The Prophetic Tradition and Radical Rhetoric in America 9780814720981

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The Propheti c Traditio n and Radica l Rhetori c in Americ a

The Propheti c Traditio n and Radica l Rhetori c in Americ a

James Darse y

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES New York and London

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 7 by New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Darsey, James Francis . The propheti c traditio n an d radical rhetoric i n America/James Darse y p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-1876-0 (alk . paper ) 1. Politica l oratory—Socia l aspects—Unite d States . 2 . Rhetoric Social aspects—Unite d States . 3 . Radicalism—Unite d States . 4. Prophecy—Socia l aspects—Unite d States . 5 . Unite d States — Social conditions-1980- 6 . Socia l problems—United States . I. Titl e PN4055.U53D37 197 7 808.5*1'08835—dc2i 97-477 2 CIP

New Yor k University Pres s books ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s of America 10

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To Edwin Black

Contents

Preface ix i Radica l Rhetori c an d America n Community : Threnody fo r Sophrosyne i

Parti 2 Ol

d Testamen t Prophec y a s Radical Ursprac h 1

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3 Prophec y a s Sacre d Truth : Self-Evidenc e an d Righteousness i n th e America n Revolutio n 3

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4 Prophec y a s Krisis: Wendel l Phillip s an d th e Sin o f Slaver y 6

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e Prophe t s Call an d Hi s Burden : T h e Passio n o f Eugene V . Debs 8

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e Wor d i n Darknes s 11 Visio n o f th e Apocalypse : Joe McCarthy s Rhetori c o f the Fantasti c 12

8 Prophec y a s Poetry: T h e Romanti c Visio n of R o b e r t Welc h 15 9 Secula 10 T h

r Argumen t an d th e Languag e o f Commodity : Gay Liberatio n an d Merel y Civi l Right s 17 e Serap h an d th e Snak e 19

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Notes 211 Index 26g

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I di d no t begi n thi s boo k wit h th e ide a o f engagin g th e curren t crop o f polemics o n th e disintegratio n o f American societ y her e a t th e tur n of th e millennium . Rather , thi s stud y ha s it s origin s i n m y ow n history , coming o f ag e surrounde d b y th e radica l rhetoric s o f th e 1960s , an d m y later professiona l dissatisfactio n a s a studen t o f rhetori c wit h attempt s t o explain th e behavio r o f th e radicals . I t wa s widel y hel d the n tha t th e strident, ofte n violen t discours e o f blacks , students , feminists , an d othe r disaffected group s woul d no t onl y hinde r thei r variou s causes , bu t threat ened t o ren d th e ver y fabri c o f society . Todays complaint s bea r a remarkabl e similarit y t o thos e voice d thirt y years ago , wit h thi s importan t difference : ther e i s n o longe r a stron g sens e of a sourc e o f th e societa l decay . I t i s no w precisel y th e absenc e o f radica l discourse tha t signal s th e cultura l roo t ro t bemoane d b y contemporar y critics o n th e lef t an d right . T h e disintegratio n the y decr y indicate s some thing missin g a t th e core , somethin g hel d a s fundamenta l b y a sufficien t number o f u s t o b e wort h engagin g over , wort h exercisin g ourselve s for . There wer e portent s o f ou r curren t rootlessnes s o n th e horizo n te n year s ago whe n thi s projec t bega n it s presen t incarnation . R o b e r t Bella h an d hi s colleagues claime d th e entir e boo k revie w sectio n o f a n issu e o f th e New Republic wit h Habits of the Heart, a n analysi s o f th e degeneratio n o f c o m m u nity an d it s associate d mora l discours e i n America . Today , Bella h s lament i s the caus e de jour. N o t onl y d o th e choir s o n th e politica l righ t continu e t o sing th e ol d refrains , bu t quonda m radical s w h o wer e onc e th e object s o f this approbatio n hav e joined in . Yet, whil e th e genera l diagnosi s ha s bee n confirme d an d amplifie d b y sages mor e estimabl e tha n I , m y specifi c readin g an d m y prognosi s hav e no t been. M y readin g o f th e histor y o f America n rhetori c (an d mos t o f th e current assessment s ar e remarkabl y ahistorical ) draw s m e t o th e conclusio n that i t i s no t a n absenc e o f wha t som e writer s ter m "civility, " "civi l discourse," "reasonabl e debate, " wha t Matthe w Arnol d calle d "sweetnes s

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and light, " tha t i s th e paramoun t sympto m o f ou r ills . Rathe r i t i s th e absence o f meaningfu l incivility , o f radica l engagement , o f wha t Arnol d called "fir e an d strength, " tha t i s by fa r mor e meaningful . This "fir e an d strength, " whic h Arnol d sa w a s th e traditio n o f th e Ol d Testament prophets , derive s fro m th e vitalit y o f sacre d principle , an d it s whole shap e reflect s th e logi c o f sacre d principle , tha t is , immutabl e law , beyond th e reac h o f humankin d an d uncompromisable . Suc h principle s entail myster y an d transcendence , qualitie s tha t ar e i n shor t suppl y i n ou r world. Give n thi s analysis , I a m i n agreemen t wit h thos e who , i n variou s ways, cal l fo r a renaissanc e o f a religiou s ide a a s th e umbilicu s o f a nationa l community. I a m no t i n agreemen t tha t suc h a religio n ca n o r shoul d b e either "civil " o r tha t i t wil l b e a t al l lik e attendin g servic e a t St . Stephe n s Episcopal. I n fact , I wil l confess , befor e anyon e ha s th e opportunit y t o expose m e a s a fraud , tha t I hav e n o ide a ho w suc h principle s ar e create d except throug h th e mos t calculate d an d strategi c o f Platoni c o r Machiavel lian means , an d I a m no t a t al l certai n tha t no w moribun d idea s tha t hav e sustained u s i n th e pas t ca n b e revived . ( A frien d onc e suggeste d Wagne r a s the aestheti c foundatio n fo r m y ne w religion , bu t I demurre d tha t some thing rathe r to o clos e t o tha t ha d alread y bee n trie d wit h disastrou s results. ) Despite th e fac t tha t m y readin g o f America n histor y throug h som e o f it s significant publi c discourse s ha s a certain periodi c quality , th e alternatio n o f engagement an d disengagement , th e argumen t i s finall y progressive , no t cyclical. I believ e tha t ou r epistemolog y ha s undergone , an d wil l continu e to undergo , irremediabl e change , an d tha t thos e change s hav e mitigate d against th e viabilit y o f prophetic claim s o n ou r credibility . If I hav e anothe r manuscrip t containin g th e answer s t o th e difficultie s we currentl y fac e i n findin g o r creatin g a discursive community , i t ma y tak e me anothe r te n year s t o realiz e that . I n th e meantime , I wil l onl y sa y tha t my analysi s doe s no t dispos e m e t o thin k tha t thi s i s somethin g w e ca n settle onc e an d fo r all , bu t tha t th e fat e o f democracy , i f no t t o fertiliz e it s roots ever y fiftee n year s wit h th e bloo d o f revolutio n a s Jefferson believed , is a t leas t t o engag e periodicall y i n seriou s act s o f redefinitio n base d o n radical principles . T h e goa l canno t an d shoul d no t b e a stat e o f restfulness . Quite th e contrary , th e goa l mus t b e endlessl y competin g zealotries . I n vigorous opposition , w e (re)inven t thos e principle s tha t defin e u s a s a people. Some ma y b e surprise d t o hav e suc h radica l conclusion s draw n i n a wor k populated wit h s o man y deepl y conservativ e sources—no t onl y Arnold , but Le o Strauss , Richar d Weaver , Danie l Bell , Pete r Berger , t o nam e onl y a

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few—but thi s surpris e i s onl y a furthe r sympto m o f ou r fundamenta l misunderstanding o f radicalism . Conservative s ma y certainl y engag e "root " issues i n a societ y i n importan t way s an d may , give n thei r conservatism , engage the m a t a deepe r historica l leve l tha n ersat z liberals . I woul d als o note a fair numbe r o f sources her e fro m th e radica l left , chie f among w h o m , in term s o f a n influenc e tha t run s throughout , i s Kenneth Burke . A decisio n tha t trouble s m e an d fo r whic h I coul d discove r n o eas y solution i s m y us e o f th e generi c masculin e pronou n whe n referrin g t o prophets an d generall y whe n referrin g t o America n radicals . To o man y factors entere d int o thi s decisio n t o detai l the m here , bu t i t wa s no t thoughtless, fo r bette r o r worse . I t was , i n th e end , a balancin g o f stylisti c clarity an d accurac y i n representin g m y subject . Bot h Ol d Testamen t prophecy an d th e receive d notio n o f America n virtu e tha t provide s th e essential motiv e fo r th e radical s examine d her e ar e product s o f a patriarcha l theology tha t explicitl y hold s virtuou s actio n i n oppositio n t o "effeminacy. " In choosin g no t t o evaluat e thi s aspec t o f th e tradition , I d o no t mea n t o condone it , bu t onl y t o acknowledg e tha t I ha d anothe r j ob t o do . I hope , at least , tha t i n no t camouflagin g th e sexis m i n thi s tradition , I hav e mad e i t available fo r other s w h o ma y choos e t o evaluat e i t o n thes e grounds . Part o f chapte r 5 was publishe d i n th e Quarterly Journal of Speech in 198 8 and par t o f chapte r 7 in Communication Monographs in 1995 . I a m gratefu l t o the Speec h Communicatio n Associatio n fo r permissio n t o us e tha t material . Chapter 9 wa s originall y intende d t o b e a mil d revisio n o f a n essa y p u b lished i n R . Jeffre y Ringer , ed. , Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality (Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1994) . T h e ga y liberatio n movement , however , woul d no t hol d still , an d I fel t compelled t o addres s trends , nascen t i n th e earlie r study , no w full y articu lated. Thoug h th e fina l produc t i s mor e lik e a n extensio n o r a sequel , part s of th e essa y i n Ringe r s volume ar e stil l recognizabl e her e i n chapter s 6 an d 9. M y appreciatio n t o N e w Yor k Universit y Pres s fo r permissio n t o us e tha t material. I hav e als o assume d man y persona l debt s ove r th e cours e o f thi s project . I hav e trie d t o acknowledg e som e o f them alon g th e way . I a m no t th e leas t bit les s indebted fo r havin g don e so . I hope tha t thos e w h o hav e contribute d their insights , suggestions , criticisms , an d suppor t wil l recogniz e her e m y continuing appreciation . Ther e ar e some , however , who , fo r variou s rea sons, mus t b e recognize d i n thi s fina l product . The y includ e Murra y Edel man, Michae l Leff , Stephe n Lucas , an d Donal d K . Smith . Davi d Zarefsky , Daniel Boyarin , an d a n anonymou s reviewe r gav e th e manuscrip t ver y

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helpful reviews , thei r suggestion s improvin g an d clarifyin g m y thinkin g an d writing. T h e Departmen t o f Communicatio n a t N o r t h e r n Illinoi s Univer sity provided m e a course reductio n i n th e Sprin g o f 199 6 t o assis t m e wit h the timel y completio n o f th e fina l revisions . M y appreciation , too , t o th e staff a t N e w Yor k Universit y Press : a mor e professiona l ye t human e treat ment I canno t imagine . Jennifer Hammer , m y editor , exhibite d a remark able balanc e o f sympathy , strictness , an d indulgenc e tha t enable d thi s boo k to b e publishe d i n somethin g lik e th e appointe d time . Roderick Har t ha s bee n m y mos t stalwar t an d unflaggin g professiona l cheerleader. Hi s wis e an d warmhearte d counse l has , o n mor e tha n on e occasion, save d m e fro m m y ow n wors t instincts . An n Spelt z graciousl y helped m e throug h th e copyeditin g process . A s th e projec t wen t int o th e home stretch , Valda n Penningto n ofte n pu t forwar d a brav e fac e an d pro vided courag e whe n i t wa s elsewher e no t t o b e found . This boo k i s dedicate d t o Edwi n Blac k whos e mar k i s apparen t i n it s best moments . T h e luminosit y o f his criticis m set s a standard tha t w e ar e al l better fo r havin g befor e us , eve n i f w e ca n onl y b e frustrate d i n aspirin g to it .

1 Radical Rhetori c and America n Communit y Threnody for Sophrosyn e

People alway s think wel l o f speeches adapted to , and reflecting, thei r own character : an d we ca n no w se e how t o compos e ou r speeche s so as to adapt both the m an d ourselve s to ou r audiences . —Aristotle, Rhetorica Now nothin g i n oratory, Catulus , i s more importan t tha n t o win fo r the orato r th e favou r o f his hearer, an d t o hav e the latter so affected a s to be swayed by something resembling a mental impulse o r emotion , rather tha n by judgment o r deliberation . —Cicero , De Oratore The orato r indee d i s obliged t o adap t himself to his audience if he wishes to have any effect o n i t and we ca n easil y understand tha t th e discourse which i s most efficaciou s o n a n incompetent audienc e i s not necessarily tha t which woul d wi n th e assen t of a philosopher. —Chaim Perelma n an d L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric

O n Ma y 2 , 1996 , Bill y an d R u t h Graha m wer e awarde d th e Congressional Gol d Medal . I n remark s entitle d " T h e H o p e fo r America, " the Reveren d Graha m looke d backwar d t o Georg e Washington , th e firs t recipient o f th e Congressiona l Gol d Medal , an d forwar d t o th e "Thir d Millennium." T h o u g h a messag e o f hope , Graha m s shor t speec h wa s ful l of th e darknes s o f th e moment : racial an d ethni c tension s tha t threate n t o ri p apar t ou r citie s an d neighbor hoods; crim e an d violenc e o f epidemi c proportion s i n mos t o f ou r cities ; children takin g weapon s t o school ; broke n families ; poverty ; drugs ; teenag e pregnancy; corruption ; th e list is almost endless . Would th e firs t recipient s o f

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this awar d eve n recogniz e th e societ y the y sacrifice d t o establish ? I fear not . We hav e confuse d libert y wit h license—an d w e ar e payin g th e awfu l price . We are a society poised o n th e brink o f self destruction. 1 Dire a s th e warnin g i s an d prominen t a s th e platfor m fro m whic h i t wa s given, wha t i s most notabl e abou t Graham' s jeremiad i s its lack o f notability , receiving no t eve n s o muc h a s a remar k i n th e New York Times. T h e complaints suffe r th e contemp t o f familiarity ; th e phrasing , i n th e curren t climate, i s pedestrian; an d perhaps , comin g fro m thi s source , i t i s al l simpl y too predictable . T h e new s her e lie s i n th e fac t tha t suc h a n ominou s portent, delivere d b y a ma n w h o ha s occupie d a significan t plac e o n the publi c stag e fo r a s lon g a s an y America n no w living , shoul d b e s o commonplace. Such pronouncement s hav e lon g bee n th e stead y far e o f th e so-calle d religious right , enjoyin g greate r an d lesse r degree s o f credibilit y a s th e fortunes o f th e c o u n t r y — a n d th e fortune s o f individua l American s wit h it—have waxe d an d waned . Today , however , thes e topoi hav e becom e rhetorical staple s o f th e lef t a s well , th e lamentatio n over , i n Tod d Gitli n s phrase, The Twilight of Common Dreams. 2 Treatment s rang e fro m th e esoteri c and rarefied—Gertrud e Himmelfarb' s On Looking into the Abyss, 3 whic h makes contemporar y literar y theor y it s bete n o i r e — t o th e decidedl y prac tical—Miss Manners Rescues Civilization from Sexual Harassment, Frivolous Lawsuits, Dissing and Other Lapses in Civility. 4 T h e commo n issu e i n thes e various production s i s th e perceive d erosio n o f an y ethica l basi s fo r "civi l society," o r "civi c virtue, " th e " c o m m o n good, " th e usurpatio n o f th e lif e of the citize n b y privatized , selfis h interests . A s Gitli n describe s it , In th e lan d o f th e fre e market , civi l society , th e fin e mes h o f self-organize d groups an d initiative s i s embattled . Th e publi c square , formall y open , i s usurped b y privat e concessions . Meanwhile , amon g th e genera l population , it become s harde r t o se e citizen s motivate d b y obligation s beyon d thei r immediate circles . Institution s o f publi c discourse—th e press , politica l par ties, vital trade unions, serious books—have becom e th e concer n o f minorities.5 "Little b y little, " Gitli n warns , "ou r cultura l infrastructur e seem s t o b e coming apar t alon g wit h th e bridge s an d roads. " 6 If ther e i s a trac e o f reaso n lef t i n th e universe , someone , somewher e must b e smiling , eve n amids t th e overwhelmin g dolor , t o hea r Professo r Gitlin soundin g s o like th e Reveren d Bill y Graham . Thirt y year s ago , Gitli n and hi s associate s o n th e N e w Lef t woul d hav e been , a s they wer e fo r many ,

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the objec t o f Graha m s criticism , th e engin e o f th e cultura l doom . I n a 1968 revie w o f Abbi e Hoffman' s boo k Revolution for the Hell of It, Jac k Newfield contraste d th e traditiona l libera l value s o f "reason , democracy , tolerance, an d truth, " t o Hoffman' s "distortion , violence , chaos , an d mind less action." 7 Justic e Ab e Forta s expresse d th e vie w tha t wha t wa s a t stak e was n o les s tha n th e forma l processe s whic h mak e societ y possible. 8 I n hi s first inaugura l address , Richar d Nixon , w h o ha d ru n o n a la w an d orde r campaign, characterize d th e "difficul t years " o f th e 1960 s a s one s i n whic h America ha d "suffere d fro m a feve r o f words ; fro m inflate d rhetori c tha t promises mor e tha n i t ca n deliver ; fro m angr y rhetori c tha t fan s discontent s into hatreds ; fro m bombasti c rhetori c tha t posture s instea d o f persuading, " and h e urge d u s t o "sto p shouting " an d t o "spea k quietl y enoug h s o tha t our word s ca n b e hear d a s well a s our voices." 9 In thes e assessments , admonitions , an d plea s fro m bot h th e Sixtie s an d the Nineties , radica l speech , unmannerl y rhetoric , i s a symptom , a harbin ger o f a mor e extensiv e disorder . I t strikes , explicitl y i n Forta s s caveat , a t something essentia l t o ou r socia l organization . T h e failur e o f communica tion, recognize d b y bot h critic s an d defender s o f th e radica l stance , i s taken a s signalin g a failur e o f community . T h e phras e "civi l society " itself , expressing ou r preferenc e fo r th e mannerly , th e courteous , th e amenable , the proper , i s contraste d t o th e deca y o f proces s w e sens e aroun d us . Ther e is a widely hel d belie f tha t th e tie s tha t bin d u s ar e eroding . W e ar e alarme d by wha t w e se e a s th e ris e o f forc e ove r reasone d discours e a s "th e chie f means whereb y socia l borders , hierarchies , institutiona l formations , an d habituated pattern s o f behavior ar e both maintaine d an d modified." 1 0 R o b ert Bella h an d hi s colleague s hav e frame d th e proble m a s on e wher e th e language o f individualis m ha s ru n amuck , mutated , an d becom e anarchic , obliterating th e mora l languag e o f dut y an d commitmen t tha t make s th e polis possible, 11 an d Le e C . Bollinge r question s th e benefit s o f a free speec h principle s o broa d tha t i t allow s "extremis t speech " t o strik e "mor e an d more deepl y a t th e persona l an d socia l value s w e cheris h an d hol d funda mental t o th e society." 12 T h e productio n o f eulogie s fo r civi l discours e i n America ha s becom e a minor industry. 13 T h e parallel s notwithstanding , ther e ar e importan t an d potentiall y infor mative difference s betwee n Frankly n Haiman' s "Farewel l t o Rationa l Dis course" (1968) 14 an d Mar y An n Glendon' s diagnosi s tha t ou r politica l discourse ha s bee n "impoverished " b y a fault y an d undiscipline d concep tion o f rights. 15 Haima n an d othe r observer s o f th e Sixtie s m o u r n e d a society apparentl y bein g tor n apar t a t th e seams , a n ac t o f violen t division ,

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perhaps a n exces s o f definition. 16 Glendo n an d he r colleagues , o n th e othe r hand, addres s a diffusion o f responsibility, a loss of definition. Bill y Graham s talk o f ripping , an d weapons , an d breakage , an d destruction , fo r al l it s incipient violence , i s peculiarl y unfocused . Ther e i s n o clea r defendan t i n his indictment . H e merel y point s t o a n "almos t endless " lis t o f symptoms . The stor y lack s a compellin g villain . Eve n th e recen t bombing s i n th e United State s confir m thi s readin g i n thei r lac k o f attachmen t t o a cause , their seemin g senselessnes s an d lac k o f meaning . The rea l lesso n i s th e lesso n o f licens e conceive d a s licentiousness — things fal l apart—i t i s th e unravelin g o f Gitli n s "fin e mesh, " eac h threa d establishing it s independen t claims . Thi s them e weave s i t wa y throug h Jea n Bethke Elshtain' s analysi s i n whic h sh e refer s t o "corrosiv e form s o f isola tion, boredom , an d despair ; th e weakening , i n othe r words , o f tha t worl d known a s democrati c civi l society , a worl d o f group s an d association s an d ties tha t bind, " th e "disintegration " o f "socia l webs, " th e "thinnin g out " o f the "skei n o f obligation," an d "th e unravelin g o f democratic civi l society." 17 Fraying i s not violen t rending . The persisten t confusio n lie s i n th e c o m m o n disregar d b y bot h form s o f destruction o f th e socia l fabri c fo r "civility. " Elshtai n reveal s somethin g o f the roo t o f thi s confusio n i n he r celebratio n o f th e rhetorica l legac y o f ancient Athens . Rhetori c i s the discours e o f the publi c being , o f the citizen , and Elshtai n observe s tha t th e achievemen t o f the c o m m o n goo d depended , not onl y o n th e deliberativ e outcome s i n th e assembly , bu t als o o n th e "day-to-day relation s o f Athenian s wit h eac h other, 1 8 relate d t o wha t Thomas Col e refer s t o a s "th e rhetori c o f tac t an d etiquette. 1 9 R o b e r t Hariman articulate s th e relationshi p o f rhetori c an d manner s throug h th e classical notio n o f "decorum, " whic h h e define s a s consistin g i n "(a ) th e rules o f conduc t guidin g th e alignmen t o f sign s an d situations , o r text s an d acts, o r behavio r an d place ; (b ) embodie d i n practice s o f communicatio n and displa y accordin g t o a symboli c system ; an d (c ) providin g socia l cohe sion an d distributin g power." 2 0 Fro m th e tim e o f Aristotl e forward , th e tradition o f public discours e i n th e Wes t ha s been on e o f civility , diplomacy , compromise, an d negotiation . I n th e Unite d States , th e connectio n b e tween rhetori c a s a mod e o f persuasio n an d rhetori c a s civi l behavio r i s most eviden t i n thos e publi c speakin g text s publishe d circ a 1900 , whic h often represente d themselve s a s guide s t o bot h publi c speakin g an d eti quette. I n 1902 , the autho r o f The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist wrote,

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It is a duty imposed a t birth t o mak e the best us e of every talent o f which w e are possessed ; i t i s equall y a dut y t o mak e ourselve s a s agreeabl e i n ou r intercourse wit h ou r fello w creature s a s ou r opportunitie s ma y permit . Politeness, couple d wit h a n attractivenes s o f manner , i s th e passpor t whic h admits us to th e favorable attentio n o f our fellow men. 21 The etymologica l propinquit y o f "manners " an d "manipulation " suggest s something o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e preferre d natur e o f rhetorica l discourse an d it s goals . Public discours e i n thi s traditio n assume s th e existenc e o f a communit y of mores , commo n operatin g assumptions , share d values , eve n a s it seek s t o rebuild, reinforce , an d redirec t tha t community . Indeed , th e orato r ha s ofte n been see n a s a centra l figur e i n cultura l lif e an d th e stat e o f orator y a significant measur e o f cultura l health . Jame s Boy d Whit e onl y put s int o contemporary languag e a Ciceronia n conceptio n o f th e rol e o f orator y i n society w h e n h e define s rhetori c as : "th e stud y o f th e way s i n whic h character an d c o m m u n i t y — a n d motive , value , reason , socia l structure , everything, i n short , tha t make s a culture—ar e define d an d mad e rea l i n performances o f language." 2 2 In suc h a conception , th e rheto r become s "representative " o f hi s o r he r public, a usag e reflecte d i n ou r mos t c o m m o n appellatio n fo r publi c offi cials. An d just a s the rheto r become s representativ e o f hi s o r he r public , th e rules o f rhetori c becom e synecdocha l fo r th e rule s o f society. "Fai r speech, " whether presente d i n The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist o r elsewhere, reflects , i n Kennet h Burke' s formulation , "th e individua l perso n striving t o for m himsel f i n accordanc e wit h th e communicativ e norm s tha t match th e cooperativ e way s o f hi s society." 23 T h e failur e o f thi s process , o r worse, th e rejectio n o f it , i s take n a s a signa l o f th e disintegratio n o f society itself , th e abandonmen t o f th e accepte d rule s o f speec h a portent o f incipient chao s an d th e abandonmen t o f th e rul e o f orde r generally. 24 Yet, Ros a Park s s refusal t o surrende r he r sea t o n a bu s i n Montgomery , Alabama, i s no t th e sam e a s th e belligeren t occupatio n o f a sea t fo r tw o b y a disaffecte d yout h o n a Chicag o e l a t rus h hour , an d a critiqu e o f incivilit y that fail s t o recogniz e thi s distinctio n misse s a n essentia l differenc e betwee n the threat s t o comit y o f th e 1960 s an d thos e o f th e 1980 s an d 1990s . Further, I will argue , i t misse s the lesson s tha t th e America n radica l traditio n holds fo r ou r curren t disquietude . The recover y o f a radica l traditio n i n America n publi c discourse , a tradition characterize d b y a steadfast refusa l t o adap t itsel f to th e perspective s

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of it s audience , a rhetori c in extremis, indicate s somethin g mor e comple x than th e breakdow n o f order; i t indicate s a n alternativ e order , a rationalit y not accounte d fo r i n th e Graeco-Roma n model . A recrudescent rhetorica l form entail s a stable respons e t o a recurrent historica l situation , intimatin g the kind of discernible relationship amon g elements in a rhetorical situatio n constitutive of a genre.25 Criticism of rhetorical genres, in turn, presuppose s a logic underlyin g th e shap e o f discourse . Suc h criticis m i s predicated o n an accountabilit y o f discours e t o th e salien t force s tha t hav e shape d it . A radical genr e i s not withou t rules , bu t it s rules , o f necessity , ar e shape d i n large par t b y it s significan t oppositio n t o th e statu s quo . Wha t w e reall y mean whe n w e complai n abou t th e lack o f respect fo r process in radicalis m is th e lac k o f respec t fo r our preferred process , a process tha t reinforce s th e situation tha t th e radical seeks to change . The notio n o f a rhetorica l traditio n include s an d extend s th e ide a o f genre to encompas s those forms tha t hav e been consciousl y fostered withi n a culture. 26 Consideratio n o f th e traditiona l aspect s o f genr e encourage s questions o f development an d evolution , an d sinc e they , i n turn , sugges t a point o f origin, consideratio n o f a rhetorical traditio n proffer s th e possibil ity tha t th e genr e ma y b e locate d i n a nascent, primitiv e historica l form , a form i n whic h feature s an d outline s wer e stil l firml y connecte d t o th e cultural feature s tha t engendere d them . T o spea k o f genre s a s subject s o f evolution bring s u s clos e t o th e relationshi p betwee n th e generi c an d th e genetic,27 an d make s perfectl y reasonabl e th e propositio n tha t rhetorica l traditions should retain vestigial elements that, unles s understood i n histori cal context, obscur e th e functions o f the genre . Such i s the kin d o f explanatio n I have undertake n her e a s a perspective on som e o f that discours e i n America n histor y tha t ha s been characterize d as "radical," "extremist, " o r "revolutionary, " becaus e o f its failure t o adop t its audienc e s frame o f reference . Becaus e it s essentia l for m appear s t o b e both recurren t an d stable , i t canno t b e reduce d t o th e vagarie s o f th e particular situation or of individual maladjustment. Befor e w e can disqualif y such rhetoric, we must first see k its sources in ou r culture . The thesi s I shall argue her e is that th e primitiv e sourc e for muc h o f the rhetoric o f refor m i n Americ a ha s bee n th e propheti c book s o f th e Ol d Testament. I t seem s a n obviou s connectio n give n th e prominenc e o f th e Bible i n America n culture , an d ther e hav e bee n som e studie s tha t hav e traced influence s o f th e Bibl e i n ou r nationa l life 28 an d o n ou r publi c discourse i n particular. 29 Man y o f these studie s might b e considere d studie s of allusion, appraisal s o f the us e o f the conten t o f a key cultura l document .

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Sacvan Bercovitch' s influentia l wor k o n th e America n jeremia d a s a genr e is a n exception. 3 0 Eve n Bercovitch' s work , however , i s concerned , a s it s title indicates , wit h a n America n rhetorica l creation , no t wit h th e for m of propheti c speec h a s i t appear s i n th e book s o f th e Ol d Testament. 31 Consequently, h e refer s t o hi s jeremiads a s "politica l sermons, " th e genr e o f priests an d preachers , no t prophets. 3 2 Ol d Testamen t prophec y operate s i n a differen t mod e an d i s based o n differen t epistemologica l assumption s tha n our publi c rhetoric s derive d fro m th e Graeco-Roma n tradition . Assessing th e refor m effort s o f anothe r tim e an d anothe r place , Matthe w Arnold onc e characterize d th e method s a s conformin g eithe r t o th e idea l of "sweetnes s an d light " o r t o tha t o f "fir e an d strength. " "Sweetnes s an d light" i s th e idea l o f ou r receive d rhetorica l theory ; it s source , sai d Arnold , is Hellenic . "Fir e an d strength, " o n th e othe r hand , i s Hebrai c i n origin . Though i n man y way s antithetica l t o on e another , bot h stan d i n oppositio n to anarchy , tha t stat e i n whic h everyon e i s absorbe d i n "doin g a s on e likes." 33 A s Arnol d expresse d it : " T h e uppermos t ide a wit h Hellenis m i s t o see thing s a s the y reall y are ; th e uppermos t ide a wit h Hebrais m i s conduc t and obedience." 3 4 I n thi s respect , Arnold' s analysi s i s mor e precis e tha n many o f those i n th e present , whic h ten d t o regar d bot h "fir e an d strength " and anarch y a s destructive form s o f incivility . Rhetorical critic s hav e bee n prevente d fro m seein g a s clearl y a s Arnol d did th e possibilit y o f th e continuin g influenc e o f th e Bibl e o n socia l actio n for tw o reasons . First , w e hav e receive d n o systemati c theor y o f rhetori c from th e ancien t Hebrews . T h e prophet s o f th e Ol d Testamen t lef t u s wit h a considerabl e bod y o f discourse , bu t the y wer e no t theorist s an d wer e no t prone t o spen d tim e examinin g o r articulatin g th e assumption s o n whic h their discours e wa s built . T h e failur e o f th e prophet s t o provid e a theor y i s a ga p i n ou r understandin g o f the m an d o f ourselve s tha t ha s onl y begu n t o be rectifie d i n ou r ow n time. 3 5 Furthermore , th e theor y tha t w e ar e likel y to fin d implie d i n th e rhetori c o f Ol d Testamen t prophet s wil l b e foreig n and alie n w h e n compare d t o ou r accustome d theories . A s Michae l Fo x ha s stated, "I n Israe l w e hav e a well-documente d majo r rhetorica l movemen t entirely independen t o f th e classica l traditio n fro m whic h Wester n rhetori c and rhetorica l criticis m descend." 3 6 An d Arnold' s characterizatio n o f th e Hebraic idea l a s "fir e an d strength " suggest s tha t i t i s no t onl y foreig n bu t also uncomfortable . Consideratio n o f th e propheti c aspect s o f discourse , then, ha s presente d itsel f as an undertakin g bot h unfamilia r an d difficult . Yet th e "fir e an d strength " o f th e prophet s i s a s muc h a par t o f ou r cultural inheritanc e a s i s th e "sweetnes s an d light " o f th e Greeks , an d i t i s

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sheer foll y t o thin k tha t w e ca n hav e a n adequat e explanatio n o f radicalis m in ou r cultur e s o lon g a s we ignor e a discursive traditio n marke d b y obviou s similarities t o thos e discourse s w e toda y ter m "radical, " th e influenc e o f which i s ofte n atteste d t o b y th e radical s themselve s i n thei r allusion s an d quotations. A secon d reason , I woul d suggest , tha t w e hav e avoide d explanation s that hav e thei r root s i n anythin g lik e prophec y i s ou r embarrassmen t a t th e prospect o f considerin g seriousl y claim s o f divin e possessio n o r consecra tion. I n ou r everyda y usage , w e acknowledg e th e possibilit y o f somethin g like a religiou s commitmen t a t th e bas e o f radica l socia l movements : w e talk o f revolutionar y "faith " an d "zeal" ; w e refe r t o radica l leader s a s "prophets"; an d w e analyz e radica l rhetori c accordin g t o it s " G o d terms " and "devi l terms." 3 7 A t th e sam e time , whil e w e admi t o f th e existenc e o f some blatantl y "messianic " o r "millennial " o r "revitalization " movement s that hav e unmistakabl y religiou s roots , w e ar e als o victim s o f ou r ow n enlightenment an d generall y prefe r explanation s o f a mor e secula r order . This i n spit e o f th e fact , a s Georg e Bernar d Shaw , humblin g himsel f befor e the self-conceptio n o f Sain t Joan, onc e reminde d us , tha t "th e nineteent h century, an d stil l mor e th e twentieth , ca n knoc k th e fifteent h int o a cocke d hat i n poin t o f susceptibilit y t o marvel s an d saint s an d prophet s an d magi cians an d monster s an d fair y tale s o f al l kinds. " " T h e proportio n o f marve l to immediatel y credibl e statemen t i n th e lates t editio n o f th e Encyclopaedia Britannica" h e wen t o n t o say , "i s enormousl y greate r tha n i n th e Bible. " 38 Approaching th e stud y o f a discourse , th e ultimat e premise s o f whic h cannot b e verifie d b y conventiona l means , demand s tha t w e suspend , a t least fo r a moment , ou r moder n tendenc y towar d rationalize d incredulit y and humbl e ourselve s befor e wha t w e understan d onl y incompletely . Here i s the elemen t tha t complete s th e tria d initiate d wit h th e discussio n of "community" an d "communication " above . Tha t thir d elemen t i s " c o m munion." A communit y mus t fin d it s rule s i n som e commo n authority . The authorit y b y whic h w e see k t o circumscrib e radica l rhetorics , t o brin g them fro m th e real m o f "fir e an d strength " int o th e real m o f "sweetness an d light," t o mak e the m agreeable, 39 th e authorit y reflecte d i n th e criticism s o f the protest s o f th e 1960 s b y Haiman , Newfield , Fortas , an d Nixon , i s th e secular authorit y o f reason . Similarly , th e authorit y invoke d b y Gitlin , Himmelfarb, Glendon , Elshtai n agains t th e anarch y o f th e 1980 s an d 1990 s draws o n th e proces s orientatio n o f the libera l democrati c tradition . Reaso n is demystified—tha t is , i t ca n b e completel y articulated ; reason s ca n b e given—and i t describe s proces s rathe r tha n content . Ther e i s ostensibl y n o

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leap o f fait h i n reason . I n politics , th e rul e o f reaso n i s expresse d i n th e rationalist metapho r o f the socia l contract . R o b e r t Bella h ha s argue d tha t i n complex societies , "th e lega l orde r i n som e significan t measur e become s a substitute fo r th e religiou s order." 4 0 Suc h a n arrangemen t allow s "matter s of ultimate religiou s an d mora l truth " t o b e declare d "essentiall y private." 4 1 Money become s th e sourc e o f ou r publi c bonds . A s Burke notes , Money endanger s religio n i n tha t mone y ca n serv e a s universal symbol , th e unitary groun d o f al l action . An d i t endanger s religio n no t i n th e dramatic , agonistic wa y o f a "tempter," bu t i n it s quiet , rationa l wa y a s a substitute that performs it s mediatory rol e mor e "efficiently, " mor e "parsimoniously, " wit h less "wast e motion " a s regard s th e religiou s o r ritualisti c conceptio n o f "works." 42 T h e consequenc e o f suc h rationalizatio n i s tha t mora l criticis m i s dis credited, o r a t leas t deeme d inappropriat e i n th e publi c sphere . Socia l reform effort s ar e evaluate d i n term s o f resourc e o r rationa l exchang e models, as , fo r example , reflecte d i n Willia m A . Gamson' s descriptio n o f influence: "Carryin g ou t influenc e involve s makin g commitment s whic h place a futur e cal l o n one' s resources . T h e transactiona l cos t o f influenc e i s the cos t o f fulfillin g obligation s contracted. " 43 T h e languag e o f economic s makes incomprehensibl e al l claim s base d o n ideals . Conside r th e marke d disparity betwee n th e numbe r o f American s generall y favorabl e t o th e notion o f equa l pa y fo r equa l wor k an d thos e favorabl e t o th e large r goal s of the feminis t movement . There i s n o communio n i n money ; i t i s th e grea t metonym y fo r privat e property. Radicalism , i n contrast , i s defined b y it s concer n wit h th e politica l roots o f a society , it s fundamenta l laws , it s foundationa l principles , it s mos t sacred covenants . I t i s c o m m o n fo r radical s t o clai m t o b e th e tru e keeper s of th e faith ; the y oppos e thei r societ y usin g it s ow n mos t nobl e expression s and aspirations. 44 A rootles s society , a societ y wher e th e powe r o f onc e compelling idea s ha s atrophied , ha s n o basi s fo r authorizin g radica l activity . W h e n Genera l Motors ' Mr . Goodwrenc h declare s "You r ca r i s you r free dom," th e solutio n t o oppressio n i s t o bu y an d maintai n a n automobil e (furthering insulatio n an d rootlessness) . As I will argu e i n th e followin g chapters , our s i s a society tha t n o longe r recognizes radica l activit y fo r wha t i t is . T h e failur e o f communit y i s signaled, no t b y th e rudenes s an d stridenc y o f protest , bu t b y th e los s o f a common fait h i n fundamenta l ideal s an d th e los s o f th e lon g historica l conversation i n whic h thes e ideal s wer e molded , preserved , an d defended .

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That th e conten t o f thi s conversatio n i s derive d largel y fro m th e libera l tradition o f John Stuar t Mil l an d Joh n Lock e ha s bee n wel l documented , but th e propheti c for m tha t unite s muc h o f tha t discours e i n it s mor e extreme manifestation s ha s no t been . In th e si x cas e studie s tha t follow , I hav e sough t t o examin e th e funda mental assumption s o f propheti c discours e an d t o see k a n understandin g o f the way s i n whic h thos e assumption s hav e manifeste d themselve s i n th e rhetoric o f radica l America n reformers . I n thi s endeavor , I hav e n o clai m to bein g a schola r o f th e Bible , no r nee d I mak e suc h a clai m fo r m y purpose here . Althoug h I hav e borrowe d heavil y fro m biblica l scholarshi p in m y effort s t o isolat e thos e feature s tha t ar e salien t t o th e propheti c message, I a m les s intereste d i n scholarl y debate s ove r th e fin e point s o f biblical criticis m tha n I a m i n th e propheti c traditio n a s it ha s bee n receive d and generall y understoo d an d imitate d b y Americans . The followin g chapter , th e introductio n t o par t I o f thi s study , attempt s to adumbrat e a theor y o f propheti c discours e base d o n it s origi n i n th e divine word , th e propheti c logos; its psychosocia l situation , th e propheti c pathos; an d th e prophet' s persona l mod e o f validation , th e propheti c ethos. This chapte r represent s a n initia l assa y o f th e shap e an d functio n o f eac h aspect o f prophetic discours e wit h referenc e t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s themselves. Wha t i s sough t i s a n articulatio n o f th e direc t relationshi p between propheti c rhetori c an d th e cultura l assumption s tha t engendere d it . In thi s se t o f relationship s i s th e mos t basi c understandin g o f th e discourse . Chapters 3 , 4 , an d 5 explor e th e appropriatio n o f propheti c form s b y American reformers . Eac h o f thes e chapter s i s a cas e stud y i n on e o f th e text-context relationship s o f propheti c discourse , thoug h i t i s assume d tha t each o f thes e relationship s coul d b e foun d i n an y o f th e discourses : th e self evident truth s o f th e America n Revolutio n ar e a particularl y suggestiv e study i n th e relationshi p o f th e propheti c logos to absolut e truth ; Wendel l Phillips's condemnatio n o f slavery , wit h it s causti c energy , provide s insight s into th e source s o f th e propheti c pathos; an d th e martyrdo m o f Eugen e Debs i s a model o f th e propheti c ethos. In additio n t o permittin g th e drawin g o f analog s betwee n America n reformers an d Ol d Testamen t prophets , th e chronologica l orderin g o f th e chapters allow s u s t o se e somethin g o f ho w a prophetic traditio n develope d in America . I f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s di d no t inspir e eac h generatio n of reformer s ane w o r in vacuo, how di d thei r traditio n becom e assimilate d into a n America n traditio n o f radica l reform ? H o w an d t o wha t degre e

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does eac h successiv e generatio n o f radicals influenc e th e rhetorica l resource s that ar e availabl e t o th e nex t an d th e expectation s o f futur e audiences ? Part I I o f thi s stud y turn s t o th e proble m o f publi c refor m discours e i n an ag e beref t o f absolut e principles . Beginnin g wit h chapte r 6 , havin g defined th e mos t basi c characteristic s o f th e propheti c traditio n o r voice , I am intereste d i n explorin g th e differenc e betwee n it s essentia l an d nones sential attributes . I n orde r t o posses s critica l utility , a generi c constructio n must b e definitive ; tha t is , it mus t no t onl y b e abl e t o defin e th e qualitie s o f what i s included , bu t i t mus t b e abl e t o mak e meaningfu l exclusions ; i t must b e abl e t o distinguis h th e genuin e articl e fro m th e impostor . T h e postmodern er a i s widel y regarde d a s a tim e o f th e negative . Tod d Gitli n characterizes i t a s " a prolonge d cultura l momen t tha t i s oddl y weightless , shadowed b y incomplet e revolts , haunte d b y absence s . . . i n general , b y th e erosion o f tha t fals e an d devastatin g universalit y embodie d i n th e rul e o f the pyramida l trinit y o f Father , Science , an d State." 4 5 Gitli n an d Graha m may b e world s apar t i n thei r evaluation s o f wha t ha s bee n lost , bu t ther e i s a hig h degre e o f consensu s tha t i t i s gone , an d tha t w e hav e foun d nothin g yet t o replac e it . Radica l discours e understoo d i n term s o f biblical prophec y has n o potenc y i n suc h a world . T h e shif t parallel s tha t i n th e Ol d Testa ment fro m a communit y tha t coul d b e calle d int o bein g b y a propheti c reassertion o f th e covenan t an d th e apparentl y forsake n an d rootles s aggre gation t o w h o m th e messag e o f th e apocalyps e wa s directed . Par t I I o f thi s study look s a t thre e possibl e avenue s fo r a reform discours e wit h th e powe r to comman d th e assen t o f a significan t publi c i n a worl d deprive d o f principles. T h e rhetori c o f Joe McCarth y ha s ofte n bee n referre d t o a s radical , bu t that positio n ha s neve r bee n hel d withou t opposition , eve n i n McCarthy' s own day . Hi s rhetoric , thoug h audacious , neve r clearl y define d it s positio n in th e manne r o f genuine radicalism . McCarthy s entertainmen t o f a chaoti c world i n whic h judgmen t wa s suspende d partake s o f th e literar y genr e o f fantasy an d ha s parallel s wit h th e devolutio n o f Ol d Testamen t prophec y into apocalyptic . R o b e r t Welch , lik e McCarthy , wa s widel y haile d a s a radical. Hi s tactic s wer e ofte n compare d t o th e tactic s o f thos e o n th e extreme left , ye t w e sens e tha t ther e i s a profoun d differenc e betwee n a R o b e r t Welc h and , fo r example , a Eugen e Debs . T h e similaritie s ar e undeniable, bu t on e suspect s superficial . Perhap s mor e interestin g stil l i s Welch's relationshi p t o McCarth y sinc e th e tw o wer e publicl y associated , but again , ther e i s the stron g suspicio n tha t Welc h wa s n o mor e a McCarth y

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than h e was a Debs. Welch provide s evidenc e tha t h e self-consciousl y ape d the for m o f prophecy a s he foun d i t i n nineteenth-centur y poetry , an d i n Welch's rhetori c w e ar e abl e t o loo k a t th e surfac e divorce d fro m it s animating source, a kind o f autopsy Finally, havin g forme d som e relativel y clea r ide a o f the traditio n s shape and it s parameters , th e las t cas e seek s t o highligh t it s feature s throug h contrast an d t o mak e som e preliminar y assessmen t o f the rhetorica l wort h of th e propheti c voic e b y comparin g th e possibilitie s i t contain s t o th e possibilities availabl e i n th e traditiona l consensu s vie w o f rhetoric . Wha t happens whe n a reform movemen t i n a postreligious worl d capitulate s an d embraces th e thoroughl y secular , rationalize d discours e o f it s time ? Ga y liberation, agai n a reform movemen t ofte n hel d t o be radical , i s the subjec t of the last study, chosen because, although its programs have been character ized a s radical , i t ha s bee n decisivel y exclude d fro m th e argumentativ e premises o f th e propheti c voice , havin g n o clai m o n th e mos t prominen t historical source s o f authority : religion , science , an d th e law . I n fact , I argue, ga y liberatio n ha s attempte d t o mak e it s argumen t b y pushin g th e pluralistic, adaptiv e assumption s o f traditiona l rhetori c t o thei r limit . Th e comparison o f th e Hebrai c an d th e Helleni c ideal s i n situation s o f contes t should furthe r ou r understandin g o f th e functio n an d plac e o f propheti c discourse. I t shoul d als o sa y somethin g abou t th e stat e o f communit y i n America.

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Old Testamen t Prophec y as Radica l Ursprac h In my powerlessness, it seemed tha t I was becoming identifie d wit h the very powers that ha d drained m e of power. I knew, in othe r words, what hero , saint, Marxist , criminal , artist , and madman mus t know: identity wit h fate . —Robert Pen n Warren , A Place to Come To A tornado o f confusion swep t whirling from wal l to wall, and the madness o f the momen t seize d irresistibly upo n Presley . He forgo t himself; he no longer was master of his emotions o r his impulses. All at once he found himsel f upon th e stage, facing th e audience, flamin g with excitement , hi s imagination o n fire, hi s arms uplifted i n fierce , wild gestures , words leaping to his mind i n a torrent tha t coul d not be withheld. —Fran k Norris , The Octopus

In hi s treatis e o n rhetoric , Aristotl e identifie d thre e mode s o f persuasion "furnishe d b y th e spoke n word : . . . T h e firs t kin d depend s o n the persona l characte r o f th e speaker ; th e secon d o n puttin g th e audienc e into a certai n fram e o f mind ; th e thir d o n th e proof , o r apparen t proof , provided b y th e word s o f the speec h itself." 1 T h o u g h term s hav e changed , been altered , modernized , an d extended , thes e thre e mode s o f proof , i n one guis e o r another , stil l defin e muc h o f the researc h agend a i n c o m m u n i cation studie s an d rhetoric . Certainl y an y rudimentar y theor y o f rhetori c needs t o incorporat e them . Though th e stud y o f the theor y o f rhetoric i n th e Wes t ha s been largel y restricted t o a line o f inheritance tha t run s fro m Plat o an d Aristotle throug h Cicero, Quintilian , Sain t Augustine , int o th e Middl e Ages , th e neo-Classi cal rhetoric s o f th e Renaissance , t o th e moder n period , includin g Georg e Campbell, H u g h Blair , an d Richar d Whately , t o contemporar y time s an d

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figures suc h a s Kenneth Burk e an d Chai m Perelman , ther e i s evidence o f a body o f rhetorica l practic e tha t ha s it s root s i n a ver y differen t tradition . Particularly i n th e Unite d States , with it s early self-conceptio n a s the Ne w Israel, the "shinin g cit y o n th e hill, " the rhetori c o f the Christia n Bibl e ha s had a n enormou s presenc e i n ou r publi c discourse . James Turne r Johnson, in hi s introductio n t o a collectio n o f essay s devote d t o examinin g thi s presence, notes , " A cross-flo w ha s existe d betwee n religio n an d America n culture fro m th e earl y colonia l settlement s onwar d t o th e present , an d through muc h o f America n histor y tha t flow ha s involve d referenc e t o symbols, rhetoric, moral guidance , an d an understanding o f history derive d from th e Bible." 2 Rhetorics o f radica l reform , i n particular , exhibi t similaritie s wit h th e discursive traditio n o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets . Bot h hav e i n commo n a sense o f mission, a desire t o brin g th e practic e o f the peopl e int o accor d with a sacre d principle , an d a n uncompromising , ofte n excoriatin g stanc e toward a reluctan t audience . Thoug h ther e wa s n o theor y o f rhetori c among th e ancien t Jews, prophetic practic e offer s a tradition highl y articu lated wit h it s philosophica l foundations , an d thes e connections , especiall y as the y hav e bee n filtere d throug h Christianit y an d th e Kin g James Bibl e and receive d a s part o f th e America n tradition , provid e importan t insight s into th e rhetorical practices of those who agitat e o n behalf of great causes.

The Prophetic Logos Prophetic speec h i s incomprehensibl e excep t a s th e speec h o f a divin e messenger; th e prophet , properl y understood , speak s fo r another. 3 Th e prophets o f th e Ol d Testamen t wer e spokesme n fo r Yahweh . The y wer e called to delive r a message that wa s not thei r own , ofte n agains t thei r will. 4 Ezekiel "wen t i n bitterness , i n th e hea t o f my spirit ; bu t th e han d o f th e Lord was strong upon me. " 5 Ezekiel was compelled t o speak; he prophesie d over hi s own resistance . Jeremiah spok e o f the futilit y o f refusing t o "spea k any mor e i n Hi s nam e . . . There i s in my hear t a s it wer e a burning fire , Shut u p i n m y bones , an d I am wear y wit h holdin g i t in , An d I cannot." 6 The word s o f Amos revea l th e sam e compulsion : "Th e Lor d Yahwe h hat h spoken; wh o ca n bu t prophesy?" 7 Contrar y t o th e assumption s o f tradi tional Graeco-Roma n rhetorica l theory , prophec y shatter s th e unit y o f rhetoric. Inventio an d actio ar e no t product s o f the sam e agent . Prophec y i s in a significan t respec t a performanc e fro m script . A s Margare t Zulic k

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notes, " Y H W H i s show n t o b e th e tru e agen t o f th e propheti c wor d an d the prophe t i s reduce d t o th e statu s o f agency , a n unwillin g instrumen t o f the w o r d / ' 8 T h e prophe t canno t b e hel d personall y culpabl e fo r hi s mes sage. Indee d h e i s onl y culpabl e t o th e exten t tha t h e assert s hi s wil l an d throws of f th e yok e o f God . T h e prophe t act s responsibl y onl y w h e n h e subordinates hi s wil l t o th e divin e wil l an d bear s witnes s t o God' s word . A s Zulick characterize s thi s transaction , "th e whol e responsibilit y o f th e agen t for th e ac t i s passe d ove r t o Y H W H , exoneratin g th e prophe t b y entirel y identifying hi s speec h wit h tha t o f Y H W H . 9 S o lon g a s th e prophe t serve s as God' s trumpet , hi s activit y i s no t onl y justified bu t mandated . T h e rol e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t i s ofte n indicate d b y th e us e o f the "messenge r formula, " "Thu s sait h th e Lord." 1 0 T h e messenge r formul a makes clea r th e natur e o f th e propheti c logos as th e wor d o f God , an d th e identification o f Go d an d th e wor d quit e literall y suggest s th e character , th e ethos, o f th e message . T h e formul a preferre d i n Ezekie l i s quit e explicit : "And th e wor d o f th e Lor d cam e unt o m e sayin g . . . " Thi s renderin g o f Ezekiel personifie s th e wor d an d reveal s th e suasor y powe r o f th e wor d t o lie i n w h o i t is : "An d th e wor d wa s God. " I n Heschel' s formulation , The certaint y o f being inspire d b y God , o f speaking i n Hi s name , o f havin g been sen t b y Hi m t o th e people, i s the basi c an d centra l fac t o f the prophet s consciousness. Othe r people regar d experience as the sourc e o f certainty; wha t singles ou t th e prophe t i n th e worl d o f ma n i s tha t t o hi m the source of experience is the sourc e o f his certainty . T o hi s mind, th e validit y an d distinc tion o f hi s messag e li e i n th e origin , no t onl y i n th e momen t o f hi s experience.11 T h e wor d brough t b y th e prophet s wa s a reassertio n o f Yahweh' s covenan t with Hi s peopl e an d a reminde r o f Yahweh' s presenc e i n th e world , a reminder o f God' s will , no t a revelatio n o r th e presentatio n o f a startlingl y new claim . T h e prophet s addresse d a community alread y define d b y knowl edge o f th e covenant. 12 T h e covenan t wa s centra l t o th e share d histor y o f the ancien t Jews, an d i t was i n histor y tha t it s terms wer e realized . Propheti c instauration o f th e covenan t serve d t o reaffir m th e han d o f Go d behin d events i n th e world . I n th e essentiall y theologica l vie w o f histor y hel d b y the ancien t Hebrews, 1 3 histor y was , i n Abraha m Heschel' s phrase , "th e vessel fo r God' s action." 1 4 T h e Go d o f th e Ol d Testamen t mad e Himsel f manifest i n th e affair s o f th e worl d a s th e perpetua l autho r o f events , th e ceaseless creator ; militar y victorie s an d defeats , well-bein g an d plagues , bountiful harvest s an d natura l disasters , al l wer e meaningfu l i n term s o f th e

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covenant a s evidenc e o f Yahweh' s mercie s towar d an d judgment s agains t His people. 15 Thi s histor y wa s the commo n legac y o f the people s o f Israel andjudah. But th e commo n legac y seem s a t odd s with th e historica l reputatio n o f the prophets . I f th e messag e o f th e prophet s wa s th e messag e o f th e covenant, i f the prophet s o f the Ol d Testamen t wer e no t endowe d wit h a n exclusive revelation , ho w wer e the y se t apar t fro m thei r people ? Wha t made th e prophe t a voic e cryin g fro m th e wilderness ? Wh y wa s th e prophetic offic e exclusive ? Althoug h th e term s o f th e covenan t an d th e events of history were the commo n legac y of Israel andjudah, th e prophet s addressed a people whos e visio n ha d been cloude d b y the materia l benefit s of a settled an d agraria n lifestyle , a people "whic h hav e eyes to see , and see not; the y have ears to hear, an d hear not: for the y are a rebellious house." 16 Unlike th e prophets , wh o wer e responsibl e t o God s will an d responsiv e t o His call , the people wer e a t ease. As Amos described them : "Tha t li e upo n beds o f ivory, and stretch themselve s upo n thei r couches , an d ea t th e lamb s out o f the flock, an d th e calve s ou t o f the mids t o f the stall ; That chan t t o the soun d o f the vio l an d inven t t o themselve s instrument s o f musick, lik e David; Tha t drin k win e i n bowl s an d anoin t themselve s wit h th e chie f ointments: bu t the y ar e no t grieve d fo r th e afflictio n o f Joseph."17 I t wa s the prophets tas k to reassert the terms of the covenant t o a people who ha d fallen away , t o restor e a sens e o f dut y an d virtu e amids t th e deca y o f venality. Abraha m Hesche l find s th e demand s o f God's covenan t wit h Hi s people "reflecte d i n ever y word" o f the prophet. 18 The term s o f th e compac t Yahwe h ha d mad e wit h Hi s peopl e wer e accessible t o all , but , sai d Isaiah , "th e visio n o f al l thi s ha s become t o yo u like th e word s o f a book tha t i s sealed. When me n giv e it t o on e wh o ca n read saying , 'Rea d this, ' h e says , ' I cannot , fo r i t i s sealed.' An d whe n the y give the book to one who canno t read, saying, 'Read this, ' he says, 'I canno t read.' " 1 9 Th e people s o f Israe l an d Judah, then , wer e no t condemne d fo r their ignorance , bu t fo r thei r willfu l blindnes s t o th e messag e o f Yahweh : "For thre e transgression s o f Judah, an d fo r four , I will no t revok e punish ment," proclaimed Amos , "becaus e the y hav e rejected th e la w o f the Lord , and hav e no t kep t hi s statutes , bu t thei r lie s hav e le d the m astray , afte r which thei r fathers walked. " 20 The defectiv e visio n o f th e peopl e i s ofte n expresse d i n th e metaphor s of drunkennes s an d slumber , thu s intimatin g th e mora l failing s behin d it : "These als o ree l wit h win e an d stagge r wit h stron g drink ; th e pries t an d the prophe t ree l wit h stron g drink , the y ar e confuse d wit h wine , the y

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stagger wit h stron g drink ; the y er r i n vision , the y stumbl e i n givin g j u d g ment." 2 1 T h e prophet s wer e calle d b y Go d a s a correctiv e t o thi s failur e o f perception, thi s intoxicatio n wit h th e world . T h e prophet s were , i n part , seers; fo r th e mos t part , the y wer e uninfecte d b y an d renounce d worldl y comfort, an d the y commande d th e peopl e t o us e thei r senses , lon g falle n into desuetude : "Hea r this , O foolis h an d senseles s people , w h o hav e eyes , but se e not , w h o hav e ears , bu t hea r not." 2 2 Heavy us e o f metaphor s o f visio n i n Ol d Testamen t prophec y suggest s a rhetoric o f showing. 2 3 I n th e Posterior Analytics, Aristotl e treat s thos e truth s which ar e susceptible , no t t o persuasio n o r argument , bu t t o "demonstra tion" a s th e mos t commo n Englis h translatio n holds—demonstratio n which come s fro m th e Lati n monstare, to show . T h e kin d o f trut h Aristotl e was concerne d wit h i n th e Posterior Analytics wa s apodictic (also apodeictic) truth fro m th e Gree k apodeiknyai, t o demonstrate , fro m apo + deikynai, t o show. Fo r Ol d Testamen t prophets , apodicti c la w i n th e for m o f Go d s revealed covenan t wit h Hi s people , i s a topi c fo r rhetori c o r proclamation , not a n epistemologica l statu s belongin g t o som e othe r disciplin e a s i n Aristotle's conception, 2 4 an d Hesche l describe s th e activit y o f Ol d Testa ment prophet s i n term s tha t reflec t th e natur e o f thei r activit y a s a kin d o f demonstration: "I n speaking , th e prophe t reveal s God . Thi s i s th e marve l of a prophet' s work : i n hi s words , the invisible God becomes audible. H e doe s not prov e o r argue. " 25 I t i s impossible t o adduc e evidenc e fo r God' s law , fo r it contain s it s ow n evidence ; i t i s self-evident, clea r upo n viewing. 2 6 Chaim Perelma n ha s note d th e tautologica l characte r o f self - evidenc e "conceived bot h a s a forc e t o whic h ever y norma l min d mus t yiel d an d a s a sig n o f th e trut h o f tha t whic h impose s itsel f because i t i s self-evident." 27 Although Perelma n woul d dismis s suc h reasonin g a s fallacious, h e reveal s it s coercive powe r a s a substitut e fo r argument . T h e logica l refutatio n i s technical cavi l agains t th e socia l forc e o f wha t Richar d Weave r ha s calle d "uncontested terms. " Unconteste d term s ar e suc h precisel y becaus e th e audience i s unable o r unwillin g t o questio n them. 2 8 Fo r th e ancien t people s of Judah an d Israel , th e existenc e o f a Go d activ e i n histor y wa s just suc h a matter o f faith . Thu s w e ca n understan d wha t Sheldo n Blan k mean s w h e n he say s o f Jeremiah a s a n exampl e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet' s under standing o f hi s authorit y tha t th e stronges t argumen t fo r hi s authenticit y i s not a n argumen t a t all , bu t th e simpl e affirmatio n tha t Go d ha d sen t him. 2 9 To a peopl e w h o hol d wha t W . D . Hudso n ha s terme d a "constitutiv e belief" i n a n irreducibl e God , suc h a n affirmatio n i s not onl y sufficient , bu t the onl y proo f consisten t wit h tha t belief . An y othe r proo f implie s some -

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thing mor e compellin g tha n th e revelatio n o f God. 30 A s Blank writes , "S o Jeremiah rest s his case with th e prima-facie evidenc e o f the message itself as the final tes t of its authenticity an d his own veracity." 31 The rhetori c o f self-evidenc e i s bot h profoundl y conservative , eve n reactionary, an d profoundly radical . It is conservative in that it has no powe r of invention; i t ca n onl y revea l that whic h wa s already there , th e sempiter nal; it is always the rhetori c o f the messenger. I t is radical in its engagemen t of society at its root. The value s expresse d i n prophec y la y a t th e hear t o f ancien t Hebre w society; the y wer e th e value s o f th e covenan t tha t define d th e people s o f Israel an d Judah. Propheti c discours e i s thu s highl y enthymematic ; i t em phasizes the presence of a public tradition. A common belie f in the viability of th e covenan t i s th e silen t bu t acknowledge d premis e behin d ever y judgment, a "common sense, " at least o f basic principles. Walte r Bruegge mann describe s th e prophe t a s one wh o mus t "mov e bac k int o th e deepes t memories o f hi s communit y an d activat e thos e ver y symbol s tha t hav e always been th e basis for contradictin g th e regnan t consciousness. " 32 But i n the ac t o f judgment, i n opposin g hi s understanding o f the covenan t agains t the more comfortabl e understandin g o f his people, in presenting his under standing a s God s understanding , th e prophe t no t onl y forebode s punish ment, bu t threaten s th e basis of self-definition. Agains t Israel s complacenc y in he r chose n status , th e prophet s decrie d he r a s a harlot. Judah s unearned sanctimoniousness i s a scourge. I t i s precisely becaus e th e prophe t engage s his society ove r its most centra l and fundamental value s that he is radical. 33 The most accessible evidence o f the prophets radicalis m is his opposition to th e regnan t powe r structure . A s illustrated i n th e covenantin g o f Davi d as King of Israel, even rulers were subject t o th e overarchin g covenant wit h Yahweh.34 Th e prophet s measure d th e performanc e o f king s agains t th e incontrovertible mora l standard s o f tha t highe r covenan t an d foun d th e substitution o f power fo r righteousness. 35 Isaia h condemne d th e prince s o f Judah a s "rebellious, and companions o f thieves: every one loveth gifts, an d followeth afte r rewards : they judge not the fatherless, neithe r doth th e cause of the widow com e unto them . . . . Therefore sait h the Lord . . . I will tur n my hand upo n thee , an d purely purge awa y thy dross, and take away all thy tin: And I will restore thy judges as at the first, an d thy counsellors a s at the beginning: afterwar d tho u shal t b e called , Th e cit y o f righteousness , th e faithful city." 36 All power pale d beside th e suprem e powe r o f God, an d n o power wa s legitimat e tha t wa s no t i n accordanc e wit h Hi s will. 37 I t i s th e

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central plac e o f the covenan t i n propheti c discours e tha t give s tha t discours e its distinctl y judicial o r lega l character. 38 Despite it s radicalis m an d th e magnitud e o f it s judgment , ther e i s a n element i n prophec y tha t aspire s t o th e mundane . T h e severit y o f th e prophets judgmen t mus t no t b e confuse d wit h hysteria . Vawte r i n fac t describes th e propheti c wor d a s "usuall y calm " an d "matter-of-fact " i n tone, 3 9 an d Westerman n find s th e highl y forma l lega l antecedent s t o th e major literar y prophet s i n th e earl y prophec y o f firs t an d secon d Kings. 40 T h e rationalit y o f prophec y consist s i n it s perfec t consistenc y wit h th e terms o f the covenan t a s reflected i n th e rib pattern o f predicate (accusation ) and consequen t (punishment). 41 Ther e i s a logi c t o propheti c rhetoric , which, onc e th e underlyin g premise s ar e conceded , i s inexorable . What prophec y i s no t i s reasonable . Ego n Bittner , i n th e articl e o n radicalism fo r th e International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, makes a n important distinctio n betwee n reasonablenes s an d rationalit y tha t suggest s the rhetorica l consequence s o f absolut e logos: "Although radicalis m i s char acteristically rationa l o r a t leas t rationalized, " write s Bittner , "i t i s clearl y and implacabl y inconsisten t wit h reasonableness . I n principle , pur e radica l thought an d actio n i s devoi d o f practica l wisdom , o f sensitivit y t o th e occasion, o f opportunisti c economizing , o f th e capacit y t o lear n fro m experience, o f flexibility an d loosenes s o f interest . I n sum , i t lack s tha t bargaining sid e o f intelligenc e tha t characterize s th e conduc t an d thinkin g of'reasonable' persons." 4 2 What Bittne r doe s no t sho w bu t prophec y reveal s ar e th e reason s fo r th e unreason. First , give n a trut h tha t i s absolute , i t make s n o sens e t o tal k o f "practical wisdom, " "sensitivit y t o th e occasion, " "opportunisti c economiz ing," "th e capacit y t o lear n fro m experience, " "flexibilit y an d loosenes s o f interest," o r "bargaining." 4 3 A s a manifestatio n o f God' s will , th e wor d i s absolute an d immutable ; i t i s beyond th e reac h an d powe r o f humankind; i t is sacre d i n th e critica l sens e o f bein g separate , untouchable , pure, 4 4 an d i t exercises it s clai m o n it s auditor s becaus e i t is ; i t canno t b e compromised . Emile Durkhei m expresse d thi s distinctiv e circula r powe r o f th e sacre d "a s expressly obligatory , an d thi s obligatio n i s th e proo f tha t thes e way s o f acting an d thinkin g ar e no t th e wor k o f th e individua l bu t com e fro m a moral powe r abov e him , tha t whic h th e mysti c call s Go d o r whic h ca n b e more scientificall y conceived." 4 5 Secondly , a s a messenger , th e speake r cannot alte r th e messag e withou t violatin g hi s sacre d trust . Indeed , th e fac t of th e sacre d trus t itsel f places th e speake r outsid e th e fram e o f referenc e o f

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his audience ; th e speaker' s rol e i s tha t o f th e extremist. 46 Thu s propheti c rhetoric violate s on e o f th e traditiona l function s o f rhetoric b y emphasizin g separation ove r identification. 47 It ma y begi n t o see m tha t prophec y i s no t rhetorica l a t al l sinc e i t lack s the pragmati c orientatio n tha t i s a hallmark o f rhetoric, an d prophecy , wit h its emphasi s o n th e apodictic, doe s threate n whateve r Ramisti c division s w e might wan t t o creat e betwee n rhetori c an d philosoph y i n particular . Bu t prophecy share s wit h rhetori c a situationa l natur e an d a raiso n d'etr e i n ends. 48 T h e propheti c end , however , i s qualitative , no t quantitative ; any thing shor t o f God' s absolut e wil l a s expresse d i n Hi s wor d i s a profanation . "Compromise," Hesche l remind s us , "i s a n attitud e th e prophe t abhors . . . . Other s ma y b e satisfie d wit h improvement , th e prophet s insis t upo n redemption." 4 9 T h e hol y remnant , a s illustrate d i n th e storie s o f N o a h o r Sodom an d Gomorrah , i s mor e valuabl e t o Go d tha n an y contaminate d consensus. T h e prophe t achieve s identificatio n onl y whe n th e hol y remnan t has joined hi m i n th e purit y o f th e wilderness ; th e peopl e mus t com e t o God; H e canno t com e t o them . The preeminen t discours e o f separatio n i n America n history , th e dis course tha t firs t define d u s a s a n America n people , i s tha t o f th e America n Revolution. T h e apparen t contradiction s an d complexit y o f th e rhetori c that accompanie d th e creatio n o f a ne w natio n fro m thirtee n Britis h colo nies continu e t o absor b ou r attention s tw o centurie s afte r th e fact . Certainl y the frequen t biblica l allusion s i n th e rhetori c o f th e Revolutio n confir m our historica l understandin g o f th e importanc e o f th e Bibl e a s a prominen t model o f discours e i n th e live s o f th e colonists, 50 bu t tha t understandin g may reflec t n o mor e tha n a crude imitatio, the superficia l adoptio n o f literar y conceits. T h e mor e fundamenta l paralle l lie s i n th e inflexibl e postur e o f righteousness. Wit h othe r model s o f discours e i n th e colonia l repertoire — the traditio n o f parliamentar y debates , th e speeche s o f Cicero—i s th e special plac e o f biblica l rhetoric , Ol d Testamen t rhetori c i n particular , i n the speeche s an d broadside s o f American Whig s symptomati c o f somethin g more tha n mer e literar y affinity ? Doe s i t perhap s indicat e somethin g abou t the W h i g conceptio n o f themselve s an d thei r messag e a s rooted i n th e logos of Ol d Testamen t prophecy ? Certainl y th e discours e surroundin g a n even t that R o b e r t Bella h ha s boldl y terme d th e provenanc e o f "th e America n civil religion " deserve s analysi s fro m suc h a perspective , an d i n chapte r 3 I will d o so. 51

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The Patho s of Prophecy To b e a prophe t i t i s no t enoug h t o spea k o n behal f o f a n absolut e truth. Whil e thi s ma y satisf y th e etymologica l requirement , th e historica l requirement entail s a tim e o f crisis , fro m th e Gree k krisis, "decision, " o r "judgment." 52 A s R . B . Y. Scot t suggests , The cal l appear s t o hav e com e t o eac h prophe t i n a time o f intellectual an d emotional tension . "Th e yea r tha t Kin g Uzzia h died " marke d th e en d o f an epoch. Th e socia l strain s followin g Jeroboa m s wars an d a serie s o f natura l calamities appea r i n th e page s o f Amos a s affecting al l but th e ver y wealthy . Hosea spok e ou t o f a welte r o f vic e an d confusion , borderin g o n anarch y Micah crie d ou t tha t the citie s were draining the lifeblood fro m th e country side, an d a foreign invasio n mus t shortl y com e t o complet e th e destruction . Jeremiah an d Zephania h bega n t o prophes y whe n th e worl d empir e o f th e Assyrians was tottering unde r th e onslaugh t o f barbarian hordes , which wer e soon t o appea r o n th e norther n horizo n o f Palestine. Nahu m shoute d tha t Nineveh wa s about t o fall with a world-shaking crash. 53 C o m m o n t o thes e critica l time s i s a sens e o f overwhelmin g threat , a sens e that, i n it s intensity , achieve s psychoti c proportions , a threa t t o th e self definition o f a people . Jiirgen Haberma s find s crisi s "whe n member s o f a societ y experienc e structural alteration s a s critica l fo r continue d existenc e an d fee l thei r socia l identity threatened . . . . Disturbance s o f syste m integratio n endange r con tinued existenc e onl y t o th e exten t tha t social integration is a t stake , tha t is , when th e consensua l foundation s o f normativ e structure s ar e s o muc h impaired tha t th e societ y become s anomic . Crisi s state s assum e th e for m of a disintegratio n o f socia l institutions." 54 Stressin g "disintegration " an d "anomie," Haberma s present s a tim e o f chaos , a tim e literall y withou t law . T h e impac t o f anomic state s is suggested b y Pete r Berge r w h o find s i n the m a failur e b y societ y t o perfor m it s mos t importan t function , th e impositio n of orde r o n th e world . Consequently , th e individua l "lose s hi s orientatio n in experience " and , i n extrem e cases , "hi s sens e o f realit y an d identity." 55 Amplifying Berge r s conception , Joh n Smit h define s crise s a s "time s w h e n the purpos e o f life a s such come s int o questio n an d whe n w e hav e th e sens e that lif e i s being judged, no t i n it s details , bu t a s a whole . . . the crisi s time s fill u s wit h a sens e o f th e finitud e an d frailt y o f man , o f ou r creatureliness , of ou r dependenc e upo n resource s beyon d ou r own , an d o f ou r nee d t o find a supremel y worshipfu l realit y t o w h o m w e ca n devot e ourselve s without reserve. " 56

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Against crisis , against chaos , th e prophe t posit s sacre d judgment, replicat ing th e origina l orderin g o f creatio n b y God . Clau s Westermann , i n hi s widely cite d wor k o n th e form s o f propheti c speech , ask s th e question , "What i s the specificall y propheti c speec h form? " an d answers , "I f we loo k back no w t o earlie r work , w e ca n se e tha t som e agreemen t ha d bee n reached o n on e point . Th e announcemen t o f judgmen t t o thei r ow n nation, alon g wit h th e reaso n give n i n th e accusation , wa s recognize d b y al l as th e mos t essential , th e mos t important , o r th e mos t frequen t propheti c speech form." 5 7 Westerman n concede s tha t th e adven t o f th e writin g prophets an d thei r judgments agains t th e natio n rathe r tha n th e judgment s against individual s characteristi c o f th e preliterar y prophet s cause d som e changes i n th e for m o f th e propheti c judgment-speech . Th e for m becam e freer, mor e complex , an d mor e reflectiv e o f th e individua l prophet' s styl e and circumstance . Amon g th e change s h e note s i n th e transitio n fro m th e preliterary prophet s t o th e literar y prophet s ar e (i ) a n emphasi s o n on e par t (accusation o r announcement ) o f th e judgmen t ove r th e other , sometime s the complet e eliminatio n o f on e o f th e part s fro m th e speec h itsel f (al though i t i s usuall y implied ) an d (2 ) th e eliminatio n o f th e messenge r formula o r th e relocatio n o f i t t o th e beginnin g o f th e speech . Neithe r o f these changes , however , altere d th e fundamenta l natur e o f th e prophet' s speech: "tha t whic h i s essentia l i s no t th e externa l balanc e o f emphasi s no r the adherenc e t o a pattern , bu t th e correspondenc e o f th e judgmen t o f God an d th e guil t o f th e peopl e whic h i s require d b y th e proceedings. " 5 8 Westermann maintain s tha t th e propheti c judgment-speec h preserve d th e essential characteristic s tha t relat e i t t o th e historica l developmen t o f th e genre an d unit e th e writing s o f th e literar y prophet s unde r on e "basic form." 5 9 Wha t remain s constan t i n al l th e speeche s i s th e essentia l j u d g ment-speech, "th e announcemen t o f Yahweh' s judgment t o th e peopl e fo r a transgression. " 6 0 The ide a o f a basi c for m o f propheti c speec h help s clarif y th e natur e o f the prophe t an d hi s discourse . Th e prophe t i s a n accuse r an d judge; 6 1 h e i s called int o bein g whe n th e la w ha s bee n violated , a critica l time . Th e prophet announce s bot h th e charge s an d th e verdic t o f Go d o r natur e against th e transgressor s o f the law : "Wo e t o thos e w h o devis e wickedness, " proclaimed th e prophe t Micah , and wor k evi l upo n thei r beds ! When th e mornin g dawns , the y perfor m it , because i t i s in th e powe r o f thei r hand . The y cove t fields , an d seiz e them ; and houses , an d tak e the m away ; the y oppres s a man an d hi s house , a ma n

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and hi s inheritance . Therefor e thu s say s th e LORD : Behold , agains t thi s family I a m devisin g evil , fro m whic h yo u canno t remov e you r necks ; an d you shal l not wal k haughtily , fo r i t will be a n evi l time. 62 W h e n th e worldl y succes s o f those w h o d o evi l confuse s belie f in th e good , the prophe t reestablishe s th e powe r o f Yahweh' s la w an d restore s clarit y t o the world . In th e proclamatio n o f Mica h ther e i s evidenced , no t onl y th e for m o f the judgment-speech, bu t als o somethin g o f it s character , a glimps e o f th e omnivorous patho s behin d it . I n a wor d ofte n use d i n Englis h translation s of th e Ol d Testament , i t reek s o f vengeance , o f th e ange r o f betrayal . Abraham Hesche l i n particula r remind s u s o f "th e centralit y o f pathos " i n prophetic discourse , an d find s God' s wrat h t o b e a manifestatio n o f tha t pathos. A s oppose d t o th e god s o f th e Greeks , Hesche l reveal s th e Hebre w God t o b e a compassionat e go d whos e concer n fo r Hi s creatio n i s b o u n d less; Hi s covenan t wit h Hi s chose n peopl e i s a grea t gif t o f love . Throug h the term s o f th e covenant , accordin g t o th e condition s reveale d therein , Yahweh bind s Hi s ow n conduct . The condition s o f th e covenan t provid e th e reason s o r th e rationalit y fo r the propheti c logos conceived a s justice. N o w i t ca n b e see n ho w the y als o form th e basi s fo r th e propheti c pathos. 63 Justice , a s prescribe d b y th e covenant, i s a painfu l an d unsparin g ideal . A s Yahwe h i s boun d agains t capricious action , H e i s a s muc h boun d t o punis h Hi s peopl e w h e n the y have rejecte d th e covenan t a s H e i s t o rewar d the m wit h Hi s blessing s when the y hav e bee n faithful . Hesche l disclose s i n God' s wrath , no t th e intemperate passio n s o feare d b y th e Greek s an d thei r intellectua l heirs , bu t the ange r o f a loving Go d upo n bein g mad e t o punis h Hi s people. 6 4 Bruc e Vawter capture s th e essenc e o f th e deit y detaile d b y Hesche l whe n h e describes "thi s Go d o f pathos , thi s Go d w h o cares , w h o weep s ove r hi s own inexorabl e justice." 65 Judgment i s a consequenc e o f th e fal l o f humankind , th e failur e t o maintain th e term s o f th e covenant , a failur e t o participat e i n th e divin e pathos o r will . S o understood , i t disclose s th e basi s o f th e alienatio n o f th e sacred. Th e sacre d i s alway s separate , alway s beyon d th e reac h o f mortals , but i n judgmen t i t i s als o antagonistic , Go d i n oppositio n t o humankind , thesis versu s antithesis . I n thi s antagonis m lie s th e agon y o f krisis, th e sens e of disintegration , o f despair , tha t characterize s critica l times . T h e relie f o f agon y require s a new synthesis . T o b e restore d t o grace , th e people mus t experienc e a revival o f pathos, a resurrection fro m thei r spiritua l

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death, fo r a s Northro p Fry e notes , th e rea l enemie s o f "th e myt h o f concern" "ar e no t thos e who oppos e but thos e wh o ar e indifferent," thos e who ar e unable t o fee l abhorrenc e a t the world a s it is. 66 God s ange r is the motive fo r thi s revival . Fo r Heschel , th e ange r o f Go d i s "th e en d o f indifference."67 Yahweh s patho s stand s agains t th e a-patho s o r apath y o f humankind, humankin d a s it ha s become inure d t o th e demand s o f justice and righteousness , t o th e need s o f th e powerless. 68 Th e prophet , b y hi s calling, becomes th e vessel of Yahwehs pathos, a symbol of divine compas sion, and a vehicle for th e reconciliatio n o f humanity t o God . Reflecting it s sacred cause, the synthesis is extreme; it must be genuinel y transcendent; i t i s not a compromise o f the tw o opposin g elements , bu t i n the Ol d Testamen t metaphor, a purification. A s Leo Strauss reminds us, "I n every attempt a t harmonization, i n ever y synthesis however impressive, on e of th e tw o oppose d element s i s sacrificed , mor e o r les s subtl y bu t i n an y event surely , t o th e other." 69 Fo r th e peopl e o f Israe l an d Juda h t o b e restored to God's grace, they must rise above themselves, restore the sanctity of th e roo t principle s o f thei r society , stan d outsid e thei r curren t mora l torpor. Thi s i s th e exampl e provide d b y th e prophet . Th e oppositio n between th e firs t perso n singula r an d th e secon d person plural in propheti c discourse i s both a measure o f the prophet' s estrangemen t fro m hi s peopl e and of the distanc e o f the people from God . Th e prophe t doe s not spea k as a member o f the grou p h e i s addressing; h e doe s no t spea k i n th e inclusiv e "we." A s a messenger , th e prophe t speak s i n th e voic e o f th e divin e "I, " and the messag e of judgment i s against "you " th e people. Assuming th e voic e o f th e divin e "I, " the prophe t present s th e ethos o f God i n a radica l confrontatio n wit h Hi s people . In th e revelatio n o f th e compassionate natur e o f tha t ethos an d it s agon y i n critica l time s lie s th e great pathos i n propheti c discourse. 70 Suc h expression , fa r fro m fraudulen t rhetorical practice , i s the onl y hones t representatio n o f the natur e o f God's judgment. "Emotio n enter s prose no t onl y as disguises for slippin g into th e reader's confidence, " write s Richar d Ohmann , "bu t a s sheer expressio n o f self. Complete honest y demand s tha t th e write r [o r speaker] no t onl y stat e his ideas accurately, bu t als o take a n emotiona l stance." 71 Onl y i n revealin g God's wrath doe s the prophet full y revea l God's will. In propheti c discourse , then , w e fin d th e horribl e anguis h o f Yahweh s alienation fro m Hi s people an d a n overwhelmin g desir e for reunion . Rec onciliation, though, canno t be achieved through adjustmen t o f the message, but onl y throug h purificatio n o f the audience . I n th e fir e metapho r o f th e prophets, w e confron t th e violen t an d destructiv e sid e o f purification. " O

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house o f David , thu s sait h th e L O R D ; Execut e judgmen t i n th e morning , and delive r him that is spoiled ou t o f th e han d o f th e oppressor , les t m y fur y go ou t lik e fire , an d bur n tha t non e ca n quenc h it, becaus e o f th e evi l o f your doings." 7 2 "Bu t w h o ma y abid e th e da y o f hi s coming? " ask s th e prophet Malachi , "an d w h o shal l stan d whe n h e appeareth ? Fo r h e i s lik e a refiners fire , an d lik e th e fullers ' soap . . . . An d h e shal l si t as a refine r an d purifier o f silver : an d h e shal l purif y th e son s o f Levi , an d purg e the m a s gold an d silver , tha t the y ma y offe r unt o th e L O R D a n offerin g i n righ teousness. T h e n shal l th e offerin g o f Judah an d Jerusalem b e pleasan t unt o the L O R D a s i n th e day s o f old , an d a s i n forme r years." 7 3 T h e prophe t demands tha t th e peopl e giv e u p thei r worldl y comfort s an d follo w hi m into th e purit y o f th e wilderness . Regeneratio n i s a necessary propaedeuti c to reunio n i n propheti c discourse ; Jeremiah shatter s th e vesse l i n orde r tha t it ma y b e remolded. 7 4 In remoldin g o r reformatio n lie s th e essentia l optimis m o f th e propheti c judgment. Fo r al l th e terro r o f God' s wrath , purificatio n promise s a resolu tion o f crisis . T h e spiritua l wildernes s i s hars h an d exacting , bu t i t i s als o invigorating; i t provide s a n opportunit y fo r th e reassertio n o f th e sel f a s against th e atroph y induce d b y profan e comforts , an d it s vastnes s an d incipient powe r rekindle s a worshipfu l attitud e towar d tha t whic h i s large r than th e self . Furthermore , th e mora l statu s o f th e wildernes s i s unambigu ous; i t i s no t pollute d o r corrupted ; i t i s virgi n an d innocent , thu s th e quality o f one' s participatio n i s assured ; th e burden s o f th e wildernes s d o not includ e tha t mos t grievou s o f burdens, doubt . Certainly on e o f th e mos t passionat e an d divisiv e rhetoric s i n America n history i s the rhetori c o f the radica l abolitionists . T h e debate s ove r strategie s and tactic s tha t s o divide d th e abolitio n movemen t itsel f continu e i n th e scholarship o f historian s an d student s o f rhetori c today . A s a prominen t spokesman fo r th e abolitionis t caus e an d a s on e o f it s mor e articulat e theoreticians, Wendel l Phillip s provide s a n excellen t subjec t fo r a n examina tion o f radical judgment fro m th e perspectiv e o f prophecy i n chapte r 4 .

The Prophetic Ethos At th e cente r o f propheti c rhetori c i s th e propheti c ethos. "Statement s o f belief o r concer n ar e existential, " Fry e remind s us , "an d therefor e on e ver y obvious contex t fo r them , apar t fro m doctrina l synthesi s i s th e lif e o f th e person w h o make s o r inspire s them , an d w h o i s usuall y a leade r o r a

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culture-hero o f som e kind." 7 5 A s th e messenge r o f God' s judgment , th e prophet present s himsel f no t a s hero , bu t a s God' s servant . T h e rol e i s on e of submission t o God' s call , a s suggested b y th e etymolog y o f the wor d nabi, a Hebre w wor d closel y associate d wit h prophec y i n th e Bible . Abraha m Heschel believe s nabi to b e associate d wit h th e Akkadia n ver b fo r "t o call" : 11 Nabi, then , woul d mean , literally , on e w h o i s calle d (b y God) , on e w h o has a vocation (fro m God) , a s well a s on e w h o i s subjec t t o th e influenc e o f a demo n o r a fals e god , an d w h o retain s th e conditio n impose d upo n hi m by tha t cal l o r influence." 76 Heschel's definitio n i s importan t becaus e i t highlight s th e elemen t o f subjugation i n th e call . Th e rol e o f th e prophe t i s no t a role on e seeks ; i t i s a rol e wit h whic h on e i s burdened . I n th e word s o f Jeremiah, perhap s th e most reluctan t prophet , O Lord , tho u has t deceived me , an d I was deceived: tho u ar t stronger tha n I , and has t prevailed: I am in derisio n daily , every on e mocket h me . Fo r since I spake, I crie d out , I crie d violenc e an d spoil ; becaus e th e wor d o f the Lor d was made a reproach unt o me , an d a derision, daily . The n I said , I will no t make mentio n o f him , no r spea k anymor e i n hi s name . Bu t his word was i n mine hear t a s a burnin g fir e shu t u p i n m y bones , an d I wa s wear y wit h forbearing, an d I could no t stay.11 T h e firs t vers e o f thi s passag e become s eve n mor e poignan t i n Heschel' s translation: " O Lord , T h o u has t seduce d me , An d I a m seduced ; T h o u has t raped m e An d I a m overcome." 7 8 Th e wil l o f th e prophe t i s overpowere d and completel y subjugate d t o th e wil l o f God . A s R . B . Y . Scot t describe s the experience , The consciousnes s o f the prophe t tha t h e ha d withi n hi m a word expressin g the divin e will show s itsel f i n th e sens e o f compulsio n unde r whic h h e labored. Hi s missio n wa s no t o f hi s ow n choosing . . . . Huma n prudenc e would keep silent, but th e divine word must find utterance . Isaiah felt himsel f sent ou t wit h a hopeless an d impossibl e task , an d th e storie s o f Elijah an d o f Jonah illustrat e ho w som e prophets woul d fai n hav e escape d from th e relent less wil l whic h drov e the m on . Fro m th e beginnin g Jeremiah proteste d i n vain agains t th e charg e tha t wa s lai d upo n him ; i n a n exces s o f agon y h e cursed th e da y he ha d been born t o labor and sorrow an d shame. 79 T h e surrende r o f th e prophet' s wil l t o Yahwe h i s mos t dramaticall y presented i n th e birt h account s relate d b y th e prophets . Jeremiah , fo r example, wa s bor n t o prophesy : "Befor e I forme d the e i n th e bell y I kne w thee; an d befor e tho u earnes t fort h ou t o f the w o m b I sanctifie d thee , and I

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ordained the e a prophe t unt o th e nations." 8 0 Isaia h als o speak s o f bein g formed i n th e w o m b t o b e a prophet. 8 1 I t i s not alway s clea r whethe r th e prophets ar e speaking literall y o f their birt h o r metaphoricall y o f a "secon d b i r t h " — t h e i r conversio n o r calling . Al l th e prophet s ha d suc h a n experi ence, whic h serve d t o impos e a ne w teleolog y o n thei r lives , an d i t seem s natural t o expres s thi s even t i n term s o f rebirth. Jonahs expulsio n fro m th e belly o f th e whale , fo r example , ha s traditionall y bee n viewe d a s a meta phorical expressio n o f a second birt h t o a life o f prophecy . William Jame s wrot e o f th e proces s o f bein g twice-bor n a s an elemen t involved i n th e unification o f the self : Now i n al l o f us , howeve r constituted , bu t t o a degre e th e greate r i n proportion a s we are intense an d sensitive an d subject t o diversified tempta tion, an d t o th e greates t possibl e degre e i f we ar e decidedl y psychopathic , does th e norma l evolutio n o f characte r chiefl y consis t i n th e straightenin g out an d unifyin g o f the inne r self . Th e highe r an d th e lowe r feelings , th e useful an d the errin g impulses , begi n b y being a comparative chao s withi n us—they mus t en d by forming a stable syste m o f functions i n right subordi nation.82 "To b e converted, " continue d James , "t o b e regenerated , t o receiv e grace , to experienc e religion , t o gai n a n assurance , ar e s o man y phrase s whic h denote th e process , gradua l o r sudden , b y whic h a sel f hithert o divided , and consciousl y wron g inferio r an d unhappy , become s unifie d an d con sciously righ t superio r an d happy , i n consequenc e o f its firme r hol d upo n religious realities." 83 Applie d t o th e prophet , rebirt h i s a mechanis m fo r overcoming th e anxiet y o f chao s b y th e complet e subordinatio n o f the sel f to th e divin e will ; th e prophe t exchange s sel f fo r certitude , th e absolut e negation o f chaos. 84 I t i s fro m thi s positio n tha t th e prophe t make s hi s criticism o f hi s society ; th e prophe t stand s a s a synecdocha l realizatio n o f God's will . James stresse s th e persona l an d th e egoisti c sid e o f rebirth , bu t i t woul d be wron g t o undervalu e th e magnitud e o f th e propheti c sacrific e i n th e achievement o f righteousnes s o r t o reduc e conversio n simpl y t o psycho pathological gratification . Salvatio n i s no t withou t it s cost , an d i t i s a shallow criticis m t o se e in th e experienc e o f grac e nothin g bu t th e merce nary motive . I n orde r t o b e reborn , th e prophe t mus t firs t fac e wha t w e most dread , death. 85 Deat h i s suggeste d b y th e remova l o f th e individua l from th e world i n a n act of consecration. Asceticis m i s an expressio n o f thi s separation, a n assertio n o f principle i n oppositio n t o worldl y practice . T h e

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prophet i s place d in extremis t o th e accepte d routine s o f life. 86 Margare t Zulick find s "th e ful l expressio n o f the 'ago n o f Jeremiah' " i n "th e vindica tion o f th e word , agains t th e people , a t th e expens e o f th e (human ) lif e o f the prophet." 8 7 Gerhar d vo n R a d expresse s thi s sacrificia l aspec t o f th e calling a s a "gul f which separate s th e prophet s fro m thei r past " s o dee p tha t "none o f thei r previou s socia l relationship s ar e carrie d ove r int o th e ne w way o f life." 88 T h e profoun d discontinuit y betwee n th e ol d lif e an d th e new note d b y vo n Rad , th e en d o f ol d socia l relationships , represent s a kind o f death . The weigh t o f th e burde n i s atteste d t o man y time s b y th e prophets , perhaps nowher e mor e stridentl y tha n i n Jeremiah' s curs e o f hi s (re)birt h which i s symbolized a s an unwelcom e expulsio n fro m a death-like existenc e and fro m th e possibilit y o f death : Cursed be the da y wherei n I was born ; le t no t th e da y wherei n m y mothe r bare m e b e blessed . Curse d be the ma n wh o brough t tiding s t o m y father , saying, A ma n chil d i s born unt o thee ; makin g hi m ver y glad . An d le t tha t man b e a s th e citie s whic h th e Lor d overthrew , an d repente d not ; an d le t him hea r th e cr y i n th e morning , an d th e shoutin g a t noontide ; Becaus e h e slew me no t fro m th e womb ; o r tha t m y mother migh t hav e been m y grave, and he r wom b to be always great with me. Wherefore I came fort h ou t o f the womb t o se e labou r an d sorrow , tha t m y day s shoul d b e consume d wit h shame?89 Nietzsche, thoug h hi s criticis m o f th e asceti c idea l i s hars h i n th e extrem e (according t o James, a sympto m o f Nietzsche' s ow n sickl y soul) , testifie s t o the genuinenes s o f th e mortification . " N o r wil l th e reade r doubt, " h e writes, "tha t th e joy fel t b y th e self-denying , self-sacrificing , selfles s perso n was fro m th e ver y star t a cruel joy."9 0 Nietzsch e i s undoubtedl y correc t i n identifying a masochisti c impuls e operatin g here , par t o f th e parado x o f prophecy—the pleasur e i n sufferin g an d denial , th e exercis e o f th e wil l through self-sacrifice , freedo m throug h subordination . W h a t h e refuse s t o recognize i s th e assertio n o f strengt h i n suffering . Again , th e Aristotelia n idea o f virtue , especiall y a s realize d b y th e Epicureans , virtu e a s th e wil l t o do right , i s illuminating . For th e communit y confronte d b y th e prophet , th e proble m i s on e o f authenticating th e prophet' s call. 91 I f th e cal l i s genuine , ther e ca n b e n o disputation o f the message . A s Burke Lon g writes : "Fo r th e storyteller , w h o accepts Jeremiah' s authority , rejectio n o f th e prophe t i s tantamoun t t o rejection o f God , an d t o bringin g abou t God' s calamit y (26:19) . Fro m th e

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same partisa n standpoint , Jeremia h 29:3 2 term s oppositio n t o Jeremia h a s 'rebellion agains t th e Lord. ' " 9 2 A s i s th e cas e wit h th e prophet s charg e against th e recalcitrant , th e community' s onl y optio n fo r disputin g th e prophet i s ad personam; th e tendenc y o f radical confrontation s t o degenerat e into name-callin g session s i s understandabl e i n thi s context . Presentin g hi s ethos a s nugatory , consume d i n th e divin e ethos, th e prophe t succeed s i n making hi s ethos, the authenticit y o f hi s call , th e paramoun t question . Jame s Crenshaw term s thi s "th e Achilles-hee l o f ancien t prophecy, " "namel y th e absence o f an y validatio n fo r a propheti c word . . . . T h e prophe t wa s particularly vulnerabl e sinc e h e claime d t o spea k wha t anothe r ha d c o m m u nicated t o him , ye t whe n challenge d a s t o th e sourc e o f hi s word , h e coul d only affir m tha t Go d ha d indee d summone d him , sen t th e vision , spoke n the word." 9 3 Against claim s tha t thei r ecstati c certitud e an d extrem e passio n ar e manifestations o f G o d s will , prophet s hav e historicall y encountere d crie s o f "fanatic" an d "madman" ; fo r thei r postur e a s witnesses—those w h o know , witan—prophets hav e characteristicall y bee n martyred , a wor d whic h comes fro m a Lati n transliteratio n o f a Gree k wor d fo r witness . A s th e Inquisitor i n Georg e Bernar d Shaw' s Saint Joan solemnl y declares , "Fo r tw o hundred year s th e Hol y Offic e ha s strive n wit h thes e diabolica l madnesses ; and i t know s tha t the y begi n alway s b y vai n an d ignoran t person s settin g u p their ow n judgmen t agains t th e Church , an d takin g i t upo n themselve s t o be th e interpreter s o f God' s will." 9 4 Convenin g th e tribuna l tha t wil l hea r Joan's case , th e Inquisito r continues , "Go d forbi d tha t I shoul d tel l yo u t o harden you r hearts ; fo r he r punishmen t i f we condem n he r wil l b e s o crue l that w e shoul d forfei t ou r ow n hop e o f divin e merc y wer e ther e on e grai n of malice agains t he r i n ou r hearts . Bu t i f you hat e cruelty—an d i f any ma n here doe s no t hat e i t I comman d hi m o n hi s soul' s salvatio n t o qui t thi s holy c o u r t — I say , i f you hat e cruelty , remembe r tha t nothin g i s so crue l i n its consequence s a s th e toleratio n o f heresy." 95 Joan , o f course , i s firs t burned fo r he r "diabolica l madness " bu t late r canonized . T h e histor y o f prophecy i s a histor y o f martyrdom. 9 6 O n th e even t o f he r canonization , Shaw's Joan return s t o visi t he r judges, an d i t i s Caucho n w h o phrase s th e human dilemm a i n th e fac e o f th e prophe t whe n h e pleads , " T h e hereti c i s always bette r dead . An d morta l eye s canno t distinguis h th e sain t fro m th e heretic. Spar e them. " 9 7 T h e proble m o f th e propheti c ethos lies i n th e natur e o f charisma . Ma x Weber define d th e prophe t a s " a purel y individua l beare r o f charisma , w h o b y virtu e o f hi s missio n proclaim s a religiou s doctrin e o r divin e

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commandment." 9 8 I t i s th e cal l that , fo r Weber , distinguishe s th e prophe t from th e priest : " T h e latte r lay s clai m t o authorit y b y virtu e o f hi s servic e in a sacre d tradition , whil e th e prophet' s clai m i s base d o n persona l revela tion an d charisma. " " Bruc e Vawte r amplifie s an d clarifie s Weber' s concep tion o f th e prophet' s call : " T h e prophet s o f Israel , whos e word s w e hav e i n the book s tha t bea r thei r names , foun d thei r credential s no t i n an y officia l position the y ma y hav e enjoyed , bu t i n thei r direc t cal l b y Go d himself . T o adapt anothe r terminolog y t o them , thei r statu s wa s no t hierarchica l bu t charismatic." 10 ° Weber define d charism a a s "a certai n qualit y o f an individ ual personalit y b y virtu e o f whic h h e i s se t apar t fro m ordinar y me n an d treated a s endowe d wit h supernatural , superhuman , o r a t leas t specificall y exceptional power s o r qualities . Thes e ar e suc h a s ar e no t accessibl e t o th e ordinary person , bu t ar e regarde d a s o f divin e origi n o r a s exemplary , an d on th e basi s o f the m th e individua l i s treated a s a leader." 101 Overholt an d Vawte r bot h poin t t o a n extraordinar y an d persona l expe rience a s the sourc e o f prophecy, an d Weber' s definitio n o f charism a betray s an uncomfortabl e tensio n betwee n th e experienc e an d it s recognition . T h e means o f validation , derivin g a s the y d o fro m a sacre d source , ar e beyon d the reac h o f th e people ; charism a i s a n irrationa l concept. 1 0 2 I t i s th e prophet's burde n t o mak e th e extraordinary , invisible , an d persona l under standable, visible , an d public ; th e prophet' s presentatio n mus t someho w validate hi s commission . Consisten t wit h th e characte r o f servitude , th e message o f th e prophe t mus t bea r continuin g testimon y t o hi s helplessnes s and los s o f self, particularl y sel f as conceived a s a rational calculatin g faculty ; through effacemen t o f th e self , th e prophe t strive s t o presen t th e uncolore d word o f Yahweh. Th e studie d anonymit y o f th e autho r o f the servan t song s of Deutero-Isaiah i s an extrem e exampl e o f this tendency. 103 Deutero-Isaia h does no t spea k i n hi s ow n voice , bu t i s give n "th e tongu e o f th e learned , that I shoul d kno w ho w t o spea k a word i n seaso n t o him that is weary." 104 Failure o f th e perso n o f th e prophe t is , almos t b y definition , necessar y t o his succes s a s God' s servant . Persona l succes s i s self-servin g an d vitiate s th e purity o f divin e motive . Martyrdom i s th e ultimat e sacrific e o f sel f t o dut y o r commitment . A s an outwar d manifestatio n o f th e prophet' s sacrifice , martyrdo m i s a mean s of makin g publi c an d visibl e th e private , persona l submissio n t o th e call ; reflecting th e natur e o f charisma , i t i s th e perfec t irrationa l act . Kennet h Burke find s i n martyrdo m a kin d o f exhibitionism, 105 an d th e suffering s o f the prophet s wer e ofte n intende d a s allegory : Jeremiah' s yoke , Isaiah' s nakedness, an d Hosea' s wif e com e immediatel y t o mind . Mor e importan t

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for a bewildere d people , th e willingnes s t o suffe r i s th e mos t compellin g evidence o f th e abandonmen t o f th e self . T h e logi c o f commitmen t de mands tha t th e onl y appropriat e postur e i n th e fac e o f persecutio n b e resignation. S o i t i s tha t F . G . Baile y detect s " a pervasiv e connectio n between emotion , fait h an d suffering, " a s th e severa l meaning s o f th e wor d "passion" suggest. 106 T h e exemplar y cas e i n Wester n mytholog y is , o f course, th e passio n o f Christ , a passio n firml y grounde d i n th e propheti c tradition o f th e Ol d Testament. 107 Although th e discussio n her e i s heavily freighte d wit h pathologica l over tones, i t als o reveals , onc e w e hav e accepte d th e possibilit y o f th e spiritua l dimension, a n interna l logic : martyrdo m i s a perfectl y reasonabl e presenta tion o f th e claim s o f sacre d commission . Jame s i s th e firs t t o war n tha t charges o f psychopatholog y ar e no t a n adequat e assessmen t o f th e spiritua l value o f th e prophe t s mission . "Thei r value, " James writes , "ca n onl y b e ascertained b y spiritua l judgment s directl y passe d upo n them , judgment s based o n ou r ow n immediat e feelin g primarily ; an d secondaril y o n wha t we ca n ascertai n o f their experientia l relation s t o ou r mora l need s an d t o th e rest o f wha t w e hol d a s true." 1 0 8 James late r characterize s th e psychopathi c temperament a s containin g "th e emotionalit y whic h i s th e sine qua non o f moral perception. " H e continues , We hav e th e intensit y an d tendenc y t o emphasi s whic h ar e th e essenc e o f practical mora l vigor ; an d w e hav e th e lov e o f metaphysic s an d mysticis m which carr y one' s interest s beyon d th e surfac e o f th e sensibl e world . What , then, i s mor e natura l tha n tha t thi s temperamen t shoul d introduc e on e t o regions o f religiou s truth , t o corner s o f th e universe , whic h you r robus t Philistine typ e o f nervou s system , foreve r offerin g it s bicep s t o b e felt , thumping it s breast, an d thankin g Heave n tha t i t hasn' t a single morbi d fibr e in it s composition , woul d b e sur e t o hid e foreve r fro m it s self-satisfie d possessors?109 Finally, James note s o f saintliness tha t "th e bes t fruit s o f religious experienc e are th e bes t thing s tha t histor y ha s t o show." 1 1 0 Whatever th e motive s o f th e prophet , hi s valu e lie s i n hi s reception , th e quality o f th e ethos presented t o hi s auditors . Charisma , w e ar e reminded , i s only validate d whe n recognized ; i t i s a socia l phenomenon. 1 1 1 An d i f th e recognition o f charism a depend s o n recognitio n o f th e qualit y o f th e birth , the calling , onl y i n th e qualit y o f th e death , i t stand s t o reaso n tha t sainthood i s alway s posthu mo us. Consisten t wit h th e metaphor s o f birt h an d death, an d illustrate d vividl y i n th e Gospels , th e proble m o f th e propheti c

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office i s biographical, an d ther e i s a rea l sense , a s von Ra d point s out , i n which i t can only be judged i n its completion, i n the en d o f the prophet. I t was necessary fo r Joan t o b e burne d befor e sh e coul d b e canonized , an d i t was necessar y fo r Chris t t o b e crucifie d befor e h e coul d b e resurrected. 112 As James write s o f Sain t Paul , "Fro m th e biologica l poin t o f vie w Sain t Paul wa s a failure , becaus e h e wa s beheaded . Ye t h e wa s magnificentl y adapted t o th e large r environmen t o f history ; an d s o fa r a s an y sain t s example i s a leave n o f righteousnes s i n th e world , an d draw s i t i n th e direction o f mor e prevalen t habit s o f saintliness , h e i s a success, n o matte r what hi s bad fortune ma y be." 113 Considered a s biography , th e propheti c ethos i s a kin d o f legend . Th e prophetic lif e a s presented b y the prophet an d his disciples becomes it s ow n rhetoric, an d i t mus t b e judged accordin g t o th e exampl e i t presents , no t according t o it s motive, whic h w e ca n neve r kno w wit h assuranc e anyway , nor eve n accordin g t o it s stric t historica l veracity , bu t accordin g t o it s aspirations an d t o th e sympathie s i t creates . Margaret Zulic k state s th e cas e with respec t t o Jeremiah thi s way: "The ver y act o f preserving the memor y of suc h a lif e i n a narrative , i t seems , consume s th e lif e w e ar e telling . Henceforth, tha t lif e wil l be known , an d changed , onl y b y ou r retellin g it . In n o othe r wa y ca n i t surviv e t o cas t it s voic e i n socia l memory , an d t o shape in tur n th e narrative s o f those wh o respond." 114 I n chapte r 5 , I tur n to a n examinatio n o f th e propheti c ethos i n th e exampl e o f Eugene Debs , one o f Americ a s mos t conspicuou s radica l failures , yet a ma n wh o ha s inspired on e o f th e mos t perdurabl e an d generou s legacie s i n America n thought outsid e Georg e Washington an d Abraham Lincoln. 115

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Prophecy a s Sacre d Trut h Self-Evidence and Righteousness in the American Revolution

I am the Lord , I have called you i n righteousness , I have taken you b y the hand an d kept you; I have given you a s a covenant t o th e people, a light to th e nations ; To open th e eye s that ar e blind, t o bring ou t th e prisoners fro m th e dungeon , fro m th e prison thos e who si t in dark ness. —Isaia h 42:6—7 And i t shall come t o pass afterward, tha t I will pour ou t m y spirit o n all flesh; your son s and your daughter s shal l prophesy, your ol d me n shall dream dreams , and your young men shal l see visions. —Joel 2:2 8

In 1764 , Stephe n Hopkin s i n "A n Essa y o n th e Trad e o f th e Northern Colonies " abjure d resistanc e t o curren t law s limitin g America n trade, averrin g t o hi s countryme n tha t "thei r whol e expectation s o f relief , depend altogethe r o n a prope r applicatio n t o th e Britis h legislature. " Wit h this appeal , Hopkin s reveal s a colonist s fait h i n " a Kin g w h o delight s i n doing goo d t o al l hi s subjects ; t o a peerage , wis e an d accurate , guide d b y the principle s o f hono r an d beneficence ; an d t o a representativ e bod y penetrating an d prudent , w h o conside r th e goo d o f th e whole , an d mak e that th e measur e o f thei r publi c resolves." x Hopkin s expresse s her e tw o important characteristic s o f pre-Revolutionar y colonia l thought : first , American colonists , includin g th e Whigs , ha d a stron g attachmen t t o thei r identities a s Britis h subjects , an d second , th e colonist s sough t t o preserv e that identit y throug h reconciliatio n wit h th e mothe r country. 2 T h e attitud e of propitiatio n assume d b y Hopkin s i s eviden t ove r th e cours e o f W h i g protest, thoug h fait h i n specifi c agencie s o f th e Britis h governmen t flagged and failed . Eve n a s the y too k u p arm s agains t th e mothe r country , th e

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members o f th e Secon d Continenta l Congres s maintaine d a pose o f unim peachable temperance : "W e fo r te n year s incessantl y an d ineffectuall y b e sieged th e Thron e a s supplicants ; w e reasoned , w e remonstrate d wit h parliament, i n th e mos t mil d an d decen t language . Bu t Administration , sensible tha t w e shoul d regar d thes e oppressiv e measure s a s freeme n ough t to do , sen t ove r fleets an d armie s t o enforc e them . . . . Fruitless wer e al l th e entreaties, arguments." 3 Although Bernar d Bailyn , lik e th e Whig s themselves , find s W h i g pam phlets "essentiall y decorou s an d reasonable," 4 notin g o f the m i n thei r "business lik e sanity " tha t "th e pamphlet s ai m t o persuade," 5 hi s vie w o f American Revolutionar y rhetori c ha s bee n characterize d a s sympatheti c t o the Whigs ; hi s interpretatio n o f th e idea s an d mind-se t o f th e Revolution aries "shield s th e patriot s fro m accusation s tha t the y reacte d paranoiacall y or demagogicall y t o England' s challeng e an d i t make s understandabl e th e Americans bitte r resistanc e t o th e introductio n o f a mil d progra m o f imperial taxatio n an d administrativ e adjustment." 6 Gordo n Woo d directl y counters Baily n s scenario o f swee t reaso n wit h Baily n s own evidence : As Bailyn an d th e propagand a studie s have ampl y shown , ther e i s simply to o much fanatica l an d millennia l thinkin g eve n b y th e bes t mind s tha t mus t b e explained befor e w e ca n characteriz e th e American' s idea s a s peculiarl y rational an d legalisti c an d thu s vie w th e Revolutio n a s merely a conservativ e defense o f constitutiona l liberties . T o isolat e refine d an d nicely-reasone d arguments fro m th e writing s o f John Adam s an d Jefferso n i s no t onl y t o disregard th e mor e inflame d expression s o f th e res t o f th e Whig s bu t als o to overloo k th e enthusiasti c extravagance—th e paranoia c obsessio n wit h a diabolical Crow n conspirac y an d th e drea m o f a restored Saxo n era—i n th e thinking o f Adams and Jefferson themselves. 7 T h e evidenc e suggest s tha t th e W h i g rhetori c experience d b y audience s of th e tim e wa s th e rhetori c characterize d b y Woo d rathe r tha n tha t characterized b y Bailyn . " A Gentlema n a t Halifax " foun d expression s o f W h i g sentimen t sufficientl y fissiparous t o plea d fo r a mor e "reasonable " discourse: "I f we hav e anythin g t o ask , w e shoul d remembe r tha t diffidenc e and modest y wil l alway s obtai n mor e fro m generou s mind s tha n forward ness an d impertinence." 8 T h e "Gentleman " ha d alread y note d tha t peti tions the n bein g sen t t o Britai n protestin g th e Stam p Ac t "wer e o f a ver y different temper " tha n thei r "extremel y modest " antecedent s lik e Mr . Partridge's petitio n agains t th e Suga r Act. Thoma s Bolto n colorfull y charac terized muc h o f th e prevailin g attitud e towar d th e Whig s an d thei r rhetori c

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in demurrin g tha t h e coul d no t "boas t th e ignoranc e o f H A N C O C K , th e insolence o f ADAMS , th e absurdit y o f R O W E , th e arroganc e o f LEE , th e vicious lif e an d untimel y deat h o f M O L L E N E A U X , th e turgi d bombas t o f Warren, th e treason s o f Q U I N C Y , th e hypocris y o f C O O P E R , no r th e principles o f Y O U N G . " 9 Virtually n o advocat e o n behal f o f th e colonie s escape d censure . Joh n Dickinson, tha t mos t reasonabl e o f Whigs , wa s challenge d t o defen d hi s first tw o "Letter s fro m a Farme r i n Pennsylvania " agains t charge s o f at tempting t o fomen t "riot s an d tumult." 1 0 "Massachusettensis " sa w th e rhetoric o f th e Whig s a s torri d an d demagogic : "The y [th e W h i g leaders ] accordingly applie d themselve s t o wor k upo n th e imagination , an d t o inflame th e passions ; fo r thi s wor k the y possesse d grea t talents ; I wil l d o justice t o thei r ingenuity ; the y wer e intimatel y acquainte d wit h th e feeling s of th e huma n heart." 1 1 T h e fir e imager y s o ofte n use d t o describ e revolu tionary causes , suggestin g thei r intensity , i s see n agai n i n anothe r "Massa chusettensis" letter : "Ther e i s a latent spar k however , i n thei r [th e c o m m o n people s] breasts, capabl e o f being kindle d int o a flame; t o d o thi s ha s alway s been th e employmen t o f th e disaffected." 12 Josep h Gallowa y lamente d th e decline o f a grea t an d civilize d countr y t o a stat e "no w governe d b y th e barbarian rul e o f frantic folly , an d lawles s ambition." 1 3 These ar e th e complaint s perenniall y raise d a s a conservativ e respons e t o rhetorics o f reform : i t i s no t "reasonable. " Josep h Galloway , fo r example , proposed a petitio n tha t h e considere d "reasonabl e an d just" i n contras t t o those produce d b y th e Whigs. 1 4 Mos t ofte n th e appea l wa s no t couche d i n these terms , a s "reasonable " tende d stil l t o mea n th e Cartesia n metho d fo r arriving a t truth . Samue l Johnson' s Dictionary define d "reason " a s "Right , justice," a usag e evidence d i n Thoma s Pain e s "th e simpl e voic e o f natur e and o f reason wil l sa y 'ti s right." 1 5 Thi s imprecisio n i n term s i s symptomati c of a profoun d tensio n i n th e meanin g o f reaso n tha t divide d emergin g utilitarians fro m stric t adherent s o f natura l la w o n th e questio n o f th e American Revolution. 1 6 Eve n i n othe r terms , however , th e sentimen t i s unmistakable; W h i g discours e wa s widel y regarde d a s immoderate . According t o Jay Fliegelman , th e emotiona l characte r o f public discours e in th e eighteent h centur y simpl y reflecte d on e curren t o f idea s regardin g human nature . Politica l authority , h e argues , wa s increasingl y identifie d with "a n oratorica l ability , no t merel y t o persuad e b y rationa l argumenta tion, bu t t o excite , animate , motivate , an d impress . . . . An ag e preoccupie d with efficaciou s persuasio n an d wit h uncoverin g hidde n design s behin d th e masquerade o f deceptiv e actio n an d misleadin g speech, " h e continues ,

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"translated a growin g distrus t o f reaso n an d rationa l persuasio n int o a wishful fait h i n a n irresistibl e discours e o f feelings." 17 Thos e w h o believed , then, tha t th e trut h wa s foun d i n th e unselfconsciou s an d unrehearse d expression historicall y associate d wit h th e privat e spher e embrace d thi s "natural display " o f passio n i n th e hop e o f creatin g a sympatheti c respons e in th e audience, 1 8 a position muc h i n evidenc e i n Pete r Thache r s "Bosto n Massacre Oration" : The tende r feeling s o f th e huma n hear t ar e deepl y affecte d wit h th e fat e o f these an d th e othe r heroe s wh o hav e ble d an d died , tha t thei r countr y ma y be free; but a t the same time, sensations of indignant wrat h ar e excited in th e breasts o f ever y frien d t o freedom : an d t o hi m fo r vengeance ! h e wil l fee l himself animate d wit h ne w vigo r i n th e gloriou s caus e nothin g daunte d b y their untimel y fate , h e wil l rus h int o th e mids t o f danger, tha t h e ma y shar e their glor y an d aveng e thei r death ! ever y ide a whic h ca n war m an d animat e him t o glorious deeds, will rush a t once upo n hi s mind. 19 Those, o n th e othe r hand , w h o believe d tha t th e trut h la y i n God' s orde r of creatio n counsele d tha t "th e sam e virtu e tha t gav e th e alarm , ma y sometimes, b y causin g to o grea t a transport o f zeal , defea t it s ow n purpose ; it bein g expedien t fo r thos e w h o deliberat e o f publi c affairs , tha t thei r minds shoul d b e fre e fro m al l violent passions." 20 Fliegelman find s i n th e lat e eighteent h century , no t a rhetori c o f pathos, as hi s description s migh t see m t o suggest , bu t a rhetori c o f ethos, "a n occasion fo r th e publi c revelatio n o f a private self . Suc h a private sel f woul d then b e judged b y privat e rathe r tha n publi c virtues : prudence , temperance , self-control, honesty , and , mos t problematically , sincerity." 21 O n th e basi s of a dubiou s interpretatio n o f classica l rhetoric , Fliegelma n nevertheles s draws a valuable distinction : "Wherea s pathos (emotion ) i s se t i n oppositio n to ethos (character ) i n classica l rhetoric , her e th e forme r become s th e revelation o f th e latter." 22 Fliegelma n s analysi s i s correc t a s fa r a s i t goes , and hi s descriptio n o f th e idea l o f rhetorica l "nakedness " i n th e lat e eigh teenth century , a voic e calculate d t o "blo t ou t authoria l innovation , t o ventriloquize commo n sens e an d sensibility , an d t o 'harmonize ' th e wisdo m of previou s text s an d voices," 2 3 comport s perfectl y wit h th e descriptio n o f the propheti c ethos an d it s relationshi p t o th e propheti c pathos i n th e previous chapter . Wit h regar d t o th e rhetori c o f th e Revolution , wha t Fliegelman neglect s i s th e rol e o f exigenc e i n th e formatio n o f rhetoric. 2 4 In othe r words , h e neglect s th e Revolutionar y cause , th e reasons for th e Revolution.

