The Prophetic Tradition and Radical Rhetoric in America 9780814720981

This expansive volume traces the rhetoric of reform across American history, examining such pivotal periods as the Ameri

341 57 112MB

English Pages [289] Year 1997

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD PDF FILE

Recommend Papers

The Prophetic Tradition and Radical Rhetoric in America
 9780814720981

  • 0 0 0
  • Like this paper and download? You can publish your own PDF file online for free in a few minutes! Sign Up
File loading please wait...
Citation preview

The Propheti c Traditio n and Radica l Rhetori c in Americ a

The Propheti c Traditio n and Radica l Rhetori c in Americ a

James Darse y

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES New York and London

S

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 7 by New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Darsey, James Francis . The propheti c traditio n an d radical rhetoric i n America/James Darse y p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-1876-0 (alk . paper ) 1. Politica l oratory—Socia l aspects—Unite d States . 2 . Rhetoric Social aspects—Unite d States . 3 . Radicalism—Unite d States . 4. Prophecy—Socia l aspects—Unite d States . 5 . Unite d States — Social conditions-1980- 6 . Socia l problems—United States . I. Titl e PN4055.U53D37 197 7 808.5*1'08835—dc2i 97-477 2 CIP

New Yor k University Pres s books ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s of America 10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

To Edwin Black

Contents

Preface ix i Radica l Rhetori c an d America n Community : Threnody fo r Sophrosyne i

Parti 2 Ol

d Testamen t Prophec y a s Radical Ursprac h 1

5

3 Prophec y a s Sacre d Truth : Self-Evidenc e an d Righteousness i n th e America n Revolutio n 3

5

4 Prophec y a s Krisis: Wendel l Phillip s an d th e Sin o f Slaver y 6

1

5 Th

e Prophe t s Call an d Hi s Burden : T h e Passio n o f Eugene V . Debs 8

5

Part I I 6 Th 7A

e Wor d i n Darknes s 11 Visio n o f th e Apocalypse : Joe McCarthy s Rhetori c o f the Fantasti c 12

8 Prophec y a s Poetry: T h e Romanti c Visio n of R o b e r t Welc h 15 9 Secula 10 T h

r Argumen t an d th e Languag e o f Commodity : Gay Liberatio n an d Merel y Civi l Right s 17 e Serap h an d th e Snak e 19

1 8 1 5 9

Notes 211 Index 26g

vii

Preface

I di d no t begi n thi s boo k wit h th e ide a o f engagin g th e curren t crop o f polemics o n th e disintegratio n o f American societ y her e a t th e tur n of th e millennium . Rather , thi s stud y ha s it s origin s i n m y ow n history , coming o f ag e surrounde d b y th e radica l rhetoric s o f th e 1960s , an d m y later professiona l dissatisfactio n a s a studen t o f rhetori c wit h attempt s t o explain th e behavio r o f th e radicals . I t wa s widel y hel d the n tha t th e strident, ofte n violen t discours e o f blacks , students , feminists , an d othe r disaffected group s woul d no t onl y hinde r thei r variou s causes , bu t threat ened t o ren d th e ver y fabri c o f society . Todays complaint s bea r a remarkabl e similarit y t o thos e voice d thirt y years ago , wit h thi s importan t difference : ther e i s n o longe r a stron g sens e of a sourc e o f th e societa l decay . I t i s no w precisel y th e absenc e o f radica l discourse tha t signal s th e cultura l roo t ro t bemoane d b y contemporar y critics o n th e lef t an d right . T h e disintegratio n the y decr y indicate s some thing missin g a t th e core , somethin g hel d a s fundamenta l b y a sufficien t number o f u s t o b e wort h engagin g over , wort h exercisin g ourselve s for . There wer e portent s o f ou r curren t rootlessnes s o n th e horizo n te n year s ago whe n thi s projec t bega n it s presen t incarnation . R o b e r t Bella h an d hi s colleagues claime d th e entir e boo k revie w sectio n o f a n issu e o f th e New Republic wit h Habits of the Heart, a n analysi s o f th e degeneratio n o f c o m m u nity an d it s associate d mora l discours e i n America . Today , Bella h s lament i s the caus e de jour. N o t onl y d o th e choir s o n th e politica l righ t continu e t o sing th e ol d refrains , bu t quonda m radical s w h o wer e onc e th e object s o f this approbatio n hav e joined in . Yet, whil e th e genera l diagnosi s ha s bee n confirme d an d amplifie d b y sages mor e estimabl e tha n I , m y specifi c readin g an d m y prognosi s hav e no t been. M y readin g o f th e histor y o f America n rhetori c (an d mos t o f th e current assessment s ar e remarkabl y ahistorical ) draw s m e t o th e conclusio n that i t i s no t a n absenc e o f wha t som e writer s ter m "civility, " "civi l discourse," "reasonabl e debate, " wha t Matthe w Arnol d calle d "sweetnes s

IX

xI

Preface

and light, " tha t i s th e paramoun t sympto m o f ou r ills . Rathe r i t i s th e absence o f meaningfu l incivility , o f radica l engagement , o f wha t Arnol d called "fir e an d strength, " tha t i s by fa r mor e meaningful . This "fir e an d strength, " whic h Arnol d sa w a s th e traditio n o f th e Ol d Testament prophets , derive s fro m th e vitalit y o f sacre d principle , an d it s whole shap e reflect s th e logi c o f sacre d principle , tha t is , immutabl e law , beyond th e reac h o f humankin d an d uncompromisable . Suc h principle s entail myster y an d transcendence , qualitie s tha t ar e i n shor t suppl y i n ou r world. Give n thi s analysis , I a m i n agreemen t wit h thos e who , i n variou s ways, cal l fo r a renaissanc e o f a religiou s ide a a s th e umbilicu s o f a nationa l community. I a m no t i n agreemen t tha t suc h a religio n ca n o r shoul d b e either "civil " o r tha t i t wil l b e a t al l lik e attendin g servic e a t St . Stephe n s Episcopal. I n fact , I wil l confess , befor e anyon e ha s th e opportunit y t o expose m e a s a fraud , tha t I hav e n o ide a ho w suc h principle s ar e create d except throug h th e mos t calculate d an d strategi c o f Platoni c o r Machiavel lian means , an d I a m no t a t al l certai n tha t no w moribun d idea s tha t hav e sustained u s i n th e pas t ca n b e revived . ( A frien d onc e suggeste d Wagne r a s the aestheti c foundatio n fo r m y ne w religion , bu t I demurre d tha t some thing rathe r to o clos e t o tha t ha d alread y bee n trie d wit h disastrou s results. ) Despite th e fac t tha t m y readin g o f America n histor y throug h som e o f it s significant publi c discourse s ha s a certain periodi c quality , th e alternatio n o f engagement an d disengagement , th e argumen t i s finall y progressive , no t cyclical. I believ e tha t ou r epistemolog y ha s undergone , an d wil l continu e to undergo , irremediabl e change , an d tha t thos e change s hav e mitigate d against th e viabilit y o f prophetic claim s o n ou r credibility . If I hav e anothe r manuscrip t containin g th e answer s t o th e difficultie s we currentl y fac e i n findin g o r creatin g a discursive community , i t ma y tak e me anothe r te n year s t o realiz e that . I n th e meantime , I wil l onl y sa y tha t my analysi s doe s no t dispos e m e t o thin k tha t thi s i s somethin g w e ca n settle onc e an d fo r all , bu t tha t th e fat e o f democracy , i f no t t o fertiliz e it s roots ever y fiftee n year s wit h th e bloo d o f revolutio n a s Jefferson believed , is a t leas t t o engag e periodicall y i n seriou s act s o f redefinitio n base d o n radical principles . T h e goa l canno t an d shoul d no t b e a stat e o f restfulness . Quite th e contrary , th e goa l mus t b e endlessl y competin g zealotries . I n vigorous opposition , w e (re)inven t thos e principle s tha t defin e u s a s a people. Some ma y b e surprise d t o hav e suc h radica l conclusion s draw n i n a wor k populated wit h s o man y deepl y conservativ e sources—no t onl y Arnold , but Le o Strauss , Richar d Weaver , Danie l Bell , Pete r Berger , t o nam e onl y a

Preface |

x i

few—but thi s surpris e i s onl y a furthe r sympto m o f ou r fundamenta l misunderstanding o f radicalism . Conservative s ma y certainl y engag e "root " issues i n a societ y i n importan t way s an d may , give n thei r conservatism , engage the m a t a deepe r historica l leve l tha n ersat z liberals . I woul d als o note a fair numbe r o f sources her e fro m th e radica l left , chie f among w h o m , in term s o f a n influenc e tha t run s throughout , i s Kenneth Burke . A decisio n tha t trouble s m e an d fo r whic h I coul d discove r n o eas y solution i s m y us e o f th e generi c masculin e pronou n whe n referrin g t o prophets an d generall y whe n referrin g t o America n radicals . To o man y factors entere d int o thi s decisio n t o detai l the m here , bu t i t wa s no t thoughtless, fo r bette r o r worse . I t was , i n th e end , a balancin g o f stylisti c clarity an d accurac y i n representin g m y subject . Bot h Ol d Testamen t prophecy an d th e receive d notio n o f America n virtu e tha t provide s th e essential motiv e fo r th e radical s examine d her e ar e product s o f a patriarcha l theology tha t explicitl y hold s virtuou s actio n i n oppositio n t o "effeminacy. " In choosin g no t t o evaluat e thi s aspec t o f th e tradition , I d o no t mea n t o condone it , bu t onl y t o acknowledg e tha t I ha d anothe r j ob t o do . I hope , at least , tha t i n no t camouflagin g th e sexis m i n thi s tradition , I hav e mad e i t available fo r other s w h o ma y choos e t o evaluat e i t o n thes e grounds . Part o f chapte r 5 was publishe d i n th e Quarterly Journal of Speech in 198 8 and par t o f chapte r 7 in Communication Monographs in 1995 . I a m gratefu l t o the Speec h Communicatio n Associatio n fo r permissio n t o us e tha t material . Chapter 9 wa s originall y intende d t o b e a mil d revisio n o f a n essa y p u b lished i n R . Jeffre y Ringer , ed. , Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality (Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1994) . T h e ga y liberatio n movement , however , woul d no t hol d still , an d I fel t compelled t o addres s trends , nascen t i n th e earlie r study , no w full y articu lated. Thoug h th e fina l produc t i s mor e lik e a n extensio n o r a sequel , part s of th e essa y i n Ringe r s volume ar e stil l recognizabl e her e i n chapter s 6 an d 9. M y appreciatio n t o N e w Yor k Universit y Pres s fo r permissio n t o us e tha t material. I hav e als o assume d man y persona l debt s ove r th e cours e o f thi s project . I hav e trie d t o acknowledg e som e o f them alon g th e way . I a m no t th e leas t bit les s indebted fo r havin g don e so . I hope tha t thos e w h o hav e contribute d their insights , suggestions , criticisms , an d suppor t wil l recogniz e her e m y continuing appreciation . Ther e ar e some , however , who , fo r variou s rea sons, mus t b e recognize d i n thi s fina l product . The y includ e Murra y Edel man, Michae l Leff , Stephe n Lucas , an d Donal d K . Smith . Davi d Zarefsky , Daniel Boyarin , an d a n anonymou s reviewe r gav e th e manuscrip t ver y

xii |

Preface

helpful reviews , thei r suggestion s improvin g an d clarifyin g m y thinkin g an d writing. T h e Departmen t o f Communicatio n a t N o r t h e r n Illinoi s Univer sity provided m e a course reductio n i n th e Sprin g o f 199 6 t o assis t m e wit h the timel y completio n o f th e fina l revisions . M y appreciation , too , t o th e staff a t N e w Yor k Universit y Press : a mor e professiona l ye t human e treat ment I canno t imagine . Jennifer Hammer , m y editor , exhibite d a remark able balanc e o f sympathy , strictness , an d indulgenc e tha t enable d thi s boo k to b e publishe d i n somethin g lik e th e appointe d time . Roderick Har t ha s bee n m y mos t stalwar t an d unflaggin g professiona l cheerleader. Hi s wis e an d warmhearte d counse l has , o n mor e tha n on e occasion, save d m e fro m m y ow n wors t instincts . An n Spelt z graciousl y helped m e throug h th e copyeditin g process . A s th e projec t wen t int o th e home stretch , Valda n Penningto n ofte n pu t forwar d a brav e fac e an d pro vided courag e whe n i t wa s elsewher e no t t o b e found . This boo k i s dedicate d t o Edwi n Blac k whos e mar k i s apparen t i n it s best moments . T h e luminosit y o f his criticis m set s a standard tha t w e ar e al l better fo r havin g befor e us , eve n i f w e ca n onl y b e frustrate d i n aspirin g to it .

1 Radical Rhetori c and America n Communit y Threnody for Sophrosyn e

People alway s think wel l o f speeches adapted to , and reflecting, thei r own character : an d we ca n no w se e how t o compos e ou r speeche s so as to adapt both the m an d ourselve s to ou r audiences . —Aristotle, Rhetorica Now nothin g i n oratory, Catulus , i s more importan t tha n t o win fo r the orato r th e favou r o f his hearer, an d t o hav e the latter so affected a s to be swayed by something resembling a mental impulse o r emotion , rather tha n by judgment o r deliberation . —Cicero , De Oratore The orato r indee d i s obliged t o adap t himself to his audience if he wishes to have any effect o n i t and we ca n easil y understand tha t th e discourse which i s most efficaciou s o n a n incompetent audienc e i s not necessarily tha t which woul d wi n th e assen t of a philosopher. —Chaim Perelma n an d L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric

O n Ma y 2 , 1996 , Bill y an d R u t h Graha m wer e awarde d th e Congressional Gol d Medal . I n remark s entitle d " T h e H o p e fo r America, " the Reveren d Graha m looke d backwar d t o Georg e Washington , th e firs t recipient o f th e Congressiona l Gol d Medal , an d forwar d t o th e "Thir d Millennium." T h o u g h a messag e o f hope , Graha m s shor t speec h wa s ful l of th e darknes s o f th e moment : racial an d ethni c tension s tha t threate n t o ri p apar t ou r citie s an d neighbor hoods; crim e an d violenc e o f epidemi c proportion s i n mos t o f ou r cities ; children takin g weapon s t o school ; broke n families ; poverty ; drugs ; teenag e pregnancy; corruption ; th e list is almost endless . Would th e firs t recipient s o f

1

2I

RADICA L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

this awar d eve n recogniz e th e societ y the y sacrifice d t o establish ? I fear not . We hav e confuse d libert y wit h license—an d w e ar e payin g th e awfu l price . We are a society poised o n th e brink o f self destruction. 1 Dire a s th e warnin g i s an d prominen t a s th e platfor m fro m whic h i t wa s given, wha t i s most notabl e abou t Graham' s jeremiad i s its lack o f notability , receiving no t eve n s o muc h a s a remar k i n th e New York Times. T h e complaints suffe r th e contemp t o f familiarity ; th e phrasing , i n th e curren t climate, i s pedestrian; an d perhaps , comin g fro m thi s source , i t i s al l simpl y too predictable . T h e new s her e lie s i n th e fac t tha t suc h a n ominou s portent, delivere d b y a ma n w h o ha s occupie d a significan t plac e o n the publi c stag e fo r a s lon g a s an y America n no w living , shoul d b e s o commonplace. Such pronouncement s hav e lon g bee n th e stead y far e o f th e so-calle d religious right , enjoyin g greate r an d lesse r degree s o f credibilit y a s th e fortunes o f th e c o u n t r y — a n d th e fortune s o f individua l American s wit h it—have waxe d an d waned . Today , however , thes e topoi hav e becom e rhetorical staple s o f th e lef t a s well , th e lamentatio n over , i n Tod d Gitli n s phrase, The Twilight of Common Dreams. 2 Treatment s rang e fro m th e esoteri c and rarefied—Gertrud e Himmelfarb' s On Looking into the Abyss, 3 whic h makes contemporar y literar y theor y it s bete n o i r e — t o th e decidedl y prac tical—Miss Manners Rescues Civilization from Sexual Harassment, Frivolous Lawsuits, Dissing and Other Lapses in Civility. 4 T h e commo n issu e i n thes e various production s i s th e perceive d erosio n o f an y ethica l basi s fo r "civi l society," o r "civi c virtue, " th e " c o m m o n good, " th e usurpatio n o f th e lif e of the citize n b y privatized , selfis h interests . A s Gitli n describe s it , In th e lan d o f th e fre e market , civi l society , th e fin e mes h o f self-organize d groups an d initiative s i s embattled . Th e publi c square , formall y open , i s usurped b y privat e concessions . Meanwhile , amon g th e genera l population , it become s harde r t o se e citizen s motivate d b y obligation s beyon d thei r immediate circles . Institution s o f publi c discourse—th e press , politica l par ties, vital trade unions, serious books—have becom e th e concer n o f minorities.5 "Little b y little, " Gitli n warns , "ou r cultura l infrastructur e seem s t o b e coming apar t alon g wit h th e bridge s an d roads. " 6 If ther e i s a trac e o f reaso n lef t i n th e universe , someone , somewher e must b e smiling , eve n amids t th e overwhelmin g dolor , t o hea r Professo r Gitlin soundin g s o like th e Reveren d Bill y Graham . Thirt y year s ago , Gitli n and hi s associate s o n th e N e w Lef t woul d hav e been , a s they wer e fo r many ,

Radical Rhetoric and American Community |

3

the objec t o f Graha m s criticism , th e engin e o f th e cultura l doom . I n a 1968 revie w o f Abbi e Hoffman' s boo k Revolution for the Hell of It, Jac k Newfield contraste d th e traditiona l libera l value s o f "reason , democracy , tolerance, an d truth, " t o Hoffman' s "distortion , violence , chaos , an d mind less action." 7 Justic e Ab e Forta s expresse d th e vie w tha t wha t wa s a t stak e was n o les s tha n th e forma l processe s whic h mak e societ y possible. 8 I n hi s first inaugura l address , Richar d Nixon , w h o ha d ru n o n a la w an d orde r campaign, characterize d th e "difficul t years " o f th e 1960 s a s one s i n whic h America ha d "suffere d fro m a feve r o f words ; fro m inflate d rhetori c tha t promises mor e tha n i t ca n deliver ; fro m angr y rhetori c tha t fan s discontent s into hatreds ; fro m bombasti c rhetori c tha t posture s instea d o f persuading, " and h e urge d u s t o "sto p shouting " an d t o "spea k quietl y enoug h s o tha t our word s ca n b e hear d a s well a s our voices." 9 In thes e assessments , admonitions , an d plea s fro m bot h th e Sixtie s an d the Nineties , radica l speech , unmannerl y rhetoric , i s a symptom , a harbin ger o f a mor e extensiv e disorder . I t strikes , explicitl y i n Forta s s caveat , a t something essentia l t o ou r socia l organization . T h e failur e o f communica tion, recognize d b y bot h critic s an d defender s o f th e radica l stance , i s taken a s signalin g a failur e o f community . T h e phras e "civi l society " itself , expressing ou r preferenc e fo r th e mannerly , th e courteous , th e amenable , the proper , i s contraste d t o th e deca y o f proces s w e sens e aroun d us . Ther e is a widely hel d belie f tha t th e tie s tha t bin d u s ar e eroding . W e ar e alarme d by wha t w e se e a s th e ris e o f forc e ove r reasone d discours e a s "th e chie f means whereb y socia l borders , hierarchies , institutiona l formations , an d habituated pattern s o f behavior ar e both maintaine d an d modified." 1 0 R o b ert Bella h an d hi s colleague s hav e frame d th e proble m a s on e wher e th e language o f individualis m ha s ru n amuck , mutated , an d becom e anarchic , obliterating th e mora l languag e o f dut y an d commitmen t tha t make s th e polis possible, 11 an d Le e C . Bollinge r question s th e benefit s o f a free speec h principle s o broa d tha t i t allow s "extremis t speech " t o strik e "mor e an d more deepl y a t th e persona l an d socia l value s w e cheris h an d hol d funda mental t o th e society." 12 T h e productio n o f eulogie s fo r civi l discours e i n America ha s becom e a minor industry. 13 T h e parallel s notwithstanding , ther e ar e importan t an d potentiall y infor mative difference s betwee n Frankly n Haiman' s "Farewel l t o Rationa l Dis course" (1968) 14 an d Mar y An n Glendon' s diagnosi s tha t ou r politica l discourse ha s bee n "impoverished " b y a fault y an d undiscipline d concep tion o f rights. 15 Haima n an d othe r observer s o f th e Sixtie s m o u r n e d a society apparentl y bein g tor n apar t a t th e seams , a n ac t o f violen t division ,

