children even stated that since the toilets were not in usable condition so mostly the students go to urinate in the “nala” i.e. open drainage adjacent to the school premises both boys and girls as have no alternate option.

Discrimination and exclusion Social distance and exclusion translate into active discrimination in access to government services and employment. The caste of ongoing children plays a major role in the discrimination and exclusion they face in schools. Ram Valmiki narrated that he went to government school where he was made to clean the school, wash utensils and do the domestic work of the teacher. It was the Valmiki caste children who did all this work. “Wo insaan hain, hum Valmiki chooti jaat hai, hum insaan nahi hum janwar hain.” The upper caste people are human unlike Valmikis who belong to lower caste and are treated worser than animal. Sunil narrated that the caste stigma was still attached to their identity irrespective how rich they become. “Valmiki ka Jo muhaar lagi hai wo naahi jaata.” The stamp or the caste identity of Valmiki is attached to them and will haunt them their whole lifetime until death does them apart. He states that in the process of getting a job, he had to reveal his caste identity at three different levels and had to face a lot of humiliation. The irony of the situation is that one cannot hide caste, as in case of a bank clerk whose caste identity was revealed on his name plate on the desk and as a result had to face discrimination on daily basis irrespective of his qualifications. Empirical studies also show the denial of access and differential treatment in food security programmes like the midday meal (MDM) scheme and fair price shops (FPS). A study on the midday meal scheme in Rajasthan reported the exclusion of Scheduled Caste persons from employment as cooks and helpers in almost 60% of the sample villages (Aparajita and Jena 2003). Another study based on a sample of about 550 villages in five states – Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan  – reported exclusion and discriminatory treatment in the operation of midday meal schemes and fair price shops (Joel and Thorat 2005). Even the teacher faces problems in accommodating SC children, whose culture and habits were not at all in accordance with school culture and environment. For instance, eating habits were different (many children ate tobacco), some were part-­time rag pickers so they usually came to school dirty, children use to run away from school and in some instances children even hit the teacher upon being scolded, etc. On the other hand, the children feel that the school culture is totally alien to their home environment, they face problems adjusting, 66

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and if they encounter discrimination or exclusion, they end up dropping out of school. Different sections of the society have different learning needs depending on their background, socio-­economic condition, etc., and continue to be a challenge to having an inclusive school environment. Sunita, a government teacher from Alwar, reported: Once her colleague humiliated her by showing a Valmiki child who had come shabbily dressed to school and said, “Haath lagane ko bi maan nai karta,” They don’t even feel like touching them as they are so dirty. Sunita had to face humiliation as the child belonged to her same caste and indirectly her colleague was pointing to her lower caste, and even though she had a reputation in school, caste is something which will never be erased from one’s identity. According to her, “sab nafrat kartein hain,” everyone hates them and the reason being, both the parents are working to meet the both ends meet, and almost have to spare time for children to see if they are atleast clean, leave alone thinking about their education. Suresh, a teacher in private schools, reported: Suresh had done M.Com, B.Ed. and now was a teacher in private school and gave private tuitions in the evening. He was a Valmiki and got a lot of respect from people of the community but once he moves out of the community he has to face caste based discrimination and at that time he feels his qualification is of no use.

Conclusion From the study, we can clearly see that the stigma of untouchability and the concept of purity and pollution is still rampant in society. Even after many decades of independence and with the coming of various legislative acts and rules for the protection of SCs, especially Manual Scavengers, like the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, or the new Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013, where the government has banned manual scavenging or hereditary occupations of cleaning as punishable by law, etc. The plight of Manual Scavengers has still not changed much. Even though they get some governmental benefits like the Pre-­Matric Scholarship to the children whose parents are engaged in un-­clean occupation but still a lot of works needs to be done for their upliftment. The general perception among people is that SCs are considered less human and not fit for education, especially the children of Manual Scavenger communities, who face various forms of discrimination and exclusion in the various social, economic, political and education spheres of life. In society, they are not allowed to mingle with people of other castes during festivals and religious ceremonies, and even on a day-­to-­day basis, they have to maintain a certain distance from others due to the stigma of purity and pollution attached to their caste identity. They are even denied various services of carpenters, barbers, tailors, etc. The school environment for SC children is alien, unfriendly and unwelcoming. There is a great difference between the school and home environment, and SC children cannot cope with the pressure, along with the various forms of discrimination and exclusion they have to face, leading to humiliation and dropping out from school. They are not allowed to hold positions of authority, such as monitor etc., but rather sometimes are even made to clean the classroom. No other caste people invite them to their homes or share food with them, which is even practiced during mid-­day meal (MDM). Parents are poor and illiterate, and they cannot not help their children with their studies and are sometime unable to pay for educational material and school uniforms. Parents are not interested in education as they believe that education doesn’t guarantee a job. Many SC children were “first-­generation learners” and had no support or encouragement from parents. So incidents of discrimination and exclusion from teachers, 67

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peers, etc. become a reason for children dropping out. Therefore, we can see how the Schedule Castes, particularly Manual Scavengers, encounter discrimination and exclusion at various levels and in different forms, leading to feelings of disgust, humiliation and being an outsider to society, eventually dropping out of school. Learning is not just providing a stocked library, the Internet and degrees that fetch good jobs; rather education should enhance the common pursuit of knowledge by all through mutual cooperation, observation and dialogue and develop critical thought and judgment. There is a need to make school education and the learning process a pleasant experience which is free from anxiety, fear and stress for diverse learners. Education should borrow from Paul Freire’s idea of the process of conscientisation and follow a comprehensive outcome approach where school becomes the site for the production of critical knowledge and students become active agents of social transformation and critical thinking. Education is not preparation for life; education is life itself (Dewey 1916, 239).

References Aparajita, Goyal, and Dreze Jena. 2003, 1 November. “Future of Mid-­Day Meal.” Economic and Political Weekly 38 (44). Bergman, Ramos Myra. 1972. Pedagogy of the Oppressed: Paulo Freire. New Zealand: Penguin Education. Das, Tina. 2018. “Madras HC Fines a Dalit Couple Rs. 25,000 because They Had Refused to be Manual Scavengers.” ODDNAARI, February 28. Dewey, J. 1916. Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education. New York: MacMillan. Govinda, R. 2011. Who Goes to School? Exploring Exclusion in Indian Education. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Jeffery, C., R. Jeffery, and P. Jeffery. 2004. “Degree without freedom: The Impact of Formal Education on Dalit Young Men in North India.” Development and Change 35 (5): 968–86. Joel, Lee, and Sukhdeo Thorat. 2005, 24 September. “Caste Discrimination and Food Security Programmes.” Economic and Political Weekly 40 (39). Kamble, Vibhawari. “Advocacy Manual for the NGO’s, CBO’s and Other Related Organization.” ILO, Convention no. 11. Khan, M. H. 2015. “In Jodhpur, Dalit Family Lives in Fear after Boy Touches Non-­Dalit’s Plate.” The Indian Express, October 9. Majumdar, M., and J. Moooij. 2011. Education and Inequality in India: A Classroom Review, 1. London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Nambissan, Geeta B. 2000. “Dealing with Deprivation.” Seminar (493). News18. 2017. “Gujarat among 5 Worst States in Atrocities against Dalits.” October  6. https://www. news18.com/news/india/gujarat-­among-­5-­worst-­states-­in-­atrocities-­against-­dalits-­1538909.html. NUEPA. 2013–14. School Education in India, Flash Statistics. New Delhi: U-­DISE. Oommen, Kurian C. 2005. “India’s Missing Millions of Out of School Children: A Case of Reality Not Living Up to Estimation?” November. OxfamIndia. https://www.oxfamindia.org/featuredstories/ indias-­missing-­millions-­out-­school-­children-­case-­reality-­not-­living-­estimation. Prakash, Louis. 2008. “Towards Inclusion and Equity.” Info Change News & Features, October. Singh, A. K. 2016. Education and Empowerment in India: Policies and Practices, 1. London: Routledge Tylor & Francis Group. The Citizen Bureau. 2014. “Discrimination Rises: Dalit Students Beaten, Rusticated For Drinking From Same Utensil as Upper Caste Teacher.” September 22. Thorat, Sukhadeo, and N. Saberwal. 2010. “Caste and Social Exclusion: Issues Related to Concept, Indicators and Measurement.” Working Paper Series Indian Institute of Dalit Studies and UNICEF. Venkatraman, Sai. 2016. “The Woman Who Refused to Do India’s Dirtiest Job.” The Guardian, March 1. Vikas, Pathak, and G. Sampat. 2016. “U.P., Bihar Lead in Crimes against Dalits.” The Hindu, July 25.

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5 CASTE DISCRIMINATION AND INEQUALITY A case of artisans S Victor Babu and Isha Tamta The practice of untouchability and caste have for long been known as the peculiar cultural practices of the people of India. Even the question of caste-­based discrimination has been globalized. Caste and untouchability, as recent studies have pointed out, exist even in other countries of South Asia and elsewhere in the world. The meanings of untouchability or even its sources (religion or tradition) vary across regions, as well as its forms (from physical touch and residential segregation to taboos and restrictions on inter-­dining, physical movement or following the occupation of one’s choice), its effects on those placed at the bottom are quite similar, such as economic deprivation, caste bias and a life full of humiliation (Jodhka and Shah 2010). Caste differences exist not simply in terms of distinctive group identities or ethnic difference, reproduced through caste endogamy, but also in terms of hierarchy and ideas of pollution and purity. One of the striking features of the discrimination is associated with low types of jobs and residential segregation (Jodhka and Shah 2010). Caste differences are not only cultural but also economic differences. Dr  Ambedkar argued that caste inequality is graded inequality, where inequality exists at all levels of social groupings. Even Dalits among themselves are also internally divided and unequal. These differences not only make it difficult for the lower castes to mobilize against the powerful, but it also institutionalizes discrimination and exclusion in a much more complicated way. Segregation and discrimination becomes a cultural trait in such social formations (Jodhka and Shah 2010).

Different social system in Uttarakhand The persistent and pervasive inter-­group inequality in economic life characterises India. The current pattern of inter-­g roup inequality closely matches the economic scheme of the caste system. Thorat argues that there is a need to demonstrate the extent to which inequality today is attributable to the denial of economic rights in the past and the extent to which it is attributable to forms of social exclusion and discrimination that persist in India today. If we want to find some remedies to eliminate caste inequality, we need to understand precisely how caste affects individual’s economic lives, how the economy interacts with caste values and attitudes, and what behaviour produces persistent inequality and deprivation for groups based on their caste, ethnicity or religion (Thorat and Newman 2007). 69

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This chapter traces the inequality of a group of castes called Shilpakars in Uttarakhand. The first part talks about the different castes of Shilpakars, and the second part brings out various spheres where inequality has prevailed. Although Indian society was theoretically divided into four varnas, this was not the case on the ground. The absence of the Kshatriya caste in all of south India is a case in point. Uttarakhand is a part of the central Himalayan region. It is divided into two regions: the Kumaun region and the Garhwal region. Both regions have their own rich traditional cultures. The caste system of the hills of Uttar Pradesh is different from the fourfold Varna system model. In Kumaun and Garhwal social structures are almost similar. The largest ethnic group is Khasa, or Khasiya, who comprised the traditional peasantry, and the next largest ethnic group is Doms who serve the cultivating body as artisans and farm servants. Ritually the highest but numerically smallest, are the Thuljat-­Brhmins and Rajputs who claimed to be children who migrated from the plains. The three-­tiered structure – Thuljat/Khasa/Dom – emerged out of what were originally distinctions between ruler and the ruled. The structure can be conceptualized as a series of binary distinctions of which the basic oppositions were (1) Bith (clean) vs. Dom (unclean) and, within Bith, (2) Thuljat (immigrant) vs. Khasa (indigenous) (Ramachandra Guha 2008). Before the arrival of the British, the Khasa and Tuljat castes dominated economically, socially and politically. It was widely believed that the Doms were the original inhabitants who were conquered and enslaved by the Khasas (William Crooke 1896, Reprint, 2005). The Khasas in turn were subjugated by the later immigrants from the plains who came to hold both political power and ritual status. The geographical isolation of the hill tracts developed an ambiguous relation with Hinduism. Therefore, caste restrictions and other rules of orthodox Hinduism were singularly lax. With regard to the Dom outcastes, ritual rules of purity and pollution were not defined as exclusively as in the plains. Mostly artisan and tenants formed an integral part of the village community like Bajgis and Aujis. However, Hill Doms were numerically the largest group of different castes. Doms in the hills are entirely different from the Doms of the plains of Uttar Pradesh. But most of the time, it was assumed that Doms in the hills and plains are the same. “Dom” actually did not refer to a caste. There were various subcastes among Doms. Atkinson divided doms into four categories: The first group consisted of Koli, Tamta and lohar; the second group had Ruria, Agri, Pahari, Bhool and Chimyar; the third group consisted of chamar, Mochi and Bhukhuriya; and the fourth had Beri, Hudakiya and Dholi (Viyogi and Ansari 2010). Doms are mentioned in the 1921 census as hill depressed classes, and enumerators gave a list of authenticated castes with the traditional occupation of each (1921). EHH Edye divided Doms into Five categories (Census of India 1921):

Group I In the first group are Agri (iron smith), Lohar (ironsmith), Tamta (coppersmith), Tirwa (sword and knife sharpeners).

Group II In the second group, the following castes are mentioned: Barhai (carpenter), Bhal (oil presser), Bairi (basketmaker), Baura (sack maker), Chanal (shoemaker), Hankiya (potter), Koli (weaver), Orh (mason), Ruria (basketmaker), Raj (mason), Dhanik (basketmaker), Dhunia (catechu maker), Jamoria (cultivator), Barai (stone maker), Bakharia (ploughman and menial), Chunera (turner). 70

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Group III In group three, there are Bakharia (ploughman and menial), Chunera (turner), Pahri (watchman), Dhobi (washerman), Pauri (potter), Auji (tailor and drummer), Darzi (tailor).

Group IV In the fourth group are various castes, such as Auji (tailor and drummer), Darzi (tailor), Doli (tailor and drummer), Turi (trumpeter).

Group V Hurkiya (drummer), Badi (dancer). The shilpakar community was further divided into 51 subgroups based on their hereditary occupations (Census of India 1931, 17). Kolis: Kolis consider themselves of the highest status and little lesser than Rajputs (Viyogi and Ansari 2010). In the Census of 1921, the Koli community was considered in Second subgroup of Doms, but Atkisons took Kolis in First group. A community of shilpkar, they probably derive their name from the ancient racial stock of Koli. Their history is related to the group, which in turn is linked to the kol or munda race. They were distributed all over Kumaon and Garhwal. Originally, they were weavers. In the Census of 1872, the Kolis population was 11,040 (Ibid.). They are divided into two classes: Garikriya Koli and Dom Koli (Census of India 1931) Garikriya Koli: The word “Gari-­kriya” literally means “swearing by cow,” and the justification of the Gaikriya Kolis as of a higher status tothat of other hill Doms is that they hold respect and reverence for the cow like Brahmanis and any other high-­caste Hindus. Dom Koli: These are considered lower than Gaikriya Kolis. These Kolis maintained marriage relations with Doms, eat pork and chicken, and were called Dom Kolis. Only one thing is common between both Kolis, and that is Nag Raja, the snake god is the chief god of both groups of Kolis. Many of them have made small temples to Nag Raja in their own homes and worship daily. Lohar: The name of this community is derived from their traditional profession of making iron implements, locally called laul. They are found in Kumaon and Tehri-­Garhwal State. In the Census of 1872, the population of the Lohar community was 14,322 (Ibid.). The community knows the craft of blacksmithing. They hear the oral traditions, music and dance of the regions. They are closely knit through the system of dandwar to other communities. They refuse to take food from the higher and similarly ranked communities. Their traditional blacksmith occupation is now supplemented with agricultural, poultry farming, horticulture and daily-­wage labour (Singh, 1999). Tamta: In Kumaun hills in the sub-­Himalayan region live a group of artisans who called themselves Tamta or Tamotas. They were considered of higher status among the Shilpkar community. They followed the occupation of copper handicraft (Viyogi and Ansari 2010). Coppersmith is a hereditary profession of the Tamta community. They claim that they were Vaisyas from Rajasthan and were brought to Kumaon by the king of the Chandra Dynasty. They were found in different parts of Uttarakhand such as the Almora, Someshwer, Srinagar, Bageshwar, Chamoli, Pithoragarh, Nainital Districts. According to the Census of 1872, the populations of Tamta stood at 683. Copperware is one of the traditional crafts of Almora, and some of the best coppersmiths still work from Tamta Mohallas. Various forms of Tamtas wear traditional Tamta Gagar (given in religious ceremonies and marriages as dowry), Patila (used in community cooking in the families of the locals), Tolli (used for storing water as it controls the temperature, and the structure is wholesome and simple) have been made by the Tamtas for centuries, and they still manufacture 71

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their products mainly in Almora and surrounding places. The product range includes Gagar, Kalaash, Arag, Diya, Lota, Bhokar, Patila, water filter and repose plates. In their group, the Tamtas were better educated in their community, and some Tamtas have their own land. Auji: Tailors and drummers, Auji are among the significant members of the village community. In all social and religious functions, they play the leading role with their Dhol (drum). They live in both regions of Uttarakhand. Hurikya: They were engaged with their traditional occupation, basically drummers. Hurkiya is the lowest sub-­caste in the drummer group. Atkison and Edey both categorize and place Hurkiya in Last group. They are Garhwali bards who sing and extol the deeds of the Garhwali prehistoric warriors called Bhars. Hurikya are the repositories of local folklore and can recite a surprising number of stories, full of minute details. Bairi: Traditionally, Bairis are basket makers. They live at Dhamas village near Almora and in Danpur. The Danpur Bairis make chitai, or bamboo matting, which they bring for sale to the Bageshwar fair. The name is derived from Hindi beri, the basket used when irrigating fields (Census of India 1931). Bakhriya: These are found everywhere, now ploughmen and menial servants. They were probably the grooms of olden times, and they have been so named from the Hindi bakhar, a house, as they were men who worked in and about the house. Barai, Barhi or Barhai: Found everywhere, they are masons and carpenters. Orhs are also masons, but sometimes in Tehri-­Garhwal State, Barhis who work as masons are also loosely spoken of as Orhs. Baura or Bora: Sackmakers form Almora. They cultivate hemp and make coarse cloth and rope from the fibre. The name is derived from bora, a sack. Chanel: The name for these shoemakers in Almora possibly came from Chamrel, an occupation of chamra (leather). Dholi: Thisis an occupational group who derive their community name from the dhol (i.e., the drum, which they traditionally play on various socio-­religious occasions). They are spaciously distributed all over Kumaon (Singh 1999). Dhunia: The word generally signifies a carder or cleaner of cotton, the monotonous noise of which operation is familiar in an Indian bazaar. Some in Almora are new weavers, and others have taken to cultivation (Census of India 1931). Darzi: Found all over Kumaun, these tailors take their name from the Persian darz (sewing, a seam). In Tehri-­Garhwal State, they are counted higher than the Bajgi as they do not eat buffalo flesh whereas a Bajgi does. Jamaria: They are in Second group. Basically, they are cultivators, found in Almora. Their name may be a corruption of zamindar. Orh: Found in both regions of Uttarakhand, Orh are masons, but the name seems to be interchangeable with Barhai and is often applied to carpenters as well. Turi: Originally trumpeters in Almora (from turi, a trumpet or clarion consisting of three pieces fixed into one another), they are now mostly cultivators. Pauri: Pauris are found in Kumaun, basically in Almora. They formally served in temples of the lower order as pujaris (ministrant) and musicians. They then became potters, and are now nearly all of them work as cultivators or as doorkeepers of the temples.

Inequality in socio-­economic spheres As a specific form of manifestation of discrimination social exclusion refers to the processes through which groups are wholly or partially restricted from full participation in the economic, educational and social institutions which define social membership. It involves both the act of 72

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restricting access and the consequences that follow, principally forms of deprivation. Exclusion also hovers around institutions that discriminate, isolate, shame and deprive subordinate groups on the basis of identities like caste, religion and gender. Among other things, caste has long been used to regulate economic life in India. The economic organisation of the caste system is based on the division of the population into a hierarchical order of social groups that determine the economic rights of members, which are determined by birth and are hereditary in the strictest sense of the term. The dominant create a system of enforcement which regulates caste privileges by means of social ostracism, violence and economic penalties that find their justification in the elements of the Hindu religion. Fixed economic rights defined by caste, with rigid barriers against change, leads to the forced exclusion of one caste or a group from the economic rights of another. Access and entitlements to economic rights become narrower and narrower the farther down the hierarchical ladders of the caste system a person goes (Thorat and Newman 2007). Shilpakars were mostly landless; they depend for their livelihood on their heredity occupations. The land under upper castes was in the nature of ownership or Bhumidari but the land under Shilpakars was mostly Siridari or Khyakari. In most villages, the majority of land was under the control of one caste or the other. It is the caste which became the sole factor in deciding the ownership of the land. This was the reason why Shilpakar leader Munshi Hari Prasad Tamta demanded the allotment of land for Shilpakars from the Colonial Government (Viyogi and Anwar 2010). Just like Dalits in other parts of India, Shilpakars also had no permission to enter the places where upper castes lived. In the village of Uttarakhand, there were two Babaris, one for Dalits and the other for the upper caste. Upper castes did not use the water touched by the Shilpkars. Only flowing water was allowed to be touched by Doms (Viyogi and Ansari 2010) Doms were not allowed to wear shoes and ornaments of gold and silver. They had their separate burning places because they were not permitted to use the crematorium of upper castes to cremate dead bodies. Doms were not permitted to construct multistoried pakka houses; they used to live in Kachcha houses (huts). They were also not allowed to wear sacred thread or to celebrate weddings with Dolka Palki. But with modern industrialization, Shilpakars became unemployed and turned to agriculture. The shilpkar communities suffered many indignities, landlessness and poverty. But after some time when colonial rule was established in this region, Christian missionaries also became active in the conversion of lower castes to their religion, and some shilpkar castes converted to Christianity and Islam. Thereafter, Arya Samaj started working among them. Ayar Samaj opposed conversion, so they started a purification ceremony which was done to reconvert Hindus who had converted to other religions but which in Uttarakhand was used to bring about social mobility status. Even after the introduction of affirmative action by the Indian Government, the inequalities still continue in Uttarakhand.

Conclusion Thus, Shilpakars in Uttarakhand have been excluded from social, economic and administrative positions in pre-­modern times. They followed their traditional professions as artisans. They faced discrimination on various fronts. However, with the coming of colonial power, things began to change. Many Shilpkars took to education, and a sort of renaissance happened among them. With education, they took to availing themselves of different employment opportunities. They demanded that the colonial government set quotas for them in jobs in government and army. Some Shilpakar castes achieved social mobility during the colonial period. However, even after independence and implementation of the reservation policy for Shilpakars, inequalities in the social, educational and economic areas continue today. 73

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References EHH Edye, Census of India 1921, vol. XVI: United provinces of Agra and Oudh, part II, Allahabad, 1921. Crook, Williams. 2005. The Tribes and Castes of the North-­western Provinces and Oudh, Asian Educational Services. New Delhi. Dirks, Nicholas. 2001. Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Guha, Ramchandra. 2008. The Unquiet Wood: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Jodhka, Surinder S., and Ghanshyam Shah. 2010. “Comparative Contexts of Discrimination: Caste and Untouchability in South Asia.” Economic and Political Weekly XLV (48):99–106. Pande, Vasudha. 2013. “Stratification in Kumaun-­1815–1930.” Occasional Papers Series, 37, NMML, New Delhi. Singh, K. S. 1999. The Scheduled Castes. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sukhadeo, Thorat, and Katherine S. Newman. 2007. “Caste and Economic Discrimination: Causes, Consequences and Remedies.” Economic and Political Weekly (41): 4121–24. Turner, A. C. 1933. Caste in Kumaun Division and Tehri Garhwal. Census of India 1931. Allahabad Press, Allahabad. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Viyogi, Naval, and A. M. Anwar. 2010. History of the later Harappans and Shilpkar Movement. Kalpaz Publication, New Delhi.

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6 CASTE AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION IN RURAL LABOUR MARKETS Chandi Charan Mehentar

In a socialist economy such as India, individual characters do not determine access to a job; rather, often the caste determines the work of the groups. Due to the caste-­based or groups-­ based discrimination existing in society, people are not free from the trap of poverty. Generation after generation, poverty is attached to people. Due to caste-­based social exclusion in the lower caste, they are forced to live or stay in their caste-­based occupations. In the Indian labour market, the mobility of workers from one occupation to another is extremely difficult. Because of the caste-­based system of the Indian labour market, there is a division in labour occupations, and this occupation will determine social and political status in society (Das and Dutta 2007). The vulnerable sections or groups of people of society will never pass from the “vicious circle of poverty” due to societal restriction. In India, society-­based institutions exclude deprived groups from normal economic activities in the name of group identity (Thorat and Newman 2010). The change in labour flexibility in the informal sector varies as per the requirement in the sector. The ways and processes of employment change from time to time in the economy. Labour flexibility occurs independently as per the labour functions like employment, work time, wage rate, etc. The labour market functions are based not only on rules and legal restrictions but also on social identities. Labour flexibility has increased with employer preferences rather than with rules in most countries. It is different in its various forms and changes at different rates (Srivastava 2016). The degree of change in the caste system formalises the exploitation of the lower caste rather the division of labour. The real story of the change in caste prejudice is based on the actual change in the condition of untouchables. The three dimensions of untouchables treated here are exclusion, humiliation and exploitation (Deshpande 2011). Identity and social exclusion: This chapter argues that the increase in employment in the primary sector belonging to the lower caste is due to a discrimination factor rather than their educational attainment, skill and experience are not determined by employment; more precisely, caste determines what they do (Duraisamy and Duraisamy 2017). So societical exclusion creates involuntary unemployment among these groups in a graded economy. And the level of employment in the secondary and service sectors belonging to the lower caste is low in comparison to that of higher castes. The composition of employment is more in the informal sector among the low caste. The informal economy may not be regulated by the government or the state, but it is socially regulated where social regulation, caste and caste-­based organisations play an important role. Thus old identities do not go away with economic progress (Madheswaran 75

Chandi Charan Mehentar

and Attewell 2007). This chapter compares the sector-­specific composition of employment, wage rate, workers across the land size of ownership, and social security among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in rural India. The study finds that, despite the progress of states, some groups of people are still discriminated against in wages and access to assets in the name of caste. They live at only subsistence level over time. The wage gap between higher castes and lower castes in rural areas is more due to an endowment factor, but caste is a prime factor in wage determination among social groups. So in the name of caste, people are paid low wages, which is called an unexplained or discrimination factor. Thus labour market discrimination and social exclusion still occur in the name of caste in the rural economy of India. In the rural labour market, some poor states’ wages are determined not by economic theory of labour supply and labour demand but by the caste-­wise working population and status of the common people. Since the lower caste cannot enter into the formal sector for jobs and the higher caste easily finds social security based on good jobs and good remuneration, the gap between high and low caste widens. The lower castes become poorer and poorer, and the higher castes get richer and richer. Multiple factors in rural areas have been creating the gap in the society. So the share of poverty is still more among the marginalized sections of the population. Theories of discrimination: The major contribution on Indian caste theories and socio-­ economic changes in traditional society was by Ambedkar, Phule and Periyar. Their views were on how to convert a caste-­based dominant society to an egalitarian society. They argue that society should not work according to dominant groups but should rather controlled by democratic ways where all the people have rights and make up an egalitarian society. Caste or group identity must be abolished in a welfare economy (Akerlof and Kranton 2000). Affirmative action in the name of uplifting the Dalits and tribals will not solve the problem of caste discrimination in rural India because the Indian economy is socially regulated. Caste discrimination can be reduced only by the economic progress of marginalized or deprived segments of people in the society. This is explained by economic as well as social factors, rather than simply changing the occupation of some section of the population. The people are poor because they are poor in skills, education and work experience. Dalits and tribals are excluded from many government schemes and plans. There are mainly two reasons for not accessing the schemes. First, either they are not aware of their rights, or they are ignorant of the benefits from the plan. This happens due to the lack of education, lack of information, and ignorance. Secondly, they are excluded because they are of low caste. Today so many Dalit families are distant from any government schemes. So the plans do not uplift the disadvantaged. The Dalits and tribals and actual households are untouched and are just not going for the different government schemes. Objectives of the study: This chapter focuses on how people are engaged in three major sectors of the economy: caste-­wise, the state-­wise variation of employment or the main occupation of rural people. It is divided into five sections: The first section introduces the theories of caste-­based exclusion in the labour market and how it affects the economy. The second part analyses the methodology and major data sources. The third part focuses on caste-­wise access to different activities in 20 major states in rural India, which focuses on the unequal access to assets and variation. The fourth part studies the sources of discrimination against groups and access to various determinants as an unexplained indicator. The final section presents the conclusion and policy implications. The chapter focuses on the various aspects of discrimination and how groups are excluded from the mainstream. The study focuses on the following objectives: 1

To study the caste-­wise composition of the worker working in the different sectors in rural labour markets in 20 major states in India. 76

Caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets

2 To analyse the proportion of distribution of workers as casual labour in agriculture and non-­agriculture across the social groups. 3 To find the average wages of both casual labours in agriculture and in non-­agriculture from social groups in respect to their educational status (i.e., the variation of wages in the proportion states with high SCs-­dominant populations and those with low SCs population). Data sources: The study focuses on 20 major states in rural India. In this chapter, various types of labour market discrimination based on caste have been measured from level data of households of the 68th round of NSSO on Employment and Unemployment Situation in India, 2011–12. The category of workers on the basis of employment and their education status is discussed. The study also distinguishes between the social group’s wage differences. The discrimination is measured on the basis of two factors: wage difference and employment. Methodology: The study measures the wage gap and other than wage gap, which is measured through the use of the Decomposition Method. The two independently written papers, Blinder (1973) and Oaxaca (1973) use econometric methodology to determine the wage gap between black and white in the United States of America. So the Blinder-­Oaxaca Decomposition Method is more useful for measuring labour market discrimination. Apart from showing different percentage shares of various social groups and their respective jobs, we try to estimate the mean wage gap across the social groups in rural areas. Generally, we know that a person with higher education or human capital gets more wages than the person with lower education. This wage difference in the labour market is called endowment differences or explained differences. But in the discriminatory labour market, the wage gap arises due to differences in perceptions about the person belonging to different castes, religions, sex, etc. This type of discrimination arises from employers on the basis of observations. This indicates the two effects of the inequality of wages for the rural labour markets: treatment differences or unexplained differences. So the decomposition analysis enables the separation of wage differentials into one part that can be explained by means of determinants of the differences in individual characteristics and another part that can’t be explained or described by differences in individual characteristics. Suppose that there is no labour market discrimination or that, in the absence of labour market discrimination, the non-­SCs and SCs wage differential occurs due to pure productivity differences, i.e., because SCs are less educated, less skilled, etc. So the gross wage difference emerges due to productivity differences, but here no other market discrimination exists. So the gross wage difference can be defined as: G=

Wnsc − Wsc W W W , ⇒ nsc − sc ⇒ nsc − 1  Wsc Wsc Wsc Wsc

(6.1)

where: G = Gross wage differential due to ‘labour market discrimination i.e., caste, religious, Ynsc = wages for higher castes or non-­SCs groups, and Ysc = wages for lower castes or SCs groups: Q=

W 0nsc − W 0 sc W 0nsc W 0 sc W 0nsc ,⇒ − ⇒ − 1 (6.2) 0 0 0 W sc W sc W sc W 0 sc

where: Q = Gross wage differential due to “productive differences,” i.e., lower-­skilled workers get obviously   lower wages than skilled/educated labours but not any market discrimination. Wnsc = Wages of higher castes or non-­SCs in the “absence of market discrimination.” 77

Chandi Charan Mehentar

Wsc = Wages of lower castes or SCs in the “absence of market discrimination.” Now the market discrimination coefficient (D) is then defined as the proportion differences  between G+1 and Q+1. Exclusion in labour markets: Measuring the worker and labour force given by the two broad data sources of the India Census and NSS shows the contrast in figures on labour force measurement. As per as the Census of India, the combined size of both cultivator and agriculture labour increases between 2001 and 2011, but according to NSS the agricultural workforce decreases, and the rural construction sector employment increases after the mid-­ 2000s (Thomas and Jayesh 2016). The identification of the rural labour household conceptually changes in NSS pre-­68th round and in the 68th round. Thus is a drastic fall in casual agriculture labour from 2008–09 to 2011–12, with the proportion of other households increasing up to 66th round, but it suddenly falls in the 68th round, due to the definitional problem of the labour of the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) (Rawal 2013). Thus the changes over the period of NSS and the Census data sources. We can find the real picture across the social groups in rural areas in both backward and industrial states employment. Caste-­wise inequality in rural India: The Scheduled Castes population increases over the period. The composition of the population across the social groups shows that around 75% of the population belongs to a higher caste and 25% of the population belongs to a lower caste. Half of the states, out of the 20 major states hold more than 75% of the population belonging to the higher caste. In Punjab, the Scheduled Castes population out of the total state population is around 32%. In Kerala, less than 10% of the population belongs to SCs/STs. The economically backward states like Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Odisha hold large proportions of population belonging to Scheduled Castes, compared to industrial states like Gujarat, Kerala and Maharashtra. In India, around 68% of the population lives in rural areas, whereas 90% of the Scheduled Tribes’ population lives in rural areas, and 76% of the Scheduled Castes population lives in rural areas. In states like Himachal Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh, Assam Jammu and Kashmir, West Bengal and Jharkhand, more than 80% of the population lives in rural areas. The situation for Scheduled Tribes’ population is also same as like Scheduled Castes population like above states. The largest population lives in rural areas in backward states like Himachal Pradesh, Bihar, Assam and Odisha. The composition of the population includes the main worker, marginal workers and non-­ workers. In India, around 60% of the population consists of non-­workers, who are not attached to any productive activity over a period of years. They mainly include children, the old age population, and physically challenged population. That means they are dependent on the other family members’ income. So the majority of the population in India is dependent on other incomes. Around 30% of the population consists of the main worker who is working more than 183 days in a year, and 10% of the population has come under the category of marginal worker who normally work for less than six months. In states like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Gujarat, more than 40% of the population are the main worker, but in backward states like Jammu and Kashmir, Jharkhand, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Odisha, less than 20% of the population are main workers. If we analyse how many are the cultivators, agricultural labours and industrial workers within the total main worker category, we find that 37.74% of the population in India are cultivators,

78

Caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets

33% are agricultural labours, less than 3% are industrial workers and 26.37% are other workers. Around 60% of the population in Rajasthan (which is the highest in the country) are cultivators. In states like Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, half of the main workers are the cultivators. Employment status of rural workers: The proportion of workers engaged in rural India is more in the primary sector rather than in the secondary and service sector. This indicates that in the Indian economy, although growing from an undeveloped economy to a developing economy, the composition of workers is unequally distributed (Verma 2005). The changes of the livelihood of workers are much less as compared to those of other developing countries. In the current NSS data, we see that more than 63% of workers are engaged in the primary sector and that 21.73% and 15.1% of workers are engaged in the secondary and tertiary sectors, respectively. If we analyse on the social group’s basis, as in STs, around 75% of workers are engaged in the primary sector and only 7.42% are employed in the service sector of the country. More than 28% of SC workers are employed in the secondary sector, which is the highest among all the other four castes as well as the average of all social groups. In 2011–12, around 52% of workers are employed, and the rest (48%) of workers are out of the labour force and depending on the family workers’ income. Although India has the highest number of young workers in the world, around half of them are the labour force. If we study on the social group’s basis, STs are more employed (i.e., 59.11% are employed and 4.78% and 36.12% of workers are unemployed of labour force respectively) than the other three social groups. As per the NSS categorisation of the activity status of workers, the given study excluded the worker of MGNREGS public work, the workers who are not working due to sickness and other reasons. The study mainly focuses on casual labour, i.e., worked as casual labour in public work other than MGNREG public work and worked as casual labour in other type of work out of the total casual labour. In India, around 35% and 33% of workers are self-­employed-­in-­own-­account workers and casual wage labour in another type of work respectively. In the SC cases, we see that more than 50% of workers are daily casual labour and only 26% are self-­employment in own account workers (i.e., worked in their own household enterprises). So out of the other three social groups, share of SCs of casual wage labour SCs are the highest in the country. Although the rate varies from state to state due to demographic composition, SCs households are still more in casual labour than the other social groups. The composition of workers according to land size in India shows that 37.69% of workers come under the landless. They access less than 0.01 acre of land. So these household ultimately depend on the casual wage labour. Around 21% of workers come under the marginal land size (i.e., 0.11–1.00 acre) who own less than 1 acre of land. So, overall, around 60% of workers in India come under less than 1 acre of landownership. In the SC cases, around 77% (i.e., 54.74% of landless plus 22.04% marginal) of workers come under less than 1 acre of landownership holding. This is highest among the other three social groups. In the STs cases, only 28.06% of workers come under the landless and 17.22% come under marginal, which is better than the other three social groups of the society. Average wages of casual labour: The NSS unit-­level data on the activity status on current weekly activity status (CWAS) in India is shown in Table 6.1. It is categorized in three groups of daily wage labour or casual labour. The first category indicates that casual labour works in public work (excluding MGNREGS work).

79

Chandi Charan Mehentar Table 6.1  Employed workers activities caste-­wise in rural areas, 2011–12 (in Per cent) Social groups Self-­employment Self-­employment Unpaid family Worked as Casual wage Casual wage own account as an employer worker regular wage/ labour in public labour other worker salaries work type work earners ST SC OBC Other All

30.78 26.25 35.45 42.05 34.48

0.29 0.39 0.87 1.68 0.88

 5.51  8.5  9.12 13.4  9.53

26.76 12.56 23.11 21.7 21.03

1.87 1.69 1.28 0.54 1.27

34.79 50.61 30.17 20.63 32.8

Sources: Unit-­level data from 68th round NSSO. Table 6.2  Distribution of workers according to landownership in India during 2011–12 (in Per cent) Social groups Landless Marginal Small Semi-­medium Medium Large All classes (< 0.10 acre) (0.11–1.00) (1.01–2.00 (2.01–4.00) (4.01–8.00) (8.01 acres+) ST SC OBC Other All

28.06 54.74 35.79 30.42 37.69

17.22 22.04 21.5 21.11 21.05

16.09 10.13 12.33 12.47 12.32

21.82  7.85 14.85 15.55 14.3

12.32  3.86 10.07 13.09  9.71

4.48 1.38 5.47 7.36 4.93

100 100 100 100 100

Sources: Unit-­level data from 68th Round NSSO. Table 6.3  Average wages of current weekly activity status worker (CWAS) for casual labour in social groups in India, 2011–12 (in Rs.) Social Rural groups Casual workers in public work (code: 41) ST SC OBC Other All

667.15 707.86 727.32 857.45 721.31

Urban Casual workers in MGNREGS work (code: 42)

All Casual Casual workers in workers (code: other type 41 + 42 + 51) work (code: 51)

Casual workers in public work (code: 41)

Casual workers in MGNREGS work (code: 42)

All casual Casual workers in workers (code: other type 41 + 42 + 51) work (code: 51)

569.66 585.62 503.63 601.08 544.39

686.9 809.47 856.62 824.12 814.71

1012.04 940.31 907.34 745.76 884.69

744.61 489.81 826 1200 761.53

823.77 1014.68 1066.4 945.95 1013.14

682.24 801.19 839.53 820.41 803.75

827.87 1013.07 1063.95 941.68 1010.74

Sources: Unit-­level data from 68th Round NSSO.

Result and discussion The study focuses on the wage inequality among social groups in the 20 major states of India. In some parts of backward states such as Odisha, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh, people are still getting lower wage rates as compared to the normal wage rate. They are working like slaves, bonded labour, contract labour, etc. Their education 80

Caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets

level is poor, and they are not able to access higher education despite many steps taken by both the central and the state governments. In some of the undeveloped states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha, these people barely manage to survive. They still live in slum areas where government projects do not reach at all. They have to do hard work per day for fulfilling their family needs. The rural labour market of the states is diversified in terms of labour supply and composition of the labour force participation rate (LFPR). The wage differences in the labour market in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Haryana do not vary with respect to literacy rate; rather than they differ with caste. Caste is a factor in employment and of wage determination both in developed states and in underdeveloped (UD) states in the rural labour market. But it is less a factor in developed states compared to underdeveloped states like Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh. The study also finds that in Bihar, people are discriminated against on the basis of wage larger than the Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The study of wage difference focuses on skill as well as education status, but the variation of differences in wage is greater in the rural labour market, i.e., in the casual labour market. In states like Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, labour is less skilled and less educated as compared to developed states. In the UD states, people are getting lower wages supposedly for less skill, education, work experience, etc., but the fact is that people are getting lower wages due to their unexplained factor (Verma 2007). This is a serious problem because the majority of people are excluded from the progress of the country. This is explained by the decomposition methods. Thus the decomposition method enables the separation of wage differentials into one part that can be explained by the differences in individual characteristics and another part that can’t be explained by differences in individual characteristics. Decomposition result: The decomposition result shows that although the wage difference is more due to factors like education, skill, experience, region, etc., caste is also one factor for the determination of wage for workers. Scheduled Castes face more discrimination in the name of caste. So socially and economically backward groups are still excluded from getting a good job. First of all, they do not freely enter into certain types of jobs; even though they may enter, they do not continue there for long. If they stay at all, they get less return from the different activities other than manual work. Group identity plays a role in getting work in rural areas irrespective of the share of the population. So lower-­caste workers are more engaged in casual agricultural and non-­agricultural labour. (See Table 6.4.)

Table 6.4  Decomposition result in the average wage of Casual Labor among social groups in 2011–12 Social groups

Total difference

Explained difference (endowment components)

Unexplained difference (treatment components)

Percentage of unexplained

SC-­ST ST-­OBC ST-­OTH SC-­OBC SC-­OTH OBC-­OTH

0.198 0.091 0.438 0.258 0.621 0.353

0.317 −­0.138 0.084 0.101 0.362 0.241

−0.127 0.229 0.354 0.157 0.268 0.112

0.14 0.27 0.23 0.33 0.28 0.12

Sources: Unit-­level data from 68th Round NSSO.

81

Chandi Charan Mehentar Table 6.5  Correlation matrix between averages wages of casual labour and various factors in rural areas

x1 x2 x3 x4 x5 x6 x7 x8 x9 x10

x1

x2

x3

x4

x5

x6

x7

x8

x9

x10

1 −0.777* −0.843* 0.259* 0.838* 0.175 −0.927* −0.977* −0.952* 0.362*

1 0.650* 0.179 −0.994* −0.748* 0.951* 0.771* 0.922* 0.079

1 −0.628* −0.698* −0.178 0.823* 0.937* 0.854* −0.705*

1 −0.119 −0.492* −0.081 −0.401* −0.147 0.994*

1 0.680* −0.976* −0.827* −0.954* −0.014

1 −0.526* −0.201 −0.454* −0.444*

1 0.930* 0.996* −0.187

1 0.957* −0.499*

1 −0.253*

1

Indicates 0.05 level of significance.

*

Note: x1: average wages of casual agricultural labour; x2: percentage of people living in rural areas; x3: percentage of people working in primary sector; x4: percentage of people working in secondary sector; x5: percentage of people working in service sector; x6: percentage of young population or worker; x7: percentage of illiterate workers; x8: percentage of literate workers but below primary; x9: percentage of workers with primary educational status; x10: percentage of worker landlessness.

Like OBCs (other castes) and Scheduled Castes, the wage difference due to caste as explained is 28%. Scheduled Tribes also get lower wages, like SCs, in the name of caste rather than the endowment factor. Correlation matrix: This indicates the relationship between the casual labour wage rate and other variables. We have to identify whether the relationship is significant.(See Table 6.5.) If the value is greater than 0.25 or greater, then we can say there is a significant relationship between the variables. Except for a few variables, we find that maximum variables have a significant relationship between the wage rates. The relationship between the percentage of adult population and wage rate is not significant with each other. So from the correlation matrix, we find the overall relationship between the different variables with wage rate.

Conclusion and policy implication The study finds that, apart from education, wage difference exists in the rural labour market on the basis of caste irrespective of the endowment factor. So the feeling of low caste and high caste hidden in the behaviour of the employer cannot be measured. Thus other than endowment effect, if wages vary across the social groups, it is creating inequality in the society. This spreads the gap in the cumulative process for specified people in the society. The study finds that caste-­based discrimination exists more in the undeveloped states than in developed states. In states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh and Odisha, people working in the informal sector are treated as casual labour. The wage gap is more in rural areas than in urban areas. In rural areas, the change of occupation across social groups occurs in some industrial states because of better performance than backward states. The lower-­caste communities in backward states are engaged in the cultivation of land because higher castes provide them with leasing. But higher castes do not sell the land; instead, they work in the formal sector and live in urban areas. We discuss the caste-­based activity of rural areas because it is a vital indicator for employment, wage determination, working hours, access to assets and business. The study finds that education has a positive impact on reducing discrimination. We find some discrepancy in wages in the labour market. 82

Caste and social exclusion in rural labour markets

As per the finding of this study, the economic progress of states to some extent is better for the welfare of depressed or disadvantaged groups, but it is not stepping up the progress of other groups. Government policies and planning must focus on the uplifting of poor people as well as the economically backward regions. States like Odisha, Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have implemented many programmes for the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, but still the majority of these people are not able to access the benefits from many government plans and policies. The country will see progress when the majority of its people come into the mainstream and cooperate with one another. The finding of this study confirms three different grounds. First, it is shown that the primary occupation of the major population of the UD states is agricultural, which is based on the traditional pattern of the cultivation activities of farming. Due to the illiteracy and unawareness of socially backward people, they are attached to outdated, low-­productivity processes of farming. Government policies related to farmer welfare must target all segments of the population rather than only some portion of it. Secondly, the study analysed the subsection of three occupations: primary, secondary, and service or tertiary. Instead of industrial progress, in some states, like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Haryana, Punjab, Karnataka, Gujarat and Kerala, the composition of the engagement of the labour force varies across the social groups. If the poor get proper remuneration for specific work rather than discrimination based on caste, then they may prefer to work hard and will get more employment in the organised sector, thereby, increasing the status of their family and society. So at the macro level, caste-­based discrimination will vanish through the progress of disadvantaged groups by increasing employment and livelihood opportunities other than their primitive occupations. The traditional hereditary system of occupation will change with better opportunities for jobs and income sources.

References Akerlof, George A., and Rachel E. Kranton. 2000. “Economics and Identity.” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 115 (3): 715–53. Blinder, A. S. 1973. “Wage Discrimination: Reduced Form and Structural Estimates.” Journal of Human Resources: 436–455. Das, Maitreyi Bordia, and Puja Vasudeva Dutta. 2007. “Does Caste Matter for Wages in The Indian Labor Market?” Draft Paper, World Bank, Washington, DC. Deshpande, Ashwini. 2011. The Grammar of Caste: Economic Discrimination in Contemporary India. Oxford University Press. Duraisamy, S., and M. Duraisamy. 2017. “Social Identity and Wage Discrimination in the Indian Labour Markets.” Economic & Political Weekly LII (4): 11–60. Madheswaran, S., and P. Attewell. 2007. “Caste Discrimination in Urban Labour Market: Evidence from the National Sample Survey.” Economic & Political Weekly 42 (41): 4146–53. Oaxaca, R. 1973. “Male-­Female Wage Differentials in Urban Labor Markets.”  International Economic Review: 693–709. Rawal, Vikas. 2013. “ Changes in the Distribution of Operational Landholdings in Rural India: A Study of National Sample Survey Data.” Journal, Review of Agrarian Studies 3 (2): 73–104. Srivastava, Ravi S. 2016. “Myth and Reality of Labour Flexibility in India.” The Indian Journal of Labour Economics 59 (1): 1–38. Thomas, Jayan Jose, and M. P. Jayesh. 2016. “Changes in India’s Rural Labour Market in the 2000s: Evidence from the Census of India and the National Sample Survey.” Journal 6 (1): 81–115. Thorat, Sukhadeo, and Katherine S. Newman. 2010. Blocked by Caste: Economic Discrimination in Modern India. New York: Oxford University Press. Verma, N. M. P. 2005. “Structural Rigidities in Rural Unemployment.” Indian Journal of Applied Economics 2 (1). Verma, N. M. P. 2007. “Employment and Income Disparities among Social Group in Jagdishpur, U.P.” Manpower Journal. Vol. XLII, No.1, January-March 37–50.

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PART II

Inequality

The second section contains nine chapters on issues related to various types of inequalities faced by Indian society. The first chapter in this section focuses on income inequality in India specially referencing the present situation. The main causes identified are globalization, liberalization and privatization, inflation, jobless growth, tax evasion, labour market problems, uneven distribution, regional and interstate disparity, law of inheritance and rigid social institutions and caste. The aftermath of growth and the sudden occurrence of recession in the last decade have led to the path where GDP is declining but income inequality is rising. The richest 5% own major share whereas the other end of the pyramid, the poorer half, hold a marginal share of national wealth. The chapter tries to suggest mitigation measures like more investment in education and health care, encouragements to agrarian reforms, policy moves towards a cashless economy to curb corruption, promoting skill development and “make in India” programme to bring reforms in wage distribution and emphasizing generating employment. Only these efforts can lead to the sustainable and equitable growth of the country. The next chapter in this section focuses on digital India, considered to be the flagship programme started by the Government of India to enhance digital penetration in order to bring transparency to the system and minimize corruption. This includes the delivery of all government services electronically by improved online facilities (Internet infrastructure). It also aims to make safe, secure, fast, transparent and cost-­effective delivery of services at the individual and system levels. This chapter also compares digital inequalities between the rural and urban areas due to a lack of infrastructure, digital literacy, income and awareness. The study also highlights the difficulties in the successful delivery of the programme and also suggests areas where the government needs to put forth more efforts and investments like adequate infrastructure, digital education and selective usage option as a facility rather than an imposition. The third chapter in this section focuses on the inequality faced by street vendors while earning their livelihood. They face inequalities in both personal and professional areas. The Government of India has introduced acts and policies like the Street Vendors Act, 2014, for controlling the inequities faced by vendors. This micro study is an effort to describe the socio-­ economic issues faced by the vendors in Guwahati city, Assam. It also shows whether the predicament of the vendors has lessened due to the initiatives taken by the Government. Secondary data and unpublished works were collected to understand the condition of the vendors. A few interviews were also conducted with the vendors in order to have in-­depth information on the

Inequality

issues. It was observed that most of the vendors were unaware of the facilities and schemes provided for them. The Street Vendors Act, 2014, implemented by the Government, comes with several setbacks for which it has failed to have fruitful outcomes. Due to the lack of awareness among the vendors and ignorance on the part of the authorities, the street vendors continue to be in a sorry state; hence effective efforts are required for their security and better quality of life. The next chapter focuses on the educational inequality problem in the state of Tripura, where there is a high tribal population. The areas are demarcated as tribal and non-­tribal, and the facilities are distributed accordingly. Though the State’s literacy rate reflects steady increases during last three decades, the data indicates that most of the tribal children are still deprived of basic education facilities. Moreover, students in tribal area are facing inadequate access to schools and poor quality of education, and they are forced to travel long distances to attend schools. An inadequate number of secondary and higher educational institutions in tribal areas has also resulted in lower performance of tribal education. Therefore, the aim is to examine the inequalities in school enrolment rates and infrastructure availability and to highlight some suggestions for the improvement of quality education among the depressed section of the society in Tripura. The subsequent chapter caters to inequality and disconnection in investment and unemployment among the Indian states. Unemployment and low investments are the two big hurdles in the economic growth of the nation. Unemployment is a socio-­economic problem which is main cause of social inequality in India. This chapter gives in-­depth analysis with respect to the state-­wise trend of employment and investment status. It suggests that increases in investment may reduce employment and thus enhance GDP growth. This next chapter emphasises the major problem facing Indian society by marriages that are supposed to be held within the same caste and not outside it. Inter-­caste marriages still lead to social inequality and become a reason for honour killing in the country. The rate of inter-­caste marriages in India is quite low even in the 21st century although it could lead to the annihilation of caste in India. The chapter discusses in length the chronic problem in the State of Haryana where elopements in rural and semi-­urban areas are quite prominent. Young members are confronting the caste/kinship ideology upheld by the caste leadership of senior male members by infringing on sexual codes and taboos, by defying demands of status or village exogamy and by discarding notions of “honour.” The aim of this chapter is to bring to light the response of the community and state on these matters, along with revisiting the importance of derecognizing institutions like the Khap Panchayat. The following chapter throws light on gender-­ based entrepreneurship that is gaining momentum and, on the inequalities, faced by them. Millennial women entrepreneurs have grown in number in recent years and have started ventures targeting areas of social concern like health, education, information, employment, entrepreneurial development, microfinance, rural development and so on. The chapter conceptually puts emphasis on the growing trends of women entrepreneurs in India and the new initiatives taken by them in the business world. The next chapter focuses on time allocation in television news. In 1959, Doordarshan was started to inform, educate and entertain viewers, but the scenario changed after 1991 when private television news and entertainment channels entered the Indian news market. The concept of Prime Time was shaped and marketed to garner/collect more revenue. This chapter examines the changing role of television from developmental to profit motivated and to understand the interrelationship between television rating points (TRPs) and revenue as one of the main causes. The last chapter in this section deals with the inequality that agriculture faces in rural Orissa. A poor agrarian state with a large tribal population, Orissa faces inequalities in society in several 86

Inequality

socio-­economic ways like income, housing, education, justice and health care. The influx of manpower from rural to urban and its impact on the rural inequalities is also elaborated. This chapter analyses the distributions of public grants according to social norms as inequality in rural Odisha is complex. There should be public provisioning for the social sector such as in primary education and rural health. Further, regular monitoring of various public schemes is required. Development planning seriously needs a PPP model.

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7 DEVELOPMENT AND RISING INCOME INEQUALITY IN INDIA An emerging enigma Alpana Srivastava The developed, developing and underdeveloped worlds are suffering from the common problem of rising income and wealth inequality at various levels. Conceptually, the inequality of the distribution of wealth and income refers to a situation in which a small section of society shares a large part of national income, whereas large sections of society are devoid of income. This is because of the rising pace of development globally. Individuals at the micro level and nations at the macro level are racing in a cut-­throat competition, leading to this pathetic situation. Development, though necessary for overall growth, increases economic inequality globally, thus becoming a hindrance to the process of growth and development. Moreover, it is recently seen that inter-­country income inequalities account for about two-­thirds of world inequality, whereas intra-­country inequality accounts for a third. India in this regard is not an exception, even though it has made significant economic progress over the last ten years and is rapidly emerging as a major economic force on the global platform. But at the same time it has emerged as the second-­most unequal country globally according to a report by the Johannesburg-­based company New World Wealth. The report also cited that in India, millionaires control 54% of the country’s total wealth, according to the latest data from Credit Suisse. The richest 5% own 68.6%, while the top 10% have 76.3%. At the other end of the pyramid, the poorer half holds a mere 4.1% of the national wealth. With a total individual wealth of $5,600 billion, India is among the 10 richest countries in the world – and yet the average Indian is relatively poor. In India, the richest 1% own 53% of the country’s wealth, according to the same report. This shocking picture of India needs instantaneous policy intervention from government, or else the divide between rich and poor will grow greater and greater with the pace of development. Income inequality is a hindrance to the process of growth and development. Even though there is economic growth in India, the country is not able to reduce the growing inequalities of Indian society, which should be the real great concern of economist, sociologist, and others. Our development strategies and initiatives have failed to reduce the extent of regional and sectorial inequalities. The fruits of domestic and foreign investments do not flow directly to the backward regions or to the downtrodden groups of society in the country. Developed states remain the preferred destinations for investors. 89

Alpana Srivastava

Overall economic growth in India has continued at a remarkable pace with a few sectors, like IT-­related services, recording exponential rate of growth, but on other hand the sluggish growth in manufacturing and declining growth of agriculture are posing big obstacles for GDP growth. These obstacles lead to a high rate of poverty (primarily in absolute but also in relative terms), as well as to the lack of significant natural resources, administrative hassles, lower employment rate, low purchasing power, a low rate of educational progress, all making society more uneven, a situation that may have significant repercussions. For a long time, researchers have focused on studying the reasons leading to income inequality and also have made various efforts in suggesting measures to reduce the phenomenon. Though we see in the literature that major work has been done to understand and measure poverty at the national level, little effort is seen in the direction of measuring income and wealth distribution. However, income equality is important because of the implications for social and political development. Also, social scientists are of the view that income equality can provide sustainable development for a nation, which can also help in encouraging long-­term economic growth. In other words, income equality enables many more individuals to participate more in the economy.

Causes of inequality of income in India As development continues, the earnings of different groups rise in different ways. It is generally seen that, during the early stages of growth, the incomes of the upper class and middle class rise more rapidly than those of the poor. India is passing from that early stage with a high constraint of population. There is a shift from a slow growing agriculture sector to high growing service sector with a marginal increase in the manufacturing sector. Also, there is the capital-­intensive nature of the development globally, and India is no exception. From pre-­independence to the era of globalization, the nation has moved along a long path leading to development but generating income and wealth inequality also. The main reasons are shown in the Figure 7.1.

Inflation Globalization, Liberalization and Privatization

Rigid social institution of caste

Jobless growth

Tax evation Causes

Labour market outcomes

Laws of inherita nce Regional and interstate disparity

Uneven assets distribut ion

Figure 7.1  Causes of income inequality

90

Development and rising income inequality

Uneven assets distribution In India, since the British period, a huge concentration of landed property has remained in the hands of a few, leading to the Zamindary system. After independence, the Zamindary system was abolished, but this concentration of landownership remained almost unaltered. As many as 95.1% of Indian farmers are called “marginal, small and semi-­medium,” meaning they own up to 2.47, 4.94 and 9.88 acres of land respectively. These farmers own 68.2% of cultivated land, while 4.9% “medium and large” farmers (owning up to 24.71 or more than 24.71 acres respectively) own 31.8% of cultivated land, according to the 2011–12 agriculture census. A “large” farmer on average has 45 times more land than a “marginal” farmer, as already mentioned, and 101.4 million – or 56.4% – rural households own no agricultural land, according to the socio-­economic caste census 2011. Since 1971–72, there is no record of considerable change in landownership patterns, and there has been no considerable decline in the concentration of wealth among the elite rural households. India, being a mixed economy, has guaranteed the right to private property to its people. Accordingly, tangible wealth like land, buildings, automobiles, white goods etc. are owned by private individuals. In addition, the means of production such as factory sheds, machines, vehicles, mines, farm land, tractors, etc. are also owned by private companies and persons. Industrial and business houses having high creditworthiness can easily obtain a huge amount of capital from banks and other financial institutions and also can raise equity capital from the market, thus attracting more and more assets.

Laws of inheritance In India, the prevalence of the law of inheritance spreads income inequalities to a substantial level. As per this law, the property of the father is usually inherited by his sons and daughters. Thus, children of richer groups automatically become richer, and the children of poorer classes remain poor as they can hardly inherit any property, and even if they do, it is subdivided into very small pieces of the pie. Quite often they even inherit the debt obligations of their parents. Thus, this peculiar law of inheritance has been largely responsible for accentuating the inequalities in income as well as providing legitimacy to such a peculiar type of wealth transfer.

Inflation Another cause of inequality is inflation. With high inflation, a few profit earners gain, and most wage earners lose, and this is what happening in India. Since wages have lagged prices, profits have increased, creating more and more inequality. However, during inflation, money income increases, but real income falls, which decreases the standard of living of poor people since their purchasing power falls. With price rises, inequality has increased.

Jobless growth The huge population and lessened earning opportunities lead to high unemployment in the country. Presently we have the highest demographic dividend, but we lack employment opportunities. The main reason for the low level of income of the majority of Indian people is unemployment and underemployment and the consequent low productivity of labour. Low labour productivity implies a low rate of economic growth, which is the main cause of poverty and inequality of the large masses of people. In fact, inequality, poverty and unemployment are 91

Alpana Srivastava

interrelated. Since sufficient employment could not be created through the process of planned economic development, it was not possible to increase the income levels of most people.

Tax structure and tax evasion In India, although the progressive tax system has been adopted from the very beginning, still it failed to reduce the extent of income inequalities. On the darker side, the large-­scale tax evasion rate has made a dent in this system. Evasion of taxes, especially direct taxes like the income tax, wealth tax, tax on capital gains, etc. are quite rampant in India. Only 4% was paying tax, and this resulted in widespread inequality in the distribution of income and wealth. It is also seen that in India, personal income tax rates are very high, encouraging tax evasion and avoidance and giving rise to a parallel economy. This is exactly what has happened in India during the plan period. The unofficial economy became as strong as (if not stronger than) the official economy. To overcome this problem, India has gone through two big structural reforms: demonetization and the Goods and Service Tax (GST). This is done to increase the tax basket on one hand and to reduce rising inequality on the other hand. The parallel economy declined to a large degree, resulting in slower economic growth in the year 2016–17, in a trend that is still continuing. Black money, corruption and smuggling are the various factors which promote a parallel economy, and hence India needs more hard policy interventions from the Government side. Indirect taxes give maximum revenue to the government, but they are regressive in nature. Such taxes have also created more and more inequality over the years due to the growing dependence of the Government on such taxes.

Labour market outcomes Promotion of labour-­intensive manufacturing: The failure to promote labour-­intensive manufacturing like construction, textile, clothing, footwear, etc. is the single greatest reason for rising inequalities. Labour-­intensive manufacturing has the potential to absorb millions of people who are leaving farming. The proportion of the labour force in agriculture has come down, but the workers who have left farms have not gotten jobs in modern factories or offices. Most are stuck in tiny informal enterprises with abysmal productivity levels. If India could somehow reverse this trend and promote labour-­intensive manufacturing, then inequality could fall. More inclusive growth: The promotion and adoption of an inclusive growth agenda is the only solution to the rising inequality problem. Economic growth which is not inclusive will only exacerbate inequality. Skill development: The development of advanced skills among the youth is a prerequisite if India wants to make use of its demographic dividend. The “skilling” of youth by increasing investment in education is the only way we can reduce inequality. India needs to become a skill-­led economy.

Regional and institutional disparities Since independence, regional and intra-­regional disparities are the two major constraints for government in the adopting and planning process. Apart from considerable investments in backward regions, various public policies directed at encouraging private investments in such regions have been pursued recently. While efforts to reduce regional disparities were not lacking, the benefits could not be reaped as desired. The ongoing economic reforms since 1991, along with stabilization and deregulation policies as their central pieces, seem to have further 92

Development and rising income inequality

widened regional disparities. Considerable levels of regional disparities remain even today. The accelerated economic growth in recent years has also aggravated regional disparities. The seriousness of the emerging acute regional imbalances has not yet received the public attention it deserves. The organisational setup that India followed post-­independence in its industrialization process has involved heavy reliance on public sector enterprises with an elaborate network of controls on the private sector to limit the entry of new firms and also to stop the expansion of existing firms in the production of low-­priority areas. Capital goods and basic goods such as cement and steel were given to public sector enterprises, while consumer goods and other low-­ priority production were given to the private sector. Public sector industries, instead of making profits, have in fact accumulated substantial losses over the years. As a consequence, instead of being a source of reinvestible surplus, they have become a source of liability to the economy. But the scenario changed after 1991 to a more open economy and the emergence of more efficient private sector. This also aggravated interregional income inequalities in the country, by making a few states richer and richer. The rapid population growth, coupled with the slow growth of industrial production, did not allow industry to absorb the unemployed labour force thereby increasing unemployment. The lack of infrastructure and various policy constraints affecting agriculture productivity and trade have also been major constraints on technological breakthrough in agriculture, even though the agricultural sector did receive input subsidies, other constraints such as low infrastructure development and low productivity have affected its growth tremendously.

Rigid social institution of caste Scheduled tribes and Scheduled Castes with other backward classes are historically marginalized and socially excluded groups that the government has identified as targets for affirmative action since independence. Multiple lines of evidence demonstrate that these groups have faced systematic discrimination in access to the labour market, education and public infrastructure in the past, but after 70 years of independence, the situation changed a little. The caste system that persists in present governmental policies has burdened the Indian economy with inefficiencies in the allocation of labour and other critical resources, reducing the full development of human capital in society. Far from disappearing as the economy modernizes, discrimination remains a problem which is not amenable to self-­correction but rather requires interventionist policies to remedy.

Globalization, liberalization and privatization India’s post-­independence development strategy showed all the signs of stagnation, but the economy started showing signs of recovery in the early nineties when the government adopted the new economic model known as Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization (LPG) to counter a grave economic crisis, characterised by an unprecedented adverse balance of payment problem, inflation, a decline in the foreign exchange reserve and the gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate. Unfortunately, the reforms story is still at midway. Reform is still absent in the electricity sector; in the provision of roads, water and sanitation; in the decaying government primary education system and health care; in the tragically anti-­employment legacy of labour laws; in the bureaucratic machinery for agricultural support services; in municipal taxation and finances; and, above all, in the creaky, unresponsive edifice of public administration and governance. The Indian Government should continue to loose the strong hold it has on both 93

Alpana Srivastava

the regulation and operation of business enterprises. The notorious License Raj has hindered normal business processes (e.g., incorporating a business, closing a business, litigation between parties, etc.) with overbearing and often corrupt regulations. This is one of the major reasons for the shying away of would-­be foreign investors in India. The success of the software and services sector was mainly due to the relative liberty the government permitted in the early stages of development. Second, the ineffective state-­run enterprises should be diligently assessed and either reformed or closed. New information technologies, together with globalization, have widened the market for the top income earners, thereby, increasing income inequality. The skill requirements and responsibilities of top managers have become more complex, largely owing to stronger competition associated with deregulation and globalization.

Literature review Neo-­ Keynesian economists, such as Pasinetti (1983) have explained the interrelationship between income distribution and economic growth in the past. Neo-­Keynesian growth models have concluded that a reduction in concentration raises real wages and provides a redistribution of income which leads to higher capacity and resource utilization and as a result leading to higher rates of economic growth. Historically, increases in inequality were not linked to the higher likelihood of financial crises. The main obstacle for more attention to the possible relationship was the lack of adequate data. Prior to the 2008 financial crisis, the most recent period when a huge financial crisis followed a significant increase in income inequality was the Great Depression. Presently, some researchers (e.g., Rajan 2011; van Treeck and Sturn 2012) argue that the similar inequality patterns observed prior to and during the Great Recession are not a coincidence. Originally, some degree of inequality was thought to be necessary for a fast economic growth as it provides incentives to work harder and invest. Some recent studies contest the idea (e.g., Berg, Ostry, and Zettelmeyer 2012) by showing that long periods of fast economic growth are more sustainable when income dispersion is lower. The notion that economic inequality may have caused the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression has recently been raised by Rajan (2011). In his book, he argues that many U.S. consumers reacted to a decrease in their permanent incomes since the early 1980s by reducing saving and increasing borrowing. A study by IMF (2012) supports this note by showing that households with the bottom third of income reduced their saving rates (“transferred future consumption to today”) prior to the recent crisis. Rajan’s ideas are further supported by Lansley’s (2012) calculations that today workers in the UK and the United States earn considerably less than what they would be earning if the output were divided in the late 1970s proportions. He also suggests that expansion in private debt to fill the demand gap allowed postponing the prolonged recession into the late 2000s. van Treeck and Sturn (2012) notes that, if the Rajan insight turns out to be true, the conventional macroeconomic theories of consumption that see no link between permanent income inequality and aggregate personal consumption are challenged and may be rejected. Inequality has emerged as a contentious issue in this debate: on the one hand are the supporters of the reforms, who argue that inequality is not a cause of concern and/or has not worsened, while on the other hand, others (e.g., Vakulabharanam 2010; Abhijit Sen 2004; Nagaraj, Varoudakis, and Véganzonès 2000), argue that inequality has worsened. In the literature on regional growth and productivity in Indian economy, the neoclassical growth paradigm has been extensively used in recent years due to its theoretical underpinning to understand the inter-­regional and inter-­country growth and level differences in standards of living (Dholakia 1985; Mathur 1983). Bhattacharya and Sakthivel (2004), in the study of regional growth and 94

Development and rising income inequality

disparity in India, have shown that the growth rate of GDP has accelerated since the 1980s in the country. Gaur (2010) has empirical evidence that inequality was much more prominent during the reform period (1991–2002), particularly in per capita income. He measured the Gini coefficient for income distribution in India, which showed that its value increased from 0.3152 to 0.3676 during 1993–94 to 2004–05 respectively, and the striking feature was that the states such as Bihar, Orrisa and UP failed to pick up with the richer states. Also it was seen that states like Gujarat, Haryana and Maharastra remained at the top. According to Dreze and Sen (1997), enormous variations in regional experiences and achievements, coupled with the even sharper contrasts in some fields of social development, have resulted in remarkable internal diversities in India.

Data and facts: present scenario In India, the inequality of income is calculated based on data on consumption distribution (provided by NSSO) and income tax data. Based on these, the Gini coefficient shows rising consumption inequality from 0.32 in 1993–94 to 0.38 in 2011-12 for urban areas. Corresponding Gini estimates of consumption expenditure in rural areas was reported as 0.26 in 1993–94 to 0.29 in 2011–1212. For analysing income inequality, the latest data was taken from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) reports, which show that income inequality in India rose from 0.53 in 2004–05 to 0.55 in 2011–12, making India one of the high-­inequality countries (Desai 2010). Next, if we look at wealth inequality (Figure 7.2), India is among the most unequal countries in the world. According to the Credit Suisse Research Institute’s (2017) Global Wealth Report, the top 10% of the households held 52.9% of the total wealth of the country in 2002, which increased to 62.1% by 2012. The corresponding share of wealth held by the top 1% also increased from 15.7% in 2002 to 25.7% in 2012. The share of wealth held by the top 1% in India is second only to the United States among the major countries for which data is available. The Gini of wealth in India in 2017 is at 0.83, which puts India among the countries with the highest-­inequality countries. The increase in wealth inequality is consistent with the trend of rising inequality in the country in other dimensions. Similarly, data on income inequality reported by the World Inequality

Percentage of total wealth Top 10%

74

Top 5%

65.5

Top 1%

49

Next 30%

5.7

Lowest 30%

1.4 0

10

20

30

Figure 7.2  Wealth distribution among Indians Source: Credit Suisse Research Institute data (2017).

95

40

50

60

70

80

Alpana Srivastava

Report 2017 puts India among the countries with the highest levels of inequality, lower only to the Middle Eastern countries. According to National Accounts estimates, post-­2000 income growth has been substantially higher than in previous decades. In 2016, the Income Tax Department released tax tabulations for recent years (2011–12, 2012–13 and 2013–14), making it possible to revise and update previously published top income estimates and better inform public debates on growth and income inequality. It can be seen from Figure 7.3, income growth of the bottom 50% in India is far below the national average. Moreover, it can also be seen that this gap increased more rapidly post-­liberalization. The story is not much different for the middle 40%, as seen in Figure 7.3. Now if we analyse the other side of the coin as shown in Figure 7.4, both the top 10% and the top 1% are far above the national average though at their maximum in the pre-­liberalization period but showing constant increase in the last two decades. This is the situation for the top 1% change in the post-­demonetization period.

Annual per adult real income growth (%) 5 4 3 2 1 0

1951–59

1960–69

1970–79

Full population

1980–89

1990–99

2000–2015

Bottom 50%

Figure 7.3  National income growth in India: full population vs. bottom 50% income group, 1951–2015 Source: Thomas Piketty WID. World Working Paper series no 2017/11.

Annual per adult real income growth (%) 5

4.7

4 3 2

2.3 1.9

1.8

1.5

1 0

2.5 1.9

1960–69

2.4

0.8

0.75 1951–59

2

1970–79

Full population

1980–89

1990–99

2000–2015

Middle 40%

Figure 7.4  National income growth in India: full population vs. middle 40% income group, 1951–2015 Source: Thomas Piketty WID. World Working Paper series no 2017/11.

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Development and rising income inequality

Annual per adult real income growth (%) 8 6 4

2 0 –2

1951–59

1960–69

1970–79

1980–89

1990–99

2000–2015

–4 –6 Full population

Top 10%

Top 1%

Figure 7.5  National income growth in India: full population vs. top 1% and top 10% income groups, 1951–2015 Source: Thomas Piketty WID. World Working Paper series no 2017/11.

Percentage of national income 25 20 15 10 5 0

1920

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

Figure 7.6  Top 1% national income share in India, 1922–2015 Source: Thomas Piketty WID. World Working Paper series no 2017/11.

It can also be seen from Figure  7.5 that the share of income rose steeply after the 1990 reforms for the top 1% income shareholders. Thus the national income statistics show the rising inequality in income distribution in recent decades. The per capita real income, i.e., per capita net national income, at constant (2011–12) prices, for 2016–17 is estimated at Rs. 82,269 as against the estimate of Rs. 77,803 for 2015–16. This indicates a growth of per capita real income of about 5.7% during 2016–17. The per capita income at current prices during 2016–17 is estimated at Rs. 103,219 as compared to Rs. 94,130 in 2015–16, showing a rise of 9.7%. The recent trend of per capita income is given in Figure 7.6, but if we look at the median per capita income of the country, it is about 58% below the average income as reported by Governor, RBI, Raguram Rajan in 2014. This is indeed a great cause of worry to the nation. As the income distribution of India is highly skewed, the 97

Alpana Srivastava

Per capita income

120,000 100,000 80,000 60,000

70,983

79,118

63,462

65,538

68,572

2011–12

2012–13

2013–14

86,454 72,862

2014–15

94,130 77,803

103,219

82,269

40,000 20,000 0

Current prices

2015–16

2016–17

at 2011–12 prices

Figure 7.7  Per capita net national income Source: National Account Statistics, 2017.

economist or policy maker should consider the median per capita income as the main indicator because more of the population is represented by this measure. The trouble is that it is not so easy to find median income data in the Indian context. A survey carried out by Gallup in December 2013 put India’s median income at $616. Data from the World Bank shows that India’s per capita income during the same year was $1,455. Hence, the median income was around 58% lower than the average income or the per capita income, which was not good for the country and showed the tremendous amount of inequality prevalent in the country. The huge gap between the income of the average Indian and the average income of India quietly depicts the nature of prevailing income inequality in the country. How the Indian economy fared in terms of inequality has been arguably less discussed. This can partly be explained by a lack of consistent data on the distribution of income or wealth for the recent period. The NSSO surveys focus only on consumption rather than on income, and the distributional dynamics of these two concepts can differ notably. In addition, the relatively limited magnitude of the changes observed in NSSO data calls for care in the interpretation of such results. Consumption data available through surveys constitutes part of the evidence, but it is not sufficient to inform debates on Indian inequality.