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The Foundin g Father s becam e propheti c figure s becaus e the y argue d o n behalf o f wha t the y perceive d t o b e a sacre d caus e an d predicate d thei r arguments, no t o n expediency , bu t o n principle. 2 5 B y locatin g principl e i n nature, beyon d th e reac h o f compromis e an d degradation , argumen t fro m natural la w assure d "th e sovereignt y o f a principle" an d th e renderin g o f " a principled, unified , an d internall y consisten t interpretatio n o f th e cosmo s and th e meanin g o f human life" ; i t reflecte d "th e driv e towar d som e sor t o f explicit intellectua l generalizatio n o f th e meanin g o f huma n actio n an d experience" tha t Ego n Bittne r find s t o b e " a constitutiv e propert y o f radicalism." Bittne r writes , "B y methodicall y correlatin g it s interpretiv e principles wit h it s maxims o f conduct , radicalis m provide s ultimate , perma nent, an d 'objectivel y valid ' ground s fo r mora l choice." 2 6 I n th e cas e o f th e American Whigs , Stephe n Luca s affirm s tha t the y "claime d moral , eve n divine, sanctio n fo r th e mos t radica l o f thei r argument s an d actions." 2 7 Such a basi s fo r argumen t make s bot h possibl e an d necessar y a rhetori c that conflate s ethos and pathos a s Fliegelma n suggests , bu t als o logos. Indeed the whol e purpos e o f sacre d discours e i s truth ; al l els e i s merel y vehicle . I n speaking o n behal f o f what the y sa w a s sacred principle , th e Revolutionarie s called upo n rich , sometime s contradictor y traditions , an d i n s o doing , performed th e epideicti c functio n o f (re ) calling communit y int o bein g ou t of slumbe r o r lifelessness . I t i s thi s powerfu l ac t o f necromanc y tha t wil l b e examined here .

Rights from Charter, Constitution, and Nature That idea s o f natura l law , a s revive d i n th e seventeent h an d eighteent h centuries, ar e basi c t o th e structur e o f W h ig argumen t prio r t o th e Revolu tion i s a positio n no t beyon d controversy . Ove r th e years , ther e hav e bee n debates amon g thos e w h o maintai n th e importanc e o f natura l la w t o th e American argument , thos e w h o emphasiz e constitutiona l issues , an d vari ous stripe s o f materialists , nationalists , an d imperialists. 28 I t i s treacherou s territory fo r th e nonspecialist . Ye t th e rhetorica l legac y reveal s a n intens e preoccupation wit h "th e law s o f natur e an d o f nature' s God, " wit h root s i n the belie f o f th e earl y Purita n settler s tha t Americ a wa s th e N e w Israel , God's ne w Chose n People, 29 an d eviden t i n muc h o f America' s foreig n policy, eve n t o th e presen t time , i n th e for m o f "manifes t destiny." 30 Unles s there i s posited a conspiracy pervasiv e enoug h t o accoun t fo r suc h a startlin g consistency fro m differen t source s ove r a numbe r o f year s a s tha t foun d i n

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the publi c discussio n leadin g u p t o th e America n Revolution , w e mus t conclude, i n Ernes t Wrage' s endurin g formulation , tha t " a speec h i s a n agency o f it s time , on e whos e survivin g recor d provide s a repositor y o f themes an d thei r elaboration s fro m whic h w e ma y gai n insigh t int o th e lif e of a n er a a s wel l a s int o th e min d o f a man . Fro m th e stud y o f speeche s given b y man y men , then , i t i s possibl e t o observ e th e reflection s o f prevailing socia l idea s an d attitudes." 31 Wha t w e fin d reflecte d i n th e rhetoric o f th e America n Revolutionarie s i s a faith i n th e absolut e rectitud e of their positio n an d i n th e God-ordere d necessit y o f events tha t culminate d in th e appea l tha t Luca s ha s calle d "th e apotheosi s o f American destiny." 32 According t o Merril l Jensen, th e Firs t Continenta l Congres s wa s "dead locked fo r week s ove r a declaration o f rights. " The popula r leader s insiste d tha t i t shoul d b e base d o n th e 'la w o f nature. ' The conservative s quit e understandabl y oppose d a foundatio n whic h ha d never bee n define d an d whic h woul d allo w ever y ma n t o interpre t it s meaning fo r himself . The y argue d tha t America n right s shoul d b e base d o n the colonia l charter s an d th e Englis h constitution , whic h a t leas t ha d th e virtue o f a certain amoun t o f specific content . Th e outcom e wa s a compromise. Th e declaratio n o f right s finall y adopte d wa s base d o n th e la w o f nature, the colonia l charters , and th e English constitution. 33 Certainly thes e thre e theme s ar e recurren t i n th e discours e o f th e decad e prior t o th e convenin g o f th e Congress , an d th e separatio n Jense n make s seems a logica l one , a t leas t tha t betwee n th e law s o f ma n an d thos e law s that ar e extra nos. But i t i s important tha t th e colonist s di d no t separat e thes e themes i n thei r declaratio n o f rights , no r wer e the y separate d i n muc h o f Revolutionary discourse . T h e framer s o f the "Declaratio n an d Resolves " o f the Firs t Continenta l Congres s exhibite d a keen awarenes s o f the distinctio n between issue s o f simpl e legalit y an d issue s o f right , an d th e documen t leaves no doub t tha t th e forme r wer e contingen t o n th e latter . T h e languag e of right s i s clearl y predominate. 3 4 Most often , argument s i n th e decad e prio r t o th e convenin g o f th e First Continenta l Congres s conjoine d severa l appeal s i n th e sam e piec e o f discourse. I n 1764 , James Oti s wrote , "Ever y Britis h subjec t bor n o n th e continent o f America , o r i n an y othe r o f th e Britis h dominions , i s b y th e law o f Go d an d nature , b y th e commo n law , an d b y ac t o f parliamen t (exclusive o f all charters fro m th e crown ) entitle d t o al l the natural , essential , inherent an d inseparabl e right s o f ou r fello w subject s i n Grea t Britain." 3 5 The followin g year , anothe r pamphletee r wrote , " D o w e clai m an y [rights ]

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but wha t ar e a s clea r a s th e noo n day ? Hav e w e no t b y natur e a righ t t o liberty an d property ; a s Englishme n b y law s an d charters , i n term s a s plai n as words ca n express?" 36 A document , possibl y b y Samue l Adams , publishe d in 177 2 i s a virtua l ech o o f th e statemen t quote d fro m Otis : "Al l person s born i n th e Britis h America n Colonie s ar e b y th e law s o f Go d an d nature , and b y th e commo n la w o f England , exclusive of all charters from the Crown, well Entitled , an d b y Ac t o f th e Britis h Parliamen t ar e declare d t o b e entitled t o al l th e natura l essential , inheren t & inseparabl e Right s Libertie s and Privilege s o f Subject s bor n i n Grea t Britain , o r withi n th e realm." 3 7 Charters fro m th e Crow n migh t hav e bee n exclude d i n thi s an d simila r statements because , accordin g t o Charle s Mcllwain , the y represente d th e weakest o f th e colonists ' claim s t o rights , bein g a form o f roya l prerogative , although th e colonists , a s wil l b e demonstrated , trie d t o mak e the m muc h less arbitrar y tha n the y were. 3 8 Bu t constitutiona l an d lega l theorie s aside , the clea r rhetorica l impor t o f thes e argument s i s t o establis h a s th e mos t basic right s o f th e colonist s thos e right s the y possesse d a s me n an d a s subjects anteceden t an d superceden t t o th e specifi c right s grante d the m b y charter. Th e repeate d linkag e o f thes e appeal s suggest s somethin g mor e complex tha n politics , an d a revie w o f th e politica l philosoph y tha t in formed th e perio d reveal s mor e evidenc e o f concatenation tha n o f competi tion. 3 9 American colonist s hel d a notio n o f compac t o r covenan t tha t wa s a product o f th e revolutio n i n politica l theor y begu n b y Thoma s Hobbes . Throwing ove r th e classica l ide a tha t huma n being s wer e politica l animals , creatures whos e natura l stat e wa s a s member s o f th e polis, seventeenth century politica l theorist s bega n t o describ e th e individual , motivate d b y individual want s an d needs , a s th e irremediabl e fac t o f natura l law . Mos t agreed tha t humankind' s natura l stat e i n thi s ne w vie w wa s no t ver y appealing. Hobbes' s famou s dictu m hel d lif e i n th e natura l state , tha t stat e of wa r o f everyma n agains t everyman , t o b e "solitary , poor , nasty , brutish , and short." 4 0 Onl y b y covenant , compact , o r contrac t wa s ther e an y hop e of escap e fro m thi s perdition . At firs t glance , i t woul d appea r tha t covenant s o r contract s ar e simpl y agreements amon g humans , henc e mutable , negotiable , no t th e basi s fo r absolute an d uncompromisin g appeal s t o principle . Thi s conception , though, neglect s th e natur e o f thos e w h o mad e th e contract . Althoug h th e seventeenth an d eighteent h centurie s wer e time s o f increasin g seculariza tion—including th e displacemen t o f mediaeva l scholasti c methodologie s by th e method s o f observatio n an d measurement , an d th e ris e o f histor y

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and scienc e a s discipline s independen t o f theology—mos t thinker s coul d not ye t relinquis h th e notio n tha t humanit y wa s God' s mos t specia l creation , and eve n thos e w h o denie d Go d tende d t o conceiv e o f humanit y i n term s of a natur e tha t ha d becom e deified. 41 A s God' s creatures , i t wa s widel y assumed, huma n being s wer e possesse d o f certain inalienabl e rights , inalien able becaus e the y wer e par t o f a God-give n nature , bu t th e unrestraine d exercise o f whic h le d t o conflict . I n orde r t o assimilat e thes e conflictin g individual goal s int o a functioning societ y i t wa s necessar y tha t thes e right s be regulated , bu t the y coul d no t b e abrogated . T h e covenan t tha t create d society cede d t o societ y th e powe r o f governance, bu t th e right s themselve s remained wit h th e people. 4 2 Thi s i s at th e foundatio n o f the ide a o f popula r sovereignty. A s Samue l Wes t expresse d i t i n a n electio n da y sermo n i n 1776 , The la w o f nature i s a perfect standar d an d measur e o f action fo r being s tha t persevere i n a state o f mora l rectitude . Bu t th e cas e i s fa r differen t wit h us , who ar e in a fallen an d degenerat e estate . . . . The stron g propensities o f ou r animal natur e ofte n overcom e th e sobe r dictate s o f reaso n an d conscience , and betra y u s int o action s injuriou s t o th e public , an d destructiv e o f th e safety an d happines s o f society . . . . Thi s make s i t absolutel y necessary , tha t societies shoul d for m themselve s int o politic k bodies , tha t the y ma y enac t laws for th e public safety , an d appoint particular penalties for th e violation o f their laws , an d inves t a suitable numbe r o f persons wit h authorit y t o pu t i n execution an d enforc e th e law s of the state . . . . This shew s tha t th e en d an d design of civil government, canno t be to depriv e men o f their liberty, o r take away their freedom ; bu t o n th e contrar y th e tru e desig n o f civil governmen t is to protect me n i n the enjoymen t o f liberty. 43 The ide a o f popula r sovereignt y a s foun d i n seventeenth - an d eigh teenth-century though t grante d a numinou s qualit y t o th e natur e o f th e covenant o r th e socia l contract . A t th e bas e o f thi s contrac t wer e sacre d rights, th e right s o f sovereig n being s i n thei r natura l state , th e violatio n o f which annulle d th e contrac t itself . Behin d th e contrac t wa s a n empyrea n principle b y whic h th e validit y o f th e contrac t coul d b e judged. A societ y derived fro m th e natur e o f humankin d submit s it s supportin g apparatus , it s constitutions, it s laws , t o divin e judgment ; insofa r a s the y ar e i n keepin g with thei r divin e purpose , the y ma y b e appeale d t o unconditionally , an d when no t i n keepin g wit h thi s purpose , ma y b e condemne d absolutely. 44 It i s thi s haz y distillatio n o f classica l an d moder n politica l theor y tha t i s evident i n th e rhetori c o f th e Leveller s i n Englan d an d i n tur n i n th e rhetoric o f th e Whig s i n America. 4 5 S o i t i s tha t th e autho r o f " A Stat e o f

Prophecy as Sacred Truth | 4 3 the Right s o f th e Colonists " begin s hi s accoun t wit h th e natura l right s o f colonists a s men an d notes , It i s the greates t absurdit y t o suppos e i t i n th e powe r o f on e o r an y numbe r of men a t the enterin g int o society , t o renounce thei r essentia l natural rights , or th e mean s o f preserving thos e right s whe n th e grea t en d o f civi l govern ment fro m th e ver y nature o f its institution i s for th e support , protectio n an d defense o f those very rights , th e principal o f which a s is before observed , ar e life libert y an d property . I f me n throug h fear , frau d o r mistake , shoul d in terms renounc e & an d giv e u p an y essentia l natura l right , th e eterna l la w o f reason an d th e grea t en d o f society , woul d absolutel y vacat e suc h renuncia tion; th e righ t t o freedo m bein g the gift o f Go d Almight y i t i s no t i n th e power o f Man t o alienat e thi s gift, an d voluntarily becom e a slave.46 At anothe r point , th e autho r writes , " W h e n M e n ente r int o Society , i t is b y voluntar y consent ; an d the y hav e a righ t t o deman d an d insis t upo n the performanc e o f suc h conditions , An d previou s limitation s a s for m a n equitable original compact." 47 Th e autho r o f thi s pamphle t goe s o n t o enu merate, i n descendin g order , th e right s o f th e colonist s a s Christian s an d a s subjects. Nea r th e conclusio n o f th e discussio n o f rights , befor e turnin g t o "A Lis t o f Infringement s an d Violation s o f Rights, " th e autho r tie s hi s cas e to th e colonia l charters. 48 The argumen t i s consistent wit h th e genera l teno r o f the politica l philos ophy reviewe d here : th e inalienabilit y o f rights ; th e requiremen t tha t gov ernment, t o b e legitimate , protec t thos e rights ; an d th e derivatio n o f al l government fro m a sacre d compact . Thi s i s th e philosoph y echoe d i n th e Declaration o f Independenc e i n th e sectio n beginning , "W e hol d thes e truths t o b e self-evident." 49 T h e "origina l compact " o f whic h th e autho r speaks assume s a sacre d qualit y becaus e o f th e right s involved ; al l othe r compacts ar e derivative . Eve n Tor y Josep h Galloway , attemptin g t o refut e W h i g arguments , referre d t o "th e mos t solem n an d sacre d o f al l covenants ; those upo n whic h th e existenc e o f societies , an d th e welfar e o f million s depend," 5 0 an d Danie l Dulany , i n hi s discussio n o f charte r rights , mad e the connectio n quit e succinctly : "B y thes e charters , founde d upo n th e unalienable right s o f th e subject , an d upo n th e mos t sacre d compact , the colonie s clai m a righ t o f exemptio n fro m taxe s not imposed with their consent."51 Extension o f th e logi c o f sacre d compac t reveal s governmen t itsel f t o b e sacred, an d ther e i s evidenc e tha t thi s wa s th e prevailin g conceptio n i n

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England an d i n Americ a o n th e ev e o f the Revolution. 52 Government , i n seventeenth- an d eighteenth-centur y England , wa s conceived, no t primar ily a s a vehicle fo r legislating , bu t a s a vehicle fo r judging th e competin g claims o f member s o f th e polit y agains t th e provision s o f natura l law . Parliament wa s less legislative tha n th e suprem e adjudicativ e agenc y o f th e land.53 S o it is that we have the British commo n la w tradition, base d as it is on a n accretio n o f precedent s whic h see m mor e th e objectiv e wor k o f history tha n th e manufactur e o f humankind. Edmun d Burke , pleadin g th e case o f the colonie s befor e Parliament , illustrate d thi s devolutio n o f sacre d quality ont o th e la w whe n h e appeale d t o th e preceden t o f a petitio n submitted t o Parliamen t b y th e count y o f Chester. Describin g Parliamen t s response t o th e petition, Burk e sai d Parliament "mad e i t the very preambl e to thei r Ac t o f address , an d consecrate d it s principl e t o al l age s i n th e sanctuary o f legislation." 54 A t anothe r poin t i n th e sam e speech , Burk e adopts a n explicitl y propheti c stanc e befor e th e law : "Determinin g t o fi x articles o f peace, I was resolved t o us e nothin g els e than th e for m o f sound words, t o le t other s aboun d i n thei r ow n sense , an d carefull y t o abstai n from al l expression s o f m y own . Wha t th e la w ha s said , I say . In al l thing s else I a m silent . I hav e n o orga n bu t fo r he r words . This , i f i t b e no t ingenious, I am sure is safe." 55 Here Burke treats the law as something holy, beyond th e pett y interest s o f men , th e reflectio n o f wha t i s right . H e i s merely it s mouthpiece . Thoma s Paine , thoug h a n opponen t o f Burk e b y the tim e o f the Frenc h Revolution , reveale d a common conceptio n o f th e sacral basi s o f th e la w whe n h e wrote , "Al l th e grea t law s o f societ y ar e laws o f nature. " 56 An d Whi g pamphletee r James Oti s mad e a compellin g statement o f thi s ide a o f governmen t a s sacred whe n h e wrote , "Th e su m of my argument is , That civi l government i s of God." 57 It ma y a t firs t appea r tha t a conceptio n o f governmen t an d th e law s o f government a s sacred poses problems fo r th e would-be revolutionary . Ho w can revolutio n agains t th e governmen t b e justifie d i f th e governmen t i s Right? This was the intention behin d Calvin' s ideas on natural law and government—to justify stabl e government by virtue of its divinity—but the fragility o f the intentio n i s illustrated b y th e revolutionar y use s to whic h Cal vin's doctrine s wer e pu t b y Congregationalist s an d late r radica l purita n sects.58 The key to understanding this apparent paradox is to remember tha t government, especiall y in the two-contrac t theor y hel d by most thinker s o f the age , wa s simpl y th e establishmen t o f a n adjudicativ e agency . Th e law s were the laws of nature; the specific pronouncements o f government, insofa r as they were correct and valid, were simply applications of those general laws.

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As Lock e wrot e regardin g legislativ e power , " T h e Rules tha t the y mak e fo r other Men s Actions , must , a s well a s their ow n an d othe r Men s Actions , b e conformable t o th e La w o f Nature, i.e. t o th e Wil l o f God, o f which tha t i s a Declaration, an d th e fundamental Law of Nature bein g the preservation of Mankind, n o H u m a n e Sanctio n ca n b e goo d o r valid agains t it. " 59 I n th e applica tion o f God' s law , o r wha t Lock e wa s sometime s incline d t o cal l "standin g laws," 6 0 i t was possible fo r agencie s o f government t o err . In huma n erro r lie s th e revolutionar y promise , a restoratio n o f origina l law i n it s sanctit y an d glory . I t i s th e possibilit y o f erro r a s measured agains t the La w o f Nature , raise d b y Oti s wit h regar d t o th e Chancello r o f th e Exchequer an d t o Parliamen t "a s infallibilit y belong s no t t o mortals , 'ti s possible they ma y hav e bee n misinforme d an d deceived." 61 Otis' s charg e i s a commo n on e i n W h i g discourse, 62 althoug h th e presumptio n graduall y faded t o th e poin t tha t action s o f th e Britis h governmen t unfavorabl e t o America, initiall y viewe d a s mistakes , ultimatel y cam e t o b e represente d a s the product s o f invidiou s desig n bor n o f corruption . Thi s developmen t di d not chang e th e for m o f th e argument ; i t merel y adde d th e elemen t o f malign intent . Samue l Wes t doe s no t dea l wit h motive . H e say s simply , If magistrates have no authorit y but what the y deriv e from th e people, if they are properly o f human creation ; if the whole en d and design of the institutio n is to promot e th e genera l good , an d t o secur e t o me n thei r just rights , it wil l follow, tha t whe n the y ac t contrar y t o th e en d an d desig n o f their creation , they ceas e being magistrates, an d th e people, whic h gav e them thei r author ity, hav e th e righ t t o tak e i t fro m the m again . Thi s i s a very plai n dictat e o f common sense , which, universall y obtain s in al l similar cases. 63 T h e colonist s wer e extremel y jealou s o f wha t the y viewe d a s thei r natural, God-give n freedoms , an d the y wer e eve r mindfu l o f the distinctio n between th e powe r o f governmen t an d it s right s an d quic k t o denounc e perceived infringement s i n th e harshes t terms . Accordin g t o Bailyn , "every where i n thi s lat e seventeenth-centur y worl d o f idea s ther e wa s fear—fea r that a fre e conditio n o f lif e wa s a precariou s thing , eve r bese t b y power hungry, corrup t enemie s w h o woul d destro y it." 6 4 S o Thoma s Jefferso n queried, "Bu t ca n hi s majest y thu s pu t dow n al l la w unde r hi s feet ? Ca n h e erect a powe r superio r t o tha t whic h erecte d himself ? H e ha s don e i t indeed b y force ; bu t le t hi m remembe r tha t forc e canno t giv e right." 6 5 Jefferson her e echoe s no t onl y Locke, 6 6 bu t als o th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t Jeremiah reflectin g th e propheti c drea d o f uncontrolle d powe r an d tyranny : "Their cours e i s evil , an d thei r migh t i s not right. " 6 7

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W h e n th e right s trammele d b y forc e ar e absolute , th e transgressio n mus t be absolutel y wrong . Ther e i s a n interestin g etymologica l affinit y here , a s the right s referre d t o ar e th e freedom s o f humankin d i n it s natura l state . The wor d "absolute " come s fro m th e Lati n fo r "t o b e disengaged " o r "t o be free. " I n th e oppositio n maintaine d b y W h i g rhetoricians , ther e i s n o incremental freedom ; on e i s eithe r fre e o r on e i s not : "Fo r i t mus t b e confessed b y al l me n tha t the y w h o ar e taxe d a t pleasur e b y others , canno t possibly hav e an y property , ca n hav e nothin g t o b e calle d thei r own ; the y w h o hav e n o property , ca n hav e n o freedom , bu t ar e indee d reduce d t o th e most abjec t slavery . . . . O ne w h o i s bound t o obe y th e wil l o f another , i s as really a slave, thoug h h e ma y hav e a good master , a s if he ha d a bad one." 6 8 O r i n th e word s o f "Novanglus" : "Ther e ar e bu t tw o sort s o f me n i n th e world, freeme n an d slaves." 69 As th e Go d ter m tha t functione d opposit e "slavery " i n th e colonists ' vocabulary, "freedom " wa s th e mos t exalte d concep t i n W h i g thought ; i t was th e fundamenta l natura l right , th e unrestraine d individual . A s Edmun d Burke note d i n hi s speec h o n conciliation , "I n thi s characte r o f th e Ameri cans, a lov e o f freedo m i s th e predominatin g featur e whic h marke s an d distinguishes th e whole . . . . Thi s fierc e spiri t o f libert y i s stronge r i n th e English colonie s probabl y tha n i n an y othe r peopl e o f th e earth." 7 0 Free dom wa s als o intimatel y connecte d t o propert y a s Hopkins , quote d above , suggests. Accordin g t o Hobbes , ever y ma n i n th e natura l stat e ha d a n equal righ t t o everything , an d Lock e hel d tha t on e legitimatel y possesse d something onl y b y th e additio n o f one' s labo r t o it . T h e Lockea n versio n o f the famou s tria d i n th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e wa s "life , liberty , an d property." I t i s eas y t o se e how , i n thi s rhetorica l an d ideologica l climate , there coul d b e n o compromise . I t wa s no t a questio n o f lowerin g taxe s o r eliminating dutie s o n particula r items ; ther e wa s n o middl e groun d betwee n freedom an d slavery . W h i g argumen t ultimatel y devolve d o n th e distinctio n betwee n freeme n and slaves . T h e term s describ e th e earthl y consequenc e o f th e abstrac t an d complex theorie s o f natura l law . A fre e ma n wa s natura l man , ma n i n harmony wit h God' s will , ma n wit h th e powe r o f hi s persona l sovereignty . A slav e wa s a degrade d man , castrated , a eunuch , subjec t t o th e wil l o f another. "Freedom " an d "slavery " an d thei r derivative s functione d i n W h i g rhetoric dialecticall y a s "Go d t e r m " an d "devi l term, " radicall y dividin g th e world int o goo d an d evil , betwee n the m a grea t yawnin g void. 71 T h e division i s radica l becaus e i t wa s a t th e ver y roo t o f th e self-definitio n o f the colonist s a s free men .

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Shall the y wh o b y offic e an d professio n engag e t o asser t th e caus e o f publi c liberty, ow n themselve s suc h dastard s a s t o b e afrai d t o speak , whe n thei r country i s injured i n he r mos t sacre d rights , yea , inslaved , les t the y provok e her oppressors ? "Tel l i t no t i n Gath!"—Libert y an d propert y ar e necessaril y connected together ; H e tha t deprive s o f th e latte r withou t ou r consen t deprives o f the former . Wha t i s a slave, but on e wh o depend s upo n th e wil l of another fo r th e enjoymen t o f his life an d property? 72 Here a relativel y mil d ta x i s transforme d int o th e shackle s o f abjec t slavery , the usurpe r o f sacre d rights , th e ravage r o f virtue. N o t e th e biblica l injunc tion agains t th e cabalists : "Tel l i t no t i n Gath!" 7 3 Ther e ca n b e n o counte nancing an y infringemen t o n th e natura l freedom s o f th e colonists , fo r an y infringement, i n principle , annul s tha t freedo m absolutely , makin g slave s o f all w ho capitulate . T h e conflic t wit h Englan d becam e no t a dispute ove r p e cuniary measures , but a battle ove r th e autonom y an d mora l statu s o f men . Whigs, then , foun d no t onl y legitimatio n bu t a coerciv e mora l forc e i n their rectitude . W h e n fightin g o n th e sid e o f Go d agains t th e devil , eve n the mos t extrem e measure s o f defense ar e no t onl y sanctione d bu t mandate d in th e appea l t o natura l la w o r God' s law . Agai n turnin g t o Locke : "I n al l States an d Condition s th e tru e remed y o f Force without Authority , i s t o oppose Force t o it . Th e us e of force withou t Authority , alway s put s hi m tha t uses i t int o a state of War, a s th e Aggressor , an d render s hi m liabl e t o b e treated accordingly. " 74 Locke' s admonitio n suggest s th e relentles s qualit y o f natural law : i t operate s o f necessity ; violatio n o f i t foment s revolutio n jus t as inexorabl y a s th e planet s revolv e accordin g t o it s dictates . Question s o f personal culpabilit y ar e n o longe r applicable . "Novanglus " discusse d wha t he calle d "revolutio n principles, " whic h h e terme d "principle s o f natur e and eterna l reason " an d whic h h e compare d t o th e la w o f gravity. 75 S o th e Whigs wer e abl e t o proclaim : "Le t n o ma n the n suffe r hi s right s t o b e tor n from him ; fo r fea r o f th e consequence s o f defendin g them,—howeve r dreadful the y ma y be , th e guil t o f the m doe s no t li e a t hi s door." 7 6 In th e Ol d Testament , Israel' s fat e wa s a direc t consequenc e o f he r keeping he r covenan t wit h Yahweh . T h e covenan t operate d wit h mechani cal predictability . I t sometime s seeme d sacre d eve n t o Yahwe h a s i t paine d H i m t o se e Hi s peopl e suffer , bu t justic e wa s served , caus e an d conse quence. 7 7 T h e perspectiv e i s on e widel y adopte d b y th e America n colo nists. Followin g th e event s a t Lexingto n an d Concord , Jaco b Duch e preached a sermon , " T h e America n Vine, " whic h i s sai d t o hav e greatl y inspired Joh n Adams . I n thi s sermon , Duch e mad e clea r th e cause s an d consequences o f recen t events :

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Injured an d oppresse d a s w e are , unmeritin g th e harsh an d rigorou s treat ment, whic h w e hav e receive d fro m suc h a n unexpecte d quarter , le t us , however, loo k u p t o a n highe r caus e fo r th e awfu l infliction ; an d whils t w e are faithfull y perseverin g i n th e defenc e o f ou r TEMPORA L RIGHTS , le t us humble ourselve s before God , lay our hands upon ou r hearts, and seriously and impartiall y enquire , wha t return s w e hav e mad e t o Heave n fo r it s pas t favours, an d whethe r it s presen t chastisement s hav e no t bee n draw n dow n upon u s by a gross neglect o f our SPIRITUA L PRIVILEGES. 78 The war , i n Duche' s interpretation , becam e a tes t o f colonia l virtue : "Testify t o th e world , b y you r exampl e a s well a s by you r counsels , tha t y e are equall y th e foe s o f VIC E an d o f SLAVERY—Banis h th e Syre n L U X URY, wit h al l he r trai n o f fascinating pleasures , idl e dissipation , an d expen sive amusement s fro m ou r borders." 7 9 Lik e th e prophets , th e Whig s i n effect ha d n o choic e i n thei r actions ; the y bor e God' s judgmen t t o th e people; the y wer e burdene d wit h revolution ; th e covenan t ha d bee n vio lated: " W h e n i n th e cours e o f huma n event s i t become s necessary, " begin s the Declaratio n o f Independence. 8 0 Morton Whit e ha s argue d tha t th e colonist' s conceptio n o f natural right s entailed th e dut y t o preserv e thos e rights . I n a chapte r entitle d "Rebellio n to Tyrant s i s Obedienc e t o God, " Whit e writes , " T h e notio n tha t the y ha d a duty t o rebe l i s extremel y importan t t o stress , fo r i t show s tha t the y thought the y wer e complyin g wit h th e commands o f natura l la w an d o f nature's Go d whe n the y thre w of f absolut e despotism." 81 As earl y a s th e Stam p Ac t crisis , th e colonist s couche d thei r protest s i n the languag e o f compulsion : "[Th e member s o f thi s congress] , havin g considered a s maturely a s time woul d permit , th e circumstance s o f th e sai d colonies, estee m i t ou r indispensabl e dut y t o mak e th e followin g declara tions, o f ou r humbl e opinion , respectin g th e mos t essentia l right s an d liberties o f th e colonists , an d o f th e grievance s unde r whic h the y labor , b y reason o f severa l lat e act s o f parliament. " 82 Jame s Oti s reflecte d th e sam e point o f vie w whe n h e wrote , "An d h e tha t woul d pal m th e doctrin e o f unlimited passiv e obedienc e an d non-resistanc e upo n mankind , an d thereb y or b y an y othe r mean s serv e th e caus e o f th e Pretender , i s no t onl y a foo l and a knave , bu t a rebe l agains t commo n sense , a s wel l a s th e law s o f God , of Nature , an d hi s Country." 8 3 T h e Declaratio n o f Independenc e reflect s the reluctanc e o f dut y i n characterizin g th e actio n o f th e colonie s a s a las t resort afte r al l plea s an d patien t sufferanc e ha d failed : "Bu t w h e n a lon g train o f abuse s an d usurpation s pursuin g invariabl y th e sam e object , evince s a desig n t o reduc e the m unde r absolut e despotis m i t i s thei r right , i t i s thei r

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duty t o thro w of f suc h government , & t o provid e ne w guard s fo r thei r future security . Suc h ha s bee n th e patien t sufferanc e o f thes e colonies , & such i s no w th e necessity which constrains the m t o alte r thei r forme r system s of government. " Lik e Ol d Testamen t prophets , Whig s wer e no t responsibl e for th e consequence s o f defendin g thei r freedoms , onl y irresponsibl e i f the y failed t o d o so . Closely connecte d t o discussion s o f dut y i n late-eighteenth-centur y thought wa s th e notio n o f virtue. 8 4 M u c h o f th e logi c a s wel l a s th e language o f thes e discussion s wa s borrowe d fro m classica l sources , notabl y Aristotle an d Cicero . Virtu e fo r Aristotl e consiste d i n th e pleasur e derive d from actin g i n accordanc e wit h th e good . Althoug h th e en d i s pleasure , virtue i s no t passionat e self-indulgence , bu t exist s i n tha t spher e wher e right reaso n an d th e pleasurabl e coincide. 85 I t i s th e rationa l capacit y tha t distinguishes huma n being s fro m lesse r creatures , an d th e failur e t o exercis e that capacit y wa s counte d a fal l int o "effeminacy. " Aristotl e hel d defect s i n government, particularl y tyranny , t o b e symptomati c o f suc h failures , th e overwhelming o f th e rationa l b y th e appetitive , th e lif e o f eas e whic h make s easy pre y o f th e polis. 86 Consequently , i t wa s possibl e t o rea d th e pai n o f slavery a s a failur e o f virtue , fo r onl y thos e w h o ha d no t th e virtu e o f rational deliberatio n wer e b y natur e fitte d t o b e slaves. 87 T h e virtu e o f th e good ma n i s necessaril y connecte d i n Aristotle' s vie w t o th e virtu e o f th e citizen o f th e perfec t state, 88 an d Aristotl e connect s th e righ t t o rebe l wit h virtue, tha t is , th e exercis e o f righ t reason. 89 Borrowing classica l idea s o f virtue , th e Whig s wer e abl e t o presen t rebellion a s an ac t o f virtue, meanin g no t onl y tha t th e ac t wa s praiseworthy , but tha t failur e t o ac t woul d constitut e mora l degeneracy . R o b e r t Bella h goes s o fa r a s t o argu e tha t virtu e "wa s th e organizin g cente r o f tha t initia l Revolution i n th e mind s o f me n tha t I hav e identifie d wit h th e civi l religion, th e ver y spiri t o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence." 9 0 Clearl y finding hi s mode l i n classica l R o m e , "Brutus " proclaimed , The prevailin g principl e o f our governmen t is , virtue. I f we woul d b e happy , we mus t b e mor e attentiv e t o i t tha n w e hithert o hav e been . B y tha t onl y can libert y b e preserved ; an d o n th e preservatio n o f libert y depend s ou r happiness. B y virtue, I her e mea n a lov e fo r ou r country , whic h make s u s pursue wit h alacrity , suc h measure s a s tend t o it s preservation; an d cheerfull y resist th e temptation s o f ease and luxury , wit h whic h libert y i s incompatible. For luxur y an d idlenes s brin g o n a genera l depravatio n o f manners , whic h sets u s loos e fro m al l th e restraint s o f bot h privat e an d publi c virtue , an d diverts ou r thought s fro m examinin g th e behavio r an d politic s o f artfu l an d

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designing men, who meditate our ruin, and would sacrifice their country for their private emolument. From immorality and excesses we fall into necessity, and thi s lead s u s t o a servile dependenc e upo n power , an d fit s u s fo r th e chains prepared for us.91 Paine, i n discussin g th e excessiv e taxatio n o f peopl e b y government s de clared, "Ma n ough t t o hav e pride, o r sham e enoug h t o blus h a t being thu s imposed upon , an d whe n h e fee l [sic] his proper character , h e will. " 92 Th e Second Continenta l Congress , i n thei r Declaratio n o f th e Cause s an d Necessity o f Takin g u p Arm s "counte d th e cos t o f thi s contest , an d fin d nothing s o dreadfu l a s voluntar y slavery.—Honor , justice , an d humanity , forbid u s tamel y t o surrende r tha t freedo m whic h w e receive d fro m ou r gallant ancestors , an d whic h ou r innocen t posterit y hav e a right t o receiv e from us . W e canno t endur e th e infam y an d guilt o f resignin g succeedin g generations to that wretchedness which inevitably await s them, i f we basely entail hereditar y bondag e upo n them/' 9 3 Th e vocabular y o f "shame, " "honor," "gallantry, " "guilt, " "baseness, " an d "degeneracy, " al l serve d t o define th e revolutionar y rol e a s a n ac t o f expiation . Th e logi c o f th e colonists ultimatel y serve d t o mak e thei r claim s self-validating , fo r th e degree o f autonom y the y enjoye d wa s bot h interprete d a s a measur e o f their virtue an d thei r rectitud e an d serve d t o encourag e "manl y resistance " to al l infringements o n liberty. 94 The colonist s live d i n a worl d wher e thing s hel d ontologicall y certai n status; it was a world in which thing s empirically were , things including th e great principle s o f righ t an d wrong . Moreover , i t wa s possibl e t o kno w what really , i n nature , was , an d thu s wha t shoul d be . Eighteenth-centur y man, especially eighteenth-century Englishmen , believed that in their natu ral state the y ha d inalienabl e right s t o life , liberty , an d property; th e rol e o f government wa s t o enhance , no t t o infring e upon , thes e rights . T o th e extent that it did infringe, i t was a usurper, a tyranny, unjust an d unjustified . At tha t poin t th e Whigs fel t th e dut y whic h wa s inseparable fro m th e righ t to restor e justice, eve n i f it mean t settin g themselve s in extremis fro m thei r government. Fo r th e colonists , i n al l discussions o f rights, wer e talkin g no t only o f right s a s privileg e o r entitlement , bu t o f right s a s rectitude . Th e rhetorical option s consisten t wit h suc h a philosoph y wer e limited . Th e question remains , ho w di d th e colonist s achiev e certaint y i n thei r knowl edge; what was their epistemology ?

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Self-Evident Truth, Moral Sense, and Common Sense Sir Isaia h Berli n ha s writte n tha t " T h e eighteent h centur y i s perhap s th e last perio d i n th e histor y o f Western Europ e whe n huma n omniscienc e wa s thought t o b e a n attainabl e goal." 9 5 "Theist s an d atheists , believer s i n automatic progres s an d skeptica l pessimists , hard-boile d Frenc h materialist s and sentimenta l Germa n poet s an d thinkers , seeme d unite d i n th e convic tion tha t al l problem s wer e solubl e b y th e discover y o f objectiv e answers , which, onc e f o u n d — a n d wh y shoul d the y no t b e ? — w o u l d b e clea r fo r al l to se e an d vali d eternally " 96 Si r Isaia h s observation i s importan t becaus e i t points t o wha t characterize s th e though t o f a century Fro m thi s perspective , debates ove r whic h author s wer e rea d b y Thoma s Jefferso n o r whic h passages fro m whic h eighteenth-centur y write r mos t closel y paralle l th e words o f the Declaratio n o f Independence diminis h int o cavilin g puerility, 97 and whe n th e focu s i s extende d beyon d Jefferso n an d th e Declaratio n t o the philosoph y o f th e America n Whig s i n general , nothin g les s tha n th e catholic perspectiv e suggeste d b y Si r Isaiah' s statemen t ca n b e expecte d t o do mor e tha n obscur e th e problem . Though th e Whig s wer e no t traine d philosopher s an d sometime s mad e rather facil e an d superficia l us e o f thei r philosophica l sources , the y were , b y all evidence , mor e familia r wit h th e philosophica l work s o f thei r da y tha n leaders i n ou r da y ar e wit h contemporar y works . A s Berli n s characteriza tion suggests , wha t th e Whig s learne d fro m thei r source s wa s tha t the y wer e justified i n holdin g tha t ther e wer e thing s tha t the y coul d kno w beyon d a doubt, jus t a s th e layperso n o n th e stree t toda y ha s a vagu e fait h i n th e products o f scienc e justified b y a lingering, second-han d ide a o f positivism . The conten t o f absolut e belief s hel d b y th e Whig s ha s bee n give n attentio n in th e previou s section . Equall y importan t t o ou r understandin g o f ho w they functione d rhetoricall y i s knowledg e o f ho w thes e belief s wer e con ceived t o b e held . The term s use d b y th e colonist s t o justify thei r belief s reflec t th e philo sophical vocabular y o f th e Britis h Empiricist s an d th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sense school . Whethe r th e philosopher s talke d i n term s o f "self-evidence, " "moral sense, " o r " c o m m o n sense, " the y wer e talkin g o f truth s fo r whic h no reason s ca n b e given , truth s tha t ar e axiomatic . Thes e ar e truth s base d on "feeling, " i n th e eighteenth-centur y understandin g o f th e term. 9 8 N o t e in th e followin g fro m Josep h Warre n s "Bosto n Massacr e Oration " ho w terms fo r feelin g provid e evidenc e fo r "universal " epistemologica l claims , terms suc h a s "excited, " "sentiment, " "jealousy, " "adamantine, " "secure" :

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The attemp t o f the Britis h Parliamen t t o rais e a revenue fro m America , an d our denia l o f thei r righ t t o d o it , hav e excite d a n almos t universa l inquir y into the right o f mankind in general, an d of British subjects in particular; th e necessary resul t o f which mus t b e suc h a liberality o f sentiment, an d suc h a jealousy o f those i n power , a s will, better tha n a n adamantin e wall , secur e u s against the future approache s o f despotism. " In th e wak e o f th e collapsin g hegemon y o f th e church , th e seventeent h and eighteent h centurie s wer e force d t o reviv e somethin g simila r t o th e geometrical idea l o f th e ancien t Greek s a s a foundatio n o f knowledge. 1 0 0 First mathematic s an d the n physic s becam e th e model s o f reason , an d bot h rested ultimatel y o n som e brut e trut h which , a s Aristotl e noted , ha d t o b e known prio r t o demonstratio n o r n o demonstratio n wa s possible . Des cartes's famou s startin g poin t "Cogito ergo surn" i s an illustratio n o f a syste m of knowledg e base d o n wha t Willia m Jame s terme d th e "on e indefectibl y certain truth , an d th e trut h tha t pyrrhonisti c scepticis m itsel f leave s stand i n g , — t h e trut h tha t th e presen t phenomeno n o f consciousnes s exists." 101 Although Locke' s startin g poin t wa s differen t enoug h fro m tha t o f Descarte s to distinguis h th e empiricis t fro m th e rationalist , Locke , too , foun d "simpl e ideas" whic h i t i s no t i n th e powe r o f th e min d t o den y o r t o destro y t o b e the foundatio n o f all knowledge. 1 0 2 Applie d t o th e detectio n o f conspiracie s of power , Locke' s doctrin e queried , "Ar e th e Peopl e t o b e blamed , i f the y have th e senc e o f rationa l Creatures , an d ca n thin k o f thing s n o otherwis e than a s they fin d an d fee l t h e m ? " 1 0 3 Eve n th e skeptica l H u m e relie d o n th e data o f th e sense s t o for m th e "experience " upo n whic h h e base d knowl edge, dat a fo r whic h n o reason s ca n b e adduced , bu t whic h ar e believe d according t o thei r vivacity. 104 An d Thoma s Reid , Hume' s chie f philosophi cal opponent , als o place d hi s fait h no t i n philosophica l reasons , bu t i n belie f as " a singl e ac t o f th e mind , whic h canno t b e defined." 105 Wha t eac h o f these otherwis e contentiou s philosophie s ha s i n c o m m o n i s a foundatio n for knowledg e tha t reflect s Si r Isaiah' s characterizatio n o f th e time , a foun dation which , i n Aristotle' s conception , "w e mus t necessaril y believe " upo n being expose d t o it . American colonist s o n bot h side s o f th e debat e wer e influence d b y thi s epistemology an d optimisti c abou t th e shee r powe r o f th e trut h t o impres s itself o n th e mind s o f men . Earl y i n th e conflic t wit h Britain , a petitio n b y N e w Yor k t o th e Hous e o f Common s denounce d a n "odiou s Discrimina tion" whic h "n o Sophistr y ca n recommen d t o th e Sober , impartia l Decisio n of commo n sense." 106 Thoma s Jefferson' s "Summar y View " i s "penne d i n

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the languag e o f truth," 1 0 7 an d h e furthe r declared , " T h e greates t principle s of righ t an d wron g ar e legibl e t o ever y reader." 108 "Massachusettensis, " ar guing the Tor y position, wrote , "Ther e ar e hundreds, i f not thousands , in th e province, tha t wil l fee l th e trut h o f what I hav e written , lin e b y lin e a s the y read it." 1 0 9 An d Massachusettensis' s opponent , "Novanglus, " wa s n o les s confident whe n h e wrote , "Spea k ou t th e whol e trut h boldly, " o r w h e n h e later concluded hi s exposition o f Bernard's plan to subjugate Americ a by not ing, " N o othe r evidenc e i s necessary; i t wa s plai n t o suc h persons , wha t thi s j u n t o wa s about." 1 1 0 James Oti s fel t tha t h e ha d "proved " wit h mathematica l certainty th e right s o f the British colonie s based o n axiom s o f natural law an d right whe n h e wrot e hi s "Right s o f the Britis h Colonies. " ni Charle s Inglis , in impartially statin g " T h e Tru e Interes t o f America," wrote , "Le t ever y ma n only consul t hi s feelings— I excep t m y antagonist—an d i t wil l requir e n o great forc e o f rhetori c t o convinc e him , tha t a removal o f thos e evils , an d a restoration o f peace would b e a singular advantage an d blessing." A12 T h e Sec ond Continenta l Congres s hel d tha t " a reverenc e fo r ou r grea t Creator , prin ciples of humanity, an d the dictate s of common sense , must convinc e al l those w h o reflec t upo n th e subject , tha t governmen t wa s instituted t o promot e th e welfare o f mankind. " 11 3 Bu t surel y th e Revolution s mos t famou s exempla r of the popular versio n o f eighteenth-century epistemolog y i s Thomas Pain e s " C o m m o n Sense " wher e Pain e offere d "nothin g mor e tha n simpl e facts , plain arguments , an d commo n sense. " 114 Amon g th e man y response s occa sioned b y Pain e s pamphlet wa s on e appropriatel y entitle d "Plai n Truth." 1 1 5 Argument fro m commo n sens e assume s concordanc e wit h th e audience ; the truth s ar e self-evident. Natura l la w philosoph y i n th e eighteent h centur y equated natura l la w wit h reason , an d i n thei r c o m m o n qualificatio n a s rea sonable persons , i t wa s expecte d tha t al l w ho bu t exercise d thi s powe r coul d perceive th e truth. 1 1 6 Lock e regularl y appeale d t o "reason " a s th e suprem e adjudicator, a s whe n h e wrote , "Reason , th e c o m m o n Rul e an d Measure , God hat h give n t o Mankind," 1 1 7 o r whe n h e asserted , " T h e State of Nature has a La w o f Natur e t o gover n it , whic h oblige s ever y one : An d Reason , which i s that Law , teac h al l Mankind , w h o wil l bu t consul t it." 1 1 8 Reasons , then, th e produc t o f consulting reason , wer e thing s i n themselves . Althoug h they were hel d t o b e th e commo n propert y o f human beings , thei r statu s wa s not predicate d o n assent . Acceptanc e o f th e verdict s o f reason wa s th e mea sure o f th e reasonabl e being . T h e reasonabl e perso n wa s no t hel d u p a s th e standard o f reason . I n thi s sense , a s well a s in th e ver y direc t sens e suggeste d by Locke , reaso n wa s sacred; i t was no t o f human creation .

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To sa y tha t reason s wer e sacre d i s no t t o den y thei r powe r t o compe l belief. Th e liberal-Lockea n vie w o f humanit y wa s essentiall y optimistic . The occasiona l failur e o f characte r o r virtu e notwithstanding , huma n be ings woul d generall y reflec t thei r God-give n natur e an d assen t t o thos e reasons reveale d i n natura l law . As with th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , eigh teenth-century citizen s had faith i n th e suasor y power o f sacred truth upo n being revealed. Metaphor s o f vision in both discourse s ar e indicative o f this common faith . Eighteenth-century tract s o n mora l an d politica l topic s deal t wit h th e senses an d thei r functionin g i n a n effor t t o groun d conclusion s i n th e ineffable. Hobbe s i n Leviathan asserts , "Ther e i s n o conceptio n i n a man's mind whic h ha s no t a t first , totall y o r b y parts , bee n begotte n upo n th e organs of sense."119 The relatio n between th e externa l world an d the senses became the preeminent problem in eighteenth-century empiricism , Locke' s doctrine o f primary an d secondar y qualitie s bein g perhap s th e mos t influ ential attempted resolution o f the problem. Even Thomas Reid who, unlike his empiricist adversaries , believed in innate ideas, devoted his entire Inquiry to the functioning o f the five sense s (especially sight, which h e termed "th e noblest" o f the senses ) i n an attempt t o establis h their veracity. 120 This emphasi s o n sensor y data , particularly vision , a s ground fo r belie f is not peculia r t o th e eighteent h century . I n ou r ow n da y w e stil l fin d th e notion tha t "seein g is believing" quit e accessible : rental properties an d used cars must b e see n t o b e believed ; ou r mos t elementa l affirmatio n o f fact i s "I sa w it wit h m y ow n tw o eyes; " an ey e witness i s one wh o know s (fro m the Ol d Englis h witan, "to know" ) b y seeing ; an d "Don' t yo u see? " is ou r final frustrate d respons e t o on e wh o refuse s t o b e convinced . R . Hazelto n has explore d th e us e o f vision a s a metaphor fo r belie f an d ha s note d tha t "of al l the metaphor s w e habituall y use , tha t o f vision mus t b e amon g th e commonest. I t permeate s ou r speec h an d thought—especiall y ou r speec h about thought . Althoug h ou r scientifi c an d philosophica l mentor s hav e always warned agains t confusin g percep t wit h concept , imag e wit h idea , i t seems safe to predict tha t metaphor s o f sight for insigh t will continue t o b e operative an d controlling." 121 Although no t peculia r t o th e eighteent h century , th e emphasi s o n th e senses, visio n i n particular , di d hav e specia l philosophica l significanc e t o eighteenth-century thinker s a s sources o f certain knowledge. 122 Th e twen tieth-century skepti c counter s "Seein g is believing" with "Appearance s ar e deceptive." Not s o for a n American colonis t a t the tim e o f the Revolution .

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Capturing th e epistemolog y an d th e revolutionar y fervo r o f th e time , th e inimitable Pain e wrote , "Bu t suc h i s th e irresistibl e natur e o f truth , tha t al l it asks , an d al l i t wants , i s th e libert y o f appearing . T h e su n need s n o inscription t o distinguis h hi m fro m darkness. " 123 I n simila r terms , "Massa chusettensis" expresse d a certaint y tha t thousand s woul d fee l th e trut h o f what h e ha d writte n an d fel t tha t eve n "thos e w h o obstinatel y shut their eyes against i t now , hapl y th e feve r o f th e time s ma y intermit , ther e ma y b e some lucid interval, whe n thei r mind s shal l b e ope n t o th e truth , befor e i t i s too lat e t o serv e them ; otherwis e i t wil l b e reveale d t o the m i n bitte r moments, attende d wit h kee n remors e an d unutterabl e anguish." 1 2 4 Most revealin g wa s th e us e o f th e metapho r t o defin e th e mora l qualit y of opponents . " D o w e clai m an y bu t wha t ar e a s clea r a s th e noo n day? " queries a write r i n The Constitutional Courant. Earlie r i n th e pamphlet , th e writer use s a varian t o f th e sam e metapho r t o describ e th e coerciv e natur e of truth : " T h e argument s b y whic h thes e point s hav e bee n establishe d beyond al l dispute , I nee d no t repeat ; thei r evidenc e i s suc h a s mus t flash conviction int o th e mind s o f al l bu t th e vil e minion s o f tyrann y an d arbitrary power . T h e tremendou s conclusion , therefore , force s itsel f upo n us, tha t th e publi c fait h o f th e nation , i n which , til l now , w e though t w e might securel y confide , i s violated." 1 2 5 T h e write r make s i t quit e clea r tha t failure t o se e th e trut h i s attributabl e t o a defec t o f character , no t t o an y want o f th e truth . Disagreemen t wit h th e W h i g progra m become s prim a facie evidenc e o f corruption . Ther e i s no possibilit y o f hones t differenc e o f opinion, onl y ulterio r motives . If al l parties , bot h Whig s an d Tories , felt th e trut h t o b e bot h rea l an d inexorable, i f th e philosoph y o f omniscienc e wa s a s prevalen t a s her e claimed, wher e i s th e sourc e o f debate , wh y th e nee d fo r advocates ? I n th e first place , i t appear s tha t the y di d buil d thei r cas e o n value s an d belie f hel d by th e audienc e rathe r tha n bein g i n oppositio n t o o r outsid e th e audienc e s frame o f reference . I n th e secon d place , i t no w appear s tha t i f th e W h i g rhetors ar e t o b e considere d prophets , s o mus t Tor y rhetors , fo r the y seemed t o hol d th e sam e basi c truth s an d wit h th e sam e conviction . Granting a common epistemology , a n agreemen t o n method , w e ca n ye t conceive differen t conclusions . Ther e i s roo m fo r a significan t distinctio n to b e mad e betwee n W h i g leaders , thei r Tor y counterparts , an d th e peopl e at large , an d tha t distinctio n lie s i n th e radical' s basi c orientatio n t o th e status quo . Torie s lik e Danie l Leonar d di d no t den y natura l law , bu t foun d in it s dictate s a "dut y t o remai n subjec t t o th e authorit y o f parliament." 1 2 6

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Acting th e par t o f tru e prophets , Whig s decrie d Torie s lik e Leonar d i n terms simila r t o thos e use d b y Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o imprecat e th e priests an d fals e prophet s o f thei r ow n day . Thos e w h o coul d no t se e th e truth wer e victim s o f prejudice , delude d b y th e ephemera l reward s o f loyalty t o th e Crow n a s opposed t o th e tru e virtu e o f loyalty t o God . Pain e spoke o f th e "prejudice s whic h me n hav e fro m educatio n an d habit , i n favour o f an y particula r for m o r syste m o f government " an d dismisse d such prejudice s a s "nothing, " havin g ye t t o stan d "th e tes t o f reaso n an d reflection." 127 "I t ca n onl y b e b y blindin g th e understandin g o f man , an d making hi m believ e tha t governmen t i s som e wonderfu l mysteriou s thing , that excessiv e revenue s ar e obtained, " h e continued . "Monarch y i s wel l calculated t o ensur e thi s end . I t i s th e poper y o f government ; a thin g kep t up t o amus e th e ignorant , an d quie t the m int o taxes." 1 2 8 Recal l her e William Goddar d s contemp t fo r thos e " w h o b y office an d profession engag e to asser t th e caus e o f publi c libert y [who ] ow n themselve s suc h dastard s a s to b e afrai d t o spea k whe n thei r countr y i s injure d i n he r mos t sacre d rights," an d Otis' s injunctio n agains t hi m "tha t woul d pal m th e doctrin e o f unlimited passiv e obedienc e an d non-resistanc e upo n mankind , an d thereb y or b y an y othe r mean s serv e th e caus e o f th e Pretender. " Suc h a person , said Otis , "i s no t onl y a fool an d a knave, bu t a rebel agains t commo n sense , as wel l a s th e law s o f God , o f Nature , an d hi s Country. " T h e argumen t i s almost entirel y ad personam; i t heighten s th e sens e o f divisio n i n th e dis course, an d i t correctl y reflect s th e assumptio n tha t th e defec t i s no t i n th e truth bu t i n th e integrit y o f thos e w h o refus e it . If th e W h i g spokesme n ar e t o b e se t apar t fro m th e Tories , the y ar e als o to b e se t apar t fro m th e peopl e a t large . T h e prophe t assume s a n offic e i n answer t o a call . Th e prophe t see s wha t w e i n ou r mora l torpo r canno t o r will no t se e an d hear s wha t w e eithe r canno t o r wil l no t hear . Accordin g t o Abraham Heschel , "t o a perso n endowe d wit h propheti c sight , everyon e else appear s blind ; t o a perso n whos e ea r perceive s God' s voice , everyon e else appear s deaf . . . . Th e prophet' s wor d i s a screa m i n th e night . Whil e the worl d i s a t eas e an d asleep , th e prophe t feel s th e blas t fro m heaven." 1 2 9 This ma y a t first see m a t odd s wit h th e notion s o f self-evidenc e an d th e compelling natur e o f trut h i n th e Revolution , bu t th e contradictio n i s no t real. Morto n Whit e ha s discusse d a t lengt h th e nascen t elitis m i n th e seemingly democrati c concept s o f self-evidenc e an d mora l sens e an d con cludes tha t th e Revolutionarie s "operate d withi n a philosophica l traditio n [which held ] tha t a learne d ma n ca n se e a s self-eviden t a trut h whic h a n ignorant an d rud e ma n canno t se e a s self-evident. " Therefore , "th e powe r

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to se e self-evidenc e wa s attribute d t o a restricte d grou p an d no t t o ever y person." 1 3 0 I n thi s notio n o f elitism , w e fin d a stron g paralle l t o th e offic e of th e prophet . Failure t o se e th e trut h wa s no t a failur e o f th e trut h bu t a n impairmen t of th e perceiver , a failur e o f virtue . T h e colonist s foun d man y way s o f expressing thi s failur e o n th e par t o f thei r peers . John Dickinso n sough t t o shake hi s countryme n fro m indulgen t sleep : "Her e then , m y dea r countr y men R O U S E yourselve s an d behol d th e rui n hangin g ove r you r heads." 1 3 1 James Chalmer s appeale d t o al l thos e "no t drun k wit h fanaticism," 132 a n echo o f th e Ol d Testamen t imager y fo r impairment , an d Thoma s Pain e asked nothin g mor e o f hi s reade r "tha n tha t h e wil l dives t himsel f o f prejudice an d prepossession , an d suffer hi s reaso n an d hi s feeling s t o deter mine fo r themselves." 133 A t anothe r poin t Pain e presente d himsel f a s tryin g to correc t a lac k o f (in)sigh t b y awakenin g hi s peer s "fro m fata l an d unmanly slumbers." 1 3 4 Pain e consistentl y hel d prim a faci e natura l la w t o b e the basi s fo r th e W h i g argument : "Her e the n i s th e origi n an d ris e o f government; namely , a mod e rendere d necessar y b y th e inabilit y o f mora l virtue t o gover n th e world ; her e to o i s th e desig n an d en d o f government , viz., Freedo m an d security . An d howeve r ou r eye s ma y b e dazzle d wit h show, o r ou r ear s deceive d b y sound ; howeve r prejudic e ma y war p ou r wills, o r interes t darke n ou r understanding , th e simpl e voic e o f natur e an d of reaso n wil l say , 'ti s right." 1 3 5 A s Morto n White , borrowin g fro m Kant , suggests i n th e cas e o f th e colonists , the y wer e ultimatel y reduce d t o a position o f " D o no t argue , bu t believe." 1 3 6 I t wa s a questio n no t o f persuasion bu t o f makin g me n see . Whigs an d Ol d Testamen t prophet s ha d i n c o m m o n tha t the y kne w a n absolute trut h and , t o paraphras e Willia m James , tha t the y kne w tha t the y knew; i t wa s b y al l appearanc e self-evident . The y furthe r ha d i n c o m m o n that thei r knowledg e wa s o f th e law , th e la w o f natur e an d o f nature s God . T h e messag e o f thes e rhetors , then , i s largel y determined ; i n th e word s o f Isaiah, " A voic e says , 'Cry! ' An d I said , 'Wha t shal l I c r y ? ' " 1 3 7 T h e radical, lik e th e prophet , i s dedicated , th e proclaime r o f a divin e an d sacre d principle. T h e radica l bear s witness . Her e i s th e root , i f you will , o f radica l rhetoric an d o f prophec y a s a particula r for m o f it : a commitmen t t o a n absolute, sacre d truth . Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , a late r radica l fo r anothe r cause, playe d prophe t agains t th e mal e priesthoo d o f he r da y an d clearl y advocated th e sovereignt y o f th e trut h i n refor m discours e whe n sh e wrot e in he r introductio n t o The Woman's Bible, "Reformer s w h o ar e alway s compromising, hav e no t ye t graspe d th e ide a tha t trut h i s th e onl y saf e

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ground t o stan d upon." 1 3 8 I t i s precisel y thi s unwillingnes s t o compromis e that I hav e sough t t o highligh t i n bot h Ol d Testamen t prophec y an d th e rhetoric o f th e America n Revolutionaries . I t i s thi s sam e unwillingnes s t o compromise tha t i s routinely equate d wit h "unreason " b y thos e i t opposes . But ther e i s anothe r commonality , on e suggeste d b y th e ide a tha t propheti c speech i s "sanctioned, " tha t mus t b e examine d befor e w e ca n understan d how i t i s that thi s knowledge , accessibl e t o all , se t bot h Whig s an d prophet s in radica l oppositio n t o thei r respectiv e societies , an d tha t i s th e commo n situation tha t calle d bot h Whig s an d prophet s fort h a s spokesmen o n behal f of th e l a w — t h e transgressio n o f th e law .

The Judgment Proclaimed Locke conclude s The Second Treatise of Government b y examinin g th e ques tion, " W h o shal l b e Judge? " O n th e questio n o f w h o shoul d adjudicat e "Controversie . . . betwixt a Prince an d som e o f th e People, " Lock e deter mines tha t th e firs t judge shoul d b e th e peopl e themselves , and , tha t failing , "the Appea l the n lie s n o wher e bu t t o Heaven : . . . an d i n tha t Stat e th e injured Party must judge fo r himself , whe n h e wil l thin k fi t t o mak e us e o f that Appeal , an d pu t himsel f upo n it." 1 3 9 In th e Declaratio n o f Independence , th e colonist s expresse d thei r j u d g ment o f Britain' s attempt s o n thei r freedom s an d mad e thei r appea l t o heaven an d th e worl d fo r vindicatio n o f thei r wa r fo r separation . T h e majo r part o f th e Declaratio n i s a litany o f charge s agains t Kin g Georg e II I whic h begins, " T h e histor y o f th e presen t kin g o f Grea t Britai n i s a histor y o f repeated injurie s & usurpations , al l having i n direc t objec t th e establishmen t of a n absolut e tyrann y ove r thes e states . T o prov e thi s le t fact s b e submitte d to a candid world. " Thi s i s followed b y a verdict base d o n thi s accusation : Nor hav e W e bee n wantin g i n attention s t o ou r Britis h brethren . W e hav e warned the m fro m tim e t o tim e o f attempts by their legislatur e t o exten d a n unwarrantable jurisdiction ove r us . We hav e reminde d the m o f th e circum stances of our emigratio n & settlement here , we have appealed t o their nativ e justice an d magnanimit y an d w e hav e conjure d the m b y th e tie s o f ou r common kindre d t o disavo w thes e usurpation s whic h interrup t ou r connec tion an d correspondence . The y to o hav e been dea f to th e voic e o f justice & of consanguinity , w e mus t therefor e acquiesc e i n th e necessit y whic h de nounces ou r separatio n an d hol d the m a s w e hol d th e res t o f mankind , Enemies in War, in Peace Friends .

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There i s no argumen t i n th e accusation , n o attemp t t o demonstrat e tha t th e king ha d "refuse d hi s Assen t t o Law s th e mos t wholesom e & necessar y t o the publi c good, " n o evidenc e tha t " H e ha s calle d togethe r legislativ e bodies a t place s unusual , uncomfortable , an d distan t fro m th e depositor y o f their publi c Records , fo r th e sol e purpos e o f fatiguin g the m int o compli ance wit h hi s measures, " n o dat a t o suppor t th e clai m tha t " H e ha s affecte d to rende r th e Militar y independen t of , & superio r t o th e Civi l power. " T h e law ha d bee n transgressed , an d th e fait h o f th e Whig s i n th e ra w powe r o f the trut h i n suppor t o f thei r accusatio n i s evidence d i n th e phras e "le t fact s be submitte d t o a candi d world. " Car l Becke r describe d th e for m a s "th e steady, laboriou s pilin g u p o f 'facts, ' th e monotonou s enumeration , withou t comment, o f on e ba d actio n afte r another . H o w coul d a candid worl d den y that th e colonie s wer e rightl y absolve d fro m allegianc e t o s o malevolen t a will!" 1 4 0 T h e verdic t follow s fro m th e accusatio n "o f necessity " This for m i s no t peculia r t o th e Declaration. 1 4 1 T h e autho r o f " A Stat e of th e Right s o f th e Colonists " begin s b y statin g th e right s o f colonist s a s men, a s Christians, an d a s subjects; h e the n proceed s t o " A Lis t o f Infringe ments & Violation s o f Rights." 1 4 2 Henr y Laurens' s "Extract s fro m th e Proceedings o f th e Cour t o f Vice-Admiralty " i s simpl y a long recitatio n o f individual case s in whic h violatio n o f natural la w i s supposed t o b e apparen t to th e reader, 143 an d " A Shor t Narrativ e o f the Horri d Massacr e i n Boston, " with it s repeate d callin g o f witnesse s t o th e stan d t o delive r thei r deposi tions, i s almost a simulated courtroom. 1 4 4 W h i g rhetori c ha s thi s for m i n c o m m o n wit h th e judgment- speec h o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets , i n whic h th e transgression s o f th e covenan t were hel d befor e th e people . Th e argumen t suggest s tha t W h i g rhetorician s conformed t o thi s patter n i n importan t respects : tha t the y wer e constraine d to spea k th e truth , regardles s o f its tendenc y t o alienate ; tha t thei r trut h wa s immutable an d absolute ; tha t the y di d no t doub t thei r knowledg e o f th e truth; an d tha t the y expose d th e crime s o f Englan d agains t he r colonie s t o the searin g ligh t o f this trut h an d boldl y proclaime d God' s judgment agains t the mothe r country . T h e reason s of W h i g rhetori c ar e containe d i n th e terms o f th e covenant , whic h i s als o th e reaso n for W h i g rhetoric . I n thei r act o f judgmen t agains t England , th e Whig s complete d a n ideologica l journey int o th e purit y o f th e wildernes s tha t ha d it s geographica l begin nings almos t tw o hundre d year s prior . W h i g rhetori c serve d t o clarif y a relationship tha t ha d becom e increasingl y ambiguou s an d confused ; i t de fined th e America n peopl e withou t th e encumbrance s o f bein g par t o f th e British empire . O u t o f a crisi s o f meaning , th e Whig s brough t ne w orde r

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and definition , boldl y proclaiming self-eviden t truths , truths alread y part o f the community' s commo n heritage , th e iteratio n o f whic h calle d tha t community int o bein g agai n eve n a s they disjoine d tha t communit y fro m other parts of that complex heritage an d other parts of itself. The followin g chapter turn s t o time s of crisis as the settin g for propheti c discourse .

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Prophecy a s Krisis Wendell Phillips and the Sin of Slavery

The Lor d will ente r int o judgment wit h th e ancient s o f his people, and th e princes thereof ; fo r y e have eate n u p th e vineyard ; th e spoi l o f the poor i s in your houses. What mea n ye , that beat my people t o pieces, and grin d th e face s o f the poor ? saith th e Lor d Go d o f hosts. —Isaiah 3:14-1 5 And your covenan t wit h deat h shal l be disannulled , an d you r agreement wit h hel l shall not stand ; when th e overflowin g scourg e shall pass through, the n y e shall be trodde n dow n b y it. — Isaiah 28:1 8

Wendell Phillips' s mos t recen t biographer , Jame s Stewart , hold s Phillips t o hav e bee n "Civi l Wa r America s greates t an d mos t radica l ora tor." 1 Thi s i s n o smal l praise , give n th e oratorica l giant s w h o occupie d America's podium s an d pulpit s durin g Phillips' s d a y — m e n lik e Danie l Webster, Edwar d Everett , Lyma n Beecher , an d Henr y Clay—bu t Stewar t is fa r fro m alon e i n hi s assessment . Critica l opinio n fro m Phillips' s da y t o our ow n ha s almos t universall y afforde d th e "brahmi n radical " a plac e among Americ a s premier speakers. 2 Hi s singl e ru n fo r th e governorshi p o f Massachusetts aside , Phillip s eschewe d th e bureaucrati c authorit y o f politica l office an d mad e th e independen t mora l authorit y o f th e speaker' s rostru m the basi s o f his power. I n hi s las t majo r address , th e Harvar d Ph i Bet a Kapp a address o f 1881 , Phillips describe d thi s propheti c stance , th e voic e speakin g truth outsid e th e templ e walls , "wit h . . . n o objec t bu t t r u t h — t o tea r a question ope n an d riddl e i t wit h light." 3 Phillips's uncompromisin g passio n ensure d a controversia l status , man y having argue d tha t h e provide d perhap s mor e hea t tha n ligh t i n th e publi c forum. Th e clai m ha s bee n ofte n mad e tha t Phillip s wa s "th e wrongheade d

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radical o f the Civi l Wa r crisis—a n emotiona l person , lackin g i n responsibil ity, bu t quic k t o condem n thos e w h o ha d it , standin g alway s fo r extreme s that publi c opinio n woul d no t sustain , reckless , mischievous , an d vindic tive." 4 Irvin g Bartlet t i s using th e phras e o f on e o f Phillips's contemporarie s when h e characterize s Phillips' s discours e a s "th e eloquenc e o f abuse." 5 And E . L . Godkin , als o contemporar y wit h Phillip s an d on e o f th e fe w w h o share d man y o f his radica l views , nonetheles s felt constrained , a s edito r of The Nation magazine , t o criticiz e Phillips' s excesses. 6 Phillips's alienatio n fro m hi s audience s i s clear—th e excoriation , th e clamant tone , th e sneerin g condescensio n ar e al l par t o f hi s repertoire . Though hi s lecture " T h e Los t Arts " wa s enormousl y popular—give n mor e than tw o thousan d time s ove r a forty-five-year period , i t earne d Phillip s a n estimated $ i 50,000 7— h i s defens e o f John Brown' s effor t t o fomen t a slav e rebellion i n Virginia , give n a t a time whe n th e spectr e o f slave insurrection s in th e Caribbea n loome d larg e i n th e mind s o f Americans, seem s perversel y calculated t o offen d an d alienate . I t i s impossibl e t o rea d th e followin g segment o f a speec h Phillip s gav e o n th e event s a t Harper' s Ferr y withou t feeling th e distanc e h e place d betwee n himsel f an d hi s audience . Ther e i s no thir d perso n plura l here ; Phillip s i s no t a membe r o f th e sam e grou p o f which the y ar e al l members, tha t is , h e i s not a citizen. Phillip s i s in extremis as h e denounce s th e U . S . Constitutio n a s a "covenan t wit h deat h an d agreement wit h hell, " a phras e ofte n use d b y Willia m Lloy d Garriso n an d echoing th e prophe t Isaiah : Thank God , I a m no t a citizen . Yo u wil l remember , al l o f you , citizen s o f the Unite d States , tha t ther e wa s no t a Virgini a gu n fire d a t John Brown . Hundreds o f well-arme d Marylan d an d Virgini a troop s rushe d t o Harper' s Ferry, and—wen t away ! You shot him ! Sixtee n marines , t o who m yo u pa y eight dollar s a month,—your ow n representatives . When th e disturbe d Stat e could no t stan d o n he r ow n leg s for trembling , you wen t ther e an d strength ened th e feebl e knees , an d hel d u p th e palsie d hands . Sixtee n men , wit h th e vulture o f the Unio n abov e the m [sensation ] you r representatives ! I t wa s th e covenant wit h deat h an d agreemen t wit h hell , whic h yo u cal l th e Unio n o f thirty States , tha t too k th e ol d ma n b y th e throa t wit h a pirate hand ; an d i t will be th e disgrac e o f our civilizatio n i f a gallows i s ever erecte d i n Virgini a that bears his body 8 The Unio n an d th e Constitutio n o n whic h i t i s base d ar e source s o f legitimacy fo r Phillips' s audience ; i t i s th e benedictio n o f hi s audienc e tha t allows th e justificatio n o f slavery . Phillip s decrie s th e legitimac y o f thes e arrangements a s a falsehood. I n profanin g th e Unio n an d th e Constitution ,

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and i n ridiculin g th e feebl e respons e a t Harper' s Ferr y mad e unde r thei r aegis, Phillip s reveal s th e impotenc e o f fals e idols . A s fo r himself , Phillip s keeps hi s distanc e abov e th e sordidnes s o f th e affair . Onl y onc e doe s h e suggest an y kinshi p wit h hi s hearer s whe n h e mention s th e possibl e "dis grace o f ou r civilization. " S. N . Eisenstadt' s comment s o n mora l fervo r illuminat e th e impuls e exampled here . I t i s a radical impuls e becaus e i t "i s roote d i n th e attemp t t o come int o contac t wit h th e ver y essenc e o f being , t o g o t o th e ver y root s of existence , o f cosmic , social , an d cultura l order , t o wha t i s see n a s sacre d and fundamental. " A t th e sam e time , ther e i s a strongl y critica l elemen t i n this quest , a "predispositio n t o sacrilege : t o th e denia l o f th e validit y o f th e sacred, an d o f wha t i s accepte d i n an y give n societ y a s sacred." 9 Phillips' s reversal i s mad e plausibl e i n th e convergenc e o f th e sacre d an d th e sordi d beyond th e reac h o f man ; bot h ar e untouchable . Suc h a reversa l reveal s th e tenuousness o f th e existin g order , th e threa t o f chaos , thu s providin g th e conditions fo r crisis .

The Crisis of Slavery Dread o f chao s wa s epidemi c i n early-nineteenth-centur y America . Ex pressed a s a fear o f intemperance, i t bordere d o n th e paranoiac. 10 Accordin g to Timoth y Smith , "th e concer n fo r virtu e tha t th e revolutionar y genera tion bequeathe d t o th e ne w natio n wa s n o mer e exercis e i n socia l control , but a n effor t t o dea l wit h th e centra l proble m o f wha t w e cal l 'free ' societies: maximizin g self-control." 11 T h e reviva l movemen t o f th e Secon d Great Awakenin g i s symptomatic o f th e uncertaintie s tha t haunte d th e ne w nation. Perr y Mille r calle d i t "th e dominan t them e i n Americ a fro m 180 0 to i860 " an d sa w i n i t a n attemp t t o achiev e a nationa l identit y base d o n the reformatio n o f commo n sins. 12 Nineteenth-centur y American s fuele d the reviva l movemen t b y relentles s applicatio n o f thei r mora l yardstic k t o contemporaries w h o wer e invariabl y foun d deficient . Livin g i n th e shado w of thos e w h o ha d demonstrate d th e courag e an d disciplin e t o lea d th e country t o independenc e i n a great vindicatio n o f God' s will , American s o f Phillips's generatio n felt small , thei r horizon s limite d t o th e easil y attainabl e rather tha n th e possible . Mora l indolenc e an d self-gratification , th e failur e of virtu e an d mora l athleticism , thes e conspire d t o consig n th e peopl e t o slavery. Slaver y represent s th e apotheosi s o f intemperance . For early-nineteenth-centur y revivalists , "slavery " wa s a devi l term , no t

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merely a s it applie d t o th e institutio n o f chatte l slavery , bu t a s any degrada tion o f huma n autonom y tha t threatene d t o reduc e huma n being s t o th e status o f animals . A s fo r th e colonist s o f th e lat e eighteent h century , "free d o m " an d "slavery " wer e radica l idea s fo r th e earl y nineteent h centur y because the y wer e fundamenta l t o self-definition . Wit h regar d t o th e Tem perance movement , a produc t o f th e sam e climat e an d sharin g man y parallels wit h abolitionism , Josep h Gusfiel d ha s state d th e cas e quit e suc cinctly: " T h e concep t o f Temperanc e ha s reste d o n . . . a specifi c visio n o f man's characte r i n whic h self-mastery , industry , an d mora l consistenc y ar e prized virtues . Impulsiv e actio n i s a t th e opposit e pol e fro m virtue . T h e good ma n i s able , throug h hi s character , t o wi n th e victor y o f Wil l ove r Impulse." 1 3 Slaver y wa s bot h a product o f th e triump h o f impulse ove r wil l in th e enslave r an d a n institutio n tha t abrogate d th e exercis e o f will by thos e enslaved. Davi d Brio n Davi s provide s a usefu l clarificatio n o f th e sinfulnes s of slaver y whe n h e note s tha t it s inheren t contradictio n "lie s no t i n it s cruelty o r economi c exploitation , bu t i n th e underlyin g conceptio n o f a man a s a conveyabl e possessio n wit h n o mor e autonom y o f wil l an d consciousness tha n a domesti c animal . Thi s conceptio n ha s alway s raise d a host o f problem s an d ha s neve r bee n hel d withou t compromise." 1 4 I n a word, slaver y wa s destructiv e o f virtue . Davis refer s t o thos e w h o wer e victim s o f institutionalize d slavery , thos e human being s w h o wer e owne d b y othe r huma n beings , bu t th e connec tion o f intemperanc e an d autonom y reveal s th e owner s t o b e n o les s enslaved. A s Donal d Scot t suggest s o f th e abolitionis t view , "slaver y i n it s essence di d no t diffe r fro m th e broade r America n life , bu t seeme d t o tak e to it s logica l en d poin t tha t lus t fo r gai n an d th e willingnes s t o sacrific e al l to selfis h end s tha t dominate d America n life." 15 Slaver y stoo d oppose d t o the self-contro l associate d wit h civilize d men ; i t wa s directl y associate d wit h licentious behavio r o n th e par t o f Southerner s an d indirectl y wit h th e decadence o f Northerner s w h o benefite d fro m th e labo r o f th e bonds man. 1 6 Fo r abolitionists , slaver y represente d th e highes t for m o f self-grati fication an d wa s symptomati c o f th e genera l deca y i n societ y necessitatin g the reviva l movement. 1 7 Using th e languag e o f degrade d virtue , abolitionist s represente d slaver y as a materialisti c corruption , th e placin g o f sel f abov e duty , selfishness . Personal well-bein g provide d a kin d o f intoxication , a n anestheti c effec t against th e pai n o f slavery . " I appea l fro m th e America n peopl e drun k wit h cotton," sai d Phillips. 18 Th e m o b tha t kille d Lovejo y wa s " a community , staggering lik e a drunke n man , indifferen t t o thei r right s an d confuse d i n

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their feelings . Dea f t o argument , hapl y the y migh t b e stunne d int o sobri ety." 19 T h e mayo r o f Bosto n an d th e m o b tha t nearl y cos t Garriso n hi s lif e there i n 183 5 "wer e onl y blin d t o wha t the y di d no t wis h t o see , an d kne w the righ t an d wron g o f th e cas e wel l enough , only , lik e al l half-educate d people, the y wer e bu t poorl y abl e t o comprehen d th e vas t importanc e o f the wron g the y wer e doing." 2 0 "Wha t i s i t tha t thu s palsie s ou r strengt h and blind s ou r foresight ? W e hav e becom e s o familia r wit h slaver y tha t w e are n o longe r awar e o f it s deadenin g influenc e o n th e bod y politic." 2 1 Abolitionists crie d ou t agains t indulgence , a n indulgenc e tha t create d a shield agains t th e pai n o f a sinfu l world . A s wit h th e rhetori c o f th e American Revolution , th e metaphor s o f drunkennes s sugges t th e mora l quality o f thos e w h o loo k a t question s o f righ t an d wron g throug h th e ethical equivalen t o f a n alcoholi c cloud . T h e mora l stupo r tha t i s insinuate d suggests a stat e i n whic h critica l difference s amon g principle s ar e slurre d and confused . In th e Constitutio n o f th e Unite d States , radica l abolitionist s foun d th e institutionalization o f America' s faile d virtu e i n th e fac e o f slavery . Allyin g themselves wit h th e Revolutionaries , abolitionist s easil y carrie d th e banne r of 177 6 bu t stoppe d shor t o f assumin g th e burde n o f 1787 . Phillip s wa s on e of tha t ban d o f Garrisonia n radical s tha t hel d th e absolut e idealis m o f th e Declaration o f Independenc e i n judgment ove r th e Constitution . I n 1844 , he playe d a rol e i n creatin g th e documen t The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact published b y th e America n Anti-Slaver y Society . A compilatio n o f reprints fro m th e Madiso n paper s o n th e constitutiona l debates , "thes e pages prov e th e melanchol y fac t tha t willingly , wit h deliberat e purpose , ou r fathers bartere d honest y fo r gai n an d becam e partner s wit h tyrant s tha t the y might shar e i n th e profit s o f their tyranny." 22 I n 1847 , Phillip s furthere d th e charges i n a respons e t o Lysande r Spooner' s essa y " T h e Unconstitutionalit y of Slavery." 23 I n th e sprin g o f i860 , Phillips' s "Ple a fo r th e Dissolutio n o f the U n i o n " attracte d considerabl e attention, 2 4 an d afte r th e secessio n o f South Carolin a fro m th e Union , h e hailed , " 'Th e Lor d reigneth ; th e eart h rejoice.' 'Th e covenan t wit h death ' i s annulled ; 'th e agreemen t wit h hell ' i s broken t o pieces . T h e chai n whic h ha s hel d th e slav e syste m sinc e 178 7 i s parted." 2 5 For Garrisonians , th e Constitutio n represente d a great compromis e wit h sin, a proslaver y document , a travest y t o th e ideal s o f th e Revolutio n a s expressed i n th e Declaratio n o f Independence . T h e Constitutio n wa s no t a reflection o f absolut e right , bu t o f expediency : "The y [Americans ] hav e n o idea o f absolut e right, " sai d Phillips . "The y wer e bor n sinc e 1787 , an d

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absolute righ t mean s th e trut h dilute d b y a strong decoctio n o f th e Consti tution o f '89 . The y breath e tha t atmosphere ; the y d o no t wan t t o sai l outside o f it ; the y d o no t attemp t t o reaso n outsid e o f it . Poisone d wit h printer s ink, o r choke d wit h cotto n dust , the y star e a t absolut e righ t a s th e dream o f madmen." 2 6 A s th e Foundin g Father s wer e enliste d agains t th e leaders o f th e Revolution , providin g fue l o n bot h side s o f th e slaver y debate, a fissur e wa s reveale d i n th e nationa l foundatio n placin g a terribl e strain o n consensus . Abolitionist s effectivel y questione d th e integrit y o f principles, th e unimpugne d statu s o f whic h wa s necessar y t o sustai n a justification o f slavery . In th e vie w o f radica l abolitionists , th e sam e accommodating , facilitativ e politics tha t ha d produce d th e Constitutio n wa s a chroni c sympto m o f th e failure o f mora l visio n i n America , an d Phillip s an d hi s coreligionist s reserved som e o f thei r bitteres t invectiv e fo r th e proces s an d it s prac titioners. "W e d o no t play politics, " declare d Phillips , "Antislaver y i s no hal f jest wit h us ; i t i s a terribl e earnest , wit h lif e o r death , wors e tha n lif e o r death, o n th e issue." 27 I n a speec h mad e i n 1845 , Phillip s contraste d th e politician wit h th e reformer : "The politicia n mus t concea l hal f hi s principles , t o carr y forwar d th e othe r half—must regard , no t rigi d principl e an d stric t right , bu t onl y suc h a degree o f righ t a s wil l allo w hi m a t th e sam e tim e t o secur e numbers. Hi s object i s immediate success . When h e alter s hi s war cry , h e eve r look s bac k over his shoulder to see how many follow" Th e reformer , o n the other hand , worships truth ; "hi s objec t i s duty, no t success . He ca n wait , n o matte r ho w many desert , ho w fe w remain ; h e ca n trus t alway s tha t th e whol e o f truth , however unpopular , ca n never harm th e whole o f virtue." 28 Phillips a t on e poin t compare s compromisin g politician s t o Milton' s "eart h s giant sons , N o w les s than smalles t dwarfs , i n narro w roo m Thron g number less, lik e tha t pygmea n rac e Beyon d th e India n mount, " whil e th e "health y p a r t y — t h e me n w h o mad e n o compromis e i n orde r t o com e unde r tha t arch" i s compare d t o " T h e grea t seraphi c lord s an d cherubim , I n clos e recess an d secre t conclave." 29 Politician s thu s becam e a symbo l o f mora l failure a s representative s o f th e wil l an d leader s o f th e ne w Zion . Lik e Moses, the y wer e particularl y culpable . T h e fina l symbo l o f the moral decay in America a s the abolitionist s viewe d it wa s th e derelictio n o f th e churc h o n th e issu e o f slavery . T h e reluctan t church wa s perhap s th e institutio n mos t defame d b y th e abolitionist s afte r slavery itself . Dissatisfactio n wit h th e institutio n o f th e churc h inspire d

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"come-outers" t o cas t asid e it s corrupte d authorit y an d inspire d Stephe n S . Foster t o mak e hi s reputatio n b y interruptin g churc h service s t o spea k o n behalf o f the antislaver y cause. 30 I n antebellu m America , th e Bibl e wa s use d as muc h b y fals e priest s t o legitimat e slaver y a s i t wa s t o condem n it, 31 an d though Phillip s neve r wen t s o fa r a s to accep t wha t h e fel t wer e th e heresie s of Garriso n an d som e o f Garrison' s followers , h e di d decisivel y se t himsel f apart fro m th e churc h an d th e attitud e o f the churc h wit h regar d t o slavery. 32 According t o Phillips , the abolitionist s earl y saw , that , fo r a mora l questio n lik e theirs , onl y tw o paths lay open: t o wor k throug h th e Church , tha t failing , t o join battl e wit h it. Som e trie d long , lik e Luther , t o b e Protestants , an d ye t no t com e ou t o f Catholicism; bu t thei r eye s wer e soo n opened . Sinc e the n w e hav e bee n convinced tha t t o com e ou t fro m th e Church , t o hold he r u p a s the bulwar k of slavery, an d t o mak e he r shortcoming s th e mai n burde n o f our appeal s t o the religious sentiment o f the communit y wa s our first dut y and best policy 33 H e note d tha t th e church' s reactio n t o Uncle Tom's Cabin wa s "eithe r silen t or hostile , an d i n th e column s o f th e theologica l paper s th e wor k i s subjected t o criticism , t o reproach , an d it s author t o sever e rebuke." 3 4 "Sav e us fro m a Churc h no t broa d enoug h t o cove r woma n an d th e slave , al l th e room bein g kep t fo r th e grogsho p an d th e theatre—provide d th e on e wil l keep sobe r enoug h t o mak e th e responses , an d th e othe r wil l len d it s embroidered rag s fo r thi s ne w bab y house." 3 5 Phillip s foun d th e church' s appeal t o th e separatio n o f churc h an d stat e a s a reaso n fo r no t becomin g involved i n th e controvers y disingenuous : " T h e offic e o f th e pulpi t i s t o teach me n thei r duty . Whereve r men' s thought s influenc e thei r laws , i t i s the dut y o f th e pulpi t t o preac h politics." 36 T h e positio n o f th e churc h wa s all th e mor e disingenuou s becaus e o f its failur e t o maintai n i t consistently : Free men ar e kidnapped i n ou r streets , to be plunged int o tha t hell of slavery; and now and the n one , as if by miracle, after lon g years, returns t o make me n aghast wit h hi s tale . Th e pres s says , "I t i s al l right" ; an d th e pulpi t cries , "Amen." The y prin t th e Bibl e i n ever y tongu e i n whic h ma n utter s hi s prayers; an d ge t th e mone y t o d o s o b y agreein g neve r t o giv e th e book , i n the languag e ou r mother s taugh t us , t o an y Negro , fre e o r bond , sout h o f Mason an d Dixon' s line . The pres s says, "It i s all right"; an d th e pulpi t cries , "Amen." 37 Again an d again , Phillip s pointe d t o th e derelictio n o f instruction , th e failure o f politica l an d mora l leader s t o provid e clea r direction , t o mak e significant distinction s betwee n goo d an d evil .

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T h e mentalit y o f compromis e tha t Phillip s excoriate d i n bot h politic s and th e churc h wa s intended b y its proponents a s the vehicle fo r continue d unity. I t wa s a beguilin g notio n i n it s passivity—"live an d le t live/ ' I t was not a strenuou s doctrine . I t reflecte d th e realitie s o f th e worl d i n al l it s imperfections. Bu t compromis e als o ha s a sharpl y dyslogisti c element : i t does no t alway s preserv e th e interest s o f opposin g element s i n mutua l deference an d respect, bu t sometimes surrender s on e to the other. C o m p r o mise ca n be " a shamefu l o r disreputabl e concession, " particularl y whe n i t is the sel f tha t i s compromised . Her e th e lac k o f strenuousnes s belie s th e benign fac e o f compromise . I n a n ag e wher e th e sel f i s asserte d onl y through th e exercis e o f virtue, th e life o f ease involve s th e horribl e anxiet y of th e los s o f self, a condition o f slavery. Compromise , i n thi s les s charitabl e view, i s no t a stalemat e betwee n th e whit e kin g an d th e blac k king , bu t a reduction o f al l player s t o a homogeneou s gra y mass . I n suc h a state , n o significant distinction s ca n b e made , ther e i s n o lin e o f demarcation , n o foundation fo r judgment, onl y amorphou s formlessness , chaos .