4I

RADICA L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

perhaps a n exces s o f definition. 16 Glendo n an d he r colleagues , o n th e othe r hand, addres s a diffusion o f responsibility, a loss of definition. Bill y Graham s talk o f ripping , an d weapons , an d breakage , an d destruction , fo r al l it s incipient violence , i s peculiarl y unfocused . Ther e i s n o clea r defendan t i n his indictment . H e merel y point s t o a n "almos t endless " lis t o f symptoms . The stor y lack s a compellin g villain . Eve n th e recen t bombing s i n th e United State s confir m thi s readin g i n thei r lac k o f attachmen t t o a cause , their seemin g senselessnes s an d lac k o f meaning . The rea l lesso n i s th e lesso n o f licens e conceive d a s licentiousness — things fal l apart—i t i s th e unravelin g o f Gitli n s "fin e mesh, " eac h threa d establishing it s independen t claims . Thi s them e weave s i t wa y throug h Jea n Bethke Elshtain' s analysi s i n whic h sh e refer s t o "corrosiv e form s o f isola tion, boredom , an d despair ; th e weakening , i n othe r words , o f tha t worl d known a s democrati c civi l society , a worl d o f group s an d association s an d ties tha t bind, " th e "disintegration " o f "socia l webs, " th e "thinnin g out " o f the "skei n o f obligation," an d "th e unravelin g o f democratic civi l society." 17 Fraying i s not violen t rending . The persisten t confusio n lie s i n th e c o m m o n disregar d b y bot h form s o f destruction o f th e socia l fabri c fo r "civility. " Elshtai n reveal s somethin g o f the roo t o f thi s confusio n i n he r celebratio n o f th e rhetorica l legac y o f ancient Athens . Rhetori c i s the discours e o f the publi c being , o f the citizen , and Elshtai n observe s tha t th e achievemen t o f the c o m m o n goo d depended , not onl y o n th e deliberativ e outcome s i n th e assembly , bu t als o o n th e "day-to-day relation s o f Athenian s wit h eac h other, 1 8 relate d t o wha t Thomas Col e refer s t o a s "th e rhetori c o f tac t an d etiquette. 1 9 R o b e r t Hariman articulate s th e relationshi p o f rhetori c an d manner s throug h th e classical notio n o f "decorum, " whic h h e define s a s consistin g i n "(a ) th e rules o f conduc t guidin g th e alignmen t o f sign s an d situations , o r text s an d acts, o r behavio r an d place ; (b ) embodie d i n practice s o f communicatio n and displa y accordin g t o a symboli c system ; an d (c ) providin g socia l cohe sion an d distributin g power." 2 0 Fro m th e tim e o f Aristotl e forward , th e tradition o f public discours e i n th e Wes t ha s been on e o f civility , diplomacy , compromise, an d negotiation . I n th e Unite d States , th e connectio n b e tween rhetori c a s a mod e o f persuasio n an d rhetori c a s civi l behavio r i s most eviden t i n thos e publi c speakin g text s publishe d circ a 1900 , whic h often represente d themselve s a s guide s t o bot h publi c speakin g an d eti quette. I n 1902 , the autho r o f The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist wrote,

Radical Rhetoric and American Community |

5

It is a duty imposed a t birth t o mak e the best us e of every talent o f which w e are possessed ; i t i s equall y a dut y t o mak e ourselve s a s agreeabl e i n ou r intercourse wit h ou r fello w creature s a s ou r opportunitie s ma y permit . Politeness, couple d wit h a n attractivenes s o f manner , i s th e passpor t whic h admits us to th e favorable attentio n o f our fellow men. 21 The etymologica l propinquit y o f "manners " an d "manipulation " suggest s something o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e preferre d natur e o f rhetorica l discourse an d it s goals . Public discours e i n thi s traditio n assume s th e existenc e o f a communit y of mores , commo n operatin g assumptions , share d values , eve n a s it seek s t o rebuild, reinforce , an d redirec t tha t community . Indeed , th e orato r ha s ofte n been see n a s a centra l figur e i n cultura l lif e an d th e stat e o f orator y a significant measur e o f cultura l health . Jame s Boy d Whit e onl y put s int o contemporary languag e a Ciceronia n conceptio n o f th e rol e o f orator y i n society w h e n h e define s rhetori c as : "th e stud y o f th e way s i n whic h character an d c o m m u n i t y — a n d motive , value , reason , socia l structure , everything, i n short , tha t make s a culture—ar e define d an d mad e rea l i n performances o f language." 2 2 In suc h a conception , th e rheto r become s "representative " o f hi s o r he r public, a usag e reflecte d i n ou r mos t c o m m o n appellatio n fo r publi c offi cials. An d just a s the rheto r become s representativ e o f hi s o r he r public , th e rules o f rhetori c becom e synecdocha l fo r th e rule s o f society. "Fai r speech, " whether presente d i n The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist o r elsewhere, reflects , i n Kennet h Burke' s formulation , "th e individua l perso n striving t o for m himsel f i n accordanc e wit h th e communicativ e norm s tha t match th e cooperativ e way s o f hi s society." 23 T h e failur e o f thi s process , o r worse, th e rejectio n o f it , i s take n a s a signa l o f th e disintegratio n o f society itself , th e abandonmen t o f th e accepte d rule s o f speec h a portent o f incipient chao s an d th e abandonmen t o f th e rul e o f orde r generally. 24 Yet, Ros a Park s s refusal t o surrende r he r sea t o n a bu s i n Montgomery , Alabama, i s no t th e sam e a s th e belligeren t occupatio n o f a sea t fo r tw o b y a disaffecte d yout h o n a Chicag o e l a t rus h hour , an d a critiqu e o f incivilit y that fail s t o recogniz e thi s distinctio n misse s a n essentia l differenc e betwee n the threat s t o comit y o f th e 1960 s an d thos e o f th e 1980 s an d 1990s . Further, I will argue , i t misse s the lesson s tha t th e America n radica l traditio n holds fo r ou r curren t disquietude . The recover y o f a radica l traditio n i n America n publi c discourse , a tradition characterize d b y a steadfast refusa l t o adap t itsel f to th e perspective s

6|

RADICA

L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

of it s audience , a rhetori c in extremis, indicate s somethin g mor e comple x than th e breakdow n o f order; i t indicate s a n alternativ e order , a rationalit y not accounte d fo r i n th e Graeco-Roma n model . A recrudescent rhetorica l form entail s a stable respons e t o a recurrent historica l situation , intimatin g the kind of discernible relationship amon g elements in a rhetorical situatio n constitutive of a genre.25 Criticism of rhetorical genres, in turn, presuppose s a logic underlyin g th e shap e o f discourse . Suc h criticis m i s predicated o n an accountabilit y o f discours e t o th e salien t force s tha t hav e shape d it . A radical genr e i s not withou t rules , bu t it s rules , o f necessity , ar e shape d i n large par t b y it s significan t oppositio n t o th e statu s quo . Wha t w e reall y mean whe n w e complai n abou t th e lack o f respect fo r process in radicalis m is th e lac k o f respec t fo r our preferred process , a process tha t reinforce s th e situation tha t th e radical seeks to change . The notio n o f a rhetorica l traditio n include s an d extend s th e ide a o f genre to encompas s those forms tha t hav e been consciousl y fostered withi n a culture. 26 Consideratio n o f th e traditiona l aspect s o f genr e encourage s questions o f development an d evolution , an d sinc e they , i n turn , sugges t a point o f origin, consideratio n o f a rhetorical traditio n proffer s th e possibil ity tha t th e genr e ma y b e locate d i n a nascent, primitiv e historica l form , a form i n whic h feature s an d outline s wer e stil l firml y connecte d t o th e cultural feature s tha t engendere d them . T o spea k o f genre s a s subject s o f evolution bring s u s clos e t o th e relationshi p betwee n th e generi c an d th e genetic,27 an d make s perfectl y reasonabl e th e propositio n tha t rhetorica l traditions should retain vestigial elements that, unles s understood i n histori cal context, obscur e th e functions o f the genre . Such i s the kin d o f explanatio n I have undertake n her e a s a perspective on som e o f that discours e i n America n histor y tha t ha s been characterize d as "radical," "extremist, " o r "revolutionary, " becaus e o f its failure t o adop t its audienc e s frame o f reference . Becaus e it s essentia l for m appear s t o b e both recurren t an d stable , i t canno t b e reduce d t o th e vagarie s o f th e particular situation or of individual maladjustment. Befor e w e can disqualif y such rhetoric, we must first see k its sources in ou r culture . The thesi s I shall argue her e is that th e primitiv e sourc e for muc h o f the rhetoric o f refor m i n Americ a ha s bee n th e propheti c book s o f th e Ol d Testament. I t seem s a n obviou s connectio n give n th e prominenc e o f th e Bible i n America n culture , an d ther e hav e bee n som e studie s tha t hav e traced influence s o f th e Bibl e i n ou r nationa l life 28 an d o n ou r publi c discourse i n particular. 29 Man y o f these studie s might b e considere d studie s of allusion, appraisal s o f the us e o f the conten t o f a key cultura l document .

Radical Rhetoric and American Community \

7

Sacvan Bercovitch' s influentia l wor k o n th e America n jeremia d a s a genr e is a n exception. 3 0 Eve n Bercovitch' s work , however , i s concerned , a s it s title indicates , wit h a n America n rhetorica l creation , no t wit h th e for m of propheti c speec h a s i t appear s i n th e book s o f th e Ol d Testament. 31 Consequently, h e refer s t o hi s jeremiads a s "politica l sermons, " th e genr e o f priests an d preachers , no t prophets. 3 2 Ol d Testamen t prophec y operate s i n a differen t mod e an d i s based o n differen t epistemologica l assumption s tha n our publi c rhetoric s derive d fro m th e Graeco-Roma n tradition . Assessing th e refor m effort s o f anothe r tim e an d anothe r place , Matthe w Arnold onc e characterize d th e method s a s conformin g eithe r t o th e idea l of "sweetnes s an d light " o r t o tha t o f "fir e an d strength. " "Sweetnes s an d light" i s th e idea l o f ou r receive d rhetorica l theory ; it s source , sai d Arnold , is Hellenic . "Fir e an d strength, " o n th e othe r hand , i s Hebrai c i n origin . Though i n man y way s antithetica l t o on e another , bot h stan d i n oppositio n to anarchy , tha t stat e i n whic h everyon e i s absorbe d i n "doin g a s on e likes." 33 A s Arnol d expresse d it : " T h e uppermos t ide a wit h Hellenis m i s t o see thing s a s the y reall y are ; th e uppermos t ide a wit h Hebrais m i s conduc t and obedience." 3 4 I n thi s respect , Arnold' s analysi s i s mor e precis e tha n many o f those i n th e present , whic h ten d t o regar d bot h "fir e an d strength " and anarch y a s destructive form s o f incivility . Rhetorical critic s hav e bee n prevente d fro m seein g a s clearl y a s Arnol d did th e possibilit y o f th e continuin g influenc e o f th e Bibl e o n socia l actio n for tw o reasons . First , w e hav e receive d n o systemati c theor y o f rhetori c from th e ancien t Hebrews . T h e prophet s o f th e Ol d Testamen t lef t u s wit h a considerabl e bod y o f discourse , bu t the y wer e no t theorist s an d wer e no t prone t o spen d tim e examinin g o r articulatin g th e assumption s o n whic h their discours e wa s built . T h e failur e o f th e prophet s t o provid e a theor y i s a ga p i n ou r understandin g o f the m an d o f ourselve s tha t ha s onl y begu n t o be rectifie d i n ou r ow n time. 3 5 Furthermore , th e theor y tha t w e ar e likel y to fin d implie d i n th e rhetori c o f Ol d Testamen t prophet s wil l b e foreig n and alie n w h e n compare d t o ou r accustome d theories . A s Michae l Fo x ha s stated, "I n Israe l w e hav e a well-documente d majo r rhetorica l movemen t entirely independen t o f th e classica l traditio n fro m whic h Wester n rhetori c and rhetorica l criticis m descend." 3 6 An d Arnold' s characterizatio n o f th e Hebraic idea l a s "fir e an d strength " suggest s tha t i t i s no t onl y foreig n bu t also uncomfortable . Consideratio n o f th e propheti c aspect s o f discourse , then, ha s presente d itsel f as an undertakin g bot h unfamilia r an d difficult . Yet th e "fir e an d strength " o f th e prophet s i s a s muc h a par t o f ou r cultural inheritanc e a s i s th e "sweetnes s an d light " o f th e Greeks , an d i t i s

8|

RADICA

L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

sheer foll y t o thin k tha t w e ca n hav e a n adequat e explanatio n o f radicalis m in ou r cultur e s o lon g a s we ignor e a discursive traditio n marke d b y obviou s similarities t o thos e discourse s w e toda y ter m "radical, " th e influenc e o f which i s ofte n atteste d t o b y th e radical s themselve s i n thei r allusion s an d quotations. A secon d reason , I woul d suggest , tha t w e hav e avoide d explanation s that hav e thei r root s i n anythin g lik e prophec y i s ou r embarrassmen t a t th e prospect o f considerin g seriousl y claim s o f divin e possessio n o r consecra tion. I n ou r everyda y usage , w e acknowledg e th e possibilit y o f somethin g like a religiou s commitmen t a t th e bas e o f radica l socia l movements : w e talk o f revolutionar y "faith " an d "zeal" ; w e refe r t o radica l leader s a s "prophets"; an d w e analyz e radica l rhetori c accordin g t o it s " G o d terms " and "devi l terms." 3 7 A t th e sam e time , whil e w e admi t o f th e existenc e o f some blatantl y "messianic " o r "millennial " o r "revitalization " movement s that hav e unmistakabl y religiou s roots , w e ar e als o victim s o f ou r ow n enlightenment an d generall y prefe r explanation s o f a mor e secula r order . This i n spit e o f th e fact , a s Georg e Bernar d Shaw , humblin g himsel f befor e the self-conceptio n o f Sain t Joan, onc e reminde d us , tha t "th e nineteent h century, an d stil l mor e th e twentieth , ca n knoc k th e fifteent h int o a cocke d hat i n poin t o f susceptibilit y t o marvel s an d saint s an d prophet s an d magi cians an d monster s an d fair y tale s o f al l kinds. " " T h e proportio n o f marve l to immediatel y credibl e statemen t i n th e lates t editio n o f th e Encyclopaedia Britannica" h e wen t o n t o say , "i s enormousl y greate r tha n i n th e Bible. " 38 Approaching th e stud y o f a discourse , th e ultimat e premise s o f whic h cannot b e verifie d b y conventiona l means , demand s tha t w e suspend , a t least fo r a moment , ou r moder n tendenc y towar d rationalize d incredulit y and humbl e ourselve s befor e wha t w e understan d onl y incompletely . Here i s the elemen t tha t complete s th e tria d initiate d wit h th e discussio n of "community" an d "communication " above . Tha t thir d elemen t i s " c o m munion." A communit y mus t fin d it s rule s i n som e commo n authority . The authorit y b y whic h w e see k t o circumscrib e radica l rhetorics , t o brin g them fro m th e real m o f "fir e an d strength " int o th e real m o f "sweetness an d light," t o mak e the m agreeable, 39 th e authorit y reflecte d i n th e criticism s o f the protest s o f th e 1960 s b y Haiman , Newfield , Fortas , an d Nixon , i s th e secular authorit y o f reason . Similarly , th e authorit y invoke d b y Gitlin , Himmelfarb, Glendon , Elshtai n agains t th e anarch y o f th e 1980 s an d 1990 s draws o n th e proces s orientatio n o f the libera l democrati c tradition . Reaso n is demystified—tha t is , i t ca n b e completel y articulated ; reason s ca n b e given—and i t describe s proces s rathe r tha n content . Ther e i s ostensibl y n o

Radical Rhetoric and American Community |

9

leap o f fait h i n reason . I n politics , th e rul e o f reaso n i s expresse d i n th e rationalist metapho r o f the socia l contract . R o b e r t Bella h ha s argue d tha t i n complex societies , "th e lega l orde r i n som e significan t measur e become s a substitute fo r th e religiou s order." 4 0 Suc h a n arrangemen t allow s "matter s of ultimate religiou s an d mora l truth " t o b e declare d "essentiall y private." 4 1 Money become s th e sourc e o f ou r publi c bonds . A s Burke notes , Money endanger s religio n i n tha t mone y ca n serv e a s universal symbol , th e unitary groun d o f al l action . An d i t endanger s religio n no t i n th e dramatic , agonistic wa y o f a "tempter," bu t i n it s quiet , rationa l wa y a s a substitute that performs it s mediatory rol e mor e "efficiently, " mor e "parsimoniously, " wit h less "wast e motion " a s regard s th e religiou s o r ritualisti c conceptio n o f "works." 42 T h e consequenc e o f suc h rationalizatio n i s tha t mora l criticis m i s dis credited, o r a t leas t deeme d inappropriat e i n th e publi c sphere . Socia l reform effort s ar e evaluate d i n term s o f resourc e o r rationa l exchang e models, as , fo r example , reflecte d i n Willia m A . Gamson' s descriptio n o f influence: "Carryin g ou t influenc e involve s makin g commitment s whic h place a futur e cal l o n one' s resources . T h e transactiona l cos t o f influenc e i s the cos t o f fulfillin g obligation s contracted. " 43 T h e languag e o f economic s makes incomprehensibl e al l claim s base d o n ideals . Conside r th e marke d disparity betwee n th e numbe r o f American s generall y favorabl e t o th e notion o f equa l pa y fo r equa l wor k an d thos e favorabl e t o th e large r goal s of the feminis t movement . There i s n o communio n i n money ; i t i s th e grea t metonym y fo r privat e property. Radicalism , i n contrast , i s defined b y it s concer n wit h th e politica l roots o f a society , it s fundamenta l laws , it s foundationa l principles , it s mos t sacred covenants . I t i s c o m m o n fo r radical s t o clai m t o b e th e tru e keeper s of th e faith ; the y oppos e thei r societ y usin g it s ow n mos t nobl e expression s and aspirations. 44 A rootles s society , a societ y wher e th e powe r o f onc e compelling idea s ha s atrophied , ha s n o basi s fo r authorizin g radica l activity . W h e n Genera l Motors ' Mr . Goodwrenc h declare s "You r ca r i s you r free dom," th e solutio n t o oppressio n i s t o bu y an d maintai n a n automobil e (furthering insulatio n an d rootlessness) . As I will argu e i n th e followin g chapters , our s i s a society tha t n o longe r recognizes radica l activit y fo r wha t i t is . T h e failur e o f communit y i s signaled, no t b y th e rudenes s an d stridenc y o f protest , bu t b y th e los s o f a common fait h i n fundamenta l ideal s an d th e los s o f th e lon g historica l conversation i n whic h thes e ideal s wer e molded , preserved , an d defended .