Development vs. inequality India’s economy has undergone a radical transformation over the last three decades. Up to the 1970s, India was a tightly regulated, strict economy with socialist planning. Growth crawled (3.5% per year), development was weak and poverty endemic. Some easing of regulation, a decline in tax rates and modest reforms led to growth picking up in the 1980s, trundling forward at around 5% a year. This was followed by some substantial reforms in the early 1990s after which the economy grew briskly, nudging close to double digits in the mid-­2000s. Growth has slowed substantially since then, but India still remains one of the fastest-­g rowing economies in the world. The reason for the slow growth in 2017–18 is attributed to demonetization and the introduction of the Goods and Service Tax (GST) (Verma, 2017). The growth model opted for since the reforms was based on the productive sectors and liberalisation, giving less involvement of government and more of private enterprise. This was 98

Development and rising income inequality

the chosen route to growth, and also it was felt that if the private sector was given space for expansion, more employment opportunities would be created and hence income levels would increase, thereby increasing the standard of living. But the real outcome was entirely different as the fruits could be reaped only by the upper-­income group. Privatization meant that even public companies would be owned by private players, which began the process of heightened inequality. Governments have wavered on subsidies. The result has been that even government activity has tended to move towards project generation in roads and city development. This has actually meant that when a road is created, the contracts go to private parties, thus increasing the income of the relatively richer. This was ironic, as the government was supposed to be out of production activity in privatization. Further, the growth of capitalism has meant that the nexus between the government and some corporations has exacerbated the income distribution pattern. Privatization programmes are normally intended for better performing companies, which is natural, or else they would not be of interest to the private sector. Loss-­making companies continue to be held by the Government. This is another reason for the inequality syndrome in the country and has been addressed by Thomas Piketty in Capitalism in the 21st Century. From the past three years, India is suffering from demand saturation due to lower income growth in the bottom-­and middle-­income groups. This is forcing markets to shrink and manufacturing to show sluggish growth. The demand is more towards essential goods impacting growth. Hence the government has a twin task on its shoulders to maintain the growth pace of the economy on one hand and, on the other, passing its fruits to all sections of society equally for the sustainable development of the nation.

Inequality mitigating factors Education holds the key to economic growth and social transformation. Promoting public education at least at lower level and increasing the supply of skilled labour, will reduce income inequality to a large extent. There should be checks and control at all stages of the privatization of education, especially in higher education. Currently, the new education policy is under way which may propose various reforms so as to build an education system that promotes equitable access to quality education for all sections of the society. Health care is key indicator to society’s well-­being. With growth and development, the health services in the country had improved in both the public and private sectors but at a high cost. Hence comprehensive regulation of the public and private sectors is required in provisioning, medical technology and pharmaceuticals. This is critical for controlling costs and improving quality and accountability. The primary aim of the National Health Policy, 2017, is to inform, clarify, strengthen and prioritize the role of government in shaping health systems. It will take care of various dimensions: investment in health, organisations and financing of health care services, prevention of diseases, access of technologies, developing human resources, encouraging medical pluralism, building the knowledge base required for better health, etc. It will also promote financial protection strategies and regulation and progressive assurance for health. The policy emphasizes reorienting and strengthening the Public Health Institutions across the country, so as to provide universal access to free drugs, diagnostics and other essential health care. As India is agriculture driven, some bigger policy changes are required for improving the declining GDP of this sector. The emphasis should be on land use planning, or else diversion of agricultural land will further constrain agricultural growth. This also calls for further emphasis on yield and productivity increase. The sector will also need to deal with a decline 99

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in agricultural workforce, calling for different means of enhancing labour productivity such as appropriate machinery and mechanization. The major shift in agriculture and food demand towards high value products, such as vegetables, fruits and livestock products, also needs to be seriously recognized and addressed. Budget 2018–19 has been duly focused on this sector. GST, one of the biggest tax reforms post-­independence, is aimed at simplifying the complicated indirect tax regime. It will create a common Indian market, streamline tax administration, improve tax compliance, boost investment and growth and result in higher revenue collection by submitting all indirect taxes (other than custom duty) levied by central and state government. Government aims to increase the tax base, and it is striving to build a predictable and stable taxation regime so as to be investor friendly and growth spurring. Government has taken a slew of measures, amounting almost to waging of war against black money, in the past three years. These involve policy-­level reforms through legislative and administrative initiatives, affecting enforcement, capacity building and building intelligence through data mining. The predominance of cash in the economy is a major reason for large-­scale tax evasion. According to a 2015 report from PwC India, it is reported that 98% of all transactions by volume and 68% of the total value of transactions are conducted in cash. Demonetization has given a quantum push to digital transactions. While the advantages of a digital economy are many, it inter alia creates transparency. Top-­ranking countries in the corruption perception index of Transparency International have reported less than 10% of the total transactions in cash, and this step will eliminate corruption to some extent. The National Payments Corporation of India has successfully implemented the Unified Payments Interface Platform, which facilitates interoperability. BHIM (196 lakh people have downloaded it) and AADHAR pay will facilitate peer-­to-­peer transactions and digital payments over the counter respectively. Since independence, welfare schemes have proliferated with the aim of taking the fruits of development to the poor and needy. However, the malaise of corruption has spread over the years throughout the schemes, resulting in massive leakage and the lining the pockets of undeserving. The economic survey of FY 2015–16, for instance, revealed that 40–50% of the benefits under the flagship scheme of PDS are lost due to leakage. The government has used an innovative mechanism, namely Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT), to transfer the money value of the benefits directly into the accounts of the deserving poor, bypassing corruption. A massive drive was launched in 2014 to take banking to the poor and underprivileged, on which the structure of DBT is being erected. Government has also streamlined and removed the scope for grand corruption by mandating auction as the only route for allocation of natural resources, through the amendment of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act and by launching Government e-­Marketplace (GeM) for the procurement of goods and services by government ministries/ departments, PSUs and autonomous bodies. Such measures attack the source of corruption and augment resources for nation-­building activities. Currently, India is in the best time of history having more than 50% of its population below the age of 25. By 2020, the average age will be 29, resulting in a surplus of about 47 million working population. There is an ardent need to channelize youth by focusing on skill development and entrepreneurship. Though India enjoys the advantages of a demographic dividend, the quality of market-­driven skills is a challenge. The first integrated National Policy for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, 2015, has made the road map to promote entrepreneurship a key to successful skills strategy, along with preparing youth for high-­tech jobs. The flagship programme Make in India will facilitate investment, foster innovation and protect intellectual property, and it is expected to boost manufacturing activity across diverse sectors with the capacity to create 100 million new jobs by 2022. 100

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Raising the income of the poorest workers even in the unorganised sector could reduce income inequality. The labour market in India is also suffering from a lack of adequate labour reforms. Economic reforms introduced in the country during the 1990s have changed the economic scenario of the country. But the country is lagging behind in adopting necessary labour reforms which are rational and important in the present context. The failure to promote labour-­ intensive manufacturing like construction, textile, clothing, footwear, etc. is the single greatest reason for rising inequalities. Labour-­intensive manufacturing has the potential to absorb millions of people who are leaving farming. The proportion of the labour force in agriculture has come down, but the workers who have left farms have not gotten jobs in modern factories or offices. Most are stuck in tiny informal enterprises with abysmal productivity levels. If India could somehow reverse this trend and promote labour-­intensive manufacturing, then inequality could fall. Thus the Government should chalk out a proper policy for bringing necessary reforms in the labour market for the greater interest of the country, as well as for the interest of the labour force (both working and non-­working) in general.

Conclusion India has witnessed an agrarian crisis, a growing privatization of essential services, a prolonged stock market boom and rampant tax concessions to the corporate rich. Growth in wealth inequality in such circumstances is inevitable; the other side of this coin are mass peasant suicides, growing hunger, and burgeoning unemployment. Such inequality, however, threatens not only Indian democracy but the implicit social contract, enshrined in its constitution, upon which modern India is founded. While the skill-­biased technological progress may be considered the main reason behind the modern income inequality in our country (the IT sector has increased the growth of the service sector), it is also equally capital biased. The falling share of compensation to employees in income potentially means that employing capital (machines) is more profitable than opting for human labour, which is happening in India. This also increases wage polarization by over-­incentivizing jobs that are hard to automate (such as software developing), leading to widening gaps. The most obvious conclusion to be drawn is that economic reforms have relatively benefited a tiny group at the top of the Indian income pyramid and that some more concrete interventions, strategies and policies are needed from the Government to reduce income inequality and to lead the nation towards sustainable economic growth.

References Abhijit Sen, H. 2004. “Poverty and Inequality in India-­I.” Economic and Political Weekly, September, 18. Berg, Andrew, Jonathan D. Ostry, and Jeromin Zettelmeyer. 2012. “What Makes Growth Sustained?” Journal of Development Economics 98 (2): 149–66. Bhattacharya, B. B., and Sachidanandam Sakthivel. 2004. “Regional Growth and Disparity in India: Comparison of Pre-­and post-­reform Decades.” Economic and Political Weekly: 1071–77. Chancel, L., & Piketty, T. (2019). Indian Income Inequality, 1922–2015: From British Raj to Billionaire Raj?. Review of Income and Wealth, 65, S33-S62. Credit Suisse Research Institute. 2017. Global Wealth Report 2017: Where Are We Ten Years After the Crisis? Research Institute, Paradeplatz 8, CH8070, Zurich, Switzerland, November 14, 2017. Desai, S. 2010. “The Other Half of the Demographic Dividend.” Economic and Political Weekly 45 (40): 12. International Monetary Fund (IMF) Research Department. 2012. World Economic Outlook, October 2012: Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Lansley, S. 2012. The Cost of Inequality: Why Economic Equality Is Essential for Recovery. London: Gibson Square.

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8 RURAL-­URBAN DIVIDE Digital inequality Tanu Tiwari and Alpana Srivastava

Digital technologies, which include cloud computing and mobile applications, have emerged as catalysts for rapid economic growth and citizen empowerment across the globe. Digital technologies are being increasingly used by us in everyday life from retail stores to government offices. They help us to connect with one another and to share information on issues and concerns faced by us. In some cases, they also enable resolution of those issues in nearly real time. The objective of the Digital India Group is to come out with innovative ideas and practical solutions to realize Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of a Digital India. Prime Minister Modi envisions transforming the nation and creating opportunities for all citizens by harnessing digital technologies. His vision is to empower every citizen with access to digital services, knowledge and information. This Group will come up with policies and best practices from around the world to make this vision of Digital India a reality. The Digital India (DI) project provides a huge opportunity to use the latest technology to redefine the paradigms of service delivery. A digitally connected India can help in improving the social and economic condition of people living in rural areas through development of non-­ agricultural economic activities apart from providing access to education, health and financial services. The estimated impact of Digital India by 2019 would be cross-­cutting, ranging from broadband connectivity in all panchayats, wi-­fi in schools/universities and public wi-­fi hotspots. The programme will generate a huge number of IT, telecom and electronics jobs, both directly and indirectly. Success of this programme will make India digitally empowered and the leader in the usage of IT in the delivery of services related to various domains such as health, education, agriculture, banking and so on. The vision of Digital India is to empower citizens through digital literacy. It provides the intensified impetus to develop India for a knowledgeable future by developing a central technology for allowing revolution. It covers many departments under one umbrella programme. This chapter is an attempt to study the opportunities, impact and challenges of the vision of digital India. Citizen-­centric services and the application of digital technologies in India were started in the mid-­1990s as an initiative of e-­governance, and it paved the way to Digital India, announced on July  1, 2015. The programme aims to ensure that government services are readily available across the nation with a click while ensuring its safe, secure and transparent delivery. 103

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Digital India programme: Indian views Although before the Digital India initiative, many government services were well digitalized, through the adaptation of Internet and Communication Technologies (ICTs), the major initiative includes computerization of railways and digitalization of land records (Singh, Aggrawal, and Khan 2016). In spite of being citizen centric, these e-­governance initiatives were underperforming in their capacity due to its complete separation and isolation from other government functions. Government realized the need and importance of more interconnected systems with the help of virtual network, cloud computing and intense fibre networking – system in which all the government agencies work in close coordination and collaboration to harvest the complete benefit of DI (Rani 2016). As per the World Bank report, a 10% increase in mobile and broadband penetration increases the per capita GDP by 0.81% and 1.38% respectively in developing countries. India is the second largest telecom market in the world with 915 million wireless subscribers and world’s third largest Internet market with almost 259 million broadband users. There is still a huge economic opportunity in India as the tele-­density in rural India is only 45% where more than 65% of the population lives. Future growth of the telecommunication industry in terms of number of subscribers is expected to come from rural areas as urban areas are saturated with a tele-­density of more than 160%. The digital platform can enable more creative and service-­oriented business models that create employment opportunities. The Digital India project itself will create employment opportunities for 17 million people directly or indirectly, which will help in fighting unemployment problems in India. Government has planned to give IT training to 100 million students in smaller towns and villages, as employment opportunities in the IT sector are very high in India (Anooja 2015). Social security has been a core theme of every government and a key agenda of every political party before coming into power. Protecting the poor, downtrodden, underprivileged and vulnerable sections of society has been advocated in all the literature on social inequality and social insecurity (Isabel, Laura, and Teresa 2014). These insecurities encompass food insecurity, job, health, sustainable livelihood and other problems which poverty entails. Social Safety Nets believed to uplift the quality of life, referred to as Substantial Unfreedoms (Chakravarty 1983), for the poors whose quality of life is threatened, as they are deprived of social and economic facilities which ultimately helps in elevating poverty by showing way to development. Over the years, the perceived benefit of Social Safety Nets has increased. Automation of these safety nets and their computerization have been increased (Masiero 2017). The Indian Government has launched various policies and programmes to spread education in the rural and urban areas of our country. The Right to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009, passed by the Parliament, makes education a constitutional right for its citizens. Flagship programmes like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) are also making significant contributions towards translating these commitments into reality (Agrawal 2014). Though these efforts have created a positive movement in the field of education, a majority of children from the marginalized communities still remain out of school. Digital India is an ambitious programme of the Government of India projected to cost Rs. 113,000 crores. This will be for preparing India for the knowledge-­based transformation and delivery of good governance to citizens through synchronized and coordinated engagement from both the central and state governments. This programme has been envisaged by Department of Electronics and Information Technology (DeitY) and will impact the ministry of communications and IT, ministry of rural development, ministry of human resource development, ministry of health and others (Digital India 2018). The existing/ongoing e-­governance initiatives will be revamped to align them with the principles of Digital India. The vision of Digital India is to transform the country into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy. 104

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It will ensure that government services are available to citizens electronically. It will also bring about public accountability through mandated delivery of government’s services electronically. The DI programme has three visions in the long-­term effect of the scheme: 1 2 3

Digital infrastructure as a core utility to every citizen Governance and services on demand Digital empowerment of citizens

The state has adopted a broader mechanism for its wide reach and parallel development of infrastructure in order to ensure that almost all possible classes are benefitted. Along with citizens’ direct benefit, other government schemes such as BharatNet, Make in India, Startup India and Standup India, Industrial corridors, Bharatmala, Sagarmala, Dedicated Freight Corridors and UDAN-­RCS are supposed to benefit from and grow with Digital India schemes. Bharat Broadband Network Limited (BBNL), an entity of the Government of India and the custodian of Digital India programme has aimed to connect all the 625,000 villages of the country with broadband connections, 138,440 villages have been connected till April  2020 (BBNL 2020). DI is an umbrella programme connecting and interlinking multiple government departments. It has an idea to step up to a broader level comprising many ideas and thoughts from across the institutional bodies and citizens (Singh 2002). To achieve the objective, nine pillars have been devised for its successful implementations. Different ministries are responsible for the successful implementation and achievement of the set targets. Having different individual functionaries, each has its own responsibilities while being part of broader picture. All the individual elements are supposed to function under the close coordination and leadership of the Department of Electronics and Information Technologies (DeitY). The Digital India vision provides the intensified impetus for further momentum and progress for e-­governance and will promote inclusive growth that covers electronic services, products, devices, manufacturing and job opportunities (Gaur 2017). Digital infrastructure will focus on providing high-­speed secure Internet. Governance and services on demand will stress integrating services across departments and jurisdictions and making services available in real time for both online and offline platforms. Digital empowerment of citizens will put emphasis on universal digital literacy and availability of digital resources/services in all Indian languages. The programme will be implemented in phases from 2014 till 2018. The source of funding for most of the e-­governance projects at present is through budgetary provisions of respective ministries/departments in the central or state governments. Requirements of funds for individual project(s) for Digital India will be worked out by respective nodal ministries/departments, but according to Government estimates, it will cost Rs. 113,000 crore. To implement this, Government is planning to strengthen National Informatics Center (NIC) by restructuring it to support all central government departments and state governments. The positions of chief information officers (CIO) will be created in at least 10 key ministries so that e-­governance projects can be designed, developed and implemented faster.

Constraints in implications We have discussed the various initiatives by government for the Digital India programme, but there are many hurdles or challenges along the path to achieving the objectives. The rural and urban inequalities, whether educational, cultural, gender, Internet access, technological, infrastructural and many more (Nagarajan 2015). To make the Digital India programme a success, we need to put our 105

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full effort into resolving the inequality of rural India as compared to urban people (Pati and Bansode 2011). For that, the Government has already developed a few objectives, or pillars, of Digital India where sectors are already mentioned. (See Figure 8.1 and Table 8.1.) As we know, execution is the most crucial stage of any planning process. So we need to properly manage our resources well.

3. Public Internet

2. Universal access to phones

1. Broadband highways

4. E-governancereforming government

Access Programme

6. Information for all

Digital India

Technology 5 .eKranti-electronic delivery of services

7 .Electronic manufacturing

9 .Early harvest programmes

8. IT for Jobs

Figure 8.1  Nine pillars of Digital India Source: TRAI. “User Data,” (November 21, 2017).

Table 8.1  Nine pillars of Digital India Pillars

Rural

Urban

Broadband highway

250,000 GP Virtual network December 2018 communication infrastructure Rs. 32,000 crore Universal access to Uncovered villages Increased network coverage and penetration mobile connectivity 2014–18 Rs. 16,000 crore Public Internet access 2,500,000 villages programme 3 years Rs. 4,750 crore Information to all Online hosting of information and document, government engagement through social media to inform citizens Electronics Net Zero Import, smart energy meters, skill development, economies of scale, manufacturing elimination of cost disadvantages IT for jobs Training people in small towns and villages for IT jobs Training service delivery agents to run viable business delivery Telecom service providers to train rural workforce to meet their own needs 1 crore students, 5 years, 200 crore for weaker sections, BPO setup. e-­governance Business process re-­engineering, online applications and tracking, departmental interface, online repositories e-­Kranti Technology for education, health, planning, farmers, securities, financial inclusions, justice and security Early harvest Wi-­fi in all universities, secure emails within government, standardized programme government email design Source: TRAI. “User Data,” (November 21, 2017).

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Digital strategy and operational aspects The main motive of the Digital India campaign is to make various Government services digitally accessible to the people throughout the country so that they can have the knowledge of the latest information and several new technological modernizations. The Digital India campaign can end in failure if it is not implemented properly. The factors that can lead to the failure of campaign are inapproachability and inflexibility. 1

2

3

Government to enable devices, systems, applications, infrastructure and data that is smart (effective and optimal), secure and cost-­sensitive (flexible to change for any new technology migration) Empowerment of the citizens of India with data and information that is available to government across all departments; information to be digitized with government services that are accessible online anytime, anywhere on any device Enabling of availability of government data and services and hence facilitation of innovation to bring several opportunities to the general public e.g., farming, education, health-­ care digital enablers.

In 1985, then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi made a remark that “only 15 Paise of every rupee meant for welfare of downtrodden reaches them” (The Tribune 2020). Thus, the problems of service delivery were recognized early. Bureaucrats and Babus who are supposed to carry out the program hardly perform. To bring transparency in government services and make its delivery faster, the digitalization of services has been sought before. During the 1990s, the computerization of government services was started (DeitY 2015) but to a limited extent. To ensure that benefits reached the downtrodden for whom they are meant and to remove malaise, Government has mandated the linking of Aadhar with social benefit schemes. The 15-­paise remark of Mr. Gandhi found its place in the SC’s verdict on a case related to Aadhar (NDTV 2017). Over time, innovations and policy formulations through various governments have led to the final announcement of Digital India on July 1, 2015. Nine pillars have been devised under the DI programme for its wide incorporation and complete coverage through an integrated approach. Targets have been set under each pillar with proposed times of completion and deadlines (DeitY 2015). In India, a country where the unemployed rate is high and the majority of employment comes from the unskilled farming sector, DI may boost agriculture. It will provide information accesses as well support in selling agricultural yields through digital mediums like e-­Mandi and e-­Procurement. It will limit the space for intermediaries and malaise (Khandare and Sushopti 2017). Due to illiteracy, 70% of the population of our country who reside in rural areas and depend primarily on agriculture have minimal sources of information about farming and government services. They depend mainly (94%) on fellow farmers who themselves are not well aware (Gawade et al. 2016). Merely 3% obtain information from television or the Internet and the remaining from government officers. Thus, the condition is alarming, and the hope is that Digital India will fill the gap. One of India’s most extensive programmes, AADHAR, a biometrics-­based centralized database for identification and monitoring of citizen data, is supposed to curb leakage, misuse and corruption (Bhatia and Bhabha 2017). But the national-­level unique identification system does not guarantee social protection. The promise of complete exhaustiveness is doubtful. 107

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More transparent delivery of government services requires availability across the nation with the least involvement of intermediaries. This can be achieved only through automation of the services. As a result, the Government of India, under distinct motivation, has come up with the idea of Digital India. This programme will ensure the transformation of India today into a digitally empowered nation (Ganeshkumar and Ramesh 2017). The programme has aimed to create digital infrastructure, delivery of services digitally and digital literacy (DeitY 2015). The Digital India programme may further work as an information centre to help farmers about various schemes and availability of loan opportunities and subsidies. These in turn can reduce the farmers’ suicide rate (Chandra 2016). Further, they advocate the creation of online national agricultural trading. India, converting from conventional to digital, will require a huge workforce trained in the field of ICT, as well as hardware and software. This will attract in-­and outbound investments and job opportunities in, for trained in near future (Rathi and Niyogi 2015). Though scholars advocate the importance of digital literacy, no tangible evidence exists to support the idea that digital literacy is necessary to benefit e-­governance (Sood and Saxena 2016). This multimillion-­dollar project has much anticipatory and perceived benefit in times to come. However, it is equally important to achieve success. The Digital India programme has benefited the privileged society more than the underprivileged (Thomas 2012). A joint study by Assocham-­Deloitte (Firstpost 2017) states: “The biggest challenge faced by Digital India program is the slow/delayed infrastructure development. Spectrum availability in Indian metros is about a tenth of the same in cities in developed countries. This has put a major roadblock in providing high speed data services.” The study also highlights that digital India will have a large impact on the nation as a whole, but the digital divide needs to be addressed through the last mile of connectivity to rural parts of the country, as currently 55,000 villages are deprived of mobile connectivity (Economic Times 2017; ASSOCHAM 2016). “When you talk about Digital India, the first step is access to high quality broadband and at least a smartphone. Combination of access to affordable broadband, smart devices and monthly data packages should be there to avail all the facilities of the campaign,” said Rama Vedashree, Vice President of Domestic IT, IT services, Nasscom. There are 20,000 villages in India connected with broadband lines, out of 597,608 villages as per the 2011 Census, thus merely 3.35% on an average. TRAI data claims 28 connections per 100 people, but the rural average falls far below the national average with a 3.35% penetration rate (TRAI 2017). For now, with low broadband penetration, Internet over the phone is the second available option. Network quality, digital literacy, equipment and devices are the main factors for accessing over-­the-­air services. In this study, a comparison has been tried between the rural and urban parts of Uttar Pradesh, in terms of Internet access over wireless networks to establish the viability of the DI programme. To fulfill the Digital India vision goals, adequate and relevant capacities need to be built at all levels and across verticals. People, who are expected to perform, design and deliver projects under Digital India, need to be trained in relevant areas, and a comprehensive capacity building initiative is required with a standardized approach across central and state governments and at the global and industry levels, based on a competency framework (Misra, Misra, Babbar, and Singh 2016).

Rural–urban disparity The digitized sector of India saw a staggering hike in cashless payments last year when the government announced multiple initiatives under the Digital India programme. The impetus of the digitization process swept a large number of digital and paperless transactions, fintech 108

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start-­ups, and data analytics companies in India. However, while corporate India is marching towards the ultimate goals of Digital India, it has simultaneously raised new Internet risks, which are centred on managing data, and its protection from the vulnerabilities that have amassed over the recent years (White 2016). According to a study by global professional services firm EY, about 70% of Indian respondents agree on an urgent need for data protection and data privacy compliance. From the study conducted, it was observed that, out of the 90% rural population using the Internet, 80% of the population was using the Internet only for communication purpose, 67% was using it for online services such as paying bills, 65% was using it for e-­trade or, we can say, for e-­commerce such as buying and selling goods via the Internet, and 60% was using it for social networking. With the availability of cheap smartphones and several Internet services, the sum of Internet consumers was 85 million in June 2014. Due to the increase, in the rapid transmission of Internet services, the attitude, lifestyles and awareness among people in rural areas are changing very swiftly. The Government of India’s ambitious plan of Digital India aspires to connect all the Gram Panchayats and the villages of India digitally through broadband Internet connection. The Indian Government aims to provide e-­governance to the rural people of the nation and remodel India into a linked intelligent economy. These developments will show an effective picture only when the progress of schemes are the same whole India irrespective of urban and rural parts. To be successful, we need to reduce the inequalities of these areas. The various inequalities that are hampering the process can be firstly the education or literacy rate of both areas as per the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO). The urban literacy rate is 86%, while the rural rate is at 71%. Secondly, the income parameter is a measure of inequality for both areas. The per capita income for 2011–12 in the country for urban areas was Rs. 101,313 and for rural areas it was Rs. 40,772. Thirdly, wireless and wireline Internet accessibility to rural and urban people differs significantly as per a TRAI press release dated March 20, 2019, urban tele-­density for wireless is 162.84%, which surpasses the national tele-­density of 91.82%, whereas rural tele-­density for wireless is 59.38%, below the national average. The wireline tele-­density for urban is 4.49%, which is above the national tele-­density of 1.66%, whereas the rural tele-­density for wireless is 0.34%, which is far below the national average. This picture of rural and urban inequality in different parameters has to be taken care of by

Rural: 86% Urban: Rs 101313 Urban:162.84% Urban: 4.88%

Literacyy Inequality q y Income Inequality q y Wireless Tele-Densityy Wireline Tele-Densityy

Urban: 71% Rural: Rs 40772 Rural: 56.15% Rural: 0.39%

National Wireless Tele-Density- 89.91 National Wireline Tele-Density- 1.81% Figure 8.2  Inequality in rural and urban India Sources: Census India (2011).

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government in order to make the Digital India programme a successful initiative. (See Figure 8.2.) Mobile and Internet banking can improve financial inclusion in the country and can create win–win situations for all parties in the value chain by creating an interoperable ecosystem and revenue-­sharing business models (Varma 2009). Telecom operators get additional revenue streams, while the banks can reach new customer groups incurring the lowest possible costs. A  digitally connected India can help in improving the social and economic conditions of people through the development of non-­agricultural economic activities apart from providing access to education, health and financial services. However, it is important to note that ICT alone cannot directly lead to the overall development of the nation (Walsham 2010). The overall growth and development can be realized through supporting and enhancing elements such as literacy, basic infrastructure, overall business environment, regulatory environment, etc. The research methodology for this manuscript would be SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threats) analysis for reducing inequalities between rural and urban digital progress. (See Tables 8.2 and 8.3.)

Table 8.2  SWOT analysis of rural area Strengths • Education: Rural area has high market for private or public players to set up their institutes or schools. • Income: They have different ways for income generation, but they heavily depend on agriculture. • Infrastructure: There is huge market for private or public players to invest money for infrastructure development. • Awareness: People need information, but the availability is low.

Weaknesses • Education: People are not interested in motivating their child for education • Income: Low income from agriculture due to seasonal or government issues forces them to have low income. • Infrastructure: High-­end private or public players are not keenly interested in investing in rural areas due to uncertain profit margins. • Awareness: Government is taking initiatives for development of awareness among rural India, but proper execution and management are needed.

Opportunities • Education: Children are unique and need better ways of education and the learning process, but people have to show interest in opening institutes or digital platforms for them. • Income: Farmers are being provided by different initiatives of Government from time to time to innovate and provide various offers. • Infrastructure: As we know, rural areas have a vast market that needs to be penetrated by players either private or public or both. • Awareness: For this, again, Government needs to do proper planning and execution for better results.

Threats • Education: Digital education can have negative results also, like getting wrong information from the Internet, so the government has to check how to provide digital education in a secured way. • Income: Digital ways of income generation have their own benefits and problems, and someone who is not very aware about digital ways would be unable to process. • Infrastructure: Digital developments are never fully secure for access, so one needs to be fully aware before using it. • Awareness: Rural digital awareness is very risky because people are very low in literacy. So we cannot say what is right or not. It’s risky.

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Rural–urban divide Table 8.3  SWOT analysis of urban area Weaknesses • Education: Less or wrong information passage can be an issue because people rely on information that others have told, and, without checking, they use it; that is a major weakness. • Income: There are organised and unorganised ways for people to earn income, so digital income generation can also cause wrong data breaches which can be a serious crime; yet this is what is happening in urban areas. • Infrastructure: Many frauds or scams are ongoing within most of the infrastructure projects, whether by the Government or private. • Awareness: Getting right or wrong information for any schemes or project of the Government is what matters for the individual; that needs to be addressed. Threats • Education: Unnecessary usage of Internet or a breach of someone else’s information, data privacy, etc. are wrong ways to use digital education. • Income: Illegal income generation methods using digital technology is a major threat from urban people all over India. • Infrastructure: Unhealthy data sharing, password hacking, data privacy are threats if infrastructure is poor. • Awareness: Tackling wrong information usage and proving right information and awaking people about what is happening in Digital India is required

Strengths • Education: Urban people have a better digital education rate as compared to rural areas; that can also be because people have proper usage of digital technology, and so they are much aware of technology changes. • Income: Urban India has enormous ways to generate income, whether through private corporations or government institutions, so they can provide huge employment opportunities. • Infrastructure: Urban India has huge investment projects, both ongoing and upcoming in the Digital India programme. • Awareness: This is on the high side as compared to rural area because people are more educated and, even if not, they get to see ongoing developments and learn about them. Opportunities • Education: Getting the right digital education to the right people who need it at the right time and place is what needs to be tackled. • Income: Digital ways of income generation require proper training and supervision from other side of society. • Infrastructure: A great deal of developing highways, wireless or wireline networks, Internet connectivity needs to be done. • Awareness: This needs to be upgraded as time and processes change. So this is an ongoing process.

Challenges ahead According to experts, the world has only begun to exploit the potential of digital technology, and we have successfully achieved only 1% digital connectivity till now. Many new ventures and enterprises are already leveraging digital technologies to create value and have significant economic impact (Johnson 1999) but the digital entrepreneurs also face some challenges, some of which are: •

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Speed: Technology is growing at a tremendous pace. Keeping up with this speed, it is becoming increasingly difficult as factors like globalization, changing stakeholder expectations and increasing customer demands add to the complexity of the issue. Global competition: Increasing market demands for continuous improvement and integration of various disciplines like content, graphics, technology, services, relationships, etc. all together has led to increased global competition, which is difficult to cope with without

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having the right skill set and appropriate technology at the right time. There is an underlying need for constant innovation for all entrepreneurs, without which they face the threat of extinction or being beat out by the competition. Need for collaboration, experimentation and adaptability: Entrepreneurs should be willing to collaborate with other firms in order to grow on a larger scale. They should keep experimenting with the latest technologies and should try to adapt their products to changing customer needs. All entrepreneurs should develop the habit of rapidly responding to changes as and when they occur. Maintenance of distribution channels: In order to sustain success, the entrepreneurs should ensure maintenance of the right distribution channels. High cost of implementation: The approximate cost of implementing this mammoth project is Rs. 1.13 trillion (including ongoing and new schemes). Time overrun: The National Optical Fibre Network (NOFN) project, which is the backbone of the Digital India initiative, has been delayed several times and is suffering from time overruns. The delayed project may lead to delays in other dependent projects, and meeting the budget limit will be difficult. Lack of coordination among departments: Digital India is an umbrella project involving the participation of several departments and demanding commitment and effort. Hence, strong leadership and timely support of all the involved entities will play a vital role. Poor private participation: To achieve timely completion of the projects, extensive private participation is necessary. Private participation in Government projects in India is poor because of long and complex regulatory processes. Uniform and fast adoption of Internet: About 4 billion people in the world do not have Internet connection, and India comprises 25% of them. India is the fourth largest smartphone market with almost 111 million smartphone users. The average monthly cost of 500 MB in a mobile data plan or prepaid is $3.4 in India against $35.8 in Brazil, $15.5 in China and $17 in Russia. Despite the lowest data tariffs in the world, the adoption of the Internet in India is not encouraging. Faster adoption of the Internet will be difficult due to illiteracy, the affordability and availability of mobile devices and data tariffs, a lack of local language content, a lack of regionally relevant apps. Still the use of Internet is low because of high data tariffs. Infrastructure: Though the NOFN project aim is to build a nationwide high-­speed broadband passed in 2015, current stage is work in progress, there are other supporting infrastructure deficits, such as a lack of robust and large data centres to hold the data of an entire country. In addition, the last-­mile connectivity and the physical infrastructure at customer premises are unaffordable by most rural Indians. Infrastructure fulfilment is necessary with the NOFN project. Cyber security: According to a National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, there is a rapid increase in cyber crime in India by 50% from 2012 to 2013. There have been several incidences in cyberspace on the corporate and individual levels in the past few years. Putting the data of 1.2 billion people on the cloud could be risky and could threaten the security of individuals and the nation. Hence, the Digital India project demands very strong network security at all levels of operation.

The vision of Digital India aims to transform the country into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy. It would ensure that Government services are available to citizens electronically. It would also bring in public accountability through the mandated delivery of government services electronically: a unique ID and e-­pramaan based on authentic and standard-­based interoperable and integrated government applications and data basis (Verma 112

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2010). To become Digital India, digitally empowered technology plays an important role. Cloud computing technology having the capacity for the highest future demand, being able to provide smooth functioning and security is needed to fulfil the goals set for Digital India. To make the programme success, the Government of India needs to know the opinions, ideas and feedback of the people in order to improve services. By having feedback, the Government can predict or modify the way it is implementing the programme. Now in India the penetration of Internet is vast; even people living in remote villages have mobile phones and smartphones with Internet connection. Customer feedback is very important for any business to succeed and to implement new ideas. Instead of print media, electronic media can be used to get feedback from users. Social media play a vital role as they give direct input of the population quickly, whereas print media consumes a lot of time. So to get quick feedback from the customer, social media sites are used.

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Provide adequate spectrum at reasonable prices: A  clear road map of spectrum availability with a rational pricing structure needs to be developed. Additional spectrum should be made available to support the growth of mobile broadband. Sufficient access and microwave spectrum for backhaul should be made available. Rationalize taxes and levies: Taxes and levies on telecom services should be rationalized to ensure the overall growth and financial viability of the sector. Retrospective amendments in laws need to be discouraged, and all changes should be forward-­looking as a principle. Additionally, the funds collected under USOF should be efficiently utilized. Provide uniform policies for deploying telecom infrastructure: There should be a uniform right of way (RoW) policy across all states with a uniform and reasonable cost structure. Moreover, a single window mechanism should be provided for granting RoW permissions. Also, the private sector needs to be incentivized to provide last-­mile connectivity in rural areas. Provide a fillip for the manufacturing ecosystem: There is a need to strengthen the telecom equipment and handset manufacturing ecosystem in India through incentives and the rationalization of taxes and levies. Establish robust standards for security and privacy: Clear rules relating to security standards should be set to help reduce uncertainty for equipment and service providers. The Government, industry and related global standards bodies should coordinate to establish protocols for standardization, interoperability and performance of connected devices. Address security and governance issues of the Internet: There is a need for an overarching multi-­stakeholder oversight body, which deals with all matters relating to cyber security and amalgamates the work done by different agencies. A principles-­based approach to surveillance is required, so that trust among the Internet community is not lost. Establish policy framework to boost emerging services of cloud and M2M: It is important to put in place clear regulatory frameworks to set up a solid foundation for these services such as cloud and M2M to prosper. There should be a single nationwide policy on data centres for providing cloud services, avoiding regional/state-­wise differences in regulations. Internet penetration, Internet commerce, and Internet advertising: Internet penetration in India is lagging behind that in China. The country is about seven years behind China when it comes to Internet penetration, Internet commerce, Internet advertising. Hence it is suggested to strengthen the Internet services in India. Electronics manufacturing hub: The intention of government is to bring net electronics imports down to zero by 2020, from about $100 billion now, a move which will help the country 113

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control its current account deficit. As things stand, net annual electronics imports could rise to $400 billion by 2020, several steps have been taken by government to promote manufacturing and investment sectors in India. “The PM is absolutely focused on making India the manufacturing hub and we see massive potential in electronic manufacturing.” It should become reality. Mobile for banking and financial services: Not only IT/ITeS, telecom, electronics manufacturing sectors would benefit from Digital India, but “we would see positive impact on other industry sectors as well, like Power Sector and Banking and Financial Services.” Hence, mobile baking and financial services should be expedited. Health care: If hospitals are part of the network providing medical advice through telemedicine, quality health care can reach people living in remote areas for which Digital India can come in handy. Hence the Government should plan to use the Digital India initiative to effectively improve Medicare. Make language independent for Digital India: Another area of focus for Google as a part of supporting the Digital India initiative is to build the non-­English Internet user base. Hence, along with English, incorporating Indian languages to build the non-­English Internet so that Internet becomes very helpful. Coordination among the state and central bodies: There should be coordination between the state and central bodies; otherwise the cost and maintenance of the services will increase. Digitizing governance: Efficient governance is a necessary step for empowering citizens in a country. Governance requires an open platform through which the government can reach citizens easily and efficiently. Digitizing government services will help in reaching a greater number of people in a vast geography like India. The e-­governance project depends upon the success of broadband highway and mobile penetration. • Apart from connectivity, the Government should also facilitate low-­ cost devices through some initiative under the Make in India programme to provide at least one access point for every household. • To make the Digital India programme a grand success, low-­cost Internet (fibre) lines should be laid and connected to every village, and the inequality between rural and urban areas should be eliminated at the earliest. After all, the larger section of the population resides in rural areas. • Opening service centres for government schemes will not change things as expected. This will only shift the corruption points from babus to common service centres. • There should be some flexibility and optional use of online schemes rather than being obligatory, at least in the initial phase. Forced incorporation of the schemes will only invite organised corruption and fraud. • Awareness drives should be started in order to promote digital access of facilities and to remove the fear and phobia of online access of many facilities mainly associated with banking system. • People need to be educated on how to safeguard themselves against any fraud.

References Agrawal, Tushar. 2014. “Educational Inequality in Rural and Urban India.” International Journal of Educational Development (Elsevier) 34: 11–19. Anooja, A. 2015. “Digital India with E-­Commerce Revolution in Rural India: Transform India Digitally and Economically.” Engineering International: 57–64. ASSOCHAM. 2016. “India’s Internet Population Likely to Touch 600 Million by 2020.”

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Rural–urban divide BBNL. 2020, April 30. Bharat Broadband Network Limited. http://www.bbnl.nic.in/index.aspx Bhatia, A., and J. Bhabha. 2017.“India’s Aadhaar Scheme and the Promise of Inclusive Social Protection.” Chakravarty, S. 1983. “Poverty and Femine: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation.” Journal of Comparative Economics 7 (4): 471–472. Chandra, S. 2016 “Linking Digital India as a Tool for Curbing Farmer Suicides – A Case Study of Telangana State.” Scholedge International Journal of Management & Development 3 (3): 74–88. Chandramouli, D. 2011. “Rural Urban Distribution Of Population.” Censusindia. DeitY. 2015. “Digital Inida: Power to Empower.” Digitalindia. Digital India. 2018. “DI Analytics.” digitalindia.gov.in/content/social-­media-­analytics. Economic Times. 2017, January 12. Digital India Facing Hurdles on Multiple Fronts: Report. https://economic times.indiatimes.com/ Firstpost. 2017, January. Digital India Is Facing Challenges on Many Fronts, Says Assocham-­Deloitte Report. https://www.firstpost.com/. Ganesh Kumar, M., and V. Ramesh. 2017. “A Study on Digital India Programme Using Azure Cloud and Twitter Data.” Gaur, Achal Kumar. 2017. “A Study Impact of Digital India in ‘Make in India’ Program in IT and BPM Sector.” Fourteenth AIMS International Conference on Management: 325–51. Gawade, S., S. Khandare, K. Raikar, and S. Chopade. 2016. “Survey on Digital India Campaign.” International Journal of Engineering Research in Computer Science and Engineering II I (December). Himanshu, and Amrita Sen. 2011. “Why not a Universal Food Security Legislation?” Economic and Political Weekly: 38–47. Isabel, L. C., V. C. Laura, and G. A. Teresa. 2014. “Breaking the Walls of Social Exclusion of Women Rural by Means of ICTs: The Case of Digital Divides.” Galician: 497–504. Johnson, S. 1999. Who Moved My Cheese?: An Amazing Way to Deal With Change In Your Work and In Your Life. New York: G.P. Putnams Sons. Khandare, S. S., and G. Sushopti. 2017. “Information Communication Technology With Digital India in Agriculture Domain.” International Journal of Modern Trends in Engineering and Science 2 (4): 41–45. Masiero, S. 2017. “Digital Governance and the Reconstruction of the Indian Antipoverty System.” Oxford Development Studies 45 (4): 393–408. Misra, D., A. Misra, S. Babbar, and S. Singh. 2016. “Web Accessibility Assessment of Government Web Solutions: a Case Study in Digital India.” In Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Theory and Practice of Electronic Governance (pp. 26–34). Nagarajan, R. 2015. “To Fix Social Problems, Invest in Human Beings, Not Tech Magic: Kentaro Toyama.” September 21. NDTV. 2017. “Woman Died Hungry, Ration Shop Denied Food Over Aadhaar.” Says UP Family, November 17. Pati, S. K., and S. Y. Bansode. 2011. “Bridging Digital Divide in India: Some Initiatives.” Asia Pacific Journal of Library and Information Science 1 (1): 58–68. Rani, S. 2016. “Digital India: Unleashing Prosperity.” Indian Journal of Applied Research 6 (4): 187–89. Rathi, M. S., and S. Niyogi. 2015. “Digital India: Resource Utilization.” International Journal of Engineering, Business and Enterprise Application: 12–15. Singh, J. 2002. “From Atoms to Bits: Consequences of Emerging Digital Divide in India.” International Information and Library Review 34: 187–200. Singh, N., A. Aggrawal, and R. Khan. 2016. Thought Behind ICT Technology and Digital India: For Empowerment of Women, 1–4. Lucknow: Digital India. Sood, S., and N. Saxena. 2016. “Moving Beyond Digital Literacy and Towards e-­Governance in Rural India.” Development Research and Policy Initiatives: 1–5. Supreme Court of India, 2020. “Rajiv Gandhi’s famous 15-paise remark finds mention in SC verdict”, The Tribune, July 02, New Delhi. Thomas, A. H. 2012. The Wondrous Orientalism of Lord Dunsany: Traditional and Non-­traditional Orientalist Narratives in The Book of Wonder and Tales of Wonder. MYTHSOC. TRAI. 2017. “User Data.” November 21. Varma, V. K. 2009. “Digital India – A Model Developed by Varma.” Top Tax System: 1–73. Verma, N. M. P. 2010. “A Data Mining Technique for a Secure Electronic Payment Transaction.” International Journal of Economics and Finance 2 (4) (November): 12–17. Walsham, G. 2010. “Icts for the Broader Development of India: An Analysis of the Literature.” EJISDC: 1–20. White, Gregory. 2016. “Educational Inequality in India: An Analysis of Gender Difference.” Working Paper, No 2016–2. 115

9 URBAN LIVELIHOOD AND SOCIAL SECURITY OF STREET VENDORS Daisy Bhattacharjee

The informal sector is a major provider of employment to the people who cannot get jobs in the formal sector. It has a considerable contribution to the country’s economy as it can be considered an answer to the problem of urban poverty. The informal sector in India has been instrumental in bridging the gap by providing for approximately 67.5% of non-­agricultural employment in the country and making a significant contribution of about 55% to India’s GDP (Srivastava et  al. n.d.). Street vending is an important part of the informal sector as the majority of the population is involved in it mostly in the developing countries. A street vendor is a person who offers goods or services for sale to the public without having a permanently built structure but with a temporary static structure or mobile stall or head-­load (NPUSV 2004). It is common to find street vendors on the pavements, footpaths and streets, which are usually crowded. They get involved in this work due to their poverty, their lack of education and skills, their inability to be employed in the formal sector, rural–urban migration due to lack of opportunities in the rural areas and such. Street vending is like a self-­employment opportunity which makes it easier for people to enter this profession. Around 2.5% of the urban population in India is engaged in this occupation (Bhowmik 2010). There are an estimated 10 million street vendors in India. The occupation is largely male dominated with the bulk in the age cohort of 25–46 years of age (Saha 2016). Urban vending is not only a source of employment but provides “affordable” services to the majority of urban population (NPUSV). The lower-­and middle-­income groups are largely dependent on the street vendors for their daily needs. The street vendors face several inequalities in their work for livelihood on day-­to-­day basis. Despite the useful service they provide, they are considered as a public nuisance and hindrance to urban development. The life of street vendors is pestered with harassment and insecurities. The public accuse the vendors of putting up their stalls in busy streets, causing obstructions in their paths and littering their locations. They are assaulted and exploited by the police and the authorities. They live in constant fear of eviction. Some 73.25% said that they have to pay bribes to survive (Saha 2016). Several initiatives have been taken by the government over time to legalize street vending, but it comes with certain obligations. Other organisations like the National Association of Street Vendors in India and the Self Employed Women’s Association, and state level agencies and NGOs play a vital factor in pushing the policies in favour of the vendors. 116

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The Indian Constitution aims to promote equality, justice, fraternity and liberty and to build a welfare society and a democratic social order in the country. In the Constitution, Article 14 states that the State shall not deny any person equality before the law or equal protection of the laws within the territory of India. Article 19(1)(g) gives the Indian citizen a fundamental right to practice any profession or to carry on any occupation, trade or business. Article 21 states the protection of life and personal liberty. Article 38(1) directs the state to promote the welfare of the people by securing a social order in which justice – social, economic and political – shall inform all institutions of national life. The state is also directed by Article 38(2) to “minimize the inequalities in income status, facilities and opportunities.” Article 39(a) directs the state to formulate policy to ensure that citizens, men and women equally have the right to an adequate means of livelihood. Article 41 specifically provides for the “right to work” within the limits of the economic capacity of the state. This chapter aims to understand the socio-­economic profile of the street vendors in the city of Guwahati and understand their issues in the light of the existing policies on whether they are making a difference in the lives of the street vendors. It also intends to bring a comparative view of the vulnerable state of street vendors in Guwahati city with other cities of India. The study is primarily based on secondary sources. The secondary data has been collected from various published and unpublished works like research papers, newspapers, journals, dissertations and other Internet sources. A few interviews with the vendors were also taken up to have an in-­depth understanding of the ongoing issues and to understand the results of the secondary data effectively. But due to time constraints the number of interviews has been limited to 11 vendors. Guwahati city has been the study area for this chapter.

Street vending in Guwahati Guwahati is the capital of Assam and the largest city of North East India. According to the International Institute for Environmental and Development, Guwahati is among the 100 fastest growing cities in the world and is the fifth largest growing Indian city (Bhowmik and Saha: 2013). According to a city-­based NGO sSTEP, Guwahati has approximately 25,000 street vendors, and it is estimated to increase to 50,000 by 2025 (Chanda 2014). If that number is added to the number of dependents in the vendor families, the number would triple (Bhowmik and Saha 2013). Guwahati is the doorway to other North Eastern States, making it a hub of trade and commerce. With improved transport facilities, people from nearby towns and villages come to the city with their produce to sell in the markets and return in the evening. Some vendors also come from farther locations like Barpeta, Goalpara, Nagaon, but they are usually males. The women vendors travel from nearby villages to the city mostly to sell vegetables or fruits. Guwahati is also a home to a large number of migrants who are induced by the pull factors of the city. Almost 25% of the total population of Guwahati comprises migrants (Bhowmik and Saha 2013). The migrants, who come from the low income groups, get involved in the unorganised sector, and street vending becomes the viable option for them due to its easy entry.

Review of literature Mahadevia et al. (2016), in her research study “Street Vending in Guwahati: Experiences of Conflict,” identified three major types of markets in Guwahati city: (1) daily markets owned by Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) and rented out to shopkeepers or leased out to lessees; (3) daily markets functioning on open plots or roadsides (the taxes are collected by GMC or through lessees); (3) biweekly markets functioning on open plots or roadsides. A few of the 117

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municipal markets are Fancy Bazar Market, Uzanbazar Market, Chandmari Market, Paltanbazar Market, Ganeshguri Market, Fatasil Market, Dispur Super-­Market, Ulubari Market, etc. There are leased markets such as the Beltola Bi-­Weekly Market, Kacharighat Market, Dispur Super Market, Fatasil Market, and Bharalumukh Market. Apart from these, other markets are run by several non-­governmental organisations like Unnayan samities and local clubs. They maintain lighting and cleanliness and charge a small amount daily from the vendors who put up their stalls in these markets. They also pay a tax amount of Rs. 10,000 every quarter to GMC. The vendors have to endure innumerable hardships on an everyday basis. They get harassed by the police who threaten to evict them if they do not pay bribes. The lessees or the Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) officials charge high taxes from the vendors, but the Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) does not intervene to solve issues. The vendors have recommended that there was a need for greater vigilance by police. As Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) collects huge taxes, the police force must be deputed to maintain law and order in the markets, especially at night (Mishra et al. 2017). The local goons also torment the vendors in exchange for money and at times confiscate goods. The fear of violence leads to an increase in the burden faced by the helpless vendors. The rigid attitude of the authorities towards the vendors due to their informal status makes it difficult for the latter to seek help from the former. Baishya and Das (2017) in their article “A Study on Economic Prospect and Problems of Fast Food Street Vending: With Special Reference to Guwahati City,” addresses the issue with the Resident Welfare Association. The Association charges a very high fee from the vendors to provide them with entry into residential areas, but it does not provide any help in case of harassment from the municipal authority. If the vendors enter the residential areas for vending without due permission, then they get charged for it without a receipt, the security guards are instructed to take away the cart as well as the goods, and getting everything back is very difficult. The vendors travel by rail as it is cheaper than by road. As the trains stop at stations for very short durations, women vendors find it very difficult to load their goods, which often leads to conflicts, and they often miss the train. The vendors prefer to transport their wares in the passenger compartments of trains, but the passengers object to vendors bringing their wares into the compartments. They often complain to railway police personnel about the vendors who, in turn, harass the vendors and collect bribes of INR 20–30 from each vendor per trip and sometimes. Things can also lead to physical conflicts. The vendors have to go through economic, emotional and physical losses while transporting their wares from their settlement to the market (Mishra et al. 2017). There is an absence of basic amenities, such as the unavailability of public toilets and clean water, which often leads to health hazards. Lack of protection from the natural elements is a major concern for street vendors. Due to their poor condition, they do not have any option but to keep selling their wares under the sun, which often causes health problems, thereby putting pressure on their already meagre earnings. The street vendors often lose business on days when conditions are not favourable, especially during monsoons and summer (Mishra et al. 2017). Street vendors have to live with a number of insecurities as they mostly work at roadsides in the midst of pollution and for very long hours under extreme climate conditions, which can result in various forms of illness or hypertension and stress due to their precarious source of income. Lack of storage space for the vendors creates difficult situations for them to keep their unsold goods. As most of the vendors travel from far away villages to the city, they have to stay overnight, but due to the lack of night shelter, they have to undergo major difficulties. The issue of space is another crisis as there is no official demarcation of spaces, thereby resulting in conflicts among the vendors. 118

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Capital is an important component that affects the lives of vendors. Due to a financial contingency or rejection by formal credit agencies, vendors turn to informal sources of credit like moneylenders, wholesalers or friends during dire situations. This leads to a constant pressure on vendors to repay the money on time. In Guwahati, the microfinance institutions, the Self-­Help Groups, Asomi and the Nightingale Charitable Trust, are more active than the banks in helping the economically and socially disadvantaged section of society. They too grant loans on a joint liability basis to a group of five women at a time (Bhowmik and Saha 2011). The microfinance institutions have been partially successful in freeing the vendors from the hands of the moneylenders, but the lack of knowledge on the part of the vendors has made it difficult for them to avail themselves of the services. Non-­governmental organisations like the Society for Social Transformation and Protection (sSTEP), All Assam Street Vendors’ Association (AASVA), Greater Guwahati Street Vendors Association, Greater Guwahati Women Vegetable Vendors Association are some of the organisations who are fighting for the empowerment and ensuring rights for marginalized sections (Mahadevia et al. 2016). The Greater Guwahati Women Vegetable Vendors Association is associated with the municipal authority to get authorized spaces for selling vegetables and to reserve the designated places for women street vendors on two days, with men not allowed to occupy designated spaces during these two days. Women committees and sSTEP have rented out toilets, filtered water and storage space, along with night shelter for the vendors, especially women. Oxfam India, partnering with sSTEP and other urban poor groups, helps vendors by providing feasible ways to improve their level of income and have access to basic needs like clean water and sanitation facilities (2016). “Linking up Urban Poor of Guwahati City (LinkUP) for Enhancement of Socio-­Environmental Situation and Livelihood (ESENSIAL) programme” is an initiative taken up by them, which links the urban poor to crucial services and empowers women vendors to form collectives. Three vending zones in the city are authorized by Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC): Panbazar, Gauhati Medical College Hospital and below the Six Mile flyover. The street vendors’ associations resort to protests to get across their demands for authorizing more vending zones to GMC. But even with the existence of unionization benefits and other schemes by various associations to alleviate the conditions of the vendors, most of the vendors are unable to avail union benefits and schemes available to the vendors because they are out of reach. The important aspect of street vending is highlighted in its role of providing affordable food items to people. But the vendors face the problem of capital and they are mainly dependent on loans to run their business. However, due to heavy paperwork involved in getting loans, they rarely approach banks (Bhattacharyya 1997). The few vendors also try to expand their business, but the money is usually used up for the maintenance of the family. But the major reason that restricts expansion is the risk of continuing the trade without a license. Choudhury et al. (2011), in her article “Socio-­economic Profile and Food Safety Knowledge and Practice of Street Food Vendors in the City of Guwahati, Assam, India,” aims to bring out the prevalent socio-­economic, environmental and hygienic practices among the street food vendors in Guwahati city. The street vendors are mostly uneducated, so they do not have knowledge of food safety or procurement practices of food, and as they are of lower socio-­economic status, they are unable to attain the minimum requirements for maintaining hygiene. They do not have licenses under Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) or any other body of central or state government. The mobile food vendors should be provided by the government the basic amenities at affordable rates or at easy instalments so that they find it easier to maintain the minimum requirements of food safety and hygiene, and licenses should be provided to them by the administration. Capacity training and the intervention programmes by the administration would help the vendors and provide them with knowledge and training regarding food safety, 119

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hygiene and nutrient conservation. Street food vendors in most developing countries, including India, are not organised and responsive enough to undertake the responsibility of their own training (WHO 1996). Therefore, imparting education to vendors should be given serious attention, and their participation in intervention programmes would make them aware and help them to work in clean environments.

Legislation The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014, is an act to protect the rights of urban street vendors and to regulate street vending activities. It is a saviour for street vendors but has a number of drawbacks. The First Schedule of the Act specifies the plan for street vending which involves vending and non-­vending zones, civic amenities, certificates of vending, surveying, rights of vendors, etc. specific to that local municipal corporation. These are essentially the provisions which will start the implementation of the Act. Without the Town Vending Committee (TVC), these provisions cannot be converted into action, and without these provisions being converted into action, the situation of the vendors will remain stagnant (Rattan 2014). Section 3 of the Act requires the TVC to conduct a survey of the street vendors within the area of their jurisdiction. But a number of vendors are not aware of any such TVC, which is an obligatory requirement of the Act. In addition, most of the vendors are not acquainted with the Act itself. Section 12(1) confers the right to street vendors to carry on business but only in the vending zones. This would convert the vending zones in the city into non-­vending zones, displacing thousands of street vendors. The holding capacity of vending zones and the process of relocation continue to be left to the “appropriate governments” (Srivastava et al. n.d.). Section 4 of the Act states that every street vendor identified as per the provisions of the Act will get a certificate of vending. This vending certificate gives the informal vendor an identity in the city for meeting basic subsistence needs (Rai and Mohan 2017). Again, Section 13 gives the vendors the right to relocate to a new area but only the street vendors who have certificates validating their street vending. However, the number of vendors who do not have certificates is far greater than those who have them. The Act is designed to regulate street vending by issuing licenses which also makes it easy for the vendors to get financial assistance from banks. But the lack of awareness among the vendors and negligence on the part of government authorities are defeating the true purpose of the Act. Assam has constituted TVCs without conducting elections. Surveys of street vendors are conducted but have no street vending plan. Section 38 of the Act provides for a six-­month period starting from the date of passing of this Act for framing schemes, in consultation with local authorities and Town Vending Committees. The functionality of TVCs remains doubtful in such a scenario where there is no formulation of scheme (Narang and Goyal 2017). Subsection 1 of Section 5 of the Act states that street vendors have to ensure that they have no other means of livelihood except street vending, but as street vending is not a high-­paying profession, they have to take up alternate jobs in order to support their families. This provision could act as a hindrance in motivating vendors to apply for certificates of vending. Section 27 of the Act states that the police and the municipal authorities are still the final deciding factors in which vendor is to be evicted and which vendor is not to be evicted. For the street vendors who have been exploited and harassed so gravely by the local authorities, it is problematic to leave them at the mercy of the whims and fancies of the same local authorities (Rattan 2014). The street vendors suffer because of the differences between the roles of the municipal agencies and the police, as on one hand the municipality is responsible for issuing licenses to the hawkers and on the other the police are duty-­bound to clear the obstructions being caused on the footpaths, streets and public 120

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lands (SEWA 2014). The frequent evictions by the administration lead to insecurities among the helpless vendors. It is necessary for the Government to safeguard this vital source of livelihood by legitimizing it and supporting it through proper planning and credit facilities to make street vending healthy, convenient and desirable (Bhattacharyya 2001). Though legal recognition will reduce the insecurities and harassment, it might also bring rigidity and rent seeking, resulting in several malpractices (Saha 2016).

Survey analysis The interviews conducted with both the male and female vendors have revealed that most of them are unaware of the facilities and schemes which are dispensed for them. They do not get any help from the Government. However, some women vendors said that they get amenities like umbrellas for shade from certain non-­governmental organisations. The street vendors are often tormented by the officials and evicted from their areas in many instances. Munna Kalita Medhi, Bharati Pegu and Jintimoni Haloi are three women vendors in the Ulubari market who have been vending there for the past three to four years. They do not face any major harassment from the authorities, but they have informed that when any minister’s convoy passes the area, the vendors in the area are usually displaced. They also get help from certain organisations who provide them with water, umbrellas and necessary items. Another vendor, Shahad Ali who vends in the Kacharighat market, travels from Goalpara, which is 146.6 kilometres away from Guwahati. He is poor and has no other source of living. He has no wife and children but does have an old mother to feed. He had no other option but to start vending to earn his living. He does not have an official license for vending and has no idea of the schemes available for them. Mantu Bora is a vendor who has been selling green coconuts in the Kacharighat market for six months. His village is in Barpeta District where he has his own house and paddy field. But his income was not enough to sustain the livelihood of his family and meet the expenses of his daughters’ education. So he came to Guwahati to earn for his family. He does not have any idea about any rights or policy which the law provides the street vendors. Dipen Barman, a vendor vending in Ganeshguri market, spoke about his grievance and hardship related to this work. He has a wife and three children. His wife also works as a domestic labourer in others’ houses because his meagre income alone is not enough to serve as a livelihood for his family. Garima Neog and Jyoti Daimary, two women vendors who bring leafy vegetables, bamboo shoot, taro and banana tree stem from Sonapur area (44 kilometres from Guwahati), vend in the Ganeshguri pavement outside the market. They visit the city once or twice a week to sell their items. They mentioned the conflicts which take place with other vendors regarding space. This happens because there is no demarcation of spaces done by the authorities, leading to verbal arguments and fights. Anu Begum is a vendor who sells near the Dispur area. She is an unmarried woman who lives in 10th mile and visits the city every weekend to sell local vegetables. She earns a meagre income from selling her vegetables and somehow manages to feed herself. She is uneducated and has no idea about the rights and issuance of licenses from the administration for vending purposes. Arun Das is a 19-­year-­old boy who sells watermelons on the road near Uzanbazar market. He went through a lot of hardships and had to leave school at an early age. He wants to study, but his parents are sick, so vending is the only source of livelihood he has. Raja Ram Prasad is 65 years of age and sits on the pavement outside Gauhati University near Jalukbari. He is a vendor who earns his livelihood by selling a few stationery items. He has passed matriculation and knows how to write English and Burmese, but he failed to get a job due to his poverty. He lives with his youngest son who works in a shop in Fancy Bazar market. To make ends meet, he has to work. He has been vending in the same spot for more than six 121

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years. He had an operation after which he could not engage in any other activity, and now he is too old to do anything else. The number of street vendors in Guwahati is comparatively lower than the other big cities in India, but their plight is more or less similar. The secondary data shows that Assam is moderately complying with the Street Vendors Act, 2014, to protect the rights to a livelihood of the street vendors in comparison to other states of the North-­East region, as well as Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, etc. Due to the lack of seriousness and negligence on the part of the state government and Guwahati Municipal Corporation, the Act is not implemented properly, resulting in the failure of its objective. The vendors in Guwahati, which constitute of 25% of the migrants, borrow money from the moneylenders. The moneylenders have managed to create effective linkages with the vendors. The microfinance institutions and the non-­governmental organisations have partially been successful in providing financial credit to the disadvantaged people in need, but there is need for more financial inclusion which would be possible by making loans more accessible and lessening the rigidity of the bureaucracy.

Conclusion It is seen that the street vendors in Guwahati along with other cities are entitled to economic, social and political rights to continue their activities. But most of them are unaware of the basic rights and assistance that are provided for them. That is why awareness programmes need to be initiated to make them conscious about their rights. For this to happen, more vendors need to be reached to form unions, and the government should support such associations. Social organisers should come forward to organise the vendors so that they can raise voices collectively. Their views and ideas need to be incorporated in the planning system. There should be greater availability of financial schemes and operations, which would lessen the street vendors’ reliance on the moneylenders for financial assistance. They should be made aware of their rights and schemes to avail themselves of the opportunities. The three vending zones in the city are not enough to accommodate all the vendors; therefore it is a necessity to introduce more vending zones. The police and the officials should provide security to the vendors and not use the latter’s hard-­earned money to fill their pockets. The process of issuing licenses and certificates for vending should be made flexible. There is a requirement for certain changes in the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014, to remove the obstacles. A steadfast committee is required to monitor whether the Act is implemented in a precise manner. The committee also needs to strictly regulate the municipals and the police in order to control and prevent corruption activities. The Government should pay attention to the grievances of the street vendors and support them to improve their means of living. The informal sector is mostly ignored, hardly regulated and neglected by the Government. Street vending, a part of informal economy, makes a significant contribution in urban life. Even though the law has granted certain rights and benefits to the street vendors, they still live a life of inequity and deprivation due to the negligence and ignorance of the authorities. In Guwahati, the street vendors lack awareness of the schemes and policies which are there for them to make use of. With the poverty incidents getting higher due to the influx of migrants and leading to a rise in the number of urban poor, it is of immense importance to recognize the rights of the vendors. Street vending becomes a vital “alternative” employment option for the urban poor to sustain their livelihoods. Although the street vendors in Guwahati are provided rights to conduct their business, the question is how far has their life changed? Due to 122

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improper implementation and insincerity on the part of the authorities, most of the vendors have to endure several difficulties. It is necessary to recognize their issues and take a holistic approach to better their lives. Legalization of the profession is just not enough to improve their situation. The microfinance institutions and various organisations are working to provide financial assistance to the disadvantaged section of the population, but if the people are unaware of the schemes, then the purpose is not achieved. The inference that this chapter draws from the exploration of the problem emphasizes that it is of utmost necessity to implement the policies from paper to practice.

Bibliography Baishya, Kashyap, and Sikha Jeuti Das. 2017. “A Study on Economic Prospect and Problems of Fast Food Street Vending: With Special Reference to Guwahati City.” Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5 (11). Bhattacharya Thakur, M. 2001. Street Food Vending in Guwahati: Problems and Prospects, 199–205. Guwahati: The Gateway to the East, New Delhi: Concept. Bhattacharyya, Mini. 1997. “Street Food Vending in Urban Guwahati an Anthropological Appraisal.” Unpublished PhD Thesis, Gauhati University, Guwahati. Bhattacharyya, N. 2015. “Livelihood Security of Vendors in Guwahati Railway Station.” Unpublished diss., Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Guwahati. Bhowmik, Sharit K. 2010. Street Vendors in the Global Urban Economy. London: Routledge. Bhowmik, Sharit K., and Debdulal Saha. 2013. “Introduction: Financial Inclusion and Street Vendors.” In Financial Inclusion of the Marginalised, 1–17. India: Springer. Bhowmik, S. K., and D. Saha. 2011. Financial Accessibility of the Street Vendors in India: Cases of Inclusion and Exclusion. https://www.wiego.org/sites/default/files/migrated/publications/files/Bhowmik_Saha_StreetVendors_India_UNDP-­TISS.pdf Chanda, R. 2014. “Bleak Future for GHY Street Vendors.” G-­Plus. Choudhury, Manisha, Lipi B. Mahanta, Jayashree Sarmah Goswami, and Meenakshi Dutta Mazumder. 2011. “Will Capacity Building Training Interventions Given to Street Food Vendors Give us Safer Food? A Cross-­sectional Study from India.” Food Control 22 (8): 1233–1239. Choudhury, Manisha, Lipi B. Mahanta, Jayashree Sarmah Goswami, Minakshi Dutta Mazumder, and Barnali Pegoo. 2011. “Socio-­economic Profile and Food Safety Knowledge and Practice of Street Food Vendors in the City of Guwahati, Assam, India.” Food Control 22 (2): 196–203. Gani, A. 2015. “Hawkers Demand More Vending Zones in City.” The Times of India, December 30. George, Sobin, and Shalini Sinha. eds. 2017. Redefined Labour Spaces: Organising Workers in Post-­liberalised India. London: Taylor & Francis. Mahadevia, Darshini, Aseem Mishra, Yogi Joseph, and Arup Das. 2016. “Street Vending in Guwahati: Experiences of Conflict.” CUE Working Paper Series. Mishra, Aseem, Darshini Mahadevia, Yogi Joseph, and Arup Das. 2017. “Deprivations and Conflicts in Street Vending in Guwahati.” Guwahati Policy Brief 4. Narang, P., and Y. Dr  N. D. Goyal. 2015. “Street Vendors Act 2014: State Compliance Index 2017.” December 30. National Policy for Urban Street Vendors (NPUSV). 2004. http://www.prsindia.org/uploads/ media/1167478283/bill82_2006123082_National_Policy_for_Urban_Street_Vendors.pdf Oxfam India. 2016. “Enabling Urban Poor to Avail Essential Services in Guwahati.” March 11. Rai, S., and D. Mohan. 2017. “Gaps in Implementation of Street Vendors Act Are Making Delhi’s Merchants Invisible.” October 31. Rattan, P. 2014. “Street Vendors Act 2014: A Forgotten Promise?” December 15. Saha, Debdulal. 2016. Informal Markets, Livelihood and Politics: Street Vendors in Urban India. Abingdon: Routledge. SEWA. 2014. Street Vendors’ Laws and Legal Issues in India. WIEGO Law and Informality Resources. Cambridge, MA: WIEGO. Srivastava, A., V. Ram, M. Kurpad, P. Vora, and M. Bose. n.d. “The Street Vendors Protection of Livelihood.” Journal of Indian Law and Society: 247–74. Talukdar, A. 2016. “Life of Newspaper Hawkers on Urban Livelihood.” Unpublished diss., Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Guwahati Campus.

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Daisy Bhattacharjee The Times of India. 2016. “Guwahati Municipal Corporation Clears Pavements, Veggie Vendors Cry Foul.” November 2. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Verma, N. M. P. 2002. “Missing Relevance of Social Security in Informal Sector under the Liberalised Era.” Indian Journal of Public Administration XLV111 (1). WHO. 1996. Essential Safety Requirements for Street-­Vended Foods. Revised Version. Geneva: Food Safety Unit, World Health Organization.

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10 EDUCATIONAL INEQUALITY A case study on school enrolment and infrastructure U Sa Jen Mog and Jahar Debbarma

Education is the backbone of a nation, and it not only plays a vital role in the life of every human being but also occupies an important place in the development process of a country, growth and welfare. It is considered one of the most important indicators of the development in a country according to the quality-­of-­life approach. In India, the importance of education has been highlighted in the Constitution, which provides for free and compulsory education for all the children belonging to different sections of the society including Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Communities. Article 45 of the Constitution is more specific regarding the obligation of the state. It directs the state to strive to provide, within a period of 10 years from the commencement of the constitution, free and compulsory education up to the age of 14  years. Article 46 of the Constitution directs states to promote with special care the education and economic interest of the weaker sections of the society, in particular Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. To fulfill this objective enshrined in the Constitution, both the central and state governments have taken a keen interest in increasing the literacy rate in the country. Besides the Constitutional provisions, the main bases of educational policy in India are several commissions and committees appointed from time to time to suggest reforms in the educational system so as to meet adequately the emerging educational needs and demands of the country. The issue of tribal education is regarded as a popular subject in the context of tribal economic development. A number of researchers of various institutions have conducted studies dealing with tribal education after independence. On the basis of the extensive review undertaken, a few relevant literatures are presented here. Ganguli (1983) in his book The Benign Hills has pointed out that the important aspect of development in tribal villages having permanent locations is the opening of schools for the spread of literacy and education among the tribal population. But in the matter of sending children to school, boys get priority over girls. The girls are required to help their mothers in household chores and even to join them in earning an income by participating in productive work. Therefore, the rate of school dropout in the case of tribal girls is much higher than that in the case of tribal boys. Acharya (1999), in his book Insight into the Reang, has observed that Reang tribes in Tripura are mostly indifferent to their children’s education, and school-­ going students stop their studies before gaining the primary level of education. The author also observed that, out of the total survey, 58.60% of males are illiterate and 35.80% have some 125

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school education and that only 5.60% of men were found to be well educated. Jamatia (2007) in his book interpreted that education and economy are interdependent and that education is a form of human interaction. It is a social act that is made possible through a network of human relationships. The educational development in a community is viewed as due to the differences in the provisions of educational facilities, socio-­economic status of the parents and lack of motivation for education which may arise among the tribal groups as a result of isolation, lack of communication and social distance. Education in Tripura, prior to its accession to the Union of India, was fragile. However, education has been expanding among the Jamatia tribe since the 1950s, though the process is still slow. Jena and Tripura (2009), in their book Changing Face of Tripura Tribe, has narrated that, with the spread of global, education many Tripuras prefer residing in schools and college hostels in Tripura as well as other places. As a result of this contact with the outside world, tribes are becoming aware of the customs and traditions of other communities. Bera and Bera (2009), in their book Echoes from the Hillock – a Compendium on the Tribes of Tripura, have stated that among all tribes, 56.50% of the population is literate, which is higher than the national average for Schedule Tribes (47.10%). However, the authors also agreed with the fact that more than half of the population among Munda, Reang and Chakma tribes are illiterate.