The Call to Judgment In suc h a situation , i t i s th e prophet s offic e t o cry , "Hear , yo u deaf ; an d look, yo u blind, tha t yo u may see!" 3 8 "T o waken th e nation t o its real state , and chai n i t t o th e consideratio n o f thi s on e duty , i s hal f th e work, " sai d Phillips. 39 Accordin g t o Hofstadter : Phillips's caree r illustrates the principle tha t th e agitator is likely to be a crisis thinker. . . . I n period s o f relativ e socia l peac e th e agitato r labor s unde r intellectual a s well as practical restraints, for he thinks in terms o f the ultimate potentialities o f socia l conflict s rathe r tha n th e immediat e compromise s b y which the y ar e softened. Hi s moral judgments ar e made fro m th e standpoin t of absolute values, with which th e mass of men canno t comfortabl y live . But when a social crisis or revolutionary perio d at last matures, the sharp distinc tions that gover n the mind o f the agitato r become a t one with th e realities.40 Referring t o Americ a a s a modern-day Sodom, 4 1 a devic e ofte n employe d by th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o sugges t th e urgenc y o f th e moment , Phillips attempte d t o creat e th e necessar y atmospher e o f crisis . "Whil e drunk wit h th e temptation s o f the presen t hour, " h e proclaimed , " m e n are willing t o bow to an y Moloch." 42

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Murray Edelma n ha s suggeste d tha t "crisis " i s perhaps th e mos t powerfu l political ter m availabl e fo r encouragin g unit y an d c o m m o n sacrifice. 43 Phil lips's purpose s coul d no t b e bette r represente d a s he sough t t o creat e a ne w community throug h th e renewa l o f virtue. T h e traditio n o f th e jeremiad i n America attest s to a long practical understandin g o f the principle. Sacva n B e rcovitch writes , "Fro m th e star t th e Purita n Jeremiahs ha d draw n thei r inspi ration fro m insecurity ; b y th e 1670s , crisi s ha d becom e thei r sourc e o f strength. The y fastene d upo n it , glorie d i n it , eve n invente d i t i f necessary . They too k courag e fro m backsliding , converte d threa t int o vindication , made afflictio n thei r sea l of progress. Crisi s became bot h for m an d substanc e of thei r appeals." 44 Bercovitc h trace s th e us e o f th e jeremia d throug h th e nineteenth centur y an d find s th e ide a o f crisis t o b e a stable theme. 4 5 The reviva l cultur e o f antebellu m Americ a wa s predicate d o n crisis . I n the persona l term s o f revivalism , abolitionis m was , fo r many , th e resolutio n of a carefull y nurture d persona l crisi s o f vocation . Donal d M . Scot t ha s argued tha t a larg e numbe r o f abolitionist s ha d bee n dutifull y prepare d b y their parent s fo r th e experienc e o f rebirt h an d conversion , a s a resul t o f which Go d s plan fo r thei r live s woul d b e revealed. 46 Bearin g th e mark s o f a stron g Purita n heritage , th e lif e dedicate d t o God' s purpos e wa s strenuou s and exacting . Accordin g t o Scott , "rebirt h le d no t t o disregar d o f th e worl d but t o implacabl e hostilit y t o th e worl d a s i t wa s sinfull y constituted . A s Christians bor n t o righteousnes s the y wer e a s oblige d t o comba t th e sinfu l world a s they wer e t o ri d themselve s o f al l remnant s o f sin." 4 7 Phillips wa s ver y muc h a product o f thi s reviva l culture . Raise d i n a ver y pious, Calvinisti c household , hi s mother s earlies t gif t t o hi m wa s a Bible . In 1826 , afte r hearin g Lyma n Beeche r preac h o n th e them e "Yo u Belon g to God, " h e reporte d a conversion experience, 4 8 thoug h h e di d no t discove r the natur e o f hi s missio n fo r anothe r decade . W h e n h e di d fin d hi s wa y into th e abolitionis t movement , h e describe d th e even t i n revelator y terms : "I ha d rea d Gree k an d R o m a n an d Englis h history ; I ha d b y hear t th e classic eulogie s o f brav e ol d me n an d martyrs ; I dreamed , i n m y folly , tha t I heard th e sam e ton e i n m y yout h fro m th e cucko o lip s o f Edward Everett — these wome n taugh t m e m y mistake . . . . These wome n opene d m y eyes." 49 The wome n Phillip s refer s t o ar e th e wome n w h o ha d invite d Garriso n t o speak t o the m o n th e da y Phillip s sa w hi m dragge d i n a noos e throug h th e streets o f Boston . B y remainin g steadfas t an d refusin g t o surrende r thei r meeting, thes e wome n presente d Phillip s wit h a visio n o f courag e an d virtue. Phillip s stresse s th e extraordinar y natur e o f th e experienc e b y con -

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trasting i t wit h hi s forma l education , an d h e refer s t o i t a s an "anointing. " 5 0 It i s certainly no t implausibl e t o se e i n Phillips' s radica l caree r a n attemp t to provid e meanin g t o hi s lif e i n a worl d wher e th e clerica l an d politica l options o f hi s forefather s ha d bee n mad e increasingl y irrelevant. 51 A m o d ern cyni c migh t b e tempte d t o fin d i n Phillips' s abolitionis t activitie s a synecdochal rejectio n o f a repressiv e Calvinis t upbringing , bu t Ma x Stack house remind s u s tha t th e slaver y question , callin g int o questio n a s i t di d the absolut e doctrin e o f th e natura l righ t t o property , als o raise d criticism s of "decaden t Calvinis t theories , whic h sa w persona l wealt h a s a sig n o f special divin e favor. " 52 Stackhous e quote s James Dombrowsk i t o th e effec t that a "this - worldly " Calvinism , a s oppose d t o th e "otherworldliness " o f Lutheranism an d th e "next-worldliness " o f Catholicism , manifeste d itsel f i n those place s wher e Calvinis m wa s mos t deepl y entrenched. 5 3 Thi s "Purita n evangelical" Calvinis m emphasize d participatio n i n th e worl d wit h a vie w to transformin g it. 54 Jus t a s Emerson , durin g thi s era , face d th e crisi s o f relevancy an d foun d a meaningfu l vocatio n a s a "scholar, " Phillip s wa s abl e to fin d a divinely sanctione d vocatio n i n abolitionism . Accordin g t o Ronal d Walters, "t o b e a n abolitionis t wa s t o declar e allegianc e t o th e principle s o f brotherhood an d equalit y o f opportunity , t o suffer fo r thos e ideals , an d t o band togethe r wit h like-minde d individuals. " 55 Thei r agitatio n "ofte n cam e at a crucial momen t i n thei r live s an d helpe d the m fin d direction , meaning , and companionship. " 5 6 Abolitionism i s almos t universall y describe d b y moder n writer s a s a "moral crusade, " " a sacre d vocation, " o r a "religiou s movement," 5 7 an d Phillips, arme d wit h confidenc e i n hi s righteousnes s an d hi s visio n o f absolute truth , reflecte d th e religiou s natur e o f th e caus e i n hi s discourse . H e describe d abolitionis m a s "a n insurrectio n t o restor e absolut e right, " described Joh n Brow n a s "th e brave , frank , an d sublim e truste r i n God' s right an d absolut e justice, " an d denie d concer n wit h th e tempora l an d ephemeral: "Yo u se e I a m talkin g o f tha t absolut e essenc e o f thing s whic h lives i n th e sigh t o f th e Eterna l an d th e Infinite ; no t a s me n judg e i t i n th e rotten moral s o f th e nineteent h century , amon g a her d o f State s tha t call s itself a n empire , becaus e i t raise s cotto n an d sell s slaves." 58 Phillip s trul y prophesied o r "spok e fo r another " whe n h e sai d o f Joh n Brown , " G o d makes hi m th e text , an d al l h e ask s o f ou r comparativel y cowardl y lip s i s t o preach th e sermon , an d sa y t o th e America n peopl e that , whethe r tha t ol d man succeede d i n a worldl y sens e o r not , h e stoo d a representativ e o f law , of government , o f right , o f justice , o f religion , an d the y wer e a m o b o f murderers w h o gathere d abou t him , an d sough t t o wrea k vengeanc e b y

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taking hi s life. " 59 T h e rhetorica l attitud e suggeste d her e i s succinctl y char acterized b y Bartlett : " N o matte r ho w bitter , ho w merciless , ho w seemingl y vindictive hi s assault s o n individuals , Phillip s alway s fel t justified i n wha t h e was doing . H e di d no t thin k o f himsel f a s a n ordinar y lecture r o r orator , but a s a kind o f minister t o th e public , preachin g th e gospe l o f reform." 6 0 T h e assertio n o f God' s presenc e i n history , howeve r harsh , carrie s th e reassurance o f order , a single motiv e power , a single guidin g passio n behin d an otherwis e inexplicabl e universe . T h e exegesi s o f sacre d histor y i s a critical propheti c devic e fo r revealin g a t critica l moment s G o d s will . T h e prophetic wo e find s i n catastroph e a n adumbratio n o f G o d s judgment . Abolitionist discours e o f th e lat e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centurie s is rif e wit h suc h revelations . Davi d Brio n Davi s find s th e them e t o b e central i n th e emergenc e o f immediatis m ove r gradualis m i n antislaver y thought an d provide s a numbe r o f examples . Notabl e amon g the m i s Granville Sharp' s interpretatio n o f hurricane s i n th e Wes t Indie s a s "super natural agencie s t o blas t th e enemies of law an d righteousness," and America n Thomas Branagan' s ple a t o "brin g a speed y en d t o slaver y an d aver t th e divine judgment o f a n apocalypti c racia l war." 6 1 T h e languag e o f Shar p an d Branagan , wit h it s synthesi s o f logos an d pathos expresse d a s righteousness an d th e convictio n o f divin e orde r behin d it, wa s share d b y Phillip s an d hi s fello w Garrisonians . I n th e "Addres s o f th e Executive Committe e o f th e America n Anti-Slaver y Societ y t o th e Friend s of Freedo m an d Emancipatio n i n th e U . States, " signe d b y Willia m Lloy d Garrison a s Presiden t an d Wendel l Phillip s an d Mari a Westo n Chapma n a s Secretaries, i t wa s declared , After th e independenc e o f this country ha d been achieved , th e voic e o f Go d exhorted th e people , saying , "Execut e tru e judgment, an d sho w merc y an d compassion, ever y ma n t o hi s brother : an d oppres s no t th e widow , no r th e fatherless, th e stranger, no r the poor; an d let none o f you imagine evi l against his brothe r i n you r heart . Bu t the y refuse d t o hearken , an d pulle d awa y th e shoulder, an d stoppe d thei r ears , tha t the y shoul d no t hear ; yea , the y mad e their heart s a s an adaman t stone. " "Shal l I not visi t fo r thes e things ? sait h th e Lord. Shal l not m y soul be avenged o n suc h a nation a s this?"62 Borrowing languag e directl y fro m th e Ol d Testament , Garrison , Phillips , and Chapma n lef t n o doub t a s t o th e ultimat e realizatio n o f God' s will : order woul d b e restore d throug h th e eliminatio n o f sin . Perhap s no t al l would b e saved , bu t th e powe r o f a n omnipoten t Go d woul d no t b e thwarted b y th e pun y obstinanc e o f avariciou s men . Ther e i s a promis e

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here tha t chao s wil l succum b t o justice ; th e wicke d wil l b e punishe d an d the goo d rewarded ; th e mora l qualitie s o f th e worl d wil l b e clarified . Frightful a s th e prospec t o f natura l disaster s an d war s migh t hav e been , the mos t compellin g evidenc e o f Jehovah's wrat h agains t Hi s peopl e wa s the threa t o f th e "slav e powe r conspiracy. " Conceive d a s a plo t b y th e slaveholding state s t o establis h politica l hegemon y ove r th e fre e states , th e idea o f th e slav e powe r conspirac y implicate d th e N o r t h fo r it s passiv e complicity i n slaver y fa r mor e tha n i t implicate d th e Sout h fo r th e si n o f slaveholding. Ther e was , afte r all , somethin g virtuou s i n th e Southerner' s aggressive defens e o f slavery , howeve r misguided . I t wa s fo r thi s reaso n tha t Phillips ha d a grudgin g admiratio n fo r th e unregenerat e Joh n C . Calhou n and nothin g bu t contemp t fo r th e grea t compromise r Henr y Clay . T h e end o f Norther n fecklessnes s woul d b e it s ow n slavery , th e "slav e powe r conspiracy" bein g conceive d a s God' s vehicl e fo r th e enslavemen t o f al l those w h o ha d forsake n virtu e an d th e covenant . I n a letter t o Phillip s fro m William Lloy d Garrison , "Sunda y Morning , Apri l 2 1 [1861], " Garriso n ventured t o sugges t som e "portion s o f Scripture " tha t h e fel t migh t b e useful fo r a n addres s Phillip s wa s t o mak e tha t da y a t th e Musi c Hall . Fro m chapters 5 0 an d 5 1 o f Jeremiah, Garriso n mad e th e followin g application : "Israel an d Judah typif y th e North ; an d a recognitio n o f thei r guilt , also , i s made, wit h discriminatio n an d hope : — 'Fo r Israe l hat h no t bee n forsaken , nor Judah o f hi s God ; though their land was filled with sin against the Holy One of Israel' — i.e., th e si n o f complicity. " 6 3 For thos e wit h a n acut e mora l vision , th e desig n o f th e slav e powe r conspiracy wa s eviden t i n man y o f th e event s precedin g th e Civi l War . I t i s in th e natur e o f conspiracie s t o attemp t t o escap e notice , t o disguis e patter n as rando m activity . Action s presente d t o th e publi c a s th e independen t pursuit o f economi c interests—th e Kansas-Nebrask a Act , th e Fugitiv e Slave Law , th e Compromis e o f 1850—wer e viewe d b y abolitionist s a s components o f a concerted mora l assault. 64 Th e abolitionist s wer e burdene d with th e tas k o f revealin g th e tru e natur e o f event s t o th e degenerat e w h o saw the m onl y throug h th e promiscuou s languag e o f politics . I n referenc e to th e annexatio n o f Texas, Phillip s said , How vigilantly , ho w patiently , di d w e watc h th e Texa s plo t fro m it s com mencement! Th e politi c Sout h felt tha t its first mov e had been to o bold, an d thenceforward worke d underground . Fo r many a year, men laughe d a t us for entertaining an y apprehensions . I t wa s impossibl e t o rous e th e Nort h t o it s Peril. Davi d Le e Chil d wa s though t crazy , becaus e h e woul d no t believ e

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there wa s no danger . Hi s elaborat e Letters on Texan Annexation ar e th e ables t and mos t valuabl e contributio n tha t ha s bee n mad e towar d a history o f th e whole plot. 65 The conspirac y theme , a s evidence d i n th e rhetori c o f th e America n Revolution, i s a vehicle fo r signification . God , o r som e othe r absolut e valu e standing i n Hi s place , i s implied i n th e notio n tha t ther e ar e ideal s t o whic h the conspirac y ca n b e opposed . Conflic t achieve s cosmi c dimensions ; q u o tidian appearance s prov e t o b e a n inadequat e accoun t o f events ; th e contes t has profoun d implications . Indeed , i t i s precisel y unde r th e shrou d o f pedestrianism tha t conspiracie s see k t o escap e notice , t o avoi d a true assess ment o f thei r consequences . A s isolate d an d rando m occurrences , event s beg t o b e dismisse d withou t cross-examination . Agains t th e tendenc y t o reduce event s t o insignificance , th e propheti c voic e demand s a thoroughgo ing exegesi s o f sacre d history . I n doin g so , i t reveal s th e pattern s an d provides a rationale fo r th e putativel y innocuou s an d serendipitous . Treatment o f th e slav e powe r conspirac y them e b y Phillip s an d hi s fello w Garrisonians reveal s a n obsessiv e concer n wit h enslavemen t a s a resul t o f moral sloth . Radica l abolitionis m wa s ofte n les s concerne d wit h workin g toward freedo m o f chatte l slave s tha n i t wa s wit h th e integrit y o f N o r t h e r n free states . I n a lette r t o Phillips , Garrison , quotin g Jeremiah, wrote , "Fle e out o f th e mids t o f Babylon , delive r ever y ma n hi s soul , b e no t cu t of f i n her iniquity." 66 Phillip s himsel f bespoke a certain selfis h complacenc y w h e n he argued , "I f w e neve r fre e a slave , a t leas t w e hav e free d ourselve s i n ou r efforts t o emancipat e ou r brothe r men." 6 7 I t woul d b e unfai r t o sa y tha t Phillips wa s no t concerne d wit h th e pligh t o f th e chatte l slave . H e wa s concerned, as , fo r example , remark s mad e i n 184 6 attest : "W e mus t spea k strongly becaus e th e crisi s demand s plai n talking . R e m e m b e r thi s i s n o evi l which lynx-eye d ingenuit y ha s discovered . W e ar e no t goin g abou t wit h a lamp a t mid-day , i n orde r t o ferre t ou t som e littl e loca l evil . Ever y sixt h man i s a slave . T h e nationa l banne r cling s t o th e flagstaff, heav y wit h blood." 6 8 A t th e sam e time , i t appear s tha t hi s lega l background , hi s interes t in th e issue s o f th e America n Revolution , an d th e natur e o f hi s conversio n to th e antislaver y movemen t incline d Phillip s t o a grea t concer n wit h th e infringement o f the slav e powe r conspirac y o n th e right s o f free N o r t h e r n ers. 69 I n hi s firs t speec h a s a n abolitionist , " T h e Righ t o f Petition, " Phillip s protested agains t th e antiabolitionis t gag-rul e i n th e Congres s an d lamente d the deat h o f a righ t "w e ha d though t a s firmly fixe d i n th e soi l o f Americ a as th e Saxo n rac e whic h brough t i t here . I t wa s th e breat h o f lif e durin g

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our colonia l history , an d i s recognized o n ever y pag e o f ou r histor y sinc e a s the bulwar k o f civi l liberty. " H e wen t o n t o lin k th e defens e o f civi l libert y and abolitionism : " U p o n th e friend s o f abolition , o f fre e discussion , o f equal rights , throughou t th e land , insul t ha d bee n heape d o n insult , an d outrage adde d t o outrage , til l w e though t tha t malic e ha d don e it s worst . All th e outwork s tha t guar d th e citade l o f libert y ha d bee n i n tur n over thrown. Th e deares t right s o f freeme n ha d been , on e b y one , tor n fro m us." 7 0 Phillips' s famou s speec h "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy " wa s a defens e o f freedom o f expression ; it s onl y concer n wit h slaver y wa s th e fac t tha t Lovejoy ha d bee n th e owne r o f a n abolitionis t press. 71 For self-professe d revolutionarie s w h o disdaine d expedience , i t i s mor e than mer e coincidenc e tha t thei r proselytizin g wa s restricte d t o th e North ; it i s mor e tha n mer e coincidenc e tha t primar y amon g thei r tactic s wa s withdrawal fro m contaminate d institutions—th e refusa l t o vote , th e c o m e outerist movemen t i n th e churches ; an d i t i s mor e tha n mer e coincidenc e that th e mott o o f th e America n Anti-Slaver y Societ y wa s " N o U n i o n wit h Slaveholders." Possibl y th e influenc e o f N e w Englan d Calvinis m wit h it s doctrine o f predestinatio n inhibite d Garrisonia n abolitionis m fro m eve r realizing a postur e o f conversion , bu t i t seem s apparen t tha t radica l aboli tionism, fo r whateve r reasons , i s mor e adequatel y characterize d a s a move ment o f separation . Give n th e absolutis t philosoph y behin d it , i t seem s inevitable tha t i t shoul d b e so . Radica l abolitionis m foun d a certai n powe r in th e ambiguit y betwee n fittin g it s situation a s corrective an d fittin g withi n what th e situatio n permitte d an d woul d receive. 72 In th e 184 4 "Addres s o f th e Executiv e Committee, " Phillips , Garrison , and Mari a Chapma n declare d tha t the y wishe d t o separat e fro m slaveholder s not i n anger , no t i n malice , no t fo r a selfis h purpose , no t t o d o the m a n injury, no t t o ceas e warning, exhorting , reprovin g the m fo r thei r crimes , no t to leave the perishing bondman t o hi s fate—O no ! But t o clea r ou r skirt s o f innocent blood—t o giv e th e oppresso r n o countenance—t o signif y ou r abhorrence o f injustic e an d cruelty—t o testif y agains t a n ungodl y com pact—to ceas e striking hands with thieve s and consentin g with adulterers. 73 In thi s excerpt , th e en d o f judgment i s clear . Althoug h concer n i s sum marily expresse d fo r th e "perishin g bondman, " judgment entail s separation , decision, definition . I n wishin g t o kee p thei r skirt s clean , t o avoi d th e touch o f "thieves, " th e abolitionist s expres s les s concer n fo r th e welfar e o f the slav e tha n fo r thei r ow n mora l purity . But i t woul d b e unfai r t o b e overl y cynica l regardin g th e intention s o f

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the Garrisonians . Consisten t wit h Phillips' s emphasi s o n th e languag e o f instruction, i t canno t b e doubte d tha t th e signer s sincerel y expecte d thei r action t o serv e a s a mode l fo r emulation . B y settin g themselve s apar t i n opposition t o thos e w h o ac t contrar y t o God' s will , th e abolitionist s sough t to demonstrat e th e prope r exercis e o f virtu e an d encourag e th e emulatio n of others , a s well a s to affir m thei r mora l status . Abolitionists sa w th e Civi l Wa r a s th e culminatio n o f crisis . T h e peopl e had fo r year s absorbe d themselve s i n captiou s debates , feignin g ignoranc e of God' s will , exhibitin g a mora l timorousness . Finally , ther e wa s n o re course bu t fo r Go d t o execut e Hi s judgment an d t o restor e order : "I t i s i n vain now , wit h thes e scene s abou t us , i n thi s crisis , t o endeavo r t o creat e public opinion ; to o lat e no w t o educat e twent y million s o f people, " la mented Phillips . " O u r objec t no w i s t o concentrat e an d t o manifest , t o make eviden t an d t o mak e intense , th e mature d purpos e o f th e nation . W e are t o sho w th e world , i f i t b e indee d so , tha t democrati c institution s ar e strong enoug h fo r suc h a n hou r a s this . Ver y terribl e a s i s th e conspiracy , momentous a s is the peril , Democrac y welcome s th e struggle." 74 T h e crisi s for Phillip s i s instructive ; properl y attende d to , i t provide s th e resolutio n o f chaos an d indecision ; i t i s a judgment fro m whic h mus t b e discerne d "th e matured purpos e o f th e nation. " Awfu l a s th e wa r was , i t a t leas t ha d meaning. I t resolve d al l doub t concernin g th e mora l qualit y o f slavery . Judgment provide s th e resolutio n o f th e agon in th e sacre d drama . T h e antagonist i s eithe r absorbe d o r vanquished . Eithe r way , th e ne w displa y o f unanimity i s equally impressive . Justice i s both ruthles s an d benevolent . T h e radical polarizatio n o f th e worl d eliminate s confusion . I n a worl d wher e political an d religiou s leader s fai l t o offe r clea r direction , wher e th e c o m promise o f purit y i s innocuousl y presente d a s a proces s tha t leave s th e greater par t o f principl e intact , propheti c rhetori c posit s a clea r dramati c opposition o f protagonis t an d antagonist . I t clarifie s mora l identitie s an d structures desire s fo r denouement . In orde r t o achiev e certaint y i n th e fac e o f chaos , Phillip s indulge d i n a reactionary mov e characteristi c o f th e prophet . I n th e value s o f th e Ameri can Revolution , Phillip s foun d a redoubtabl e consensu s an d a mode l o f virtue. Phillip s canonize d th e Foundin g Fathers , an d muc h o f their philoso phy wa s continuou s wit h hi s religion . I n college , h e displaye d a n affinit y for th e work s o f Locke , amon g others , an d wa s particularl y intereste d i n the histor y o f th e America n Revolution. 7 5 Hi s speeche s contai n reference s to John Milto n an d Algerno n Sidney 7 6 H e echoe s th e revolutionar y mott o that "resistanc e t o tyrant s i s obedienc e t o God," 7 7 an d h e ofte n spok e o f

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"natural law " an d "inalienabl e rights." 7 8 Tw o o f hi s biographer s attes t t o the fac t tha t th e spiri t o f th e Revolutio n wa s stil l ver y muc h i n evidenc e i n the Bosto n o f Phillips' s boyhood, 7 9 an d James Stewar t make s th e influenc e of Whig republicanis m o n Phillips' s caree r a centra l them e i n hi s biography . T h e man y tribute s pai d t o Otis , Hancock , th e Adamses , an d Jefferso n i n his speeche s bea r ou t thes e estimation s an d leav e n o doub t a s t o th e lastin g imprint o f thi s traditio n o n Phillips . In hi s "Defens e o f Lovejoy, " on e o f hi s firs t speeche s o n behal f o f abolition, a speec h tha t gaine d hi m instan t notoriet y i f no t fame , Phillip s pointed t o th e portrait s o f th e Foundin g Father s hangin g ther e i n Boston' s Fanieul Hal l an d proclaimed : "Sir , whe n I hear d th e gentlema n la y dow n principles whic h plac e th e murderer s o f Alto n sid e b y sid e wit h Oti s an d Hancock, wit h Quinc y an d Adams , I though t thos e picture d lip s woul d have broke n int o voic e t o rebuk e th e recrean t American , th e slandere r o f the dead. " 80 I n hi s speec h " T h e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " h e reminde d hi s listeners, "W e stan d toda y just a s Hancoc k an d Adam s an d Jefferson stoo d when stam p ac t an d te a tax , Patric k Henry' s eloquenc e an d th e massacr e o f March 5th , Otis' s bloo d an d Bunke r Hill , ha d born e the m t o July, 1776. " 81 N o t onl y i n God , bu t i n th e overpowerin g virtu e o f the leader s o f Revolu tionary America , Phillip s foun d a guid e t o actio n an d a groun d fo r j u d g ment. 8 2 There wer e natura l continuitie s betwee n th e philosoph y o f the America n Revolution an d th e philosoph y o f Phillips' s day , continuitie s tha t th e lan guage o f evangelicalism shoul d no t b e allowe d t o obscure. 83 Phillip s referre d to " a threa d whic h bridge s ove r tha t dar k an d trouble d wave , an d connect s us b y a livin g nerv e wit h th e freeme n o f th e Revolution. " 84 T h e writing s of th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sens e philosopher s wer e prominen t i n America n colleges an d universitie s o f th e earl y nineteent h century , an d ther e was , i f anything, a n eve n greate r relianc e o n "intuition " a s a sourc e o f infallibl e knowledge tha n i n th e Revolutionar y period . T h e Secon d Grea t Awaken ing i n Americ a wa s a tim e o f immens e fait h i n th e powe r o f th e hear t t o discern truth. 8 5 Phillip s displaye d thi s c o m m o n fait h when , fo r example , h e affirmed hi s commitmen t tha t th e "Highe r Law " stoo d oppose d t o slavery . "So speak s th e heart," h e said. 86 Addressing th e heart , Phillip s spok e th e languag e o f th e passions . I t i s the prophet' s tas k t o creat e a n emotiona l respons e t o sin , a reactio n t o th e pathos o f God . Phillip s exhibite d a powerful consciousnes s o f hi s rhetorica l choices. Apparentl y makin g th e hear t metapho r literal , h e declared , "Ther e is something i n th e bloo d which , me n tel l us, brings ou t virtue s an d defects ,

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even whe n the y hav e lai n dorman t fo r a generation. " Abolitionis m wa s "blood whos e war m current s o f eloquen t aid " ha d sprun g t o lif e afte r th e dormancy o f a generatio n "t o rous e th e worl d b y th e vigo r an d patho s o f its appeals. " 87 Phillips demonstrate d bot h vigo r an d pathos: "I f w e no w repudiat e an d denounce som e o f ou r institutions , i t i s becaus e w e hav e faithfull y trie d them, an d foun d the m dea f to th e claim s o f justice an d humanity." 8 8 "Prov e to m e no w tha t hars h rebuke , indignan t denunciation , scathin g sarcasm , and pitiles s ridicul e ar e wholl y an d alway s unjustifiable ; els e w e dar e not , i n so desperat e a case , thro w awa y an y weapo n whic h eve r brok e u p th e crus t of a n ignoran t prejudice , rouse d a slumberin g conscience , shame d a prou d sinner, o r changed , i n an y way , th e conduc t o f a human being." 8 9 Abraham Hesche l asks , "Wha t i s th e tormen t tha t prompt s th e prophe t to hur l bitte r word s a t th e people ? I s i t a feelin g o f alarm , th e threa t o f disaster? Wha t i s th e direc t inne r impac t th e prophe t seek s t o mak e upo n his people ? Doe s h e ai m t o strik e terro r i n th e heart , t o alarm? " An d h e answers, " T h e prophet s purpos e i s t o mov e peopl e t o repent , t o conver t the inne r man , t o reviv e devotion , love , t o reconcil e Israe l wit h God." 9 0 Phillips mad e clea r th e exhortativ e natur e o f hi s enterpris e w h e n h e said , It seem s t o u s tha t i n suc h a land ther e mus t be , o n thi s questio n o f slavery, sluggards t o b e awakened , a s well a s doubters t o b e convinced . Man y more , we verily believe, o f the firs t tha n o f the last . There ar e far mor e heart s t o b e quickened tha n confuse d intellect s t o be cleare d up—more dum b dog s to b e made t o spea k tha n doubtin g conscience s t o b e enlightened . [Lou d cheers ] We have use, then, sometimes , for somethin g beside argument. 91 Writing o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , Hesche l concurs : "Thei r primar y aim i s t o mov e th e soul , t o engag e th e attentio n b y bol d an d strikin g images, an d therefor e i t i s t o th e imaginatio n an d th e passion s tha t th e prophets speak , rathe r tha n aimin g a t th e col d approbatio n o f th e mind." 9 2 Edwin Black , no t coincidentally , find s Willia m Lloy d Garriso n t o b e a n example o f thi s mod e o f speaking , whic h Blac k term s "exhortativ e dis course" a s oppose d t o "argumentativ e discourse. " Exhortativ e discourse , according t o Black , "i s tha t i n whic h th e evocatio n o f a n emotiona l re sponse i n th e audienc e induce s belie f i n th e situatio n t o whic h th e emotio n is appropriate. I n thi s genre , a strong emotiona l experienc e doe s no t follo w the acceptanc e o f a belief , o r eve n accompan y it ; i t precede s it . Emotio n can b e sai d t o produc e th e belie f instea d o f th e reverse. " 93 Blac k s analysi s of exhortativ e discours e tend s t o corroborat e muc h o f wha t I hav e claime d

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about Phillip s an d t o illuminat e th e dynamic s o f Phillips' s speaking . H e notes tha t th e powe r o f exhortatio n t o promot e intens e convictio n make s i t an "alie n t o n g u e " 9 4 an d goe s o n t o describ e th e judgmen t i n th e exhort ative genr e an d it s imminence. 9 5 Phillips's transformatio n o f th e world , then , lie s i n th e reviva l o f e m o tional orientation . Radicall y dividin g th e worl d int o goo d an d evi l an d providing a n exampl e o f th e prope r emotiona l respons e t o each , h e at tempted t o brin g orde r ou t o f chaos . I n th e dull , homogeneous , ambiguou s world o f compromise , exhortatio n serve d t o restor e simplicit y an d orde r through th e introductio n o f highly charge d an d distinctiv e emotiona l states . In Phillips' s ow n words , "Go d ha s give n u s n o weapo n bu t th e truth , faithfully uttered , an d addressed , wit h th e ol d prophets ' directness , t o th e conscience o f the individua l sinner." 96 I n accordanc e wit h th e epistemolog y of th e time , Phillip s provide d a n unfettered , uncomplicate d proclamatio n of absolut e trut h i n term s designe d t o deman d a n emotiona l convictio n o n the par t o f th e audience ; h e aime d t o mak e hi s listener s fee l th e truth . It ma y firs t appea r tha t suc h a passionat e discours e i s a t odd s wit h th e ideal o f temperanc e tha t th e discours e wa s suppose d t o elici t an d enforce . James Stewart , i n a n illuminatin g analysi s o f Phillips' s rhetoric , find s thi s contradiction betwee n th e idea l o f contro l an d th e passionate , evangelica l vehicle fo r achievin g i t centra l t o antebellu m America . Accordin g t o Stew art, "th e majo r sourc e o f Phillips' s rhetorica l mastery " la y i n hi s unerrin g balance o f thes e elements : "A s h e harmonize d an d articulate d thes e seem ingly conflictin g impulse s b y makin g orde r th e prerequisit e o f freedom , h e spoke t o som e o f th e deepes t feeling s o f hi s age." 9 7 Certainly, Phillip s stoo d a s a n exampl e o f th e parado x o f freedo m through submission—lik e th e prophet , th e radica l abolitionis t wa s onl y genuinely fre e whe n completel y give n ove r t o th e divin e will—bu t w e should b e war y o f perceivin g irreconcilabl e opposition s wher e non e exist . In thei r critica l assessmen t o f classica l system s o f thought , eighteenth century philosoph y an d rhetori c understoo d th e passion s a s integra l t o human natur e an d no t necessaril y alie n t o humanity' s highe r nature . A s David H u m e claimed , "Reaso n is , an d ough t onl y t o be , th e slav e o f th e passions, an d ca n neve r preten d t o an y othe r offic e tha n t o serv e an d obe y them." Bu t H u m e als o argued , "I t i s impossible . . . that thi s passio n ca n b e opposed b y o r b e contradictor y t o trut h an d reason ; sinc e thi s contradictio n consists i n th e disagreemen t o f ideas , considere d a s copies , wit h thos e objects whic h the y represent." 98 Georg e Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric, a text Phillip s studie d a t Harvard , extende d Hume' s thinkin g o n th e relation -

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ship betwee n feelin g an d persuasio n b y makin g "vivacity " th e foundatio n of belief . Phillips' s exhortativ e discours e i s completel y consisten t wit h Campbells Humea n emphasis , an d Phillips's teache r o f rhetoric a t Harvard , Edward T . Channing , appear s t o hav e reinforce d suc h ideas. " I t was C h a n ning's belie f "tha t i t take s nothin g fro m th e meri t o f moder n politica l orators t o concede , tha t ou r most impassione d popula r eloquenc e i s marke d throughout wit h th e intentio n o f leadin g considerat e me n t o responsibl e action." 1 0 0 Passion , fa r fro m bein g irresponsibl e i n th e vie w o f nineteenth century rhetoric , sough t t o mak e peopl e responsiv e t o th e good . I t wa s a manifestation o f God' s judgmen t an d a vehicl e fo r awakenin g somethin g fundamental t o th e self, fo r onl y throug h th e proper exercis e o f the passion s was on e virtuou s an d thu s trul y human. 1 0 1 A s Mynheer Peeperkor n coun seled Han s Castor p i n anothe r anodyn e environment , Feeling, you understand, i s the masculine forc e tha t rouses life. Lif e slumbers . It need s t o b e roused , t o b e awakene d t o a drunke n marriag e wit h divin e feeling. Fo r feeling, youn g man , is godlike. Ma n is godlike, i n tha t h e feels . He i s the feelin g o f God . Go d create d hi m i n orde r t o fee l throug h him . Man is nothing but the organ through which Go d consummates his marriage with rouse d an d intoxicated life . I f man fail s i n feeling , i t is blasphemy; i t is the surrende r o f Hi s masculinity , a cosmi c catastrophe , a n irreconcilabl e horror.102 Perhaps flinching a t th e metaphor s o f intoxication , nineteenth-centur y Americans woul d hav e understoo d perfectl y Peeperkorn' s meaning . The ethos presented throug h passio n i s ambiguous . I t ma y represen t th e most indulgen t for m o f personal expressio n reflecte d i n suc h characteriza tions a s " H e just le t g o " o r "Sh e reall y le t loose. " Certainly , th e appea l o f such a licentious mod e o f speaking i n a n otherwis e constraine d an d repres sive societ y shoul d no t be underestimated , an d it als o make s understandabl e the acrimoniou s reaction s t o abolitionis t rhetori c a s a furthe r sig n o f th e fear o f intemperance . A t it s extreme , passionat e discours e ma y brin g th e speaker attentio n i n th e for m o f recrimination s o r retaliation , henc e th e connection betwee n passionat e expressio n and , for example , th e passio n o f Christ. Haze l Catherin e Wol f reflecte d thi s poin t o f view whe n sh e argue d that th e abolitionist s use d thei r histrioni c martyrdom s a s a kin d o f exhibi tionism, neuroti c display s o f self. 103 Wolf' s suggestio n tha t martyrdo m wa s the primar y motivatio n fo r th e abolitionist s ha s sustained seriou s criticism , but eve n mos t scholar s sympatheti c t o th e abolitionists hav e agree d tha t i t is a significan t ide a i n abolitionis t thought .

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Alternately, passio n ma y b e see n a s an overpowerin g urg e externa l t o th e person, i n th e cas e o f th e prophet , Yahweh' s will . T h e prophe t i s reduce d to th e statu s o f vehicle ; th e sel f i s no t expresse d bu t surrendered . Passio n accurately reflect s thi s sublimation , fo r w e associat e passio n wit h th e los s o f self—"I wa s ou t o f m y mind, " "Sh e forgo t herself, " " I wa s besid e myself, " "I don' t kno w wha t cam e ove r me. " T h e passionat e stat e o f min d i s essentially sacrificial ; th e prophe t i s compelled t o suffer th e divin e suffering . This i s th e vie w hel d b y Ailee n Kradito r w h o suggest s tha t "th e evidenc e shows willingness to suffer fo r th e caus e a s a probabl y necessar y pric e t o b e paid, rathe r tha n a desire to suffer." 104 T h e differenc e betwee n Wol f an d Kraditor i s th e differenc e betwee n seein g i n martyrdo m a perverse for m o f self-celebration an d seein g i n i t a for m o f ethica l proof . Fro m Kradito r s standpoint, martyrdo m i s th e logica l culminatio n o f a commitmen t t o unpopular truths . Wolf , o n th e othe r hand , woul d hav e u s se e no t th e ultimate sacrific e o f self to principle , bu t th e ultimat e self-serving . B y eithe r interpretation ther e i s a marke d failur e t o accommodat e th e audience , bu t the propheti c motiv e i s servitude . Phillips clearl y presente d hi s exertion s an d sufferin g a s a n inescapabl e duty. Fro m th e example s alread y provided , th e ubiquit y o f th e languag e o f duty i n hi s discours e i s evident . I t wa s a burde n o f whic h h e wa s alway s cognizant, a s th e frequen t reference s attest. 105 T h e performanc e o f a sacre d duty i n a n atmospher e o f adversit y i s th e formul a b y whic h martyr s ar e created, an d Phillip s ha d a keen understandin g o f the appea l o f martyrdom . In a speec h commemoratin g th e occasio n o f th e Bosto n m o b tha t nearl y took th e lif e o f Garrison , h e praise d th e wome n o f th e antislaver y societ y w h o stoo d fir m i n thei r adherenc e t o principl e regardles s o f th e threat s o f the mayor : They taugh t m e tha t dow n i n thos e heart s whic h love d a principle fo r itself , asked n o man s leav e t o thin k o r speak , tru e t o thei r convictions , n o matte r at wha t hazard , flowed th e rea l bloo d o f '76 , o f 1640 , o f th e hemlock drinker o f Athens, an d o f the martyr-saint s o f Jerusalem. I thank the m fo r it ! My eye s wer e sealed , s o that , althoug h I kne w th e Adamse s an d Otise s o f 1776, and th e Mar y Dyer s an d Ann Hutchinson s o f older times , I could no t recognize th e Adamse s an d Otises , the Dyer s an d Hutchinsons , who m I met in the street s of'35. 106 H e als o cas t Elija h Lovejo y an d John Brow n a s martyrs " w h o teac h u s ho w to liv e an d ho w t o die." 1 0 7 Phillips demonstrate s hi s appreciatio n o f the didacti c functio n o f martyr -

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dom i n hi s repetition s o f th e ver b "teach. " Martyrdo m wa s understoo d a s a corrective t o th e failur e o f instructio n b y politica l an d religiou s leader s w h o m Phillip s s o bitterl y indicted . Tha t h e ha d learne d hi s lesson s fro m these nobl e martyr s i s evidence d i n hi s ow n willingnes s t o join them : "W e are perfectl y willing— I am , fo r o n e — t o b e th e dea d lumbe r tha t shal l make a pat h fo r the e me n int o th e ligh t an d lov e o f th e people . W e hop e for nothin g better . Us e u s freely, i n an y way , fo r th e slave . W h en th e templ e is finished , th e tool s wil l no t complai n tha t the y ar e throw n aside , le t w h o will lea d u p th e natio n t o 'pu t o n th e topston e wit h shoutings. ' " 1 0 8 An d i t is clea r tha t Phillip s believe d h e ha d lai d himsel f o n God' s alta r whe n h e describes th e abuse s h e ha s suffere d i n hi s pursui t o f the cause , an d nowher e clearer tha n whe n h e explicitl y link s himsel f t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t Nathan: Sir, whe n a natio n set s itsel f t o d o evil , an d al l it s leadin g forces , wealth , party, an d piety , join i n th e career , i t is impossible bu t tha t thos e wh o offe r a constant oppositio n shoul d b e hate d an d maligned , n o matte r ho w wise , cautious, an d wel l planne d thei r cours e ma y be . W e ar e peculia r sufferer s i n this way Th e communit y ha s com e t o hat e it s reprovin g Natha n s o bitterly , that eve n thos e who m th e relentin g par t o f i t i s beginnin g t o regar d a s standard- bearer s o f the antislaver y hos t thin k i t unwise t o avo w any connec tion o r sympathy wit h him. 109 In martyrdo m lie s th e perfec t realizatio n o f duty , th e radica l sacrific e o f th e self I n a discourse oppose d t o slavery , martyrdo m i s also th e mos t complet e freedom an d th e mos t profoun d exercis e o f virtue . Mos t important , i n al l this w e fin d a mode l fo r emulation . Th e martyre d prophe t present s himsel f as a synecdochal realizatio n o f God' s will .

Divine Judgment in a Postsacral World The languag e o f dut y i s a language o f relationship . I t i s both a n assertio n o f the motiv e o f th e prophe t an d a continuin g testimon y t o th e existenc e o f divine force s tha t hav e commande d th e prophet' s servitude . I n th e latte r aspect, th e communit y t o whic h th e prophe t speak s mus t hav e a belie f i n the possibilit y o f th e sacred , o r th e prophet' s clai m i s dismisse d a s madness . Furthermore, thi s belie f mus t b e i n direc t proportio n t o th e claim s th e prophet make s agains t it . I n Phillips' s case , i n th e criticism s o f hi s intensit y by bot h hi s contemporarie s an d late r historians , ther e i s th e persisten t

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suspicion of something excessive in the passion. Phillips himself understood this, a s hi s acknowledgment s o f th e charge s o f madnes s an d fanaticis m attest. Fo r al l it s promis e o f resolutio n i n judgment , Phillips' s rhetori c produces a lingering agitation . The worl d presente d i n Phillips' s discours e i s a simple world , a world o f uncomplicated Manichaea n dichotomies , a world o f "us " an d "them, " th e pure an d th e sordid . I t i s als o a n unrea l world . Phillip s speak s i n term s o f the ideal. His reliance o n hyperbol e an d antithesis reflects th e magnitud e o f worldly event s an d th e relationshi p o f competin g force s a s see n fro m a sacred perspective. Hi s untempered, unqualifie d judgments ar e heroic leap s onto th e cosmi c plane . Fo r al l bu t a smal l ban d o f radicals , however , th e vision wa s no t compelling . Th e Civi l Wa r wa s no t fough t t o restor e th e kingdom o f God , bu t fo r reason s tha t wer e patentl y politica l an d eco nomic.110 Althoug h th e earl y nineteent h centur y wa s ostensibl y a time o f religious revival, the existenc e o f the revivals themselves reveals an underly ing doubt. Th e overwrough t styl e of revivalism indicates a kind o f spiritual desperation. I t i s possible tha t th e increasingl y fragil e religiou s conception s of the da y could no t suppor t th e stringent demand s Phillips placed o n thei r credence. But t o sa y o f Phillips tha t th e visio n wa s ultimatel y no t persuasive , lik e saying that th e Secon d Grea t Awakenin g di d no t brin g abou t th e kingdo m of God , fail s t o confron t th e phenomeno n itself . Phillip s di d dra w larg e crowds, and he did command, i f not discipleship, at least a certain fascinate d popularity.111 I f Phillips' s claim s wer e grandios e an d extravagant , ther e i s some sens e i n whic h th e performanc e o f the m wa s not. Wha t w e nee d t o discover i s som e lin k betwee n th e propheti c impuls e an d th e literar y an d dramatic convention s o f Phillips' s time . Th e genr e o f melodram a i s th e obvious place to look . Melodrama i s a produc t o f th e notabl y secula r Frenc h Revolution , whence i t wa s exporte d t o Englan d an d America. 112 Pete r Brook s find s i n melodrama " a degenerat e for m o f th e tragic— a for m o f th e tragic , w e might say , fo r a worl d i n whic h ther e i s n o longe r a tenabl e ide a o f th e sacred."113 I t shares with prophetic judgment a basic impulse "t o locate an d to articulat e th e mora l occult." 114 A s a poeti c form , th e melodram a i s reassuring; i n th e en d justice i s done . Melodram a testifie s t o th e presenc e of meanin g i n th e world ; i t addresse s th e void. 115 Brook s find s it s genesi s "in a world wher e th e traditiona l imperative s o f truth an d ethic s have bee n violently throw n int o question , yet wher e th e promulgatio n o f trut h an d ethics, thei r instauratio n a s a wa y o f life , i s o f immediate , daily , politica l

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concern." 1 1 6 Fa r fro m bein g frivolous , th e star k diametri c opposition s i n melodrama sugges t it s kinshi p t o primitiv e mythologies . T h e integrit y o f the dramati c for m i n bot h depend s o n a resolutio n tha t attest s t o th e continuing viabilit y o f justice. I n th e dramati c conflic t lie s th e promis e o f a new orde r ou t o f th e mids t o f chaos . A s Brook s ha s written , "I f th e worl d at th e star t o f a melodrama seem s charge d wit h mora l ambiguitie s . . . thes e ambiguities ar e no t inheren t t o ethics . The y ar e rathe r appearance s t o b e penetrated, mysterie s t o b e cleare d up , s o tha t th e worl d ma y bath e i n th e stark mora l lightin g o f manichaeism." 1 1 7 Considered a s melodrama , Phillips' s discours e enjoy s th e advantag e o f immediate comprehensibilit y an d tota l involvemen t o f th e audience , it s passionate side , hissin g an d cheerin g th e appropriat e parties , a s wel l a s it s rational an d contemplativ e side . B y engagin g th e feeling s o f th e audience , melodrama force s the m ou t o f thei r torpor , force s the m t o confron t th e dramatic conflic t an d t o alig n themselves . Melodram a provide s th e thera peutic functio n o f catharsis , accordin g t o Brooks , les s throug h th e tragi c mode whereb y pit y an d fea r ar e purge d tha n throug h th e "tota l articulatio n and vigorou s actin g ou t o f th e emotions." 1 1 8 Brooks's notio n o f melodramatic catharsi s migh t b e abbreviate d wit h th e term "exhaustion. " T h e earl y nineteent h centur y wa s saturate d wit h th e melodramatic imagination . Popula r drama s include d suc h title s a s "Bosto n in Ashes , o r Homeles s Tonight " an d " T h e Ra t Catcher' s Daughter. " Tem perance song s lik e "Father' s a Drunkar d an d Mothe r i s Dead " wer e u n abashedly extravagant . N o r i s Uncle Tom's Cabin, wit h beatifi c Littl e Eva , long-suffering Uncl e Tom , an d th e heartles s Simo n Legree , a wor k gener ally note d fo r it s subtl e shadings . T o th e exten t tha t Phillip s spok e i n th e language o f exaggeratio n borderin g o n hysteria , h e wa s speakin g i n th e language o f hi s day , a moralisti c di n tha t mus t hav e reache d a deafenin g level. Rathe r tha n arousin g thei r audiences , nineteenth-centur y radical s may onl y hav e lef t the m numb . Beginning wit h th e analo g o f prophec y an d endin g i n melodram a ma y seem a rather precipitou s descent . T h e tw o generi c attribution s ma y furthe r seem t o impl y quit e differen t valuation s o f Phillips' s discourse . I n th e comparison o f prophec y t o melodrama , i t ma y see m tha t th e propheti c i s cheapened an d degraded , bu t melodram a i s no t s o easil y dismissed . C o n fronting th e melodramati c i n Balzac' s Illusions perdues, Henr y Jame s foun d himself tor n betwee n seein g i t a s eithe r " a magnificen t luri d documen t o r the baseles s fabri c o f a vision." 1 1 9 Pete r Brook s find s James' s indecisio n "close t o th e cente r o f th e proble m o f melodrama. " 12( ) James's oppositio n

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parallels ou r questio n o n th e natur e o f martyrdom , an d i t point s t o th e problem o f ethos. I t i s th e proble m o f propheti c ethos tha t mus t nex t b e attended to , leavin g Phillip s wit h th e self-assessmen t o f a melodramati c reformer her o create d b y on e o f Phillips' s contemporaries , Nathanie l H a w thorne. Quittin g hi s "cose y pai r o f bachelor-rooms—wit h a goo d fir e burning i n th e grate , an d a close t righ t a t hand , wher e ther e wa s stil l a bottle o r tw o i n th e champagne-baske t an d a residuu m o f clare t i n a box, " Miles Coverdal e lef t th e pollutio n o f th e cit y t o journey i n a snowstor m t o Blithedale wher e h e an d hi s compatriot s wer e t o for m a communit y base d on virtu e an d self-relianc e tha t woul d se t a n exampl e fo r th e world . O n this occasion , Hawthorn e allow s hi s protagonis t t o observe , The greates t obstacl e t o bein g heroic , i s the doub t whethe r on e ma y no t b e going t o prov e one' s sel f a fool; th e trues t herois m is , t o resis t th e doubt — and th e profoundes t wisdom , t o kno w whe n i t ough t t o b e resisted , an d when t o b e obeyed . Yet , afte r all , le t u s acknowledg e i t wiser , i f no t more sagacious , t o follo w ou t one' s day-drea m t o it s natural consummation , although, i f the visio n hav e bee n wort h th e having , i t i s certain neve r t o b e consummated otherwis e tha n b y a failure . An d wha t o f that ! It s airies t fragments, impalpabl e a s they may be will possess a value that lurks not i n th e most ponderous realitie s o f any practicable scheme . They ar e not th e rubbis h of th e mind . Whateve r els e I ma y repen t of , therefore , le t i t b e reckone d neither amon g m y sin s nor follies , tha t I once ha d fait h an d forc e enoug h t o form generou s hope s o f th e world's destiny—yes!—an d t o d o wha t i n m e lay for thei r accomplishment. 121

5

The Prophet' s Cal l an d His Burde n The Passion of Eugene V Debs

And h e said unto me , So n o f man, I send the e t o th e childre n o f Israel to a rebellious natio n tha t hat h rebelle d agains t me: they and thei r fa thers have transgressed agains t me , even unto thi s very day . For they are impudent childre n an d stiffhearted . I do sen d the e unt o them ; an d thou shal t say unto them , Thu s sait h th e Lord God . An d they , whether the y will hear, o r whether the y will forbear (fo r the y are a rebellious house,) ye t shall know tha t ther e hat h been a prophet amon g them. —Ezekie l 2:1—5 Then spak e the priests an d the prophets unt o th e princes an d t o all the people, saying, This man is worthy t o die ; for h e hath prophesie d against this city, as ye have heard with you r ears . Then spak e Jeremiah unto al l the princes an d t o al l the people, saying, The Lor d sen t me t o prophesy agains t thi s house an d agains t this city all the words that ye have heard. Therefor e no w amen d your ways and your doings , an d obey th e voice o f the Lor d your God ; an d th e Lor d will repent hi m o f the evi l that h e hath pronounced agains t you. As for me , behold, I am in your hand : d o with m e a s seemeth goo d an d meet unt o you . —Jeremiah 26:11-1 4

Ethos stand s a t th e cente r o f thi s study , a s i t should . T h e recep tion o f an y truths , th e perceptio n o f th e legitimac y o f an y crisis , depend s on a sense o f th e authenticit y o f the speaker s commitment . Kennet h Burk e would hav e recognize d her e a problem o f motive , particularl y tha t m o m e n t at whic h motiv e intersect s wit h authority. 1 Authorshi p must , i n th e cas e o f the prophet , res t wit h God . T h e unit y o f ethos and logos come s abou t i n th e prophets definitio n a s servan t t o th e message . I . A . Richards s ide a tha t "t o

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be sincere is to act , feel an d thin k i n accordanc e wit h 'one s tru e nature ' " 2 is illuminatin g i n thi s context . Th e prophet s sincerit y derive s fro m th e abolition o f personal motive , fro m abnegation , s o tha t "one' s tru e nature " becomes synonymou s wit h th e divin e messag e an d one' s pathos with th e divine pathos. Eugene Deb s was, by most accounts , successfu l i n presentin g a compel ling sincerit y t o hi s audiences . Historica l appraisal s o f hi m ar e unanimou s in thei r assessmen t o f hi s significance . Sidne y Len s claim s that , i n hi s time, "Deb s wa s th e mos t idolize d labo r leade r Americ a ha d produced." 3 Described b y Charle s Madiso n a s "one o f the bes t platfor m speaker s o f his time," 4 Deb s was , b y mos t accounts , " a speaker i n th e grea t traditio n o f American publi c speaking." 5 Charle s Loma s call s hi m "th e mos t popula r and effectiv e orator " o f th e radica l leader s o f th e day, 6 an d Ber t Cochra n states flatly, "There i s no questio n tha t h e [Debs ] was the mos t popula r an d effective socialis t figure eve r to appear in America." 7 On e o f the few figure s formidable enoug h t o warran t individua l mentio n i n a broa d surve y o f America i n th e Gilde d Age , Deb s i s described b y Richar d L . McCormic k as "a n indigenou s America n radical " an d " a brillian t orator." 8 Thoug h Ronald Le e an d Jame s Andrew s ar e incline d t o se e i n suc h assessment s evidence o f Debs' s latter-da y rehabilitatio n b y libera l historians, 9 thes e encomia ar e base d o n an d ar e completel y consonan t wit h thos e hear d i n Debs's own time . Howeve r h e ma y have failed a s a reformer an d politician , the record doe s not indicat e tha t Debs's ethos was ever in need o f rehabilitation.

Eugene Debs and the Crisis of the New World The crisi s Deb s addresse d wa s th e cataclysmi c emergenc e o f th e moder n world through th e process we dispassionately label industrialism. In the fift y years followin g th e Civi l War , th e Unite d State s wa s transforme d fro m a preindustrial societ y o f individual artisans , craftsmen , an d yeoma n farmer s into th e world' s preeminen t industria l power. 10 Th e chang e wa s pervasive; it lef t virtuall y n o aspec t o f American lif e untouched , an d it s unrelentin g newness was the source o f "profound socia l and economi c dislocations." 11 Robert Wieb e ha s terme d fin de siecle Americ a " a societ y withou t a core"; i t lacke d th e "nationa l center s o f authorit y an d information " tha t might hav e give n orde r t o th e changin g world ; ther e wa s n o nationa l community t o replace the local communities tha t had been uprooted. 12 Fo r

The Prophet's Call | 8 7 Herbert Gutman , thi s failur e o f coherenc e i s bes t describe d a s a failur e o f culture, th e confrontatio n o f obsolescen t value s wit h th e condition s o f th e new society; 13 Richar d Hofstadte r calle d i t th e failur e o f "th e agraria n myth." A s a n ideal , th e agraria n myth , whic h wa s a s muc h th e propert y o f urban dweller s a s rural folk , celebrate d th e purity , virtue , an d independenc e of the yeoma n farmer , th e America n par excellence.^ 4 It wa s a moral compas s that, a s th e populatio n tende d increasingl y t o concentrat e itsel f i n th e cities an d i n industria l occupations , provide d increasingl y devian t readings . Edward Bellamy , i n hi s enormousl y influentia l Utopia n nove l Looking Backward, wrote o f hi s time : "Pal e an d water y gleams , fro m skie s thickl y veile d by doub t an d dread , alon e lighte d u p th e chao s o f th e earth." 1 5 For most , th e primar y communa l experienc e i n late-nineteent h an d early-twentieth-century Americ a wa s a produc t o f it s industria l paternity , work. Thos e w h o gathere d i n th e ne w an d expandin g urba n center s wer e there o n th e promis e o f jobs. Grea t masse s o f people foun d a new c o m m o n status i n th e labe l "worker " o r "laborer. " Industria l productio n require d high degree s o f uniformit y i n th e behavio r o f workers : factorie s wer e ru n on schedule d shifts ; worker s wer e regulate d b y th e tim e clock ; th e wor k itself wa s highl y routinized ; th e onc e independen t worke r was , i n Deb s s military metaphor , "recruite d int o regiments , battalion s an d armies " wit h the wor k "subdivide d an d specialized." 16 N e w technique s o f scientifi c management, base d o n a behavioristi c psychology , wer e les s concerne d with th e individua l worke r tha n wit h productiv e efficiency ; worker s wer e viewed a s activity , tha t is , a s machines. 1 7 " W h y he' s a factor y h a n d — a hand, min d you , an d h e get s a dolla r an d a quarte r a da y whe n th e factor y is running . . . . Just a hand ! A huma n factor y hand! " exclaime d Deb s i n a characteristic metonym y borrowe d fro m Dickens' s Hard Times. "Thin k o f a hand wit h a sou l i n it ! . . . T h e workin g han d i s wha t i s neede d fo r th e capitalist's too l an d s o th e huma n mus t b e reduce d t o a hand . N o head , n o heart, n o soul—simpl y a hand." 1 8 T h e requirement s o f industria l produc tion pose d a threa t bot h t o thos e w h o ha d grow n u p aspirin g t o realiz e th e agrarian myt h an d celebratin g th e self-relian t individua l an d t o th e tradi tional wor k habit s o f Europea n artisans. 19 I n th e America n dialecti c b e tween freedo m an d responsibility , industrialis m toute d responsibilit y exclu sively; autonom y wa s eclipse d b y discipline. 20 Debs an d hi s fello w radical s se t themselve s agains t thi s inevitabl e marc h of progress . The y wer e profoundl y conservativ e i n tha t the y sough t t o restore th e value s tha t ha d characterize d America' s past . The y were , a t th e same time , profoundl y libera l i n thei r exploitatio n o f th e individualisti c an d

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egalitarian sid e o f America' s traditions . The y appealed , i n Hofstadter' s phrase, t o a n "etho s o f responsibility" 21 agains t whic h the y posite d a venerable devi l fro m th e radica l arsenal , th e specte r o f slavery . A s Deb s bluntly phrase d it , Since you hav e looked yourself over thoroughly, you realiz e by this time that , as a workingman, yo u hav e bee n supporting , throug h you r craf t union s an d through you r ballots, a social system that is the negatio n o f your manhood . The capitalis t fo r who m yo u wor k doesn' t hav e t o g o ou t an d loo k fo r you; you hav e to look fo r hi m an d you belon g to hi m just a s completely a s if he had a title t o your body; a s if you wer e his chattel slave. He doesn' t ow n you unde r th e law, but h e doe s under th e fact. 22

Debs and the Trumpet of Judgment Debs's portrai t o f th e moder n worke r wa s on e o f weakness , servility , an d dependence; th e labore r unde r capitalis m wa s a supplicant , no t a man . Addressing hi s auditor s i n th e secon d perso n plural , Deb s wa s no t merel y making a n analysis , h e wa s passin g judgment . O n e ma y imagin e o n th e occasion o f this speec h i n Chicag o i n 1905 , Debs emphasizin g hi s judgment with wha t th e Los Angeles Herald terme d hi s "ever-lifte d indictin g forefin ger." 2 3 Hi s pros e i s derisiv e i n th e extreme ; h e taunte d th e worker s wit h their impotence : witnes s hi s reference s t o ownership , chatte l slavery , peti tioning, considerations . I n a 192 0 campaig n flyer, Deb s declared , "Plai n talk i s assuredl y needed , an d I' m goin g t o sa y wha t I thin k i f I don' t ge t a vote. . . . A few , a ver y fe w ther e ar e w h o thin k an d ac t lik e me n an d women, bu t th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f u s onl y imitat e lik e monkey s and follo w lik e sheep. " 24 The failur e o f manhood , virtue , wa s a favorit e them e wit h Debs , on e that h e share d wit h othe r reformer s o f hi s da y w h o wer e concerne d wit h the declin e o f the individual. 25 I n hi s "Declaratio n o f Revolt," Deb s wrote , "This appea l w e no w mak e i n behal f o f a workin g clas s reduce d t o slavery . Their right s hav e bee n violated , thei r organization s tie d han d an d foot , their pres s muzzled , thei r official s imprisoned , an d thei r libertie s al l bu t destroyed. T o submi t t o suc h outrage s i n a republi c woul d b e th e bases t cowardice an d th e rankes t treason. " Deb s calle d fo r a n assertio n o f virtu e against self-abasement : "I n th e nam e o f America n manhoo d an d w o m a n hood, ou r self-respect , ou r fidelit y t o principl e an d ou r lov e o f justice." 2 6 H e alway s emphasize d tha t th e suffering s o f th e workin g clas s wer e a

The Prophet's Call | 8 9 product o f it s ow n mora l failings ; h e wa s comparativel y unintereste d i n vilifying th e capitalists . Thoug h suc h excoriatio n ma y hav e bee n unpleasan t for Deb s s audience s t o accept , i t di d contai n th e assuranc e tha t th e powe r to chang e condition s wa s withi n thei r grasp . At stak e i n Deb s s judgment o f th e workin g clas s ar e tw o "charismati c t e r m s " 2 7 tha t figure d prominentl y i n th e rhetoric s o f th e America n R e v o lution an d o f Wendel l Phillips : "freedom " an d "slavery. " I n a ne w an d unsettled se t o f socia l an d economi c relationships , Deb s sough t t o restor e moral clarit y b y definin g ne w role s i n term s o f th e ol d values ; h e attempte d to replac e indecisio n an d confusio n wit h th e star k Manichaea n opposition s of a perfectl y ordere d world . "Libert y i s no t a wor d o f moder n coinage, " Debs tol d on e o f hi s audiences . "Libert y an d slaver y ar e prima l words , lik e good an d evil , righ t an d wrong ; the y ar e opposite s an d coexistent." 2 8 Capitalists claime d tha t labo r wa s a fre e agen t wit h th e capacit y t o driv e it s own bargain s i n th e marketplace . Lookin g t o th e mora l example s o f th e past, however , Deb s foun d ma n unde r capitalis m t o b e smal l an d mea n i n comparison; h e believe d labo r unde r capitalis m renounce d al l independenc e and sol d itsel f into slavery . "I n capitalis t society, " claime d Debs , "th e work ing ma n i s not , i n fact , a ma n a t all ; a s a wage-worker , h e i s simpl y merchandise; h e i s bough t i n th e ope n marke t th e sam e a s hair , hides , slat , or an y othe r for m o f merchandise . T h e ver y terminolog y o f th e capitalis t system prove s tha t h e i s no t a man i n an y sens e o f tha t term." 2 9 Debs s antidot e fo r slaver y wa s self-assertion , a displa y o f virtue . H e never allowe d th e worke r t o escap e responsibilit y fo r hi s o r he r condition ; he consistentl y provide d example s o f thos e w h o ha d refuse d t o capitulat e to a degradin g system . I n a n articl e o n th e Pullma n strike , h e wrot e o f th e American Railwa y Unio n members , "The y determine d no t t o pollut e their hand s an d dishono r thei r manhoo d b y handlin g Pullma n car s an d contributing t o th e sufferin g an d sorro w o f thei r brethre n an d thei r wive s and babies . An d rathe r tha n d o thi s the y lai d dow n thei r tool s i n a body , sacrificed thei r situation s an d submitte d t o persecution , exil e an d th e black list; t o idleness , poverty , crust s an d rags , an d I shal l lov e an d hono r thes e moral heroe s t o m y lates t breath." 3 0 Deb s mad e i t clea r tha t ther e wer e things tha t wer e mor e t o b e value d tha n materia l comfort ; ther e wer e conditions unde r whic h i t wa s bette r no t t o hav e a job. H e wa s concerne d with th e stat e o f men' s souls , thei r honor , an d h e mad e i t clea r tha t thi s could onl y b e compromise d t o th e degre e tha t th e worke r allowe d i t t o be . As long a s the worke r preserve d th e abilit y t o sa y no , h e wa s no t ye t a slave. Debs's languag e reveal s it s sources . I t echoe s Wendel l Phillip s an d th e

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American Revolutionaries . B y th e lat e nineteent h century , ther e wa s a well-established an d revere d radica l traditio n i n America . Whateve r thei r status ha d bee n i n thei r ow n day , histor y ha d mad e heroe s o f som e o f America s great protesters , an d they forme d a n American canon , a basis fo r appeal t o a n America n community . I n celebratin g thei r memories , Ameri cans sough t a n identity an d a set of common values . Eugen e Deb s wa s full y cognizant o f thi s traditio n an d sough t t o identif y wit h i t as , fo r example , in hi s identificatio n o f labor s struggl e wit h th e ideal s o f th e America n Revolution. 3 1 But i t was not enoug h t o all y wit h a successful d o c t r i n e — t h e capitalists , too, sough t t o identif y themselve s wit h th e fulfillmen t o f th e America n dream. Deb s als o dre w a parallel betwee n himsel f an d th e Revolutionarie s in thei r rol e a s rebels standin g agains t th e tid e o f public opinion . H e ha d to discover wha t Nic k Salvator e ha s calle d th e "dua l aspec t i n hi s culture s tradition: th e America n Revolutio n wa s no t a stati c event , embosse d i n marble an d praise d eac h Jul y It s essentia l meanin g demande d a propheti c call t o eac h succeedin g generatio n t o rene w an d reinterpre t tha t heri tage." 3 2 Deb s calle d fo r a renascence o f Revolutionary virtue : Washington, Jefferson, Franklin , Pain e and their compeer s wer e the rebels of their day . When the y bega n t o chafe unde r th e rule o f a foreign kin g and to sow th e see d o f resistanc e amon g th e colonist s the y wer e oppose d b y the people an d denounced b y the press. . . . But they ha d the moral courag e t o be tru e t o their convictions , t o stand erec t an d defy al l the forces o f reaction and detraction ; an d tha t i s why thei r name s shin e i n histor y an d why the great respectable majorit y o f their day sleep in forgotten graves. 33 Debs praise d th e leader s o f the Revolution , no t fo r th e syste m o f govern ment the y lef t u s or for th e brilliance o f their vision , bu t because the y wer e men. The y exemplifie d thos e value s o f courage , conviction , an d self assurance tha t Deb s foun d lackin g i n th e contemporar y worker . "Washing ton, Jefferson, Franklin , Pain e an d their compeers " wer e Deb s s measure o f what hi s audiences shoul d aspir e t o be. From th e martyrolog y o f a youn g bu t vigorou s civi l religion , fro m th e Bible, an d from Marxism , Deb s derive d hi s self-evident truths . A s with th e American Revolutionarie s an d the radical abolitionists , ther e i s an apparen t paradox i n holdin g a s self - eviden t somethin g tha t th e majorit y o f one' s fellow citizen s fai l t o see. But as Aileen Kradito r suggests , " W h e n Deb s an d others proclaime d tha t th e trut h wa s so plain tha t a chil d coul d se e it, the y were no t contradictin g thei r clai m t o superio r knowledge . The y wer e

The Prophet's Call | 9 1 expressing th e absolut e certaint y an d clea r perceptio n possesse d b y anyon e w h o looke d a t societ y fro m th e standpoin t o f Truth. " 34 A s Deb s expresse d it, " T h e ran k an d fil e o f al l unions , barrin g thei r ignorance , ar e al l right . T h e workin g clas s a s a whole i s al l right . Man y o f the m ar e misguided , an d stand i n th e ligh t o f thei r ow n interest." 35 T h e radica l leader , lik e th e prophet, resolve s th e ambivalenc e observe d b y Deb s o f th e workin g class . T h e radica l leade r see s clearl y th e covenan t an d understand s it s conse quences; i t i s not a n obscur e knowledge , bu t i t i s stringent i n it s demands . There i s a stor y that , som e fift y year s afte r receivin g fro m a teache r a Bible wit h th e inscriptio n " R e a d an d Obey, " Deb s retorted , " I neve r di d either," bu t eve n a cursor y readin g o f hi s speeche s reveal s th e duplicit y o f his brav e defiance. 36 Hi s materia l abound s wit h biblica l allusion s an d analo gies, som e develope d t o a degre e indicatin g mor e tha n casua l familiarit y with hi s source . I n a lette r t o Mr . E d H . Evinger , date d Augus t 29 , 1895 , for example , Deb s spend s eigh t paragraph s comparin g hi s imprisonmen t for activitie s associate d wit h th e Pullma n strik e t o Daniel s defianc e o f Darius. 3 7 Consisten t wit h hi s emphasi s o n persons , th e exampl e o f Chris t played a n importan t rol e i n Debs' s rhetoric , a them e t o b e examine d a t greater lengt h i n th e followin g section . Biblical communism , celebratio n o f work , condemnation s o f usury , an d other idea s cardina l t o a Judeo-Christian cultur e als o provide d Deb s wit h a hermeneutic fram e fo r readin g Marxis t theorie s o f materialis t histor y an d analyses o f th e clas s struggle . Indeed , ther e i s a pronounced tendenc y i n hi s discourse t o mak e Marxis t materialis m continuou s wit h th e Christia n ethic . T h e intention s o f it s creator s notwithstanding , Marxis m lend s itsel f t o suc h conceptions, 3 8 an d Deb s freel y mixe d th e languag e o f th e Bibl e an d th e language o f clas s conflict : " T h e horde s o f hel l ar e al l agains t us , bu t th e hosts o f justic e ar e o n ou r side, " h e exclaimed . "W e ca n wi n an d must . Comrades, I a m countin g o n you , eac h o f you , a s i f ou r ver y live s wer e a t stake—and the y are." 3 9 Explainin g ho w h e becam e a socialist , Deb s said , "I wa s t o b e baptize d i n socialis m i n th e roa r o f conflic t an d I than k th e gods fo r reservin g t o thi s fitfu l occasio n th e fiat , 'Le t ther e b e light!'—th e light tha t stream s i n stead y radianc e upo n th e broa d wa y t o th e socialis t republic." 40 Viewed a s religio n o r a s Marxis t science , Debs' s philosoph y suggest s those truth s that , i n th e earlie r examinatio n o f the rhetori c o f the America n Revolution, wer e terme d apodeictic. Rhetorically, suc h truth s ar e i n th e realm o f demonstratio n o r showin g wit h al l th e attendan t metaphor s o f wakefulness an d sight . Fo r Debs , failur e t o vie w societ y a s h e di d wa s no t a

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matter o f disagreement , i t wa s a failur e o f vision : " T h e interest s o f th e millions o f wag e worker s ar e identical , regardles s o f nationality , cree d o r sex, an d i f the y wil l onl y ope n thei r eye s t o thi s simple , self-eviden t fact , the greates t obstacl e wil l hav e bee n overcom e an d th e da y o f victor y wil l draw near." 41 "I t i s ou r convictio n tha t n o workingma n ca n clearl y under stand wha t Socialis m mean s withou t becomin g an d remainin g a Socialist, " he declared . "I t i s simpl y impossibl e fo r hi m t o b e anythin g els e an d th e only reaso n tha t al l workingmen ar e no t Socialist s i s tha t the y d o no t kno w what i t means." 4 2 "Ca n yo u no t se e it? " h e querie d o n anothe r occasion . "If not , I advis e yo u t o consul t a n oculist . Ther e i s certainl y somethin g th e matter wit h you r vision." 4 3 Referrin g t o th e fallac y o f craf t unions , Deb s said, " T h e workingman , i f his eye s ar e open , i s boun d t o se e tha t thi s kin d of unionis m i s a curs e an d no t a benefi t t o th e workin g class." 44 "I t i s s o simple tha t a chil d ca n se e it . W h y can' t you? " Deb s aske d late r i n th e sam e speech. "Yo u ca n i f you wil l thin k fo r yourselve s an d se e fo r yourselves." 45 Girded b y th e righteousnes s o f absolut e trut h an d th e exampl e o f hi s radical forebears , Deb s assume d a n uncompromising , "unreasonable, " rhe torical postur e tha t scorne d hedgin g an d trimmin g a s th e weaknes s o f th e faithless an d th e misguide d wher e a strict orthodox y wa s wha t wa s needed : "There i s bu t on e thin g yo u hav e t o b e concerne d about , an d tha t i s that yo u kee p foursquar e wit h th e principle s o f th e internationa l Socialis t movement. I t i s onl y whe n yo u begi n t o compromis e tha t troubl e begins, " he tol d hi s audienc e i n th e famou s "Canto n Speech. " Then , i n a n allusio n to Patric k Henry' s " I kno w no t wha t cours e other s ma y take, " h e contin ued, "S o fa r a s I a m concerned , i t doe s no t matte r wha t other s ma y say , o r think, o r do , a s lon g a s I a m sur e tha t I a m righ t wit h mysel f an d th e cause." 46 O n anothe r occasio n h e echoe d Willia m Lloy d Garrison' s " I wil l be a s harsh a s truth" a s he assure d hi s audience , " I shal l b e a s candi d a s ma y be expecte d fro m a Socialis t agitator." 47 Lik e Phillip s befor e him , Deb s rejected "th e crooke d an d disreputabl e method s o f ward-heeling an d politi cians" 48 i n favo r o f "preservin g inviolat e th e principle s whic h quickene d i t [the Socialis t Party ] int o lif e an d no w giv e i t vitalit y an d force, " movin g i t forward "wit h dauntles s determinatio n t o th e goa l o f economic freedom." 4 9 In on e o f hi s mos t direc t statement s o f hi s conceptio n o f hi s mission , Deb s said, Time wil l tel l an d I ca n wait . I a m no t courtin g you r flatter y no r evading your blame . I am seekin g n o office ; aspirin g t o n o honors ; hav e n o persona l ax t o grind . Bu t I have somethin g t o sa y t o yo u an d shal l look straigh t int o

The Prophet's Call | 9 3 your eye s while sayin g it. I shall spea k th e truth—a s I see it—n o mor e an d no less, in kindness an d without malic e o r resentment . I shoul d tel l yo u wha t I thin k yo u ough t t o kno w thoug h al l o f yo u turned agains t me an d despised me. 50 In thes e quotation s i s th e fulfillmen t o f Debs' s criticis m o f th e worker . H e contrast s th e servil e attitud e o f th e faithles s t o th e temerit y o f radica l heroes o f th e pas t an d b y speakin g i n th e voic e o f Henr y an d Garrison , h e seeks recognitio n o f hi s ow n heroi c stature . Deb s presente d himsel f a s a model fo r th e worke r t o emulate , a man o f superior virtu e claimin g kinshi p to earlie r radicals , committe d t o sacre d principles , willin g t o suffe r th e consequences o f hi s faith . I t i s an attitud e o f incalculabl e self-righteousness , one tha t canno t b e supporte d withou t som e clai m t o a n extraordinar y vision, a sacred calling . Th e stanc e take n b y Debs , unles s mad e t o appea r a s the subordinatio n o f sel f t o som e highe r cause , mus t b e th e mos t insuffer able egotism .

The Construction of a Legend The sketc h o f th e propheti c ethos offered i n chapte r 3 argue s tha t th e offic e of th e prophe t mus t hav e it s root s i n a n extraordinar y (re)birt h o r conver sion. Wit h Debs , w e find a highly develope d conversio n myt h surroundin g the Pullma n strik e an d it s aftermath . Debs' s descriptio n o f th e Pullma n strike contain s th e followin g extraordinar y vision , comparabl e t o th e vision s of th e Ol d Testamen t prophets : "A t thi s juncture ther e wa s delivered , fro m wholly unexpecte d quarters , a swift successio n o f blows tha t blinde d m e fo r an instan t an d the n opene d wid e m y eyes—an d i n th e glea m o f ever y bayonet an d th e flash o f every rifl e the class struggle was revealed." 51 Followin g the Pullma n strike , durin g a tim e o f hi s remova l fro m society , hi s sentenc e in Woodstoc k Jail , Deb s claime d t o hav e com e t o a n understandin g o f socialism, a n understandin g tha t clarifie d hi s earlie r visio n an d gav e hi s subsequent crusad e a consistenc y an d directio n i t ha d heretofor e lacked. 52 O f th e experienc e a t Woodstoc k Deb s said , It wa s her e tha t socialis m graduall y lai d hol d o f m e i n it s ow n irresistibl e fashion . . . the writings of Kautsky were so clear and conclusive that I readily grasped no t merel y hi s argument , bu t als o caugh t th e spiri t o f hi s socialis t utterance—and I than k hi m an d al l wh o helpe d m e ou t o f darknes s int o light. . . .

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It wa s a t thi s time , whe n th e firs t glimmering s o f socialis m wer e begin ning to penetrate, tha t Victor L . Berger—and I have loved him eve r since — came t o Woodstock , a s i f a providentia l instrument , an d delivere d th e firs t impassioned messag e o f socialism I had eve r heard—th e ver y firs t t o se t th e "wires humming i n my system." 53 T h e metaphor s ar e highl y visual , a s ar e th e account s o f callin g relate d b y most o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets . T h e visio n i s a n extraordinar y one , and Deb s insinuate s tha t i t overwhelme d him , th e helples s receiver : i t "lai d hold o f m e i n it s ow n irresistibl e fashion. " T h e visio n als o involve s a n infection o f spiri t an d passion , creatin g a ne w person , an d th e transitio n from darknes s int o ligh t suggest s th e newnes s o f life afte r th e conversion . I n his accoun t o f Woodstock, Deb s present s a classi c accoun t o f consecration . Charisma mus t b e recognize d t o b e validated . T h e supernatura l qualit y of th e conversion , th e rebirth , th e vision , mus t b e concede d befor e th e ethos ca n bea r th e weigh t o f witness . T h e anointe d figur e mus t b e abl e t o inspire discipleshi p o r hi s abilit y t o mak e claim s o n th e sacre d i s severel y limited. Ther e mus t b e a communit y fo r w h o m th e possibilit y o f prophec y exists. Amon g Debs' s followers , th e Woodstoc k conversio n myt h wa s widely perpetuated . I n Eugene Victor Debs: A Tribute, Augus t Claessen s offered th e followin g account : Debs cam e ou t o f Woodstoc k a considerabl y change d man . Victo r Berge r visited Gen e durin g hi s stay, talked with him , gav e him books by Karl Marx , Karl Kautsky an d others . Gene' s eye s saw a new light . Th e whol e economi c struggle an d politica l situatio n too k o n a ne w meanin g fo r him . Gen e emerged fro m Woodstoc k lik e a butterfly fro m it s cocoon. 54 Louis Kopelin , i n a booklet publishe d b y th e Appeal to Reason press , calle d Woodstock Debs s "politica l awakening," 5 5 an d a later piec e o f hagiograph y said o f th e Woodstoc k experience , "Bu t th e Deb s w h o emerge d fro m jai l was no t th e sam e ma n w h o ha d gon e in . A ne w idea—tha t o f socialism — was beginnin g t o tak e hol d o f him." 5 6 U p t o n Sinclair , includin g i n hi s novel The Jungle a came o o f a Deb s speech , wrot e o f Deb s tha t h e "cam e out o f hi s cel l a ruine d man ; bu t als o h e cam e ou t a Socialist." 57 Eac h o f these account s stresse s th e idea s o f death an d rebirth , profoun d discontinuit y between lif e befor e an d lif e after , th e newnes s o f th e man , hi s transforma tion emergin g "lik e a butterfly fro m it s cocoon. " I n a specia l editio n o f th e National Rip-Saw, Kat e Richard s O'Har e quote d th e sam e segmen t o f Debs's ow n accoun t quote d abov e an d adde d th e followin g commen t b y Debs's wife , Katherin e Metze l Debs :

The Prophet's Call | 9 5 Victor Berge r an d Gen e bot h sa y tha t Victo r mad e a Socialist ou t o f Gene , but reall y I a m sur e the y ar e bot h mistaken . Berge r didn' t mak e a Socialis t out o f Gene; he just uncovere d th e Socialis t that was already there . I t was no t books an d pamphlet s tha t mad e Gen e a Socialist ; Go d di d that . Gen e wa s just lik e m e an d million s o f other people ; h e wa s a Socialist an d didn' t kno w it. Victor Berger just helpe d hi m t o fin d himself , tha t wa s all. 58 Although Katherin e Deb s i s the onl y on e t o invok e explicitl y considera tions o f divin e intervention , i t i s clearl y implie d i n th e othe r accounts . An experienc e s o radicall y discontinuou s wit h th e sensor y experience s o f everyday lif e alway s carrie s implication s o f the sacred . Debs' s frien d Stephe n Marion Reynolds , i n a biographica l prefac e t o a collectio n o f Debs' s writings an d speeches , gav e hi m a plac e wit h th e "poet s an d orators , th e true advocate s tha t spea k fo r th e people , see m t o se e fro m som e hig h mountain a visio n i n th e lonel y hours , whe n thei r eye s ar e unbound , th e Deity passin g by , leavin g command s t o b e obeyed. " 5 9 Like s o muc h els e concernin g Debs , th e natur e o f hi s cal l t o serv e an d to suffer i s largel y a mythologica l reconstruction . A s par t o f hi s overal l purpose, Nic k Salvator e dissect s th e conversio n myt h an d replace s i t wit h a detailed pictur e o f Debs' s tortuou s an d ofte n falterin g pat h t o hi s mission. 60 But th e concer n her e i s less wit h th e historica l Deb s tha n wit h th e rhetori cally constructe d one , an d fro m thi s perspectiv e i t i s clea r tha t th e conver sion myt h playe d a n importan t rol e i n th e Deb s ethos. Although Debs , lik e Amos, claime d no t t o b e a prophet , th e languag e o f th e followin g visio n unmistakably ha s it s root s i n Ol d Testamen t prophecy : Cheerless indee d woul d b e th e contemplatio n o f suc h sanguinar y scene s were th e light o f socialism no t breakin g upo n mankind . Th e skie s of the East are eve n no w aglo w wit h th e dawn ; it s comin g i s heralded b y th e dispellin g of shadows, of darkness and gloom. Fro m th e first tremulou s scintillatio n tha t gilds th e horizo n t o th e sublim e marc h t o meridia n splendo r th e ligh t increases till in might y floo d i t pours upo n th e world . From ou t o f th e midnigh t o f superstition , ignoranc e an d slaver y th e disenthralling, emancipatin g su n i s rising . I a m no t gifte d wit h propheti c vision, an d ye t I se e th e shadow s vanishing . I behol d nea r an d fa r prostrat e men liftin g thei r bowe d form s fro m th e dust . I se e throne s i n th e gras p o f decay; despot s relaxin g thei r hol d upo n scepters , an d shackle s falling , no t only fro m th e limbs , but fro m th e soul s of men. 61 Debs understoo d clearl y th e claim s h e wa s makin g t o supranorma l vision . H e denie s th e gif t o f charisma , yet h e see s somethin g mor e tha n i s see n b y

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the huma n eye . Throug h a linguisti c association , h e sough t t o assum e th e mantle o f th e propheti c ethos or th e propheti c pathos, fo r i n prophec y the y seem t o merg e int o one . Deb s sough t t o represen t himsel f a s a participan t in th e divine , a bearer o f charism. As Salvator e ha s noted , As he firs t explore d ne w interpretation s o f familiar themes , Deb s discovere d that hi s culture' s Protestan t religiou s imager y wa s particularly suite d t o bot h his emergin g ne w messag e an d t o hi s public personality . I n th e patriarch s o f the Ol d Testamen t an d i n th e angr y Chris t o f th e New , Deb s foun d a prophetic mode l that legitimized hi s critique an d demande d n o apologie s fo r frank, eve n harsh , pronouncements . I n th e proces s h e touche d fo r th e firs t time hi s powerful charismati c appea l with audiences. 62 Whatever th e advantage s an d opportunitie s afforde d b y th e charismati c appeal, i t canno t b e understoo d a s an unalloye d gift . I n orde r t o b e effective , charism must b e perceive d i n it s burdensom e aspect . T h e rhetorica l imag e Debs nurture d wa s one , no t o f pride , bu t o f service . H e presente d himsel f as on e w h o ha d bee n sacrifice d t o serv e th e need s o f others . " H e w h o ha s dared t o voic e th e protes t o f th e oppresse d an d downtrodden , ha s ha d t o pay th e penalty , al l th e wa y fro m Jesu s Chris t t o Fre d Warren . . . . I a m i n revolt agains t capitalis m becaus e I love m y fello w men , an d i f I am opposin g you i t i s for wha t I believ e t o b e you r good , an d thoug h yo u spa t upo n m e with contemp t I woul d stil l oppos e yo u t o th e exten t o f m y power." 6 3 Here Deb s explicitl y associate s himsel f wit h thos e w h o wer e torture d an d tormented i n th e servic e o f thei r fellowman . T h e willingnes s t o suffe r th e insult o f bein g spa t upo n i s th e mos t extrem e servilit y an d recall s th e example o f Christ . T h e marty r them e i s a n importan t on e i n Debs' s rhetoric. Ra y Ginge r claim s tha t th e ide a wa s "feature d i n ever y Deb s speech fo r twent y years." 64 The idea s o f sufferin g an d sacrific e tak e severa l differen t form s i n Debs' s rhetoric. T h e mos t obviou s ar e hi s account s o f his ow n privation s o n behal f of th e cause . I n a n articl e entitle d "Servin g th e Labo r Movement, " Deb s responded t o a decisio n b y th e Brotherhoo d o f Locomotiv e Fireme n an d Enginemen no t t o invit e hi m t o addres s thei r convention : For twent y year s I wa s a membe r o f th e organizatio n represente d b y tha t convention. Whe n I joined i t I pai d th e admissio n fe e o f hal f th e charte r members, who ha d not th e money o f their own t o pay. Five years later, whe n I was city clerk o f Terre Haut e an d th e brotherhood wa s bankrupt, deepl y i n debt an d it s magazine threatene d wit h suspension , I was calle d upo n t o tak e

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charge an d I did so . I secured th e entir e deb t wit h indorse d note s an d spen t most o f m y salar y a s cit y cler k i n redeemin g th e organizatio n fro m bank ruptcy. Th e firs t tw o year s al l m y spar e hours , lat e i n th e night , ever y nigh t in th e week , I gav e freel y t o m y tas k an d I pai d ou t mor e fo r clerica l assistance tha n th e paltry salar y amounted to. 65 In 1902 , i n " H o w I Becam e a Socialist, " h e wa s similarl y unabashe d i n recording hi s sacrifice s a t th e alta r o f labor : For eighteen hour s at a stretch I was glued t o my desk reelin g off the answer s to my many correspondents . Da y and nigh t wer e one . Slee p was time waste d and often , whe n al l obliviou s o f he r presenc e i n th e stil l smal l hour s m y mother's han d turne d of f the light, I went t o bed unde r protest . My gri p wa s always packed; an d I was dartin g i n al l directions . T o tram p through a railroa d yar d i n th e rain , sno w o r slee t hal f th e night , o r til l daybreak, t o b e ordere d ou t o f th e roundhous e fo r bein g a n "agitator, " o r put of f a train, sometime s passenger , mor e ofte n freight , whil e attemptin g t o deadhead ove r th e division , wer e al l in th e program , an d serve d t o whe t th e appetite t o conquer. 66 Debs s indulgent, sometime s mawkis h pros e serve d t o inflat e th e exten t o f his suffering s t o heroi c proportions ; i t als o serve d t o confir m hi s manhoo d and t o mak e hi m a mode l fo r thos e worker s whos e manhoo d ha d faile d them. Deb s presente d himsel f a s an embodimen t o f strength an d courag e i n the fac e o f adversity . Mor e important , i n hi s selflessness , h e becam e ev eryman, th e possibilit y inheren t i n everyman , a cynosure . T h e inflatio n o f hi s sacrifice s allowe d Deb s a secon d vehicl e fo r th e expression o f hi s passion—identificatio n wit h a martyre d canon . Debs' s concern wit h pas t martyr s wa s secon d onl y t o tha t o f th e R o m a n Catholi c Church, an d h e summone d thei r specter s larg e befor e hi s audiences . Jesu s Christ, Joa n o f Arc , Elija h Lovejoy , an d John Brow n al l gav e thei r live s fo r a cause , an d Deb s brough t the m togethe r a s part o f a continuous tradition. 67 The celebratio n o f martyr s wa s importan t fo r a n appea l s o heavil y base d o n ethos; they serve d a s realizations o f virtue, th e historica l vindicatio n o f thos e w h o ha d suffere d fo r a cause . I n " T h e Issue, " Deb s pu t i t thi s way : Do yo u know, m y friends, i t is so easy to agre e with th e ignorant majority . I t is s o eas y t o mak e th e peopl e applau d a n empt y platitude . I t take s som e courage t o fac e tha t beas t calle d th e Majority , an d tel l hi m th e trut h t o hi s teeth! Some me n d o s o and accep t th e consequence s o f their act s as becomes men, an d the y liv e i n history—ever y on e o f them. I have sai d s o often , an d

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I wish t o repea t i t o n thi s occasion , tha t mankin d hav e alway s crowned thei r oppressors, an d the y hav e a s uniforml y crucifie d thei r saviors , an d thi s ha s been tru e al l along the highwa y o f the centuries. 68 In man y eulogie s t o contemporar y labo r martyrs , Deb s attempte d t o lin k them t o thi s sacre d tradition , t o clai m fo r the m tha t conduc t tha t "become s men," t o mak e o f the m paragon s o f virtue. 6 9 Mor e importan t fo r ou r purposes i s the fac t that , b y implication , Deb s als o attempte d t o lin k himsel f to thi s tradition , thu s hi s attention s t o th e sufferin g o f other s als o serve d t o draw attentio n t o hi s ow n sacrifices . Afte r praisin g "Ol d Joh n Brown " fo r his "exampl e o f moral courag e o f single-hearted devotio n t o a n idea l fo r al l men an d fo r al l ages," Debs asked , " W h o shal l be th e John Brow n o f Wage Slavery?" I t wa s n o on e i f not Deb s himself. 70 Debs di d no t hav e t o awai t history' s verdic t o n hi s ow n life . I n 1908 , a story consumin g nearl y th e entir e firs t pag e o f th e secon d sectio n o f th e Terre Haute Tribune began an d ende d wit h th e observatio n tha t " a prophe t is no t withou t hono r sav e i n hi s ow n country." 7 1 Suc h encomi a wer e common. " T h e ma n tha t come s cryin g a messag e i n th e wildernes s an d pointing t o th e inevitabl e farthe r height s t o whic h humanit y mus t ascend , meets misunderstanding , insul t an d rejection, " wrot e Stephe n Reynolds , "but h e i s 'Th e Darlin g o f Tomorrow / w h e n th e height s ar e reache d an d the rise n race s ru n t o mar k th e field s o f battle wit h th e patheti c monument s of regre t an d grief" 7 2 John Sparg o compare d Deb s t o Joan o f Arc listenin g to "unsee n voices , . . . seein g vision s wher e othe r me n sa w onl y a blac k void. . . . He obeye d th e voices, " wrot e Spargo . " H e spok e i n th e Assembl y of the Law-makers—spok e fo r Labo r an d agains t Labor s wrongs . H e spok e for th e Dumb , fo r th e D o o m e d an d Damned . H e spok e thei r protes t an d their curse . H e spok e fo r Childhoo d an d fo r M o t h e r h o o d — s p o k e fo r th e Makers o f Laws . An d whe n h e spok e the y answere d wit h th e how l o f th e Beast." 73 Afte r Debs' s imprisonmen t i n 1919 , R u t h L e Prad e wrot e a particularly worshipfu l piec e entitle d simpl y " T h e Martyrdom. " I n he r essay, L e Prad e call s fort h som e o f Debs' s favorit e revere d saints : "Jeann e d'Arc," Christ , Socrates , an d John Brown . O f Deb s s entry int o prison , sh e wrote, "Suc h i s the spiri t Go d give s t o hi s chose n ones , fearlessl y the y stan d and spea k th e Truth ; the y trembl e no t a t th e scourge , th e gaol , th e cross ; and whe n th e hou r comes , the y wal k unt o th e d o o m ma n ha s prepare d fo r them, wit h a smile?" 74 O f cours e th e idolatr y di d no t en d wit h Debs' s death. A 193 5 publication o f the Socialis t Part y concernin g Debs' s resistanc e

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to th e Firs t Worl d Wa r carrie d a n advertisemen t fo r a twenty-minut e "nonflammable" fil m wit h th e titl e Eugene V Debs —Labor's Martyr. 75 Debs's thir d vehicl e fo r proclaimin g hi s martyrdo m la y i n th e rhetori c o f acting out , a characteristic of prophetic discourse . I t i s widely note d tha t Deb s was a kindl y an d generou s man , an d storie s o f hi m givin g awa y watches , overcoats, money , no t t o mentio n hi s tim e an d concern , ar e legion. 7 6 Hi s most dramati c sacrifice s wer e hi s tw o priso n sentences , th e firs t afte r th e failure o f th e so-calle d "Pullma n strike " i n 189 5 an d th e second , i n 1919 — 21, fo r hi s dissen t agains t U . S . involvemen t i n th e Firs t Worl d War . I n describing th e significanc e o f Debs' s jai l ter m afte r th e Pullma n strike , Salvatore provide s som e insigh t int o th e functio n o f th e Deb s myt h i n general. W h e n Deb s emerge d fro m Woodstoc k Jail , th e veneratio n h e enjoyed wa s no t th e veneratio n o f a successfu l strik e leader ; th e strik e ha d been a n unqualifie d failure , an d Debs' s America n Railwa y U n i o n wa s i n ruin. Wha t Deb s ha d become , accordin g t o Salvatore , wa s " a nationa l symbol": " D u e t o hi s recen t activities , Deb s serve d t o focu s and , afte r a fashion, t o direc t th e ange r man y American s felt . I n turn , h e als o dre w a strength fro m thi s rol e tha t largel y account s fo r hi s appea l ove r th e comin g three decades." 77 It i s probabl y inevitable , give n th e stron g theme s o f martyrdo m i n hi s rhetoric an d hi s publi c act s o f sacrific e tha t Deb s shoul d hav e bee n c o m pared t o C h r i s t — t h e passio n o f Christ , a s note d earlier , bein g th e quintes sential passio n myt h i n Wester n thought . Salvator e find s th e firs t over t comparison i n a statement b y J. A . Wayland , a clos e frien d o f Deb s an d th e publisher o f th e Appeal to Reason, afte r Debs' s releas e fro m Woodstoc k Jail . But a s Salvator e notes , althoug h i t wa s th e firs t suc h comparison , "i t certainly woul d no t b e th e last ; . . . fo r Debs , a s fo r man y o f hi s followers , only a thi n lin e remaine d betwee n th e ma n an d th e symbol." 7 8 I t wa s th e author o f Elmer Gantry w h o wrot e t o U p t o n Sinclai r tha t Deb s wa s th e "Christ spirit," 79 whil e o n anothe r occasio n Lewi s merel y proclaime d Deb s a saint. 80 A 192 1 lette r t o Deb s fro m Harrie t Curry , daughte r o f Debs' s purported love r Mabe l Curry , begin s "Deares t G e n e — M o t h e r say s I a m to cal l yo u thi s instea d o f th e "Mister " [. ] A t firs t i t seeme d disrespectfu l o r something, unti l I reflecte d tha t I wouldn't thin k o f sayin g 'Mr . Jesus,' wer e I t o mee t him!" 8 1 Tha t sam e yea r Kat e Richard s O'Hare , unde r th e heading "Gesthemane, " wrote , "Fo r fort y year s Gen e Deb s serve d th e working clas s o f th e Unite d State s a s Jesus o f Nazaret h serve d th e workin g class o f Judea. Priest , architec t an d builde r h e renewe d th e fait h i n me n tha t

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had bee n crushe d b y povert y an d socia l injustice." 82 "Lik e Christ, " wrot e Louis Kopelin , " 'th e commo n peopl e hear d hi m gladly. ' " 8 3 Walte r H u r t was abl e t o writ e withou t a trac e o f irony : " O f Deb s i t ma y advisedl y b e said tha t n o othe r ma n i n histor y s o approximate s th e attribute s o f Jesus o f Nazareth. I n hi s all-understanding , all-forgiving , all-sufferin g natur e Deb s closely resemble s th e repute d characte r o f th e divin e Proletarair e o f Pales tine." 8 4 A s a fina l example , ther e i s th e widel y reporte d inciden t fro m a Debs speec h a t Carnegi e Hal l i n 1908 , wher e a woma n suddenl y leap t u p and proclaimed , "Ther e h e is , ther e h e is ! Gene Debs , no t th e missin g lin k but th e livin g lin k betwee n Go d an d man . . . . Her e i s th e Go d conscious ness com e dow n t o earth. " 8 5 The compariso n betwee n Deb s an d Chris t wa s nourishe d b y Debs' s rhetoric an d hi s deed s fo r th e res t o f hi s career . I t therefor e provide s a context fro m whic h t o vie w hi s tria l an d convictio n fo r violatio n o f th e Espionage Act . T h e comparison s ar e almos t painfull y patent , an d on e suspects, calculatedl y so . Deb s ha d n o witnesse s i n hi s defense , di d no t contest th e prosecutio n s accoun t o f th e speec h i n question , onl y thei r definition o f it , denie d hi s abilit y t o retrac t wha t h e ha d said , an d resigne d himself t o th e possibilit y tha t h e migh t "b e consigned , perhap s t o th e en d of m y life , i n a felons cell. " I n hi s "Addres s t o th e Jury," h e reflecte d o n hi s fate: When grea t change s occu r i n history , whe n grea t principle s ar e involved , a s a rul e th e majorit y ar e wrong . Th e minorit y ar e usuall y right . I n ever y ag e there hav e bee n a few heroi c soul s who hav e bee n i n advanc e o f their time , who hav e bee n misunderstood , maligned , persecuted , sometime s pu t t o death. Lon g afte r thei r martyrdo m monument s wer e erecte d t o the m an d garlands woven for thei r graves. 86 Like Christ , Deb s wa s found guilty . Hi s "Statemen t t o th e Court, " delivere d at hi s sentencing , open s wit h wha t ar e probabl y hi s mos t quote d lines : Your Honor , year s ag o I recognize d m y kinshi p wit h al l living being , an d I made u p m y mind tha t I was not on e bi t bette r tha n th e meanes t o n earth . I said then , an d I sa y now , tha t whil e ther e i s a lower class , I a m i n it , whil e there i s a criminal elemen t I a m o f it, an d whil e ther e i s a soul i n prison , I am not free. 87 As a final parallel , Deb s forgav e hi s betraying Judas. 88 Debs wa s sixty-thre e year s ol d whe n h e entere d prison , bu t h e wa s probably perceive d a s older . Sinc e a s earl y a s 1904 , Deb s ha d no t bee n i n good health. 89 Hi s schedul e ha d bee n on e "o f exhausting , almos t orgiasti c

The Prophet's Call \ 10 1 speaking tour s followe d b y week s o f collaps e i n bed, " t o us e Irvin g H o w e s description. 90 Th e evidenc e suggest s that , howeve r muc h Deb s resente d being though t o f o r referre d t o a s a n ol d man , h e was , i n fact , perceive d and referre d t o tha t way. 91 A t Deb s s trial , remarkin g o n hi s addres s t o th e jury, on e o f th e Justice Departmen t agent s reportedl y sai d t o a membe r o f the press : "You've go t t o han d i t t o th e ol d man . H e cam e throug h clean. " 92 T h e yea r o f Deb s s imprisonment , U p t o n Sinclai r wrote , " T h e Unite d States ha s a n ol d ma n i n priso n i n th e Federa l Penitentiar y o f Atlanta . T h e government regard s thi s ol d ma n a s a c o m m o n felon , an d treat s hi m a s such; shave s hi s head , put s a priso n sui t upo n him , feed s hi m upo n priso n food, an d lock s hi m i n a steel-barred cel l fourtee n consecutiv e hour s ou t o f each twenty-four. " 9 3 Deb s s age an d hi s apparen t frailt y serve d t o mak e hi m appear harmles s an d t o magnif y hi s suffering . Hi s presidentia l campaig n i n 1920 serve d t o spotligh t furthe r th e fac t o f hi s imprisonment . Campaig n posters an d button s depic t a gaunt , draw n visag e i n priso n attir e standin g before bar s wit h th e inscription , "Fo r President , Convic t N o . 9653. " With hi s imprisonmen t fo r th e secon d time , th e Deb s legen d achieve d a predictable denouement ; Deb s becam e Chris t crucified . Witte r Bynner , a poet currentl y enjoyin g renewe d attention , wrot e th e followin g vers e which i s typical o f muc h o f the sentimen t expresse d a t th e time : 9*53 (TOE

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Nine si x fiv e three , Numbers hear d i n heaven , Numbers whispere d breathlessly , Mystical a s seven, Numbers lifte d amon g star s To acclai m an d hai l Another hear t behin d th e bars , Another Go d i n jail, Tragic i n thei r symmetry , Crucified an d risen , Nine si x fiv e three , From Atlant a Prison. 94 The comparison , lik e muc h o f th e rhetori c whic h inspire d it , was , o f course, hyperbolic . Deb s di d no t los e hi s lif e fo r hi s belief s a s ha d Chris t and man y o f th e res t o f Deb s s martyre d canon , and , althoug h n o on e would den y tha t hi s time s i n priso n wer e time s o f rea l sufferin g fo r him , i t is tru e tha t Debs , b y hi s ow n admission , "wa s neve r personall y mistreated "