10 I

RADICA

L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

That th e conten t o f thi s conversatio n i s derive d largel y fro m th e libera l tradition o f John Stuar t Mil l an d Joh n Lock e ha s bee n wel l documented , but th e propheti c for m tha t unite s muc h o f tha t discours e i n it s mor e extreme manifestation s ha s no t been . In th e si x cas e studie s tha t follow , I hav e sough t t o examin e th e funda mental assumption s o f propheti c discours e an d t o see k a n understandin g o f the way s i n whic h thos e assumption s hav e manifeste d themselve s i n th e rhetoric o f radica l America n reformers . I n thi s endeavor , I hav e n o clai m to bein g a schola r o f th e Bible , no r nee d I mak e suc h a clai m fo r m y purpose here . Althoug h I hav e borrowe d heavil y fro m biblica l scholarshi p in m y effort s t o isolat e thos e feature s tha t ar e salien t t o th e propheti c message, I a m les s intereste d i n scholarl y debate s ove r th e fin e point s o f biblical criticis m tha n I a m i n th e propheti c traditio n a s it ha s bee n receive d and generall y understoo d an d imitate d b y Americans . The followin g chapter , th e introductio n t o par t I o f thi s study , attempt s to adumbrat e a theor y o f propheti c discours e base d o n it s origi n i n th e divine word , th e propheti c logos; its psychosocia l situation , th e propheti c pathos; an d th e prophet' s persona l mod e o f validation , th e propheti c ethos. This chapte r represent s a n initia l assa y o f th e shap e an d functio n o f eac h aspect o f prophetic discours e wit h referenc e t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s themselves. Wha t i s sough t i s a n articulatio n o f th e direc t relationshi p between propheti c rhetori c an d th e cultura l assumption s tha t engendere d it . In thi s se t o f relationship s i s th e mos t basi c understandin g o f th e discourse . Chapters 3 , 4 , an d 5 explor e th e appropriatio n o f propheti c form s b y American reformers . Eac h o f thes e chapter s i s a cas e stud y i n on e o f th e text-context relationship s o f propheti c discourse , thoug h i t i s assume d tha t each o f thes e relationship s coul d b e foun d i n an y o f th e discourses : th e self evident truth s o f th e America n Revolutio n ar e a particularl y suggestiv e study i n th e relationshi p o f th e propheti c logos to absolut e truth ; Wendel l Phillips's condemnatio n o f slavery , wit h it s causti c energy , provide s insight s into th e source s o f th e propheti c pathos; an d th e martyrdo m o f Eugen e Debs i s a model o f th e propheti c ethos. In additio n t o permittin g th e drawin g o f analog s betwee n America n reformers an d Ol d Testamen t prophets , th e chronologica l orderin g o f th e chapters allow s u s t o se e somethin g o f ho w a prophetic traditio n develope d in America . I f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s di d no t inspir e eac h generatio n of reformer s ane w o r in vacuo, how di d thei r traditio n becom e assimilate d into a n America n traditio n o f radica l reform ? H o w an d t o wha t degre e

Radical Rhetoric and American Community \

1 1

does eac h successiv e generatio n o f radicals influenc e th e rhetorica l resource s that ar e availabl e t o th e nex t an d th e expectation s o f futur e audiences ? Part I I o f thi s stud y turn s t o th e proble m o f publi c refor m discours e i n an ag e beref t o f absolut e principles . Beginnin g wit h chapte r 6 , havin g defined th e mos t basi c characteristic s o f th e propheti c traditio n o r voice , I am intereste d i n explorin g th e differenc e betwee n it s essentia l an d nones sential attributes . I n orde r t o posses s critica l utility , a generi c constructio n must b e definitive ; tha t is , it mus t no t onl y b e abl e t o defin e th e qualitie s o f what i s included , bu t i t mus t b e abl e t o mak e meaningfu l exclusions ; i t must b e abl e t o distinguis h th e genuin e articl e fro m th e impostor . T h e postmodern er a i s widel y regarde d a s a tim e o f th e negative . Tod d Gitli n characterizes i t a s " a prolonge d cultura l momen t tha t i s oddl y weightless , shadowed b y incomplet e revolts , haunte d b y absence s . . . i n general , b y th e erosion o f tha t fals e an d devastatin g universalit y embodie d i n th e rul e o f the pyramida l trinit y o f Father , Science , an d State." 4 5 Gitli n an d Graha m may b e world s apar t i n thei r evaluation s o f wha t ha s bee n lost , bu t ther e i s a hig h degre e o f consensu s tha t i t i s gone , an d tha t w e hav e foun d nothin g yet t o replac e it . Radica l discours e understoo d i n term s o f biblical prophec y has n o potenc y i n suc h a world . T h e shif t parallel s tha t i n th e Ol d Testa ment fro m a communit y tha t coul d b e calle d int o bein g b y a propheti c reassertion o f th e covenan t an d th e apparentl y forsake n an d rootles s aggre gation t o w h o m th e messag e o f th e apocalyps e wa s directed . Par t I I o f thi s study look s a t thre e possibl e avenue s fo r a reform discours e wit h th e powe r to comman d th e assen t o f a significan t publi c i n a worl d deprive d o f principles. T h e rhetori c o f Joe McCarth y ha s ofte n bee n referre d t o a s radical , bu t that positio n ha s neve r bee n hel d withou t opposition , eve n i n McCarthy' s own day . Hi s rhetoric , thoug h audacious , neve r clearl y define d it s positio n in th e manne r o f genuine radicalism . McCarthy s entertainmen t o f a chaoti c world i n whic h judgmen t wa s suspende d partake s o f th e literar y genr e o f fantasy an d ha s parallel s wit h th e devolutio n o f Ol d Testamen t prophec y into apocalyptic . R o b e r t Welch , lik e McCarthy , wa s widel y haile d a s a radical. Hi s tactic s wer e ofte n compare d t o th e tactic s o f thos e o n th e extreme left , ye t w e sens e tha t ther e i s a profoun d differenc e betwee n a R o b e r t Welc h and , fo r example , a Eugen e Debs . T h e similaritie s ar e undeniable, bu t on e suspect s superficial . Perhap s mor e interestin g stil l i s Welch's relationshi p t o McCarth y sinc e th e tw o wer e publicl y associated , but again , ther e i s the stron g suspicio n tha t Welc h wa s n o mor e a McCarth y

12 J

RADICA L RHETORI

C AN

D AMERICA N COMMUNIT

Y

than h e was a Debs. Welch provide s evidenc e tha t h e self-consciousl y ape d the for m o f prophecy a s he foun d i t i n nineteenth-centur y poetry , an d i n Welch's rhetori c w e ar e abl e t o loo k a t th e surfac e divorce d fro m it s animating source, a kind o f autopsy Finally, havin g forme d som e relativel y clea r ide a o f the traditio n s shape and it s parameters , th e las t cas e seek s t o highligh t it s feature s throug h contrast an d t o mak e som e preliminar y assessmen t o f the rhetorica l wort h of th e propheti c voic e b y comparin g th e possibilitie s i t contain s t o th e possibilities availabl e i n th e traditiona l consensu s vie w o f rhetoric . Wha t happens whe n a reform movemen t i n a postreligious worl d capitulate s an d embraces th e thoroughl y secular , rationalize d discours e o f it s time ? Ga y liberation, agai n a reform movemen t ofte n hel d t o be radical , i s the subjec t of the last study, chosen because, although its programs have been character ized a s radical , i t ha s bee n decisivel y exclude d fro m th e argumentativ e premises o f th e propheti c voice , havin g n o clai m o n th e mos t prominen t historical source s o f authority : religion , science , an d th e law . I n fact , I argue, ga y liberatio n ha s attempte d t o mak e it s argumen t b y pushin g th e pluralistic, adaptiv e assumption s o f traditiona l rhetori c t o thei r limit . Th e comparison o f th e Hebrai c an d th e Helleni c ideal s i n situation s o f contes t should furthe r ou r understandin g o f th e functio n an d plac e o f propheti c discourse. I t shoul d als o sa y somethin g abou t th e stat e o f communit y i n America.

2

Old Testamen t Prophec y as Radica l Ursprac h In my powerlessness, it seemed tha t I was becoming identifie d wit h the very powers that ha d drained m e of power. I knew, in othe r words, what hero , saint, Marxist , criminal , artist , and madman mus t know: identity wit h fate . —Robert Pen n Warren , A Place to Come To A tornado o f confusion swep t whirling from wal l to wall, and the madness o f the momen t seize d irresistibly upo n Presley . He forgo t himself; he no longer was master of his emotions o r his impulses. All at once he found himsel f upon th e stage, facing th e audience, flamin g with excitement , hi s imagination o n fire, hi s arms uplifted i n fierce , wild gestures , words leaping to his mind i n a torrent tha t coul d not be withheld. —Fran k Norris , The Octopus

In hi s treatis e o n rhetoric , Aristotl e identifie d thre e mode s o f persuasion "furnishe d b y th e spoke n word : . . . T h e firs t kin d depend s o n the persona l characte r o f th e speaker ; th e secon d o n puttin g th e audienc e into a certai n fram e o f mind ; th e thir d o n th e proof , o r apparen t proof , provided b y th e word s o f the speec h itself." 1 T h o u g h term s hav e changed , been altered , modernized , an d extended , thes e thre e mode s o f proof , i n one guis e o r another , stil l defin e muc h o f the researc h agend a i n c o m m u n i cation studie s an d rhetoric . Certainl y an y rudimentar y theor y o f rhetori c needs t o incorporat e them . Though th e stud y o f the theor y o f rhetoric i n th e Wes t ha s been largel y restricted t o a line o f inheritance tha t run s fro m Plat o an d Aristotle throug h Cicero, Quintilian , Sain t Augustine , int o th e Middl e Ages , th e neo-Classi cal rhetoric s o f th e Renaissance , t o th e moder n period , includin g Georg e Campbell, H u g h Blair , an d Richar d Whately , t o contemporar y time s an d

15

l6 |

OL D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

figures suc h a s Kenneth Burk e an d Chai m Perelman , ther e i s evidence o f a body o f rhetorica l practic e tha t ha s it s root s i n a ver y differen t tradition . Particularly i n th e Unite d States , with it s early self-conceptio n a s the Ne w Israel, the "shinin g cit y o n th e hill, " the rhetori c o f the Christia n Bibl e ha s had a n enormou s presenc e i n ou r publi c discourse . James Turne r Johnson, in hi s introductio n t o a collectio n o f essay s devote d t o examinin g thi s presence, notes , " A cross-flo w ha s existe d betwee n religio n an d America n culture fro m th e earl y colonia l settlement s onwar d t o th e present , an d through muc h o f America n histor y tha t flow ha s involve d referenc e t o symbols, rhetoric, moral guidance , an d an understanding o f history derive d from th e Bible." 2 Rhetorics o f radica l reform , i n particular , exhibi t similaritie s wit h th e discursive traditio n o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets . Bot h hav e i n commo n a sense o f mission, a desire t o brin g th e practic e o f the peopl e int o accor d with a sacre d principle , an d a n uncompromising , ofte n excoriatin g stanc e toward a reluctan t audience . Thoug h ther e wa s n o theor y o f rhetori c among th e ancien t Jews, prophetic practic e offer s a tradition highl y articu lated wit h it s philosophica l foundations , an d thes e connections , especiall y as the y hav e bee n filtere d throug h Christianit y an d th e Kin g James Bibl e and receive d a s part o f th e America n tradition , provid e importan t insight s into th e rhetorical practices of those who agitat e o n behalf of great causes.

The Prophetic Logos Prophetic speec h i s incomprehensibl e excep t a s th e speec h o f a divin e messenger; th e prophet , properl y understood , speak s fo r another. 3 Th e prophets o f th e Ol d Testamen t wer e spokesme n fo r Yahweh . The y wer e called to delive r a message that wa s not thei r own , ofte n agains t thei r will. 4 Ezekiel "wen t i n bitterness , i n th e hea t o f my spirit ; bu t th e han d o f th e Lord was strong upon me. " 5 Ezekiel was compelled t o speak; he prophesie d over hi s own resistance . Jeremiah spok e o f the futilit y o f refusing t o "spea k any mor e i n Hi s nam e . . . There i s in my hear t a s it wer e a burning fire , Shut u p i n m y bones , an d I am wear y wit h holdin g i t in , An d I cannot." 6 The word s o f Amos revea l th e sam e compulsion : "Th e Lor d Yahwe h hat h spoken; wh o ca n bu t prophesy?" 7 Contrar y t o th e assumption s o f tradi tional Graeco-Roma n rhetorica l theory , prophec y shatter s th e unit y o f rhetoric. Inventio an d actio ar e no t product s o f the sam e agent . Prophec y i s in a significan t respec t a performanc e fro m script . A s Margare t Zulic k

Old Testament Prophecy \

1 7

notes, " Y H W H i s show n t o b e th e tru e agen t o f th e propheti c wor d an d the prophe t i s reduce d t o th e statu s o f agency , a n unwillin g instrumen t o f the w o r d / ' 8 T h e prophe t canno t b e hel d personall y culpabl e fo r hi s mes sage. Indee d h e i s onl y culpabl e t o th e exten t tha t h e assert s hi s wil l an d throws of f th e yok e o f God . T h e prophe t act s responsibl y onl y w h e n h e subordinates hi s wil l t o th e divin e wil l an d bear s witnes s t o God' s word . A s Zulick characterize s thi s transaction , "th e whol e responsibilit y o f th e agen t for th e ac t i s passe d ove r t o Y H W H , exoneratin g th e prophe t b y entirel y identifying hi s speec h wit h tha t o f Y H W H . 9 S o lon g a s th e prophe t serve s as God' s trumpet , hi s activit y i s no t onl y justified bu t mandated . T h e rol e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t i s ofte n indicate d b y th e us e o f the "messenge r formula, " "Thu s sait h th e Lord." 1 0 T h e messenge r formul a makes clea r th e natur e o f th e propheti c logos as th e wor d o f God , an d th e identification o f Go d an d th e wor d quit e literall y suggest s th e character , th e ethos, o f th e message . T h e formul a preferre d i n Ezekie l i s quit e explicit : "And th e wor d o f th e Lor d cam e unt o m e sayin g . . . " Thi s renderin g o f Ezekiel personifie s th e wor d an d reveal s th e suasor y powe r o f th e wor d t o lie i n w h o i t is : "An d th e wor d wa s God. " I n Heschel' s formulation , The certaint y o f being inspire d b y God , o f speaking i n Hi s name , o f havin g been sen t b y Hi m t o th e people, i s the basi c an d centra l fac t o f the prophet s consciousness. Othe r people regar d experience as the sourc e o f certainty; wha t singles ou t th e prophe t i n th e worl d o f ma n i s tha t t o hi m the source of experience is the sourc e o f his certainty . T o hi s mind, th e validit y an d distinc tion o f hi s messag e li e i n th e origin , no t onl y i n th e momen t o f hi s experience.11 T h e wor d brough t b y th e prophet s wa s a reassertio n o f Yahweh' s covenan t with Hi s peopl e an d a reminde r o f Yahweh' s presenc e i n th e world , a reminder o f God' s will , no t a revelatio n o r th e presentatio n o f a startlingl y new claim . T h e prophet s addresse d a community alread y define d b y knowl edge o f th e covenant. 12 T h e covenan t wa s centra l t o th e share d histor y o f the ancien t Jews, an d i t was i n histor y tha t it s terms wer e realized . Propheti c instauration o f th e covenan t serve d t o reaffir m th e han d o f Go d behin d events i n th e world . I n th e essentiall y theologica l vie w o f histor y hel d b y the ancien t Hebrews, 1 3 histor y was , i n Abraha m Heschel' s phrase , "th e vessel fo r God' s action." 1 4 T h e Go d o f th e Ol d Testamen t mad e Himsel f manifest i n th e affair s o f th e worl d a s th e perpetua l autho r o f events , th e ceaseless creator ; militar y victorie s an d defeats , well-bein g an d plagues , bountiful harvest s an d natura l disasters , al l wer e meaningfu l i n term s o f th e

18 |

OL D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

covenant a s evidenc e o f Yahweh' s mercie s towar d an d judgment s agains t His people. 15 Thi s histor y wa s the commo n legac y o f the people s o f Israel andjudah. But th e commo n legac y seem s a t odd s with th e historica l reputatio n o f the prophets . I f th e messag e o f th e prophet s wa s th e messag e o f th e covenant, i f the prophet s o f the Ol d Testamen t wer e no t endowe d wit h a n exclusive revelation , ho w wer e the y se t apar t fro m thei r people ? Wha t made th e prophe t a voic e cryin g fro m th e wilderness ? Wh y wa s th e prophetic offic e exclusive ? Althoug h th e term s o f th e covenan t an d th e events of history were the commo n legac y of Israel andjudah, th e prophet s addressed a people whos e visio n ha d been cloude d b y the materia l benefit s of a settled an d agraria n lifestyle , a people "whic h hav e eyes to see , and see not; the y have ears to hear, an d hear not: for the y are a rebellious house." 16 Unlike th e prophets , wh o wer e responsibl e t o God s will an d responsiv e t o His call , the people wer e a t ease. As Amos described them : "Tha t li e upo n beds o f ivory, and stretch themselve s upo n thei r couches , an d ea t th e lamb s out o f the flock, an d th e calve s ou t o f the mids t o f the stall ; That chan t t o the soun d o f the vio l an d inven t t o themselve s instrument s o f musick, lik e David; Tha t drin k win e i n bowl s an d anoin t themselve s wit h th e chie f ointments: bu t the y ar e no t grieve d fo r th e afflictio n o f Joseph."17 I t wa s the prophets tas k to reassert the terms of the covenant t o a people who ha d fallen away , t o restor e a sens e o f dut y an d virtu e amids t th e deca y o f venality. Abraha m Hesche l find s th e demand s o f God's covenan t wit h Hi s people "reflecte d i n ever y word" o f the prophet. 18 The term s o f th e compac t Yahwe h ha d mad e wit h Hi s peopl e wer e accessible t o all , but , sai d Isaiah , "th e visio n o f al l thi s ha s become t o yo u like th e word s o f a book tha t i s sealed. When me n giv e it t o on e wh o ca n read saying , 'Rea d this, ' h e says , ' I cannot , fo r i t i s sealed.' An d whe n the y give the book to one who canno t read, saying, 'Read this, ' he says, 'I canno t read.' " 1 9 Th e people s o f Israe l an d Judah, then , wer e no t condemne d fo r their ignorance , bu t fo r thei r willfu l blindnes s t o th e messag e o f Yahweh : "For thre e transgression s o f Judah, an d fo r four , I will no t revok e punish ment," proclaimed Amos , "becaus e the y hav e rejected th e la w o f the Lord , and hav e no t kep t hi s statutes , bu t thei r lie s hav e le d the m astray , afte r which thei r fathers walked. " 20 The defectiv e visio n o f th e peopl e i s ofte n expresse d i n th e metaphor s of drunkennes s an d slumber , thu s intimatin g th e mora l failing s behin d it : "These als o ree l wit h win e an d stagge r wit h stron g drink ; th e pries t an d the prophe t ree l wit h stron g drink , the y ar e confuse d wit h wine , the y

Old Testament Prophecy \

1 9

stagger wit h stron g drink ; the y er r i n vision , the y stumbl e i n givin g j u d g ment." 2 1 T h e prophet s wer e calle d b y Go d a s a correctiv e t o thi s failur e o f perception, thi s intoxicatio n wit h th e world . T h e prophet s were , i n part , seers; fo r th e mos t part , the y wer e uninfecte d b y an d renounce d worldl y comfort, an d the y commande d th e peopl e t o us e thei r senses , lon g falle n into desuetude : "Hea r this , O foolis h an d senseles s people , w h o hav e eyes , but se e not , w h o hav e ears , bu t hea r not." 2 2 Heavy us e o f metaphor s o f visio n i n Ol d Testamen t prophec y suggest s a rhetoric o f showing. 2 3 I n th e Posterior Analytics, Aristotl e treat s thos e truth s which ar e susceptible , no t t o persuasio n o r argument , bu t t o "demonstra tion" a s th e mos t commo n Englis h translatio n holds—demonstratio n which come s fro m th e Lati n monstare, to show . T h e kin d o f trut h Aristotl e was concerne d wit h i n th e Posterior Analytics wa s apodictic (also apodeictic) truth fro m th e Gree k apodeiknyai, t o demonstrate , fro m apo + deikynai, t o show. Fo r Ol d Testamen t prophets , apodicti c la w i n th e for m o f Go d s revealed covenan t wit h Hi s people , i s a topi c fo r rhetori c o r proclamation , not a n epistemologica l statu s belongin g t o som e othe r disciplin e a s i n Aristotle's conception, 2 4 an d Hesche l describe s th e activit y o f Ol d Testa ment prophet s i n term s tha t reflec t th e natur e o f thei r activit y a s a kin d o f demonstration: "I n speaking , th e prophe t reveal s God . Thi s i s th e marve l of a prophet' s work : i n hi s words , the invisible God becomes audible. H e doe s not prov e o r argue. " 25 I t i s impossible t o adduc e evidenc e fo r God' s law , fo r it contain s it s ow n evidence ; i t i s self-evident, clea r upo n viewing. 2 6 Chaim Perelma n ha s note d th e tautologica l characte r o f self - evidenc e "conceived bot h a s a forc e t o whic h ever y norma l min d mus t yiel d an d a s a sig n o f th e trut h o f tha t whic h impose s itsel f because i t i s self-evident." 27 Although Perelma n woul d dismis s suc h reasonin g a s fallacious, h e reveal s it s coercive powe r a s a substitut e fo r argument . T h e logica l refutatio n i s technical cavi l agains t th e socia l forc e o f wha t Richar d Weave r ha s calle d "uncontested terms. " Unconteste d term s ar e suc h precisel y becaus e th e audience i s unable o r unwillin g t o questio n them. 2 8 Fo r th e ancien t people s of Judah an d Israel , th e existenc e o f a Go d activ e i n histor y wa s just suc h a matter o f faith . Thu s w e ca n understan d wha t Sheldo n Blan k mean s w h e n he say s o f Jeremiah a s a n exampl e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet' s under standing o f hi s authorit y tha t th e stronges t argumen t fo r hi s authenticit y i s not a n argumen t a t all , bu t th e simpl e affirmatio n tha t Go d ha d sen t him. 2 9 To a peopl e w h o hol d wha t W . D . Hudso n ha s terme d a "constitutiv e belief" i n a n irreducibl e God , suc h a n affirmatio n i s not onl y sufficient , bu t the onl y proo f consisten t wit h tha t belief . An y othe r proo f implie s some -