Education in Tripura Tripura is one of the smallest states in North Eastern India. It is completely landlocked and has a long international boundary with Bangladesh. It was a princely state ruled by the 184 Maharajas of Tripura. It was also a tribal inhabited state based on its primitive culture and tradition. After Independence, Tripura was merged with India on October 15, 1949. Thereafter, Tripura was administered by the Chief Commissioner appointed by the Government of India. The Tripura Territorial Council was constituted in 1956 with a total membership of 32 out of whom two were nominated members. The Government of India declared Tripura a full-­fledged state on January 21, 1972. The total population of Tripura during the 2011 Census is 3,673,917, and the tribal population is 1,166,813, whereas the total population in 1951 was 173,325, and the tribal population alone was 91,679. The population density of Tripura in the year 1951 was 61, and that become 350 in the 2011. There are two major racial groups, namely, Indo-­Aryans represented by the Bengalese and Indo-­Mongoloids represented by a few communities like Tripuri, Reang, Jamatia, Noatia, Kuki, Halam, Chakma, Mog and Lusai who are indigenous peoples in the state. Education is one of the pillars of modernisation and also an indicator through which the educational growth can be measured partially. Tripura was a princely state before its amalgamation with the Indian Union, and hence the state was far away from the modern educational system. The process of modernisation was started from the last quarter of the 19th century. However, due to the lack of proper educational infrastructure, the literacy rate was very negligible in the state. The majority of tribes in Tripura, like other tribes in India, have no script of their own, and naturally the question of imparting any formal education through their mother tongue does not arise. The Maharajas displayed little attention to educating tribal people. Not even little provision was made for the spread of education within the state amongst all sections of the people. In 1931–32 under the State Act-­2, compulsory primary education was introduced. But unfortunately the scope of the Act was confined only to the state capital Agartala covering, for all practical purposes, the students of only four primary schools. As per a report in 1907–08, the number of schools was 137 in the whole state, and the number of pupils going to schools was 4,011. During the last three quarters of Manikya rule, the literacy growth rate 126

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of the state increased handsomely. The conditions of the tribal literacy rate in Tripura were insignificant. However, after the merger of the state with the Union of India, little attention was paid to spreading education at different levels. In 1961, the tribal literacy rate was 10.01%, and in 2011, the rate rose to 79.05%, although the overall literacy rate in Tripura is 87.75%, which is much higher than the national average. Though the tribal literacy rate has been raised during the period, it is not on apar with non-­tribal rates. The government has taken steps to safeguard the interests of tribals by creating the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council, comprising the areas where the tribals are in the majority in the year 1982 as per the Seventh and Eight Schedules of the Constitution and finally transformed into Six Schedule in the year 1984. The system of free education with stipend has been introduced, and the government service with a quota system has been taken up. There are 19 sub-­tribes amongst the tribal population with their own cultural and linguistic uniqueness and identities. With Bengali being the language of the majority population and cultural and linguistic diversity amongst the tribals, the task of education is hugely challenging and complex. The majority of the students from tribal communities are first-­or second-­generation learners. In Tripura, schools are mainly run by the state government and partly by private organisations. Instruction is in either English or Bengali, though Kok-­borok and other tribal languages are also considered in the primary level. Schools are affiliated with the Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations, the Central Board for Secondary Education, the National Institute of Open School and the Tripura Board of Secondary Education. After completing secondary school, students typically enrol for two years in schools with a higher secondary facility affiliated with the Tripura Board of Secondary Education or any central board. Students choose from one of three streams, namely arts, commerce or science. Upon completing the required schooling period, students may enroll in general or professional degree programmes. Education in Tripura has developed at a very fast pace since its formation of statehood on January 21, 1972. The small state of Tripura offers immense opportunities for students from within and outside the region. State government has introduced free and compulsory education policy to the students who fall in the age group of 6–14 years of age. The no detention policy recently adopted by the central Government has set back the quality of education in the primary and upper primary education system especially in tribal area. The specific objectives of the study are as follows: 1 2

To examine the educational status of tribes To analyse the education facilities in the tribal area

Methodology For the purpose of the study, the following methodology has been adopted: The entire Tripura and all tribal communities have been considered for the purpose of the study. Secondary data was used and was collected from various government institutions, agencies, books, journals, websites, etc. Data has been analysed using the usual statistical tools like percentages, averages, figures, graphs, ratios and basic statistics. Tripura is one of the smallest states in North Eastern India. It is completely landlocked and has a long international boundary with Bangladesh. It was a princely state ruled by the 184 Maharajas of Tripura. After independence, Tripura was merged with India on October  15, 1949. Thereafter, Tripura was administered by the Chief Commissioner appointed by the Government of India. The Tripura Territorial Council was constituted in 1956 with a total membership of 32 out of whom two were nominated members. The Government of India declared 127

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Tripura, a fully fledged state on January 21, 1972. The total population of Tripura during the 2011 Census was 3,673,917, and tribal population was 1,166,813, whereas the total population in 1951 was 173,325, and the tribal population alone was 91,679. The population density of Tripura in 1951 was 61 and stands at 350 in 2011. There are two major racial groups, namely, Indo-­Aryans represented by the Bengalese and Indo-­Mongoloids represented by few communities like Tripuri, Reang, Jamatia, Noatia, Kuki, Halam, Chakma, Mog and Lusai, who are indigenous people in the state.

Variation of tribal population ratio The tribal communities are the original inhabitants of this state. The peaceful life of the tribal people has been changed due to the migration of a large number of refugees from East Pakistan. The partition of India is a curse, and due to the creation of Pakistan, thousands of Hindu refugees were compelled to migrate to India in this nearest hill state of Tripura. The first recorded estimate of the population of Hill Tipperah is available for 1872, when it was only 35,262. In later years, this figure has been considered as an underestimate and for valid reasons. As the system of collecting population data was still not well organised and its importance was even not properly understood, the estimate was made in a casual manner (Ganguli 1983, The Benign Hills). Tribal life based on the cultivation of jhumand forest resources has been largely affected. At the time of independence, there was perfect peace in Tripura between the tribal and non-­ tribal people. After 1980, peace and harmony were disturbed. As a result, the state experienced communal and ethnic riots. It is evident from Table 10.1 that, in 1931, the percentage of tribal population in the state was 50.26%, but after merging with India, the percentage of the tribal population dropped to 36.09%. This reduction in tribal population in the state has had a great impact on the economy of the tribal people

Literacy rate among the tribal population The state and central governments have been making several efforts to spread education among the STs and to remove disparity between STs and non-­STs, yet the literacy percentage among the STs is low, and there still exists a wide gap between the tribal and non-­tribal in this particular dimension. In 1961, it was 10.01%, and in 2011 it increased to 79.05%, which is much lower compared to the total literacy rate of 90.85% in the State. Among North Eastern States, the highest tribal literacy rate is in Mizoram 91.50%, followed by Nagaland at 80%,

Table 10.1  Tribal and non-­tribal literacy rate comparison in the state Census year

Total literacy %

Non-­tribal literacy %

Tribal literacy %

Gap

1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

20.24 30.98 42.12 60.44 73.20 87.22

– – – 69.11 76.80 90.85

10.01 15.03 23.07 40.37 56.50 79.05

– – – 28.74 20.30 11.80

Source: Census reports.

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Educational inequality Table 10.2  Year-­wise classes X and XII results of TBSE examination Examination Year

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Pass percentage of all categories

Pass percentage of ST category

Gap percentage

Class X

Class XII

Class X

Class XII

Class X

Class XII

52.90 50.43 54.84 57.22 59.25 57.71 55.37

62.26 62.04 66.40 70.17 69.18 75.76 71.47

30.40 30.31 39.44 39.62 47.29 46.75 40.98

42.90 41.82 53.77 60.67 53.68 63.97 55.96

22.50 20.12 15.40 17.60 11.96 10.96 14.98

19.36 20.22 12.63  9.50 15.50 11.79 15.51

Source: Tripura Board of Secondary Education. Govt. of Tripura, 2007.

Sikkim at 79.70%, Tripura at 79.10%, Manipur at 77.40% Assam at 72.10% and Arunachal Pradesh at 64.60% as of the 2011 Census. Lack of literacy among tribal people has been identified as a major development drawback. Literacy level and educational attainment are vital developmental indicators in a developing nation like India as they are key variables in the measure of development as they indicate quality of life, awareness level and also the level of skill of people in the society. Better literacy and educational level definitely have a positive impact on the health parameter too. Education parameters have an equal weight-­age in the Human Development Index as well. Considering the importance of education, the Right to Education was enacted in the year 2009, to ensure free and compulsory education for children in the age group 6–14 years, which is carefully implemented in Tripura from the date of enactment of the Act. Table 10.2 shows that the Class X Board Examination success rate of the tribal students in 2010 was 30.40%, and that has increased to 40.98% in 2016. For the Higher Secondary Examination, the success rate in 2010 was 42.90% and has increased considerably to 55.96% in 2016. However, there is a wide gap between tribal students and the overall student percentage as envisaged in the fourth column of Table 10.1. This gap has to be minimized in the coming days for the overall improvement of the education scenario of tribal students.

Tribal education scenario Education of tribal students has always been a matter a great concern, and the lack of it has always shown the negative impact on the development of this section of the population. The rural tribal children experience many difficulties in their studies. It seems that the teachers in tribal area are not adequately trained in suitable methods of instruction; students usually hesitate to go to their teachers for guidance and help. Most of the tribal students are first-­or second-­generation literate. On the other hand, the teacher’s community is not proactive in helping tribal students. The majority of teachers have no special training for working in backward tribal areas. Moreover, the inadequate number and lack of training of teachers in tribal schools are important reasons for the slow progress of tribal education. Primary education in the rural and remote areas has suffered due to the lack of proper institutional facilities, as well as of interested teachers, study materials, proper communication and other physical facilities

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U Sa Jen Mog and Jahar Debbarma Table 10.3  Comparison of school and colleges availability of tribal and non-­tribal areas in the state Institutional Category

Total no. of schools/colleges available in the state

Sq. km. within which 1 school/college is available entire state

Total no. of schools/ colleges in TTAADC

Sq. km. within which 1 school/college is available in tribal area

High schools Higher secondary schools English medium schools General degree colleges

541 392 68 22

06 09 49 152

222 85 28 03

32 83 254 2377

Source: Education Department GoT.

in the primary and upper primary schools. Similar problems may also be found in the secondary and high schools. The medium of instruction is also one of the main obstacles of tribal education. Specialists have identified that the main problem in the tribal areas is language. In most of the cases, language creates problems of communication among children and teachers which in turn causes the children to dropout. Apart from the language problem, there are other reasons – e.g., poor economic conditions of the family, parents making their children participate in their agricultural work, parents not properly understanding the importance of education especially in very remote tribal village areas, shifting habitations and the traditional way of life – may be the causes for the drop-­outs, low level of performance among tribal school children and inadequate numbers of schools and colleges in tribal areas. (See Table 10.3.) But it appears that no final and static solution has so far been evolved for the solution of this problem. Under such circumstances, a scientific analysis is needed to study the language problems of Kok-­borok-­and other non-­Kok-­borok–speaking tribal students.

The dropout problem Dropping out of school remains a great concern, particularly among Scheduled Tribe households’ children. Table 10.4 shows the dropout picture of the state for the last 10 years. From Table 10.4, it transpires that overall dropout rates during the last 10 years has fallen sharply, from 19.68% in 2004–05 to 01.28% in 2015–16. However, the dropout rate is still higher among children of Scheduled Tribe families. The retention rate in school is more difficult at the secondary level, and the picture shows that one-­fourth of tribal children are dropping out from upper school. Special attention has to be paid to ensure continuation of schooling, particularly among tribal children, with effective programmes and other attractive activities. It has been observed that the success rate of the Madhyamik examination among tribal students has increased at all levels conducted by the TBSE over the last six consecutive years. This improvement may be largely due to educational facilities provided by state government to tribal students and initiatives taken at the Indian Government level. But the success rate of tribal students is not at par with that of non-­tribal students in the state. Table 10.5 depicts that the overall retention of tribal students is much lower than that of non-­ tribal students in all stages, which indicates that there is still a gap in education facilities in tribal areas which needs special attention to be taken by the appropriate authority.

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Educational inequality Table 10.4  Year-­wise percentage of dropout rate in Tripura Primary (class I-­V)

Elementary (class I-­VII)

Secondary (class IX-­X)

Academic Year

Total drop out rate

ST drop out rate

Total drop out rate

ST drop out rate

Total drop out rate

2004–05 2005–06 2006–07 2007–08 2008–09 2009–10 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15 2015–16

19.68 17.27 11.60 07.81 06.77 04.55 04.05 03.61 02.92 02.90 03.62 01.28

26.63 24.84 13.81 08.43 07.88 04.13 04.09 03.70 03.27 03.24 – –

29.86 26.98 21.42 14.79 12.62 09.19 09.68 09.05 8.50 07.03 03.46 01.62

35.39 31.35 27.59 16.45 15.31 12.77 12.29 10.25 09.00 08.08 – –

74.27 61.15 61.08 54.39 53.34 23.09 13.43 12.70 18.99 20.66 22.06 24.37

Source: Primary, Elementary & Secondary – UDISE/Cohort Analysis, Education Department, GoT.

Table 10.5  Stage-­wise enrolment and student retaining position of tribal and non-­tribal students during 2014–15 Enrolment stages

Total enrolment (no.)

Non-­ST students enrolment (no.)

Retaining percentage in compare to previous stage

ST students enrolment

Primary stage (i–v) Middle stage (vi–viii) Secondary stage (ix–x) HS (+2 stage) Total

394,418 215,680 113,344 44,230 767,672

226,301 141,452 76,766 34,704 479,223

 – 62% 54% 45% (15%)

168,117 74,228 36,578 9,526 288,449

Retaining percentage in compare to previous stage 57% 52% 35% (6%)

Source: Education Department, GoT.

Welfare initiative for tribal students To improve educational levels among Scheduled Tribes in Tripura, various schemes from the Tribal Welfare Department have been launched. The names for these schemes are boarding house stipend, pre-­metric scholarship, post-­metric scholarship, additive post-­metric scholarship, merit award supply of free textbook, coaching in core subjects, coaching for Madhyamik dropout students, Ekalavya Model Residential Schools, Ashram Schools, residential schools and sponsoring of students for various job-­oriented courses, etc. Item-­wise expenditure during the last financial year (2014–15) for the improvement of tribal education in the state is presented in Table 10.6. The study shows that the majority of tribal people are depending on agriculture and that most of them reside in rural areas. It is fact that the state could achieve development in many sectors, but tribal areas remain neglected. Tribal people in the state depend on the service sector

131

U Sa Jen Mog and Jahar Debbarma Table 10.6  State TW department expenditure for tribal students during 2014–15 Name of schemes

Expenditure (Rs. in lakhs)

No. of Students benefited

Boarding house Pre-­metric scholarship Post-­Metric scholarship Merit award Supply of free textbooks Special coaching in core subjects Coaching for joint entrance Madhyamik dropout coaching centre Coaching for civil service, banking and other services

2,896.09 956.80 2,106.81 78.15 80.00 70.00 2.38 122.00 6.236

22,179 109,618 21,312 6,778 24,791 5176 117 800 185

Source: Tribal Welfare Department GoT.

(Government) because the industrial sector is not developed. Education of tribal students has always been a matter a great concern. Efforts have been taken to increase the literacy rate, but still there is gap of 11.80% with the non-­tribal literacy rate. Report reveals that in the tribal area, there is one high school within a 32-­kilometre radius, whereas in the case of non-­tribal areas, one high school is within a 6–kilometre radius (Table 10.3). Therefore, for better performance of tribal education and a higher percentage of literacy rate and more educational institutions with trained teachers, infrastructure must be provided in tribal areas for the improvement of the present situation. The educational status of tribal people can be judged by the analysis of literacy rate. Literacy rates for tribals are much lower than those recorded for non-­tribals. Moreover, a considerable proportion of tribal students drop out of school at the primary or secondary level. The poor quality of education too is an issue as reflected in poorer learning outcomes. It is fact that education is an important avenue for upgrading the economic and social conditions of the Scheduled Tribes. Hence this is the right time to think seriously about tribal education and inclusive development. Besides, it is also necessary for government interventions, planners and policy makers to address this problem and allocate more funds in the state budgets especially for tribal education. Easy access and more opportunities should be provided to the tribal children in order to bring them into the mainstream of economic development, which is badly needed for development. Though a number of initiations have been taken for the development of education among tribal communities, no considerable progress has taken place due to an intergenerational vicious cycle of poverty, illiteracy and deprivation. This is evident from the comparatively poor adult literacy rates which are reproduced as low education levels among children from tribal communities. The central government and state governments have initiated schemes for the betterment of Scheduled Tribes, but the programmes are not effectively reaching the deserving tribal families, and hence government should take concert decisions to make them effective and create more programmes for the betterment of Scheduled Tribes in the state. While there is a general need for improvement in physical facilities in all schools in remote tribal regions, changes in teacher perceptions and outlooks about tribal children are equally important. Teachers can be sensitized to the cultural and behavioural strengths of tribal children and motivated to do their best for them in schools. Incentives should be initiated to attract effective teachers to work in tribal schools and to retain them there. Only such motivated teachers are likely to generate interest among tribal children towards schools and 132

Educational inequality

education by attempting to link the contents of the curriculum with the existing realities of tribal communities through the use of innovative technologies. There was time when even interested teachers were not able to attend schools in tribal areas because of the risk to life and other obstacles. But such problems do not appear in rural Tripura at present. It is evident that tribal children possess the basic cognitive abilities and psychological dispositions necessary for successful participation in school. Yet tribal children have very low levels of participation and success in school education programmes. The cognitive qualities of tribal children have to be viewed and evaluated, taking into consideration their ecological and cultural contexts. The important lesson is that tribal children are neither culturally inferior nor cognitively less competent than the children of other groups. Tribal children can acquire all those skills that the members of other groups of the society possess. What is important for us is to develop a positive frame of mind about tribal children. This is possible only through sensitivity to tribal culture and life, recognition of the cognitive strengths of tribal children and appreciation of their personality qualities. Efforts in these directions will be very helpful in organising the programme of tribal education as well as promoting economic and other aspects of tribal development. (See Tables 10.7 and 10.8.).

Table 10.7  Tribe-­wise population in the state SLNo

Tribes

Total Population

Sl. No.

Tribes

Total Population

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total

Tripuri Reang Jamatia Noatia Uchai Kuki Halam Lushi Bhutia Lepcha

592,255 (50.75%) 188,220 (16.13%) 83,347 (7.14%) 14,298 (1.22%) 2,447 10,965 57,210 5,384 28 157

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Khasia Chakma Mog Garo Munda Santhal Orang Bhil Chamal Generic

366 79,813 (6.84%) 37,893 (3.24%) 12,952 14,544 (1.24%) 2,913 12,011 (1.02%) 3,105 549 48,356 1,166,813

Source: Census 2011.

Table 10.8  Tribal population in the state as per census reports Census year

Total population

Tribal population

Percentage (%)

1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

382,450 513,010 645,707 1,142,005 1,556,342 2,053,058 2,757,205 3,199,203 3,673,917

192,249 256,991 237,953 360,070 450,544 583,920 853,920 993,426 1,166,813

50.26 50.09 36.09 31.52 28.95 28.45 30.97 31.05 31.75

Source: Census Reports. GoI

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U Sa Jen Mog and Jahar Debbarma

Conclusion and policies measures On the basis of the preceding discussion, the following measures can be adopted to ensure better tribal educational achievement in the state: •

•

•

• •

•

•

Tripura, having high percentage of tribal population, needs strategic interventions in providing more residential schools and hostel facilities in tribal-­dominated blocs/subdivisions to ensure the retention of children in schools. Special attention on the dropout rates at the district level and appropriate tracking techniques at the school level is essential to ensure the achievement of the retention goals. Proper interval discussion with parents, community members and the children would ensure that dropouts will no longer take place. Teachers especially in the tribal belts need to be sensitized and trained in the local language. A comprehensive and in-­depth training programme should be taken for better teaching capability in the tribal area. Relevant strategies for interacting with and supporting teachers’ follow-­up of training should be evolved through discussions about the difficult areas. Teachers familiar with the local language may be deployed in tribal area schools in a strategic and rotational manner. The ecological, cultural, psychological characteristics of tribal children should be considered carefully by the teachers in tribal areas. A proper awareness campaign should be organised to create awareness about the importance of education. An extensive literacy campaign in the remote tribal-­dominated blocs may be undertaken on a priority basis to attract illiterate tribals. Higher-­level officials should frequently check and supervise the functioning of schools relating to the teaching methods, working hours and attendance registers.

Bibliography Acharya, R. K. 1999. Insight into the Reangs. Agartala: Tribal Research Institute, Government of Tripura. Basant, R. 2012. Education and Employment among Muslims in India – An Analysis of Patterns and Trends. Ahmedabad: Indian Institute of Management. Basu, D. 2011. “Socio-­economic Inequality in India and the World since 1990.” Fighting Neoliberalism in Bengal and Beyond. Bera, G. K., and N. Bera. 2009. Echoes From the Hillocks – A Compendium on the Tribes of Tripura. Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani. Bose, Ashish B. 1970. “Problems of Educational Development of Scheduled Tribes.” Man in India 50 (1): 26. Calixto, O. J., and J. M. Anaya. 2013. “Socioeconomic Status. The Relationship with Health and Autoimmune Diseases.” Autoimmunity Reviews: 641–50. Choudhury, J. G. 1980. Tripura the Land and Its People. New Delhi: Leeladevi Publication. Dasgupta, M. 1993. Status of Tribal Women in Tripura. New Delhi: Vikash Publishing House Private Limited. Fazal, D. T. 2013. Millennium Development Goals and Muslims of India. Oxfam India Working Papers Series, New Delhi. Ganguly J.B. 1983. Tripura Darpan Prakahni, Agartala, Tripura, India, pages 1–64. Government of India. 2006. Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. New Delhi. Government of India. 2007. “National Family Health Survey (NFHS-­3).” Government of India: 1–588. Jahan, Y. 2016. “Intersectionality of Marginalization and Inequality: A Case Study of Muslims in India.” Political Sciences & Public Affairs: 1–6. Jamatia, K. B. 2007. Modernity in Tradition − A Historical Study of the Jamatia Tribe of Tripura. Agartala: Akshar Publication. Jena, K. N., and B. D. Tripur. 2009. Changing Face of Tripura Tribe. New Delhi: Abhijit Publication.

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Educational inequality Joe, William, U. S. Mishra, and K. Navaneetham. “Health Inequality in India: Evidence from NFHS-­3.” Economic & Political Weekly, 2008: 41–47. Khairkar, S. T., K. R. A. Tayyaba, and Dr. P. Vijaya. 2011. “Obstacles in the Use of Contraception among Muslims.” International Refereed Research Journal. Khan, A. 2011. “Socioeconomic Status of Muslims in Western UP.” The Indian Economy Review: 1–9. Kumar, K., and P. R. Choudhary. 2015. “A  Socio-­Economic and Legal Study of Schedule Tribes.” December 12. Retrieved December 12, www.freewebs.com Majumder, P.  1997. The Chakmas of Tripura. Agartala: Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute  & Museum. Government of Tripura. Malhotra, C., and K. Y. Do. 2013. “Socio-­economic Disparities in Health System Responsiveness in India.” Health Policy and Planning: 1–34. Mishra, B. P. 1976. Socio-­Economic Adjustment of Tribals. New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House. Panagariya, A., and V. More. 2013. Poverty by Social, Religious & Economic Groups in India and Its Largest States 1993−94 to 2011−12 (pp. 1−46). Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy. ISERP working paper 2013-02 Columbia University, October 29, 2013. Panwar, R. 2011. Tribes and the Indian Society  – An Impact of Tribal Development. New Delhi: Signature Books International. Paul, B. P. 2016. “Income, Livelihood and Education of Tribal Communities in Kerala – Exploring Inter Community Disparities.” www.dyuthi.cust.ac.in/xmlui/bitstream/handle/purl/3554 (accessed January 18, 2016). Prinja, S., P. Kanavos, and R. Kumar. 2012. “Health CareInequities in North India: Role of Public Sectorin Universalizing Health Care.” Indian Jornal of Medical Research: 421. Ram, F., and B. Paswan. 2006. District Level Household Survey (DLHS-­2) 2002–04. New Delhi: Government of India. Robinson, R. 2010. “Indian Muslims: The Varied Dimensions of Marginality.” Economic and Political Weekly: 839–843. Sengupta, M. 2013. “Shifting Cultivation and the Reang Tribe in Tripura.” Economic & Political Weekly. Shariff, A. 1995. “Socio-­Economic and Demographic Differentials between Hindus and Muslims in India.” Economic and Political Weekly: 29–49. Sukai, T. B. 2010. Tribal Development in India: An Overview, 3–5. Kurukshetra. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Hyderabad University, India. Verma, N. M. P. 2002. “Educational Backwardness of SCs.” Ambedkar Journal of Development & SocialJustice, BANISS, Mhow. Indore, India. Welfare, Ministry of Health and Family. National Family Health Survey (NFHS-­3) 2005–06. Mumbai: Government of India, 2007.

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11 DISPARITY AND DISCONNECTION IN INVESTMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG THE INDIAN STATES Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava As per the balanced growth theory of Ragnar Nurkse, equal investment in all parts of the country is essential for an economy to grow. Investment is a determinant of aggregate demand which influences economic growth by creating a multiplier effect in the economy. The supply side of investment is also enhanced by the accelerator effect in the form of investing in skills and education. This in turn increases the productive capacity of labour. Since independence, all Indian states and territories are investing to develop and sustain economic growth. But the gap of income inequality is broadening consistently. India has slipped to 100th place in the Global Hunger Index (GHI) in 2017. When investment is low, share of GDP will also be low. It creates a depressed economy having low income, low employment, low aggregate demand and higher rate of unemployment. Still half of India’s population depends on agriculture, though it contributes only 13% to GDP. The main reason for unemployment is that the agriculture sector is not able to bear this pressure and that the labour employed in agriculture is unskilled; hence they can’t be employed to other sectors (Punj 2016). The goal of the 12th five-­year plan was for inclusive growth and development, which involve aspects like living, health, education and a healthy environmental status for all segments of society. In order to achieve this goal, income inequality has to be minimized. Hence investment in all sectors of the economy is essential to optimize the allocation of resources and provide employment opportunities to all (World Bank Press Release 2017). The 12th plan was focused on substantial expansion and strengthening of the public care health system, optimal allocation of resources to ensure efficient utilization and workable ways to encourage cooperation between the public and private sectors. Economic prosperity of a country is perceived to be at its maximum when all of its subjects are optimally and gainfully employed (Kiran, Shubhashini, and Nagamani 2014). Since 2011–12, sector-­wise capital formation is increasing. Public as well as private investments are both playing vital roles in sustaining the Indian economy. In Table  11.1, it is shown that the compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of capital formation in public non-­financial corporations is highest during 2012–13 to 2015–16. Rate

136

Investment and unemployment Table 11.1  Capital formation in different corporations during 2012–13 to 2015–16 S. no.

Corporations

CGAR

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Public non-­financial corporations Private non-­financial corporations Public financial corporations Private financial corporations General government Households including NPISH Gross capital formation Net capital formation

0.099473 0.089303 0.091702 0.329275 0.155814 0.006811 0.058249 0.037764

Source: Estimated from data provided by Central Statistics Office (CSO), 2017.

of capital formation by private financial corporation (0.32 CAGR) is more than by other corporations. And it also seems that private sector capital formation is greater than that of the public sector. It means the private sector has played a big role to reduce unemployment. A private agent in a developing country can consider domestic financing, either through borrowing on domestic markets or accessing funds from family or other informal sources (Morrissey and Udomkerdmongkol 2012). According to the invisible hand theory of Adam Smith, investors only invest capital for profit, but they generate employment and hence reduce unemployment.

Objectives of the study This study is based on contemporary economic conditions. Nowadays, as the Indian economy grows, the states’ economic investment plays an imperative role in growth. As investment is increasing, level of unemployment is also increasing because of jobless growth. This study is based on the following objectives: 1 2

To study the pattern of unemployment, investment and economic growth in India and in different states during 12th five-­year plan. Estimating the trend of unemployment, investment and economic growth in India during 1991–2016.

Hypothesis of the study Investment is playing a positive role to reduce unemployment in India and its different states, although GDP is indifferent.

Methodology This study is based on secondary data, collected from the RBI Handbook, World Bank, Data Net India private limited, various research journals and official websites. Period of study is 1991–2016 for India-­based analysis; however, for state-­based analysis, it is based

137

Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava

on the 2011–16 period. For analysis, descriptive statistics and Newey-­West regression have been used. The Newey-­West estimator is used to try to overcome autocorrelation and heteroscedasticity in the models, often for regressions applied to time series data. Unemployment is taken as dependent (dependent variable) upon investment, and GDP is taken as independent variable. Relation between unemployment, investment and GDP growth rate in various Indian states and India is analysed in order to comprehend the cause-­and-­effect relationship. The period of the present study is 2011–16 because the global financial crisis of 2007 had subsided after 2010 and the Indian economy also started to break the crisis web. The analysis of the impact of investment and economic growth is based on the period 1991–2016. To find the change in growth of the economy (GDP growth) and rate of investment, a deflator is used. The base year for deflation is 2011.

The model In this study, the model is derived by Newey-­West regression which a time-­series estimator. Investment and GDP growth are independent variables, whereas unemployment is dependent. Unemployment= α + β1 Investment + β2 GDP + µi Unemployment= 3.945988–0.0072204 Investment + 0.0052434 GDP growth + µi Gross investment includes public, private and foreign investment. In this model, data is taken for the period of 1991–2016. The year for economic reforms is 1991, and the Government of India took the LPG model to develop economy faster and faster. For data analysis, the statistical software STATA is used.

Analysis and results The present study is based on secondary data. Time series analysis is done for the end result. For the state, analysis is based on the period of 2011–2016. The relationship among economic growth measured as CAGR of SGDPs, gross invested capital, measured as CAGR and unemployment have been shown in Table 11.2 in percentages. Economic growth and investment are different in different states though it depends on the states’ specific political, geographical and social characters. Table 11.2 shows that there is unequal growth, investment and unemployment among all the Indian states, and statistics show that the minimum GDP growth is 2.99 CAGR (of Goa) and the maximum is of Mizoram (14.52 CAGR). The variance of GDP growth among the all states is 3.949356, which indicates economic difference in India. Investment rate is minimum in Chandigarh (−32.92%) and negative for five years, while it is maximum in Odisha (16.93%). The variation of investment among Indian states is 77.16553 which also indicates huge differences in investment in India. It also shows that the unemployment rate is minimum (0.3%) in Goa whereas GDP growth is minimum and that the rate of unemployment rate (19.7) is highest in West Bengal. The variance among Indian states is 22.8234, meaning there is huge difference in unemployment levels in India. 138

Investment and unemployment Table 11.2  GDP, investment and unemployment rate in India and various states Sl. no.

States

SGDP (CAGR) (%)

Investment (CAGR) (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Andhra Pradesh Arunachal Pradesh Assam Bihar Chandigarh Chhattisgarh Delhi Goa Gujarat Haryana Himachal Pradesh Jammu and Kashmir Jharkhand Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Odisha Puducherry Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tripura Uttar Pradesh Uttarakhand West Bengal India

6.61 5.99 5.83 7.21 8.88 7.23 7.57 2.99 8.85 7.65 7.53 5.23 8.50 7.81 6.42 7.06 6.86 5.26 3.10 14.52 5.83 6.33 6.95 5.49 6.34 5.29 6.86 9.70 6.02 7.28 5.20 6.49

−3.52 10.38 15.86 −4.29 −32.92 9.56 12.90 3.69 6.68 11 11.91 8.31 10.27 3.80 11.08 12.81 15.05 8.85 6.20 8.01 7.28 16.93 8.27 6.88 10.19 13.37 9.07 −4.74 9.15 8.22 9.09 10.07

3.9 8.9 6.1 6.0 3.4 1.9 2.8 0.3 3.3 9.6 0.9 4.7 10.6 7.2 7.7 1.5 12.5 16.1 4.3 2.1 5.7 4.8 3.0 8.5 5.0 4.9 6.0 18.1 4.2 2.8 19.7 12.1

Source: Estimated from collected data; RBI Handbook, 2017 and Data-­Net-­India Private Limited.

Investment disparity among different states in India In a developing country, the investor who is considering investing can use two main means of financing. First, they can consider domestic financing, either to borrow on domestic markets or to use money from family or from other informal sources. Second, they can look for a foreign partner and attract foreign direct investment (FDI). Even if there is no joint venture, FDI can be linked to domestic investors (Morrissey and Udomkerdmongkol 2012). When entrepreneurs invest, they need skilled labour. Hence employment opportunities are generated, and unemployment is reduced. According to Labour Bureau statistics, India is the most unemployed nation in the world. It shows that self-­employment opportunities 139

Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava 15.86 9.56

12.9

3.69

3.8

16.93 6.2

13.37 10.19 9.07 8.27 6.88

8.01 7.28

India

West Bengal

Uttarakhand

Tripura

Sikkim

Tamil Nadu

Punjab

Rajasthan

Odisha

Puducherry

Mizoram

Nagaland

Manipur

Meghalaya

Maharashtra

Kerala

Madhya Pradesh

Karnataka

Jharkhand

Jammu and Kashmir

Haryana

Himachal Pradesh

Goa

Gujarat

Delhi

Chhattisgarh

Bihar

Chandigarh

9.15 8.22 9.0910.07 –4.74

–4.29

Assam

Andhra Pradesh

Arunachal Pradesh

–3.52

6.68

15.05 12.81 11.08 8.85

11 11.91 10.27 8.31

Uttar Pradesh

10.38

–32.92

Figure 11.1  Investment inequality among the states Source: Made from Table 11.2 statistics.

are declining in the country and that job opportunities are declining continuously. In India, since 2011, all states invest capital, but their gross investment is unequal in all the states, as depicted in Figure 11.1. In this figure, the CAGRs of investment of different states are not equal. The investment rate of India is 10.07 during 2011–16, while states like Assam, Delhi, Haryana, Kerala, MP, Odisha, Sikkim and Gujarat have higher investment rates in that period. States like Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chandigarh, Tripura, and Chandigarh have negative investment growth rates. The root cause of negative investment growth rates in these states is that they don’t have much industry; hence they do not have a service provider market. Figure 11.1 shows that the investment rate is minimum in Chandigarh (−32.92%), negative for five years, while it is maximum in Odisha (16.93%), and the variation of investment among Indian states is 77.16553, which also indicates a huge difference in investment in India. Independent wealth, family structure or cultural background and cities attract investment. The way to attract investment therefore seems to be to encourage people to leave the countryside and move to towns (Sathe and Schachler 2006). There are some apparent causes behind unequal investment rates among all Indian states. The most prominent is bank loan scheme. It is available for different types of investors in India at dissimilar rates. Banks provides loan to investors through different schemes at different rates. This creates differences among cottage, small, medium-­sized and heavy investors. The rates of interest are different for all categories of investors. A minimum rate of interest is imposed on big investors; high rates of interest are imposed on small investors. Bihar, Rajasthan, MP, UP, UK, North East States and J&K, have more cottage, small and medium-­sized investors. If the rate of interest is very high, the investors of these states cannot think about a loan. So investment is being affected by different bank loan schemes. The major causes of unequal distribution are discussed next. Dissimilar investment policy and interest rates: Different states have dissimilar investment policies as well as different rates of interest: Every state has a different policy for investment which is based on benefits for the state, but sometimes these policies are not favourable for investors to invest in states, as in West Bengal, Bihar, CG, and Jharkhand. A few states like Gujarat, Maharashtra, South Indian states, Haryana, UP have investment-­ favourable policies which attract investors. This is the main cause of investment disparity among all Indian states. 140

Investment and unemployment

Governance: Loss of trust in administration and the government may lead to political instability and creates fear among investors, who lose the confidence to invest in the state. States facing terrorist or militant attacks are not secure enough for investors to invest. Physical infrastructure: Some states are unable to develop physical and communication infrastructures due to a lack of finance and geographical status, which are very important determinants for investors. Skilled human capital availability: India is second in population in the world, but the proportion of skilled manpower is very low. States are very poor in providing skill development; hence they are very poor in education and professional skills. Low capital availability: India is rich in natural resources, but the resources are not utilized optimally. Many states are facing low total revenue, which leads to low total expenditure in the state. Therefore the cycle is low investment, low employment opportunities and consequently low income.

GDP growth disparity among states Gross domestic product (GDP) is one of the primary indicators used to gauge the health of a country’s economy. It represents the total monetary value of all goods and services produced over a specific time period, often referred to as the size of the economy. Usually, GDP is expressed as a comparison to the previous quarter or year (Investopedia 2018). The statistics shown in Figure 11.2 indicates that the minimum GDP growth is 2.99 CAGR of Goa and the maximum is 14.52 CAGR of Mizoram. The variance of GDP growth among the all states is 3.949356, indicating economic difference in India. The international labour organisation (ILO) released its 2017 World Employment and Social Outlook report, which finds economic growth trends lagging behind employment. It predicted both rising unemployment and worsening social inequality throughout 2017. Since 2011–2016, it seems that the compound annual growth rate was very unequal among all Indian states. Mizoram has CAGR of more than 14%, and states like Arunachal, Assam, Goa, J&K, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Punjab, Sikkim, UP and West Bengal have less than India’s average GDP growth.

14.52 8.88 7.57 6.615.99 7.21 7.23 5.83

9.7

8.85 7.657.53

8.5 7.81 6.427.066.86 5.26 5.23

6.95 6.86 5.836.33 5.496.345.29 3.1

2.99

Figure 11.2  Unequal economic growth (in CAGR) among the states Source: Made from Table 11.2 statistics.

141

7.28 6.02

5.2

6.49

Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava

Some prominent causes behind unequal economic growth among Indian states are discussed below: Political willingness: India has a variety of religion, caste and culture. Political parties always try to attract citizens to vote in their favour, and yet they take unfriendly decisions for the economy. Many times government is being pressurised by political alliances to change very strict decisions. Sometimes those decisions are very important for the economy, i.e., permission for FDI in retail and other sectors. Lack of financial capital: Most of the low-­income states; i.e., Bihar, West Bengal, MP, CG, Jharkhand and Odisha have insufficient financial capital, while the high-­income states, i.e., Maharashtra and Gujarat, can fulfil their requirements. Unequal investment leads to economic growth inequality among the states. Unskilled human capital: Some very populous states have plenty of unskilled human capital, which creates hurdles in economic growth. It leads to the migration of skilled manpower. Geographic conditions: Rajasthan, J&K, Uttarakhand and Odisha are the states in which geographic conditions are constraints for improving growth. A stagnant economy with poor infrastructure leads to higher rates of unemployment. The outcome is economic and social gloom. Economic growth leads to higher investment, higher employment, higher income and higher demand, and the pace of economic growth is accelerated. Generating gainful employment activities is one of the important objectives of economic policies and planning since independence. To address rural poverty and unemployment, a number of poverty alleviation and employment-­generation schemes have been implemented since the early 1970s (Prakash 2011). As the chart depicts, Haryana, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Manipur, Tripura and West Bengal have high levels of unemployment while Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have very low unemployment. The statistics presented in Figure 11.3 shows that the unemployment rate is minimum (0.3%) in Goa, where GDP growth is minimum, and the highest in West Bengal (19.7%). The variance among Indian states is 22.8234, meaning there is huge difference in unemployment levels in India.

Figure 11.3  Level of unemployment among the states Source: Made from Table 11.2 statistics.

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Investment and unemployment

“In India, unemployment is projected to increase from 17.7 million in 2016 to 18.3 million in 2017 and 18.9 million by 2019 as against 18.6 million in 2018. The unemployment rate is estimated at 3.5 per cent for all three years” (2016–19) (ILO Report 2017). Unemployment aggravates social disorder and economic hiatus in the country. It forces people to live their lives in undesirable ways. Unemployment leads to sharp increases in poverty rates. Life expectancy is negatively affected by unemployment. The main reasons for low life expectancy are due to unemployment (Singh and Verma 2016). Psychological issues: Unemployment may develop negative attitudes towards life. Frequent emotions can be negative with respect to self-­esteem, inadequateness and hopelessness. Health issues: The overall tension of being unemployed can increase health problems among the unemployed. Domestic violence: Quarrels and arguments at home may lead to tension. It can cause increasing numbers of divorces, increases in the rate of suicide attempts and actual suicides as well. Tension rise over taxes: Unemployment also brings up discontent and frustration amongst taxpaying citizens. In order to meet the demands of the unemployment fund, the government may have to frequently increase taxes. This increase brings on restlessness amongst the taxpaying citizens. Stigma: Unemployment brings more than just “no work.” It also brings with it the social disgrace that the person has to bear. Nobody likes to be termed “unemployed.” Social leaving: During times of unemployment, the competition for jobs increases and the negotiating power of the individual decreases. This reduces the living standard of people and income drops. Unemployment may bring a decrease in social outings and interactions with other people, including friends. Employment gaps: The longer the individual is out of job, the more difficult it becomes to get a job. Employers find employment gaps as a negative attribute. No one wants to hire a person who has been out of work for some time, even when at no fault of the individual.

GDP growth, investment and unemployment The effects of investment is a complex and sensitive matter because of the impact on the economy (and thus on unemployment) depends not only on their volume but also of the establishment, the field concerned, the input modality and the existing conditions in the economy in which investments are made. In the case of FDI, the economic and social effects also depend on the motivation of investors and the investing business strategy (Iacovoiu 2012). Higher standards of living, as well as of development opportunities for all, stemming from the greater resources generated by economic growth, are the ultimate aim of development policy. This implies the need to bridge regional, social and economic disparities, as well as the empowerment of the poor and marginalized, especially women, to make the entire development process more inclusive (Economic Survey 2012–2013). Figure 11.4 clearly shows that in Arunachal Pradesh, Bihar, Tripura and Chandigarh, investment rates are negative, while economic growth is positive and the unemployment level is very near to that of GDP growth. Negative investment is the key source of unemployment in these states. In Jharkhand, Manipur Tripura and West Bengal, the rate of unemployment is much higher than their economic growth. India too has the same condition. Only Goa, MP and HP are states having low unemployment rates. 143

Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava 30 20

India

West Bengal

Uttarakhand

Tripura

Uttar Pradesh

Sikkim

Tamil Nadu

Punjab

Rajasthan

Odisha

Puducherry

Mizoram

Nagaland

Manipur

Meghalaya

Maharashtra

Kerala

9

Madhya Pradesh

8

Karnataka

7

Jharkhand

6

Jammu and Kashmir

5

Haryana

4

Himachal Pradesh

Goa

Gujarat

3

Delhi

2

Chhattisgarh

–40

Bihar

1

–30

Chandigarh

–20

Assam

–10

Andhra Pradesh

0

Arunachal Pradesh

10

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

CGAR (GDP) in %

Unemployment rate

Investment CAGR (in %)

Figure 11.4  Relationship among state GDP growth, investment and unemployment in India Source: Made from Table 11.2 statistics.

Table 11.3  Regression result Regression with Newey-­West standard errors Maximum lag: 5

Number of observations = 26

F (2, 23) = 24.23

Prob >F = 0.0000

unempl_rate

Coefficients

Newey-­West std. err.

t (value)

P> |t|

GDP growth Investment growth Constant

0.0052434 −0.0072204 3.945988

0.0044573 0.0024965 0.1876182

1.18 −2.89 21.03

0.251 0.008 0.000

Source: RBI Handbook 2017, World Bank, 2017 and Data- Net- India Private Limited 2017.

Unemployment CAGR during 1991–1999 is 4.034444444, during 2000–2008 is 4.092222, and during 2009–2016 is 3.58375, indicating that the rate of unemployment is constant in nature.

Impact of investment and economic growth on unemployment in India since 1991 To measure the impact of investment and economic growth on unemployment, the Newey-­ West regression estimator model is used. Unemployment = α + β1 Investment + β2 GDP + µi Unemployment = 3.945988–0.0072204 Investment + 0.0052434 GDP growth + µi In this time series data, t value is calculated to find the impact of GDP on investment and unemployment. The model is based on secondary data which is collected from period 1991–2016. The model is statistically significant at 1% level of significance. Growth of GDP is not statistically significant, but the other variables, investment growth and constant coefficient, are statistically significant at 1% level of significance. For regression, the statistical software Stata is used. The model analyses and gives the result that 1% change in investment reduces 0.0072204% unemployment but that economic growth seems indifferent in nature. The impact of other 144

Investment and unemployment

autonomous independent variables is positive. It means they are causes of unemployment, i.e., poor policies, insecurity for investors, law and order and unskilled labour. This shows that the poor infrastructure of the economy is also responsible for increasing unemployment.

Shift towards a capital intensive economy From the preceding analysis of macroeconomic variables − GDP/SGDP – the following theoretical diagram can be drawn. In Figure 11.5, P1 is labour intensive, P2 is capital intensive and F is an aggregate production possibility curve. On the Y-­axis capital is taken, and on the X-­axis labour is taken. Both are factors of production. It is shown that when economy is labour intensive at P1, labour force is OL1 and capital is OK1. When economy moves to P2, it becomes capital intensive; capital increases from K1 to K2, but labour force decreases from L1 to L2. Presently, in India it is for this reason that investment increases but employment does not. The economies of Indian states are still transforming into capital-­intensive economies and are becoming the cause of the unemployment in Indian states. (See also Table 11.5.) Y

K2

Capital

P2

P1

K1

0

L2

X

Labour

L1

Figure 11.5  Shifts towards a capital intensive economy Source: Author.

Table 11.4  Sector-­wise gross capital formation (Rs. billion) S. no.

Item

2012–13

2013–14

2014–15

2015–16

CGAR*

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Public non-­financial corporations Private non-­financial corporations Public financial corporations Private financial corporations General government Households including NPISH Gross capital formation Net capital formation

3,657.78 13,288.82 98.57 269.53 3,430.13 14,650.13 38,471.22 27,862.17

3,841.68 14,246.81 134.89 242.02 3,972.73 14,164.28 37,941.35 25,981.60

3,907.36 16,065.98 146.02 515.33 4,381.91 15,908.74 42,795.87 29,356.49

4,861.51 17,176.40 128.25 633.07 5,296.32 14,951.50 45,593.18 31,139.44

0.099473 0.089303 0.091702 0.329275 0.155814 0.006811 0.058249 0.037764

Source: Central Statistics Office (CSO), 2017 *= Estimated.

145

Pawan Kumar Gupta and Asha Srivastava Table 11.5  Rate of unemployment, investment and GDP growth Years

Unemployment rate in India

GDP deflator in India

Investment deflator in India

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

4 3.9 4.06 3.7 3.97 3.95 4.39 4.12 4.22 4.31 3.78 4.32 3.93 3.89 4.4 4.33 3.72 4.15 3.91 3.55 3.54 3.62 3.57 3.53 3.49 3.46

28.026 30.538 33.55 36.898 40.242 43.29 46.094 49.786 51.314 53.184 54.894 56.934 59.136 62.522 65.171 69.357 73.349 79.704 84.537 92.132 100 107.934 114.612 118.109 120.218 124.56

8.14315 9.24282 11.6031 13.392 16.1906 20.4701 21.8146 24.4982 22.4379 23.6731 23.8889 25.3141 26.6326 28.3926 31.7273 37.6665 44.7657 53.4816 64.1373 80.7599 100 118.699 131.356 141.401 146.808 186.617

Sources: ILO, World Bank, RBI Handbook, 2017

Conclusion Disparity and increasing unemployment are the prime challenges for fast-­budding India. There are jobless growth and investment in the economy. The gap between rich and poor has widened and has been amplified alarmingly. This situation leads to unemployment growth and non-­ public spending. Firstly, investment inequality among all states is based on states’ specific characteristics such as infrastructure, governance and political willingness in the concerned state (Verma 2017). These factors, combined with stability, give investors confidence and satisfaction. In states where these things are available, investors become involved with confidence. Secondly, unemployment is inversely related to investment. As investment increases, the level of unemployment declines. The study reveals that the government of states has to improve all factors which attract investment in the state. Improving infrastructure and governance gives investors confidence. Increasing employment opportunities boosts the overall development of the state. Investment needs to be increased in the agricultural sector by training the labourers and providing skills. For skill development, there should be no gender discrimination. The workplace law should be improved in order to provide a more comfortable and secure work environment. 146

Investment and unemployment

References GOI. 2012–13a. Ministry of Finance, Government of India (2013) Economic Survey, Chapter 13: Human Development, 2012–13, 269–294, New Delhi. Iacovoiu, Viorela Beatrice. 2012. “Impact of Capital Investments on Unemployment in the Context of Economic Crisis. The Case of Romania.” Economic Insights-­Trends & Challenges 64 (4). ILO. 2017. “Annual Report.” Investopedia. 2018. “the-­cost-­of-­unemployment-­to-­the-­economy.” Kiran, Shubhashini, and Nagamani. 2014. “Impact of Economic Growth on Employment in India.” International Journal of Innovation Research in Science Engineering and Technology 3 (4): 11064–69. Morrissey, Oliver, and Manop Udomkerdmongkol. 2012. “Governance, Private Investment and Foreign Direct Investment in Developing Countries.” World Development 40 (3): 437–45. Prakash, B. A. 2011. The Indian Economy since 1991. Pearson India, 2nd edition, NOIDA, Uttar Pradesh, India Punj, S. 2016. “Welcome to Jobless Growth: Why India is Facing an Unemployment Crisis.” India Today, April 2016. RBI. 2017. “Hand Book of Statistics on Indian Economy.” RBI. 2017. “Hand Book of Statistics on Indian States.” Sathe, S., and H. S. Morrison. 2006. “Social and Cultural Factors in FDI Flows: Evidence from the Indian States.” World Review of Entrepreneurship, Management and Sustainable Development 2 (4): 323–34. Singh, D., and N. Verma. 2016. Tradeoff Between Inflation and Unemployment in the Short Run: A Case of the Indian Economy. International Finance and Banking 3 (1): 77–96. Verma, N. M. P.  2017. “Macroeconomic Instability in Indian Economy: A  Contemporary Short Run Analysis.” International Journal of Social Science and Development Policy 3 (2) (July–December). World Bank. 2017. “Press Release.” May 29.

147

12 INTER-­CASTE MARRIAGES AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY Parul Srivastava

Inter-­caste marriages, the dictatorship of the Khap Panchayat, atrocities on couples, humiliation of the family and ultimately honour killings of females – these are the “normal/routine,” day-­to-­ day headlines we come across in the newspapers and media in India. They seem rather normal because we have accepted them as the norm of the country. Going by the writings of Manu, the commentator of ancient Indian texts and abiding by the patriarchal society of the 21st century, a significant number of people in the country find it alright to subjugate women and people belonging to the so-­called lower castes. They think that a woman has to be guarded at all times in her life, and this ideology of guardianship starts from the day she is born. E. Joseph1 had talked about how every female is always under some sort of guardianship. While she is single, she is under the aegis of her father or, if he is dead, of other male members of the family. At her muklawa, she comes under the protection of her husband; on his death and until remarriage, she is under the guardianship of her family. Any breach of this ideology of guardianship, control and dependence is considered to be very threatening (Chakravarti 2003). Women who assert independence in choosing their life partners are thought to be “indecent” and “loose.” Such a move foretells a disruption of family ties.2 There is also a loss of authority suffered by the senior males due to which the power equation within the family and the social hierarchy outside is disrupted. The status of women in India is not up to the mark. Women have been treated as goods (Criminal Law Journal 2010). Violence is often used in response to this threat. Marriages that challenge these norms become highly contentious and induce unparalleled and brutal reactions. Dr Ambedkar had welcomed the step of inter-­caste marriage as revolutionary because it directly attacks the most pertinent characteristic of caste, i.e., endogamy, on which caste stands. Once endogamy (i.e., marrying within one’s own tribe or caste) is attacked and destroyed, the entire bulwark of the caste system will crumble, and the taking of such a well fortified castle of caste can then be very easily won through inter-­caste marriage (Ambedkar 2014). In this essay, I will be discussing the prevalent phenomenon of contentious marriages and elopements in rural and semi-­urban northern India while concentrating on the State of Haryana. We have very often seen various newspapers in the northern part of India which contain gruesome details of honour killings and other such incidents. The sad part is that these things are soon forgotten, and the media as well as the state does not do much to rectify these issues and inequalities in our society. Newspapers are a medium which detail the incidents of honour killings, which are quite prevalent even in our national capital, New Delhi. In February 2018, 148

Inter-­caste marriages and social inequality

there was a case of honour killing of a young boy, Ankit Saxena, by the family of his girlfriend who belonged to the minority community. It is important for academics to probe into this very sensitive issue and to understand the problem from within. Young members are confronting the caste/kinship ideology upheld by the caste leadership of senior male members by infringing on sexual codes and taboos, by defying demands of status or village exogamy and by discarding notions of “honour.” Here we seek to question the interests served by caste panchayats behind the front of maintaining time-­honoured customs and cultural practices based upon concepts of izzat, bhaichara, biradari and aika (honour, brotherhood, community and unity). This entire picture brings up the question of caste which has a crucial interrelation with class and gender. There are rules and practices and degrees of prohibited relationships observed in respect to marriage in different regions of India (Lewis 1958). There are strict bans on marriages between certain gotra (patrilineal clans) within the same caste group which create a hierarchical and ranked order, which in turn points at the formation of a caste system within a caste group. Certain cases wherein different religious communities are involved, the issues of caste endogamy and territorial exogamy acquire yet another dimension, which is religion. Such incidents belong mostly to the Muslim-­concentrated region of Mewat.3 The ideology of izzat (honour) has emerged as a gendered notion producing inequality and hierarchy. The woman is the storehouse and the man is the regulator of this honour. Hence the greatest threat to the ideology of honour comes from a woman because it’s in her body that this concept of honour is located. This is due to the construction of procreation which is envisaged as the male seed germinating the female earth (Leela 1986). Everything points in the same direction, which is that of controlling the female sexuality in order to guarantee the paternity and lineage of the offspring. Therefore a man’s honour is usually ascertained by his ability to control his womenfolk. Violence against women in the home sphere has social acceptance and legitimacy under patriarchy, as it is considered to be a private matter. This kind of violence is not private because it is committed in response to cultural expectations of the wider community. Rao Ali Khan (2012) says that the murder of members of a family by other members of a social group may be due to the belief of the perpetrators (and potentially of the wider community) that the victim has brought dishonour upon the family or community. The colonial period materializes as a period wherein control over women was becoming rigid in every way, and this was somehow supported by the colonial structure and ideology. While being in their own caste, the Hindus and Muslims adopted the gotra, or got, i.e., the rule of exogamy. Gotra is an exogamous patrilineal clan whose members are thought to share the same patrilineal descent from a common ancestor (Prem 2004). JM Douie, the British revenue administrator had observed in 1892: “[I]ntercourse with a girl of the same gotra and tribe would be considered incest as all the landowners of one village are generally of one gotra.” Hence one could not intermarry in a large number of villages, especially the ones that were adjoining or those that were in the same Khap area. In these villages of Haryana, the traditions and customs of the dominant gotra were followed by all other gotras. If a marriage became contentious, it was dealt with by the family members or within the biradari through the traditional panchayat whose decision was obligatory. The traditional panchayat in the colonial period were informal, decision-­making, caste-­based bodies of elderly or wise men who came from the dominant caste group. The strength of the traditional caste panchayat depended upon the numerical strength of the members of the dominant caste group, i.e., the Jats in Haryana, and on the landownership it commanded. Khaps are the legacies of tribal councils that had been formed by various tribes for the resolution of disputes (Pradhan 1966). The Dharmashastra of Manu condemns the non-­ kanyadan marriage (gift of a virgin), especially the gandharva form which was not considered to be worthy of recognition because this kind of a union springs from desire and lust.4 149

Parul Srivastava

Caste endogamy is the basic norm as far as marriages in India are concerned. However, inter-­caste marriages both between high caste men and low caste women and vice versa have existed in different parts of the country. Jats particularly have been noted for marrying women from lower-­caste groups such as Nai, Jogi, Mali and very often from Chamars. However, the Jat community in Haryana has been extremely apprehensive about marrying their daughters in these low-­caste groups. The Special Marriage Act of 1872 enabled marriage between two consenting parties belonging to different communities, but then the colonial government gave legal recognition to the tradition of the male guardian’s right to arrange a daughter’s marriage as a much superior claim which was over and above any female claim (Kameshwar 1991). For example: Jamila and Sultan’s case from Meerut in 1929 where a guardian’s right to give consent to his female ward’s wedding was alone recognized. Similar was in the Kartar Singh vs. the Crown case of 1936, where Kartar Singh was given a sentence of 10 years on the charge of “kidnapping” an adult unmarried girl. A customary practice that accommodated inter-­caste marriages was the karewa, which was generally associated with widows (Prem 1987). High-­caste widows could enter into karewa with their brother-­in-­law in a levirate alliance. There was a non-­levirate kind of karewa too where a woman could observe karewa with an outsider, i.e. a man from a different family, clan and even caste. However the non-­levirate karewa marriages were not only lower in the hierarchy of karewa, but later on they were challenged on many grounds. The colonial power declared Pratiloma marriages to be invalid throughout India on the basis that a higher-­caste woman could not contract a legal marriage with a low-­caste man.5 The landowning caste groups denied the status of a wife to a karewa woman by declaring her a “concubine” who merely “cohabited” with the man and was not married to him. Low-­caste women were under exceptional attack because a lot of times such women were purchased from her parents, and usually they ended all connections with them after marriage. This was done so that nobody comes to know of her “real” caste, and the myth that she belongs to a high caste or to the caste of her husband might be maintained. Such things reiterate the claims of higher-­caste men to the bodies of lower caste women and stereotype perceptions of low-­caste women as sexually available and morally slack. Harshit R. Trivedi also points out that untouchable women are often associated with prostitution all over India. During the postcolonial times, the shifting of material, legal and ideological bases resulted in an increase in social tension in connection with issues related to marriage. Inter-­caste matters are decided by the village panchayat, which deals with both civil and criminal cases. In cases of inter-­caste marriages, the final weapon in the hands of the traditional panchayat is outlasting, which is an extreme form of group withdrawal. When a man is an outcast, no other man from his caste will allow its members to smoke the hukka with him, which is a symbol of caste solidarity. There were quite a lot of marriages in which caste endogamy was observed, but the norms of kin and territorial exogamy had been breached. Such marriages are usually arranged by senior members of the family, or biradari, but then due to the caste panchayat’s judgment, they are declared void. The infamous case in 1998 of the village Jondhi, where Ashish, a boy from the dagar gotra, married Darshana who belonged to the Gehlot gotra. Three years later, problem arose because, according to a 500-­year-­old “tradition,” the Gehlots and Dagars could not intermarry. The girl’s family was expelled from their gotra. Since it was pratiloma marriage, there were even more complications. Darshana’s courage and her regular contact with the media saved them from a fatal end (Prem 2007).6 The police in such cases act ignorantly. These police belong to the villages of Haryana and hence uphold the ideas of caste endogamy and gotra exogamy. According to a station police officer, they intervene if and when the rule of law and order breaks down or if a complaint is lodged in the police station by one 150

Inter-­caste marriages and social inequality

of the involved parties. The official policy of “wait and watch” is adopted by the state, which helps to reinstate the might of the caste panchayat. Even when a complaint has been lodged, they advise the villagers to settle the matter amongst themselves through the caste panchayat. In 2001, a young couple ran away from their village Biswan. For helping them, six of their friends were made to pay fines, and their faces were blackened. The father of one boy who refused to pay the fine was brought back to the panchayat by the police and was given beatings by a low-­ caste man, with the police looking on. Conflict and violence increase when the marriage alliances are inter-­caste. In rural areas, most inter-­caste marriages are dealt with at two levels: within the close preserve of the family or at the level of the community with the caste panchayat. However, the intervention by the male members of the family or through the caste panchayat is always done at the cost of individual rights and state law. The concepts of caste endogamy and village exogamy that prevail in regulating marriages in Haryana are not legally recognized categories for marriage. Numerous caste groups are involved in a lot of inter-­caste marriages these days, but in the case of marriages between Dalit and non-­Dalit, social fury takes a specially hostile form.

Inter-­caste love marriage Now I would like to draw attention to the two cases from the village Loharhedi in the District of Jhajjar. In September 2000, in this Jat-­dominated village, a Jat boy Ravinder and a Dalit girl Sushila were dragged before the caste panchayat of the village as their “love affair” was being condemned. The caste panchayat ordered the blackening of their faces, cutting off their hair and taking them around the village on donkeys to publicly humiliate them. Ravinder, however, jumped on and escaped on his friend’s scooter. He even started visiting the village within six months of this incident. The girl’s family was resentful of the treatment conferred upon Sushila, and they pointed out yet another case involving Sarla, a Jat girl and Ashok, a Nai boy, and how no one dared to behave like this towards the girl (Prem 2007). It was only because Sushila belonged to a Dalit Balmiki family that she was treated in such an appalling manner and that, on the contrary, Ravinder, who belonged to the dominant Jat group, was allowed to escape. This would not have been possible if the members of the Khap were not involved in this whole planning, and the fact that he started visiting his village within six months of this case only strengthens this assumption. In the other case where the girl belonged to the dominant Jat group, the treatment meted out to her was nowhere close to what happened with Sushila. Her upward mobility made the upper-­caste groups even more ferocious. In yet another case of Sonipat (1998), a landowning Jat family suspected their girl was involved with a Dalit boy. They physically assaulted the male members of the boy’s family, raped the wife of one of them and also mutilated her private parts. The police refused to lodge an FIR and only after the lower-­ caste groups surrounded the police station FIR was lodged. The accused are, however, still free. Police in the northern parts of India are heavily drawn from upper-­caste dominating groups. So many times they themselves are casteist. On top of all this, the caste panchayat has often asserted that the police can do whatever they want to do, but then they’ll punish the culprit in their own way. The caste panchayat haul in both men and women, but their attitude towards them is quite evidently distinct. Moreover, caste and class factors also intervene to determine the decisions of the traditional panchayat. In Loharhedi, the difference in approach between a Jat daughter and a Balmiki daughter can be seen. The former was a village beti, whereas the latter was not. Similarly, class and caste intervened again to determine the caste panchayat’s outlook towards both the Nai boy and the Jat boy. On one hand, it was the Nai boy who became the target of the Jat community’s rage. The former was tied up in innumerable cases, whereas the latter was 151

Parul Srivastava

free to lead a life without any fear of anything! These inter-­caste marriages are a major attack on caste, and its strength and the “honour” at stake is not personal to any woman but to the entire dominant community as a whole. In March 1994 in Nayagaon, Asha, who came from the Saini caste, and her lover Manoj, who was an Ahir, were hacked to death with an axe by her uncles (Prem 2007). The culprits who did this heinous crime informed the police themselves through a lawyer because there was a sense of pride and achievement that they experienced for having punished the “guilty.” The prevailing sentiment was that why should they hide it? They felt that they haven’t done anything wrong and that it was just an “honour killing”! In such cases, the villagers and their leaders prioritize the village or caste izzat. They see these monstrous acts as “just punishments” awarded for breaking the caste norms. Another thing that is emphasized is that the girl was badmash (impish). Other rumours are that she had to have two abortions and that she was only enjoying herself. All this points towards the fact that the girl must have been an indecent and morally loose character and may be she deserved all that happened to her.

Runaway marriages In cases of runaway marriages, the state agency takes action on the basis of the complaint, which is generally made by the woman’s male guardian (Prem 2004). The police often accept these cases as rape, kidnapping and abduction. In the judicial vocabulary, these cases are termed sex crimes and are dealt with accordingly. Under the Criminal Procedure Code, all offences are crimes against the state. Thus the runaway couple become state fugitives. This crime cannot be settled out of court or withdrawn; i.e. it becomes non-­compoundable.7 In the case of a runaway woman, a kidnapping case is usually registered to prevent her from exercising her choice in marriage against the wishes of her parents. It is the age factor on which the entire legal procedure is hinged. The judgment delivered in such cases is premised upon moral and ethical grounds overriding questions of legal and human rights of individuals (Prem 2004). In a lot of cases, it is difficult to establish the correct age of the girl because the radiologist’s opinion is based on the bone X-­ray examination. Girls who are caught are projected as promiscuous and lustful women. The court judgment reinstates the popular perception rather than questioning it. According to one of the judgments, a woman who is caught can escape from the stigma attached to her character or hide her lustfulness only by making allegations of kidnapping and rape in order to saddle the man with this crime (Prem 2007). The judicial eye is clearly gendered. It sees a woman’s sexuality and a man’s sexuality differently. The appellant (man) is seen as someone who was just fulfilling the wishes of a lustful woman. So basically the woman is held responsible for the man’s actions. At best, he’s seen as a victim of the woman’s desires and yearning. Such an attitude naturalizes a man’s sexuality and accepts it as a part of his masculinity. Men do not suffer a social stigma or a psychological scar, and this gendered approach at the judicial level produces inequality between men and women. The whole responsibility or rather the blame of the runaway case is put entirely on women. Legal cases stress the criminalization of a woman’s sexuality outside marriage. Her active sexuality is talked about openly during the trail, and the judges condemn her morally and ethically for this reason (Prem 2004). A woman’s autonomy over her body is never recognized (Leela 1996). To re-­establish the male’s honour, a runaway woman is usually retrieved at any cost through private or state agencies. There are a lot of cases from Punjab and Haryana involving runaway couples that highlight the pronounced gender bias against women whose consent is taken for granted without recognizing their right to make individual choices. 152

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Widow remarriage It is not just the marriage of an unmarried woman that is contentious; in fact, the remarriage of a widow also attracts similar reactions. There is a strengthening of the custom of widow remarriage in its levirate form in the postcolonial times. This is another way to control the widow and not let her exercise her own rights in matters of marriage. As far as the widows of military personnel are concerned, they are under special attack since they get financial compensation from the Government. Such widows are often forced into marriage with the teenage brother or an extremely old brother of their dead spouse so that the family can take advantage of the compensation received by her. Often violence is inflicted upon unruly widows, leading to their physical elimination by the family members. The absolute inheritance rights of a widow increases the value of a widow’s assets in the remarriage market. The right to inherit land as a widow is almost the only way through which a woman can inherit land directly (Prem 2007). In Haryana, a 22-­year-­old widow, Usha, was married to her school student brother-­in-­law. In another incident, a widow Sumitra was killed by her brother-­in-­law as she was receiving her husband’s pension while the brother-­in-­laws were unemployed. Those widows who have ventured to remarry either on their own or through their parents have either had to sell their land to their husband’s collaterals at minimal prices or just renounce their claims to property. Just as in colonial times, the right to property is not accepted as an absolute right of an individual. She must share it with the members of her joint family as the state continues to treat women not as individuals but as constituents of the family. By not treating women as individual owners of property, the state gives primacy to the kin group and to the tradition of joint male ownership of property. Those who uphold inter-­caste marriages are a negligible minority. Such “love marriages” can perhaps reduce caste divisions and unify people, but such is definitely not the case in Haryana rural and semi-­urban areas. Castes and communities groups act through the traditional panchayat and exhibit their authority away from legal constraints and against state agencies. This informal mechanism of settling disputes is widespread and opposed to lawyers and law courts. Panchayats demonstrate their power to society and the state by intervening in social matters. Serious lapses of individual rights are taking place at the hands of these panchayats. The Supreme Court eventually told Khap Panchayats not to be the “conscience keepers of society,” again asking them to desist from interfering in the marriage of two consenting adults. Despite the Supreme Court’s strictures, Haryana’s shame through “honour killings” continued as a couple (Nidhi Barak and Dharmendra Bharak) were brutally killed in full public view. The government of Haryana is fighting shy of taking a stand not only on dubious marriages but also on marriages which are legal but still are being contradicted by family and community as they breach the norms of caste and gotra. The attitudes of politicians and leaders throughout the country are no different as they themselves subscribe to these illegal moves. This can be seen in various high-­profile cases of Bibi Jagir Kaur of Punjab and the famous Nitish Katara murder case of UP. Police registered 251 cases of honour killings in 2015, compared with just 28 a year earlier when India began counting them separately from murder (Dailymail 2016). Few women’s groups such as Vama, AIDWA, and AALI have provided legal, physical and emotional support to women’s fight in their right to choose their life partners, and they have played a lifesaving role in the outcomes. These organisations have reached out to the police and the administration in proposing ways and means to ease the situation for such couples. The media also do not pay a lot of heed to these issues which are cropping up in society every now and then. They have the audience and can therefore make a positive change in this field. They can make the masses understand and educate people about age-­old practices, but they are not doing that. Another 153

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interesting fact is that the youth who are primarily involved in breaching the norms of caste endogamy emerge as its major detractors in the forefront of condemning such marriages. They deny any desire to marry outside their caste. They are usually anxious not to sound at odds with the dominant caste, so they just mouth the opinions which are popularly accepted in the society. Honour killing – as a crime – has not been prosecuted and has happened and still takes place in the open. This also shows that there is not just one perpetrator but that the whole village/community participates/witnesses such crime and equally and actively plays a role in this barbaric incident (Neha 2017). Violence around marriages of choice is a human rights violation requiring attention from women’s groups. In India, violence over self-­arranged marriages has not been debated as much in the public domain, and no political leader has ever publicly condemned it. It is likely that with the increasing role of NHRC, AIDWA and other social organisations, the high court is likely to intervene in these cases.

Notes 1 E. Joseph was a British official who had noticed this had mentioned it in his writings in as early as 1910. 2 Chowdhary, Prem; Contentious Marriages Eloping Couples, pp.  5  – For a variety of reasons, love matches or self arranged marriages evoke a great deal of hostility, both from within the family and community. See Steve Derne, Culture in Action, pp. 40–47. 3 Prem Chowdhary in her book Contentious Marriages and Eloping Couples says that the source of this information are the various Hindi newspapers, mainly Dainik Jagran, 6 May 2003, pp. 5, 10; April 2003, pp. 4, 24. 4 Four forms of Kanyadan marriage are brahma, daiva, arsa and prajapatya. They were the highest forms of marriage. The gift of the virgin basically meant the gift of her reproductive power, sexuality and labour which had to be given by the women’s guardian and she could not “gift” herself in her marriage. Four forms of Non-­kanyadan marriage are asura, gandharva, rakshsa and pisacha which are the lower forms of marriage. 5 Allahabad Law Journal, 1912, Volume 10, pp 181–182: Sespuri vs Dwarka Prasad case from Uttar Pradesh in 1912 where Sespuri was declared illegitimate as he was born for a Thakur man and a Brahman woman. He was thus deprived of his inheritance. Cited in Prem Chowdhary, Contentious Marriages Eloping Couples. 6 The caste panchayat held the Gehlot and the Dagar families guilty of wilfully breaking a time honoured village tradition because at the time of marriage, Darshana’s gotra was told to be Solanki rather than Gehlot. 7 Cited in Prem Chowdhary pp. 174: In determining what constitutes a crime against the State, see Flavia Agnes, Review of a Decade of Legislation, 1980−1989.

Bibliography Ambedkar, B. R. 2014. Annihilation of Caste. New Delhi: Navayana Publishers. Chakravarti, Uma. 2003. Gendering Caste: Through a Feminist Lens. New Delhi: Stree. Criminal Law Journal. 2010. “Violence and Oppression against Women – A Critical Analysis.” Dailymail. 2016. “Government MUST Make this a Priority!’ Honour Killings in India ‘soar by nearly 800 per cent’ as Leading Activists Call for More Action to Tackle Rising Crime.” December 7. Kameshwar, Choudhary. 1991. “Anatomy of the Special Marriage Act.” Economic and Political Weekly 26 (52). Kannabiran, V., and K. Kannabiran. 1991. “Caste and Gender: Understanding Dynamics of Power and Violence.” Economic and Political Weekly XXVI. Khan, Rao Arif Ali. 2012. Honour Killing; Root and Remedies − Global View. New Delhi: Mittal Publication. Leela, Dube. 1986. “Seed and Earth: The Symbolism of Biological Reproduction and Sexual Relations of Production”, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. Leela, Dube. 1996. “Caste and Women.” In Caste: Its Twentieth-­century Avatar, edited by M. N. Srinivas. New Delhi: Penguin. Lewis, Oscar. 1958. Village Life in North India. Urbana: University of Illinois.

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Inter-­caste marriages and social inequality Neha, Saran. 2017. “Role of State Institutions and Media in Promoting/Hindering Inter Caste Marriages.” International Journal of Information Movements 2 (IV) (August). Pradhan, M. C. 1966. The Political Systems of the Jats of Northern India. London: Oxford University Press. Pranab, Kumar Rana, and Bhaban Prasad Mishra. 2013. “Honour Killings − A Gross Violation of Human Rights and its Challenges.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention 2 (6) (June). Prem, Chowdhry. 1987. “Socio-­Economic Dimensions of Certain Customs and Attitudes: Women of Haryana in the Colonial Period.” Economic and Political Weekly 22 (48). Prem, Chowdhry. 2004. “Private Lives, State Intervention: Cases of Runaway Marriage in Rural North India.” Modern Asian Studies 38 (1), Cambridge University Press, New Delhi. Prem, Chowdhry. 2007. Contentious Marriages and Eloping Couples: Gender, Caste and Patriarchy in Northern India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sanghtana, S. 1991. “Upper Caste Violence: Study of Chunduru Carnage.” Economic and Political Weekly XXVI. Welchman, L., and S. Hossain. 2006. Honour’: Crimes, Paradigms and Violence against Women. New Delhi: Orient.

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13 MILLENNIAL WOMEN SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURS A growing trend Rekha Panwar Khosla Entrepreneurship is the act of setting up a business to profit from new opportunities. An entrepreneur is a person who starts a new venture or revives an old one for turning it into a profitable business. A social entrepreneur is an entrepreneur who works to increase social capital by finding social ventures, including charities, for-­profit businesses with social causes and other non-­ government organisations. These types of activities are distinct from the work of non-­operating foundations and philanthropists who provide funding and other support for them. A social entrepreneur recognizes a social problem and uses entrepreneurial principles to organise, create and manage a venture to make social change. Unlike business entrepreneurs, they don’t measure performance in profit and returns but assess success by the impact they have on society and often work through non-­profits and citizen groups. When it comes to social entrepreneurship, India is often referred to as the epicentre of impact investing and the world’s laboratory for testing new ideas. With a billion dollars waiting to be invested in social enterprises and success stories like Husk Power Systems, Rangsutra, dLight, Waterlife and Vaatsalya Healthcare regularly making the rounds in global social entrepreneurship circles, the country is clearly a very important market. Thus social entrepreneurs shape the economy by creating new wealth and new jobs and by inventing new products and services for the uplifting of the society. However, an insight study reveals that it is not about making money, having the greatest ideas, knowing the best sales pitch, applying the best marketing strategy. It is in reality an attitude to create something new and an activity which creates value in the entire social ecosystem. Millennial women in social entrepreneurship are game changers for social development. It is estimated that women entrepreneurs presently comprise about 10% of the total number of entrepreneurs in India, with the percentage growing every year. The terms “social entrepreneur” and “social entrepreneurship” were used first in the literature on social change in the 1960s and 1970s. The terms came into widespread use in the 1980s and 1990s, promoted by Bill Drayton, the founder of Ashoka: Innovators for the Public, and by others such as Charles Leadbeater. A social entrepreneur identifies practical solutions to social problems by combining innovation, resourcefulness and opportunity. Committed to producing social value, these entrepreneurs identify new processes, services and products, or unique ways of combining proven practice with innovation to address complex social problems. Whether the focus of their work is on enterprise development, health, education, environment, labour conditions or human rights, social entrepreneurs are people who seize on the problems created by 156

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change as opportunities to transform societies. The chapter focuses on social entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship. The objective of the chapter is to study the different social entrepreneurship initiatives taken by millennial Indian women and to understand how social entrepreneurs work for the benefits of society and beating the inequalities for the uplifting of society. This chapter focuses on the different challenges faced by women social entrepreneurs while working for the welfare of the society. Just as entrepreneurs change the face of business, social entrepreneurs act as the change agents for society, seizing opportunities others miss to improve systems, invent new approaches and create solutions to change society for the better. While a business entrepreneur might create entirely new industries, a social entrepreneur develops innovative solutions to social problems and then implements them on a large scale.