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while i n prison: "O n th e othe r hand , durin g m y prison year s I was treate d uniformly wit h a peculiar persona l kindlines s b y m y fello w prisoners , an d not infrequently b y officials," 95 In fact, in light of historical accounts, Debss denial that any special favors were ever accorded him seems disingenuous. 96 Of course , t o Deb s s disciple s i t mad e n o differenc e tha t hi s claim s t o Christhood wer e greatl y exaggerated ; the y embrace d hi m a s their Messiah . As Walte r Hur t wrote , "Deb s i s als o intrinsicall y a hero . Non e ca n b e a hero o r a martyr by design, an y more tha n on e ca n desig n on e s own birth . And it is not necessar y to di e in orde r to be either . T o insist otherwise wer e tantamount t o declaring that deat h makes the poet. Th e fac t i s that herois m and martyrdom consis t in the process of living, an d death end s them just as it extinguishes genius." 97 But t o th e vas t majorit y o f workers fo r who m Deb s claime d t o suffer , the imag e wa s no t persuasive . Mos t American s a t th e tur n o f th e centur y failed t o se e industria l emplo y a s slavery , s o the y coul d no t se e Deb s a s their savior . Progressiv e reformer s lik e Theodor e Roosevel t achieve d grea t popularity precisel y becaus e thei r temperat e idea s o n refor m wer e viewe d as mitigatin g th e appea l o f radica l program s lik e socialism. 98 A s Samue l Hays has put it , "Twentieth-centur y American s slowl y learne d ho w t o liv e with a ne w industria l syste m tha t the y coul d no t an d did not choose t o destroy." 99

Saint Gene We hav e name s fo r suc h peopl e a s Debs appear s t o hav e been : thos e wh o devote themselve s t o flailin g a t invincibl e enemie s w e cal l quixotic , an d those who voluntaril y brin g sufferin g upo n themselve s we ter m masochis tic; both term s suggest pathological states . No on e i n his right min d woul d choose inevitabl e failur e o r suffering , w e contend , bu t i t i s precisel y th e element o f choic e tha t Deb s wishe d t o den y throug h hi s suffering . Pres enting himsel f a s a prophetic figure , Deb s spok e th e languag e o f commit ment an d duty . "If I hav e criticized , i f I hav e condemned , i t i s because I believed i t t o be m y duty, " sai d Deb s t o th e jury i n 1918. 100 In th e Canto n speech , h e told hi s audienc e tha t th e socialis t movemen t "ha s taugh t m e ho w t o serve—a lesso n t o m e o f priceles s valu e . . . t o realiz e that , regardles s o f nationality, race , creed , colo r o r sex , ever y man , ever y woma n wh o toils, who render s usefu l service , ever y membe r o f th e workin g clas s withou t

The Prophet's Call | 10 3 exception, i s m y comrade , m y brothe r an d sister—an d tha t t o serv e the m and thei r caus e i s th e highes t dut y o f m y life." 101 Consistentl y i n hi s speeches acceptin g hi s party' s nominatio n fo r office , Deb s spok e o f i t a s a duty tha t ha d bee n impose d o n him : " I ca n simpl y sa y tha t obedien t t o your cal l I respond . Responsiv e t o you r comman d I a m here . I shal l serv e you t o th e limi t o f m y capacity." 102 Debs' s expresse d reluctanc e t o assum e the burden s o f dut y i s offse t b y hi s resignatio n t o duty : "Personall y I di d not wis h th e nomination . I t cam e t o m e unsought . I t cam e a s summon s t o service an d no t a s a personal honor. " 10 3 " T h e wrong s i n labo r I kne w fro m having experience d them , an d th e irresistibl e appea l o f thes e wrong s t o b e righted determine d m y destiny, " h e claimed . " T h e hig h ambitio n an d controlling purpos e i n m y lif e ha s bee n th e education , organizatio n an d emancipation o f th e workin g class . I began t o spea k an d writ e fo r the m fo r the sam e reason . I n thi s ther e wa s n o altruism , n o self-sacrifice , onl y duty . I could no t hav e don e otherwise." 1 0 4 Especiall y i n th e lin e regardin g th e "controlling purpose " o f his life , Deb s reflect s th e ide a tha t h e wa s bor n (o r reborn) t o serv e th e cause ; amids t th e chao s o f th e industria l revolutio n i n America, Debs' s lif e ha d meaning . Debs sa w himsel f a s immersed i n th e sufferin g o f th e workin g class , an d he viewe d himsel f a s a providentia l instrumen t fo r th e relie f o f tha t suffer ing. W h e n servin g a s an instrumen t o f divine will , th e speake r disappears — in Debs' s words , h e i s reduce d t o a tongue . Ther e i s n o longe r a self interested eg o t o engag e i n subterfuge . T h e subjectiv e elemen t claim s t o have absente d itself . Th e messag e claim s t o b e pur e object , sacre d Truth. 1 0 5 Furthermore, i t i s th e sam e trut h th e audienc e woul d se e i f the y wer e no t blinded. S o t o th e exten t tha t th e Trut h concern s th e sufferin g o f thos e i n the audience , th e speake r become s representativ e o f them i n thei r tru e state . It is , i n Northro p Frye' s description , "th e tota l empath y betwee n poe t an d audience whic h arise s whe n th e poe t i s no t s o muc h a teache r o f hi s audience o r a spokesman fo r them , a s both a t once." 1 0 6 Insofa r a s Debs wa s not blin d an d wa s consecrated , h e wa s in extremis, bu t insofa r a s h e repre sented th e tru e stat e o f th e workin g class , h e wa s i n a sens e a manifestatio n of th e wil l o f tha t class . A s Deb s himsel f pu t it , " T h e workin g ma n i s th e only ma n i n whos e presenc e I tak e of f m y hat . A s I salut e him , I hono r myself." 107 " I a m simpl y th e tongu e o f th e workin g class , makin g thi s appeal fro m th e workin g clas s t o th e workin g class. " Hi s ar t o f oratory , h e maintained, cam e fro m consecratin g himsel f t o a grea t cause . " I simpl y ha d to spea k an d mak e peopl e understand." 1 0 8 I n anothe r speech , h e phrase d the sentimen t thi s way : " T h e Socialis t movemen t i s o f th e workin g clas s

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itself; i t i s fro m th e injustic e perpetrate d upon , an d th e miser y suffere d b y this clas s tha t th e movemen t sprang , an d it i s to thi s clas s i t make s i t appeal . It i s the voice o f awakened labo r arousin g itsel f to action." 1 0 9 As a charismatic leader , Deb s als o attempte d t o exten d th e divin e imper ative t o th e movemen t h e led . I t i s significant tha t h e s o ofte n spok e o f the "mission" o r th e "histori c mission " o f th e Socialis t Party. 110 A s Kradito r has noted, " T h e concept o f mission implie s tha t th e purpose o f an organiza tion i s not determine d b y its members." Thi s mean s tha t th e purpose o f the movement canno t b e invente d o r determine d b y th e participants , bu t mus t be discovered. 111 I n othe r words , th e purpos e o f th e movemen t i s no t o f the participants ; i t i s no t reducibl e t o term s o f huma n will ; i t i s separate , sacred; ther e i s a general callin g presen t o f which Deb s i s onl y a n example . Debs ha d n o doub t tha t i n th e socialis t movemen t th e workingma n woul d find hi s "true place , an d though h e be reduce d t o rags , an d tormented wit h hunger pangs , h e wil l bea r i t al l and more , fo r h e i s battling fo r a principle , he ha s bee n consecrate d t o a caus e an d h e canno t tur n back." 1 1 2 I n th e socialist movemen t ther e wa s a call t o dut y fo r th e workingmen o f Americ a and th e world. 1 1 3 Duty i s th e inescapabl e refrai n i n Debs' s rhetoric . Lik e Marti n Luther , Debs agitated ; h e coul d d o n o other ; i t wa s a n exampl e o f manl y self assertion. Deb s trie d t o ensur e tha t ever y tim e th e workingma n close d hi s eyes t o hi s duty h e woul d se e the imag e o f Debs bearin g th e cros s o f labor . As a suffering servan t h e transcende d th e rol e o f the individua l speaker ; h e became universal , symbolic . An d religiou s symbol s hav e thei r power , ac cording t o Mirce a Eliade , i n tha t the y conve y thei r messag e eve n w h e n n o longer consciousl y understoo d i n ever y part . "Fo r a symbo l speak s t o th e whole huma n bein g an d not onl y t o th e intelligence." 114 In conceivin g Deb s a s symbol , w e appreciat e th e importanc e o f th e myth tha t h e helpe d t o foster . Deb s s suffering stoo d a s both a measure an d a manifestatio n o f the strengt h o f his faith. 115 I t wa s als o intende d t o serve , as with th e discours e o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets , a s a pathetic antidot e to th e prevailin g a-pathos. Ignorin g requirement s fo r detailed , workabl e proposals, Debs , throug h hi s public suffering , sough t t o mak e tha t sufferin g real t o Americ a an d t o mak e i t th e cente r o f debate . A N e w Orlean s reporter onc e trie d t o mak e sens e ou t o f th e contradictor y impression s garnered i n attendin g a Debs speech . O n th e on e hand , th e reporte r note d that th e ful l audienc e "listene d wit h intensit y an d applaude d wit h passion, " but o n th e othe r hand , h e als o sense d tha t ther e wer e fe w convert s t o socialism i n th e roo m whe n th e speec h wa s over . H e wrote , "I t wa s not s o

The Prophet's Call \ 10 5 much tha t the y care d fo r wha t h e said , bu t tha t the y care d tha t h e care d fo r t h e m — i f thi s doe s no t confus e th e point." 1 1 6 Debs's rhetori c wa s a rhetori c o f sympathy , a n ide a associate d wit h th e rhetorical theor y o f Adam Smith , a product o f th e sam e tim e an d th e sam e school o f though t a s Georg e Campbell . An d whil e i t i s unlikel y tha t Deb s ever studie d Smit h o r Campbell , h e di d tak e a s hi s model s thos e orator s w h o ha d bee n shape d b y th e writing s o f th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sens e philosophers o f th e lat e eighteent h century , orator s lik e Wendel l Phillip s and R o b e r t Ingersoll . Deb s entere d th e twentiet h centur y wit h th e rhetori cal convention s o f th e nineteenth . Today, Debs' s speeche s see m somewha t quaint , a bit naive . Irvin g H o w e has terme d the m "wilte d flowers fro m th e garde n o f nineteenth-centur y eloquence/' 1 1 7 A s a sufferin g servant , Deb s produce d a highl y personal , highly ethica l rhetoric , a rhetori c unabashe d a t it s ow n pathos, a. rhetoric often a t odd s wit h wha t Richar d Greg g ha s note d i s "th e idealize d kin d o f problem discussio n w e lik e t o se e o n th e publi c stage." 118 Greg g see s i n much o f thi s discours e a n expressiv e function , a n assertio n o f th e self . Bu t we ar e year s remove d fro m Debs' s worl d o f hig h collar s an d stra w hat s fo r summer, perhap s to o fa r remove d t o conside r seriousl y hi s clai m o f selflessness; ou r cynicis m smile s a t th e ide a tha t Deb s woul d suffer a s th e representative o f a class . W e den y th e altruis m i n favo r o f a n a fortior i ulterior motive . I n hi s ow n time , however , Debs' s sincerit y wa s almos t unquestioned. Eve n thos e w h o coul d no t accep t th e program s praise d th e ethos. Stephen Reynold s wrot e o f th e situatio n i n Terr e Haut e tha t "man y here woul d lik e t o han g hi s ideas , bu t th e man , th e stron g personality , th e gentleness an d cordialit y o f hi s greetin g whe n h e meet s hi s neighbor s an d fellow-citizens, disar m al l prejudice." 1 1 9 O n th e occasio n o f Debs' s death , an articl e i n th e Terre Haute Post related th e followin g anecdote : The lat e Anto n Hulman , senior , founde r o f th e Hulma n company , on e o f the larges t wholesal e grocer y concern s i n Indiana , wa s attendin g a meetin g of coffee grower s in Ne w York . On e mornin g a t one o f the session s a coffe e wholesaler mentione d th e fact tha t Debs was in jail in Chicag o fo r hi s part i n the Pullma n railroa d strike . "That i s where h e ough t t o be," said this man. "Suc h a wild-eyed menac e ought t o be hanged. " Hulman wa s on hi s feet i n a n instant an d in his quiet wa y said: "I hav e known Gen e Deb s sinc e he was a tiny boy. I was a lifelong frien d of his father an d no bette r ma n di d I ever know. I think i f you kne w Eugen e Debs a s I kno w hi m yo u woul d neithe r sa y tha t h e ough t t o b e i n jail no r

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that h e ough t t o b e hanged . I d o no t agre e wit h al l tha t Gen e Deb s say s o r thinks. But I would trus t hi m wit h ever y dollar I had." 120 The acceptanc e o f th e Deb s ethos and th e simultaneou s rejectio n o f hi s social visio n wa s a characteristi c respons e amon g Debs' s opponents . Arthu r Schlesinger, Jr. , ha s note d tha t " M e n an d wome n love d Deb s eve n whe n they hate d hi s doctrines . Hi s sweetnes s o f temper , hi s generosit y an d kindliness, hi s sensitivit y t o pai n an d suffering , hi s perfec t sincerity , hi s warm, sa d smil e an d hi s candi d gra y eye s wer e irresistible." 121 Walte r Hurt , eschewing her o worshi p i n th e socialis t ranks , nonetheles s recognize d tha t the valu e o f Debs's personalit y t o th e socialis t movemen t wa s "inestimable" : " H e i s a loadston e o f popularity tha t attract s t o Socialis m thousand s w h o m its philosophy woul d a t firs t repel." 1 2 2 The Deb s legen d doe s no t stan d carefu l scrutiny—n o morta l lif e coul d sustain th e weigh t o f adulatio n tha t Debs' s admirer s hav e lavishe d o n h i m — but t o as k thi s i s t o misunderstan d th e functio n an d valu e o f th e legend . However fragil e an d desperat e fo r reassuranc e th e ma n behin d th e myth , h e projected a n imag e tha t wa s stron g an d generous ; th e emphasi s o n th e ethical sid e o f persuasio n renewe d a confidenc e i n th e capacit y o f th e individual huma n bein g t o shap e hi s world . Lik e hi s radica l predecessors , Debs wa s concerne d wit h possibilities , bu t hi s reform s alway s ha d a huma n scale. Walte r Hur t tie d Deb s t o th e vanishin g traditio n o f Emerso n whe n he wrote , " 'Self-trust, ' say s Emerson , 'i s th e essenc e o f heroism. ' Deb s believes i n himsel f becaus e h e believe s i n mankind , o f whic h h e i s a part." 1 2 3 There i s a very rea l sense , o f course , i n whic h i t wa s alread y to o late ; th e agrarian myt h wit h al l it s overtone s o f self-relianc e simpl y faile d t o reflec t the realitie s o f the moder n world . Th e yea r afte r Debs' s deat h i n 1926 , John Dewey publishe d The Public and Its Problems in whic h h e wrote , " T h e Grea t Society create d b y stea m an d electricit y ma y b e a society , bu t i t i s n o community. Th e invasio n o f th e communit y b y th e ne w an d relativel y impersonal an d mechanica l mode s o f combine d huma n behavio r i s th e outstanding fac t o f moder n life." 124 Debs' s insistenc e o n virtue , lookin g backward a s i t di d t o th e melodramati c languag e o f Balzac , Dickens , an d Hugo, al l o f w h o m Deb s adored , coul d no t compe l assen t i n th e worl d o f This Side of Paradise. To say , however , tha t Deb s wa s to o lat e o r tha t h e opposed th e inevitabl e doe s no t mak e hi s effor t les s laudabl e o r th e ideal s he hel d les s desirable . Deb s attempte d t o revivif y a myt h tha t ha d helpe d create communit y i n America , an d i n doin g s o h e attempte d t o giv e

The Prophet's Call | 10 7 Dewey's los t publi c a c o m m o n voice . O f course , Deb s di d no t understan d his crusad e a s a reactionar y one ; fo r hi m th e value s h e espouse d wer e universal an d eternal . O n e measur e o f th e appea l o f Debs' s atavis m i s th e degre e t o whic h th e Debs legac y ha s survive d eve n today . I n 1955 , o n th e centennia l o f Debs' s birth, N o r m a n Thoma s wrote , " O n e o f th e purpose s o f a centennia l celebration o f Gen e Debs ' birt h i s t o remin d ourselve s o f a uniqu e huma n being, on e o f thos e rar e spirit s whos e lif e o n eart h wa s a n outstandin g blessing t o hi s fellow s b y reaso n o f what h e wa s a s well a s by reaso n o f wha t he did." 1 2 5 Mor e recently , Davi d A . Shanno n wrote , Dead fo r hal f a century , Deb s continue s t o b e th e nation' s foremos t radica l hero, the most popular leader of a Marxist movement, th e Left's most belove d personality. Neithe r hi s successo r a s leade r o f th e Socialis t Party , Norma n Thomas, nor any of the Communis t leader s since World War I, nor the ofte n colorful an d sometime s bizarr e character s o f the Ne w Lef t o f the 1960 s an d early 1970' s even approac h Deb s a s a radical heroic figure. 126 Nelson Algre n gav e Deb s a plac e alongsid e Theodor e Dreise r an d Joh n Peter Altgel d a s on e o f "th e grea t Lincolnia n liberals , th e one s w h o stuc k out thei r stubbor n neck s i n th e ceaseles s battl e betwee n th e right s o f Owners an d th e right s o f Man , th e stiff-necke d wonder s w h o coul d b e broken bu t couldn' t b e bent." 1 2 7 A s lat e a s 1976 , th e Socialis t Part y wa s stil l prominently billin g itsel f a s "th e part y o f Eugen e Debs" ; th e Eugen e V . Debs loca l o f th e Unite d Steelworkers , a loca l fo r builder s a t th e Pullma n railroad ca r plan t an d on e o f th e earl y local s i n th e C I O organization , wa s until 1985 , thre e year s afte r th e closin g o f th e plant , a livin g tribut e t o Debs an d hi s visio n o f industria l unionism—worker s standin g u p fo r themselves. 128 Radi o statio n W E V D i n N e w Yor k Cit y continue s t o broad cast programmin g i n Yiddis h an d i n th e language s o f recen t immigran t groups, servin g population s ver y muc h lik e thos e Deb s sough t t o serv e i n his lifetime , an d th e Eugen e V . Deb s Foundation , whic h purchase d th e Debs hom e i n Terr e Haut e i n 196 2 an d ha s restore d i t a s a librar y an d memorial, i s dedicate d t o perpetuatin g Debs' s vision . Debs ha d a n appreciatio n fo r th e adoratio n o f posterity; hi s emphasi s o n the afterlif e o f martyr s i n th e memorie s o f th e peopl e attest s t o thi s an d there i s n o questio n bu t tha t Deb s hope d t o b e honore d i n th e sam e way , to hav e "monument s built " an d "garland s woven " fo r hi s grav e rathe r tha n face th e mortalit y o f th e "respectabl e bu t forgotten " grav e o f anonymity . Louis Untermeye r suggeste d tha t Debs' s garlan d woul d b e a crow n o f

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thorns, 1 2 9 an d Deb s woul d surel y hav e take n comfor t i n th e word s o f Isaiah , often rea d a s a prognostication o f Christ : He i s despised an d rejecte d o f men; a man o f sorrows , an d acquainte d wit h grief; an d w e hi d a s i t wer e our faces fro m him ; h e wa s despised , an d w e esteemed hi m not . Surel y he hat h born e ou r griefs , an d carrie d ou r sorrows : yet w e di d estee m hi m stricken , smitte n o f God , an d afflicted . . . . H e shal l see o f the travai l of his soul, and shall be satisfied : b y his knowledge shal l my righteous servan t justify many ; fo r h e shal l bea r thei r iniquities . Therefor e will I divid e hi m a portion wit h th e great , an d h e shal l divid e th e spoi l wit h the strong ; becaus e h e hat h poure d ou t hi s sou l unt o death : an d h e wa s numbered wit h th e transgressors ; an d h e bar e th e si n o f many , an d mad e intercession fo r th e transgressors. 130

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The Wor d i n Darknes s We see not ou r signs : there is no mor e an y prophet: neithe r i s there among us any that knowet h ho w long . —Psalm s 74: 9 Son o f man, prophesy agains t th e prophets i n Israe l that prophesy, an d say thou unt o the m tha t prophesy ou t o f their ow n hearts , Hear ye the wor d o f the Lord ; Thus sait h the Lor d God ; Wo e unt o th e foolis h prophets, tha t follow thei r ow n spirit , an d hav e seen nothing ! O Is rael, thy prophets ar e like the foxe s i n th e deserts . —Ezekie l 13:2— 4 And I heard, bu t I understood not : the n sai d I, O m y Lord, wha t shal l be th e en d o f these things? And h e said , G o th y way, Daniel fo r th e words are closed u p an d seale d til l the tim e o f the end . Man y shal l be purified, an d made white, an d tried ; bu t th e wicked shal l do wick edly: and non e o f the wicked shal l understand; bu t th e wis e shall un derstand. —Danie l 12:8—1 0

Among th e way s tha t propheti c rhetori c distinguishe s itsel f fro m the Graeco-Roma n mode l i s it s transgressio n o f classica l genres . A s th e la w in ancien t Hebre w cultur e wa s given , th e deliberativ e functio n o f prophec y may b e truncated . Still , ther e i s a strong elemen t o f futur e concern , charac teristic o f deliberation , o f th e consequence s o f adherin g o r no t adherin g t o the law , an d th e rib patter n a t th e cente r o f prophec y provide s a clea r judicial element . Bu t eve n mor e essentia l tha n thi s judicia l function , i t might b e argued , i s th e epideicti c functio n o f prophecy , no t onl y i n th e celebration an d encouragemen t o f c o m m o n values , bu t i n th e sens e tha t epideictic bot h depend s upo n an d recreate s community. 1 Indeed , i t i s onl y in th e presenc e o f a viabl e communit y tha t th e declarator y impuls e i n prophecy ha s adequat e credibilit y t o insis t o n engagement . I n th e absenc e of suc h a community , i t i s easil y dismisse d a s lunati c rant . Prophec y is , i n James Boy d White' s terms , a language , an d i t i s b y languages , "share d

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conceptions o f th e world , share d manner s an d values , share d resource s an d expectations an d procedure s fo r speec h an d thought, " h e insists , "tha t communities ar e i n fac t define d an d constituted. " 2 It i s no t necessar y t o becom e embroile d i n th e debate s ove r th e natur e and precis e tempora l locatio n o f postmodernit y t o borro w fro m tha t bod y of literature certai n insight s abou t th e deca y o f community i n contemporar y America. Barr y Smar t note s that , ove r an d abov e th e fractiousnes s collecte d under postmoder n scholarship , "ther e appear s t o b e a share d sens e tha t significant cultura l transformation s hav e been takin g place i n Wester n socie ties durin g th e perio d sinc e th e en d o f th e Secon d Worl d Wa r an d furthe r that th e ter m 'postmodernism ' ma y b e appropriate , fo r th e tim e bein g a t least, t o describ e som e o f th e implie d shift s i n 'sensibility , practice s an d discourse formations. ' " 3 Ther e i s als o considerabl e agreemen t tha t thes e "cultural transformations " involv e dislocation , alienation , uncertainty , an d atomization. Smar t describe s postmoder n form s o f sociolog y a s form s "which plac e emphasi s upo n th e tenuous , negotiable , meaningful , interpre tive, an d sociolinguisticall y constitute d characte r o f socia l life , upo n th e fragile 'taci t understandings ' whic h constitut e th e insecur e foundatio n o f social life." 4 Davi d Harve y i s more bluntl y critica l o f these sam e tendencies , seeing not a reconstitution o f social life, bu t th e destructio n o f its possibility : Postmodernist philosopher s tel l us not onl y to accep t but eve n to reve l in th e fragmentations an d th e cacophon y o f voice s throug h whic h th e dilemma s of th e moder n worl d ar e understood . Obsesse d wit h deconstructin g an d delegitimating ever y form o f argument the y encounter , the y ca n en d onl y i n condemning thei r ow n validit y claim s to the point where nothin g remains o f any basis for reasone d action. 5 "There is , i n postmodernism, " h e note s elsewhere , "littl e over t attemp t t o sustain continuit y o f values, beliefs , o r eve n disbeliefs." 6 Postmodernism i s a reactio n t o th e disintegratio n o f th e Enlightenmen t project o f th e gran d narrative , th e regularit y o f predictio n an d control , an d the stabilit y o f commo n sense . T h e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips, an d Eugen e Deb s wer e abl e t o capitaliz e o n a c o m m o n belie f structure, th e root s o f societ y i n thei r respectiv e times . Thei r radicalism , like tha t o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , wa s essentiall y reactionary . Chal lenging no t roo t belief s bu t contemporar y understandings , the y demande d a realizatio n o f orthodox y throug h th e excisio n o f corrup t practice. 7 Bu t the caree r o f Eugen e Debs , I hav e claimed , marke d th e en d o f a n era . Already i n Debs' s tim e ther e wer e th e unmistakabl e sign s o f a dissolution o f

The Word in Darkness | 11 3 consensus i n America n society , a tren d catalyze d b y th e Firs t an d Secon d World Wars . Postmodernis m i s a ter m tha t suggest s th e unravelin g o f tha t faith tha t sustaine d radica l though t fo r th e Revolutionaries , Phillips , an d Debs, a n abrogatio n o f th e "vita l center, " th e declin e o f th e c o m m o n language necessar y no t onl y t o consensus , bu t t o apostas y a s well. 8 Post modernism i s the recognitio n o f th e fragmentatio n o f th e nationa l c o m m u nity agains t whic h th e radica l seek s definition ; i t i s impossibl e t o stan d i n opposition t o fog. 9 A s Ha l Foste r expresse s it , "Pluralis m i s a conditio n tha t tends t o remove , art , cultur e an d societ y i n genera l fro m th e claim s o f criticism an d change." 1 0 N o r i s wha t Presiden t Jimm y Carte r terme d ou r "national malaise " merel y th e fashionabl e fetis h o f sociologists , literar y critics, an d philosophers , indulge d i n recondit e treatise s i n obscur e journals. Postmodernism i s not , a s Davi d Harve y put s it , "a n autonomou s artisti c current. . . . It s rootedness i n dail y lif e i s one o f its most patentl y transparen t features." n 1 I t reveal s itself, howeve r inarticulately , eve n i n ou r mos t ostensi bly "mindless, " lo w cultur e entertainments. 1 2 In suc h a n environment , th e prophe t i s no t possible . Prophec y i s a n ineluctably socia l phenomenon . I t i s inconceivable tha t on e shoul d serv e a s God's spokesperso n i n a worl d wher e God , th e c o m m o n bond , th e religio, is dead. 13 Bu t th e impulse s tha t giv e ris e t o prophecy , th e nee d fo r authority , judgment, an d meaning , ar e tenacious . T h e appetite s o f th e ersat z polis d o not disappea r i n a postmodern , postreligiou s world . T h e competitio n fo r and th e nee d t o apportio n scarc e resources , th e substanc e o f politics , continues, a s doe s th e nee d fo r form s o f discours e throug h whic h thes e decisions ca n b e negotiated . Eve n mor e importan t tha n th e persistenc e o f political necessities , th e desir e fo r cohesion , fo r unity , fo r communit y doe s not di e either . A theor y o f propheti c discours e i n America n radica l reform , i f i t i s t o have genuin e utility , shoul d provid e critica l touchstone s b y whic h prophet s can b e judge d agains t thei r profession s an d nonprophet s ca n b e judge d against th e propheti c standard . I t shoul d b e illuminatin g no t onl y o f thos e discourses tha t confor m t o it s outlines , bu t shoul d als o provide a perspectiv e against whic h t o rea d discourse s tha t fal l unde r th e traditiona l shado w o f prophecy bu t tha t lac k th e social-rhetorica l resource s t o sustai n th e conver gence o f speaker , audience , an d sacre d trut h tha t prophec y demands . I n other words , a theory o f prophetic discours e shoul d illuminate , an d provid e some mean s fo r evaluating , th e dynami c whe n prophec y fails . Thi s i s th e purpose o f th e thre e cas e studie s her e i n par t II . Thre e broa d rhetorica l responses t o th e nee d fo r judgment i n a worl d withou t Go d ar e illustrated :

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apocalyptic, th e attemp t t o carr y forwar d th e propheti c authorit y i n a worl d where Go d i s n o longe r hegemonic ; poetic , th e attemp t t o carr y forwar d the appearanc e o f propheti c authorit y b y a n imitatio n o f it s outwar d form ; and thoroughl y secula r rhetoric , th e capitulatio n t o th e postmoder n worl d and th e abandonmen t o f th e prophetic .

Apocalypticism Stephen O'Lear y i s certainl y correc t t o argu e tha t anomi e i s inadequat e a s an explanatio n o f apocalyptic , eve n th e presenc e o f apocalyptic , muc h les s its particula r shap e an d logic, 14 an d i t i s certainl y th e cas e tha t ther e hav e been importan t display s o f apocalypti c discours e i n Americ a prio r t o th e conclusion o f th e Secon d Worl d War , thoug h man y scholars , including , a t times, O'Lear y himself , consisten t wit h thei r purposes , hav e no t bothere d to distinguis h apocalypti c fro m prophetic , collapsin g bot h unde r th e rubri c "millennialism." 15 Ye t i t i s equall y true , I wil l argue , tha t th e exhaustiv e anomie characteristi c o f th e postmoder n er a vitiate s th e possibilit y o f prophecy an d make s tenabl e th e mov e o f apocalypti c t o th e politica l mai n stage i n a way unprecedente d i n America n histor y Never , befor e th e 1950s , was a n apocalypti c rhetori c abl e t o defin e th e nationa l agenda , no t s o lon g as a viable civi l religio n coul d maintai n th e ultimat e triump h o f the nationa l will. M y readin g o f America n histor y i s entirel y consisten t wit h thos e w h o find th e philosophica l root s o f th e postmoder n disintegratio n o f th e socia l fabric i n th e lat e nineteent h century, 16 a s th e conclusio n o f th e previou s chapter suggest s an d a s subsequent discussio n wil l elaborate , bu t tha t readin g also indicate s a n obstinat e belie f i n th e nationa l covenan t tha t gav e defini tion t o a people an d provide d a platform fo r radica l dissent . T h e abolition ists an d Eugen e Deb s deepl y influence d th e nationa l conversation , leavin g their imprin t o n thei r respectiv e rhetorica l epoch s an d o n subsequen t history, i n way s tha t O'Lear y s Millerite s coul d neve r aspir e to . A s a n instrument o f definition , th e nationa l covenan t marginalize d thos e w h o di d not operat e withi n it s fundamenta l assumptions . Paramount amon g thos e assumption s i s th e positiv e outcom e o f history . T h e putativ e vie w o f th e jeremia d a s a speec h o f wo e notwithstanding , prophetic religio n i s profoundl y optimistic . I t was , afte r all , a vehicl e o f reform amon g th e Jews o f th e Ol d Testament , an d i n America n radicalis m it ha s bee n consistentl y associate d wit h perfectionis t thinkin g an d hope s fo r the millennium. 1 7 I n th e Ol d Testament , th e optimis m o f prophec y wa s

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sustained b y fait h i n th e omnipotenc e o f Yahwe h a s th e sol e creato r o f heaven an d eart h an d th e controlle r o f history . T h e belie f i n a singl e omnipotent Go d a s th e autho r o f histor y ensure d a unit y o f motiv e i n th e world an d allowe d th e coherenc e o f visio n eviden t i n prophecy ; th e essen tial monotheis m o f th e Ol d Testamen t di d no t allo w tha t Yahwe h shoul d coexist wit h deitie s o f sufficien t powe r t o exercis e effectiv e influenc e i n opposition t o Hi s justice. 1 8 I n th e cosmolog y o f th e Ol d Testament , ther e were onl y tw o powers , God' s wil l an d huma n will , th e latte r a gif t o f God , malleable, an d finall y nugatory . H u m a n wil l influence d bu t coul d no t control th e cours e o f history . I n suc h a world , huma n being s mad e thei r fate i n accordanc e wit h th e term s o f th e covenant . To emphasiz e th e optimis m o f prophecy i s not t o den y th e gravit y o f th e threat i n th e propheti c message . Bu t a s th e produc t o f a lovin g God , th e threat wa s intende d t o instruct , t o discipline , an d wa s alway s conditional . I t was pose d i n th e hop e tha t retributio n migh t b e averted . T h e "demonic " side o f Yahwe h migh t punis h Hi s peopl e o r tes t them , bu t onl y i n accor dance wit h th e reveale d truth s o f th e covenant , th e knowledg e o f Go d revealed t o al l bu t th e willfull y blind . Fo r Yahweh , uniqu e amon g ancien t gods, wa s a mora l god ; H e acte d no t o n capric e bu t i n accordanc e wit h established principle. 1 9 A s evidence d i n earlie r chapters , th e rule s o f th e covenant boun d Yahwe h a s muc h a s the y di d th e people s o f Israe l an d Judah. Implici t i n th e threa t wa s a restatemen t o f boundarie s an d order . However unwelcom e th e propheti c wor d ma y hav e bee n i n othe r respects , as th e continuin g testimon y t o th e undeviatin g covenan t i t di d provid e assurance o f Yahwe h s presence i n history , th e integrit y o f Hi s rule(s) , an d the inevitabilit y o f Hi s justice . T h e propheti c word , a s illustrate d i n th e previous cases , offer s escap e fro m chaos . Prophecy, however , doe s no t sugges t th e en d o f history . T h e escap e i t provides i s no t a stabl e state . T h e natura l entrop y o f th e worl d constantl y assails th e fragil e mythos . Becaus e i t contain s wha t vo n R a d ha s calle d a "tension o f history," 20 th e propheti c fait h i s a strenuou s one ; eac h ne w event mus t b e evaluate d an d th e peopl e hel d t o account . T h e greate r th e calamities tha t arise , th e greate r th e effor t require d t o aver t them , an d th e greater th e guil t whe n refor m fails . I n th e religio n o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets, responsibilit y wa s alway s a matte r betwee n th e peopl e an d Yah weh. W h e n th e event s o f histor y reac h inhuma n an d incomprehensibl e proportions, theorie s o f huma n culpabilit y ar e n o longe r adequate . N e w causes commensurat e wit h th e terro r o f th e perceive d effect s mus t b e sought. I n th e histor y o f the ancien t Jews, thi s tim e wa s th e en d o f th e sixt h

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century B.C.E. , th e time o f the Babylonia n Exile . Th e Exile wa s a crisis of unmatched intensity , involvin g a s i t di d th e burnin g o f Jerusalem , th e surrender o f self-governmen t fo r th e Jewish people , an d th e en d o f th e Davidic succession . Constraine d t o wor k withi n th e her e an d no w o f events, propheti c theolog y demande d tha t Yahwe h revea l Himsel f i n thi s world throug h a correspondence betwee n cause s and effects. A t the time of the Exile , the guilt require d t o account fo r event s was unbearable, openin g Yahweh s control o f history to question. 21 It ha s been suggeste d tha t prophec y a t this juncture wa s no longe r abl e to sustai n th e burde n o f history. 22 Th e crisi s o f meanin g wa s o f suc h enormity tha t th e organizatio n necessar y t o hierarch y wa s impossible . In such a n environment , "th e absenc e o f persons wh o ar e acknowledge d b y members o f their society as performing th e role of the prophet" 23 i s merely a symptom o f the larger socia l chao s an d a harbinger o f democracy i n the worst sens e o f the word . Instea d o f the univoca l respons e tha t woul d hav e been required to give the illusion o f order, prophecy durin g the Babylonian and earl y Persia n period s wa s give n ove r t o bitte r division s tha t seeme d only t o reflec t earthl y chaos . Th e fals e prophet s wh o wer e s o savagel y denounced b y Ezekiel an d Zepenaiah retreate d fro m th e hard term s o f the covenant. Thei r messag e was one of acquiescence. Fals e prophets provide d absolution rathe r than judgment. 24 Scholars hav e traditionall y hel d tha t Persia n doctrine s o f dualis m wer e influential i n corrupting th e prophetic word. 25 Rathe r tha n rationaliz e evi l as an aspect o f God's will, as did the ancient people s o f Israel and Judah, o r suggest that , whil e Go d di d no t caus e evil , H e allowe d i t t o happe n a s a condition o f the freedo m o f human beings , th e basi c positio n maintaine d by Christianity, ancien t Persians held evil to be independent o f and oppose d to force s o f good . Dualis m doe s no t limi t evi l t o th e exercis e o f vena l human will , the mistreatment o f widows and orphans, displays of covetousness, anger , lust , gluttony , vanity , sloth , an d pride ; evi l i s a cosmi c forc e rivaling God . According t o George s Bataille , violenc e i n a dualistic worl d loses it s constructive potential , it s ability t o restor e intimacy , an d become s purely destructive , a threat t o th e establishe d order. 26 Onl y a n evil o f such magnitude i s capabl e o f servin g a s th e responsibl e agen t fo r otherwis e unaccountable grief . Frightening a s th e though t o f a puissan t evi l ma y be , i t enjoy s th e advantage o f deflecting responsibilit y fro m th e self. Th e ago n o f history i n a dualisti c cosmolog y i s not principall y betwee n Go d and His people, bu t between Go d an d evil , a contes t i n whic h th e peopl e ar e but th e haples s

The Word in Darkness \ 11 7 prize. 2 7 Th e fulles t expressio n o f thes e tendencie s ca n b e see n i n apocalyp tic, a response t o chao s which , i n oppositio n t o prophecy , tende d t o remov e the battl e fro m th e huma n real m o f histor y t o a superordinat e real m o f cosmic forces. 28 Face d wit h hardship s o f a magnitud e tha t th e dram a o f God an d peopl e coul d no t contain , th e apocalyptis t restore s balanc e b y reaching outsid e histor y fo r bot h cause s an d consequences . A s Pau l Hanso n has noted , whil e prophec y affirm s th e historica l real m a s a suitable contex t fo r divin e activit y fro m th e cosmi c leve l t o th e leve l o f th e politico-historical real m o f everyda y life , . . . th e visionaries , disillusione d with th e historica l realm , disclose d thei r visio n i n a manne r o f growin g indifference t o an d independenc e fro m th e contingencie s o f th e politico historical realm , thereb y leavin g th e languag e increasingl y i n th e idio m o f the cosmi c realm o f the divin e warrior an d hi s council. 29 In contras t t o prophecy , apocalypti c i s profoundl y deterministi c an d pessimistic. Althoug h th e apocalyptis t assure s th e ultimat e triump h o f Go d s will, th e worl d a s i t exist s i s incorrigible ; justic e wil l requir e no t a n enforcement o f th e term s o f th e covenant , t o whic h evi l i s no t subject , bu t a destructio n o f evi l itself . Evi l canno t b e reformed . T h e da y o f judgmen t requires th e en d o f th e dram a o f goo d an d evil , th e en d o f history. 30 T h e rhetorical consequence s o f thi s positio n ar e difficul t t o calculate . T h e violent an d excessiv e languag e i n apocalypti c migh t inspir e reader s t o enlis t in Go d s hol y war , bu t th e emphasi s o n huma n helplessnes s i n th e fac e o f the supernatura l woul d see m t o cal l fo r passivism. 31 I n eithe r case , th e language o f instructio n become s superfluou s becaus e th e worl d i s under stood t o b e beyon d redemption ; al l on e ca n d o i s t o alig n onesel f with Go d and wai t o r participat e i n th e holocaust . T h e issu e i s a n importan t one , because i t suggest s a judgmen t o f th e humanisti c an d mora l statu s o f apocalyptic base d o n th e audienc e i t implies. 32 Unfortunately, apocalypti c text s offe r littl e clarificatio n i n resolvin g thi s question. Th e determinis m i n apocalypti c lie s a t th e en d o f history . Ther e lies th e locu s o f judgment. Curren t histor y i s surrendered t o chaos . Apoca lyptists announc e th e imminenc e o f judgment, bu t the y d o no t judge; the y pledge th e restoratio n o f order , bu t the y ar e no t it s vehicle . Premillennia l apocalyptic i n particula r make s bearabl e th e iniquitousnes s o f histor y b y pointing t o sign s o f th e en d an d promisin g restitutio n i n th e nex t worl d fo r what i s unjustl y suffere d i n thi s one , bu t i t i s no t responsibl e fo r eithe r suffering o r salvation. 33 Extension o f th e discursiv e real m beyon d histor y provide s a nebulou s

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point o f focus fo r ne w expectations . T h e en d o f history ma y b e determined , but whe n i s it ? A s migh t b e expecte d o f a theolog y tha t coul d b e s o easil y discredited b y lac k o f fulfillment, apocalypti c shroud s it s forecasts i n myster y and ambiguity . T h e languag e o f apocalypti c i s highl y metaphorica l an d symbolic, a s is appropriate fo r th e descriptio n o f a supernatural world . Joh n Collins, extendin g th e wor k o f Pau l Ricoeur , ha s argue d tha t "myster y and indeterminacy " constitut e muc h o f "th e 'atmosphere ' o f apocalypti c literature," an d suggest s "tha t th e tex t ma y o n occasio n achiev e it s effec t precisely throug h th e elemen t o f uncertainty. " 3 4 If th e tex t o f apocalypti c i s to o amorphou s t o judge , perhap s w e ca n look t o it s author . I n th e cas e o f prophecy , I hav e argue d tha t th e prophe t lives th e text , tha t h e strive s t o realiz e th e demand s o f hi s messag e i n th e flesh. Bu t apocalyptic , a s i t fracture s history , als o shatter s th e identit y o f it s author. T h e characteristi c us e o f th e pseudony m i n apocalypti c present s u s with thre e persona e behin d th e message : Go d a s th e autho r o f th e vision ; the purporte d transcribe r o f th e vision , usuall y a n eminen t histori c figure ; and th e actua l autho r o f the book. 3 5 T h e us e o f the pseudony m i s consisten t with th e apocalypti c vie w o f history : i t reinforce s th e ide a tha t histor y wa s determined fro m th e beginnin g b y allowin g th e peopl e t o fin d i n thei r current circumstanc e th e fulfillmen t o f predictions ostensibl y fro m a n earlie r time, 3 6 an d i t diminishe s chronolog y a s a sourc e o f orde r b y locatin g th e author simultaneousl y i n th e past , th e present , an d th e future , tha t is , i n eternity. Apocalyptic, then , respond s t o crisi s b y retreatin g int o anothe r world . I t does no t see k t o mak e th e curren t worl d morall y legible . Apocalypti c i s a n admission tha t th e ol d rule s n o longe r hol d if , indeed , the y eve r did ; i t abolishes th e identit y o f persons an d make s a farrago o f history; i t leave s n o stable point s o f reference . Apocalypti c doe s no t orde r b y division . I t dis solves al l divisions i n th e present , relievin g huma n tensio n no t i n righteous ness bu t i n helplessness . Apocalypti c surrender s thi s worl d i n th e hop e o f a better on e hereafter . In th e moder n world , th e Secon d Worl d Wa r stand s ou t a s a crisi s tha t threatened no t jus t a particula r orthodoxy , bu t th e foundation s o f value . I t is thi s even t tha t provide s ou r America n analo g t o th e sixt h centur y B.C.E . Exile o f th e Jews . Richar d Weaver , i n hi s postwa r polemi c Ideas Have Consequences, wrote, " O u r feelin g o f no t understandin g th e worl d an d ou r sense o f moral helplessnes s ar e t o b e lai d directl y t o a n extremel y subversiv e campaign t o weake n fait h i n al l predication. " 37 Weave r s description, i f no t entirely idiosyncratic , i s a n ap t descriptio n o f th e condition s o f apocalyptic .

The Word in Darkness \ 11 9 If Weave r i s correc t i n hi s assessmen t o f th e ominou s doubt s tha t besiege d Americans followin g th e Secon d Worl d War , th e argumen t woul d lea d u s to expec t a failur e o f th e libera l rhetori c o f prophec y amon g radical s an d the ascendanc y o f somethin g resemblin g apocalyptic , a discours e tha t ca n hold i n th e balanc e bot h terro r an d passivism . A s perhap s th e mos t promi nent extremis t o f th e postwa r er a i n America , Senato r Joseph R . McCarth y provides a n obviou s subjec t fo r stud y Producin g a rhetori c tha t som e mistook fo r radical , McCarth y coul d no t impos e orde r o r provid e a brigh t outcome becaus e ther e wa s n o fixe d an d receive d basi s fo r judgment . There wer e n o longe r an y unchallenge d firs t premise s tha t coul d sustai n a prophetic discourse . T h e lin e betwee n ligh t an d darkness , God' s firs t divi sion i n th e orderin g o f creation , i s amorphou s an d fluid i n McCarthy' s rhetoric. McCarthy' s discours e reflect s th e irresolutio n an d confusio n tha t ties th e modern , apparentl y secular , genr e o f th e fantasti c t o th e ancien t genre o f apocalyptic .

Poetry A secon d respons e o f mora l discours e i n a world wher e Go d ha s die d i s th e reification o f th e for m o f sacre d discours e i n th e hop e tha t th e counterfei t will b e accepte d a s genuin e an d hav e th e desire d effect , perhap s eve n offered unde r th e delusio n tha t th e for m i s th e genuin e article . Suc h a process codifie s th e extraordinar y an d convert s i t t o ritual , a n aestheticized , rationalized representatio n o f th e divin e wher e th e tendenc y i s alway s fo r technique t o usur p inspiration . Historically , poetr y ha s bee n th e formular y vehicle fo r prophecy , an d i t i s the rule s o f poetry tha t enabl e th e creatio n o f a simulacru m o f th e propheti c san s th e divin e motive . At leas t sinc e publicatio n o f Bisho p Lowth' s Praelectiones Academicae de Sacra Poesi Hebraeorum i n 1741 , th e literatur e o f th e Ol d Testamen t an d o f the prophet s i n particula r ha s bee n recognize d a s a grea t poeti c achieve ment. 3 8 Thi s recognitio n i s based o n bot h th e outwar d for m o f prophecy — its rhythm , it s musicality , it s artfu l structures , it s highl y stylize d vocabu lary—and o n th e clai m o f the propheti c t o inspiration , literall y a n inbreath ing o f th e divin e word . Abou t th e functio n o f poetr y fo r th e ancien t peoples o f Israe l an d Judah, Bruc e Vawte r ha s written , In moder n societ y poetr y i s largel y a literar y exercis e remove d fro m th e rough-and-tumble o f everyda y life , bu t thi s wa s no t s o i n antiquit y whe n national sagas , th e utterance s o f th e sages , an d th e epic s o f th e pas t wer e

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invariably treasured u p in poetry. Poetry, by its rhythm an d distinctive vocabulary, was better suite d for arrestin g oral communication tha n was prose. 39 The functio n o f th e poe m a s a song , th e primar y vehicl e fo r th e preserva tion an d disseminatio n o f a cultur e i n preliterat e societies , seem s almos t universal. 40 Bu t poetry , lik e mos t preservatives , i s also astringen t o r tonic . T h e poe m i s a n appropriat e vehicl e fo r prophec y becaus e i t allow s radical perspective s t o emerg e throug h renaming . Fro m a t leas t th e tim e o f Isocrates on , i t ha s bee n recognize d i n Wester n cultur e tha t poeti c i s granted certai n licens e wit h languag e beyon d tha t grante d t o rhetori c o r prose. 41 Th e poe t i s a "maker " fro m th e Gree k poiein, t o make ; i n produc ing poetry , th e poe t reproduce s th e ac t o f creation 4 2 —the poe m i s a n ac t of re-creation ; i t create s a ne w language—an d i n s o doing , realize s th e potential fo r socia l criticism . I n renaming , re-creatin g th e element s o f hi s society, th e poe t ma y challeng e th e establishe d an d accepte d relationship s o f the statu s quo . Theophi l Spoerr i recognize s th e powe r o f poetr y i n it s conservative side : "I t i s poetry whic h watche s ove r al l change s i n language . N o t onl y wa s poetr y th e mothe r tongu e o f mankin d i n th e beginning s o f history, bu t i t remain s s o throug h th e ages . I t i s th e protectres s o f lif e an d the guardia n o f equilibrium. " 43 Walte r Brueggemann , o n th e othe r hand , recognizes i n thi s powe r a subversive function : Poetic imaginatio n i s the las t way left i n whic h t o challeng e an d conflic t th e dominant reality . Th e dominan t realit y i s necessaril y i n prose , bu t t o creat e such poetry an d lyrical thought require s more tha n skil l in makin g rhymes . I am concerned no t wit h th e forma l aspect s of poetry bu t with th e substantiv e issues of alternative prospects that the managed prose around us cannot inven t and does not wan t t o permit. 44 Both Spoerr i an d Brueggeman n recogniz e i n poetr y th e powe r t o nam e and thu s t o structur e o r defin e significan t realities . Propheti c poetr y define s the comfortabl e an d convenien t a s a violatio n o f sacre d law . A s Melvi n Lasky ha s note d o f th e highl y metaphorica l languag e o f radica l reform : " T h e imaginativ e extensio n o f politica l idea s an d thei r embellishmen t b y myth an d metapho r induc e a n ideologica l atmospher e i n whic h men , beginning wit h mor e ordinar y an d eve n h u m d r u m socia l concerns , com e to thin k o f their activitie s i n term s o f the life-and-deat h purpose s o f missio n and destiny/' 45 Thus , America n radical s hav e consistentl y sough t t o defin e their audience s a s sinners an d slaves . In settin g themselve s agains t wha t Brueggeman n ha s calle d th e " d o m i nant reality, " poet s ru n th e ris k o f bein g dismisse d a s mad , thu s mitigatin g

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their threa t t o th e statu s quo. 4 6 Onl y b y som e clai m o n th e divin e doe s th e poet-prophet achiev e an y credibilit y i n hi s critiqu e o f th e officiall y sanc tioned versio n o f reality . Plato , i n th e Phaedrus, admitte d th e madnes s o f both poet s an d prophets , bu t foun d th e madnes s o f th e latte r t o b e a "heaven-sent madness " superio r t o "man-mad e sanity." 47 I n mos t cultures , there i s n o divisio n betwee n th e type s o f madnes s Plat o presents , hi s distinction bein g base d o n a divisio n o f labo r amon g th e Gree k gods , an d the madnes s o f poet s i s no t distinguishe d fro m th e madnes s tha t inflame s the prophet. 4 8 T h e conflatio n o f poeti c an d propheti c inspiratio n i s illuminatin g wit h regard t o th e functio n o f language i n prophecy . Languag e no t onl y serve s a s the vehicl e fo r a radical renaming , bu t als o a s evidenc e o f th e divin e sourc e of tha t renaming . Nor a Chadwic k emphasize s th e propheti c requiremen t that divin e knowledg e b e expresse d i n extraordinar y language : "Grea t prominence i s usuall y give n t o poeti c dictio n an d skil l i n th e pedanti c us e of phras e an d artificia l languag e (rhetoric) . Alway s skil l i n languag e i s stressed." 49 I n th e traditio n o f Ol d Testamen t prophecy , th e lin k betwee n poetic dictio n an d divin e afflatu s i s quit e direct . Davi d Freedma n contend s that fo r th e ancien t Hebrews , th e poe m itself , a s a transcenden t medium , served a s evidenc e o f divin e inspiration, 50 an d R . B . Y . Scot t writes , " T h e gift o f suc h languag e i s t o th e prophet s a gift indeed , th e gif t b y Yahwe h o f a vesse l t o contai n hi s word." 5 1 I n it s mos t extrem e form , th e inspire d demonstrates transcendenc e b y speakin g i n a tongue , sometime s a foreig n language, whic h i n norma l lif e h e i s supposed t o b e incapabl e o f speaking. 52 Poetic diction , then , serve s a very specia l functio n fo r th e prophet ; i t i s no t an accessory , bu t a necessary sig n o f charism. 53 Throughout th e precedin g chapters , th e interactio n o f thi s clai m o f th e prophet t o inspire d knowledg e an d th e prophet' s messag e ha s bee n th e focus o f attention. T h e lin k betwee n prophec y an d poetr y provide s a mean s of articulatin g characteristic s o f th e messag e tha t serv e t o communicat e th e character o f th e speaker . Man y o f th e characteristic s o f th e propheti c message ar e commonl y though t o f a s characteristics o f poetry. I n particular , the fac t tha t poetry , becaus e i t i s ofte n conceive d a s havin g a divin e sourc e or a t leas t t o emanat e fro m genius , i s though t t o b e concerne d wit h universal an d transcenden t truths , th e mimetic , truth s tha t canno t easil y b e accommodated t o th e need s o r desire s o f a particula r audience , an d th e suggestion tha t poeti c emphasize s pathos ove r ethos o r logos. 54 I n suggestin g that prophec y i s poetic , I a m no t denyin g th e obviou s rhetorica l qualitie s that I hav e claime d bot h fo r Ol d Testamen t prophec y i n th e Bibl e o r a s i t

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has influence d America n radicals . Rathe r I recognize , wit h th e majorit y o f contemporary writer s o n rhetori c an d poetic , th e practica l inseparabilit y o f these tw o mode s o f discourse . Prophecy , I woul d claim , i s t o b e locate d i n what Donal d Bryan t ha s describe d a s "tha t are a o f discours e wher e th e intellect an d th e emotion s besti r eac h othe r i n th e exploratio n o f opinion , judgment, o f socia l actio n . . . th e characteristi c commo n groun d o f litera ture an d politics. " 55 Form, though , i s i n itsel f inadequat e t o th e tas k o f reconstitutin g th e religious community . I t i s ironic tha t invarianc e i s both ke y t o th e powe r o f form (witnes s th e R o m a n Catholi c mas s prio r t o Vatica n II ) an d als o betrays i t a s a lifeles s anachronis m lackin g continuin g inspiration . I t i s thi s invariance tha t allow s th e for m t o b e imitate d an d endlessl y replicated , a process aki n t o wha t Webe r woul d vie w a s the routinizatio n o f charismati c authority, an d thi s replicatio n occur s a t th e momen t tha t authorit y shift s from prophe t t o priest , th e latte r layin g clai m t o authorit y "b y virtu e o f hi s service i n a sacre d tradition, " rathe r tha n b y "persona l revelatio n an d charisma." 56 T h e dange r lie s no t i n th e derivativ e natur e o f th e presenta tion, bu t i n th e potentia l fo r suc h derivations , bein g divorce d fro m essence s and stemmin g onl y fro m surfaces , t o becom e caricatures . Ha l Foste r recog nizes thi s failin g i n postmoder n ar t whe n i t attempt s t o quot e tradition : "Today, artist s an d architect s onl y seem to pris e ope n histor y . . . t o redee m specific moments ; i n fact , the y onl y giv e u s hallucination s o f th e historical , masks o f thes e moments . I n short , the y retur n t o u s ou r historicall y mos t cherished form—a s kitsch." 57 R o b e r t Welch , I wil l argu e i n chapte r 8 , falls pre y t o jus t suc h criticism . Attemptin g t o reviv e a radica l traditio n i n the absenc e o f commo n roo t principles , Welc h reache d fo r th e technique s of poetry . Welc h believe d tha t h e hear d th e voic e o f Go d i n th e ech o o f Emerson, bu t hi s absolutis m wa s absorbe d int o a n ecumenica l worl d tha t reduced al l absolute s t o th e partia l truth s o f a pluralistic universe .

Economic Rationalization A thir d possibl e respons e o f rhetori c t o th e deat h o f Go d i s conformit y t o the pressure s o f secularization . Beginnin g wit h th e America n Revolution ary leaders , thi s analysi s o f th e rhetori c o f America n radicalis m ha s focuse d on th e voic e o f Go d (nature , th e absolutel y an d objectivel y true ) deliverin g His prohibition s throug h Hi s spokesme n considere d a s American prophets . The me n whos e discours e ha s bee n examine d spok e o n behal f o f th e

The Word in Darkness \ 12 3 dispossessed, claimin g fo r the m certai n inheren t an d inalienabl e right s base d on idea s o f th e right . T h e rhetorica l postur e o f th e radical s follow s Aristot le's dictu m tha t wrong s committe d i n th e nam e o f th e stat e ar e properl y appealed t o th e cour t o f highe r la w fo r redress . I hav e trie d t o demonstrat e in radica l rhetori c a consisten t denigratio n o f th e ide a tha t politica l an d economic powe r i s necessarily connecte d t o righteousness. 58 It i s possibl e t o tak e a cynica l vie w o f Aristotle' s advic e an d t o se e i n i t no mor e tha n th e exercis e o f thos e resource s whic h bes t serv e th e case . Bu t it i s equall y plausibl e t o see , a s I hav e argue d i s th e cas e wit h prophecy , a n inviolable an d uncompromisabl e mora l clai m i n th e highe r law , especiall y as Aristotl e solemnl y assert s i n anothe r place : "Fo r ther e reall y is , a s ever y one t o som e exten t divines , a natural justice an d injustic e tha t i s binding o n all men , eve n o n thos e w h o hav e n o associatio n o r covenan t wit h eac h other." 5 9 Withi n a philosophy o f natural o r divin e law , al l th e arrangement s of humankind ar e subjec t t o evaluatio n b y criteri a tha t canno t b e abrogate d by consideration s o f politica l expedienc e o r majorit y will . "Because it functions as an absolute standard for testing positive law," writes Kathlee n Jamieson , "natural la w [God' s law ] i s th e obviou s rhetorica l appea l t o b e employe d when confrontin g tyrann y o r injustice." 60 A t th e sam e time , a s Jamieso n goes o n t o recognize , th e potenc y o f th e appea l i s "tie d t o th e audience' s ability t o believ e tha t a knowabl e mora l n o r m correctl y articulate d b y th e rhetor inhere s i n al l men." 6 1 Natura l la w mos t effectivel y warrant s th e argument "whe n th e audienc e i s willing, becaus e o f utilit y o r commonalit y of belief structure , t o gran t tha t th e posite d la w o r righ t ma y functio n a s a n unchallenged firs t premise. " 62 It i s th e acceptanc e o f th e partialit y o f th e worl d tha t mark s th e residu e of nineteenth-century liberalis m i n twentieth - centur y thought , a profoun d and unfettere d individualism. 63 T h e consequence s fo r argumen t ar e far reaching. I n contras t t o th e mora l stanc e describe d b y Jamieson an d mani fested i n prophecy , Irvin g Horowit z describe s th e rhetorica l possibilitie s i n pluralism: " T h e mor e on e emphasize s th e fragmentatio n o f th e world , th e more on e mus t insis t o n th e pragmati c value s o f men , th e les s ca n a n argument b e mad e fo r actio n a s goo d i n itself." 64 Wha t Horowit z describe s is the antithesi s o f prophecy an d ha s substantia l implication s fo r th e rhetori cal option s o f thos e movement s o f socia l refor m tha t acknowledg e th e partiality o f the world , tha t recogniz e th e deat h o f God, th e deca y o f natura l law. Max Webe r describe d moder n societie s a s tendin g towar d differentia tion, specialization , an d increasin g bureaucratization . S . N. Eisenstad t claim s

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that Webe r foun d i n moder n societie s " a growin g differentiatio n an d au tonomy o f variou s centers , growin g demand s fo r acces s t o them , an d fo r participation i n them , culminatin g i n tendencie s towar d th e obliteratio n o f the symboli c differenc e betwee n cente r an d periphery/' 6 5 Joh n Dewey' s analysis o f America n societ y i n th e wak e o f th e industria l revolutio n cor roborates thi s genera l view . Dewe y wrote , The ramificatio n o f the issue s before th e publi c i s so wide an d intricate , th e technical matter s involve d ar e s o specialized , th e detail s ar e s o man y an d s o shifting, tha t th e public canno t fo r an y length o f time identify an d hold itself. It i s not tha t ther e i s no public , n o larg e bod y o f persons havin g a commo n interest i n th e consequence s o f social transactions. Ther e i s too muc h public , a public to o diffuse d an d scattered an d to o intricat e i n composition. 66 Both Dewe y an d Webe r mak e thei r observation s i n th e contex t o f discussions o f socia l change , an d Weber' s conclusio n tha t society , i n thi s process o f diffusion an d participation , become s "demystified " i s particularl y revealing. I n Eisenstadt' s readin g o f Weber , th e su m o f thes e centrifuga l tendencies i s "t o dissociat e one' s predispositio n t o th e charismati c fro m th e societal center s an d fro m th e tradition s o f th e large r cultur e an d t o associat e it mor e an d mor e onl y wit h th e spher e o f private, face-to-fac e relation s an d activities—and eve n her e t o emphasiz e tendencie s towar d secularization , negation o f purity , an d dissociatio n o f seriousnes s an d an y normativ e c o m mitment." 67 A worl d wher e ther e i s n o center , wher e ther e i s n o divisio n between th e cente r an d th e periphery , i s a worl d withou t th e myster y an d separation necessar y t o th e sacred . An d wher e ther e i s no externalizatio n o f truth, ther e i s n o principl e tha t command s assen t excep t self-interest , an d there i s thus n o community. 6 8 Jurgen Habermas , followin g bot h Webe r an d Dewey , extend s th e analysi s of th e demystificatio n o r rationalizatio n o f societ y t o th e "scientizatio n o f politics," findin g tha t "rationalizin g tendencies " com e bot h fro m abov e an d from below . Fro m below , ther e i s a deman d fo r som e compensator y valu e to replac e tha t meanin g an d orde r tha t ar e los t i n moder n society . Typically , the succedaneu m i s economic, a s this is the valu e tha t characterize s capitalis t societies. Fro m above , ther e i s a recognitio n tha t th e mythologies—"th e public religion , th e customar y rituals , th e justifyin g metaphysics , th e u n questionable tradition"—mus t b e converte d t o a mor e negotiabl e form ; they mus t becom e secularized. 69 Peter Berge r find s th e origin s o f secularizatio n i n th e industria l revolu tion. Lik e Webe r an d Habermas , Berge r see s secula r tendencie s movin g

The Word in Darkness | 12 5 outward fro m som e centrall y locate d secto r i n society , creatin g a h o m o g e neous familiarity . T h e scientifi c logi c tha t mad e th e industria l revolutio n possible assert s itsel f a s "a n autonomous , thoroughl y secula r perspectiv e o n the world, " makin g wha t wa s formerl y sacre d an d mysteriou s continuou s with th e mundan e worl d o f everyda y existence. 70 " A sk y empt y o f angel s becomes ope n t o th e interventio n o f th e astronome r and , eventually , o f th e astronaut," write s Berger. 71 Religio n i s relegated t o th e marketplace , wher e it present s itsel f a s a bal m i n th e live s o f privat e individuals. 72 Again , th e focus turn s fro m th e transcenden t t o th e immanen t an d th e atomic , th e self . It i s from thi s positio n tha t th e antireligiou s natur e o f pluralism, define d b y Berger a s " a social-structura l correlat e o f th e secularizatio n o f conscious ness," 73 ca n b e mos t clearl y seen . In The Brothers Karamozov, Dostoevsk y present s th e potentialitie s o f a world wher e Go d i s absent . " W h e n ther e i s n o God , everythin g i s permit ted," i s Ivan' s refrain . I f there i s n o God , n o absolut e truth , ther e i s n o law , no ordonnance , n o basi s fo r prohibition. 7 4 T h e consequence s ar e a t onc e liberating an d terrifying . O n th e on e hand , i t appear s tha t thos e w h o m th e old moralit y ha s oppresse d ar e give n license , sinc e th e mora l an d lega l justifications fo r oppressio n ar e sundered . O n th e othe r hand , th e oppresse d lose al l mora l claim s o n th e oppressor . A t firs t glance , i t ma y see m tha t th e absence o f mora l claim s o n eithe r sid e i s n o mor e stati c tha n ar e mora l claims i n competition . T h e critica l difference , though , lie s i n th e fac t tha t the absenc e o f mora l claim s foreclose s th e possibilit y o f mora l debat e completely. Mora l claim s a t a poin t o f stasi s presum e a tensio n tha t ma y b e broken o r resolved . Secula r argumen t i s flaccid an d inert . Negotiation, a s oppose d t o th e proclamatio n o f prophecy, i s th e for m o f secular debate . Secula r debat e reflect s th e economi c value s o f it s tim e b y assuming th e for m o f th e so-calle d "rationa l exchang e model " o r "gam e theory." 7 5 Unlik e th e absolutism s o f mora l argument , al l position s i n ratio nal economi c argumen t ar e bargainable ; th e ol d ethi c o f exclusio n an d prohibition i s replaced b y tolerance . A s R o b e r t Pau l Wolf f ha s written , Tolerance i n a society o f competing interes t group s i s precisely th e ungrudg ing acknowledgmen t o f th e righ t o f oppose d interest s t o exis t an d b e pur sued. Th e economi c conceptio n o f toleranc e goe s quit e naturall y wit h th e view o f huma n actio n a s motivate d b y interest s rathe r tha n principle s o r norms. I t i s much easie r t o accep t a compromise betwee n competin g inter ests—particularly whe n the y are expressible in terms of a numerical scal e like money—than betwee n oppose d principle s whic h purpor t t o b e objectivel y valid.76

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In th e transitio n fro m wha t wa s i n a profoun d sens e a religiou s society , a society tha t ha d a sens e o f transcendenta l authorshi p an d purpose , t o a society base d o n pluralisti c tolerance , w e hav e change d fro m a society base d on authorit y t o a societ y base d o n economics . I n R o b e r t Bellah s phrase , we hav e broke n th e sacre d covenant. 77 Iva n Karamozov' s gran d inquisito r makes th e followin g solem n diagnosi s o f th e huma n condition : "Ther e ar e three forces , th e onl y thre e force s tha t ar e abl e t o conque r an d hol d captiv e for eve r th e conscienc e o f thes e wea k rebel s fo r thei r ow n happiness — these force s are : miracle , mystery , an d authority." 7 8 Fo r thi s w e hav e sough t to substitut e a utilitarian calculus . Reaso n i s no longe r th e facult y b y whic h the trut h i s apprehended , a s i t wa s fo r Thoma s Paine . Reaso n i s toda y understood t o b e th e rule s fo r computin g th e advantage s an d disadvantage s of particula r strategies. 79 " T h e voice s o f reason " i n th e contemporar y world, write s R o b e r t Pau l Wolff, ar e arraye d "agains t th e passio n o f intoler ant faith." 80 Reason , i n th e moder n view , make s n o mora l demands , fo r such demand s ar e i n themselve s discredited . Reaso n offer s som e evidenc e of resource s convertibl e t o economi c term s i n exchang e fo r privilege ; i t does no t deman d rights . I n thi s world , ther e ar e n o prophets ; onl y madme n talk t o God . In a n earlie r analysis , I illustrate d thi s retrea t fro m th e religiou s t o th e economic b y contrastin g on e o f th e bes t know n speeche s o f ou r time , Martin Luthe r King , Jr.' s " I Hav e a Dream " speech , widel y regarde d a s religious, t o Malcol m X' s " T h e Ballo t o r th e Bullet. " Appose d t o Malcol m X s much revile d insistenc e o n th e inheren t natur e o f huma n rights , King' s discourse i s revealing o f somethin g fundamenta l abou t th e preferre d mode s of appea l i n ou r society . Hi s emphasi s o n th e contractua l natur e o f th e Constitution i s precisel y th e convers e o f th e denigratio n o f charte r right s by th e America n Revolutionaries , an d hi s developmen t o f th e metapho r o f the chec k i n th e exordiu m suggest s a s the basi s fo r right s th e ver y economi c rationality identifie d b y Weber , Berger , Habermas , an d other s a s a hallmar k of postreligiou s society 8 1 King s rhetori c i s entirel y consonan t wit h th e career o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 fo r whic h i t implicitl y campaigned . It i s wort h recallin g tha t th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 originate d i n th e Senate Commerc e Committe e an d tha t th e ac t wa s uphel d b y th e Suprem e Court unde r th e powe r o f Congres s t o regulat e interstat e commerce , no t on th e powe r o f Congress , unde r th e Fourteent h Amendment , t o promot e equality i n th e privat e sector. 82 Th e geneti c heritag e o f the speec h manifest s itself in th e fac t tha t th e grou p protestin g a t th e 199 6 Democrati c Nationa l

The Word in Darkness | 12 7 Convention i n Chicag o wa s no t th e " I Hav e a Drea m Coalition, " bu t th e "Cash th e Chec k Coalition. " The fina l cas e stud y presente d her e examine s a movemen t fo r socia l reform tha t ha s carrie d th e logi c o f negotiabl e right s t o it s mos t complet e expression t o date , th e contemporar y movemen t roughl y comprehende d under th e rubri c "ga y liberation. "

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A Visio n o f the Apocalyps e Joe McCarthy's Rhetoric of the Fantastic

Her prophet s are light and treacherous persons: her priests have polluted th e sanctuary, the y have done violence t o the law. —Zephaniah 3: 4 After thi s I saw in the nigh t visions, and behold a fourth beast , dread ful an d terrible, and strong exceedingly; an d it had great iron teeth : it devoured an d brake in pieces, and stamped th e residu e with th e fee t of it: and it was diverse from al l the beasts that were before it ; and it had ten horns . —Danie l 7: 7

In hi s time , Joe McCarth y wa s haile d a t th e mos t gifte d dema gogue eve r produce d i n America. 1 Now , mor e tha n fort y year s afte r hi s censure b y hi s colleague s i n th e Unite d State s Senate , th e ma n an d th e phenomenon stil l cas t a pall ove r politica l discussio n i n America . T h e nam e of th e grea t smea r campaigne r has , i n recen t years , bee n hurle d a t thos e w h o m w e wishe d t o discredi t an d use d b y th e discredite d t o sugges t th e injustice o f thei r trial . Jeremia h Dento n wa s compare d t o "tha t ultimat e American witch-hunter , th e lat e Joe McCarthy, " an d Kur t Waldheim , afte r charges wer e raise d regardin g hi s Naz i activitie s durin g th e Secon d Worl d War, claime d tha t h e wa s the victi m o f McCarthyism. T h e Reaga n adminis tration s libera l applicatio n o f th e McCarran-Walte r Ac t revive d wha t Ar thur Mille r referre d t o a s "on e o f th e piece s o f garbag e lef t behin d b y th e sinking o f th e grea t sco w o f McCarthyism/' 2 McCarthy s presenc e wa s fel t in th e 198 8 presidentia l campaig n whe n Democrati c candidat e Michae l Dukakis, i n respons e t o aspersion s cas t o n hi s patriotism , compare d th e tactics o f hi s opponent s t o th e slande r o f th e lat e senato r fro m Wisconsin . In on e speech , Dukaki s expresse d hi s confidenc e tha t hi s Texa s audienc e could "smel l th e garbage." 3 O n e o f th e highes t profil e example s o f th e

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A Vision of the Apocalypse | 12 9 revenant McCarthy , eeril y evocativ e o f th e Army-McCarth y hearings , wa s Clarence Thomas' s televise d avowa l befor e th e U.S . Senat e Judiciary C o m mittee tha t th e us e o f th e U.S . Senat e b y unscrupulou s force s ben t o n destroying th e countr y wa s wors e tha n McCarthyism. 4 I n 1992 , McCarth y made a retur n visi t t o presidentia l politic s a s th e Clinto n campaig n accuse d George Bus h o f McCarthyis m fo r hi s attack s o n Clinton' s patriotism . Most recently , "P.C., " o r politica l correctness , ha s bee n denounce d b y it s detractors a s "McCarthyis m o f th e left " an d th e wa r o n drug s a s "chemica l McCarthyism." Perhap s i t i s inevitabl e tha t th e activitie s o f Alfons e D ' A mato's Whitewate r investigativ e committe e shoul d hav e bee n compare d t o the activitie s o f McCarthy s committee s i n th e 1950s. 5 Mor e tha n fort y years afte r hi s death , hi s lingerin g aur a betray s ho w fa r w e ar e fro m an y satisfactory understandin g o f Joe McCarthy . Indeed , i t i s a s if in no t under standing him , w e hav e no t reall y burie d him . McCarthy , b y som e powe r we stil l fai l t o comprehend , mad e himsel f on e o f th e mos t prominen t symbols o f a decad e o f American life . T h e residua l fea r o f tha t unidentifie d power stil l haunt s th e cloakroom s o f American politics . As a rhetorica l phenomenon , McCarthyis m ha s receive d surprisingl y slight attention . O u r moralisti c revelation s o f hi s lapse s o f logic , hi s shame less unoriginality , hi s torturin g o f evidence , hi s half-truths , hi s ugl y barba risms, an d hi s unforgivabl e uncouthnes s hav e bee n mor e dyslogi c tha n critical an d hav e reveale d mor e abou t ou r ow n goo d intention s an d ou r ideal rhetori c tha n the y hav e abou t th e myster y tha t i s Jo e McCarthy . Indeed, perhap s i n seekin g t o discredi t th e substanc e o f McCarthyis m w e have misse d th e large r question . Perhap s i t i s th e metapho r o f th e specte r that i s appropriat e fo r a discussio n no t onl y o f McCarthy' s continuin g influence, bu t th e sourc e o f tha t influenc e eve n whil e h e wa s alive . Perhap s the substanc e o f McCarthyis m ha s remaine d s o elusiv e an d s o invulnerabl e to exposur e becaus e ther e wa s n o substanc e ther e a t all . A s Wal t Kelly' s Jayhawk, i n a cartoo n stri p o f th e McCarth y era , respond s w h e n aske d t o prove th e existenc e o f th e invisibl e Indian s w h o m h e claim s raise d him , "Bein' invisibl e the y natura l don' t leav e n o trace s an ' t o thi s day , n o sig n o f 'em i s eve r bee n found . Shee r proof. " "Sheer, " affirm s Pogo. 6 McCarthyism, I wil l argue , represent s a n apocalypti c rhetori c a s a re sponse t o th e dissolutio n o f communit y i n America . McCarth y di d no t attempt t o resolv e th e crisi s o f his tim e throug h restoratio n o f th e covenant . Rather h e capitulate d t o th e widel y fel t notio n tha t th e ol d rule s n o longe r held. H e fled th e crisi s an d accompanie d hi s peopl e int o a haz y alterity . McCarthy's rhetori c i s characterize d b y th e indeterminacy , mystery , an d

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ambiguity o f apocalyptic. I t was , I will argue , a n amplificatio n o f its time , never able to achiev e the level of standing in definitiv e opposition .

A Great Cloud over the lgsos Contemporary historian s an d socia l critic s hav e labore d i n recen t year s t o rescue from Broadwa y an d televisio n th e decad e o f the 1950 s as it has been sanitized, idealized , an d popularl y associate d wit h / Love Lucy, hula hoops , enormous gaud y automobiles , gauch e fashions , an d a congenial prosperity . The Fifties , i n fact, wer e n o mor e fabulou s tha n th e 1890 s were gay , and its apparently frivolou s entertainment s reveal , jus t beneat h th e surface , th e same desperat e seriousnes s tha t fuele d th e Roarin g Twenties . Th e celebra tion o f material well-bein g a s the ultimat e goo d reflected , a s had bee n th e case at the turn o f the nineteent h century , th e desuetud e o f any othe r for m of value , an d i t conceale d gros s inequalitie s i n th e distributio n o f wealth . The freneti c pac e o f spendin g an d th e enlargemen t o f th e credi t cultur e suggests a n interio r voic e murmurin g "Eat , drink , an d b e merry , fo r tomorrow w e die. " Even ou r curren t nostalgi a fo r th e famil y o f the Fifties , a family tha t seems , i n show s like Leave It to Beaver, Father Knows Best, and Ozzie and Harriet, t o have reached a state of beatitude, overlook s the degre e to whic h thes e show s themselve s reflecte d th e nostalgi c yearnin g o f a n anxious tim e fo r a presumably simple r an d perhap s sane r past . Th e Fiftie s simply cannot be adequately understoo d without recognizin g World War II as thei r immediat e predecesso r an d th e "Grea t Fear " a s muc h o f thei r present.7 The horro r o f th e Secon d Worl d War , th e secon d i n a s man y genera tions, was certainly unsettlin g t o Americans. Everything was on a scale that made a profanity o f human beings—Hitler , th e scop e o f the war , th e ne w technologies o f war, the bomb . Weaver calle d it " a marvelou s confusio n o f values."8 I f the wa r itsel f was unsettling , th e aftermat h wa s eve n mor e so . There wa s no retur n t o "normalcy " a s there had been afte r th e Firs t World War. Fo r al l ou r victor y parade s an d celebration s o f th e en d o f th e war , there wa s a n inconclusivenes s abou t Worl d Wa r II . W e coul d no t simpl y disarm and return t o a peacetime econom y whe n i t was over. America ha d new responsibilities in a world that ha d gotten smalle r since the Firs t World War. W e ha d t o hel p rebuil d Europ e an d t o maintai n a cold wa r wit h th e Soviet Union , formerl y ou r ally. 9 Kore a wa s symboli c o f man y o f ou r frustrations an d anxieties . In Augus t 1950 , a Gallu p pol l foun d 5 7 percen t

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 1 of American s believin g tha t ou r involvemen t i n Kore a wa s th e beginnin g ofWorldWarlll.10 T h e 194 9 announcemen t tha t th e Sovie t Unio n ha d explode d a n atomi c bomb exacerbate d tensions . I n 1947 , American s ranke d th e " A b o m b " second behin d electri c light s an d appliance s a s th e greates t inventio n i n history. 11 I n 1949 , followin g Truman' s announcemen t o f evidenc e tha t th e Soviet Unio n ha d explode d a nuclea r weapon , 4 5 percen t o f American s thought wa r wa s mor e likel y a s a result. 12 Betwee n 194 7 an d 1954 , A m e r i cans consistentl y reported , b y larg e majorities , tha t the y believe d i t wa s th e intention o f th e Sovie t Unio n t o achiev e dominanc e ove r th e world. 1 3 T h e prevention o f wa r wa s ranke d a s th e mos t importan t proble m facin g th e candidates i n th e 195 0 elections, 14 an d a 195 1 pol l reveale d tha t 5 0 percen t of Americans woul d no t fee l saf e i n thei r citie s o r communitie s i n th e even t of a n atomi c attack. 15 Church y L a Femme , i n Wal t Kelly' s comi c stri p "Pogo," complaine d o f "thes e moder n da y disaster s wha t consist s o f te n years o f worr y an ' te n second s o f b o o m an ' wango, " an d lamente d day s spent "scannin ' th e s k y — n o t knowin ' w h e n — w o n d e r i n ' whethe r t o wea r pajamas tha t nigh t so' s t o b e foun d d e c e n t — w o n d e r i n ' whethe r t o tak e a b a t h — w h e t h e r t o pac k a ligh t lunch." 1 6 Willia m Faulkner , acceptin g th e Nobel Priz e fo r Literature , lamented , " O u r traged y toda y i s a genera l an d universal physica l fea r s o lon g sustaine d b y no w tha t w e ca n eve n bea r it . There ar e n o longe r problem s o f th e spirit . Ther e i s onl y th e question : when wil l I be blow n u p ? " 1 7 For a countr y tha t ha d grow n u p i n th e fait h tha t the y wer e God' s Chosen People , destine d t o wor k Hi s wil l o n thi s earth , suc h powe r i n th e hands o f a n enem y natio n coul d onl y mea n tha t America' s selec t statu s ha d been decisivel y annulled , eithe r b y a n angr y Go d o r b y a riva l one ; ther e seemed t o b e littl e difference . Bu t ther e i s a very grea t differenc e betwee n a God w h o use s calamit y t o Hi s preordaine d end s an d a Go d w h o compete s with Sata n fo r contro l ove r history , a s th e distinctio n betwee n apocalypti c and prophec y suggests . W H . Auden' s 194 7 poem " T h e Ag e o f Anxiety" provide d a convenien t label fo r th e tim e an d gav e eloquen t expressio n t o muc h tha t w e coul d no t or woul d no t articulate . Aude n wrot e o f "Lie s an d Lethargies " policin g th e world, an d wen t o n t o develo p a nightmare scenari o aroun d " T h e fear s tha t we fea r [when ] W e fal l asleep . . . . Nocturna l trivia , tort s an d dramas . . . . Moulds an d monster s o n memorie s stuffe d Wit h dea d men' s doodles , dossiers writte n I n los t lingos, " an d h e recognize d that , eve n i n wakefulness , "athwart ou r thinkin g th e threa t looms , Hug e an d awfu l a s th e h u m p o f

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Saturn Ove r modes t Mimas , o f mor e death s An d wors e wars , a winter o f distaste To last a lifetime." Ou r age , he mourned, wa s one "Infatuate d wit h her forme r sel f Whose dea r dream s thoug h the y dominat e stil l Are forma l facts which refres h n o more/' 1 8 An autops y o n America' s "dea r dreams " o f "he r forme r self, " th e "for mal facts" fo r whic h w e no w longed , reveale d tha t the y ha d been dea d fo r some time . America finall y face d a n epistemological crisi s that ha d its roots in th e nineteent h century , th e produc t o f suc h divers e thinker s a s Comte , Freud, Einstein , Nietzsche , Kierkegaard , Pierce , an d James. Th e work s o f the existentialists , i n particular , ignore d fo r hal f a century , no t merel y i n popular venues , bu t b y professiona l philosophers , suddenl y becam e th e concern o f "even th e weekly new s magazines." 19 Nineteen forty-eigh t sa w the publicatio n o f th e Englis h translatio n o f Alber t Camu s s The Plague wherein Fathe r Panelou x assure d hi s congregatio n tha t God , afte r lookin g on th e people o f Oran with compassio n fo r a long while, had grown wear y of waiting : "Hi s eterna l hop e wa s to o lon g deferred , an d no w H e ha s turned Hi s fac e awa y from us . And so , God' s light withdrawn , w e wal k i n darkness, in the thic k darknes s of the plague." 20 Camus's wa s no t a n America n voice , bu t h e an d Sartr e an d othe r existentialists spoke to ou r anxieties . J. Ronald Oakley , in his history o f the Fifties, note s tha t "muc h o f th e fictio n o f th e da y wa s concerne d wit h individual alienatio n tha t le d t o despair , suicide , murder , rape , an d othe r desperate act s o f lonel y individual s i n mas s society." 21 Lik e Fathe r Pan eloux s congregation, American s faced wit h crisi s returned t o the churc h i n increasing numbers. The reason most commonly provided as an explanatio n for thi s religiou s revival , give n b y almos t on e thir d o f the respondent s i n a 1954 Gallu p poll , wa s "Fear , unrest , uncertaint y o f future." 22 Richar d Niebuhr calle d i t par t "o f a rather franti c effor t o f the naturall y optimisti c American sou l t o preserv e it s optimis m i n a n ag e o f anxiety." 23 I n 1949 , Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., wrote, "Western man in the middle of the twentiet h century i s tense , uncertain , adrift . W e loo k upo n ou r epoc h a s a tim e o f troubles, an age of anxiety. The grounds of our civilization, of our certitude, are breaking up unde r ou r feet , an d familiar idea s and institutions vanis h as we reach for them , lik e shadows in the falling dusk. " 24 Behind muc h o f the angs t o f the Fiftie s an d providin g i t wit h a kind o f coherence wa s moder n science . Ther e wa s th e obviou s fac t o f th e bomb , but th e mor e importan t question s wer e th e subtl e one s abou t wha t i t meant. Ther e i s a certai n iron y i n th e fac t tha t Hiroshim a an d Nagasak i were th e product s o f a theory tha t bot h taugh t u s the limit s o f our knowl -

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 3 edge an d lai d th e foundatio n fo r harnessin g th e greates t powe r know n t o humankind. T h e philosophicall y limited , pragmati c succes s o f th e atomi c bomb grante d th e theor y tha t mad e i t possibl e considerabl e credibilit y i n it s claim tha t w e coul d no t kno w i n an y transcenden t sense. 25 I t als o suggeste d that suc h knowledg e wa s superfluous . T h e explosio n o f the atomi c bomb , then , wa s th e zenit h o f industrializa tion, a proces s tha t ha d steadil y decaye d th e half-lif e o f God . I t was , i n th e words o f socia l historia n Pau l Boyer , a n even t o f suc h magnitud e tha t i t seems t o hav e becom e "on e o f thos e categorie s o f Being , lik e Spac e an d Time, that , accordin g t o Kant , ar e buil t int o th e ver y structur e o f ou r minds, givin g shap e an d meanin g t o al l ou r perceptions." 2 6 B y 1950 , lef t with a Go d w h o wa s n o longe r immanen t i n th e world , w h o wa s bot h unknowable an d unnecessary , histor y becam e a t bes t inscrutable , a t wors t meaningless. 27 T h e foundatio n o f th e C o m m o n Sens e philosoph y tha t ha d sustained th e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs ha d bee n thoroughl y eroded . T h e unravelin g o f nationa l communit y that ha d it s root s i n turn-of - the-centur y industrialization , thoug h covere d over b y tw o worl d war s an d a depression, wa s no w exacerbate d b y develop ments i n technolog y an d society . I t wa s i n thi s era , th e er a i n whic h Danie l Bell sa w "th e en d o f ideology, " th e en d o f "secula r religion" 2 8 tha t Jo e McCarthy claime d a place i n th e spotligh t o f American politics .

Photostats and Fantasy Joe McCarth y understoo d th e feelin g o f mora l arres t i n hi s audience . H e called i t an emotiona l hang-ove r . . . a temporar y mora l laps e whic h follow s ever y war. . . . I t i s th e apath y t o evi l whic h peopl e wh o hav e bee n subjecte d t o the tremendous evil s of war feel. As the people o f the world see mass murder, the destructio n o f defenseless an d innocen t people , an d al l o f the crim e an d lack o f morals whic h g o wit h war , the y becom e num b an d apathetic . I t ha s always been thu s after war. 29 T h e prophet' s mandat e i n suc h time s o f crisis , a s example d i n th e case s of th e America n Revolution , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , i s t o judge. T h e prophe t measure s th e conduc t o f th e peopl e agains t th e la w o f God an d exhort s th e peopl e t o obe y God' s will . H e counter s apath y wit h suffering, an d demand s a n assertio n o f virtue . Howeve r distastefu l th e

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prophets deman d ma y be , i t abolishe s al l doub t i n it s appea l t o absolut e righteousness. Jo e McCarthy s respons e t o chao s wa s no t certitude , bu t bewilderment. McCarthy looke d upo n th e postwa r worl d an d foun d i t fantastic . "Strangely, however , afte r th e arres t o f si x suspect s i n tha t cas e o f treason , there wa s a n unusua l sequenc e o f events, resultin g i n a most fantasti c finale, " said McCarthy , referrin g t o th e government' s fumble d cas e agains t Amerasia magazine. 30 Concernin g th e sam e case , McCarth y produce d a lette r fro m T. A . Bisson , a membe r o f th e Amerasia board . Bisson' s lette r wa s " a fantastic documen t i f eve r ther e wa s o n e / ' 3 1 I n a secon d reference , th e letter fro m Bisso n wa s calle d " a rathe r fantasti c documen t comin g fro m th e man w h o m Mr . Jessu p use d t o initiat e th e smea r campaign— a rathe r fantastic documen t comin g fro m a ma n hig h u p i n th e Stat e Department , but no t to o fantastic , however , whe n comin g fro m a ma n w h o worke d under Frederic k Vanderbil t Fiel d o n Amerasia." 3 2 Accordin g t o McCarthy , O w e n Lattimor e wa s abl e t o beguil e audience s wit h "fantasie s an d u n truths," 3 3 attemptin g t o sel l th e America n peopl e " a rathe r fantasti c bil l o f goods." 3 4 Th e failur e o f th e T y dings Committe e t o cal l a witness suggeste d by McCarth y wa s "th e mos t fantasti c situatio n conceivable , somethin g unheard o f i n an y Senat e o r Hous e Committee ; unhear d o f eve n i n a kangaroo court." 3 5 T h e allege d rapin g o f Stat e Departmen t personne l file s before committe e member s wer e allowe d acces s t o the m wa s "th e mos t fantastic projec t I have eve r hear d of." 36 An d order s concernin g th e missio n of th e Sevent h Flee t durin g th e Korea n wa r wer e terme d "th e mos t incredibly fantasti c orde r tha t ha s eve r existe d i n wa r o r peace. " "Impossible , yes! Unbelievable, yes ! But i t i s all a matter o f col d record." 3 7 McCarthy's reactio n t o th e fantas y h e discovere d was , appropriately , amazement an d incredulity . O u r foreig n polic y wa s a n "amazin g failure"; 3 8 the "pictur e o f treason whic h I carrie d i n m y briefcas e t o tha t Caucu s roo m [for th e openin g hearin g o f th e Tyding s Committee ] wa s t o shoc k th e nation." 3 9 A Stat e Departmen t documen t reveale d th e "astoundin g positio n of th e Secretar y o f State, " an d McCarth y ha d n o doub t tha t Senato r Knowland o f Californi a woul d fin d muc h i n i t tha t woul d "shoc k hi m also." 40 "Eve n i n norma l times, " McCarth y said , hi s evidenc e woul d b e "shocking." "Today , however , i t i s doubl y shocking." 4 1 Dea n Acheson' s failure t o rea d som e communis t document s regardin g Chin a wa s "dis turbing i n th e extreme . . . . Incredible . Incredible." 42 An d th e failur e o f th e Truman administratio n t o expedit e th e deliver y o f economi c an d militar y

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 5 aid t o Chian g Kai-She k wa s "on e o f th e mos t shockin g subversion s o f th e will o f th e Congres s b y a n administratio n tha t ou r histor y wil l show." 4 3 O w e n Lattimore' s discussio n o f th e Chin a proble m i n th e Sunday Compass of N e w York , Jul y 17 , 1949 , wa s "astounding," 4 4 an d th e testimon y o f Secretary o f Stat e Georg e Marshal l "an d hi s palace m e n " befor e th e Russel l committee wa s on e o f "self-satisfie d shockin g revelations." 45 An y attemp t to understan d on e o f Secretar y o f Stat e Marshall' s statement s o n Chin a was certai n t o leav e McCarthy s colleague s "dumbfounded." 4 6 McCarthy s picture o f Communis t infiltratio n i n Americ a wa s "amazin g . . . disturbin g . . . incredibly unbelievable. " 4 7 McCarthy's posture , beginnin g i n astonishment , i s entirel y appropriat e for a n ag e o f uncertainty , an d i t coul d b e th e basi s fo r a share d pathos wit h his audience . Yet , i n orde r fo r McCarth y t o emerg e a s a propheti c leader , he woul d hav e neede d t o transcen d thi s share d anxiet y an d articulat e th e true qualit y o f event s a s measure d agains t a share d mora l code . T h e incipi ent sens e o f outrag e i n McCarthy' s remarks , though , neve r move s beyon d the momen t o f wonder, an d i t finall y leave s th e audienc e i n a phantasmago rical world , paralyze d b y a fragil e sens e o f th e rea l an d a lac k o f fixe d criteria fo r choosin g amon g th e constantl y shiftin g scenes . McCarthy's charge s frustrat e judgmen t b y thei r bewilderin g lability . Even a s h e proclaime d th e incredibl e natur e o f hi s discoveries , McCarth y insisted o n thei r authenticity . Tzveta n Todoro v ha s foun d a simila r tensio n at th e hear t o f the genr e o f the fantastic—th e hesitatio n betwee n belie f an d rejection, tha t momen t suspende d betwee n th e marvelou s (th e extraordi nary bu t ultimatel y credible ) an d th e uncann y (th e bizarr e an d ultimatel y untrue), 4 8 an d Rosemar y Jackson , buildin g o n Todoro v s work, writes , " A characteristic mos t frequentl y associate d wit h literar y fantas y ha s bee n it s obdurate refusa l o f prevailin g definition s o f th e 'real ' o r 'possible, ' a refusa l amounting a t time s t o violen t opposition. " 49 McCarthy' s astonishmen t tha t the rule s hav e bee n broke n eve n a s h e continue s t o believ e i n thei r bindin g force, hi s confrontatio n wit h th e "anti-expected, " signal s th e presenc e o f the genr e o f th e fantastic, 50 a celebratio n o f ambiguity , somethin g indefi nite, a momen t o f hesitatio n an d indecision . W h e n w e encounte r a n extraordinary event , fo r th e interva l tha t w e canno t decid e whethe r w e ar e hallucinating o r witnessin g a miracle , w e ar e participant s i n th e fantastic . I t is a momen t o f epistemologica l uncertainty . T h e literar y fantastic , whil e i t raises emotion s an d exploit s attitudes , stubbornl y refuse s t o rende r fina l judgments tha t woul d allo w u s t o direc t them . A s Eri c Rabki n put s it ,

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"The wonderful , exhilarating , therapeutic valu e of Fantasy [fo r Rabkin, th e genre mos t characterize d b y th e fantastic ] i s tha t i t make s on e recogniz e that beliefs, eve n beliefs abou t Reality , ar e arbitrary." 51 The conceptio n o f the fantastic i n literary studies stands in sharp contras t to use s commo n i n communicatio n studies , wher e fantas y o r th e fantasti c is examined fo r it s constitutive force. 52 Th e fundamenta l uncertaint y o f the literary fantasti c refuse s th e epistemologica l ground s o n whic h communit y might b e (re)constructed . Rathe r tha n orderin g th e chao s o f th e worl d propaedeutic t o judgment, th e fantastic i s a capitulation tha t merely reflect s our confusio n bac k t o us . In thi s respect, i t ca n be argue d tha t th e fantasti c is a moder n analo g t o biblica l apocalyptic , no w divorce d fro m a specifi c theology. The parallel to apocalyptic remind s us that, while Rabkin empha sizes th e liberating , "exhilarating' ' aspect s o f literar y fantasy , it s terrifyin g aspects—the incipien t chaos , a kind o f epistemological freefall—mus t no t be forgotten. Alic e s adventures are filled with horrific moments . The effec t is even more unsettlin g when th e fantastic insinuate s itself into politics. In orde r t o giv e direction i n suc h a setting, McCarth y ha d t o fin d som e anchor, som e stabl e axio m o n whic h t o build . McCarth y understoo d tha t he wa s no t charismatic ; howeve r colorfu l a figur e h e ma y hav e been , h e recognized tha t h e wa s no t blesse d wit h th e divine . H e neve r claime d a transcendent insight , an d h e neve r made th e prophet s "of a truth th e Lor d hath sen t me" his claim to th e credenc e o f his audiences. Against th e incredible , McCarth y pitte d th e completel y secula r episte mology o f his time, th e objective , th e verifiable , th e politica l equivalen t o f scientific facts : " I hav e i n m y hand, " "Th e file shows, " " I hav e nothin g completely read y at this time, and must refe r t o th e document s befor e me, " "There i s a memorandu m i n th e file," " A repor t date d Jul y 16 , 1947 , states," " I hav e befor e m e severa l documents. " " I hav e befor e m e anothe r document." " I hav e a cop y o f i t i n my hand. " " I hav e a photosta t o f th e letter." " I have before m e an affidavit." " I hol d in my hand tw o photostats." "Since tha t tim e I have du g u p additiona l photostats. " " I hav e before m e a copy." "Mr . President , I hav e a file whic h I desir e t o inser t i n th e Record today, containin g photostats. " " I hol d i n my han d th e testimony. " "Her e are photostat s o f officia l letterheads. " " I hav e complet e unchallengabl e documentation." " I hol d i n my han d th e officia l record." 53 Thes e ar e th e phrases McCarth y use d throughou t hi s speeche s t o creat e a n objectiv e reality credible enoug h t o balance his claims on th e marvelous. Barnet Baskervill e terme d McCarth y a "brief-cas e demagogue." 54 Th e ever-present, overstuffe d briefcas e wa s a repositor y o f th e objective , th e

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facts, photostati c reproductions , th e record . Richar d Rover e sa w i n i t McCarthys desir e to have "the dus t o f the archives clinging to him." 55 Th e briefcase wa s externa l t o McCarthy ; i t wa s no t subjective . McCarth y onl y produced th e evidenc e an d invite d th e audienc e t o shar e i n hi s incredulity . McCarthys speeche s i n th e Senat e ar e a n endles s reques t fo r unanimou s consent t o hav e articles, letters, memoranda, an d othe r material s printe d i n the Congressional Record. McCarthyism: The Fight for America i s similarly fille d

with photographs , photostati c copie s o f documents , letters , an d articles , and appeal s t o publishe d testimon y b y othe r sources , tha t is , th e publi c record. I n th e Army-McCarth y hearings , tw o o f th e mos t dramati c con frontations occurre d ove r a cropped photograp h an d a document, purport edly a carbon cop y o f a letter fro m J. Edga r Hoover , whic h Arm y counse l Joseph Welch deride d a s "a cop y o f precisely nothing," 56 thu s contributin g to the sens e of unreality. McCarthys heav y dependenc e o n documentatio n was , in a sense, crip pling; i t betraye d hi s ow n doubt s abou t th e credibilit y o f th e pictur e h e presented t o hi s audience s an d mad e judgmen t impossible . Ther e i s n o affirmation i n McCarth y s discourse, onl y hesitation . A s Jackson ha s put it , "By foregrounding it s own signifyin g practice , the fantastic begin s to betray its versio n o f th e 'real ' a s a relativ e one , whic h ca n onl y defor m an d transform experience , s o th e 'real ' i s expose d a s a category , a s somethin g articulated b y an d constructe d throug h th e literar y o r artisti c text. " 57 I n a similar vein , Rabki n notes , "I n th e transcenden t realit y o f th e fiction , th e fictional become s real ; an d the n w e ar e reminde d tha t th e rea l i s itsel f fictional. Thi s self-reflectio n i s fantastic." 58 Th e effec t i s circular an d ines capable. A dialectic is created in which eac h element undermine s th e other , making the synthesi s absurd . Every tim e h e presented evidence , McCarthy , with equa l vigor , discredite d it , makin g i t impossibl e fo r hi s audienc e t o decide whic h par t o f th e clai m t o accept . I n placin g s o muc h weigh t o n evidence tha t h e ha d terme d questionable , McCarth y calle d int o question , not just th e particular s o f his case, but th e integrit y o f evidence itself . Like a magicia n exposin g th e pedestria n mechanic s o f hi s tricks , McCarth y suggested th e illusory nature o f all demonstration . McCarthy coul d no t lea d fo r h e ha d n o direction , an d h e coul d no t judge fo r h e ha d no standard . Joe McCarth y wa s not par t o f the sacred . H e was no t a transcenden t bein g wh o bor e th e understandin g o f Go d s will. He wa s jus t Joe , a skun k hunte r fro m a smal l far m communit y i n th e Midwest, an d he was just a s amazed a s the res t of us. In creating , bu t no t resolving , a tensio n betwee n th e uncann y an d th e

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marvelous, th e rea l an d th e incredible , McCarth y subverte d hi s ow n effort s at persuasion . Bu t hi s Faustia n exchang e als o broache d untol d possibilities . By implicitl y denyin g th e compellin g powe r o f hi s evidence , h e calle d int o question it s theoretica l basis . "Presentin g tha t whic h canno t be , bu t is, fantasy expose s a cultur e s definition s o f tha t whic h ca n be : i t trace s th e limits o f it s epistemologica l an d ontologica l frame, " write s Jackson. 59 Thi s is th e significanc e o f McCarthy s posture—"Inconceivable ? Yes . Bu t i t i s true." 6 0 Unhampered b y th e law s o f th e everyda y world , McCarth y wa s fre e t o take hi s audienc e int o a domai n i n whic h unpleasan t judgmen t coul d b e withheld indefinitely 61 A s Rabki n put s it , "Thi s functio n o f th e fantasti c i s educational i n th e roo t sense : . . . i t create s i n th e min d a diametri c reversa l and open s u p ne w an d fantasti c worlds. " 62 American s wer e no t lookin g fo r a Fathe r Panelou x t o tel l the m tha t thei r sinfulnes s wa s responsibl e fo r thei r sorry state , bu t a Fathe r Panelou x w h o coul d hol d marvelou s evi l force s i n a balanc e wit h ou r culpability , commandin g ou r assen t t o neither , thi s Father Panelou x ha d promis e fo r Americ a i n th e Fifties . The worl d McCarth y fashione d wa s a dar k creatio n wher e thing s wer e not alway s wha t the y seeme d t o be , a worl d wher e evi l force s worke d behind a veil o f secrecy . How ca n w e accoun t fo r ou r presen t situatio n unles s w e believ e tha t me n high i n thi s Governmen t ar e concertin g t o delive r u s t o disaster ? Thi s mus t be th e produc t o f a great conspiracy , a conspiracy o n a scale s o immens e a s to dwar f an y previou s suc h ventur e i n th e histor y o f man . A conspirac y o f infamy s o black that , whe n i t i s finally exposed , it s principals shal l be foreve r deserving of the malediction s o f all honest men. 63 Reflecting th e hyperboli c tendencie s o f th e fantastic , th e conspirac y M c Carthy describe d wa s o f superhuman , supernatura l proportions. 6 4 Popu lated wit h evi l geniuse s an d siniste r cabalist s i n unhol y alliance , paradin g a s newspapermen, honore d generals , secretarie s o f state , an d presidents , al l meeting i n richl y panele d bu t outwardl y innocen t lookin g barns , pourin g over secre t documents , engage d i n secre t plot s involvin g spies , espionage , and infiltration , wit h th e ultimat e ai m o f destroyin g Wester n civilization , McCarthy s world wa s a nightmare . H e intimate d "hidde n an d undisclose d forces," "dar k forces, " "chicanery, " th e "mysterious " disappearanc e o f in criminating documents , secre t contracts , an d secre t trials , an d secre t parleys , "treachery," an d "lies." 6 5 Metaphorically , McCarth y introduce d octopi , snakes, an d spider s int o th e dream : th e hoa x bein g perpetrate d wa s " m o n -