20 |

OLD TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

thing mor e compellin g tha n th e revelatio n o f God. 30 A s Blank writes , "S o Jeremiah rest s his case with th e prima-facie evidenc e o f the message itself as the final tes t of its authenticity an d his own veracity." 31 The rhetori c o f self-evidenc e i s bot h profoundl y conservative , eve n reactionary, an d profoundly radical . It is conservative in that it has no powe r of invention; i t ca n onl y revea l that whic h wa s already there , th e sempiter nal; it is always the rhetori c o f the messenger. I t is radical in its engagemen t of society at its root. The value s expresse d i n prophec y la y a t th e hear t o f ancien t Hebre w society; the y wer e th e value s o f th e covenan t tha t define d th e people s o f Israel an d Judah. Propheti c discours e i s thu s highl y enthymematic ; i t em phasizes the presence of a public tradition. A common belie f in the viability of th e covenan t i s th e silen t bu t acknowledge d premis e behin d ever y judgment, a "common sense, " at least o f basic principles. Walte r Bruegge mann describe s th e prophe t a s one wh o mus t "mov e bac k int o th e deepes t memories o f hi s communit y an d activat e thos e ver y symbol s tha t hav e always been th e basis for contradictin g th e regnan t consciousness. " 32 But i n the ac t o f judgment, i n opposin g hi s understanding o f the covenan t agains t the more comfortabl e understandin g o f his people, in presenting his under standing a s God s understanding , th e prophe t no t onl y forebode s punish ment, bu t threaten s th e basis of self-definition. Agains t Israel s complacenc y in he r chose n status , th e prophet s decrie d he r a s a harlot. Judah s unearned sanctimoniousness i s a scourge. I t i s precisely becaus e th e prophe t engage s his society ove r its most centra l and fundamental value s that he is radical. 33 The most accessible evidence o f the prophets radicalis m is his opposition to th e regnan t powe r structure . A s illustrated i n th e covenantin g o f Davi d as King of Israel, even rulers were subject t o th e overarchin g covenant wit h Yahweh.34 Th e prophet s measure d th e performanc e o f king s agains t th e incontrovertible mora l standard s o f tha t highe r covenan t an d foun d th e substitution o f power fo r righteousness. 35 Isaia h condemne d th e prince s o f Judah a s "rebellious, and companions o f thieves: every one loveth gifts, an d followeth afte r rewards : they judge not the fatherless, neithe r doth th e cause of the widow com e unto them . . . . Therefore sait h the Lord . . . I will tur n my hand upo n thee , an d purely purge awa y thy dross, and take away all thy tin: And I will restore thy judges as at the first, an d thy counsellors a s at the beginning: afterwar d tho u shal t b e called , Th e cit y o f righteousness , th e faithful city." 36 All power pale d beside th e suprem e powe r o f God, an d n o power wa s legitimat e tha t wa s no t i n accordanc e wit h Hi s will. 37 I t i s th e

Old Testament Prophecy |

2

1

central plac e o f the covenan t i n propheti c discours e tha t give s tha t discours e its distinctl y judicial o r lega l character. 38 Despite it s radicalis m an d th e magnitud e o f it s judgment , ther e i s a n element i n prophec y tha t aspire s t o th e mundane . T h e severit y o f th e prophets judgmen t mus t no t b e confuse d wit h hysteria . Vawte r i n fac t describes th e propheti c wor d a s "usuall y calm " an d "matter-of-fact " i n tone, 3 9 an d Westerman n find s th e highl y forma l lega l antecedent s t o th e major literar y prophet s i n th e earl y prophec y o f firs t an d secon d Kings. 40 T h e rationalit y o f prophec y consist s i n it s perfec t consistenc y wit h th e terms o f the covenan t a s reflected i n th e rib pattern o f predicate (accusation ) and consequen t (punishment). 41 Ther e i s a logi c t o propheti c rhetoric , which, onc e th e underlyin g premise s ar e conceded , i s inexorable . What prophec y i s no t i s reasonable . Ego n Bittner , i n th e articl e o n radicalism fo r th e International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, makes a n important distinctio n betwee n reasonablenes s an d rationalit y tha t suggest s the rhetorica l consequence s o f absolut e logos: "Although radicalis m i s char acteristically rationa l o r a t leas t rationalized, " write s Bittner , "i t i s clearl y and implacabl y inconsisten t wit h reasonableness . I n principle , pur e radica l thought an d actio n i s devoi d o f practica l wisdom , o f sensitivit y t o th e occasion, o f opportunisti c economizing , o f th e capacit y t o lear n fro m experience, o f flexibility an d loosenes s o f interest . I n sum , i t lack s tha t bargaining sid e o f intelligenc e tha t characterize s th e conduc t an d thinkin g of'reasonable' persons." 4 2 What Bittne r doe s no t sho w bu t prophec y reveal s ar e th e reason s fo r th e unreason. First , give n a trut h tha t i s absolute , i t make s n o sens e t o tal k o f "practical wisdom, " "sensitivit y t o th e occasion, " "opportunisti c economiz ing," "th e capacit y t o lear n fro m experience, " "flexibilit y an d loosenes s o f interest," o r "bargaining." 4 3 A s a manifestatio n o f God' s will , th e wor d i s absolute an d immutable ; i t i s beyond th e reac h an d powe r o f humankind; i t is sacre d i n th e critica l sens e o f bein g separate , untouchable , pure, 4 4 an d i t exercises it s clai m o n it s auditor s becaus e i t is ; i t canno t b e compromised . Emile Durkhei m expresse d thi s distinctiv e circula r powe r o f th e sacre d "a s expressly obligatory , an d thi s obligatio n i s th e proo f tha t thes e way s o f acting an d thinkin g ar e no t th e wor k o f th e individua l bu t com e fro m a moral powe r abov e him , tha t whic h th e mysti c call s Go d o r whic h ca n b e more scientificall y conceived." 4 5 Secondly , a s a messenger , th e speake r cannot alte r th e messag e withou t violatin g hi s sacre d trust . Indeed , th e fac t of th e sacre d trus t itsel f places th e speake r outsid e th e fram e o f referenc e o f

22 O L

D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC

Y

his audience ; th e speaker' s rol e i s tha t o f th e extremist. 46 Thu s propheti c rhetoric violate s on e o f th e traditiona l function s o f rhetoric b y emphasizin g separation ove r identification. 47 It ma y begi n t o see m tha t prophec y i s no t rhetorica l a t al l sinc e i t lack s the pragmati c orientatio n tha t i s a hallmark o f rhetoric, an d prophecy , wit h its emphasi s o n th e apodictic, doe s threate n whateve r Ramisti c division s w e might wan t t o creat e betwee n rhetori c an d philosoph y i n particular . Bu t prophecy share s wit h rhetori c a situationa l natur e an d a raiso n d'etr e i n ends. 48 T h e propheti c end , however , i s qualitative , no t quantitative ; any thing shor t o f God' s absolut e wil l a s expresse d i n Hi s wor d i s a profanation . "Compromise," Hesche l remind s us , "i s a n attitud e th e prophe t abhors . . . . Other s ma y b e satisfie d wit h improvement , th e prophet s insis t upo n redemption." 4 9 T h e hol y remnant , a s illustrate d i n th e storie s o f N o a h o r Sodom an d Gomorrah , i s mor e valuabl e t o Go d tha n an y contaminate d consensus. T h e prophe t achieve s identificatio n onl y whe n th e hol y remnan t has joined hi m i n th e purit y o f th e wilderness ; th e peopl e mus t com e t o God; H e canno t com e t o them . The preeminen t discours e o f separatio n i n America n history , th e dis course tha t firs t define d u s a s a n America n people , i s tha t o f th e America n Revolution. T h e apparen t contradiction s an d complexit y o f th e rhetori c that accompanie d th e creatio n o f a ne w natio n fro m thirtee n Britis h colo nies continu e t o absor b ou r attention s tw o centurie s afte r th e fact . Certainl y the frequen t biblica l allusion s i n th e rhetori c o f th e Revolutio n confir m our historica l understandin g o f th e importanc e o f th e Bibl e a s a prominen t model o f discours e i n th e live s o f th e colonists, 50 bu t tha t understandin g may reflec t n o mor e tha n a crude imitatio, the superficia l adoptio n o f literar y conceits. T h e mor e fundamenta l paralle l lie s i n th e inflexibl e postur e o f righteousness. Wit h othe r model s o f discours e i n th e colonia l repertoire — the traditio n o f parliamentar y debates , th e speeche s o f Cicero—i s th e special plac e o f biblica l rhetoric , Ol d Testamen t rhetori c i n particular , i n the speeche s an d broadside s o f American Whig s symptomati c o f somethin g more tha n mer e literar y affinity ? Doe s i t perhap s indicat e somethin g abou t the W h i g conceptio n o f themselve s an d thei r messag e a s rooted i n th e logos of Ol d Testamen t prophecy ? Certainl y th e discours e surroundin g a n even t that R o b e r t Bella h ha s boldl y terme d th e provenanc e o f "th e America n civil religion " deserve s analysi s fro m suc h a perspective , an d i n chapte r 3 I will d o so. 51

Old Testament Prophecy |

2

3

The Patho s of Prophecy To b e a prophe t i t i s no t enoug h t o spea k o n behal f o f a n absolut e truth. Whil e thi s ma y satisf y th e etymologica l requirement , th e historica l requirement entail s a tim e o f crisis , fro m th e Gree k krisis, "decision, " o r "judgment." 52 A s R . B . Y. Scot t suggests , The cal l appear s t o hav e com e t o eac h prophe t i n a time o f intellectual an d emotional tension . "Th e yea r tha t Kin g Uzzia h died " marke d th e en d o f an epoch. Th e socia l strain s followin g Jeroboa m s wars an d a serie s o f natura l calamities appea r i n th e page s o f Amos a s affecting al l but th e ver y wealthy . Hosea spok e ou t o f a welte r o f vic e an d confusion , borderin g o n anarch y Micah crie d ou t tha t the citie s were draining the lifeblood fro m th e country side, an d a foreign invasio n mus t shortl y com e t o complet e th e destruction . Jeremiah an d Zephania h bega n t o prophes y whe n th e worl d empir e o f th e Assyrians was tottering unde r th e onslaugh t o f barbarian hordes , which wer e soon t o appea r o n th e norther n horizo n o f Palestine. Nahu m shoute d tha t Nineveh wa s about t o fall with a world-shaking crash. 53 C o m m o n t o thes e critica l time s i s a sens e o f overwhelmin g threat , a sens e that, i n it s intensity , achieve s psychoti c proportions , a threa t t o th e self definition o f a people . Jiirgen Haberma s find s crisi s "whe n member s o f a societ y experienc e structural alteration s a s critica l fo r continue d existenc e an d fee l thei r socia l identity threatened . . . . Disturbance s o f syste m integratio n endange r con tinued existenc e onl y t o th e exten t tha t social integration is a t stake , tha t is , when th e consensua l foundation s o f normativ e structure s ar e s o muc h impaired tha t th e societ y become s anomic . Crisi s state s assum e th e for m of a disintegratio n o f socia l institutions." 54 Stressin g "disintegration " an d "anomie," Haberma s present s a tim e o f chaos , a tim e literall y withou t law . T h e impac t o f anomic state s is suggested b y Pete r Berge r w h o find s i n the m a failur e b y societ y t o perfor m it s mos t importan t function , th e impositio n of orde r o n th e world . Consequently , th e individua l "lose s hi s orientatio n in experience " and , i n extrem e cases , "hi s sens e o f realit y an d identity." 55 Amplifying Berge r s conception , Joh n Smit h define s crise s a s "time s w h e n the purpos e o f life a s such come s int o questio n an d whe n w e hav e th e sens e that lif e i s being judged, no t i n it s details , bu t a s a whole . . . the crisi s time s fill u s wit h a sens e o f th e finitud e an d frailt y o f man , o f ou r creatureliness , of ou r dependenc e upo n resource s beyon d ou r own , an d o f ou r nee d t o find a supremel y worshipfu l realit y t o w h o m w e ca n devot e ourselve s without reserve. " 56

24 I

OLD TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

Against crisis , against chaos , th e prophe t posit s sacre d judgment, replicat ing th e origina l orderin g o f creatio n b y God . Clau s Westermann , i n hi s widely cite d wor k o n th e form s o f propheti c speech , ask s th e question , "What i s the specificall y propheti c speec h form? " an d answers , "I f we loo k back no w t o earlie r work , w e ca n se e tha t som e agreemen t ha d bee n reached o n on e point . Th e announcemen t o f judgmen t t o thei r ow n nation, alon g wit h th e reaso n give n i n th e accusation , wa s recognize d b y al l as th e mos t essential , th e mos t important , o r th e mos t frequen t propheti c speech form." 5 7 Westerman n concede s tha t th e adven t o f th e writin g prophets an d thei r judgments agains t th e natio n rathe r tha n th e judgment s against individual s characteristi c o f th e preliterar y prophet s cause d som e changes i n th e for m o f th e propheti c judgment-speech . Th e for m becam e freer, mor e complex , an d mor e reflectiv e o f th e individua l prophet' s styl e and circumstance . Amon g th e change s h e note s i n th e transitio n fro m th e preliterary prophet s t o th e literar y prophet s ar e (i ) a n emphasi s o n on e par t (accusation o r announcement ) o f th e judgmen t ove r th e other , sometime s the complet e eliminatio n o f on e o f th e part s fro m th e speec h itsel f (al though i t i s usuall y implied ) an d (2 ) th e eliminatio n o f th e messenge r formula o r th e relocatio n o f i t t o th e beginnin g o f th e speech . Neithe r o f these changes , however , altere d th e fundamenta l natur e o f th e prophet' s speech: "tha t whic h i s essentia l i s no t th e externa l balanc e o f emphasi s no r the adherenc e t o a pattern , bu t th e correspondenc e o f th e judgmen t o f God an d th e guil t o f th e peopl e whic h i s require d b y th e proceedings. " 5 8 Westermann maintain s tha t th e propheti c judgment-speec h preserve d th e essential characteristic s tha t relat e i t t o th e historica l developmen t o f th e genre an d unit e th e writing s o f th e literar y prophet s unde r on e "basic form." 5 9 Wha t remain s constan t i n al l th e speeche s i s th e essentia l j u d g ment-speech, "th e announcemen t o f Yahweh' s judgment t o th e peopl e fo r a transgression. " 6 0 The ide a o f a basi c for m o f propheti c speec h help s clarif y th e natur e o f the prophe t an d hi s discourse . Th e prophe t i s a n accuse r an d judge; 6 1 h e i s called int o bein g whe n th e la w ha s bee n violated , a critica l time . Th e prophet announce s bot h th e charge s an d th e verdic t o f Go d o r natur e against th e transgressor s o f the law : "Wo e t o thos e w h o devis e wickedness, " proclaimed th e prophe t Micah , and wor k evi l upo n thei r beds ! When th e mornin g dawns , the y perfor m it , because i t i s in th e powe r o f thei r hand . The y cove t fields , an d seiz e them ; and houses , an d tak e the m away ; the y oppres s a man an d hi s house , a ma n

Old Testament Prophecy \

2 5

and hi s inheritance . Therefor e thu s say s th e LORD : Behold , agains t thi s family I a m devisin g evil , fro m whic h yo u canno t remov e you r necks ; an d you shal l not wal k haughtily , fo r i t will be a n evi l time. 62 W h e n th e worldl y succes s o f those w h o d o evi l confuse s belie f in th e good , the prophe t reestablishe s th e powe r o f Yahweh' s la w an d restore s clarit y t o the world . In th e proclamatio n o f Mica h ther e i s evidenced , no t onl y th e for m o f the judgment-speech, bu t als o somethin g o f it s character , a glimps e o f th e omnivorous patho s behin d it . I n a wor d ofte n use d i n Englis h translation s of th e Ol d Testament , i t reek s o f vengeance , o f th e ange r o f betrayal . Abraham Hesche l i n particula r remind s u s o f "th e centralit y o f pathos " i n prophetic discourse , an d find s God' s wrat h t o b e a manifestatio n o f tha t pathos. A s oppose d t o th e god s o f th e Greeks , Hesche l reveal s th e Hebre w God t o b e a compassionat e go d whos e concer n fo r Hi s creatio n i s b o u n d less; Hi s covenan t wit h Hi s chose n peopl e i s a grea t gif t o f love . Throug h the term s o f th e covenant , accordin g t o th e condition s reveale d therein , Yahweh bind s Hi s ow n conduct . The condition s o f th e covenan t provid e th e reason s o r th e rationalit y fo r the propheti c logos conceived a s justice. N o w i t ca n b e see n ho w the y als o form th e basi s fo r th e propheti c pathos. 63 Justice , a s prescribe d b y th e covenant, i s a painfu l an d unsparin g ideal . A s Yahwe h i s boun d agains t capricious action , H e i s a s muc h boun d t o punis h Hi s peopl e w h e n the y have rejecte d th e covenan t a s H e i s t o rewar d the m wit h Hi s blessing s when the y hav e bee n faithful . Hesche l disclose s i n God' s wrath , no t th e intemperate passio n s o feare d b y th e Greek s an d thei r intellectua l heirs , bu t the ange r o f a loving Go d upo n bein g mad e t o punis h Hi s people. 6 4 Bruc e Vawter capture s th e essenc e o f th e deit y detaile d b y Hesche l whe n h e describes "thi s Go d o f pathos , thi s Go d w h o cares , w h o weep s ove r hi s own inexorabl e justice." 65 Judgment i s a consequenc e o f th e fal l o f humankind , th e failur e t o maintain th e term s o f th e covenant , a failur e t o participat e i n th e divin e pathos o r will . S o understood , i t disclose s th e basi s o f th e alienatio n o f th e sacred. Th e sacre d i s alway s separate , alway s beyon d th e reac h o f mortals , but i n judgmen t i t i s als o antagonistic , Go d i n oppositio n t o humankind , thesis versu s antithesis . I n thi s antagonis m lie s th e agon y o f krisis, th e sens e of disintegration , o f despair , tha t characterize s critica l times . T h e relie f o f agon y require s a new synthesis . T o b e restore d t o grace , th e people mus t experienc e a revival o f pathos, a resurrection fro m thei r spiritua l

26 O| L

D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

death, fo r a s Northro p Fry e notes , th e rea l enemie s o f "th e myt h o f concern" "ar e no t thos e who oppos e but thos e wh o ar e indifferent," thos e who ar e unable t o fee l abhorrenc e a t the world a s it is. 66 God s ange r is the motive fo r thi s revival . Fo r Heschel , th e ange r o f Go d i s "th e en d o f indifference."67 Yahweh s patho s stand s agains t th e a-patho s o r apath y o f humankind, humankin d a s it ha s become inure d t o th e demand s o f justice and righteousness , t o th e need s o f th e powerless. 68 Th e prophet , b y hi s calling, becomes th e vessel of Yahwehs pathos, a symbol of divine compas sion, and a vehicle for th e reconciliatio n o f humanity t o God . Reflecting it s sacred cause, the synthesis is extreme; it must be genuinel y transcendent; i t i s not a compromise o f the tw o opposin g elements , bu t i n the Ol d Testamen t metaphor, a purification. A s Leo Strauss reminds us, "I n every attempt a t harmonization, i n ever y synthesis however impressive, on e of th e tw o oppose d element s i s sacrificed , mor e o r les s subtl y bu t i n an y event surely , t o th e other." 69 Fo r th e peopl e o f Israe l an d Juda h t o b e restored to God's grace, they must rise above themselves, restore the sanctity of th e roo t principle s o f thei r society , stan d outsid e thei r curren t mora l torpor. Thi s i s th e exampl e provide d b y th e prophet . Th e oppositio n between th e firs t perso n singula r an d th e secon d person plural in propheti c discourse i s both a measure o f the prophet' s estrangemen t fro m hi s peopl e and of the distanc e o f the people from God . Th e prophe t doe s not spea k as a member o f the grou p h e i s addressing; h e doe s no t spea k i n th e inclusiv e "we." A s a messenger , th e prophe t speak s i n th e voic e o f th e divin e "I, " and the messag e of judgment i s against "you " th e people. Assuming th e voic e o f th e divin e "I, " the prophe t present s th e ethos o f God i n a radica l confrontatio n wit h Hi s people . In th e revelatio n o f th e compassionate natur e o f tha t ethos an d it s agon y i n critica l time s lie s th e great pathos i n propheti c discourse. 70 Suc h expression , fa r fro m fraudulen t rhetorical practice , i s the onl y hones t representatio n o f the natur e o f God's judgment. "Emotio n enter s prose no t onl y as disguises for slippin g into th e reader's confidence, " write s Richar d Ohmann , "bu t a s sheer expressio n o f self. Complete honest y demand s tha t th e write r [o r speaker] no t onl y stat e his ideas accurately, bu t als o take a n emotiona l stance." 71 Onl y i n revealin g God's wrath doe s the prophet full y revea l God's will. In propheti c discourse , then , w e fin d th e horribl e anguis h o f Yahweh s alienation fro m Hi s people an d a n overwhelmin g desir e for reunion . Rec onciliation, though, canno t be achieved through adjustmen t o f the message, but onl y throug h purificatio n o f the audience . I n th e fir e metapho r o f th e prophets, w e confron t th e violen t an d destructiv e sid e o f purification. " O

Old Testament Prophecy |

2

7

house o f David , thu s sait h th e L O R D ; Execut e judgmen t i n th e morning , and delive r him that is spoiled ou t o f th e han d o f th e oppressor , les t m y fur y go ou t lik e fire , an d bur n tha t non e ca n quenc h it, becaus e o f th e evi l o f your doings." 7 2 "Bu t w h o ma y abid e th e da y o f hi s coming? " ask s th e prophet Malachi , "an d w h o shal l stan d whe n h e appeareth ? Fo r h e i s lik e a refiners fire , an d lik e th e fullers ' soap . . . . An d h e shal l si t as a refine r an d purifier o f silver : an d h e shal l purif y th e son s o f Levi , an d purg e the m a s gold an d silver , tha t the y ma y offe r unt o th e L O R D a n offerin g i n righ teousness. T h e n shal l th e offerin g o f Judah an d Jerusalem b e pleasan t unt o the L O R D a s i n th e day s o f old , an d a s i n forme r years." 7 3 T h e prophe t demands tha t th e peopl e giv e u p thei r worldl y comfort s an d follo w hi m into th e purit y o f th e wilderness . Regeneratio n i s a necessary propaedeuti c to reunio n i n propheti c discourse ; Jeremiah shatter s th e vesse l i n orde r tha t it ma y b e remolded. 7 4 In remoldin g o r reformatio n lie s th e essentia l optimis m o f th e propheti c judgment. Fo r al l th e terro r o f God' s wrath , purificatio n promise s a resolu tion o f crisis . T h e spiritua l wildernes s i s hars h an d exacting , bu t i t i s als o invigorating; i t provide s a n opportunit y fo r th e reassertio n o f th e sel f a s against th e atroph y induce d b y profan e comforts , an d it s vastnes s an d incipient powe r rekindle s a worshipfu l attitud e towar d tha t whic h i s large r than th e self . Furthermore , th e mora l statu s o f th e wildernes s i s unambigu ous; i t i s no t pollute d o r corrupted ; i t i s virgi n an d innocent , thu s th e quality o f one' s participatio n i s assured ; th e burden s o f th e wildernes s d o not includ e tha t mos t grievou s o f burdens, doubt . Certainly on e o f th e mos t passionat e an d divisiv e rhetoric s i n America n history i s the rhetori c o f the radica l abolitionists . T h e debate s ove r strategie s and tactic s tha t s o divide d th e abolitio n movemen t itsel f continu e i n th e scholarship o f historian s an d student s o f rhetori c today . A s a prominen t spokesman fo r th e abolitionis t caus e an d a s on e o f it s mor e articulat e theoreticians, Wendel l Phillip s provide s a n excellen t subjec t fo r a n examina tion o f radical judgment fro m th e perspectiv e o f prophecy i n chapte r 4 .