Women and entrepreneurship Women entrepreneurship is gaining importance in India in the wake of economic liberalization and globalization. The policy and institutional framework for developing entrepreneurial skills, providing vocational education and training, has widened the horizon for economic empowerment of women. However, women constitute only one-­third of the economic enterprises. There exist a plethora of successful businesswomen entrepreneurs both in the social and the economic fields in India. They are performing well. The Government of India has also introduced National Skill Development Policy and National Skill Development Mission in 2009 in order to provide skill training, vocational education and entrepreneurship development to the emerging workforce. However, entrepreneurship development and skill training are the responsibility solely of Government, and therefore other stakeholders need to shoulder some responsibility. In Hindu scriptures, woman has been described as the embodiment of Shakti. But in real life, she is treated as Abla. Women are leaving the workforce in droves in favour of being at home – not to be homemakers but to be job-­making entrepreneurs. The increasing presence of women in the business field as entrepreneurs has changed the demographic characteristics of business and economic growth of the country. Women-­owned businesses enterprises are playing a more active role in society and the economy, inspiring academics to focus on this interesting phenomenon. India has been ranked among the worst performing countries in the area of women entrepreneurship in a gender-­focused global entrepreneurship survey, released in July 2013 by PC maker Dell and the Washington-­based consulting firm Global Entrepreneurship and Development Institute (GEDI). Of the 17 countries surveyed, India ranks 16th, just above Uganda. Countries like Turkey, Morocco and Egypt have outperformed India. The status of higher education among women in India came out to be lower than most countries in the world. At present, women’s entrepreneurial role is limited in the large-­scale industries and technology-­ based businesses. But even in small-­scale industries, the women’s participation is very low. As per the third all-­India census of Small Scale Industries, only 10.11% of the micro and small enterprises were owned by women, and only 9.46% of them were managed by women. While the number of women operating their own businesses is increasing globally, women continue to face huge obstacles that stunt the growth of their business, such as lack of capital, strict social constraints and limited time and skill. Subramanyam and Reddy (2012) presented an overview of micro, small and medium-­sized enterprises (MSMEs) in India. The study analysed the performance of MSMEs in India. It made a comparison of the growth of the MSME sector with the overall industrial sector and also investigated the soundness of the organisations. The study found that MSME sector has contributed significantly to India’s gross domestic product and export earnings. It also found 157

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that “sickness” in an industry doesn’t occur overnight; rather it takes five to seven years to erode the health of an industrial unit. Kumar and Gugloth (2012) evaluated the performance of MSMEs before and after liberalization. The study also analysed the impact of globalization on the performance of MSMEs and made a comparative analysis of the growth pattern of key parameters between the pre-­and post-­globalization periods. It took a period from 1999 to 2010 for the analysis. It also focused on the ongoing changes in the business environment. The study found that the small-­scale sector has grown rapidly over the years. It also found that the period of liberalization and the development of the MSMEs sector constituted an important segment of our economy. Singh and Raina (2013) described the problems and challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in India and also analysed the policies of Indian government towards women. The study mainly focused on finding out the status of women entrepreneurs in India. The study found that in modern India, more and more women are taking up entrepreneurial activity, especially in MSMEs. It also observed that Indian women have imprinted a position for themselves in the male-­dominated world. It further showed that Indian women can well manage their household work as well as their workplace deadlines. Benard and Victor (2013) examined the growth of women entrepreneurs in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. It used a sample of 130 women entrepreneurs and simple random sampling technique for the selection of the sample. The study found that a major strength was the need for financial independence for women entrepreneurs. It also observed that the major opportunity was the desire to be one’s own boss, which leads to women entrepreneurship. It further found that the weakness was that most women entrepreneurs fail because of a lack of education and that the major threat is the pressure of child care in the family. Jayan (2013) analysed women entrepreneurship in MSMEs and the relationship between industries related to factors in the success of entrepreneurs, with special reference to Coimbatore city. The study identified that the factors which motivate women to become successful entrepreneurs are achievement motivation and human relations.

Status of Indian women entrepreneurs In India, a large section of women enterprises are enterprises at the micro level taken up as a forced economic activity for supporting their livelihood. In rural India, traditionally, a lot of women primary producers can be classified as entrepreneurs. For instance, a dairy farmer who supplies milk to a nearby dairy or household is an entrepreneur. But family responsibilities, traditional social norms and the established patriarchal structure mean that these women entrepreneurs have limited exposure to the outside world. This restricts their mobility and makes them dependent on intermediaries to reach the market or to achieve scale. In many situations, the solutions are available, and the main hindrance is the entrepreneur’s lack of knowledge and inability to access the solution. For instance, the Standup India scheme, launched by the Government of India, aims to facilitate bank loans of Rs. 10 lakh–Rs. 1 crore to at least one Scheduled Caste (SC) or Scheduled Tribe (ST) and one-­woman beneficiary per bank branch for setting up a greenfield enterprise in the trading, services or manufacturing sector. But many women entrepreneurs, and even more so rural women entrepreneurs, are not able to access schemes like this due to their lack of awareness. Gender in entrepreneurship has recently garnered more attention. Globally, twice as many men become entrepreneurs, but the number of women becoming entrepreneurs is increasing rapidly. Women’s entrepreneurial role is limited in the large-­scale industries and technology-­ based businesses. But even in small-­scale industries, women’s participation is very low. As per the third all-­India census of Small Scale Industries, only 10.11% of the micro and small enterprises 158

Millennial women social entrepreneurs Leadership male

Leadership female 91.1

76 24

8.9

Social enterprises

Mainstream business

Figure 13.1  Contribution of female leadership Source: British Council, the State of Social Enterprise in India.

were owned by women, and only 9.46% of them were managed by women. While the number of women operating their own business is increasing globally, women continue to face huge obstacles that stunt the growth of their businesses. (See Figure 13.1.) The major challenges that women entrepreneurs face in India are discussed next. Entrepreneurial mindset: Women basically prefer salaried jobs for steady working hours, income and perks, like health insurance and paid leaves. Entrepreneurship is perceived as a riskier option, requiring longer work hours and lacking a fixed income every month. But this is not perceived as true every time. They cite flexible working hours and being in control of their schedules as a key reason for becoming entrepreneurs. Access to resources: Women have difficulty accessing funds and other resources for several reasons: laws regulating the private sphere, specifically regarding marriage, inheritance and land, that can hinder women’s access to assets that can be used as collateral to secure a loan; lack of awareness of schemes that are available to specifically support them; few platforms that specifically support women entrepreneurs. Women entrepreneurs are suffering from inadequate financial resources and working capital. They do not have access to external funds due to their incapability to provide tangible security. Very few women have tangible property in hand. Practical experience: Apart from a few high-­profile female founders, women do not see too many entrepreneurs in their lives that they can look up to and learn from. Women entrepreneurs often know from experience how challenging it is to start up and establish an enterprise. So when women can reach out to and work with women entrepreneurs, they are more likely to start up. Mentoring and network. A mentor can play a key role in helping women make the decision to start up. However, unless women accidentally come across a mentor in the course of their work, very few structured mentorship programmes are available to help them find a mentor who will guide them on their entrepreneurial journey. Technology enables business growth: Technology is an essential component for fostering high-­potential female entrepreneurship. While research and development do not guarantee successful growth, without systematic research activity, new product development and future growth will be inhibited. Technology has also made it cheaper than ever to start a business and remove many of the social and physical barriers women must overcome to start their own businesses and connect with the resources they need. Entrepreneurs need scalable technology solutions that enable them to accelerate the growth of their businesses in order to succeed. 159

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Growing number of social entrepreneurs in India Social entrepreneurs are individuals or groups of people or organisations that provide time and solutions to alleviate society’s myriad problems and long-­standing issues that remain unresolved by the institutional and government sector. As in other countries, in India, too, social entrepreneurs are a growing phenomenon, bringing positive change to several social areas ranging from education to health care, renewable energy, waste management, e-­learning and e-­business, housing and slum development, water and sanitation, violence against women, other issues related to women, children and the elderly, etc. The key aim of these social enterprises is to introduce sustainable and dignified living to the underprivileged and the marginalized citizens of India. Social entrepreneurs do not have a formal recognition as a sector. While this may deprive them of sector specific benefits such as incentives or tax breaks, growing numbers of investors and handholding companies are incubating social entrepreneurs. There are also a growing number of women social entrepreneurs as well as those from the Indian diaspora. Most of these entrepreneurs are highly educated and sector specialists, most of whom may have left lucrative jobs in India or overseas to pursue their commitment towards a social cause or improving the lives of their fellow citizens. India is said to have the largest number of social enterprises in the world. An improvement in statistics in respect to women entrepreneurship in India is quite motivating with respect to women finding opportunities to start ventures (60%), validation with respect to skills (52%) and not feeling the impending doom of failure for their start-­up (57%).

Some established social enterprises Aditi Gupta, founder, Menstrupedia: She can’t enter the kitchen, the temple or even her house. She isn’t allowed to bake or come in contact with men, and, more often than not, she has no clue why she’s being ostracized and, more importantly, what the hell is going on with her body. This is how menstruation is dealt with in most rural and certain urban areas in India, till Aditi Gupta could stand it no more. Having empathized with similar situations herself while growing up in Jharkhand, Aditi created a Hindi comic book with her now husband Tuhin Patel, illustrating and educating girls about menstruation. From here, Aditi and Tuhin’s venture has scaled to a whole website called Menstrupedia.com. Along with a comic book section to simplify menstruation for the reader, it has guides on hygiene, health and ways to be active during periods – plus answers to frequently asked queries. Sairee Chahal, founder, Sheroes.in: Serial entrepreneur, co-­founder of Fleximoms, founder of Sheroes.in, mentor, occasional writer and mother to a 7-­year-­old daughter, Sairee Chahal takes multitasking to the next level. Sairee is a TED speaker, is a finalist for the Cartier Women’s Award Initiative for 2012, and has been voted Most Powerful Women in Indian Business, 2012, along with being featured on shows like What Women Want, Young Turks and Pioneering Spirit. Her venture – Fleximoms – looks to provide mothers and women with a pathway to re-­enter the workplace with job opportunities, information and mentoring. Sheroes, in its another venture aiding women of the workplace offering opportunities, resources and conversations. Sairee has work experience as senior editor at NewsLink Services and as a consultant at the Confederation of Indian Industry and Heidrick & Struggles. Sheetal Mehta Walsh, Shanti Life: The poor often get trapped in the tedious process of taking a loan. Financial institutions often give out loans at such high rates that the poor find it nearly impossible to pay it all back. With the aim to release the poor from this vicious loan 160

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process and help them achieve sustainable living through access to necessary resources, Sheetal Mehta Walsh co-­founded Shanti Life with her husband Paul Walsh. The venture helps the poor take microfinance loans at low interest rates and trains them. Gloria Benny, Make a Difference: Close to one-­third of the children in India are in urgent need of care and protection. Make a Difference (MAD) helps these children in several ways, including mentoring and training. While the experience of two individuals, Jithin and Sujith, at a shelter home in Kochi created the spark for this project, Gloria Benny turned this idea into a fully fledged youth volunteer network. A particularly proud moment for MAD was when United States’ First Lady Michelle Obama visited the centre in 2010 and commended the initiative. Anu Sridharan, NextDrop: Anu Sridharan started NextDrop with a simple vision: “we want to rid the world of its water problems.” Anu saw how technology was being integrated into people’s lives and decided to extend it to urban systems. So the company began using real-­time data to inform people about the status of water services, for example if the pipeline was broken or the exact time of supply on a given day. And all this through a simple short message service (SMS), which shows the effectiveness of this simple venture. Priya Naik, Samhita Social Ventures: Several individuals in India are helping make a positive change in the lives of people across the country. But these individuals are scattered and therefore don’t have the opportunity to make a large-­scale impact. This is where Priya Naik’s venture, Samhita Social Ventures, jumps in. It helps individuals, corporations, NGOs, donor agencies and others create a social impact on a big scale. The Sanskrit word Samhita translates to “collective good,” something that this venture is definitely on its way to achieving. Naiyya Saggi, BabyChakra: When many of this Harvard business graduate’s friends started getting married, Naiyya began to see how the experience of new parenting was confounding all her friends. She saw popular Q&A threads and Facebook groups swarming with questions about parenting and other relevant aspects. Identifying a problem that needed to be solved, Naiyya began Baby Chakra – a platform that helps parents access local services relating to parenting, maternity and child care. Parenting is a tough journey, but Baby Chakra is helping new parents breathe a little easier. Aditi Avasthi, Embibe: Competitive exams in India are the lifeblood of young students. They hold the coveted tickets for young high school and college graduates to enter prestigious educational institutions across the country. But the preparation for these exams has always been daunting. Out of her own experience in trying to prepare for an exam, Aditi decided to start Embibe, where the combination of data and technology helps create powerful personalized preparation routines for students so they can prepare better and ace their exams. Meena Ganesh, Portea Medical: An entrepreneurial champion who has been an integral part of many successful businesses, Meena Ganesh, along with her husband, acquired Portea Medical in 2013 and soon took over the reigns as the CEO. Today, Portea helps provide hospital-­quality health care services to people in the comfort of their own homes. This is especially beneficial to the elderly who don’t always have the strength and energy to run around hospital corridors in search of doctors and nurses. Prukalpa Sankar, Social Cops: Prukalpa learned early in her life that there wasn’t enough data to support the kind of decisions that were constantly being made in public life. The desire to help mine this data and encourage both public institutions and the citizenry to become key decision makers drove Prukalpa to start Social Cops. It’s a technology company that helps build precise data on important societal parameters like income and savings, access to health care, and the quality of infrastructure, thus enabling better decisions. 161

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Suggested measures •

• •

•

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The first step can be the focus of the policy-­making process with regard to women’s entrepreneurship, that is, an effort to initiate a change in traditional mindsets. This can be achieved through peer awareness programmes, training and supportive services with emphasis on gender sensitization. The education system curriculum can be so designed to help groom future entrepreneurs with basic knowledge and practical skills in management. The Government can set some priorities for women in terms of the allocation of industrial plots, sheds and other amenities. However precaution should be taken to penalize any kind of misuse. There should be adequate regulatory provisions. There should be an added emphasis on enhancing the standards for the education of women in general as well as for making effective provisions for the training, practical experience and personal development programmes to improve on their personality standards overall. Self-­help groups should be promoted for women entrepreneurs. There should be specific efforts to help women access finance. There should be bank and regulatory policies which accept less traditional forms of collateral, look at borrowers’ willingness to repay and simplify business registry. There should be efforts to develop innovative loan and savings products for female entrepreneurs. Last but not least, there should be all-­India forums to discuss problems, grievances and issues of women entrepreneurs. Complaints against constraints or shortcomings in the economic progress of women entrepreneurs should be addressed by authorities, and adequate measures should be taken to facilitate more entrepreneurship in the long run.

Social entrepreneurship holds the key for future development in India. In the days to come, social entrepreneurs will play a crucial role in the advancement of social changes. The best thing about social entrepreneurship is that success is measured not by financial gains but by the number of people these enterprises are able to reach and thereby create a positive impact. In the coming days, social entrepreneurship and social businesses will be in the mainstream substantially, which will hopefully impact the society positively. Entrepreneurship is presently the most discussed and encouraged concept all over the world in overcoming economic challenges. Women, being the vital gender in the overall population, have a great capacity and potential to be the contributors in the overall economic development of any nation. Therefore, programmes and policies need to be customized to not just encourage entrepreneurship but also to implement strategies which can help support entrepreneurial culture among youth. Media has the potential to play the most vital role in entrepreneurial development by creating and highlighting all such platforms which can bring out the creativity and innovation among women and men to grow the entrepreneurship culture in society. Developing countries are definitely in dire need of encouraging women entrepreneurship as the women’s workforce is promptly available to exploit the unexplored dimensions of business ventures. Generally speaking, the global business world has realized and is working on a war footing to create entrepreneurship as the final remedy to overcome all types of business and market challenges. Independence has brought promise of equality of opportunity in all spheres to Indian women, and laws guaranteeing their equal rights of participation in the political process and equal opportunities and rights in education and employment have been enacted. But unfortunately, the government-­sponsored development activities have benefited only a small section of women. The large majority of them are still unaffected by change, and development activities have benefited only a small section of women i.e., urban middle-­class women. 162

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Women are willing to take up business and contribute to the nation’s growth. Their role is being recognized, and steps are being taken to promote women entrepreneurship. A resurgence of entrepreneurship is the need of the hour. Women entrepreneurs must be moulded properly with entrepreneurial traits and skills to meet changing trends and challenging global markets and also be competent enough to survive and strive in the local economic arena. Women are an important human resource of the nation, and every state should try to utilize them as mediators of economic growth and development. Women entrepreneurs should be encouraged, but unfortunately the traditional mindset of society and negligence of the respective authorities are important obstacles in women entrepreneurship development in India. Apart from the responsibility of the state and society, the absence of a definite agenda of life, the absence of balance between family and the career obligations of women, the poor degree of financial freedom for women, the absence of direct ownership of the property by women, the paradox of entrepreneurial skill and finance in economically rich and poor women, no awareness about capacities, a low ability to bear risks, problems of working with male workers, negligence by financial institutions, lack of self-­confidence, lack of professional education, mobility constraints and a lack of interaction with successful entrepreneurs are major problems for women entrepreneurship development in India. Therefore, there is a need for a continuous attempt to inspire, encourage, motivate and cooperate with women entrepreneurs; awareness programmes should be conducted on a mass scale with the intention of creating awareness among women about various areas in which to conduct business. Indian women social entrepreneurs have come up with innovative ideas which have impacted the lives of thousands of people in terms of their sustainability and scalability. They are making great strides in addressing social problems and bringing about transformational change. They are scripting and inspiring stories and graduating from being contributors to being among the global leaders in their league. The emergence of a new generation of more such young women social entrepreneurs is an important investment towards India’s bright future. Indian companies have realized the potential of social entrepreneurs and are offering them active support in creating larger businesses with greater social impact. From recognizing their work to offering them financial assistance and mentorship, companies are working in the area of social enterprise development. Even the Millennium Development Goals have an intensified focus on promoting gender equality and empowering women. Indian women social entrepreneurs are an important catalyst for societal innovation and progress. They have shown remarkable results on the issues that are important to women: improving health care and education, ending violence, and moving past victimization to attaining leadership roles. These are also shared global goals for a peaceful society. We respect the spirit of these social entrepreneurs, especially the women social entrepreneurs, who aspire to transform the development landscape of India.

Bibliography Bank, A. D. 2012. “India Social Enterprise Landscape Report.” Asian Development Bank 5. Benard, M. C., and K. R. Victor. 2013. “SWOT Analysis of Growth of Women Entrepreneurs in Dar es Salaam.” Academic Research International 4 (1): 50–58. Bhalla, Nita. 2014. “Social Entrepreneurs Battle Bureaucracy, Need Help to Expand.” Returns.com, April 10. Jayan, V. K. 2013. “Women Entrepreneurship in MSME (with special reference to Coimbatore city).” International Journal of Advanced Research 1 (4): 321–25. Khanna, Ajay. 2015. “Women Social Entrepreneurs are Driving Transformation.” Livemint, October 29. Kumar, N. B., and S. Gugloth. 2012. “Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in the 21st Century.” ZENITH International Journal of Business Economics and Management Research 2 (5): 23–38.

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Rekha Panwar Khosla Singh, A., and M. Raina. 2013. “Women Entrepreneurs in Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises.” International Journal of Management and Social Sciences Research 2 (8): 4–8. Subramanyam, P., and B. R. Reddy. 2012. “Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in India: An Overview.” VSRD International Journal of Business and Management Research 2 (11): 532–39. Times of India. 2012. “Social Entrepreneurship Holds Key to Future Development.” December 10. Verma, N. M. P.  1990. “Female Labour and Work Participation: Validity of the Existing Hypothesis.” Manpower Journal XXVI (4) (October–December). Verma, N. M. P. 1998. “Determinants of Women Workers Participation: Notes on Some Interdisciplinary Controversies.” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 34 (1) (July), New Delhi. Vishy. 2012. “India’s Most Impactful Social Enterprises.” Techsangam, February 16.

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14 TIME ALLOCATION IN TELEVISION NEWS CONTENT Vikash Singh

Approximately 25  years ago, the problem of regulation in the television industry was felt in India. The audiovisual media industry turned into a multi-­network industry. If we are looking for secondary data, Doordarshan (DD) was the only and the dominant television channel from 1959 to 1990. Doordarshan used to broadcast only for two hours, and for that two hours’ slot, people used to wait to watch. In this sense, the two-­hour time slot might be called the Prime Time slot during those years. After 2000 onwards, there is a conventional pattern i.e. evening is considered Prime Time, which varies from channel to channel in terms of how many hours will be included in the Prime Time slot. However, television journalists as of now accept morning, afternoon and evening time as Prime Time, and as per the different genre, there is division of Prime Time slot from time to time, but very often journalists disagree with this phenomenon. The Prime Time slot leads to TRP, and TRP depends upon the media content being offered to viewers round the clock so that maximum profit can be achieved. Recently, the Government of India has raised the foreign direct investment (FDI) limit in electronic media to 100% through the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB), which results in foreign capital flow leading to the use of the latest media technology to change content as per the so-­called public interest. The process of globalization has changed the face of Indian media (The Hindu 2018), and media has been seen as infected with foreign culture (NYT 2014). This infection makes it clear that the Government of India has far less control over Indian media, especially television news channels. The scene is that the fourth pillar of Indian democracy is being run by foreign countries; we may wonder how much is our media safe? However, Indian news media cannot be kept away from social, economic and political changes, change happening either in India or abroad. Television as a traditional form of journalism is accepting new media pressure to compete in the news media market because users of new media are viewers of online television. The television news media has accepted new media, i.e., online television, Facebook streaming, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, etc. and users of these new media are viewers of television leading to the expansion of television. However, news is being manufactured rather than being collected, and there is very nominal coverage or no coverage of social welfare–based news or features leading to widening socio-­economic inequality. However, what should the shape of neat-­and-­clean journalism be? Are we standing somewhere else off the real path of social responsibility? Understanding the need of the hour, managers of television news media should encourage common people to participate in the democratic, social and political system. 165

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Globalised Indian news media, especially television news media, is devoting time slots to religious leaders for costly advertisement rather than society. There is a meagre amount of coverage of news related to corruption, inequality and injustice rooted in Indian democracy, all for the sake of public interest and TRP. After privatisation in 1991, new tools and techniques of advertising management and marketing were innovated, and hence consumerist culture changed the face of Indian media, especially of the television industry. Besides these factors, there was one more reason to liberalize broadcast media: If we had government control over private Indian media, this would be an attack on the right to free speech and expression, leading to a loss for common people. Media imperialism, commercialization and the political economy has manipulated the direction of the free Indian media after 1991 (McQuail and Karen 2001). Hence, media is lost somewhere in the world of infotainment. Even after independence (1947), today we have millions of poor in our country, and they are dependent upon only small land portions for farming activities. To reduce or eliminate this level of poverty is the responsibility of our media houses by making government aware of conditions and pushing government into action. But our media is busy protecting and illuminating our leaders and businessmen/industrialists, resulting in misfortune for those who are needy and economically backward. As Indian economy is a mixed economy and media is part of it, our common people should benefit by it rather than being misguided. Television has been considered a catalyst for social change, making millions. The number of regional news channels is increasing with the help of advanced satellite technology. The news should not be telecast by keeping local interests in mind; rather it should be based on national interests.

TRP and journalists In the race for ratings, television news reporters present news in the form of entertainment to maintain TRP and hence profit margin for their media groups (Pande 2014). Who are they running after so far? The journalists are found to be full of pride instead of information, and they are seen reporting irrelevant news items. They are confused about questions asked or raised at the time of field reporting, or they are found to have no clue about the event or incidence. All of these drawbacks have given birth to packed journalism. Paucity of time has forced television journalists to report such news items in such manner that trustworthiness in news is on its back foot. To compete with hundreds of news channels in the media market, real news reporting has gone this way. Hence TRP ratings are secured to earn more revenue for media houses and conglomerates. Channels, such as CNN, have hired experienced people from the world of entertainment to produce infotainment material. We can say that the boundary between news and entertainment is being demolished, leading to casual spectatorship (Thussu 2007). The economist James Hamilton propounded a relevant model which helped to define the right direction and condition of news manufacturing. News content is being offered as per TRP. It means news is being manufactured and offered as per public interest, cost in coverage, expectation of viewers and as per competitor’s actions. Hamilton comments that soft news is greater and better than hard news, whereas broadcasters sell audiences to advertisers by running after hard news. Probably, this is the reason that the format of Prime Time is changing fast when hard news and soft news, mixed with entertainment, are being offered to maximise the profit of broadcasters. Hence it is acceptable that debates and discussion-­based programmes are rated high, leading to high profit because they are infotainment based. According to Hamilton, as the number of news channels increases, the number of those channels which broadcast soft news will increase. Infotainment is an indicator which reknowned thinker Makchesni named 166

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the age of commercialisation, or this may be called the age of hyper-­commercialisation where each element of mediated communication is made a commodity, meaning commodification.

Fourth estate versus TRP When we ask a layman whether the fourth estate has vanished, the layman will disagree to this assumption, but its reality is almost the same. Private television news channels, considering their own profit motive, are localising news content by opening city or regional television channels. Unlike news channels, they seem to be just like general merchant shops (Kirana Stores) which are either promoting the products of their owners, or they are working for their own interests (EPW 2014). If works of the Press Council of India (PCI), the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB), the National Broadcasting Association (NBA) and the Editors Guild of India (EGI) are to write and broadcast news, their value is at stake. Our country must must achieve many parameters of development. Yet, despite there being more than 600 television channels and more than 50,000 newspapers, 80% of our public is dependent upon agriculture only in the name of development. Most of our farmers possess very small landholdings for their survival. Development and agriculture-­based coverage should be given preference so that farmers can learn about different government schemes. This type of coverage will also help those who are illiterate. Media should strive to spread awareness; otherwise government will keep on formulating different policies and schemes that carry forward no benefits to farmers. There will be only formality in the name of development (Rommani 2014). Public participation is a must for development, and media may help to spread awareness among farmers and common people as required. When we discuss news related to development, we find media somewhat behind. However, many events and calamities, such as the Uttarakhand flood in the year 2013, have been covered by media with zeal and enthusiasm, but it is seen as a very rare coverage. News items are pressed or suppressed and not seen many times because they carry less TRP and thus less revenue or profit. Digitalization helped television media to grow, but the competitive environment among different news channels for TRP can be seen as a TRP war. The TRP war is diminishing value-­based journalism, leading to future challenges for media regarding credibility. Competition among different news channels for television rating points may swallow them one by one. Therefore, media will have to think with spirituality and not fight for TRP to safeguard credibility. Most television anchors are women whose face is made a gateway to sell news in the media market. These female anchors can’t allow long hair styles below the shoulders; otherwise they will be sacked by the media owners. This is something of a situation in media for working women in media, especially electronic news media. Media owners are ready to do whatever is required to maintain/achieve TRP. According to Arnab Goswami, Editor-­in-­ Chief, Times Now, youngsters are offered more jobs in television news media because this news medium requires more energy and youngsters have more energy (Raman 2011). It means working journalists will be sacked when they get old. Very often, Prime Time news is primed to its maximum extent to attract or force audiences to watch television, and later audiences tend to dislike anchor priming the news content or event. However, this is compulsory for anchors to follow priming in order to achieve TRP; otherwise he or she loses a job. Following the Hashtag culture, freedom of media is being attacked, even though it has been left free to avoid interference with its content. Is media free today? This is a growing question mark: Are television news channels capable of playing the role of fourth estate? According to a report of the SC Mallik committee constituted for Doordarshan TV channel, “Television is a medium of advertisement.” As per the report, we have to make fundamental changes to our ideology if we want to apply economic policies after liberalization. The 167

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committee also recommended modifications in the code of conduct for advertisements. You will never find fat women or pregnant women anchoring a television show or event because she has far less virginity. Hence, women having slim bodies, beautiful faces and hair not below the shoulders are seen on the television screen (Chaturvedi 2012). According to Mcquanil, the audience is considered a market, and therefore, to make audiences happier, media must generate more revenue to make media owners happier. The Mitra Committee favoured self-­regulation, and television news channel owners and editors are also going the same route. Then where is the problem? Does that mean that channels are committing mistakes? According to Bagdikian Market dominant corporations in the mass media have dominant influence over the public news, information, public ideas, popular culture, and political attitudes. The same corporations exert considerable influence within government precisely because they influence their audience’s perceptions of public life, including perceptions of politics and politicians as they appear, or do not appear, in the media (McQuial and Karen 2001).

Censorship and media Is it private censorship? Indian media is undermining democracy by way of private censorship and corporate conglomeration. It means continuous restrictions on Indian media, which is regarded as free. And thus corporate and politicians are using its advantage in an unfair manner. Journalists are told to change their writing and editorials to give maximum advantage to these high-­profile leaders and corporate houses. Some journalists, like Rajdeep Sardesai and Sagarika Ghosh, have left TV18 just for the sake of their own credibility. Are the days of emergency at the time of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi returning, when Indian media houses were told to bend? Our media owners and stakeholders are guiding journalists about how to write, how to manipulate and manufacture news and editorials. According to Rajdeep Sardesai, former editor-­in-­chief at TV18, Indian media should assess its own soul. It’s at stake. When the media favours politicians like Arvind Kejriwal, it is criticized, and when the media criticizes the performance of the Kejriwal government in Delhi after its victory in the Lok Sabha polls, it is criticized. What the problem is this? It seems to be as though politicians are losing courage and media is losing credibility. Who owns your media? Recently, Mukesh Ambani, India’s richest entrepreneur bought Network by acquiring a majority stake of 78% in the organisation. Such a major stake in any media group is the first ever in India by any corporate. Who owns media? The reply is either politicians or corporate houses. As per a report published on www.newslaundary.com, DB Corporation Ltd. is owned by the Agrawal family. Here, Kasturi Devi Agrawal and Ramesh Chandra Agrawal are leading the group by holding stakes through their sons and daughters-­in-­law. The Government of Singapore, ICICI Prudential, Nalanda India Equity Fund Pvt. Ltd., Bhopal Financial Services Pvt. Ltd. and others hold major stakes in DB Corporation Ltd. (Dainik Bhaskar Corporation Ltd.). It defines that the majority of the stake is held by a promoter group. Deccan Herald, a national English daily, is owned by T. Venkatraman Reddy by holding a stake of 12.2%, and the chairman is the son of the late Congress MP T Chandrashekhar and nephew of Congress MP T Subbirami Reddy. Religare holds a 14.48% of stake in the group. Will the media house not favour the Congress party and corporate holding stake in it? Shobhana Bharatiya, daughter of KK Birla, by holding a major stake of 68.83%, promotes Hindustan Times. Misses Bharatiya is mother of Shamit Bharatiya, who is director of the HT Media and the husband of Nayantara Kothari, niece of Mukesh and Anil Ambani. Will the group not favour Ambani Brothers? HDFC Standard Life, ABP, SBI Life and HPC Mauritius Ltd are a few more corporates who have stakes in HT Media. Radhika Roy promotes NDTV by holding a stake 168

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of 16.32% and Dr Pranoy Roy by holding a stake of 15.94%. Radhika is sister of Rajya Sabha MP Brinda Karat. Oswal Greentech Ltd., by Abhey Oswal, has a stake of 14.17% in NDTV group. In addition, Abhey is father-­in-­law of Congress MP Naveen Jindal. Will the group speak against Jindal or Karat? Raghav Bahl has chaired network 18 with the motto of “Enable, Enlighten and Entertain,” since its inception, and he carries a stake of 0.07%. Bahl is brother of Vandana Malik holding a stake of 0.13%. Now the first name displayed is Mukesh Ambani with a majority stake in the group by taking control from Raghav Bahl (Bahree 2014). Who could not have guessed sooner? These are a few examples which prove media is captured in the hands of corporates and politicians. However, the decline in the worth of news and its value has been due to the poor performance of editors because they shorten the lengths of worthwhile news reports. Editors have taken the place of proprietors, lobbyists and very proud personalities. The term “lobbying” is very famous in media, and it means that the media is mediated and that the primary role of some lobbyists like Neera Radia has come into the limelight with the help of recordings by investigators. With the help of lobbyists such as Neera Radia, politicians and corporates come closer to being media persons and become capable of fabricating news content. Radia’s recordings are one issue to be addressed. There are many such faces of Indian media houses who are trying to gain from manufactured and fabricated content. And if the public is to take part in the ownership of media and also demand fairness and positive change in society, how is this possible? Indian media are politically free and should remain free, but to date a handsome stake is owned by the aforesaid people, and thus the media is looking controlled and censored enough. So media is not quite free and fair, and is this not what private censorship is? Politicians such as Ashok Chavan has been caught in a paid news controversy and faces charges with enough evidence; however, for the time being, the decision has been stayed about whether to finally charge him or relieve him under whatever circumstances. During elections, the Representation of the People Act, 1951, Companies Act, 1956, and Income Tax, 1956, among other laws, are violated by politicians with regard to paid news and gaining the favour of the public. According to P Sainath, the phenomenon of paid news goes beyond the corruption of individual journalists and media companies. It has become pervasive, structured and highly organised and, in the process, is undermining democracy in India. Why is their number so low? And with regard to poll expenses, one politician spends lakhs and crore to gain the favour of public. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) is yet into the process of forming some laws and regulations to curb this practice of paid news, which is suppressing our freedom and preventing us from knowing the truth, which is the first and most important principle of journalism. Authorities such as the Press Council of India (PCI), Media Certification and Monitoring Committee (MCMC) formed in 2012 by ECI, Election Commission of India (ECI) and Telephone Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) have been requested to form a number of principles and regulations to relieve our democracy from such private censorship and let us see that our free media is free. TRAI has recently submitted to newly formed Modi government a new set of guidelines to curb paid news practices. Socio-­ economic inequalities area change: India is a developing country; therefore, inequalities prevail in every sector. The government in power works to reduce these inequalities and makes efforts to bring equity. In the same row, media should also give more coverage to social and developmental news, but there is different scenario. When we discuss the role of media in reducing socio-­economic inequalities, its owners say who will feed us and meet our expenses in coverage? There are rising socio-­economic inequalities due to this irresponsible attitude of media, especially TV news channels. 169

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Television was started for development purposes in 1959, but it has become a mouthpiece for the government in power. Doordarshan was controlled by the government and funded by the government. Today, television news media is being controlled and operated by the urban middle or higher class and has lost sight of its goal of development. This is a major setback to the poor class. In 1991, the government of India liberalized, privatized and globalized the Indian economy. The policy of deregulation formed the television industry into a professional environment and commercialized media products like a retail store being run with a profit motive. If we trust in theory and research, we find mass media can act as a positive agent of social change for some people while not for others who impede and obstruct change. The definition of development was broadened to the promotion of social change, leading to the improvement in people’s quality of living by encouraging better health, higher liberty and higher production of goods through more effective communication (Rodrigues and Ranganathan 2015). If the television news media will pay attention to the marginal and poor sections of society, inequalities will automatically be reduced whether these are social or economic inequalities. As there will be increasing coverage of social and developmental news, the social status of that particular marginal community will be improved. Professional and commercial media, especially private television news channels, compete among themselves because they have to meet high levels of expenses to broadcast news content. But at some point they have to act as a fourth estate; they have also to take care of this particular community to stop the widening of social and economic inequality. After the UPA regime, which failed on the grounds of corruption prevailing in the nation’s system, BJP came to power in May 2014 by a trust vote. The only difference seen has been that BJP curtailed the flowing rate of inflation during the UPA regime. And nothing further has been changed as per Economic Survey 2016–17. The gross domestic product growth rate, per capita income and overall target of investments are going downwards. Hence, neither the economy is doing well nor its people (EPW, 2018). The so-­called two game changers – the currency ban and the Goods and Services Tax (GST) – proved to be futile, for our growth rate is leading to a downturn in the per capita income of common people. In the Union Budget 2018–2019, there are tall claims made by government regarding the proposed expenditure in the budget. Somewhere, there only choice left is for the Modi government to invest more and more in the interest of our economy and in the expected growth to be achieved. There is an urgent need to invest in order to secure employment, to increase PCI and thus to secure the livelihoods of people. Investment data is available only up to 2015–16. This data proves a consistent reduction of the investment rate–gross capital formation as a percentage of GDP from around 39% in 2011–12 to 33.3% in 2015–16. The fixed investment rate has declined by 5 percentage points over the period of 2015–16 and by another 2 percentage points in 2016–17. This indicates a significant decline in 2017–18 (EPW, 2018). In this decline, NPAs (bad loans) are also one of the reasons seen, along with the twin balance sheet system. As per data, the real GDP will grow at the rate of 6.5% during 2017–18. As per GVA, farmers’ income will come down this financial year. As per estimates of National Income, 2017–18, released by the Central Statistics Office (CSO), our economy is the slowest it’s been in the last four years due to the previously mentioned two game changers (EPW, 2018). Thus we should watch this degrading economic situation which may lead our citizens to a worse state and may widen socio-­economic inequalities. As per analysis, until investments and exports are held back from increasing, there are only the lowest chances of achieving the growth rate which was much criticized during the UPA regime. Economic Survey estimates are directly related to the CSO survey, and hence these are connecting to Aam Admi (common people). BJP came to power also to control inflation and create employment opportunities in the short run. But out of these two goals, only one is 170

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achieved and one is unachieved. At last, we find out that the government in power is responsible for narrowing widening socio-­economic inequalities in either the UPA or BJP regime. Even welfare schemes could not receive much capital for investment, despite the much discussed Pradhan Mantri Gramin Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) or any other scheme. However, stocks in Bombay Stock Exchange and Nifty were reported booming since BJP came into power after more than a decade.

Rating agency, news media and freedom India is the world’s largest democracy. Our mass media culture has been transformed into a communications network. India’s population is over 1.1 billion. Instead of Television Audience Measurement (TAM), a private rating body, there is the Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC), constituted now by government. The BARC India board elected Nakul Chopra as its chairman. Here, this is to make clear that BARC brought a higher level of transparency than TAM, and this leads to continuous healthy competition among news channels in India. Healthy competition among news channels may shrink widening socio-­economic inequalities in Indian society. As per Justice Markandey Katju: The media often diverts the attention of the people from the real issues to non-­issues. The real issues in India are socio-­economic, the terrible poverty in which 80% of our people are living, the massive unemployment, the price rise, lack of medical care, education and backward social practices like honor killing, etc. Overall, ratings are the main issue in an open market, of news media because advertisers can be attracted only by achieving ratings. Doordarshan TV channel was launched for development in India, but it could not compete with private news networks due to its poor ratings (Bansal 2014). For this, it is required to overhaul DD’s style of news coverage and production. DD has to focus on new production techniques to groom and grow in the private media market. Thus the network (DD) will contribute to development of the nation to reduce socio-­economic inequalities. It is worth mentioning here that about 9  million people migrated in 2016 for work or livelihood to other cities than their own native places, as reported in Census. In January 2018 issue of Economic and Political Weekly, this was reported that politicians and political parties are controlling media via one or another form of censorship. Thus the climate for journalism in India has grown adverse in the last year as per the India Freedom Report 2017 by the website Hoot. As per this report, 11 journalists were killed and the reasons for their deaths are not known except for three cases which are directly connected to their work. Twenty-­seven journalists were detained, arrested or had cases filed against them, and 46 journalists were attacked. India is also going low in the rankings of press freedom due to restrictions in place to cover belts like Gorakhaland in the state of Assam. Our central government and government in different states are deliberately silent on these murders and attacks of media persons. This may be called one type of censorship. Now, this is to ask clearly how will our democracy proceed in right direction if these killings continue? If our democracy will not function in the right way, there may be widening levels of socio-­economic inequalities. 1

The fact is that the growth rate of GDP (gross domestic product) has come down to 5.7% in the first quarter of 2017–18, while it was 7.9% in the corresponding period of the previous year. 171

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2

3

Stocks of food grains (rice and wheat) held by FCI as of September 1, 2017, was 48.2 million tons, compared to 42.8  million tons as on September  2016; i.e. growth has been reported in stocks held by FCI. The index of Industrial Production and production of eight core infrastructure industries grew in August 2017 as compared to August 2016.

Overall, economic condition took a reverse direction after the two game changers. Investment in health and education is a must for India to compete at the global scale. A World Bank blog tells us that Prof Amartya Sen argues that China is successful for its investment in health and education which fuels its explosive growth.

Content analysis Qualitative analysis of available literature and video broadcasted recorded (Aaj Tak and IBN-­7) was chosen as secondary and primary data for simultaneous analysis. The duration of video recorded is as per the purpose or objectives of my research. This content has given me a deep insight into carrying on my research work. Observation method: I  have also taken focused observation as a tool for executing this research work. Case study: Mukesh Ambani has invested crores of rupees into TV18. Sampling method: Purposive sampling method Interview method: I interviewed Sumit Awasthi and Ravish Kumar. Broadcasts of Aaj Tak and IBN-­7 during the Delhi Assembly Election, 2015, has been taken as data to analyse on the basis of purposive sampling. Broadcasted video has been played and played back on a purposive basis to draw relevant findings. Both of the aforementioned channels had been engaged in coverage of political campaigns live during the assembly election 2015. No survey method has been chosen. The independent variable is TRP orientation during the Delhi Assembly Election 2015 by Aaj tak and IBN-­7. This is endorsed as the commercial and non-­social stand of news media. The dependent variables are profit motives and political parties which sought help from the media on the basis of unidentified claims. Thirty-­six hours of video were taken on a purposive basis. The video strength might prove whether media was partial or impartial. Watching video on the basis of dependent and independent variables, some conclusions have been drawn. The video of 36 hours’ duration has supported my research work to authenticate results which seem to be reliable or are reliable. The literature study has supported the descriptive analysis and the qualitative end. The interview of Sumit Awasthi, News Head, News18, and Dr Ravish Kumar, Anchor and Journalist, NDTV India, helped me to gain knowledge on the research title. They defined my every question by giving me new insight into this research work. The result has shown that media focused on TRP during the Delhi Assembly Election, 2015. Factors such as the Anna movement, named as India against corruption and corruption in the Congress regime, helped Kejriwal to win. However, the political economy of media, especially electronic media, is yet not proved well. But facts derived in this study may help future researchers and media persons in carrying this work forward. Data collected with the help of recordings and interviews of experts has been analysed on the basis of three factors: TRP, Prime Time and revenue generation by news media. The 172

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whole video recorded was played and analysed. This is also to inform that data collected by newsroom observation has proved very valuable and throws a light on the contemporary news media scene. The objectives of study are: 1 2

To find out the shifting role of television from development to the profit motive To understand interrelationship between TRP and revenue as the main cause

One model propounded Is media undemocratic? A market model can truly be propounded as there is a rapid downturn in the reliability of news reports and news-­based programmes. The model is Sustainable Existence Model of Media. When we discuss the market model, we find that it stresses profit earning and satisfaction of audience needs. Media houses decide on the definition of public interest as per what the audience wishes to watch, read or listen to. Markets have an exclusive motto of profit and then customer satisfaction, so it is quite a different concept from the public sphere model of media. There is no space in the market for poor and sick people as the market is more competitive and globalised after economic reforms. If the media stops focusing on profit, then too it may not be sustainable with better media content and the public sphere model of media. We can propound a model, Sustainable Existence Model of Media, to define the current scenario of media market and public interest. The model defines the whole obligation of the market and media moguls with regard to profit earning and dependency on market conditions. Media houses seek help from politicians, political parties and corporate houses by way of direct investment or indirect investment, i.e. buying shares issued by media houses through third parties in order to retain public interest and sustain it in the market; the same process may also be categorized as paid news to influence media content according to one’s self interest. A recent example of the 1 crony capitalism of the Ambani family may be seen in buying shares of IBN-­7 by disinvesting crores of rupees from Ramoraoji’s Enadu Television. The Sustainable Existence Model of Media is to a large extent an undemocratic and totally corporate model of media in which there are five elements. The element of “Share Buying” defines that there are politicians or corporate houses or businesspersons who invest in media houses via share buying. The element “Paid News” define that media telecasts publish some content by taking money from groups or individuals who want to buy space or time. The element “Profit Earning” defines that media earns profit by way of advertisements. The second to last element of “Monopoly in Market” defines that media conglomerates have monopolized the media market and that a few big ones have captured and hold a large market in their hands. The last element defines that crony capitalism is spread throughout media market and that big busines spersons and politicians have put money into an illegal way to gain space, time and favour from the media side to flourish.

Conclusion Thus it is seen that media is partially undemocratic and professional. According to Justice Markadey Katju, Chairman, Press Council of India, “Media is anti-­human.” Punya Prasun Vajpeyee, Zee News, says that it is true that more than 250 journalists work for corporates 173

Vikash Singh

by putting aside media ethics. Media ethics is a slave to the balance sheet today. According to Pankaj Pachauri: Media has to decide today whether it wants to do politics, to earn profit in a corporate face or to do journalism. We journalists have to think deeply about how to cover political news stories and publish them so that people could not oppose us as journalists. All things remaining the same, journalists are supposed to be free and fair and owners of media houses have to let them work in that direction freely without any such type of private censorship which is defaming media and its persons. In sum, here are the observations: • • • • • • •

• • •

Different stakeholders in media houses are politicians and businessmen. TRP measurement agency may affect rating and thus advertisement and revenue of a particular news channels or group of news channels. The Prime Time slot carries the highest viewership pattern and thus generates the highest revenue for news channels. Editors, news heads and journalists are forced by their owners or media managers to mould or fabricate news items to fulfil their profit motives. Profit motives of media owners are causing widening socio-­economic inequalities. The Doordarshan television channel was started for a development agenda, and later private channels came along for profit motives. Private news channels have high TRP in comparison to DD, and thus the later has less impact on viewers, leading to a failure to promote development as an agenda at the national and global scales. Press freedom is at risk, and therefore Indian media is creeping, which leads to maximum government control. High investments are required to maintain a high rate of GDP growth. The economy is going slowly after 2015, both at the centre and in different states.

The Prime Time slot is highly concerned with gaining television rating points, and hence this is concerned with generating revenues. The effort has been made to derive how there are socio-­economic inequalities and what is the role of Indian media in reducing or widening these inequalities. Journalists are paid for coverage which generates TRPs, and they are somehow bound to follow the instructions of media owners. TRPs are the primary agenda for news channels instead of social and developmental coverage. Media is paid and somewhat concerned with the profit motive and hence ignore social liabilities and responsibilities. After two game changers brought by BJP, our economy is slow but moving towards better future prospects than before. The suggestion is to invest more and more into the country’s economy to achieve a better GDP growth rate. To avoid widening socio-­economic inequalities, news media should not be controlled by our rulers. Journalists’ killings are a major concern. Doordarshan’s development agenda should be followed by private news channels. Media must adopt a nationalistic approach.

Bibliography Bahree, M. 2014. “Reliance Takes Over Network18: Is This the Death of Independence?” May 30. Bansal, S. 2018. “Can Doordarshan Compete with Private News Channels?” www.google.com/amp/s/ www.livemint.com/opinion/

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Time allocation in television news content Chaturvedi, J. 2012. Janmadhyam Praudyogiki Aur Vichardhara, 100–1. New Delhi: Anamika Publishers & Distributors Pvt. Ltd. Economic and Political Weekly. 2018a. “Focus on Investment.” February 17. Economic and Political Weekly. 2018b. “Creeping Un-­freedoms.” February 17. Economic and Political Weekly. 2018c. “All Dressed Up But Going Nowhere.” February 17. Economic and Political Weekly. 2018d. “The Economy and the People.” February 17. Editorial. 2014a. “Fourth Estate That Vanished.” EPW (May 24): 8–9. Editorial. 2014b. “India’s Press under Seize.” The New York Times, Opinion Pages, July 28. McQuail, Denis, and Siune Karen. 2001. Media Policy Convergence, Concentration and Commerce. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd. Pande, Shashank. 2014. “Tam for Some Truths About TRPs.” Newslaundry, June 4. Raman, Anuradha. 2011. “The Under-­30 Gospel.” Outlook (October 31): 10–11. Rodrigues, U. M., and M. Ranganathan. 2015. Maya, 1–4. New Delhi: Indian News Media, SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd. Rommani, S. S. 2014. “Television and Development Communication in India: A  Critical Appraisal.” Global Media Journal (July 28): 4–5. The Hindu. 2018. “Justice Markandey Katju on the Role of Media in India.” February 17. Thussu, Daya Kishan. 2007. News as Entertainment, 76–81, 92–100. New Delhi: Sage Publications Ltd.

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15 SOCIO-­ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES IN THE AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL SECTORS Sarba N Mishra and Nirakar Pattanaik Orissa, now called Odisha, is a state of India. The population resides in its villages. The statements seem to be more appropriate when considered from the analysis of the available socio-­ economic information of Orissa. As per the 2011 Census, 83.31% of the total population of the state lives in rural areas. The state of Orissa, created on April 1, 1936, in pursuance of the Government of India (constitution of Orissa) order 1936. Presently, it has 30 districts. The state of Orissa happens to be one of the most backward states in India. Along with the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, Orissa is one of the most mineralized states in India, with its share of the all-­India estimated stock of some important minerals [bauxite (59.50%), chinaclay (31.50%), chromite (98.40%), coal (24.80%), dolomite (17.90%), graphite (71.00%), iron ore (32.90%), limestone (2.10%) and manganese ore (67.60%)]. In all cases, these shares are much greater than the average state’s shares of all-­India levels. We examine the influence of social divisions of the availability of public goods in rural Orissa and social fragmentation based on the Hindu caste system. Many indicators are taken into consideration to find the inequalities among the people of rural Orissa. Orissa is the 11th most populous state in India and home to 42 million people. Poverty was reduced sharply in the state after 2005 but is still very high. (See Table 15.1.) Districts in the south and west are among the poorest in the country, and the state is home to 14 million poor. Growth is higher than in some low-­income states but has slipped below the national average in the recent period. Consumption inequality has increased marginally after 2005, mostly in urban areas, but it has a trickle-­down effect in rural India. The district level studies conducted on spatio-­temporal variations on level of agricultural development of India reveal vast variations in yields across crops and districts (Bhalla and Alagh 1979). Chand, Garg, and Pandey (2009) observed wide variations in agricultural productivity across districts. A study by Ajagekar and Masal (2011) on agricultural development in Kolhapur district of Maharashtra reveals glaring disparities across the tehsils and even higher inequalities across the villages at the grassroot level. The study done by Patra, R. (2011) reveals that Bargarh, Sambalpur, Subarnapur and Bhadrak districts of Odisha are among the most developed districts with consistently high CADI scores. The State of Odisha occupies an important place in the country, having a high concentration of Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste populations. As per the latest 2011 census, it is 176

Agricultural and rural sectors Table 15.1  Demography of Orissa Total population Scheduled Tribes (ST) population Scheduled Caste (SC) population Percentage of ST population Percentage of SC population ST communities no. SC communities no.

4,19,74,218 95,90,756 71,88,463 22.85 17.13 62 93

Source: Government of Odisha Portal & Census, 2011.

ranked third (numerically) in terms of ST population, whereas its position is 11th (numerically) in terms of SC population in the country. As mentioned in Table 15.1, Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes together constitute nearly 40% of the state’s total population (STs 22.85% and SCs 17.13%). Literacy rate in Orissa has seen an upward trend and is 72.87% as per the 2011 population census. Of that, male literacy stands at 81.59% while female literacy is at 64.01%. Among the SCs, it is 55.53%; the male literacy rate is higher than the female literacy rate, as males have 70.47% literacy and females only 40.33% literacy. Among STs, the literacy rate is 52.24% as per 2011 data. Among males, it is 72% and among females it is 24%. In the case of sex ratio, both SCs and STs are better than the state average. The sex ratio is 979 per 1,000 males. The sex ratio among SCs is 987, and among STs, it is 1,039, which is better than the state average. The condition of SCs is miserable in comparison to the other communities. (See Table 15.2.) The ST communities occupy the grazing land and some non-­arable land in maximum places in rural Orissa. The government land redistribution system under the Bhudan movement benefitted these people. The SC community hardly took interest in agriculture. So the landholding in Orissa is better for the STs, though the quality is not better. In comparison to the non-­SC and SC community, the condition of STs is much better. This indicates that most of the SC and ST communities work on the land but do not have land, so they work either as agriculture labourers or as serfs. (See Table 15.4.) Rural Orissa is still continuing the system of serfdom, though the rate decreased after the provision of social securities and BPL facilities to people. So the communities are associated with the land and primary sector mainly. This indicates that the SC communities are more miserable in comparison the ST and general community in owning lands for cultivation. (See Table 15.5.) They are parallel to the conditions in all India. In Orissa, the SC community depends on the service sector rather than agriculture. There is a difference between the urban and urban conditions; the conditions are more permanent in the urban areas than the rural areas. The temporary and semi-­permanent households are proportionately greater in the villages. The rapid growth of urbanisation and the government scheme also helped the SC community to sell some land and build houses. (See Table 15.6.) The condition indicates that urban housing is better than rural housing due to social securities and other economic activities due to the appreciation of the lands from urbanisation. The ST is not participating in self-­help groups (SHGs) in many areas as they still lack the community-­determined amount for the contribution. Secondly, in some areas, they have some social hindrances in in participating. They still lack the motivation and organisations to motivate them. (See Table 15.7.) The condition of the ST community is more miserable so far as the Antenatal Care (ANC) and Postnatal Care (PNC) are concerned, but the safe delivery rate is low due to low 177

Sarba N Mishra and Nirakar Pattanaik Table 15.2  Distribution of operational holding among Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes, Schedule Caste people having no land possession

Orissa All-­India

ST

SC

Non-­SC/ST

Average

33.3 35.5

52.8 56.5

35.9 37.8

38.5 41.6

Source: Census, 2011. Table 15.3  Growth in the proportion of households that do not cultivate land, by social group, rural India, 1993–94 to 2004–05 (in per cent)

Orissa All India

ST

SC

Non-­SC and ST

Average

 6.1 11.6

3.7 8.7

30.2 10.8

17.2 10.6

Source: Census, 2011. Table 15.4  Proportion of rural households that do not own any land other than homesteads (excluding cultivated part of homestead) as proportion of total households, 2003–04, by social groups (in per cent)

Orissa All India

ST

SC

Non-­SC/ST

Average

27.6 26.4

42.6 41.4

28.7 28.5

31.1 31.1

Source: Census, 2011. Table 15.5  Households by the types of structure (SC)

Rural Urban Total

Permanent

Semi-­permanent

Temporary

510,443 140,713 651,206

359,641  54,756 414,397

657,827  51,500 709,327

Permanent

Semi-­permanent

Temporary

413,987  67,642 481,629

939,042  51,425 981,467

741,493  29,825 771,318

Source: Census, 2011. Table 15.6  Household by type of structure (ST)

Rural Urban Total Source: Census, 2011

Table 15.7  Distribution of members in different castes participating in self-­help group Members

Total

SC

Total Percentage

5439 100

1110 20.41

ST 265 4.87

Source: Census, 2011

178

OBC

GEN

Minority

2258 41.51

1763 32.41

43  0.79

Agricultural and rural sectors

hygienic conditions and awareness, though they have high immunity and high physical endurance. (See Table 15.8.) The school dropout rate is high among the rural community in the age group 5–15. There are fewer schools in some areas, and some dropping out due to economic conditions. Conditions are better in the rural areas. (See Figure 15.1.) The divorce rate is relatively lower in the SC and ST communities as they lack the financial freedom and fear from the society. They accept the miseries as their own fate and accept the oppression as they are less literate. (See Figure 15.2.) Table 15.8  Maternal health inequality in Orissa Community

ANC

Safe delivery

PNC

SC ST OBC Others

19.8 14.6 27.1 32.8

49.7 26.0 61.0 71.9

30.9 16.5 35.8 40.6

Source: Census, 2011

Figure 15.1  Dropout rates

Figure 15.2  Divorce rate among the women of different social groups in Orissa Source: Census, 2011

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Sarba N Mishra and Nirakar Pattanaik

Disparities across districts and agro-­climatic zones Odisha has 30 administrative districts and 10 agro-­climatic zones. Since administrative division is given credence for policy making and planning purposes, we have analysed the spatial variations in agricultural development at the district level with some focus on the agro-­climatic zones. The districts have been ranked in descending order of their CADI scores. Instead of adopting arbitrary cutoff score points, we have attempted to differentiate the districts by their levels of agricultural performance through division into three equal groups. Accordingly, the top 10 districts have been categorized as the most developed, followed by the middle ranking of 10 developed districts and the 10 bottom-­ranking, less developed districts. Based on the study done by Patra (2011) three districts in the WCTL agro-­climatic zone (Bargarh, Sambalpur and Subarnapur) and one district in the NECP zone (Bhadrak) are among the 10 agriculturally most developed districts with consistently very high CADI scores in the three reference years. Interestingly, they have exchanged ranks within the top 10 category in those three years. The two districts in the WUZ (Kalahandi and Nuapada), which constitute the most backward among the proverbial KBK districts, are among the agriculturally least developed with abysmally low CADI scores in all three reference years. The Kandhamal NEG zone is the lone district in the state with a consistently moderate CADI score, for which it remained in the category of middle ranking/developed districts in all the years under reference. Barring these seven, the other 23 districts have different CADI scores for which their ranks and positions have changed across the reference years. Most of the districts in the coastal belt and central table land region are agriculturally more developed than others. Their plain, fertile and alluvial soil, their greater irrigation spread and higher fertiliser consumption, and their comparatively better rainfall are the enabling factors behind their more advanced agricultural development. On the contrary, a major portion of area sown in the rest of the districts and agro-­climatic zones are textured land with low organic matter and warm and humid climate; it is rain fed and drought prone, which may be responsible for their low level of agricultural development. The key indicators levels of overall development of agriculture have been markedly different across districts and agro-­climatic zones. But they do not yield any definite pattern, and

Table 15.9  District-­wise agro-­climatic zones Sl. no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Name of the agro-­climatic zone

Names of the districts

North Western Plateau (NWP) North Central Plateau (NCP) North Eastern Coastal Plain (NECP) East and South Eastern Coastal Plain (ESECP) North Eastern Ghat (NEG) Eastern Ghat High Land (EGHL) South Eastern Ghat (SEG) Western Undulating Zone (WUZ) Western Central Table Land (WCTL)

Sundargarh, Deogarh Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar Balasore, Bhadrak, Jajpur Cuttack, Jagatsingpur, Kendrapada, Puri, Khurdha, Nayagarh Ganjam, Gajapati, Rayagada, Phulbani Koraput, Nowragpur Malkangiri Kalahandi, Nuapada Bolangir, Sonepur, Boudh, Sambalpur, Baragarh, Jharsuguda Dhenkanal, Angul

Mid Central Table Land (MCTL)

Source: Government of Odisha 2011. “District Agriculture Statistics”

180

Agricultural and rural sectors Table 15.10  Distribution of operational holdings and area: operated by size, class of landholdings in rural Orissa Category of farmers

No of Holdings (Lakh nos.)

Area (lakh ha.)

Percentage to Total

Marginal (< 1.0 ha.) Small (1–2 ha.) Semi-­medium (2–4 ha.) Medium (4–10 ha.) Large (> 10 ha.) Total

22.95 11.14 5.00 1.45 0.13 40.67

11.55 15.44 13.44 8.17 2.21 50.81

23 30 27 16 4

Source: Census, 2011

considerable variations are found over the years under reference. Since we have measured agricultural performance in terms of the composite index technique, it is appropriate to examine the issue in terms of the underlying key indicators. For a number of indicators such as yield rates of food grains and paddy, cropping intensity, size of holdings and share of agriculture in total workers, the disparity across the districts has widened in the successive reference years i.e., the coefficients of variation have increased consistently. In respect to these indicators, the developed districts are marching ahead, while the backward ones are lagging behind. In terms of the share of area under cultivation in cultivable area, the disparity has considerably declined in 2006–07 over 2001–02 and then persisted at the same level. When we look at irrigation coverage, area under HYV paddy and consumption of fertilizer, disparities are found to have decreased in 2006–07 over 2001–02 but increased in 2011–12 over 2006–07. Inter-­district disparities in annual rainfall and percentage of area under non-­food crops are observed to have increased in 2006–07 over 2001–02 but decreased in 2011–12 over 2006–07. The disparities in CADI score, as explained earlier, have increased in 2006–07 and moderated only slightly in 2011–12 but stand higher than those in 2001–02. The moderation in disparities is indeed a welcome sign.

Conclusions and policy implications Agriculture is a prime sector of the economy of Odisha where industrial expansion has been limited due to various constraints. But the trend and pattern of agricultural development have been grossly uneven across time and space. Productivity of land, the most important measure of agricultural development, exhibits large disparities, and, worse still, the disparities are widening over the years. The CADI, constructed for the districts on the basis of some selected indicators at the three points of time chosen in the study, indicate that the leading and lagging districts have, by and large, maintained their agricultural development status over the period of 10 years (2001–02 to 2011–12). With few exceptions, normally most of the districts in the coastal belt and central table land region have occupied ranks in the class of 10 developed districts while most of the districts in the eastern ghat area have remained in the bottom 10 less developed category. Of course, some of the districts have been seen changing their ranks over the years under reference. Available evidence suggests that the large and yawning disparity is due to differences in location, topography, natural endowments, technology adoption, irrigation spread, crop diversification and commercialization in agriculture. Disparity anywhere is a threat to growth and development. If allowed to persist and grow, it will put the largest chunk 181

Sarba N Mishra and Nirakar Pattanaik

of population and a vital sector of the economy under duress. Given the emphasis on balanced and inclusive development, the imperatives of addressing disparity are well apparent. The following policy implications drawn from our study may be suggested to put the agricultural sector of the state in gear. We need to establish farming systems which are appropriate for and tolerant of sustainable agriculture. The existing practice of using more external inputs helps to tighten the control of external agencies on agriculture and disempower farmers. Large-­scale use of chemical fertilizer has reduced soil quality and done colossal damage to the land. Hence there is an urgent need for strengthening indigenous innovation for developing, disseminating and adopting affordable, suitable and effective technology and crop varieties. Development of less water-­intensive and more women labour–friendly technology assumes importance in this regard. Agricultural extension and training need to be oriented toward educating the farmers and expediting the process. Non-­availability of easy, affordable and dependable finance is a perennial problem in Odisha agriculture. Given the limitations of micro credit, RBI and NABARD need to develop an appropriate mechanism of greater financial inclusion in order to ensure the smooth flow of credit and subsidy to the really needy farmers. Plugging leakages in the delivery system will be the key in this context. Modern agriculture is water intensive, but irrigation coverage is very limited. Pani Panchayats are not performing as per expectations, and the government is withdrawing and avoiding responsibility. In the process, the farmers are getting little pani and less of panchayat. There is a need for effective government intervention to streamline the working of the irrigation system and increase public investment in agricultural infrastructure including irrigation. Agricultural development is polarized and exclusive. The lagging districts and agro-­climatic zones have specific and differentiated problems. Designing region-­and crop-­ specific strategies is very important in lessening disparity and resurrecting agriculture in the state. The government should formulate, adopt and implement area-­specific plans and a long-­ term policy to give a new direction to the state’s agriculture. The productivity level across various districts in this state has not shown large variations. Ranking the ratios of productivity in the lowest-­and highest-­productivity districts, Baragarh district is at the bottom with productivity close to Rs. 21,000 per hectare, and Phulbani is at the top with a productivity level of Rs. 53,500 per hectare. Other districts with productivity more than Rs. 50,000 per hectare are Jagatsinghpur and Puri. Besides Baragarh, productivity is below Rs. 25,000 per hectare in the Districts of Bolangir, Naworangpur, Nawapara, Sundergarh, Kalahandi and Mayurbhanj. Thirteen North American agronomists were sent to India to assess the possibilities of technological advancement in agricultural villages. They soon realized that it would be impossible to assist all of India’s 550,000 villages. As a result, the Intensive Agricultural Development Program was formed for especially selected areas best suited for agricultural development. These areas would then receive the material and financial resources of the entire country for technological advancement. The country of India comprises a multitude of different topographies, climates and soil types, or agro-­ecological zones. As a result, the modern varieties of seeds developed to increase production were not ecologically viable for all regions. The seed types developed simply were not versatile enough to be used consistently across the country. This provided the Intensive Agricultural Development Program with the criteria needed to select the different villages that would receive the technological packages developed by Green Revolution scientists. Eleven modern varieties of crops such as sorghum, millet and barley, which grew in mainly semiarid and dry land conditions, were not widely developed until the 1980s, and even then there was limited availability of these seeds. The most successful and highly distributed crops were rice, maize and wheat, which needed areas that had high rainfall or sufficient irrigation. 182

Agricultural and rural sectors

Of all of these, wheat was the most successful, causing states in the Northwest to fare particularly well because of their irrigation systems. Not only did this limit opportunities for farmers in arid regions, it resulted in only a portion of land suitable for growth to be utilized. This was due to the lack of irrigation facilities needed to sustain the crops. Farmers who are able to afford irrigation systems are having problems as well. They must use expensive pumps to tap into groundwater reserves, which are being depleted rapidly. In some areas, groundwater levels are sinking up to 3 feet per year. Today, farms that had begun digging down 10 feet now find themselves drilling down more than 200 feet, requiring even more expensive equipment. Rather than cooperating with the environment by employing traditional methods of crop rotation and the planting of diverse varieties of crops to solve the problem of uneven geographical distribution, researchers developed strains of crops that would adapt to unsuitable conditions so long as they were heavily irrigated and received applications of expensive inputs of fertilizers and pesticides. This led to disparities between farmers who could afford these technologies and those who could not. The inequality in rural Orissa and agriculture is complex in nature and needs multidimensional approaches to solve the issue: •

There should be government schooling and hospital facility in rural Orissa to develop the literacy rate. • The government and government organisations should work hand in hand to uplift and encourage SCs, STs and OBCs to get the facility and to participate in the public programme. • A continuous evaluation and programme implementation should be ensured in each time interval to solve time-­related issues. • The production policy should follow the agro-­climatic zone–related products, i.e., the product which can be produced at least cost to minimise the differences.

Bibliography Ajagekar, B., and M. Masal. 2011. “Regional Disparities in the Levels of Agricultural Development in Kolapur District of South Maharashtra.” Indian Streams Research Journal 1 (1): 139–44. Bhalla, Gurdarshan S., and Yoginder K. Alagh. 1979. “Performance of Indian Agriculture.” Chand, Ramesh, Sanjeev Garg, and Lalmani Pandey. 2009. “Regional Variations in Agricultural Productivity: A District Level Study.” Publ. NCAP: 1–115. Chand, Ramesh, and Shinoj Parappurathu. 2012. “Temporal and Spatial Variations in Agricultural Growth and its Determinants.” Economic and Political Weekly: 55–64. Government of Odisha. 2011. “District Agriculture Statistics.” Patra, R. 2011. “Agricultural Development in Odisha: Are the Disparities Growing?” International Journal of Food and Agricultural Economics 2 (3): 129–144. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner 2011, India Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi.

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PART III

Gender discrimination

The third section covers gender-­related issues in eight chapters. The first chapter raises the issue of perception towards gender inequality among young men and women. For ages, India has been facing the problem of gender bias. The chapter focuses on the younger generation where both are moving out for education and jobs, but women face a lot of biases compared to their male counterparts. With the changes of time, though women have been empowered, there are still differences in various socio-­economic arenas. The chapter analyses this discrimination based on various factors like culture, freedom of expression, freedom of mobility, employment opportunity and so on. The second chapter brings out the gender discrimination faced by migrant construction workers. These women workers are paid less but work the same hours in the same construction company. More than 35% of construction workers are women, and they get poor remuneration and are discriminated in the payment of wages. Whereas male construction workers have promotional opportunities, women have no opportunities to acquire skills and become masons or supervisors. The study seeks to attract researchers and encourage policy makers to provide implementing and monitoring measures. The third chapter is a review study that focuses on inequality, gender, and policy initiatives. As the development of any nation is economically measured in terms of the value of the gross domestic product, it is pathetic to find that nearly 50% of its women’s contribution is unaccounted for in most of the underdeveloped, developing and some advanced economies. The harsh reality is that India is facing dire consequences because of gender differences and that this situation is more aggravated in the rural areas, where women are deprived of basic rights to sanitation, socio-­economic participation and at times even life. All this is leading to the socio-­ economic exclusion of women, and rural India faces the maximum backwardness which distorts the real picture of growth evaluated in many methodologies. The next chapter aims at investigating the various dimensions of gender issues faced by women working in the corporate sector. As India’s service sector is booming due to the increasing corporate sector, more and more women are gaining employment at all levels in the sector, and hence cases of gender discrimination have also increased. The study concludes, on the basis of its findings, that that there is much scope for business organisations as well as for government in the area of finding credible solutions and taking policy initiatives in order to ensure fair and equitable treatments for working women in India.

Gender discrimination

The next chapter is on gender inequality in India with special reference to legal provisions. Women problems are multifaceted, like the problem of separation and post-­separation, loss of relatives, physical and economic insecurity, increased risk of sexual violence, wounding, detention and deprivation. In all these conflicts, women suffer in many ways. Certainly, it is significant to recognize the general needs of the women, but it is also vital to respond to women’s specific needs – be they combatants, persons deprived of their freedom, refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), mothers and/or members of the civilian population. The major objective of this micro research chapter is to focus on the issue of gender inequality during armed conflicts. The researcher’s main emphasis is on the needs and the rights of the women in the conflict areas. This chapter also focuses on the efforts of the UN and International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to protect the rights of female victims during war. The next chapter in this section examines India’s employment scenario with special reference to its working age population and female participation. Though India is an emerging economy, still the employment situation is very pathetic. Overpopulation is one of the main reasons. Its present stage of economic development, size and demographic profile reflects the potential of the country, but still, despite higher economic growth, India has not been able to generate a sufficient level of employment, especially in the case of the women participation rate. School and college dropout rates are higher among girls than among boys. Less prevalent skill-­ based education among women than among men and the wage differential are a few reasons. The next chapter focuses on discrimination faced by disabled women leading to double discrimination. Patriarchy and capitalism operate in the creation of disabling social structures. It excludes women with disability on the grounds of a dual system of discrimination based on sexuality and disability. The presence of disabled women was disregarded not just by able-­ bodied men but also by disabled men who failed to incorporate the notions of motherhood, femininity, emotional labour and code of conduct imposed on women. Qualitative education and employment of the disabled in society will be possible only when social attitudes are transformed. Then laws can be passed and strictly imposed. The last chapter in this section focuses on the challenges and opportunities faced by women in terms of political participation even after two decades of the commencement of the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act. This chapter presents success stories of Elected Women Representatives of Lucknow, which explains the impact of good governance and decentralization on decision making and the effective participation of women through representation at the local level of governance. It deals with factors which are associated with the performance of women representatives in local governance and draws attention to reforms that improve women’s economic and social opportunities for ensuring increased women’s participation in governance and also that women, thus positioned, are able to act for women through their effective participation in governance.

186

16 PERCEPTION OF GENDER EQUALITY A comparative study of young men and women Priya

Throughout the centuries, masculine and feminine roles have become standardized. Today, men and women are expected to follow certain behaviours that are considered specific to one’s gender. Gender is a social construct that governs the attitudes, roles, responsibilities and behaviour patterns of men and women in all societies. Gender defines commonly shared expectations and norms within a society about appropriate male and female behaviour, characteristics and roles. Apart from women empowerment and development, women are still waiting for the due respect and recognition that women may expect in developing countries, specifically in India. From the selection of apparel to the selection of career, women face more pressure from their families or societies. India is a male-­dominated country, and Indian families are more influenced by male opinions and thoughts. Youngsters seem to be the future of any nation, and it has now been proved by many researchers that, in India, the young workforce rates are higher than in any other country. Youngster ideology may affect the growth of the nation. Their roles, responsibilities, efforts and behaviour towards society and others will set the pace for mankind and economic growth. In this era of modernization where men and women are assumed to be treated equally, many situations of inequality persist. Thus we cannot deny the existence of gender inequality in Indian societies, which becomes visible in many forms like dressing, freedom to go anywhere, adoption of cultural and social norms, freedom to choose career and several other endless factors. Gender equality, also known as sex equality, gender egalitarianism, sexual equality, or equality of the genders, is the view that all people should receive equal treatment and not be discriminated against based on their gender. Gender equality is achieved when women and men enjoy the same rights and opportunities across all sectors of society, including economic participation and decision making, and when the different behaviours, aspirations and needs of women and men are equally valued and favoured. When we are talking about youngsters’ perception towards gender equality, we do not deny the role of teachers in framing their perception. It doesn’t matter whether the teachers are at the school or college level, they definitely help them. The following are some of the roles of teachers in reinforcing gender equality: •

•

Teachers and teacher educators should examine their syllabi with the view of incorporating a gender dimension by including the introductory themes on gender and by exploring gender issues within some of the topics of the existing syllabus. Teacher educators and teachers should engender the teaching approaches to be employed. 187

Priya

• • • •

Teacher educators themselves should become more gender sensitive through gender awareness and sensitization programmes. Capacity building centres should be established in all educational regions intended to train teachers and teacher educators in gender-­laden education. Teacher educators and teachers should employ engendered patterns of classroom organisation and interaction. Teachers and teacher educators should (1) conduct workshops, (2) introduce engender classroom organisation and interaction, (3) introduce lessons on gender, (4) focus on gender issues within the existing syllabus topics, (5) introduce gender issues career guidance, (6) analyse gender issues in instructional materials and (6) conduct research projects on gender issues.

In schools and colleges, the curriculum is usually full, which means it is not easy to integrate a gender equity perspective in the design, content and teaching approaches of the many subjects that teachers may have to cope with. The curriculum and ways of teaching and learning can reproduce ideas and practices marked by gender inequality. Gender inequalities and wider social, political and economic inequalities can influence the access that girls and boys have to different parts of the curriculum. Teachers’ awareness of approaches to gender issues in teaching and learning are crucial if gender-­equitable education is to be achieved. Curriculum content, the relationship between teachers and students and teacher education all require special attention and policy development if gender-­equitable education is to be achieved.