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 9 strous"; "th e Communis t p a r t y — a relativel y smal l grou p o f deadly conspir ators—has no w extende d it s tentacle s t o tha t mos t respecte d o f America n bodies, th e Unite d State s Senate" ; a "world-wid e w e b " o f conspirac y ha d been spu n fro m Moscow ; Dre w Pearso n an d fello w traveler s wer e venom ous; "th e Truma n Democrati c Administratio n wa s crawlin g wit h C o m m u nists"; Dea n Acheso n wa s elegan t an d alien. 66 Homosexuals , too , figure d prominently i n McCarthy' s fantas y world , ye t anothe r perversio n o f th e rules o f everyda y life. 67 Even mor e threatenin g tha n th e abilit y o f th e enem y t o assum e malevo lent form s wa s it s abilit y t o assum e n o for m a t all , t o becom e invisible : " O n e know s tha t traitor s ar e a t work . O n e see s th e politica l fingerprint s o f the Communist s o n ever y documen t drafted . O n e ca n se e th e footprint s o f Communist betrayal s dow n ever y pat h the y travel." 68 I n a metapho r tha t might hav e recalle d th e contemporaneou s fil m The Invisible Man, McCarth y claims t o se e th e sign s o f communis t presence , bu t no t th e communist s themselves. T h e ide a o f invisibilit y recall s th e metaphor s o f visio n discusse d earlier . McCarthy's us e o f thi s se t o f metaphors reveal s basi c epistemologica l differ ences betwee n himsel f an d hi s radica l precursors . I n th e discours e o f th e American Revolution , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , ther e i s a n emphasis o n awakenin g t o a ne w dawn , a ne w da y o f wor k an d exertion . Sleep i s a personal condition ; i t i s restfu l an d comfortable . Ideologica l slee p is a n indulgence , a n avoidanc e o f confrontatio n an d judgment, a failur e o f virtue. T h e sam e hold s tru e fo r willfu l blindness . I t i s a n incapacit y o f th e individual, subjective , no t objective . W h e n awakene d th e trut h i s irresist ible; th e dawn , th e ne w day , i s inexorable, remindin g u s agai n o f th e origi n of th e ter m revolution . McCarthy, o n th e othe r hand , dwell s o n darkness , thing s don e i n th e night. Darknes s i s no t a personal incapacity ; i t i s impose d fro m without . I n a discussio n o f th e rhetorica l use s o f archetypa l metaphor , Michae l Osbor n finds tha t darknes s bring s "fea r o f the unknown , discouragin g sight , makin g one ignoran t o f his environment—vulnerabl e t o it s danger s an d blin d t o it s rewards. O n e i s reduced t o a helpless state , n o lon g abl e t o contro l th e worl d about him . Finally , darknes s i s cold , suggestin g stagnatio n an d thought s o f the grave." 69 Osbor n s descriptio n resonate s remarkabl y wit h th e descrip tion o f th e anxietie s o f th e Fiftie s presente d above , an d i s a n ap t character ization o f th e darknes s metapho r a s used b y McCarthy . Slee p i s n o longe r a personal indulgence , bu t somethin g induce d b y evi l force s s o tha t the y might d o thei r wor k undetected . McCarth y suggeste d tha t th e America n

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people ha d bee n give n sleepin g tablet s b y th e presiden t an d th e Stat e Department i n orde r t o lul l the m int o a false sens e o f security, 70 an d tha t Truman wa s persuaded t o fire MacArthu r "i n th e dead , vast , and middle o f the night." 71 " I awak e eac h mornin g i n th e fea r tha t overnight , i n som e secret chambe r o f th e Unite d Nations , th e enemie s o f th e Unite d States , with Britai n an d Indi a a t thei r head , hav e mad e a secre t deal— a ne w Yalta."72 As nocturnal creatures , McCarthy s enemie s hav e kinshi p wit h witches , vampires, bats, rats, and wolves. "Th e enemie s o f our civilization , whethe r alien o r native , whethe r o f hig h o r lo w degree , wor k i n th e dark, " h e warned. "The y ar e that way more effective." 73 "Th e pattern o f Communis t conquest ha s bee n th e sam e i n ever y countr y ove r whic h th e Stygia n blackness o f Communist nigh t ha s descended." 74 It i s McCarthy s expresse d intentio n t o expose th e communists , t o subject the m t o th e searchin g ligh t o f truth, bu t the y ar e powerful an d hi s success is not guaranteed : "If , afte r al l is said and done , thi s unholy allianc e should have its way, then I propose the premise that holds it together—tha t vigorous anti-communis m i s more dangerou s tha n communism—a s a fit ting epitaph o n th e grav e of American civilization." 75 That McCarthy could allow for the death of civilization, that he could, in his rhetoric, acknowledge th e possibility o f failure, i s a phenomenon absen t from th e precedin g chapters . Th e basicall y optimisti c propheti c fait h see n heretofore doe s no t allo w fo r th e fina l triump h o f a n "unhol y alliance. " There ar e only two sources of power in that simpl e world: Go d and huma n will. On e i s either awak e an d act s in accordanc e wit h Go d s will o r on e i s asleep or willfully blin d and acts in accordance with human will. But huma n will i s insignificant compare d wit h th e will o f God , an d i n th e end , God's purpose will be served. The evil confronted b y earlier radical movements was merely th e venal exercise o f the huma n will : George II I a s a symbol o f England, th e plantation owner s o f the South , an d the industrialist s o f the tur n of the centur y share d a common si n in thei r rejectio n o f God s justice, th e justice of natural law, in favor of their personal luxury. More importantly, th e people share d i n th e si n by their complicit y i n a corrupt system ; th e judgment i s addressed t o them . Th e audienc e o f the prophe t i s second-perso n plural. Such evil is human scale and ultimately ineffectual . McCarthy present s a different theology . I t is not th e optimisti c theolog y of prophecy, but th e pessimistic theology o f apocalyptic, given sophisticate d treatment i n McCarthy s time in works like Reinhold Niebuh r s Children of Light, Children of Darkness. McCarth y di d no t crusad e agains t th e failur e o f

A Vision of the Apocalypse \ 14 1 human virtue ; hi s hol y wa r wa s agains t evil . I n hi s famou s speec h a t Wheeling, Wes t Virginia , i n 195 0 h e dre w th e line s o f battle : Today we ar e engaged in a final, all-ou t battl e betwee n communisti c atheis m and Christianity . Th e moder n champion s o f communis m hav e selecte d thi s as the time . And , ladie s an d gentlemen , th e chip s ar e down—the y ar e trul y down. 76 Two year s later , i n anothe r famou s speec h wherei n h e accuse d Adla i Ste venson o f aidin g th e communis t cause , McCarth y averred , We ar e a t wa r tonight— a wa r whic h starte d decade s ago , a war whic h w e did no t start , a war which w e canno t sto p excep t b y eithe r victor y o r death . The Korea n wa r is only on e phase o f this war between internationa l atheisti c communism an d our free civilization. 77 The earthl y wa r i n Kore a i s insignificant ; i t i s merely a sympto m o f th e all consuming cosmi c wa r tha t woul d determin e ou r fate . H u m a n histor y i s inadequate t o contai n force s o f thi s magnitude . I n 1954 , jus t befor e hi s censure b y th e Senate , McCarth y san g th e sam e refrain : "A t th e ris k o f boring yo u wit h som e repetition , I repeat , th e worl d i s i n a n ideologica l struggle, an d w e ar e o n on e sid e an d th e Iro n Curtai n countrie s ar e o n th e other." 7 8 Fro m th e tim e h e too k u p th e anticommunis t caus e unti l th e virtual en d o f hi s career , McCarth y consistentl y warne d o f th e imminenc e of the Armageddon . McCarthy capitalize d on , bu t di d no t create , th e radica l agon reflected i n these excerpts . T h e appellatio n "th e Col d War " testifie s t o th e ubiquit y o f such thinking , eve n amon g relativ e moderates . U p o n assumin g th e presi dency fo r a secon d ter m i n 1957 , Dwigh t Eisenhowe r spok e o f a divide d world: " T h e divisiv e forc e i s internationa l communis m an d th e powe r tha t it controls . T h e design s o f tha t power , dar k i n purpose , ar e clea r i n prac tice." 7 9 I t wa s a modern varian t o f th e ol d Persia n dualism . Bu t McCarthy s reaction wa s notable . Whil e Eisenhowe r an d other s continue d t o tal k o f "unconquerable will, " "fir m an d fixe d purposefs], " " h o p e , " 8 0 McCarth y warned o f failure . In representin g a battl e o f suc h epi c proportions , McCarth y agai n stretches credulit y an d suggest s somethin g o f the nexu s betwee n apocalypti c and fantasy . Pau l Hanso n ha s foun d i n th e transitio n betwee n propheti c an d apocalyptic eschatolog y a shiftin g o f th e relativ e weight s o f th e element s o f the rea l an d th e mythic , th e mundan e an d th e visionary . Hanso n illustrate s a reintroductio n o f th e mythi c int o propheti c discours e i n Deutero-Isaia h

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51:9—11, a cal l fo r Go d t o awake n an d exercis e agai n th e powe r b y whic h H e sle w Ra'hab , th e drago n o f chaos. 81 T h e scal e an d them e ar e c o m m o n to McCarthy' s discourse , apocalyptic , an d fantasy . The scal e o f McCarthy' s wa r i s matche d b y th e powe r o f hi s warriors . Fantasy i s a completel y determine d world ; happenstanc e i s abolished ; th e regnant power s contro l event s t o th e mos t minut e detail . Todoro v call s i t "pan-determinism": "everything, " h e writes , "dow n t o th e encounte r o f various causa l serie s (o r 'chance' ) mus t hav e it s cause , i n th e ful l sens e o f the word , eve n i f this caus e ca n onl y b e o f a supernatural order." 8 2 The obviou s languag e fo r th e expressio n o f such powe r i s the languag e o f conspiracy. Conspiracie s ar e no t accidental ; the y are , literally , " a breathin g together"; the y ar e contrived . A s McCarth y expresse d it , The people , Mr . President , recogniz e th e weaknes s with whic h th e adminis tration ha s replace d wha t wa s s o recentl y ou r grea t strength . The y ar e troubled b y it. And the y d o no t thin k i t accidental . The y d o no t believ e tha t the declin e i n ou r strengt h fro m 194 5 t o 195 1 jus t happened . The y ar e coming t o believ e tha t i t wa s brough t about , ste p b y step , b y wil l an d intention. The y ar e beginnin g t o believ e tha t th e surrende r o f Chin a t o Russia, th e administration' s indecentl y hast y desir e t o tur n Formos a ove r t o the enem y an d arriv e a t a ceasefire i n Kore a instea d o f following th e manly , American cours e prescribe d b y MacArthur , poin t t o somethin g mor e tha n ineptitude an d folly. 83 McCarthy's Republica n colleague s ha d hope d tha t suc h declaration s wer e simply enthusiasti c display s o f partisa n politic s an d tha t th e electio n o f Eisenhower woul d cur b McCarthy' s zeal . The y wer e dismaye d whe n thi s was no t th e case , bu t McCarthy' s controversia l attack s o n Eisenhowe r wer e perfectly consisten t wit h wha t ha s bee n argue d here . I n McCarthy' s fantas y world, th e electio n o f a Republica n administratio n wa s simpl y a chang e i n human personnel . T h e rea l battl e wa s elsewhere . The tande m concep t t o pan-determinis m i n fantas y i s "pan-significa tion." 84 T h e worl d o f fantas y i s a highl y structure d drama . Ever y even t contributes t o th e advancemen t o f the plot . I n apocalypti c fantasy , al l event s are fille d wit h foreshadowing s o f th e end , al l o f whic h mus t b e attende d t o and interpreted . McCarthy' s worl d wa s jus t suc h a world , groanin g wit h meaning: "A t firs t blus h th e polic y a s se t fort h i n th e abov e documen t would appea r disorganize d an d withou t clea r point . I t wa s no t pointless , however. Thos e w h o drafte d i t understoo d ver y clearl y th e over-al l pla n being advanced." 85 "Yo u nee d no t see k fa r t o fin d th e rea l reaso n lurkin g

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 14 3 behind thi s avowe d one. " 86 Pan-significatio n i s the continuin g testimon y t o the awesom e power s a t wor k i n th e worl d o f fantasy ; t o exercis e suc h control tha t ever y actio n infallibl y work s towar d a predetermine d en d i s precision o n a terrifying scale : To fit thi s incident int o the globa l picture, let me remind you, thes e prisoner s have bee n hel d b y th e Chines e fo r tw o years , s o thei r selectio n o f a time o f announcement was , o f course , a deliberat e act . I n fact , w e have—w e fin d little evidenc e i n al l of the action s o f the Communis t state s that indicate s an y haphazard action s o n thei r part . Everythin g the y d o i s deliberat e an d well thought out. 87 Superhuman intelligenc e i s ascribed t o th e enemy , thu s th e "evi l genius " theme s o prominen t i n McCarthy s rhetoric. 8 8 Evi l genius—"twisted thinking intellectuals"—ha s th e powe r no t onl y t o execut e it s designs , it s "blueprint fo r disaster, " bu t als o th e powe r t o concea l it s desig n b y cor rupting th e judgment o f the America n people , trickin g the m int o believin g false interpretation s o f traitorou s objectives. 89 Lik e McCarthy s world , th e monistic worl d o f th e prophe t i s heavil y investe d wit h meaning , bu t th e interstices ar e lef t t o th e exercis e o f huma n frailty , an d huma n frailt y i s no t an effectiv e causa l agent . A s suggeste d i n th e previou s chapter , monis m implies on e desig n fo r th e worl d an d on e meanin g fo r events . O n e i s eithe r asleep (blind ) o r awake , bu t no t mistaken . In a dualisti c cosmology , ther e ar e tw o design s fo r th e world , equall y powerful i n thei r plausibility . O n e ma y b e aslee p (blind ) o r awake , an d i f awake, on e ma y b e confrontin g trut h o r illusion , goo d o r evil. 90 T h e powe r of evi l i s ofte n portraye d a s tha t o f th e seductres s exercisin g hypnosi s o r enchantment, castin g spell s tha t caus e u s t o act , no t i n accordanc e wit h ou r own will , bu t no t i n accordanc e wit h th e goo d either . Evi l ha s bot h th e power t o concea l it s influenc e an d t o parad e a s the good . It is this powerful evi l tha t McCarth y presente d t o hi s audiences. M c C a r thy talke d o f Alge r Hiss' s exercisin g a "Svengali-lik e influenc e ove r Secre tary o f Stat e Stettinius " a t Yalta , an d o f Marshal l an d Acheso n s havin g a "hypnotic influence " ove r Truman. 9 1 " I regar d a s th e mos t disturbin g phenomenon i n Americ a toda y th e fac t tha t s o man y American s stil l refus e to acknowledg e th e abilit y o f Communist s t o persuad e loya l American s t o do thei r wor k fo r them. " T h e America n peopl e mus t b e alerte d t o th e fac t "that thi s vas t conspirac y possesse s th e powe r t o tur n thei r mos t truste d servants int o it s attorneys-in - fact." 92 "I t is, " sai d McCarthy , "th e clandes tine enem y whic h taxe s ou r ingenuity" 9 3

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McCarthy presente d Americ a wit h Tamin o s choice an d n o clea r criteri a by whic h t o mak e it . Sometime s h e appeare d t o offe r th e lifelin e o f "jus t good, everyda y America n hors e sense." 94 Fo r example , w h e n identifyin g communists, h e simpl y looke d fo r peopl e an d policie s tha t reflecte d th e Communist Part y lin e "righ t dow n t o th e dottin g o f ever y T an d th e crossing o f ever y Y " : "A s on e o f m y farme r friend s onc e said , i f a fow l looks lik e a duck an d quack s lik e a duck an d eat s like a duck w e ca n assum e it i s a duck. " 95 Suc h confidenc e i n appearances , however , wa s undermine d by thos e lik e th e forme r communis t an d professiona l governmen t witnes s Louis Buden z i n hi s testimon y o n O w e n Lattimore . I n a performance tha t would hav e mad e Lewi s Carrol l proud , Buden z refuse d t o assen t t o an y stable criteria : Wasn't i t true , aske d Morgan , tha t Lattimore' s Solution in Asia ha d bee n condemned b y th e Daily Worker? Yes , Buden z replied , bu t th e Part y ofte n protected it s member s b y criticizin g them , "tha t i s t o say , tha t is , t o dam n them with fain t praise—rather , t o praise them with fain t damns , is the way I want t o pu t it. " An d hadn' t Lattimor e publicl y oppose d th e Sovie t invasio n of Finland ? Tru e enough , sai d Budenz , bu t Part y member s wer e sometime s given "exemptions " in orde r to disguis e their rea l purpose. 96 In th e worl d o f fantasy , i t i s no t obviou s wha t thing s mean . T h e rule s have bee n subverte d an d ar e n o longe r dependable . McCarthy , hi s appeal s to commo n sens e notwithstanding , understoo d this ; h e understoo d tha t h e could no t merel y show , h e ha d t o interpret : " D o Senator s follo w me? " " D o Senator s follo w this? " " D o Senator s ge t th e picture? " h e querie d agai n and again. 97 " I wonde r whethe r Senator s ge t th e awfulnes s o f tha t pic ture." 98 " N o w wha t doe s thi s mean , m y goo d friends , wha t doe s thi s mea n to th e 150,000,00 0 America n people? " h e aske d hi s televisio n audience. 9 9 "I digres s t o explai n th e significanc e o f tha t utterance. " 10° "I n orde r t o recognize th e significanc e o f thes e tw o documents , i t migh t b e wel l fo r m e to digres s fo r a minute." 1 0 1 "I n othe r word s . . ." 1 0 2 In othe r words , th e document s h e hel d i n hi s han d wer e no t enough ; they di d no t carr y thei r ow n self-eviden t meaning . Sometime s the y re quired translation . Afte r presentin g a quotatio n tha t note d tha t Genera l Stilwell, Secretar y o f Stat e Marshall' s choic e t o comman d th e U.S . Army i n China, di d no t lik e Chines e officialdo m bu t ha d a grea t regar d fo r th e Chinese people , McCarth y offere d th e followin g interpretation : As we al l know, "people " i n Communis t parlanc e ha s a special meaning . I t does not mea n al l the people i n ou r sense . It is a catchword, a n occul t word ,

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clear t o th e initiates , meanin g Communists . The y us e it i n a special sens e t o designate al l thei r politica l organs . W e al l recal l th e variou s people s front s organized t o promot e th e Communis t caus e throughou t th e world . Mor e specifically th e Chines e Communis t arm y wa s referre d t o i n Communis t parlance a s the people's army 103 "People" i s on e o f th e mos t generi c an d colorles s term s availabl e t o denot e an aggregat e o f human beings . McCarth y recognize s thi s whe n h e contrast s the communis t "specia l meaning " wit h "ou r sense, " innocent an d inclusive . The communis t "people, " accordin g t o McCarthy , w h o freight s th e usag e in thi s contex t wit h siniste r implications , i s onl y a ruse , a n attemp t t o pas s beneath th e threshol d o f signification . T h e achievemen t o f discernin g a particular significanc e i s secondar y t o th e achievemen t o f recognizin g tha t there i s a significance t o b e discerned . McCarthys struggl e t o separat e th e significan t fro m th e insignifican t i s unremitting. Figure-groun d discrimination s ar e no t clea r i n th e dar k worl d of th e fantastic : " N o t e thos e words , Mr . President. " "Mr . President , liste n to this. " " I cal l th e Senate s attentio n t o thi s statement. " "Liste n t o thi s i f you will." 1 0 4 I n a complex , relativisti c world , al l event s requir e interpreta tion; nothin g i s unworthy o f ou r attention . I hav e concentrate d o n ho w McCarth y use d hi s evidenc e t o creat e tensions betwee n belie f an d doub t i n hi s audiences , bu t non e o f McCarthy s evidence woul d eve r hav e bee n give n a foru m ha d i t no t bee n fo r th e power o f hi s office . Ther e i s n o doubtin g tha t muc h o f th e credenc e give n McCarthys claim s resulte d fro m hi s statu s a s a U.S . senator . A s Davi d Oshinsky ha s phrase d th e questio n tha t ha d t o b e raise d b y McCarthy s charges, "Woul d a Unite d State s senato r g o thi s fa r ou t o n a lim b withou t hard evidence?" 1 0 5 Millar d Tyding s kne w ver y wel l tha t a s a senator , McCarthy wa s mor e likel y t o b e believe d tha n someon e standin g "o n th e corner o f 9t h an d G street s w h o i s carryin g o n a casua l conversation," 1 0 6 and Walte r Lippma n recognize d th e powe r o f th e offic e whe n h e argue d that McCarth y s charges , becaus e h e wa s a senator , wer e new s an d ha d t o be treate d a s such , howeve r reluctantly ; McCarth y coul d no t b e suppresse d by th e media. 1 0 7 Though th e institution s o f th e medi a coul d not , withou t th e beniso n o f the Senate , themselve s autho r McCarthy s undoing , th e representationa l power o f th e media , especiall y television , di d serv e a critica l enablin g function whe n th e Senat e finall y decide d tha t McCarth y ha d oversteppe d the bound s o f allowable conduct . An d i t i s consisten t wit h th e thesi s argue d here that , i n th e instance s wher e th e medi a authore d it s ow n scripts , som e

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of th e mos t influentia l amon g the m employe d a n ironi c mode. 108 Iron y forgoes th e head-o n attac k an d unsettle s it s objec t indirectly . Ther e i s a sense in which , just a s the fantasti c simultaneousl y demand s ou r assen t an d dismisses suc h a demand , iron y als o mount s it s criticis m an d i s abl e t o retreat to a posture o f "all in fun" o r of having been misread . Even television , though , ha d t o awai t a certai n revocatio n o f sanctuary before i t coul d exercis e it s powe r agains t Wisconsin' s junior senator . A s a senator, McCarth y spok e fro m th e temple , an d wa s provided, no t onl y th e sanctuary o f congressional immunity , bu t eve n a certain amoun t o f suppor t in the reluctance of the Senate to disavow one of its own. Because Republi cans, i n fact , wer e eage r t o us e McCarth y i n th e pursui t o f thei r ow n political ends , McCarthy receive d th e blessing of the Tafts , th e Lodges , an d other party scions who personally found hi m and his methods distasteful. 109 Nowhere i s McCarth y s dependenc e o n th e positiv e sanctio n o f th e Senate clearer than in the cours e of his career after hi s censure in 1954 . The censure, althoug h i t di d no t materiall y affec t McCarthy s standin g i n th e Senate, did serve notice that he no longer participated in the collectiv e ethos of that body; th e Senat e ha d admitte d tha t McCarth y ha d said discreditabl e things, and in doin g so, it broke th e spel l of the fantastic. Alic e awoke fro m the drea m an d wa s lef t wit h onl y reflection s o n th e uncanny . Becaus e McCarthy ha d buil t hi s cas e o n th e collectiv e ethos o f th e Senate , h e ha d tacitly cede d t o i t th e effectiv e powe r t o discredi t hi m a s a par t o f itself . The effec t o f th e censur e o n th e pres s an d th e publi c wa s immediat e and unmistakable : i t wa s n o longe r necessar y t o pa y attentio n t o Senato r McCarthy 110 McCarthy ha d a n unfailing apprehensio n o f the epistemologica l crisi s of the Fiftie s wit h it s "ke y terms" : "irony , paradox , ambiguity , an d complex ity,"111 an d h e exploite d tha t apprehensio n ruthlessly . McCarth y appre hended th e crisi s becaus e h e participate d i n it . Hi s discours e doe s no t indicate tha t h e eve r transcende d it . Hi s audienc e wa s no t th e propheti c "you," bu t th e inclusiv e "we. " Within tha t crisis , McCarth y struc k a delicate balanc e tha t avoide d judgment, an d i n avoidin g judgment, h e lef t hi s audience i n disarray . A s frightening a s chaos was , it seem s tha t i t ma y hav e been preferabl e t o th e terribl e truth s tha t threatene d Americ a afte r th e Second Worl d War . B y offerin g a discourse tha t di d no t comman d assent , McCarthy allowe d Americ a t o contemplat e som e o f it s mos t dreadfu l monsters a t a distance . Th e delicat e equilibriu m tha t h e maintaine d fo r almost fou r year s wa s wrecke d whe n th e hierarchica l powe r bestowe d o n him b y hi s sea t i n th e Senat e wa s symbolicall y revoked . Th e scal e fel l

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Evaluating the Dream McCarthyism ha s bee n terme d a nationa l nightmare. 1 1 2 B y takin g th e metaphor literally , w e ar e in a position t o understan d som e o f the contradic tions tha t stil l occup y th e attention s o f McCarthy' s biographers , student s o f McCarthyism, an d historian s o f th e period . T h e underlyin g debat e i n al l the biographica l work s o n McCarth y devolve s o n th e questio n o f sincer ity 1 1 3 Beginnin g wit h Rovere' s biograph y a t th e en d o f th e McCarth y decade, an d continuin g throug h Oshinsk y s, currentl y regarde d a s definitive , everyone w h o ha s focuse d o n th e ma n ha s fel t compelle d t o loo k a t th e sources o f McCarthy' s anticommunism ; a serie s o f conflictin g impression s regarding th e sometime s playfu l attitud e h e too k towar d hi s crusad e i n private, hi s apparen t lac k o f passionat e involvemen t wit h th e topic , hi s childish deligh t i n sp y games , an d hi s nonchalan t attitud e towar d particula r cases; hi s documente d fondnes s fo r lying ; hi s statemen t t o Jac k Anderso n that thi s wa s th e rea l thing ; an d hi s willingnes s t o endur e censur e rathe r than bac k down . M u c h o f th e evidenc e divide s alon g th e line s o f a Jekyll and Hyd e publi c presentatio n versu s privat e behavior . McCarthy' s willing ness t o excoriat e a politica l opponen t o r a membe r o f th e pres s fo r th e crowd an d the n t o tur n an d thro w a friendl y ar m aroun d hi s victi m i s a source o f constan t perplexit y t o hi s chroniclers. 114 To fin d conflic t i n thes e apparen t opposition s i s t o assum e a stabl e se t o f rules, an d fantas y ha s n o suc h rules . I t is , write s Jackson , "founde d o n contradictions." 1 1 5 An d no t jus t a singl e se t o f contradictions , bu t "th e continuing diametri c reversa l o f th e groun d rule s withi n a narrativ e world." 1 1 6 Fantas y embrace s bot h fea r o f th e demoni c an d a sens e o f play . Fantasy canno t fin d stabl e referenc e points . I f i t di d th e momen t o f hesita tion woul d b e lost , an d i t woul d n o longe r b e fantas y McCarthy' s failur e t o display a commitment t o hi s individua l case s ma y no t hav e bee n a n effectiv e method o f exposin g communists , bu t i t wa s sublimel y effectiv e i n pro longing th e momen t o f hesitation . Finally, havin g sundere d al l othe r unities , al l othe r source s o f stability , fantasy shatter s th e unit y o f th e individual. 117 I n a reversa l o f th e apocalyp tist's pseudonymity , McCarth y wen t beyon d th e bound s o f ghostwritin g t o appropriate material s neve r intende d fo r hi s use . "America' s Retrea t fro m

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Victory" i s th e mos t prominen t example . McCarth y di d no t diges t th e materials provided b y others an d mak e them hi s own, h e simply gav e the m voice. "McCarthyism " absorbe d th e identit y o f Joe McCarth y int o th e much larger phenomenon h e represented . Fantasy ofte n signal s th e dissolutio n o f identit y wit h a narrativ e voic e confused betwee n firs t an d thir d perso n singular. 118 McCarth y reveal s th e same spli t person a i n hi s speeche s an d writings . H e inform s hi s audience , "The smea r attack s o n McCarthy are n o longe r bein g mad e wit h th e hop e that the y ca n thereb y forc e me t o giv e u p thi s figh t t o expos e an d ge t Communists ou t o f government." 119 "O n tha t da y th e Presiden t o f th e Newspaper Guild , Harr y Martin , attacke d McCarthy and mad e i t clea r t o the membership that any favorable coverag e of my fight agains t Communist s was taboo." 120 "Eve n my bitterest enem y will admit , i f h e i s honest , tha t these matter s woul d no t hav e bee n give n a secon d though t i f someon e other tha n McCarthy were involved." 121 Betwee n th e tw o McCarthys , i t seems likely tha t al l his biographers ar e righ t i n th e main . Thei r mistak e i s in tryin g t o fin d a nonexisten t restin g place . McCarthy s mani c level s o f activity are a metaphor for hi s world, which was in constant disequilibrium . Does this leave us anything to say about th e McCarthy ethos, fragmente d and disjointe d a s i t is ? Certainl y i t ca n b e sai d tha t McCarth y wa s n o prophet: h e wa s guide d b y n o self-eviden t truths , n o sacre d canon ; h e di d not offe r judgment i n tim e o f crisis. All his cries o f "smear" notwithstand ing, th e evidenc e overwhelmingl y indicate s tha t McCarth y di d no t suffe r the burde n o f hi s commitment s (a t leas t no t unti l afte r censure) , bu t reaped the personal rewards of his message—notoriety, money , and political power. No r di d McCarth y confron t hi s society wit h a radical position , fo r fantasy canno t posit. What wa s mistaken for radicalis m by some o f McCar thy's contemporarie s wa s reall y just th e hyperbolic , irrationa l discours e o f fantasy paradin g a s politics . Eve n a s fantasy , McCarthy' s wa s no t ver y extraordinary b y th e standard s o f th e period . Film s o f th e Fiftie s share d many o f th e sam e theme s an d uncertaintie s w e fin d i n McCarthy' s dis course. McCarthyism a s a fantasy wa s little more tha n a shameless amalga m of The Court Martial of Billy Mitchell and Invasion of the Body Snatchers. 122 And radi o program s suc h a s " I Wa s a Communis t fo r th e FBI " provide d audiences wit h a n atmospher e o f multipl e reversal s an d subterfuge s tha t made th e convolution s o f McCarthy's storie s commonplace . A nation will ing to join i n th e searc h for Bride y Murph y wa s not shake n by McCarthy' s rejection o f the traditiona l unitie s o f narrative. In failin g t o challeng e hi s audienc e wit h th e radica l value s o f thei r

A Vision of the Apocalypse \ 14 9 society, McCarth y stoo d a s a symbo l o f th e deterioratio n o f thos e values . Rather tha n reconstitutin g hi s audience , h e lef t i t i n a stat e o f dissolution . Richard Rover e ha s written , McCarthy, thoug h a demo n himself , wa s no t a ma n possesse d b y demons . His talents a s a demagogue wer e great , bu t h e lacke d th e mos t necessar y an d awesome o f demagogic gifts— a belie f in th e sacrednes s o f his ow n mission . A ma n ma y g o a long way i n politics—particularl y i n democrati c politics — without muc h i n the way of convictions, but t o overcom e adversit y he need s the strengt h tha t ca n b e draw n eithe r fro m belie f in a n ide a o r fro m a sense of hi s ow n righteousness . I f h e ha s n o convictions , h e ca n scarcel y dra w courage from them. 123 Perhaps i t i s fo r thi s reason , rathe r tha n fo r it s actua l prohibitions , tha t Ellen Schrecke r find s th e legac y o f McCarthyis m t o b e on e o f absences : "McCarthyism's mai n impac t ma y wel l hav e bee n i n wha t di d no t happe n rather tha n i n wha t d i d — t h e socia l reform s tha t wer e neve r adopted , th e diplomatic initiative s tha t wer e no t pursued , th e worker s w h o wer e no t organized int o unions , th e book s tha t wer e no t written , an d th e movie s that wer e neve r filmed." 124 McCarthy wa s plague d b y demon s an d beref t o f gods . H e create d a momentary audienc e ou t o f commo n fears , bu t h e coul d no t provid e i t o r himself with a sustaining cause . T h e swaggering , loutis h Marin e her o wa s a cripple, an d w e watche d hi m tos s awa y hi s crutche s i n a n evangelica l feve r and fal l o n hi s face—pitiabl e an d fo r tha t reaso n al l th e mor e despicable . McCarthy neve r assume d a radica l heroi c stan d agains t th e overwhelmin g uncertainties o f hi s day ; hi s fait h lacke d th e necessar y substance . T h e notable absenc e o f historica l reference s i n hi s speeche s reveal s th e shal lowness o f his respons e t o th e world . H e ha d nothin g t o dra w upo n bu t th e resources o f hi s ow n profan e experience . McCarth y coul d worshi p nothin g larger tha n himself , onl y fea r it . McCarthy th e man , w e mus t probabl y conclude , wa s a tragi c figure . H e participated i n th e epistemologica l chao s o f his tim e t o th e poin t o f psycho sis. 125 McCarthy s fantas y worl d wa s hi s poo r respons e t o fear , an d i t i s onl y when w e recogniz e fantas y a s a for m o f spiritua l impoverishmen t tha t w e can properl y evaluat e wha t McCarth y wrought . Buildin g he r cas e o n th e work o f Sartre , Foucault , an d Frederi c Jameson , Jackso n find s i n fantas y human compensatio n fo r a failure o f th e transcendent. 1 2 6 Sh e quote s M a u rice Levy' s assertio n that : " T h e fantasti c i s a compensatio n tha t ma n pro vides fo r himself , a t th e leve l o f imagination , fo r wha t h e ha s los t a t th e

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level o f faith." 127 Th e compensatio n tha t humankin d ca n provid e fo r itself , however, i s insufficien t t o replac e wha t ha s bee n lost , fo r fantas y i s hollo w at it s core : Unlike marvelou s secondary worlds , which construc t alternativ e realities , th e shady world s o f th e fantasti c construc t nothing . The y ar e empty , emptying , dissolving. Their emptines s vitiates a full, rounded , three-dimensiona l visibl e world, b y tracin g i n absences , shadow s withou t objects . Fa r fro m fulfillin g desire, these spaces perpetuate desir e by insisting upon absence, lack , th e non seen, th e unseeable. 128 Fantasy, frame d a s a literar y event , provide s a temporar y escape . I t ma y even, a s Sad e claim s of Eugenie de Franval and Justine, or Good Conduct Well Chastised, provid e mora l guidance. 129 W h e n i t i s transpose d withou t warn ing int o th e quotidia n real m o f politic s an d business , devoi d o f artisti c boundaries, i t i s paralyzing . For a tim e i n th e Fifties , Americ a playe d Josep h K . a t Jo e McCarth y s court. Lik e th e ma n i n th e enigmati c parabl e a t th e en d o f The Trial, we sa t outside an d waite d fo r th e law . Wha t McCarth y presente d t o Americ a i n the Fiftie s wa s just suc h a world . W e wante d hi m t o execut e judgment, t o banish ou r demons , t o provid e u s wit h a vision, a standar d unde r whic h t o march, an d a n enem y t o marc h against . Bu t McCarth y di d no t sla y Ra'hab , the drago n o f chaos , h e onl y goade d it . W e wer e lef t withou t god s o r devils, heroe s o r villains , onl y th e hauntin g suspicio n tha t bot h existed . N o clear, stabl e dramati c structur e emerged , an d th e rule s fo r judgmen t wer e systematically subverted . I n emphasizin g th e darknes s o f th e postwa r world , McCarthy concentrate d o n wha t wa s unseeabl e an d thereb y unknowable . His promise s notwithstanding , h e neve r turne d o n th e light . Rathe r h e insinuated th e lurkin g presenc e o f "thing s tha t g o bum p i n th e night. " There i s n o salvatio n here , onl y th e articulatio n o f anxiety . A s soo n a s th e show wa s over , th e audience , a s a n audience , largel y disintegrated , th e residuum remakin g itsel f o n th e edge s o f th e politic s o f th e 1960 s a s th e John Birc h Society . Onl y th e McCarth y person a survives , precisel y becaus e of it s insubstantiality , a ghos t lurkin g abou t th e dar k place s o f America n politics.

8 Prophecy a s Poetr y The Romantic Vision of Robert Welch

And tho u shal t speak m y words unt o them , whethe r the y will hear, o r whether the y will forbear: fo r the y are most rebellious . But thou , so n of man, hea r what I say unto thee ; Be no t tho u rebelliou s like that re bellious house: open th y mouth, an d ea t what I give thee. And whe n I looked, behold , a n hand was sent unt o me ; and, lo , a roll of a book was therein. —Ezekie l 2:7—9 Then sai d I, Ah, Lor d God ! behold, I cannot speak : for I am a child. But th e Lor d sai d unto me , Sa y not, I am a child: for tho u shal t go t o all that I shall send thee , and whatsoever I command the e tho u shal t speak. Be no t afrai d o f their faces : for I am with the e t o delive r thee, saith th e Lord . The n th e Lor d put fort h hi s hand, an d touche d m y mouth. An d th e Lor d said unto me , Behold, I have put m y words in thy mouth. —Jeremia h 1:6- 9

From th e tim e o f it s foundin g i n 195 8 unti l th e mid-1960s , th e John Birc h Societ y an d it s founder R o b e r t Welc h wer e th e mos t prominen t features i n th e landscap e o f th e politica l fa r righ t i n America . Seymou r Martin Lipse t an d Ear l Raa b sugges t tha t Welc h an d hi s organizatio n "too k the cente r o f th e right-win g stag e i n Americ a fo r clos e t o a decade," 1 an d Benjamin Epstei n an d Arnol d Forste r terme d th e Joh n Birc h Societ y th e "spearhead o f th e Radica l Righ t movement." 2 Granting thes e assessments , i t mus t stil l be remembere d tha t Welc h neve r achieved anythin g lik e th e influenc e tha t Jo e McCarthy , ofte n see n a s Welch's predecessor , achieved . I n fact , Welch' s clos e identificatio n wit h McCarthy mad e i t eas y fo r libera l intellectuals , shame d ove r thei r timidit y in th e McCarth y affair , t o expiat e thei r guil t b y deridin g McCarthy' s hei r apparent. 3 Writin g i n th e New York Times Magazine i n 1961 , Georg e

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Barrett, pointin g t o th e increasin g ridicul e o f th e societ y an d it s founde r a s evidence fo r hi s assessment , foun d th e Bircher s t o b e overrate d a s th e source o f a renascent McCarthyism. 4 I n 1964 , a n articl e i n th e New Republic was entitle d "Littl e Ol d Pin k Ma n W h o Calle d Ik e R e d . " 5 R o b e r t Welc h was no t th e aggressive , hard-hitting , reckles s bull y tha t McCarth y ha d been . Welch wa s "little, " diminutive ; "old, " frail , feeble , weak , impotent ; "pink, " silly, frivolous, toothles s a s a newborn animal , perhap s eve n effeminate ; an d finally, th e sneerin g referenc e t o on e o f Welch' s mos t famou s pronounce ments concernin g Eisenhower s allege d servic e t o th e communis t caus e indicates ho w fa r w e wer e fro m takin g Welc h seriously . Othe r treatment s were mor e direc t i n thei r assessment . A 196 4 Newsweek articl e o n Welc h was entitle d "Sick , Sick , Sick," 6 an d a 196 6 articl e i n Time suggeste d tha t Welch wa s "touche d i n th e head" : Since he founded th e John Birch Societ y nearly ten years ago, Robert Welc h has displaye d on e o f th e mos t fertil e imagination s i n America n politics . Though hi s fascinatin g statemen t tha t Dwigh t Eisenhowe r ha d consciousl y served the "Communis t conspirac y for al l his adult life" will probably remai n its foremos t figment , hi s min d ha s los t non e o f it s youthfu l fanc y wit h advancing years.7 T h e quantit y o f ridicul e directe d a t Welch , an d it s violenc e an d energy , combine t o beli e th e eas y confidenc e suggeste d b y it s jocular condescen sion. Liberal s o f th e earl y Sixtie s wer e certai n tha t Welc h wa s no t a rea l threat, bu t the y wante d t o ensur e tha t other s understoo d thi s a s well . Rather tha n pain t hi m a s a ruthles s demagogue , then , thos e w h o oppose d Welch dismisse d hi m a s a clown , a crackpot , a kook . Tha t the y fel t i t necessary t o acknowledg e Welc h a t al l i s testamen t t o a perceptio n o f hi s potential power . Tha t Welc h neve r succeede d i n realizin g thi s powe r i s th e product o f comple x forces , som e o f which wil l b e examine d here .

Robert Welch as an Artist in Words O Freedom ! I f to me belon g Not might y Milton's gift divine , Nor MarvelT s wit an d graceful song , Still with a love as deep and stron g As theirs, I lay, like them, m y best gifts o n th y shrine! —John Greenlea f Whittier, Proem

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Against th e popula r portrai t o f Welc h a s a ravin g lunatic , h e presente d himself a s a conscientiou s craftsma n o f language , a wordsmith , a poet . In The Politician, Welc h informe d th e reade r tha t i t wa s a n "unfinishe d manuscript," 8 an d bemoane d th e pressure s tha t le d t o it s "prematur e publi cation. ,, 9 I n work s intende d fo r publication , Welc h use d vivi d vocabulary , antithesis, parrhesia , triadi c structures , polysyndeton , alliteration , anaphora , hyperbaton, metaphor , an d allusio n a s favorite stylisti c devices . Some sample s fro m Welch' s writing s includ e th e assertio n tha t w e wer e 10 moving deepe r int o a n er a o f "darkness , slavery 1 , an d treason," an d tha t n the Bircher s ha d suffere d a "torren t o f smear," i n spit e o f which th e Birc h program persiste d "wit h al l o f it s dream s an d ideal s an d aspirations." 12 Welch wa s semiapologeti c tha t The Blue Book shoul d appea r somewha t dated t o reader s i n 1961 , bu t h e explained , "Ther e i s n o instan t a t whic h the shutte r ma y b e snappe d s o th e prin t wil l remai n true." 1 3 H e warne d hi s audience tha t th e trut h h e brough t "i s simple , incontrovertible , an d deadl y . . . unles s w e ca n revers e force s whic h no w see m inexorabl e i n thei r movement." 1 4 A speec h reprinte d i n The Blue Book, entitle d "Loo k a t th e Score," use s a n extende d gam e metapho r t o describ e communis t incursion s on th e fre e world, 1 5 occurrin g "wit h ever-increasin g sprea d an d speed," 1 6 as we ca n se e b y th e ligh t o f "th e lam p o f experience." 1 7 Western Europ e coul d no t b e depende d on , fo r i t wa s "eithe r dyin g before ou r eyes , o r i s alread y dead . Fo r th e vigo r o f it s muscle s an d th e strength o f its whole bod y hav e bee n sappe d beyon d recover y b y th e cance r of collectivism." 18 Ye t ther e wa s hop e i n th e person s o f th e "reall y tru e believers stil l left . W e hono r them . W e nee d thei r steadyin g adherenc e t o the roc k o f reverence , an d thei r aspiratio n o f unwaverin g obedienc e t o ancient an d divin e commandments . W e desperatel y nee d thei r unshakabl e confidence i n absolutes , i n eterna l principle s an d truths , i n a worl d o f increasing relativit y an d transitorines s i n al l things . W e admir e them." 1 9 This, however , wa s no t t o b e understoo d a s a ple a fo r fundamentalism . A n attempt t o enforc e suc h a n overl y concret e an d simplisti c vie w o f th e worl d in ou r da y an d ag e "woul d b e lik e tryin g t o ti e th e wave s o f th e ocea n together wit h ropes , o r t o confin e the m wit h fishin g nets. " 20 N o t conten t wit h th e entailment s o f th e diseas e metaphor , Welc h por trayed communis m no t onl y a s a cance r bu t als o a s an octopus : so large tha t it s tentacle s no w reac h int o al l o f th e legislativ e halls , al l o f th e union labo r meetings, a majority o f the religiou s gatherings , an d most o f the schools of the whole world. I t ha s a central nervou s syste m which ca n mak e it s tentacles i n th e labo r union s o f Bolivia , i n th e farmer' s cooperative s o f

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Saskatchewan, i n th e caucuse s o f th e Socia l Democrat s o f Wes t Germany , and i n th e classroom s o f th e Yal e La w School , al l retrac t o r reac h forwar d simultaneously. I t can make all of these creeping tentacles turn eithe r right o r left, a t th e sam e time , i n accordanc e wit h th e intention s o f a central brai n i n Moscow o r Ust'-Kamenogorsk . Th e huma n rac e ha s never befor e face d an y such monste r o f powe r whic h wa s determine d t o enslav e it . Ther e i s n o reason fo r underratin g it s size , it s efficiency , it s determination , it s power, o r its menace. 21 O u r prope r attitud e towar d th e enemy , whethe r octopu s o r disease , i s con veyed by th e wa r metaphor . W e were , i n Welch's mind , engage d i n a pitche d battle agains t th e communis t conspiracy. 22 T o succee d i n thi s battle , w e needed t o profi t fro m al l huma n experience , "bu t w e shal l mak e ou r ow n amalgam o f th e organizationa l metal s forge d b y tha t experienc e wit h th e mercury o f our ow n purpose/' 2 3 T o make thi s amalgam Welc h sough t t o re construct faith , whic h mus t b e th e "foundatio n o f ou r ne w dream. " H e sought t o unit e variou s religiou s views under a faith "s o tru e tha t neithe r ou r hearts no r ou r reason s ca n den y it , s o broad tha t i t take s in withou t violatio n the fait h o f our fathers , an d s o deep tha t i t can inspir e martyrdo m a t need." 2 4 In attemptin g t o mel d hi s ne w alloy , Welc h allude d t o th e poe m "God , th e Architect" b y Harr y Kemp , th e las t stanza o f which i s But, chie f of all thy wondrous works, Supreme o f all thy plan, Thou has t put a n upward reac h In the hear t o f man. 25 Welch hope d tha t thi s concep t o f Go d havin g pu t a n upwar d reac h i n th e heart o f ma n woul d serv e a s a n umbrell a concept , transcendin g individua l creeds an d unitin g hi s hearers . I t wa s Welch' s positio n o n religio n tha t made th e John Birc h Societ y th e leas t sectaria n o f th e extrem e right-win g organizations. There ar e man y othe r example s o f literar y (self - ) consciousness i n Welch's writings . I n closin g hi s pamphle t "T o th e Negroe s o f America, " Welch allude d t o Lincoln' s messag e t o Congres s o f Decembe r i , 1862 : "This i s ou r America . I t i s you r countr y an d mine , an d th e las t bes t hop e of al l mankind." 2 6 I t i s no t happenstanc e tha t Welc h attempte d t o ech o Lincoln i n a n appea l t o blacks . " A Lette r t o Khrushchev " contain s a n extended metapho r comparin g th e Sovie t worl d pla n an d thei r succes s wit h Sputnik. Welc h compare d th e stage s o f th e communis t encroachmen t o n the fre e worl d wit h th e stage s o f th e rocke t ship. 27

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Certainly on e o f Welch' s mos t artisti c speeche s i s "Mor e Statel y M a n sions." 28 I n th e titl e o f thi s speech , h e allude s t o Olive r Wendel l Holmes' s poem " T h e Chambere d Nautilus. " T h e snai l become s th e maste r metapho r for th e speech . Welc h foun d i t a n appropriat e symbo l fo r hi s cyclica l vie w of histor y an d a n appropriat e mode l fo r organizin g th e speech . "Mor e Stately Mansions " spiral s outwar d throug h a historica l discours e an d ulti mately circle s bac k aroun d o n itself . I f we loo k t o th e sermo n fo r a n analog , Welch bega n wit h a n implie d "text " whic h h e mad e explici t a t th e en d o f the speech , thu s returnin g t o hi s startin g point . T h e chambere d nautilu s illustrated th e mora l o f Welch' s sermon , tha t individualis m ca n b e gaine d only throug h collectivism . T h e snai l build s chambers , bu t thos e chamber s grow successivel y large r unti l the y becom e s o expansiv e tha t the y ar e n o longer confinin g o r restrictive . T h e fina l chambe r i s a transcendence . T o conclude th e speech , Welc h quote s th e las t stanz a o f Holmes' s poem : Build the e mor e statel y mansions, O m y soul, As the swif t season s roll! Leave thy low-vaulted past ! Let eac h ne w temple , noble r tha n th e last, Shut the e fro m heave n wit h a dome mor e vast , Till thou a t length ar e free , Leaving thine outgrow n shel l by Life's unrestin g sea! In "Mor e Statel y Mansions, " whateve r ou r evaluatio n o f Welch' s success , we mus t recogniz e th e attemp t t o produc e a well-mad e poem , a p o e m wherein "everythin g i s formed , an d henc e rendere d poeti c (whateve r i t may hav e bee n i n itself) , b y virtu e simpl y o f bein g mad e t o d o somethin g definite i n th e poe m o r t o produc e a definitel y definabl e effect , howeve r local, whic h th e sam e material s o f language , thought , character-traits , o r actions woul d b e incapabl e o f i n abstractio n fro m th e poem , o r th e contex t in th e poem , i n whic h the y appear. " 2 9 It wa s Welch' s stud y o f poetry , n o doubt , tha t influence d th e poeti c qualities i n hi s discourse . Ther e ar e numerou s quotation s fro m poem s an d references t o poem s throughou t Welch' s speeche s an d writings . Hi s favorit e poets include d Jame s Russel l Lowell , Holmes , Shelley , Whittier , Cowper , and Tennyson . I n addition , ther e i s som e evidenc e i n th e speeche s tha t Welch kep t compan y wit h poets . H e refer s t o Alfre d Noye s a s "m y goo d friend," an d th e Harr y Kem p quote d b y Welc h wa s a Massachusetts residen t when h e die d i n i960 . Tha t Welc h ma y hav e see n himsel f a s par t o f a community o f poet s i s furthe r suggeste d b y th e fac t that , i n additio n t o hi s

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political discourses , h e wrot e wha t w e commonl y conceiv e t o b e poetry . His sonne t "T o Alfre d Noyes " appear s i n bot h The Blue Book 30 an d i n "Through th e Days to Be." 31 Welch i s no t alon e amon g th e figure s examine d her e i n exhibitin g a poetic consciousness. Some of the enduring prose of the American Revolu tion an d o f Wendell Phillip s an d th e abolitionist s reveal s th e sam e qualitie s claimed her e fo r Welch . Joh n Greenlea f Whittie r was , i n fact , a n activ e writer fo r th e abolitionis t cause . Phillip s wa s fon d o f quotin g Whittier , Pope, Milton , Carlyle , Elizabet h Barret t Browning , an d Isaa c Watts, 32 among others . Wit h Eugen e Deb s i n particular , Rober t Welc h share d a poetic heritage . Debs , wh o alway s expresse d hi s indebtednes s t o Victo r Hugo s Les Miserables, considere d Walt Whitman "hi s good friend," an d was a drinking buddy o f James Whitcomb Riley , ofte n quote d poetic sources in his speeches , includin g th e work s o f Longfellow , Holmes , an d Whitman , and sometimes achieved poetic qualit y in his own right. 33 That radica l discourse should consistentl y see k poetic forms ma y be see n as corroboratio n fo r som e o f th e idea s expresse d i n chapte r si x concern ing poetr y an d socia l order . Bu t lef t here , th e argumen t i s incomplete . Thus fa r I hav e merel y argue d tha t Welc h wa s a stylist , a conscientiou s craftsman o f language . Tha t clai m ma y b e surprising , bu t i t i s i n itsel f relatively insignificant . I t suggest s that th e relationshi p o f Robert Welc h t o his discourse i s more comple x tha n th e popular imag e o f Welch as a lunatic would suggest—interesting , bu t trivial . I f thi s clai m i s t o b e significant , some relationshi p betwee n Welch' s dictio n an d hi s ideolog y mus t b e pos ited. I hav e alread y observe d tha t poeti c dictio n has , i n man y culture s throughout history , serve d as evidence o f divine election . With Welch , thi s idea i s particularl y appealing . Welch wa s reare d i n th e Souther n Baptis t Church, a traditio n heavil y infuse d wit h th e radica l poetr y o f evangelica l hymnody.34 Whe n h e lef t th e Baptis t Church , h e becam e a Unitarian , a sect tha t ha s produced som e o f the mos t distinguishe d America n hymnists , some o f who m wer e als o amon g Welch' s favorit e poets—Longfellow , Bryant, Emerson , Holmes , and Whittier. 35 Both Baptis m an d Unitarianis m hav e thei r root s i n th e traditio n o f eighteenth- an d nineteenth-centur y evangelicalism , fro m th e Gree k angelos or "messenger. " Ther e ar e clearly stron g parallels between th e offic e o f th e evangel a s a messenge r o f Go d an d th e callin g o f th e prophet . Tha t evangelical hymn s replace d th e singin g o f biblica l psalm s (includin g th e words o f th e prophets ) i n evangelica l worshi p service s i s a significan t

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statement a s to th e perceive d statu s o f thos e hymns. 3 6 T h e "Behold! " o f th e evangel signal s th e sam e apodeicti c discours e foun d i n prophecy , a discours e that rest s on , indee d is , th e wor d o f God . Given th e connection s amon g poetry , song , an d divin e commission , an d the fact s o f Welch' s heritage , i t seem s no t unreasonabl e t o speculat e tha t Welch's metaphors , anaphoras , an d th e like , i f trul y a reflectio n o f thi s tradition, ar e mor e tha n ornamenta l blossom s plucke d fro m Peacham s Garden of Eloquence. It seem s mor e likel y tha t the y signa l somethin g essentia l about hi s self-concept . T h e questio n remain s a s t o whethe r o r no t th e substance o f hi s discours e wil l bea r ou t th e thesi s tha t Welc h wa s a ma n possessed o f a divin e mission . Wit h tha t en d i n mind , I tur n t o Welch' s obsession wit h th e nineteent h centur y an d it s poets .

Welch as Social Sage And ho w ca n man di e bette r Than facin g fearfu l odd s For the ashe s of his father s And th e Temple s o f his Gods. —Thomas Babingto n Macaulay , "Horatius " The sig n and credential s o f the poet ar e that h e announces tha t whic h no ma n foretold . H e i s the tru e an d onl y doctor ; h e know s an d tells; he is the onl y telle r of news, for h e was present an d privy t o th e ap pearance which describes . H e i s a beholder o f ideas and a n utterer o f the necessar y an d causal . For we d o not spea k no w o f men o f poetical talents, or o f industry an d skill in metre , but o f the true poet . —Ralph Wald o Emerson, "Th e Poet " That Welch' s favorit e poet s ar e fro m th e nineteent h centur y i s no t happen stance. T h e nineteent h centur y wa s a gloriou s tim e i n histor y a s Welch sa w it, particularl y America n history . Bu t th e specia l appea l o f th e poet s o f thi s period fo r Welc h wa s base d o n mor e tha n thei r locatio n i n time . T h e poet s of th e nineteent h centur y ha d a conceptio n o f themselve s an d thei r craf t that Welc h sa w a s necessary t o rescu e th e Americ a o f the twentiet h centur y from ruin . Welc h i s bes t understoo d throug h a n understandin g o f hi s icon s and thei r self-proclaime d rol e a s social prophets . It i s a commonplac e tha t reactionarie s desir e radica l chang e i n th e sens e that the y wis h t o mov e backwar d i n time . Fo r Welch , backwar d wa s th e

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nineteenth century. 37 Of the nineteenth centur y he said: "In my amateuris h opinion, th e las t hal f o f th e nineteent h centur y A.D. , lik e th e firs t hal f o f the sixt h centur y B.C . before it , wa s th e hig h wate r mar k u p t o it s tim e o f human civilization , accomplishment , an d hop e fo r th e future." 38 I n "Re publics an d Democracies, " Welc h rhapsodized , "Throughou t al l o f th e nineteenth centur y an d the very earl y part o f the twentieth, whil e Americ a as a republic was growing great and becoming the envy of the whole world , there wer e plent y o f wis e men , bot h i n ou r countr y an d outsid e it , wh o pointed t o th e advantage s o f a republic , whic h w e wer e enjoying , an d warned agains t th e horror s o f a democracy, int o whic h w e migh t fall. " 39 I t was durin g th e nineteent h centur y tha t w e experience d "th e highes t leve l to whic h ma n ha s yet climbe d i n hi s struggl e t o reac h a n enlightene d an d humane life," 40 an d th e middl e o f th e nineteent h centur y wa s "th e ver y apex o f th e enlightenmen t achieve d b y th e Wester n Europea n Civiliza tion." 41 A t the clos e of his lecture on the first da y of the founding meeting s of the John Birc h Society , Welc h demonstrate d hi s affinit y fo r nineteenth century Americ a b y quotin g th e las t stanz a o f "Th e Battl e Hym n o f th e Republic." Writte n b y a fellow Unitarian , thi s hym n ha s been calle d "th e most symboli c song " o f th e nineteent h century , on e tha t reflect s "th e quintessence o f Evangelica l consensu s tha t dominate d nineteenth-centur y American culture." 42 The poet s Welc h s o admire d an d liberall y quote d wer e bot h caus e an d consequence o f this cultural attainment . Beginnin g wit h th e publicatio n o f Lyrical Ballads i n 179 2 by Wordsworth an d Coleridge , a new conceptio n o f poetry began , a poetr y wit h a stron g kinshi p t o philosophy . Nineteenth century poet s looke d upo n eighteenth-centur y empiricis m an d foun d i t wanting. Althoug h the y believe d i n th e empirica l world , th e nineteenth century poets, under th e spell of Hegel, tended t o be neo-Platonists in their belief in a n ideal world tha t provided th e underlyin g unity fo r th e worl d o f everyday life. 43 As it was for biblical prophets, histor y became a n importan t vehicle for revealin g the meanin g o f human events , an organic process wit h its source i n universa l mora l law. 44 Because o f its organic nature , poet s lik e Carlyle coul d vie w histor y a s potentiall y instructive : "Properl y told , i t teaches me n thei r ow n tru e natur e an d ho w the y shoul d live, " said Carlyle , "it reveal s to the m ho w th e world the y live in is organized." 45 History, then , wa s a sacre d story , an d i t wa s th e dut y o f th e poe t t o ensure tha t i t wa s "properl y told. " Accordin g t o Northro p Frye , poet s o f the nineteent h centur y sa w themselve s a s centra l figure s i n civilization . They wer e able to clai m this role because o f an emerging view o f humanity

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as th e creativ e agen t i n it s ow n world . Consequently , th e poet' s purpos e a s a seriou s write r wa s no t primaril y t o please , bu t t o enlighte n th e publi c an d to expan d it s consciousness . Fry e claim s tha t "th e Romanti c poe t ofte n feels, eve n mor e oppressivel y tha n hi s predecessors , tha t hi s callin g a s a poe t is a dedication , a tota l wa y o f life , an d tha t a commitmen t t o i t ha s a n importance t o societ y beyon d poetr y itself." 46 Shelley , fo r example , hel d that al l th e grea t author s o f revolution s i n th e world' s histor y wer e poets : " T h e mos t unfailin g herald , companion , an d followe r o f th e awakenin g o f a grea t peopl e t o wor k a beneficia l chang e i n opinion s o r institution s i s poetry." 47 Thu s i t i s that i n th e nineteent h century , Blak e decrie d th e blac k smoke emanatin g fro m th e chimney s o f England ; Byro n becam e physicall y involved i n th e struggl e fo r Gree k liberty ; an d Wal t Whitma n ha d hi s socia l vision. T h e masse s ar e unabl e t o articulat e an d thu s mobiliz e agains t th e moral torpo r o f th e time ; th e poe t mus t becom e thei r spokesperson. 48 I n the word s o f Emerson , The grea t majorit y o f men see m t o b e minors , wh o hav e no t ye t com e int o possession o f thei r ow n o r mutes , wh o canno t repor t th e conversatio n the y have ha d wit h nature . . . . Ever y ma n shoul d b e s o muc h a n artis t tha t h e could repor t i n conversatio n wha t ha d befalle n him . Yet , i n ou r experience , the ray s o r appulse s hav e sufficien t forc e t o arriv e a t th e senses , bu t no t enough t o reac h th e quic k an d compe l th e reproductio n o f themselve s i n speech. Th e poe t i s th e perso n i n who m thes e power s ar e i n balance , th e man without impediment , wh o see s and handles that which other s drea m of , traverses th e whol e scal e o f experience , an d i s representativ e o f man , i n virtue o f being the largest power t o receiv e an d t o impart. 49 The vie w expresse d b y Emerso n an d hel d b y man y o f hi s contemporarie s i s comprehended i n Joh n Holloway' s summar y o f th e poeti c activit y o f th e late nineteent h century . Hollowa y writes , "Fo r thei r ow n tim e the y per formed a n activit y whic h ha s a n endurin g plac e i n huma n life : th e activity , we migh t cal l it , o f th e sage." 50 In th e Unite d States , i t wa s "th e min d o f N e w England, " t o us e Verno n Parrington s phrase , tha t dominate d nineteenth-centur y thought . Parring ton narrate s th e origin s o f th e Romanti c ascendanc y i n N e w Englan d a s a struggle o f libera l Unitaria n tendencie s agains t th e oppressiv e weigh t o f Calvinism. 51 B y Parrington' s account , th e min d o f N e w Englan d ha d a tremendous ethica l impetus , an d th e ascendanc y o f Unitarianis m ove r Calvinism ma y b e describe d a s th e expansio n o f tha t ethica l impetu s t o include a "war m socia l sympathy " o r socia l conscience. 52 Ultimately , o f

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course, Unitarianis m plowe d th e groun d i n whic h th e seed s of transcenden talism nourished , carryin g th e capacit y o f humankind t o stil l greate r height s and, usin g th e idea l worl d a s a standar d b y whic h t o judge th e extan t one , carrying criticis m t o mor e stringen t length s tha n eithe r Unitarianis m o r Puritanism befor e it . This socia l impuls e i n nineteenth-centur y poetr y i s th e impuls e o f th e prophet, "th e ma n withou t impediment , w h o see s an d handle s tha t whic h others drea m of , traverse s th e whol e scal e o f experience , an d i s representa tive o f man , i n virtu e o f bein g th e larges t powe r t o receiv e an d t o impart. " For Emerson , w h o m Harol d Bloo m practicall y equate s wit h America n Romanticism an d w h o m Welc h refer s t o a s "th e mos t profoun d o f al l Americans," 53 th e maste r metapho r wa s th e "transparen t eyeball. " I t i s agai n the metapho r o f vision, critica l t o th e prophe t i n hi s rol e a s seer. James Co x has argued , "I f th e metapho r di d no t caus e Emerso n t o b e wha t h e was , i t nonetheless reveal s t o us , i n th e ligh t o f wha t h e turne d ou t t o be , who h e was." 54 An d Emerso n wa s a prophet . Among nineteenth-centur y poets , Emerso n wa s no t alon e i n hi s con ception o f hi s calling . Aaro n Krame r writes , "Mos t poet s believ e tha t wha t their seraph-touche d eye s behol d is the Truth , an d tha t thei r sacre d missio n is t o transmi t th e Trut h effectivel y enoug h fo r th e listene r t o share." 55 This ide a wa s particularl y prominen t i n th e nineteent h century . Krame r continues, "I n th e mai n . . . th e enunciatio n o f a trut h i s treate d b y th e poet a s a solem n dut y an d privilege . Fo r a worl d i n danger , h e prophesies . For a worl d i n darkness , h e glows . H e claim s direc t kinshi p wit h th e inspired singer s o f al l ages , al l lands; thes e ar e hi s idols , thei r flame h e hold s aloft." 56 Finally , Krame r notes , America n poet s o f th e nineteent h centur y evidence a stron g self-consciousnes s o f thei r kinshi p t o th e prophet s o f th e Old Testamen t a s well a s to thei r pre-Romanti c forebears. 57 As a prophet , th e poe t i s circumscribe d fro m makin g a "prett y tale " fo r "pretty peopl e i n a nic e saloon. " T h e poe t mus t presen t th e truth. 5 8 Emerson's speec h " T h e America n Scholar " i s a benchmark exampl e o f th e prophetic stance , althoug h muc h o f Emerson' s discours e woul d b e equall y illustrative. Herber t Wichelns' s descriptio n o f Emerson' s relationshi p t o hi s audience i s revealing i n thi s context : Perhaps becaus e o f th e manuscript , fro m whic h h e seldo m departe d long , Emerson's auditor s generall y fel t tha t h e wa s no t i n direc t communicatio n with them . A publi c monologist , rathe r tha n a lecturer, on e o f hi s Englis h

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hearers style d him , an d thoug h th e earnestnes s an d simplicit y o f the speake r bespoke sympath y an d respect , ye t alway s ther e wa s a distanc e betwee n th e speaker and his hearers. 59 It i s indeed th e manuscrip t tha t cause d thi s distance , bu t i t i s the manuscrip t in a metaphori c a s wel l a s a litera l sense . Emerso n spok e fro m th e manu script o f truth . Joh n Sloan , w h o ha s note d th e sam e distanc e betwee n Emerson an d hi s audience s tha t Wicheln s ha s described , suggest s tha t i t i s the resul t o f a strong philosophical commitmen t tha t th e speake r mus t spea k the trut h a s h e see s it , an d tha t th e trut h canno t b e compromise d fo r th e audience. 6 0 This ma y hav e seeme d a rathe r lon g digressio n awa y fro m ou r subject , R o b e r t Welch , bu t i t i s actuall y th e shortes t rout e t o Welch' s essentia l character. T o understan d th e natur e o f nineteenth-centur y poetr y i s t o understand th e natur e o f Welch's discourse . Like th e nineteenth-centur y poet s an d thei r predecessor s th e prophets , Welch begin s wit h a vision o f woe : Unless w e ca n revers e th e force s whic h no w see m inexorabl e i n thei r movement, yo u hav e only a few mor e years before thi s country i n which yo u live wil l becom e fou r separat e province s i n th e world-wid e Communis t dominion rul e by police-state method s fro m th e Kremlin. 61 In summary , gentlemen , w e ar e losing , rapidl y losing , a col d wa r i n whic h our freedom, ou r country , an d ou r very existenc e ar e at stake. 62 N o t onl y di d Welc h hav e a vision, h e wa s exceptiona l i n havin g it . Americ a was obliviou s t o th e pendin g disaster ; th e communis t conspirac y wa s takin g place righ t unde r ou r ver y noses; 6 3 Welc h constantl y exhort s hi s audience s to "wak e up." 6 4 At firs t i t i s not clea r whethe r Welc h use d th e metaphor s o f vision, sleep , and conspirac y i n a wa y simila r t o McCarth y o r i f hi s ide a o f slee p wa s more lik e tha t o f Debs , Phillips , an d th e America n Revolutionaries . Ther e is i n Welch' s discours e th e ide a tha t a simpl e awakenin g i s redemptive , a n idea c o m m o n t o prophec y an d genuinel y radica l America n discourses . There i s als o th e idea , see n i n th e rhetori c o f McCarthy , o f a n evi l conspiracy capabl e o f magnificen t deceptions , suggestin g tha t a simpl e awakening ma y no t b e sufficient . Welc h provide s u s wit h a clu e i n hi s admittedly od d descriptio n o f a camouflag e operation . Referrin g t o on e o f Eisenhower's agreement s regardin g U.S . involvemen t i n th e Internationa l

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Atomic Energ y Agency , Welc h said , "W e thin k i t wa s camouflage d bu t deliberate treason ; an d tha t camouflag e consiste d primaril y o f ou r unwill ingness t o us e th e sense s Go d gav e u s an d loo k squarel y a t plai n facts." 65 O n th e surface , th e charg e resemble s thos e mad e agains t th e Truma n an d Eisenhower administration s b y McCarthy—"camouflage d bu t deliberat e treason"—but fo r Welch , culpabilit y rest s ultimatel y wit h th e America n people fo r failin g t o us e gift s provide d b y a n omnipoten t Go d t o confron t an inexorabl e t r u t h — " t o us e th e sense s Go d gav e u s an d loo k squarel y a t the facts. " Ther e i s n o suggestio n her e tha t evi l ha s th e powe r ultimatel y t o confound God' s wil l withou t ou r complicity ; th e facts , looke d a t squarely , are incorruptible . I t i s thi s fundamenta l fait h tha t mark s a critica l differenc e between Welc h an d McCarth y an d tha t qualifie s Welc h a s a would-b e prophet. Welc h ha d a vision o f th e true . The visio n o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s wa s a direc t revelatio n fro m Yahweh. Th e visio n o f th e nineteenth-centur y poet s cam e fro m a n acut e sensitivity t o thei r world . Fo r both , histor y wa s th e testamen t t o th e superordinate meanin g o f event s i n th e world . Welch , too , foun d hi s visio n in history . H e wa s particularl y enamore d o f Oswal d Spengle r s theor y o f history a s cyclical , a theor y o f histor y resemblin g thos e prominen t i n th e nineteenth century . Abou t Spengle r s theor y (itsel f no t fa r remove d fro m the nineteent h century) , Welc h said , "Basically , w h e n yo u di g throug h th e chaff an d th e dressin g i n Spengle r enoug h t o ge t a t hi s thought , h e hel d that a societa l developmen t whic h w e ordinaril y classif y a s a civilizatio n i s an organi c culture , whic h goe s throug h a lif e cycl e just th e sam e a s an y o f the individua l organism s whic h w e se e whol e an d wit h whic h w e ar e mor e familiar." 66 Welc h wen t o n t o compar e th e live s o f culture s t o th e live s o f human being s i n a n analog y strikingl y simila r t o on e mad e b y Emerso n i n his essa y entitle d "History. " 6 7 For Welch , a s fo r Carlyle , th e organi c natur e o f histor y allowe d i t a n instructive function , wha t Carlyl e terme d "didacti c destiny. " Welch' s con cern wa s tha t force s o f evil , b y thei r collectivis t nature , ha d bee n bette r abl e to us e th e lesson s o f histor y tha n ha d th e force s o f good, 6 8 s o h e ofte n opened hi s speeches wit h a "history lesson " designe d t o revea l th e relevanc e of hi s messag e t o hi s audience. 69 History, fo r Welch , functioned , a s it di d fo r th e prophets , a s th e aren a i n which God' s purpos e i s revealed ; i t stoo d a s a n antidot e t o th e twentieth century tendenc y fo r ma n t o se e himsel f "a s n o longe r responsibl e t o a Divine Being , bu t a s merel y a livin g accident , no t connecte d i n an y wa y

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with cosmologica l purpose. " 70 " T h e keyston e t o m y ow n religiou s belief, " wrote Welc h i n The Blue Book, " I think , wa s bes t delineate d b y Tennyso n in jus t on e grea t line : 'Fo r I doub t no t throug h th e age s on e increasin g purpose runs. ' " An d Welc h wen t o n t o establis h tha t tha t purpos e i s Gods. 7 1 Histor y wa s revelator y fo r Welch ; i t doe s no t concea l o r distort ; i t is "true " an d "objective" ; i n history , i f w e d o no t "clos e ou r eyes " t o th e "difficult parts, " w e "se e clearly" 7 2 In Welch' s fait h i n history , w e fin d th e optimisti c sid e o f hi s message , a faith i n th e possibilit y o f salvatio n a s par t o f God' s divin e plan . Dar k an d threatening a s th e pictur e o f communis t incursio n ma y be , Welc h ha d n o doubt tha t "trut h an d hono r an d hop e fo r th e future , an d everythin g tha t really count s i n huma n life , ar e al l o n ou r side." 7 3 I n a speec h i n 1969 , Welch quote d a passag e fro m The Blue Book, "stil l tru e today, " tha t reveal s his fundamenta l faith : We d o no t hav e t o b e to o late , an d w e d o no t hav e t o los e th e fight . Communism ha s it s weaknesses , an d th e Communis t conspirac y ha s it s vulnerable points . W e hav e man y layer s o f strengt h no t ye t rotte d b y al l o f the infiltratio n an d politica l sabotag e t o whic h w e hav e been subjected . Ou r danger is both immens e an d imminent ; bu t i t is not beyon d th e possibilit y o f being overcom e b y th e resistanc e tha t i s stil l available . All we must find and build and use, to win, is sufficient understanding. Let' s creat e tha t understandin g

and buil d tha t resistance , wit h everythin g morta l me n ca n pu t int o th e effort—while ther e stil l is time. 74 " T h e onl y thin g whic h ca n possibl y sto p th e Communist s i s for th e Ameri can peopl e t o lear n th e trut h i n time, " h e wrot e i n The Blue Book. 75 "T o feel tha t w e canno t wi n . . . i s a for m o f pessimis m t o whic h I , fo r one , shall neve r yield. " 7 6 The rhetori c appropriat e t o Welch' s epistemolog y i s a rhetori c no w familiar fro m previou s chapters , a rhetori c o f educatio n o r demonstration . There wa s a n irrepressibl e didacticis m i n th e rhetori c o f Wendel l Phillips , and "education " wa s toute d a s th e sol e strateg y o f th e Socialis t Party . " T h e campaign o f th e Socialis t Part y i s and wil l b e wholl y educational, " declare d Eugene Deb s repeatedly . To arous e th e consciousnes s o f th e worker s t o thei r economi c interest s a s a class, t o develo p thei r capacit y fo r clea r thinking , t o achiev e thei r solidarit y industrially an d politicall y i s t o inves t th e workin g clas s wit h th e inheren t power i t possesses to abolis h th e wag e syste m an d fre e itsel f from ever y for m of servitude, an d this is the mighty missio n o f the socialis t movement. 77

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Unless th e worke r ha d a profound understandin g o f the tru e reason s under lying it , an y "reform " a t th e politica l leve l was , fo r Debs , mer e windo w dressing; understandin g o f the socialis t principl e wa s necessar y befor e genu ine refor m coul d b e effected : "I t i s th e valu e o f th e socialis t principl e tha t is taugh t an d emphasized , an d i f thi s i s no t understoo d an d approved , th e vote i s not wanted. " 7 8 As distan t a s they ar e politically , Welc h share s wit h Deb s a c o m m on fait h rooted i n nineteenth-centur y epistemology , an d hi s discours e reflect s thi s common heritage : Nowhere d o thes e people know, no r wil l the y believe , what i s happening t o them, unti l i t i s to o late . An d on e reaso n i s tha t th e fundamentall y decen t human min d simpl y refuses t o believe tha t an y sizable cliqu e o f other huma n beings ca n become s o totally evil . When yo u hav e a system of tyranny whic h depends on , an d comprise s within it s methods o f self-aggrandizement, ever y foulness know n t o man , a system which nobod y wants , then on e simpl e an d straightforward fac t shoul d b e a s obviou s a s a sunrise . Thi s i s tha t al l i t would tak e t o sto p th e advanc e o f Communis m woul d b e th e sufficien t understanding o f Communism—o f it s purposes , it s methods , an d it s prog ress—by th e peopl e ove r whom i t is surreptitiously weavin g its infinite line s of power. 79 The threa t o f evi l i s great , bu t i t i s onl y mad e possibl e b y th e reluctanc e o f the peopl e t o confron t it , a willfu l blindness . T h e truth , whe n acknowl edged, i s omnipoten t an d sufficien t t o dispe l th e threat . T h e prope r mean s for gainin g acknowledgmen t o f the trut h is , according t o Welch , education : For w e regar d educatio n a s th e means , an d politica l actio n a s onl y th e mechanics, for bringing about improvement s i n government. Th e mechanic s of change wil l automaticall y b e use d whe n sufficien t educatio n ha s prepared the way . We mea n i t quit e literally , therefore , whe n w e sa y that educatio n i s our tota l strategy , an d trut h i s ou r onl y weapon . O r whe n w e say , a s mad e clear throughou t The Blue Book and emphasize d o n it s las t page , tha t ou r gigantic tas k is simply to creat e understanding. 80 Welch's metapho r o f the trut h a s weapon echoe s Wendel l Phillips' s " G o d has give n u s n o weapo n bu t th e truth , faithfull y uttered , an d addressed , with th e ol d prophet' s directness , t o th e conscienc e o f th e individua l sinner." 81 I n th e discours e o f Phillips , w e hav e th e nineteenth-centur y doctrine o f perfectionis m i n ful l flower, a doctrin e i n whic h Deb s als o shared. Perfectionis m involve d th e abilit y o f huma n being s t o partak e o f divine trut h an d t o orde r thei r live s accordingly . Welch' s frequen t allusio n

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to th e "upwar d reach " tha t Go d ha s place d i n th e hear t o f man , alon g wit h his faith i n th e abilit y o f God's trut h t o touc h humanity , reflect s hi s devotio n to th e sam e idea . John L . Thoma s ha s describe d th e nineteenth-centur y perfectionist' s view o f refor m i n a wa y tha t illuminate s Welch' s fait h an d hi s strategy : "Deep an d lastin g reform, " write s Thomas , "mean t a n educationa l crusad e based o n th e assumptio n tha t whe n a sufficien t numbe r o f individua l Americans ha d see n th e light , the y woul d automaticall y solv e th e country' s social problems." 8 2 Welc h coul d hardl y hav e expresse d i t bette r w h e n h e said: The John Birch Society believes that simple truth i s the very core of morality; and that when we can persuade enoug h peopl e to make truth th e prerequisit e to al l statement s an d th e accepte d guid e t o al l actions , a t leas t hal f o f th e world's problems will rapidly disappear. 83 From thi s perspective , i t i s difficul t t o escap e th e visio n o f Welc h a s th e avatar o f th e nineteenth-centur y "educator-prophet, " th e "tru e reformer " w h o "studie d ma n a s h e i s fro m th e han d o f th e Creator , an d no t a s h e i s made b y th e error s o f th e world." 8 4 Welch' s fait h la y i n th e potentia l o f uncorrupted huma n nature . It i s in th e distanc e betwee n th e potentia l o f uncorrupte d huma n natur e and it s actua l falle n stat e tha t th e tensio n o f Welch' s messag e lies . Welc h spoke t o a worl d i n whic h "al l fait h ha s bee n replaced , o r i s rapidl y bein g replaced, b y a pragmati c opportunis m wit h hedonisti c aims." 8 5 I n thi s atmosphere, i t wa s fa r to o easy , i n Welch' s view , fo r a n America n to mak e decision s abou t hi s ow n lif e an d action s entirel y o n th e basi s o f his temporal comfort s an d th e earthl y desire s o f his own personality . I f he i s th e kind o f man tha t want s financial succes s for th e ease , or leisure an d travel , o r the prestige which i t supposedly brings (an d sometimes does) , he is not goin g to buc k Communis t pressure s i n an y wa y tha t wil l endange r tha t succes s o r handicap hi s progress . I f he i s imbued wit h ambitio n fo r power , h e i s mor e readily inclined t o get on th e Communis t bandwagon , i f that seem s to be th e surest road t o power (a s it certainly doe s to a great man y Americans today). 86 Welch's indictmen t o f suc h selfishnes s i s relate d t o hi s prais e o f th e American republi c o f th e nineteent h century . Republica n virtue , th e ver y same a s tha t valorize d b y th e Revolutionaries , Phillips , an d Debs , stand s a t odds t o suc h placin g o f th e sel f abov e th e community . Welch' s derogatio n of "ease " an d "leisure " recall s th e rhetori c o f strengt h an d sacrific e o f th e American radica l tradition .

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In a n atmospher e o f mora l laxity , Welc h cam e t o mak e judgment an d t o resurrect th e term s o f th e America n covenant : We mus t oppos e falsehood s wit h truth , blasphem y wit h reverence , fou l means with goo d means , immorality an d amoralit y wit h mor e spiritua l fait h and dedication , rootlessnes s an d chao s wit h traditio n an d stability , relativit y with absolutes , pragmatis m wit h deepe r purposes , hedonis m wit h a mor e responsible pursui t o f happiness , cruelt y wit h compassion , an d hatre d wit h love.87 Inaugurating th e Joh n Birc h Societ y i n 1958 , Welc h quote d Emerso n t o the effec t tha t "ever y min d mus t mak e it s choic e betwee n trut h an d repose . . . . I t coul d no t hav e both. " H e continued , "Toda y yo u hav e lef t you r choice somewha t i n m y hands . An d I a m no t onl y bringin g yo u trut h instead o f comfort , bu t trut h whic h ma y shatte r a lo t o f th e comfor t yo u already feel." 88 T h e histor y lesso n wit h whic h h e bega n wa s "tediou s an d perhaps eve n painful, " 89 bu t hi s perennia l rational e wa s "W e mus t no t onl y know th e truth , bu t fac e th e truth , i f it i s to se t u s fre e o r t o kee p u s so." 9 0 Welch's task , then , wa s no t alway s welcom e o r pleasant , bu t h e ha d bee n called, an d h e fel t th e weigh t o f hi s missio n i n th e sam e manne r a s Fry e suggests th e nineteenth-centur y poet s fel t th e weigh t o f thei r divinations . In th e rhetori c o f Welch, a s in th e rhetori c o f thos e w h o precede d him , w e hear th e cal l o f duty : Not onl y ar e we a part o f some might y purpos e beyon d ou r understanding , and not onl y d o we have a clear duty t o be true t o tha t purpos e t o th e fulles t extent tha t w e ar e allowe d t o gras p it s working s an d it s direction ; bu t al l human experienc e show s that th e tota l happiness o f any generation an d o f its posterity i s directl y tie d t o th e respec t o f tha t generatio n fo r th e "upwar d reach" i n man's nature. 91 Welch allowe d n o choic e i n hi s mission , an d h e asserte d "tha t ther e i s n o force an d n o discouragemen t whic h coul d mak e m e qui t o r eve n pu t les s of m y lif e an d energ y int o th e struggle." 92 Welc h "offer s himself " a s a "personal leader " i n th e figh t agains t communism : The onl y thing which ca n possibly stop the Communist s i s for th e America n people t o lear n th e trut h i n time . I t i s to contribut e m y smal l bit t o suc h a n awakening that I have given up mos t o f my business responsibilities an d mos t of m y income , i n orde r throug h m y magazin e an d speeche s t o brin g som e inkling o f th e trut h t o a s man y peopl e a s I ca n reach . I d o no t expec t no r deserve an y slightes t applaus e o r sympath y fo r thi s sacrifice . I mentio n i t a t

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all fo r jus t on e reaso n only—whic h i s t o sho w ho w deadl y seriou s th e situation appear s to me .93 In othe r places , Welc h note d ho w " w e " hav e bee n smeared , ho w " w e " have suffered , ho w " w e " hav e bee n slandered , bu t dut y demande d tha t there b e n o deterrent . A s h e introduce d th e proble m t o th e grou p gathere d at th e organizationa l meetin g o f th e John Birc h Society , i t wa s a question o f duty: Nobody i n thi s grou p wa s selecte d becaus e h e woul d b e comin g t o th e meeting fo r persona l pleasure , an d I a m sur e nobod y ha s don e so . Th e ultimate reaso n tha t brought eac h ma n her e was a sense of patriotic duty , an d deep concer n fo r th e future o f his family an d hi s country 94 The them e o f martyrdo m an d self-sacrific e i s on e Welc h share s no t onl y with th e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , but als o wit h th e poet s o f th e nineteent h century . Aaro n Krame r note s tha t nineteenth-century poet s develope d a complet e traditio n o f martyrdo m replete wit h a cano n o f martyre d poet s o f th e pas t an d prediction s o f continued tortur e fo r th e future. 95 "Tha t th e tru e me n mus t pa y fo r thei r truths i s terribl y clear," 96 write s Kramer , bu t the y persis t becaus e "almos t all o f the m coupl e th e expectatio n o f martyrdo m wit h a sens e o f privileg e at bein g chosen , an d confidenc e i n th e ultimat e triump h o f thei r integ rity." 97 T h e martyre d cano n represent s a kin d o f grea t hereafte r fo r thos e w h o hav e dare d t o stan d agains t th e comfortabl e consensu s o f thei r time . T h e questio n o f duty o r callin g is inextricably boun d t o Welch' s relation ship t o hi s messag e an d t o hi s audience . T h e message , fo r Welc h an d fo r hi s progenitors, wa s primordia l an d coul d no t b e compromise d t o th e demand s of th e audienc e o r situation . T h e audienc e mus t b e molde d t o th e message . Compare th e followin g description s o f Welch's speakin g styl e t o Wichelns' s description o f Emerson quote d earlier : Welch wor e a black busines s sui t an d looke d lik e a traveling sho e salesman . He wa s unawar e o f hi s audience , an d spok e fro m carefull y prepare d not e cards, looking up onl y when h e wanted t o extemporize a point. H e hesitate d every tim e someon e booe d o r laughe d o r shoute d disapproval , bu t plodde d on throug h hi s accusations. 98 Mr. Welc h seem s t o b e unawar e o f his audience , talkin g t o hi s lecture card s and keepin g almos t word-for-wor d t o th e sam e ninety-minut e speec h i n each town . H e i s touchy , however ; i f ther e i s a shuffl e i n th e audienc e h e hesitates, and looks up suspiciously 99

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Welch wa s no t o f hi s audience ; h e wa s consecrated , separate . Hi s rectitud e was no t a matter o f thei r approval , an d hi s succes s wa s no t subjec t t o earthl y measure. H e bor e witnes s t o God' s truth . Welch , i n short , conceive d o f himself a s a prophet, a sacred messenger . It ma y b e objecte d tha t i t i s not necessar y t o vie w Welc h a s a nineteenth century poe t i n orde r t o accoun t fo r th e characteristic s i n hi s discours e noted here , bu t i t i s th e cas e tha t evidenc e o f Welch' s kinshi p wit h nine teenth-century poetr y i s ubiquitous . I t als o appear s tha t th e epigrap h t o The Blue Book, an d use d agai n fo r "Wha t I s th e John Birc h Society? " ma y be rea d a s a poetic statemen t o f Welch' s conceptio n o f hi s mission . I t read s as follows : But o n on e man' s soul it hath broken , A light tha t dot h no t depart ; And hi s look, o r a word h e hath spoke n Wrought flame in another man' s heart . And i t i s certainl y th e cas e tha t Welch , n o les s tha n th e nineteenth-centur y poets themselves , hel d muc h o f nineteenth- centur y poetr y t o b e hol y writ . In The Blue Book Welc h wrote , And gentlemen , les t som e o f yo u thin k ther e i s anythin g blasphemou s o r even to o secula r i n m y repeate d referenc e t o th e poet s i n thi s discussion , le t me poin t ou t t o you tha t th e me n wh o wrot e man y o f the books o f the Ol d Testament, an d thos e wh o wrot e mos t o f the book s o f the Ne w Testament , were th e poeti c spirit s o f thei r respectiv e ages . Their s wer e th e mind s o n which thei r contemporarie s an d successors depende d t o interpre t an d phras e man's mos t profoun d thoughts , mos t permanen t beliefs , an d deepes t faith . Those sam e interpretation s an d recording s an d expression s o f man' s devel oping experiences , beliefs , an d fait h d o no t com e t o u s toda y a s furthe r books adde d t o ou r Bible ; bu t the y ar e bein g give n t o us , with greate r an d easier understandin g tha n w e migh t otherwis e achieve , b y th e sam e kin d o f reverent an d poetic minds. 100 Welch evidence d a stron g consciousnes s o f th e rol e o f th e nineteenth century poet s an d o f thei r relationshi p t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophets . I t seems clea r tha t thes e poet s wer e Welch' s models . There ar e additiona l comparison s tha t migh t b e draw n betwee n Welc h and hi s nineteenth-centur y preceptors , particularl y betwee n Welc h an d Emerson. Welc h ofte n expresse d hi s admiratio n fo r Emerson , callin g hi m "the mos t profoun d o f al l Americans, " an d quotin g hi m often . N o t onl y was Emerso n a n individualis t an d staunchl y antisocialist—theme s ver y

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important t o W e l c h — h e wa s als o th e firs t trul y America n philosopher . Lewis Mumfor d ha s characterize d Emerso n a s "th e fathe r o f America n literature;" 1 0 1 Harol d Bloo m ha s calle d hi m simpl y "Mr . America"; 1 0 2 Oliver Wendel l Holme s calle d Emerson' s 183 7 Ph i Bet a Kapp a addres s a t Harvard "a n America n intellectua l Declaratio n o f Independence," 1 0 3 an d other source s credi t Emerson' s er a wit h productio n o f th e firs t distinctivel y American literature. 104 Emerson' s "Americanism, " t o us e th e labe l Welc h adopted fo r hi s ow n philosophy , mus t hav e bee n terribl y appealin g t o a man w h o believe d himsel f t o b e profoundl y American . I n additio n t o references i n Welch' s writings , w e als o kno w tha t Welc h lef t hi s childhoo d religion t o becom e a Unitarian , th e sec t i n whic h Emerso n preached , an d that Welc h chos e t o headquarte r th e John Birc h Societ y just outsid e Emer son's hom e cit y o f Boston . Thes e conjecture s ar e interesting , bu t the y ar e ultimately n o mor e tha n that . Welc h wa s alway s quit e close d regardin g hi s personal life , an d i t i s no t likel y tha t h e woul d confes s i n prin t tha t h e modeled hi s lif e afte r tha t o f Emerson. 1 0 5 Such a confession , however , i s unnecessar y t o th e argumen t tha t R o b e r t Welch wa s a poet-prophet . Hi s attentio n t o styl e i s par t o f a traditio n i n which eloquenc e i s equate d wit h vision . Imitatin g hi s nineteenth-centur y models, Welc h sough t t o la y clai m t o a visio n c o m m o n t o nineteenth century poet s an d th e prophet s o f th e Ol d Testament . T o mak e thi s identi fication i s no t t o mak e a n evaluation , however . Unlik e McCarthy , ther e i s no questio n tha t Welc h wa s a ma n possesse d o f a positiv e faith . T h e question remain s a s t o whethe r Welc h ma y hav e bee n on e o f th e man y well-intentioned bu t deceive d w h o hav e believe d the y spok e wit h th e authority o f divin e truth .

Robert Welch and the Poetry of Imitation Conservatism make s no poetry , breathes n o prayer , has no invention ; it is all memory. —Ralp h Wald o Emerson, "Th e Reformer " Talk not o f genius baffled. Geniu s i s master of man. Geniu s doe s wha t it must, an d Talent doe s what i t can . —Owen Meredith , "Las t Words o f a Sensitive Second-Rat e Poet " T h e crisi s R o b e r t Welc h confronte d i n th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960 s wa s a crisis o f fait h mor e tha n i t wa s an y tempora l threa t fro m communism .

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Communism itsel f wa s onl y a sympto m o f th e large r mora l paralysis . Welch's vie w o f th e declin e o f fait h closel y parallel s th e declin e o f nine teenth-century mode s o f belie f outline d i n chapte r 6 . Welc h praise d th e nineteenth centur y an d th e firs t hal f o f th e twentiet h fo r thei r mora l strength, bu t h e note d i n 195 8 tha t "Fo r th e las t fift y year s ou r ag e ha s bee n a drea m tha t wa s dying . . . . T he basi c reaso n wh y th e ol d ag e i s dying , a s I tried t o mak e clea r yesterday , i s tha t th e fait h whic h wa s th e cor e o f it s strength n o longe r command s th e unquestionin g loyalt y o f enoug h o f it s devotees. Fo r th e drea m o f an y natio n o r an y peopl e mus t depen d o n faith." 106 The fait h Welc h sough t t o restor e i s th e fait h expresse d i n a poe m b y Tennyson tha t Welc h quotes : Our littl e systems have their day; They hav e their da y and ceas e to be: They ar e but broken light s of Thee, And Thou , O Lord , ar t more tha n they 107 Tennyson's fait h wa s a n admirabl e one , i n Welch' s view , bu t a s a framewor k of belief it "coul d no t withstan d th e shee r fact s an d convincin g rationaliza tions o f th e scientifi c revolution." 1 0 8 T o th e fait h expresse d i n Tennyson' s poetry, Welc h contraste d "th e cynica l flippanc y o f a current gem" : A life forc e afflicte d wit h doubt , As to what it s own being was about, Said: "The trut h I can't find , But I' m creatin g a mind, Which ma y be able to figur e i t out. 109 It i s instructiv e tha t Welc h use d poetr y a s hi s benchmar k i n comparin g th e age o f fait h t o th e ag e o f cynicism , skepticism , an d nihilis m i n whic h h e found himself . Tennyson' s poem , i n it s form , reflect s th e strivin g towar d order an d stabilit y i n hi s era . I t i s characterize d b y regula r an d predictabl e schemes o f rhym e an d meter ; it s for m i s reassuring . T h e secon d poe m quoted b y Welc h expresse s twentieth-centur y sentiments , bu t i t i s stil l essentially conservativ e i n it s tenaciou s adherenc e t o th e ol d forms . Welc h could easil y hav e pointe d t o th e change d for m (o r formlessness ) o f twenti eth-century poetr y t o mak e hi s case . T h e poetr y o f e . e . cumming s i s a convenient an d prominen t exampl e i n whic h pattern s o f rhym e an d mete r are discarde d alon g wit h th e rule s o f punctuatio n an d th e convention s o f grammar. Th e for m o f much o f twentieth-century poetr y reflect s th e chao s

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about whic h th e poe m quote d b y Welc h onl y talks . T h e musi c o f Wolpe, a contemporary o f Welch , provide s a n exampl e o f th e sam e tendencie s o n the musica l sid e o f poetic form . Welch' s longin g fo r th e orde r o f traditiona l forms wa s reflecte d i n hi s ow n us e o f th e sonne t fo r hi s eulog y "T o Alfre d Noyes." Welc h provide d th e prescribe d fourtee n line s o f iambic pentamete r with th e rhym e schem e abba , cddc , efefef. 110 Welch's emphasi s o n for m i s consisten t wit h th e forma l aspect s o f th e nineteenth-century philosoph y upo n whic h i t wa s based , an d hi s prophec y seems, finally , t o reduc e t o a reificatio n o f form , a ritualisti c performanc e of th e poem . I t i s liturgical . Liturg y an d ritua l ar e antithetica l t o prophecy . Ritual reassures ; i t confirm s th e regnan t order . Prophec y challenges . Ritua l suggests continuity ; prophec y i s a respons e t o crisis . Ritua l i s ofte n th e cosmetic illusio n o f orde r painte d ove r th e anguishe d fac e o f chaos ; beneat h the mask , i t i s hollow . Welch' s ritual , too , wa s a n empt y one . I t i s th e calcified shel l tha t i s lef t whe n th e livin g organis m ha s died . I t i s onl y th e outward appearanc e o f th e organism . Welch' s ritua l wa s empt y because , a s he correctl y observed , th e epistemolog y o f th e lat e twentiet h centur y would no t suppor t it . Welch hel d th e foundin g meetin g o f th e Joh n Birc h Societ y almos t a decade afte r McCarth y gav e hi s famou s speec h a t Wheeling , Wes t Virginia . T h e acut e dislocatio n th e America n peopl e ha d fel t i n 195 2 had , b y lat e 1958, subside d t o th e statu s o f a dul l ache . T h e lat e Fiftie s an d earl y Sixtie s were prosperou s time s i n America , an d materia l well-bein g serve d a s a n effective salv e fo r ou r epistemologica l wounds . Ther e wa s a period afte r th e American withdrawa l fro m Kore a an d prio r t o a genera l awarenes s o f ou r involvement i n Vie t N a m whe n th e worl d seeme d peacefu l an d nonthreat ening. I n i960 , Americ a chos e a s it s ne w presiden t th e youthfu l an d libera l John Kenned y ove r tha t ol d communist-hunte r Richar d Nixon . Kenned y both reaffirme d ou r fait h i n America' s strengt h agains t communis m i n th e Cuban missil e crisi s an d consorte d wit h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , a ma n w h o m J . Edga r Hoover , th e mos t unimpeachabl e sourc e o f th e McCarth y era, ha d calle d a "liar. " Kennedy' s electio n serve s t o indicat e th e degre e t o which Americ a wa s read y t o accep t th e post—Secon d Worl d Wa r corporate liberal alliance , a n allianc e characterize d b y a n outloo k tha t ha s been terme d "pluralistic." Man y o f th e me n associate d wit h th e Kenned y cabine t wer e the architect s o f thi s ne w consensus . Pluralism was , o f course , no t create d i n th e post—Secon d Worl d Wa r world; i t ha s ha d variou s form s throughou t th e histor y o f philosophy . O f particular interes t her e i s William James's turn-of-the-centur y campaig n fo r

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a pluralisti c philosoph y a s agains t a then-predominat e nineteenth-centur y "absolute idealism. " James savage d Hegel , o n whos e philosoph y o f histor y so muc h nineteenth-centur y poetr y wa s based, an d h e gentl y chide d Emer son fo r yieldin g himsel f "t o th e perfec t whole. " m James' s wa s a philosoph y that reflected , i n Richar d Bernstein' s words , th e "untidines s o f experienc e and th e cosmo s itself : . . . H e leave s u s wit h a s man y question s t o b e aske d as h e ha s answered . I t i s impossible t o res t conten t wit h James's philosophy , and h e woul d b e th e firs t t o insis t upo n this." 1 1 2 Jame s himsel f sai d o f pluralism's poo r sho w agains t monism , Whether materialisticall y o r spiritualisticall y minded , philosopher s hav e al ways aimed at cleaning up the litter with which th e world apparently i s filled. They hav e substitute d economica l an d orderl y conception s fo r th e firs t sensible tangle ; an d whethe r thes e wer e morall y elevate d o r onl y intellectu ally neat , the y wer e a t an y rat e alway s aestheticall y pur e an d definite , an d aimed a t ascribin g t o th e worl d somethin g clea n an d intellectua l i n th e wa y of inne r structure . A s compare d wit h al l thes e rationalizin g pictures , th e pluralistic empiricis m whic h I profes s offer s bu t a sorr y appearance . I t i s a turbid, muddled , gothi c sor t o f a n affair , withou t a sweepin g outlin e an d with little pictorial nobility. Those o f you who ar e accustomed t o the classical constructions o f realit y ma y b e excuse d i f you r firs t reactio n upo n i t b e absolute contempt— a shru g o f the shoulder s a s if such ideas were unworth y of explici t refutation . Bu t on e mus t hav e live d som e tim e wit h a system t o appreciate it s merits. 113 By i960 , American s ha d live d wit h James' s pluralis m fo r hal f a century , although mos t woul d no t hav e bee n abl e t o identif y th e source . Tha t w e had kep t i t locke d i n th e atti c lik e a retarde d chil d fo r muc h o f tha t tim e while w e clun g tenaciousl y t o th e ol d order , prove d t o b e a n insufficien t interdiction agains t it . An d i f pluralism wa s no t a comfortable philosophy , i t was a t leas t pragmatic . I n James's descriptio n o f th e classica l conceptio n o f the world , o n th e othe r hand , w e se e bot h it s essentiall y generou s spiri t an d its fals e promise . Welc h cam e t o th e debat e fift y year s to o lat e t o b e o f ai d to Emerson . The generall y complacen t atmospher e o f th e earl y 1960 s i n Americ a betrayed Welch' s clai m t o th e existenc e o f a crisi s o f faith . I t appear s tha t there was , a t worst , a persona l discomfort , whic h Welc h share d wit h a relatively smal l numbe r o f Americans . Genuin e radicalis m canno t projec t a purely persona l vision . I f i t attempt s t o d o so , i t fail s t o engag e th e societ y to whic h i t i s addressed . Eve n th e notio n o f extremis m suggest s a relatio n to society . T h e purel y persona l visio n doe s not . T h e willingnes s o f mos t

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Americans t o accep t " a pluralisti c universe " weakene d th e roo t o r charis matic term s ove r whic h Welc h sough t t o engag e us . T h e on e ha d fracture d into th e many , an d th e potentia l arm y ha d bee n lef t scattere d acros s th e ideological landscape ; transcendenc e an d absolutis m ar e no t adequat e ral lying crie s i n a pluralistic world . Welch a t on e poin t attribute s t o Emerso n th e sentimen t tha t "i t i s th e outlook o f geniu s t o fee l tha t wha t i s tru e o f yoursel f i s als o tru e o f al l mankind." Welc h modestl y claim s no t t o hav e geniu s bu t onl y t o imitat e it. 114 Her e w e hav e tw o key s t o Welch' s ultimat e failur e a s a prophet . First , Welch attempte d t o giv e a c o m m o n voic e t o Americ a a t a tim e w h e n th e idea o f th e commo n voic e ha d bee n discredited . Second , th e voic e wit h which Welc h spok e wa s no t hi s ow n o r eve n o f hi s ow n time , bu t a n imitation, a pal e memor y o f voice s fro m th e past . I t seem s someho w appropriate tha t th e harshes t criticis m o f Welc h shoul d b e foun d i n th e words o f on e o f th e poet-prophet s h e mos t admired . Ther e i s a sens e bot h of Emerson' s genuin e propheti c powe r an d o f Welch' s lac k a s Emerso n reaches acros s a century t o scol d hi s epigone : Every man ha s his own voice, manner, eloquence , and , just a s much, hi s own sort o f lov e an d grie f an d imaginatio n an d action . Le t hi m scor n t o imitat e any being , le t hi m scor n t o b e a secondary man , le t hi m full y trus t hi s ow n share of God's goodness, that, correctly used, it will lead him o n to perfectio n which ha s no typ e yet in th e universe , save only i n th e Divin e Mind. 115 R o b e r t Welc h cam e t o th e audienc e o f the mid-twentiet h centur y wit h th e vision an d vocabular y o f th e nineteenth . Barel y mor e tha n a decad e afte r his deat h w e se e th e ma n w h o dominate d th e politica l righ t i n Americ a i n the 1960 s i n sepi a tone s frame d b y brittl e edges . Welc h di d no t spea k t o our time . Coleridg e woul d hav e calle d hi m a pedant , on e w h o use s word s "unsuitable t o th e time , place , an d company " Poetry ha s change d dramaticall y i n th e twentiet h century . O f th e tw o tendencies prevalen t i n nineteenth-centur y p o e t r y — t h e tendenc y towar d introspection an d th e urg e t o creat e sociall y significan t p o e t r y — i t i s th e tendency towar d th e sel f which, no t surprisingly , survive s i n ou r pluralisti c culture. I n a boo k publishe d i n i960 , Archibal d MacLeis h discusse d th e withdrawal o f poetr y fro m publi c lif e an d muse d tha t "poetr y wa s neve r a house ca t before." 1 1 6 Smal l wonde r tha t w e di d no t recogniz e R o b e r t Welch; h e ha d bee n dea d fo r ove r hal f a century . Welch's failur e ha s it s paralle l i n Ol d Testamen t prophecy . T h e prophet , writes Abraha m Heschel , "i s a person w h o know s wha t tim e i t is." 1 1 7 T h e

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classical prophet s o f th e eight h centur y B.C.E . kne w wha t tim e i t wa s an d knew God' s purpos e fo r tha t time , but , a s James Crensha w ha s argued , there wa s a nascen t deca y o f prophec y i n th e tension s withi n prophec y itself118 By the sixt h centur y B.C.E. , grea t gapin g cavities are evident i n th e foundations o f prophecy Th e post-Exili c prophet s proclaime d themselve s to be th e messenger s o f Yahweh t o a n individualistic, syncretisti c world . I n such a world, i t i s not th e particula r trut h tha t th e prophe t tell s tha t find s no support , bu t th e ide a tha t ther e i s a truth a t all ; Yahweh mus t tak e Hi s place a s one amon g many Th e epistemologica l structur e o f the tim e coul d not suppor t th e tremendou s weigh t o f prophecy , onl y it s empt y shell . I n my fina l cas e study , I tur n t o a movemen t s o thoroughl y secula r tha t no t even the forms o f prophecy ar e available to it .