The Prophetic Ethos At th e cente r o f propheti c rhetori c i s th e propheti c ethos. "Statement s o f belief o r concer n ar e existential, " Fry e remind s us , "an d therefor e on e ver y obvious contex t fo r them , apar t fro m doctrina l synthesi s i s th e lif e o f th e person w h o make s o r inspire s them , an d w h o i s usuall y a leade r o r a

28 I

OLD TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

culture-hero o f som e kind." 7 5 A s th e messenge r o f God' s judgment , th e prophet present s himsel f no t a s hero , bu t a s God' s servant . T h e rol e i s on e of submission t o God' s call , a s suggested b y th e etymolog y o f the wor d nabi, a Hebre w wor d closel y associate d wit h prophec y i n th e Bible . Abraha m Heschel believe s nabi to b e associate d wit h th e Akkadia n ver b fo r "t o call" : 11 Nabi, then , woul d mean , literally , on e w h o i s calle d (b y God) , on e w h o has a vocation (fro m God) , a s well a s on e w h o i s subjec t t o th e influenc e o f a demo n o r a fals e god , an d w h o retain s th e conditio n impose d upo n hi m by tha t cal l o r influence." 76 Heschel's definitio n i s importan t becaus e i t highlight s th e elemen t o f subjugation i n th e call . Th e rol e o f th e prophe t i s no t a role on e seeks ; i t i s a rol e wit h whic h on e i s burdened . I n th e word s o f Jeremiah, perhap s th e most reluctan t prophet , O Lord , tho u has t deceived me , an d I was deceived: tho u ar t stronger tha n I , and has t prevailed: I am in derisio n daily , every on e mocket h me . Fo r since I spake, I crie d out , I crie d violenc e an d spoil ; becaus e th e wor d o f the Lor d was made a reproach unt o me , an d a derision, daily . The n I said , I will no t make mentio n o f him , no r spea k anymor e i n hi s name . Bu t his word was i n mine hear t a s a burnin g fir e shu t u p i n m y bones , an d I wa s wear y wit h forbearing, an d I could no t stay.11 T h e firs t vers e o f thi s passag e become s eve n mor e poignan t i n Heschel' s translation: " O Lord , T h o u has t seduce d me , An d I a m seduced ; T h o u has t raped m e An d I a m overcome." 7 8 Th e wil l o f th e prophe t i s overpowere d and completel y subjugate d t o th e wil l o f God . A s R . B . Y . Scot t describe s the experience , The consciousnes s o f the prophe t tha t h e ha d withi n hi m a word expressin g the divin e will show s itsel f i n th e sens e o f compulsio n unde r whic h h e labored. Hi s missio n wa s no t o f hi s ow n choosing . . . . Huma n prudenc e would keep silent, but th e divine word must find utterance . Isaiah felt himsel f sent ou t wit h a hopeless an d impossibl e task , an d th e storie s o f Elijah an d o f Jonah illustrat e ho w som e prophets woul d fai n hav e escape d from th e relent less wil l whic h drov e the m on . Fro m th e beginnin g Jeremiah proteste d i n vain agains t th e charg e tha t wa s lai d upo n him ; i n a n exces s o f agon y h e cursed th e da y he ha d been born t o labor and sorrow an d shame. 79 T h e surrende r o f th e prophet' s wil l t o Yahwe h i s mos t dramaticall y presented i n th e birt h account s relate d b y th e prophets . Jeremiah , fo r example, wa s bor n t o prophesy : "Befor e I forme d the e i n th e bell y I kne w thee; an d befor e tho u earnes t fort h ou t o f the w o m b I sanctifie d thee , and I

Old Testament Prophecy |

2 9

ordained the e a prophe t unt o th e nations." 8 0 Isaia h als o speak s o f bein g formed i n th e w o m b t o b e a prophet. 8 1 I t i s not alway s clea r whethe r th e prophets ar e speaking literall y o f their birt h o r metaphoricall y o f a "secon d b i r t h " — t h e i r conversio n o r calling . Al l th e prophet s ha d suc h a n experi ence, whic h serve d t o impos e a ne w teleolog y o n thei r lives , an d i t seem s natural t o expres s thi s even t i n term s o f rebirth. Jonahs expulsio n fro m th e belly o f th e whale , fo r example , ha s traditionall y bee n viewe d a s a meta phorical expressio n o f a second birt h t o a life o f prophecy . William Jame s wrot e o f th e proces s o f bein g twice-bor n a s an elemen t involved i n th e unification o f the self : Now i n al l o f us , howeve r constituted , bu t t o a degre e th e greate r i n proportion a s we are intense an d sensitive an d subject t o diversified tempta tion, an d t o th e greates t possibl e degre e i f we ar e decidedl y psychopathic , does th e norma l evolutio n o f characte r chiefl y consis t i n th e straightenin g out an d unifyin g o f the inne r self . Th e highe r an d th e lowe r feelings , th e useful an d the errin g impulses , begi n b y being a comparative chao s withi n us—they mus t en d by forming a stable syste m o f functions i n right subordi nation.82 "To b e converted, " continue d James , "t o b e regenerated , t o receiv e grace , to experienc e religion , t o gai n a n assurance , ar e s o man y phrase s whic h denote th e process , gradua l o r sudden , b y whic h a sel f hithert o divided , and consciousl y wron g inferio r an d unhappy , become s unifie d an d con sciously righ t superio r an d happy , i n consequenc e o f its firme r hol d upo n religious realities." 83 Applie d t o th e prophet , rebirt h i s a mechanis m fo r overcoming th e anxiet y o f chao s b y th e complet e subordinatio n o f the sel f to th e divin e will ; th e prophe t exchange s sel f fo r certitude , th e absolut e negation o f chaos. 84 I t i s fro m thi s positio n tha t th e prophe t make s hi s criticism o f hi s society ; th e prophe t stand s a s a synecdocha l realizatio n o f God's will . James stresse s th e persona l an d th e egoisti c sid e o f rebirth , bu t i t woul d be wron g t o undervalu e th e magnitud e o f th e propheti c sacrific e i n th e achievement o f righteousnes s o r t o reduc e conversio n simpl y t o psycho pathological gratification . Salvatio n i s no t withou t it s cost , an d i t i s a shallow criticis m t o se e in th e experienc e o f grac e nothin g bu t th e merce nary motive . I n orde r t o b e reborn , th e prophe t mus t firs t fac e wha t w e most dread , death. 85 Deat h i s suggeste d b y th e remova l o f th e individua l from th e world i n a n act of consecration. Asceticis m i s an expressio n o f thi s separation, a n assertio n o f principle i n oppositio n t o worldl y practice . T h e

30 |

OL D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

prophet i s place d in extremis t o th e accepte d routine s o f life. 86 Margare t Zulick find s "th e ful l expressio n o f the 'ago n o f Jeremiah' " i n "th e vindica tion o f th e word , agains t th e people , a t th e expens e o f th e (human ) lif e o f the prophet." 8 7 Gerhar d vo n R a d expresse s thi s sacrificia l aspec t o f th e calling a s a "gul f which separate s th e prophet s fro m thei r past " s o dee p tha t "none o f thei r previou s socia l relationship s ar e carrie d ove r int o th e ne w way o f life." 88 T h e profoun d discontinuit y betwee n th e ol d lif e an d th e new note d b y vo n Rad , th e en d o f ol d socia l relationships , represent s a kind o f death . The weigh t o f th e burde n i s atteste d t o man y time s b y th e prophets , perhaps nowher e mor e stridentl y tha n i n Jeremiah' s curs e o f hi s (re)birt h which i s symbolized a s an unwelcom e expulsio n fro m a death-like existenc e and fro m th e possibilit y o f death : Cursed be the da y wherei n I was born ; le t no t th e da y wherei n m y mothe r bare m e b e blessed . Curse d be the ma n wh o brough t tiding s t o m y father , saying, A ma n chil d i s born unt o thee ; makin g hi m ver y glad . An d le t tha t man b e a s th e citie s whic h th e Lor d overthrew , an d repente d not ; an d le t him hea r th e cr y i n th e morning , an d th e shoutin g a t noontide ; Becaus e h e slew me no t fro m th e womb ; o r tha t m y mother migh t hav e been m y grave, and he r wom b to be always great with me. Wherefore I came fort h ou t o f the womb t o se e labou r an d sorrow , tha t m y day s shoul d b e consume d wit h shame?89 Nietzsche, thoug h hi s criticis m o f th e asceti c idea l i s hars h i n th e extrem e (according t o James, a sympto m o f Nietzsche' s ow n sickl y soul) , testifie s t o the genuinenes s o f th e mortification . " N o r wil l th e reade r doubt, " h e writes, "tha t th e joy fel t b y th e self-denying , self-sacrificing , selfles s perso n was fro m th e ver y star t a cruel joy."9 0 Nietzsch e i s undoubtedl y correc t i n identifying a masochisti c impuls e operatin g here , par t o f th e parado x o f prophecy—the pleasur e i n sufferin g an d denial , th e exercis e o f th e wil l through self-sacrifice , freedo m throug h subordination . W h a t h e refuse s t o recognize i s th e assertio n o f strengt h i n suffering . Again , th e Aristotelia n idea o f virtue , especiall y a s realize d b y th e Epicureans , virtu e a s th e wil l t o do right , i s illuminating . For th e communit y confronte d b y th e prophet , th e proble m i s on e o f authenticating th e prophet' s call. 91 I f th e cal l i s genuine , ther e ca n b e n o disputation o f the message . A s Burke Lon g writes : "Fo r th e storyteller , w h o accepts Jeremiah' s authority , rejectio n o f th e prophe t i s tantamoun t t o rejection o f God , an d t o bringin g abou t God' s calamit y (26:19) . Fro m th e

Old Testament Prophecy |

3

1

same partisa n standpoint , Jeremia h 29:3 2 term s oppositio n t o Jeremia h a s 'rebellion agains t th e Lord. ' " 9 2 A s i s th e cas e wit h th e prophet s charg e against th e recalcitrant , th e community' s onl y optio n fo r disputin g th e prophet i s ad personam; th e tendenc y o f radical confrontation s t o degenerat e into name-callin g session s i s understandabl e i n thi s context . Presentin g hi s ethos a s nugatory , consume d i n th e divin e ethos, th e prophe t succeed s i n making hi s ethos, the authenticit y o f hi s call , th e paramoun t question . Jame s Crenshaw term s thi s "th e Achilles-hee l o f ancien t prophecy, " "namel y th e absence o f an y validatio n fo r a propheti c word . . . . T h e prophe t wa s particularly vulnerabl e sinc e h e claime d t o spea k wha t anothe r ha d c o m m u nicated t o him , ye t whe n challenge d a s t o th e sourc e o f hi s word , h e coul d only affir m tha t Go d ha d indee d summone d him , sen t th e vision , spoke n the word." 9 3 Against claim s tha t thei r ecstati c certitud e an d extrem e passio n ar e manifestations o f G o d s will , prophet s hav e historicall y encountere d crie s o f "fanatic" an d "madman" ; fo r thei r postur e a s witnesses—those w h o know , witan—prophets hav e characteristicall y bee n martyred , a wor d whic h comes fro m a Lati n transliteratio n o f a Gree k wor d fo r witness . A s th e Inquisitor i n Georg e Bernar d Shaw' s Saint Joan solemnl y declares , "Fo r tw o hundred year s th e Hol y Offic e ha s strive n wit h thes e diabolica l madnesses ; and i t know s tha t the y begi n alway s b y vai n an d ignoran t person s settin g u p their ow n judgmen t agains t th e Church , an d takin g i t upo n themselve s t o be th e interpreter s o f God' s will." 9 4 Convenin g th e tribuna l tha t wil l hea r Joan's case , th e Inquisito r continues , "Go d forbi d tha t I shoul d tel l yo u t o harden you r hearts ; fo r he r punishmen t i f we condem n he r wil l b e s o crue l that w e shoul d forfei t ou r ow n hop e o f divin e merc y wer e ther e on e grai n of malice agains t he r i n ou r hearts . Bu t i f you hat e cruelty—an d i f any ma n here doe s no t hat e i t I comman d hi m o n hi s soul' s salvatio n t o qui t thi s holy c o u r t — I say , i f you hat e cruelty , remembe r tha t nothin g i s so crue l i n its consequence s a s th e toleratio n o f heresy." 95 Joan , o f course , i s firs t burned fo r he r "diabolica l madness " bu t late r canonized . T h e histor y o f prophecy i s a histor y o f martyrdom. 9 6 O n th e even t o f he r canonization , Shaw's Joan return s t o visi t he r judges, an d i t i s Caucho n w h o phrase s th e human dilemm a i n th e fac e o f th e prophe t whe n h e pleads , " T h e hereti c i s always bette r dead . An d morta l eye s canno t distinguis h th e sain t fro m th e heretic. Spar e them. " 9 7 T h e proble m o f th e propheti c ethos lies i n th e natur e o f charisma . Ma x Weber define d th e prophe t a s " a purel y individua l beare r o f charisma , w h o b y virtu e o f hi s missio n proclaim s a religiou s doctrin e o r divin e

32 I

OLD TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

commandment." 9 8 I t i s th e cal l that , fo r Weber , distinguishe s th e prophe t from th e priest : " T h e latte r lay s clai m t o authorit y b y virtu e o f hi s servic e in a sacre d tradition , whil e th e prophet' s clai m i s base d o n persona l revela tion an d charisma. " " Bruc e Vawte r amplifie s an d clarifie s Weber' s concep tion o f th e prophet' s call : " T h e prophet s o f Israel , whos e word s w e hav e i n the book s tha t bea r thei r names , foun d thei r credential s no t i n an y officia l position the y ma y hav e enjoyed , bu t i n thei r direc t cal l b y Go d himself . T o adapt anothe r terminolog y t o them , thei r statu s wa s no t hierarchica l bu t charismatic." 10 ° Weber define d charism a a s "a certai n qualit y o f an individ ual personalit y b y virtu e o f whic h h e i s se t apar t fro m ordinar y me n an d treated a s endowe d wit h supernatural , superhuman , o r a t leas t specificall y exceptional power s o r qualities . Thes e ar e suc h a s ar e no t accessibl e t o th e ordinary person , bu t ar e regarde d a s o f divin e origi n o r a s exemplary , an d on th e basi s o f the m th e individua l i s treated a s a leader." 101 Overholt an d Vawte r bot h poin t t o a n extraordinar y an d persona l expe rience a s the sourc e o f prophecy, an d Weber' s definitio n o f charism a betray s an uncomfortabl e tensio n betwee n th e experienc e an d it s recognition . T h e means o f validation , derivin g a s the y d o fro m a sacre d source , ar e beyon d the reac h o f th e people ; charism a i s a n irrationa l concept. 1 0 2 I t i s th e prophet's burde n t o mak e th e extraordinary , invisible , an d persona l under standable, visible , an d public ; th e prophet' s presentatio n mus t someho w validate hi s commission . Consisten t wit h th e characte r o f servitude , th e message o f th e prophe t mus t bea r continuin g testimon y t o hi s helplessnes s and los s o f self, particularl y sel f as conceived a s a rational calculatin g faculty ; through effacemen t o f th e self , th e prophe t strive s t o presen t th e uncolore d word o f Yahweh. Th e studie d anonymit y o f th e autho r o f the servan t song s of Deutero-Isaiah i s an extrem e exampl e o f this tendency. 103 Deutero-Isaia h does no t spea k i n hi s ow n voice , bu t i s give n "th e tongu e o f th e learned , that I shoul d kno w ho w t o spea k a word i n seaso n t o him that is weary." 104 Failure o f th e perso n o f th e prophe t is , almos t b y definition , necessar y t o his succes s a s God' s servant . Persona l succes s i s self-servin g an d vitiate s th e purity o f divin e motive . Martyrdom i s th e ultimat e sacrific e o f sel f t o dut y o r commitment . A s an outwar d manifestatio n o f th e prophet' s sacrifice , martyrdo m i s a mean s of makin g publi c an d visibl e th e private , persona l submissio n t o th e call ; reflecting th e natur e o f charisma , i t i s th e perfec t irrationa l act . Kennet h Burke find s i n martyrdo m a kin d o f exhibitionism, 105 an d th e suffering s o f the prophet s wer e ofte n intende d a s allegory : Jeremiah' s yoke , Isaiah' s nakedness, an d Hosea' s wif e com e immediatel y t o mind . Mor e importan t