Related review of literature The difference between men and women starts from their birth because of their sex differentiation. Children grow up and are assimilated into a normalized feminine or masculine gender, influenced by family, mass media and teachers. Feminine and masculine gender roles are then reproduced throughout an individual’s life. Furthermore, masculine characteristics are globally more valued, favoured and preferred over feminine characteristics, which leads to sexism (Koenig et al. 2011). According to Wharton (2004), gender is a kind of central organising principle of social life in every culture. Gender relations determine how equally men and women use, have access to and control resources. It is argued that equal rights and opportunities for and between women and men are crucial to economic and human growth (Tallichet and Willits 1986). Different gender norms exist for adolescent boys and girls (Marston and King 2006). Adolescents internalize these social norms and values before they become sexually active, and their sexual attitudes and behaviour are shaped by them (Zuo et al. 2012). Due to their greater physical strength, men were usually in charge of hunting and of other outdoor activities which required more strength. On the contrary, women, who were considered weaker and with the physical capability of bearing children, were consequently in charge of less physically demanding tasks such as picking berries, taking care of the household or rearing children (Eagly 1987). On an individual level, aspects such as norms and attitudes influence adolescents’ sexual behaviour and experiences. Girls tend to have more egalitarian gender role attitudes than boys who claim to have more traditional gender role attitudes. (Fan and Marini 2000). Another study conducted to find out the nature of work undertaken or assigned also differs on gender grounds. Men tend to be given more physical tasks like lawn mowing and fixing things, while women are stuck with house cleaning and doing the dishes. Even parents who fight for gender equality in their own marriages find themselves splitting their children’s tasks along traditional gender lines (Shellenbarger 2006). 188

Perception of gender equality

Individual women’s gender inequality perception is a function of their individual social demographic characteristics and society-­level male domination in the economic, political and ideological areas (Blumberg 1984; Blumberg and Coleman 1989). One of the most fundamental forms of gender inequality in society may be seen at the basic level of the social unit, namely the gender division of roles within a family. Married women’s labour force participation has increased in the past several decades (Cohen and Bianchi 1999; Goldin 1990).

Objectives of the study are 1 2 3 4

To compare the overall perception of young men and women towards gender equality To determine the perception of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society To determine the opinion of young men and women towards restriction on their use of time To determine the various attributes which create gender inequality among young men and women

Hypothesis 1

There is a difference between the perceptions of young men and women towards gender equality. 2 There is a difference in the perceptions of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society. 3 Selective attributes significantly create gender inequality among young men and women. The study is based on an exploratory and descriptive survey design. Firstly, a focused interview was done with 10 young men and women and tries to explore the various factors which encourage or discourage gender equality. Secondly, a structured questionnaire was made and circulated online to young men and women (mostly 20–25  years of age) in Lucknow city. Convenience sampling technique was used in collecting primary data. In all, 100 respondents were used for the study. Data obtained from selected respondents was analysed using descriptive statistics, such as frequencies of response; the percentages and hypothesis have been checked by one-­way ANOVA and chi-­square. Demographic characteristic of respondent were shown in the Table 16.1 and Figure 16.1. From the total number of 100 respondents of Lucknow, there were 54% male and 46% female Table 16.1 Demographic profile of respondents Characteristics of Respondendts Gender Age

Academic level

Percentage Male Female 20–22 23–25 More than 25 Undergraduate Post-­graduate

Source: Primary Survey.

189

54 46 78 17 5 47 53

Priya 100 50 0

54

78

46

Male

Female

20-22

Gender

17

5

23-25

More than 25

Age

47

53

UG

PG

Academic level

Figure 16.1 Demographic profile of respondents Source: Primary Survey

Table 16.2 ANOVA table of respondents ANOVA Source of variation

SS

df

MS

F

P-­value

F crit.

Between groups Within groups Total

3,735.217 11,124.78 14,860

4 110 114

933.8043 101.1344

9.233302

1.8E-­06

2.454213

Source: Primary Data.

respondents. The majority of respondents are under the ages of 20–22 (78%). The table also depicts that 53% of the respondents having post-­g raduate degrees and 47% are graduate students. Objective 1: To compare the overall perception of young men and women towards gender equality. H1: There is difference in the perception of young men and women towards gender equality. Outcome: To determine whether any of the differences between the means of gender are statistically significant (one-­way ANOVA), compare the p-­value at a significance level to assess the null hypothesis. The null hypothesis states that the population means are all equal. Usually, a significance level of 0.01 works well. A significance level of 0.01 indicates a 1% risk of concluding that a difference exists when there is no actual difference. In this case, the table value (2.45) is less than the calculated value (9.23), so the null hypothesis is rejected, and we conclude that all of population means are not equal (Table 16.2). It also indicates that the perceptions towards gender equality are different for both genders. Objective 2: To determine perceptions of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society. H2: There is difference in the perceptions of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society. Outcome: At 5% level of significance, the critical (tabulated) value of χ2 for degree of freedom (df) is (3) = 7.815 (As χ2 calculated > χ2 tabulated), since the value of chi-­square calculated is more than the tabulated chi-­square (Table 16.3). The null hypothesis is rejected, and the alternative hypothesis is accepted. A difference exists between the perceptions of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society. For the determination of the level of difference existing in the perceptions of young men and women, the percentage distribution has been used. Figure 16.2 clearly indicates that 23% women strongly disagree with the fact that their treatment in society is equal, in in contrast to 190

Perception of gender equality Table 16.3 Chi-­square values of selected attribute Difference between

Calculated chi-­ square value

Degree of freedom

Table value (at 5%)

Null hypothesis

Result

Perception of young men and women towards their equal treatment in Indian society

9.27

3

7.81

Rejected

Difference exists

Source: Primary Data. 23

25

18

20 15

14

12 8

10

10

8

Male

7

Female

5 0

Stongly disagree

Somewhat disagree

Neutral

Somewhat agree

Figure 16.2 Bar chart of respondents Source: Primary Data.

Table 16.4 Percentage table of respondents Dimension

Strongly disagree Somewhat agree

There is same time constraint 44% (outing timing) for both men and women.

22%

Neutral Somewhat agree

Strongly agree

5%

17%

12%

Source: Primary Data. Stongly disagree

17%

5%

Somewhat disagree

44%

12%

Neutral Somewhat agree

22%

Strongly agree

Figure 16.3 Frequency chart of respondents Source: Primary Data.

12% for men. In the similar way, 14% of men agreed that men and women are equally treated in the Indian society in contrast to 7% women. Objective 3: To determine the opinion of young men and women towards restriction on their outing time. Outcomes: This objective has been proved by the percentage distribution and pie chart which clearly indicates that 66% respondents (Table 16.3) disagree on the fact that there are the same time constraints for young men and women (Figure 16.3). Fifty-­three per cent strongly 191

Priya Table 16.5 Percentage table of respondents Dimension

Strongly disagree Somewhat agree Neutral Somewhat agree Strongly agree

Are you encouraging the same 8% time constraints for both men and women?

6%

6%

8% 53%

19%

14%

53%

Stongly disagree Somewhat disagree

19%

Neutral Somewhat agree

14%

Strongly agree

Figure 16.4 Frequency chart of respondents Source: Primary Data.

agree (Table 16.4), and 14% somewhat agree that the time constraints for both genders will be same in families/hostels (Figure 16.4). Objective 4: To determine the various attributes which create gender inequality among young men and women. H4: Selective attributes significantly create gender inequality among young men and women. Outcome: The chi-­square test has been used to analyse the difference in the perceptions of young men and women on the basis of various selective attributes. These attributes have been explored in discussions with young men and women. Table 16.6 shows that both young men and young women agreed on the fact that men are preferred on those jobs where physical strength is more required. In comparison to women, men are more muscular, bodily built and physically powerful. In Indian societies, decisions regarding study, career and marriages are almost always influenced by family members, relatives and friends. From this study, it is clear that both young men and women perceive the same level of family pressure on their choice of career options. The survival of an individual somewhat depends upon the acceptance of social and cultural norms. Human beings are interrelated with one another with these norms, even though, in every society, norms for men and women are different and their perceptions towards these norms are also different. The present study also indicated that the difference exists in the perceptions of young men and women towards the obedience of cultural and social norms. In any country, laws are the facilitator of legal issues and protect their citizens from uncertainties. From focused interviews with young men and women, it was found that in most cases female are misusing law for their own interest or sometime just because of ignorance. With regard to traffic rules, respondents said that females are the least interested or least bothered about these rules and that they can very easily break the rules; most of the time, traffic police overlook the disobedience of females. It is the same in the case of dowry; respondents (including men and women) agreed that females misuse their rights. The present study also shows that no difference exists in the perception of young men and women towards the misuse of laws practiced by women. Normally, in our society, “sympathy” is associated with women because of their kindness and understanding. In the focused interview, it was found that most of the men reported that women gain more sympathy than men. And this statement has been reinforced 192

Perception of gender equality Table 16.6 Chi-­square values of selected attributes Attributes

Calculated chi-­ Degree of square value freedom

Perception of young men and 1.29 women towards men suitability on those jobs where physical strength is more required Perception of young men and 6.12 women towards family pressure on career options Perception of young men and 10.49 women towards obedience of cultural and social norms Perception of young men and 5.8 women towards misuse of laws practiced by women Perception of young men and 20.46 women towards opinion that women garner more sympathy Perception of young men and 8.62 women towards appreciating women quota in college admission Perception of young men and 10.6 women towards appreciating women quota in jobs

20

4

9.48

Accepted

No difference exists

4

9.48

Accepted

No difference exists

4

9.48

Rejected

Difference exists

4

9.8

Accepted

No difference exists

4

9.48

Rejected

Difference exists

4

9.8

Accepted

No difference exists

4

9.48

Rejected

Difference exists

21 15

15

9

10 0

Result

23

25

5

Table Null value (at hypothesis 5%)

8

9

1

Stongly disagree

7

6

1

Somewhat disagree

Neutral

Somewhat agree

Male Female

Strongly agree

Figure 16.5 Frequency chart of respondents Source: Primary Data.

by the present survey where the chi-­square test proved that (χcal > χtab), the null hypothesis is rejected, that concluded that there is a difference in the perceptions of young men and women towards the opinion that women are more sympathy gainers. The present study also shows that men perceive that women are more sympathy gainers as opposed to men (Figure 16.5): 65% of total respondents agreed that women are more sympathy gainers, and 44% of men felt the same, in contrast to 21% women. Women seem to be the main contributors of culture, customs and tradition in the family and society. But, also, we cannot deny the existence of male domination in our Indian societies and

193

Priya 20 10 0

19

6

Stongly disagree

10

5

Somewhat disagree

11 11 Neutral

9

14

Somewhat agree

5

10

Strongly agree

Male Female

Figure 16.6 Frequency chart of respondents Source: Primary Data.

that it has been the main reason for the female deteriorated condition in the society. To improve the status of women in society and provide better opportunities in education and employment, our Government introduces various legal and social steps. Providing girls with a quota in education is one of the major steps toward women empowerment. The present study also depicts that both genders are agreed that women’s quotas are appreciated and accepted in college admissions. But the same male respondents discouraged women quotas in job opportunities. The present study shows that the chi-­square test proved that (χcal > χtab) the null hypothesis is rejected and concluded that there is a difference in the perceptions of young men and women towards appreciating women quota in jobs. Figure 16.6 shows that almost 30% male respondents did not appreciate the women quota and 11% male respondents were not in state to say something for or against women quota in jobs opportunities. Youngsters are the future of our society – their perceptions, attitudes, opinions will not only affect our present but also our future. It is our responsibility to create an environment in our families where we treat equally with women and men and respect each other. The present study finds that the perceptions of young men and women towards gender equality are different. Both will perceive in different manners. This may be because of various reasons starting with obedience of culture or social norms to career selection. Most of the respondents lie under the age of 20–22 (n = 78), which indicated that they are the true representatives of the population. They always support women empowerment and fight for women’s equal status in society. The study analyses that, despite various programmes and government and NGO initiatives, young women reported that they are not treated equally as opposed to men in society. More than 65% of total respondents perceive that men are treated much more favourably than women, although men (n = 54) are greater in numbers compared to women (n = 46) in the present study. To overcome those problems, families should adopt an equal approach towards their children’s upbringing so that from childhood, they understand the importance of the other gender and treat them equally as their own gender. In our society, we discriminate between men and women on the basis of physical capacity. Men are more physically fit than women. Men are preferred in jobs or tasks where physical strength is more required (68%), in contrast to women, who are preferred on jobs or tasks where physical appearance is more required (50%).

Conclusion Young men and women also reported that, even if they are with family/relatives or in a hostel/ PG, there are always some time constraints for women against men. All the respondents support the same type of constraints for men and women. People are the mirrors of the family or society, and their behaviour and language reflect their culture and upbringing. Almost 80% of total respondents agreed that women should have good behaviour and speak desirably while interacting with others. But the study also shows that 15% of respondents disagreed with that 194

Perception of gender equality

statement. The present study shows that both the men and women felt pressure, whether from family, relatives or close ones, on the selection of their career options. They do not feel independent in their choices and somehow are influenced by their surroundings. The study shows that perceptions towards obedience of cultural and social norms are different among men and women. From the focused interview, it was found that there is the general opinion that women seem to be responsible for the transmittal of cultural and social values to the next generation. Despite differences in men and women, both agreed on the fact that often women misused laws (for example, traffic rules) because they get sympathy. To make women more educated, the Government of India introduced girls’ quotas in education so that they may avail themselves of the same education as men. Many families also encouraged and promoted women’s education after the introduction of government initiatives. This study also shows the same result, as all the respondents, regardless of gender, age and academic level, supported women’s quotas in education. The study also tried to find out the opinion of young men and women towards the introduction of women’s quotas on jobs opportunities: 40% of total respondents discourage the women quota, 38% encourage, and 22% are still in the neutral phase and are unable to give their opinion. Future studies should look at other issues which examine gender equality among young men and women. The sample size could also be increased in future studies to ensure greater external validity, as the findings of this study were limited by the current scope and cannot be generalized.

References Blumberg, R. L. 1984. “A General Theory of Gender Stratification.” Sociological Theory 2: 23–101. Blumberg, R. L., and M. T. Coleman. 1989. “A Theoretical Look at the Gender Balance of Power in the American Couple.” Journal of Family Issues 10: 225–50. Cohen, P. N., and Suzzane M. Bianchi. 1999. “Marriage, Children, and Women’s Employment: What Do We Know?” Monthly Labor Review 122 (12): 22–31. Eagly, A. H. 1987. Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-­role Interpretation. Hillsdale, MI: Erlbaum. Fan, P., and M. M. Marini. 2000. “Influences on Gender-­role Attitudes during the Transition to Adulthood.” Journal of Social Science and Research 29: 258–83. Goldin, Claudia. 1990. Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History of American Women. New York: Oxford University Press. Koenig, A. M., A. H. Eagly, A. A. Mitchell, and T. Ristikari. 2011. “Are Leader Stereotypes Masculine? A Meta-­Analysis of Three Research Paradigms.” Psychological Bulletin 137: 616–42. Marston, C., and E. King. 2006. “Factors that Shape Young People’s Sexual Behaviour: A  Systematic Review.” Lancet 368: 1581–86. Shellenbarger, Sue. 2006. Wall Street Journal − Eastern Edition 248: 134. Tallichet, S., and F. Willits. 1986. “Gender-­Role Attitude Change of Young Women: Influential Factors from a Panel Study.” Social Psychology Quarterly 49 (3): 219–27. Wharton, A. S. 2004. “Gender Inequality.” In Handbook of Social Problems, edited by G. Ritzer. Newbury, Park, CA: Sage, pp. 156-157. Zuo, X., C. Lou, E. Gao, Y. Cheng, H. Niu, and L. S. Zabin. 2012. “Gender Differences in Adolescent Premarital Sexual Permissiveness in Three Asian Cities: Effects of Gender-­role Attitudes.” Journal of Adolescent Health 50: 18–25.

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17 A STUDY ON GENDER DISCRIMINATION AMONG MIGRANT CONSTRUCTION WORKERS V Dhivya Keerthiga and Alka Singh Gender-­based discrimination occurs universally. Women are almost 50% of the population. They perform two-­thirds of the work but earn only a third of the total income and own less than a tenth of the resources. The most discriminated people in the world are usually the ones who lack economic power (Saksena 2004). The construction sector is the largest employer in the world and in India. More than 31 million people work in the construction industry, second only to agricultural sector. More than 35% of construction workers are women, and they get poor remuneration and are discriminated against in the payment of wages (ILO 2001). When male construction workers have promotional opportunities, women have no opportunities to acquire skills and become masons or supervisors. They need to be empowered to grow in their profession. This study is an effort to identify gender discrimination among construction workers and the means of empowering women construction workers with special reference to Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, in India. Gender is considered the most important factor as far as the Indian labour market is concerned. Discrimination against women labourers in terms of wage payments is a very common phenomenon in India. Wages earned by women are generally lower than those of their male counterparts. According to SEWA (Self Employed Women s Association 2000) the wages of women workers were (June, 2000) below the minimum wages in some cases, and at the same time the average monthly income of women workers was Rs. 1,815 compared to Rs. 3,842 for male workers. It is said that there are various reasons for the wages of women labour to be less than that for male labour. Some of the main reasons are as follows: 1

Women mostly work in light industries as they are unsuitable for work in heavy industries. Also, most of the women work in the unorganised sector, where wages tend to be very low. About 94% of the total working women are in the unorganised sector (ICSSR 1971–74) 2 Physically, women are weaker than men and thus are unable to work for longer hours, which results in a decreased wage rate. 3 Finally, male workers improve their productivity by undergoing on–the-­job training, but women have many other priorities, like looking after family and child care, and thus are not able to undergo such training. 196

Migrant construction workers

Objectives • • •

To examine the socio-­economic background of migrant construction workers To study the obstacles and problems faced by women workers To determine the factor that influences the awareness of gender discrimination among construction workers

Construction is an important part of the industrial sector and one of the core sectors of India’s economy. It is also the second largest employer in the country following agriculture, employing 18  million people directly and 14  million indirectly. According to IHS Global Insight, US$175 billion was spent on construction in India in 2007, after growing 56% since 2005. Looking for 2020 IHS Markit expects commercial construction to fall further with spending forecast to 6.5% in 2019. The decline is expected to be widespread most notably in office and lodging segments which account for 60% of construction, Smith (31.1.2020 in Industry-­Inside Foresees a Mixed Forecast for Construction, January 31, 2020 by Curt Bennink.) This represents a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 13.3%. This sector has increased its share of India’s total employment from 2.8% in 1983 to 5.4% in 2003–04. Further, it accounts for about 38% of gross investment and about 45% of India’s total infrastructure costs (IHS Global Insight 2009). Kamalakannan (2007), in his study on the women construction workers, examined the socio-­economic conditions of women construction workers. The study was based on primary data collected from women construction workers in Thothukudi District in Tamil Nadu. The study found that women are unskilled and illiterate and that they are subjected to economic exploitation with low and discriminatory wages. Hence government officials, NGOs and trade unions should take measures for ensuring the well-­being of women construction workers. Self-­help groups need to be formed among the construction workers for their economic empowerment. Luanne Kelchner (2016) has pointed out it’s illegal for employers to use certain discriminatory practices when hiring employees. While these laws protect individuals from discrimination, differences still exist on the job. Differences occur in the salaries that men and women earn, as well as in the distribution of the sexes among occupations. An employer cannot discriminate against a woman based on her sex, but statistics show that women still earn less than men do. The present study describes the problems faced by women construction workers, in particular those looking for job in Coimbatore district. As the population is infinite, the researcher used non-­probability sampling and adopted a convenient sampling method. One hundred construction workers were selected. The researcher used a self-­prepared questionnaire for collecting data on details from August 2016 to November 2016.

Findings of the study Table 17.1 shows that a majority of the women workers, around 67%, are from the age group of 20–29 years, followed by 13% of the study population from 30–39 years of age; a very minimum number of the age group falls in the category of less than 20 years, 40–49 years and 50 and above years of age. As to the educational qualifications of the selected sample respondents, around 65 members are illiterate, and 33 members have undergone primary education, followed by 2 members who have undergone secondary education. With respect to the migrant women construction workers’ marital status, a majority of the population are married (64 members), and 30 members are unmarried; only 2 are divorced, and 3 are widowed. The majority of 197

V Dhivya Keerthiga and Alka Singh Table 17.1 Socio-­economic and demographic background of the migrant workers Socio-­economic and demographic background Age Less than 20 20–29 years 30–39 years 40–49 years 50 and above Total Education Illiterate Primary Secondary Total Marital status Married Unmarried Divorce Widow Total Type of family Joint family Nuclear family Total

Number

Percentage

05 67 13 06 09 100

05 67 13 06 09 100

65 33 02 100

65 33 02 100

64 30 02 03 100

64 30 02 03 100

62 38 100

62 38 100

Source: Primary Data (2016). Table 17.2 Harassment of women workers at home Harassment

Number

Percentage

Husband drinking Husband beating Husband with affair Husband gives no money Husband takes good care of family

Yes – 80, No– 20 Yes– 65, No– 35 Yes – 02, No – 98 Yes – 55, No – 45 Yes – 55, No – 45

80, 20 65, 35 02, 98 55, 45 55, 45

Source: Primary Data (2016) (collected by the Authors).

62% of the study population belonged to a joint family type, and only 38% of the population belonged to the nuclear type of family. From Table 17.2, it is clear that 80% of married women’s husbands drink (are addicted to alcohol), 65% beat their wives. Only 2% have affairs, 55% give no money and 45% do not take good care of family. Table 17.3 shows that most (77%) of the workplaces have no drinking water facility, 65% of them do not have any kind of toilet facility (so the women workers are using open toilets near the work area), and 96% have no canteen facility. This shows that women do not have access to good facilities at workplace. The table shows that 46% of the women face the problem of verbal abuse, 15% of the sample respondents have come across eve teasing, 35% are facing criticism at the work, 56% have faced sexual harassment and 67% have stated that the contractor’s attitude is good. 198

Migrant construction workers Table 17.3 Facilities available for women workers at construction site Facility

Numbers

Percentage

Drinking water Toilet Canteen

Yes – 23, No – 77 Yes – 35, No – 65 Yes – 4, No – 96

23, 77 35, 65 04, 96

Source: Primary Data (2016). Table 17.4 Harassment of women workers at construction sites Harassment

Numbers

Percentage

Verbal abuse Eve teasing Criticism at work Sexual harassment Contractor’s attitude

Yes – 46, No – 54 Yes – 15, No – 85 Yes – 35, No – 65 Yes – 56, No – 44 Good – 67, Bad – 33

46, 54 15, 85 35, 65 56, 44 67, 33

Source: Primary Data (2016). Table 17.5 Discrimination in wages Discrimination Family income >2,500 2,500–5,000 5,000< Periodicity of wage Daily Weekly Monthly Commission paid Yes, No Commission paid in rupees One day’s salary 1% of daily salary More than 2% of salary Days of work per month 10–15 days 15–25 days 25–30 days Receives wages on time Yes, No

Numbers

Percentage

02 93 05

02 93 05

45 35 20

45 35 20

55, 45

55, 45

33 10 07

73 22 15

45 30 25

45 30 25

55, 45

55, 45

Source: Primary Data (2016).

Table 17.5 discusses the discrimination faced by women in terms of wages. Ninety-­three per cent of women’s family income lies between Rs. 2,500 and Rs. 5,000. Forty-­five per cent of them reported that they get their wages daily, and 55% stated that they are paid commission on their work, in which 33% reported that they have to give their one-­day salary as commission and 45% of them stated that they are working only for 10–15 days, and 45% reported that they don’t receive their wages on time. 199

V Dhivya Keerthiga and Alka Singh Table 17.6 Major problems for women construction workers S. no

Problem

Scores

S. no.

Problem

Scores

1 2 3 4 5

Language Getting ration card High cost of living Away from relatives Poor living condition

71.81 55.78 54.58 53.91 50.79

6 7 8 9 10

Availability of health provision Children education Health Job promotion Finding shelter

48.37 46.69 42.73 41.56 39.73

Source: Primary Data (2016).

Table 17.7 Factors that cause gender discrimination S. no.

Factors

Percentage

1 2 3 4 5

Male domination Inequality among other women co-­workers Sexual harassment Oral abuse Total

64 06 11 19 100

Source: Primary Data (2016).

Among the 100 sample respondents surveyed, the highest percentage score (71.81) was given for language. This is due to the fact that about 65% of the migrants were from other states. The next prominent problem faced by the migrants was “getting a ration card.” This calls for administrators to effectively monitor the Public Distribution System, when the number of internal migrants is rising. This is closely followed by the “high cost of living.” About 57% of migrants migrated alone; another problem stated by the respondents was being “away from relatives.” For the other stated problems, the assigned scores took values between 40 and 50 on the whole, with language and getting a ration card as the major problems faced by the migrants.

Some explanations The respondents were asked to give details on the factors that cause gender discrimination at the place of work. The respondents’ responses have been framed in Table 17.7. The table shows the result of factors that cause gender discrimination at the place of work. The majority (64%) stated that male domination in the workplace is one of the major factors responsible for gender discrimination. It was followed by oral abuse (19%), in which women workers were scolded abusively by higher-­authority male workers, making this a factor responsible for gender discrimination. The next factor is sexual harassment at about 11%. Sexual harassment is found frequently among women nowadays, yet many women do not come forward to report it; that’s the reason for the small percentage of this factor in causing gender discrimination. And finally, the last factor is inequality among the other women co-­workers; this is about 6%.

Conclusion This study presents findings on the problems and constraints at home and in the workplace which affect women’s participation, as well as the causes leading to gender discrimination in the 200

Migrant construction workers

construction sector in India. Only when these problems are rectified will women have a good working environment and family life. The study has found that the majority of victims (67%) are from the age group 20–29 years. This clearly shows that women working in the study area are at a younger age. They were found to be illiterate, and about 80% of them were married. It shows that marriage takes place for them at a younger age. Most of the women are facing some kind of harassment either at house and/or in the workplace. The major type of harassment is violence faced by most of the women workers. Husbands become addicted to drugs, and they beat their wives. At the workplace, male domination is high, causing discrimination against women in terms of wages, working hours and the type of work given. The problems that women face at workplace are also related to the lack of toilet and drinking water facilities, as at construction sites they are not readily available. Even with so many policies and welfare schemes in place, women continue to face discrimination in their homes and at the workplace.

References ICSSR. 1971. “Status of Women in India.” New Delhi, 63. ILO. 2001. “The Construction Industry in the Twenty First Century: Its Image, Employment Prospects and Skill Requirements.” Report, Geneva: ILO: 13. Insight, HIS Global. 2009. “Revised Forecast Advances Date of China Becoming the Preeminent Manufacturer.” Perspectives. Kamalakannan, K. 2007. “Women Construction Workers in Tamil Nadu.” Social Welfare 54 (2) (May): 16–18. Kelchner, Luanne. 2016. “Gender Differences in the Workplace & Statistics.” https://smallbusiness.chron. com/gender-­differences-­workplace-­statistics-­13294.html Saksena, A. 2004. Gender and Human Rights: Status of Women Workers in India. New Delhi: Shipra Publications. Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) Academy. 2000. Labouring Brick by Brick: A Study of Construction Workers. Ahmedabad: SEWA.

201

18 INEQUALITY, GENDER AND POLICY INITIATIVES Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik

The disparity between males and females in varied social, economic, political, cultural and legal aspects is termed gender inequality. Male dominance and patriarchy have been considered the root cause of gender inequality. Factors such as the son bearing the name of the family and the physical, financial and emotional dependence of the girl child on parents even after marriage are considered as other reasons contributing to the disparity between men and women in India. Gender inequality has resulted in the exploitation of women on many grounds, wherein they are denied their rights to health, education, social and economic participation and opportunities. Historically, practices such as sati and the dowry system rendered women all the more exposed and vulnerable. The rural areas, where women are kept in a more conservative environment and are unaware of the opportunities that exist to harness their potential, need more focus. The issue of gender inequality and considering women the weaker sex has alarmed thinkers, and many measures are being undertaken to work for the cause of women’s equality. For instance, Goal 3 of the Millennium Development Goals brought the issue of gender inequality into the limelight and provided impetus for governments to eliminate this type of inequality. The Sustainable Development Goals are carried forward with the same vigour. India, at the domestic and global levels, is working towards the same. To discuss this in further detail, the chapter is organised in the following sections. This first section introduces the concept of gender inequality. The next section describes the summary review of literature, highlighting the importance of the present study and laying out the objectives. This is followed by the third section, which discusses India, rural India and gender inequality, highlighting the focused need for gender equality in rural India. The dedicated initiatives implemented thereof are discussed in the fourth section. The next section discusses the case of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) as contributors to the process of gender equality in rural India, and, finally, the last section concludes the study.

Literature review The literature cumulatively suggests that gender inequalities have persisted in India for a long time. (See Table 18.1.) Male dominance and the patriarchal nature of the society was understood as the main cause leading to women’s inequality in India. The literature also highlights 202

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives Table 18.1 Review of literature Title of the study

Author(s)

Publication

Discussion

Annual reports of Ministry of Rural Development (2006–07 to 2014–15) Indicators of Women’s Empowerment in Developing Nations Gender Indicators: What, Why and How?

Ministry of Rural Development

Ministry of Rural Development

(Daisy) Bui Chung, Kulvatee Kantachote, Asmah Mallick, Rachel Polster, Kelsey Roets Justina Demetriades

Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System– University of Wisconsin Bridge

Each annual report discusses in detail varied aspects of the scheme, highlighting its physical and financial performance. Examines the appropriateness of different indicators and variables in representing gender with adequacy.

Briefing Book, June 2014

–

Indira Awaas Yojana

The Global Gender Gap Report 2015

–

World Economic Forum

Women’s Participation in Rural Housing Scheme: A Case Study of Kerala

CS Meenakshi, P Ajith Kumar

Centre for Development Studies

Indira Awaas Yojana Guidelines 2013

-­

Government of India, Ministry of Rural Development, Department of Rural Development

Realizing Women’s Rights to Land and Other Productive Resources

–

United Nations

Examines the appropriateness of different indicators and variables in representing gender with adequacy. Examines different aspects and features of Indira Awaas Yojana, its implementations and monitoring Highlights the differences that are being faced by genders across the world. Ranks different countries of the world on different parameters of gender disparity and inequality. Analyses the role of Indira Awaas Yojana and Million Wells Scheme, among others in Kerala, to understand the role of rural housing. Schemes in Kerala in enhancing women participation and catering to various needs and issues of women Lists in detail the different features of Indira Awaas Yojana, while highlighting its different aspects of implementation, funding and monitoring. The study highlights the important role that ownership of assets plays in a woman’s life and how these assets, such as land, can act as security, avenues for performing reproductive activities, etc. (Continued)

203

Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik Table 18.1 (Continued) Title of the study

Author(s)

Publication

Discussion

MGNREGA Works and Their Impact: Rapid Assessment in Maharashtra

Sudha Narayanan, Krushna Ranaware, Upasak Das and Ashwini Kulkarni

Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, Mumbai October 2014 (www.igidr.ac.in/ pdf/publication/ WP-­2014-­042.pdf)

MGNREGA: Change and Continuity in Gender Relations

Govind Kelkar

Journal of Economic and Social Development, Vol. VII, No. 2, 2011. ISSN: 0973– 886X

Women Empowerment through MGNREGA: An Empirical Study of MEWAT (Haryana) MGNREGA and Its Impact on Daily Waged Women Workers: A Case study of Sonitpur District of Assam

Shamim Ahmad, Faizan Khan Sherwani, Mohammed Jamshed

International Journal of Management and Applied Science, Vol. 3, No. 2, February 2017. ISSN: 2394–7926

Presents the results of a survey of over 4,100 works created under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and over 4,800 randomly selected users across 100 villages in 20 districts in Maharashtra; indicates different facts relating to MGNREGA in the target, highlighting varied limitations and grey areas, but there is scope for improvement. Presents an exhaustive search of relevant literature revealing only some anecdotal evidence on the gender relations impact of employment creation under the MGNREGA programme. However, credible evidence is available on women’s participation in MGNREGA-­ generated employment. States that MGNREGA supports the agenda of inclusive growth and simultaneously promotes the entrepreneurial spirit among rural women, while taking the case of Mewat, Haryana.

Kabita Borah, Rimjhim Bordoloi

IOSR Journal of Economics and Finance (IOSR-­ JEF), Vol. 4, No. 4, July–August 2014, pp. 40–44. e-­ISSN: 2321–5933, p-­ISSN: 2321–5925 (www. iosrjournals.org; www.iosrjournals. org/iosr-­jef/ papers/vol4-­issue4/ F0444044.pdf)

204

Studies the impact of MGNREGA on women empowerment in Sonitpur District of Assam and reports that MGNREGA has significant positive impact on women but faces hurdles in the process of implementation.

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives

that women in rural areas form a more vulnerable group as compared to those in urban areas. Various efforts and policy initiatives have been and are being undertaken by the Government at all levels for the cause of gender equality and empowerment, but no comprehensive study is available that discusses the entire set of policy initiatives; hence, the present study assumes importance. This study also highlights the unique features of various rural development programmes that are contributing largely to the cause of women equality. It assumes the following objectives: 1 2 3

To understand gender inequality in India and rural India To bring out the policies, programmes and legislations in this direction, in a comprehensive manner To discuss the contribution of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) as a contributor to the process of gender equality in rural India

India, rural India and gender inequality The census 2011 quotes that India has a total population of 1,210,854,977 comprised of 587,584,719 females. Sixty-­nine per cent of this female population resides in the rural areas. The facts speak for themselves; the women in India, especially rural India, are the vulnerable group. According to the Human Development Report 2016, India’s Human Development Index (HDI) rank is 131, among 188 nations. As identified by the report, “[T]he mutually reinforcing gender barriers . . . deny many women the opportunities and empowerment necessary to realise the full potential of their lives.” This clearly brings out the vulnerability of women and biases towards the opposite gender. There is a huge gap between the estimated gross national income per capita (2011 PPP$) between men (8,897) and women (2,184). As represented by Table 18.3, approximately 24.5% females bear a child in their adolescence; only 9% are preschooled, although the percentage of the primary school–aged female population is high, but it falls to 69% when it comes to the secondary stage. When we compare the female-­to-­male youth unemployment rate, it stands at 1.01, which means that for every male, there are 1.01 females who are youth unemployed; on the other hand, the female-­to-­male ratio of the total unemployment rate is higher and stands at 1.14. The female-­to-­male ratio of the population with at least some secondary education is low, where for every one male there are only 0.58 females, who receive at least some secondary education. Further, India’s sex ratio is biased towards males and stands at 943 females per 1,000 males. India’s rank on the Gender Inequality Index is 125 among 188 nations, and the country is classified as a group 5 nation on the Gender Development Index; “group 5 comprises countries with low equality in HDI achievements between women and men (absolute deviation from gender parity of more than 10 per cent)” (Table 18.3). The situation at the rural front is dismal. The World Development Indicators show a declining trend in the female population of India from 1961 to 2016 (The World Bank 2019, Population, Female-­India.). Only 43% of Indian females are literate, out of which the majority reside in rural areas; out of the total worker population in India, only 31% are females, and among these 81% belong to rural areas, but wage differences are greater (Census of India 2011) (Table 18.9). The preceding analysis brings out two facts very clearly: first, gender inequality and biases towards males are negatively affecting females, on both the economic and social parameters; second, females in rural areas are hit harder and face a greater burden because of gender inequality. 205

206

(% of preschool-­ age female population) 9

Pre-­primary

(% of primary school–age female population) 117

Primary

Source: Human Development Report, 2016.

(Births per 1,000 women ages 15–19) 24.5

Adolescent birth rate

(% of secondary school–age female population) 69

Secondary

Table 18.2 Indicators comparing female to male on different parameters

(Female-­to-­ male ratio)

0.58

1.01

Population with at least some secondary education

(Female-­to-­ male ratio)

Youth unemployment rate

1.14

(Female-­to-­ male ratio)

Total unemployment rate

13.8

(% held by women) (years)

Female legislators, senior officials and managers

12.2

(Female-­ to-­male ratio)

Share of seats in parliament

26.6

Life expectancy at age 50, female

Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives Table 18.3 Indicators comparing female to male on different parameters Gender development index

HDI

Mean years of schooling

Estimated gross national income per capita (2011 PPP $)

Value

Group

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

0.819

5

0.549

0.671

4.8

8.2

2,184

8,897

Source: Human Development Report 2016

These and a host of such information highlight the biases towards women in India in general and rural India at a disaggregated level. These events have created a lot of stir at the global level and in India. The Indian Government has been taking many efforts to promote women’s equality and women security, providing them with opportunities and dignity at all levels of socio-­political and economic life.

Policy initiatives and constitutional provisions Realising the discrimination against women and the heightened need to bring women on par with men, the Government of India at all levels has undertaken different measures and policy initiatives to act promptly on the issue. These initiatives are working on economic and social factors alike. Under the provisions of various acts of legislation, such as the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of race, religion, caste, sex or place of birth, it is laid down that equal opportunities will be given to all citizens alike, in issues relating to employment. Also, protections from all forms of social injustice and all forms of exploitation have been incorporated in the Indian Constitution, and the reservation of seats for women in the House of the People is a norm. The different ministries of the Government of India have been implementing different programmes (see Table 18.4). As per the Human Development Report 2016, the estimated gross national income per capita (2011 PPP$) for females (2,184) is much lower than that for males (8,897). Recognising this, different provisions have been built into the Constitution itself, including: • • • • • • •

Article 14: Men and women to have equal rights and opportunities in the political, economic and social spheres. Article 15(1): Prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex etc. Article 15(3): Special provision enabling the State to make affirmative discriminations in favour of women. Article 16: Equality of opportunities in matter of public appointments for all citizens. Article 39(a): The State shall direct its policy towards securing all citizens men and women, equally the right to means of livelihood. Article 39(d): Equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Article 42: The State to make provision for ensuring just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.

Further, the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, which was amended in 2005, allows equal rights to property to both the daughter and the son, irrespective of the marital status of the daughter. 207

Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik Table 18.4 Schemes and programmes of different ministries of the Government of India S. no.

Ministry

Scheme/programme/initiative

1

Ministry of Minority Affairs

2

Ministry of Human Resource Development (D/o School Education and Literacy and D/o Higher Education) Ministry of Women and Child Development

(a) Nai Roshni: The scheme for leadership development of minority women (a) Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

3

4

Department of Rural Development

5

Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation Ministry of Panchayati Raj

6 7

Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region

(a) Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) scheme providing services through Anganwadi Centres (a) Deen Dayal Antyodaya Yojana: National Rural Livelihood Mission (DAY-­NRLM) (b) Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana: Gramin (PMAY-­G) (Earlier: Indira Awaas Yojana) (a) National Rural Drinking Water Programme (NRDWP) (a) Representation of minorities in rural local bodies (a) North East Rural Livelihood Project (NERLP): Assist the Rural poor and vulnerable groups including women in improving their livelihood

Source: Monitoring Mechanism of Various Schemes/Programmes Implemented by Ministry of Minority Affairs (www.minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/PP-­II%20Section%20-­%20Monitoring%20Mechanism.pdf).

It was acknowledged that the representation of women at different levels of the federal structure of the Government is crucial as women constitute an important section of the society and that their needs and views require proper representation for the development of the economy. In line with this, the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution play a pivotal role; these have ratified a 1/3rd women’s reservation in both urban and rural democratic bodies. However, the women’s reservation bill of the proposed 108th Amendment of the Indian Constitution is still pending due to the lack of political consensus. Moreover, as of January 30, 2006, the Ministry of Women and Child Development was set up as an independent ministry which was earlier a part of the Ministry of Human Resource Development, since its inception in 1985, presently headed by Smt Maneka Sanjay Gandhi. The Ministry works with the vision and mission of empowering women and assisting them in living a life of dignity, aiming their socio-­economic development via means of policies, schemes and awareness campaigns. Taking the policy initiatives a step ahead, the draft of “National Policy for Women 2016: Articulating a Vision for Empowerment of Women” is a recent initiative in the direction of removing gender inequality and women empowerment. This draft has been developed by the Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India. This policy will work to provide women their rights and fresh opportunities to face persisting and emerging challenges. These and a host of other initiatives are being undertaken to bring women out of their shackles. Many rural development programmes of the Government of India 208

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives

implicitly aim for gender equality and the empowerment of women. Among these programmes, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and Indira Awaas Yojana (Now: Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana–Grameen) have been contributing largely to the cause of gender equality and gender empowerment.

Rural-­oriented policy initiatives Apart from all these initiatives, many rural development programmes work with an imbedded focus on the empowerment of women. Of these many programmes, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and the Indira Awaas Yojana (Now: Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana–Grameen) are two flagship schemes of the Ministry of Rural Development, that keep women and their needs at heart, while achieving their respective mandates.

Case of MGNREGA With the enactment of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act in August 2005, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme came into being, with the mandate of providing guaranteed wage employment to every rural household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work for at least 100 days in a financial year. It also aims at the creation of productive assets, ensuring social inclusion and strengthening Panchayati Raj Institutions. Since its inception, Rs. 2440.91 crore person-­days of employment have been generated, and a total expenditure of Rs. 424237.04 crore has been incurred. As on 30th March 2020, 266037000 were the total number of workers working on 18202000 total number of Works Taken up (New + Spill Over). The Scheme works towards the empowerment of women, who also constitute the Special category of workers, especially those women who are widowed, deserted and destitute. Facilities such as crèche are provided on worksites to assist women workers on-­site. Further, under the scheme, “As per Para 31, Schedule II, there shall be no discrimination solely on the ground of gender and the provisions of the Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 (25 of 1976), shall be complied with.” It has been observed that the percentage of women person-­days out of the total has shown a rising trend over the period of 2013–14 to 2017–18 (Table 18.5). A study conducted by Sudha Narayanan, Krushna Ranaware, Upasak Das and Ashwini Kulkarni, IGIDR, in Maharashtra, found that the provision of infrastructure such as roads, toilets, etc. under MGNREGA generate overwhelming responses among women, as they provide safer access to sanitation, general cleanliness and reduction in open defecation. Different studies undertaken to understand the impact of MGNREGA have highlighted that the creation of assets –especially public productive assets, including rainwater harvesting structures, different infrastructure facilities providing connectivity – has provided women with better access to labour markets and has reduced their efforts and time spent in doing unpaid domestic chores. The MGNREGA, while contributing to the cause of inclusive growth, also encourages capacity building and income generation among women, simultaneously providing them with access to basic facilities such as health and education and encourages the entrepreneurial spirit. Further, even the monitoring team is comprised of a fixed share of women, which is instrumental in women’s empowerment but also aids in understanding the issues and achievements of MGNREGA with special regard to women. 209

Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik

For the financial year 2017–18, 44.91% are registered women workers of registered total workers; at a more disaggregated level, West Bengal has the highest number of female registered workers (111.66 lakh), whereas Daman and Diu has the least (zero). Of total active workers, 48.85% are active women workers, out of which Tamil Nadu has the highest (67.14 lakh) and Dadar and Nagar Haveli has the least (zero) (Table 18.6). MGNREGS also allows women to be financially included by providing them active bank accounts through which wage payments are routed. For the financial year 2017–18, the number of joint accounts of women is 20,477,512; the number of total account of women is 78,598,315; the number of women beneficiary workers with accounts is 66,288,898; and the number of women beneficiary active workers with accounts is 50,339,773 (Table 18.7). MGNREGS not only provides rural folk with guaranteed employment but also brings about women’s equality.

Case of IAY The Indira Awaas Yojana, now Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana–Gramin (PMAY-­G), is a flagship scheme of the Ministry of Rural Development and a Centrally Sponsored Scheme. Its mandate is the provision of housing for all rural India by 2022. The beneficiaries are given financial assistance to construct and upgrade their houses, which they are supposed to undertake themselves. As per the Annual Report of the Ministry of Rural Development, 2016–17, the unit assistance is of Rs. 1.20 lakh in the plains and Rs. 1.30 lakh in the hilly states, difficult areas, and Integrated Action Plan (IAP) districts. In addition, the beneficiary will get Rs. 12,000 as assistance for the construction of toilets under the Swachh Bharat Mission (G), MGNREGA or any other dedicated financing source and support of 90 person-­days in plains areas and 95 person-­days in the hilly states, difficult areas and IAP districts under MGNREGS through convergence. The beneficiary would be facilitated to access a loan of up to Rs. 70,000 for the construction of the house, which is optional. The unit size of the house would be a minimum of 25 square metres. Identification of beneficiaries would be through Gram Sabha, based on the Socio-­Economic and Caste Census (Socio-­Economic Caste Census-­2011. Accessed May  10, 2020. https://secc.gov.in/ reportlistContent.) Setting up of the National Technical Support Agency at National Level is important in order to provide technical support for the implementing agencies and to the beneficiaries in taking up house construction and for helping in achieving the target set under the project. The cost of PMAY-­G would be shared between the Government of India and state governments in the ratio 60:40 in the plains areas. In case of the North Eastern and three Himalayan States (Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand), the sharing pattern is in the ratio of 90:10. Up to 4% of the funds released under PMAY-­G can be utilized for administering the scheme. It is a common belief that a roof over the head is of great importance in a woman’s life, as it not only provides her with security for herself and her family but also serves as a medium of dignity, social acceptance and livelihood. These needs are all the more vital for women in rural areas as these women face more hardships as compared to their counterparts in urban areas. The Indira Awaas Yojana (Now: Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana Gramin) provides rural women an opportunity to own a dwelling, equipped with basic facilities, and also acquire an equal standard in society. While fulfilling its mandate of providing rural housing to all, the scheme also contributes to the cause of gender equality. As per the guidelines of IAY, 2013, and revamped guidelines of PMAY-­G, following the principle of promoting equity and social

210

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives

justice, women-­headed households are the main concern while deciding the list of beneficiaries. Moreover, women facing difficult circumstances, including widows, divorced, deserted, victims of atrocities, those whose husbands missing for at least three years, and households with a single girl child are given priority. As houses have to be constructed by the beneficiaries themselves, special skills and training are provided for developing women mason groups by providing them knowledge about good design, appropriate and cost-­effective technologies along with efficient site and construction management. As per the guidelines of the scheme, gender equality and empowerment form the basic aims of the scheme. Although no separate funds are earmarked for women, the allotment of the house is made jointly under the name of the husband and wife, except in cases of the widowed, unmarried, separated. The state can also choose to allot the house exclusively in the name of

Table 18.5 Percentage of women person-­days out of total under MGREGS Year

FY 2017–2018 FY 2016–2017 FY 2015–2016 FY 2014–2015 FY 2013–2014

Women person-­ 54.6 days out of Total (%)

56.14

55.26

54.88

52.82

Source: http://mnregaweb4.nic.in/netnrega/all_lvl_details_dashboard_new.aspx

Table 18.6 Registered Workers and active workers registered under MGREGS for the financial year 2017–18 Financial year 2017–18 (in lakh) Registered women workers

Registered total workers

% Registered women workers of registered total workers

Active women workers*

Active total workers*

% Active women workers of active total workers

1162.66

2,588.66

44.91

535.54

1,096.35

48.85

* Active Job cards: Any individuals of households who have worked any one day in either the last three financial years or in the current financial year. Source: http://mnregaweb4.nic.in/netnrega/MISreport4.aspx?fin_year=2013-­2014&rpt=RP

Table 18.7 Women account holders for the year 2017–18 under MGREGS INDIA

No. of joint account of women

No. of total account of women

No. of women beneficiary worker with account

No. of women beneficiary active worker with account

Total

20,477,512

78,598,315

66,288,898

50,339,773

Source: http://mnregaweb4.nic.in/netnrega/MISreport4.aspx?fin_year=2013-­2014&rpt=RP

211

212

928,760

2006–07

1,414,320

2007–08 1,856,580

2008–09

Source: Various annual reports of the Ministry of Rural Development.

Houses allotted in the name of women(nos.)

Year 1,997,740

2009–10 1,629,000

2010–11

Table 18.8 Houses allotted in the name of women under IAY from 2006–07 to 2015–16

2,115,000

2011–12

1,504,000

2012–13

1,130,313

2013–14

899,817

2014–15

692,194

2015–16

Halima Sadia Rizvi and Mansi Vinaik

Inequality, gender and policy initiatives Table 18.9 Average daily wage rates for agricultural occupations in rural India during July 2017 (by sex) (in rupees) Statistic

Women

Men

Ploughing/tilling workers Sowing (including planting/transplanting/weeding) workers General agricultural labourers (including watering/irrigation workers, etc.)

217.2 221.31 206.51

302.02 269.04 265.36

Source: http://labourbureaunew.gov.in/UserContent/WRRI_July_2017.pdf

the women. In the case of landless household, the registration of the land is made jointly in the name of the husband and wife. As per data uploaded by states on Awaas Soft, during the year 2016–17, 54,346 houses have been sanctioned exclusively in the name of women, and 84,207 houses have joint allotments. For the time period 2006–07 to 2015–16, the number of houses allotted in the name of women showed fluctuations (Table 18.8), but nonetheless the programme is contributing greatly to the cause of gender equality.

Conclusion Women are the core of every family and form the roots of the society. Discrimination against women on the basis of their gender is no good reason to deprive them of opportunities and to leave them out. Gender inequality has prevailed in India for generations, and practices like sati and dowry have marred the status of women in society, especially in the rural areas. The scenario today is changing, and efforts are being made by the Government to give women their actual status in the society, so that they lead a life of dignity and happiness. Various programmes, schemes and legislation have been enacted in this direction, and change is slowly taking place. Many initiatives are taking multipronged approach to cater to gender equality. Many rural development programmes, such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and Indira Awaas Yojana (now: Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana–Grameen), while fulfilling their mandates, are working with the aim of gender equality and empowerment. This process of gender equality and empowerment is dynamic, and India is running on a path towards achieving this goal.

Bibliography Commissioner, C., and M. Road. 2011. Census of India-­2011. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs. GOI. 2013. “Guidelines 2013 − Indira Awaas Yojana.” Socio-­Economic Caste Census-­2011. Accessed May 10, 2020. https://secc.gov.in/reportlistContent. The Ministry of Minority Affairs. 2011. “Sachar Committee’s Report and PM’s New 15-­Pp for the Welfare of Minorities.” The World Bank. 2019. “Population, Female (% of Total Population) − India.” Data. Accessed May 10, 2020. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL.FE.ZS?locations=IN

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19 AN APPRAISAL OF GENDER ISSUES IN THE INDIAN CORPORATE SECTOR Mahima Sharma

Economic growth is the prime yardstick to trace the progress of any nation. Besides economic growth, the development status of a nation is also an important indicator of its economic performance which depends largely on the socio-­economic conditions prevailing in the country. Developed countries have the inherent quality of providing its people a dignified life. The developed countries of the world not only have a high per capita income but also have a high ranking on the Human Development Index. This implies that improvements in all the socio-­ economic spheres of life are crucial in ensuring the prosperity of the people. In India, society is plagued by social as well as economic inequality that prevents the country from being prosperous. One such inequality that plagues the society is gender-­based. Gender discrimination is widespread in Indian society. From female feticide to dowry deaths, women are discriminated against in some way or the other in India. Women are also underprivileged in educational as well as in professional spheres to a large extent in spite of policy initiatives taken by the governments. India cannot develop as a progressive society until women are enabled to participate in the growth of the economy. Adequate representation of women and proper facilities for working women are important not only for the growth and development of our country but also from the point of view of social justice. Women constitute nearly half of the country’s population. The participation of women in the productive activities of the economy therefore is not only desirable but also essential to optimally utilize the human resources of the country. Women need to be encouraged and supported to engage in productive employment in the corporate or for that matter all sectors of the economy. The ground reality, however, is quite different, and women in most sections of our society still face discouragement not only in pursuing professional studies but also in taking up a profession while being eligible and capable of it, thus denying them equitable treatment in the society. This not only affects the social and economic status of women but also the nation as a whole. Therefore in order to create a progressive social fabric and make women participate in the economic progress of the nation, the creation of an enabling environment for women working in the organised sector of the country is essential. For this, it is imperative to look into the current prevailing gender-­based inequalities in the society. In this backdrop, this chapter explores the current position of women working in the corporate or the organised sector in India in respect of gender inequalities and discriminatory practices prevailing thereof. The study is based on secondary data and is exploratory in nature. 214

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The objectives: 1 To study the gender-­related challenges faced by women employees at workplace 2 To study the forms of gender discrimination against women employees by employers/ management. 3 To examine the policy initiatives for women empowerment in the corporate sector

Gender-­based challenges faced by women employees in the corporate sector In India, the patriarchal nature of society has always prevented women from crossing the boundaries of their homes, be it for education or for work. In current times, although the social attitude towards women has become more and more progressive in the sense that large numbers of women are now taking up professional educations and are also engaged as employees in the organised sector. However, the women working in the corporate sector often face a more intense set of challenges than their male counterparts which either discourage them altogether from taking up a job as such or have a negative bearing on their performance, including dropping out from the workforce. These challenges that working women face can be classified broadly into three types. First is the challenge of catering to the parallel responsibilities of both the family and the job; second is the gender bias they face due to male domination and chauvinistic attitudes at the workplace; and third is the threat to their own security.

Work–life balance–related stress A challenge that women almost always face at the workplace is the work–life imbalance. She has to set priorities and plan; she must manage time and effort which imposes a greater amount of physical as well as mental stress on working women than on men, which may in fact push women to quit work themselves. A report by NDTV.com stated that, according to a gender-­ based research, in the Asian countries, unlike men, women drop out of the workforce very early in their careers. The estimates cited show that 48% of women drop out between the junior and middle level, the primary reasons for which is child care and family responsibilities of taking care of the elderly. The study observes that “women often succumb to the ‘daughterly guilt’ where they take upon themselves the responsibility for the care of elders in the family and are thus forced to push their careers behind as ‘secondary’.” Work–life imbalance creates a negative effect on the performance of women employees, can result in marital discord and depression, and can translate into illness and attrition problems (Jones Fiona 2006).

Gender bias practiced by male colleagues Besides facing a stressful work–life imbalance, urban working women also have to deal with gender bias prevailing at their workplace which basically arises due to power plays, ego clashes or simply male chauvinism and stereotypical attitudes of the male colleagues. At times, working women may have to face sexual harassment by their male colleagues or superiors. The number of reported cases of sexual harassment at the workplace has greatly increased in the last decade as reported by the National Commission of Women as per a report by FICCI (2017). According to Bharati and others (2015), most of the time women are engaged in low-­service jobs, whereas men are in the supervisory positions, thus giving them an opportunity to exploit women working as their subordinates. Thus women may often not have healthy relations with their male counterparts, leading to lower 215

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job satisfaction. A healthy relation with colleagues is probably a significant factor in boosting job satisfaction as well as productivity of the employee as assessed by Sharma Poonam (2015). A related issue is that of negative perceptions about working women by the male colleagues which also hampers the dignity of women at the workplace and creates stressful situations for them.

Security threat to working women Lastly, the most threatening challenge for working women involves their own security. Women in the BPO sector, specifically those who have to travel at the night hours, primarily fall victims to cruel types of crimes such as rape and murder. A Wipro BPO employee, Jyotikumari Choudhary’s gangrape and murder in November 2007 is a case in point which accentuates the kind of threat that working women face. As per the Assocham Social Development Foundation (ASDF), about 53% of working women feel insecure during night shifts in all major sectors of the economy across India. Assessment by ASDF reveals that 48% of women who are engaged in the small-­scale sector feel anxious about their safety and that nearly 26% in the medium sector and 23% in large-­scale establishments are scared to step out at night. Organisations give priority to productivity over safety, thus leaving women employees with a feeling of insecurity as per the FICCI Report (2017). BPOs and corporates often do not follow official directives meant for women’s security in order to cut costs. Women facing security threats specifically include those working in the BPO, ITeS, hospitality, civil aviation, medical and media industries.

Forms of gender discrimination against women employees by employers/management Gender discrimination in recruitment and job responsibilities Gender-­based discrimination in the corporate sector is clearly evident from the trends observed in the recruitment of women, promotion of women employees, and other parameters as observed in the corporate sector. Kumar and others (2016), in their study, conclude that there is gender discrimination in recruitment, interviews and salary structures, in promotions as well as job in responsibilities in the corporate sector in India. Women are not considered an appropriate candidate for jobs involving extensive travel or physical stress even if women candidates are willing to perform such duties. Many times companies do not hire women of the marriageable age group as they do not want to bear the cost of maternity leaves in future, thus denying them the opportunity to work. A study reported by livemint.com (2016) reveals employment data for India’s top 100 firms by a market cap showing that there is much scope for improvement in the employment of women. In their disclosures across the three years from FY13 to FY15, companies did not show any marked improvement in the recruitment of women. In fact, they showed a little decline in the number of women employees. As a percentage of total employees, the number of women employees dropped from 19.62% in FY13 to 18.51% in FY15.

Gender discrimination in promotions Looking at absolute numbers, it can be ascertained that women are engaged in large numbers at entry-­level positions and that women have begun to join the ranks of managers in large numbers as well. Nevertheless, women still do not in general occupy top management positions. Women comprise only 10% of senior managers in the Fortune 500 companies of the world, 216

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and fewer than 4% are in the top ranks of CEO, president, executive vice-­president and COO. India is no exception and exhibits similar trends. A gender-­based research stated that, in India, women’s strength in the labour force was at 28% at the junior level, 14.9% at the middle and only 9.32% at the senior level. India also ranks at the top in the dropout rate as well. Further, while only 5% of working women in India make it to top leadership positions, the global average is 20%. Similarly, women’s representation at the board level was at just 2% (Mampatta, Pillay, and Mazumdar 2016). Dey (2013) cites that, according to NASSCOM’s annual report, the number of women executives was only 0–2 amongst up to 30 executives and the number of women on boards was only 0–1 in board members up to 19 in the top six software companies of India. The percentage of women in multinational companies in India is just 25% compared with 42.9% in China, a study has found. In India, the percentage of women in junior management in the 11 multinational firms surveyed is at least 30 but drops to less than 10 at the senior level. As per Jha (2015), of the BSE 100 companies, 54% have no women board directors, although he finds that this trend is actually universal. Major roadblocks for aspiring women to their success in organisations are the social and cultural constraints. A glass ceiling seems to be in place in the process of elevating women to top positions. The glass ceiling here refers to those informal and invisible barriers that discriminate against women employees in granting them higher positions in the organisation. Women who aspire to reach for the top are often barred by this glass ceiling, which prevents them from reaching higher positions in the hierarchy of their organisations. A report released in 2012, “The Third Billion,” by the international consulting firm, Booz and Company, in its global ranking of the level of economic empowerment attained by woman on 128 countries, ranked India at a low of 115. It included the following indicators: equal pay for equal work, non-­discrimination policies, the female–male employee ratio, and equality in terms of female managers and senior business leaders.

Gender discrimination in pay structures Besides the gender bias and discrimination that working women face in the form of denied employment or promotions at the workplace, women also succumb to payment of unequal salaries by employers as compared to what their male counterparts are paid. A related type of gender bias that women face is that they are often assigned less important types of work due to an underlying notion of considering them less capable or less committed to their work and thus paying them less. The “Monster Salary Index India IT Sector Report 2014” by Monster India, revealed that female technology professionals earn 29% less than their male counterparts. As per the “Monster Salary Index 2016 Gender Pay Report,” based on the data for the eight sectors including construction, technical consultancy, education, research, financial services, banking services, health care, legal and market consultancy covered by the Monster Salary Index, the overall gender pay gap in India amounted to 25% in 2016.

Policy framework for women empowerment in the corporate sector The Constitution of India The Constitution of India, the basic document which defines the rights ofthe people of India, provides for women empowerment through many of its articles, namely: 1 2

The Preamble of the Constitution provides for Justice and Equality. Article 14 provides for equality before the law. 217

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3 4 5

Article 15 provides for right against discrimination. Article 15(3) provides for “protective discrimination” to treat women fairly in all spheres of life. Article 16 provides the right to equal opportunity regarding public employment irrespective of gender. 6 Article 39(a) states that citizens, men, and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livelihood. 7 Article 39(d) provides for equal pay for equal work for both men and women. 8 Article 42 requires the state to make provision for securing humane conditions of work and maternity relief. 9 Article 51 A(e) states that it is the duty of every citizen in India to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Thus it can be argued that there is a strong constitutional support to empower women working in the corporate sector by enacting suitable laws and regulations by the government.

The Companies Act, 2013 As per the section 149(1) of the Companies Act 2013[1], all the listed companies and all public limited companies (which have paid-­up share capital of 100 crore rupees or more or a turnover of 300 crore rupees or more) and certain other public companies have to appoint at least one women director on its board. However, a report published by the Business Standard stated that only 4% of Indian company directors were women. Similarly, according to the Economic Times, 904 listed companies had not appointed women directors by July 2014. Thus execution of the regulation is weak.

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act, 2013 According to the provisions of this Act, organisations are mandated to protect women from sexual harassment at the workplace. It also provides for the redressal of complaints of sexual harassment at the workplace. By virtue of this act, it is mandatory for all organisations to set up anti-­sexual harassment committees.

National Commission for Women Empowerment, January 1992 The commission has been set up by the government for matters relating to the constitutional and legal safeguards for women. It reviews the existing legislations aimed at women empowerment and suggests amendments wherever necessary.

National Policy for the Women Empowerment, 2001 The National Policy for the Women Empowerment had been framed in 2001 by the Department of Women and Child Development, Ministry of Human Resource. The objective of this policy is also to bring about the advancement, development and empowerment of women.

Other legislation Other provisions include legislation, namely, The Equal Remuneration Act, 1976, for preventing discrimination against women in the areas of remuneration, recruitment, transfers and 218

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promotions; and the Maternity Benefits Act, 1961, which provides for paid maternity leave, crèche facilities at the workplace and work-­from-­home facilities for women employees.

Conclusion Today, women face a number of challenges in the path of their career development. These challenges mainly emerge in the form of creating a reasonable work–life balance, dealing with male chauvinism and also dealing with fears about security problems such as in the case of late-­night shift jobs and related travel. As far as work–life balance situations faced by working women are concerned, much can be done regarding this simply by providing a support system to women in form of adequate maternity leave, crèche facilities, and a flexible work schedule to the women employees of the organisations. As per Choudhury (2016), organisations need to take conscious decisions to evolve women-­friendly policies, namely by providing crèche facilities, flexible timing, and extended maternity leave. Regarding gender issues related to negative attitudes of male colleagues and related sexual harassment issues, all employees of organisations, especially women employees, need to be educated and encouraged to report cases of sexual harassment, thus creating a safe and secure environment for working women. According to an Ernst & Young survey published in 2015, titled “Reining in Sexual Harassment at the Workplace in India,” although organisations are attempting to deal with the issue of women’s safety at the workplace, ambiguity and unfamiliarity still prevail in most situations. Similarly, organisations need to deal effectively with security threats to female employees. According to an FICCI report (2017): [T]o manage this problem (security issues), an organization can permit women to look at options such as telecommuting, leaving the office on time and catching up on unfinished work at home. . . , employing female security guards at necessary points in offices and providing for a basic pantry inside the office premises so that women employees need not venture out for dinner when working late. Besides mitigating the challenges faced by women employees for ensuring greater women empowerment in the corporate sector in India, business organisations also need to have proper regulations and policies for ensuring that women employees are treated fairly by management itself and not discriminated against in terms of recruitments, promotions or salary payments vis-­ à-­vis their male counterparts. Further, the government also needs to tighten up the execution of various policy measures in order to cater to the gender-­based issues of working women in the corporate sector in order to create an enabling work environment for them and make them partners and participants in the growth and development of the country.

References Azadeh Bharati, R. O. 2015. “Challenges and Problems Faced By Women Workers in India.” Chronicle of the Neville Wadia Institute of Management Studies & Research. Choudhury, S. R. 2016. “Status of Women Workforce in Corporate Sector with Reference to Gender Inequality in Work Place and the Provision of Companies Act, 2013.” International Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology (IJSSA): 1(1): 99-104: December, New Delhi Publishers. EY (Ernst & Young) Report. 2015. “Reining in Sexual Harassment at the Workplace − A Survey by Fraud Investigation & Dispute Services. Jha, M. 2015. “Status of Women Workforce in Corporate Sector With Reference To Glass Ceiling and Income Disparity.” IOSR Journal of Business and Management 17. Jones Fiona, J. B. 2006. Work-­Life Balance: A Psychological Perspective. London: Taylor and Francis.

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Mahima Sharma Kumar, T. N. S., K. Mahathi, and S. Thirthala. 2016. “Role of Constitution in Women Empowerment in Corporate Sector.” Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review. Mampatta, S. P., A. Pillay, and R. Mazumdar. 2016. “How Indian Top Form Fare in Employing Women and Persons with Disabilities.” Livemint, August 9. Megha, C. M. 2010. “Gender Equality in Indian Hotel Industry – A Study of Perception of Male and Female Employees.” International Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Systems 3 (1). NDTV. 2014. “Only Five Present Indian Women are in Senior Corporate Posts.” Indo-­Asian News Service, September. “Reflections on the State of Women Safety at the Workplace.” 2017. FICCI and EY India. Sharma Poonam, D. P. 2015. “Impact of Work Life Balance and Stress Management on Job Satisfaction among the Working Women In Private Sector Banks of Rajasthan.” International Journal of Science Technology and Management 4 (November).

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20 GENDER INEQUALITY IN INDIA Legal provisions Archana Chawla

Gender inequalities throughout the world are among the most pervasive forms of inequality. Gender equality concerns each and every member of society and forms the very basis of a just society; hence, the issue of gender justice is of enormous magnitude and ramification engulfing an all-­embracing and illimitable canvas. Gender justice is a composite concept and part of social justice. Gender equality has been recognized as a basic human right both in the purview of national as well as international laws. The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its preamble, fundamental rights, fundamental duties, and directive principles. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) also affirmed the ideal of equal rights of men and women. The UN convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (1979) observes that discrimination against women violates the principle of equality of rights and respect for human dignity. Men and women are wonderful creatures of nature whose mutual understanding and cooperation are both needed to guide the activities of the world. But it is unfortunate that throughout history, women have remained the victims of violent actions induced by men’s society. They have to undergo various kinds of discrimination, exploitation and torture both mental and physical in society and within the four walls of the family. They have been the victims of violence and exploitation by male-­dominated society all over the world. In this tradition-­bound society, women have been socially, economically physically, psychologically and sexually exploited from time immemorial, sometimes in the name of religion, sometimes with the pretext of writings in scriptures and sometimes by social sanctions. Gender inequality in India finds its beginnings in Indian homes, with the conception of work firmly rooted in the Indian psyche. Work performed by Indian women, such as taking care of the family and household chores, fails to gain favorable recognition both within the family and the nation (Bhattacharya 2013). According to Verick, Senior Specialist on Employment at the ILO, the two main factors keeping women at home are low education levels and social and cultural norms (Rathi 2014). Gender inequality in employment implies treating women (or men) differently because of characteristics that are not related to their merit or the requirements of the job (Kaushik, Sharma and Kaushik 2014). Gender equality, signifying the equal value of the roles of women and men, is considered vital for the progress and development of a nation (Hussain and Kirmani 2010). India is a collectivist society where individual needs are sacrificed for the benefit of the group (Razvi and Roth 2004). And this sacrifice is primarily made by Indian women for their families. Traditionally and importantly, 221

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although the Indian patriarchal culture views a woman as a member of the family or a group, she is not viewed as an individual with an identity of her own (Alavi 2013).

Gender inequality redefined “Gender” is a socio-­cultural term referring to serially defined roles and behaviours assigned to “males” and “females” in a given society, whereas the term “sex” is a biological and physiological phenomenon which defines man and woman. In its social, historical and cultural aspects, gender is a function of the power relationship between men and women where men are considered superior to women. Therefore, gender may be understood a human-­made concept, while sex is natural or biological characteristics of human beings. Gender in equality, in simple words, may be defined as discrimination against women based on their sex. Women are traditionally considered by society as the weaker sex. They have been accorded a subordinate position to men. They are exploited, degraded, violated and discriminated both in our homes and outside in the world. This peculiar type of discrimination against women is prevalent everywhere in the world and more so in Indian society. Gender inequality involves the idea and assumptions that women and men are not equal. Gender inequality refers to unequal treatment or perceptions of individuals wholly or partly due to their gender. It arises from differences in gender roles. Gender systems are often dichotomous and hierarchical. Gender inequality stems from distinctions, whether empirically grounded or socially constructed. Women lag behind men in many domains, including education, labour market opportunities and political representation.

Causes of gender inequality in India Traditional value systems, low levels of literacy, more household responsibilities, lack of awareness, non-­availability of proper guidance, low mobility, lack of self-­confidence, family discouragement and advanced science and technology are some of the factors responsible for creating gender disparity in our society. The most important causes of gender disparity such as poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, social customs, beliefs and anti-­female attitudes are discussed here. Poverty: In India of the total 30% people who are below the poverty line, 70% is women. Women’s poverty in India is directly related to the absence of economic opportunities and autonomy, lack of access to economic resources including credit, landownership and inheritance, lack of access to education and support services and their minimal participation in decision-­making processes. The situation of women on the economic front is no better, and men still enjoy a larger share of the cake. Thus poverty stands at the root of gender discrimination in apatriarchate society, and this economic dependence on the male counterpart is itself a cause of gender disparity. The percentage of people who fell below the poverty line – $24,340 for a family of four in 2016 – is 12.7% (40.6 million people). The percentage of people who fell below the poverty line– $ 48,680 for a family of four in 2016 – is 29.8% (95.2 million people), and the percentage of females who fell below the poverty line in 2016 is 14.0% (22.9 million people). Illiteracy: Despite the notable efforts by countries around the globe that have expanded basic education, of approximately 960 million illiterate adults, two-­thirds are women. Educational backwardness of the girls has been the resultant cause of gender discrimination. The progress towards education by girls is very slow, and gender disparities persist at the primary, upper primary and secondary stages of education. Gender differences in enrolment are prevalent in all states at all levels. Women are not able to realize full identity and power in all spheres of life only 222

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due to illiteracy. Only 48% of the females studying up to the 5th grade are found to be literate in India by the study. The corresponding number for Nepal is 92%. Lack of employment facilities: Women are not able to resolve the conflict between the new economic and the old domestic roles. In both rural and urban India, women spend a large proportion of time on unpaid home-­sustaining work. Women are not able to respond to new opportunities and shift to new occupations because their mobility tends to be low due to the intra-­household allocation of responsibilities. Rights and obligations within a household are not distributed evenly. Male ownership of assets and the conventional division of labour reduce incentives for women to undertake new activities. In addition, childbearing has clear implications for labour force participation by women. Time spent in bearing and rearing children often results in deskilling and the termination of long-­term labour contracts. Thus women are unemployed, and their economic dependence on the male counterpart is itself a cause of gender disparity. Social customs, beliefs and practices: Women are not free from social customs, beliefs and practices. The traditional patrilineal joint family system confines women’s roles mostly to the domestic sphere, allocating them to a subordinate status, authority and power as compared to men. Men are perceived as the major providers and protectors of a family, while women are perceived as playing only a supportive role, specifically attending to health matters. Boys and girls are accordingly trained for different adult roles, status and authority. In Indian culture from the very early periods, men have dominated women as a group, and their status has been low in the family and society. The preference for sons and disfavour towards daughters is a complex phenomenon that persists in many places. Sons especially in the business communities are considered to be economic, political and ritual assets, whereas daughters are considered liabilities. Thus anti-­female social bias is the main cause of gender disparity in our society. The boy receives a ceremonial welcome on his birth, whereas everyone is sad at the birth of a girl child. The preference for a male child is due to lower female labour participation, the prevalence of social evils, the line dowry and many others causes. The typical orthodox mentality is present even in this modern era, leading to sex determination tests and illegal abortions. Parents often think that teaching a girl child to manage the kitchen is more important than sending her to school. Many feel that it is an unnecessary financial burden to send a girl child to school as subsequently she will be married off and shifted to some other family. This orthodox belief of parents is responsible for gender disparity. Social attitude: Though many social activists and reformers carried their crusade against all social odds to restore honour and dignity to women, attitudinal disparities still haunt the Indian masses. Despite pronounced social development and technological advancement, women in our society still continue to be victims of exploitation, superstition, illiteracy and social atrocities. The social stigma that women are housekeepers and should be confined to the four walls of the house is perhaps a viable cause of gender disparity. They should not raise their voice for the sake of the prestige of the family. In a patriarchal society, a lot of weight is given to men. In the health and nutritional field, male members of the family are supposed to take fresh and nutritious food in comparison to women because either they are earning members the family or they are supposed to be more important than female members. Food consumption by the poor in any case is quite low. When food inflation is high, coupled with pressing non-­food expenses, the situation further decreases the proportion of income spent on food. In the present study, only 29% women in the poorest wealth quartile consumed milk or curd (a good source of proteins). Maternal anemia during pregnancy increases the risk of prenatal and maternal mortality and contributes to low birth weight. The percentage of anemia in slum-­based women was 81.93% in 2015. This type of social attitude is conducive to creating the problem of gender discrimination. 223

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Lack of awareness of women: Most women are unaware of their basic rights and capabilities. They do not even understand how socio-­economic and political forces affect them. They accept all types of discriminatory practices that persist in their families and society largely due to their ignorance and unawareness. If women achieve equal opportunities like men, they can work in every field like men. Today, if a women lags behind a little, it is not her fault but the fault of the traditions which have suppressed them for centuries. Owing to this, her own thoughts like also hang about only family conditions, and the environment also does not provide favorable conditions for her devotion to outside work. In order to change the situation, along with economic growth, social progress is greatly required. Hence the need of the hour is to effectively combat gender disparity in order to promote gender equality by sufficiently empowering women.

Constitutional and legal provisions to reduce gender inequality in India • • • • • •

Article 14: Men and women have equal rights and opportunities in the political, economic and social spheres. Article 15(1): Prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, etc. Article 15(3): Special provision enabling the state to create affirmative discrimination in favour of women. Article 16: Equality of opportunities in matters of public appointments for all citizens. Article 39(d): The state shall direct its policy towards securing all citizens, men and women equally, the rights to a means of livelihood. Article 42: The state is to make provision for ensuring just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.

In addition to these constitutional safeguards, various protective legislations have also been passed by the Parliament to eliminate the exploitation of women and to give them equal status in society. For instance, the Sati (Prevention) Act, 1987, was enacted to abolish and make punishable the inhuman custom of sati; the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961, to eliminate the practice of dowry; the Special Marriage Act, 1954, to give rightful status to married couples who marry inter-­caste or inter-­religion; the Pre-­natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Bill introduced in Parliament in 1991, passed in 1994, to stop female infanticide and many more such acts. Furthermore, the Parliament from time to time brings out amendments to existing laws in order to protect women according to the changing needs of society; for instance, section 304-­B was added to the Indian Penal Code, 1860, to make dowry death or bride burning a specific offence punishable with a maximum punishment of life imprisonment. So there are varied legislative safeguards and protection mechanisms for women, but the on-­ the-­ground reality is very different. Despite all these provisions, women are still being treated as second-­rate citizens in our country. Men are treating them as objects to fulfill their sexual desires. Crimes against women are at alarming stage, the practice of dowry is still widely prevalent and female infanticide is a norm in our homes.