9

Secular Argumen t an d the Languag e o f Commodit y Gay Liberation and Merely Civil Rights

Stay yourselves, an d wonder; cr y ye out, an d cry : they ar e drunken , but no t wit h wine ; they stagger, but no t with stron g drink. Fo r th e Lord hath poure d ou t upo n yo u th e spiri t o f deep sleep , and hat h closed your eyes : the prophets an d your rulers , the seer s hath h e cov ered. —Isaia h 29-9-1 0 Behold, th e day s come, sait h the Lor d God , tha t I will send a famin e in th e land, no t a famine o f bread, no r a thirst fo r water , but o f hearing the words o f the Lord : And the y shal l wander fro m se a to sea , an d from nort h eve n t o th e east , the y shal l run t o an d fr o t o seek th e wor d of the Lord, an d shall not fin d it. —Amo s 8:11—12

It i s i n th e post—Worl d Wa r II , postmoder n worl d tha t th e movement fo r homophil e liberatio n i n Americ a first mad e it s appearance . Only sinc e 194 8 ha s ther e bee n a sustaine d effor t o n behal f o f ga y an d lesbian right s i n th e Unite d States . Suc h a movemen t ha d t o awai t th e dissolution i n th e postwa r perio d o f variou s source s o f authority , source s o f authority tha t ha d supporte d a n ideolog y puissan t enoug h t o secur e th e denigration o f th e homosexua l self . Indeed , accordin g t o th e mos t c o m monly tol d versio n o f th e story , i t wa s no t unti l 196 9 tha t homosexual s i n the Unite d State s rallie d an d sustaine d a stron g enoug h sens e o f self-wort h to deman d rights . Historically , religion , science , an d th e la w concurre d i n holding homosexual s t o b e pariahs . A s Edmun d Whit e ha s pu t it , "A t tha t time [1969 ] w e perceive d ourselve s a s separat e individual s a t odd s wit h society becaus e w e wer e 'sick ' (th e medica l model) , 'sinful ' (th e religiou s model), 'deviant ' (th e sociologica l model ) o r 'criminal ' (th e lega l model) .

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Some o f these word s w e migh t hav e sai d lightly, satirically , bu t n o amoun t of wi t coul d convinc e u s tha t ou r grievance s shoul d b e remedie d o r ou r status defended . W e migh t as k fo r compassio n bu t w e coul d no t deman d justice."1 A s lon g a s suc h a n ideolog y coul d b e effectivel y maintained , i t precluded an y possibilit y o f organizatio n o f behal f o f ga y rights . Befor e homosexuals coul d organize for rights, there had to be a significant derelic tion o f this orthodoxy . The church , medica l science , an d th e la w ar e viewed b y gay and lesbia n activists a s thre e part s o f a mutuall y reinforcin g syste m o f socia l control. 2 Religion an d science , wit h thei r share d assumption s abou t th e objectivit y of th e worl d an d th e abilit y t o kno w i t i n absolut e terms , hav e tende d t o treat th e worl d the y revea l a s externa l t o humanity , somethin g separate , sacred. Scienc e profane s th e templ e b y exposin g it s innermos t chamber s and b y using th e force s o f natur e t o it s ow n ends , bu t i t canno t alte r th e basic substance; it cannot make man and nature coequal. 3 Both religio n an d science fin d normativ e implication s i n th e world s the y reveal , an d bot h have use d th e la w t o enforc e thes e norm s i n huma n society . Considere d another way , th e la w ha s use d bot h religio n an d scienc e a s justification fo r its strictures . In th e interpla y amon g religion , science , an d la w i s th e collocation, "th e law s o f nature an d o f nature s God." A s evidence d i n th e statement abov e b y Edmun d Whit e an d countles s other s lik e it , ga y me n and lesbian s i n Americ a shar e a profoun d understandin g o f ou r statu s a s violators o f this monolithic law. The hegemoni c quality o f thi s ideologica l constructio n i s no t wha t i s most remarkabl e here . Wha t i s remarkabl e i s the degre e t o whic h i t illus trates ho w th e oppresse d becom e coconspirator s i n thei r ow n oppression . Mort Crowley' s The Boys in the Band i s th e classi c presentatio n o f ga y self-loathing an d th e hopelessnes s o f redemption . Homosexual s ar e no t authorized t o spea k wit h th e voic e o f righteousness . Unti l quit e recently , homosexuals a s a group willingl y prostrate d ourselve s befor e th e awesom e certainty o f our illness; 4 concluded, a s Bruce Bawer did, that there "wa s n o way t o b e bot h ga y an d Christian;" 5 and , havin g repudiate d acces s t o moral argumen t eithe r b y self-condemnatio n o r excommunication , wer e quiescent i n th e fac e o f oppressive laws, for behin d th e law s lay the incon trovertible justice o f natural law as revealed b y religion an d science. 6 Fo r as long a s a significan t consensu s hel d th e univocalit y o f thes e thre e institu tions regardin g homosexuality , homosexual s wer e lef t withou t an y mora l claims against oppressiv e laws. 7 The rhetorica l povert y o f th e ga y right s positio n i s reveale d whe n

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compared t o th e requirement s o f Patrici a Schmidt' s paradig m for socia l change. Based on her study of Lord Ashley and the Te n Hours Factor y Act , Schmidt concludes , "Suppor t fo r a new polic y i n a moral ag e requires tha t morally-based justifications b e establishe d ove r time by individuals who ar e perceived t o b e motivate d b y mora l considerations." 8 Th e America n radi cals examine d i n thi s stud y consistentl y attempte d suc h a mora l stanc e i n their various crusades, but homosexuals hav e been decisivel y exclude d fro m assuming such a position. In an age that subscribes to the morality presente d here, it is preposterous t o believe tha t Go d woul d favo r th e violation o f His law. If a n issu e ca n b e place d i n th e mora l realm , i t i s a t th e sam e tim e removed fro m th e political . I n th e precedin g chapters , America n radical s have bee n show n consistentl y t o plac e themselve s an d thei r cause s abov e and beyon d politics . I f an issu e ca n no t onl y b e place d i n th e mora l realm , but als o condemned , i t is moribund. Ther e i s no radica l potential i n si n o r in sickness . A societ y ma y wor k t o cur e o r t o exorcis e sicknes s o r mora l failing, an d i n doin g s o i t transform s th e proble m int o a proble m o f th e individual rather than on e o f the social order. Socia l protest is not a n optio n where such a transformation ha s been successful . In this way, deviant group s are mad e politicall y marginal . Th e sic k an d th e fallen , lik e los t sheep , await th e shepher d wh o will lea d the m bac k int o th e fol d o r t o th e slaughterhouse.9

Liberation through Tolerance If gay men an d lesbians coul d no t comman d th e recognitio n o f God-give n rights, ther e wa s a t leas t hop e that , i n th e absenc e o f God , certai n right s might be granted. Although Denni s Altman, like Edmund White an d many others wh o writ e o n th e homophil e movemen t i n America , tend s t o discount th e activit y o f "homophil e rights " organization s prio r t o th e Stonewall Rebellio n i n 1969 , wha t h e say s abou t th e characte r o f th e movement i s revealing : "Becaus e ga y liberatio n oppose s s o man y o f th e basic assumption s aroun d whic h societ y i s organized, becaus e i t repudiate s both th e expectation s o f the straight worl d an d the guilts and hostilities tha t these hav e produced i n th e ga y world, i t coul d onl y emerg e amids t condi tions of flux and considerable uncertaint y abou t traditiona l mora l values." 10 The aftermat h o f the Second World War saw the efflorescence o f uncertainties tha t ha d bee n germinatin g sinc e th e tur n o f th e century , an d i t wa s

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in thi s atmospher e o f confuse d permissivenes s tha t homophil e liberatio n organizations were a t last able to tak e root. l x The tw o worl d war s an d th e Grea t Depressio n ha d focuse d America' s attention fo r a tim e o n ou r commo n devils , grantin g u s th e illusio n o f community, bu t a s soo n a s th e devil s wer e vanquishe d an d w e ha d th e opportunity t o loo k agai n t o ourselves , w e discovere d tha t w e ha d n o common God . Willia m Le e Mille r provide s a chiaroscur o o f th e tension s by tracin g th e developmen t o f religiou s "neo-orthodoxy " i n th e perio d between th e world wars. Neo-orthodoxy wa s an attempt t o restore a sacred code i n th e voi d lef t b y "libera l Protestantism, " whic h Mille r characterize s as " 'tolerant ' an d inclined to deprecate creedal- doctrinal distinctions[, ] . . . 'democratic' an d humanisti c i n ethic s an d strongl y incline d t o reduc e religion t o ethics[, ] . . . optimistic an d progressive , takin g a sanguine vie w of man an d society : i n al l this i t fit s ver y wel l int o America n ideas." 12 Bu t neo-orthodoxy ha d contradiction s o f it s own , suffere d a n infectio n o f liberal pluralism , an d wa s itsel f reduce d t o rule s o f etiquette , a trul y civi l religion, charmin g but impotent. 13 The ethi c o f tolerance , however , wa s mor e tha n a n ethi c o f default ; tolerance wa s see n a s a positive good . In 1962 , Arthur M . Schlesinger , Jr., looked upo n th e America n landscap e an d eulogize d a twentieth-centur y view of freedom tha t had long shed itself of its nineteenth-century compan ion, moral absolutism: "Freedom implies humility, not absolutism; it implies not th e tyrann y o f th e on e bu t th e toleranc e o f th e many . Agains t th e monolithic world , th e American intellectua l traditio n affirm s th e pluralisti c world. Agains t th e worl d o f coercion , i t affirm s th e worl d o f choice." 14 "Freedom," th e Go d ter m o f the America n Revolution , Wendel l Phillips' s abolitionist rhetoric , an d Eugen e Deb s s labor agitatio n her e ha s a strang e harmonic; it s ton e i s n o longe r colore d b y th e counterpoin t o f "duty, " "right," an d "judgment. " Edwi n Schu r provides an incisive characterizatio n of the moder n vie w o f freedom whe n h e writes, "Unles s on e subscribe s t o some thoroughgoin g conceptio n o f natura l law , i t woul d see m tha t th e realities o f lif e i n a culturall y (an d morally ) pluralisti c worl d shoul d caus e one t o be extremel y cautiou s abou t implyin g a basis for mora l certitude." 15 Schur pinpoints exactl y th e missin g element o f the ne w freedom ; libert y is no longer a right endowe d b y nature, but a permission. In a n atmospher e o f permissiveness, Alfre d Kinsey' s Sexual Behavior and the Human Male was merel y anothe r sympto m o f th e "scientization " an d "demystification" o f the worl d an d th e rationalizatio n o f sexual mores, no t a causa l facto r o f moral crisi s a s Edward Sagari n insinuates. 16 Th e first so -

Secular Argument \ 17 9 called "Kinse y report " an d th e almos t simultaneou s genesi s o f homophil e liberation group s wer e bot h mad e possible , no t onl y b y th e evanescenc e o f sacred prohibitions , bu t b y th e activ e encouragemen t o f a ne w enlighten ment. As a par t o f thi s enlightenment , th e 194 8 Kinse y repor t represente d a n important shif t i n th e focu s o f science wher e sexua l more s wer e concerned . Left t o suppor t th e weigh t o f a n otios e mora l code , th e medica l an d socia l sciences foun d themselve s divided . Deprive d o f a commo n faith , the y wer e left wit h nothin g bu t thei r ow n professio n o f impartialit y an d objectivit y a s a guide . Recognizin g tha t "whateve r beneficen t result s medicin e migh t promise, b y th e mid-twentiet h centur y i t ha d i n fac t brande d homosexua l men an d wome n wit h a mar k o f inferiorit y n o les s corrosiv e o f thei r self respect tha n tha t o f si n an d criminality, " Joh n D'Emili o goe s o n t o mak e the followin g observation : Yet to a certain exten t physician s als o subverted th e earlie r approaches. Onc e homosexual behavio r entere d th e real m o f science , i t becam e subjec t t o careful investigation . N o matte r ho w soli d th e consensu s tha t homosexualit y was a disease, the accumulation o f empirical evidenc e coul d inspire dissentin g theories, wherea s Christia n teaching s reste d o n th e immutabl e word s o f th e Bible. Unlik e moralist s an d la w enforcemen t officials , doctor s ha d a veste d interest i n naming , describing , an d classifyin g th e "unmentionabl e vice " i n all it s forms . . . . Th e medica l mode l introduce d a dynami c elemen t int o discussions of same-sex eroticis m tha t could serve the interests of reformers. 17 In th e postwa r period , scienc e foun d itsel f incapabl e o f enforcin g proscrip tions i n th e nam e o f natur e an d o f nature' s Go d tha t religio n wa s unwillin g to make . T h e diminuend o o f G o d s " T h o u shal t no t . . . " followin g th e Second Worl d Wa r represent s a very rea l chang e fo r sexua l more s i n genera l and fo r homosexual s i n particular . Th e derelictio n o f natura l la w allowe d for a ne w ethi c o f permissiveness . I t i s i n thi s sens e o f permissio n tha t homophile liberatio n i s best understood . Deprived o f the authorit y o f religion an d science , th e la w stoo d expose d as a ver y fragil e creation . Gran t Gilmore , i n th e 197 4 Yal e La w Schoo l Storrs Lecture s o n Jurisprudence , argue d tha t America n la w ove r th e firs t half o f thi s centur y suffere d th e los s o f th e nineteenth-centur y idea l o f on e true la w i n th e Platoni c sense , eterna l an d unchanging , an d yielde d t o a pluralistic lega l realism . Gilmor e describe s th e law , no t a s hol y writ , bu t a s something "designe d t o insur e tha t ou r institution s adjus t t o change , whic h is inevitable, i n a continuin g proces s whic h wil l b e orderly , gradual , and , t o

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the exten t tha t suc h a thin g i s possibl e i n huma n affairs , rational . Th e function o f the lawye r i s to preserv e a skeptical relativis m i n a society hell bent for absolutes. When we become too sure of our premises, we necessar ily fail in what we are supposed t o be doing." 18 Lik e latter-day Hobbesians , legal realists assume no law behind th e law. The law is not somethin g that is found, bu t somethin g that is, in Gilmore's word, "designed. " Consequently , Gilmore find s a great increase in statutory la w in th e twentiet h century , fo r there i s n o conceptio n o f a n unwritte n la w tha t govern s thos e case s no t explicitly redacted. 19 When th e sacre d i s demystified , i t i s reduce d t o th e pedestrian . Whe n Toto dre w back the curtai n an d revealed the Wizard, w e discovere d tha t h e was reall y just a displaced Kansan , a man lik e ourselve s agains t who m ou r demands coul d b e boldl y pressed . Th e vulnerabilit y o f th e la w an d it s power, strippe d o f an y countervailin g claims , t o provid e th e sanctio n o f legality, if not righteousness , was not lost on homosexuals. On e o f the mos t important product s o f th e movemen t towar d lega l realis m i s th e Mode l Penal Cod e o f th e America n La w Institute . Reflectin g th e bes t impulse s in twentieth-centur y pluralism , th e Mode l Pena l Code , amon g it s othe r provisions, decriminalized homosexual behavior between consentin g adults. From th e tim e o f its publication i n 1955 , the Mode l Pena l Cod e provide d an opportunit y fo r a movement tha t heretofor e ha d bee n purel y defensiv e to tak e th e offensiv e b y openin g law s t o criticis m base d o n twentieth century notion s o f th e reasonable , a criticis m tha t coul d neve r hav e im pugned th e sacred. 20 Recently, Andre w Sulliva n ha s define d separat e argumentativ e field s fo r religion an d politics , which , whil e eac h ma y influenc e th e other , ar e hel d to incommensurabl e standard s o f judgment. "On e o f the firs t principle s o f liberal societies, as they have emerged from th e theocracies and dictatorship s of the past , is that th e religiou s is not th e sam e a s the political ; tha t it s very discourse i s different; an d tha t th e separatio n o f the tw o i s as much fo r th e possibility o f vibran t fait h a s i t i s fo r th e possibilit y o f a civi l polity." 21 Sullivan disqualifie s argument s base d o n religiou s authorit y alon e fro m participation i n th e civi l real m becaus e the y ar e unanswerabl e an d insist s that "religiously base d civi l reasons, " susceptibl e t o judgment b y th e rule s of reaso n an d ope n t o discussion , "ar e a n essentia l par t o f an y libera l polity."22 Most recently , a n editoria l o n Romer v. Evans made clea r tha t th e issue s at stake were constitutiona l an d legal, not moral :

Secular Argument | 18 1 It [Colorado' s Amendmen t 2 ] i s a n attemp t b y th e majorit y t o prohibi t th e participation o f a particular minorit y i n th e politica l process . I n othe r words , the amendmen t say s tha t i f you happe n t o b e i n a grou p ou t o f favo r wit h the majority, you r rights can be curtaile d o r eve n eliminated . Fo r that reason , Amendment 2 is far mor e tha n just a n attack o n gay s and lesbians. It is a very real threat t o th e civi l rights o f all citizens. 23 Colorado's Amendmen t 2 i s misguided , no t i n it s violatio n o f transcenden t and immanen t principle , bu t i n it s violatio n o f th e U.S . Constitution . T h e distinction i s mad e clea r i n a lette r t o th e edito r o n th e facin g page : "Thi s case shoul d no t concer n a moral issue , bu t rathe r a constitutiona l issue . I t i s only a questio n a s t o whethe r constitutiona l right s appl y t o al l thi s country' s citizens." 24 Further , th e consequence s o f a judgment upholdin g A m e n d ment 2 wil l hav e it s consequence s i n th e civi l spher e define d b y th e U.S . Constitution: suc h a verdict , i t i s feared , woul d serv e t o encourag e th e activity o f "thos e w h o see k t o contro l th e basi c civi l right s o f an y othe r group." 2 5 Becaus e ther e i s no figurativ e cour t o f appea l beyon d th e Consti tution, an d n o litera l cour t o f appea l beyon d th e U.S . Suprem e Court , there i s n o suggestio n tha t th e Court' s rulin g migh t b e rejecte d o r resisted . Gays appea r helples s befor e th e law . T h e rhetorica l postur e assume d i n thes e an d othe r ga y protest s reflect s an acceptanc e o f wha t Stuar t Scheingol d ha s terme d "th e myt h o f rights" : " T h e myt h o f right s rest s o n a fait h i n th e politica l efficac y an d ethica l sufficiency o f law a s a principle o f government." 2 6 Ronal d Dworki n relate s this belie f i n th e ethica l sufficienc y o f th e la w t o th e overal l intellectua l climate her e traced , labelin g th e belie f "lega l positivism, " th e understandin g "that individual s hav e lega l right s onl y insofa r a s these hav e bee n create d b y explicit politica l decision s o r explici t socia l practice." 2 7 Consisten t wit h thi s outlook, ga y right s activist s hav e repeatedl y wage d thei r mos t importan t and visibl e battle s i n th e legislativ e o r judicial arenas , attemptin g t o chang e their statu s throug h change s i n th e la w an d it s interpretation. 2 8 I t i s a strategy tha t woul d hav e mad e n o sens e t o th e America n Revolutionarie s w h o proclaime d precisel y tha t statutor y la w coul d no t alte r thei r fundamen tal and inalienabl e rights . N o r woul d i t hav e mad e sens e t o Wendel l Phillips , w h o woul d n o doub t hav e foun d th e ide a o f petitionin g th e legislatur e fo r rights tha t wer e i n trut h grante d b y Go d a gran d farce , t o Eugen e Deb s w h o fel t obligate d t o suffer th e consequence s o f illegal behavio r rathe r tha n act agains t th e mandat e o f th e highe r law , o r t o R o b e r t Welch , w h o wage d

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much o f hi s crusad e agains t th e ide a tha t th e stat e coul d mak e righ t b y decree. In subscribin g t o a positivisti c conceptio n o f th e law , gay s an d lesbians reflec t th e tendencie s towar d scientizatio n an d demystificatio n dis cussed b y Weber , Dewey , an d Haberma s rathe r tha n th e natura l right s philosophies o f the American radica l tradition . The distanc e betwee n ga y right s activist s an d thei r radica l forebear s i s perhaps best illustrated i n th e feature s o f gay rights contest s durin g th e past two decades . Tw o semina l contest s define d th e basi c outline s o f muc h o f the subsequen t discourse : th e 197 7 driv e t o rescin d a n actio n b y th e Metropolitan Commissio n fo r Dad e County , Florida , bannin g discrimina tion i n employmen t an d housin g based o n affectiona l o r sexua l preference , and th e 198 1 campaig n tha t le d t o Wisconsin' s becomin g th e firs t stat e t o guarantee gay s and lesbian s equa l protectio n i n employment , housing , an d public accommodations. 29 The Miam i struggl e quickl y expande d t o a nationa l struggl e an d i s comparable t o recen t battle s i n Oregon , Cincinnati , an d Colorado . Thes e engagements represen t a defensiv e reactio n o n th e par t o f th e movemen t against a right-wing grassroot s effor t t o revok e gain s by or o n behal f of the movements constituents . Th e primar y characteristic s o f thes e campaign s include th e definitio n o f the argumentativ e groun d b y religious fundamen talists an d th e attemp t o f gay s an d lesbian s t o respon d wit h appeal s t o tolerance. In Miami , Anit a Bryan t an d he r force s exercise d a n exclusiv e claim o n th e vocabular y o f moral commitment . I t wa s Bryant wh o sough t to establish charismatic authority : "Thi s is not my battle, it's God's battle." 30 It was Bryant who crusade d o n behalf of righteousness: "God say s there ar e some thing s tha t ar e evi l an d som e thing s tha t ar e good . That' s simpl e enough fo r eve n a chil d t o understand . Certai n thing s ar e right ; othe r things are wrong. But the y ar e right o r wrong because Go d say s so. We are right whe n w e d o God' s will ; w e ar e wron g whe n w e d o not." 31 An d i t was Bryant wh o rejecte d th e powe r o f legal reformulation i n oppositio n t o God's law. 32 Ronald Fischli' s criticis m o f Bryant's misolog y i s correct i n it s characterization, bu t Fischli' s ow n pluralis t preferenc e fo r "reasone d an d flexible dialogue, " "self-criticism, " an d "th e democrati c process " neglect s the power of Bryant's implacable absolutism, the coerciv e power of absolute duty.33 If there was a rhetoric imitativ e o f the American radica l tradition i n Miami, i t wa s th e rhetori c o f Anita Bryant , no t tha t o f gay rights activists . And i t i s thi s traditio n tha t i s carrie d forwar d b y th e "radica l right " i n recent conflict s as , fo r example , whe n Kevi n Tebedo , executiv e director , Colorado fo r Famil y Values , proclaims , "Jesu s Chris t i s kin g o f king s an d

Secular Argument | 18 3 lord o f lords. Al l powe r an d authoritie s ar e give n unt o him . That' s political . Jesus Chris t set s th e standard . I f yo u don' t wan t t o liv e b y it , that' s you r choice, bu t it' s hi s standard , no t ours." 3 4 Tebed o make s clea r th e presenc e of th e sacre d i n th e separatio n o f Christ' s standards , untouchabl e an d immutable, fro m th e huma n realm . It ma y appea r tha t Bryan t an d Tebed o contradic t th e larg e clai m tha t th e postmodern ag e i n Americ a i s characterize d b y a failur e o f mora l c o m m u nity, bu t the y ar e mor e likel y th e exceptio n tha t prove s th e rule . Bryan t an d her politica l ki n ar e widel y viewe d a s th e contemporar y "radica l right. " Despite it s clamorousness , th e N e w Christia n Righ t i s stil l viewe d a s politically marginal , th e las t recours e o f the estranged . I t represents , i n larg e part, a reactio n agains t th e ver y tendencie s tha t hav e succeede d i n makin g pluralism th e politica l cente r i n America , tendencie s tha t ar e viewe d b y th e right a s symptom s o f mora l desuetude . Spectacula r victorie s lik e thos e i n Miami an d Colorad o notwithstanding , th e las t twent y year s hav e see n th e "Moral Majority " thwarte d b y a born-again president , hel d a t arm' s lengt h by a president w h o ha d bee n thei r brigh t hop e o f salvation , spurne d b y a n American publi c w h o sa w i t a t clos e rang e o n televisio n whe n i t too k control o f th e 199 2 Republica n Nationa l Convention , an d denie d stron g antiabortion languag e an d a place a t th e podiu m fo r th e 199 6 G O P conven tion. T h e unpopularit y o f ga y right s amon g American s ha s allowe d Chris tian fundamentalist s an d thei r allie s t o creat e a n aur a o f power tha t i s largel y illusory. 35 T h e N e w Righ t ha s bee n notabl y les s successfu l i n it s campaign s against women' s rights , birt h control , an d it s crusade s fo r th e teachin g o f creationism an d th e restoratio n o f praye r i n publi c schools . Whateve r thei r attitudes towar d homosexuals , American s d o no t see m read y t o retur n th e country t o "th e rul e o f Go d an d th e Bible " strictl y interpreted . Even th e caus e o f ga y right s ha s mad e som e modes t gain s i n th e year s since Miami, 3 6 an d wher e i t ha s bee n rejected , ther e i s som e evidenc e t o indicate tha t i t ma y no t b e o n th e mora l ground s hel d b y th e N e w Christia n Right. T h e poten t languag e o f "specia l rights " ha s mor e t o d o wit h inequality an d th e perception , i n a tim e o f scarcity , tha t other s ma y b e gaining unfai r advantag e tha n i t doe s wit h morality. 37 Indeed , i t i s widel y believed that , Kevi n Tebed o notwithstanding , th e insistenc e i n Colorad o that th e debat e wa s abou t "civi l right s an d th e fairnes s issue," 38 versu s th e Oregon campaign' s resolutio n tha t homosexualit y b e hel d "abnormal , wrong, unnatural , an d perverse," 3 9 largel y account s fo r th e succes s a t th e polls o f th e forme r an d th e defea t o f th e latter . T h e Wisconsi n campaig n i s i n man y respects , th e mirro r imag e o f Dad e

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County, Colorado , and other defensive struggles . Like those that establishe d civil right s fo r gay s an d lesbian s i n localitie s aroun d th e country , th e operation i n Wisconsi n represente d gay s an d lesbian s o n th e offensive , working throug h legislativ e channels , employin g th e technique s o f lob bying, often, a s in the case of Columbus, Ohio , largely out o f public view. 40 The argumentativ e groun d i n thes e instance s carefull y separate s th e lega l and the religious spheres, avoiding a direct confrontatio n wit h mora l issues, and emphasize s "civi l rights. " Man y mainlin e churche s hav e bee n willin g to suppor t thi s separation , allowin g that , regardles s o f th e mora l statu s o f gay and lesbian behavior (th e distinction betwee n th e conditio n an d the ac t is important i n contemporar y religiou s thinking) , gay s and lesbian s shoul d not b e subjec t t o discriminatio n i n th e civi l sphere. Arguments i n instance s such a s these ca n be fairl y characterize d b y th e fac t tha t the y cente r o n th e legal arena , eithe r th e court s o r th e legislature , an d rathe r tha n radicall y confronting societ y o n it s ow n Go d terms , homosexual s an d supporter s prefer t o defin e th e legal arena very narrowly , circumventin g confrontatio n on fundamentals . B y emphasizin g diversit y an d individuality , ga y right s argument attempt s t o mitigat e th e coerciv e forc e o f duty. Without clashin g over question s concernin g th e validit y o f certai n sacre d truths , gay s an d lesbians simpl y as k t o b e exclude d fro m thei r purview . I t i s a passiv e conception o f liberty, 41 on e tha t reveal s its weaknesses whe n it s opponent s charge that it is merely libertinism . The rhetori c o f gay rights doe s not challeng e th e polis, singular , becaus e it doe s no t recogniz e th e roo t necessar y t o groun d th e polis. Liberty con ceived a s "freedom from " operate s t o loose n th e bond s tha t obligat e u s t o the welfar e o f th e community . Ga y right s rhetori c i s almos t apolitical , perhaps eve n antipolitical , i n tha t i t addresse s th e multitud e a s a mas s o f individuals, no t a s a political unity . It s appea l i s no t t o de cive bu t t o eac h person a s th e make r o f hi s o r he r ow n destiny . I t i s a rhetori c o f disen gagement. In al l this , th e rhetori c o f ga y right s establishe s itself , no t a s a rhetoric o f judgment , bu t a s a rhetori c o f nonjudgment . Ther e i s n o potential fo r radica l commitment i n such a discourse. 42

Economics and the Negotiation of Civil Rights Rather tha n challeng e contemporar y understanding s o f roo t issues , gay s and lesbian s hav e tende d instea d t o marke t ourselve s t o privat e consumers . In 1989 , Marshall Kir k an d Hunte r Madse n receive d notic e i n Time maga-

Secular Argument \ 18 5 zine a s wel l a s i n othe r venue s fo r thei r proposa l for a gay/lesbia n self marketing campaign . Suc h a strategy , the y argued , modele d o n advertising , would b e "practical, " "sensible, " scientificall y grounded , "completel y u n objectionable," "hitched " t o "pre-existin g standard s o f la w an d justice, " "expedient," an d narrowl y positivistic. 43 T h o u g h presente d a s a startlin g change o f direction , i t was , i n fact , mor e o f th e same . Split s betwee n radicals an d moderate s ar e endemi c t o th e natur e o f socia l movement s an d are ver y muc h i n evidenc e i n America n socia l movements , includin g th e Revolution, abolitionism , an d earl y labor . T h e spli t betwee n assimila tionism an d separatis m i s mor e recent , accompanyin g th e ris e o f identit y politics. Madse n an d Kir k provid e onl y wha t ma y b e a particularly extrem e version o f th e assimilationis t ethi c tha t ha s largel y characterize d th e ga y liberation movement . Th e practica l outcom e o f Madse n an d Kirk' s versio n would b e th e disappearanc e o f gay s an d lesbians, 44 tha t is , w e woul d become indistinguishabl e fro m straigh t people . Ther e i s n o hin t i n thi s goa l that ther e ha s been eithe r progres s o r interruptio n o f strategy sinc e th e earl y direct action s b y th e Mattachin e Societ y o f Washington, D.C. , describe d b y David Jerniga n a s "directio n action " b y "smal l group s o f 'appropriatel y groomed' ga y me n (i n coat s an d ties ) an d lesbian s (i n skirts ) picketin g i n front o f th e Whit e House , o r a t Independenc e Hal l i n Philadelphi a ever y Fourth o f July" 45 Kir k an d Madse n have , apparently , bee n a t least personall y successful i n thei r effort s t o b e los t i n th e suburbs , bu t thei r caus e i s currently bein g carrie d forwar d b y Bruc e Bawe r an d other s collectivel y known a s the "ga y neo-con[servative]s." 46 Urvashi Vaid' s controversia l boo k Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation i s th e mos t sustaine d an d mos t critica l statemen t of thi s position ; he r onl y erro r lie s i n discernin g som e fundamenta l chang e in directio n an d tactic s wit h th e ris e o f ga y neo-conservatism. 4 7 Vai d has , like many , bee n seduce d b y a romanti c visio n o f th e lat e 1960 s and , especially fo r ga y an d lesbia n rights , earl y 1970s , a visio n I onc e describe d of ourselve s "i n brigh t re d cloche s stormin g th e barricades, " 48 a vision tha t transforms th e perio d int o th e normativ e standar d agains t whic h al l politica l activity mus t b e judged . Suc h i s th e perspectiv e i n a bi t o f nostalgi a delivered a t th e 199 6 Prid e Marc h i n Northampton , Massachusetts , b y Warren J . Blumenfeld , on e o f th e founder s i n th e earl y 1970 s o f th e Ga y Liberation Front . Blumenfel d reminisce s tha t th e earl y movemen t wa s characterized b y members ' insistenc e "o n th e freedo m t o explor e ne w way s of living a s part o f a radical transformatio n o f societ y . . . a s we wen t along , inventing ne w way s o f relating. " An d h e conclude s somewha t ruefully ,

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Looking bac k ove r th e years , a s ou r visibilit y ha s increased , a s ou r plac e within th e cultur e ha s becom e somewha t mor e assured , muc h certainl y ha s been gained , bu t also , somethin g ver y preciou s ha s bee n lost . Tha t earl y excitement, tha t desire—thoug h b y n o means th e ability—t o full y restruc ture th e culture , a s distinguishe d fro m mer e reform , seem s no w t o la y dormant i n many sector s of our community. 49 The lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , however , wer e neve r th e norm , certainl y not i n post—Worl d Wa r I I America . Agains t th e backdro p o f th e postmod ern era , th e activis m o f thos e year s wa s a n exceptiona l moment , th e brigh t flare o f th e Utopia n idealis m o f th e Por t Huro n Statemen t extinguishin g itself i n a marvelou s pyrotechni c display , an d neve r include d mor e tha n a tiny minority . A t th e ver y momen t tha t Blumenfel d wa s involve d wit h th e GLF reinventin g th e world , Joh n R e i d (significantly , a pseudonym ) wa s finding a wid e audienc e wit h hi s autobiographica l accoun t o f ho w h e ha d slipped, undetected , int o th e corporat e cultur e o f IB M an d mad e hi s wa y in societ y a t large. 50 I t i s Reid' s (an d Madse n an d Kirks ) well-mannered , clean-cut, collegiat e imag e tha t w e prefe r t o pu t befor e th e public . T h e Fal l 1993 issu e of Momentum, th e newslette r fo r member s o f th e H u m a n Right s Campaign Fund , include d i n it s "Actio n Pla n fo r th e Future " th e followin g goals: "advertisin g an d broadcastin g ou r message , along with positive images about lesbian and gay people, t o th e America n public " (3 , emphasi s added) . And i n wha t d o thes e "positiv e images " consist ? Conside r film s lik e Making Love an d Longtime Companion, characterize d b y Tod d Haynes , directo r o f Poison, a s "film s wit h ga y subject s tha t ar e formall y ver y straigh t an d don' t challenge th e dominan t way s o f representin g th e world." 5 1 O r compar e Candace Chellew s appea l t o 199 6 reader s t o th e earlie r descriptio n o f Mattachine, Washington , D.C.' s "direc t actions" : For a fe w marche s i n th e comin g years , wh y don' t w e tr y t o loo k lik e everyday people on ga y pride day? Or better yet, let's dress in our professiona l clothes s o people will know w e com e fro m al l walks of life. And fo r heaven' s sake, n o floats o r bar e chests—mal e o r female . I f tha t doesn' t mak e a bi g impact o n ho w w e ar e perceived , the n brea k ou t th e chiffon , part y al l yo u want, an d equa l right s b e damned . Bu t I believ e you'l l b e hearin g Middl e America scream , "Thos e can' t b e queers ; the y loo k lik e regula r people! " Then we'l l be o n th e roa d to winning ou r rights. 52 Finally, recal l tha t on e o f th e bigges t an d mos t publicize d ga y right s issue s in recen t year s ha s bee n ove r th e righ t t o disappear , t o be , literally , i n uniform, th e debat e ove r gay s an d lesbian s i n th e military .

Secular Argument | 18 7 This celebratio n o f the normativ e i s the language , no t o f sacred principle , but th e languag e o f accountancy . T h e mod e i s a statistica l concept , an d it s use a s a standar d t o guid e politic s i s th e precis e inversio n o f radica l ideal s from th e exalte d t o th e common . Busines s an d professiona l clothing , i n thi s reading, serv e a s a grand metonymy , unifyin g idea s o f respectability , civility , invisibility, an d financia l power . Ther e i s mor e tha n a trac e o f parado x i n the combination . T h e languag e o f mone y operate s i n suc h a wa y a s t o accommodate, an d thu s t o mak e superfluous , th e conflic t i n whic h it s power migh t b e exercised . A s Davi d Harve y writes , The commo n materia l language s o f mone y an d commoditie s provid e a universal basis within marke t capitalis m for linking everyone int o a n identica l system o f marke t valuatio n an d s o procurin g th e reproductio n o f socia l lif e through a n objectivel y grounde d syste m o f social bonding. 53 "Money unifie s precisel y through it s capacit y t o accommodat e individual ism, otherness , an d extraordinar y socia l fragmentation, " Harve y con cludes, 54 thu s th e phras e " c o m m o n currency. " I n thi s way , mone y pose s a s succedaneum fo r th e political . Contemporar y observer s hav e ofte n note d that th e contemporar y tow n squar e i s a shopping mall . Lee Goodman , writin g i n th e GPU News (Milwaukee ) i n th e fal l follow ing th e Miam i defeat , make s th e connectio n quit e explicitly : Where th e syste m ha s worked (an d worke d well) , i t ha s done s o precisely t o the exten t tha t th e constituencies , minorities , an d pressur e group s hav e acte d with ful l an d deliberate d cognizanc e o f th e limitation s an d tension s whic h are interna l t o th e politica l order . Goo d intentions , whil e ofte n necessary , have seldo m bee n sufficient ; calculation , understanding , an d rationa l assess ment o f means, ends , and cost s are the payof f factors. 55 Goodmans economi c justification fo r business-sui t tactics , with it s emphasi s on rationality , calculation , an d "payof f factors " suggest s a n implici t fait h i n the mechanica l integrit y o f process , a n exchang e mode l o f socia l reform . I t is the proces s abov e al l els e tha t mus t b e respected , fo r th e denia l o f absolut e truth ha s obviate d th e possibilit y tha t an y give n conten t coul d challeng e th e supremacy o f th e reasonable . I t als o demonstrate s ho w th e economi c ca n be exchanged fo r th e political , ho w mone y a s a civi l an d rationa l mod e o f exchange usurp s civilit y understoo d a s a characteristi c o f de cive. Twenty year s later , Stephe n Mille r i s amon g th e devil s barkers , hawkin g a measur e o f heterosexua l toleranc e i n exchang e fo r ou r collectiv e soul . Miller quote s approvingl y from , appropriately , th e Economist, a n editoria l

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praising the ris e o f "ordinary homosexuality , . . . the ga y New Yorke r wh o is more intereste d i n bringin g hi s love r t o th e company' s Christma s part y than i n overturnin g corporat e capitalism . H e neithe r menace s th e socia l order, as generations o f priests and headmasters maintained, no r tartly flouts it, as generations o f gay rebels have done. He is, you coul d say, sexually left handed: that is all."56 The source of this editorial and its prominent concer n with th e healt h o f corporat e capitalis m ar e notabl e i n a discussio n o f th e reduction o f politic s t o economics . Clos e attentio n shoul d b e pai d t o th e rewards tha t goo d behavio r wil l purchase: th e righ t t o brin g one' s love r t o the compan y Christma s part y a t th e pric e o f disappearing , "assimilating, " the res t of the year. Contr a Miller , Scot t Tucker protests, "Our live s are not negotiable." 57 Tolerance i s a speciou s attainment ; i t ha s nothin g t o pos e agains t th e declaratory stanc e o f the opposition . I t i s always supplicant , consistin g a s it does o f th e goodwil l o f th e powerful . Tolerance , a s Thoma s Pain e wel l understood, i s n o substitut e fo r rights : "Toleratio n i s no t th e opposite o f Intolerance, but is the counterfeit of it. Both are despotisms. The on e assumes to itsel f the righ t o f withholding Libert y o f Conscience , an d th e othe r o f granting it." 58 A t it s best , toleranc e provides , i n Christophe r Isherwood' s phrase, "annihilation by blandness." At its worst, tolerance "serve s the caus e of oppression." 59 Toleranc e to o easil y become s senescen t an d indiscrimi nate; ultimately , it s impartiality ca n be extende d t o includ e eve n prevailin g intolerance an d oppression. 60 Louis, i n Ton y Kushner' s Angels in America, recognize s th e fraudulence of tolerance: "Power is the object, no t being tolerated. Fuc k assimilation." 61 In a societ y tha t ha s abandone d principl e t o futility , al l hierarchie s ar e hierarchies o f power , an d i n ou r postmoder n society , tha t powe r i s eco nomic o r quasi-economic . Politic s i n suc h a n environment , naturall y i f lamentably, become s a contest ove r money. Debate s ove r campaig n financ ing an d th e settin g o f ne w record s fo r spendin g i n ever y electio n yea r ar e only th e surface . Parallel s betwee n th e politic s o f toda y an d Jin de siecle political bosses , th e Hannas , th e Tammanys , th e Tweeds , ar e misguided . The curren t situatio n signals , no t th e corruptio n o f politic s b y corporat e interests, bu t th e reductio n o f politics t o a subset o f economics . Th e grea t robber baron s exerte d thei r powe r ove r politics t o som e en d externa l t o it , even t o extralega l ends . Th e assimilatio n require d o f gay s an d lesbian s t o acquire the power o f influence, o n th e othe r hand , become s a n end in itself and obviates the very cause that it was marshaled t o support . One significan t featur e o f politics in which i t differs fro m corporat e sale s

Secular Argument \ 18 9 campaigns i s tha t politic s ca n ofte n reac h it s goal s a s wel l b y buyin g a s b y selling. Vot e buyin g i s onl y th e mos t unvarnishe d exampl e o f this . Thi s distinction ha s no t bee n los t o n th e ga y right s community . I n a 199 5 article i n th e Politic s sectio n o f th e Advocate entitle d "Mone y Talks, " Joh n Gallagher review s argument s fo r an d agains t gettin g coz y wit h th e Republi can-dominated Congress . Proponent s argu e fo r a mor e "buttoned-dow n image," an d th e us e o f professional consultant s an d lobbyist s wit h tie s t o th e Republican Party . I n Gallagher' s article , Mik e Isbell , deput y executiv e director fo r publi c polic y a t Ga y Men' s Healt h Crisis , i s quote d a s sayin g with regar d t o th e differen t argument s appropriat e t o Republican s versu s Democrats, " O n e o f th e thing s w e fin d is , wherea s earlie r w e wer e abl e t o rely solel y o n a humanitaria n argument , i n man y Republica n office s th e most compellin g argumen t i s cos t effectiveness." 62 N o t onl y ha s th e c o m munity create d it s ow n politica l actio n committees , mos t notabl y th e Ga y and Lesbia n Victor y Fun d an d T h e H u m a n Right s Campaig n Fun d PA C (which i n 199 3 boaste d tha t i t wa s amon g th e to p fift y PACs), 63 an d contributed heavily , a s gay s an d lesbians , t o Clinton' s 199 2 campaign , bu t gay rhetori c reveal s a broad shif t fro m legislativ e hall s t o th e marketplace. 64 An earl y sign , emanatin g fro m th e syste m o f acronym s use d t o classif y socioeconomic group s i n th e 1980s , wa s "DINK, " "dua l income , n o kids, " now th e nam e o f a gay/lesbia n recor d company . Cheeky , yes , bu t signifi cantly i t feature s ga y an d lesbia n couple s no t a s sexua l activity , a visio n offensive t o man y Americans , bu t a s buying power , a vision bot h attractiv e to corporat e powe r broker s an d inoffensivel y sterile , a s illustrate d b y th e recent IKE A furnitur e ads , whic h featur e a clean-cu t mal e couple , youn g executive types , shoppin g fo r furnitur e (no t bedroo m furniture) . A n adver tisement i n POZ equate s "Ga y M o n e y " an d "Ga y Power " an d urge s th e reader t o "Ta p i t wit h Quotient: The monthly newsletter of marketing to gay men and lesbians!' 63 Danie l Harri s ha s marke d thes e trait s i n th e hos t o f ne w magazines h e group s a s "th e ne w ga y glossies, " publications , h e writes , tha t "habitually sin g th e praise s o f enterprisin g homosexual s w h o hav e clam bered t o th e to p o f th e corporat e ladde r an d no w lea d prosperou s live s a s openly ga y executives , fashio n designers , investmen t gurus , pul p novelists , and soap-oper a stars, " tha t pictur e ga y lif e a s "sanitize d . . . scrubbe d clea n of over t sexualit y an d unseeml y images. 66 Althoug h th e edito r o f Out refutes Harris' s claim s tha t thes e magazine s ignor e politica l issues , sh e doe s reveal somethin g o f he r publication' s assimilationis t approach : "Mos t im portantly, Out recognize s tha t ou r reader s liv e i n a contex t large r tha n thei r gayness. O u r missio n i s t o mak e a magazin e tha t speak s t o th e fullnes s o f

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our experienc e an d t o a visio n o f ga y me n an d lesbian s tha t goe s beyon d the cliches." 67 Thos e me n an d wome n i n thei r anonymou s bu t stylis h professional attir e com e immediatel y t o mind , particularl y whe n Ms . Petti t s annihilation o f th e bond s o f stereotyp e i s followe d b y thi s concludin g lin e of defense : Every mont h 120,00 0 readers respon d t o thi s mission b y picking u p Out and voting fo r i t wit h thei r wallets . This is why advertiser s hav e sough t ou t ou r publication i n unprecedente d numbers . Perhap s Harper's can afford t o be gli b about it s revenu e stream , bu t i n th e ga y press , wher e magazine s hav e tradi tionally bee n overlooke d b y medi a buyer s an d stocke d i n th e por n section , financial viabilit y i s nearly a revolutionary act. 68 Even mor e tellin g i s a full-page , four-colo r advertisemen t fro m a n issu e o f POZ picturin g th e partner s o f Christophe r Stree t Financia l Incorporated , any on e o f w h o m woul d b e interchangeabl e wit h eithe r membe r o f th e couple i n th e IKE A ad , or , mor e significantly , wit h an y o f th e legion s o f young, well-dresse d MBA s w h o dail y troo p t o office s o n Wal l Street , LaSalle Street , an d Montgomer y Street . T h e headlin e cop y reads : " T h e second mos t importan t relationshi p you'l l eve r hav e coul d b e wit h on e o f these men. " B y th e sprin g o f 1996 , thi s nascen t directio n i s articulate d an d institutionalized i n th e Thir d Annua l Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Busines s and Consume r Exposition , includin g amon g it s sponsor s suc h Forbe s 50 0 corporations a s American Express , IBM , America n Airlines , an d T h e P r u dential. 69 Th e nexu s o f th e commercia l an d th e politica l i s eviden t i n a press phot o release d b y th e N e w Yor k Mayor' s Office : Rudolp h Giulian i congratulating exp o organize r Stev e Levenberg. 70 The sam e sor t o f attentio n tha t use d t o b e devote d i n media-watc h columns t o th e representatio n o f gay s an d lesbian s o n televisio n an d i n th e movies i s no w spen t o n gay-friendl y advertisin g campaign s suc h a s th e on e for Subar u featurin g same-se x couples. 71 Eve n AIDS , calle d b y th e Advocate "the onl y diseas e t o hav e it s ow n gif t shop," 7 2 ha s no t bee n immune . POZ sponsored a "Lif e expo, " " a qualit y o f lif e consume r exp o fo r everyon e impacted b y AID S an d H I V " o n Ma y 31-Jun e 1 , 1996 . Corporat e sponsor ship wa s provide d b y Bristol-Meyer s Squibb , Pharmaci a & Upjohn , R o c h e Laboratories, Glax o Wellcome , Lif e Wise, Janssen Pharmaceutica , an d A b bott Laboratories , amon g others. 7 3 Tha t POZ ha s entere d int o partnershi p with som e o f th e ver y sam e corporation s perenniall y o n A C T - U P s hit lis t at th e ver y leas t raise s question s regardin g th e balanc e o f commercia l an d principled motive . Bu t other , mor e general , corporat e interest s ar e serve d

Secular Argument | 19 1 by AID S a s well. Dav e Mulryan , a specialist i n "inductin g corporation s int o the ga y marketplace, " remarks , "Large r corporation s ar e lookin g fo r a wa y to ge t t o th e ga y market , an d they'r e comfortabl e doin g i t b y som e affilia tion wit h AIDS." 7 4 Suc h activitie s a s Tanqueray' s sponsorshi p o f AID S Rides are , accordin g t o Molryan , vehicle s fo r companie s t o buil d entirel y unobjectionable goodwil l i n th e ga y community . T h o u g h no t addressin g th e rea l impac t o f AID S product s o n treatment , research, an d car e relate d t o th e diseas e itself , Pau l Varnel l adduce s severa l recent campaigns , includin g th e on e fo r Subaru , i n a n editoria l counselin g gays an d lesbian s o n th e potentia l advantage s o f bein g recognize d a s a "niche market." 7 5 Varnel l recognize s "tha t ther e i s littl e o r nothin g i n thi s change tha t i s motivate d b y benevolenc e o r a concer n fo r ga y rights, " ye t he find s th e argumen t fro m "economi c necessity " t o b e a compellin g foi l to mora l argument s agains t ga y rights . I t change s th e groun d o f argumenta tion an d make s th e contes t on e betwee n moral s an d th e botto m line . "I n that light , i t ma y b e tha t th e nex t significan t j u m p i n ga y influenc e wil l tak e place throug h th e economi c spher e rathe r tha n i n th e currentl y stalle d political arena, " h e concludes. 76 Certainly , Bruc e Bawe r i s probably correc t in observin g tha t a t present , privilege s an d benefit s fo r same-se x partner s are spreadin g mor e rapidl y i n th e corporat e worl d tha n i n th e legislature s or th e court s "or , fo r tha t matter , th e Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force." 77 Gays an d lesbians , then , ar e bein g encourage d t o recogniz e thei r eco nomic clou t an d hav e attempte d t o us e i t directl y a s a kin d o f secondar y vote, a s economi c referenda , followin g failure s i n th e electora l arena . A c cording t o thos e offerin g th e " U n c o m m o n Clou t Card, " a Vis a car d currently bein g markete d i n th e ga y an d lesbia n community , ever y tim e you us e you r car d "yo u vot e wit h you r dollar s t o suppor t companie s friendly t o gays , lesbians , an d thos e wit h H I V " 7 8 T h e proliferatio n o f ga y and lesbia n yello w page s i s anothe r indicatio n o f thi s strategy . T h e Spring / Summer 199 6 editio n o f th e Alternative Phonebook: Chicago's Lesbigay Yellow Pages tout s itsel f a s a vehicl e fo r "economi c empowerment " an d urge s readers t o "spen d you r ga y dollar s wisely—figh t discriminatio n an d strengthen ou r communit y b y supportin g onl y thos e businesse s tha t suppor t US" ( 2 ) .

Withholding dollar s complete s th e strategy . Afte r th e victor y a t th e poll s for Amendmen t 2 , ga y leader s calle d fo r a boycot t o f Colorado , an d th e Advocate reporte d tha t a boycot t o f Cincinnat i followin g tha t city' s 199 3 antigay charte r amendmen t modele d o n Amendmen t 2 ha d bee n successfu l

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to th e tun e o f $24 millio n i n los t conventio n business. 79 Ther e i s more tha n a littl e iron y i n th e placemen t o f a n a d fo r Rivendel l Marketin g an d th e National Ga y Newspape r Guil d betwee n page s o f a n articl e admonishin g gay activist s no t t o emulat e ou r enemie s b y th e us e o f economi c boycotts. 8 0 The Rivendel l ad , displayin g a map wit h variou s majo r U.S . citie s an d thei r corresponding ga y papers , promises , "Wit h O n e A d Buy , Yo u Ca n Reac h O n e o f th e Country' s Mos t Affluen t Communities : . . . Wit h a combine d readership o f ove r 550,000 , th e Nationa l Ga y Newspape r Guil d ca n hel p you targe t som e o f th e mos t affluent , well-educate d an d bran d loya l con sumers i n th e country . Fin d ou t mor e abou t wha t The Wall Street Journal describes a s 'th e mos t potentiall y profitable , untappe d marke t i n th e U.S . today' " 8 1 Th e advertisemen t tout s a powe r tha t th e editoria l counsel s u s not t o use . The referendum , whethe r politica l o r economic , i s a sympto m o f a general failur e o f principle , a resor t t o th e powe r o f th e countinghouse ; it s values ar e entirel y pragmatic ; ther e i s no pretens e tha t position s wil l succee d or fai l base d o n principle . Th e referendu m i s a n admissio n tha t principl e i s insufficient. Th e N e w Christia n Righ t understand s thi s a s wel l a s ga y activists an d ha s turne d t o th e referendum , economi c an d political , a s it s primary too l agains t ga y rights. 82 Marcus e write s o f thi s sympto m o f twentieth-century turpitude , "Thi s pur e toleranc e o f sens e an d nonsens e i s justified b y th e democrati c argumen t tha t nobody , neithe r grou p no r indi vidual, i s i n possessio n o f th e trut h an d capabl e o f definin g wha t i s righ t and wrong , goo d an d bad . Therefore , al l contestin g opinion s mus t b e submitted t o 'th e people ' fo r it s deliberatio n an d choice. " 83 The strateg y appears , o n it s face , t o b e eminentl y rhetorical . Ther e i s n o question tha t gay s an d lesbian s subscribin g t o th e strateg y assen t t o a common currenc y wit h straigh t society , tha t they , lik e Bruce Bawer , believ e that "i f th e heterosexua l majorit y eve r come s t o accep t homosexuality , i t will d o s o becaus e i t ha s see n homosexual s i n suit s an d ties , no t nippl e clamps an d bik e pants ; i t wil l d o s o becaus e i t ha s see n homosexual s showing respec t fo r civilization , no t attemptin g t o subver t it." 8 4 I n th e 1990s, th e preferre d mean s o f presenting ga y me n an d lesbian s i n "suit s an d ties" avoid s th e hea t o f Washington , D.C. , o n th e Fourt h o f July an d th e hecklers i n Philadelphi a tha t Kamen y an d hi s follower s faced—marches , after all , "hai l fro m a simpler , perhap s simplistic , tim e whe n ga y politic s could b e understoo d i n term s o f 'u s agains t them. ' T o marc h wa s t o se t oneself a t odd s wit h th e syste m o n th e assumptio n tha t th e Establishmen t was ou r e n e m y " 8 5 I n th e 1990s , w e cal l fro m th e comfor t o f ou r ow n

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home an d registe r ou r ownershi p o f th e Lexus , Cuisinart , an d Misson i sweater. T h e Ga y Census , conducte d b y Overlooke d Opinions , "th e na tion's onl y ga y owne d an d operate d surve y firm," 8 6 thoug h i t drape s itsel f in th e languag e o f politics—th e America n flag, th e us e o f th e firs t thre e words o f th e U.S . Constitution—ha s onl y a coupl e o f question s o n part y identification an d voting . T h e greate r numbe r o f question s concer n wha t publications ar e rea d b y th e subject , recen t purchases , consume r activities , and whethe r o r no t on e believe s strongl y i n supportin g advertiser s tha t advertise i n ga y media. 8 7 Syndicated columnis t Arlen e Zarembk a ha s no t onl y expose d th e inval idity o f dat a s o collected , sh e ha s als o addresse d it s negativ e politica l conse quences: First , th e spuriou s dat a ar e use d b y thos e w h o argu e agains t civi l rights protection s fo r gay s an d lesbian s t o demonstrat e th e lac k o f need . Second, th e dat a ar e use d t o fue l a conspirac y theor y o f ga y an d lesbia n power a s represente d i n th e infamou s video s The Gay Agenda an d Gay Rights, Special Rights. Zarembk a observes : "A s economi c stres s increase s i n the country , s o wil l scapegoating . Demagogue s ar e playin g o n th e stereo type o f wealth y Ga y me n an d Lesbian s flying aroun d th e world , whippin g up powerfu l resentmen t agains t th e Ga y community." 8 8 Anyon e w h o would discoun t Zarembk a s clai m i s directe d t o Justic e Scalia' s dissentin g opinion i n Romer v. Evans wher e h e writes , The problem ( a problem, tha t is, for those who wish to retain social disapprobation o f homosexuality ) i s that , becaus e thos e wh o engag e i n homosexua l conduct ten d t o resid e i n disproportionat e number s i n certai n communities , . . . have hig h disposabl e income , . . . and o f course car e abou t homosexual rights issue s muc h mor e ardentl y tha n th e publi c a t large , the y posses s political powe r muc h greate r tha n thei r numbers , bot h locall y an d state wide.89 "Gay marketin g hyp e ma y sel l th e Ga y communit y t o corporat e America, bu t i t doe s s o a t a heav y price, " warn s Zarembka . " T h e sellin g o f the Ga y communit y t o corporat e Americ a . . implie s tha t Ga y me n an d Lesbians ar e valuabl e onl y a s consumers , insinuatin g tha t thos e withou t purchasing powe r ar e unworth y o f concern." 9 0 Bawe r reflect s precisel y thi s tendency whe n h e emphasize s tha t mos t ga y me n ar e "smart , talente d people w h o h[o]l d dow n respectabl e job s i n th e corporat e worl d o r th e fashion industry , o n Wal l Stree t o r Publishers ' Row." 9 1 T h e cr y fo r gay s t o be "reasonable " strongl y recall s i n thi s contex t th e root s o f th e ter m i n th e language o f accountancy . I t draw s attentio n awa y fro m substanc e an d fo -

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cuses o n th e mediu m an d proces s o f exchange . T h e "ga y market " i s th e ultimate antiessentialis t position , focusing , no t o n th e intractabl e fac t o f a sexual orientatio n tha t divide s homosexual s fro m heterosexual s i n th e eye s of th e law , bu t o n th e superficia l an d ephemera l statu s o f ban k accounts . Such a strateg y divide s th e economi c sel f fro m th e affectional/sexua l self , and i t leave s th e latte r unredeemed . Justic e Scali a s argumen t tha t certai n kinds o f conduct , "murder , fo r example , o r polygamy , o r cruelt y t o ani mals," o r homosexua l conduct , ar e th e legitimat e target s o f "animus " base d on "mora l disapproval " 92 i s left untouche d b y economi c arguments , allaye d perhaps b y th e abilit y t o purchas e indulgences , bu t fundamentall y u n c o n tested. Camille Pagli a ma y scor n th e "action " durin g Pop e John Pau l U s Mas s in Centra l Par k i n 1995 , bu t he r logi c i s painfull y twisted . O n th e on e hand, sh e decrie s th e paucit y o f "ideas, " principles , behin d th e ga y protest . O n th e othe r hand , th e basi s o f he r objectio n i s no t substantive , bu t pragmatic; th e protes t faile d a s a public relation s appeal : Amid heav y medi a coverage , a major ga y protest wen t virtuall y unreported , even b y th e usuall y obsequiousl y pro-ga y New York Times. Six me n cleverl y invaded Sak s Fift h Avenu e an d unfurle d a long whit e banne r fro m a sixth floor windo w facin g St . Patrick' s Cathedral , wher e a huge crow d waite d fo r the pop e t o arriv e t o recit e th e rosary . Th e sig n read , CONDOM S SAV E LIVES. Gay newspapers reported a child asking, "What' s that, Dad?" and he r father replying , "Thos e ar e bad people. " When polic e arreste d th e protester s and tore dow n th e banner, th e crow d cheered. 93 The poo r medi a coverag e an d th e crowd s cheer s ar e evidenc e o f th e emptiness o f ideas? Thi s i s a patent misapplicatio n o f causes t o effects . Pagli a goes o n t o criticiz e th e "dull , feebl e slogan , redolen t o f reactionar y '50 s Betty Crocke r caretaking." 94 O n e ca n onl y tr y t o imagin e wha t he r re sponse migh t hav e bee n t o Debs , Phillips , o r th e America n Revolutionar ies. Ther e i s no consideratio n her e tha t condom s do , i n fact , sav e lives , tha t they migh t sav e man y mor e wer e i t no t fo r th e intransigen t oppositio n o f the R o m a n Catholi c Churc h an d it s leader , tha t th e demonstratio n was , perhaps, a n exampl e o f principle d actio n wherei n principl e onl y an d no t the "payoff " directs . Littl e wonder , though , tha t Pagli a woul d no t recogniz e such a curiosity . I n a worl d constraine d onl y b y physic s an d economics , t o be arrested , t o suffer fo r a cause , ca n onl y b e explaine d b y a n inadequat e credit limit . A C T - U P ma y b e routinel y criticized , b y Pagli a an d others , fo r its failur e t o wi n th e heart s an d mind s o f th e America n people, 9 5 bu t i t

Secular Argument | 19 5 remains t o b e see n whethe r o r no t i t i s possible t o bu y same , an d i f bought , what w e woul d have . The commodificatio n o f th e ga y liberatio n movemen t is , o f course , no t without it s dissenters. Jeff Gett y o f ACT-UP, th e firs t perso n t o b e approve d for a n experimenta l transplan t o f bone marro w fro m baboon s a s a treatmen t for HIV , disdain s "white-colla r AID S activists " w h o worr y mor e abou t protecting thei r ow n budget s tha n abou t savin g peopl e wit h th e disease. 96 "Marc Contefag " an d "Michae l Homoscarce, " introducin g a reprin t o f th e leaflet "Queer s Rea d This ! I Hat e Straights " i n thei r 'zine , protes t th e c o optation o f ersat z ga y leadershi p b y white-ti e fundraisers : Who ar e th e peopl e makin g decision s fo r u s in Centra l Ohio ? The y ar e th e "A" gays , the upper-crus t financiall y elite . What make s them competen t an d effective leaders ? It' s certainl y no t thei r abilit y t o represen t u s o r for m coalitions withi n th e diversit y o f ou r community . It' s definitel y no t thei r work i n anti-racism , sexism , an d classism . No , i t i s simpl y thei r abilit y t o write a check. Thi s give s them acces s to boards o f directors, thi s allows the m to manipulate an d control ou r representatio n an d decision-making. The y sel l us out , the y attemp t t o spea k fo r u s withou t eve n knowin g wh o "we " are . They use their white an d clas s privilege no t a s a tool for constructiv e change , but fo r solidifyin g thei r status and power i n ne w ways. 97 Conte an d Scarce' s indictmen t underscores , no t onl y th e retrea t fro m activism towar d mone y an d respectability , bu t als o th e profoundl y persona l and selfis h tur n o f movemen t politics . Rejectin g mone y a s th e basi s an d measure o f legitimate power , Cont e an d Scarc e als o rejec t th e assimilationis t politics tha t i t serves , a s the leafle t the y reprin t make s clear : Being quee r i s no t abou t a righ t t o privacy ; i t i s abou t th e freedo m t o be public , t o jus t b e wh o w e are . I t mean s everyda y fightin g oppression ; homophobia, racism , misogyny , th e bigotr y o f religiou s hypocrite s an d ou r own self hatred. . . . It's not about th e mainstream, profit-margins, patriotism , patriarchy o r bein g assimilated . It' s no t abou t executiv e directors , privileg e and elitism . It' s abou t bein g o n th e margins , definin g ourselves ; it' s abou t gender-fuck an d secrets , what' s beneat h th e bel t an d dee p insid e th e heart ; it's about th e night. 98 Even a s the y lodg e thei r protests , however , A C T - U P an d Jeff Getty , Quee r Nation, Mar c Contefa g an d Michae l Homoscarce , an d th e anonymou s author o f " I Hat e Straights, " provid e testimon y t o th e connection s amon g money, civility , assimilationism , an d power , an d the y acknowledg e th e dominance o f th e nonconfrontational , reasonable , assimilationis t mode l i n gay right s protest .

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W h e n radica l protes t doe s clai m th e spotlight , a s fo r exampl e ACT U P s 198 8 shutdow n o f Burroughs-Wellcom e s Burlingame , California , distribution center , o r th e "action " i n N e w Yor k City' s Sain t Patrick' s Cathedral protestin g Joh n Cardina l O'Connor' s oppositio n t o condo m distribution program s an d ga y rights , i t i s no t onl y repudiate d b y th e large r part o f th e ga y an d lesbia n c o m m u n i t y — t h e editoria l "Docto r A C T UP , or ho w w e learne d t o sto p worryin g an d gre w t o lov e zaps " addresse s th e deep ambivalenc e o f th e communit y a t larg e towar d suc h radica l groups , and i s mor e generou s tha n m o s t " — i t i s als o subjec t t o co-optatio n b y th e commercial medi a a s spectacle , a s A C T - U P activis t Scot t Tucke r recog nizes. 100 Thi s recognitio n i s consisten t wit h Gu y Debord' s visio n o f th e modern spectacle , arrivin g a t it s ful l powe r withi n th e las t twent y years , a s "the autocrati c reig n o f th e marke t econom y whic h ha d accede d t o a n irresponsible sovereignty , an d th e totalit y o f ne w technique s o f governmen t which accompanie d thi s reign." 1 0 1 In th e worl d describe d here , right s ar e reduce d t o licens e an d ar e "civil " only i n tha t the y ar e purchase d fro m th e state . T h e curren t uproa r ove r same-sex marriage s i s indicative. N o t onl y i s marriage somethin g fo r whic h one purchase s a license, th e righ t t o marry , fro m th e state , bu t man y o f th e arguments, especiall y b y supporter s o f same-sex marriage , featur e economi c considerations: Socia l Securit y benefits , Medicar e benefits , inheritanc e laws, communa l propert y laws , incom e ta x status . Gay liberatio n i s no t alon e i n adoptin g th e languag e an d rational e o f economics. Th e analysi s ha s it s root s i n th e thinkin g o f Deb s an d W . E . B . DuBois an d begin s t o revea l it s current shap e i n Carmichae l an d Hamilton' s manifesto fo r blac k powe r an d Malcol m X' s call s fo r economi c self-suffi ciency, bot h i n th e 1960s . I n th e 1990s , i t ha s reache d it s baldest , leas t varnished for m i n debate s ove r environmenta l issues , especiall y proposal s that woul d allo w corporation s a certai n numbe r o f ai r pollutio n units . Corporations tha t coul d reduc e pollutio n belo w thei r allowabl e limit s would b e permitte d t o sel l thei r pollutio n unit s t o othe r corporations . These othe r corporation s woul d the n b e buyin g th e "right " t o pollut e i n a certain amoun t i n exces s o f thei r allotment . Sinc e whe n doe s anyon e hav e a "right " t o destro y th e environment , an d whenc e doe s thi s righ t come ? Surely natur e doe s no t gran t th e righ t t o destro y nature . Thi s loos e usag e of "right " merel y provide s forc e t o a regulativ e devic e create d b y th e stat e to balanc e short-ter m economi c interest s wit h th e healt h an d long-ter m interests o f th e people . I t als o exposes , particularl y wel l i n thi s case , th e

Secular Argument \ 19 7 great reductio n o f sacre d spac e i n th e contemporar y worl d i n tha t nature , formerly a n earthl y manifestatio n o f th e sacred , become s a commodity . Returning t o th e cas e o f ga y rights , i f ther e is , a s Bawe r an d other s argue, nothin g essentia l i n bein g ga y excep t sexua l orientation , the n ou r money woul d b e bette r spen t a t Brook s Brother s tha n wit h th e H u m a n Rights Campaig n Fun d o r th e Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force . T h e surfaces nee d onl y b e brough t int o conformit y wit h th e surfac e o f th e culture a t large . If , o n th e othe r hand , ther e i s somethin g irremediabl y different abou t bein g gay , then , a s Micke y Wheatle y warns , "Puttin g o n a three- piec e sui t doe s no t chang e th e fac t tha t w e ar e stil l largel y despise d because w e represen t a major threa t t o patriarcha l culture . O u r politic s an d personalities ar e a s centra l t o u s a s ou r sexua l orientation , an d shoul d b e celebrated, no t oppressed." 102 Radicalism ha s historicall y stoo d agains t chao s wit h th e definin g powe r of principle. T h e secula r argumen t examine d her e tends , conversely , towar d homogenization i n th e publi c real m throug h th e lingu a franc a o f money . Private resource s purchas e th e "right " t o pursu e thei r ow n interest s withou t regard t o th e commo n good . Ral f Dahrendor f describe s thi s assaul t o n civi l society a s occurrin g whe n i t i s posite d tha t "ther e i s n o suc h thin g a s society, onl y individual s an d government. " I n oppositio n t o a mentality tha t says " I hav e t o hav e a t leas t 4 0 percen t o f th e marke t t o b e viable, " Dahrendorf insist s o n a certain degre e o f contest , o f "untidiness " t o provid e the creativ e energ y necessar y t o civi l society . Radica l debat e ove r principl e provides tha t untidiness . A natio n o f suit s doe s not . Rick Moody , i n hi s widel y haile d novell a The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven provide s a glimps e o f a futur e conformit y i n whic h "thes e people loo k exactl y lik e othe r peopl e yo u know. " T h e stor y begin s i n th e R u i n , a N e w Yor k Cit y ba r o f sort s "decorate d i n twiste d ca r part s an d fruitless conversatio n an d postindustria l clutter , i n th e collisio n o f stranger s and i n th e flicke r o f lost opportunities, " an d follows , fo r a time , Jorge Rui z in a worl d wher e n o distinction s matte r an d al l valu e ha s dissipate d sav e "the sigh t o f a balanc e sheet , th e soun d o f a cas h register , o r th e eb b an d flow o f ordinar y conversation , thes e wer e th e thing s tha t reall y ruine d thes e patrons, tha t cause d morta l discomfort. " Jorg e find s himsel f confrontin g Times Square : " T h e neo n o f th e gyr o place , th e neo n o f th e sho e repai r store, the y wer e al l th e neo n o f Pee p World . Jorge confuse d th e threshold s of these businesses . The y wer e identical . Just like , afte r a time, stranger s an d the peopl e h e kne w wer e on e an d th e same . T h e neo n tha t calle d t o hi m

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in Time s Squar e wa s al l on e sign . I t said : follo w you r itch , haste n you r descent. G o ahead , dive/' 1 0 3 I t i s no t th e worl d tha t ga y an d lesbia n moderates o r Christia n Coalitio n evangelical s ar e crusadin g for , bu t i t i s very likel y th e worl d tha t denie s th e possibilit y fo r radica l voices .

10 The Serap h an d th e Snak e The Prophet s Isaia h and Ezekiel dine d wit h me , and I asked the m how the y dare d so roundly t o asser t that Go d spak e to them ; an d whether the y di d no t thin k a t the tim e tha t the y would be misunder stood, & so be the caus e of imposition . Isaiah answer'd: " I sa w no God , no r hear d any , in a finite organica l perception; but m y senses discover'd th e infinite i n ever y thing, an d as I was then perswaded, & remain confirm'd , tha t the voice of honest in dignation i s the voice o f God, I cared no t fo r consequences , bu t wrote." Then I asked: "Doe s a firm perswasio n tha t a thing is so, make it so?" He replied : "Al l poets believe that it does, & in age s of imagination thi s firm perswasio n remove d mountains ; but man y ar e not capa ble of a firm perswasio n o f any thing." —William Blake , The Marriage of Heaven and Hell

It i s commonl y argue d tha t Americ a ha s n o genuin e radica l tradition, tha t it s remarkabl y nonideologica l politic s preclude s th e kind s o f commitment an d enthusias m characteristi c o f politic s i n Europe . Wit h it s independence secure d i n a revolutio n widel y hel d t o hav e bee n conserva tive, Americ a ha s been stubbornl y resistan t t o variou s kind s o f socialism an d sweeping an d zealou s reform. * But "radical " i s on e o f thos e term s tha t threaten s t o disintegrat e fro m casual overuse . Dependin g o n one' s politic s an d one' s position , radicalis m i s either somethin g t o whic h on e eagerl y aspire s o r a term o f severest censure . It i s both a ter m o f prais e an d o f approbation . I t i s use d loosel y t o connot e terrorism, anarchy , outspokenness , alienism , simpl e disagreement , an d changes o n a large scale . I t i s both a threat an d a n opportunity . Ther e exist s the assumptio n tha t w e al l kno w radicalis m whe n w e se e it , a dubiou s assumption a t best . Ther e i s eve n a certai n amoun t o f iron y i n ou r gli b us e

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of the term , fo r i t belie s th e consensu s i t i s supposed t o reflect . Som e use s betray thei r factiona l origins , whil e othe r use s ar e simpl y trivial . On e suspects tha t th e designatio n ha s los t it s discriminativ e ability . A s Edwi n Black onc e reminde d u s regardin g "revolutionary, " a ter m tha t claim s a close kinship t o th e ter m radical , "Som e literatur e produce s convulsion s i n the world; an d some merely wears a bonnet rouge to th e Rotar y meeting. " 2 If we ar e t o tal k meaningfull y abou t a radical traditio n i n America , w e must tal k in term s o f those values that have been capabl e ove r the cours e o f our histor y o f engagin g American s i n significan t ways , o f causin g genuin e convulsions. Radicalis m i s not t o b e confuse d wit h th e bonnet rouge, no t t o be confused wit h fring e group s no matter how clamorous; it is not frivolou s or ancillary . Radicalis m is , quite literally , tha t whic h involve s th e root s o f a culture. Th e si x precedin g studies , al l dealin g wit h figure s o r movement s that hav e bee n loosel y identifie d a s radical eruption s i n America n politics , have pointe d t o tw o centra l an d antithetica l theme s i n America n culture . Whatever radica l traditio n w e migh t clai m shoul d probabl y b e explaine d as part o f a continuing dialecti c between them . From seventeenth-centur y liberalism , particularl y Locke , w e hav e re ceived a n ide a o f freedom. Th e America n Revolutio n successfull y define d the righ t t o th e autonomou s pursui t an d preservatio n o f life, property , an d happiness, fettered onl y t o th e exten t necessar y t o ensur e the equa l right o f others to d o likewise, as a central them e i n American politics . The vocabu lary recur s i n th e rhetori c o f abolitionism , i n Deb s s rhetoric agains t wag e slavery, i n McCarthy s rhetori c agains t communis t domination , i n Welch' s insistence o n th e virtue s o f individualism , an d i n th e rhetori c o f ga y liberation. Tha t freedo m i s an essentia l aspect o f the America n identit y ca n hardly b e argued . Ou r ide a o f freedo m i s th e sourc e o f ou r individualis m and ou r pluralism . But th e ide a o f freedom promulgate d b y th e America n Revolutionarie s was not simpl y the absenc e o f strictures o r the grantin g of license. Freedo m was, fo r th e Whig s an d fo r thos e wh o followe d them , no t a privilege bu t an indicato r o f mora l status , an d a s such , i t entaile d certai n obligations , certain duties . Mora l statu s mus t b e earned . Thu s a secon d them e i n American politic s ha s been th e them e o f duty, o f moral compunction , th e source o f our tendencie s towar d conformis m an d absolutism . It i s th e curiou s amalga m o f freedo m an d responsibilit y i n America n political thought tha t has been responsibl e for what Loui s Hartz ha s terme d its "veritabl e maz e o f pola r contradictions , windin g i n an d ou t o f eac h other hopelessly : pragmatism an d absolutism , historicis m an d rationalism ,

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optimism an d pessimism , materialis m an d idealism , individualis m an d con formism." 3 Hart z look s a t th e America n traditio n withi n th e contex t o f European liberalism , an d thoug h h e offer s occasiona l concession s t o th e religious influence s i n ou r heritage , h e generall y maintain s tha t American s as reformer s hav e no t playe d th e rol e o f "secula r prophets, " hav e no t bee n intemperate, an d hav e no t bee n pre y t o religiou s enthusiasms. 4 T h e libera l tradition i s antithetica l t o suc h postures , an d withi n tha t tradition , the y must b e viewe d a s aberrations an d contradictions . But a vie w o f th e America n traditio n tha t see s onl y it s mundan e an d businesslike side , tha t stresse s it s origin s i n th e Enlightenment , migh t b e accused o f stressin g Lock e t o th e exclusio n o f Calvin , thu s providin g a confusing an d inelegan t vie w o f it s shape . O u r preferenc e fo r Matthe w Arnold's Helleni c idea l risk s obscurin g th e Hebrai c sid e o f ou r culture . T h e transformation o f freedom int o a moral concep t an d it s pairing wit h dut y i s defalcated an d tenuou s i n Locke . Th e disciplinaria n sid e o f th e America n character i s mor e readil y attribute d t o ou r Purita n heritage . I t wa s Calvi n who, i n th e nam e o f freedo m o f worship , authore d on e o f th e mos t regimented an d demandin g orthodoxie s i n th e Wester n world , an d i t wa s Calvin who , b y hi s emigratio n t o Holland , bega n a Purita n exil e tha t provided th e foundation s fo r th e exodu s myt h create d b y hi s spiritua l descendants i n America . T h e myt h o f th e America n exodus , whic h reache d it s culminatio n i n the Revolution , unabashedl y dre w it s parallel s fro m th e exodu s theme s i n the Ol d Testament . I t capture d al l th e contradictio n o f freedom an d obliga tion i n a powerful synthesis . T h e exampl e o f Mose s an d th e covenan t mad e clear tha t escap e int o freedo m involve d hardshi p an d sacrifice ; freedo m an d discipline became , no t antithetical , bu t complimentary . Furthermore , a n escape tha t is , i n part , a sig n o f th e beneficenc e o f a divin e bein g involves , not onl y a disciplined respons e t o adversity , bu t als o a certai n debt . It wa s th e rol e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o remin d th e people s o f Israel an d Juda h o f tha t debt , t o deman d a n adherenc e t o thos e term s upon whic h thei r continue d freedo m depended . America n Whigs , likewise , argued tha t th e dua l natur e o f th e la w bot h provide d guarantee s an d mad e demands; the y depende d o n th e abilit y t o enlis t disciplin e i n th e servic e o f freedom. Makin g freedo m a sacre d concept , earl y America n radical s wer e able t o deman d a certai n consensu s a s to it s natur e an d it s requirements . T h e discours e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s continue s t o provid e American radical s wit h a mode l eve n int o th e twentiet h centur y becaus e i t is a highl y visibl e discours e o f radica l refor m tha t strike s a n amenabl e

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balance betwee n th e contradictor y element s o f freedo m an d duty . Th e rhetoric o f the radical s examine d her e provide s testimon y a s to th e some times quit e self-consciou s influenc e o f thi s model , thoug h th e lin e o f influence becam e mor e obliqu e a s America n radicals , ove r th e cours e o f years, molde d thes e material s int o a n indigenou s propheti c tradition . Wit h the ascension o f American prophets to canonica l status, the influence o f the biblical book s wa s sometime s obscured , bu t a s long a s th e traditio n coul d be sustained, i t bore th e marks of its source. Seeking t o articulat e thos e essentia l marks , I bega n wit h th e ide a tha t the prophet i s somehow alienate d from hi s audience, possessed of a message that i s someho w exclusive . A t th e sam e time , th e prophe t engage s thos e premises tha t ar e centra l t o th e culture . Th e prophe t i s simultaneousl y insider an d outsider ; h e compel s th e audience , bu t onl y b y us e o f thos e premises t o whic h the y hav e assente d a s a culture . Th e discours e is , then , both o f th e audienc e an d extrem e t o th e audience . I t migh t fairl y b e sai d that th e prophet share s the ideal s of his audience rathe r tha n th e realitie s o f its everyda y life. H e remind s hi s audienc e o f that transcendenta l sid e o f its culture tha t make s i t large r tha n ou r individua l want s an d need s an d aspirations an d challenge s u s towar d th e achievemen t o f tha t ideal . Tha t effort require s exertion , sacrifice , an d a renunciatio n o f indolence , a n exercise o f virtue . Propheti c discours e seek s t o reshape , t o re-creat e th e audience i n accordanc e wit h a strict se t o f ideal s a s commande d b y God , revealed i n natura l law , an d assente d t o i n principl e bu t unrealize d b y th e audience. The attitud e o f the prophet towar d th e audience reveal s much abou t th e cosmology an d epistemolog y behin d hi s discourse . A t th e sam e tim e tha t the prophe t set s himself apart fro m hi s audience, h e depend s o n a n under standing tha t the y shar e th e sam e worl d wit h him , thu s makin g the m th e subjects o f hi s visions . Th e worl d a s God s creatio n i s considere d sacred , substantially immun e t o alteratio n b y humankind . Properl y attende d to , i t contains directive s fo r living . Alon e i n th e Judeo-Christian cosmos , onl y humanity ha s a mode l o f th e idea l an d th e independenc e o f wil l t o den y that ideal . Her e i s the conflic t betwee n freedo m an d dut y a t its source: th e presence o f a fre e wil l coterminou s wit h divin e dictates . Propheti c dis course seek s t o refor m th e peopl e i n accordanc e wit h th e demand s o f th e ideal. The belie f that th e idea l i s shared, tha t ther e i s a common an d unques tioned visio n o f th e good , invest s propheti c discours e wit h a fundamenta l faith i n it s auditors . Fro m th e America n Revolutio n t o th e tim e o f Debs ,

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radical reformer s wer e profoundl y optimistic , optimisti c abou t th e possibil ity o f refor m an d abou t peopl e a s th e vehicle s fo r tha t reform . People , afte r all, coul d kno w th e trut h i f they woul d onl y ope n thei r eye s t o it , an d thu s knowing, wh y woul d the y no t ac t i n accordance ? Suc h a n optimisti c vie w of huma n natur e hold s n o cautionar y tale s o n th e rol e o f passion ; ther e i s no dar k sid e o f the psych e strainin g agains t it s chains . Precisel y th e opposit e is th e case : i t i s becaus e man' s feeling s ar e asleep , anesthetized , dormant , because ma n i s apathetic , tha t evi l i s allowe d t o exist . T h e rhetori c i n thi s tradition exhibit s a n unabashe d emphasi s o n emotiona l appeal , o n awaken ing th e feelings , o n speakin g t o th e heart . Propheti c reformer s wer e confi dent tha t i f th e peopl e coul d simpl y b e mad e t o fee l th e truth , refor m would follo w a s a necessary consequence . T h e America n Revolutio n i s uniqu e amon g th e case s include d her e a s the onl y exampl e amon g the m o f a radica l movemen t widel y hel d t o hav e been successful . It s succes s migh t b e explaine d b y it s abilit y t o achieve , fo r that brie f historica l moment , a compellin g balanc e o f th e element s o f freedom an d duty . B y th e tim e o f Wendel l Phillips , th e doctrin e o f perfec tionism ha d seriousl y erode d th e basi s o f consen t upo n whic h prophec y depended. Th e pat h wa s cleare d fo r legitimat e disagreemen t o r a t leas t irresolvable disagreemen t betwee n person s makin g equa l claim s t o perfec tion. Phillip s an d hi s compeer s wer e abl e t o pric k th e conscienc e o f antebellum American s precisel y t o th e degre e tha t som e consensu s o n transcendental value s remaine d viable , bu t thoug h tha t consensu s wa s suffi ciently stron g t o engag e American s i n a significan t way , i t wa s no t stron g enough t o compe l assent . Th e studie s o f thos e w h o followe d Phillip s revea l a continuin g erosio n o f th e cultura l homogeneit y necessar y t o validat e prophecy an d a n increasin g incapacit y t o argu e convincingl y fro m premise s of obligation . B y suc h a readin g o f ou r cultura l history , i t shoul d hav e surprised n o on e whe n Bil l Clinton' s " N e w Covenant " theme , designe d i n the traditio n o f FDR' s " N e w Deal, " Joh n Kennedy' s " N e w Frontier, " and Lyndo n Johnson' s "Grea t Society, " t o soun d th e visio n o f a ne w administration, wa s allowe d t o withe r ignominiousl y o n th e vine . T h e failur e o f obligatio n i s critical , fo r i t i s th e presenc e o f obligation s that allow s u s t o exis t a s a culture. Unalloye d freedo m i s anarchy. Obligatio n is presente d b y th e prophe t a s a n order , an d i t i n tur n provide s orde r t o a confused world . I t i s th e fligh t fro m chao s tha t provide s th e fundamenta l conservatism i n America n radicalism . T h e c o m m o n theme s i n th e rhetoric s of th e Revolution , Phillips , an d Deb s represen t effort s t o preserv e som e nucleus tha t order s society , som e invarian t poin t o f reference . Face d wit h

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crises o f culture , rhetor s i n eac h o f thes e studie s i n par t I sough t t o restor e a visio n o f structur e an d clarit y t o th e world . The y shape d a n America n identity fro m th e material s o f thei r Calvinism , thei r Englis h heritage , thei r classical Wester n educations , an d thei r Judeo - Christia n ethic . The y ex plored th e ramification s o f tha t identity , applie d i t i n thei r respectiv e situa tions, innovate d wher e necessary—bu t alway s wit h a respect fo r th e essen tial an d th e definitive—an d i n th e process , revivifie d fo r succeedin g generations a cultural tradition . N o r i s the America n propheti c traditio n a s it develope d fro m th e Ameri can Revolution , throug h Phillips , t o Debs , an d eve n t o som e exten t t o Welch a mer e critica l hypostatization . Lookin g t o th e rhetori c o f thos e who mad e it , i t i s eviden t tha t i t was , quit e literally , hande d dow n fro m on e generation o f radical s t o th e next : Wendel l Phillip s wa s a studen t o f th e American Revolution ; Deb s wa s a studen t o f Phillips ; an d Welc h appear s to hav e bee n a studen t o f nineteenth-centur y Americ a an d o f Emerso n i n particular. O u r understandin g o f thes e discourse s i s poore r t o th e exten t that w e ignor e thi s linea l influence . Failin g t o recogniz e it s sources , w e misread it s intention s an d mislocat e it s aspirations . Radicalis m understoo d as a tradition doe s no t threate n culture , bu t reaffirm s an d challenge s it . Conservatism i n thi s sens e i s no t a simpl e reactionar y impulse . T h e American propheti c traditio n i s no t a retrea t int o a n idealize d worl d i n th e past. America n radical s fro m Pain e an d Oti s t o Phillip s t o Deb s sough t t o preserve som e agreemen t o n goals ; they attempte d t o maintai n th e sanguin e vision whic h th e pas t ha d create d o f th e idea l future . T h e grea t traditio n o f American prophet s ha s bee n unfailingl y progressive . Faith , I hav e argued , has bee n thei r grea t commo n bond . I t ha s bee n th e "wil l t o believe, " a s William Jame s onc e terme d it , tha t ha s sustaine d th e propheti c impulse . With a "firm perswasion " i n th e divin e sanctio n o f their mission , America n prophets hav e hel d a n almos t limitles s confidenc e i n th e future . I t i s tha t confidence tha t faile d i n th e perio d followin g th e Secon d Worl d War . According t o Henr y May , th e "hegemony " o f "Progressiv e Patrioti c Protestantism . . . ende d exactl y i n 1919." 5 Certainl y ther e wa s evidenc e o f its deca y i n Deb s s time , bu t i t i s m y argumen t tha t th e genesi s o f th e decline occurre d muc h earlie r an d tha t it s ful l implication s wer e no t fel t until afte r th e Secon d Worl d War . O u r vivi d memorie s o f th e Sixtie s notwithstanding, i t i s important t o remembe r tha t o f th e fou r decade s sinc e the en d o f th e Secon d Worl d War , thre e o f the m hav e see n movement s o f the righ t mor e prominen t tha n movement s o f th e lef t i n America . A s important representative s o f thi s trend , th e movement s inspire d b y Jo e

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McCarthy an d R o b e r t Welc h ar e characterize d b y a lac k o f faith . The y were reactionar y no t becaus e the y wishe d t o mov e backwar d i n t i m e — i n McCarthys cas e thi s i s simpl y inapplicable , an d i n th e cas e o f Welc h i t i s merely a symptom . The y wer e reactionar y becaus e the y existe d onl y a s reactions t o threat ; the y wer e no t positive ; the y ha d n o directio n t o offer , no plan , n o goals , n o g o d — a t leas t n o supremel y poten t go d capabl e o f assuring hi s wil l i n histor y The y ha d onl y devil s t o battle . The y appeale d to a dissolut e world , a worl d withou t a commo n faith , unabl e o r unwillin g to acknowledg e th e comman d o f an y suprem e bein g s o diminishe d tha t i t could occup y th e smal l space s o f myster y tha t rationalit y an d technolog y had lef t t o it . Fo r a peopl e capabl e o f destroyin g it s ow n world , indee d it s own existentiall y define d universe , ther e i s no sacre d space , nothin g beyon d ourselves. Left expose d an d vulnerable , McCarthy s respons e wa s t o refus e th e shelter o f sanctuary ; h e preferre d a bellicose gam e o f hide-and-seek . Ther e is a distorte d vestig e o f America n manlines s an d virtu e i n hi s discourse , al l bare knuckle s an d brashness . Welch , o n th e othe r hand , responde d t o chao s with nostalgia . H e di d no t carr y th e traditio n forward ; h e wa s overwhelme d by it . Ther e i s n o innovatio n i n Welch' s rhetoric . H e recite d hi s poem s i n praise o f a bygone er a suggestin g tha t th e greates t visio n t o whic h w e coul d aspire wa s on e tha t existe d onl y a s a perversio n o f memory . I n a worl d completely subordinate d t o ou r control , th e onl y thin g w e canno t touc h i s the past , an d eve n tha t i s a n illusion , fo r thos e lik e Welc h profan e th e pas t by makin g o f i t a n idylli c fiction . Th e lac k o f a commo n histor y i s on e o f the symptom s o f th e brea k i n th e traditio n o f th e propheti c voic e i n America. What th e contemporar y righ t ha s i n commo n wit h th e propheti c tradi tion i s th e impuls e t o order . Th e rigid , forma l characteristic s o f propheti c discourse creat e sens e ou t o f confusion . The y offe r clarit y an d provid e direction. Althoug h the y emphasiz e th e negativ e sid e o f thi s equation , tha t those o n th e righ t shoul d b e s o obsesse d wit h plot s suggest s th e sam e impulse. Bu t ther e i s a considerable differenc e betwee n a n orde r tha t derive s from compassion , i s optimistic , an d provide s directio n fo r th e futur e an d one tha t derive s fro m fear , i s faithless , an d retreat s int o th e mythica l past . The forme r ma y b e criticize d fo r it s Utopia n excesses , bu t th e latte r i s th e provenance o f fascism . Th e forme r emphasize s freedom , th e latte r disci pline. Th e forme r emphasize s opportunity , th e latte r impendin g foreclo sure. Modern movement s o f th e lef t ar e n o les s spirituall y impoverishe d tha n

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those o f th e right . Man y o f th e radica l explosion s o f th e 1960 s hav e bee n characterized a s idealistic , bu t th e stres s o n th e newnes s o f th e " N e w Left " suggests a rupture wit h th e ol d ideals , an d i t i s tellin g t o not e ho w man y o f the ideal s o f th e Sixtie s wer e imported : religion s o f th e Eas t an d Middl e East, continenta l philosophies , an d variou s form s o f Marxis m wer e seize d upon a s source s o f transcendenta l value , change s signale d i n discours e b y a shift fro m th e rhetorica l for m o f th e "Declaration " t o tha t o f th e "Mani festo." Thes e vision s faile d t o captur e th e imaginatio n o f mos t Americans , not becaus e o f an y inheren t defect , bu t becaus e radicalis m i s cultural , an d these ideal s were no t o f our culture . I n fact , tha t radical s shoul d hav e turne d to the m i s suggestive o f how moribun d ou r ow n ideal s ha d become . Excep t perhaps fo r recollection s o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence , Thorea u o n civil disobedience , o r othe r signatur e document s recite d eithe r a s liturgy o r as evidenc e o f hypocrisy, ther e wa s littl e evidenc e o f historica l awarenes s i n the rhetori c o f th e Sixties , an d n o evidenc e tha t th e spiritua l source s tha t fueled th e radicalis m o f th e pas t wer e considere d eithe r viabl e o r relevant . As a n extrem e manifestatio n o f thes e tendencies , suc h socia l movement s as ga y liberatio n hav e abandone d transcendenta l ideal s altogether . Ga y liberation has , i n fact , bee n decisivel y exclude d fro m claim s o n th e divine . Some segment s o f th e movemen t ma y profes s belie f i n som e highe r order , and certainl y individual s might , bu t a s a socia l movement , ga y liberatio n i s characterized b y a n overwhelmin g emphasi s o n th e individual , th e freedo m side o f th e freedom/disciplin e equation . A commandin g transcendenta l presence i s antithetical t o a policy o f "liv e an d le t live. " Gay liberatio n effort s hav e largel y bee n characterize d b y Arnol d s idea l of "sweetnes s an d light, " a campaign fo r civil rights. As congenia l a s that ma y be, i t als o contain s clea r defect s an d limitations . B y adherin g t o th e rule s o f "reasonable discourse, " ga y liberatio n leader s reinforc e th e underlyin g idea s regarding th e natur e o f reason s an d truth ; the y provid e taci t assen t t o th e claim tha t thei r caus e ma y no t b e right , an d the y den y th e integrit y o f reasons tha t migh t compe l concordanc e wit h thei r cause . "Reasons " ar e both enthymemati c an d compellin g o f refor m onl y a s lon g a s ther e exist s the assumptio n o f widespread agreemen t o n wha t shoul d be . I n a pluralisti c world, reason s ca n b e onl y tha t t o whic h th e audienc e i s willin g t o assent , something t o b e negotiated . I n short , ga y liberationist s hav e n o fait h i n their ow n righteousness . Faith i s a nonempirica l idea . A s such , it s compas s i s no t restricte d t o th e narrow worl d o f the observabl e an d th e quantifiable ; it s only limit s ar e thos e

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of th e huma n imagination . Free d fro m th e chain s o f th e quotidia n an d th e pedestrian, fait h reflect s itsel f i n th e grandeu r an d spaciousnes s o f ou r my thologies. A s Northro p Fry e describe s it , w e liv e i n tw o worlds . Fo r th e o b jective world , th e worl d w e ar e actually in , w e develo p " a logical language o f fact, reason , description , an d verification. " Fo r th e "potentiall y create d world," th e idea l civilizatio n w e ar e tryin g t o buil d o r maintain , w e develo p "a mythica l languag e o f hope , desire , belief , anxiety , polemic , fantasy , an d construction." 6 I t might b e sai d that w e ca n judge a culture b y th e qualit y o f the storie s i t tell s abou t itself , b y it s mythica l language. 7 T h e storie s o f th e Greek golde n ag e stil l captur e th e imagination , an d th e achievemen t o f th e Old Testamen t ha s been it s ability t o ancho r a cultural identit y fo r thre e mil lennia. Suc h storie s solici t ou r continuin g admiratio n becaus e the y remin d us o f wha t humanit y ca n achiev e whe n i t strain s t o reac h beyon d itsel f int o the sacred , al l the whil e recognizin g it s own finitude . About suc h stories , Matthe w Arnold , i n hi s essa y " T h e Proo f fro m Prophecy," wrote , That me n should , b y hel p o f their imagination , tak e shor t cut s t o wha t the y ardently desire , whether th e triump h o f Israel or th e triump h o f Christianity , should tel l themselve s fairy-tale s abou t it , shoul d mak e thes e fairy-tale s th e basis for what i s far more sure and solid than the fairy-tales, th e desir e itself — all this has in it , w e repeat , nothin g whic h i s not natural , nothin g blameable . Nay, the regio n o f our hope s an d presentiments extends , as we have also said, far beyon d th e regio n o f what w e ca n kno w wit h certainty . Wha t w e reac h but b y hop e an d presentimen t ma y ye t b e true ; an d h e woul d b e a narro w reasoner wh o denied , fo r instance , al l validit y t o th e ide a o f immortality , because thi s idea rest s on presentimen t mainly , an d doe s not admi t o f certai n demonstration. I n religion , abov e all , extra-belief is i n itsel f n o matter , as suredly, fo r blame . Th e objec t o f religio n i s conduct ; an d i f a ma n help s himself i n hi s conduc t b y takin g a n objec t o f hop e an d presentimen t a s i f it wer e a n objec t o f certainty , h e ma y eve n b e sai d t o gai n thereb y a n advantage.8 Stories a t this level are more tha n th e product s o f a single author ; the y repre sent a c o m m o n voice , a cooperativ e effor t t o defin e ou r highes t ideal s an d aspirations, ou r mos t elevate d visions . Arnol d recognize d the m a s par t o f a cultural urg e t o perfection , an d Nietzsch e admire d th e Ol d Testamen t pre cisely because h e foun d therei n a people. Tha t som e singl e prophe t ma y b e come th e spokesperso n fo r th e mas s does not negat e th e communa l natur e o f the story , fo r withou t engagemen t th e stor y remain s iner t an d sterile .

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Borrowing fro m th e storie s o f th e Ol d Testament , th e America n proph ets examine d her e a t leas t bega n wit h vision s tha t wer e bot h nobl e an d exalted, storie s tha t dare d t o gambl e o n presentimen t alone . Bu t just a s Ol d Testament prophec y wa s unabl e t o sustai n itself , th e exodu s myt h fashione d by th e leader s o f th e America n Revolutio n containe d withi n i t tension s that allowe d i t t o devolv e firs t t o melodrama , the n t o melodramati c passio n play, the n t o fantasy , unti l ther e wa s nothin g lef t bu t th e forma l trapping s o f poetry, an d finally , a renunciatio n o f th e transcenden t stor y altogethe r i n favor o f th e tempora l an d prosai c utterance s o f economics . I t seem s quit e appropriate her e t o spea k o f a degenerative genre, 9 a failure o f imagination . There i s an increasin g tendenc y ove r th e cours e o f these studie s t o substitut e literary convention s fo r a consensu s absen t a t th e spiritua l level . Yet i t mus t b e sai d i n defens e o f thos e w h o create d th e storie s o f th e Revolution, o f th e slav e powe r conspiracy , o f th e right s o f workers , o f th e communist conspiracy , o f th e nee d t o recogniz e th e equa l right s o f all , tha t they a t leas t ha d th e courag e t o recogniz e an d acknowledg e thing s large r than themselves , thoug h som e wer e defeate d i n th e process . I n doin g so , they hav e adde d colo r an d characte r t o ou r heritage . Tha t thei r closes t ki n are foun d i n imaginativ e literatur e suggest s th e reac h o f thei r thought . Bu t unlike th e author s o f novels , plays , an d poems , ou r visionarie s canno t b e dismissed a s idl e speculators ; the y d o no t allo w u s t o isolat e thei r fiction s from th e realitie s o f ou r everyda y world . The y insis t o n bein g take n a s renderings o f th e possible . That effort s t o creat e gran d mythologie s hav e a n elemen t o f foreignnes s and extravaganc e fo r u s reflect s ho w fa r w e ar e estrange d fro m th e fait h tha t motivates them . W e hav e adopte d th e constricte d logi c o f empiricism , a logic tha t reduce s al l thing s t o ou r level , put s al l thing s o n ou r terms . I t replaces commitmen t wit h method . I t i s a logi c tha t demand s littl e o f u s either i n belie f o r i n consequence. 1 0 A strictl y empirica l worldvie w doe s not reshap e huma n beings ; throug h th e achievement s o f scienc e an d tech nology, i t accommodate s them ; i t reshape s th e environment , an d it s succes s in doin g s o i s prima faci e evidenc e o f its veracity. W e thu s assum e a positio n of passivity an d see k t o absolv e ourselve s o f responsibilit y fo r ou r decisions . Matthew Arnold , thoug h h e sough t t o tempe r wha t h e viewe d a s th e excessive Hebrais m o f hi s day , warne d agains t suc h a misplace d fait h i n th e external, i n "machinery " Th e "elegan t Jeremiah " understoo d tha t cultur e must properl y b e a "harmoniou s perfection, " a "totality, " "fir e an d strength" a s wel l a s "sweetnes s an d light. " I n "Dove r Beach " h e lamente d the "melancholy , long , withdrawin g roar " o f th e "Se a o f Faith, " " R e -

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treating, t o th e breat h O f th e nigh t wind , dow n th e vas t edge d drea r An d naked shingle s o f th e world. " Th e world , h e continued , Hath reall y neither joy, nor love , nor light , Nor certitude , no r peace, o r help fo r pain ; And we are here a s on a darkling plain Swept with confuse d alarm s of struggle an d flight , Where ignoran t armie s clas h by night . That Arnold' s poem , originall y intende d a s a criticis m o f politica l excess , sounds equall y appropriat e i n a time characterize d b y diffidenc e i s a strikin g testament t o th e soundnes s o f hi s instinc t fo r balanc e an d a lesso n i n deference an d responsibility . Ha d h e bee n a thoroughgoin g Hellenist , hi s idea o f balanc e migh t hav e resemble d th e golde n mea n wherei n everythin g is trimme d o f exces s an d reduce d t o th e palatable , bu t Arnol d finall y preferred a mor e dynami c an d athleti c notio n o f homeostasis , les s a n average tha n a n offsettin g o f opposin g elements . Muc h a s h e celebrate d "sweetness an d light, " h e wa s unwillin g t o renounc e thos e expression s o f faith characterize d b y "fir e an d strength, " whic h h e recognize d a s havin g their ow n valu e i n a culture . In contras t t o Arnol d s time , w e hav e erre d o n th e sid e o f Hellenism . We ar e plainl y uncomfortabl e wit h th e unverifiabl e an d th e extraordinary . We prefe r th e blandnes s o f th e bureaucra t t o th e superna l visio n o f th e seer . O u r cynicis m prevent s u s fro m creditin g claim s o n th e divine . W e vie w th e prophetic traditio n a s remarkably naiv e i n it s fait h i n ultimat e goodness . W e prefer t o loo k fo r th e snak e lurkin g behin d ever y purporte d angel . O u r distrust o f prophet s i s reall y a reflectio n o f a profoun d distrus t o f ourselve s and ou r abilit y t o tel l tru e fro m false . W e tak e n o chances ; w e hid e behin d a timorou s notio n o f reason , wor n lik e sensibl e shoes . This is , finally , th e failin g o f s o man y curren t prescription s fo r th e national malaise . O n th e on e hand , thos e o n th e righ t woul d retrea t t o rigid orthodoxie s a s sources o f order . O n th e othe r hand , thos e w h o coun t themselves liberal s plac e thei r fait h i n th e processe s o f reaso n withou t content. 1 1 Bot h response s embrac e a n ide a o f civility , bu t neithe r compre hends th e rol e o f continuin g radica l oppositio n i n maintainin g cultura l definition, th e nee d t o aerat e th e root s o f societ y b y mean s tha t involv e some violenc e t o th e soil . An d th e questio n mus t b e raise d a s t o whethe r we hav e no t los t som e o f th e richnes s o f ou r tradition s b y condescendin g to th e fait h o n whic h the y wer e based . W e hav e los t twice , becaus e w e ca n neither full y appreciat e th e motive s tha t impelle d som e t o spea k a s prophets,

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which alienate s u s fro m ou r history , no r ca n w e expec t a renascenc e o f prophetic activit y i n a world tha t canno t warran t it s fundamenta l assump tions, whic h alienate s u s from th e possibilit y o f a prophetic future . I t i s o n the recover y o f thi s abandone d faith , thi s nativ e radicalism , I suggest , tha t the revival of a compelling socia l vision an d th e discours e tha t would b e its vehicle depends .