Old Testament Prophecy |

3

3

for a bewildere d people , th e willingnes s t o suffe r i s th e mos t compellin g evidence o f th e abandonmen t o f th e self . T h e logi c o f commitmen t de mands tha t th e onl y appropriat e postur e i n th e fac e o f persecutio n b e resignation. S o i t i s tha t F . G . Baile y detect s " a pervasiv e connectio n between emotion , fait h an d suffering, " a s th e severa l meaning s o f th e wor d "passion" suggest. 106 T h e exemplar y cas e i n Wester n mytholog y is , o f course, th e passio n o f Christ , a passio n firml y grounde d i n th e propheti c tradition o f th e Ol d Testament. 107 Although th e discussio n her e i s heavily freighte d wit h pathologica l over tones, i t als o reveals , onc e w e hav e accepte d th e possibilit y o f th e spiritua l dimension, a n interna l logic : martyrdo m i s a perfectl y reasonabl e presenta tion o f th e claim s o f sacre d commission . Jame s i s th e firs t t o war n tha t charges o f psychopatholog y ar e no t a n adequat e assessmen t o f th e spiritua l value o f th e prophe t s mission . "Thei r value, " James writes , "ca n onl y b e ascertained b y spiritua l judgment s directl y passe d upo n them , judgment s based o n ou r ow n immediat e feelin g primarily ; an d secondaril y o n wha t we ca n ascertai n o f their experientia l relation s t o ou r mora l need s an d t o th e rest o f wha t w e hol d a s true." 1 0 8 James late r characterize s th e psychopathi c temperament a s containin g "th e emotionalit y whic h i s th e sine qua non o f moral perception. " H e continues , We hav e th e intensit y an d tendenc y t o emphasi s whic h ar e th e essenc e o f practical mora l vigor ; an d w e hav e th e lov e o f metaphysic s an d mysticis m which carr y one' s interest s beyon d th e surfac e o f th e sensibl e world . What , then, i s mor e natura l tha n tha t thi s temperamen t shoul d introduc e on e t o regions o f religiou s truth , t o corner s o f th e universe , whic h you r robus t Philistine typ e o f nervou s system , foreve r offerin g it s bicep s t o b e felt , thumping it s breast, an d thankin g Heave n tha t i t hasn' t a single morbi d fibr e in it s composition , woul d b e sur e t o hid e foreve r fro m it s self-satisfie d possessors?109 Finally, James note s o f saintliness tha t "th e bes t fruit s o f religious experienc e are th e bes t thing s tha t histor y ha s t o show." 1 1 0 Whatever th e motive s o f th e prophet , hi s valu e lie s i n hi s reception , th e quality o f th e ethos presented t o hi s auditors . Charisma , w e ar e reminded , i s only validate d whe n recognized ; i t i s a socia l phenomenon. 1 1 1 An d i f th e recognition o f charism a depend s o n recognitio n o f th e qualit y o f th e birth , the calling , onl y i n th e qualit y o f th e death , i t stand s t o reaso n tha t sainthood i s alway s posthu mo us. Consisten t wit h th e metaphor s o f birt h an d death, an d illustrate d vividl y i n th e Gospels , th e proble m o f th e propheti c

34 |

OL D TESTAMEN T PROPHEC Y

office i s biographical, an d ther e i s a rea l sense , a s von Ra d point s out , i n which i t can only be judged i n its completion, i n the en d o f the prophet. I t was necessary fo r Joan t o b e burne d befor e sh e coul d b e canonized , an d i t was necessar y fo r Chris t t o b e crucifie d befor e h e coul d b e resurrected. 112 As James write s o f Sain t Paul , "Fro m th e biologica l poin t o f vie w Sain t Paul wa s a failure , becaus e h e wa s beheaded . Ye t h e wa s magnificentl y adapted t o th e large r environmen t o f history ; an d s o fa r a s an y sain t s example i s a leave n o f righteousnes s i n th e world , an d draw s i t i n th e direction o f mor e prevalen t habit s o f saintliness , h e i s a success, n o matte r what hi s bad fortune ma y be." 113 Considered a s biography , th e propheti c ethos i s a kin d o f legend . Th e prophetic lif e a s presented b y the prophet an d his disciples becomes it s ow n rhetoric, an d i t mus t b e judged accordin g t o th e exampl e i t presents , no t according t o it s motive, whic h w e ca n neve r kno w wit h assuranc e anyway , nor eve n accordin g t o it s stric t historica l veracity , bu t accordin g t o it s aspirations an d t o th e sympathie s i t creates . Margaret Zulic k state s th e cas e with respec t t o Jeremiah thi s way: "The ver y act o f preserving the memor y of suc h a lif e i n a narrative , i t seems , consume s th e lif e w e ar e telling . Henceforth, tha t lif e wil l be known , an d changed , onl y b y ou r retellin g it . In n o othe r wa y ca n i t surviv e t o cas t it s voic e i n socia l memory , an d t o shape in tur n th e narrative s o f those wh o respond." 114 I n chapte r 5 , I tur n to a n examinatio n o f th e propheti c ethos i n th e exampl e o f Eugene Debs , one o f Americ a s mos t conspicuou s radica l failures , yet a ma n wh o ha s inspired on e o f th e mos t perdurabl e an d generou s legacie s i n America n thought outsid e Georg e Washington an d Abraham Lincoln. 115

3

Prophecy a s Sacre d Trut h Self-Evidence and Righteousness in the American Revolution

I am the Lord , I have called you i n righteousness , I have taken you b y the hand an d kept you; I have given you a s a covenant t o th e people, a light to th e nations ; To open th e eye s that ar e blind, t o bring ou t th e prisoners fro m th e dungeon , fro m th e prison thos e who si t in dark ness. —Isaia h 42:6—7 And i t shall come t o pass afterward, tha t I will pour ou t m y spirit o n all flesh; your son s and your daughter s shal l prophesy, your ol d me n shall dream dreams , and your young men shal l see visions. —Joel 2:2 8

In 1764 , Stephe n Hopkin s i n "A n Essa y o n th e Trad e o f th e Northern Colonies " abjure d resistanc e t o curren t law s limitin g America n trade, averrin g t o hi s countryme n tha t "thei r whol e expectation s o f relief , depend altogethe r o n a prope r applicatio n t o th e Britis h legislature. " Wit h this appeal , Hopkin s reveal s a colonist s fait h i n " a Kin g w h o delight s i n doing goo d t o al l hi s subjects ; t o a peerage , wis e an d accurate , guide d b y the principle s o f hono r an d beneficence ; an d t o a representativ e bod y penetrating an d prudent , w h o conside r th e goo d o f th e whole , an d mak e that th e measur e o f thei r publi c resolves." x Hopkin s expresse s her e tw o important characteristic s o f pre-Revolutionar y colonia l thought : first , American colonists , includin g th e Whigs , ha d a stron g attachmen t t o thei r identities a s Britis h subjects , an d second , th e colonist s sough t t o preserv e that identit y throug h reconciliatio n wit h th e mothe r country. 2 T h e attitud e of propitiatio n assume d b y Hopkin s i s eviden t ove r th e cours e o f W h i g protest, thoug h fait h i n specifi c agencie s o f th e Britis h governmen t flagged and failed . Eve n a s the y too k u p arm s agains t th e mothe r country , th e

35

36 I

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

members o f th e Secon d Continenta l Congres s maintaine d a pose o f unim peachable temperance : "W e fo r te n year s incessantl y an d ineffectuall y b e sieged th e Thron e a s supplicants ; w e reasoned , w e remonstrate d wit h parliament, i n th e mos t mil d an d decen t language . Bu t Administration , sensible tha t w e shoul d regar d thes e oppressiv e measure s a s freeme n ough t to do , sen t ove r fleets an d armie s t o enforc e them . . . . Fruitless wer e al l th e entreaties, arguments." 3 Although Bernar d Bailyn , lik e th e Whig s themselves , find s W h i g pam phlets "essentiall y decorou s an d reasonable," 4 notin g o f the m i n thei r "business lik e sanity " tha t "th e pamphlet s ai m t o persuade," 5 hi s vie w o f American Revolutionar y rhetori c ha s bee n characterize d a s sympatheti c t o the Whigs ; hi s interpretatio n o f th e idea s an d mind-se t o f th e Revolution aries "shield s th e patriot s fro m accusation s tha t the y reacte d paranoiacall y or demagogicall y t o England' s challeng e an d i t make s understandabl e th e Americans bitte r resistanc e t o th e introductio n o f a mil d progra m o f imperial taxatio n an d administrativ e adjustment." 6 Gordo n Woo d directl y counters Baily n s scenario o f swee t reaso n wit h Baily n s own evidence : As Bailyn an d th e propagand a studie s have ampl y shown , ther e i s simply to o much fanatica l an d millennia l thinkin g eve n b y th e bes t mind s tha t mus t b e explained befor e w e ca n characteriz e th e American' s idea s a s peculiarl y rational an d legalisti c an d thu s vie w th e Revolutio n a s merely a conservativ e defense o f constitutiona l liberties . T o isolat e refine d an d nicely-reasone d arguments fro m th e writing s o f John Adam s an d Jefferso n i s no t onl y t o disregard th e mor e inflame d expression s o f th e res t o f th e Whig s bu t als o to overloo k th e enthusiasti c extravagance—th e paranoia c obsessio n wit h a diabolical Crow n conspirac y an d th e drea m o f a restored Saxo n era—i n th e thinking o f Adams and Jefferson themselves. 7 T h e evidenc e suggest s tha t th e W h i g rhetori c experience d b y audience s of th e tim e wa s th e rhetori c characterize d b y Woo d rathe r tha n tha t characterized b y Bailyn . " A Gentlema n a t Halifax " foun d expression s o f W h i g sentimen t sufficientl y fissiparous t o plea d fo r a mor e "reasonable " discourse: "I f we hav e anythin g t o ask , w e shoul d remembe r tha t diffidenc e and modest y wil l alway s obtai n mor e fro m generou s mind s tha n forward ness an d impertinence." 8 T h e "Gentleman " ha d alread y note d tha t peti tions the n bein g sen t t o Britai n protestin g th e Stam p Ac t "wer e o f a ver y different temper " tha n thei r "extremel y modest " antecedent s lik e Mr . Partridge's petitio n agains t th e Suga r Act. Thoma s Bolto n colorfull y charac terized muc h o f th e prevailin g attitud e towar d th e Whig s an d thei r rhetori c

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

3

7

in demurrin g tha t h e coul d no t "boas t th e ignoranc e o f H A N C O C K , th e insolence o f ADAMS , th e absurdit y o f R O W E , th e arroganc e o f LEE , th e vicious lif e an d untimel y deat h o f M O L L E N E A U X , th e turgi d bombas t o f Warren, th e treason s o f Q U I N C Y , th e hypocris y o f C O O P E R , no r th e principles o f Y O U N G . " 9 Virtually n o advocat e o n behal f o f th e colonie s escape d censure . Joh n Dickinson, tha t mos t reasonabl e o f Whigs , wa s challenge d t o defen d hi s first tw o "Letter s fro m a Farme r i n Pennsylvania " agains t charge s o f at tempting t o fomen t "riot s an d tumult." 1 0 "Massachusettensis " sa w th e rhetoric o f th e Whig s a s torri d an d demagogic : "The y [th e W h i g leaders ] accordingly applie d themselve s t o wor k upo n th e imagination , an d t o inflame th e passions ; fo r thi s wor k the y possesse d grea t talents ; I wil l d o justice t o thei r ingenuity ; the y wer e intimatel y acquainte d wit h th e feeling s of th e huma n heart." 1 1 T h e fir e imager y s o ofte n use d t o describ e revolu tionary causes , suggestin g thei r intensity , i s see n agai n i n anothe r "Massa chusettensis" letter : "Ther e i s a latent spar k however , i n thei r [th e c o m m o n people s] breasts, capabl e o f being kindle d int o a flame; t o d o thi s ha s alway s been th e employmen t o f th e disaffected." 12 Josep h Gallowa y lamente d th e decline o f a grea t an d civilize d countr y t o a stat e "no w governe d b y th e barbarian rul e o f frantic folly , an d lawles s ambition." 1 3 These ar e th e complaint s perenniall y raise d a s a conservativ e respons e t o rhetorics o f reform : i t i s no t "reasonable. " Josep h Galloway , fo r example , proposed a petitio n tha t h e considere d "reasonabl e an d just" i n contras t t o those produce d b y th e Whigs. 1 4 Mos t ofte n th e appea l wa s no t couche d i n these terms , a s "reasonable " tende d stil l t o mea n th e Cartesia n metho d fo r arriving a t truth . Samue l Johnson' s Dictionary define d "reason " a s "Right , justice," a usag e evidence d i n Thoma s Pain e s "th e simpl e voic e o f natur e and o f reason wil l sa y 'ti s right." 1 5 Thi s imprecisio n i n term s i s symptomati c of a profoun d tensio n i n th e meanin g o f reaso n tha t divide d emergin g utilitarians fro m stric t adherent s o f natura l la w o n th e questio n o f th e American Revolution. 1 6 Eve n i n othe r terms , however , th e sentimen t i s unmistakable; W h i g discours e wa s widel y regarde d a s immoderate . According t o Jay Fliegelman , th e emotiona l characte r o f public discours e in th e eighteent h centur y simpl y reflecte d on e curren t o f idea s regardin g human nature . Politica l authority , h e argues , wa s increasingl y identifie d with "a n oratorica l ability , no t merel y t o persuad e b y rationa l argumenta tion, bu t t o excite , animate , motivate , an d impress . . . . An ag e preoccupie d with efficaciou s persuasio n an d wit h uncoverin g hidde n design s behin d th e masquerade o f deceptiv e actio n an d misleadin g speech, " h e continues ,

38 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

"translated a growin g distrus t o f reaso n an d rationa l persuasio n int o a wishful fait h i n a n irresistibl e discours e o f feelings." 17 Thos e w h o believed , then, tha t th e trut h wa s foun d i n th e unselfconsciou s an d unrehearse d expression historicall y associate d wit h th e privat e spher e embrace d thi s "natural display " o f passio n i n th e hop e o f creatin g a sympatheti c respons e in th e audience, 1 8 a position muc h i n evidenc e i n Pete r Thache r s "Bosto n Massacre Oration" : The tende r feeling s o f th e huma n hear t ar e deepl y affecte d wit h th e fat e o f these an d th e othe r heroe s wh o hav e ble d an d died , tha t thei r countr y ma y be free; but a t the same time, sensations of indignant wrat h ar e excited in th e breasts o f ever y frien d t o freedom : an d t o hi m fo r vengeance ! h e wil l fee l himself animate d wit h ne w vigo r i n th e gloriou s caus e nothin g daunte d b y their untimel y fate , h e wil l rus h int o th e mids t o f danger, tha t h e ma y shar e their glor y an d aveng e thei r death ! ever y ide a whic h ca n war m an d animat e him t o glorious deeds, will rush a t once upo n hi s mind. 19 Those, o n th e othe r hand , w h o believe d tha t th e trut h la y i n God' s orde r of creatio n counsele d tha t "th e sam e virtu e tha t gav e th e alarm , ma y sometimes, b y causin g to o grea t a transport o f zeal , defea t it s ow n purpose ; it bein g expedien t fo r thos e w h o deliberat e o f publi c affairs , tha t thei r minds shoul d b e fre e fro m al l violent passions." 20 Fliegelman find s i n th e lat e eighteent h century , no t a rhetori c o f pathos, as hi s description s migh t see m t o suggest , bu t a rhetori c o f ethos, "a n occasion fo r th e publi c revelatio n o f a private self . Suc h a private sel f woul d then b e judged b y privat e rathe r tha n publi c virtues : prudence , temperance , self-control, honesty , and , mos t problematically , sincerity." 21 O n th e basi s of a dubiou s interpretatio n o f classica l rhetoric , Fliegelma n nevertheles s draws a valuable distinction : "Wherea s pathos (emotion ) i s se t i n oppositio n to ethos (character ) i n classica l rhetoric , her e th e forme r become s th e revelation o f th e latter." 22 Fliegelma n s analysi s i s correc t a s fa r a s i t goes , and hi s descriptio n o f th e idea l o f rhetorica l "nakedness " i n th e lat e eigh teenth century , a voic e calculate d t o "blo t ou t authoria l innovation , t o ventriloquize commo n sens e an d sensibility , an d t o 'harmonize ' th e wisdo m of previou s text s an d voices," 2 3 comport s perfectl y wit h th e descriptio n o f the propheti c ethos an d it s relationshi p t o th e propheti c pathos i n th e previous chapter . Wit h regar d t o th e rhetori c o f th e Revolution , wha t Fliegelman neglect s i s th e rol e o f exigenc e i n th e formatio n o f rhetoric. 2 4 In othe r words , h e neglect s th e Revolutionar y cause , th e reasons for th e Revolution.

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

3

9

The Foundin g Father s becam e propheti c figure s becaus e the y argue d o n behalf o f wha t the y perceive d t o b e a sacre d caus e an d predicate d thei r arguments, no t o n expediency , bu t o n principle. 2 5 B y locatin g principl e i n nature, beyon d th e reac h o f compromis e an d degradation , argumen t fro m natural la w assure d "th e sovereignt y o f a principle" an d th e renderin g o f " a principled, unified , an d internall y consisten t interpretatio n o f th e cosmo s and th e meanin g o f human life" ; i t reflecte d "th e driv e towar d som e sor t o f explicit intellectua l generalizatio n o f th e meanin g o f huma n actio n an d experience" tha t Ego n Bittne r find s t o b e " a constitutiv e propert y o f radicalism." Bittne r writes , "B y methodicall y correlatin g it s interpretiv e principles wit h it s maxims o f conduct , radicalis m provide s ultimate , perma nent, an d 'objectivel y valid ' ground s fo r mora l choice." 2 6 I n th e cas e o f th e American Whigs , Stephe n Luca s affirm s tha t the y "claime d moral , eve n divine, sanctio n fo r th e mos t radica l o f thei r argument s an d actions." 2 7 Such a basi s fo r argumen t make s bot h possibl e an d necessar y a rhetori c that conflate s ethos and pathos a s Fliegelma n suggests , bu t als o logos. Indeed the whol e purpos e o f sacre d discours e i s truth ; al l els e i s merel y vehicle . I n speaking o n behal f o f what the y sa w a s sacred principle , th e Revolutionarie s called upo n rich , sometime s contradictor y traditions , an d i n s o doing , performed th e epideicti c functio n o f (re ) calling communit y int o bein g ou t of slumbe r o r lifelessness . I t i s thi s powerfu l ac t o f necromanc y tha t wil l b e examined here .

Rights from Charter, Constitution, and Nature That idea s o f natura l law , a s revive d i n th e seventeent h an d eighteent h centuries, ar e basi c t o th e structur e o f W h ig argumen t prio r t o th e Revolu tion i s a positio n no t beyon d controversy . Ove r th e years , ther e hav e bee n debates amon g thos e w h o maintai n th e importanc e o f natura l la w t o th e American argument , thos e w h o emphasiz e constitutiona l issues , an d vari ous stripe s o f materialists , nationalists , an d imperialists. 28 I t i s treacherou s territory fo r th e nonspecialist . Ye t th e rhetorica l legac y reveal s a n intens e preoccupation wit h "th e law s o f natur e an d o f nature' s God, " wit h root s i n the belie f o f th e earl y Purita n settler s tha t Americ a wa s th e N e w Israel , God's ne w Chose n People, 29 an d eviden t i n muc h o f America' s foreig n policy, eve n t o th e presen t time , i n th e for m o f "manifes t destiny." 30 Unles s there i s posited a conspiracy pervasiv e enoug h t o accoun t fo r suc h a startlin g consistency fro m differen t source s ove r a numbe r o f year s a s tha t foun d i n

40 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

the publi c discussio n leadin g u p t o th e America n Revolution , w e mus t conclude, i n Ernes t Wrage' s endurin g formulation , tha t " a speec h i s a n agency o f it s time , on e whos e survivin g recor d provide s a repositor y o f themes an d thei r elaboration s fro m whic h w e ma y gai n insigh t int o th e lif e of a n er a a s wel l a s int o th e min d o f a man . Fro m th e stud y o f speeche s given b y man y men , then , i t i s possibl e t o observ e th e reflection s o f prevailing socia l idea s an d attitudes." 31 Wha t w e fin d reflecte d i n th e rhetoric o f th e America n Revolutionarie s i s a faith i n th e absolut e rectitud e of their positio n an d i n th e God-ordere d necessit y o f events tha t culminate d in th e appea l tha t Luca s ha s calle d "th e apotheosi s o f American destiny." 32 According t o Merril l Jensen, th e Firs t Continenta l Congres s wa s "dead locked fo r week s ove r a declaration o f rights. " The popula r leader s insiste d tha t i t shoul d b e base d o n th e 'la w o f nature. ' The conservative s quit e understandabl y oppose d a foundatio n whic h ha d never bee n define d an d whic h woul d allo w ever y ma n t o interpre t it s meaning fo r himself . The y argue d tha t America n right s shoul d b e base d o n the colonia l charter s an d th e Englis h constitution , whic h a t leas t ha d th e virtue o f a certain amoun t o f specific content . Th e outcom e wa s a compromise. Th e declaratio n o f right s finall y adopte d wa s base d o n th e la w o f nature, the colonia l charters , and th e English constitution. 33 Certainly thes e thre e theme s ar e recurren t i n th e discours e o f th e decad e prior t o th e convenin g o f th e Congress , an d th e separatio n Jense n make s seems a logica l one , a t leas t tha t betwee n th e law s o f ma n an d thos e law s that ar e extra nos. But i t i s important tha t th e colonist s di d no t separat e thes e themes i n thei r declaratio n o f rights , no r wer e the y separate d i n muc h o f Revolutionary discourse . T h e framer s o f the "Declaratio n an d Resolves " o f the Firs t Continenta l Congres s exhibite d a keen awarenes s o f the distinctio n between issue s o f simpl e legalit y an d issue s o f right , an d th e documen t leaves no doub t tha t th e forme r wer e contingen t o n th e latter . T h e languag e of right s i s clearl y predominate. 3 4 Most often , argument s i n th e decad e prio r t o th e convenin g o f th e First Continenta l Congres s conjoine d severa l appeal s i n th e sam e piec e o f discourse. I n 1764 , James Oti s wrote , "Ever y Britis h subjec t bor n o n th e continent o f America , o r i n an y othe r o f th e Britis h dominions , i s b y th e law o f Go d an d nature , b y th e commo n law , an d b y ac t o f parliamen t (exclusive o f all charters fro m th e crown ) entitle d t o al l the natural , essential , inherent an d inseparabl e right s o f ou r fello w subject s i n Grea t Britain." 3 5 The followin g year , anothe r pamphletee r wrote , " D o w e clai m an y [rights ]