India’s gender inequality has led to millions of “unwanted” girls India’s preference for sons over daughters has led to the birth of millions of “unwanted” girls, according to a new report by the Indian Government. Couples’ tendency to keep trying until 224

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a boy is born has led to the birth of as many as 21  million girls who are “notionally  .  .  . Unwanted.” The Economic Survey 2017–18 states that the preference for boys and the availability of sex-­selective operations, although illegal in India, means there’s a gender gap of as many as 63 million girls, classified in the reports as “missing.” As a result, India has one of the most skewed sex ratios in the world. For every 107 males born in India, there are 100 females. According to the World Health Organization, the natural sex ratio at birth is 105 males for every 100 females. The report’s author, Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian, said that, while progress had been made in some areas, the “deeper societal son preference” was hard to shift. Some of the ingrained preference is due to the norms governing inheritance, the continued practice of paying a dowry for female children to be married and the tradition of “patrilocality”– women joining their husband’s households – and rituals which need to be performed by male children. According to the report, 55% of couples who have a girl try another child and will keep trying until they have a boy. It’s referred to as the “stopping rules.” Subramanian told India’s NDTV that the decision to have more babies until there was a boy had offset the number of girls lost through infanticide, sex selection and differential survival– the difference in mortality rates between male and female children. More females die than males in early childhood. “What this says is that even if you didn’t have all those things, you have fertility stopping rules, where people say, ‘If I have a (male) child we stop . . . and if we don’t we continue’,” Subramanian said.

Addressing inequality The report which aims to present solutions addressing inequalities across society, states that the “intrinsic values of gender equality are (incontestable).” It points to growing evidence that there can also be significant gains in economic growth if women acquire greater personal agency, assume political power and attain public status, and participate equally in the labour force. In terms of countering gender imbalance, the report points to a 2015 initiative which roughly translates as “Save the Daughter, Educate the Daughter” as a positive step that the government has taken to redress the imbalance. But the report acknowledges that it has a long way to go, India’s gender bias is so long-­standing. Despite initiatives like the 2015 programme to educate girls, India is lagging in its quest to address the gender gap. In terms of economic participation and opportunity for females, India is one of the worst country – 139th – and similarly poor in women’s health and mortality rates. It is also in the bottom third – 118th– for education of women and girls, according to a 2017 World Economic Forum report. A report by Kanya life, an anti-­infanticide organisation which uses data analysis to provide insight into the problem, reports that the worst city is Mahesena in the state of Gujarat, with a ratio of only 762 women for every 1,000 men. “The problem of female infanticide does not seem confined to smaller villages, contrary to common perception,” its report states.” In fact, relatively large urban areas also have this problem.”

Critical analysis of the legal provisions in India In spite of the legal provisions in India, we have gender inequalities because the Constitution in the books is different from the Constitution in reality. Generally, women are not aware about their fundamental rights. Even so, the lengthy and costly enforcement machinery – a drawback of the Indian judicial system –is not enabling them to have their rights. The Constitution covers 225

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a wide area of security given to women, but what is the point of having these rights, when women are not secure from the very beginning – from birth to death and throughout life. The point is does the breakdown lie in our Constitution or in its implementation? We have everything, every law but only the law. We have a rich Constitution, but there is no proper implementation of the law. So this Constitution looks like a mere formality, just something that a country must have, even if there is no proper implementation of the laws because the authorities involved in this process are none other than the people from our society – the government, the political parties, the lawmakers, the organisations, our families, educational institutes – and they themselves are involved in the commission of this crime. The problem lies in their mindset, their psyche, which declares that a girl child is a burden. This is the society whose response is so important in the success of a law on any issue. Success depends on how society adopts the laws. Our Constitution is not biased but our society is. We the people of India are unable to secure for all its citizens social, economic and political justice because we do not follow our Constitution. Even after the additions of sections like 498A and sec 304B in the Indian Penal Code, 1860, cruelty against women is increasing day by day. Domestic violence against women is considered a private affair, and nobody may interfere in it. Efforts by the Parliament of India to eradicate the problem of dowry just have not been successful.

Conclusion Despite the Constitution and various legislative enactments and commissions for gender equality, there still exists a wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation, policies, plans, programmes and related mechanism on the one hand and the situational reality of the status of women in India on the other. The position of women in India is pitiable in certain cases. The matter of the fact is that, despite the lofty guarantees in the Constitution and the generous endowments of our laws and administrative policies, discrimination against women is considered a personal norm rather than a social harm. Though women have been given formal equality in access to education, employment and even political participation and socially in marriage and family reproduction, they continue to be unequal. The violations of women’s rights continue in practice, and the legal system, which is slow, often expensive and procedurally biased against women, aids in it. Therefore in the existing Indian set-­up, many factors are responsible for the ineffectiveness of laws and the continuance of inequality. Some of the factors are as follows: • • • • • •

Wide gap between law in theory and its implementation in practice Illiteracy of women Public non-­cooperation Role of police Uncommendable efforts of women organizations Unawareness among women

There is no denying the fact that women in India have made considerable progress in the last 50 years, but in view of the continuance of gender inequality, women have to come forward for their own benefit. Keeping these factors in view, some suggestions are given here to prevent discrimination against women and to achieve the goal of gender justice as per the norms of the Constitution. Awareness among women: Legal measures provided for the protection of the human rights of women have failed due to the unawareness among women. Mere reservation in elected 226

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bodies will not help in improving the status of women unless women themselves take the initiative to participate in the task of nation building. The effects of all others’ actions will not prove fruitful unless women themselves are made aware of their Constitutional rights and guarantees and legal formulations. The need is to have an integrated view of women and to strive for their solution by effective social campaigns and political measures. Thus the situation of gender inequality can be improved by creating an awareness of equal rights for women even in the remotest of areas. Education of women: One of the most pressing needs is the need for the legal education of women. There is need for realization amongst women themselves. Legal education among both rural and the urban women will be helpful to reduce gender inequalities in India. Economic empowerment: There is an urgent need for legislation to improve the economic status of women. The discrimination can be eliminated only if women raise their voices against it, for which economic empowerment of women is must. Awareness of society: One of the fundamental obstacles to promoting gender equality remains at the community level. The government has done little to remove these obstacles apart from the occasional and irregular campaigns around single issues like dowry, girl child education and amniocentesis. Policy education campaigns are restricted to occasional posters and TV spots, but it is not consistent or backed by strong action by state. Society must create a powerful lobby to watch and protect the interests of women, who should be made aware with the help of the media and press. Strengthening women’s organisations: Women’s organisations should be formed at the district, state and national levels to protect their interests. There is still a lot to be done in this regard. The role of current women’s organisations is not commendable. These organisations, including the National Commission for Women, are more concerned with creational roles of imaging innovations rather than on-­the-­g round realities. Harping on media hype for self-­ glorification should be discarded by these organisation, and a solemn affirmation for enforcement of gender justice should be their motivating principle. Strict implementation of laws: Mere protective benevolent legislation is not enough. There is a need to project the rights in the proper perspective and to implement the laws in the right direction. It would be more appropriate and effective for the government to enact a simplified and comprehensive code of laws relating to women. Self-­help: Last but not least, women must help themselves and one another in the fight against violence. Attitudinal change in society is required if women are to live in the world as free human beings without fear. Government machinery alone cannot solve this problem.

Bibliography Abraham, Ammu. 1990. “Personal Law in India.” In Women’s Liberation and Politics of Religious Personal Laws in India, 16. Bombay: C.G. Shah Memorial Trust Publication. Agenes, Flavia. 1992. “Protecting Women against Violence: Review of a Decade of Legislation, 1980–89.” Economic and Political Weekly XXVII (17) (April 25). Alavi, S. 2013. “A Historical Analysis of Women Development in India.” International Journal of Scientific Engineering and Research 1: 111−116. Banerjee, N. 1985. Women Workers in the Unorganized Sector. Hyderabad: Sanyan Books. Bhasin, Kamla. 1992. “Education for Women’s Empowerment: Some Reflections.” Adult Educational Development (March): 38. Bhattacharya, P. 2013. “The Price India Pays for Gender Inequality,” Livermint. http//:www.live.mint. com. Boserup, Estey. 1990. Economic and Demographic Relationships in Development. MD: John Hopkins University Press.

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Archana Chawla Chanana, K. 1988. Socialization, Education and Women. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Gupta, Monica Das, Lincoln C. Chen, and T. N. Krishnan, eds. 1995. Women’s Health in India: Risk and Vulnerability. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Hussain, N., and M. Kirmani. 2010. Gender Differences: A Case Study of Malda District of West Bengal, India, Pakistan. Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-­E-­Niswan 17: 75−96. Kaushik, N., A. Sharma, and V. K. Kaushik. 2014. “Equality in the Workplace: A Study of Gender Issues in Indian Organizations.” Journal of Management Development 33: 90−106. Mathew, P. D., and P. M. Bakshi. 1998. Women and the Constitution. Legal Education Series. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute. Mckee, K. 1989. “Micro Level Strategies for Supporting Livelihoods Empowerment and Income Generation of Poor Women in the Third Word: The Challenge of Significance.” Word Development: 993–1006. Rathi, A. 2014. “India’s Urban Work Boom Is Leaving Women Behind.” http://theconversation.com. Razvi, M., and G. Roth. 2004. “Socio economic development and gender inequality in India.” In T. M. Egan, M. L. Morris, and V. Inbakumar (Eds.), Proceedings of the Academy of Human Resource Development (pp. 168−175). Bowling Green, OH: Academy of Human Resource Development. Saxena, Shobha. 1995. Crime against Women and Protection Laws. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications. Verma, N. M. P. 1998. “Determinants of Women Workers Participation: Notes on Some Interdisciplinary Controversies.” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 34 (1) (July), New Delhi. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Verma, S. K. 1995. Gender Equality: Theory and Practise in India. New Delhi: Human Rights, Regency Publications. World Bank. 1991. Gender and Poverty in India. Washington, DC: World Bank Report.

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21 ANALYSIS OF INDIA’S EMPLOYMENT SCENARIO Working age population and female participation Arvind Kumar Singh India presents a unique example of diverse cultural unification. It is very rich in its natural as well as human resources. Its present stage of economic development, size, and demographic profile reflects the potential of the country. The growth potential of any country is reflected in the wise use of available natural resources and its enriched human capital in terms of literacy, employment, health, equality of income, etc. The size and quality of human capital play a very important role in the economic development of any country, and it is equally true in the case of India. India supports one of the highest populations (approximately 17%) of the world population in its 2.4% of the total land area of the world. With a view to analysing the employment scenario of any country, it is logical to divide the whole population into the dependent population and the working-­age population category, as it is the working age population that needs the productive employment or the livelihood. Decades ago India was very pessimistic about its population growth as it was proving as a barrier to the economic growth but in the present scenario this big population has become the strength of the country. India is taking a series of initiatives to turn the ever increasing population into human assets. The Economic Survey 2018 gives hope to a government that has long been criticized for jobless growth, especially after making it a key electoral promise back in 2014. “India’s formal sector non-­farm payroll is substantially greater than currently believed,” says the document currently being tabled in Parliament, adding that “the digitization of government data and the introduction of the GST have provided an opportunity to make some preliminary estimates of formal employment.” Defining formal employment in two ways – either in terms of employees receiving some kind of social security benefits or from a tax net perspective – the survey says that there are 22 crore employees in the country currently. From the social security angle, the Employees’ Provident Fund Organization (EPFO) and Employees’ State Insurance Corporation (ESIC) data has been used. The 68th Round (2011) of the NSSO Employment-­Unemployment Survey shows that from a social security perspective formal employment amounts to 6 crores, “to which we must add an estimated 1.5 crore of government workers (excluding the armed forces), for a total of 7.5 crores,” explains the report, adding that, “Since the [total] non-­agricultural workforce 229

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is estimated at 24 crores according to the 68th Round (2011) of the NSSO Employment-­ Unemployment Survey, formal employment under this definition is equivalent to 31% of the non-­agricultural workforce.”

GST effects Things look far rosier when looked at from a tax perspective. “Since new data on the GST is available, one can define tax formality as firms having registered under the GST,” says Chapter 2 of the survey. The formal non-­farm payroll from a tax definition is thus estimated at 12.7 crores, including government employment. This implies that nearly 53% of the non-­agricultural workforce is in the formal sector. Of course, not all the firms that pay GST are formal, in the common-­use sense of the term: many small, below-­the-­threshold firms have registered for the GST so that they can secure tax credits on their purchases. So given that the preceding figure excludes many formal workers in sectors outside the GST such as health and education, the survey hints that the actual numbers might be higher. The survey glaringly points out that the size of the formal sector (defined here as being either in the social security or GST net) is a mere 13% of total firms in the private non-­agriculture sector. However, it accounts for 93% of their total turnover. “About 0.6% of firms, accounting for 38% of total turnover, 87% of exports, and 63% of GST liability are what might be called in the ‘hard core’ formal sector in the sense of being both in the tax and social security net,” it says. At the other end of the spectrum, a whopping 87% of firms, representing 21% of total turnover, are purely informal, outside both the tax and social security nets. Recognising that accurate assessments of the employment challenge are hampered by a lack of timely data, the government has also authorized NITI Aayog to provide new guidelines for filling this lacuna, and the next comprehensive survey of employment is under way.

Demonetization effects On November 8, 2016, the sudden announcement to demonetize the high denomination currency notes of Rs. 1,000 and Rs. 500 sent tremors all across the country. Given the timing and socio-­economic and political repercussions of the decision, many termed it a “financial emergency.” Given the high proportion of these notes in circulation (over 86%), “demonetization” led to most economic activities, particularly employment, being affected in a big way. Political parties, however, seemed divided on the issue: those in favour of the decision feel it will help to curb the galloping size of black money, fake currency, cross-­border terrorism, etc. In sharp contrast, others believe it is a purely thoughtless decision, based on no or poor understanding of the “black economy” and hence is only politically motivated in the wake of the assembly elections due in a couple of states, particularly UP. In addition, they also believe that the decision of demonetization is far from ground reality, and hence is unlikely to fetch anything tangible except causing misery to millions of people by making them stand in queue day in and day out. As already mentioned, among all the implications of demonetization, its impact on employment is important, particularly in a situation when the majority of wage payments are made in cash form. Given the nature of huge informal employment, more than 95% of total transactions in India are in cash (Live Mint, January 1, 2017). The decision of sudden demonetization therefore led the labour market dynamics to change significantly by rendering millions of workers exposed to increased uncertainty in employment; they resorted to “reverse migration.” For employment growth, economic growth is one of the important factors. In a situation when the recession phase caused by the global crisis of 2009 had hardly dimmed, the recent move of 230

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demonetization will push growth downward, as predicted by most economic agencies including RBI and IMF. The prediction of decline in GDP ranges from 0.5% to 2%. Theoretically, a unit decline in growth rate results in a decline in employment growth rate, a concept called employment elasticity (EE) of output. So the labour market, particularly informal in nature, will be the most affected by the move. Before evaluating the employment impact of the recent move of demonetization, it is imperative to summarize the labour market in India. Following the Report on Fifth Annual Employment and Unemployment Survey (2015–16), a couple of points are worth mentioning. First, among all, very few households (20%) with monthly income less than or equal to Rs. 10,000 have bank accounts. Second, the majority of workers belong to this income group only: 82% among self-­employed, 60% among regular or salaried workers, 87% among contract workers, and 96% among casual workers. Third, the majority of workers in all category of employments have no written contract: 65% (regular workers), 68% (contract workers), 95% (casual workers). Fourth, the majority of workers (71.2%) receive no social benefits. Fifth, 60% of the workforce belongs to just six states: Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh. For quite some time, the labour market in India has been witnessing numerous uncertainties including the problem of world recession and growing automation, particularly in the manufacturing sector. More precisely, in the last one and a half decades, India has emerged as a global power in terms of the development or diffusion of new technology in the form of information and communications technology (ICT). ICT intensity, defined as the ratio of ICT investment to non-­ICT investment, has increased significantly across industries and has led to automation in most production (and distribution). Its impact on productivity-­led growth and on direct employment is well documented. However, its negative employment impact, particularly in ICT use in the manufacturing sector, has largely been ignored. So the debate as to whether the net employment impact of ICT on the economy as a whole is positive is still inconclusive; any major policy change like demonetization is likely to make the employment scenario further volatile by causing uncertainties to rise in the labour market, mainly informal employment. Informal employment, which constitutes as much as 95% of all employment, is backed with no (or the least) social security such as health, education or provident fund benefits. Workers are subject to be fired (or laid off) at any point of time during the production (or distribution) process. Since the majority of wage payment is made in cash form; they are thus the ones to face misery caused by the recent announcement of demonetization. According to Financial Express (November 24, 2016), an estimated 4 lakh workers, largely belonging to this segment, will be affected by the decision. Further, a point worth mentioning is that, all employment in the formal sector is not formal per se; it is, rather, informal in nature, i.e., not backed by social security. It rose from 38.7% to 46.6% during 2000 to 2005, in a phenomenon known as “infomalization of the formal sector” (NCEUS 2009). Or, social security as a percentage of the value of output in the formal sector has recorded a perceptible decline from 14% in 2000 to 10% in 2013 (ASI 2013–14). So if output growth declines by the recent policy of demonetization, as predicted by most economic agencies including the World Bank, the employment of largely these informal workers will be affected. Further, using the same data source, in the 10 years after 2003, a total of 94,163 additional factories gave rise to nearly 4 million employment generations, or 41 workers per factory. So it is easy to infer that, if demonetization led a factory shutdown, it will render nearly 41 people unemployed. Further, from the sectoral analysis of industries within the manufacturing sector, a couple of points are also worth mentioning. It is further found that labour-­intensive units such as food and beverage, tobacco, textile, leather, wood and jewellery employ nearly half of the total workers in the organised manufacturing sector of the economy (ASI 2013–14). Given that nearly 84% of total factories have employment in the range of 0–99, they are thus prone to be affected by the recent move 231

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of the government. Newspapers, electronic media or social media are flooded with the news on “reverse migration,” i.e., lakhs of people forced to flee the industrialized states such as Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, Gujarat etc., to their places of origin. Since in some of these industries, the share of female workers is higher (wearing apparel, except fur apparel (46%), knitted and crocheted apparel (36.08%) and other food products (33.98%) women workers are inherently weak in bargaining power and hence are subject to more labour market uncertainties in terms wage rate or social security. In these industries, as mentioned, cash payment is generally the only mode of payment; they thus will be affected more than their male counterparts by any policy change such as demonetization. Further, using the principle of employment elasticity (EE), an attempt is made to estimate the likely impact of demonetization on employment in the organised manufacturing sector of India. Over the past half decade, owing to numerous reasons including ICT-­led automation, employment elasticity has declined perceptibly in most industries. Employment elasticity, by definition, measures the percentage change of labour demand (or employment) due to a percentage change in output level. Numerically, an EE equal to 1 (say) means that an output growth rate of 10% (say) resulted in a 10% growth in employment, and vice versa. In short, it measures the employment intensity of a unit of output produced. In the past, some sectors like construction or ICT witnessed unit-­level EE. The same principle of EE is used to measure the extent of employment loss due to an expected demonetization-­led decline in output growth rate. According to the Economic Survey (2013–14) for the country as a whole, EE rose marginally from 0.16 during 1994–2000 to 0.19 during 2000–12 for all sectors, i.e., including both formal and informal. Using the ASI data, it is found that during 2010–14, 21 industries in the organised manufacturing sector experienced a 14% output growth rate and 3.2% rate of employment growth with a 0.21 level of EE. Two scenarios are presented, first assuming an extent of decline of 30% lower than expected output growth, and the second with a decline of 20% less than expected output in the next year 2017–18. Assuming the same growth rates of output and employment respectively (or the same level of EE) for the next three years (2015–17), scenario one will render nearly 1 million workers unemployed; this is expected to be nearly 6.4 lakhs in 2017–18 in these industries alone. It is also found that the employment impact of demonetization is not uniform across industries. More precisely, labour-­intensive industries such as the food, textile, wearing apparel, leather and leather product industries seemed to have witnessed a major loss; i.e., these industries will register an absolute loss of employment with 32,502, 42,072, 37,183 and 38,089 respectively (in scenario one) or 21,667, 28,048, 24,788 and 25,399 respectively (in scenario two). Turning to the informal sector, according to a report by ASI (2010–11), roughly a fifth of the almost 32 million people employed in the textile and garment sector are daily wage earners. Hence any policy change impacting decline in output growth affects these people more. Further, according to a NCEUS 2009 report, the majority of people (78.7%) belonging to the informal sector are poor, or constituting 90% of casual workers and 75% of self-­employed people. So these are the ones who bear the major brunt of demonetization. A well-­documented fact is that the formal sector has reached its saturation point of employment; it is thus unable to help in additional employment generation. Qualitatively also, things are not all that rosy here; i.e., the percentage of income spent on social security has steeply gone down over the years. A tendency of quite a high proportion of contractual workers is found prevalent in most sectors: for instance, remediation activities and other waste management services (100%), waste collection (91.70 %), mining and quarrying (83.89%) and so on (ASI, 200–10). At the factory level, 26.42% of the factories were reported to have employed contract workers in 2009–10; were found to be highest in the public sector (35.02%), 39.56% in the joint sector and 26.18% in private sector (ASI 2013–14). At the state level, the highest is found in in Tripura (67%), 58.50% in Bihar, 47.19% in Nagaland and 232

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45.06% in Dadra and Nagar Haveli. Under the public sector, the highest is found in Chandigarh (around 80%), followed by Chhattisgarh (70%) and Rajasthan (56%). From this analysis, it can be easily concluded that the employment scenario in the country is not conducive to facing any challenge such as the demonetization of the currency. In a country where 79% of non-­ agricultural wage workers have no written contract and only one-­fourth are eligible for any social security, the decision is certainly a cause of concern. India has the world largest youth population, so for any developing country like India, it is time to harness the population dividend by providing them gainful employment. No doubt, the impact of ICT on growth and direct employment is well documented, but its indirect negative employment impact from ICT use in the manufacturing sectors cannot be ignored. Given this, the decision of demonetization will further destabilize the already volatile labour market in India.

Status of employment in India According to the demographic transition theory, a decline in infant and child mortality leads to a decline in overall fertility levels. That results in a temporary baby boom, and later, when this population enters into the working age range of 15–25 years, the state of demographic dividend arrives. At this point of the demographic dividend, the country has a comparatively higher share of workers as compared to the dependent population. India is also passing through a phase of these unique demographic changes, wherein the proportion of the working age population (15–59 years) is likely to rise from around 58% in 2001 to over 64% by 2021 (according to the Economic Survey 2011–12). The working age population is defined as those aged between 15 and 64. (See figure 21.7.) The Regional Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme (2016) suggests that from 0.86 billion people aged 15–64 years, India’s working age population will grow to over a billion by the year 2050. China and India comprised 62% of the region’s share in 2015, with 1 billion and 0.86 billion workers respectively. The populations pyramid in Figure 21.2 exhibits the age and sex structure of India’s population. The population in millions is shown on the horizontal axis; the male population is on the left side, and the female population is on the right. The shape of the pyramid clearly reveals India’s strength. The Indian pyramid has a strong base, with more youngsters. It is well balanced and smooth. In the years coming, India will have a uniform age distribution and a smooth and symmetric pyramid. The higher share in the world’s working age population with this demographic structure gives India a distinct advantage in the world market as it has a large pool of educated workforce to provide the support to the global economy.

Indian population 17%

World population 83%

Figure 21.1 The proportion of India’s population in the world

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Male

Female

100+ 95–99 90–94 85–89 80–84 75–79 70–74 65–69 60–64 55–59 50–54 45–49 40–44 35–39 30–34 25–29 20–24 15–19 10–14 5–9 0–4 65

52

39

Population (in millions)

26

13

0

0

13

26

Age group

39

52

65

Population (in millions)

Figure 21.2 Population of India under different age groups Source: CIA World Factbook.

68 66 64 62

60

Series1

58 56 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

54

Figure 21.3 India’s population ages 15–64 (% of total) Source: World Bank Data.

Figure 21.3 shows the working age population of India. There is an increasing trend line, covering data from 1994 to 2015, in the working age population of India. The sectoral employment scenario: Employment has been an important agenda in the development process of India. In the recent past, a type of stagnation has been felt in the growth of employment in India in spite of its accelerated economic growth. The fact is that a high rate of economic growth should accelerate an upward trend in the employment sector too. But it does not seem so in the case of India. Though the Indian economy is growing very fast, it is a jobless growth. In India, a large proportion of the workforce is still dependent on the agricultural sector (47.1% employment share in 2012). At the same time, its share in gross value added has fallen rapidly from 18.4% in 2011–12 to 15.4% in 2015–16 (India Labor Market Update). 234

Analysis of India’s employment scenario Table 21.1 Sectoral distribution of employment in India Years

Agriculture

Industry

Service

1994 2000 2005 2010 2012 2019*

60.5 59.9 55.8 51.1 47.1 43.21

15.7 16 19 22.5 21.5 24.89

22 24 25.2 26.6 28.1 31.9

Source: World Bank Data. * https://www.statista.com/statistics/271320/distribution-of-the-work force-across-economic-sectors-in-india/#:~:text=In%202019%2C%20 43.21%20percent%20of,the%20main%20sector%20of%20employment. 29,650

30,000 29,500

28,999

28,500

28,172

28,000 27,276 2006

27,549

Thousand

29,000

28,708

27,500

2008

2010

2012

27,000

Figure 21.4 Number of persons employed in India 34.80

35.4

33.9

36.9 28.6

27 23.70

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2013

2016

Figure 21.5 Participation of female labour force

Table 21.1 shows the sector-­wise breakdown of employment in India for the period 1994– 2012. It is visible that the agriculture sector dominates, though its share in total employment is decreasing. The shares of industry as well as that of services are on the increase. Figure 21.4 shows the number of persons employed in India for the years 2006–2012. The continuous rise in the number of employed persons is seen during the period. Figure 21.5 shows that women were quitting jobs, and an additional 24.3 million men went to work, according to an April 2017 World Bank report, “Precarious Drop: Reassessing Patterns of Female Labour Force Participation in India.” 235

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Findings and conclusion India stands among the most important emerging economies of the world, but the employment scenario in the country is still very poor. Even today the largest proportion of workers engaged is in the primary sector, agriculture, but its contribution is a mere 14% to the GDP of India. In contrast, the service sector contributes 58% of the GDP but is responsible for only 27% of the employment, and the share of the manufacturing sector is 13% and 16% in GDP. This shows the unbalanced pattern of growth, which is not sustainable. The situation seems graver when the employment situation is analysed in terms of the working age population of India. India is now tagged as of the country with the youngest population in the world. These persons are of working age, ready to work hard and taking on the economy at the next stage of development. But the reality is somewhat harsh and alarming, as shown in Figure 21.6. The figure shows the two important variables, the working age population (WAP) of India and its employment scenario, for the years 1995–2012. The working age population line is increasing continuously, whereas the employment trend line is sometimes stagnant or decreasing, perhaps because of economic pressures felt by the country created by internal or external factors. The graph exhibits that these two trend lines are diverging from each other and a marked gap is occurring, clearly meaning that, during the stated period, many persons in the working age bracket are unable to gain employment. Thinking about the ideal situation, these two lines should be at least very near to each other if not coinciding. Only then can the youth of India be able to participate in the development process of India in a real manner. Government has already been notified of the situation and is trying to solve it by pushing labour-­intensive sectors along with bolstering skill development programmes. Overall, the labour-­force-­to-­population ratio (in the age group 15  years and above), at 56%, is low in India compared to nearly 64% for the rest of the world. The low participation in India is largely because the female labour force participation rate (LFPR) is dismally low at 31%, which is amongst the lowest in the world and the second lowest in South Asia after Pakistan.

70

65 WAP % (15–64 years.)

60

ER (%)

55

50

45 1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

Figure 21.6 India’s working age population and employment Source: Graph based on World Bank Data.

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Bibliography Agricultural Situation in India 2013, Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India. Caldwell, J. C. 2007. Demographic Transition Theory. Netherlands: Springer Science & Business Media. CRISIL. 2011. “Unemployment in India Uneven & Weak.” Centre for Economic Research. Ernst and Young (Firm) Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI). 2014. “Reaping India’s Promised Demographic Dividend: Industry in Driving Seat.” India Labor and Employment. 2014. “Annual Report.” Institute for Human Development. Ministry of Finance. 2011–12. “Economic Survey.” Government of India. Ministry of Finance. 2012–13. “Economic Survey.” Government of India. Ministry of Finance. 2017–18. “Economic Survey.” Government of India. Ministry of Labour and Employment. 2015–16. “Report on Fifth Annual Employment and Unemployment Survey.” Government of India. National Commission. 2009. “Report of on the Enterprise in the Unorganized Sector.” Papola, T. S., and P. P. Sahu. 2012. “Growth and Structure of Employment in India, Long-­Term and Post-­ Reform Performance and the Emerging Challenge.” Institute for Studies in Industrial Development. UNFPA. 2014. “State of World Population – The Power of 1.8 Billion, Adolescents, Youth and the Transformation of the Future.” United Nations. 2015. “World Population Prospects.” New York. United Nations Development Programme. 2016. “The Challenge of Employment in India -­An Informal Economy Perspective.” Verma, N. M. P. 1998. “Determinants of Women Workers Participation: Notes on Some Interdisciplinary Controversies.” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 34 (1) (July), New Delhi Hyderabad University, India. Verma, N. M. P. 2005. “Structural Rigidities in Rural Unemployment.” Indian Journal of Applied Economics 2 (1). Lucknow Universty, India The Challenge of Employment in India An Informal Economy Perspective National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised, www.nceus.gov.in April, 2009 Volume I − Main Report, p. 135.

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22 DISABLED WOMEN Facing double discrimination Priyam Sinha

Sen and Dreaze argued that violence against women begins even before their birth in terms of female feticide. The construction of disabling social structures creates an oppressive environment denying access to basic rights such as education, health or even life due to male preference. In a patriarchal set-­up, being a woman means the prevalence of a social disability, and adding to that, a disabled woman faces dual forms of discrimination, which has been reiterated time and again by notable social scientists such as Anita Ghai, Nitika Mehrotra, Asha Hans, Meenu Bhambhani and Majietin in their work. This dual system of discrimination multiplies with the different identities of women based on caste, class, ethnicity and region in India. More than the physical disability in itself, as suffered by women, it is the stigma attached to their impairment. It leads to their social discrimination and “othering” as they fail to match up to the ideal standards of womanhood. Disabled women are excluded in this regard due to the stereotypical notion of their being dependent, pitied, and unattractive, lacking the essential attributes of femininity, leading to low self-­esteem and body consciousness. This research study has emerged out of a very small beginning in understanding the state policies for women with disabilities and unravelling the social model of disability. The fieldwork comprised interviewing women with a disability residing in New Delhi and employed through the disability quota in Government jobs, along with takeaways from a detailed analysis of case studies in rural Haryana. Gender, sexuality and their intersection with other marginalized identities can be traced through a detailed enquiry of the history of social movements to incorporate the discrimination of women with disability in society (Mehrotra 2013).

History of gendered disability in India The three waves of feminism advocated the rights of women from different sections of the society but were dominated by the demands of the upper caste and class of society by ignoring the marginal sections. Women with disabilities were denied entry to propagate their demands to higher authorities as it was not in line with the issues of women and would deviate from the focus of women’s issues. On the other hand, disability rights activists advocated the rights of men with disability as a generalized demand by completely ignoring the discrimination faced by women. Eventually the social environment created through oppressive gender relations, norms of feminine code of conduct and ideal types of beauty were also incorporated as relevant in 238

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understanding disability. Ghai (2002) and Atanu Mohapatra also argued that marriage and motherhood were a far-­fetched dream for them as they are not given the scope for having control over their sexuality and are seen as “damaged goods” (Majiet 1992). They have been denied even the right to mobility or decision making as they were seen as dependents. It is not even considered easy to bring up a child who is disabled, much less protecting a girl with a disability due to the fear of abuse and shame (Habib 1995). Despite the questioning by contemporary feminism regarding the universal category of woman on one hand and the development of disability theory on the other, the terrain which might link feminist critiques and disability has scarcely been charted and remains largely untheorized. Researchers argued that disabled women are seen as asexual. Disability rights movements around the world have tried to look into the aspects of providing equal opportunities such as education and job opportunities to disabled women as well as generating awareness about their sexuality. Laws would be effective only if society is willing to create an inclusive environment for the disabled. Structural inequalities in terms of lack of access to all public spaces are still being looked into. The social support and encouragement from family members would be effective in increasing the sense of worth among women with disability as men are not so stigmatised due to their disability compared to women. Stigma, as described by Erving Goffman (1959), has a negative connotation as it reflects the stereotypical image of individuals and their identity. It also implies that in the front stage, prominent for the positive imagery one tries to maintain characteristics labelled as desirable, earmarking the disabled as an excluded entity. The stigma regarding women with disability is of failure in performative behaviour based on societal expectations of femininity. Ghosh (2010) therefore elaborated on how this stigma leads to the aspects of the “shame” and “vulnerability” of women being targets of abuse by able-­bodied men. Prior to independence in India, disability was not taken as an important aspect of analysing society, and with the implementation of the Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights and Full Participation) Act (PWD) in 1995, there has been an urgent need to look into ways of including them in society. By providing equal opportunities for education, provision of special schools and skill development programmes, the government has incorporated measures of making the disabled financially independent. Therefore some of the measures were MNREGA, which failed to provide suitable working environments to the disabled or even to reach out to the remote villages, and the Corporate Social Responsibility Act (CSR), which failed to look into the issues of disabled women directly, leaving only the option of self-­employment for them, which is solely dependent on the affordability, accessibility and availability of resources (Sonpal and Kumar 2016). Despite educational qualifications in urban spaces, the attitudinal differences during employment leaves the prospect of becoming financially independent as very intimidating (Mehrotra 2013). The stigma regarding mental disability is higher compared to locomotor disabilities. Quite interestingly, studies suggest that, despite the lack of awareness and assistance in terms of health and education in rural areas for the disabled, a higher percentage of them tend to get employed to, jobs that demand only vocational training and skill development and that can be grasped on the job itself. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (UNCRPD) proved to be a landmark convention for disability rights activists who fought a long time regarding visibility (Addlakha 2009). The issues concerning the lives of disabled were discussed in a global forum and encouraged active participation of the disabled for the same before jumping to conclusions. Hence in 2006, India also signed up as a signatory in actively addressing the concerns of engaging with the disabled and addressing their concerns in developing an inclusive society. Some of the rights concerning sexual and reproductive rights included the right 239

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to bodily integrity, informed consent and complete knowledge regarding any information they need with a supportive environment for them to also learn and eventually grow. Similarly, Article 5 assured them the right to equal opportunities and on discrimination in any settings. They should be treated respectfully and with dignity as equal participants accessing the public domain. Article 16 guaranteed freedom from exploitation, violence and abuse, as specifically the disabled were not just ridiculed but also easy targets of physical abuse. Women with a disability lived with a constant fear that restricted their mobility and made them dependent on others due to a lack of awareness. It is clear that the disability rights movement is still trying to make its place in the public realm, and over the years concerted efforts have been made in creating a disabled-­friendly environment. With the larger picture of being a developing country and battling with issues of poverty, unemployment, violence, abuse, malnutrition and health, there have been efforts through the PWD Act to ensure job reservation, rehabilitation programmes and the provision of education and health facilities for the disabled. Disability studies has also been included as a means of positive intervention in the academic discourse as per the guidelines of the University Grants Commission. The Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, has introduced an independent master’s course named Disability Studies, where the various kinds of disability and models are studied in depth. Research centres and NGOs have also started working with disabled children and adults to gauge a means of creating an inclusive society for all. Disability itself is not a homogeneous category, and neither are the subsequent experiences. The experiences of disability are shaped by the kind of physical, mental, developmental or psychological influences and their intersection with caste, class, sex and socio-­economic background (Mehrotra 2013). This course would unravel the social conditions, policies and acts by the Government to generate awareness about disability. However, the social model of disability is what creates hindrances in the lives of disabled women in accessing the resources provided by the Government. Media and various forms of entertainment can be used to generate more awareness and sensitivity regarding disability.

Media portrayal of women with disabilities Patriarchy and capitalism largely operate in media portrayal and filmmaking where women’s bodies and beauty become the core attraction catering to the male gaze. The objectification of women and compliance with societal expectations are internalised by women and have led to an increase in insecurities and body consciousness among most women who feel they are incapable of being considered attractive. Researchers such as Bindu Nair, Meenu Bhambhani, Anita Ghai and Meena Gopal have conducted extensive research to analyse stigmatised bodies in society and how media participates in creating an ideal type. Bhambhani (2003) and Nair (2009) elaborated on the impact of visual media and religious narratives depicting disability which have served to create a negative image of disability. Media portrayal, cinema, literature and mythology significantly affect the thinking of the audience. Hindu mythology has projected disability among men and women through the poignant characters in Ramayana and Mahabharata. One of them was Kubja, with a hunched back, but Lord Krishna loved her for her inner beauty. However, the Gopis ridiculed her due to her disability and eventually felt unworthy of such affection from Lord Krishna. Another case of a popularly narrated disabled woman’s plight is when Lord Vishnu proposed to marry Goddess Lakshmi. But she expressed her reluctance in accepting his proposal as her elder sister was unmarried due to her dark skin and disfigurement. To this reasoning of not being able to marry Lord Vishnu, he expressed that a disabled person does not get any place in heaven. Finally he 240

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addressed the issue by getting her married to the peepal tree which he claimed was a form of Lord Vishnu. Keikei was also projected as someone evil and spiteful who was held as being responsible for Ram’s exile. She too became another example of how disability among women is shunned in the society (Bhambhani 2003). The treatment of men with disability was in no way different from the notion of masculinity and treatment meted out to him by his wife. Gandhari, wife of Dhritarashtra and mother of the Kauravas, decided to blindfold herself so that she could share the pain of her husband who was blind. This was idolised as pativrata dharma as she kept a piece of cloth tied over her eyes for the rest of her life. However, had she decided to retain her eyesight, she could have been more supportive of her husband. On the contrary, men with disability in Hindu mythology were not disregarded and were projected as expecting to have an able-­bodied woman in his life. McLuhan had elaborated on the traditional use of mass media which was to inform, educate and generate awareness in the world, which in turn would create associations and generate bondings among those in power. However, over time, this purpose of giving information independent from any political intervention has been misused by those in power and controlling media: heterosexual, upper-­class, able-­bodied men who considered any form of disability as deviant. Media acts as a means of force forming public opinion and channels the frame of thoughts of the audience as per the interests of the sponsors. Cinema entertains the audience and can be used to generate social awareness among the masses. Mulvey (1999) had coined the term “male gaze” and scopophilia, which forms the building block of filmmaking. Women are seen as a site of sexual objectification based on the voyeuristic pleasures of men. Eventually there is an induced sense of “to be looked at–ness” among women that they try to match up to the standards of femininity and to the quotient of attractiveness constructed in media. So the woman is gazed at and presented so as to cater to the voyeuristic pleasures of the male audience through the use of the camera, lighting particularly on the body of a woman and also wearing clothes that keep men’s fantasies in mind. Women with disabilities fail to match up to those standards and are considered unattractive and pitied by their counterparts. This in turn adds to their low self-­esteem and ostracizes them from the society. The portrayal of disability in cinema is a relatively recent phenomenon. In the 1950s, disability was largely ignored in filmmaking. Eventually disabled characters were projected as beggars or helpless mothers on a wheelchair who had no say in decision making in their own family matters. Gradually, films such as Hum Dono, Sparsh, Khamoshi and Naache Mayuri started depicting the various forms of disability in society. This raised consciousness regarding an issue which had largely remained ignored. Naache Mayuri (1986) was based on the life of Sudha Chandran who was a Bharatanatyam dancer and actress. She herself acted in the film, depicting the accident that changed her life. But her biopic became an inspiration and changed the genre of depicting disability in India. In most films, women with disability had been shown as helpless and dependent on their families. It changed the cinematic trends where many such women’s narrative started to be projected within the popular Hindi cinema seeing it as a mode of representing gender issues in the society. Although, Madhava Prasad coined the term “rare diseases” (2013) to describe the changes in film making since 1990s as the stereotypical pitied imagery of disability has been replaced with disabilities unheard of such as Asperger’s Syndrome, cerebral palsy and autism. Since the 1990s, films were recognised as a prominent mode of culture production and Bollywood having a global market reaching out to different sections of the society introduced newer ways of recognising and consequently discussing aspects of disability and sexuality publicly. What is crucial to problematise is how do we then dissociate/ internalise these ideas of production wherein women’s disability is showcased as a disjuncture from the norm? 241

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Smelik (1998), a renowned feminist film critic, has looked into how female gaze has completely been ignored in filmmaking, which is a solely patriarchal set-­up. Women with disability are stereotypically projected, and the stigma regarding their discriminatory treatment has been projected in films such as Kaabil (2014), where the female protagonist was newlywed and raped twice as she and her husband were blind, till she committed suicide. In Mann (1992), the female protagonist lost her legs due to an accident so she avoided meeting her lover as she saw herself as incapable of being someone’s wife and would only be a burden. Subsequently the male protagonist in Mann decided to get married to his love affair despite her reluctance. However, it is clearly evident in the attitudinal difference projected that had a woman been suffering from a congenital disability, then no man would find her attractive in the first place. At the same time, it is easier to reintegrate back into society a woman who has become disabled due to an accident. On the contrary, Guzaarish (2010) projected the male protagonist who is paralysed after an accident and who, during his sufferings of trying to come to terms with his inability in carrying out day-­to-­day activities, falls in love with his nurse. She prioritised him over anybody else and was attracted to him despite his disability. Black (2005) projected the life of a girl who was blind and unable to communicate with anyone other than her teacher. She eventually wanted to get a degree just to make her teacher’s dream come true and still could not find any male who was attracted to her. She had sexual desires, which had never been addressed due to the stigma in society, and had her first kiss with her teacher who was taken aback by it. The outward expression of a disabled woman’s sexual desires and expression of sexual fantasies is unacceptable, as they are not expected to have any such desires. Sociologists such as Meenu Bhambhani, Atanu Mohapatra and Bindu Nair argued that films like these to a large extent have projected demeaning and unattractive images of women with disability. Riley (2010) argued that if disability were projected in a more positive light in cinema, then people would be more aware of the issues facing them. They should be motivated to become financially independent, to have a family and to lead a life like any other able-­bodied man or woman, with disability not being their sole identity marker. In the film Hichki (2018), the female protagonist suffers from Tourette syndrome and is determined to become a teacher despite numerous rejections in interviews. It was believed that a teacher can never handle a classroom with a speech disorder. She took up the challenge of teaching a classroom of students who were isolated within the school premises on the basis of their conduct and socio-­economic background, but they too ridiculed her. Eventually the film threw a positive light on how her considerate, compassionate and innovative ways of interacting and motivating such students made her excel in the field where she was denied entry despite her educational qualifications. The film was a representation of the attitudinal differences existing during employment and of how education is accessible for the disabled through the Equal Opportunities and PWD Act, 1995. The cost-­benefit analysis of how the disabled would not be employed in future leaves many parents demotivated in investing in their education. The NSSO reports suggest that the average level of education is quite low among the disabled compared to their non-­disabled counterparts even though they comprise a significant 10% of the entire population in the world. Even among those women belonging to the Dalit communities form a minority, close to negligible having a high dropout rate (Verma 2000). There is a clear disparity, even among disabled men and women, due to the various cultural factors restricting women’s mobility and restricting them within the domestic sphere. Therefore, it is evident that there is a symbiotic relationship between the reel and real-­life treatment of women with disability which clearly projects the patriarchy enmeshed with disability. Although, Madhava Prasad coined the term “rare diseases” 242

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(2013) to describe the change in cinematic trends since 1990s as the stereotypical pitied imagery of disability has been replaced with disabilities unheard of such as Asperger’s Syndrome, cerebral palsy and autism. Since the 1990s, films were recognised as a prominent mode of culture production and Bollywood having a global market reaching out to different sections of the society introduced newer ways of recognising and consequently discussing aspects of disability and sexuality publicly. What is crucial to problematise is how do we then dissociate/internalise these ideas of production wherein women’s disability is showcased as a disjuncture from the norm?

Sexuality and disability Sexuality and sex, or intimate partner relations, remain a much silenced topic of discussion even though they are an integral part of one’s identity. They need to be incorporated within the school curriculum so that individuals have a clearer idea regarding their sexual and reproductive health. The expression of sexuality and one’s sexual desires is absolutely normal behaviour, and since the disabled in society are barred from much social interaction and awareness regarding their own sexuality, they understandably feel lonely. Ghai (2002) also elaborated on her personal experience on interacting with gynaecologists whom she went to for enquiring about sexual and reproductive health, being a disabled woman, but instead faced judgmental queries regarding her marital status. In India, the only form of sexual relations that are permissible is within marriage. Sexual health is not just information regarding the effects of penetrative sex and partner relations which could lead to sexually transmitted diseases but one’s sexual desires, ways of satisfying oneself, pleasures and fantasies which are often repressed due to social norms and codes of conduct. It is therefore an issue that needs to be evaluated, and the information generated eventually should be easily accessible to all, including the disabled. Disabled women are considered asexual and sexually unattractive as they do not fit either the ideal body type or the caregiving roles as per the social norms. However, there is no difference at all when it comes to sexual urges and fantasies among the disabled and the able-­bodied. There is still a discomfort in trying to understand the importance of sexuality and its impact in understanding one’s self-­perception and interaction with others. The media, family, friends and society generate a myth regarding partner relations, perfect body and the ideal type of behaviour which impacts one’s self-­perception and interaction. Disabled women are socialised to behave childlike and to be dependent due to the lack of information and opportunities provided to them, and these restrictions imposed on them increase as per the severity and stigma regarding their disability. Disabled women especially internalise this kind of behaviour and end up feeling unworthy of love, compassion, attraction, marriage and motherhood. A girl is always socialised to perform domestic chores and to learn cooking and cleaning in order to start her own family after getting married. Eventually she needs to become a mother and look after not just her children but even the elderly in the house as they are all dependent on her for the caregiving nature expected of her. These are the role models of an ideal woman present in society, and it is an added bonus if she is educated and is able to financially sustain her family. Disabled women fall short of being caregivers in a family and are socialised to think that the purpose of a woman cannot be achieved due to her shortcomings, in this case being disabled. Psychologists have argued that parents choose not to address the issues concerning the sexuality of their disabled children till the time they engage in socially unacceptable behaviour. In such cases, when their repressed sexual desires are overtly exhibited in public, it becomes embarrassing as it gets labelled as “perversion” or as oversexed behaviour. By this age, parents 243

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are not willing to address sexual concerns, and looking out for problem solving means to avoid shameful situations. This concern is even graver when it is a woman with a disability as a woman is expected to not outwardly express her sexual desires in society. The major inability in understanding such situations is the complete disregard for privacy as they are treated like children. There is a need to generate awareness regarding sexuality in the society and to try looking beyond sexuality only within marriage in order to understand the experiences of the disabled who are unable to express themselves completely. “Disabled women are considered asexual, and that is evident in the attitudinal differences towards them in society. An incident was reported in 2008 by a doctor in the Pavlov Mental Hospital, Kolkata, when a daughter had come to visit her mother, and they were aghast to see the wards full of mentally disabled patients lying naked. It was justified by the claim that their clothes had been put in for washing, and it should not make a difference as no one would be interested in doing anything to the disabled anyway. The treatment and the attitude of the hospital authorities clearly depicted the lack of bodily integrity and sense of privacy which is completely overruled among the disabled in society” (Addlakha 2009).

Role of family, social support for and violence against disabled women Disability is a result of disabling social structures which deny disabled men and women access to opportunities and public spaces to interact with the larger society. For instance, if all public spaces were made suitable to wheelchair accessibility with the basic requirements such as toilets or sliding stairs, then there would be no difference between a disabled and able-­bodied individual. The feminist approach towards understanding disability has emphasised how there was a struggle to incorporate disability rights within mainstream society and eventually understand gendered disability. There is also a stigma associated with various forms of disability in different pockets of the Indian society. For example, even a minor form of physical disability which is socially noticeable is seen as a form of shame and loss of honour for the family which in most cases is blamed on the karma of the family, especially the mother. The only approach to fighting such a battle is to see it as a test from the gods to evaluate people’s tolerance. So the possibility of a disabled woman getting married or having her own family is seen as impossible as there would be the fear of the child inheriting the disability. Adoption is also not considered as a viable option for them as organisations see them as being incapable of looking after a child’s requirements. Disability rights activists have also critiqued the abortion of the disabled foetus after 24 weeks, after the parents have conducted a prenatal test. They have argued that medical intervention is creating a system of new eugenics for creating an ideal type even before the birth of a child by denying the right to life. Liberal feminists, on the other hand, have argued that the responsibility of caregiving and of looking after the needs of a baby is imposed on a woman. So she has the freedom to abort the foetus if she doesn’t wish to take up the responsibility of bringing up a child with a disability. Also it would be difficult for the child to cope with normal day-­to-­day activities. Better than leading a life of dependence and social ostracism is not to live at all. This argument has been largely contested by disability rights activists who are a part of the marginalized section of the society. Along with appropriate resources for the disabled, the emotional support provided by family members has a major role to play. Sociologists such as AM Shah, Veena Das and Patricia Uberoi have done extensive studies to narrate the importance of families in developing self-­perception and identity in India. Uberoi (1994) carried this argument forward by reiterating that families are a site of exploitation and violence that are mostly inflicted on women. Anweshi Research 244

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Centre for Women in Hyderabad (1995) has recorded that the majority of women suffer from PTSD and abuse within their own families which is higher among those with disabilities. In many cases, the woman with disability is unable to understand the difference between a good touch and a bad touch as discussions regarding sexuality are not considered relevant in their lives. Mentally disabled women are also unable to explain the trauma caused due to abuse which aggravates their condition in most cases. The operation of the breadwinner paradigm creates a form of divide and hierarchy in the society. Accordingly, the man is expected to take charge of the public domain and provide the financial resources required to run the family, whereas the woman does all the household chores, looks after the elderly and children and provides support in livestock maintenance and activities that contribute to earning money. In the case of a family where the man is disabled but belongs to an upper-­class family with sufficient financial resources to sustain their living, there is no such compulsion, but he is eligible for marriage to an able-­bodied woman (Habib 1995). Dowry is another form of exploiting woman. Families with a disabled daughter look for ways of getting her married by giving in to the demands of the groom’s family from time to time. It has been reported in the case studies of Haryana that, despite all attempts to please the family, the disabled daughter-­in-­law was mistreated and abused. In India, most marriages are arranged, and as per the credentials needed to get a girl married, a disabled woman fails to be included in the marriage market. On the other hand, a disabled man from an upper-­class family would prefer to get married to an able-­bodied girl from the lower socio-­economic status so that she could become the caretaker. However, within the Indian context, intersectional ties of caste and class primarily determine their experiences.

Case study on disability The case study of Haryana and treatment of women with disability provide a good illustration of the problems they face. Disability of an individual is considered the disability of the entire family due to some sins committed in the past. Children, in their initial years of schooling, are bullied and ridiculed by their peers. They are called names such as langdi, lula, gunga, etc., leaving an impact on the psychosocial well-­being of children and leading to low self-­esteem (Mehrotra 2013). The intersection of disability in rural areas is closely enmeshed with caste and religious identities that determine their treatment in rural areas. Girls with a disability are seen burdens on the family and are considered socially outcastes. The lack of medical facilities and treatments for disabilities adds to the disabilities that could be cured if there was better access to resources for such treatment. Mehrotra argued how these social implications of disability jeopardises the lives of women as they are utterly neglected in rural areas, as she has described. On interacting with the family of a woman who was physically handicapped due to polio revealed that it was not her family that made her feel inferior but the religious institutions which did not allow her to enter holy places wearing her supportive shoes. She felt that, on the other hand, films have projected the abusive treatment of women with disabilities in their homes, but that is not the case as she is glad that her children and husband never made her feel so. She is a doctor, living in government apartments within the hospital premises itself with her family. On the contrary, another woman in her forties, residing in New Delhi, described that her parents constantly taunt her for being incapable of finding a partner for herself even though she is a banker and financially independent. However, such humiliation and feelings of inferiority have added to her need for therapy due to depression and low self-­confidence. In the years of schooling, all parents used to give her example in order to motivate their children to study and 245

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perform household chores, but with age comes the stigma regarding how, despite her capabilities, she was not eligible for marriage. There is a disability quota in some banks through which she got the job, but she fears taking a transfer due to the change of setting or accessibility due to her disability in commuting. She added that it’s not the physical disability that prevents her from being part of social gatherings but that, at a particular age, there is a need for a partner, which is lacking in her life. Lina Pane (2003) in her article described how women with disabilities from a non-­English-­ speaking background are also stigmatised in a similar manner. She added how disability becomes a primary identity marker in society, and the intersections of marginalized identities exclude women from mainstream society. Ann Daarnbrough narrated her miseries of being excluded from education, culture and religion and being denied access to job opportunities and incidents when she was harassed due to her disability. Therefore she felt the dire need of the international forum and government to recognise disability as a human rights issue which was eventually taken up seriously in the Beijing Platform for Action. The conference worked out ways of administering development, peace and equality for all in society by ensuring that the needs of marginalized sections are taken into consideration. Despite awareness of the issues faced by them, the likelihood of a woman with disability to get married is seen as a rare possibility. The traditional model of motherhood is based on the ability to provide care and nurturance of children, and the failure to comply with this is another impediment for women with a disability to start a family. The stigma regarding disability and social model regarding their image leads to their discriminatory treatment. There is more awareness regarding such issues in society than has been possible due to a constant change in polices. Over the years, the disability policies and rights gained importance and shifted from the rehabilitative and charity models to accessibility of equal opportunities (Mehrotra 2013). They should be given equal political, social and economic rights to come to an equal footing with the able-­bodied in the society. Laws were being formulated to accommodate their differences and to provide the resources required by them to become empowered. The feminist literature on understanding disability from a gender perspective is a relatively new addition, extensively worked upon by Mehrotra, Asha Hans, Anita Ghai and Meenu Bhambhani. The personal narratives regarding agony and helplessness have also been only of those having physical disabilities, ignoring the experiences of developmental and psychological disability. One argument put across by all feminists such as Anita Ghai, Meenu Bhambhani and Mohapatra was that women inculcate self-­realisation regarding their potentials and do not just blame men for their subordinate treatment in the society. Empowerment of women with disability would be possible only if women across different sections of society work together as a collective identity and propagate their rights. The mentality of people regarding disability needs to undergo a transformation so that they begin to empathise with them and not sympathise. We need to remove attributing our perception of disability on the basis of the orthodox understanding of karma, evil and dependents as their personality as a whole needs to be seen, not just their disability, as an identity marker.

Conclusion In trying to draw the symbiotic relationship between the reel and real-­life of women with disabilities, this research study was conducted using the content analysis of visual media. Subsequently the method of snowball sampling was used to interview 30 women with disability who were participants in the activities conducted in the NGOs working with disabled children. The opinions of their colleagues and family members helped in providing a holistic understanding of 246

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the treatment and perception of women with disability. The stigma and stereotypical portrayal of women with disability could be understood better with the understanding of the personal instances of humiliation and discrimination. The history of feminist and disability movements in India would help in understanding the doubly marginalized treatment meted out to these women. The case study of rural women with disability in Haryana and some autobiographies gave a more nuanced idea of how disability, sexuality and its intersection with some other marginal identities operate in society.

Bibliography Addlakha, R. 2009. Disability and Society: A Reader. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan. Bhambhani, Meenu. 2003. “Societal Responses to Women with Disabilities in India.” In Women, Disability and Identity, 76–88. New Delhi: Sage, 2003. 282p. Ghai, A. 2002. “Disabled Women: An Excluded Agenda of Indian Feminism, Feminism and Disability.” Hypatia 17: 49–66. Ghosh, N. 2010. “Embodied Experiences: Being Female and Disabled.” Economic and Political Weekly 45. Goffman, E. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday Anchor. Introduction. Gopal, M., and Sabala. 2010. “Body, Gender and Sexuality: Politics of Being and Belonging.” Economic and Political Weekly. Habib, L. A. 1995. Women and Disability Don’t Mix!: Double Discrimination and Disabled Women’s Rights, Gender and Development. Vol. 3. London: Taylor & Francis. Majiet, S. 1992. The Reality for Women with Disabilities. Cape Town: Disabled People South Africa, Women’s Action Group. Mehrotra, N. 2004. “Women, Disability and Social Support in Rural Haryana.” Economic and Political Weekly, New Delhi. Mehrotra, N. 2013. Disability, Gender and State Policy. Multiple Marginalities: Disability, Gender and Caste in Indian Economy. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Mulvey, L. 1999. Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema, Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Readings. New York: Oxford University Press. Nair, B. 2009. “Female Bodies and the Male Gaze: Laura Mulvey and Hindi Cinema.” In Films and Feminism: Essays in Indian Cinema. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. Nussbaum, Martha C. 2005. “Women’s Bodies: Violence, Security, Capabilities.” Journal of Human Development 6 (2): 167–83. Pane, L. 2003. Women with Disabilities from a Non-­English-­Speaking Background. Women, Disability and Identity. New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Prasad, M. 2013. “Diverting Diseases.” In Figurations in Indian film. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Riley, T. 2010. “Stigma, Stereotypes and Attributional Theory: A Successful Merger.” The Journal of Educational Thought, University of Calgary. Smelik, A. 1998. And the Mirror Cracked: Feminist Cinema and Film Theory. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Sonpal, D., and A. Kumar. 2016. “Whose Reality Counts? Notes on Disability, Development and Participation.” Indian Anthropologist 42 (1): 71−90. Uberoi, P. 1994. Family, Kinship and Marriage in India. Handbook of Indian Sociology. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2).

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23 ELECTED WOMEN’S REPRESENTATIVES IN DECENTRALIZED GOVERNANCE A participation-­focused assessment Garima Mishra There is an increasing realization that the presence of women in political institutions, quantitative as well as qualitative, would bring about a changed situation for the progress of women. As Gandhi rightly said in his speech at the Women’s Conference at Sojitra in 1925, “As long as women of India do not take part in public life, there is no salvation for the country” (Mukherjee 1993). From the local to the global level, women’s leadership and political participation are restricted. Women are underrepresented as voters, as well as in leading positions, whether in elected offices, the civil service, the private sector or academia (UN Women 2017). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to take part in the government of his or her country. The empowerment and autonomy of women and improvement in the social, economic and political status of women are essential for the achievement of both transparent and accountable government, administration and sustainable development. The power relations, that prevent women from leading fulfilling lives, operate at many levels of society, from the most personal to the highly public. Achieving the goal of equal participation of women and men in decision making will provide a balance that more accurately reflects the composition of society. It is needed in order to strengthen democracy and to promote its proper functioning. Equality in political decision making performs a leverage function without which it is highly unlikely that a real integration of the equality dimension in government policy making is feasible. Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s perspective at all levels of decision making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved. Hence the present study deals with women’s participation in decentralized governance. This chapter is divided into three parts: the first introduces the problem statement; the second part consists of review of literature and research methodology adopted during the study by the researcher; and the third part assesses the effective participation of elected women representation (EWRs) in Lucknow district through the success stories of respondent EWRs. 248

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Review of literature Women, a marginal group The results, presented by Senior Economist Kinnon Scott of the World Bank, show that between the ages of 20 and 34 years, women are more likely to be poor than men. The difference coincides with the peak productive and reproductive ages of men and women and can be related to factors such as having young children in the household and the higher likelihood for women to leave the labour market in response to rising demands on the time they allocate to unpaid care work. Divorce, separation and widowhood also affect women more negatively than men. Divorced women in the 18–49 age group are more than twice as likely to be poor than divorced men in that same age group (UN Women 2017). In other studies, the focus has been that, historically, women have been considered a marginal group. Mita Kapur says, “Women are victim of physical, mental, sexual and emotional abuse regardless of their education and economic status” (Kapoor 2005). Urmila Yadav concluded that, “gender differences and discrimination can be seen in all spheres of life, i.e., social, economic and political (Yadav 1997). She further added that “in politics women in general play submissive and marginal roles.” Jain also pointed out that “only a small minority of women hold the elected offices.” (Jain 1989) Studies have revealed that some individual member of these groups lack awareness and understanding of the basic problems affecting the majority of women in society. Here arises the need for reform in many laws and rules to reduce discrimination against women. Empowerment of women demands changes in structure, both social and cultural. Here, Dr Siriskar’s answer puts it very rightly that women are not marginal to society as minority groups might be. They are not a dispensable part of society – they are as essential as men for the very sustenance of society (Mazumdar and Sarkar 1999).

Women’s participation in Panchayati Raj Institute Other groups of studies which provide insight into women’s participation in PRI summaries that Elected Women Representatives are usually young women of 25–45  years of age (Jain 1996). Women’s empowerment had also challenged traditional ideas of male authority and supremacy. Snehlata Panda writes, “Prevailing caste feeling and women belonging to upper caste have not come forward to representing the Panchayat” (Panda 1999). On the other hand, another study on factors affecting the performance level of Elected Women Representatives in Rajasthan found that age, education, family, social participation, urban contact and exposure impact on the performance of women’s participation in panchayats (Poonam Kalash 2009). On the question of effective participation of EWRs in panchayat, a study found that the majority of women were illiterate and only able to put their signatures on official papers (Pai 1998); they were insignificant in the functioning of panchayats. The awareness level of elected women members of their roles and responsibilities has been quite low, says the report of Department of Women and Child Development.

Decentralized governance The world moved towards decentralization during the 1990s, and India imbibed essence of decentralization in its constitution itself. The Gandhian model of Village Panchayat and subsidiary model of governance paved the way towards the inclusion of women in the decision-­ making process and increased their political participation at the lowest level of government. 249

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But the inclusion of women in politics still remained a dream yet to come true. Along with the world’s other countries, India adopted decentralization and broadened the arena of government through good governance. With the enactment of 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Act, lawmakers reserved 33% seats for women in local bodies in both rural and urban areas. The United Nations has considered good governance an essential component of the Millennium Development Goals because it sets up the framework for the fight to alleviate poverty, minimize inequality, empower women and deal with other problems. Gandhi viewed governance differently from the other models of governance. As per Gandhi’s evaluation and analysis, the existing system will exclude a large number of people from the process of development since the state has no human-­centric approach. Gandhi had underlined the explosive character of the state. Gandhi vouched for a decentralization approach to govern the government in a better manner. (See Figure 23.1.) As the concept of governance expanded, so did the thinking about the rationale, objective and forms of decentralization (Cheema 2005). Decentralization is a medium to promote broader values of particularistic participatory democracy. In a general sense, decentralization is considered a process through which powers, functions, responsibilities and resources are transferred from central to local governments. In a broader context, those who promoted decentralization saw governance as a way of increasing the capacity of local governments and other actors of governance to deliver public services. (See Figure 23.2.)

Governance at the national level

Governance at the state level (regional)

Individual

Governance at the next higher level (block)

Governance at the next higher level (district)

Community

Family

Governance at the ground level - I (panchayat)

Civil society

Figure 23.1 Laws of subsidiary operating in the governance model

The central government administration

Devolution

Local governments

Deconcentration

Peripheral units of central government administration

Delegation

Specialized agencies

Privatization

The private sector

Partnership

Civil society organizations

Figure 23.2 Administration of central government of India

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Three major forms of administrative distribution are rampant at this level of government: deconcentration, devolution and delegation. The forms of decentralization defined in several recent UNDP publications drawn from a recent Cohan and Peterson Publication (Cheema and Dennis 2007).

Research methodology With this basic question explained in the introduction, let us explain the research methodology of the present study. The present study is an attempt to evaluate the present status of women on the following grounds: • • • •

Women as a representative at Urban Local Bodies (Prasad and Sahay 2000) Women as a beneficiary of (mandatory) reservation Women as a proxy elected representatives in rural the local bodies Assessment of “proxy representation” emerging as a concept in local governing bodies.

Objective of the study The present study assesses and explores the following objectives: 1

To examine whether “quantitative” rise in the representation of women in municipalities in the Lucknow district of Uttar Pradesh after the 74th Amendment Act has translated into “qualitative” changes in the participation of women in the political decision-­making process 2 To explore the impact of socio-­economic variables on the participation of EWRs and the level of awareness of rights and responsibilities among elected women members of municipalities 3 To identify the challenges faced by women to play their role as elected members and the factors that hinder the process of women’s political participation at grassroots level and 4 To identify their perceptions about women’s political participation and their suggestion to increase women’s participation in local bodies

Lucknow There are 17 Nagar Nigam (Municipal Corporations), 198 Nagar Palika Parishad (Municipal Councils), 437 Nagar Panchayat (Town Areas) in Uttar Pradesh. In total, there are 652 urban bodies in the state. There are six districts in Lucknow Mandal: Hardoi, Raibarelly, Lakheempur, Lucknow, Sitapur and Unnao. These are decentralized into different levels of Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), devolving and deconcentrating the functions of government. There are 69 such ULBs in Lucknow mandal, which are divided in Nagar Panchayat, Nagar Palika and Nagar Nigams for efficient and effective decentralization and governance. Lucknow is Nagar Nigam as per the population and other parameters, and the other eight (Malihabad, Kakori, Amethi, Gosainganj, Nagram, Mahona, Itaunza, Bakshi Ka Talab) are Nagar Panchayats. In Lucknow, Lucknow Municipal Corporation (LMC) is the body to look after the issues regarding maintenance of the city. There were 40 women ward members out of 110 ward members in LMC. In Lucknow there are four Tehseels: Lucknow, Mohanlalganj, Malihabad and Bakshi Ka Talab. Each Tehseel is further divided into Nagar Panchayats. There are five urban bodies in 251

Garima Mishra Table 23.1 Gender-­wise participations in Nagar Panchayat in Lucknow Nagar Panchayat

Wards

Male members

Female members

Itaunja Kakori Mahona Gosaiganj Amethi Malihabad Nagram Bakshi Ka Talab Total

10 13 10 10 11 13 10 10 87

6 8 4 6 6 8 5 2 45

4 5 6 4 5 5 5 8 42

Source: http://lmc.up.nic.in

Lucknow Tehseel: Lucknow Municipal Corporation, Lucknow Cantonment Board, Kakori Nagar Panchayat, Kalli Paschim Census Town and Sarsawan Census Town. In Mohanlalganj, there are three Nagar Panchayats, and these are Amethi Nagar Panchayat, Nagram and Gasaiganj Nagar Panchayat. Bakshi ka Talab has three Nagar Panchayats (Bakshi ka Talab, Mahona and Itaunja), whereas under Malihabad Tehseel, there is only Malihabad Nagar Panchayat. In the process of decentralisation, each Nagar Panchayat is divided into a number of wards. Division of wards is grounded on the sizes of the population of Nagar Panchayat. Table 23.1 is a detail of all the eight Nagar Panchayats in four Tehseels of the Lucknow district. To get a holistic picture, researcher tried to cover participation of Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) in all the tiers of Urban Local Bodies. In Lucknow, Municipal Corporation and two Nagar Panchayats have been selected for the present study.

Census 2011 Lucknow has a population of 4,589,838 according to Census 2011. Of the total population, 66.21% lives in urban areas, whereas the rest (33.79%) in rural areas. Census-­related information of the district is given in the Table 23.2. The study has collected the required material from both primary and secondary data. The collection of primary data was done through a combination of interview schedule, observation method, personal interaction with local leaders of political parties and non-­governmental organisations. In order to make research more accurate and develop an insight into the activities of women representatives, formal and informal discussions were also held with members of Gram Sabha and male relatives of women respondents. Standardized Interview schedule was used for the study. Each question was determined by a set of response categories. The respondents were supposed to choose one of the given options. Elected Women Representatives, who belonged to different age groups, social background, economic status and level of awareness and caste were covered in the sample. Beyond caste and class, systematic discrimination on the grounds of sex and division of labour on the basis of gender are present in society. At the local level, women not only face obstacles such as the genderized identity of women in society but discrimination on the basis of the traditionally rooted patriarchal system in the Indian society. The interview schedule consisted of both quantitative and qualitative questions. Some of the questions were subjective in nature, while other data was easy to collect empirically. Demographic details were objective and precise in nature; on the other part, the relationship of these demographic 252

Elected women’s representatives Table 23.2 Census highlights of Lucknow

Population Male Female Sex ratio Literates Male Female Male literacy (%) Female literacy (%)

Rural

Urban

1,550,842 813,752 737,090 906 900,857 533,656 367,201 76.42% 58.29%

3,038,996 1,580,724 1,458,272 923 2,226,403 1,208,784 1,017,619 85.60% 77.93%

Source: http://censusindia.gov.in/2011-­Common/CensusData2011.html

details with other social factors required qualitative and descriptive approaches. Causal analysis adds more explanatory value. With some limitations, the researcher has tried to explain implicit factors and subjectivity behind this empirically collected data with value neutrality. A body of assumptions had been prepared to frame the questions of the research. To test this framework, the interview schedule was prepared under the research which included observation and exploratory methods. The qualitative methods were found effective in exploring cultural, institutional and social contexts. Quantitative methods helped in collecting social demographic data which was later interpreted and analysed to answer the research questions.

Assessment The effective contribution of women in decentralised governance through participation in local bodies cannot remain unaffected by their own perceptions about the role of these bodies in people’s lives. Moreover, mere physical participation of females in these formal bodies cannot be a royal road even in the limited arena of gender justice. The argument is that increased representation, accompanied by structural changes, will not necessarily lead to an improvement in the quality and quantity of women’s participation and role in rural and Urban Local Bodies. Though it can be assured by the presence of panchayat institution and urban local bodies, it is the first base to ensure that the voice of women is heard. The core principle of the democratic process is that all the communities within the nation should have an equal opportunity to participate in decisions affecting their lives. The emphasis of democratic polity is on decentralization of power so that the affairs at local levels could be managed by those who are intimately related to and directly affected by them. Local bodies made an objective to make women not only a beneficiary but a constructive contributor too. Drawing from the study, it has been shown that women from all the communities and economic classes are appearing in the political domain. Knowledge of the socio-­economic background of a community is an indispensable prerequisite to apprehending the thinking or behaviour process of its members. Women representatives in the study showed that middle-­aged women are entering the political system but after accomplishing majority of their family responsibilities. It reminds one of the views of Plato, a political philosopher who had suggested that women should enter into public life after 32 years of age after performing their basic job, which is the reproductive job. It implies that politics for women is not their career choice; there are different reasons for different persons to enter the political domain. 253

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Participation of Elected Women Representatives in meetings was very low in the districts. Women attend meetings when it is unavoidable to skip the attendance. In the local bodies, proxy representation is rampant. In upper tier of urban area, level of participation in meetings was higher than in the lower tiers of local bodies. Caste has been a major factor behind the selection and election of a particular community or group in politics. Uttar Pradesh has the maximum Schedule Caste population, whereas 56% of the respondents in Lucknow Municipal Corporation belonged to general category, 16% to OBC and 12% to SC category. Many women members did not come out to speak; their husbands had given the answers (Verma, 2000). Religion also shows a similar bias towards single communities among EWRs. Eighty per cent of the respondents were Hindus in urban Lucknow, whereas 17% Pradhans belonged to the Muslim community in Nagar Panchayats and Lucknow Municipal Corporation. The remaining 3% belonged to Sikh community. Such distributions also make an impression on other factors. In an urban area, the majority of women respondents were graduates (48%), while 8% did not go to school. Such positive signs do not promise a qualitative change in women’s participation in the decision-­making process of women members. Though around 70% of the respondents had partially participated in the meetings, their participation in debates and deliberations went down to 50%. The occurrence of positive changes has also been witnessed during the study. The husband of a ward member in Lucknow explained that people wanted him as their representative, but, incidentally, at that time the seat was reserved for women; that was the impetus to make his wife contest the election. He appreciated the changes in his wife and said, “There is definitely a positive change, she has never visited school and after becoming a ward member, she attends meetings and presents her proposals in the meetings. She has become more confident.” Women representatives have been exposed to the political world because of the exponential growth of 24/7 media coverage and use of social media. On the question of proxy representation, they have been shown to be politically correct in their answers and to defend the family’s reputation in the name of social service and politics. Many these signs do not provide the desired result, but they are promising that women leaders will conduct their candidatures more efficiently and effectively in coming generations of elections. The researcher did come across some success stories, but they were very few in number. During the study, the researcher met only a few women representatives who were active in local politics. In Lucknow district, five representatives stood out as active participants. Some of the Elected Women Representatives were relatively empowered who were serving their second term. They were aware of local issues, the symmetry between officials, political parties and their required stand in certain situations, but they did not have a say in decision making, and they were not the least bothered about it. Success stories were many but not Elected Women Representatives. The entire system has been captured by elite-­class or influential local people. Very few got a chance to compete in the race to capture power and retain it successfully. In Lucknow, 48% Elected Women Representatives were graduates in urban areas. The level of illiteracy was 8% in urban areas.