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i. Congressiona l Record , 104t h Cong. , 2 d sess. , Ma y 7 , 1996 , E720—21 . 2. Tod d Gitlin , The Twilight of Common Dreams Books, 1995) .

(Ne w York : Metropolita n

3. Gertrud e Himmelfarb , On Looking into the Abyss: Untimely Thoughts on Culture and Society (Ne w York : Vintage , 1995) . 4. Miss Manners Rescues Civilization from Sexual Harassment, Frivolous Lawsuits, Dissing, and Other Lapses in Civility (Ne w York : Crown , 1996) . 5. Tod d Gitlin , " T h e Uncivi l Society, " New Perspectives Quarterly (Sprin g 1990) , 476. Gitlin , " T h e Uncivi l Society, " 48 . 7. Jac k Newfield , New York Times (Decembe r 29 , 1968) , III , 3 . 8. Ab e Fortas , "Justic e Forta s Define s th e Limit s o f Civi l Disobedience, " New York Times Magazine (Ma y 12 , 1968) , 2 8 + . 9. Richar d M . Nixon , "Firs t Inaugura l Address " (Januar y 20 , 1969 ) a s printe d in James R . Andrew s an d Davi d Zarefsky , Contemporary American Voices: Significant Speeches in American History, 1945—Present (White Plains , NY : Longman , 1992) , 258. 10. Bruc e Lincoln , Discourse and the Construction of Society: Comparative Studies of Myth, Ritual, and Classification (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1989) , 3 . 11. R o b e r t N . Bellah , Richar d Madsen , Willia m M . Sullivan , An n Swidler , an d Steven M . Tipton , Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985) . 12. Le e C . Bollinger , The Tolerant Society (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1986), 9 . 13. Additiona l example s include : Willia m Barrett , Rhetoric and Civility: Human Development, Narcissism, and the Good Audience (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f N e w York Press , 1991) ; Nei l Postman , Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (Ne w York : Penguin , 1986) ; Thoma s Shachtman , The Inarticulate Society: Eloquence and Culture in America (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1995) . 14. Frankly n S . Haiman , " T h e R h e t o r i c o f 1968 : A Farewel l t o Rationa l Discourse," i n Wi l A . Linkugel , R . R . Allen , an d Richar d L . Johannesen , eds. ,

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Contemporary American Speeches, 3 d editio n (Belmont , CA : Wadsworth , 1972) , 133-4715. Mar y An n Glendon , Rights Talk: The Impoverishment of Political Discourse (New York : Fre e Press , 1991) . 16. Se e also : Wayn e C . Booth , Now Don't Try to Reason with Me: Essays and Ironies for a Credulous Age (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1970) . 17. Jea n Bethk e Elshtain , Democracy on Trial (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1995) , 2 , 11, 19,77 . 18. Elshtain , Democracy on Trial, 95. 19. Thoma s Cole , The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore : John s Hopkins Universit y Press , 1991) , 47-54 . 20. R o b e r t Hariman , " D e c o r u m , Power , an d th e Courtl y Style, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 78 (1992) , 156 . 21. Charle s Walte r Brown , The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist (Chicago: M . A . D o n o h u e & Co. , 1902) , 2 0 - 2 1 . 22. Jame s Boy d White , When Words Lose Their Meaning: Constitutions and Reconstitutes of Language, Character, and Community (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1984) , xi . 23. Kennet h Burke , A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y of Californi a Press , 1969) , 39 . 24. Fo r a complet e dissertatio n o n th e relationshi p o f communication , order , authority, hierarchy , organization , integration , an d mystification , see : H u g h Dalzie l Duncan, Communication and Social Order (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1968). 25. Fo r a discussio n o f relevan t issue s an d literature , se e Karly n Kohr s Campbel l and Kathlee n Hal l Jamieson, " F o r m an d Genr e i n Rhetorica l Criticism : A n Intro duction," i n Karly n Kohr s Campbel l an d Kathlee n Jamieson , eds. , Form and Genre: Shaping Rhetorical Action (Annandale , VA : Speec h Communicatio n Association , [1978]), 9-32 . 26. Se e Russel l Hanson , TTie Democratic Imagination in America: Conversations with Our Past (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1985) , 22-25 . 27. Campbel l an d Jamieson, " F o r m an d Genr e i n Rhetorica l Criticism, " 24—25 . 28. Classi c studie s o f America s sacre d self-conceptio n includ e Perr y Miller , Errand into the Wilderness (Cambridge : Belkna p Pres s o f Harvar d Universit y Press , 1956); an d Ernes t Le e Tuveson , Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1968) . 29. Fo r example : James Turne r Johnson, ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press ; Chico , CA : Scholar s Press , 1985) ; and Ernes t R . Sandeen , ed. , The Bible and Social Reform (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press; Chico , CA : Scholar s Press , 1982) . 30. Se e especiall y Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison , W I : University o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) .

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31. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, 32—33 , 34 , 37 , 44 , 45 , 80 . 32. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, xiv , 4 , 79 . 33. Matthe w Arnold , Culture and Anarchy, J . Dove r Wilson , ed . (Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , i960) . 34. Arnold , Culture and Anarchy, 131 . 35. Se e Isaa c Rabinowitz , " P r e - M o d e r n Jewis h Stud y o f Rhetoric : A n Intro ductory Bibliography, " Rhetorica 3 (1985) , esp . 137-38 . 36. Michae l V . Fox , " T h e R h e t o r i c o f Ezekiel' s Visio n o f th e Valle y o f th e Bones," Hebrew Union College Annual 5 1 (1980) , 5 . Hesche l provide s a particularl y good introductio n t o difference s betwee n Gree k though t an d Hebre w though t i n the ancien t worl d an d a s the y hav e evolve d an d influence d ou r culture . Abraha m Heschel, The Prophets, 2 vols. , C o l o p h o n editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1962), esp . v . 2 , chap . 3 . Se e also : Isaa c Rabinowitz , "Toward s a Vali d T h e o r y o f Biblical Hebre w Literature, " i n Luitpol d Wallach , ed. , The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1966) , 315-28 . 37. Fo r example , see : James H . Billington , Fires in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1980) ; Samue l D . Clark , J . Pau l Grayson, an d Lind a M . Grayson , eds. , Prophecy and Protest: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Canada (Toronto : Sag e Educationa l Publishing , 1975) ; Mauric e Cranston, ed. , Prophetic Politics (New York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1970) ; Han s Kohn , Prophets and Peoples: Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism (Ne w York : Collier , 1961); Leo n Festinger , Henr y W . Reicken , an d Stanle y Schacter , When Prophecy Fails, Torchbook editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1964) . 38. Georg e Bernar d Shaw , "Preface, " Saint Joan, Pengui n editio n (Baltimore : Penguin, 1951) , 41-42 . 39. Kennet h Burk e remind s u s tha t th e wor d "persuasion " come s fro m th e Latin suadere, whic h share s it s root s wit h "suavity, " "assuage, " an d "sweet. " A Rhetoric of Motives, 5 2. 40. R o b e r t N . Bella h an d Philli p E . H a m m o n d , Varieties of Civil Religion (Sa n Francisco: Harpe r an d Row , 1980) , 126 , passim . 41. Bella h an d H a m m o n d , Varieties of Civil Religion, 36 , passim . 42. Kennet h Burke , A Grammar of Motives (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles : Univer sity o f Californi a Press , 1969) , 112 , passim . Burk e als o talk s o f mone y emancipatin g men "fro m a belie f i n an y spiritua l powe r bu t mone y itsel f an d it s psychoses. " A Rhetoric of Motives, 135 . Ther e wil l b e mor e o n thi s them e i n chapte r 9 . 43. Willia m A . Gamson , Power and Discontent (Homewood , IL : Dorse y Press , 1968), 83-84 . Se e also : Charle s Tilly , From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading , MA : Addison-Wesley, 1978) . 44. Fo r a n overvie w o f th e social-scientifi c ide a o f radicalism , see : Egon Bittner , "Radicalism," i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 vols., v . 1 3 (Ne w York : Macmilla n an d Fre e Press , 1968) , 294-300 .

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45. Tod d Gitlin , "Postmodernism : Root s an d Politics, " i n Ia n Angu s an d Su t Jhally, eds. , Cultural Politics in Contemporary America (Ne w York : Routledge , 1989) , 353NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

i. Aristotle , Rhetoric, W Rhy s Roberts , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richard McKeon , ed . (Ne w York: Random House , 1941) , 135631-3. 2. Jame s Turne r Johnson , "Introduction, " i n Jame s Turne r Johnson , ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric, (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press ; Chico, CA : Scholars Press, 1985) , 1. 3. Accordin g t o Clau s Westermann, "Th e mos t importan t resul t fo r th e histor y and understandin g o f prophetic speec h i n th e Ol d Testamen t i s that th e characte r of th e propheti c speeche s a s messengers ' speeche s i s no w full y confirme d b y th e religio- historica l backgroun d show n i n th e Mar i letters . Ther e i s thu s n o longe r any reaso n fo r disputin g th e definitio n o f th e propheti c speec h introduce d b y Lindblom an d Kohler which assume s its character t o be the speech o f a messenger." Claus Westermann , Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech, Hugh Clayto n White , trans . (Philadelphia: Westminster Press , 1967) , 128 . See also: R. B . Y Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, revise d editio n (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1968) , 92 , 126-27 . Scot t describes th e prophet s a s Yahweh' s voice s "speakin g i n th e firs t perso n o n hi s behalf, whethe r o r no t thei r oracle s a s they hav e com e dow n t o u s are prefaced b y the messenger' s introductor y formula , 'Thu s sait h th e Lord. ' Wha t the y proclaime d was a Wor d fro m Yahweh—definite , relevant , urgent. " Se e als o Bruc e Vawter , C. M. , The Conscience of Israel: Pre-Exilic Prophets and Prophecy (Ne w York : Shee d and Ward, 1961) , esp. 38-39, 47-50. 4. Abraha m J . Heschel , The Prophets, Colopho n edition , v . 2 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1962) , esp . 138-39 . Se e also : Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 90 , 99; Burk e O . Long , "Propheti c Authorit y a s Social Reality, " i n Georg e W Coat s and Burk e O . Long , eds. , Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theology (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1977) , 7. 5. Ezekie l 3:14 . 6. Jeremia h 20:9. 7. Amo s 3:8 . Se e also : Sheldo n Blank' s descriptio n o f Jeremiah's speec h a s no t "automatic, nevertheles s i t i s beyon d hi s powe r t o refrai n fro m speech . H e i s possessed wit h a sense o f inevitability." Sheldo n H . Blank , " 'O f a Truth th e Lor d Hath Sen t Me' : A n Inquir y int o th e Sourc e o f the Prophet' s Authority, " i n Harr y M. Orlinsky , ed. , Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition: The Goldenson Lectures ig55~ig66 (Cincinnati: Hebre w Unio n Colleg e Press ; Ne w York : KTA V Publishin g House , 1969), 138. Margare t D . Zulick , "Th e Ago n o f Jeremiah: O n th e Dialogi c Inventio n o f Prophetic Ethos, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 78 (1992) , 137.

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9. Zulick , " T h e Ago n o f Jeremiah," 137 . 10. O n th e messenge r formula , see : Westermann , Basic Forms. Se e als o Helme r Ringgren, "Prophec y i n th e Ancien t Nea r East, " i n Richar d Coggins , Anthon y Phillips, an d Michae l Knibb , eds. , Israel's Prophetic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1982) , 1 . 11. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 206 ; Michae l V . Fox , " T h e R h e t o r i c ofEzekiel' s Vision o f th e Valle y o f th e Bones, " Hebrew Union College Annual 5 1 (1980) , 8 . 12. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 16—17. 13. Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 1 3 off, I42ff ; Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 7off , 159-86, 190 . 14. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 169 . 15. Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 144 . 16. Ezekie l 12:2 . 17. Amo s 6:4-6 . 18. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 146 . 19. Isaia h 29:11-12 . 20. Amo s 2:4 . 21. Isaia h 28:7 . 22. Jeremia h 5:21 . 23. See : Richar d Ohmann' s remark s o n th e relationshi p betwee n stylisti c choices an d epistemology . "Prolegomen a t o th e Analysi s o f Pros e Style, " reprinte d in Howar d S . Babb , ed. , Essays in Stylistic Analysis (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1972) , 35—49 . 24. Westermann , fo r example , use s th e ter m apodictic to describ e th e la w wit h which th e prophet s wer e concerned . Basic Forms, 172 . 25. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 22 . 26. Westerman n describe s th e accusatio n i n th e propheti c speec h a s a recitatio n of fact s (Basic Forms, 132 , 144 , 145 , 146 ) an d describe s th e combinatio n o f th e accusation an d th e announcemen t stemmin g fro m i t a s "self-evident. " Basic Forms, 153, cf . 187—88 . Anthon y Phillip s discusse s th e concer n o f th e prophet s wit h "natural la w . . . a breac h o f whic h an y rationa l ma n ough t t o hav e bee n abl e t o discern fo r himself. " Anthon y Phillips , "Prophec y an d Law, " i n Coggins , Phillips , and Knibb , Israel's Prophetic Tradition, 223-24 . 27. Chai m Perelma n an d L . Olbrechts-Tyteca , The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation, Joh n Wilkinso n an d Purcel l Weaver , trans . (Notr e Dame , I N : U n i versity o f N o t r e D a m e Press , 1969) , 3 . 28. Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : H e n r y R e g n e r y Co. , 1965) , 166 , passim . 29. Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 9 . 30. W D . Hudson , " W h a t Make s Religiou s Belief s Religious? " Religious Studies 13 (1977) , esp . 2 3 0 - 3 1 . 31. Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 17 .

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32. Walte r Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1978), 66; see also: Thomas W . Overholt , Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of Prophetic Activity (Minneapolis: Fortres s Press, 1989) . 33. A . S . Va n de r Woud e clarifie s thi s comple x relationshi p o f consensu s an d opposition: "Non e o f th e writin g prophet s see m t o hav e denie d thes e tradition s [the normative theologica l tradition s o f Israel] as such but the y have drawn differen t conclusions fro m the m tha n thei r contemporaries. " A . S . Van de r Woude , "Thre e Classical Prophets : Amos , Hose a an d Micah, " i n Coggins , Phillips , an d Knibb , Israel's Prophetic Tradition, 40 . Bruc e Vawter' s comment s closel y paralle l Va n de r Woude's. Vawter, Conscience of Israel, 16-17 . 34. Chronicle s 11:1—3 . Se e also : Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2 , 254ff ; Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 176ft. 35. Jeremia h 23:10 . Kennet h Burk e find s th e secula r covenan t alon g wit h th e fall fro m grac e implie d i n th e sacre d covenan t o f creation, thu s establishin g a cycle from orde r t o disobedienc e t o guil t t o victimag e t o redemptio n i n a ne w order . Kenneth Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion: Studies in Logology (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles: University o f California Press , 1970) . 36. Isaia h 1:23-26 . 37. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , i59ff . 38. See , in particular: Phillips , "Prophec y an d Law," 217—32. 39. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 47 . 40. Westermann , Basic Forms, 133-36 , 199 . 41. Josep h Blenkinsopp , "Th e Propheti c Reproach, " Journal of Biblical Literature 90 (1971) , 267-78. 42. Ego n Bittner , "Radicalism, " i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 v., v. 1 3 (New York: Macmillan an d Fre e Press, 1968) , 294. 43. See , i n particular : Aaro n D . Gresson , "Minorit y Epistemolog y an d th e Rhetoric o f Creation," Philosophy and Rhetoric 1 0 (1977), 244—62; Parke G . Burgess, "The Rhetori c o f Mora l Conflict : Tw o Critica l Dimensions, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 6 (1970) , 120—30 ; Kathleen Jamieson , "Th e Rhetorica l Manifestation s o f Weltanschauung," Central States Speech Journal 27 (1976), 4—14. 44. O n th e nature o f the sacred as separate, see Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, Willard R . Trask , trans . (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace and World, 1959) . See also Fox, "Th e Rhetori c o f Ezekiel's Vision," 8 . 45. Emil e Durkheim , Sociology and Philosophy, D . F . Pocock, trans . (Ne w York : Free Press, 1974) , 25. 46. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 16 . See also: Burke, Rhetoric of Religion, 35ff, esp . 37-38; Pete r L . Berger , The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion, Ancho r editio n (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1969) , 8yf . 47. Th e ter m "identification " i s associate d wit h Kennet h Burk e a s a key ter m in rhetoric , but i t ha s been pointe d ou t o n mor e tha n on e occasio n tha t on e facto r that hinder s traditiona l Aristotelia n criticism s o f radical discours e i s that traditiona l

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rhetoric i s an "insider' s rhetoric. " See , in particular : Herber t W . Simons, "Persua sion i n Socia l Conflicts : A Critiqu e o f Prevailin g Conception s an d a Framewor k for Futur e Research, " Speech Monographs 3 9 (1972), 227—47. 48. Westerman n stresse s th e situationa l natur e o f propheti c discourse , i n Basic Forms, esp . 131, 153; se e also: Fox, "The Rhetoric o f Ezekiel's Vision," 4. 49. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2 , 188 . Simon Joh n d e Vrie s holds , "Th e basi c conflict [i n prophecy] i s always between covenan t integrit y an d political opportun ism." Prophet against Prophet (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1978) , 148. 50. See , fo r example , DeWitt e Holland , ed. , Preaching in American History (Nashville: Abingdo n Press , 1969) ; Barbar a A . Larson , Prologue to Revolution: The War Sermons of the Reverend Samuel Davies, Bicentennia l Monograp h (Fall s Church , VA: Speec h Communicatio n Association , 1978) ; Rober t N . Bellah , The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (Ne w York: Seabur y Press , 1975) , I2f.

51. Rober t N . Bellah , "Th e Revolutio n an d the Civi l Religion, " i n Jerald C . Brauer, ed. , Religion and the American Revolution (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1976) . 52. Leo n I . Feuer places specia l emphasi s o n the occurrence o f the prophe t i n a "time o f trouble." Leo n I . Feuer , "Propheti c Religio n i n a n Age of Revolution, " in Orlinsky , Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition, 181, 183 , 198 , passim . Se e also : Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, esp . 81, 112-14. 53. Scott , TJie Relevance of the Prophets, 9$f. 54. Jurge n Habermas , Legitimation Crisis, Thomas McCarthy , trans . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1975) , 3. 55. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 2iff. 56. Joh n E . Smith , Experience and God (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1968), 59. 57. Westermann , Basic Forms, 26—27. Westermann' s vie w i s corroborate d b y many othe r Ol d Testamen t scholars . Fo r example , see : Blenkinsopp , "Th e Pro phetic Reproach, " 267-78 , esp . 268; J. Begrich , Studien Zu Deuterojesaja, cite d i n Yehoshua Gitay , Prophecy and Persuasion: A Study of Isaiah 40—48 (Bonn : Linguistic a Biblica, 1981) , 7-8; Phillips, "Prophec y an d Law," 217-32. 58. Westermann , Basic Forms, 177ff . 59. Westermann , Basic Forms, 172—73 . 60. Westermann , Basic Forms, 176 . 61. Blenkinsopp , "Th e Prophetic Reproach, " 268. 62. Mica h 2:1-4 .

63. Nietzsch e woul d fin d her e th e institutionalization o f a "pathos o f distance" in the contractual relationshi p betwee n debto r an d creditor. Nietzsche , The Genealogy of Morals, i n The Birth of Tragedy and The Genealogy of Morals, Ancho r book s edition, Franci s Golffing , trans . (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1956) . 64. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, xvii—86. 65. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 128 .

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66. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 53. 67. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, 64. 68. Brueggemann , The Prophetic Imagination, 44-61; se e also : Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 32-36 , passim . Th e specia l relationshi p o f the prophe t t o th e power less is also a central theme i n James Limburg, The Prophets and the Powerless (Atlanta : John Kno x Press, 1977) . 69. Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1953) . 7470. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 24, 26, 38, 87. 71. Ohmann , "Prolegomen a t o th e Analysis of Prose Style," 47. 72. Jeremia h 21:12 . 73. Malachi 3:2-7 . 74. Lundbo m attempt s t o mak e th e cas e that Jeremiah ca n be rea d as persuasive discourse whic h find s it s cente r i n th e audience , bu t h e i s ofte n reduce d t o acknowledging th e intent o f the prophetic word t o "shatter " o r "break " th e peopl e so tha t the y ca n b e remolded . Jac k R . Lundbom , Jeremiah: A Study in Ancient Hebrew Rhetoric (Missoula , MT : Societ y o f Biblica l Literatur e an d Scholar s Press , 1975), 4of, 42 , 56, 58, 73, 77, 90, 95, n6f ; Cf . 79 , 91, 92. 75. Frye , The Critical Path, 120. 76. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, 185 . See also: Scott, The Relevance of the Prophets, 44-45. I n hi s revie w o f th e literatur e regardin g th e offic e o f th e prophet , West ermann find s nabi to b e historically associate d wit h th e offic e o f th e messenge r a s opposed t o th e offic e o f th e seer . Som e scholar s se e th e tw o office s becomin g conflated i n lat e Ol d Testamen t prophecy . Westermann , Basic Forms, 14—80. Vawter's revie w o f the meanin g o f nabi i s consisten t wit h Hesche l an d Westerman n i n that Vawte r find s nabi becoming prophetes i n th e Gree k Septuagint . Thi s woul d b e consistent wit h th e vie w tha t th e nabi is on e wh o i s calle d t o spea k fo r another . Vawter, The Conscience of Israel, 34ff . 77. Jeremia h 20:7—9. 78. Heschel , v . 1 , 113 . Cline s an d Gun n tak e issu e wit h Hesche l s rendering , preferring t o translat e pittitani as "persuasion. " D . J. A . Cline s an d D . M . Gunn , " 'Yo u Tried t o Persuade Me' an d 'Violence ! Outrage!' i n Jeremiah X X 7-8, " Vetus Testamentum 2 8 (1978) , 20-27 . Nonetheless , the y com e t o th e conclusio n tha t Jeremiah's rag e is directed agains t Yahweh fo r compellin g him , throug h persuasion , to spea k a s a prophet, vo n Rad , too , woul d argu e tha t th e prophe t i s a free agent , but h e als o concede s tha t "th e prophet s themselve s fel t tha t the y ha d bee n com pelled by a stronger will than theirs. " Gerhard vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, D. M. G . Stalker, trans . (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, 1965) , 37, 50-59. 79. Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, 99 . Similarly , Hesche l note s th e meta phor o f th e han d o f Go d use d b y th e prophet s t o expres s "th e urgency , pressure ,

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9

and compulsio n b y whic h h e i s stunne d an d overwhelmed. " The Prophets, v . 2 , 224. 80. Jeremia h 1:5 . 81. Isaia h 49:5 . 82. Willia m James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Ne w York : N e w A m e r i can Library , 1958) , 143 . 83. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 157 . 84. See : Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 56 . 85. Kennet h Burk e define s martyrdo m a s "th e ide a o f tota l voluntar y self sacrifice enacte d i n a grav e caus e befor e a perfec t (absolute ) witness . I t i s th e fulfillment o f th e principl e o f mortification , suicidall y directed , wit h th e sel f a s scapegoat (i n contras t wit h homicida l us e o f a n externa l scapegoa t a s purificator y victim)." Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion, 248 . An d Willia m Jame s clarifie s th e relationship betwee n self-sacrific e an d mortificatio n b y notin g tha t obedienc e t o God represent s th e sacrific e o f intellec t an d will ; t o th e exten t tha t th e prophe t i s obedient t o hi s call , h e i s mortified . James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 53 , 245 ; Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 196-201 . 86. R . B . Y . Scot t expresse s th e natur e o f th e callin g i n term s o f bein g se t apart . Scott, The Relevance of the Prophets, 99 , 100 . Edga r Magni n find s th e physica l separation o f th e prophets ' "pulpit " fro m th e templ e t o b e symboli c o f thi s sacredness. Edga r F . Magnin , " T h e Voic e o f Prophec y i n Thi s Satellit e Age, " i n Orlinsky, Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition, 103—21 . T h e sens e o f separatenes s i s als o implied i n theorie s o f propheti c ecstasy , whic h mean s "t o pu t ou t o f place." R o b e r t R . Wilson , "Prophec y an d Ecstasy : A Reexamination, " Journal of Biblical Literature 98 (1979) , 321-37 . 87. Zulick , " T h e Ago n o f Jeremiah," 135 . 88. vo n R a d , The Message of the Prophets, 37 . 89. Jeremia h 20:14-18 . 90. Nietzsche , The Genealogy of Morals, 221 , emphasi s Nietzsche's . Fo r James' s criticism o f Nietzsche , see : Varieties of Religious Experience, 286—87 . 91. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy, 163—83. 92. Long , "Propheti c Authorit y a s Socia l Reality, " 8 . 93. Jame s Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict (Berlin : Walte r d e Gruyter , 1971) , 38 . Sheldon Blan k make s th e sam e poin t whe n h e note s tha t Jeremiah s stronges t argument fo r hi s authenticit y wa s no t a n argumen t a t all , bu t th e simpl e affirmatio n that Go d ha d sen t him . Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 9 . 94. Georg e Bernar d Shaw , Saint Joan, Pengui n editio n (Baltimore : Penguin , 1951), 122 . 95. Shaw , Saint Joan, 123 . 96. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict, 94 . Se e also : Magnin , " T h e Voic e o f Prophec y in Thi s Satellit e Age, " 118 .

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to Chapter 2

97. Shaw , Saint Joan, 158. 98. Ma x Weber, "Th e Prophet, " in S. N. Eisenstadt, ed. , Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , 25399. Weber , "Th e Prophet, " 254. Hesche l write s o f th e prophe t a s anthropo tropic (Go d turnin g towar d man ) whil e priest s wer e theotropi c (ma n turnin g toward God) : "Th e prophe t speak s an d act s b y virtu e o f divin e inspiration , th e priest performs th e ritua l by virtue o f his official status. " Heschel, The Prophets, v . 2, 221.

100. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 20. O n prophec y a s charismatic , se e also : Heschel, The Prophets, v . 2, 139 ; Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, 24 , 70, passim. 101. I n J . E . T . Eldridge , ed. , Max Weber: The Interpretation of Social Reality (New York: Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1971) , 229. 102. Thi s i s clear in Weber' s writing s wher e charismati c authorit y i s contraste d with rationa l form s lik e bureaucrati c authority , an d i t i s th e focu s o f Willia m H . Swatos, Jr. , "Th e Disenchantmen t o f Charisma, " Sociological Analysis 4 2 (1981) , 119-36. Se e also : Georg e P . Boss , "Essentia l Attribute s o f th e Concep t o f Cha risma," Southern Speech Communication Journal 41 (1976), 300-13. 103. vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 206 , 218-28 . O n interpretation s o f the servan t songs , se e Coli n G . Kruse , "Th e Servan t Songs : Interpretiv e Trend s since C . R. North, " Studia Biblica et Theologica 8 (1978), 3-27 . 104. Isaia h 50:4. 105. Kennet h Burke , A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles: Univer sity of California Press , 1969) , 222. 106. F . G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1983) , 38 . Burk e Lon g writes : "Eve n event s o f conspicuou s hardshi p an d failure coul d b e interprete d s o as to suppor t claim s of authority (Jeremia h 1:18-19 ; 15:19-20)." Long, "Propheti c Authorit y a s Social Reality," 15 . 107. vo n Ra d discusse s th e us e o f "martyrdom " t o describ e pre-Christia n sufferings an d find s tha t example s fro m th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s approac h ver y closely Christian martyrdom , "fo r eve n in Israe l it became more an d more apparen t that loyalt y t o Yahwe h logicall y woul d lea d t o suffering. " vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 2j6f. 108. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 32 . Shaw notes, "Th e tes t o f sanity is not the normality o f the method but the reasonableness of the discovery." "Preface, " Saint Joan, 14. 109. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 37 . n o . James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 207 . Writin g o f Sain t Joan , Sha w says, "Fo r u s t o se t u p ou r conditio n a s a standard o f sanity, an d declar e Joan ma d because sh e neve r condescende d t o it , i s t o prov e tha t w e ar e no t onl y los t bu t irredeemable." "Preface, " 18 . i n . Swatos , "Th e Disenchantmen t o f Charisma, " 124 ; Long , "Propheti c Au -

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thority a s Social Reality, " 4 . Overholt treat s this as something o f a revelation i n his discussion o f "social dynamics. " Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, 143 , 157, 181 . 112. vo n Rad, The Message of the Prophets, 223 . 113. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 290 . 114. Zulick , "Th e Agon o f Jeremiah," 142. 115. Comparison s o f Debs an d Lincol n ar e especiall y common . Fo r example , see: Joh n Swinton , "Lincoln , i860—Debs , 1894, " reprinte d i n Debs: His Life, Writings, and Speeches (Chicago : Charle s H . Ker r an d Company , 1908) , 501-4 ; Walter Hurt , "Eugen e V . Debs : A n Introduction " (Williamsburg , OH : Progres s Publishing Co. , n.d.) , 15 ; Charles Erskin e Scot t Wood , "Deb s Has Visitors, " i n Ruth L e Prade, ed. , Debs and the Poets (Pasadena , CA : Upton Sinclair , 1920) , 84 — 88. O n th e general phenomeno n o f comparing Deb s an d Lincoln, see : Bernard J. Brommel, "Eugen e V . Debs : Spokesma n fo r Labo r an d Socialism, " unpublishe d dissertation, Indian a University , 1964 , i68f, 226. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

i. Stephe n Hopkins , "A n Essa y o n th e Trad e o f the Norther n Colonies, " i n Merrill Jensen , ed. , Tracts of the American Revolution (Indianapolis , IN : Bobbs Merrill, n.d.) , 16-17 . 2. Clinto n Rossiter , The Political Thought of the American Revolution (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e and World, 1963) , iyff . 3. Secon d Continenta l Congress , i n Richar d Hofstadter , ed. , Great Issues in American History from the Revolution to the Civil War, 1765—1865 (Ne w York: Vintage, 1958), 49-50. 4. Bernar d Bailyn , The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Universit y Press , 1967) , 1. 5. Bailyn , Ideological Origins, 19 . 6. Thoma s J . Archdeacon , "America n Historian s an d th e America n Revolu tion: A Bicentennial Overview, " Wisconsin Magazine of History 63 (1980) , 290. 7. Gordo n S . Wood , "Rhetori c an d Realit y i n th e America n Revolution, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d series, 23 (1966), 2. 8. Marti n Howard , Jr. , " A Lette r fro m a Gentlema n a t Halifax, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 73 . 9. Thoma s Bolton , "A n Oration, " i n Davi d Potte r an d Gordo n L . Thomas , eds., The Colonial Idiom (Carbondale an d Edwardsville: Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press, 1970) , 301 . 10. See : Dickinson's Lette r no . 3, reprinted i n Forres t McDonald , ed. , Empire and Nation (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1962) , 15—20. 11. [Danie l Leonard] , "Massachusettensis, " Decembe r 19 , 1774 , i n Jensen , Tracts, 283-84 . 12. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," Decembe r 26 , 1775, in Jensen, Tracts, 287 .

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13. Josep h Galloway , " A Candi d Examinatio n o f th e Mutua l Claim s o f Grea t Britain an d the Colonies, " in Jensen, Tracts, 351 . 14. Galloway , in Jensen, Tracts, 398 . 15. Samuel Johnson's Dictionary: A Modern Selection, E. L . McAdam , Jr . an d George Milne , eds . (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1964) ; Thoma s Paine , "Commo n Sense," i n Jensen , Tracts, 405 ; se e als o Charle s Howar d Mcllwain , The American Revolution: A Constitutional Interpretation, paperbac k editio n (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l University Press , 1958) , 163 , on th e identificatio n o f the la w o f reason an d th e la w of nature. 16. Ma x Weber, "Natura l Law, " in S. N. Eisenstadt, ed. , Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers, (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1968), 100-102; Melvi n J. Lasky , Utopia and Revolution (Chicago an d London : Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1976) , 25iff ; Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1953) . 17. Ja y Fliegelman , Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, and the Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1993) , 36—37. 18. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 40 , 42—44, 48, 58 , 75—76, 88—90, 96—98 , 103.

19. Pete r Thatcher, i n Potter and Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 277. 20. Joh n Dickinson , "Speec h agains t th e Petitio n t o Chang e th e For m o f Government," i n Potter an d Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 182. 21. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 24 . 22. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 43 . 23. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 37 , 65. 24. Lloy d Bitzer , "Th e Rhetorica l Situation, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 1 (1968), 1-14.

25. Stephe n E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-76 (Philadelphia: Templ e Universit y Press , 1976) , 60-66 . Se e also : Charle s Lomas, The Agitator in American Society (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1968) , 152.

26. Ego n Bittner , "Radicalism, " i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 v., v. 1 3 (New York: Macmillan an d Fre e Press, 1968) , 294. 27. Lucas , Portents of Rebellion, jjff. 28. Fo r broad characterization s o f some o f the issues , see : Edmund S . Morgan , "Don't Trea d o n Us, " New York Review of Books (March 21 , 1996) , 17 ; Gordo n S . Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York : Vintage , 1993) , 3—8; Theodore Draper , A Struggle for Power: The American Revolution (Ne w York : Time s Books, 1996) , xiii ; John Philli p Reid , "Th e Irrelevanc e o f th e Declaration, " i n Hendrik Hartog , ed. , Law in the American Revolution and the Revolution in the Law (New York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1981) , 46-89 ; Stephe n E . Lucas , "Justi fying America : Th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e a s a Rhetorical Document, " i n

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22 3

Thomas Benson , ed. , American Rhetoric: Context and Criticism (Carbondale an d Edwardsville: Souther n Illinoi s University Press , 1989) , 123-24 , n44. 29. Rober t N . Bellah , TTie Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (Ne w York : Seabur y Press , 1975) ; Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison, WI: Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) , 3, 14 , 42-44, 92 , 936°, 114. 30. Ernes t Le e Tuveson , Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1968) . See also : Mark A . Noll , "Th e Bibl e in Revolutionar y America, " i n James Turne r Johnson , ed. , TTie Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press ; Chico, CA : Scholar s Press, 1985) , 39-60. 31. Ernes t Wrage , "Publi c Address : A Study i n Socia l and Intellectua l History, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 3 3 (1947) , 455-56. 32. Lucas , Portents of Rebellion, 126-51. 33. Jensen , "Introduction, " i n Tracts, liii-liv . 34. Firs t Continenta l Congress , "Declaratio n an d Resolves , Octobe r 14 , 1774," in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 26—31 . 35. Jame s Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 24 . 36. [Goddard?] , in Jensen, Tracts, 89 . 37. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 239 . 38. Mcllwain , The American Revolution, 171—85 . 39. Th e followin g discussio n i s heavil y indebte d t o Georg e H . Sabine' s classi c work A History of Political Theory, 4th edition , revise d b y Thoma s L . Thorso n (Hinsdale, IL : Dryden Press , 1973) ; and Strauss , Natural Right and History. Se e also: Paul K . Conkin , Self-Evident Truths (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1974) ; Carl L . Becker , The Declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of Political Ideas, Vintag e editio n (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1942) ; Staughton Lynd , Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1968) ; an d Lasky , Utopia and Revolution. 40. Se e also : Locke' s descriptio n o f th e stat e o f natur e a s a stat e o f war . Joh n Locke, Second Treatise, III , i n Pete r Laslett , ed. , Two Treatises on Civil Government, Mentor editio n (Ne w York : Ne w America n Library , 1963) . Calvin' s vie w wa s similar. See : Michae l Walzer , The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge , MA : Harvard Universit y Press , 1965) , esp. 41. 41. Car l L . Becker , The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers (New Have n an d London: Yal e University Press , 1932) . 42. See : Rossiter , Political Thought of the American Revolution, ii5f f fo r furthe r discussion o f this relationship an d quotation s fro m pertinen t documents . 43. Samue l West , "Electio n Da y Sermon, " i n Potte r an d Thomas , The Colonial Idiom, 582-83. 44. See : Locke, Second Treatise, XIII , 149:20—33. 45. Fo r th e connectio n betwee n th e Leveller s an d th e Whigs , see : Bailyn ,

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Ideological Origins, 34ff; Bernar d Bailyn , "Th e Centra l Theme s o f th e America n Revolution," in Stephen G . Kurtz and James H. Hutson, eds. , Essays on the American Revolution (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Pres s fo r th e Institut e o f Early American Histor y and Culture, 1973) , 7-8; Becker, The Declaration of Independence, 79 . 46. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 235-38 . 47. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 235-38 . 48. I n Jensen, Tracts, 239-40 . 49. Lucas , "Justifying America, " 83. 50. Galloway , in Jensen, Tracts, 366 . 51. Danie l Dulany , "Consideration s o n the Propriety o f Imposing Taxe s in the British Colonie s fo r th e Purpos e o f Raising a Revenue b y Act of Parliament," i n Jensen, Tracts, 106-7 . 52. See , for example: Draper, A Struggle for Power, 35-36 . 53. Lock e refer s t o the function o f the legislatur e a s an "Umpirag e . . . fo r the ending [of ] al l Differences, tha t ma y arise amongs t an y o f them. " Second Treatise, XIX, 212 : 3-9; VII , 88 : 10-27 . O n "affirmativ e law " vs. "ne w law" an d Parlia ment's role, see: Mcllwain, The American Revolution, 66 , 72f. 54. Edmun d Burke , "O n Conciliatio n wit h th e Colonies, " i n Speeches and Letters on American Affairs by Edmund Burke, Everyman's Librar y (London : J . M . Dent an d Sons; New York: E. P. Dutton an d Co., 1908), 117. 55. Burke , "O n Conciliation wit h th e Colonies," 121. 56. Thoma s Paine , The Rights of Man, Introductio n b y Eric Fone r (Ne w York: Penguin, 1984) , 165. 57. Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 39 . 58. O n Calvin' s uncomfortabl e vacillatio n o n th e questio n o f legitimac y i n government, see : Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints, 41 , 58f, passim . 59. Locke , Second Treatise, XI , 135: 32-38 . 60. A s opposed t o arbitrary laws , e.g., Second Treatise, XI , 137: 2 . 61. Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 29 . 62. Fo r example, see : Hopkins, 48 ; [Goddard?], 84 , both i n Jensen, Tracts. See : Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution (Ne w York: Vintage, 1974) , I49ff . 63. West , "Electio n Da y Sermon," i n Potte r an d Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 587. 64. Bailyn , "Th e Central Theme s o f the American Revolution, " 8 . 65. Thoma s Jefferson, i n Jensen, Tracts, 274 . 66. Locke , Second Treatise, XVIII , 199 : 1-11 . 67. Jeremia h 23:10 . 68. Hopkins , i n Jensen, Tracts, 54 . Cf. Locke , "Fo r I hav e trul y n o Property i n that, whic h anothe r ca n b y righ t tak e fro m me , whe n h e pleases , agains t m y consent." Second Treatise, XI , 138: 13-15. 69. Joh n Adams , "Novanglus , January 30 , 1775," in Jensen, Tracts, 315 .

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70. Burke , " O n Conciliatio n wit h th e Colonies, " 9 0 - 9 1 . 71. O n " G o d terms " an d "devi l terms " see : Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : H e n r y Regnery , 1965) , 2 1 iff. 72. [Goddard?] , i n Jensen, Tracts, 83 . 73. Mica h 1:10 . 74. Locke , Second Treatise, XIII, 155 : 15-19 . 75. Adams , "Novanglus , Januar y 23 , 1775, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 301 . O n th e historical connectio n betwee n planetar y an d politica l revolution , see : Lasky, Utopia and Revolution, 227ff ; Jame s H . Billington , Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith ( N e w York: Basi c Books , 1980) , 17 . For a summary statemen t o f the rhetorica l an d psychologica l appeal s o f natura l law , see: Kathleen M . Jamieson , "Natural La w as Warrant," Philosophy and Rhetoric 6 (1973) , 235—46 . 76. [Goddard?] , i n Jensen, Tracts, 88 . 77. Abraha m J . Heschel , The Prophets, C o l o p h o n edition , v . 1 ( N e w York : Harper an d R o w ) , io8ff . Althoug h propheti c prediction s wer e conditional , w h e n the condition s ha d been fulfille d th e consequence s wer e inexorable . 78. Jaco b Duche , i n Jac k P . Greene , ed. , Colonies to Nation, 1763-1789: A Documentary History of the American Revolution ( N e w York : W W . N o r t o n , 1975) , 263. O n Adams' s reactio n t o th e sermon , see : E m o ry Elliott , " T h e Dov e an d th e Serpent: T h e Clerg y i n th e America n Revolution, " American Quarterly 3 1 (1979) , 188. 79. Duche , i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 264 . 80. See : Lucas , "Justifyin g America, " 75-76 , o n th e significanc e o f "necessity " in th e argo t o f eighteenth-century politics . 81. M o r t o n White , The Philosophy of the American Revolution ( N e w York : O x ford Universit y Press , 1978) , 229ff , emphasi s W h i t e s . Se e also: Rossiter , The Political Thought of the American Revolution, 141—42 , 145. 82. "Declaratio n o f the Stam p Ac t Congress, " i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 64 . 83. Otis , i n Jensen, Tracts, 22 . 84. Wood , Radicalism, 204 . Leo Straus s provide s som e insigh t int o th e relation ship betwee n right , duty , an d virtu e i n Hobbes , Locke , Rousseau , an d Burke . Strauss, Natural Right and History, 145 , i8iff , 255ff , 281 , 298 . 85. Aristotle , Nicomachean Ethics, W D . Ross , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richar d McKeon , ed . ( N e w York : R a n d o m House , 1941) , esp . 1094a: , 1095313, I 0 9 7 b 2 2 - i 0 9 8 a i 7 , H02a5 , H 0 4 b i 3 , 1106 a 10; Aristotle, Rhetoric, W Rhy s Roberts, trans. , i n Basic Works, McKeon, ed. , 133239-10 , i 3 6 o b 4 - i 8 . 86. Aristotle , Politics, Benjami n Jowett , trans. , i n Basic Works, McKeon , ed. , 1289326-44. 87. Aristotle , Politics, 1260 a 12. 88. Aristotle , Politics, 1288339 . 89. Aristotle , Politics, I 3 0 i a 4 0 - I 3 0 i b i . 90. R o b e r t N . Bellah , " T h e Revolutio n an d th e Civi l Religion, " i n Jerald C .

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Brauer, ed. , Religion and the American Revolution (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1976) , 69; see also: Bellah, The Broken Covenant, 23-25 . 91. "Brutus, " "O n th e Promis e o f the Nonimportatio n Associations," June 1 , 1769, i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 157 . Regarding th e need o f human natur e t o be governed by men of virtue in a "disinterested" manner , see : Jack P. Greene, "An Uneasy Connection : A n Analysi s o f the Precondition s o f the America n Revolu tion," in Kurtz and Hutson, Essays on the American Revolution, 54 . 92. Paine , Rights of Man, 236. 93. Secon d Continenta l Congress , in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 51 . 94. Greene , "A n Uneasy Connection, " 59-60 . 95. Isaia h Berlin, "Introduction, " i n Isaiah Berlin, ed. , The Age of Enlightenment (New York: New American Library , Mentor Books , 1956) , 14. 96. Berlin , "Introduction, " 28. 97. See : Garr y Wills' s challeng e t o Car l Becke r i n Garr y Wills , Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1979) ; Becker, The Declaration of Independence. Fo r a goo d critiqu e o f Wills's book , see : John Hamoway , "Jefferso n an d th e Scottis h Enlightenment : A Critiqu e o f Garr y Wills's Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence," William and Mary Quarterly 36 (1979), 503-23. 98. O n intuitio n a s th e foundatio n fo r America n Revolutionar y beliefs , see : White, Philosophy of the American Revolution. On th e role o f feeling i n eighteenth century though t i n general, see : John D . Boyd, S.J. , The Function of Mimesis and Its Decline, 2 d ed. (Ne w York: Fordha m Universit y Press , 1980) , esp . chap. 2 , 51 , 75 . On th e rationa l element s i n th e eighteenth-centur y ide a o f feeling , see : A. D . Lindsay, "Introduction, " Davi d Hume , A Treatise on Human Nature (Ne w York : Dutton, 1911) , II , x ; T . H . Irwin , "Aristotl e o n Reason , Desire , an d Virtue, " Journal of Philosophy 72 (1975) , 567—80 ; an d Edwar d M . Galligan , "Irwi n o n Aristotle," Journal of Philosophy 72 (1975), 579. 99. Josep h Warren , in Potter and Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 252 . 100. O n th e relationship o f some o f these development s an d the characteristic s and function s o f "basi c truths, " see : Stephen Toulmin , Knowing and Acting (New York: Macmillan, 1976) , esp. i43ff . 101. Willia m James , "Th e Wil l t o Believe, " i n The Will to Believe and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy (1897 ; reprint , Ne w York: Dove r Publications , 1956) , 14-15.

102. Joh n Locke , An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, II , i, 25; II, ii, 2; in Berlin, The Age of Enlightenment, 43 , 45 . 103. Locke , Second Treatise, XIX , 230: 18-20. 104. Hume , A Treatise of Human Nature, I , iii , 7 , 94ff ; Davi d Hume , An Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding. O n Hume' s distanc e fro m Descarte s i n his refutation tha t beliefs ca n ultimately be justified b y reason, see: Barr y Stroud , Hume (London: Routledge an d Kegan Paul , 1977) , nff .

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105. Thoma s Reid , An Inquiry into the Human Mind, Timoth y J . Duggan , ed . (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1970) , 30 ; Thoma s Reid , Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, Baruc h Brody , ed . (Cambridge , MA : M.I.T. Press , 1969) , 304-5106. I n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 35. 107. Jefferson , i n Jensen, Tracts, 258 . 108. Jefferson , i n Jensen, Tracts, 275 . 109. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," Decembe r 26 , 1775 , in Jensen, Tracts, 296 . n o . [Adams] , "Novanglus," January 23 , 1775, and [Adams] , "Novanglus," January 30 , 1775 , both i n Jensen Tracts, 297 , 312. i n . Otis , in Jensen, Tracts. 112. Charle s Inglis , in Hofstadter , Great Issues, 63 . 113. Secon d Continenta l Congress , "Declaratio n o f th e Cause s an d Necessit y of Taking up Arms," in Hofstadter , Great Issues, 47 . 114. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 418 . 115. Jame s Chalmers , i n Jensen, Tracts, 447-88 . Fo r furthe r discussio n o f eigh teenth-century epistemolog y i n colonia l thought , see : White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 3-141. 116. Weber , "Natura l Law, " in Eisenstadt , On Charisma and Institution Building, 100-102; Margaret Macdonald , "Natura l Rights, " in Jeremy Waldron , ed. , Theories of Rights (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1984) , 25f ; Becker , The Declaration of Independence, 61 , 66. 117. Locke , Second Treatise, II , 11 : 24-25. 118. Locke , Second Treatise, II , 6: 6-9 . 119. Hobbes , Leviathan, I , i, 1 . 120. Reid , Inquiry, 88 . 121. R . Hazelton , "Believin g is Seeing: Vision a s Metaphor," Theology Today 3 5 (1979), 405. 122. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 18, 23f, 105 . 123. Paine , Rights of Man, 159 . 124. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," December , 26 , 1775 , in Jensen, Tracts, 296 . Emphasis added . 125. [Goddard?] , in Jensen, Tracts, 89 , 82. 126. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," January 9 , 1775 , in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 35127. Paine , Rights of Man, 157 . 128. Paine , Rights of Man, 184 . 129. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 16. 130. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 7 , passim . Whit e make s a similar argument regardin g elitism in a moral sense, 1 3 iff. 131. Joh n Dickinson , "Letter s fro m a Farmer, " II , i n Hofstadter , Great Issues, 24.

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132. Chalmers , in Jensen, Tracts, 478 . 133. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 418 . 134. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 426 . 135. Paine , "Commo n Sense, " in Jensen, Tracts, 405 . 136. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 14. 137. Isaia h 40:6. 138. Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , "Introduction " t o The Woman's Bible, i n Alic e S . Rossi, ed. , The Feminist Papers: From Adams to de Beauvoir (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1973) , 404. 139. Locke , Second Treatise, XIX , 242 . 140. Becker , The Declaration of Independence, 15 . 141. I n "Justifyin g America " Luca s makes th e argumen t that , i n man y respects , the Declaration reflects th e commo n rhetorica l practice s o f the time . 142. [Samue l Adams?] , " A Stat e o f th e Right s o f th e Colonists, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 233-55 . 143. Henr y Laurens , in Jensen, Tracts, 185—206 . 144. Jame s Bowdoin , Dr . Josep h Warren , an d Samue l Pemberton , " A Shor t Narrative o f the Horri d Massacr e in Boston," i n Jensen, Tracts, 207—32 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R \

i. Jame s Stewart , Wendell Phillips: Liberty's Hero (Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1986) , 34. 2. Se e also : Richar d Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (Ne w York : Vintage , 1974) , 181 . James Redpath , ed. , "Publisher s Advertisement," i n Wendel l Phillips , Speeches, Lectures, and Letters, Firs t serie s (Bos ton: Le e and Shepard, 1894) , pagination uncertain ; Irvin g Bartlett, Wendell Phillips: Brahmin Radical (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1961) ; Irving H . Bartlett , "Th e Persistenc e of Wendel l Phillips, " i n Marti n Duberman , ed. , The Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists (Princeton , NJ : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1965) , 107— 11; Irvin g H . Bartlett , "Wendel l Phillip s an d th e Eloquenc e o f Abuse, " American Quarterly 1 1 (1959) , 509-20 ; Willar d Haye s Yeager , "Wendel l Phillips, " i n Willia m Norwood Brigance , ed. , A History and Criticism of American Public Address, v. 1 (New York : McGraw-Hill , 1943) , 329-62 ; Loui s Filler , "Introduction, " i n Wendell Phillips on Civil Rights and Freedom (Ne w York: Hill and Wang, 1965) , x-xi. 3. Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 327 . 4. Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition, 175. Rhetorica l criti c Ernes t Bormann reflect s thi s traditiona l vie w i n hi s influentia l essay , "Th e Rhetori c o f Abolition," i n Ernes t G . Bormann , ed. , Forerunners of Black Power: The Rhetoric of Abolition (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall , 1971) . Ailee n Kraditor , Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 1834— 1830 (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1970) , i s particularly critica l o f traditiona l inter -

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pretations o f abolitionism . Lewi s Perr y an d Michae l Fellman , eds. , Antislavery Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Abolitionists (Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1979) , provides essay s that attemp t t o balance wholesal e condem nation an d blind, reactionar y defense . 5. Bartlett , "Th e Persistenc e o f Wendel l Phillips, " i n ; Bartlett , "Th e Elo quence o f Abuse," 516. The phrase is Robert C . Winthrop's. 6. E . L. Godkin, "Wendel l Phillip s a s a Whipper-in," The Nation (Februar y 8 , 1866), 166 , quote d i n Winon a L . Fletcher , "Knight-Erran t o r Screamin g Eagle ? E. L . Godki n s Criticis m o f Wendel l Phillips, " Southern Speech Journal 29 (1964) , 217.

7. See : "The Los t Arts, " i n Ashle y Thorndike , ed. , Modern Eloquence, revise d edition i n 1 5 vols., v . 1 3 (Ne w York: Lincol n Scholarshi p Fund , 1929) , 281 . Se e also: Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition, 182 . 8. Phillips , Speeches, Lectures, and Letters, 282 . 9. S . N. Eisenstadt, ed., "Introduction," i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , xix. 10. Donal d M . Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " i n Perr y an d Fellman , Antislavery Reconsidered, 51—74 . 11. Timoth y L . Smith , "Righteousnes s an d Hope: Christia n Holines s an d the Millennial Vision in America, 1800-1900, " American Quarterly 31 (1979), 30. 12. Perr y Miller , The Life of the Mind in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (New York: Harcourt, Brac e and World, 1965) , 6, 7. 13. Josep h R . Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, paperback editio n (Urbana , IL : University o f Illinoi s Press , 1966) , 31. O n parallel s betwee n abolitionis m an d temperance , see : Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade, 54 ; Scott, "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation," 66f. On Phillips's own involvement wit h temperance , see : Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 217-18 , 259-61 , 283 , 285, 302 , 32714. Davi d Brion Davis , "Slavery and Sin: The Cultural Background," i n Duberman, The Antislavery Vanguard, 3 , passim; Davi d Brio n Davis , The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca , NY : Cornell Universit y Press , 1966) ; David Brio n Davis , The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823 (Ithaca, NY : Cornel l University Press , 1975) . 15. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " 68. 16. Jame s B . Stewart, "Heroes , Villains , Liberty , an d License: Th e Abolitionis t Vision o f Wendell Phillips, " i n Perr y an d Fellman , Antislavery Reconsidered, i69ff . Ronald G . Walters , "Th e Eroti c South : Civilizatio n an d Sexualit y i n America n Abolitionism," American Quarterly 25 (1973), 177-201 . 17. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " esp . 66ff. 18. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper's Ferry, " in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 107 . 19. "I n Defense o f Lovejoy," in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 9 . 20. "Th e Boston Mob, " in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 12 .

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21. " T h e Boston Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 26 . 22. The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact (Ne w York: N e g r o Universitie s Press , 1969), 6 . 23. Revie w o f Lysande r Spooner' s Essa y o n th e Unconstitutionalit y o f Slaver y Reprinted fro m th e "Anti-Slaver y Standard " wit h Addition s (Boston : Andrew s an d Prentiss, 1847) . 24. Georg e V . Bohman note s thi s speec h alon g wit h Lincoln' s speec h a t C o o p e r U n i o n a s contributin g t o a n increasingl y tens e politica l discussio n i n th e sprin g o f i860. Georg e V . Bohman, " O w e n Lovejo y o n ' T h e Barbaris m o f Slavery, ' Apri l 5 , i860," i n J. Jeffre y Auer , ed. , Anti-Slavery and Disunion, 1838-1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (Ne w York: Harpe r an d R o w, 1963) , 115. 25. " T h e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 116 . N o t e agai n th e allusio n t o Isaiah . 26. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper s Ferry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 97 . See also : Lewi s Perry , Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973 ) o n abolitionis t views o f th e Constitution , esp . 163-66 . Davis , Slavery in the Age of Revolution, tirelessly trace s th e Revolutionar y legac y a s received b y th e abolitionist s wit h al l its tensions an d contradictions, esp . 164-212 , 255-342 . 27. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 4 1. 28. Liberator, May 16 , 1845 , as quoted i n Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 130 . 29. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 65-66 . 30. See : Perry' s accoun t o f "come-outerism " i n Radical Abolitionism, esp . 9 2 128. Se e also: Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 94ff . 31. Fo r a n accoun t o f th e rol e o f th e Bibl e i n debate s ove r slavery , see : Davis , Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 523-56 . 32. See : Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 96ff . 33. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 49 . 34. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 52 . 35. "Agains t Idolatry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 86 . 36. " T h e Argument fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 115 . 37. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 38 . 38. Isaia h 42:18 . 39. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 71. 40. Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition, 178 , emphasis Hofstadter's .

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41. "Harper' s Ferry, " 274 ; "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 225 , bot h i n Speeches, Lectures, and Letters. 42. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 43 . 43. Murra y Edelman , Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press , 1977) , 45. 44. Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison, WI : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) , 62. 45. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, passim . 46. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation. " 47. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation," 64. 48. See : Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 9—11 ; Oscar Sherwin , Prophet of Liberty: The Life and Time of Wendell Phillips (New York : Bookma n Associates , 1958) , 18 , 32 ; Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 9 , 16 . 49. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 21—22 . 50. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 22 . 51. Wilso n identifie s th e proble m o f vocationa l relevanc e i n antebellu m America. R . Jackson Wilson , In Search of Community: Social Philosophy in the United States i86o-ig20, Galax y book s editio n (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1970) , 19-21.

52. Ma x L . Stackhouse , "Jesu s an d Economics : A Centur y o f Reflection, " i n James Turne r Johnson, ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press; Chico, CA : Scholar s Press, 1985) , 117. 53. Stackhouse , "Jesu s and Economics," 14 7 n4. 54. Stackhouse , "Jesu s and Economics," 14 7 n4. 55. Ronal d Walters , American Reformers, 1813-1860 (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1978), 81-82 . 56. Walters , American Reformers, 1815-1860, 81 . 57. See : Anne C . Loveland' s "Evangelicalis m an d 'Immediat e Emancipation ' i n American Antislaver y Thought, " Journal of Southern History 32 (1966) , 172-88 . Se e also: Gilbert Hobbe s Barnes's classic , The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844 (Ne w York : American Historica l Association , 1933) ; Loui s Filler , The Crusade Against Slavery (New York : Harpe r an d Row , i960) ; James B . Stewart , Holy Warriors (Ne w York : Hill and Wang, 1976) ; and Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation. " 58. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 98 , 102, 103 .

59. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 105 . 60. Bartlett , "Wendel l Phillip s and the Eloquence o f Abuse," 516. 61. Davi d Brion Davis, "The Emergence o f Immediatism in British an d Ameri can Antislaver y Thought, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 4 9 (1962) , 219-23 . Emphasis Shar p s.

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62. I n The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact, 106 . 63. Lette r reprinte d fro m th e Blagde n paper s i n Irvin g H . Bartlett , Wendell and Ann Phillips: The Community of Reform, 1840-1880 (New York : W . W . Norton , 1979), 239. Emphasis Garrisons . 64. See : Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 64 , 71 , 109 , 125 , 131 , 132 , 138 , 145 , 146. 65. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 50 . 66. Lette r o f 2 1 April , 186 1 fro m th e Blagde n papers , reprinte d i n Bartlett , Wendell and Ann Phillips, 239 . 67. Liberator, January 24 , 1851 , quoted i n Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 66. 68. Quote d i n Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 133 . 69. Fo r consideration t o thi s effect, se e Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 42—52 . 70. "Th e Righ t o f Petition," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 24 . 71. "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom,1—9 . 72. Kennet h Burke , Counter-Statement, Campus editio n (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles: University o f California Press , 1968) , 184. 73. The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact, n o . 74. "Th e Wa r for th e Union, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 138 . 75. Bartlett , Brahmin Radical, 22 ; Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 30—31 . 76. See , fo r example : hi s speeche s "Th e Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Move ment," 65f ; "Agains t Idolatry, " 84 ; "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " n o ; an d "The Argumen t fo r Disunion, " 128 ; all in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. 77. "Joh n Brown an d Harper' s Ferry, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 101 . 78. See , fo r example : "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 18 ; "Th e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " 122, 136 , bot h i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. For a summar y vie w o f th e natural right s legac y i n abolitionism , see : Dwight L . Dumond , "Th e Controvers y over Slavery, " i n Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr . an d Morto n White , eds. , Paths of American Thought, Sentry editio n (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1970) , 93-96. 79. Bartlett , Brahmin Radical, 3-16 , passim ; Sherwin , Prophet of Liberty, esp. 13-17-

80. "I n Defense o f Lovejoy," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 3 . 81. "Phillip s neve r doubte d tha t th e revolutionar y father s wer e o n hi s side. " Bartlett, "Th e Persistenc e o f Wendell Phillips, " 105 . See also: Dwight L . Dumond , Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor , MI : Universit y o f Michigan Press , 1961) . 82. "Th e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 120 . 83. Smith , "Righteousnes s an d Hope, " 21—45. 84. "Th e Bosto n Mob," in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 14 . 85. Irvin g H . Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Thoma s Y . Crowell, 1967) , i8f , passim . Se e also : Miller, The Life of the Mind in America, 25 , 65, 69f, 141 ; Smith, "Righteousnes s an d Hope, " 34.

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3

86. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 62 , emphasi s Phillips's . 87. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 55 . 88. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 52 . 89. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 38 . 90. Abraha m Heschel , The Prophets, C o l o p h o n edition , v . 2 (Ne w York : Harpe r and Row , 1962) , 92 . 91. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 71 . 92. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 38 . 93. Edwi n Black , Rhetorical Criticism: A Study in Method (Madison , W I : Univer sity o f Wisconsi n Press , 1978) , I38f . 94. Black , Rhetorical Criticism, 142 . Se e also : Bailey' s analysi s o f hortator y dis course. F . G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion: An Essay on Power, Reason, and Reality (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1983) , esp . 131 . 95. Black , Rhetorical Criticism, I43f . 96. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 35 . 97. Stewart , " T h e Abolitionis t Visio n o f Wendel l Phillips, " 171 , passim . Se e also: Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 25 , 61 , 150 . 98. Davi d H u m e , A Treatise of Human Nature, edite d wit h a n introductio n b y A. D . Lindsa y (Ne w York : Dutton , 1911) , Bk . II , pt . 3 , sec . iii . 99. Georg e Campbell , The Philosophy of Rhetoric, Lloy d F . Bitzer, ed . (Carbon dale, IL : Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1963) ; Lloy d F . Bitzer, "Hume' s Philos ophy i n Georg e Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric," Philosophy and Rhetoric 2 (1969) , 139—66. Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric woul d hav e bee n on e o f th e text s Phillip s studied unde r Edwar d T . Channin g a t Harvard . O n Phillip s a s Channing' s studen t and Channing' s texts , se e Doroth y I . Anderso n an d Wald o W Braden , "Introduc tion," i n Edwar d T . Channing , Lectures Read to the Seniors in Harvard College (Carbondale, IL : Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1968) , xi , xix . 100. Channing , Lectures Read to the Seniors in Harvard College, 80 . 101. Campbell' s treatmen t o f rhetori c wa s no t atypica l o n thi s issue . Whately' s Elements of Rhetoric arbitrate d th e disput e betwee n Campbel l an d Aristotl e o n th e appropriate us e o f th e passion s generall y i n Campbell' s favor . Richar d Whately , Elements of Rhetoric, Dougla s Ehninger , ed . (Carbondal e an d Edwardsville : Souther n Illinois Universit y Press , 1963) , I76~77ff . Ada m Smith' s theor y o f rhetori c wa s als o based o n th e ide a o f sympathy , sym-pathos. 102. Thoma s Mann , The Magic Mountain, H . T . Lowe-Porter , trans. , Vintag e Books editio n (Ne w York : R a n d o m House , 1969) , 603 .

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103. Haze l Catherin e Wolf , On Freedom's Altar: The Martyr Complex in the Abolition Movement (Madison, WI: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1952) . 104. Kraditor , Means and Ends, 37 n44. 105. Fo r example , see : Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 20 , 26 , 27 , 38 , 71 , 85, 119, 141 .

106. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 2i f 107. "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy, " 6 ; an d "Joh n Brow n an d Harper s Ferry, " 107 , both i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. 108. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 60 . 109. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 57 . n o . Merto n L . Dillon , The Abolitionists: The Growth of a Dissenting Minority, Norton editio n (Ne w York: W W Norton , 1979) ; Merton L . Dillon, "Th e Failur e of the American Abolitionists, " Journal of Southern History 25 (1959) , 159-77 . i n . Loui s Fille r writes tha t i t was only his "unbridled an d habitual radicalism " that "save d him from downrigh t popularity. " Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 95 . 112. Pete r Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac, Henry James, Melodrama, and the Mode of Excess (Ne w Haven , CT : Yale University Press , 1976) , I4f , 4 3 ff. 113. Pete r Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination : Th e Exampl e o f Balza c and James," i n Davi d Thorbur n an d Geoffr y Hartman , eds. , Romanticism: Vistas, Instances, Continuities (Ithaca, NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973) , 211 ; Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 43 . 114. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 203. 115. Joh n Cawelti , Adventure, Mystery, and Romance (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1976) , 45-46 ; Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 198 220.

116. Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 15 . 117. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 212 ; se e also : Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 43 . 118. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 212 . 119. Quote d i n Brooks, "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 207. 120. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 208 ; see also: 219. 121. Nathanie l Hawthorne , The Blithedale Romance, v. 3 o f Th e Centenar y Edition o f th e Work s o f Nathanie l Hawthorne , © 1964 , Ohi o Stat e Universit y Press, i o - n . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

i. Kennet h Burke , A Grammar of Motives (Berkele y and Los Angeles: Universit y of California Press , 1969) , 122-23 , passim. 2. I . A . Richards , "Doctrin e i n Poetry, " reprinte d i n W J . Bate , ed. , Criticism:

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The Major Texts, enlarged editio n (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1970) , 586. 3. Sidne y Lens , Radicalism in America, Apollo editio n (Ne w York : Thoma s Y Crowell, 1969) , 197. 4. Charle s A. Madison, Critics and Crusaders: A Century of American Protest (New York: Henry Holt , 1947) , 487. 5. Irvin g Howe , "I n th e America n Grain, " New York Review of Books (November 10 , 1983) , 18 ; see also: Bernard J. Brommel, Eugene V Debs: Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago : Charle s H . Kerr , 1978) , 221. 6. Charle s Lomas , "Urba n Maverick s an d Radicals, " in Pau l H . Boase , ed., The Rhetoric of Protest and Reform, 1870-18Q8 (Athens, OH: Ohi o Universit y Press, 1980), 49-

7. Ber t Cochran , "Th e Achievemen t o f Debs," in Harvey Goldberg, ed. , American Radicals: Some Problems and Personalities, Moder n Reade r editio n (Ne w York : Modern Reade r Paperbacks , 1969) , 163. 8. Richar d L . McCormick, "Publi c Lif e i n Industria l America, " i n Eri c Foner , ed., The New American History (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1990) , 112.

9. Ronal d Le e an d James Andrews, " A Stor y o f Rhetorical- Ideologica l Trans formation: Eugen e V . Debs a s Liberal Hero, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 7 7 (1991) , 20-37. 10. Herber t G . Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working-Class and Social History (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1976), 13 , 33. 11. Rober t G . Gunderson , " A Settin g fo r Protes t an d Reform, " i n Boase , Rhetoric of Protest and Reform, 1; Samuel P . Hays, The Response to Industrialism, 1885— IQ14 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1957) , 1-3 ; Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, 80 ; McCormick, "Publi c Lif e i n Industria l America," 93. 12. Rober t H . Wiebe , The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York : Hil l an d Wang, 1967) , 12. 13. Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, I5f , passim . 14. Richar d Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to E D. R. (Ne w York : Vintage Books, 1955) , 24ff; Hays , The Response to Industrialism, 83 . 15. Edwar d Bellamy , Looking Backward, Signe t editio n (Ne w America n Library , i960), 189 . 16. "Unit y an d Victory, " in Arthur Schlesinger , Jr., ed. , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs (New York : Heritag e Press , 1948) , 9 ; Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, detail s some o f these change s in th e work atmosphere . 17. Wiebe , The Search for Order, 148 , 150-51 . 18. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 124; se e also : "Th e Canto n Speech, " i n Jean Y Tussey , ed. , Eugene V Debs Speaks (New York: Pathfinder Press , 1972) , 271.

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19. Gutma n ha s detaile d th e degre e t o whic h th e industria l orde r conflicte d with olde r modes of work, i n Work, Culture, and Society. Se e also: Wiebe, The Search for Order, 20 , 47 ; Milto n Meltzer , Bread and Roses: The Struggle of American Labor, 1865-1915, Mento r editio n (Ne w York: New America n Library , 1967) , 3-12 . 20. See : Michae l Kamme n o n th e associatio n o f "liberty " an d "order " i n th e Gilded Age, especially with regar d to decisions regarding the right s of labor to for m unions an d t o strike . Spheres of Liberty: Changing Perceptions of Liberty in American Culture (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1986) , esp. 102-10 . 21. Hofstadter , The Age of Reform, 209 . 22. "Revolutionar y Unionism, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches (Chi cago: Charles H . Kerr , 1908) , 435. 23. Quote d i n The Tribune of Labor, a pamphlet celebratin g a speaking tour Deb s made o f the West Coast ; n o publication data . 24. "Watc h You r Leaders , Say s Debs t o Workers, " campaig n flyer , n o publica tion data . Tha t th e flye r i s fro m th e 192 0 campaig n i s deduce d fro m Debs' s references t o Co x an d Harding a s the majo r part y candidates . 25. Ou r wor d "virtue " comes fro m th e Lati n fo r "manliness. " I n Debs' s day , women ma y have been considere d guardian s o f the mora l order , bu t virtu e wa s still largely talke d abou t i n term s o f manliness an d manhood . See : Mark C . Carne s an d Clyde Griffen , eds. , Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1990) . 26. "Declaratio n o f Revolt," Appeal to Reason (Januar y 7 , 1911) , 1. 27. Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : Henr y Regnery, 1965) , 227-32. 28. "Liberty, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 8 . 29. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 446 ; see also: "Unity an d Victory," in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 28 . 30. "Th e Federa l Governmen t an d th e Chicag o Strike, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 204—5 ; s ee a l s o : t n e speec h give n o n Debs' s retur n t o Terr e Haute afte r th e successfu l Grea t Norther n strik e i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 10 . 31. "Liberty, " speec h give n upo n hi s releas e fro m Woodstoc k Jail , Novembe r 22, 1895 , in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 6 . See also: Bernard J. Brommel , "Th e Pacifis t Speechmakin g o f Eugen e V . Debs," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 2 (1966) , 150 ; Ray Ginger , The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick , NJ : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1949) , 25, 65, 192 , 202, 230, 301, 331 , 369,462. 32. Nic k Salvatore , Eugene V Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinois Press, 1982) , 229. 33. "Addres s t o th e Jury, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 283-84 ; "Maste r o f th e Machine," quoted i n Brommel, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 93 . 34. Ailee n S . Kraditor, The Radical Persuasion, 1890-1917: Aspects of the Intellectual

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History and Historiography of Three American Radical Organizations (Bato n R o u g e : Louisiana Stat e Universit y Press , 1981) , 223. 35. "Revolutionar y Unionism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 220 . As Salvator e an d Kradito r bot h mak e ver y clear , Deb s ha d a profoun d ambivalence towar d th e ran k an d file ; a fundamenta l fea r o f their base r nature s an d consequent contemp t counterbalance d whateve r mysti c fait h h e ma y hav e ha d i n them. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, esp . 46 , 48 , 96f ; Kraditor , Radical Persuasion, 125-34, 2 6 i . 36. Ginger , Bending Cross, 10 ; Brommel, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 17 ; Salvatore, Citizen and Socialist, 11 ; For examples o f direct allusio n t o biblica l source s in Debs' s speeches , see : "Priso n Labor, " 32 , 33 ; " T he Wester n Labo r Movement, " 85; "Industria l Unionism, " 124 ; "Homestead an d Ludlow, " 218 , all in Tussey , Debs Speaks. 37. I n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 61—63. 38. O n Marxis m a s religion, see : Joseph Schumpeter , Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy ( N ew York: Harpe r an d Brothers, 1947) , chapte r 1 , "Marx th e Prophet" ; Karl Jaspers , Reason and Anti-Reason in Our Time, Stanle y Godman , trans. , reprin t edition (Hamden , C T : Archon Books , 1971) , 7—17. 39. Q u o t e d i n Ginger , Bending Cross, 334f. O n th e allianc e o f these appeals , see: Kraditor, Radical Persuasion, 205-47 . 40. " H o w I Became a Socialist," i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 47 . 41. "Workin g Clas s Politics, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, I73f . 42. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " 114 . Se e also : "Unionis m an d Socialism, " 122 ; "Craft Unionism, " 188 ; "You Railroa d Men, " 255 ; " T he Issue, " 303 , all i n Schle singer, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. 43. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 127 . 44. " T h e Canto n Speech, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 257—58 . 45. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 134 . 46. " T h e Canto n Speech, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 245 . 47. "What' s th e Matte r wit h Chicago? " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 70 . 48. "Dange r Ahead, " 180 ; " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " 106 , bot h i n Tussey, Debs Speaks. 49. " T h e Outloo k fo r Socialism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 66 . 50. "Yo u Railroad Men, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, 243. Se e also : Bernar d J . Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs : T h e Agitato r a s Speaker, " Central States Speech Journal (1969 ) 209 . 51. " H o w I Became a Socialist," i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 47 . 52. Loma s say s o f Debs' s effort s befor e Pullman : "Deb s ha d fou r solution s i n five year s a s h e move d a t th e en d o f th e centur y fro m militan t unionis m t o Bryanism t o utopianis m t o socia l democracy. " Lomas , "Urba n Maverick s an d Radicals," 38 . But Loma s als o note s tha t Debs' s late r career , afte r helpin g foun d th e Socialist Party , wa s more consisten t (48) .

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53. "Ho w I Became a Socialist," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 48-49 . 54. Pamphle t publishe d by the Rand Schoo l Press, New York, n.d. 55. Loui s Kopelin, The Life of Debs, 4t h edition (Girard , KS: Appeal to Reason, n.d.), 21.

56. Herber t M . Morai s an d William Cahn , Gene Debs: The Story of a Fighting American (Ne w York: International Publishers , 1948) , 54. 57. Upto n Sinclair , The Jungle, Signe t editio n (Ne w York : Ne w America n Library, i960) , 322. 58. "Deb s th e Statesma n o f the Masses, " National Rip-Saw (Novembe r 1921) , 12.

59. Stephe n Mario n Reynolds , "Lif e o f Eugen e V . Debs," i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 2 . 60. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, esp . 149—55 . 61. "Th e Outlook fo r Socialism," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 60—61 . 62. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 64 . 63. Quote d i n Ginger, Bending Cross, 266 . 64. Ginger , Bending Cross, 291 . 65. "Servin g th e Labo r Movement, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 443 . 66. "Ho w I Became a Socialist," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 44—45 . 67. See : "Marti n Irons , Martyr, " 42 ; "Th e Issue, " 297-98 ; "Th e Knight s o f Columbus," 388 , all in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. 68. "Th e Issue," in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 297f. 69. See : "The Martyred Apostles of Labor," 20—24; "Martin Irons , Martyr," 41— 42; "Mothe r Jones, " 285-86 ; "Thoma s McGrady, " 286-91 ; "To m Mone y Sen tenced t o Death," 403-5 ; "Joh n Swinton : Radica l Edito r an d Leader," 409-17 , all in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs. 70. "Joh n Brown: History' s Greates t Hero," in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 281 . 71. Henr y Keys , "Eugen e V . Debs Honored , Bu t No t b y Hi s Hom e Folks, " Terre Haute Tribune (Sunday , June 7 , 1908) , 17. 72. Reynolds , "Lif e o f Eugene V. Debs," in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 373. Joh n Spargo , "Eugen e V . Debs, Incarnat e Spiri t o f Revolt, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 507 . 74. Rut h L e Prade , "Th e Martyrdom " i n Debs and the Poets, Rut h L e Prade , ed. (Pasadena , CA : Upton Sinclair , Publisher , 1920) , 50. 75. The Heritage of Debs—The Fight against War (Chicago: Socialis t Part y Na tional Headquarters , 1935) . 76. See , for example : Rober t Hunter , " A Companio n t o Truth, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 509f . For some of the element s which wen t int o makin g the "Deb s legend, " se e Bernar d J . Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs : Spokesma n fo r

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Labor an d Socialism, " unpublishe d dissertation , Indian a University , 1964 , i66f ; Ginger, Bending Cross, 12-14 , 82 , 267, 270, 288-89, 292-94 . 77. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 155 . 78. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 155 . 79. Mar k Shorer , Sinclair Lewis: An American Life (Ne w York: McGra w Hill , 1961), 337, quoted i n Brommel, "Eugen e V Debs, " dissertation, 226. 80. Lette r o f May 16 , 1926. Copy in files o f Bernard Brommel . 81. Cop y in files o f Bernard Brommel . 82. National Rip-Saw (Novembe r 1921) , 14. 83. Kopelin , The Life of Debs, 33 . 84. Walte r Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction (Williamsburg , OH : Progres s Publishing Co. , n.d.), 36. 85. A s related i n Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 92 ; Ginger als o notes th e inciden t an d writes : "Suc h a n inciden t wa s unusua l bu t no t unique. " Ginger, Bending Cross, 267; se e also : th e poe m Ginge r reprint s o n Deb s a s a Messiah, 265. 86. "Addres s to the Jury," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 283 . 87. "Statemen t t o the Court," i n Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 437 . 88. I t wa s Clyd e Miller, a reporte r fo r th e Cleveland Plain-Dealer, wh o wa s largely responsibl e fo r initiating proceeding s agains t Deb s an d who was one of the prosecution s chie f witnesse s a t Deb s s trial . O n Deb s s forgiveness , se e Ginger , Bending Cross, 379-80 . Accordin g t o Brommel , Mille r late r admitte d tha t h e had falsely testifie d a t Debs' s trial . Brommel , "Pacifis t Speechmaking, " 154 . See also : Millers accoun t i n Clyd e R . Miller, "Th e Man I Sen t t o Prison, " The Progressive (October 1963) , 33-35 . Mille r doe s no t her e admi t t o fals e testimony . I n fact , h e recounts tha t Debs found hi s testimony "accurat e an d clear." 89. Ginger , Bending Cross, 237 . 90. Howe , "I n th e American Grain, " 18 ; see also: Ginger , Bending Cross, 262 . Ginger report s tha t i n 190 8 before beginnin g a marathon sixty-five-da y speakin g tour involvin g fiv e t o twenty speeche s a day, Debs had been widel y rumore d t o be "half dead." 91. Se e Ginger, Bending Cross, 268 , 317, 347, 403 . 92. Ginger , Bending Cross, 371 . 93. Upto n Sinclair , "Introduction, " i n Le Prade, Debs and the Poets, 5 . 94. Witte r Brynner , "9653, " i n Le Prade, Debs and the Poets, 3 . See also poem s by Edmund Vanc e Cooke , John Cowpe r Powys , Clement Wood , Miria m Allen De Ford, Sar a Bar d Field , John Milto n Scott , an d Charle s Erskin e Scot t Woo d i n the same volume , o n 9 , 18 , 19 , 25, 29 , 33 , 38 , 9off . Se e als o Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 310-12 . 95. Fro m Walls and Bars, a s excerpted i n Tussey, Debs Speaks, 295-96 . 96. Fro m Walls and Bars, a s excerpted i n Tussey, Debs Speaks, 296 .

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97. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 11 . 98. Hofstadter , The Age of Reform, 23 8f; Richar d Hofstadter, "Theodor e R o o sevelt: Th e Conservativ e a s Progressive," i n The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (New York : Vintage, 1974) , 266—307; see also: Stephen E . Lucas, " 'Th e Ma n wit h th e Muc k Rake' : A Reinterpretation," Quarterly Journal of Speech 59 (1973), 452-62. 99. Hays , The Response to Industrialism, 47 , emphasi s added . See , fo r example : the lette r fro m a worker opposin g clemenc y fo r Debs , quote d i n Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 302 . 100. "Addres s t o th e Jury," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 285 . 101. "Th e Canto n Speech, " in Tussey , Debs Speaks, 258 ; see also: 244. 102. "Speec h o f Acceptance," i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, 73 , 75. 103. "Speec h o f Acceptance, " 361 ; see also : "Th e Issue, " 294 , bot h i n Schle singer, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs; "Letter o f Acceptance, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 234—35 . 104. Quote d i n Bernar d J. Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs: Blue- Deni m Spokes man," North Dakota Quarterly (Sprin g 1973) , 13 ; se e also : Ginger , Bending Cross, 161, 189 , 266 .

105. Fo r a variation o n thi s theme , th e divin e sel f as nonself, see : E G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion: An Essay on Power, Reason, and Reality (Ithaca , NY : Cornell Universit y Press , 1983) , 50. 106. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 40. 107. "Labo r Day Greeting, " in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 289 . 108. Quote d i n Brommel , "Th e Agitato r a s Speaker, " 200 ; Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 99 , 226. 109. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 120. n o . Fo r example, see: "The America n Movement, " 95 ; "Unionism an d Social ism," 120 ; "Th e Socialis t Part y an d th e Workin g Class, " 137 ; "A n Idea l Labo r Press," 161 ; "Craft Unionism, " 185 ; "Revolutionar y Unionism, " 212 ; "Speec h o f Acceptance," 366 , all in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. i n . Kraditor , Radical Persuasion, 231 . 112. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 120. 113. See : "Th e Socialis t Party' s Appeal (1908), " 164 , 167 . See also : "Th e Gun men an d th e Miners, " 227 ; "Th e Canto n Speech, " 267 , 279 , al l i n Tussey , Debs Speaks. 114. Mirce a Eliade , The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, Wil lard R . Trask , trans . (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brac e an d World , 1959) , 129 ; see also: 211.

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1

115. O n th e connectio n betwee n emotion , faith , an d suffering , see : Bailey , Uses of Passion, 38-40 . 116. Q u o t e d i n Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 232 . 117. Howe , "I n th e America n Grain, " 19 . 118. Richar d B . Gregg , " T h e Ego-Functio n o f th e R h e t o r i c o f Protest, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 4 (1971) , 85 ; cf . Harol d Barrett , Rhetoric and Civility: Human Development, Narcissism, and the Good Audience (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f N e w York Press , 1991) . 119. Reynolds , i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 72. 120. Terre Haute Post (Octobe r 21 , 1926) , 1 . 121. Schlesinger , "Introduction, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, ix ; se e also : Brommel , "Eugen e V Debs, " dissertation , 162 ; J. H . Holling worth, Eugene V Debs: What His Neighbors Say of Him, pamphlet , n o publicatio n data. 122. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 10 . 123. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 16 . 124. Joh n Dewey , The Public and Its Problems, reprint editio n (Chicago : Swallo w Press, 1954) , 98 . 125. N o r m a n Thomas , "Socialis m Sinc e Debs, " Socialist Call, 23 , Debs C e n t e n nial Issu e (Octobe r 1955) , 7 . 126. Davi d A . Shannon , Forewor d t o Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 5 . 127. Nelso n Algren , Chicago: City on the Make (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1987) , 66 . 128. I a m gratefu l t o E d Sadowlsk y o f th e Unite d Steelworker s subdistric t # 3 office fo r thi s informatio n o n loca l #1834 . 129. Loui s Untermeyer , " T h e Garlan d fo r Debs, " i n L e Prade , Debs and the Poets, 14 . 130. Isaia h 53 : 3-4 , 11-12 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

i. Walte r H . Beale , "Rhetorica l Performativ e Discourse : A N e w T h e o r y o f Epideictic," Philosophy and Rhetoric n (1978) , 2 2 1 = 2 4 6 ; Bernar d K . Duffy , " T h e Platonic Function s o f Epideicti c Rhetoric, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 16 (1983) , 79-932. Jame s Boy d White , When Words Lose Their Meaning: Constitutions and Reconstitutions of Language, Character, and Community (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1984) , 193 ; se e also : R o b e r t N . Bellah , Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in a Post-Traditional World (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1970) , 4 7 n i 3 , o n th e relation ship o f languag e an d religion . 3. Barr y Smart , Postmodernity (London : Routledge , 1993) , 16 .

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4. Smart , Postmodernity, 75 ; see also: p. 63. 5. Davi d Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) , 116. 6. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 56 . 7. Fo r a n overvie w o f the evolutio n o f Americas nationa l religion , see : Henr y F. May , "Th e Religio n o f th e Republic, " i n Ideas, Faiths and Feelings: Essays on American Intellectual and Religious History, 1932-1982 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1983) , 163-86 ; see also: Bellah, Beyond Belief 8. O n th e problem s o f rhetori c i n a postmoder n world , se e Michae l Calvi n McGee, "Text , Context , an d the Fragmentatio n o f Contemporary Culture, " Western Journal of Speech Communication 5 4 (1990) , 274-89 ; J. Rober t Cox , "O n 'Interpre ting' Publi c Discours e i n Post-Modernity, " Western Journal of Speech Communication 54(1990), 317-29 . 9. See : Pete r L . Berge r an d Thoma s Luckmann , The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Ancho r editio n (Garde n City , NY : Doubleday, 1967 ) o n th e functio n o f the symboli c univers e i n delineatin g th e "da y side" and th e "nigh t side " of reality, 97—98. 10. Ha l Foster , "Agains t Pluralism, " i n Recodings: Art, Spectacle, Cultural Politics (Port Townsend, WA : Bay Press, 1985) , 26. 11. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 63 . 12. G . Thoma s Goodnight , "Th e Firm , th e Par k an d th e University : Fea r an d Trembling on th e Postmodern Trail, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 8 1 (1995), 267-90. 13. Thoma s W. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of Prophecy (Minneapolis: Fortres s Press , 1989) . O n th e statu s o f religio today , see : Michae l Harrington, The Politics at God's Funeral: The Spiritual Crisis of Western Civilization (New York: Penguin, 1985) . 14. Stephe n O'Leary , Arguing the Apocalypse: A Theory of Millennial Rhetoric (New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1994) , 11. 15. Fo r example , see : Pau l Boyer , When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy and Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge , MA : Belkna p Pres s o f Harvar d University Press , 1992). 16. Smart , Postmodernity, 18—19 . 17. Irvin g Lewi s Horowitz , Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 1956-1976 (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1977) , i66f . 18. O n th e essentia l monotheis m i n th e Ol d Testament , see : James A . Sanders , "Hermeneutics i n Tru e an d Fals e Prophecy, " i n Georg e W . Coat s an d Burk e O . Long, eds. , Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theology (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press , 1977) , 40 . Se e also : Jame s L . Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect Upon Israelite Religion (Berlin : Walte r d e Gruyter , 1971) , 88 . Crenshaw note s tha t th e monisti c orientatio n helpe d t o mak e demon s "super fluous."

Notes to Chapter 6 \ 24 3 19. Bruc e Vawter , C M . , The Conscience of Israel: Pre-Exilic Prophets and Prophecy (New York: Shee d an d Ward, 1961) , 39-40. 20. Gerhar d von Rad , The Message of the Prophets, D . M. G . Stalker , trans . (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, 1965) , 280. 21. vo n Rad, The Message of the Prophets, 229 . 22. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict, 106; D . S . Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminister Press , 1964) , 73—82. 23. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy, 159 . 24. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict; Sanders, "Hermeneutic s i n Tru e an d Fals e Prophecy." 25. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 105 , 235fF; Hanso n i s critical o f oversimpl e attribution s t o an y sourc e o f apocalypti c includin g Persia n dualism. Pau l D . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press , 1975), 5ff . Collin s reviews the argument ove r Persian and othe r influence s an d find s much stil l vali d afte r accountin g fo r dissentin g point s o f view. John J. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York : Crossroad Press , 1984) , 15 , 16, 21-28. 26. George s Bataille, Theory of Religion, Rober t Hurley , trans. (New York: Zon e Books, 1992) , 76. 27. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 93 , 265. 28. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 88ff , 106 . Althoug h Hanson criticize s Russell's argument tha t apocalyptic i s continuous with post-Exili c prophecy, ther e i s agreemen t o n thi s point . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 11-12.

29. Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 12 . 30. vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 27 3 f. 31. O'Leary , Arguing the Apocalypse, 12 ; Barry Brummett , "Premillennia l Apoc alyptic a s a Rhetorica l Genre, " Central States Speech Journal 35 (1984) , 85 ; Adel a Yarbro Collins , Crisis and Catharsis (Philadelphia : Westminster Press , 1984) , 152—60. 32. See : Edwi n Black , "Th e Secon d Persona, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 56 (1970), 109-19 .

33. Joh n Collin s mark s thi s a s a distinction betwee n wha t h e call s "historical " apocalyptic an d prophecy . Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 9 . Se e also : Cren shaw, Prophetic Conflict, 107 . 34. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 13 . 35. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 127ft; Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 3 of. 36. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 30 ; Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 231 . 37. Richar d Weaver , Ideas Have Consequences, Midwa y Reprin t editio n (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press , 1976) , v, 168.

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38. Fo r the influence o f Lowth's lectures, see: Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets, v. 2 , Colopho n editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1975) , I55f . Freedma n ha s written: "Bisho p Lowth , whil e no t th e firs t t o mak e thi s observatio n [th e observa tion tha t Ol d Testamen t prophec y i s prophetic] , nevertheles s marke d a turnin g point i n th e study o f the prophetic literatur e an d th e poetry o f the Bible generally. " David Noe l Freedman , "Pottery , Poetry , an d Prophecy : A n Essa y o n Biblica l Poetry," Journal of Biblical Literature 9 6 (1977) , 5 n3 . Moder n biblica l scholar s ar e universally agree d upo n th e statu s o f the prophet s a s poets. Rober t Carroll , "Poet s Not Prophets, " Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 2 7 (1983) , 26 ; Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict. 39. Vawter , The Conscience of Israel, 49-50 . 40. Fo r som e interestin g anthropologica l evidenc e o n thi s point , see : N . Ker shaw Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1942).

41. See , fo r example : G . M . A . Grube , The Greek and Roman Critics (Toronto : University o f Toronto Press , 1965) , o n Isocrates , 42-43 ; o n Aristotle , 83 . See also : Aristotle's Rhetoric, I404a28—I405b7, wher e Aristotl e assert s severa l time s tha t th e rhetorician ha s les s latitud e wit h languag e tha n doe s th e poet . Aristotle , Rhetoric, W. Rhy s Roberts , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richard McKeon , ed . (New York: Random House , 1941) . 42. Burk e repeat s the observatio n o f Coleridge tha t th e writin g o f a poem i s "a dim analogu e o f creation. " Kennet h Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion (Berkeley an d Los Angeles: University o f California Press , 1970) , 8. 43. Theophi l Spoerri , "Styl e o f Distance , Styl e o f Nearness, " Corinn a Babb , trans., i n Essays in Stylistic Analysis, Howard S . Babb , ed . (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace Jovanovich, 1972) , 68. 44. Walte r Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1978), 45 . O n th e powe r o f writers, poets , artists , an d other s whos e wor k "i s no t dependent upo n dominan t economi c an d politica l interests " t o "immur e them selves . . . from officia l interpretation s o f reality," see : Claus Mueller , The Politics of Communication: A Study in the Political Sociology of Language, Socialization, and Legitimation (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1973) , esp. 146. 45. Melvi n Lasky , Utopia and Revolution (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1976), 520 .

46. O n th e us e o f insanit y a s a labe l use d t o neutraliz e thos e wh o expres s a "commitment t o a n officiall y forbidde n imag e o r definitio n o f 'reality, ' " see : Thomas Szasz , Ideology and Insanity (Garden City , NY : Ancho r Books , 1970) , 6 , passim. Se e also : Thoma s Szasz , "Th e Menta l Healt h Ethic, " i n Richar d T De George, ed. , Ethics and Society: Original Essays on Contemporary Moral Problems (Garden City , NY: Anchor Books, 1968) , 85-110. 47. Phaedrus, 244a—245a , R . Hackforth , trans. , i n Plato: The Collected Dialogues

Notes to Chapter 6 \ 24 5 Edith Hamilto n an d Huntington Cairns , eds., (Princeton , NJ : Princeton Universit y Press, 1961) . 48. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, 14 . 49. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, 48 ; see also: 41, 58. 50. Freedman , "Pottery , Poetry , an d Prophecy, " 20 , 21, 22, 26. 51. R . B . Y . Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, revise d editio n (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1968) , 103. 52. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, esp . 18—19. 53. See : debat e betwee n A . Graem e Auld , "Prophet s Throug h th e Lookin g Glass: Betwee n Writing s an d Moses, " Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 2 7 (1983), 3-23 , and Carroll , "Poet s No t Prophets, " 25-31 . 54. See : John D . Boyd , S.J. , The Function of Mimesis and Its Decline, 2 d editio n (New York : Fordha m Universit y Press , 1980) ; Jame s L . Kinneavy , A Theory of Discourse, Norto n editio n (Ne w York : W . W . Norton , 1980) ; Bernar d Weinberg , "Formal Analysi s i n Poetr y an d Rhetoric, " i n Donal d C . Bryant , ed. , Papers in Rhetoric and Philosophy (Iowa City : University o f Iowa Press, 1965) ; A. W Stau b an d G. P . Mohrmann, "Rhetori c an d Poetic : A Ne w Critique, " reprinte d i n Dougla s Ehninger, ed. , Contemporary Rhetoric (Glenview, IL : Scott Foresman , 1972) , 108—15. 55. Donal d C . Bryant, "Literatur e an d Politics," in Don M . Burks , ed., Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Literature: An Exploration (West Lafayette , IN : Purdu e Universit y Press, 1978) , 103. 56. Ma x Weber , i n S . N . Eisenstadt , ed. , On Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , 254. 57. Foster , Recodings, 76 . 58. Aristotle , Rhetoric, 1375325-1375b7 . Se e also : Aristotle, Politics, wher e Aris totle writes : "Unlawfu l i t certainl y i s t o rul e withou t regar d t o justice, fo r ther e may b e migh t wher e ther e i s not right. " Aristotle , Politics, Benjami n Jowett , trans. , in The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richar d McKeon , ed . (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1941), I324b27 .

59. Aristotle , Rhetoric, I373b6 . 60. Kathlee n M . Jamieson, "Natura l La w a s Warrant," Philosophy and Rhetoric 6 (1973), 236 , emphasi s added . Davi d Lyon s i n hi s articl e "Utilit y an d Rights, " reprinted i n Jerem y Waldron , ed. , Theories of Rights (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1974) , 110—36 , writes : "Mora l right s ar e no t merel y independent o f socia l recognition an d enforcemen t bu t als o provid e grounds for appraising la w an d othe r social institutions. I f social arrangements violat e mora l rights , the y ca n be criticize d accordingly." P . 114, emphasis Lyon s s. 61. Jamieson , "Natura l La w as Warrant," 236 . 62. Jamieson , "Natura l La w as Warrant," 24 2 n7. 63. Horowitz , "Th e Pluralisti c Base s o f Moder n America n Liberalism, " i n Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 169 .

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64. Horowitz , Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 169 . 65. S . N . Eisenstadt , "Introduction, " i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building, liv . 66. Joh n Dewey , The Public and Its Problems, Swallo w Pres s editio n (Chicago : Swallow Press, 1954) , 137. 67. Eisenstadt , "Introduction, " i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building, lv . 68. Berge r an d Luckmann , The Social Construction of Reality, develop th e ide a o f externalization o f reality an d it s role in society . Wolff makes th e tellin g remark tha t "The ver y essenc e o f socia l constrain t i s tha t on e feel s i t a s objective , external , unavoidable, an d henc e genuinel y a limi t beyon d whic h one' s desire s ma y no t extend." Rober t Pau l Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " i n Rober t Pau l Wolff , Bar rington Moore , Jr., an d Herber t Marcuse , A Critique of Pure Tolerance, paperbac k edition (Boston : Beacon Press , 1969) , 34. 69. Se e particularly: Jiirgen Habermas , Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics, Jeremy J. Shapiro , trans . (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1970) , passim , esp. 68, 98; Jiirgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis, Thoma s McCarthy, trans . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1975) . 70. Pete r L . Berger , The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion (Ne w York: Viking Books, 1969) , 129 ; see also: 107 , passim. 71. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 112-13 . 72. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 138-47 . 73. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 127 . 74. Th e interrelatio n betwee n moralit y an d la w is a complex one . A s example, see: statement s b y philosophica l opponent s H . L . A . Har t an d Ronal d Dworkin , both stressin g the connectio n betwee n th e moral and the legal. H. L . A. Hart, "Ar e There An y Natura l Rights? " i n Waldron , Theories of Rights, 79. Ronald Dworkin , Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge, MA : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1977) , 147 , passim. Se e also: Bataille, Theory of Religion, 67—68 . 75. Fo r critica l discussion s o f gam e theor y an d rationa l exchang e model s o f conflict, see : Thoma s M . Steinfat t an d Geral d R . Miller, "Communicatio n i n Game Theoreti c Model s of Conflict," i n Geral d R . Mille r and Herbert W Simons , eds., Perspectives on Communication in Social Conflict (Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Pren tice-Hall, 1974) , 14—75 . See also: Fred E. Jandt, "Communicatio n an d th e Simula tion o f Social Conflict," i n Miller and Simons, Perspectives on Communication, 76-89 ; Herbert Simons' s revie w essay , "Changin g Notion s Abou t Socia l Movements, " Quarterly fournal of Speech 62 (1976), 425—30. 76. Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " 27. 77. Rober t N . Bellah , The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (New York: Seabury Press, 1975) . 78. Compar e Berge r s similar commen t tha t "th e thre e mos t ancien t an d mos t

Notes to Chapter 7 | 24 7 powerful concomitant s o f th e sacred " ar e "mystery , miracle , an d magic. " Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 111 . 79. Almost al l discussion o f rights today centers around attitudes toward utilitar ianism. See : the reading s i n Waldron, Theories of Rights; see also: for example , H . L . A. Har t s "Between Utilit y an d Rights," and Richard Wollhei m s "John Stuar t Mil l and Isaia h Berlin: The End s of Life an d th e Preliminaries o f Morality," both i n Alan Ryan, ed. , The Idea of Freedom: Essays in Honour of Isaiah Berlin (Oxford: Oxfor d University Press , 1979) ; and Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously. 80. Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " 20. 81. Jame s Darsey , "Vessel s o f th e Word : Studie s o f th e Propheti c Voic e i n American Publi c Address, " unpublishe d dissertation , Universit y o f Wisconsin , Madison, 1985 , 446-49. 82. Richar d D . Mohr , Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society, and Law (Ne w York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1988) , 145. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7

1. Richar d H . Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, Meridian Book s editio n (Cleve land: World Publishin g Co. , i960) , 3. 2. Willia m A. Henry III , "An Admiral fro m Alabama, " Time (June 8 , 1981) , 20; Arthur Miller, "Th e Interrogatio n o f Angel Rama," Harper's (Jul y 1984) , 11—12. 3. Robi n Turner , "Dukaki s Liken s G.O. P Attack s t o McCarthy's, " New York Times (September 10 , 1988) , 8 . See also: "Reagan Back s Bush i n Assailin g Dukaki s Over Issu e o f Pledge," New York Times (September 21 , 1988) , A30; "Transcrip t o f First T V Debat e Betwee n Bus h an d Dukakis, " New York Times (Septembe r 26 , 1988), A16-A19. 4. Nationa l Publi c Radio , specia l liv e broadcast , Octobe r 11 , 1991 , 10-iipm , EST. 5. Nationa l Publi c Radio , "Mornin g Edition, " June 18 , 1996. 6. Wal t Kelly, Potluck Pogo (Ne w York: Simo n an d Schuster , 1954-55) , 2 $. 3 7. I . E Stone , The Haunted Fifties: ig^-ig63 (Boston : Little , Brow n an d Co. , 1963); Lar y May , ed. , Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of the Cold War (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1989) ; Dougla s T . Mille r an d Mario n Nowak, The Fifties: The Way We Really Were (Garde n City , NY : Doubleday, 1977) ; Paul A . Carter , Another Part of the Fifties (New York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1983); S . Coontz , The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (New York : Basi c Books , 1992) ; an d J. Ronal d Oakley , God's Country: America in the Fifties (Ne w York: Dembner Books , 1986) . 8. Richar d Weaver , Ideas Have Consequences, Midwa y Reprin t editio n (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1976) , 179. 9. Erlingjorstad , The Politics of Doomsday: Fundamentalists of the Far Right (Nash -

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ville: Abingdo n Press , 1970) , 45 . O n th e climat e o f th e Fiftie s i n America , see : Eri c F. Goldman , The Crucial Decade —And After: America, 1945-1960 (Ne w York : Vin tage Books , i960) ; Talcot t Parsons , "Socia l Strain s i n Americ a (1955), " i n Danie l Bell, ed. , The Radical Right (Garde n City , NY : Anchor , 1964) , 209-29 . 10. Georg e H . Gallup , The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1935-1971, 3 vols. (Ne w York: R a n d o m House , 1972) , v . 2 , 933 . 11. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 1 , 625 . 12. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 869 . 13. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 1 , 682 ; v . 2 , 925 , passim . Se e also : Goldman , The Crucial Decade, 262 . 14. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 922 . 15. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 967 . 16. Kelly , Potluck Pogo, 103. 17. Nobe l Priz e Acceptanc e Speech , i n Housto n Peterson , ed. , A Treasury of the World's Great Speeches, revised an d enlarge d editio n (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schus ter, 1965) , 815 . 18. W . H . Auden , Collected Longer Poems (Ne w York : R a n d o m House , 1969) , 268-70; Leonar d Bernstein' s symphon y " T h e Ag e o f Anxiety " receive d it s worl d premiere i n 1949 . 19. H e n r y D . Aiken , ed. , The Age of Ideology, M e n t or editio n (Ne w York : N e w American Library , 1956) , 202 , 225 . Se e also : Herber t Marcuse , Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, esp . 267ff . 20. Alber t Camus , The Plague, Stuar t Gilbert , trans. , Vintag e editio n (Ne w York: Vintage , 1972) , 9 0 - 9 1 . 21. Oakley , God's Country, 318-19 . 22. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 1293 . 23. Richar d Niebuhr , quote d i n Oakley , God's Country, 324 . 24. Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston : H o u g h t o n Mifflin , 1949) , 1 . 25. See : Pau l Johnson, Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties, Colophon editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1985) , 1-5 , o n th e impac t o f Einstein's theory . 26. Pau l Boyer , By the Dawn's Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1985) , xvii . 27. Nisbet' s wor k o n th e declin e i n th e twentiet h centur y o f th e ide a o f progress, on e o f th e gran d narrative s o f th e Enlightenment , i s relevant here . R o b e r t Nisbet History of the Idea of Progress (New York : Basi c Books , 1980) , 3 iyfF, esp . 332. 28. Danie l Bell , The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties, rev. ed . (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1962) , 400 . 29. Josep h R . McCarthy , "Firs t Speec h Delivere d i n Senat e b y Senato r Jo e McCarthy o n Communist s i n Government ; Wheelin g Speech, " i n Major Speeches

Notes to Chapter 7 |

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9

and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 19501931, R e p r i n t fro m th e Congressiona l R e c o r d (Washington , D C : Unite d State s Government Printin g Office , n.d.) , 14 . Thi s volum e i s a n od d one . I t i s obviousl y a McCarth y campaig n d o c u m e n t — t h e titl e pag e tell s u s tha t i t wa s no t printe d a t government expense , bu t i t ha s non e o f th e accessibilit y o r popula r appea l o f Senator Jo e McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America (Ne w York : Devin Adair, 1952) . 30. "Informatio n o n Lattimore , Jessup , Service , an d Hanso n Cases, " i n Major Speeches, 66. 31. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 92. 32. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 109 . 33. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 98. 34. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 102 . 35. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 144 . 36. "Statemen t o f Four Individual s o n Stat e Departmen t Personne l Files ; Analy sis o f Senato r Tydings ' Statemen t t o Pres s Regardin g Stat e Departmen t Files, " i n Major Speeches, 147 . 37. " T h e Grea t Betrayal, " i n Ernes t J . Wrag e an d Barne t Baskerville , eds. , Contemporary Forum: American Speeches on Twentieth-Century Issues, Washingto n Pa perback editio n (Seattle : Universit y o f Washingto n Press , 1962) , 297 . McCarth y used th e sam e stoc k phrase s ove r an d over . See : "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14, 1951), " 203 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory ; th e Stor y o f Gen . Georg e C . Marshall," 217 , 257 , 258 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 38. McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, vii . 39. McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 1 . 40. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 121. 41. "Statemen t o f Fou r Individuals, " i n Major Speeches, 153 . 42. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " i n Major Speeches, 190 . 43. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 298 . Thi s speec h i s a n important on e i n McCarthy' s career . I t i s agree d tha t McCarth y wa s no t th e principal author , ye t th e speec h reflect s hi s poin t o f vie w an d i s embellishe d wit h enough pur e McCarth y a s t o becom e hi s own . T h e speec h wa s reprinte d man y times o n it s own , includin g onc e sometim e afte r 197 9 b y th e Senato r Josep h R . McCarthy Educationa l Foundation , Inc. , o f Milwaukee , W I . Excep t fo r Founda tion Presiden t Thoma s J . Bergen' s "Update d Memoranda, " whic h serve s a s prefac e to thi s edition , ther e i s n o publicatio n data . 44. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 299. 45. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 303. 46. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 284. 47. "Tex t o f Senato r McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truma n o f Aidin g Suspecte d R e d Agents, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953) , 5 . 48. Tzveta n Todorov , The Fantastic: A Structural Approach to a Literary Genre,

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Richard Howard, trans. , Cornell paperback editio n (Ithaca , NY: Cornell Universit y Press, 1975) . 49. Rosemar y Jackson, Fantasy: The Literature of Subversion (London : Methuen , 1981), 14 .