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

4 1

but wha t ar e a s clea r a s th e noo n day ? Hav e w e no t b y natur e a righ t t o liberty an d property ; a s Englishme n b y law s an d charters , i n term s a s plai n as words ca n express?" 36 A document , possibl y b y Samue l Adams , publishe d in 177 2 i s a virtua l ech o o f th e statemen t quote d fro m Otis : "Al l person s born i n th e Britis h America n Colonie s ar e b y th e law s o f Go d an d nature , and b y th e commo n la w o f England , exclusive of all charters from the Crown, well Entitled , an d b y Ac t o f th e Britis h Parliamen t ar e declare d t o b e entitled t o al l th e natura l essential , inheren t & inseparabl e Right s Libertie s and Privilege s o f Subject s bor n i n Grea t Britain , o r withi n th e realm." 3 7 Charters fro m th e Crow n migh t hav e bee n exclude d i n thi s an d simila r statements because , accordin g t o Charle s Mcllwain , the y represente d th e weakest o f th e colonists ' claim s t o rights , bein g a form o f roya l prerogative , although th e colonists , a s wil l b e demonstrated , trie d t o mak e the m muc h less arbitrar y tha n the y were. 3 8 Bu t constitutiona l an d lega l theorie s aside , the clea r rhetorica l impor t o f thes e argument s i s t o establis h a s th e mos t basic right s o f th e colonist s thos e right s the y possesse d a s me n an d a s subjects anteceden t an d superceden t t o th e specifi c right s grante d the m b y charter. Th e repeate d linkag e o f thes e appeal s suggest s somethin g mor e complex tha n politics , an d a revie w o f th e politica l philosoph y tha t in formed th e perio d reveal s mor e evidenc e o f concatenation tha n o f competi tion. 3 9 American colonist s hel d a notio n o f compac t o r covenan t tha t wa s a product o f th e revolutio n i n politica l theor y begu n b y Thoma s Hobbes . Throwing ove r th e classica l ide a tha t huma n being s wer e politica l animals , creatures whos e natura l stat e wa s a s member s o f th e polis, seventeenth century politica l theorist s bega n t o describ e th e individual , motivate d b y individual want s an d needs , a s th e irremediabl e fac t o f natura l law . Mos t agreed tha t humankind' s natura l stat e i n thi s ne w vie w wa s no t ver y appealing. Hobbes' s famou s dictu m hel d lif e i n th e natura l state , tha t stat e of wa r o f everyma n agains t everyman , t o b e "solitary , poor , nasty , brutish , and short." 4 0 Onl y b y covenant , compact , o r contrac t wa s ther e an y hop e of escap e fro m thi s perdition . At firs t glance , i t woul d appea r tha t covenant s o r contract s ar e simpl y agreements amon g humans , henc e mutable , negotiable , no t th e basi s fo r absolute an d uncompromisin g appeal s t o principle . Thi s conception , though, neglect s th e natur e o f thos e w h o mad e th e contract . Althoug h th e seventeenth an d eighteent h centurie s wer e time s o f increasin g seculariza tion—including th e displacemen t o f mediaeva l scholasti c methodologie s by th e method s o f observatio n an d measurement , an d th e ris e o f histor y

42 I

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

and scienc e a s discipline s independen t o f theology—mos t thinker s coul d not ye t relinquis h th e notio n tha t humanit y wa s God' s mos t specia l creation , and eve n thos e w h o denie d Go d tende d t o conceiv e o f humanit y i n term s of a natur e tha t ha d becom e deified. 41 A s God' s creatures , i t wa s widel y assumed, huma n being s wer e possesse d o f certain inalienabl e rights , inalien able becaus e the y wer e par t o f a God-give n nature , bu t th e unrestraine d exercise o f whic h le d t o conflict . I n orde r t o assimilat e thes e conflictin g individual goal s int o a functioning societ y i t wa s necessar y tha t thes e right s be regulated , bu t the y coul d no t b e abrogated . T h e covenan t tha t create d society cede d t o societ y th e powe r o f governance, bu t th e right s themselve s remained wit h th e people. 4 2 Thi s i s at th e foundatio n o f the ide a o f popula r sovereignty. A s Samue l Wes t expresse d i t i n a n electio n da y sermo n i n 1776 , The la w o f nature i s a perfect standar d an d measur e o f action fo r being s tha t persevere i n a state o f mora l rectitude . Bu t th e cas e i s fa r differen t wit h us , who ar e in a fallen an d degenerat e estate . . . . The stron g propensities o f ou r animal natur e ofte n overcom e th e sobe r dictate s o f reaso n an d conscience , and betra y u s int o action s injuriou s t o th e public , an d destructiv e o f th e safety an d happines s o f society . . . . Thi s make s i t absolutel y necessary , tha t societies shoul d for m themselve s int o politic k bodies , tha t the y ma y enac t laws for th e public safety , an d appoint particular penalties for th e violation o f their laws , an d inves t a suitable numbe r o f persons wit h authorit y t o pu t i n execution an d enforc e th e law s of the state . . . . This shew s tha t th e en d an d design of civil government, canno t be to depriv e men o f their liberty, o r take away their freedom ; bu t o n th e contrar y th e tru e desig n o f civil governmen t is to protect me n i n the enjoymen t o f liberty. 43 The ide a o f popula r sovereignt y a s foun d i n seventeenth - an d eigh teenth-century though t grante d a numinou s qualit y t o th e natur e o f th e covenant o r th e socia l contract . A t th e bas e o f thi s contrac t wer e sacre d rights, th e right s o f sovereig n being s i n thei r natura l state , th e violatio n o f which annulle d th e contrac t itself . Behin d th e contrac t wa s a n empyrea n principle b y whic h th e validit y o f th e contrac t coul d b e judged. A societ y derived fro m th e natur e o f humankin d submit s it s supportin g apparatus , it s constitutions, it s laws , t o divin e judgment ; insofa r a s the y ar e i n keepin g with thei r divin e purpose , the y ma y b e appeale d t o unconditionally , an d when no t i n keepin g wit h thi s purpose , ma y b e condemne d absolutely. 44 It i s thi s haz y distillatio n o f classica l an d moder n politica l theor y tha t i s evident i n th e rhetori c o f th e Leveller s i n Englan d an d i n tur n i n th e rhetoric o f th e Whig s i n America. 4 5 S o i t i s tha t th e autho r o f " A Stat e o f

Prophecy as Sacred Truth | 4 3 the Right s o f th e Colonists " begin s hi s accoun t wit h th e natura l right s o f colonists a s men an d notes , It i s the greates t absurdit y t o suppos e i t i n th e powe r o f on e o r an y numbe r of men a t the enterin g int o society , t o renounce thei r essentia l natural rights , or th e mean s o f preserving thos e right s whe n th e grea t en d o f civi l govern ment fro m th e ver y nature o f its institution i s for th e support , protectio n an d defense o f those very rights , th e principal o f which a s is before observed , ar e life libert y an d property . I f me n throug h fear , frau d o r mistake , shoul d in terms renounc e & an d giv e u p an y essentia l natura l right , th e eterna l la w o f reason an d th e grea t en d o f society , woul d absolutel y vacat e suc h renuncia tion; th e righ t t o freedo m bein g the gift o f Go d Almight y i t i s no t i n th e power o f Man t o alienat e thi s gift, an d voluntarily becom e a slave.46 At anothe r point , th e autho r writes , " W h e n M e n ente r int o Society , i t is b y voluntar y consent ; an d the y hav e a righ t t o deman d an d insis t upo n the performanc e o f suc h conditions , An d previou s limitation s a s for m a n equitable original compact." 47 Th e autho r o f thi s pamphle t goe s o n t o enu merate, i n descendin g order , th e right s o f th e colonist s a s Christian s an d a s subjects. Nea r th e conclusio n o f th e discussio n o f rights , befor e turnin g t o "A Lis t o f Infringement s an d Violation s o f Rights, " th e autho r tie s hi s cas e to th e colonia l charters. 48 The argumen t i s consistent wit h th e genera l teno r o f the politica l philos ophy reviewe d here : th e inalienabilit y o f rights ; th e requiremen t tha t gov ernment, t o b e legitimate , protec t thos e rights ; an d th e derivatio n o f al l government fro m a sacre d compact . Thi s i s th e philosoph y echoe d i n th e Declaration o f Independenc e i n th e sectio n beginning , "W e hol d thes e truths t o b e self-evident." 49 T h e "origina l compact " o f whic h th e autho r speaks assume s a sacre d qualit y becaus e o f th e right s involved ; al l othe r compacts ar e derivative . Eve n Tor y Josep h Galloway , attemptin g t o refut e W h i g arguments , referre d t o "th e mos t solem n an d sacre d o f al l covenants ; those upo n whic h th e existenc e o f societies , an d th e welfar e o f million s depend," 5 0 an d Danie l Dulany , i n hi s discussio n o f charte r rights , mad e the connectio n quit e succinctly : "B y thes e charters , founde d upo n th e unalienable right s o f th e subject , an d upo n th e mos t sacre d compact , the colonie s clai m a righ t o f exemptio n fro m taxe s not imposed with their consent."51 Extension o f th e logi c o f sacre d compac t reveal s governmen t itsel f t o b e sacred, an d ther e i s evidenc e tha t thi s wa s th e prevailin g conceptio n i n

44 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

England an d i n Americ a o n th e ev e o f the Revolution. 52 Government , i n seventeenth- an d eighteenth-centur y England , wa s conceived, no t primar ily a s a vehicle fo r legislating , bu t a s a vehicle fo r judging th e competin g claims o f member s o f th e polit y agains t th e provision s o f natura l law . Parliament wa s less legislative tha n th e suprem e adjudicativ e agenc y o f th e land.53 S o it is that we have the British commo n la w tradition, base d as it is on a n accretio n o f precedent s whic h see m mor e th e objectiv e wor k o f history tha n th e manufactur e o f humankind. Edmun d Burke , pleadin g th e case o f the colonie s befor e Parliament , illustrate d thi s devolutio n o f sacre d quality ont o th e la w whe n h e appeale d t o th e preceden t o f a petitio n submitted t o Parliamen t b y th e count y o f Chester. Describin g Parliamen t s response t o th e petition, Burk e sai d Parliament "mad e i t the very preambl e to thei r Ac t o f address , an d consecrate d it s principl e t o al l age s i n th e sanctuary o f legislation." 54 A t anothe r poin t i n th e sam e speech , Burk e adopts a n explicitl y propheti c stanc e befor e th e law : "Determinin g t o fi x articles o f peace, I was resolved t o us e nothin g els e than th e for m o f sound words, t o le t other s aboun d i n thei r ow n sense , an d carefull y t o abstai n from al l expression s o f m y own . Wha t th e la w ha s said , I say . In al l thing s else I a m silent . I hav e n o orga n bu t fo r he r words . This , i f i t b e no t ingenious, I am sure is safe." 55 Here Burke treats the law as something holy, beyond th e pett y interest s o f men , th e reflectio n o f wha t i s right . H e i s merely it s mouthpiece . Thoma s Paine , thoug h a n opponen t o f Burk e b y the tim e o f the Frenc h Revolution , reveale d a common conceptio n o f th e sacral basi s o f th e la w whe n h e wrote , "Al l th e grea t law s o f societ y ar e laws o f nature. " 56 An d Whi g pamphletee r James Oti s mad e a compellin g statement o f thi s ide a o f governmen t a s sacred whe n h e wrote , "Th e su m of my argument is , That civi l government i s of God." 57 It ma y a t firs t appea r tha t a conceptio n o f governmen t an d th e law s o f government a s sacred poses problems fo r th e would-be revolutionary . Ho w can revolutio n agains t th e governmen t b e justifie d i f th e governmen t i s Right? This was the intention behin d Calvin' s ideas on natural law and government—to justify stabl e government by virtue of its divinity—but the fragility o f the intentio n i s illustrated b y th e revolutionar y use s to whic h Cal vin's doctrine s wer e pu t b y Congregationalist s an d late r radica l purita n sects.58 The key to understanding this apparent paradox is to remember tha t government, especiall y in the two-contrac t theor y hel d by most thinker s o f the age , wa s simpl y th e establishmen t o f a n adjudicativ e agency . Th e law s were the laws of nature; the specific pronouncements o f government, insofa r as they were correct and valid, were simply applications of those general laws.

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

4 5

As Lock e wrot e regardin g legislativ e power , " T h e Rules tha t the y mak e fo r other Men s Actions , must , a s well a s their ow n an d othe r Men s Actions , b e conformable t o th e La w o f Nature, i.e. t o th e Wil l o f God, o f which tha t i s a Declaration, an d th e fundamental Law of Nature bein g the preservation of Mankind, n o H u m a n e Sanctio n ca n b e goo d o r valid agains t it. " 59 I n th e applica tion o f God' s law , o r wha t Lock e wa s sometime s incline d t o cal l "standin g laws," 6 0 i t was possible fo r agencie s o f government t o err . In huma n erro r lie s th e revolutionar y promise , a restoratio n o f origina l law i n it s sanctit y an d glory . I t i s th e possibilit y o f erro r a s measured agains t the La w o f Nature , raise d b y Oti s wit h regar d t o th e Chancello r o f th e Exchequer an d t o Parliamen t "a s infallibilit y belong s no t t o mortals , 'ti s possible they ma y hav e bee n misinforme d an d deceived." 61 Otis' s charg e i s a commo n on e i n W h i g discourse, 62 althoug h th e presumptio n graduall y faded t o th e poin t tha t action s o f th e Britis h governmen t unfavorabl e t o America, initiall y viewe d a s mistakes , ultimatel y cam e t o b e represente d a s the product s o f invidiou s desig n bor n o f corruption . Thi s developmen t di d not chang e th e for m o f th e argument ; i t merel y adde d th e elemen t o f malign intent . Samue l Wes t doe s no t dea l wit h motive . H e say s simply , If magistrates have no authorit y but what the y deriv e from th e people, if they are properly o f human creation ; if the whole en d and design of the institutio n is to promot e th e genera l good , an d t o secur e t o me n thei r just rights , it wil l follow, tha t whe n the y ac t contrar y t o th e en d an d desig n o f their creation , they ceas e being magistrates, an d th e people, whic h gav e them thei r author ity, hav e th e righ t t o tak e i t fro m the m again . Thi s i s a very plai n dictat e o f common sense , which, universall y obtain s in al l similar cases. 63 T h e colonist s wer e extremel y jealou s o f wha t the y viewe d a s thei r natural, God-give n freedoms , an d the y wer e eve r mindfu l o f the distinctio n between th e powe r o f governmen t an d it s right s an d quic k t o denounc e perceived infringement s i n th e harshes t terms . Accordin g t o Bailyn , "every where i n thi s lat e seventeenth-centur y worl d o f idea s ther e wa s fear—fea r that a fre e conditio n o f lif e wa s a precariou s thing , eve r bese t b y power hungry, corrup t enemie s w h o woul d destro y it." 6 4 S o Thoma s Jefferso n queried, "Bu t ca n hi s majest y thu s pu t dow n al l la w unde r hi s feet ? Ca n h e erect a powe r superio r t o tha t whic h erecte d himself ? H e ha s don e i t indeed b y force ; bu t le t hi m remembe r tha t forc e canno t giv e right." 6 5 Jefferson her e echoe s no t onl y Locke, 6 6 bu t als o th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t Jeremiah reflectin g th e propheti c drea d o f uncontrolle d powe r an d tyranny : "Their cours e i s evil , an d thei r migh t i s not right. " 6 7

46 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

W h e n th e right s trammele d b y forc e ar e absolute , th e transgressio n mus t be absolutel y wrong . Ther e i s a n interestin g etymologica l affinit y here , a s the right s referre d t o ar e th e freedom s o f humankin d i n it s natura l state . The wor d "absolute " come s fro m th e Lati n fo r "t o b e disengaged " o r "t o be free. " I n th e oppositio n maintaine d b y W h i g rhetoricians , ther e i s n o incremental freedom ; on e i s eithe r fre e o r on e i s not : "Fo r i t mus t b e confessed b y al l me n tha t the y w h o ar e taxe d a t pleasur e b y others , canno t possibly hav e an y property , ca n hav e nothin g t o b e calle d thei r own ; the y w h o hav e n o property , ca n hav e n o freedom , bu t ar e indee d reduce d t o th e most abjec t slavery . . . . O ne w h o i s bound t o obe y th e wil l o f another , i s as really a slave, thoug h h e ma y hav e a good master , a s if he ha d a bad one." 6 8 O r i n th e word s o f "Novanglus" : "Ther e ar e bu t tw o sort s o f me n i n th e world, freeme n an d slaves." 69 As th e Go d ter m tha t functione d opposit e "slavery " i n th e colonists ' vocabulary, "freedom " wa s th e mos t exalte d concep t i n W h i g thought ; i t was th e fundamenta l natura l right , th e unrestraine d individual . A s Edmun d Burke note d i n hi s speec h o n conciliation , "I n thi s characte r o f th e Ameri cans, a lov e o f freedo m i s th e predominatin g featur e whic h marke s an d distinguishes th e whole . . . . Thi s fierc e spiri t o f libert y i s stronge r i n th e English colonie s probabl y tha n i n an y othe r peopl e o f th e earth." 7 0 Free dom wa s als o intimatel y connecte d t o propert y a s Hopkins , quote d above , suggests. Accordin g t o Hobbes , ever y ma n i n th e natura l stat e ha d a n equal righ t t o everything , an d Lock e hel d tha t on e legitimatel y possesse d something onl y b y th e additio n o f one' s labo r t o it . T h e Lockea n versio n o f the famou s tria d i n th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e wa s "life , liberty , an d property." I t i s eas y t o se e how , i n thi s rhetorica l an d ideologica l climate , there coul d b e n o compromise . I t wa s no t a questio n o f lowerin g taxe s o r eliminating dutie s o n particula r items ; ther e wa s n o middl e groun d betwee n freedom an d slavery . W h i g argumen t ultimatel y devolve d o n th e distinctio n betwee n freeme n and slaves . T h e term s describ e th e earthl y consequenc e o f th e abstrac t an d complex theorie s o f natura l law . A fre e ma n wa s natura l man , ma n i n harmony wit h God' s will , ma n wit h th e powe r o f hi s persona l sovereignty . A slav e wa s a degrade d man , castrated , a eunuch , subjec t t o th e wil l o f another. "Freedom " an d "slavery " an d thei r derivative s functione d i n W h i g rhetoric dialecticall y a s "Go d t e r m " an d "devi l term, " radicall y dividin g th e world int o goo d an d evil , betwee n the m a grea t yawnin g void. 71 T h e division i s radica l becaus e i t wa s a t th e ver y roo t o f th e self-definitio n o f the colonist s a s free men .