Success stories Following are some success stories of women respondents in Lucknow district: •

Varsun was a ward member from Baazar, ward number 10, in Amethi Nagar Panchayat in Mohanlalganj Tehseel, Lucknow. There were five women ward members out of 11 ward 254

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members. Varsun was the poorest among five female ward members. She has studied till 8th and got married when she was 13 years old. Her home both before and after marriage was in Amethi. She lived in Bangla ward and was elected from Bazaar ward. Varsun live in kuccha house. Her husband had minimal income. He used to do embroidery work, but now he stays with Varsun and helps her. To get some financial support, Varsun started working on an HIV awareness programme with an NGO in Amethi. Later on, she joined Nationalist Communist Party. She used to take issues of local women to the All India Muslim’s Personal Law Board. In 2011, she joined Samajwadi Party. She tried to solve problems related to drinking water and got seven handpumps installed in her ward. Construction of roads was completed. With her persuasion, her ward is now under the District Urban Development Agency (DUDA).   Currently the Amethi Nagar Panchayat is chaired by Vandana Singh. Varsun said that her chairperson had been suspended once on charges of corruption. The maximum numbers of decisions taken in meetings by the chairperson were influenced by the party people. Members were dependent on the chairperson financially. At that time, it had been very difficult for ward members to get their proposals passed. Now she appreciates the fact that, except for one female ward member, all the members were attending the Town Area meetings, where they were deprived of power in decision making. The decision-­making power had been encroached by male members of society, said Varsun. In her own case, she has shown that poverty is a big hurdle, but that problem cannot stop a person to live one’s dream. She said that she had spent only Rs. 10,000 in the Nagar Panchayat election, and with the support of the people she managed to win the seat against other politically influential contestants. When the researcher asked her about women’s participation in local bodies, Varsun identified local disputes, corruption and criminalization of politics as factors for women not entering politics. “Women representatives have started attending meetings; with help of each other they present their proposals in the meetings. However, their male relatives are the ones who pursue the completion of the work and the public dealings.” Varsun also opposed the proxy representation rampant at the local level. She insisted on the fact that “if one has promised to serve the people and people have chosen you for that, one should be honest to one’s work and promises made to the people.” If women have contested the election irrespective of their choice, they must do justice to their work. • Mamta Chaudhary, a member of Malviya Nagar Ward in Lucknow Municipal Corporation, showed a similar level of passion for her work. Mamta Chaudhary had done her schooling in Bahrain and completed her graduation in Doon University. She married into a Brahmin family. She taught in CMS Alambagh for some time, and she was a member of Pradesh Congress Committee. Malviya Nagar was her in-­laws’ home, where she stayed with her family. Eighty per cent of the population in this ward belonged to the Brahmin Caste. In 2006, when the seat was reserved for Scheduled Caste, one corporator from the same ward and a Congress leader requested Mamta to contest the election. Mamta was Scheduled Caste, and she had married into a Brahmin family. Upper-­caste people of the ward did not want an SC candidate to win the seat from the ward. “That time I proved a trump card for them and see my Rajyog made me marry in Brahmin family, and now I am here as a leader,” and Mamta laughed loudly. With the support of family, she contested the election and won the seat from the Malviya Nagar. In 2012, she contested a general seat and has been serving her second term. Mamta said that women have the advantage that “they are women.” When women protest, officials get scared, and they look for the solution as early as possible. She said that “not all men but few humiliate us.” Women should keep this in mind and should prepare themselves for all the consequences and such negative reactions. 255

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•

Mamta has been attending all the meetings and sessions in Municipal Council. She said that initially people around her wanted to suppress her, at which time she expressed her point of view loudly. Knowledge of English language helped her a lot. Certain people have stopped commenting by themselves. “With courage and logic, anyone can do what one wants to do.” She has ensured that the old age pension and the widow pension are provided to the needy. There were some schemes by state government like Mahamaya Yojana in the Mayawati regime and Samajwadi pension in the Akhilesh regime under which people in her ward have received benefits. Further, she has made efforts for the opening of the accounts of beneficiaries in the banks for pension. Widows have also received benefits of Rs. 20,000–30,000. Under Paarivarik Labh Yojana, around 180 houses have been distributed under Kanshiram Yojana. Broadening of roads in Hanskheda para was one of the major works done under her tenure. Vidhyawati and Dhanpat Devi in Mohanlal ganj and Chandrakali and Tabasum Fatima were the representatives who have started going out of the house. In Gosaiganj Town Area, Pushpa Devi, Savitri and Ram Piyari belonged to same category. Pushpa Devi has never visited school and “now attends board meetings.” Her husband acknowledged that “you can say that she has improved a lot.” Pushpa Devi blamed her illiteracy as a reason for her backwardness. She said that her husband wanted her to go out of the house, but she was hesitant in speaking in public. In spite of this progress, women representatives still do not have a say in decision making. The maximum number of women respondents have contested election because seats were reserved for women, and their family did not want to lose the seat. To remain in power, male members have made their female family members contest elections without acknowledging their interests and wishes. The names and faces of women have been used to fulfil the basic criteria to contest the election. Most of the work is done by male members of the family, who are interested in politics. Yet the fact is that, in a sample of 25, at least these 10 cases have moved ahead on the road towards empowerment. Varsun and Mamta are far ahead on the path. Pushpa Devi is midway since she willingly participates, and the rest of the EWRs have just left the confines of the home. It is no doubt a slow progress, but the inertia is ending.

Conclusion Though this study has not reported a very colourful picture of success in women’s participation in decentralised governance, a few women representatives have proved themselves as good leaders as any other successful male leaders. They defied all the myths about women’s presence and participation in politics. During the interviews with active women representatives, it had been observed that, unlike other respondents, their whole conversation was about development, local people and their problems, corruption and works done in their wards and panchayats. In conclusion, some issues can be clubbed together: women members neither have access to participate at the planning level or decision making, nor do they have a platform to voice their concerns; very few EWRs have an independent or clear view on women’s empowerment and women development. Women members have negligible access to resources and agencies. Social (caste, class structure, education, patriarchal system of society, dual burden of work on women), political (women as a proxy to men candidates, inadequate delegation of power and financial decentralization, etc.), and economic and cultural factors play important roles so women still taking a back-­seat in the political sphere. In such a scenario, Nagar Panchayat is the smallest unit in an urban body that gives women a change structure in terms of resources and agencies and bringing development which is people oriented. Social auditing, coordination between 256

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bureaucracy and representatives, the gender-­sensitive atmosphere for women members, required training for representatives and the executive arm of local bodies as part of capacity-­building programmes will pave the way for the effective participation of women at local level.

References Cheema, S. G. 2005. Building Democratic Institutions: Governance Reform in Developing Countries. New York: Kumarian Press. Cheema, S. G., and R. Dennis. 2007. Decentralized Governance: Emerging Concepts and Practices. Washington, DC: Brooking Institution Press. Jain, Devaki. 1996. “Panchayati Raj: Women Changing Governance.” Gender in Devoplment Series 5. Jain, Lakshmi Chand. 1989. Grass Without Roots. New Delhi: Sage Publication. Kapoor, Meeta. 2005. “In The Shadow of Violence.” The Hinsu Sunday Magazine (March 6): 4. Mazumdar, V., and L. Sarkar. 1999. “Dissenting Voices.” Indian Journal of Gender Studies: 136. Mukherjee, Rudrangshu. 1993. The Penguine Gandhi Reader. Delhi: Penguine Books. Pai, Sudha. 1998. “Pradhanis in the New Panchayats: Field Notes from Meerut Districts.” Economic and Political Weekly: 1009–10. Panda, Snehlatha. 1999. “Political Empowerment of Women: Case Study of Orissa PRIs.” The Indian Journal of Public Administration: 86. Sushama, Prasad, and R. R. Sahay. 2000. “Models for Empowering Women.” In Empowerment of Women in South Asia, edited by K. Sinha, 2. Hyderabad: Association of Management Development Institutions in South Asia (AMDISA). Verma, N. M. P. 2000. “Educational Deprivation of Women and Dalits in South Asia.” Indian Journal of Human Rights 4 (1 & 2). Women, UN. 2017. “Facts and Figures: Governance and National Planning.” UN Women, August. Yadav, Urmila. 1997. Women in Indian Politics: A Study of Their Participation in Democratic Process, 677. New Delhi: Foundations of Political System and Sociological Aspects, Deep and Deep Publications.

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PART IV

Health hiatus

The fourth section revolves around health issues with six insightful chapters. The first one is related to the health assessment of women. For India, women’s health is a very crucial problem due to its social, cultural, sexual, religious, and educational diversities. Since independence, the Indian government has launched several programmes and schemes to improve women’s health conditions, but favorable outcomes have not been attained. Lack of education, prevalence of traditions and social rituals can be traced as some major causes of adverse health condition of women in India. The second chapter focuses on challenges and strategies faced by mathematical issues among children with visual impairment. According to the National Policy on Education, 1986, mathematics is a vehicle to train a child to think, reason, analyse and articulate logically. In the present scenario, students are showing less interest in learning mathematics. The condition of achievement in the mathematics of children with visual impairment (CWVI) is worse. To overcome these issues, there is a need for change in the attitude of teachers, parents and learners as well. Proper usage of ICT, use of Nemeth Braille code, effective use of teaching aids and many other measures are useful. The third chapter analyses the problems for dark-­skinned Indian women. Colourism or skin-­colour stratification is a relentless dilemma for “coloured” people in India. Light-­skinned people are highly esteemed over dark-­skinned people in all spheres of life. This study aims to highlight the discrimination between fair and dark skin shown in all social and cultural groups of India. Attempts have been made to highlight how government and the community at large can outsmart the white makeover industries in saving foreign exchange on the one hand and the self-­esteem of those affected by the paranoia of dark skin on the other. The fourth chapter is based on regional disparity of sanitation facility in India. Inadequate sanitation and poor hygienic practices lead to huge public health costs and diseases. The focus of this chapter is to study the inter-­regional disparity in sanitation facility in India as well as in Uttar Pradesh. It is seen from the data that there is considerable variation in access to toilet facilities across states and regions in India. The best sanitation facilities are available in all northern states in India while the central region followed by the east region report the lowest access to toilet facilities. The sanitation situation is much worse in Uttar Pradesh.

24 HEALTH ASSESSMENT OF WOMEN Sunil Kumar Tripathi

Health is positively associated with the productivity of human beings. The term “health” broadly constitutes physical, social and mental health. For development of a human as well as an economy, all these types of health are considered. Only physically and mentally healthy humans can play their roles properly in the development process. Health is considered the prime factor necessary for maintaining long-­term sustainable growth of an economy. Wellness is the state of maximizing individual potential. This is a lifelong process of moving towards enhancing physical, intellectual, emotional, social, spiritual and environmental well-­being (McKinley Health Centre 2002). Health as an asset which possesses both intrinsic and instrumental value. The former affects the well-­being of individuals, and the latter affects the growth of an economy. For example, bad health reduces the productivity of workers that will be cause of decline in production and national economic growth (Velkoff and Adlakha 1998). Wagstaff (1986, 2002) states that the relationship between health and medical care is assumed to be concave, meaning that medical care is subjected to diminishing returns in the production of health. A United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF] report states that about 55,000 women die annually due to preventable pregnancy-­related causes in India. It again states that globally about 830 women die every day due to preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth in which 20% are from India. More than 50% of women in India are anaemic. These indicators show severe health-­related problems of women in India. Poor health has repercussions not only for women’s health but also their families. Women in poor health are more likely to give birth to low-­weight infants. They also are less likely to be able to provide food and adequate care for their children (Velkoff and Adlakha 1998). More than 30% population in rural areas is poor. They do not have the capacity to consume nutritious food. They cannot access health facilities. They depend on domestic cures. Ignorance of diseases leads to serious health problems and causes death. In these poor families, pregnant women in last stages of pregnancy are sometimes involved in domestic, agricultural and other activities. This affects their health negatively (Gupta 1996). The poor health of women is an obstacle for the development of a country. An unhealthy woman will reproduce an unhealthy child. This will lead the economy towards an adverse condition. The present chapter is mainly based on secondary data and a review of conceptual literature. Data has been mainly drawn from National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-­3 and NFHS-­4, 261

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District Level Household Survey (DLHS)-­3, Annual Health Survey (AHS), Sample Registration Survey (SRS), Census of India 2011, CIA World Factbook and some other national and international sources like UNICEF India, World Bank, RBI report, etc. The data collected from different sources has been used to find the desired result, i.e., women’s health condition in India. Generally, more severe health issues, i.e., maternal mortality rate (MMR), prevalence of anemia in women, etc., have attracted more focus in discussion.

Description of demographic and health India is occupied with social and religious aspects, i.e., caste, gender, religion, etc. Many traditions, customs, rituals and social beliefs affect women’s health negatively. Women having a poor health condition are not able to take care their own children as well as their families, and this affects society negatively. Over the past decades, India’s health infrastructure facilities has improved, but the improvement is not sufficient. This insufficient health infrastructure cannot meet all the public needs. Public expenditure on health is insufficient to meet the health needs of the public masses. According to a World Bank report, the public expenditure of India was only 1.4% of GDP in 2014. This data shows a very low increment (0.3%) of public expenditure on the health in India since 1995 (1.1%). (See Table 24.1.) Indian woman are treated differently due to the domination of patriarchal thinking in Indian society. This thinking can be easily traced with indicators like sex ratio, which shows 940 females over 1,000 males as per Census 2011. The sex ratio at birth is 919 per 1,000 in 2011, which was 927 in 2001. The data reflects a considerable situation because total sex ratio has increased by 10 within the last 10 years (2001–2011), while in the same time, the interval sex ratio at birth (0–6 year) has decreased by 9. The overall infant mortality rate in India is 37 per 1,000 live births as per Census 2011 in which the infant mortality rate for boys (0–4  years) is 35 and the infant mortality rate for girls (0–4 year) is 39 per 1,000 live births in 2015. Life expectancy at the birth of a female in 2015 is 70 years, which is less than that of many of other countries. Research on women’s status found that the contributions that Indian women make to families often are overlooked, and instead they are viewed as an economic burden (Velkoff and Adlakha 1998). Relatively liberal abortion rules and improved ultrasonography in India have been misused to eliminate female foetuses. Thus the sex ratio of 0–6 years has declined from 927 in 2001 to 919 in 2011 (Kumar, Kamalapur, and Reddy 2013). Table 24.2 shows the poor state of women’s health in India. The Government launched a scheme, Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), on April 12, 2005. JSY is a safe motherhood intervention

Table 24.1 Health indicators data of India Indicators

Values

1. Sex ratio (2011) 2. Life expectancy at birth (in years) 3. Under 5 sex ratio (2011) 4. Infant mortality rate (0–4 years) 5. Infant mortality rate (female) 6. Infant mortality rate (male)

940 70 919 37 39 35

Source: Census of India, 2011.

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Health assessment of women Table 24.2 Women’s health condition in India: facts from NFHS Indicators

NFHS4 (urban)

NFHS4 (rural)

NFHS4 (total)

NFHS3 (total)

Women who are literate (%) Infant mortality ratio Under 5 mortality rate Female sterilization (%) Pills (%) Condoms (%) Mothers who had at least 4 antenatal care visits (%) Mothers who had full antenatal care visits (%) Mothers who received postnatal care from doctors/ nurses/LHV/ANM/other heath personnel within 2 days of delivery Child who received a health checkup after birth from doctors/nurses/LHV/ANM/other heath personnel within 2 days of birth (%) Institutional birth (%) Institutional birth at public facility (%) Birth delivery by caesarean section (%) Birth in a public health facility delivered by caesarean section (%) Birth in a private health facility delivered by caesarean section (%) Mothers who received financial assistance under JSY for birth delivered in an institution (%)

81.4 29 34 35.7 3.5 9.0 66.4 31.1 71.7

61.5 46 56 36.1 4.3 3.9 44.8 16.7 58.5

68.4 41 50 36.0 4.1 5.6 51.2 21.0 62.4

55.1 57 74 37.3 3.1 5.2 37 11.8 34.6

27.2

23.0

24.3

Na

88.7 46.2 28.3 19.9

75.1 54.4 12.9 9.3

78.9 52.1 17.2 11.9

38.7 18.0 8.5 15.2

44.8

37.8

40.9

27.7

21.4

43.8

36.4

Na

Source: NFHS 4 Fact Sheet.

under the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) being implemented with the objective of reducing maternal and neonatal mortality by promoting institutional delivery among poor pregnant women. JSY is a 100% centrally sponsored scheme, and it integrates cash assistance with delivery and post-­delivery care. Instead of this huge support of government, the institutional delivery is only 78.1%, in which institutional birth in rural India is only 75.1%. Only 36.4% women are receiving financial assistance under JSY, of which 43.8% goes for rural areas. Such data indicates a lack of information and awareness related to health programmes and schemes among Indian women and their families. Delivery by caesarean section shows that only poor and rural women go to public hospitals for delivery by this method. In rural areas, government hospitals are facing many problems like lack of doctors and beds, lack of infrastructure, etc. Rural women are compelled to visit these inefficient hospitals because they do not have the money to go to private clinics and hospitals (Joe, Mishra, and Navaneetham 2008). These factors cause maternal mortality in India and its states. Some poor states have not better connectivity of roads and lack of other infrastructures, so women of these states are being compelled to give birth at home. These areas are also facing a lack of educated and skilled ANM/midwives/ doctors. This can be a reason why home delivery conducted by skilled health personnel (out of total delivery) is only 4.3% in which 4.9% are conducted in rural areas. Only 21.0% of Indian women received full antenatal care. In rural areas, the percentage of mothers receiving full antenatal care (16.7%) is almost half that of urban areas. 263

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Health infrastructure Since independence to date, Indian women have not availed themselves of enough health facilities. They are treated as negligible members of our society. Their role in developing the family is not considerable. Their access to health facilities has been constrained by their husbands or chief of families (Mishra and Tripathi 2009). According to DLHS-­3 (2007–08), only 596 district hospitals are operating in India, while only 13,707 villages have ASHA workers. This is insufficient for serving the huge Indian population. Only 28.7% villages have health and sanitation committee, and 71.4% villages are situated within 3 kilometres of sub-­centres. Some 71.1% villages have Primary Health Centres (PHC) within 10 kilometres. The distances of hospitals from home with bad connectivity of roads have been traced as the causes of deaths in rural India. Only 24.4% PHCs have female medical officers. This data reflects very poor infrastructure facilities for women in India. Also, another health indicator that can be used to trace poor health infrastructure in India is availability of bed per 1,000 people. According to the World Health Statistics, availability of beds per 1,000 people in government hospitals is less than 1 (0.9), while in China, Sri Lanka and Brazil it is 3.0, 3.1 and 2.4 respectively. In Indian states, it is highest in Goa (1.7) and the lowest in Bihar (0.1). According to the World Health Organization (WHO), there should be at least 1 doctor per 1,000 population. It means that the doctor/patient ratio must be at least 1:1000. The doctor/patient ratio in India is 1:1668, while for China, the availability of doctors per 1,000 population is 1.3. (See Table 24.3.) India constitutes 29 states and seven union territories. Table 24.3 represents the health infrastructure facilities status of states highly developed in terms of education and having higher ranking in the Human Development Index (HDI) and per capita income (PCI), like Kerala, Maharashtra and less developed states in respect to education, and having lower HDI and PCI ranking, like Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Bihar. The table shows a huge deficiency of doctors, surgeons, etc. in 2015. The shortfall of doctors and surgeons is 17,506. In developed states like Kerala, the shortfall of surgeons and doctors is 849, and only 39 doctors and surgeons are in position. That good health is not only the result of higher income can be verified by seeing Maharashtra’s status in Table 24.2. The shortfall of doctors and surgeons is 862. The table shows that all states having higher and lower HDI and PCI are facing a deficiency of doctors, surgeons and other health-­related facilities.

Table 24.3 Health infrastructure facilities status in Indian states (having higher and lower Human Development Index rank and per capita income in 2015) Surgeon, OB, and GY, physician and paediatricians

India

Uttar Pradesh

Kerala

Maharashtra

Bihar

Required (R) Sanctioned (S) In position (P) Vacant (S-­P) Shortfall (R-­P)

21,584 11,661 4,078 7,583 17,506

3,092 2,099 484 1615 2,608

888 30 39 * 849

1,440 823 578 245 862

280 * 63 * 217

Source: NITI Aayog state statistics. OB = Obstetrician, GY= Gynaecologist, * = Data not available, Note: In-­position data for 2013–14 and sanctioned data for 2011 have been used.

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Assessment of women’s health condition of India with a global perspective According to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), the highest attainable standard of health is a fundamental right of every person. Gender-­based discrimination behaviour undercuts this right. It can render women more susceptible to sickness. Among women of reproductive age worldwide, AIDS is now the leading cause of deaths (WHO 2014). The United Nations (UN) is very conscious of human health and development. The UN has fixed the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) for human development in general with a special focus on women. The targets for women in SDG are as follow: 1 2

By 2030, reduce the global maternal mortality ratio to less than 70 per 1 lakh live births. By 2030, ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health care services including for family planning, information and education and the integration of reproductive health in to national strategies and programmes.

Tables 24.4.1 and 24.4.2 represent women’s health indicators in a global perspective. India is a fastest growing economy in the world, yet the maternal mortality rate (174) and the infant mortality rate (40.50) are highest among BRICS countries in 2015; the female literacy rate (63%) is the lowest among BRICS countries. Table 24.4.1 Women’s health condition in BRICS countries Countries

MMR 2015*

Female literacy rate (% of adult female age 15 and above) 2015#

IMR 2016 estimated$

Brazil Russia India China South Africa

44 25 174 27 138

93.0 100 63 94.0 93.0

18.00 6.90 40.50 12.20 32.0

Source of MMR is WHO fact. Source of female literacy is World Bank data. Source of IMR is CIA World Factbook 2016.

*

# $

Table 24.4.2 Women’s health condition in SAARC countries Countries

MMR 2015*

Female literacy rate (% of adult female age 15 and above)2015#

IMR 2016 estimated$

Afghanistan Bhutan Bangladesh Maldives Nepal Sri Lanka Pakistan India

396 148 176 68 258 30 178 174

24.2 55 58.0 99.0 55.0 92.0 43.0 63

112.80 33.90 32.90 22.90 28.90 8.60 53.90 40.50

Source of MMR is WHO fact. source of female literacy is World Bank data. $ source of IMR is CIA World Fact Book 2016. *

#

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After analysing Table  24.4.1, we found that the female literacy rate of the rest of the BRICS countries is higher than that of India (63%). Russia’s females are 100% literate, while females of Brazil (93%), South Africa (93%) and China (94%) are almost fully literate. The MMRs of Russia (25), China (27) and Brazil (44) are less than the global standard (70) set by 2030 in Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The infant mortality rate is considered a better indicator of health of an economy. Russia has the lowest IMR (6.90) among the BRICS countries. In South Asian Countries (SAARC countries), the MMRs of Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh are 258, 178, 396 and 176 respectively. Pakistan, Nepal and Afghanistan are considered fragile countries because they are newborn democracies, so their governments are unable to rapidly improve the female health situation in these economies. Females of Sri Lanka (92.0%) and Maldives (99%) are highly literate. In SAARC countries, only Pakistan (53.90) and Afghanistan (112.80) have higher IMRs than that of India (40.50). The IMR of Sri Lanka is the lowest (8.60) among SAARC countries. This data reflects the very poor conditions of India in the perspective of women health. One of the reasons behind this poor women’s health condition in India can be identified as the relatively low public expenditure on health. (See Tables 24.5.1 and 24.5.2.) Public health expenditure in India was only 1.4% of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2014. India’s public health expenditure has increased by 0.3% of GDP during 1995 to 2014. Total health expenditure (public + private) in India in 2014 is 4.7% of GDP. The private sector of India is not playing its role properly to improve the health condition in India. Private

Table 24.5.1 Expenditure on health in BRICS countries Country

Public health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

Private health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

Total health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

Brazil Russia India China South Africa

3.8 3.7 1.4 3.8 4.2

4.5 3.4 3.3 2.5 4.6

8.3 7.1 4.7 6.3 8.8

Source: World Bank Data.

Table 24.5.2 Expenditure on health in SAARC countries Country

Public health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

India Bhutan Bangladesh Maldives Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Afghanistan

1.4 2.6 0.8 10.8 2.3 0.9 2.0 2.9

Source: World Bank Data.

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Private health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

Total health exp. (% of GDP) 2014

3.3 1.0 2.0 3.0 3.5 1.7 1.5 5.2

4.7 3.6 2.8 13.8 5.8 2.6 3.5 8.1

Health assessment of women

expenditure on health is only 3.3% of GDP which is insufficient for this nation. Public expenditure on health (in percentage of GDP) in Russia, Brazil, China and South Africa are 3.7, 3.8, 3.8 and 4.2 respectively. Total expenditure on health in South Africa (8.8%) is the maximum and minimum of India (4.7) among BRICS countries. Public expenditure on health (in percentage of GDP) of all SAARC countries is more than the public expenditure of India (1.4), except Pakistan (0.9) and Bangladesh (0.8). Maldives is spending the most (13.8) on health among the SAARC nations.

Causes of poor women’s health condition in India The preceding discussion simply indicates that women’s health condition in India is questionable. With the general observation, we can easily identify that India is lacking proper health facilities as well as access to universal health care by the women of the country. Such insufficient access of health among women is leaving India behind in the perspective of global comparison as well as in terms of its own projected development. We cannot underline only one reason behind the poor health condition of women in India; there are several reasons, including: • • • • •

Social traditions, rituals and beliefs which lead to poor access of health care among women Poor education level of parents, especially the mother’s Poverty which leads to the problem of malnutrition among females and children Lack of health infrastructure facilities Lack of health awareness and health education, especially among women

Among these reasons, two can be easily highlighted because of their direct and high correlation with health improvement, i.e., education and nutrition.

Education and health awareness Health is strongly correlated with education. The education of women and their health are strongly correlated (Arora 2012). The total fertility rate (TFR) of illiterate women is higher than the TFR of women with a high school education or above. The social and educational status of women affects their health (Mohindra, Haddad, and Narayana 2006). The mother’s education is strongly related to children’s malnutrition. Children of illiterate mothers are twice as likely to be undernourished or stunted as children whose mothers have been educated up to high school or above (Velkoff and Adlakha 1998). The health awareness of women is directly related to education. If the mother is educated, then she knows the importance of vaccination and nutritional requirement. An educated woman has a better understanding of government policies and schemes than illiterate women (Kabeer 2005). Educated women know the importance of family planning too. According to the NFHS 4 fact sheet, only 68.1% females are literate and rural women literacy rate is only 61.5%, which needs to be focused on in order to improve the health condition of women in India.

Nutrition Nutrition is a determinant of health. A well balanced diet increases the body’s resistance to diseases and infections and helps the body to fight existing infections (Kumar, Kamalapur, and Reddy 2013). A balanced diet contains the proper amount of protein, carbohydrate, vitamins, fat, etc., which is rigorously required for the good health of our body. Deficiency, as well as a surplus of 267

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nutrients, causes several diseases. Iodine deficiency disorder is endemic to Himalayan and several tribal areas. Iron deficiency disease is anaemia, which is the most severe problem of Indian women. Almost 53.0% of women ages 15–49 years are anaemic. The body mass index (BMI) of 22.9% women is below normal (BMI < 18.5 kilograms per square metre). The percentage of overweight or obese women (BMI > 25.0 kilograms per square metre) is 18.6, which was 9.3 in NFHS 3. India’s poverty and unawareness about nutritious food are obstacles for achieving better health and nutritional status, especially related to women (Jose 2011, Verma et al. 2010). Women do not own asset themselves. They co-­own assets with some or all of the household’s members. So they are not free to take decisions to spend money according to their own needs (Swaminathan, Lahoti and Suchitra 2012). Only economic prosperity can bring about a good nutritional status of the population. Maharashtra can be taken as an example for this; it is one of the highest per capita incomes earning states of India, but it is marked by a poor nutritional profile of its people. More than 50% of households of the state receive less than the prescribed amount of calories intake (Kumar, Kamalapur, and Reddy 2013). The reasons can be traced to a household’s insufficient availability of nutritional food within the state or women’s insufficient nutritional food availability within the household, which requires focus to improve the health condition of women in India (Rainer 2008).

Conclusion Women’s health is hindered by limited autonomy in many areas. That has a strong bearing on development. Indian women are not free to take decisions related to their own health. The low literacy rate, low access to health care facilities, low awareness of diseases all affect Indian women adversely. Indian women are lacking in many spheres of life compared to other countries. India and its so-­called developed states have a dearth of health infrastructure facilities for serving Indian women. Our discussion can simply state that the condition of women’s health in India is poor and attention needed on a priority basis. The Indian Government has taken many initiatives to improve the health condition of women, but its success is short of expectations. Therefore a few recommendations are as follows: •

•

•

•

To get the desired success in women’s health improvement, government should focus more on general education expansion and health awareness programmes, especially in the areas where health condition is very poor. The trained local personnel’s responsibilities should be increased in order to convince people to use existing health facilities. The liabilities of these trained personnel should also include campaigning for government schemes in their areas, so that the maximum number of people will come to know about the government policies that they could benefit from. Government should also develop infrastructure facilities in rural areas to increase their levels of income and nutritious food intake. Government must encourage the private sector to come and play their roles in the health sector. Every health institution must be regulated properly by government so that it does not discriminate against people in providing access to health facilities. Since health is the responsibility not only of the government but also ours, we all should promote health facilities in India. Every billionaire should adopt at least one district hospital to improve its facilities. Doing so will fulfill the businesses’ social and charitable responsibility for the nation and also help to improve women’s health condition in India.

“We must be optimistic, we must do our duty, it will lead us to our goal, it is truth and reality” (Sunil Kumar Tripathi). 268

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References Arora, Rashmi Umesh. 2012. “Gender Inequality, Economic Development and Globalization: A  State Level Analysis of India.” The Journals of Developing Areas 46 (1): 147–64. Gupta, Monica Das. 1996. “Life Course Perspectives on Women’s Autonomy and Health Outcomes.” Health Transition Review: The Shaping of Fertility and Mortality Declines the Contemporary Demographic Transition: 1213–31. Joe, William, U. S. Mishra, and K. Navaneetham. 2008. “Health Inequality in India: Evidence from NFHS-­3.” Economic and Political Weekly: 41–47. Jose, Sunny. 2011. “Adult Undernutrition in India: Is There a Huge Gender Gap?” Economic and Political Weekly 46 (29): 95–102. Kabeer, N. 2005. “Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of the Third Millennium Development Goal.” Gender and Development: Millennium Development Goals 13 (1): 13–24. Kumar, Sunil, M. Kamalapur, and Somnath Reddy. 2013. “Women Health in India: An Analysis.” International Research Journal of Social Sciences 2 (10): 11–15. Mishra, N. K., and Tulika Tripathi. 2009. “Conceptualizing Women’s Agency, Autonomy and Empowerment: Empirical Evidence from India.” HDCA Annual Conference. Mohindra, K. S., Slim Haddad, and D. Narayana. 2006. “Evidence Based Public Health Police and Practice: Women’s Health in a Rural Community in Kerala, India: Do Caste and Socio-­economic Position Matter?” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 60 (12): 1020–26. Rainer, Helmut. 2008. “Gender Discrimination and Efficiency in Marriage: The Bargaining Family under Scrutiny.” Journal of Population Economics 21 (2): 305–29. Swaminathan, Hema, Rahul Lahoti, and J. Y. Suchitra. 2012. “Gender Asset and Wealth Gap: Evidence from Karnataka.” Economic and Political Weekly: 59−67. Velkoff, Victoria A., and Arjun Adlakha. 1998. “Women of the World: Women’s Health in India.” U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration, Bureau of the Census. Verma, N.M.P. et.al. 2010. “Correlates of Poverty and Malnutrition: A Study of Indian Women and Children”, International Journal of Economics and Business Modeling, Vol. 1, No.2, 2010 ISSN 0976-531X(Print),0976-5352(Electronic). Wagstaff, A. 1986. “The Demand for Health: Theory and Applications.” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 40: 1−11. Wagstaff, A. 2002. “Inequality Aversion, Health Inequality, and Health Achievement.” The World Bank Development Research Group Public Service and Human Development Network Health, Nutrition, and Population Team, wps 2765. WHO. 2014. “World Health Statistics.”

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25 MATHEMATICAL ISSUES AMONG CHILDREN WITH VISUAL IMPAIRMENT Challenges and strategies Puja Mathematics is an important discipline. It is more closely related to our daily lives compared to some of the other school subjects. At present, mathematics holds an important place in schools. In this context, it is suggested, “Science and Mathematics should be taught on a compulsory basis to all pupils as a part of general education during the first ten years of schooling.” Today, students are not showing interest in learning mathematics; they are lagging behind in their performance. If we talk about the performance of children with visual impairment (CWVI) in mathematics, their condition is even less adequate. Generally, CWVI leave this subject in higher classes for various reasons. There is a vast inequality in mathematics achievement of visually impaired in comparison to seeing children. Several factors in learning mathematics have a significant role in the achievement of mathematics: socio-­economic status, gender, parent’s education level, teacher competency, teaching learning materials (TLM), motivation, arithmetic ability, etc. Along with this, in the case of CWVI, there are issues like generalising the ideas, concepts, rules, theorems, finding the similarities and dissimilarities, translating activities and actions into possible mathematical language, confusion in symbols, proper use of Nemeth Braille code and many others. It is true that they have various limitations in developing concepts especially in mathematics, which is a science of abstract concepts with various signs and symbols. But all these limitations can be overcome if all the stakeholders do their duty at optimum levels and make best usage of assistive devices, properly use ICT, properly implement Nemeth Braille code and, most important, maintain a positive attitude. In India, mathematics is said to have its roots in Vedic literature, which is approximately 4,000  years old. According to New English Dictionary, “Mathematics investigates deductively the conclusions implicit in the elementary conceptions of spatial and numerical relations.” Its name in Hindi is Ganita, which means the “science of calculations.” The term “mathematics” has been explained in numerous ways. It is the numerical and calculation part of human life, a science in which calculations are prime. According to the National Policy on Education, 1986, “Mathematics should be visualized as the vehicle to train a child to think, reason, analyse, and articulate logically. Apart from being a specific subject it should be treated as a concomitant to any subject involving analysis and meaning.” Mathematics is one of the most important subjects of the school curriculum. It is considered the father of science. The Zakir Hussain Committee in 1937 saw it in relation to work. The 270

Children with visual impairment

Right to Education Act, 2009, implies the right of every Indian child to quality mathematics education. There are various reasons for giving it an important place in the school curriculum as it has utility in daily life, it has its own language (here language is related to the various signs, symbols, terms, theorems, etc.), and it helps to develop the child as a social and intellectual citizen. Knowledge of mathematics is essential for the study of physical science, even for the physician who studies about cells and the like. Napoleon said, “The progress and importance of mathematics is linked to the prosperity of the state.” Mathematics teaching has various values: intellectual values, moral values, social values, international values, scientific values, aesthetic values, disciplinary values, utilitarian values, cultural values, psychological values and many more (Kulsheshtha 2003). It is quite clear that it has importance in almost every sector of human life.

Aims and objectives of teaching mathematics Education is imparted for achieving certain aims and goals. Each school subject has its certain aims and objectives. These aims are broken down into objectives to provide definite learning experiences for bringing desirable changes in students’ behaviour. Various aims go throughout the school levels: disciplinary aim, educational aim, aesthetic aim, utilitarian aim, cultural aim, moral aim, adjustment aim, social aim, international aim, vocational aim, self-­education aim, and harmonious aim etc. To fulfill all these aims, various objectives are classified under the following headings: knowledge and understanding objectives, skill objectives, application objectives, attitude objectives, and appreciation and interest objectives at entire school stage, i.e., elementary level, secondary level and senior secondary level. Following are some basic and main objectives of teaching mathematics at different levels of schoolings under the mentioned headings: • • • • • • • • • • •

To know the language of its technical terms, symbols, formulae, theorems, principles, etc. To know the various concepts – number concept, direction concept, measurement concept To interrelate between different branches and topics of mathematics To acquire and develop skill in the use and understanding of mathematics language To learn and develop the technique of problem solving To develop the ability of solving calculations orally and mentally To develop the skill of measuring, weighing and analysing, etc. To think and express precisely, exactly and systematically To develop a heuristic attitude To develop interest in learning the subject To build the confidence level of the student

Factors of mathematics achievement Various factors play major roles in mathematics achievement. These factors are broadly divided into three sub-­factors:

Demographic factor Socio-­economic status: Many studies found that the parent’s income is correlated with the student’s math achievement scores. It is generally found that parents having higher socio-­economic status are more involved in their children’s education than parents of lower socio-­economic 271

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status. Lower socio-­economic status negatively influences the academic achievement of the children, as it prevents students from accessing various expensive educational materials and resources, which creates boundaries in learning mathematics and also creates a distressing atmosphere at home (possible disruptions in parenting or an increased likelihood of family conflicts). For these reasons, socio-­economic status is one of the most common factors that influences academic achievement of the student. Gender: Gender is an important aspect of human relationships that cannot be ignored. It is generally thought that females are poor in mathematics in comparison to male society. The literature available in gender studies suggests that society as a whole believes that females are less mathematically capable than men and that female students show lower interest in mathematics. In some recent studies, it is found that gender differences in mathematics education seem to be narrowing in many countries. However, various studies revealed that as students reach higher grades, gender differences favour an increase in math achievement by males. Educational level of parents: Educational level of parents has a great impact on academic achievement. Parents are role models and guides for their children and help them to pursue high educational goals. Often it is seen that a doctor’s child becomes a doctor, teacher’ child teacher, property dealer child’s a property dealer and so on. As to why such things happen, it may be because children acquire particular attitudes and values from their parents. Many of the studies have indicated that student achievement is correlated highly with the educational attainment of parents.

Instructional factors Curriculum: Many mathematics curricula overemphasize the memorization of facts and underemphasize the understanding and application of these facts to discover, make connections, and test math concepts. Many areas of mathematics curriculum have no such utility in our life, but still we have to learn them. The curriculum in which students’ knowledge and skills grow is significantly connected to their learning and their achievement level. It lays emphasis on student’s attitude and their professional behaviour. Definitely, a good curriculum model positively affects student’s performance. Skill-­oriented training boosts students’ attitude towards their studies and in their careers. Strategies and methods: Every method or strategy has some good in it; no particular method or strategy is all good. Children should be told as little as possible and be induced to discover as much as possible. How to impart mathematical knowledge? How to enable children to learn mathematics? These are the questions which are very significant for learning mathematics. It is important to note that a method should not become an end in itself but should be used as a means to achieve the determined aims and objective of teaching mathematics. Teacher’s qualification: It is well known that teachers’ knowledge and beliefs about mathematics are directly connected to their instructional methods and procedures. A  competent, highly qualified teacher develops self-­confidence and serves as a source of inspiration to students (Saritas and Akdemir 2009). Competent math teachers have clear objectives for lessons, effective discipline skills, impressive classroom management skills, good knowledge of curriculum and standards, passion for students and teaching, critical thinking, etc. School environment and infrastructure: School environment and its infrastructure directly influence the achievement of the student. The attitude of the teacher, official staff, principal and others has a great impact on student achievement. Many researchers suggest that student achievement is associated with a safe and orderly school climate. School building, basic standards of school, adverse climate, overcrowded classes, inappropriate atmosphere, indiscipline in the school campus and many basic features of school directly affect student achievement. 272

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Usage of information communication and technology (ICT) and teaching learning materials (TLM) by teacher: Appropriate and effective use of ICT and TLM in the classroom teaching has a significant effect on mathematical achievement. The more effective these tools are used in the teaching and learning of mathematics, the greater the understanding of the students for the subject will occur. Proper usage of these tools makes the teaching learning process easier and effective.

Individual factors Mathematics anxiety: Mathematics anxiety is the feeling of fear or tension in situations involving mathematics problem solving or any mathematics-­related activities. Mathematics anxiety may be found in primary classes to senior secondary classes. Such situations are the very basic cause of poor performance in mathematics. Students do not show willingness to do mathematical problem, and gradually they lag behind in performance. Attitude towards mathematics: It is well known from various studies that students’ attitude towards mathematics has a significant effect on mathematics achievement. In general, the attitude towards mathematics refers to individuals’ beliefs and feelings about mathematics. It may be either positive or negative, but a positive attitude will definitely lead to greater achievement and negative to poorer performance. Motivation or concentration: Learning mathematics requires high motivation and concentration as it requires reasoning, making interpretations and solving problems, mathematical issues and concepts. Lacking in any one of these aspects will lower performance (Saritas and Akdemir 2009); therefore, it is the responsibility of one’s self and of the teacher to sustain these elements at high levels. Arithmetic ability: Arithmetic ability is one of the prime factors of mathematical achievement. It includes the skills of manipulation of mathematics knowledge and concepts in ways that transform their meaning and implications. Such abilities allow students to interpret, analyse, synthesize, generalize, or hypothesize the facts and ideas of mathematics. Students with great arithmetic ability can engage in tasks such as solving complex problems, discovering new meanings and understanding, deriving hypothesis, and arriving at logical conclusions. Self-­regulation: Self-­regulation can be defined as students’ ability to monitor, justify, evaluate, organise and make appropriate planning for their learning. They are independent and self-­initiated learners. It is believed that self-­regulated learners have systematic metacognitive, motivational and behavioural approaches to learning, which are responsive to feedback regarding their learning and which hold strong and effective views of academic accomplishments. All these factors directly or indirectly influence the mathematical achievement of students. Defects in the teaching learning process of mathematics: It should be admitted that the present-­day teaching of mathematics is far from satisfactory. Students show less interest, and they consider it a boring, dull subject. Here are some defects: •

•

Teacher’s qualification: This is a common defect in our education system that most subject teachers are not adequately qualified in the concerned subject. Without proper qualification, they are doing injustice to the students because highly qualified and well trained teachers are full of self-­confidence and serve as a source of inspiration to their students. Teacher’s attitude: In the present day, people are not willing to do the teacher’s job; just for the time being, they enter this profession to earn money, and, as soon they got better job, they shift to another sector. In such a situation, they just fulfill their teaching job without any enthusiasm, and therefore they cannot create interest among students. 273

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•

Student’s attitude towards mathematics: Students have a negative attitude towards mathematics. The reasons for disliking the subjects due to dissatisfactory results; lack of interest to the subject and in some cases complicacy with the subject contents. They feel it is a dull or boring subject, and some have mathematical anxiety and phobias. • Overburdened teacher: Generally we see that single teachers have to teach various subjects in numerous classes without taking proper rest. They are overburdened from all sides and are not getting time to adopt or prepare effective methods and proper TLM, not able to deal with individual queries and difficulties, etc. • Teacher’s salary: Low income leads to many types of frustration in teachers in our so-­ called materialistic society. Their economic condition is not good, they worry, and in such conditions they do not give their best to learners. • Method of teaching: It is found that mathematics teachers are very much dependent on the lecture method, extensively use it, and rarely follow other modern methods of teaching. In such circumstances, students do not show any interest in the subject. There is no emphasis on thinking, understanding, initiative, judicious study and power; only spoon feeding is served up by the teacher. • Lack of TLM and other equipment: There is a lack of TLM and equipment in the schools. These materials help in developing the concrete concepts of the subject; they create interest in learning process. Proper use of such things provides sustainable knowledge. The lack of these materials leads to rote memory and a dull teaching–learning process. • Overcrowded classes: Overcrowding is one of the common defects of our education system. Each and every class of government schools, as well as of private schools is overcrowded. In such situations, teachers are unable to pay proper attention to every student; as a result, this weakness and the problems of mathematics remain unsolved. • Classroom assessment: Teachers should assess their students regularly with accurate tools and give feedback accordingly as soon as possible so that they can minimize their mistakes and accelerate the pace of learning. But due to overburdened or overcrowded classes, they are unable to do this regularly. • Practical aspect: The practical application aspect of knowledge is not emphasized. Knowledge given in the classroom is not practically applicable, and the teacher teaches only the theoretical aspect. As a result, this subject loses its appeal as it is taught in such a dry manner. • Mathematics laboratory: Very few or negligible schools have their own mathematics laboratory. The authorities do not pay attention to this urgent aspect which can make the teaching learning process more effective. It must be a significant part of learning mathematics; students must be provided such facilities to facilitate their thinking process. • Examination system: The Indian education system is highly influenced by examinations, which are full of defects. The teaching goal is to pass the examination rather than to understand and grasp the content taught. Students generally just cram some parts of the subject and perform in the examination without understanding the content. This approach develops rote memorization, which is not appropriate for the good understanding of mathematics. • Lack of Olympiad and other mathematics competitions: Various types of Olympiad and other competitions related to mathematics should be conducted regularly so that students take interest in learning and concentrate in order to do their best. All these defects in the teaching–learning process have a significant influence on student performance in mathematics. These are barriers which bring their performance levels down and prevent them from working up to the mark. 274

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Visual impairment Visual impairment is an umbrella term which comprises terminology like “low vision,” “blind,” “totally blind,” etc. All these terms are well defined by various organisations. Here these are defined under (Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India) as per the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016: (a) “Blindness” means a condition where a person has any of the following conditions, after best correction – (i) Total absence of sight; or (ii) Visual acuity less than 3/60 or less than 10/200 (Snellen) in the better eye with best possible correction; or (iii) Limitation of the field of vision subtending an angle of less than 10 degree. (b) “low-­vision” means a condition where a person has any of the following conditions, namely: – (i) Visual acuity not exceeding 6/18 or less than 20/60 up to 3/60 or up to 10/200 (Snellen) in the better eye with best possible corrections; or (ii) Limitation of the field of vision subtending an angle of less than 40 degree up to 10 degree.

Mathematical education among children with visual impairment As per (Census 2011), in India, out of the 121 crore population, about 2.68 crore persons are “disabled,” which is 2.21% of the total population. Among the disabled population, 56% (1.5 crore) are males and 44% (1.18 crore) are females. The majority (69%) of the disabled population resided in rural areas (1.86 crore disabled persons in rural areas and 0.81 crore in urban areas). The Census 2011 revealed that 20% of the disabled persons have disability in movement, 19% have disability in seeing, and another 19% disability in hearing and 8% multiple disabilities. The Census 2011 showed that 61% of the children with disabilities, aged 5–19 years, were attending schools. Of the total disabled population, nearly 55% (1.46 crore) are literates. Among these literates, the category of disabled populations has poor performance in higher education, and among the visually impaired it is not good. Only a small percentage of them go for higher studies, and rarely or almost none of visually impaired population go for the science stream (Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation 2016). A study by the World Bank (2007) noted that children with disabilities are five times more likely to be out of school than children belonging to Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes. Based on NSS data, the World Bank (2007) report categorically states: “It is very clear that both educational attainment of all Persons with Disabilities and current attendance of Children with Disabilities are very poor and far below national averages.” Data remarks that people with disabilities have much lower educational attainment rates, with 52% illiteracy against a 35% average for the general population. Levels of illiteracy are high across all categories of disability, and especially among children with visual, multiple and mental disabilities (and among children with severe disabilities across all the categories). These data showed that the educational attainment of children with disabilities is not up to the mark. Still, very few persons with disabilities are going for higher education. The subject of mathematics holds an important place in the classroom not only due to the direct applications of the syllabus material but due to the reasoning ability that the student can develop. It is the backbone of all sciences. Its importance cannot be neglected as it has a direct 275

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link to day–to-­day life situations. Despite these reasons, the subject is losing its charm, and it is unfortunate that many students have erroneous impressions about mathematics and dislike mathematical activities; many seem to fear and even hate mathematics. Mathematics, as a human and cultural creation dealing with objects and entities quite different from physical phenomena, depends heavily on visualization in its different aspects and at different levels, far beyond the obviously visual field of geometry and spatial visualization. The three Rs to learning – reading, writing and arithmetic – have been long considered the three main components of education. Creativity and analytical thinking with keen observation are often associated with subjects like mathematics and science in formative education. Whilst regular education has always focused on the three Rs of learning, in the case of CWVI, especially in India, the third R – Arithmetic – has been left out of education. This has often been due to the myths and misconceptions which exist in the mind of stakeholders in the whole education process. It is essential that the ocean of talent latent in the visually challenged persons of India should not go untapped and consequently wasted. It is essential that all children, whether totally blind or low visioned, should get the necessary opportunity, if they so wish, to explore science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM subjects). It is also seen that they face societal barriers, systemic barriers and pedagogical barriers in learning mathematics, as the result of which their performance level is lower or down. Most of them are unable to solve higher-­order mathematical problems, and their performance in mathematics is not up to the mark. These facts show why visually impaired children do not like to engage in the study of mathematics as it is visual in nature. Therefore, it is required to create acceptable and favourable conditions with related accommodations and modifications for studying and dealing with these problems, which visually impaired are encountering, so that everyone has the same access to education, regardless of disability. To fulfill the gap between the visually impaired and their sighted peers regarding education, especially mathematical education, many studies have been done which directly or indirectly help to implement better education facilities. Various studies which have dealt with mathematical education of CWVI are discussed next. Generally, most students develop a fear of mathematics due to their misunderstanding, non-­ understanding and failures during previous lessons. Ma and Kishor (1997) remarked that mathematical anxiety is developed as a result of having a poor image of mathematics, a lack of comfort and bitter experiences during class. Children who have developed negative attitudes towards mathematics have performance problems because they have developed anxiety due to negativity. Such things happen frequently with students with visual impairment who are studying in regular schools as their counterpart seeing peer groups perform better in mathematics. The lack of motivation in mathematics has been proven as a great barrier in high schools of many country. Studies (Kasten and Howe 1988) have reflected a strong correlation between the lack of motivation and the rising number of at-­r isk students in mathematics. Since students in a class belong to various perspectives such as mastery on subject, economic status of the child, cultural background, social background, parental education, negative attitude towards the subject, anxiety, etc., so all students should be treated as per their individual needs. Kenney and Silver (1997) discussed that one out of every two students thinks that learning mathematics should be, above all, memorization. Subjects like science and mathematics are often described as difficult subjects, due to which students hardly choose these subjects in further classes. And it is worst in the case of students with visual impairment. Effendi (1993) conducted a study on school-­going students with visual impairment in relation to their frustration and school achievement and concluded that frustration affects the school achievement of students with visual impairment. Nisar (1990) found that the congenitally visually impaired were superior in academic performance than the adventitiously visually 276

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impaired. Gupta and Singh (1994) studied the status of teaching of science in Indian schools for the children with visual impairment. Researchers came to the conclusion that the quality of science teaching for visually impaired was far below the expected standards in schools. And it is similar in the case of teaching mathematics as both subjects have a scientific temperament Viyas (1995) studied some personality traits of students with visual impairment as compared to sighted students. In his study, he also tried to compare the academic achievement of students with visual impairment with those of sighted students. He found that sighted students possessed higher academic achievement than students with visual impairment. In addition, the academic achievement of male students with visual impairment was higher than that of female students with visual impairment. Sengupta (1999) found that children with visual impairment were similar to sighted children in continuous direct and indirect measurement, but they lagged behind in conservation discrete measurement. Also, they showed difficulty in relating time to their environment. Khan (1999) indicated that the visually impaired were lower in mathematics but higher in literature and that their recall power was found to be superior to their sighted peers. The researcher concluded that retardation in academic performance may be due to the imbalanced personality of the CWVI. Full and active participation and equality would be helpful in reducing the personality disorders and low academic performance of these children. Julka tried to understand the problems that children with visual impairment encounter while gaining access to mathematics curricula at the primary level. The results of her study remarked that few topics at a higher level of primary schooling are considered to be more difficult by these children. Naseema and Usha (2007) did a study to measure if there is any significant difference in the achievement in mathematics and in the psychological variables like school adjustment and self-­concept between the CWVI and the seeing students of secondary school. They found that there exist a significant difference between CWVI and seeing students in respect to their school adjustment, self-­concept and achievement in mathematics. Seeing students were better in all three variables. Sharma (2009) identified the problems faced by mathematics teachers in teaching children with visual impairment. The researcher investigated that the main problem in teaching mathematics to children with visual impairment was the non-­availability of basic necessary facilities. The children didn’t have their mathematics text books in Braille, and they didn’t have essential equipment/assistive devices for learning mathematics. Other issues reported in the study were lack of sufficient time and inadequate skilled or trained teachers for teaching this subject. They were unaware of the adaptations which should be inculcated when teaching mathematics to students with visual impairment. Kumar (2013) investigated the academic achievement of students with visual impairment in relation to their socio-­ demographic variables, study habits and study-­related phenomena. The researcher revealed a significant correlation between academic achievements and study habits of students with visual impairment. The relation between academic achievements and the age, classes, socio-­ economic status and education of parents of students with visual impairment were found statistically significant. The study related to variables like attitude towards teachers, education and evaluation, home assignments and self-­confidence. Concentration and coping with mental conflicts were also found significantly related to the academic achievements of students with visual impairment. All these studies reflect that achievement in mathematics depends on various factors, and all these factors directly or indirectly influence the performance of students with visual impairment. In this addition, they suggested the key issues of the performance level of those children in mathematics and why they lag behind in mathematics in comparison to their sighted peer groups. 277

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Mathematical issues of children with visual impairment It is well known that we acquire maximum knowledge i.e., about 85–90% through our sense organ eyes. So it is quite clear that eyes face tremendous challenges in acquiring mathematical concepts which are abstract in nature as acquiring an abstract concept is much more difficult for them. But it is also true that (Chander 1992) the problems faced by them in learning mathematics can be attributed partly to visual impairment but to a great extent to the inappropriate teaching methods and non-­availability of appropriate learning materials. An overuse of conventional materials without proper adaptations and methods is exacerbating their problem in understanding the mathematical concepts, relation and operation. The heterogeneity of circumstances and the lack of preliminary experiences at home result in a lack of readiness among them for learning mathematics at the elementary level. Generally it is seen that students with visual impairment do not opt mathematics in their higher classes as most of them are not being motivated to learn mathematics. In addition, the use of Braille slate, mathematical devices like Abacus and Taylor frame which are used by the visually impaired, involve a very slow process which makes their learning process dull; as a result, they show less interest in mathematics. All these things create inequality in achievement in mathematics in comparison to seeing peers. For writing Braille, students use the Braille slate with dots embossed on the back side of the paper. When they solve mathematical problems, many a times they have to turn the page over to read the solutions, which creates a discontinuation in solving problems. In comparison to the Braille slate, there is Brailler (a Braille writing device) on which they don’t need to turn the page to read the embossed dots as the dots appear on the same side as the writing, and it is easier and faster to write on it. But the cost of Brailler is very high, and all or most of the visually impaired cannot afford it. Taylor frame is a mathematical device which is used by the visually impaired to solve some basic mathematics computations. This device has its limitations in that it can be beneficial only for elementary classes. Solving mathematics problems on it requires very fine and sharp tactile skills. Long mathematical calculations and higher orders of algebraic questions cannot be solved on this. Abacus is another mathematical device which does faster calculations in comparison to the Taylor frame. But to learn the skills needed to solve problems on Abacus is not an easy task, as some prerequisites skills are required, and those who have low IQs face difficulties with it. The idea of space, time, and derived concepts like speed, etc. appear to be one of the major problematic areas for the visually impaired. It is not an easy task to understand and to solve questions based on mensuration, geometry, trigonometry, etc. To draw a geometrical figure is one of the most difficult tasks for them as its need accuracy. Geometry kits are available for them, which are being adapted, but it has limitations. To operate these devices, they need the help of their seeing peers. The Braille book of mathematics contains Nemeth Braille code, which is a Braille code for encoding mathematical and scientific notation linearly using standard six-­dot Braille cells for tactile reading by the visually impaired. It was developed by Abraham Nemeth, and it is difficult to learn all the dots and their utility at the elementary level. It takes time and consistency, as well as trained teachers who have knowledge of all these dots. It is a horrifying myth that subjects like mathematics and science are not for the visually impaired. Such a myth has significantly lowered mathematics achievement among them (Gupta 1992). Along with the lack of adequate TLMs, little or no use of ICT in teaching mathematics, the negative attitudes of teachers and the learners as well, mathematics anxiety, curriculum design and many other things make their condition all the more pathetic. 278

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Strategies for teaching–learning mathematics for children with visual impairment Each and every student has individual limitations whether disable or able-­bodied. It is well understood that disability exists in the mind, not in the body. As discussed, mathematics is visual in nature, and it has abstract concepts etc. Therefore they feel difficulties in solving mathematics problems, but these can be overcome if they get proper and adequate services and have strong determination. Following are some strategies which can overcome the mathematical issues of children with visual impairment: Attitude modification: First of all, there is the need to modify the negative attitude of teachers as well of learners that the subjects of mathematics and science are not for the visually impaired. Both should have a strong positive attitude that they can achieve in mathematics despite their impairment. For that, they should be provided with proper counselling. Adaptation in curriculum: We know that mathematics have various signs and symbols and is more visual in nature than other school subject. Areas like geometry, coordinate geometry, mensuration, and trigonometry, etc. need more in the way of adaptation. Therefore to make it accessible, there must be some adaptations in terms of making it tactile, more elaborative in nature. Use of Nemeth Braille code: The Nemeth Braille code for mathematics is Braille code for encoding mathematical and scientific notations linearly using standard six-­dot Braille cells for tactile reading by the visually impaired. This code was developed by Abraham Nemeth. Any book of mathematics can be transcripted into Braille. Therefore, teacher as well as student should learn Nemeth Braille Code so that they can use it in teaching and learning process, respectively. Relevant teacher training programme: The Rehabilitation Council of India is the single body designing and regulating all the courses of special education throughout the country. At present, a few universities are providing special education programmes like Diploma/Bachelor/ Masters in special education in Hearing Impairment/Mental Retardation/Visual Impairment/ Learning Disability, etc. Such courses must be run in other educational institutes to fill the gap of the teacher/student ratio in special education which will directly influence the quality education of children with disabilities. In-­service training: At present there is lack of special teachers in India who can provide quality education to children with disabilities. There must be in-­service training programmes for general teachers at a large scale so that students having disabilities who are studying in regular schools can be benefitted without any hindrance at their schools. Effective communication: CWVI learn through their remaining senses, especially with touch and hearing. In classes where teachers deliver lectures, they constantly depend on their sense of hearing so teachers must have effective communication skills which can be easily grasped by the students, and lectures should contain proper elaboration of content. Availability of trained teacher: In our country, there is scarcity of special educators who know Braille and who can teach the visually impaired in an inclusive set-­up where every kind of students get an education without any discrimination. Trained special educators must be available in adequate numbers. Use of assistive devices: There are a variety of assistive devices for teaching and learning mathematics for the visually impaired. Devices like Abacus, Taylor frame, adapted geometry kit, tactile measuring tape, talking calculator, talking weighing machine, Brailler and many more can make the teaching learning process easier if trained teachers applied all these devices properly and taught accordingly in their classes. 279

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Usage of ICT: In this modern era, nothing is untouchable in ICT. Each and every sector of society is being used, but there is an urgent need of the proper usage of ICT in the teaching/learning process of divyangjan students in our country. Teachers as well as the taught should be technology friendly. As we know, most divyangjan students belong to remote areas having poor socio-­economic conditions and are unaware of these technologies, which are also very costly. Therefore it is the duty of stakeholders of education to take serious steps to make all these things accessible for them. Use of TLM: To make teaching more accessible and interesting, teachers must use TLMs, and school administrations must have well equipped resource rooms. TLMs for CWVI must have some basic qualities it must be glare free so that someone with low vision can use it properly; it must not be fragile and not have sharp edges; it cannot be unwieldy; in a single TLM, a maximum of two or three things should be described so that they can be understood easily; it must be within the range of the students and must be tactile in nature. Resource room: This is a place on the campus of the school where devices and equipment are kept and a trained special teacher teaches and provides basic knowledge about all those assistive devices. Therefore in each school there must be a well equipped resource room. If all these things can be implemented, they could also achieve mathematics education in pace with the normal peer groups.

Mathematical devices for the visually impaired Taylor frame: The surface of this aluminium/plastic frame is divided into star-­shaped holes having eight angles, thus allowing the double-­ended metal/plastic types to be placed in different positions according to a set system. This frame is suitable for teaching arithmetic to CWVI at the elementary stage of schooling. Arithmetic and Braille writing slate: This slate has two sides: one side is the arithmetic frame; on the other side is the writing slate. It also has a reversible clamp and two guidelines with a wooden stylus. As per the need, students can write Braille or solve mathematical questions on the appropriate sides. Geometry mat: A sheet of rubber for use as a base to draw tactile geometrical figures with the help of the spur wheel by putting braille paper on it. Compass set: This includes a protractor, a foot ruler, a set square, and a spur wheel. It enables CWVI to use the same techniques as their sighted counterparts. The foot ruler and set square have tactile markings for their convenience. The compass has a removable component fitted with a toothed wheel for drawing embossed dotted lines in place of a pencil which embosses the reverse of the Braille paper. Abacus: This is an instrument for performing faster arithmetical calculations. It consists of a plastic frame having a sponge inside to protect unwanted moves, holding 13 or 15 vertically arranged rods on which beads slide up and down. The beam supporting the beads is marked with a tactile dot at each rod position and a tactile bar between every third rods. The bars serve to indicate the decimal point and other units of decimal measure. Opisometer: This is a device to measure distance, etc. in which a bell rings each time the disc moves a distance of 1 metre. It helps in mapping and understanding mathematical problems of menstruation. Spur wheel: A serrated metallic wheel revolves in a plated metal handle. It is used to make continuous embossed lines on the back side of the paper. Talking watch: This talking Cube Alarm Clock has a sturdy cube shape which, by pressing large contrasting button, the clock will speak the time with a clear male voice (this is often easier for people with hearing loss to understand). 280

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Graphic art tape: This Graphic art tape can be used to insert/mark tactile lines on graphs or charts, on embossed clock faces, on geometric figures in mathematics. It can help in creating a variety of mathematical diagrams for CWVI. Eraser: The inTACT eraser is a battery-­operated eraser especially designed for tactile drawing. Students can erase their mistakes and also use it to create dashed lines. It flattens the tactile drawing quickly and erases them tactually. Tactile Graphics Kit: The Tactile Graphics Kit allows teachers and students to create a variety of tactile figures. It allows them to create raised line masters on heavy gauge aluminium, which can be reproduced by using a vacuum form machine. This kit has a Braille slate and stylus, Braille eraser, rubber embossing pad, ruler, and foil sheets. Talking or large print calculator: This calculator functions like a general calculator having speech output and also shows digits in large size as per the need. Leo Braille display calculator: The Leo has the only stand-­alone Braille display scientific calculator and is an alternative for the deaf-­blind student who does not use a note taker with braille display. Accessible Graphing Calculator: The Accessible Graphing Calculator (AGC) is a self-­ voiced graphing scientific calculator software program. It displays results in speech and sounds, along with the visual presentation of numbers and graphs. This software programme is intended to have capabilities of full-­featured handheld scientific and statistical graphing calculators. The on-­screen graphics are easily visually accessible by students with residual vision via an enlargement feature, and the graph can be listened to by means of a sophisticated audio wave feature. Students can have print copies with any standard printer using a variety of fonts, including Braille. It is user friendly for teachers as well as for CWVI. . . . These devices help students to solve, to draw, and to write various mathematical problems. Teachers as well as students and their parents should also be aware of these devices so that to some extent they can overcome their mathematics-­related limitations.

Teaching mathematics to children with visual impairment Teaching mathematics to CWVI is a challenging task, but the following adaptations and equipment/assistive devices may be incorporated into the student’s mathematics programme to enhance their learning: • •

• • • • • • • •

Adequate use of concrete materials to master the basic concepts of math Thorough understanding of basic concepts of simple computations like addition, subtraction, multiplication and division before being practiced on the abacus, Taylor frame or talking calculator Exposure and practice of mental mathematics skills A compartmentalized tray or any container in which to place articles for counting, classification, discrimination and matching Presentation of pictorial directions for young children Proper demonstration of measuring instruments individually At practice time for activities involving measuring, etc., sufficiently large units so that the student can work without assistance A variety of worksheets for practice Real coins and notes when teaching the concept of money Digital talking watches for teaching time 281

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• • • • • • •

Inlaid geometric puzzles for teaching fractions Dark or well defined black line graph paper Large print materials or closed circuit television in providing enlarged images of charts, diagrams, fractions and when teaching geometry Braille flash cards Tactile pictures, diagrams and concrete objects to develop concepts A combination of auditory and tactile approaches in teaching mathematics Proper assistance. To assist in adapting materials, the school may need to purchase various assistive devices like a tracing wheel and rubber mat; raised notebook; Braille or tactile measuring devices; self-­adhesive felt dots; crochet cotton for tactile illustrations; Wikki Stix; talking calculators; geometric shape kits; Braille watches; an abacus, Taylor frame, 2D and 3D models.

Conclusion There is a vast gap in performance in mathematics between visually impaired and their sighted peers, but all the gap can be overcome if teachers are fully devoted. Their personality can overcome any handicaps. It is quite clear that the role of a teacher is great in the teaching–learning process, but we can’t neglect other aspects as well and can’t blame just the teacher for their poor performance. We need to remediate the myths about mathematics; there is a need to build faith in mathematical capabilities. In addition, the students need to be provided concrete experiences to build mathematical concepts in addition to specific instruction and practices in neat, precise, formatted presentations and alternative materials. The subject possesses tremendous practical, disciplinary and cultural value. Its importance cannot be overlooked. It should be taught as it is taught to their sighted peers so that the gap can be minimized or nullified.

Bibliography Acharya, B. R. 2017. “Factors Affecting Difficulties in Learning Mathematics by Mathematics Learner.” International Journal of Elementary Education 6 (2): 8–15. American Printing House for the Blind. 1972. “The Nemeth Braille Code for Mathematics and Science Notations.” Census Commission. 2011. “Census Report,” Government of India. Chander, R. 1992. “Teaching of Mathematics to Visually Handicapped Children at the Primary Stage.” In Hand Book for the Teachers of the Visually Handicapped, 236–45. Dehradun: Teachers Training Unit, Department of Special Education, NIVH. Chander, R. 2012. “Drishtibadhiton ke liye Ganit-­Shikshan. In Drishtibadha-­Shikshan.” In All India Confederation for the Blind, 300–12. New Delhi: AICB. Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities. 2014. “Acts & Rules.” Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India. Effendi, A. T. 1993. “Study of Visually Disabled School Going Children in Relation to their Frustration and School Achievement.” M.Ed. diss., AMU, Aligarh. Gupta, H., and A. Singh. 1994. “Status of Science Teaching in Indian Schools for the Visually Impaired Children.” School Science 32 (2): 21–23. Gupta, I. D. 1992. “Mathematics and the Visually Handicapped: Teaching at the Secondary School.” In Hand Book for the Teachers of the Visually Handicapped, 246–69. Dehradun: Teachers Training Unit, Department of Special Education, NIVH. Kasten, Margaret, and Robert W. Howe. 1988. “What Are Some of the Causes of at Risk Students in Mathematics?” Clearinghouse for Science Mathematics and Environment Education. Kenney, Patricia A., and Edward A. Silver. 1997. “Results from the Sixth Mathematics Assessment of the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Reston.” National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.

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Children with visual impairment Khan, A. H. 1999. Personality Structure of Blind Children to the Mental Ability and Educability, Ph.D. (Education), Utkal University, Fifth Survey of Educational Research, NCERT. Kothari, D. S. 1970. Education and National Development. New Delhi: National Council of Educational Research and Training. Kulsheshtha, A. K. 2003. Teaching of Mathematics. Meerut Surya Publications. Kumar, S. 2004. “Ganit Shikshan.” In Shikshak-­Prashikshan Lekhmala, 249–78. New Delhi: All India Confederation of the Blind. Kumar, S. 2013. “Relation between Adjustment Pattern and Emotional Intelligence of Visually Impaired.” Asian Journal of Multidimensional Research 2 (8) (August). Kundu, C. L. 2000. Status of Disability in India. Ministry of Human Resource Development. New Delhi: Government of India. Lewis, R. Aiken, Jr. 1972. “Language Factors in Learning Mathematics.” SageJournals. Ma, X., and N. Kishor. 1997. “Assessing the Relationship between Attitude Towards Mathematics and Achievement in Mathematics: A  Meta-­analysis.” Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 28 (1): 26–47. Ministry of Human Resource Development. 2004. Education for all: India Marches Ahead. New Delhi: Government of India. Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. 2016. “Disabled Persons in India: A  Statistical Profile.” Naseema, C., and V. Usha. 2007. “School Adjustment, Self Concept and Achievement in Mathematics of Visually Impaired and Normal Secondary School Pupils in the Integrated System – A Comparative Study.” Disabilities and Impairments 21 (1): 49–55. Nisar, R. 1990. “Analytical Study of Psychological Problems and Extroversion of Congenitally and Adventitiously Blind in Relation to their Academic Achievement.” Unpublished M.Ed. diss., AMU, Aligarh. Rawat, M. S., and M. B. Agrawal. 2014–15. Teaching of Mathematics. Agra: Agrawal Publications. Rawat, M. S., and M. B. Agrawal. 2017. Pedagogy of Mathematics. Agra: Agrawal Publications. Rehabilitation Council of India. 2000. “Status of Disability in India.” New Delhi. Saritas, T., and O. Akdemir. 2009. “Identifying Factors Affecting the Mathematics Achievement of Students for Better Instructional Design.” International Journal of Instructional Technology & Distance Learning 6 (12) (December). Sengal, D. N. 2009. Education of Children with Disabilities in India. UNESCO. Sengupta, D. 1999. “Development of Concepts Relating to Measurement Among Visually Impaired Children, Research Project, Calcutta University.” Indian Educational Abstracts (July, 2002): 80. Sharma, V. S. 2009. “Problems of Mathematics Teachers with Visually Impaired Children.” Disabilities and Impairment 23 (2): 88–90. Sidhu, K. S. 2015. The Teaching of Mathematics. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers (P) Ltd. Thomas, S., and A. Sewani. 2014. Ganit Shikshan. Agra: Agarwal Publication. Viyas, R. J. 1995. “A Study of Certain Personality Traits of Blind Students as Compared to Sighted Students.” Unpublished PhD thesis (Edu.), Saurashtra University. World Bank. 2007. People with Disabilities in India: From Commitments to Outcomes. New Delhi: Human Development Unit, South Asia Region.

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26 IMPACT OF BLEACHING SYNDROME The inexorable predicament of dark-­skinned Indian women Sarveshwar Pande India, among the oldest civilizations of the world, did not discriminate on the basis of colour of the skin. Indians, as we know of them today, are a conglomeration of different races, ethnic groups and distinct cultures with many similarities that gradually formed a nation-­state known as present-­day India. Indians have varied degrees of colour as well as facial features based on the geographical area to which they belong. For example, Indians from the northernmost region are fair-­skinned, while Indians from the North Eastern region are commonly known as having a yellow skin tone and facial features more akin to our Southeast Asian counterparts. Southern Indians, or those from the Dravidian family tree, mostly have a darker skin tone. These examples show that physical environment has greatly shaped the physical features of Indians. Consequently, there was historically an acceptance of diversity in physical attributes, and beauty was not accorded on the basis of skin colour. It is important to understand how and when skin tone or skin colour became an important factor for acceptance in Indian society; therefore, a brief understanding of Indian society is vital. The impetus for this study and an examination of the media’s role in perpetuating racist and sexist stereotypes of women came from a conversation between the women in my family. My mother, sister and I sat down after my mom saw Aishwarya Rai, a fair-­skinned, blue-­eyed actress in India advertising fairness creams in an Indian magazine. “How can a fair skinned woman advertise a cream that she will never use?” my mother asked indignantly. “It’s just wrong.” I must also say that writing this essay provoked a certain level of emotion within me. I felt angered at the way internalized racism plagues our communities and fuels divisions among Indians. I still hear comments from acquaintances like, “Gosh, she’d be so pretty if she weren’t so dark,” and “I’m so glad I’m naturally fair.” It’s an issue that requires honest conversation about our past, our perceptions of what it means to be “Westernized” and the economy that we fuel in purchasing skin-­lightening products. I found that taking a long hard look at the impact of the media created a clearer picture of how women are objectified and denigrated by the patriarchal dominance. In recent years, it has been argued, beauty standards in India have begun to change. In particular, the claim is that beauty standards have narrowed, with the requirements for ideal beauty becoming increasingly constricted. As a result, women in India have amplified their efforts to modify their appearances to fit societal standards, leading to the growth of the cosmetics industry and the introduction into the Indian market of products and procedures designed to enhance 284

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Why the need to look fairer

Good propects for marriage and easily employable

To look attractive and be admired

Fair people are more confident and get more attention

Figure 26.1 Motivation for fair skin

appearance. Figure 26.1 provides the central motivation for many people aspiring to look fairer, thus leading to an escalating demand for skin colour enhancement products.

Dark is still not lovely in India Historically, fairness has been an indicator of social status across many societies, and India is no exception especially after been invaded firstly by the thieving moghuls and then later by the conniving British. The economically poorer classes, the peasants, and labourers would spend the large part of the days working outside in the sun and thus have a darker complexion in general than the richer classes and nobles. Most Indians show apparent ignorance about the practice of ruling out people and prejudice based on their skin tone, although it is a deep-­rooted and problematic practice embraced by both the oppressor and the victim. Ancient India didn’t discriminate on the basis of colour. The presence and acceptance of beauty, valour and status irrespective of the skin colour were time and time again established through the ancient texts. Dark colour carried no stigma and was used as a describing feature of a population or person, many times as an attribute of beauty itself, unlike as in modern times. Beauty ideals are now dictated by the media, which overglorifies lighter-­skinned models – both male and female – who are worshipped by the masses as “gods,” chosen to promote almost all products over darker-­skinned models. Television stars, and actors readily promote “fairness” products. This chapter attempts to: 1 2 3 4 5

Highlight the idiosyncrasies relating to the hype over fair skin and the inequalities shown by Indians to one another. Whether Colourism was prevalent in ancient India and whether it is prevalent in Indian society now. How and when Colourism found its roots in the Indian society. How deeply it influences the mass consciousness. Determine the reasons behind the prejudice and bias toward dark skin.

There is a lack of data and research material with respect to this issue. Present study is exclusively based on secondary sources only. The data for the study has been collected from various sources such as journals, reports, government reports and websites. (See Table 26.1 and Figure 26.2.) Over 90% of women in India cite skin lightening as a high-­need area. Shah Rukh Khan, Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, Sonam Kapoor, John Abraham, Dia Mirza, Deepika Padukone, Katrina Kaif, Hrithik Roshan, Shahid Kapoor, Priyanka Chopra, Saif Ali Khan, Vidya Balan, 285

Sarveshwar Pande Table 26.1 Perception of fair cream Gender

Percentage

Male Female Total

20 80 100

100 0

Male

Female

Figure 26.2 Gender preference to fairness cream (%) Source: Primary Data.

Preity Zinta, Sidharth Malhotra, Kareena Kapoor – these celebrities have two striking things in common: 1 2

They have millions of fans looking up to them. They have all had the dubious honour of endorsing a skin-­lightening product.

Interpretation It has been estimated that males constitute 20% of the total sales for fairness creams in India.” Over 90% of females in India cite skin lightening as a high-­need area. Sometime back, Dove made headlines when it aired a deeply problematic (and racist) advertisement in India. It created enough of an uproar for Dove to come forward and issue an apology – but it’s not the first time Dove has come under fire. Many people were deeply upset. Some were furious. Meanwhile, around the same time, there were speculations that the cosmetic giant Anastasia Beverly-­Hills may have lightened the skin tone of one of its black models in promoting their latest product to such an extent that the same lip colour looked like a wildly different shade on the lighter-­skinned models. In an increasingly globalised world, fair skin has become one of the beauty ideals we are made to aspire to. In 1978, Fair and Lovely was launched by Unilever in India. The market for fairness creams, bleaches and washes is huge and continues to grow exponentially each year. Indians spend more on skin-­lightening products than on Coca-­Cola. “Let’s face the truth. Fair skin is a ticket to a happy matrimony,” You’re “lovely” if you’re fair, and if you’re not – “become fairer in just four weeks!” Strangely, most of the advertising billboards have very fair to white-­skinned foreign models – even for traditionally Indian products like antique jewellery, saris, and other traditional clothing. The market size for “fairness” cream and lotion in India is estimated to be approximately US$450 million.