50. Eri c S . Rabkin, The Fantastic in Literature (Princeton, NJ : Princeton Univer sity Press, 1976) , 10 , passim. 51. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 218 . Rabkin, thoug h h e claim s t o b e i n "serious disagreement " wit h Todoro v "i n man y regards, " nonetheles s note s ho w Todorov's wor k complement s hi s own , especiall y i n viewin g th e epistemologica l status o f wha t i s presente d i n th e fantasti c a s liberatin g becaus e unstable . Fo r Rabkin, th e essenc e o f th e fantasti c i s "th e continuin g diametri c reversa l o f th e ground withi n a narrative world." 118 , 73; see also: 4, 8, 12 , 14 , 28, 41, 120, 213. 52. Ernes t G . Bormann, "Fantas y and Rhetorical Vision: The Rhetorica l Criti cism of Social Reality," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 8 (1972); Dan Nimmo an d James E. Combs , Mediated Political Realities (New York : Longman , 1983) . Nimm o an d Combs furthe r confus e fantas y wit h melodrama , whic h is , i n fact , a political an d constitutive mora l genre , as I argue in chapter 4. 53. Fo r thes e examples , see : "Wheelin g Speech, " 12 , 18 , 51 , 52; "Informatio n on Lattimore, " 66 , 67, 86 , 104 , 105 , i n ; "Lattimor e Lette r o n Chines e Employe d by OWI ; Additiona l Informatio n o n Phili p Jessup, " 133 ; "Challeng e t o Senato r Tydings t o Pla y Recordin g o f Wheeling Speech, " 155 ; "Statement o n Davi d Kar r and Dre w Pearson, " 175 ; "Explanation o f Why Name s Wer e Mad e Public ; State ment o n Suspende d Stat e Department Official s Unde r Investigatio n Bein g Allowed Access t o Secre t Files, " 323 , 324 , al l i n Major Speeches; "Tex t o f Addres s b y McCarthy Accusin g Governo r Stevenso n o f Aid t o Communis t Cause, " New York Times (October 28 , 1952) , 26-27. 54. Barne t Baskerville , "Jo e McCarthy, Brief-Cas e Demagogue, " Today's Speech 2 (1954) , 8-15 . 55. Rovere , Senator JoeMcCarthy, 168 . 56. Bot h thes e incident s ar e include d i n Emil e d e Antonio' s fil m o f selection s from th e Army-McCarth y hearings , Point of Order (Ne w York : Sterlin g Produc tions, 1954) . 57. Jackson , Fantasy, 84 . 58. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 166 . 59. Jackson , Fantasy, 23 . 60. "Explanatio n o f Why Name s Were Made Public, " in Major Speeches, 316 . 61. See : Jackson, Fantasy, 34 ; Todorov, The Fantastic, 25 . 62. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 25 . 63. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 305 . 64. O n th e hyperboli c i n fantasy, see : Todorov, The Fantastic, 77-82 , 93. 65. Fo r a sampling o f these themes , see : McCarthy, McCarthyism: The Fight for America, vii, 2 , 3 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 31 , 39 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 54 , 61 , 75 , 81 , 82 , 85 , 91 , 92 , 99 ;

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1

"Wheeling Speech, " 8 , 50 ; "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 121 ; "Lattimore Lette r o n Chinese," 125 , 142 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Decembe r 6 , 1950), " 159 , 160 ; "Statement o n Dre w Pearson, " 173 , 174 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951)," 189 , 192 , 204 ; "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 216 , 217 , 231 , 242 , 264 , 277, 285 , 333 , al l i n Major Speeches. 66. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 290 , 297 , 307 , 288 , 218 , i n Major Speeches; " M c C a r t h y s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953), 5 ; "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 67. Fo r McCarth y o n "perverts, " see , fo r example : McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 14-15 . Fo r th e relationshi p betwee n homosexua l theme s an d fantasy, see : Todorov , The Fantastic, 131-32 . Fo r th e fea r o f homosexualit y i n th e Fifties an d M c C a r t h y s associatio n o f the m wit h thos e i n th e Stat e Departmen t w h o practiced diplomac y wit h perfume d handkerchiefs , see : David Riesma n an d Natha n Glazer, " T h e Intellectual s an d th e Discontente d Classe s (1955), " i n Bell , The Radical Right, 119 . 68. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 189 . Edelman' s comment s o n the natur e o f dangerou s enemie s ar e relevan t here . Murra y Edelman , Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (Ne w York : Academi c Press , 1977), 34 69. Michae l Osborn , "Archetypa l Metapho r i n Rhetoric : T h e Light-Dar k Family," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 3 (1967) , 240—41 . O n th e importanc e o f th e vision an d darknes s metaphor s t o fantasy , see : Todorov , The Fantastic, esp . 120—23 ; Jackson, Fantasy, 49 . 70. McCarthyism, 59 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 204 ; "Americas Retrea t fro m Victory, " 302 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 71. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 216. 72. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 303. 73. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 307 . 74. "McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953), 5 75. "Excerpt s fro m Transcrip t o f Firs t Da y o f Senat e Hearing s o n Censur e o f McCarthy: Senato r McCarthy' s Statement, " New York Times (Septembe r 1 , 1954) , 14. Se e also : McCarthyism, vii , 101 ; "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y in Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 ; "McCarth y Insist s on R e d Trad e Ban, " New York Times (Decembe r 4 , 1953) , 2 . 76. "Wheelin g Speech, " i n Major Speeches, 8 . 77. "Addres s Accusin g Stevenson, " New York Times (Octobe r 28 , 1952) , 26 . 78. "Text s o f Statemen t b y McCarth y an d Som e Replies, " New York Times (December 8 , 1954) , 10 . 79. " T h e Pric e o f Peace, " secon d inaugura l address , i n Wrag e an d Baskerville , Contemporary Forum, 314 .

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80. " T h e Pric e o f Peace, " i n Wrag e an d Baskerville , Contemporary Forum, 313-1481. Pau l D . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press , 1975) , 16-27, esp. , 24-25 . 82. Todorov , The Fantastic, n o . 83. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 305 . Se e also : "Tex t o f McCarthy Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times ( N o vember 19 , 1954) , 18 ; "Tex t o f Senato r McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953) , 5 . T o dismis s accident , folly , o r naivet e a s a cause o f action i n favo r o f malign deliberatio n an d plottin g wa s a favorite McCarth y refrain. See : "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 216 , 219 , 251 , 290, 307 . 84. Todorov , The Fantastic, 112 . 85. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 260. 86. "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 295. 87. "Text s o f Statemen t b y McCarth y an d Som e Replies, " New York Times (December 8 , 1954) , 10 . I n th e tex t o f McCarthy' s speec h fo r deliver y i n th e censure debat e a s i t wa s publishe d b y th e New York Times, ther e i s a lon g sectio n built aroun d anaphor a an d antithesi s whic h follow s thi s genera l pattern : "I t i s no t significant tha t th e Communists . . . . Bu t i t i s frighteningl y significan t tha t the y have succeeded. " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 88. Fo r example , see : th e chapte r " T h e Evi l Genius, " i n McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 99—100 . O w e n Lattimor e an d other s ar e dangerou s precisel y becaus e they ar e brilliant . See , fo r example : "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 85-86 ; "America s Retreat fro m Victory, " 235 , 264 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 89. See : "America n Foreig n Polic y (Decembe r 6 , 1950), " 159 ; "Statemen t o f Time Magazine, " 333 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 302 , 305 , 292 , 293 , 267 , 254, 253 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951) , 208 , 204 , al l i n Major Speeches. 90. O n th e demoni c an d dualis m i n th e fantastic , see : Jackson, Fantasy, esp. , 54— 55, 58 , 131 . 91. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 190 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory," 285 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 92. "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 93. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 307. 94. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 113 ; "Statemen t o f Fou r Individuals, " 153 , both i n Major Speeches. 95. "Wheelin g Speech, " 46 ; "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 112 ; "Lattimor e Let ter o n Chinese, " 134 , al l i n Major Speeches. 96. Fro m Davi d M . Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1983) , 151 . For a simila r statemen t b y McCarthy ,

Notes to Chapter 7 | 25 3 see: McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 89. Referring t o th e Madison , Wisconsi n Capital Times, a paper "consistentl y parallelin g the editorial lin e o f the Communis t Daily Worker," McCarth y said , "They , o f course, criticiz e Communis m generall y t o obtain a false reputatio n o f being anti-Communist . The y the n g o all-out t o assassinate th e characte r an d destro y th e reputatio n o f anyone wh o trie s t o di g ou t th e really dangerous under-cove r Communists. " 97. Fo r example, see: "Wheeling Speech, " in Major Speeches, 18 , 50, 74. 98. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 236 . 99. "Addres s by McCarthy Accusin g Stevenson, " New York Times (October 28, 1952), 26. 100. "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 259 . 101. "Informatio n o n Lattimore," in Major Speeches, 111 . 102. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 281 . 103. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 253 . See also: McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 86 , where McCarth y translate s the phrase "progressiv e persons." 104. See : "Information o n Lattimore," 92; "Lattimore Lette r o n Chinese, " 144; "Statement o f Fou r Individuals, " 151 ; "Statement o f David Kar r an d Dre w Pear son," 176 , all in Major Speeches. 105. Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense, 112 . 106. Millar d Tydings , quoted i n Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 170 . 107. See : Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 187. The prerogativ e o f office i s the grea t unspoke n assumptio n i n Edwi n R . Bayley , Joe McCarthy and the Press (Madison, WI: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1981) . 108. Thoma s Rosteck , "Irony , Argument , an d Reportage i n Televisio n Docu mentary: Se e I t No w versu s Senato r McCarthy, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 7 5 (1989), 277-98. 109. Thes e theme s ar e develope d i n al l th e majo r source s o n McCarthy . Th e most systemati c developmen t i s in Rober t Griffith , The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate (Lexington , KY : University Pres s of Kentucky, 1970) . n o . Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, 2326° ; Thoma s C . Reeves , The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography (New York : Stei n an d Day , 1982) , 665ff ; Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 495ff . Th e televise d Army-McCarth y hearing s are widely credite d wit h bein g th e even t whic h mad e censur e possible . Eve n here , McCarthy's failin g wa s a failing o f credibility rathe r tha n an y conclusive judgmen t against him, for the hearings di d not provide th e latter. See : Orville A. Hitchcock' s contribution t o Frederic k W Haberma n e t al. , "View s o n th e Army-McCarth y Hearings," Quarterly Journal of Speech 41 (1955) , 14. i n . Bell , The End of Ideology, 300 . 112. See , for example : Richar d M . Fried , Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1990) . 113. See : Edwin Black , "Th e Mutabilit y o f Rhetoric, " i n Eugen e E . White ,

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ed., Rhetoric in Transition: Studies in the Nature and Uses of Rhetoric (Universit y Park , PA: Pennsylvani a Stat e Universit y Press , 1980) , 76-77 , fo r som e pertinen t com ments abou t sincerit y an d rhetoric . Th e linkin g o f sincerity , Freud , an d Sad e i s particularly revealin g in th e present context . 114. See , for example : Rovere, Senator JoeMcCarthy, 54-55 ; Griffith, The Politics of Fear, 14 ; Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 14-15 . 115. Jackson , Fantasy, 21 . 116. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 73 . 117. Jackson , Fantasy, S^£. It i s wort h notin g tha t Jackson mention s th e eigh teenth- an d nineteenth-centur y literatur e tha t gre w ou t o f Common Sens e philosophy a s having a marked "reluctanc e t o admi t o f the possible existenc e o f partial o r contradictory aspect s o f th e self, " i n contras t t o fantasy . Th e radica l discourse s examined i n chapter s 3 to 5 were based o n th e sam e philosoph y 118. Jackson , Fantasy, 3of . 119. McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 86 . Emphasis mine. 120. McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 90 . Emphasis mine. 121. "Tex t o f McCarthy Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . Emphasi s mine . Thes e ar e obviou s case s where McCarthy withi n a sentence mixe d first- an d third-person self-references . I n larger discourse s wher e th e narrato r wa s "I, " h e ofte n referre d t o himsel f i n th e third person . Fo r example , see : McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 88, 94 , 95 ; "Explanation o f Why Name s Were Made Public, " in Major Speeches, 316 , 317, 318. See also : th e Devin-Adai r editio n o f America's Retreat from Victory (New York : Devin-Adair, 1951) . I n hi s introductio n t o thi s volume , McCarth y referre d t o himself in the thir d person . 122. Pete r Biskind, Seeing is Believing: How Hollywood Taught Us to Stop Worrying and Love the Fifties (Ne w York: Pantheon Books , 1983) . 123. Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, 253 . 124. Elle n Schrecker , The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Book s of St. Martin's Press, 1994) , 92-93. 125. See : Reeves an d Oshinsk y especiall y th e inciden t reporte d i n Reeves, Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 586 ; and Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 412 . 126. Jackson , Fantasy, 18 , 78-79, 158-59 , 179 . 127. Jackson , Fantasy, 18 . 128. Jackson , 45 ; see also: 42, 49, 54, 83. 129. Donatien-Alphonse-Francoi s d e Sade, "Two Moral Tales," in The Complete Justine, Philosophy in the Bedroom, and Other Writings, Richar d Seave r an d Austry n Wainhouse, eds . an d trans . (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1965) , 373-743 . "T o instruc t man an d correc t hi s morals: such i s the sol e goa l we se t for ourselve s i n thi s story," writes Sad e at the outse t of Eugenie de Franval, 375 .

Notes to Chapter 8 | 25 5

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8

i. Seymou r Marti n Lipse t an d Ear l Raab , The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, iygo-ig70 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row, 1970) , 248. 2. Benjami n R . Epstei n an d Arnol d Forster , The Radical Right (Ne w York : Vintage, 1967) , 3. See also: George Thayer , The Farther Shores of Politics (Ne w York : Simon an d Schuster , 1967) , 174 ; Seymou r Marti n Lipset , "Thre e Decade s o f th e Radical Right : Coughlinites , McCarthyites , an d Bircher s (1962), " i n Danie l Bell , ed., The Radical Right (Garde n City , NY : Ancho r Books , 1964) , 373 ; Ala n F . Westin, "Th e John Birc h Societ y (1962), " in Bell, The Radical Right, 240. 3. Welc h was one o f the wealthy sponsor s of the grou p "Friend s o f Joe McCar thy" whic h sponsore d a McCarth y comebac k campaig n afte r McCarthy s censur e by th e Senate ; h e kep t a framed pictur e o f McCarthy i n hi s office, an d h e cam e t o be identified wit h man y "McCarth y themes. " Welch ofte n praise d McCarthy i n hi s speeches a s on e who m th e communist s hounde d t o death , a grea t marty r t o th e communist cause . See : David M . Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (New York : Fre e Press , 1983) , 502 ; Thayer , The Farther Shores, 182 ; Anthony Hillbruner , " A Nigh t o n Bal d Mountai n o r Variation s o n a them e b y McCarthy," Today's Speech 1 0 (1962), 1-4 ; Rober t Welch , "Wha t I s Communism? " (Belmont, MA : America n Opinio n Reprin t Series , 1970) , 16 ; Robert Welch , The Blue Book of the John Birch Society, 8 th printin g (n.p. , 1961) , 94. 4. Georg e Barrett , "Close-U p o f th e Birchers ' 'Founder, ' " New York Times Magazine (May 14 , 1961) , 92. 5. D . Sanford , "Littl e Ol d Pin k Ma n Wh o Calle d Ik e Red, " New ; Republic 15 3 (November 20 , 1965) , 8. 6. M . Crawford , "Sick , Sick , Sick, " Newsweek 64 (August 31 , 1964), 32. 7. "Touched, " Time 87 (April 15 , 1966), 25. 8. Rober t Welch , The Politician (Belmont , MA : Robert Welch , 1963) , 1. 9. The Politician, vii . 10. The Blue Book, i. 11. The Blue Book, i. 12. The Blue Book, iii. 13. The Blue Book, 2. 14. The Blue Book, 9. 15. The Blue Book, 9-39, esp . 10. 16. The Blue Book, 29. 17. The Blue Book, 27. 18. The Blue Book, 50 . Thi s i s th e cance r metapho r discusse d b y Edwi n Blac k in "Th e Secon d Persona, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 56 (1970) , 109-19 . Susa n Sontag ha s also explore d th e radicalis m o f cancer a s metaphor i n Illness as Metaphor (New York: Farrar, Strauss , and Giroux , 1978) , 82 , 86. 19. The Blue Book, 57-58.

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20. The Blue Book, 63. 21. The Blue Book, 72-73. 22. Fo r example , see : The Blue Book, 84-86; Robert Welch , "Wha t I s the John Birch Society? " 197 0 editio n (Belmont , MA : America n Opinio n Reprints , 1970) , 6, 24 . Ther e is , i n fact , a close relationshi p betwee n th e cance r metapho r an d th e military metaphor . See : Sontag, Illness as Metaphor, 64-68 . 23. The Blue Book, 169. 24. The Blue Book, 145. 25. The Blue Book, 149-50 . Harr y Kemp , "God , th e Architect " wa s publishe d in James D . Morrison , ed. , Masterpieces of Religious Verse (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Bros., 1948) , #149. 26. Rober t Welch , "T o th e Negroe s o f America" (n.p. , 1967) , 8. 27. " A Lette r t o Khrushchev, " i n The New Americanism and Other Speeches and Essays (Boston : Western Island , 1966) , 30-42. 28. "Mor e Statel y Mansions," in The New Americanism, 15-52 . 29. R . S . Crane , The Languages of Criticism and the Structure of Poetry (Toronto : University o f Toronto Press , 1953) , 153. 30. The Blue Book, 44. 31. "Throug h th e Days to Be," in The New Americanism, 60 . 32. See , fo r example : "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 17 ; "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement," 60 , 65—66 ; "Toussaint l'Ouverture, " 173 ; "The Cas e fo r Labor, " 201; "The Ol d Sout h Meetinghouse, " 212 , al l i n Loui s Filler , ed. , Wendell Phillips on Civil Rights and Freedom (Ne w York: Hill an d Wang, 1965) . 33. See : various speeche s in Arthur Schlesinger , Jr., ed. , Writings and Speeches of Eugene Debs (Ne w York : Heritag e Press , 1948) . Se e also : Bernar d J . Brommel , Eugene V Debs: Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago : Charle s H. Kerr , 1978) , esp. 103 , 208 . Deb s als o trie d hi s han d a t "verse. " Th e on e mos t frequentl y reprinted wa s the sentimenta l piece, "Mother. " 34. Th e Baptis t Churc h wa s amon g th e firs t t o embrac e hymns , includin g collections b y Isaa c Watts . See : Henr y Wilde r Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, Archo n reprin t editio n ([Hampden , CT] : Archo n Books , 1968) , esp . 168, 225-29 . Reynold s claim s tha t th e Baptist s wer e th e firs t sec t t o introduc e congregational hym n singing , i n Willia m Jensen Reynolds , A Survey of Christian Hymnody (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston , 1963) , 46 . Donal d Davi e explores th e hymnodi c tradition , especiall y tha t o f Isaac Watts an d Charle s Wesley , with a vie w towar d restorin g statu s t o poetr y whic h ha s been , i n Davie' s view , discounted by students of poetry because o f its liturgical nature. See: Donald Davie, A Gathered Church: The Literature of the English Dissenting Interest, 1700—1930 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1978) , esp. 1-54 . 35. O n th e Unitaria n contribution s t o America n hymnody , see : Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, esp . 192 , 196 , 233-54 . Whittie r canno t reall y b e counted a Unitarian hymnodis t i n tha t h e wa s a lifelong membe r o f the Societ y o f

Notes to Chapter 8 \ 25 7 Friends, bu t h e wa s clos e t o th e Unitarian s i n spiri t an d som e o f hi s poem s wer e appropriated fo r us e i n Unitaria n hym n books . Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, 254—62 . 36. O n th e shif t fro m psalmod y t o hymnod y an d it s significance , see : Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, 3-186 ; an d Reynolds , A Survey of Christian Hymnody, 3-65. 37. Conra d make s man y argument s (whic h paralle l thos e I make i n th e follow ing section ) regardin g th e nineteenth-centur y root s o f th e Mora l Majority , on e o f the logica l successor s t o Welch . See : Charles Conrad , "Th e Rhetori c o f the Mora l Majority: A n Analysi s o f Romanti c Form, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 6 9 (1983) , 159-70.

38. The Blue Book, 48. 39. "Republic s an d Democracies, " i n The New Americanism, 101. On th e sig nificance o f republicanis m i n th e nineteent h century , see : Han s Kohn , Political Ideologies of the Twentieth Century, 3d editio n revise d (Ne w York : Harpe r Torch books, 1966) , esp. 6, 8 , 68, 69. 40. The Blue Book, 48. 41. The Blue Book, 60. 42. Willia m G . McLoughlin , Revivals, Awakenings and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607—^77 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1978) , 140. 43. R . W Harris , Romanticism and the Social Order, 1780-1830 (New York : Barnes an d Noble , 1969) , 20 . Se e also : "Romanticism, " Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, Ale x Preminger , Fran k J. Warnke , an d O . B . Hardison , Jr., eds . (Princeton, NJ : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1974) . Thi s discussio n i s also indebte d to M. H . Abrams, The Mirror and the Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1953) , an d Jacque s Barzun , Classic, Romantic, and Modern (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1961) . 44. Harris , Romanticism and the Social Order, 11 ; Barzun, Classic, Romantic, and Modern, passim. Fo r a description o f some o f the aspect s o f the nineteenth-centur y view o f history a s it wa s receive d fro m th e eighteent h century , see : Sto w Persons , "The Cyclica l Theor y o f Histor y i n Eighteent h Centur y America, " American Quarterly 6 (1954), 147-63. 45. Carlyle , quote d i n th e chapte r "Carlyl e a s Prophet - Historian, " i n Joh n Holloway, The Victorian Sage (New York: W W Norton , i960) , 58. 46. Northro p Frye , A Study of English Romanticism (Ne w York: Random House , 1968), 22 .

47. Shelley , quoted i n Harris, Romanticism and the Social Order, 54 . 48. Fo r som e "politica l biographies " o f som e o f th e Englis h Romanti c poets , see: Cran e Brinton , The Political Ideas of the English Romanticists, reprin t editio n (New York : Russel l an d Russell , 1962) . Se e particularly : Wordsworth' s ide a o f poetry i n Abrams, The Mirror and the Lamp, 330.

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49. Ralp h Wald o Emerson , "Th e Poet, " i n Lewi s Mumford , ed. , Essays and Journals (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1968) , 248-49. 50. Holloway , The Victorian Sage, 2 . 51. Verno n L . Parrington , Main Currents in American Thought, v . 2 , Harves t edition (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace , an d World , 1927) , passim, esp . 309-10 , 313— 15. See also: Sacvan Bercovitch, "Emerso n th e Prophet : Romanticism , Puritanism , and Auto-American-Biography, " i n Davi d Levin , ed. , Emerson: Prophecy, Metamorphosis, and Influence: Selected Papers from the English Institute (New York : Columbi a University Press , 1975) , 2—6. 52. Parrington , Main Currents, v . 2, 264, 331-34 . 53. Harol d Bloom , "Emerson : Th e Glor y an d Sorrow s o f American Romanti cism," i n Davi d Thorbur n an d Geoffre y Hartman , eds. , Romanticism: Vistas, Instances, Continuities (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973) , 155-73 ; Th e Blue Book, 9. 54. Jame s M . Cox , "R . W Emerson : Th e Circle s o f th e Eye, " i n Levin , Emerson, Prophecy, Metamorphosis, 57-81 , esp . 59, 61. Emphasis Cox's . 55. Aaro n Kramer, The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 1833-1 goo (Rutherford, NJ : Farleigh Dickinso n Universit y Press , 1968) , 10 , passim. 56. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 11 , passim. 57. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 15 , passim. 58. Th e word s i n quotatio n mark s ar e Emerson' s a s quote d i n Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 34 . Kramer provides several examples o f similar criticisms of the betrayal o f mission by other poets. See: 34-35. 59. Herber t A . Wichelns , "Ralp h Wald o Emerson, " i n Willia m Norwoo d Brigance, ed. , History and Criticism of American Public Address, v. 2 (Ne w York : Russell an d Russell, i960) , 518. 60. Joh n H . Sloan , " 'Th e Miraculou s Uplifting' : Emerson' s Relationshi p wit h His Audience," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 2 (1966), 10-15 . 61. The Blue Book, 9. 62. The Blue Book, 34. 63. The Blue Book, 35. 64. Fo r example s o f the awakenin g metaphor , see : The Blue Book, 35 , 76 ; "T o the Negroe s o f America," 1 ; The Politician, 217 ; "What I s the John Birc h Society? " 28.

6 5. The Politician, 255 . 66. The Blue Book, 44. 67. Emerson , "History, " i n Mumford , Essays and Journals, 79 . The replacemen t of th e physic s metapho r wit h th e metapho r o f biolog y an d th e metapho r o f th e organism i s on e o f th e hallmark s o f Romanticism . See : Barzun , Classic, Romantic, and Modern, 54-55 ; Abrams , The Mirror and the Lamp, 184-213 . O n th e biolog y metaphor o f th e nineteent h centur y an d it s relatio n t o classica l cosmology , espe -

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9

cially tha t o f Plato , see : R . G . Collingwood , The Idea of Nature, paperbac k editio n (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , i960) . Herber t Spencer' s theorie s o f socia l evolution, whic h Welc h foun d t o b e th e product s o f clear-sighte d "genius, " ar e th e most prominen t manifestatio n o f th e biolog y metapho r applie d t o th e socia l realm . See: The Blue Book, 48 . 68. Fo r example , see : " M o r e Statel y Mansions, " 136-37 . 69. Fo r example , see : " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 4 . Se e also : "Loo k a t th e Score, " in The Blue Book, esp . 10-18 . O t h e r example s includ e " M o r e Statel y Mansions " and " T h e N e w Americanism, " bot h i n The New Americanism and Other Essays. 70. The Blue Book, 64 . 71. The Blue Book, 72 , 71 , 28, 77 , 24 . 72. The Blue Book, 146 . 73. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 22 . I n The Blue Book, 73 , Welc h wrote : "Truth , reality, huma n instinct , an d th e overwhelmin g weigh t o f h u m a n desir e ar e o n ou r side." Se e also : " A Lette r t o Khrushchev, " i n The New Americanism, 47 . 74. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " ; The Blue Book, 174 . Emphasi s added . 75. The Blue Book, 35 . 76. The Blue Book, 73 . 77. " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " i n Jean Y . Tussey , ed. , Eugene V Debs Speaks (Ne w York : Pathfinder , 1972) , 106 . 78. " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 107 . 79. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 19 . N o t e th e presenc e o f th e optimisti c sunris e metaphor here . 80. " W h a t I s th e John Birc h Society? " 6 . 81. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 35 . 82. J o h n L . Thomas , " R o m a n t i c R e f o r m i n America , 1815—1865, " American Quarterly 1 7 (1965) , 659 . 83. " W h a t I s th e J o hn Birc h Society? " 30 . 84. Bronso n Alcott , quote d i n Thomas , " R o m a n t i c R e f o r m i n America, " 6 6 3 64 85. The Blue Book, 60 . 86. The Blue Book, 64 . 87. " W h a t I s th e John Birc h Society? " 31 . 88. The Blue Book, 9 . 89. The Blue Book, 10 . 90. The Blue Book, 60 . 91. The Blue Book, 152 . 92. The Blue Book, 170 . 93. The Blue Book, 35 . 94. The Blue Book, 4 . O n Joh n Birc h a s a marty r symbol , see : Phili p C . Wander ,

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"The John Birc h an d Marti n Luthe r Kin g Symbol s i n th e Radica l Right, " Western Speech 3 5 (1971), 4-14. Welch himself expressed hi s willingness to die for th e cause . For example, see: "A Letter t o Khrushchev," in The New Americanism, 49 , 50 , 51. 95. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 37-38 . 96. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 36 . 97. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 39 . 98. Sanford , "Littl e Ol d Pin k Man Who Calle d Ik e Red," 8 . 99. Barrett , "Close-U p o f the Birchers' 'Founder', " 89 . 100. The Blue Book, 148. 101. Mumford , Essays and Journals, 10 . 102. Harol d Bloom, New York Review of Books (November 22 , 1984) , 19. 103. Olive r Wendel l Holmes , quote d i n Irvin g Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1967) , 95. 104. Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 95-96 . 105. Fo r th e secon d printin g o f The Blue Book in 1959 , Welc h di d reluctantl y provide a very sketch y one-pag e biography . I n explainin g wh y n o suc h biograph y or personal informatio n abou t th e "persona l leader " o f the John Birc h Societ y ha d been forthcomin g befor e thi s time, Welch explaine d tha t i t was due t o hi s "distast e for anythin g in th e nature o f personal publicity." The Blue Book, 178-79 . 106. The Blue Book, 144. 107. The Blue Book, 60. 108. The Blue Book, 61 . 109. The Blue Book, 60. n o . Quote d bot h i n The Blue Book, 68, and in "Throug h Al l the Day s to Be," in The New Americanism, 60 . I t is worth notin g tha t hymnody , too , is characterize d by a limite d numbe r o f stric t forms , Commo n Meter , Shor t Meter , an d Lon g Meter. Fo r a description o f these forms, see : Reynolds, Survey of Christian Hymnody, xi-xiii. i n . Willia m James, Essays in Radical Empiricism and a Pluralistic Universe, Ralp h Barton Perry , ed. , Dutto n paperbac k editio n (Ne w York: E. P . Dutton, 1971) , 146 , passim. 112. Richar d Bernstein , "Introduction, " i n James, A Pluralistic Universe, xxv . 113. James , A Pluralistic Universe, 143 . 114. The Blue Book, 145. 115. Quote d i n Bloom , "Emerson : Th e Glor y an d Sorrow s o f American R o manticism," 156 . 116. Archibal d MacLeish , Poetry and Experience (Cambridge , MA : Riversid e Press, i960) , 118 ; see also: 113—2 0 for genera l remark s o n th e withdrawal o f poetry from publi c life . 117. Abraha m Heschel , The Prophets, Colophon edition , v . 1 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row), 106 . The situationa l nature o f true prophecy is stressed in almos t all works o n th e subject . Marti n Bube r i n fac t make s thi s th e distinguishin g mar k

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26 1

of true prophecy . See : Martin Buber , The Prophetic Faith, Torchbook editio n (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, i960) , I78f . 118. Jame s L. Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter , 1971) . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9

i. Edmun d White , "Th e Politica l Vocabular y o f Homosexuality, " i n Davi d Berman, ed. , The Burning Library (Ne w York : Knopf, 1994) , 70. 2. I n additio n t o White , see : Howar d Brown , Familiar Faces, Hidden Lives: The Story of Homosexual Men in America Today (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1976), 201-2 ; Jonathan Katz , Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. (Ne w York: Thomas Y Crowell , 1976) , 7; Martin P . Levine, "Introduction, " in Marti n P . Levine, ed. , Gay Men: The Sociology of Male Homosexuality, Colopho n edition (Ne w York: Harpe r an d Row, 1979) , 238. 3. Kennet h Burke , lik e Malinowski , ofte n focuse s o n th e essentia l difference s among magic, science, and religion, bu t th e repeated groupin g o f the thre e suggest s their essentia l kinship . Burk e occasionall y explicitl y acknowledge s thi s a s when h e writes: "Magic , religion , an d scienc e ar e alike in tha t the y foste r a body o f though t concerning th e natur e o f th e univers e an d man' s relatio n t o it. " Kennet h Burke , Counter-Statement, (Berkele y and Los Angeles: University o f California Press , 1968) , 163. Se e also : Bronisla w Malinowski , Magic, Science and Religion, Anchor editio n (Garden City , NY: Doubleday Anchor , 1954) . 4. Michae l Riordon' s "Capita l Punishment : Note s o f a Willin g Victim, " re printed i n Levine , Gay Men, 78-99 , i s particularl y revealing . Se e also : Katz , Gay American History, 131 . 5. Bruc e Bawer, A Place at the Table: The Gay Individual in American Society (New York: Simon an d Schuster , 1993) , 125. 6. Richar d D . Mohr, "Wh y Sodom y Law s Are Bad," in Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society, and Law (New York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1988) , 49-62; James K. Feibleman , "Sexua l Behavior , Moralit y an d th e Law, " i n Ralp h Slovenko , ed. , Sexual Behavior and the Law (Springfield , IL : Charle s C . Thomas , 1965) , 176 , 177 ; Walter Barnett, Sexual Freedom and the Constitution: An Inquiry into the Constitutionality of Repressive Sex Laws (Albuquerque , NM : Universit y o f Ne w Mexic o Press , J 973)» 75 > passim.; Edwi n M . Schur , Crimes without Victims: Deviant Behavior and Public Policy (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hal l 1965) , 78 . A 199 6 surve y o f sodomy laws , occasione d b y th e tent h anniversar y o f a Georgi a Suprem e Cour t decision upholdin g th e constitutionalit y o f tha t stat e s sodom y law , whil e notin g that muc h ha s change d i n thi s are a sinc e Bowers v. Hardwick i n 1986 , bears witnes s to th e continuin g validit y o f Schur s observation . Twenty-on e state s stil l hav e statutes which prohibi t "crime s agains t nature, " "sexua l misconduct, " "sodom y an d buggery," "buggery, " "deviat e sexua l conduct, " o r "unnatura l intercourse. " Lis a Neff, "Th e Stat e of Sodomy Laws, " Windy City Times (March 21 , 1996), 9.

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7. Fo r a more detaile d examinatio n o f the ga y response t o eac h membe r o f th e triumvirate, see : James Darsey, "Vessel s of the Word: Studie s of the Prophetic Voic e in America n Publi c Address, " unpublishe d dissertation , Universit y o f Wisconsin , Madison, 1985 , 422-33. 8. Patricia L . Schmidt , "Th e Rol e o f Mora l Idealis m i n Socia l Change : Lor d Ashley and the Ten Hours Factor y Act," Quarterly Journal of Speech 63 (1977) , 1 S9. Irvin g Louis Horowitz, "Th e Pluralisti c Base s of Modern America n Liberal ism," in Ideology and Utopia in the United States, ig^6-igj6 (London : Oxfor d Univer sity Press, 1977) , 377-97; see also: Murray Edelman, "Th e Politica l Language of the Helping Professions, " i n Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press, 1977) , 20-21, 57-75 . 10. Denni s Altman, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, Discu s editio n (Ne w York: Avon, 1973) , 185. 11. Weinber g an d Williams , Male Homosexuals: Their Problems and Adaptations (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1974) , fin d a re-evaluation o f sexua l more s after th e Secon d World War to be a major facto r i n the formation o f the homophil e liberation movemen t i n America , an d John D'Emilio , Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States, lg^o-igjo (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press , 1983) , traces the disruptiv e influences o f the wa r and of new patterns o f living following th e war. 12. Willia m Le e Miller , "Th e Ris e o f Neo-Orthodoxy, " i n Arthu r M . Schle singer, Jr . an d Morto n White , eds. , Paths of American Thought, Sentr y editio n (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1970) , 331. 13. Fo r this analysis and use of the term "civi l religion," see: John Murra y Cud dihy, No Offense: Civil Religion and Protestant Taste (New York: Seabury Press, 1978). 14. Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr., "Th e On e agains t the Many," in Schlesinger an d White, Paths of American Thought, 538. 15. Edwi n M . Schur , "Th e Sociologis t Comments, " i n Edwi n M . Schu r an d Hugo Ada m Bedau , Victimless Crimes: Two Sides of a Controversy (Englewood Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1974) , 118 . See also: Dwight Oberholtzer , "Introduction : Subduing th e Cyclops, " i n W Dwigh t Oberholtzer , ed. , Is Gay Good? Ethics, Theology, and Homosexuality (Philadelphia : Westminster Press , 1971) , 52. 16. Edwar d Sagarin , Odd Man In: Societies of Deviants in America (Chicago: Quadrangle Books , 1972) , 82-84. 17. D'Emilio , Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities, 18 . 18. Gran t Gilmore , The Ages of American Law (New Haven, CT : Yale University Press), n o , passim . 19. Gilmore , The Ages of American Law, g$£. 20. Fo r additional evidenc e o n thi s argument, see : James Darsey, "Fro m 'Com mies' an d 'Queers ' t o 'Ga y i s Good, ' " i n James W Chesebro , ed. , Gayspeak: Gay Male and Lesbian Communication (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1981) ; and James Darsey, "Die Non: Ga y Liberatio n an d th e Rhetori c o f Pur e Tolerance, " i n R . Jeffre y

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Ringer, ed. , Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality (Ne w York: New Yor k Universit y Press , 1994) , 53-55. 21. Andre w Sullivan , Virtually Normal: An Argument about Homosexuality (New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1995) , 24. 22. Sullivan , Virtually Normal, 24 . 23. "Justice s Must Do th e Right Thing, " Windy City Times (October 19 , 1995), 13.

24. Jame s K . Mumaugh , "Suprem e Cour t Mus t Conside r th e Right s o f Al l i n Colorado Case, " Windy City Times (October 19 , 1995) , 12 . Emphasis added . 25. Mumaugh , "Suprem e Cour t Mus t Conside r th e Right s o f All," 12. 26. Stuar t A. Scheingold , The Politics of Rights: Lawyers, Public Policy, and Political Change (Ne w Haven : Yale University Press , 1974) , 17. 27. Ronal d Dworkin , Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge , MA : Harvar d Uni versity Press, 1977) , xii. 28. Fo r an overvie w o f gay rights rhetoric, 1948-90 , see : Darsey, "Fro m 'Com mies' an d 'Queers ' t o 'Gay i s Good, ' " i n Chesebro , Gayspeak; an d James Darsey , "From 'Ga y i s Good ' t o th e Scourg e o f AIDS, " Communication Studies 42 (1991) , 43-66. 29. Bot h thes e campaign s ar e analyze d i n Darsey , "Die Non" i n Ringer , Queer Words, Queer Images. 30. Richar d Steel e wit h Ton y Fuller , "God' s Crusader, " Newsweek (Jun e 6 , 1977), 20 .

31. Anit a Bryant , The Anita Bryant Story: The Survival of Our Nation's Families and the Threat of Militant Homosexuality (Ol d Tappan , NJ : Flemin g H . Revel l Co. , 1977), 37-38 , quote d i n Ronal d Fischli , "Anit a Bryant' s Stan d agains t 'Militan t Homosexuality': Religiou s Fundamentalis m an d th e Democrati c Process, " Central States Speech Journal 30 (1979), 267. 32. Steele , "God' s Crusader" ; Fischli , "Anit a Bryant' s Stan d agains t 'Militan t Homosexuality,' " esp . 270. 33. Fischli , "Anit a Bryants Stan d against 'Militan t Homosexuality, ' " 270. 34. Feature d i n Debora h For t an d An n Skinner-Jones , "Th e Grea t Divide, " DNA/Crow Productions , 1993 . 35. Gay s and lesbian s regularl y d o ver y poorl y i n opinio n polls . Though recen t results hav e improve d ove r time s whe n gay s an d lesbian s ranke d regularl y amon g the greates t threat s t o civilization , 199 2 dat a fo r th e America n Nationa l Electio n Study, ru n b y th e Surve y Researc h Cente r o f th e Universit y o f Michigan , reveal s gays and lesbians scorin g onl y mor e favorabl y tha n peopl e o n welfar e o n a "feelin g thermometer" wher e 10 0 was the "warmest " feeling , 5 0 neutral, an d o the coldest . People o n welfar e ha d a mea n scor e o f 50.1 ; gay s an d lesbians , 39.2 . Poste d t o Queer-net b y Mark Hertzog . 36. Pau l Varnell , "Theor y o f Ga y Progress, " Windy City Times (Februar y 1 , 1996), 15.

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Notes to Chapter g

37. Jud y Rohrer , "I s I t Righ t t o Focu s o n 'Rights'? " Harvard Gay and Lesbian Review 3 (1966), 56. 38. Wil l Perkins , founde r o f Colorad o fo r Famil y Values , i n "Th e Grea t Di vide." 39. Fro m th e tex t o f Orego n Propositio n 9 , presente d i n "Fightin g fo r Ou r Lives," Feather an d Fi n Productions, 1992 . 40. Accordin g t o Jerr y Bunge , on e o f th e engineer s o f th e Columbu s ordi nance, i t wa s a strategi c decisio n t o maintai n a ver y lo w profil e unti l th e perio d allowed for publi c oppositio n ha d expired . Persona l conversation , July 6 , 1992 . 41. Fo r som e german e remark s o n "liberty " a s a "feminization o f power," see : Michael Calvi n McGee , "Th e Origin s o f 'Liberty' : A Feminizatio n o f Power, " Communication Monographs 47 (1980) , 23—45 . 42. Hocquenghem' s analysi s o f th e antipolitica l natur e o f homosexualit y a s "desire" rather tha n "revolution, " a desire which is , in fact, directionless , is relevant here. Gu y Hocquenghem , Homosexual Desire, Daniell a Dangoor , trans . (London : Allison an d Busby, 1978) , 120-25 , 104. 43. Marshal l Kirk an d Hunte r Madsen , After the Ball: How America Will Conquer Its Fear and Hatred of Gays in the 'gos (New York : Doubleday , 1989) , xxxvi , xxvi , 161, 207 , 187 , 276 .

44. Fo r a more complet e analysis , see: Darsey, "Die Non." 45. Davi d Jernigan, "Wh y Ga y Leader s Don' t Last : Th e Firs t Te n Year s afte r Stonewall," Out/Look (Summe r 1988) , 35. 46. Bawer , A Place at the Table. Man y prominen t member s o f thi s grou p ar e included i n Bruc e Bawer , ed. , Beyond Queer: Challenging Gay Left Orthodoxy (New York: Free Press, 1996) . 47. Urvash i Vaid , Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation (New York: Anchor Books, 1995) . 48. Turne d b y a well-meanin g cop y edito r int o "brigh t re d clothes. " Darsey , "Die Non" 63 . 49. Poste d o n th e internet t o Queerlaw , Ma y 6, 1996 . 50. Joh n Reid , The Best Little Boy in The World (New York : G . P . Putnam , 1973). 51. Quote d i n John Powers , "Toxi c Shoc k Syndrome, " L.A. Weekly (May 17 , 1991), reprinte d a s progra m materia l fo r screenin g o f Poison, Wexner Cente r fo r the Arts, Columbus, Ohi o (Jun e 1 , 7, 8 , 1991) . 52. Candac e Chellew , "Th e Nake d Truth, " Advocate (Septembe r 6 , 1994) , 5. 53. Davi d Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge , MA: Blackwell, 1990) , 102. 54. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 103 . 55. Le e Goodman , "Th e Politic s o f Patience, " GPU News (Octobe r 1977) , 12-13.

Notes to Chapter g |

26 5

56. Stephe n Miller , "End s an d Means : Shoul d th e Ga y Movemen t Mimi c It s Enemies?" New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 26. 57. Scot t Tucker , Fighting Words: An Open Letter to Queers and Radicals (New York: Cassell, 1995) , 40. 58. Thoma s Paine , The Rights of Man, Introductio n b y Eri c Fone r (Ne w York : Penguin, 1984) , 85. 59. Herber t Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " i n Rober t Pau l Wolff , Bar rington Moore , Jr., an d Herber t Marcuse , A Critique of Pure Tolerance, paperbac k edition (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1969) , 81 . See also : Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1953) , $f. I n Thoma s Mann' s The Magic Mountain, Her r Settembrin i caution s Han s Castorp : "D o no t forge t tha t tolerance become s crime , i f extende d t o evil. " The Magic Mountain, H . T . Lowe Porter, trans. , Vintage Books editio n (Ne w York: Random House , 1969) , 516. 60. Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " 83 , 88, 98, passim. 61. Par t One : Millenniu m Approache s (Ne w York : Theatr e Communication s Group, 1992) , 90. 62. Joh n Gallagher , "Mone y Talks : Ga y an d AID S Activist s Ar e Increasingl y Banking o n Hire d Professional s t o Hel p Reac h Republican s i n Congress, " Advocate (July 25, 1995) , 42. 63. "Campaig n Fun d PA C Ranks amon g Top 5 0 PACs," Momentum: The Newsletter forMembers of the Human Rights Campaign Fund (Fall 1993) , 1. 64. Thoug h sh e rightl y contrasts th e situatio n o f lesbians an d ga y men , Dana e Clark allow s som e importan t similaritie s a s advertiser s see k t o coloniz e ga y an d lesbian style s an d transfor m the m int o a salabl e commodity . "Commodit y Lesbi anism," reprinte d i n Henr y Abelove , Michel e Ain a Barale , an d Davi d Halperin , eds., The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993) , 186-201 . 65. PO Z (June/Jul y 1995) , 77. 66. Danie l Harris , "Ou t o f the Closet , an d int o Never-Neve r Land : Th e Ne w Gay Magazine s Glos s Ove r Politic s t o Penetrat e a Market, " Harpers (Decembe r 1995), 52-53 . 67. Lette r t o the edito r from Sara h Pettit, Editor, Out, Harpers (February 1996) , 6. 68. Lette r to th e edito r fro m Sara h Pettit, 6 . 69. Advertisement , New York Native (April 1 , 1996) , 128. 70. New York Native (April 8 , 1996) , 23. 71. "Soundbites, " reportin g o n a story fro m th e Wall Street Journal (March 22 , 1996), New York Native (April 1 , 1996) , 4. Fo r example s o f the ads , see: Windy City Times (March 21 , 1996) , 2; Windy City Times (March 28 , 1996) , 2; Outlines (April, 1996), 2. I n addition , Subar u i s a "proud foundin g sponsor " o f the Rainbo w Car d Foundation, a Vis a car d tha t support s lesbia n an d ga y causes . See : advertisement , Advocate (Februar y 20 , 1996) , 5.

266 |

Notes

to Chapter g

72. Advocate (Novembe r 28 , 1995) , 3. 73. Advertisemen t i n New York Native (May 27, 1996) , 32. 74. R . Danie l Foster , "Shoppin g for Life, " Advocate (November 28 , 1995) , 37. 75. Pau l Varnell, "Enjo y Bein g a Market," Windy City Times (March 28 , 1996) , 15.

76. Varnell , "Enjo y Bein g a Market." 77. Bruc e Bawer , "U p (with ) th e Establishment, " Advocate (Januar y 23 , 1996) ,

112.

78. See : advertisement i n Advocate (Decembe r 12 , 1995) , 41. 79. Advocate (December 12 , 1995) , 11. 80. Stephe n H . Miller, "End s an d Means : Shoul d th e Ga y Movemen t Mimi c Its Enemies?" New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 22-24. 81. New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 23. 82. See : Jan Car l Park, "Referendu m Campaign s vs . Gay Rights," in Chesebro , Gayspeak, 286-90 ; see especially : new s o f economic boycott s agains t Disney , fo r it s movie Priest, fo r it s domesti c partner s policy , an d fo r allowin g a convicte d pedo phile t o direc t th e fil m Powder. Joh n Gallagher , " A Fairy-Tal e Ending, " Advocate (November 28 , 1995) , 25. 83. Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " 94. 84. Bawer , A Place at the Table, 51 . 85. Bawer , "U p (with ) th e Establishment," 112 . 86. Advertisement , New York Native (February 12 , 1996) , 2. 87. I took th e surve y by phone, Ma y 22, 1996. 88. Arlen e Zarembka , "Th e Ga y Marketeers, " Washington Blade (Decembe r 1995), posted t o Queerla w b y Ms. Zarembka . 89. Scalia , dissenting opinion, Romer v. Evans, poste d o n th e Internet . 90. Poste d o n th e Internet . 91. Bawer , A Place at the Table, 155 . 92. Scalia , dissenting opinion, Romer v. Evans. 93. Camill e Paglia , "Tha t Old-Tim e Religion, " Advocate (Decembe r 26 , 1995) , 72.

94. Paglia , "Tha t Old-Tim e Religion, " Advocate (Decembe r 26 , 1995) , 72. 95. Fo r example, Stephen H . Miller , "Weight y Issues, " New York Native (May 6, 1996), 21.

96. Jef f Getty, quoted i n Rachel Gotbaum , "Jungl e Fever, " Advocate (Septembe r 5, 1995) , 36. 97. Cont e an d Scarce , "Here' s You r Wake-U p Call, " COQZ: Central Ohio Queer 'Zine (May, 1994) , 2. 98. Cont e an d Scarce , "Queer s Rea d This . I Hat e Straights : A leafle t distrib uted a t th e 199 0 prid e marc h i n Ne w Yor k Cit y publishe d anonymousl y b y Queers," COQZ: Central Ohio Queer (Zine (May 1994) , 3-4 . 99. Southern Voice (Marc h 15 , 1990), 6.

Notes to Chapter 10 | 26 7 100. Tucker , Fighting Words, 19 . 101. Gu y Debord , Comments of the Society of the Spectacle, Malcol m Imrie , trans . (New York: Verso, 1990) , 2, 7. 102. Micke y Wheatley , "Beyon d th e Meltin g Pot, " Out/Look (Summer , 1989) , 57-

103. Ric k Moody , The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven: A Novella and Stories (Boston : Little Brown, 1995) , 155 , 157 , 167. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 0

i. Loui s Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e an d World, 1955) , passim. 2. Edwi n Black , "Th e 'Vision ' o f Marti n Luthe r King, " i n Literature as Revolt and Revolt as Literature: Three Studies in the Rhetoric of Non-Oratorical Forms, The Proceedings o f th e Fourt h Annua l Universit y o f Minnesota Sprin g Symposiu m i n Speech- Communicatio n (Ma y 3 , 1969) , Minneapolis, MN , 7 . 3. Hartz , The Liberal Tradition in America, 63 . 4. Hartz , The Liberal Tradition in America, 10, 42—43, 58; cf. 47 . 5. Henr y F . May , Ideas, Faiths, and Feelings: Essays on American Intellectual and Religious History, ig^2-ig82 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1983) , 172. 6. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 57. 7. I intend m y us e o f the wor d "culture " her e an d elsewher e t o correspon d t o something lik e Michae l Polany i s idea tha t cultur e i s a kind o f knowledge base d o n tradition an d a n expressio n o f a desir e fo r excellence . Polany i writes : "Thu s w e may regard , i n th e las t analysis , th e entir e superio r knowledg e embodie d i n a modern highl y articulat e cultur e a s th e su m tota l o f wha t it s classic s hav e uttere d and it s heroes an d saints have done." Michael Polanyi , Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy, Correcte d editio n (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1962), 376ff . Polanyi s notio n share s muc h wit h Matthe w Arnold s idea , develope d in Culture and Anarchy, that cultur e i s a strivin g towar d perfection . I t stand s t o reason, then , tha t th e stor y o f a cultur e a t som e leve l ca n b e foun d i n it s fondes t myths. 8. Matthe w Arnold , i n Literature and Dogma, James C . Livingston , ed . (Ne w York: Frederic k Ungar , 1970) , 73. 9. Karly n Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hal l Jamieson, Form and Genre: Shaping Rhetorical Action (Falls Church , VA : Speec h Communicatio n Association , [1978]) , 24f. 10. See : Polanyi s remarks o n commitmen t i n Personal Knowledge, 299—324 . 11. See : chapter 1 regarding the literature referre d t o here .

Index

abolitionism, 27 , 61-84 ; a n d America n radi cal tradition , 114 , 208 ; ga y liberation c o m pared to , 18 5 A - b o m b , 131 , 13 3 Acheson, Dean , 139 , 14 3 ACT-UP, 190 , 194 , 195 , 19 6 Adams, J o h n, 36 , 47 , 76 , 8 0 Adams, Samuel , 4 1 , 76 , 8 0 Advocate magazine , 189 , 190 , 19 1 AIDS, 190 , 19 1 Algren, Nelson , o n Debs , 10 7 allegory, 3 2 Altgeld, J o hn Peter , Deb s compare d to , 107 Altman, Dennis , 17 7 Amerasia magazine , 13 4 American La w Institute , M o d e l Pena l C o d e , 180 American Revolution , 10 , 22 , 35-60 , 89 , 91, 133 , 178 ; an d America n radica l tradi tion, 122 , 200 , 201 , 202 , 203 , 204 , 208 ; and community , 112 , 113 ; in Eugen e Debs's rhetoric , 89 , 90 ; epistemolog y of , 51-58; ga y liberatio n compare d to , 194 ; contrasted wit h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , 126; contraste d wit h Jo e McCarthy , 139 ; in Wendel l Phillips' s rhetoric , 75-76 , 80 ; Wendell Phillip s compare d to , 65 ; R o b e r t Welch compare d to , 161 , 165 , 16 7 Amos, 16 , 18 , 23 , 9 5 Andrews, James, o n Debs , 8 6 Angels in America, 18 8 anomie, 2 3 anonymity, prophetic , 3 2 apocalyptic: an d chaos , 118 ; dualis m and , 116—17; an d fantasy , 119 ; an d j u d g m e n t , 117; a s metaphorical , 118 ; O l d Testamen t origins of , 114—19 ; as pessimistic , 117 , 140—41; pseudonym s in , 11 8

apodeictic, 19 , 22 , 9 1 argumentum ad personam, 31 , 5 6 Aristotle: o n civility , 1 , 4 ; o n demonstra tion, 19 , 52 ; o n mode s o f proof , 15 ; o n natural law , 123 ; o n virtue , 30 , 4 9 A r m y - M c C a r t h y Hearings , 137 ; Clarenc e T h o m a s confirmatio n compare d to , 12 9 Arnold, Matthew , ix , x , 7 , 207 ; " D o v e r Beach," 208-9 ; " T h e Proo f fro m P r o p h ecy," 20 1 asceticism, 2 9 Auden, W H . , The Age of Anxiety, 131-3 2 Augustine, 1 5 authority: governmental , legitimate , 4 2 - 4 7 , 62; prophetic , 3 0 - 3 1 , 32 , 85 , 12 2 Bailey, F . G. , 3 3 Bailyn, Bernard , o n America n R e v o l u t i o n aries, 36 , 4 5 Baptist faith , an d poetic , 15 6 Barrett, George , o n R o b e r t Welch , 151-5 2 Bartlett, Irving , o n Debs , 62 , 7 1 Baskerville, Barnet , o n Joe McCarthy , 13 6 Bataille, Georges , o n dualism , 11 6 "Battle H y m n o f th e Republic, " 15 8 Bawer, Bruce , 176 , 191 , 19 2 Becker, Carl , o n Declaratio n o f I n d e p e n dence, 5 9 Beecher, Lyman , 69 ; Wendel l Phillip s c o m pared to , 6 1 Bell, Daniel , x , 13 3 Bellah, R o b e r t , ix , 3 , 9 , 22 , 49 , 12 6 Bellamy, Edward , Looking Backward, 8 7 Bercovitch, Sacvan , o n America n jeremiad , 7, 6 9 Berger, Peter , x , 23 ; o n secularizatio n i n so ciety, 124 , 12 6 Berlin, Si r Isaiah , 5 1 Bernstein, Richard , 17 2

269

270 I

Index

Bible: in American cultur e an d rhetoric , 6 , 10, 16 , 201-2; in American Revolution , 22, 47; in Debs's rhetoric, 90 , 91; in Wil liam Lloyd Garrisons rhetoric, 73; in Phillips's rhetoric, 67-68, 71, 72; in slavery debate, 6 7 biography (prophetic) , 34 , 106- 8 Bisson, T . A., 13 4 Bittner, Egon , o n radicalism , 21 , 39 Black, Edwin, xii ; on exhortatio n v . argumentation, 77 ; on th e genuinel y revolu tionary, 20 0 Blair, Hugh , 1 5 Blake, William: "Th e Marriag e o f Heaven and Hell, " 199 ; and Romanticism, 15 9 Blank, Sheldon , 19 , 20 Bloom, Harold , o n Emerson , 16 0 Blumenfeld, Warre n J., 18 5 Bollinger, Lee , 3 Bolton, Thomas , 3 6 Boyer, Paul , o n th e psychological impac t o f the atomi c bomb , 13 2 Branagan, Thomas , 7 1 British Empiricism : i n th e American Revo lution, 51 ; Romantic vie w of , 15 8 Brooks, Peter, o n melodrama , 82-8 3 Brothers Karamozov, 125 , 12 6

Brown, John: Deb s compare d to , 98; in Debs's rhetoric, 97 , 98; Phillips on , 62, 70, 8 0 Browning, Elizabet h Barrett , a s influence o n Phillips, 15 6 Brueggemann, Walter : o n propheti c com munity, 20 ; on subversiv e power o f po etry, 12 0 Brutus, 4 9 Bryant, Anita , campaig n agains t gay rights, 182, 18 3 Bryant, Donal d C , o n rhetori c an d poetic, 122

Bryant, Willia m Cullen , influenc e o n Welch, 15 6 Budenz, Louis , 14 4 Burke, Edmund: o n th e valu e o f freedom i n the colonies , 46 ; on Parliamen t an d higher law , 44 Burke, Kenneth, xi ; on economic s as usurper o f religion, 9 ; on ethos, 85 ; as part of Graeco-Roman rhetorica l tradition ,

16; on martyrdo m a s exhibitionism, 32 ; on rhetori c a s adaptation, 5 Bush, George , accuse d by Clinton campaig n of McCarthyism, 12 9 Bynner, Witter , o n Debs , 10 1 Byron, Lor d (Georg e Gordo n Noel) , an d Romanticism, 15 9 Calhoun, John C , Phillips' s grudgin g admi ration of , 7 2 calling, prophetic, 28-29, 3 2> I S6- See also rebirth, propheti c Calvin, John, 44 ; in American thought , 20 1 Calvinism, 70 , 159 , 204; Phillips and , 69-7 0 Campbell, George , 15 ; and Eugene Debs , 105; and Wendell Phillips , 78 Camus, Albert, The Plague, 13 2 Carlyle, Thomas: on history , 162 ; on poetry , 158; in Welch's rhetoric, 15 6 Carmichael, Stokely , an d economi c base s o f black power , 19 6 Carter, Jimmy, "nationa l malaise, " 11 3 Castorp, Hans , 79 Chadwick, Nor a Kershaw , o n prophec y an d poetry, 12 1 Chalmers, James, 5 7 Channing, Edwar d T , 7 9 Chapman, Mari a Weston, 71 , 74 charisma, 31-32 , 33 , 94, 96, 121 , 122; in Debs, 95 , 10 4 Chellew, Candace , 18 6 Christ, 33 , 34, 79; Debs compared to , 98, 99-102; in Debs's rhetoric, 91 , 96, 97; as model fo r Debs , 10 8 Cicero, 1 , 5, 15 , 22; and virtue, 4 9 Cincinnati, ga y rights struggle in, 182 , 19 1 civility: in American Revolution , 35-37 ; Matthew Arnold' s view of , 7 ; decay o f in contemporary U.S. , ix, 2-4; misplace d value of , 209 . See also etiquette (manners ) Claessens, August, o n Debs , 94 Clay, Henry, 72 ; Phillips compared to , 61 Clinton, Bill: accuses Bush campaig n o f McCarthyism, 129 ; gay and lesbian suppor t of, 189 ; "New Covenant, " 20 3 Cochran, Bert , o n Debs , 8 6 Cole, Thomas , 4 Coleridge, Samue l Taylor: on pedantry , 173; and Romanticism , 15 8

Index I Collins, J o hn J. , o n apocalyptic , 11 8 Colorado, ga y right s battl e in , 182 , 183 ; A m e n d m e n t 2 , 181 , 191 ; Colorado fo r Family Values , 18 2 Columbus, O H , ga y right s initiativ e in , 184 come-outerism, 6 7 community: American , x , 1-3 , 8 , 12 , 39 , 90, 112 , 123—24 ; Deb s and , 106 ; erosio n of, 133 ; M c C a r t hy and , 129 ; an d p r o p h ecy, 81 , i n — 1 2 , 17 4 Compromise o f 1850 , 7 2 compromise: natur e of , 68 ; versu s prophecy , 22; versu s reasonablenes s i n Debs , 9 2 C o m t e , August , an d postmoder n epistemol ogy, 13 2 conservatism, xi ; i n America n radica l tradi tion, 203 , 204 ; i n America n Revolution , 36, 40 , 199 ; i n Debs , 87 , 89 ; an d th e urg e to order , 205 ; i n poetic , 120 , 170 ; reac tion t o radicalism , 37 ; i n rhetori c o f self evidence, 2 0 conspiracy, argumen t from : i n America n Revolution, 36 ; America n Revolutio n compared t o abolitionism , 73 ; use d against ga y liberation , 193 ; M c C a r t h y s use of , 138 , 139 , 142-43 ; slav e power , 7 2 - 7 3 ; i n Welch' s rhetoric , 154 , 161-6 2 Constitution, U.S. : compare d t o Declaratio n of Independence , 65 ; ga y liberatio n a p peal to , 180-81 ; legalisti c vie w i n Marti n Luther King , Jr., 126 ; Phillips on , 62 ; radi cal abolitionis t vie w of , 6 5 Constitutional Courant, 5 5 Conte[fag], Marc , 19 5 covenant: American , 48 , 114 , 129 , 201 ; i n American Revolution , 47 , 59 ; versu s apocalyptic, 114 ; an d community , 20 , 114, 126 ; an d Debs , 9 1 ; in eighteenth century politica l theory , 4 1 ; O l d Testa ment, 11 , 17 , 18 , 25 , 11 5 Cowper, William , 15 5 Crenshaw, James, 31 , 17 4 crisis: i n antebellu m U n i t e d States , 69 ; in Jin de siecle America, 86—87 ; M c C a r t hy and , 129, 133-34 , 146 , 148 ; natur e of , 23 , 60 , 63, 178 ; Wendel l Phillip s and , 68 ; o f prophecy itself , 116 ; rhetorica l rol e of , 69; Welc h and , 169-7 0

27 1

Crowley, M o r t , " T h e Boy s in th e Band," 17 6 cummings, e . e. , 17 0 Curry, Harriet , o n Debs , 9 9 Curry, Mabel , o n Debs , 9 9 Dahrendorf, Ralf , o n th e logi c o f e c o n o m ics a s basis o f politics , 19 7 D ' A m a t o , Alfonse , Whitewate r c o m m i t t e e compared t o McCarthyism , 12 9 Daniel (biblica l b o o k of) , i n , 12 8 Davis, Davi d Brion , o n slavery , 64 , 7 1 deafness (a s metapho r fo r mora l ignorance) , 56; Wendel l Phillips' s us e of , 6 5 Debord, Guy , o n contemporar y spectacle , 196 Debs, Eugene , 10 , 34 , 85-108 , 133 , 178 ; and America n community , 112 , 113 ; an d American radica l tradition , 114 , 200 , 202 , 203, 204 ; Bibl e and , 90 , 9 1 , 95 ; an d cha risma, 9 3 - 9 5 ; versu s compromise , 92 ; epistemology of , 9 0 - 9 2 ; ga y liberatio n compared to , 181 ; m a r t y r d om and , 9 6 102; contraste d t o McCarthy , 139 ; Camille Pagli a compare d to , 194 ; poetr y in, 156 ; rebirth , 9 3 - 9 5 ; o n slavery , 89 ; o n virtue an d m a n h o o d , 88—90 ; Welch c o m pared to , 11 , 12 , 161 , 163-64 , 165 , 167 , 196 Debs, Katherin e Metzel , o n Debs , 94—9 5 Declaration o f Independence , 43 , 46 , 48 , 49, 51 , 206 ; a s abolitionis t ideal , 65 ; a s j u dicial rhetoric , 5 8 D ' Emilio , J o h n, 17 9 Democratic Party , 18 9 D e n t o n , Jeremiah , compare d t o McCarthy , 128 Descartes, R e n e , 52 ; Cartesia n m e t h o d , 3 7 Deutero-Isaiah, 32 , 14 1 Dewey, J o h n: o n th e deca y o f c o m m u n i t y i n America, 124 , 182 ; The Public and Its Problems, 10 6 Dickens, Charles , Hard Times, 8 7 Dickinson, J o h n , 57 ; "Letter s fro m a Farme r in Pennsylvania, " 3 7 " D I N K , " 18 9 Dreiser, T h e o d o r e , Deb s compare d to , 10 7 drunkenness. See intoxication , a s m e t a p h o r DuBois, W . E . B. , o n economic s a s basi s o f power, 19 6

272 I

Index

Duche, Jacob, 47-4 8 Dukakis, Michael, accuse s Bush campaig n of McCarthyism, 12 8 Dulany, Daniel, 43 Durkheim, Emile , o n th e power o f the sa cred, 2 1 duty: i n American Revolution , 48-49 ; in American tradition , 200 , 203; in Debs, 102-4; m Phillips , 80-81 ; prophetic , 80 ; in Welch, 166-6 8 Dworkin, Ronald , 18 1 Dyer, Mary , celebrate d b y Phillips as martyr, 80 economics (v . politics), 9, 125-27 , 187-8 9 Economist magazine, 18 7 Edelman, Murray , xi; on crisis , 69 Einstein, Albert , an d postmodern epistemol ogy, 13 2 Eisenhower, Dwight , 141 , 142, 152 , 161, 162 Eisenstadt, S . N., 63 ; on centrifuga l move ment o f modern world , 123 , 124 Eliade, Mircea, o n religiou s symbolism , 104

Elijah, 2 8 Elshtain, Jean Bethke , o n reasonabl e publi c discourse, 4 , 8 Emerson, Ralp h Waldo , 70; "America n Scholar," 160 ; Debs compared to , 106 ; criticized b y William James, 172 ; "Th e Poet," 157 ; as prophet, 160 ; "The R e former," 169 ; and Romanticism, 159 ; on speakin g the truth , 160-61 ; a s model for Welch, 122 , 156 , 166 , 168-69 , 173, 204

epideictic rhetoric , 39 ; and community , in

Epstein, Benjamin, 15 1 ethos: i n American Revolution , 38-39 ; Aristotle on , 15 ; Debs's, 96, 106 ; and logos in prophecy, 85 ; McCarthys, 145-46 ; and melodrama, 83-84 ; and pathos in proph ecy, 26, 79-80, 96 ; prophetic, 10 , 26, 27 34, 85-86 , 93 etiquette (manners) , 2 ; in persuasion, 4-5 ; as pseudo-principle, 17 8 Eugene V Deb s Foundation , 10 7 Everett, Edward , 69 ; Phillips compare d to , 61

Exile, Babylonian, 116 , 17 4 Existentialism, 13 2 Exodus, American, 20 1 Ezekiel, 16 , 17 , 85, i n , 116 , 151 , 199 fantastic: versu s community, 136 ; nature of , 135-36; noncontradictio n in , 147-48 ; as secular apocalyptic, 119 , 13 6 Faulkner, William , Nobe l Priz e acceptanc e speech, 13 1 Field, Frederic k Vanderbilt , 13 4 fire (a s radical metaphor), 26—27 ; m Ameri can Revolution, 37 ; "fire an d strength, " ix, x, 7 , 8 , 208, 209 First Continenta l Congress , 4 0 Fischli, Ronald, o n Anit a Bryant, 18 2 Fliegleman, Jay, on late-eighteenth-centur y rhetoric, 37 , 38, 39 Forster, Arnold , o n John Birc h Society , 15 1 Fortas, Abe, o n radica l discourse o f 1960s , 3, 8 Foster, Hal : on postmoder n pluralism , 113 ; on lac k o f tradition i n postmodern art , 122

Foster, Stephe n S. , and come-outerism , 6 7 Fox, Michael, o n ancien t Hebre w rhetorica l tradition, 7 Franklin, Benjamin , 9 0 Freedman, David , o n prophec y an d poetry , 121

freedom: an d dut y i n American tradition , 49, 87 , 161 , 200-201, 203 ; and dut y i n prophecy, 30 , 78; economics and , 92, 126-27, 187-94 ; a s inalienable , 42 ; as liberal value, 205 ; martyrdom as , 81; versus slavery in American Revolution , 42 , 45 — 47; versus slavery in antebellu m America , 63-64; versus slavery in Debs, 89 ; freedom o f speech in Phillips, 73-74; contem porary trivializatio n of , 9 , 20 6 Freud, Sigmund , an d postmodern episte mology, 13 2 Frye, Northrop, 26 , 27, 103 , 207; on R o mantic poets , 158 , 159 , 16 6 Fugitive Slav e Act, 7 2 Gallagher, John, 18 9 Galloway, Joseph, 37 , 43 Gamson, William , rationa l exchang e theor y of social change, 9

Index | Garrison, Willia m Lloyd , 62 , 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73 , 74, 77, 80 ; in Debs' s rhetoric, 92, 93 Gay Agenda, 193 Gay and Lesbia n Victor y Fund , 18 9 gay liberation, 12 , 127 , 175-98 ; and Ameri can radica l tradition , 200 , 206; assimilationist tendencie s in , 184-88 ; use o f boycott, 191-19 ; argument base d o n economics, 188-97 ; versus the law , 12, 175—76; as narrowly legalistic, 179—82; versus religion, 12 , 175-77 ; 182-84 ; v e r _ sus science, 12 , 175-7 6 Gay Men's Healt h Crisis , 18 9 Gay Rights, Special Rights, 193 genre, 6,11 ; and prophecy , 111 . See also epi deictic rhetoric ; fantastic , natur e of ; judi cial rhetoric; melodrama ; and other specific genres Getty, Jeff, 19 5 Gilmore, Grant , o n th e evolutio n o f American law, 179-8 0 Ginger, Ray , o n Debs , 96 Gitlin, Todd , o n th e deca y o f contemporar y community, 2 , 4, 8 , 1 1 Giuliani, Rudolph , an d Ga y and Lesbia n Business Expo, 19 0 Glendon, Mar y Ann , o n th e deca y o f public discourse, 3 , 4, 8 Goddard, 5 6 Godkin, E . L. , o n Wendel l Phillips , 62 Goodman, Lee , 18 7 GPU News, 18 7 Graeco-Roman traditio n (i n rhetoric) , 4 , 5, 6, 15 ; contrasted t o Hebrai c tradition , 7 , 16, i n

Graham, Billy , on deca y o f American soci ety, 1,2 , 3,4 , 1 1 Gregg, Richard, o n ego-function s o f rhetoric, 10 5 Gusfield, Joseph, o n Temperanc e an d slav ery, 64 Gutman, Herbert , o n industrializatio n i n America, 8 7 Habermas, Jiirgen: o n crisis , 23; on tenden cies toward rationalizatio n o f the world , 124, 126 , 18 2

Haiman, Franklyn , "Farewel l t o Rationa l Discourse," 3 , 8

27

3

Hamilton, Charles , economi c progra m fo r black power , 19 6 Hancock, John, 7 6 Hanson, Paul , o n apocalyptic , 117 , 14 1 Hariman, Robert , o n civilit y i n public dis course, 4 Harpers magazine, 19 0 Harris, Daniel, o n consume r orientatio n o f gay magazines, 18 9 Hartz, Louis , o n conflict s i n th e America n tradition, 200 , 201 Harvey, David , o n th e postmodern, 112 , 113, 18 7

Hawthorne, Nathaniel , The Blithedale Romance, 8 4 Haynes, Todd, o n assimilationis t ga y cin ema, 18 6 Hays, Samuel , o n industrializatio n i n America, 10 2 Hazelton, R. , o n visio n a s metaphor fo r knowing, 5 4 Hebraism, Matthe w Arnold' s conceptio n of , 6 - 7 , 201 , 20 8

Hegel, G . W F : absolut e idealis m criticize d by William James, 172 ; and Romanti cism, 15 8 Hellenism, Matthe w Arnol d s conception of, 6-7 , 201 , 209 Henry, Patrick : i n Debs' s rhetoric, 92 , 93; in Phillips's rhetoric , 7 6 Heschel, Abraham : o n absolutis m i n proph ecy, 22; on covenanta l obligation , 18 ; on prophecy a s demonstration, 19 ; on pathos in prophecy, 25 , 26, 77; on th e propheti c calling, 28 ; on th e prophet a s messenger, 17; on propheti c timeliness , 173 ; on pro phetic vision , 5 6 Himmelfarb, Gertrude , o n th e deca y o f contemporary society , 2 , 8 Hiss, Alger, McCarthy' s indictmen t of , 14 3 history: absenc e of , i n McCarthy' s rhetoric , 149; absence of , i n postmodernism , 122 , 205-6; i n apocalyptic , 118 ; Carlyle's the ory of , 158 ; cyclical versus progressive, x ; as didactic narrative , 158-59 , 162-63 ; sacred, 71 , 115; Spengler's theor y of , 16 2 Hobbes, Thomas , 180 ; on th e senses , 54 ; on the socia l contract , 41 , 46 Hoffman, Abbie , Revolution for the Hell of It, 3

274 I

Index

Hofstadter, Richard : o n industrializatio n i n America, 87 , 88; on Phillips , 68 Holloway, John, o n th e propheti c i n nine teenth-century poetry , 15 9 Holmes, Olive r Wendell, a s poetic inspira tion fo r Welch , 155 , 15 6 Hoover, J. Edgar , 137 , 17 1 Hopkins, Stephen , 46 ; "An Essa y on th e Trade o f the Norther n Colonies, " 35 Horowitz, Irving , o n pluralism , 12 3 Hosea, 23 , 32 Howe, Irving , o n Debs , 101 , 105 Hudson, W D. , on self-sufficienc y o f prophetic ethos, 1 9 Hugo, Victor , Les Miserables, 15 6 Human Right s Campaig n Fund , 186 , 197; PAC, 18 9 Hume, David : o n passio n an d reason, 78 ; on sensory data , 5 2 Hurt, Walter , o n Debs , 100 , 102 , 10 6 Hutchinson, Ann , celebrate d b y Phillips as martyr, 8 0 hymnody, 156 . See also poetic IKEA, marketing t o ga y community, 189 , 190

industrialization i n U.S. , 86-8 7 Ingersoll, Rober t Green , a s model fo r Debs , 105

Inglis, Charles , 5 3 intoxication, a s metaphor, 18 ; in abolitionis t rhetoric, 65 ; in America n Revolution , 57; McCarthy's us e of , 133 ; Wendell Phil lips's use of, 64-65 , 68 Isaiah, 18 , 20, 29, 32 , 35, 57, 61, 62, 108 , 199 Isbell, Mike, 18 9 Isherwood, Christopher , 18 8 Jackson, Rosemary , o n th e fantastic , 135 , 137, 138 , 147 , 14 9 James, Henry , o n melodrama , 8 3 James, William: o n martyrdom , 33-34 ; o n Nietzsche, 30 ; pluralist philosophy, 171 72; and postmodern epistemology , 132 ; on rebirth , 29 ; on self-consciousnes s a s first premise , 52 ; "the wil l to believe," 57, 204

Jamieson, Kathleen , o n argumentativ e func tion o f natural law, 12 3

Jefferson, Thomas , x , 36 , 45, 51 ; epistemology of "Summary View, " 52 ; as heroic figure fo r Debs , 90; as heroic figur e fo r Phillips, 76 Jensen, Merrill , o n basi s of colonial rights , 40 jeremiad, 69 , 11 4 Jeremiah, 16 , 19 , 20, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31 , 32, 34,45,72,73, 85 , 151 Jernigan, David , 18 5 Joan o f Arc, 34 ; in Debs's rhetoric, 97 ; in rhetoric abou t Debs , 98; George Bernar d Shaw's, 8 , 31 Joel, 3 5 John Birc h Society , 150 , 151-7 4 Johnson, Lyndo n Baines , "Grea t Society " theme, 20 3 Johnson, Samuel , Dictionary, 3 7 Jonah, 28 , 29 judgment, 25 , 27; in American radica l tradi tion, 133 ; in American Revolution , 58 60, 71 ; Debs's o f workers, 88-89 ; failur e of, i n apocalyptic , 117 ; as prophetic speech form , 24 ; rhetorical function , 75 ; as separation i n rhetori c o f Wendell Phil lips, 74-7 5 judicial rhetoric , 21 ; in American Revolu tion, 58-60 ; in prophecy, i n Kameny, Frank , 19 2 Kansas-Nebraska Act , 7 2 Kant, Immanuel , 57 , 13 3 Kelly, Walt, Pogo, 129 , 13 1 Kemp, Harry, 155 ; "God th e Architect," 15 4 Kennedy, John F , "Ne w Frontier, " 203 ; versus Nixon o n Col d War , 17 1 Kierkegaard, Soren , an d postmoder n episte mology, 13 2 King, Martin Luther , Jr., 171 ; "I Hav e a Dream," 12 6 Kinsey, Alfred , Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, 17 8

Kirk, Marshall , 184-8 5 Kopelin, Louis , o n Debs , 94, 10 0 Korean War , 130 , 134 , 141 , 171 Kraditor, Aileen : o n Debs , 90, 104 ; on mar tyrdom i n abolitionism , 8 0 Kramer, Aaron , o n prophec y i n nineteenth century poetry , 160-6 7 Kushner, Tony , 18 8

Index |

27 5

Lattimore, Owen , 134 , 135 ; Budenz's testi mony against , 14 4 Laurens, Henry, 5 9 law v. gay liberation, 175-76 ; changing na ture of , 179 ; v. religion, 180-8 1 Lee, Ronald, o n Debs , 8 6 legend, 34 ; Debs's, 93-102, 10 6 Lens, Sidney, o n Debs , 8 6 Leonard, Daniel , 55 , 56 LePrade, Ruth, o n Debs , 98 Levenberg, Steve , 19 0 Lewis, Sinclair, o n Debs , 9 9 Lincoln, Abraham : allusion s to , by Welch, 154; Debs compare d to , 34 , 10 7 Lippman, Walter , o n McCarthy' s power , H5 Lipset, Seymou r Martin , o n John Birc h So ciety, 15 1 Locke, John: i n American Revolutionar y thought, 10 , 45, 46, 47, 52 , 58; and liber alism in American thought , 200 , 201; influence o n Phillips , 75 ; on reason , 53 ; on the senses , 54 logos: in abolitionism , 71 ; in American Rev olution, 10 , 35-60; Aristotle on , 15 ; related t o ethos, 85 ; related t o pathos, 25 , 71, 86; prophetic, 10 , 16-22 , 85 Lomas, Charles , o n Debs , 8 6 Long, Burke, 3 0 Longfellow, Henr y Wadsworth , influenc e on Welch , 15 6 Longtime Companion, 18 6 Lovejoy, Elijah : i n Debs's rhetoric, 97 ; Wendell Phillips on , 64 , 76, 80 Lowell, James Russell, 15 5 Lucas, Stephen, xi ; on America n Revolu tion, 39 , 40 Luther, Martin , 10 4

manners. See etiquette Marcuse, Herbert , o n toleranc e an d refer enda, 19 2 Marshall, George , 135 , 143 , 144 martyrdom, 31 , 32, 33; in abolitionis t thought, 79-81 ; i n Debs' s rhetoric, 96 102; in Welch's rhetoric, 154 , 166-168 . See also pathos; Brown , John; Christ ; Joan of Arc Marxism: i n Debs' s rhetoric, 90 , 91; as science versu s religion, 9 1 Massachusettensis, 53 , 55 Mattachine Society , 185 , 18 6 May, Henry, o n deca y o f consensus i n America, 20 4 McCarran-Walter Act , 12 8 McCarthy, Joseph, 11 , 128-50; and Ameri can radica l tradition , 200 , 204-5; a n d apocalyptic, 119 ; on U.S . China policy , 135, 144-45 ; use of darkness metaphor , 139-40; and th e ethos of the Senate , 145 46; and th e media , 145-46 ; objectivity , 1 36-37; Rober t Welc h compare d to , 151, 161-62, 169 , 17 1 McCauley, Thoma s Babington , 15 7 McCormick, Richar d L. , o n Debs , 8 6 Mcllwain, Charles , o n constitutiona l basi s of American Revolution , 4 1 melodrama, 82-83 ; * n Debs, 106 ; and ethos, 84 Meredith, Owen , "Las t Words o f a Sensitive Second-Rate Poet, " 16 9 messenger (prophe t as) , 21, 26, 28 messenger formula , 17 , 24; and poetry , 156 Miami (Dad e Co.) , gay rights struggle in , 182,183 Micah, 23 , 24, 25 Mill, John Stuart , 1 0 Miller, Arthur , o n McCarran-Walte r Act ,

Machiavelli, x MacLeish, Archibald , o n poetry' s retrea t from politics , 17 3 Madison, Charles , o n Debs , 8 6 Madsen, Hunter , 184-8 5 Making Love, 186 Malachi, 2 7 Malcolm X , 196 ; and argumen t from princi ple, 12 6

Miller, Perry , 63 Miller, Stephen , 18 7 Miller, Willia m Lee , 17 8 Milton, John, 156 ; in Philips' s rhetoric, 7 5 Miss Manners (Judit h Martin) , 2 Moody, Rick , The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven, 197-98 Moses, 66 Mulryan, Dave , 19 1

Lasky, Melvin, o n metapho r an d radicalism , 120

128

276 I

Index

nabi, 28 . See also calling, propheti c Nahum, 2 3 Nathan, 8 1 Nation, The, magazine , o n Phillips , 6 2 National Ga y an d Lesbia n Busines s an d C o n s u m e r Expo , 19 0 National Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force , 191 , 197 natural law : i n America n Revolution , 37 , 3 9 - 4 1 ; argumen t from , 123 ; relation t o charter, 4 1 ; decay o f i n America n thought, 179 ; versu s ga y liberation , 176 , 178; relatio n t o h u m a n la w i n America n Revolution, 4 0 - 4 5 ; i n Phillips' s rhetoric , 76. See also sacred principl e negotiation, secula r argumen t as , 12 5 Newfield, Jack , o n radica l rhetori c o f 1960s , 3,8 N e w Israel , U n i t e d State s as , 16 , 3 9 Niebuhr, R e i n h o l d , Children of Light, Children of Darkness, 14 0 Niebuhr, Richard , o n th e anxietie s o f th e 1950s, 13 2 Nietzsche, Friedrich : admiratio n fo r O l d Testament mythology , 207 ; o n martyr d o m , 30 ; an d postmoder n epistemology , 132 1950s, 130-33 , 17 1 1960s, ix , 3 , 5 , 8 , 151 , 171 , 186 , 204 , 20 6 1980s, 5 , 8 1990s, 3 , 5 , 8 N i x o n , Richard : contraste d t o Kenned y o n C o l d War , 171 ; on radica l rhetori c o f 1960s, 3 , 8 Norris, Frank , 1 5 Novanglus, 46 , 47 , 5 3 Noyes, Alfred , 155 ; i n Welch' s rhetoric , 156 ; "To Alfre d Noyes, " 17 1 Oakley, R o n a l d J. , o n th e anxietie s o f th e 1950s, 13 2 O ' H a r e , Kat e Richards , o n Debs , 94 , 9 9 O h m a n n , Richard , 2 6 Olbrechts-Tyteca, L. , 1 O'Leary, Stephen , 11 4 Oregon, ga y right s struggl e in , 182 , 18 3 O s b o r n , Michael , o n darknes s metaphor , 139 Oshinsky, David , o n McCarthy , 145 , 14 7 Otis, James, 40 , 4 1 , 44, 45 , 48 , 53 , 56 ; an d

American radica l tradition , 204 ; Out m a g azine, 189 ; i n Phillips' s rhetoric , 76 , 8 0 Overholt, T h o m a s , 3 2 Paglia, Camille , 19 4 Paine, T h o m a s , 44 , 50 , 55 , 56 , 57 ; an d American radica l tradition , 204 ; " C o m m o n Sense, " epistemolog y of , 53 ; i n Debs's rhetoric , 90 ; o n reason , 37 ; o n tol erance, 18 8 pan-determinism i n fantasy , 14 2 pan-signification i n fantasy , 142-4 3 Parks, Rosa , 5 Parrington, Vernon , o n " t h e m i n d o f N e w England" i n America n thought , 15 9 pathos: abolitionist , 7 1 ; in America n R e v o l u tion, 37-39 ; Aristotl e on , 15 ; i n Debs' s rhetoric, 96-100 , 104-5 ; relate d t o ethos, 26, 7 9 - 8 1 ; relate d t o logos, 25, 7 1 , 79; M c Carthy's, 135 ; an d passion , 76 ; Wendel l Phillips's, 10 , 7 6 - 7 8 ; prophetic , 10 , 2 3 27, 6 1 - 8 4 , 2 ° 3 ; a n d reaso n i n nineteent h century, 78-79 ; i n rhetori c abou t Debs , 101-2; a s suffering , 3 3 Paul, th e Apostle , 3 4 Pearson, Drew , 13 9 Peeperkorn, Mynheer , 7 9 Perelman, Chaim , 1 , 16 ; o n self-evidence , 19 perfectionism, 114 , 164 ; i n Welch , 165 , 20 3 Persian dualism , 116 , 141 , 14 3 Phillips, Wendell , 10 , 27 , 6 1 - 8 4 , 89 , 133 , 178; an d America n community , 112 , 113 ; and America n radica l tradition , 200 , 203 , 204; America n R e v o l u t i o n a s model , 73 , 75-76; an d J o hn Brown , 62 , 70 ; o n th e Church, 67 ; o n U.S . Constitution , 62 , 65-66; influenc e o n Debs , 89 , 92 , 105 ; "In Defens e o f Lovejoy, " 76 ; fre e speec h v. slaver y in , 73-74 ; ga y liberatio n c o m pared to , 181 ; " T he Los t Arts, " 62 ; o n madness, 82 ; o n martyrdom , 8 0 - 8 1 ; c o n trasted t o McCarthy , 139 ; Camill e Pagli a compared to , 194 ; pathos in , 7 6 - 7 7 ; p o etry in , 156 ; o n politic s an d politicians , 66; Welc h compare d to , 161 , 163 , 164 , 165, 16 7 Pierce, Charles , an d postmoder n epistemol ogy, 13 2 Plato, x , 15 ; o n poetr y an d madness , 121 ;

Index | and Romanticism , 158 ; an d transcenden tal law , 17 9 pluralism: versu s covenant , 126 ; an d post modernism, 113 , 122 , 123 ; an d Welch , 172-73 poetic, 114 , 119—22 ; in Baptism , 156 ; a s form, 119 , 122 , 170-71 ; an d history , R o mantic view , 158 ; O l d Testamen t as , 119 , 121; an d prophec y i n nineteenth-centur y America, 160 ; an d rhetoric , 121-22 ; a s ritual, 119 , 171 ; routinization o f cha risma, 122 ; a s sig n o f charisma , 121 ; i n Unitarianism, 156 ; i n Welch , 155-57 , 161. See also particular poets Poison, 18 6 pollution (a s economi c right) , 19 6 Pope, Alexander , a s influenc e o n Phillips , 156 popular sovereignty , 4 2 Port H u r o n Statement , 18 6 postmodernism, 11 , 111-27 , 175 ; and apoca lyptic, 114 ; an d deca y o f community , 112-13; absenc e o f history in , 122 ; and r e ligious decay , 178 , 17 9 POZ magazine , 189 , 19 0 prophecy, 15-34 , 114-15 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; an d c o m munity, 113 ; and m o n o t h e i s m , 115 , 140 ; optimism of , 27 , 114 , 140 , 16 3 Psalms, i n psychopathology: Deb s and , 102 ; an d ga y liberation, 175 , 177 ; martyrdo m and , 33 , 102; M c C a r t h y and , 149 ; Phillip s on , 82 ; Plato on , 121 ; poetry and , 120-21 ; an d prophecy, 31 ; radicalism conceive d as , 79 , 81, i n , 126 ; an d rebirth , 29 ; Welc h and , 152 Pullman strike , 9 9 purity: an d America n Revolution , 59 ; an d the metapho r o f fire , 26 ; an d prophecy , 27; an d radica l abolitionism , 7 4 Q u e e r Nation , 19 5 Quintilian, 1 5 Raab, Earl , o n R o b e r t Welch , 15 1 R a b k i n , Eric , o n fantasy , 135 , 136 , 137 , 13 8 radicalism, ix , x , 63 ; American, 8 , 9 , 39 , 199-200; versu s compromise , 57 ; an d conservatism, 2 1 , 204; versu s economics , 9, 197 ; versu s th e personal , 9 , 172 ; an d

27 7

prophecy, 57 ; versu s reasonableness , 2 1 ; as witness bearing , 5 7 R e a g a n , R o n a l d , reviva l o f M c C a r r a n - W a l ter Act , 12 8 reason: a s civility , 36 , 209 ; a s economics , 9 , 122-27; eighteenth-centur y conceptio n of, 37 ; libera l vie w of , 8 , 209 ; an d natura l law i n America n Revolution , 53 ; as n e g o tiation, 58 , 92 , 126 ; relate d t o passion , 78 ; versus religion , 18 0 rebirth: Debs's , 9 3 - 9 5 ; Wendel l Phillips's , 6 9 - 7 0 ; prophetic , 29 , 9 3 R e i d , J o h n , 18 6 R e i d , T h o m a s , 52 , 5 4 religious right , 2 , 182-8 3 Republican Party , 142 , 183 , 18 9 Reynolds, Stephe n M a r i o n , o n Debs , 95 , 98, 10 5 rib pattern i n propheti c speech , 2 1 , 11 1 Richards, I . A. , o n sincerity , 8 5 R i c o u e r , Paul , 11 8 Riley, James W h i t c o m b , 15 6 ritual, conservatis m of , 17 1 R o m a n Catholi c C h u r c h , 97 , 194 , 196 ; ver sus Calvinism , 70 ; mass , pre—Vatica n II , 122 R o m a n t i c i s m , 158-5 9 Romer v. Evans, 180 ; A n t o n i n Scali a s dissent , 193, 19 4 Roosevelt, Frankli n Delano , th e " N e w Deal," 20 3 Roosevelt, T h e o d o r e , 10 2 Rovere, Richard , o n McCarthy , 147 , 14 9 sacred: diminutio n of , 205 ; natur e of , 25 . See also science, versu s religio n sacred principle , x , 177 ; argumen t from , i n American Revolution , 39-40 , 4 7 - 4 8 ; ar g u m e n t from , i n Debs , 92 ; argumen t from, i n Phillips , 65—68 ; p o s t m o d e rn e r o sion of , 13 3 Sagarin, Edward , 17 8 Salvatore, Nick , o n Debs , 90 , 95 , 96 , 9 9 Scarce [Homoscarce] , Mike , 19 5 Scheingold, Stuart , o n " t h e myt h o f rights, " 181 Schlesinger, Arthur , Jr. : o n Debs , 106 ; o n the 1950s , 132 ; o n tolerance , 17 8 Schmidt, Patricia , o n mora l principl e an d ar gument, 17 7

278 I

Index

Schrecker, Ellen , o n McCarthy , 14 9 Schur, Edwin , o n moralit y an d th e law , 17 8 science: and homosexuality , 175 , 176 ; Marxism as, 91; versus religion, 91 , 124-25, 170, 178-79 , 18 0 Scott, Donal d M. , o n abolitionis t commit ment, 64 , 69 Scott, R . B . Y.: on prophec y an d crisis , 23; on prophecy an d poetry, 121 ; on th e pro phetic calling , 28 Scottish Commo n Sens e philosophy: i n American Revolution , 51 ; erosion of , 133; in nineteenth-century U.S. , 76. See also Reid, Thoma s Second Continenta l Congress , 36 , 50; epistemology of , 5 3 Second Grea t Awakening, 63 , 69, 76, 82 self-control, i n nineteenth-centur y thought , 63-64. See also virtue self-evidence, 35 , 53; in argument , 19 ; conservatism of, 20 ; elitism and, 56 , 90; McCarthy versus , 144 ; radicalism of , 20 , 57 self-righteousness: an d Debs, 92; and Phil lips, 71 servitude (i n prophecy), 27-33 , 85-86 . See also ethos, prophetic ; messenge r formula ; pathos Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, 178-7 9

Shannon, Davi d A., o n Debs , 10 7 Sharp, Granville , 71 Shaw, George Bernard , Saint Joan, 8 , 31 Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 155 , 159 Sidney, Algernon, 7 5 Sinclair, Upton , o n Debs , 94, 99, 10 1 slavery, and U.S. Constitution: in Debs s rhetoric, 88 , 89, 98; nineteenth-century con ception, 63-64; radical abolitionist view, 65; Whig conception, 43 , 46-47, 48, 49 sleep (a s metaphor fo r mora l failure) : i n th e American radica l tradition, 203; in American Revolution, 57 ; in Debs's rhetoric, 91; a s used by McCarthy, 139-40 , 143 ; in Old Testament , 18 , 56, 68, 175 ; as used by Phillips, 77 ; as used by Welch, 16 1 Sloan, John, o n Emerson , 16 1 Smart, Barry, o n postmodernism , 11 2 Smith, Adam , theor y o f sympathy, 10 5 Smith, John, o n crisis , 23 Smith, Timothy , o n nineteenth-centur y so cial reform, 6 3

social contract, i n eighteenth-centur y thought, 4 1 social disintegration, 1- 5 Socrates, Debs compare d to , 98 Soviet Union, 13 1 Spargo, John, o n Debs , 98 Spengler, Oswald , cyclica l theory o f history, 162 Spoerri, Theophil , o n conservatis m i n po etry, 12 0 Spooner, Lysander , 6 5 Sputnik, 15 4 Stackhouse, Max , o n Calvinism , 7 0 Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , o n radicalism , 5 7 Stevenson, Adlai , accused by McCarthy, 14 1 Stewart, James, on Phillips , 61, 76, 78 Stonewall Rebellion, 17 7 Strauss, Leo, x, 2 6 style, rhetorical: Henr y Peacham' s Garden of Eloquence, 157 ; Welch's, 153-5 7 Subaru, ad campaign to gays and lesbians, 190 Sullivan, Andrew, 18 0 Tebedo, Kevin, 18 2 Temperance movement, 64 . See also self control, in nineteenth-centur y thought ; virtue Tennyson, Alfre d Lord : influence o n Welch , 155; quoted b y Welch, 17 0 Thacher, Pete r (Bosto n Massacr e Oration) , 38 This Side of Paradise, 10 6

Thomas, Clarence , compare s confirmatio n process to McCarthyism, 12 9 Thomas, John L. , on perfectionism , 16 5 Thomas, Norman , o n Debs , 10 7 Thoreau, Henr y David , 20 6 Time magazine, 18 4 Todorov, Tzvetan , o n th e fantastic, 135 , 142 tolerance, 178 ; and economics , 126 ; nature of, 125 , 188 tradition, America n radical , 5-6 , 10-11 , 16 , 89, 90, 122 , 165 , 199-21 0 Truman, Harry , 131 , 139, 143 , 162 Tucker, Scott , 188 , 196 Tydings, Millard, 14 5 Tydings Committee , 13 4 Uncle Tom's Cabin, 67; a s melodrama, 8 3

Uncommon Clou t Card , 19 1

Index | Unitarianism, 158 , 169 ; versu s Calvinis m i n American thought , 159-60 ; an d poetic , 156 U n i t e d Steelworkers , Eugen e V . Deb s Local , 107 Untermeyer, Louis , o n Debs , 10 7 U.S. Constitution : abolitionis t view , 65 ; Phillips's view , 6 2 Vaid, Urvashi , 18 5 Varnell, Paul , o n gay s a s market , 19 1 Vawter, Bruce : o n pathos ofYahweh , 25 ; o n poetry i n O l d Testament , 119 ; o n th e p r o phetic calling , 32 ; o n rationalit y o f p r o p h ecy, 2 1 Vietnam War , 17 1 virtue: i n America n Revolution , 49-50 ; i n antebellum thought , 64 ; Deb s on , 88-89 ; and manliness , 88 ; Welc h and , 16 5 vision, a s metapho r fo r mora l (in)capacity , 18, 19 , 56 , 68 , 9 1 , 140 , 203 ; Debs' s us e of, 92 , 94 , 95 ; an d eighteenth-centur y epistemology, 54—55 ; Emerson's "transpar ent eyeball, " 160 ; McCarthy' s us e of , 139 ; in nineteenth-centur y poetry , 160 ; Phil lips's us e of , 65 , 69 ; Welch' s us e of , 164 . See also sleep (a s metapho r fo r mora l fail ure), i n America n R e v o l u t i o n vocation: fo r Debs , 103 ; fo r Phillips , 70 . See also calling, propheti c von R a d , Gerhard , 30 , 34 , 11 5 Wagner, Richard , x Waldheim, Kurt , accuse s accuser s o f M c C a r thyism, 12 8 Walters, R o n a l d , 7 0 Warren, Josep h (Bosto n Massacr e Oration) , 5i Warren, R o b e r t Penn , 1 5 Washington, George , 1 , 34 , 9 0 Watts, Isaac , a s influenc e o n Phillips , 15 6 Wayland, J . H . , o n Debs , 9 9 Weaver, Richard , x , 19 ; Ideas Have Consequences, 118 , 13 0 Weber, Max : o n charisma , 31 , 32 ; o n secu larization i n society , 122 , 123—24 , 126 , 182 Webster, Daniel , Phillip s compare d to , 6 1 Welch, Joseph, 13 7 Welch, R o b e r t , 11 , 12 , 122 , 155-74 ; an d

27 9

the America n covenant , 166 ; an d A m e r i can radica l tradition , 204 , 205 ; cyclica l view o f history , 155 , 162 ; compare d t o Debs, 11 , 12 ; didacticism , 163-64 ; an d duty, 166—68 ; Emerson a s model , 122 , 156, 162 , 168—69 ; ga y liberatio n c o m pared to , 181 ; as imitator , 122 , 173 ; " A Letter t o Krushchev, " 154 ; compare d t o Joe McCarthy , 11 , 151 ; " M o re Statel y Mansions," 155 ; idealizatio n o f n i n e teenth century , 157-58 ; optimism , 163 ; rhetorical style , 153-5 5 West, Samuel , 42 , 4 5 Westermann, Claus , 2 1 , 2 4 Whately, Richard , 1 5 Wheatley, Mickey , 19 7 W h i t e , E d m u n d , 175 , 17 7 W h i t e , James Boyd , 5,11 1 W h i t e , M o r t o n , o n America n Revolution , 48, 56 , 5 7 W h i t m a n , Walt : influenc e o n Debs , 156 ; and Romanticism , 15 9 Whittier, J o h n Greenleaf , 155 ; influenc e o n Debs, 156 ; Proem, 15 2 Wichelns, Herbert , o n Emerson , 160—61 , 167 Wiebe, R o b e r t , o n fin de siecle America, 8 6 Wisconsin, ga y right s struggl e in , 182 , 18 3 Wolf, Haze l Catherine , o n m a r t y r d o m i n a b olitionism, 79 , 8 0 Wolff, R o b e r t Paul , o n toleranc e an d n e g o tiation, 12 5 Wolpe, Stefan , 17 1 W o o d , G o r d o n , o n radicalis m o f America n Revolution, 3 6 Wordsworth, William , an d Romanticism , 158 World Wa r I , 107 , 133 , 178 ; a s catalys t fo r social change , 113 ; Debs's dissent , 9 9 World Wa r II , 128 , 133 , 146 , 178 ; c o n trasted wit h Worl d Wa r I , 130 ; a s marke r of postmodernism , 113 , 114 , 118-19 , 122, 130 , 171 , 175 , 179 , 20 4 Wrage, Ernest , 4 0 Yale La w Schoo l Storr s Lectures , 17 9 Zarembka, Arlene , 19 3 Zephaniah, 23 , 116 , 12 8 Zulick, Margaret , 16 , 17 , 30 , 3 4