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Impact of bleaching syndrome Dream Fairness Fairglow Fair and Lovely 0

20

40

60

80

Figure 26.3 Brand perception on fairness cream

Table 26.2 Market share Brand

Firm

Percentage

Fair and Lovely Fairever Fairglow Fair and Handsome Dream Fairness Total

HUL Cavin Kare Godrej Emami Ponds

76 15 3 5 1 100

Source: Primary Data.

The market growth rate for “fairness” products ranges between 15% to 20% on a year-­to-­ year basis. The leading players in the market include Hindustan Unilever Ltd.’s (HLL) Fair and Lovely, with 76% of the market share, and Cavin Kare’s Fairever, with 15% of the market share. (See Figure 26.3 and Table 16.2.)

Interpretation Fair and Lovely face cream dominates the Indian television screen, which is why many women (76%) prefer the product offered by Hindustan Unilever. This chapter hopes to showcase that there is a clear skin colour prejudice irrespective of class or caste. Lighter skin makes acceptance more likely, even more so for women. Unfortunately, no one wants to acknowledge the issue, speak about it openly or accept it publicly. One TV commercial aired in India (often referred to as the Air Hostess advertisement): showed a young, dark-­skinned girl’s father lamenting he had no son to provide for him, as his daughter’s salary was not high enough – the suggestion being that she could not get a better job or get married because of her dark skin. The girl then uses the cream [Fair and Lovely], becomes fairer, and gets a better-­paid job as an air hostess – and makes her father happy. (Jha, M. R. 2016)

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Sarveshwar Pande 80 60 40 20 0

Figure 26.4 Awareness of fairness cream

Table 26.3 Awareness of fairness cream Source

Percentage

TV ads Magazines Relatives Newspapers Billboards Total

70 5 15 2 8 100

Source: Primary Data.

Only recently was there the first ever campaign, “Dark is Beautiful,” which was endorsed by Bollywood actress and a dark, dusky-­skinned beauty – Nandita Das – and her slogan, “Stay Unfair Stay Beautiful.” (See Figure 26.4 and Table 16.3.)

Elsewhere in Asia: Bangladesh A group of academicians, journalists, and NGO workers in Bangladesh have expressed concern about the harmful effects of fairness cream advertising, in general, and about Fair and Lovely, in particular. This forum has focused their efforts on getting advertisements for whitening creams, at least the discriminatory ones, off the air.

Malaysia In a Fair and Lovely advertisement aired in Malaysia, a train attendant fails to catch the attention of her love interest, a businessman who buys a ticket from her every day, until she appears one day with fairer skin as a result of using Fair and Lovely. In another advertisement, an attractive college student can’t get a second glance from a boy at the next desk. “She’s pretty,” he says to himself, “but . . .” After using the skin lightening cream, the woman reappears, brightly lit and looking several shades paler. The boy exclaims, “Why didn’t I notice her before?” Even within Asia, India’s obsession for “lighter skin” is equally matched or outdone by its closest neighbours.

Europe European societies too have not been able to escape the temptation of the fair skin syndrome. Famous dramatist Shakespeare has made numerous references to the preference to a fairer skin. 288

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Long before Shakespeare, and at least until the Victorian era, “fair” was equated with “beauty” in English society. Shakespeare does, however, redeem himself in his “Dark Lady” sonnets. Sample this: In the old age black was not counted fair, Or if it were, it bore not beauty’s name; But now is black beauty’s successive heir, And beauty slandered with a bastard shame: For since each hand hath put on Nature’s power, Fairing the foul with Art’s false borrowed face, Sweet beauty hath no name, no holy bower, But is profaned, if not lives in disgrace. Therefore my mistress’ eyes are raven black, Her eyes so suited, and they mourners seem At such who, not born fair, no beauty lack, Sland’ring creation with a false esteem: Yet so they mourn becoming of their woe, That every tongue says beauty should look so. Needless to say, the colonial hangover likely does not help things in India. In fact, colonialism even inspired increased Colourism across Europe, as the darker-­skinned people they conquered were often held by their European colonizers to be uncivilized and uneducated.

United States Standards of beauty are not just an academic issue: they are affected by culture and have an effect on the people measured against them. In America, for example, the desire to be tan leads many women to go to indoor tanning salons that increase their risk of skin cancer. Meanwhile, some sources argue that this ideal of tan skin has arisen from its association with an upper-­class lifestyle and having enough leisure time to leave the indoor office and relax in the warmth of the sun. Hughes and Hertel (1990) and (Hunter 1990) identified discrimination based on skin colour, also known as Colourism or Shadeism, as a form of inequality in which people are treated differently based on the social meanings attached to skin colour. It was mistakenly thought by Western scholars that the Hindu goddess Kaali represents demonic powers and ugliness and that, as a dark-­skinned goddess (whose name translates to “she who is black”), she is therefore a demonstration of Indian Colourism. This, however, was later understood to be not true, as Kali is actually traditionally viewed positively, seen as a symbol of sexuality, motherly love, violence, and power. Lord Ram and Krishna and Shiva have been shown to have dark-­coloured skin and to be worshipped by sanatani’s world over without prejudice. Franklin (2000) observed that since the upper castes were not involved in tedious labour and weren’t as exposed to the sun as the lower castes, they used to stay indoors and thus possessed lighter brown skin. The lower castes, on the other hand, had higher melanin concentration in their skin cells due to continued exposure to the sun from working in agricultural fields and outdoors. The idea that the higher social status has lighter skin, alongside the issue of casteism, helped fuel Colourism in India. Colourism in India has also been fuelled due to the events under British colonial rule, where British officials consistently demeaned dark-­skinned Indians and favoured light-­skinned Indians for jobs over dark-­skinned Indians. As a result of hundreds of years of British colonial influence, Indian society today still portray remnants of the exacerbated 289

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Colourism tactics instilled in Indian society by the British. Indians prefer their matrimonial partners to be light-­skinned. The deep-­rooted colour bias has ensured that there is extensive discrimination in the labour market, as people with white colour are generally preferred. (Singh 2000), noted in the state of Maharashtra a group of young tribal girls trained to be flight crew through a government scholarship programme that aimed to empower women. The majority of girls were denied employment due to their darker skin tone. A few of those women landed jobs, but only as out-­of-­sight ground crew. Hunter (1990) pointed to Colourism as a persistent problem for people of colour in the United States. Colourism, or skin colour stratification, is a process that privileges light-­skinned people of colour over dark in areas such as income, education, housing and the marriage market. This essay describes the experiences of African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans with regard to skin colour. Research demonstrates that light-­skinned people have clear advantages in these areas, even when controlling for other background variables. However, dark-­skinned people of colour are typically regarded as more ethnically authentic or legitimate than light-­skinned people. Colourism is directly related to the larger system of racism in the United States and around the world. The colour complex is also exported around the globe, in part through U.S. media images, and helps to sustain the multibillion-­dollar skin bleaching and cosmetic surgery industries. India has a 3,000-­year-­old social hierarchal system rooted in the varna-­jāti structure. Jāti, or caste system, is a socio-­religious organisation prescribing restricted commensality, endogamy, practices of untouchability and other regressive practices. Social life is marked by hierarchal practices and other dogmatic beliefs operated through exercising strict control over women and their sexuality. In addition, the cultural complex of beauty, femininity, chastity and social status is based on skin colour and caste location. Lighter skin is considered superior, whereas dark skin is rendered as a disability, ugly and inferior. Skin colour is thus in many ways a marker of social status, of inferiority intrinsic to dark skin colour, and of superiority associated with whiteness/lighter skin shades. Colourism is the process of discrimination that privileges light-­skinned people of colour over their dark-­skinned counterparts (Perry 2005). Colourism is concerned with actual skin tone, as opposed to racial or ethnic identity. This is an important distinction because race is a social concept, not significantly tied to biology (Hirschman 2004). Lighter-­skinned people of colour enjoy substantial privileges that are still unattainable to their darker-­skinned brothers and sisters. In fact, light-­skinned people earn more money, complete more years of schooling, live in better neighbourhoods and marry higher-­status people than darker-­skinned people of the same race or ethnicity (Arce 1987; Espino and Franz 2002; Hill 2000; Hughes and Hertel 1990; Hunter 1990; Keith and Hennings 1991; Rondella and Spickard 2007). How does Colourism operate? Systems of racial discrimination operate on at least two levels: race and colour. The first system of discrimination is the level of racial category, (i.e., black, Asian, Latino, etc.). Regardless of physical appearance, African Americans of all skin tones are subject to certain kinds of discrimination, denigration and second-­class citizenship, simply because they are African American. Racism in this form is systemic and has both ideological and material consequences (Bonila and Silva 2006; Feagson 2000). Colourism is actually practiced by whites and people of colour alike. Given the opportunity, many people will hire a light-­skinned person before a dark-­skinned person of the same race (Espino and Franz 2002; Hill 2000; Hughes and Hertel 1990; Mason 2004; Telles and Murguia 1990) or choose to marry a lighter-­skinned woman rather than a darker-­skinned woman (Hunter 1990; Rondella and Spickard 2007). Many people are unaware of their preferences for lighter skin because that dominant aesthetic is so deeply ingrained in our culture. In the United States, for example, we are bombarded with images of white and light skin and Anglo facial features. White beauty is 290

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the standard and the ideal (Kilbourne 1999). The maintenance of white supremacy (aesthetic, ideological and material) is predicated on the notion that dark skin represents savagery, irrationality, ugliness and inferiority. White skin and, thus whiteness itself are defined by the opposite: civility, rationality, beauty and superiority. These contrasting definitions are the foundation for Colourism (Rondella and Spickard 2007). In many former European colonies, there remains an overt legacy of Euro-­centrism and white racism in the culture (Memi 1965). Whites or light-­skinned elites continue to hold powerful positions in the economy, government and educational sectors. Embedded in the leftover colonial structure is a strong and enduring value of white aesthetics (e.g., light hair, straight hair, light eyes, narrow noses and light skin). This is evident in Latin American popular culture, for example, in the telenovelas, where almost all of the actors look white, unless they are the maids and are then light brown. Movie stars and popular singers in the Philippines are often mestizos, half white, or extremely light-­skinned with round eyes (Gagari and Chitrakalpa 2018). African American celebrities are typically light-­skinned with Anglo features (Milkie 1999). They reinforce a beauty ideal based on white bodies (Kilbourne 1999). Colourism is not just relevant to media images, however. A rising number of discrimination cases based on skin tone have found their way to the courts. In 2002, the EEOC sued the owners of a Mexican restaurant in San Antonio, Texas, for colour-­based discrimination. A white manager at the restaurant claimed that the owners directed him to hire only light-­skinned staff to work in the dining room. The EEOC won the case, and the restaurant was forced to pay $100,000 in fine. In 2003, a dark-­skinned African American won $40,000 from a national restaurant chain for colour-­based discrimination from a fellow black employee. The plaintiff argued that he suffered constant taunting and colour-­based epithets about his dark skin from lighter-­skinned African American co-­workers (Valbrun 2003). These are just two examples of how Colourism affects people of colour on a daily basis. Most people of colour will not end up in court over colour bias, but nearly all people of colour have experienced or witnessed unfair treatment of others based on skin tone. The relationship between skin colour and perceptions of attractiveness may be particularly important for women on the job (Hunter 1990). Many feminist scholars have argued that beauty matters for women in much the same way that “brains” matter for men. Of course, women’s job-­related skills are crucial for a successful career, but cultural critic Naomi (Kilbourne 1999) has suggested that “beauty” has become an additional, unspoken job requirement for women in many professions, even when physical attractiveness is irrelevant for job performance. If this is the case, then in “front office appearance jobs,” like restaurant hostess or office receptionist, beauty and therefore skin colour must matter even more.

Skin colour and ethnic identity The economic and social advantages of light skin are clear. In societies where resources are divided by race and colour, light-­skinned people get a disproportionate amount of the benefits. However, light skin may be viewed as a disadvantage with regard to ethnic legitimacy or authenticity. In many ethnic communities, people view darker skin tones as more ethnically authentic. For example, light-­skinned and biracial people often report feeling left out or pushed out of co-­ethnic groups. They report other people’s perceptions of their racial identity as a common source of conflict or discomfort (Brunsma 2001). It is tempting to characterise the problem of Colourism as equally difficult for both light-­ skinned people and dark. Dark-­skinned people lack the social and economic capital that light skin provides and are therefore disadvantaged in education, employment and housing (Albu 291

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2000; Keith and Hennings 1991). Additionally, dark skin is generally not regarded as beautiful, so dark-­skinned women often lose out in the dating and marriage markets (Hunter 1990). On the other side, light-­skinned men and women are typically not regarded as legitimate members of their ethnic communities. They may be excluded from or made to feel unwelcome in community events and organisations (Hunter 1990). At first glance, it may seem that there are equal advantages and disadvantages to both sides of the colour line. Upon closer examination, this proves to be untrue. Although exclusion from some community organisations may be uncomfortable psychologically or emotionally for light-­skinned people of colour, it rarely has significant material effects. More specifically, emotional turmoil about ethnic identity does not have significant economic consequences. However, systematic discrimination against dark-­skinned people of colour in the labour market, educational institutions and marriage market creates marked economic disadvantages (Mason 2004). Without minimizing the psychological trauma of exclusion from ethnic communities, it is important to clarify that the disadvantages of dark skin still far outweigh the disadvantages of light. When compared in this way, it is not simply a case of “the grass is always greener on the other side.” Although there are downsides to both ends of the colour spectrum, the penalties are more common and more severe for dark skin than for light. Although Colourism affects both men and women, women experience discrimination based on skin tone in particular ways. Skin tone is an important characteristic in defining beauty, and beauty is an important resource for women (Hunter 1990). Beauty provides women with status that can lead to advances in employment, education and even the marriage market (Hunter, M. 2007). Light skin colour, as an indicator of beauty, can operate as a form of social capital for women (Hunter, M. 2007). This social capital can be transformed into other forms of capital and used to gain status in jobs, housing, schools and social networks. Social networks can increase capital in a wide variety of ways, and one of the most important is through one’s spouse. Women and men of colour have ever increasing opportunities to alter their bodies toward whiteness. They can purchase lighter-­coloured contact lenses for their eyes; they can straighten kinky or curly hair; they can have cosmetic surgeries on their lips, noses, or eyes. But one of the oldest traditions of this sort is skin bleaching. Skin bleaching creams go by many names: skin lighteners, skin whiteners, skin toning creams, skin evening creams, skin-­fading gels, etc. Essentially, they are creams regularly applied to the face or body that purport to “lighten,” “brighten,” or “whiten” the skin. They are marketed as beauty products available to women to increase their beauty by increasing their whiteness. The skin bleaching industry is thriving around the globe, particularly in the Third World, postcolonial countries (Milkie 1999). Skin lighteners are commonly used in places including Mexico, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Jamaica, the Philippines, Japan, India, Tanzania, Senegal, Nigeria, Uganda, Kenya, Ghana, and less so but also the United States (Charles 2003; Chilsolm 2002; Laura and Beverly 2013; Kovaleski 1999). Whiteness is such an important commodity that many women overlook what they perceive to be minor risks in order to attain for themselves or their children the benefits of light skin. Skin whiteners are increasingly used by men as well. India’s best-­selling Fair and Lovely lightening soaps and creams launched a new line for men in 2005, appropriately branded Fair and Handsome (Perry 2005). Skin colour continues to shape our lives in powerful ways in the United States and around the globe. The cultural messages that give meaning and value to different skin tones are both deeply historical and actively contemporary. People of colour with dark skin tones continue to pay a price for their dark colour, and the light-­skinned continue to benefit from their association with whiteness. Only a slow dismantling of the larger system of white racism, in the United States and around the globe, will initiate a change in the colour 292

Impact of bleaching syndrome

hierarchy it has created. But this is not to say it will be easy. Talking about Colourism and internalized racism can be challenging. In the 20th century, there has been a shift towards a preference for darker, tanned skin in white communities. The beginning of this change has been attributed to French women making tanned skin seem fashionable, luxurious and healthy in Paris in the 1920s. Tanned skin has become associated with increased leisure time and the sportiness of wealth and social status, while pale skin is associated with indoor office work. A few studies have found that tanned skin is regarded as both more attractive and healthier than pale or very dark skin, and there is a direct correlation between the degree of tanning and perceived attractiveness, especially among young women.

Issues Sadly, light skin is promoted not just by the “fairness” product market: almost 90% of all advertisements show lighter-­skinned models. Consequently, lighter skin is depicted as the parameter of exquisiteness by the media. Fairness is not just desired by women who can resort to Unilever’s Fair and Lovely cream, but also by men who can now use Emami’s Fair and Handsome cream, which comes with a skin tone measuring scale to check results, endorsed by superstars Shahrukh Khan and Garnier Men and by Bollywood’s John Abraham. Indian markets are flooded with whiteness creams and bleaching products: Garnier White Complete, Ponds White Beauty, Natural Glow Fairness Cream by Himalayas, Olay Natural White, L’Oréal White Perfect, and Nivea Day care fairness cream. Even Vaseline for Men shows Shahid Kapoor, a famous Bollywood hero, transformed from darker skin to relatively lighter skin. A famous Bollywood actress Kajol, who was earlier seen endorsing Olay cream, received a lot of condemnation when she was shown in the advertisement with a much lighter skin tone than her natural skin colour. That advertisement was stopped shortly after its appearance, but Kajol, who was among the few darker-­skinned actresses in the Indian movie industry, must have been personally influenced by her lighter appearance in the advertisement because her skin now appears at least six to seven shades lighter. Skin whitening creams and bleaches in the Indian market do not stop at lightening facial or body colour – some products are transformative, turning brown-­coloured vaginas and nipples lighter and pink. Few actors or actresses in the Indian movie industry have dark skin tone, which means most movies, television and print advertisement portray fairer-­skinned models and actors. This is ironic because India’s population is largely comprised of darker-­skinned people. The villains and the negative characters in the movie industry, however, are brown-­coloured men fighting the fair-­skinned heroes. The media’s obsession with using fair-­skinned images greatly influences the general population to look like these lighter-­skinned models and therefore use every means to “become beautiful” by using fairness products. The problem, however, is that the general population now identifies beauty based on standards that are set by media moguls and industrialists who dictate market forces and have a vested interest in creating such ideologies. In the eighties and nineties, India’s multimillion-­dollar “fairness” product advertisements concentrated on “becoming fair and becoming beautiful”; today, “fairness” products resell this mantra with “become fair and become empowered,” which often shows fair girls finding more success in jobs and careers. Indians feel affectionate for fair skin. No one directly wants to talk about it, but the love is so apparent that many actions reflect it. Matrimonial advertisements of all castes and religion in national newspapers can provide a great insight into the one constant attribute needed in a potential partner – fair skin. 293

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Though many Indians are still illiterate about social discrimination based on skin colour, the country’s fixation with whiteness can also be violent. In recent years, the fear of black and brown skin has also spurred harassment and attacks on African students in the country.

Why do Indians hate their own colour? Throughout the past and present, the Indian subcontinent has been on the radar of various European settlers and traders, including, from the 15th to 17th centuries, the Portuguese, Dutch, and French. The subcontinent was invaded and partly ruled by the Mughals in the 16th century and was colonised by the British from the 17th century onwards until independence in 1947. All these foreign “visitors” were of relatively fair colour, and many claimed to be superior. Being subject to a succession of whitish overlords has long associated light skin with power, status and desirability among Indians. Today, the contempt for brown skin is embraced by both the ruling class and the lower castes and reinforced daily by beauty magazine covers that feature almost exclusively Caucasian, often foreign models. It’s been the “dark man’s burden” in this majority non-­white nation to desire a Westernised concept of beauty, and postcolonial activism has not been able to change this.

Results and implications Colourism in Western countries emerged with the belief of the alleged attached superiority of the white skin of the European race who were the power holders for a very long time as against the subverted class with a darker skin, who were taken as slaves. India, however, consists of varied colour tones among its subjects, ranging from very dark to very fair skin owing to the very different climatic and geographic conditions. Again, in the Indian scenario, power was determined by more than just skin colour; factors like caste and class played a vital role in determining the acceptability of a person (Charles 2003). Still, in the last four or five decades, it clearly evident that the fair colour of skin is becoming more and more acceptable. The findings have revealed that India’s obsession with fair skin is well documented. In 1978, Unilever launched Fair and Lovely cream, which has subsequently spawned numerous whitening face cleansers, shower gels and even vaginal washes that claim to lighten the surrounding skin. In 2010, India’s whitening cream market was worth US$432 million, according to a report by market researchers ACNielsen, and was growing at 18% per year. Last year, Indians reportedly consumed 233 tonnes of skin whitening products, spending more money on them than on Coca-­Cola. Cricket players and Bollywood stars regularly endorse these products. But now the film star Nandita Das has taken a stance against the craze and has given her support to the Dark Is Beautiful campaign which challenges the belief that success and beauty are determined by skin colour. “I want people to be comfortable in their own skin and realise that there is more to life than skin colour,” she says, adding that an Indian paper had written “about my support for the campaign and then lightened the photo of me that went alongside it.” While she agrees that there is a long history behind the obsession with skin colour, owing to caste and culture, she thinks the current causes should be targeted first. “Indians are very racist. It’s deeply ingrained. But there is so much pressure by peer groups, magazines, billboards and TV adverts that perpetuate this idea that fair is the ideal,” she says. Das has often faced directors and make-­up artists trying to lighten her when she plays the role of an educated, upper-­class woman. “They always say to me: ‘don’t worry, we will lighten you, we’re really good at it,’ as a reassurance. It’s perpetuating a stereotype that only fair-­skinned women can be educated and successful.” 294

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In 2005, the cosmetics company Emami launched Fair and Handsome for men, with an ad featuring the Bollywood star Shah Rukh Khan tossing a tube of whitening cream to a hopeful young fan, at whom the Dark Is Beautiful campaign is targeted. “Shah Rukh Khan is saying that to be successful you have to be fair,” critiqued Das. “Don’t these people have any kind of conscience?” You can’t be naive; you know what kind of impact you have and yet you send out message that says: ‘Forget about working hard, it’s about skin colour.’ The brand Clean and Dry took bleaching to new levels in 2012, when it began heavily advertising for a new wash to lighten the vagina. In 2013, a women’s activist group launched their Dark Is Beautiful movement, which was endorsed by the Indian theatre actress Nandita Das. With other feminist groups, the women compelled the Advertising Standards Council of India to issue guidelines in 2014 to show that “ads should not reinforce negative social stereotyping on the basis of skin colour” or “portray people with darker skin (as) . . . inferior or unsuccessful in any aspect of life particularly in relation to being attractive to the opposite sex.” This guidance is in keeping with the Constitution of India, which provides for equality for all (Article 14) and prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth (Article 15). Sadly, light skin is not just promoted by the “fairness” product market: almost 90% of all advertisements show lighter-­skinned models. Consequently, lighter skin is depicted as the parameter of beauty by the media. Fairness is desired not just by women who can resort to Unilever’s Fair and Lovely cream but also by men who can now use Emami’s Fair and Handsome cream, which comes with a skin tone measuring scale to check results and is endorsed by superstars Shahrukh Khan, Garnier Men, and Bollywood’s John Abraham. Unfortunately, the law can do little to stop the subtler forms of racism and bigotry present in Indian society. And, to date, that vagina bleaching product is still selling. The “bleaching syndrome” goes far beyond skin colour, with Indian women also questioning their hair texture and colour, speech, marital choices and dress style, raising real concerns about female self-­esteem. This Colourism is what pushes so many Indians to lighten their skin, creating a phenomenon termed bleaching ailment. Bleaching syndrome is not a superficial fashion; it’s a strategy of assimilating a superior identity that reflects a deep-­set belief that fair skin is better, more powerful and prettier. An inventive and growing retail of creams and salves has cropped up to fill this demand, which now pulls in over US$400 million every year. Some of the most widely sold products include Fem, Lotus, Fair and Lovely and its gendered-­equivalent Fair and Handsome. Most of these appealingly named creams are in fact a dangerous drink of steroids, hydroquinone and tretinoin, the long-­term use of which can raise health concerns like permanent pigmentation, skin cancer, liver damage and mercury poisoning, among other things. The obsession with fair skin is being called the Snow White Syndrome in India, where the market for fairness and so-­ called whitening creams are far larger than those of beverage sales such as Coca-­Cola and tea. Countless firms, all dealing with fairness creams, lotions, splash-­ons, are vying to capture the huge slice of the market which grows tenfold each year. We are looking at a multibillion-­dollar industry which is bound never to go out of business and always to keep their shareholders happy financially, thanks to the high standards of beauty imposed on young girls and women which are entirely built on their insecurities about the size, shape and colour of their bodies. Nine out of ten women and about seven out of ten men in India very strongly believe that fair skin alone gives them an added advantage over others in terms of education, approvals in business start-­up, success at interviews, being chosen as leaders and as marriage candidates in Indian society. In North India, about 5% of men are largely comfortable with skin colour and appearance, whilst 295

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males in Southern India, where 98% men have dark to very dark skin colour, are fervent purchasers of whitening creams. The Indian cosmetic market is humungous, growing at a rate of nearly 20% a year, and the market is worth an estimated US$500 million or Rs. 32,500 million, surpassing the amount spent on education.

Conclusion One can understand the extent to which skin colour matters in India. Such issues have not been given their due importance to date, and hardly any constructive dialogue has taken place on the issue. Ironically, when the highest lawmaking body of the country knows about discrimination on the basis of skin colour, it is intriguing why no law is framed to regulate such discriminatory practices after more than 67 years of Indian independence. Colourism is a formidable type of discrimination, but it is hardly raised. A soul-­shaking rape forces the whole nation to do a candle march, and the loud voices in protest over the rape are not easily silenced, yet we all tend to accept one another’s attitudes and beliefs and behaviour regarding our skin colour whether it is fair and lovely or dark and not so “lovely.” This conscious attempt by the system in power to make a deeply embedded problem seem inconsequential is a sad reality and draws the attention away from asking truly important questions. The ideal of beauty that has been ingrained in the minds of everyday people over generations of colonization has been deepened through the fair-­skinned images all around us in the growing media and popular culture. This same ideal of beauty is now influencing and shaping behavioural practices and preferences. It is truly regrettable that a country boasting of its cultural and geographic diversity nevertheless chooses a similar ideal when it comes to skin colour.

References Albu, J. K. 2000. “White Rules over Colored People, Issues and Perspectives.” Journal of Education 9 (5): 12–20. Arce, L. 1987. “Skin Color Issues and Challenges.” Journal of Social Behavior 4 (13): 23–34. Bonilla-­Silva, E. 2006. Racism Without Racists: Color-­Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Brunsma, H. 2001. “Why There are so Many Colors?” Journal of Education 8 (12): 56–69. Charles, J. 2003. “Beauty is Skin Deep.” Journal of Psychology 12 (24): 45–48. Chilsolm, K. 2002. “White Supremacy Faces Retaliation.” Journal of Governance 24 (4): 23–27. Easton, I. 1998. Effect of Dark Skin Latinos, 67–120. Penguin Books. Espino, L., and F. Franz. 2002. “Problems Faced by Africans and Asians in US for Jobs.” Journal of Ethics 12 (14): 45–56. Feagson, M. 2000. “Why Indians Dislike their Skin Color?” Journal of Marketing 12 (15): 34–45. Franklin, Y. 2000. “Skin Whitener – Gift or Curse.” Journal of Marketing 24 (6): 45–60. Gagari, C. and Chitrakalpa, S. 2018. The Globalization Conundrum—Dark Clouds behind the Silver Lining. Singapore: Springer, 53–78. Hill, H. 2000. “Indian Women Prefer Fair Skin Marriage Partners.” Journal of Social Behaviour 12 (18): 23–49. Hirschman, C. 2004. “The Market for Skin Whiteners is Doing Bumper Business in Asia.” Journal of Marketing 23 (45): 34–56. Hughes, K., and J. Hertel. 1990. “Problems in Acceptance of Dark Skinned TV Artists in Hollywood.” Journal of Ethics and Governance 23 (12): 45–67. Hunter, T. M. 1990. “Bollywood Prefers Light Skinned Artists.” Journal of Entrepreneurship 12 (24): 23–35. Hunter, M. 2007. “The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality.” Sociology Compass 1 (1): 237−254. Jha, M. R. 2016. The Global Beauty Industry: Colorism, Racism, and the National Body. New York: Routledge, 5−123.

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Impact of bleaching syndrome Keith, L., and N. Hennings. 1991. “Skin Whiteners Firms Develop Niche Markets in Asia.” Journal of Marketing 34 (12): 56–89. Kilbourne, G. 1999. “Why Indians are Obsessed with their Skin Color.” Indian Journal of Management 23 (45): 34–70. Kovaleski, L. 1999. “White Skin but Blessed without any Melanin.” Journal of Medicine 23 (67): 67–98. Laura, Q. and Beverly, A. 2013. “The Color Paradigm: The Impact of Colorism on the Racial Identity and Identification of Latinas.” Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 23 (3): 287–297. Mason, V. 2004. “L’Oreal – A Market Leader of Skin Whitening Products Outside USA.” Journal of Business 23 (12): 34–66. Milkie, M. A. 1999. “Social Comparisons, Reflected Appraisals, and Mass Media: The Impact of Pervasive Beauty Images on Black and White Girls’ Self-­concepts.” Social Psychology Quarterly: 190−210. Milkie, M. A., and P. Peltola. 1999. “Playing All the Roles: Gender and the Work-­Family Balancing Act.” Journal of Marriage and the Family: 476−490. Memi, K. 1965. “Racism and Beauty Products.” Journal of Marketing 8 (12): 23–35. Perry, K. 2005. “Non Whites Face Racial Attacks in Local Pub.” Sunday Tribune: 5–7. Rondella, M., and K. Spickard. 2007. “Do Fairness Cream Really Work?” Journal of Medicine 23 (34): 34–88. Singh, J. 2000. “Indian Women Spend More on Skin Care Products then on Grocery.” Indian Journal of Marketing 23 (45): 66–69. Telles, K., and H. Murguia. 1990. “Mercury Found in Fair and Lovely Creams.” Journal of Governance 34 (66): 23–67. Valbrun, M. 2003. “No Denial that Light Skin Color is Required by Many.” Journal of Ethics 23 (45): 45–67.

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27 REGIONAL DISPARITY OF SANITATION FACILITIES IN INDIA Rashmi Shukla1

Sanitation is a basic human need. Improved sanitation brings advantages for public health, livelihoods and dignity that extend beyond households to entire communities. Nowadays, sanitation has become a burning topic of discussion all over the world. Specifically, in India, the Government is giving high priority to the Swachh Bharat Mission. The World Health Organization (WHO) has put India in the league of countries with one of the best access to improved drinking water sources, though it still has huge problems with sanitation. Forty per cent of Indian water sources suffer bacteriological contamination attributable to poor sanitation (WSP Report 2011). A recent study also finds that water quality is directly affected in an intermittent water supply system with widespread open defecation (Satapathy 2014). Poor sanitation not only adversely affects the availability and quality of water but also has the same harmful effects on education, on welfare, on tourism, and on people’s time use. Sanitation refers to the measures, methods and activities that prevent the transmission of diseases and safeguard public health. Specifically, it refers to the hygienic principles and practices relating to the safe collection, removal and disposal of human excreta and waste water (Pangare, Pangare, and Das 2006). A sustainable sanitation system includes all the components, such as physical parts and actions that require adequately managing human waste. The study of the sanitation facilities available to households and the changes in the facilities over time is an important aspect of living facilities, and it is closely related to the health and hygiene of the members of households and its micro environment (NSSO 2013). An improved sanitation facility is one that hygienically separates human excreta from human contact. It includes facilities such as flush/ pour flush to a piped sewer system, septic tank and pit latrine, ventilated improved pit (VIP) latrine, pit latrine with slab and composting toilet (NSSO 2013). At present, 2.3 billion people still lack basic sanitation service in the world. The majority of them either practice open defecation (892 million) or use an unimproved sanitation facility (856  million). However, there is improvement in the WASH (WHO defines WASH as safe drinking “water, effective sanitation and good hygiene” in sustainable development goals [SDGs]) condition of the world. Between 2000 and 2015, the number of people practicing open defecation declined from 1,229 million to 892 million, an average decrease of 22 million people per year. On September 25, 2015, member states of the United Nations adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The 2030 Agenda comprises 17 Sustainable Development Goals and 169 targets addressing social, economic and environmental aspects of 298

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development and seeks to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure prosperity for all. The WHO–UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation has set an SDG (Sustainable Development Goal) target of achieving access to adequate and equitable sanitation and hygiene for all and end open defecation by 2030 (UNICEF and WHO 2017). This chapter analyses existing inequities in sanitation facilities at the regional and state levels in India. The present research work is entirely based on secondary source data which is mainly derived from the Census of India. The district is selected as a basic unit of the investigation. The chapter is divided into four sections including the introductory section. The second section analyses the inequality of sanitation facilities at the national, regional and state levels. Region-­ wise and district-­wise access to sanitation facilities in Uttar Pradesh is analysed in the third section. Finally, the concluding section provides a summary of the present study and its main conclusions.

Status of sanitation facilities in India National level: In India, sanitation facilities are not satisfactory as more than half of the households have no accessibility to any type of toilet. Although the number of people practicing open defecation decreased from 564 million in 2015 to 477 million in 2017, India still has the largest number of people practicing open defecation (TERI University 2017). However, the government of India has made many efforts towards enhancing sanitation coverage in rural areas; there is a wide urban–rural disparity in each component of sanitation facilities in India (Table 27.1). Nirmal Gram Puraskar (NGP) was launched by the Government of India in June  2003 to incentivize sanitation coverage in rural areas. NGP is awarded under the Total Sanitation Campaign (TSC), but it does not lose sight of a critical issue – sustainability. Community participation and awareness generation are at the core of the strategy adopted to ensure sustainability of sanitation (George 2009). Regional level: There is considerable variation in access to toilet facilities across the regions. The best sanitation facilities are available in all states of North Eastern India where nearly 77% of the households have the benefit of sanitation facilities (Table  27.2). The Central region,

Table 27.1 Percentage distribution of households by types of sanitation facilities at national level Sanitation facility

Rural

Urban

Total

Type of toilet Water closet Pit latrine Other laterine No laterine

19.4 10.5 0.8 69.3

72.6 7.1 1.7 18.6

36.4 9.4 1.1 53.1

Type of bathroom Bathroom facility Bathroom without roof No bathroom

25.4 19.7 55

77.5 9.5 13

42 16.4 41.6

Type of drainage Closed drainage Open drainage No drainage

5.7 31 63.2

44.5 37.3 18.2

18.1 33 48.9

Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

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Rashmi Shukla Table 27.2 Percentage distribution of households by types of latrine at regional level States

Water closet

India North Central East Northeast West South

Pit latrine

Other latrine

No latrine

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

36.4 52.84 25.63 22.53 45 56.73 46.98

18 17.76 9.8 12.08 14.99 27.6 31.28

9.4 10.06 3.33 8.25 30.24 5.9 13.33

11.5 17.74 6.2 7.83 45.45 12.33 10.4

1.1 2.6 0.77 0.75 2.38 0.8 0.78

6.9 13.06 7.23 4.45 9.36 6.37 5.72

53.1 34.5 70.33 68.53 22.41 36.63 38.93

63.6 51.43 76.8 75.63 30.19 53.9 52.58

Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

80 60 40 20 0

No latrine 2001 No latrine 2011

Figure 27.1 Percentage distribution of households by no latrine at regional level Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

Water closet 2001

56.73

52.84

17.76 North

Water closet 2011 46.98

45 25.63

22.53

9.8

12.08

Central

East

36.4 27.6

14.99 Northeast

West

31.28

South

18 India

Figure 27.2 Distribution of households by use of water closet across Indian regions Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

followed by the Eastern region, report the lowest access to toilet facilities among all regions, i.e., 70.33% households of the Central region and 68.53% households of the Eastern region do not have toilets (Figure 27.1). However, sanitation facilities are not much improved in the last decade, i.e., only 10%, but the use of water closets has increased more than two times in most Indian states during 2001–11 (Figure 27.2). Water closets are considered a better toilet facility than others. So it can be said that now more households have started to use a better type of sanitation facility. State Level: Sanitation being a state subject, the achievements in this sector depend mainly on the initiative taken by the state governments. An analysis of interstate variation shows that the proportion of households with access to toilet facilities ranges from 25% or less in four 300

Regional disparity of sanitation facilities

states (Orissa, Jharkhand, Bihar and Chhattisgarh) to over 90% in Kerala and Mizoram. (See Table 27.3.) In Jharkhand and Orissa, the problem is particularly daunting, as 78% of the population still have no latrine facility, whereas only 4.8% households have no toilet facilities in Kerala. A recent study also found that highly urbanised states have focused more attention on developing sanitation infrastructure than less urbanised states. Highly urbanised states, such as Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat, have low levels of open defecation for this reason (Satapathy 2014). Table 27.3 Distribution of urban and rural households by types of latrine across states States

India North Delhi Haryana Himachal Pradesh Jammu Kashmir Punjab Rajasthan Uttarakhand Central Chhattisgarh Madhya Pradesh Uttar Pradesh East Bihar Jharkhand Orissa West Bengal Northeast Arunachal Pradesh Assam Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Sikkim Tripura West Goa Gujarat Maharashtra South Andhra Pradesh Karnataka Kerala Tamilnadu

Water closet

Pit latrine

Other latrine

No latrine

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

36.4 52.84 85.7 50.4 60.7 33 59.3 27.6 53.2 25.63 21 26.1 29.8 22.53 20.1 20.4 17.7 31.9 45 38.4 28.5 46.6 38.2 60.8 47.7 75 24.8 56.73 74.1 52.6 43.5 46.98 43.1 36.9 66.7 41.2

18 17.76 45.5 10.9 11.4 8.8 20.4 11.9 15.4 9.8 8.9 12.5 8 12.08 7.9 10.7 8.8 20.9 14.99 11 15.9 8.7 12.3 19.5 8.7 32.1 11.7 27.6 29.8 31.1 21.9 31.28 18.1 18.6 65.2 23.2

9.4 10.06 1.8 17.4 8.1 5.5 19.2 6.5 11.9 3.33 3.5 2.3 4.2 8.25 2.5 1.4 3.5 25.6 30.24 18.8 34.7 34.6 23.3 30.6 27.7 12 60.2 5.9 4.4 4.5 8.8 13.33 5.4 13.6 28.3 6

11.5 17.74 16.4 22.3 14.6 17.4 24.3 10.5 18.7 6.2 2.4 5.9 10.3 7.83 6.5 3.3 4 17.5 45.45 25.8 43.9 66.9 30.5 62.2 45.9 26.3 62.1 12.33 18.8 8.7 8.9 10.4 8.5 13.4 12.4 7.3

1.1 2.6 2.1 0.8 0.3 12.7 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.77 0.2 0.4 1.7 0.75 0.5 0.3 0.8 1.4 2.38 4.8 1.8 8 1.5 0.6 1.1 0.2 1 0.8 1.2 0.3 0.9 0.78 1.1 0.7 0.2 1.1

6.9 13.06 16.1 11.3 7.4 26.9 12.1 6.6 11 7.23 2.9 5.6 13.2 4.45 4.8 5.7 2.1 5.2 9.36 19.4 4.8 6.5 8.3 7.3 15.9 5 7.7 6.37 10 4.8 4.3 5.72 6.3 5.5 6.5 4.6

53.1 34.5 10.5 31.4 30.9 48.8 20.7 65 34.2 70.33 75.4 71.2 64.4 68.53 76.9 78 78 41.2 22.41 38 35.1 10.7 37.1 8.1 23.5 12.8 14 36.63 20.3 42.7 46.9 38.93 50.4 48.8 4.8 51.7

63.6 51.43 22 55.5 66.6 46.9 43.2 71 54.8 76.8 85.8 76 68.6 75.63 80.8 80.3 85.1 56.3 30.19 43.7 35.4 18 48.8 11 29.4 36.6 18.6 53.9 41.4 55.4 64.9 52.58 67 62.5 16 64.8

Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

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Himachal Pradesh reports the highest improvement in toilet coverage during 2001–11, i.e., 35.7%, while Assam reports the least or marginal increase, i.e., 0.4%. The situation in Jammu Kashmir must be considered alarming as the percentage of households having access to toilets has declined during the 2000s, but the use of water closets has increased about four times.

Status of sanitation facilities in Uttar Pradesh The sanitation situation is much worse, as 64% of the population of Uttar Pradesh still do not have access to sanitary latrines and basic hygiene (Government of India 2013). It may be noted that the sanitation facilities are not much improved in Uttar Pradesh. Nearly 4.2% improvement in no latrine category took place in Uttar Pradesh during the last 10 years (Table 27.3). Inadequate investments for improving water supply and sanitation infrastructure, poor planning and implementation, lower priority for sanitation facilities are some of the reasons for the failure to achieve sanitation coverage (Tiwari and Nayak 2013). Regional level: The sanitation situation is much worse than generally in India as 64% population of Uttar Pradesh still do not have access to sanitary latrines and basic hygiene (Census 2011). The state has exhibited significant regional disparity in accessibility to toilets (Figure 27.3). Sanitation levels especially in the Eastern region of the state are far below the state average as only 21.14% households have sanitation facilities. A higher percentage of households in the Western region have accessibility to toilet facilities than those in other regions. This is because Western Uttar Pradesh is agriculturally prosperous and relatively industrialized compared to the other regions. The worst condition of sanitation facilities is identified in Eastern region. Only one-­fifth of households have a toilet facility in the Eastern region due to its backwardness. The Eastern region has the lowest per capita income and low occupational diversification (GOI 2011). A recent study also found that the states with low levels of urbanization have higher levels of open defecation (Satapathy 2014). The situation for sanitation facilities is also worse in the Central and Bundelkhand Regions. Only 30% of households in the Central region and 29% households in the Bundelkhand region have access to toilet facilities. The Bundelkhand region is the least developed region in the state due to low agricultural growth, fewer industrial units and lower gross value of industrial products (GoUP 2006). Various studies confirm that the low levels of latrine usage are due to a lack of awareness of the importance of sanitation, water scarcity, poor construction standards and the expensive policy on standardized latrines by government (Arya 2009). District level: Most of the districts of Uttar Pradesh report inadequate toilet facilities, as in 57 districts out of 70 districts about 50% of the households still do not have access to any kind 2001

2011

48.1 21.14 19.47

42.93

Eastern Region

Western Region

30.87

29.04

28.14

23.82

Central Region

Bundelkhand Region

35.6 31.43 Uttar Pradesh

Figure 27.3 Percentage distribution of households by access to toilet facilities across regions of Uttar Pradesh Source: Computed from the data provided by Census 2011.

302

Regional disparity of sanitation facilities Table 27.4 Number of districts at different levels of access to sanitation facilities in UP Percentage of access to sanitation facility

More than 80 and < 90 More than 70 and < 80 More than 60 and < 70 More than 50 and < 60 More than 40 and < 50 More than 30 and< 40 More than 20 & < 30 More than 10 and < 20

Eastern Region

Western Region

Central Region

Bundelkhand Region

Uttar Pradesh

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

2001

2011

0 0 0 0 1 2 6 18

0 0 0 0 1 2 9 15

0 1 3 5 5 7 5 0

1 2 6 2 4 7 3 1

0 0 0 2 0 0 4 4

0 0 2 0 0 0 5 3

0 0 0 0 0 2 3 2

0 0 0 0 1 2 2 2

0 1 3 7 6 11 18 24

1 2 8 2 6 11 19 21

Source: Computed from the data provided by various Census Reports.

of toilet facility (Table 27.4). Only one-­fifth of households have a toilet facility in the Eastern Region, while in the Western region, 10 districts have above 50% household accessibility to toilet facilities. As per Census 2011, Ghaziabad reports the highest coverage of toilet facilities, i.e., 84.6%, while it is the least in Shravasti, i.e., 12%. In the Eastern region, more than half the districts have fewer than 20% of the households with sanitation facilities. Varanasi reports the highest coverage, i.e., 54.4% in this region. Only two districts have more than 60% toilet facilities in the Central region, namely Lucknow with 65.6% and Kanpur with 63.3%. Raebareily reports the least coverage in the Central region, i.e., 6.08% in 1991, 17.47% in 2001 and 18.3% in 2011 respectively. In the Bundelkhand region, no district has sanitation facilities more than 42%. The households of nine districts out of 26 of the Western region have more than 60% sanitation facilities. The study describes the existing inequities in access to sanitation facilities. There are dramatic differences in sanitation facility rate by place of residence, with rates in rural areas lagging behind rates in urban areas. Most of the states in India have inadequate toilet facilities. About 53% of all Indians still do not have access to any type of toilet. The best sanitation facilities are available in all states of Northeast India where nearly 77% of households get the benefits of sanitation facilities. The present status of sanitation facilities in Uttar Pradesh is even worse compared to the all-­ India level. The chapter has highlighted the wide inter-­regional disparities in access to sanitation facilities in Uttar Pradesh. The Western region, the most developed region of the state, reports the highest coverage in access to sanitation facilities among all regions. No district in the state at present has been able to ensure sanitation facilities for all the houses. Ghaziabad reports the highest coverage of toilet facilities, while it is the least in Shravasti. Thus, there is an imperative need to focus attention on the provision of sanitation. Though the government is conscious of the construction of toilets, it does not act on that information. There is also a need to make a constant effort to improve the performance of the programmes by making it more responsive to local needs.

Note 1 Some portions of this chapter were previously published in “Spatial Disparity in Sanitation Facility: An Empirical Analysis.” Journal of Infrastructure Development 2018, 10 (1–2): 80–95.

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References Arya, Y. B. 2009. “Water and Sanitation in Uttar Pradesh.” Fresh Water Action Network for South Asia (FANSA). George, B. 2009. “Sanitation Programmes: A Glass Half-­Full.” Economic and Political Weekly 44 (8). Government of India. 2011. India Human Development Report: Towards Social Inclusion, Planning Commission. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Government of India. 2013.“Primary Census-­2011 Abstract: Data Highlights, Uttar Pradesh Series 10, Ministry of Home Affairs.” Government of India. Government of Uttar Pradesh. 2006. “Uttar Pradesh Human Development Report.” Lucknow. National Sample Survey Organization. 2013. “Key Indicators of Drinking Water, Sanitation, Hygiene and Housing Condition in India.” NSS 69th Round, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. New Delhi: Government of India. Pangare, Ganesh, Vasudha Pangare, and Binayak Das. 2006. Springs of Life: India’s Water Resources. New Delhi: Academic Foundation. Satapathy, B. K. 2014. “Safe Drinking Water in Slums: From Water Coverage to Water Quality.” Economic and Political Weekly XLIX. TERI University. 2017. State of Urban Water and Sanitation in India. New Delhi: TERI University. Tiwari, Rashmi, and Sanatan Nayak. 2013. “Drinking Water and Sanitation in Uttar Pradesh: A Regional Analysis.” Journal of Rural Development 32 (1). UNICEF and WHO. 2017. Progress on Drinking Water, Sanitation and Hygiene: 2017 Update and SDG Baselines. UNICEF and World Health Organization. WSP Report. 2011. Economic Impacts of Inadequate Sanitation in India, Water and Sanitation Program. New Delhi.

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28 BEYOND THE HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX A conceptual note Ravi Kant

Economics is a study that often emphasizes “how societies can best allocate insufficient resources among alternative uses” so as to maximize the level of each individual’s or each household’s satisfaction or utility. The presumption is that maximizing individual satisfaction also will simultaneously maximize society’s total well-­being. The idea of measuring economic welfare was originated in the pioneering work of Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of Wealth of Nations, in 1776. Since then, much research has been done to estimate economic progress and development such as the formulation of national accounts, estimation of gross domestic product (GDP), per-­capita income, etc. These concepts reflect only economic progress in monetary terms. The introduction of HDI, for the first time, broke the conventional criteria of judging economic development and used income, health and education indicators to decide the level of economic development. The concept and technique of the Human Development Index (HDI) was developed in 1990 under the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) project by eminent economist Prof Mahbub-­ul-­Haq. This index is primarily based on three variables: life expectancy, literacy level and income on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) in dollars. According to the latest HDI report of 2016, the top three countries are, firstly, Norway (0.949), followed by Australia (0.939) and Switzerland (0.939). These three countries have achieved high human development levels, but the question arises as to whether developed countries that have already achieved satisfactory levels of human development would stop further growth. If not, then how will they analyse their level of human development? This question might generate new ideas for developing human beings qualitatively through finding a new methodology to estimate human development. There are some loopholes in the calculation of HDI because it only includes the quantitative variables of the human beings. Achieving higher levels of income which fetches 100% literacy level and the highest level of life expectancy does not reveal real human development; for instance, an increase in the numbers of life and literacy levels does not necessarily mean increases in effective and efficient human resources and do not reflect the real development of human being because they are only quantitative development indicators. This chapter measures economic development using the principles of human capital rather than development in terms of only income and the wealth of the nations. Further, this study also finds out the loopholes in the present criteria of measuring economic development and brings out a new concept for estimating growth. 305

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Genesis of measuring economic growth and development The idea and concept of economic growth and development originated when Adam Smith’s work came into the picture. His economic theory was based on a normative analysis and was policy oriented. The major concern was to ascertain that the social and economic strength were most conducive to increasing human welfare, and on that basis policies should make recommendations with respect to promoting human happiness. Further, his definition of economic welfare is down to earth and straightforward. According to Smith, the basis of economic welfare depends on the amount of annual production of labour and the numbers of those who consume it. Another criterion of welfare, not stated explicitly by Smith but imperative in much of his discussion, was that welfare could be enlarged as the composition of productive output conformed more to the needs and desires of those who purchased and used the output. After the pioneering work of Adam Smith on developing the ideas of measuring economic welfare, many developmental economists have tried to develop the effective and concrete measurement of economic growth and development. The real motivation to estimate national accounts and employment levels was generated after the Great Depression, which became the basis of Keynesian macroeconomic stabilization and wartime economic policy. The first efforts to develop national account measures to reflect economic welfare in quantitative terms were undertaken in the late 1920s and 1930s, notably by Colin Clark and Simon Kuznets. Richard Stone of the UK led later contributions during World War II and thereafter. The first formal accounts were published by United States in 1947. The measurement of national accounts became the basis of calculating the gross domestic product (GDP), gross national product (GNP), net domestic and national product (NDP, NNP) and per capita income. For more than a half century, the most widely accepted measure of a country’s economic progress has been changes in its GDP. The application of GDP as a measure of economic progress globally was further strengthened after the Bretton Woods Conference. A key factor in the eruption of World War II was economic insecurity in a number of countries caused by unstable currency exchange rates and discriminatory trade practices that discouraged international trade and rising unemployment. Since the application of GDP to measure economic growth and development has some loopholes and shortcomings, it does not reflect economic development in a broad sense because it does not include the development of infrastructure, humans and environment. Numerous economists have noted since its introduction that GDP is a specialized tool and that treating it as an indicator of general well-­being is inaccurate and dangerous. However, over the last 70 years, economic growth has been measured by GDP and has become the sine qua non for economic progress. On the other hand, the estimation of per-­capita GDP is frequently used to compare quality of life in different countries. In 1972, two economists, William Nordhaus and James Tobin, developed a measure of economic welfare (MEW). This measurable economic welfare adjusts GDP by adding leisure, unpaid housework and the value of services given by consumer durables over the year. After the establishment of the International Labor Organization (ILO) from the World Bank, rising numbers of researchers have criticized the use of per-­capita income and the rate of economic growth (GDP) criterion as an exclusive measure of development. According to some researchers, the estimation of GDP, GNI, PPP GNI per capita measures, the basic needs approach or the Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI), or some other composite measure, the objection to the use of the economic growth and income standard was the same: it was far too aggregate and did not capture the distributional inequalities all too common in many of the poor nations of the world. Neither the basic needs nor PQLI methodologies took hold, however, the former perhaps because of some undeniable theoretical and empirical ambiguity 306

Beyond the human development index

and the latter possibly for lack of a powerful institutional champion. In the early 1990s, a new measure of development has gained credibility. The Human Development Index (HDI) has been calculated and published each year by the United Nations Development Programme in its annual Human Development Report. The HDI has been often used as a process of enlarging people’s choices. The most critical ones are to lead a long and healthy life, to be educated, and to enjoy a decent standard of living. Additional choices include political freedom, guaranteed human rights and self-­respect (HDR 1990). The HDI itself is thus a reductionist measure, incorporating just a subset of possible human choices. In fact, the measure, which includes life expectancy, literacy, years of education, and a modified measure of income, is directed at the choices referred to as “most critical” in the first report. Much research in the field of developmental economics has identified that the measurement of HDI is a very incomplete measure of human development because it does not include many aspects of life which are of fundamental importance and qualitative in nature. Defining what makes for a fulfilled life has been a central theme of philosophers and politicians throughout history. Aristotle’s Ethics, for example, was devoted to identifying the conditions needed to achieve eudaimonia, commonly interpreted as “the best life” (Bostock 2000). Similarly, Alkire (2002) provides lists produced in 39 attempts to identify what makes for a flourishing life produced over the years 1938–2000. Here I will consider six, each of which adopts a different philosophical approach and justification. According to Rawls in the Theory of Justice, identifies primary goods through “deliberative rationality”; primary goods “are in general necessary for the structuring and carrying out of a rational plan of life . . .” and are selected “following full deliberative rationality, that is, with careful consideration of the relevant facts and after a careful consideration of the consequences” (Rawls 1999). They are derived from “some general facts about human wants and abilities” and the necessities of social interdependence. The approach Finnis derived is from practical reasoning (Finnis 1980; Finnis et al. 1987), which has a lot in common with “deliberative rationality,” as it is derived from “critical reflection about the planning of one’s life” (Nussbaum 2000) or the “internal reflection of each person upon her own thoughts, reading, imagination and experiences” (Nussbaum 2000). The definition according to Doyal and Gough’s definition of basic needs is based on the principle of the avoidance of serious harm, where harm is defined as preventing people realising activities which are essential to their plan of life (Miller, 1976, Doyal and Gough 1991). The list of Nussbaum on judging human welfare is more extensive and detailed and is largely based on “overlapping consensus” [a concept developed by Rawls (1993)] as a basis for justice in a plural society), plus intuition as to what is needed to be “truly human” (Nussbaum 2000). An overlapping consensus is an informed view of what people agree about, even with different overall philosophies or religions. Narayan and Parker (2000), in Voices of the Poor, analyses what the poor identify as their needs, based on centre groups of poor people carried out around the developing world. A similar exercise is being conducted by the ESRC Research Group of Well-­being in Developing Countries (Camfield 2005), in which people are consulted as to what makes for a good quality of life in four countries.

Consciousness Development Index (CDI) In order to estimate the qualitative development of human beings, one has to focus on the qualitative variables such as body mass index, consciousness or psychological state, intelligence quotient (IQ) level, etc. Those of the developed countries that have already achieved a satisfactory 307

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HDI level should now try to generate new ideas which focus on the qualitative indicators rather than on quantitative factors, such as HDI. The new concept I  suggest is the Consciousness Development Index (CDI), which attributes specifically qualitative indicators such as per capita income, body mass index (BMI) and intelligence quotient (IQ) tests to judge the biological and psychological level attained from the income and wealth of individuals in order to calculate the real and qualitative development levels of human beings. If we look at the development of the globe with a broad mind, we find that all streams of education which are connected with philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, mathematics, political sciences, environmental sciences, medical sciences, engineering, etc. are all directly or indirectly connected with the development of human beings. The ultimate target of all these streams has only one: increasing happiness and reducing stress and misery in human beings. Much research has been done in all these streams, but still our globe faces numerous problems such as climate change and its malign impact on human being, social evils like the increasing numbers of homicides, increasing numbers of suicides of farmers in underdeveloped and developing countries, poverty, inequalities, etc. If we look at the development of the medical sciences and development of psychoanalysis or psychology streams in the globe, we find many results that are useful for human beings, but we are not connecting those results and outcomes with socio-­ economic prospects. The Human Development Index (HDI) broke from the conventional path of calculating economic development that took only economic indicators such as GDP, GNP, national income, per-­capita income, etc. The HDI not only takes economic variables to evaluate economic development but also includes life expectancy which is a research outcome of medical sciences, literacy level which is a part of education (sociology stream) and per-­capita income level which is an economic indicator. The amalgamation of medical sciences, economics and sociology to calculate human development has been recognized as a revolutionary step in the field of economics and is a widely acceptable concept and index to judge the economic development. The concept and evaluation technique of HDI are the seeds for CDI, or one can say that this might be the second step after the development of HDI. As already asked, will countries that have already achieved the satisfactory level of development in terms of HDI stop growing? Technically, the answer is no because they will try to develop more not only in respect to socio-­ economic development but also in terms of human and environmental resources, and for this they need an advance technique of calculating economic development. The CDI might fulfill the requirement of policy makers and decision makers to develop the nation more qualitatively. The function of CDI is: CDI = F (PCI, BMI, IQ) where: CDI = Consciousness Development Index, PCI = per capita income, BMI = body mass index, and IQ = intelligence quotient. Why per capita income and wealth as a financial indicator: The word “per capita” is a Latin term that translates to “by the heads.” The per capita income and wealth is calculated from dividing total income and wealth by numbers of people and reveals the income of an individual in a particular time period, say monthly, quarterly, half yearly, and yearly. The financial capability of an individual can possibly reveal the ability to attain health and education from the socio-­ economic system. Higher income may fetch a better quality of health and education services 308

Beyond the human development index

and vice versa, and this financial indicator seems significant, while calculating CDI provides the basis for accessing relevant services such as housing, health and education. Why BMI as a health indicator: The body mass index is a health indicator which reflects the qualitative health condition of human beings; it also reveals how conscious people are about their health and manage their biological system. In a clinical sense, this BMI, or Quetelet Index, is a value derived from the mass and height of an individual. The BMI is defined as the body mass divided by the square of the body height. The BMI was developed by Adolphe Quetelet, a Belgium astronomer, mathematician, statistician and sociologist, from 1830 to 1850, during which time he developed what he called social physics. The modern formula of BMI was coined in a paper published in the July 1972 edition of the Journal of Chronic Diseases by Ancel Keys and others. The BMI has been used by the World Health Organization (WHO) as a standard for recording obesity statistics since the early 1980s. It also generally regarded as a satisfactory instrument for measuring whether sedentary individuals are underweight, overweight or obese according to the various expectations, such as athletes, children, the elderly, and the infirm. In the United States, BMI is also used as a measure of underweight, owing to advocacy on behalf of those with eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa. In France, Israel, Italy and Spain, legislation has been introduced banning the use of fashion show models having a BMI below 18. In Israel, a BMI below 18.5 is banned. This is done to fight anorexia among models and people interested in fashion. We know that, with the increase in education, the growth rate of a population declines; numerous studies have shown that the countries that have reached advance levels of education and development have low levels of population growth and vice versa. According to UN and WB data sources, the growth rate of the global population was near about 0.6% in 1750s, and it was highest (2.1%) in the 1970s after continuously declining and nearly 1.2% in 2015. It is projected to be 0.1% in 2100. Most economies in the future, even today’s most developed economies, have emphasized more the capability of human beings than their volume/numbers and looking at the effectiveness and efficiency of human resources. Life expectancy reveals only the quantitative increase in life spans. The declining trend of growth in population further adds the knowledge that economies should focus more on qualitative improvement in human beings. Given the trend in the world’s weather and how it is connected with human or economic development, the effect of weather on the efficiency (value rather than volume) of human beings has been emphasized. The life expectancy as a health indicator to evaluate HDI only reflects in volume not in terms of value and BMI can possibly fill this gap especially to reflect the health condition. Why intelligence quotient (IQ) tests as an education indicator: Intelligence is the capacity to problem-­solve by finding patterns and connecting ideas faster and better than others. Scoring highly on an IQ test can forecast significantly higher success levels in all areas of life. In fact, even though IQ tests were initially designed to predict only school achievement, more than a century’s worth of scientific research has shown they are also predictive of other, seemingly non-­intellectual achievements, like better, longer and happier romantic relationships, creative and artistic talents, socio-­economic status and even health and longevity. IQ tests have even been found to predict a person’s life expectancy as well as personality traits like self-­control, prudence and risk taking.

Conclusion This chapter develops a new concept and methodology to estimate human progress. The estimation of economic and human development has been figured out by number of socio-­economic 309

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scientists around the globe. With the process of development in terms not only of economy but also of the progress a human being requires, evaluation methodologies have been updated to estimate the effective, real and qualitative development of economy as a whole. The idea of conceptualizing CDI might establish the foundation for establishing a qualitative index. The composite use of per capita income and wealth, BMI and IQ tests would reveal the real picture of human progress around the globe because these indicators are implicitly or explicitly connected with the conscious level of human beings. The proper management of the biological and psychological condition to make people smarter, more intelligent and more aware of life would further reduce the signs of the internal and external vulnerabilities of human life, such as rising homicide rates and rising environmental degradation due to the irrational activities of human beings. The evaluation of CDI would be of the utmost relevance for policy makers of the developed countries, as well as for those countries that have already achieved a satisfactory level on the Human Development Index, in order to formulate updated programmes, projects and policies.

Bibliography Alkire, S. 2002. Valuing Freedoms: Sen’s Capability Approach and Poverty Reduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bostock, D. 2000. Aristotle’s Ethics. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Camfield, L. 2005. “Researching Quality of Life in Developing Countries.” Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Research Group on Well-being in Developing Countries (newsletter). Canfield, J., and J. Switzer. 2006. The Success Principles: How to Get From Where You Are to Where You Want to Be. William Morrow Paperbacks. Cipher, J. M. 2014. The Process of Economic Development. London and New York: Routledge. Costanza, R., and M. Hart. 2009. Beyond GDP: The Need for New Measures of Progress. Boston University Press. David, M. 1976. Social Justice. Oxford University Press. Doyal, L. and Gough, I. 1991. A Theory of Human Need. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Elizabeth, S. 2007. “The Human Development Index: A History.” Working Paper Series Number 127, Political Economy Research Institute, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Finnis, J. 1980. Natural Law and Natural Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Law Series, Oxford University Press. Finnis, J., Boyle, J. M. and Grisez, G. 1987. Nuclear Deterrence, Morality and Realism. Oxford: Clarendon Press Publication. Gustav, R., F. Stewart, and E. Samman. 2006. “Human Development; Beyond the HDI.” QEH Working Paper Series: 135. Human Development Report. 1990. Published for the United Nation Development Programme. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Human Development Report. 2016. Human Development for Everyone. Published for the United Nation Development Programme, UNDP, New York. Hunt, E. K., and M. Lautzenheiser. 2011. History of Economic Thought: A Critical Perspective. Third Edition. England: ME Sharpe, Armonk. Martha, N. C. 2000. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge University Press. Narayan, D, et al. 2000. Voices of the Poor: Can Anyone Hear Us? Oxford: Oxford University Press; World Bank. Nussbaum, M. C. 2000. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rawls, J. 1993. Political Liberalism. New York: Columbia University Press. Rawls, J. 1999. A Theory of Justice. Revised Edition. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. William, N. D., and J. Tobin. 1972. “Is Growth Obsolete, The Economic Research: Retrospects and Prospects.” Economic Growth NBER 5: 1–80.

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29 SOCIO-­ECONOMIC INEQUALITIES AND THEIR ASSOCIATION WITH HEALTH STATUS AMONG THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY Istikhar Ali Socio-­economic status is a crucial indicator to measure the development level of any community and country. The issue of socio-­economic inequalities is by and large used regarding education, income, poverty, and health. The imbalance of this latter characteristic is the result of a multidimensional process heading to the emergence of classes. Income or wealth inequality captures only a narrow slice of inequality in society. Non-­income dimensions of inequality in health status and educational attainment are equally if not more important. The two dimensions – income, and non-­income – could be brought together to define a broader measure of socio-­economic inequality (Basu 2011). But the unavailability of disaggregated data on Muslims makes it difficult to measure socio-­economic inequality across socio-­religious groups. A  socio-­economic gradient in health involves the phenomenon of poor accessibility among people from lower socio-­ economic status and has been well documented within the country and across different countries. Socio-­economic inequalities in health status have been defined as, “[d]ifferences in the prevalence or incidence of health problems among individual people of higher or lower socio-­economic status” (Prinja, Kanavos, and Kumar 2012). The largest minority the Muslim community has been demoted to the most moderate socio-­economic stratum amongst all religious communities. Jahan (2016) argued that the literacy rate among Muslims in 2001 was 59.1% which was far below the national average (65.1%) and other SRCs1 (70.8%) (Jahan 2016: 3). Poverty is a socio-­economic issue. Between Hindus and Muslims, the latter have higher poverty rates, but the difference is much smaller than that between the SC and ST on the one hand and among non-­Scheduled Castes on the other (Panagariya and More 2013). For example, the WPR2 among urban Muslim females is as low as the male percentage, while this rate is 16% for Hindus and 24% for Christians. Similarly, the rural WPR for females is only 20% of Muslims, while it is 34% and 37% for Hindus and Christians respectively (Shariff 1995). Muslims are poorly represented in formal employment, and there is moreover a perception that they will be discriminated against in securing salaried jobs (Robinson 2010). The analysis reveals that the degree of health inequalities escalates when the rising average income levels of the population are accompanied by rising income inequalities (Joe, Mishra, and Navaneetham 2008). Khan (2011) stated that, “Muslim communities as a whole, as is shown, are among the most impoverished communities in India, ranking with the 311

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Dalits and Adivasi. And the economic marginalization of Muslims can be attributed to numerous factors” (Khan 2011). Income inequality is associated with reduced health. This study ascertains inequities in health status and health service utilization. The socio-­economic disparities have the most substantial impact on well-­being and health assessments of any community. Discrimination too is pervasive in employment, housing and education (Basant 2012). Indicators like education, income, and health are important tools to understand the dimension of marginalization of Muslim community (Jahan 2016). It is overwhelming to know that the overall status of Muslim OBCs is worse than the condition of Hindu OBCs (Government of India 2006). This study has shown that the situation of Indian Muslims compares to other religious groups. There is the need for more data and systematic research which will give insight, reduce socio-­economic inequalities and make for an efficient and inclusive public health system in India. The purpose of the study is to examine the socio-­economic and health status of Muslims and to draw comparisons with those of other religious groups as well as comparisons with Indian national averages. It includes the pursuit of an enhanced understanding of the significant indicators for the relative marginalization of Muslims in India. This study is based on literature review and analysis of several published research articles and reports. The major source of data gathered from the Census, multi-­rounds of the National Family Health Survey, National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau, Sachar Committee report and various journals relevant to my study. This study also tried to introduce the implication of inequalities on education, economic and health status across religious groups, particularly among Muslims.

Socio-­economic status of Muslims in India Minorities are the most vulnerable groups, and the largest minority in India is the Muslim community, who constitute 13.4% of the total population of India. The Muslim community has been excluded and discriminated against in all ways possible. Their living experiences of daily life entail discrimination in education, housing, employment and public services, which trap the Muslim community in a depressed condition of poverty. The comprehensive report on the socio-­economic, educational and political representation status of Muslim communities by Justice Rajindar Sachar and his team, constituted by the United Progressive Alliance in 2005, drew the nation’s attention and astonishment. It is overwhelming to know that the overall status of Muslim OBCs is worse than the condition of Hindu OBCs (Census, Government of India 2006). The major indicator of socio-­economic inequalities shows disparities across religious groups in India. Some data shows inequalities across religions particularly focus on Muslims’ socio-­ economic condition and health status. Educational conditions: Table 29.1 shows the literacy status inequality between Muslim and other religious groups. The table highlights that the difference in literacy rates among Muslims was 59.1%, below the national average (64.8%) and that there has been a vast gap between urban and rural literacy levels. In rural areas, there is a little gap in the SC/ST literacy rate, while in urban areas are only 2% higher than that of SC/ST. However, the rate is increasing in school enrolment, but still it is lower than the national average. And the literacy of women is not much different from that of men as well as in SC/ST. The report also noted that, despite a common belief that a large number of Muslim children attend madrasas for primary education, only 3% of Muslim children among at school-­going ages go to madrasas (Government of India 2006: Verma 2002, 2007, 2014). Among Muslims, the children’s proportion of studying is decreasing with age and education levels. The higher education level is lower than others as well as SC/ST. Since the outcomes in Muslim communities are fewer, the perceptions tend to be different and happen to be one 312

Health status among the Muslim community Table 29.1 Literacy rates in India (2001) Relgion

All Hindu SC/ST Muslim Others

All India

64.8 65.1 52.2 59.1 70.8

Rural

Urban

All

Male

Female

All

Male

Female

59 59 49 53 64

71 72 61 62 77

46 46 36 43 52

80 81 68 70 85

86 88 78 76 90

73 74 58 63 78

Source: (Government of India 2006).

Table 29.2 Children studying as a proportion of population by age groups (2004–05) Age Group

6–13 14–15 16–17 18–22 23 and above

Hindu General

OBC

SCs/STs

19.1 (17.3) 24.3 (19.1) 28.9 (21.1) 34.0 (24.8) 35.6 (23.9)

36.1 (35.5) 36.1 (35.2) 33.7 (35.0) 30.5 (34.4) 29.2 (35.1)

25.7 (27.4) 21.4 (25.2) 20.2 (24.7) 17.7 (25.5) 18.3 (24.1)

Muslims

Other minorities

14.0 (15.1) 12.2 (14.5) 10.7 (14.0) 10.2 (13.9) 7.4 (10.9)

5.1 (4.8) 6.0 (5.3) 6.3 (5.1) 7.6 (5.5) 9.5 (5.9)

Source: (Government of India 2006).

Table 29.3 Salaried workers employed in government, public and large private sectors (percentage) (2004–05) All

All Hindus SC/ST OBCs Upper caste Muslim Others

All Sectors Government

Public/Private

34.2 35.3 39.4 30.4 37.4 23.7 35.8

13.1 13.9 9.5 12.8 17.1 6.5 12.8

Source: (Government of India 2006).

of the reasons. On the one hand, Muslim has a lower higher education rate than Hindu OBC. On the other hand, Muslims lag behind even SC/STs. The data revealed that Muslims are not only more backward than Hindus but also more backward than SC/STs in higher education, which shows their economic conditions. Moreover, education outcomes are even lower among Muslims than in other community. According to the committee report (see Table 29.3), the worker ratios among Muslims are significantly lower than those of other groups, even SCs/STs. In the report, “the most striking feature is the relatively high share of Muslim workers engaged in self-­employment activity,” 313

Istikhar Ali Table 29.4 Mean per capita expenditure by place of residence and SRCs (2004–05) (Rs.) Area

All

Muslim

Hindu general

Hindu OBC

SC/ST

Urban Rural All

1,105 579 712

800 553 635

1,469 739 1,023

955 567 646

793 468 520

Source: (Government of India 2006).

primarily in urban areas and for women workers. Participation of Muslim salaried workers in both the public and private sectors is quite low (as is true for SCs/STs), and the average salary of Muslim workers is more moderate than others (possibly because more Muslims are in inferior jobs (Government of India 2006). In Table 29.4, per capita expenditure is little higher at the national level than Muslim expenditures, which in other areas is only marginally different from the others. Per capita income is increasing, but it cannot match the two meals per day of most of the marginal population in the Muslim community. Participation in regular jobs affects their monthly per capita expenditure as well. They had neither higher education nor regular employment or income, which improved their investment. They are deprived in every walk of life. The socio-­economic characteristic has an effect on health outcomes in the way a community perceives health and the health care required to deal with health-­related issues in the community as well as on an individual basis. Socio-­economic status (SES) is a hierarchical social classification associated with different outcomes in health and disease (Calixto and Anaya 2013). There is a widely accepted implication of socio-­economic inequalities related to health outcomes. Kyung and Malhotra’s study argued that “there are three possible reasons for the socio-­economic disparities observed: differential access to quality health services, patient-­related factors, and provider-­related factors” (Malhotra and Do 2013). Health is a significant indicator of human development. Good health is essential for all individuals and the community. But Muslims suffer from poor nourishment, medical care, education and social support. It is determined by social, political and economic factors. Muslims are the most affected by health-­related issues, followed by SC/STs. Data in Table 29.5 shows that Muslims suffer from many health problems. Diabetes is higher among Muslim than in other communities, even SCs/STs. Asthma is also highest among Muslims (2,024) and lowest among Jain (1,033), while the national average is 1,696. Goitre is higher among Muslim women than Muslim men, while Christian and Jain’s men followed Muslim men. Muslims are behind in all the health indicators in the table, even lagging behind the national average and SCs/STs. The prevalence of mild anemia is higher among Muslims, followed by SC/STs, while moderate anemia is highest among Buddhist/Neo-­Buddhist. Table 29.6 shows that the degree of anemia prevalence is different across religions and in the national average as well. The prevalence of any anemia is equal among Hindus and Muslims and bit lower than the national average. Jain has the lowest in all degrees of anemia except moderate anemia. The health status among Muslims is lower than that of other religious communities, and they face discrimination in access to health care services. Many obstacles lie in the way of having appropriate health services. In some cases, health care providers are unaware of cultural and religious sensitivities. There are many obstacles to deal with such issues as low motivation or awareness. 314

Health status among the Muslim community Table 29.5 Health problems: number of women and men age 15–49 per 100,000 who reported that they have diabetes, asthma, or goitre or any other thyroid disorders by background characteristics, India (2005–06) Religion

Hindu Muslim Christian Sikh B/Neo-­Buddhist Jain SC ST India (15–49)

Number of women per 100,000

Number of men per 100,000

Diabetes

Asthma

Goitre/other thyroid disorder

Diabetes

Asthma

Goitre/other thyroid disorder

824 1,037 1,849 963 684 16,00 798 349 881

1,631 2,024 2,188 1,089 2,191 1,033 1,494 17,49 1,696

877 1,090 2,437 727 551 2,529 754 753 949

1,020 1,237 3,053 1,318 1,010 406 991 477 1,051

1,544 2,218 2,027 955 1,334 2,252 1,688 1,973 1,627

381 481 321 120 77 44 348 567 383

Source: (Government of India 2007).

Table 29.6 Prevalence of anemia in children: percentage of children age 6–59 months classified as having anemia, by background characteristics, India (2005–06) Religion

Hindu Muslim Christian Sikh B/Neo-­Buddhist Jain SC ST India

Anemia status by haemoglobin level Mild (10.0–10.9 g/dL)

Moderate (7.0–9.9 g/dL)

Severe (