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

4

7

Shall the y wh o b y offic e an d professio n engag e t o asser t th e caus e o f publi c liberty, ow n themselve s suc h dastard s a s t o b e afrai d t o speak , whe n thei r country i s injured i n he r mos t sacre d rights , yea , inslaved , les t the y provok e her oppressors ? "Tel l i t no t i n Gath!"—Libert y an d propert y ar e necessaril y connected together ; H e tha t deprive s o f th e latte r withou t ou r consen t deprives o f the former . Wha t i s a slave, but on e wh o depend s upo n th e wil l of another fo r th e enjoymen t o f his life an d property? 72 Here a relativel y mil d ta x i s transforme d int o th e shackle s o f abjec t slavery , the usurpe r o f sacre d rights , th e ravage r o f virtue. N o t e th e biblica l injunc tion agains t th e cabalists : "Tel l i t no t i n Gath!" 7 3 Ther e ca n b e n o counte nancing an y infringemen t o n th e natura l freedom s o f th e colonists , fo r an y infringement, i n principle , annul s tha t freedo m absolutely , makin g slave s o f all w ho capitulate . T h e conflic t wit h Englan d becam e no t a dispute ove r p e cuniary measures , but a battle ove r th e autonom y an d mora l statu s o f men . Whigs, then , foun d no t onl y legitimatio n bu t a coerciv e mora l forc e i n their rectitude . W h e n fightin g o n th e sid e o f Go d agains t th e devil , eve n the mos t extrem e measure s o f defense ar e no t onl y sanctione d bu t mandate d in th e appea l t o natura l la w o r God' s law . Agai n turnin g t o Locke : "I n al l States an d Condition s th e tru e remed y o f Force without Authority , i s t o oppose Force t o it . Th e us e of force withou t Authority , alway s put s hi m tha t uses i t int o a state of War, a s th e Aggressor , an d render s hi m liabl e t o b e treated accordingly. " 74 Locke' s admonitio n suggest s th e relentles s qualit y o f natural law : i t operate s o f necessity ; violatio n o f i t foment s revolutio n jus t as inexorabl y a s th e planet s revolv e accordin g t o it s dictates . Question s o f personal culpabilit y ar e n o longe r applicable . "Novanglus " discusse d wha t he calle d "revolutio n principles, " whic h h e terme d "principle s o f natur e and eterna l reason " an d whic h h e compare d t o th e la w o f gravity. 75 S o th e Whigs wer e abl e t o proclaim : "Le t n o ma n the n suffe r hi s right s t o b e tor n from him ; fo r fea r o f th e consequence s o f defendin g them,—howeve r dreadful the y ma y be , th e guil t o f the m doe s no t li e a t hi s door." 7 6 In th e Ol d Testament , Israel' s fat e wa s a direc t consequenc e o f he r keeping he r covenan t wit h Yahweh . T h e covenan t operate d wit h mechani cal predictability . I t sometime s seeme d sacre d eve n t o Yahwe h a s i t paine d H i m t o se e Hi s peopl e suffer , bu t justic e wa s served , caus e an d conse quence. 7 7 T h e perspectiv e i s on e widel y adopte d b y th e America n colo nists. Followin g th e event s a t Lexingto n an d Concord , Jaco b Duch e preached a sermon , " T h e America n Vine, " whic h i s sai d t o hav e greatl y inspired Joh n Adams . I n thi s sermon , Duch e mad e clea r th e cause s an d consequences o f recen t events :

48 I

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

Injured an d oppresse d a s w e are , unmeritin g th e harsh an d rigorou s treat ment, whic h w e hav e receive d fro m suc h a n unexpecte d quarter , le t us , however, loo k u p t o a n highe r caus e fo r th e awfu l infliction ; an d whils t w e are faithfull y perseverin g i n th e defenc e o f ou r TEMPORA L RIGHTS , le t us humble ourselve s before God , lay our hands upon ou r hearts, and seriously and impartiall y enquire , wha t return s w e hav e mad e t o Heave n fo r it s pas t favours, an d whethe r it s presen t chastisement s hav e no t bee n draw n dow n upon u s by a gross neglect o f our SPIRITUA L PRIVILEGES. 78 The war , i n Duche' s interpretation , becam e a tes t o f colonia l virtue : "Testify t o th e world , b y you r exampl e a s well a s by you r counsels , tha t y e are equall y th e foe s o f VIC E an d o f SLAVERY—Banis h th e Syre n L U X URY, wit h al l he r trai n o f fascinating pleasures , idl e dissipation , an d expen sive amusement s fro m ou r borders." 7 9 Lik e th e prophets , th e Whig s i n effect ha d n o choic e i n thei r actions ; the y bor e God' s judgmen t t o th e people; the y wer e burdene d wit h revolution ; th e covenan t ha d bee n vio lated: " W h e n i n th e cours e o f huma n event s i t become s necessary, " begin s the Declaratio n o f Independence. 8 0 Morton Whit e ha s argue d tha t th e colonist' s conceptio n o f natural right s entailed th e dut y t o preserv e thos e rights . I n a chapte r entitle d "Rebellio n to Tyrant s i s Obedienc e t o God, " Whit e writes , " T h e notio n tha t the y ha d a duty t o rebe l i s extremel y importan t t o stress , fo r i t show s tha t the y thought the y wer e complyin g wit h th e commands o f natura l la w an d o f nature's Go d whe n the y thre w of f absolut e despotism." 81 As earl y a s th e Stam p Ac t crisis , th e colonist s couche d thei r protest s i n the languag e o f compulsion : "[Th e member s o f thi s congress] , havin g considered a s maturely a s time woul d permit , th e circumstance s o f th e sai d colonies, estee m i t ou r indispensabl e dut y t o mak e th e followin g declara tions, o f ou r humbl e opinion , respectin g th e mos t essentia l right s an d liberties o f th e colonists , an d o f th e grievance s unde r whic h the y labor , b y reason o f severa l lat e act s o f parliament. " 82 Jame s Oti s reflecte d th e sam e point o f vie w whe n h e wrote , "An d h e tha t woul d pal m th e doctrin e o f unlimited passiv e obedienc e an d non-resistanc e upo n mankind , an d thereb y or b y an y othe r mean s serv e th e caus e o f th e Pretender , i s no t onl y a foo l and a knave , bu t a rebe l agains t commo n sense , a s wel l a s th e law s o f God , of Nature , an d hi s Country." 8 3 T h e Declaratio n o f Independenc e reflect s the reluctanc e o f dut y i n characterizin g th e actio n o f th e colonie s a s a las t resort afte r al l plea s an d patien t sufferanc e ha d failed : "Bu t w h e n a lon g train o f abuse s an d usurpation s pursuin g invariabl y th e sam e object , evince s a desig n t o reduc e the m unde r absolut e despotis m i t i s thei r right , i t i s thei r

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

4

9

duty t o thro w of f suc h government , & t o provid e ne w guard s fo r thei r future security . Suc h ha s bee n th e patien t sufferanc e o f thes e colonies , & such i s no w th e necessity which constrains the m t o alte r thei r forme r system s of government. " Lik e Ol d Testamen t prophets , Whig s wer e no t responsibl e for th e consequence s o f defendin g thei r freedoms , onl y irresponsibl e i f the y failed t o d o so . Closely connecte d t o discussion s o f dut y i n late-eighteenth-centur y thought wa s th e notio n o f virtue. 8 4 M u c h o f th e logi c a s wel l a s th e language o f thes e discussion s wa s borrowe d fro m classica l sources , notabl y Aristotle an d Cicero . Virtu e fo r Aristotl e consiste d i n th e pleasur e derive d from actin g i n accordanc e wit h th e good . Althoug h th e en d i s pleasure , virtue i s no t passionat e self-indulgence , bu t exist s i n tha t spher e wher e right reaso n an d th e pleasurabl e coincide. 85 I t i s th e rationa l capacit y tha t distinguishes huma n being s fro m lesse r creatures , an d th e failur e t o exercis e that capacit y wa s counte d a fal l int o "effeminacy. " Aristotl e hel d defect s i n government, particularl y tyranny , t o b e symptomati c o f suc h failures , th e overwhelming o f th e rationa l b y th e appetitive , th e lif e o f eas e whic h make s easy pre y o f th e polis. 86 Consequently , i t wa s possibl e t o rea d th e pai n o f slavery a s a failur e o f virtue , fo r onl y thos e w h o ha d no t th e virtu e o f rational deliberatio n wer e b y natur e fitte d t o b e slaves. 87 T h e virtu e o f th e good ma n i s necessaril y connecte d i n Aristotle' s vie w t o th e virtu e o f th e citizen o f th e perfec t state, 88 an d Aristotl e connect s th e righ t t o rebe l wit h virtue, tha t is , th e exercis e o f righ t reason. 89 Borrowing classica l idea s o f virtue , th e Whig s wer e abl e t o presen t rebellion a s an ac t o f virtue, meanin g no t onl y tha t th e ac t wa s praiseworthy , but tha t failur e t o ac t woul d constitut e mora l degeneracy . R o b e r t Bella h goes s o fa r a s t o argu e tha t virtu e "wa s th e organizin g cente r o f tha t initia l Revolution i n th e mind s o f me n tha t I hav e identifie d wit h th e civi l religion, th e ver y spiri t o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence." 9 0 Clearl y finding hi s mode l i n classica l R o m e , "Brutus " proclaimed , The prevailin g principl e o f our governmen t is , virtue. I f we woul d b e happy , we mus t b e mor e attentiv e t o i t tha n w e hithert o hav e been . B y tha t onl y can libert y b e preserved ; an d o n th e preservatio n o f libert y depend s ou r happiness. B y virtue, I her e mea n a lov e fo r ou r country , whic h make s u s pursue wit h alacrity , suc h measure s a s tend t o it s preservation; an d cheerfull y resist th e temptation s o f ease and luxury , wit h whic h libert y i s incompatible. For luxur y an d idlenes s brin g o n a genera l depravatio n o f manners , whic h sets u s loos e fro m al l th e restraint s o f bot h privat e an d publi c virtue , an d diverts ou r thought s fro m examinin g th e behavio r an d politic s o f artfu l an d

50 I

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

designing men, who meditate our ruin, and would sacrifice their country for their private emolument. From immorality and excesses we fall into necessity, and thi s lead s u s t o a servile dependenc e upo n power , an d fit s u s fo r th e chains prepared for us.91 Paine, i n discussin g th e excessiv e taxatio n o f peopl e b y government s de clared, "Ma n ough t t o hav e pride, o r sham e enoug h t o blus h a t being thu s imposed upon , an d whe n h e fee l [sic] his proper character , h e will. " 92 Th e Second Continenta l Congress , i n thei r Declaratio n o f th e Cause s an d Necessity o f Takin g u p Arm s "counte d th e cos t o f thi s contest , an d fin d nothing s o dreadfu l a s voluntar y slavery.—Honor , justice , an d humanity , forbid u s tamel y t o surrende r tha t freedo m whic h w e receive d fro m ou r gallant ancestors , an d whic h ou r innocen t posterit y hav e a right t o receiv e from us . W e canno t endur e th e infam y an d guilt o f resignin g succeedin g generations to that wretchedness which inevitably await s them, i f we basely entail hereditar y bondag e upo n them/' 9 3 Th e vocabular y o f "shame, " "honor," "gallantry, " "guilt, " "baseness, " an d "degeneracy, " al l serve d t o define th e revolutionar y rol e a s a n ac t o f expiation . Th e logi c o f th e colonists ultimatel y serve d t o mak e thei r claim s self-validating , fo r th e degree o f autonom y the y enjoye d wa s bot h interprete d a s a measur e o f their virtue an d thei r rectitud e an d serve d t o encourag e "manl y resistance " to al l infringements o n liberty. 94 The colonist s live d i n a worl d wher e thing s hel d ontologicall y certai n status; it was a world in which thing s empirically were , things including th e great principle s o f righ t an d wrong . Moreover , i t wa s possibl e t o kno w what really , i n nature , was , an d thu s wha t shoul d be . Eighteenth-centur y man, especially eighteenth-century Englishmen , believed that in their natu ral state the y ha d inalienabl e right s t o life , liberty , an d property; th e rol e o f government wa s t o enhance , no t t o infring e upon , thes e rights . T o th e extent that it did infringe, i t was a usurper, a tyranny, unjust an d unjustified . At tha t poin t th e Whigs fel t th e dut y whic h wa s inseparable fro m th e righ t to restor e justice, eve n i f it mean t settin g themselve s in extremis fro m thei r government. Fo r th e colonists , i n al l discussions o f rights, wer e talkin g no t only o f right s a s privileg e o r entitlement , bu t o f right s a s rectitude . Th e rhetorical option s consisten t wit h suc h a philosoph y wer e limited . Th e question remains , ho w di d th e colonist s achiev e certaint y i n thei r knowl edge; what was their epistemology ?

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

5

1

Self-Evident Truth, Moral Sense, and Common Sense Sir Isaia h Berli n ha s writte n tha t " T h e eighteent h centur y i s perhap s th e last perio d i n th e histor y o f Western Europ e whe n huma n omniscienc e wa s thought t o b e a n attainabl e goal." 9 5 "Theist s an d atheists , believer s i n automatic progres s an d skeptica l pessimists , hard-boile d Frenc h materialist s and sentimenta l Germa n poet s an d thinkers , seeme d unite d i n th e convic tion tha t al l problem s wer e solubl e b y th e discover y o f objectiv e answers , which, onc e f o u n d — a n d wh y shoul d the y no t b e ? — w o u l d b e clea r fo r al l to se e an d vali d eternally " 96 Si r Isaia h s observation i s importan t becaus e i t points t o wha t characterize s th e though t o f a century Fro m thi s perspective , debates ove r whic h author s wer e rea d b y Thoma s Jefferso n o r whic h passages fro m whic h eighteenth-centur y write r mos t closel y paralle l th e words o f the Declaratio n o f Independence diminis h int o cavilin g puerility, 97 and whe n th e focu s i s extende d beyon d Jefferso n an d th e Declaratio n t o the philosoph y o f th e America n Whig s i n general , nothin g les s tha n th e catholic perspectiv e suggeste d b y Si r Isaiah' s statemen t ca n b e expecte d t o do mor e tha n obscur e th e problem . Though th e Whig s wer e no t traine d philosopher s an d sometime s mad e rather facil e an d superficia l us e o f thei r philosophica l sources , the y were , b y all evidence , mor e familia r wit h th e philosophica l work s o f thei r da y tha n leaders i n ou r da y ar e wit h contemporar y works . A s Berli n s characteriza tion suggests , wha t th e Whig s learne d fro m thei r source s wa s tha t the y wer e justified i n holdin g tha t ther e wer e thing s tha t the y coul d kno w beyon d a doubt, jus t a s th e layperso n o n th e stree t toda y ha s a vagu e fait h i n th e products o f scienc e justified b y a lingering, second-han d ide a o f positivism . The conten t o f absolut e belief s hel d b y th e Whig s ha s bee n give n attentio n in th e previou s section . Equall y importan t t o ou r understandin g o f ho w they functione d rhetoricall y i s knowledg e o f ho w thes e belief s wer e con ceived t o b e held . The term s use d b y th e colonist s t o justify thei r belief s reflec t th e philo sophical vocabular y o f th e Britis h Empiricist s an d th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sense school . Whethe r th e philosopher s talke d i n term s o f "self-evidence, " "moral sense, " o r " c o m m o n sense, " the y wer e talkin g o f truth s fo r whic h no reason s ca n b e given , truth s tha t ar e axiomatic . Thes e ar e truth s base d on "feeling, " i n th e eighteenth-centur y understandin g o f th e term. 9 8 N o t e in th e followin g fro m Josep h Warre n s "Bosto n Massacr e Oration " ho w terms fo r feelin g provid e evidenc e fo r "universal " epistemologica l claims , terms suc h a s "excited, " "sentiment, " "jealousy, " "adamantine, " "secure" :

52 I

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

The attemp t o f the Britis h Parliamen t t o rais e a revenue fro m America , an d our denia l o f thei r righ t t o d o it , hav e excite d a n almos t universa l inquir y into the right o f mankind in general, an d of British subjects in particular; th e necessary resul t o f which mus t b e suc h a liberality o f sentiment, an d suc h a jealousy o f those i n power , a s will, better tha n a n adamantin e wall , secur e u s against the future approache s o f despotism. " In th e wak e o f th e collapsin g hegemon y o f th e church , th e seventeent h and eighteent h centurie s wer e force d t o reviv e somethin g simila r t o th e geometrical idea l o f th e ancien t Greek s a s a foundatio n o f knowledge. 1 0 0 First mathematic s an d the n physic s becam e th e model s o f reason , an d bot h rested ultimatel y o n som e brut e trut h which , a s Aristotl e noted , ha d t o b e known prio r t o demonstratio n o r n o demonstratio n wa s possible . Des cartes's famou s startin g poin t "Cogito ergo surn" i s an illustratio n o f a syste m of knowledg e base d o n wha t Willia m Jame s terme d th e "on e indefectibl y certain truth , an d th e trut h tha t pyrrhonisti c scepticis m itsel f leave s stand i n g , — t h e trut h tha t th e presen t phenomeno n o f consciousnes s exists." 101 Although Locke' s startin g poin t wa s differen t enoug h fro m tha t o f Descarte s to distinguis h th e empiricis t fro m th e rationalist , Locke , too , foun d "simpl e ideas" whic h i t i s no t i n th e powe r o f th e min d t o den y o r t o destro y t o b e the foundatio n o f all knowledge. 1 0 2 Applie d t o th e detectio n o f conspiracie s of power , Locke' s doctrin e queried , "Ar e th e Peopl e t o b e blamed , i f the y have th e senc e o f rationa l Creatures , an d ca n thin k o f thing s n o otherwis e than a s they fin d an d fee l t h e m ? " 1 0 3 Eve n th e skeptica l H u m e relie d o n th e data o f th e sense s t o for m th e "experience " upo n whic h h e base d knowl edge, dat a fo r whic h n o reason s ca n b e adduced , bu t whic h ar e believe d according t o thei r vivacity. 104 An d Thoma s Reid , Hume' s chie f philosophi cal opponent , als o place d hi s fait h no t i n philosophica l reasons , bu t i n belie f as " a singl e ac t o f th e mind , whic h canno t b e defined." 105 Wha t eac h o f these otherwis e contentiou s philosophie s ha s i n c o m m o n i s a foundatio n for knowledg e tha t reflect s Si r Isaiah' s characterizatio n o f th e time , a foun dation which , i n Aristotle' s conception , "w e mus t necessaril y believe " upo n being expose d t o it . American colonist s o n bot h side s o f th e debat e wer e influence d b y thi s epistemology an d optimisti c abou t th e shee r powe r o f th e trut h t o impres s itself o n th e mind s o f men . Earl y i n th e conflic t wit h Britain , a petitio n b y N e w Yor k t o th e Hous e o f Common s denounce d a n "odiou s Discrimina tion" whic h "n o Sophistr y ca n recommen d t o th e Sober , impartia l Decisio n of commo n sense." 106 Thoma s Jefferson' s "Summar y View " i s "penne d i n

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

5

3

the languag e o f truth," 1 0 7 an d h e furthe r declared , " T h e greates t principle s of righ t an d wron g ar e legibl e t o ever y reader." 108 "Massachusettensis, " ar guing the Tor y position, wrote , "Ther e ar e hundreds, i f not thousands , in th e province, tha t wil l fee l th e trut h o f what I hav e written , lin e b y lin e a s the y read it." 1 0 9 An d Massachusettensis' s opponent , "Novanglus, " wa s n o les s confident whe n h e wrote , "Spea k ou t th e whol e trut h boldly, " o r w h e n h e later concluded hi s exposition o f Bernard's plan to subjugate Americ a by not ing, " N o othe r evidenc e i s necessary; i t wa s plai n t o suc h persons , wha t thi s j u n t o wa s about." 1 1 0 James Oti s fel t tha t h e ha d "proved " wit h mathematica l certainty th e right s o f the British colonie s based o n axiom s o f natural law an d right whe n h e wrot e hi s "Right s o f the Britis h Colonies. " ni Charle s Inglis , in impartially statin g " T h e Tru e Interes t o f America," wrote , "Le t ever y ma n only consul t hi s feelings— I excep t m y antagonist—an d i t wil l requir e n o great forc e o f rhetori c t o convinc e him , tha t a removal o f thos e evils , an d a restoration o f peace would b e a singular advantage an d blessing." A12 T h e Sec ond Continenta l Congres s hel d tha t " a reverenc e fo r ou r grea t Creator , prin ciples of humanity, an d the dictate s of common sense , must convinc e al l those w h o reflec t upo n th e subject , tha t governmen t wa s instituted t o promot e th e welfare o f mankind. " 11 3 Bu t surel y th e Revolution s mos t famou s exempla r of the popular versio n o f eighteenth-century epistemolog y i s Thomas Pain e s " C o m m o n Sense " wher e Pain e offere d "nothin g mor e tha n simpl e facts , plain arguments , an d commo n sense. " 114 Amon g th e man y response s occa sioned b y Pain e s pamphlet wa s on e appropriatel y entitle d "Plai n Truth." 1 1 5 Argument fro m commo n sens e assume s concordanc e wit h th e audience ; the truth s ar e self-evident. Natura l la w philosoph y i n th e eighteent h centur y equated natura l la w wit h reason , an d i n thei r c o m m o n qualificatio n a s rea sonable persons , i t wa s expecte d tha t al l w ho bu t exercise d thi s powe r coul d perceive th e truth. 1 1 6 Lock e regularl y appeale d t o "reason " a s th e suprem e adjudicator, a s whe n h e wrote , "Reason , th e c o m m o n Rul e an d Measure , God hat h give n t o Mankind," 1 1 7 o r whe n h e asserted , " T h e State of Nature has a La w o f Natur e t o gover n it , whic h oblige s ever y one : An d Reason , which i s that Law , teac h al l Mankind , w h o wil l bu t consul t it." 1 1 8 Reasons , then, th e produc t o f consulting reason , wer e thing s i n themselves . Althoug h they were hel d t o b e th e commo n propert y o f human beings , thei r statu s wa s not predicate d o n assent . Acceptanc e o f th e verdict s o f reason wa s th e mea sure o f th e reasonabl e being . T h e reasonabl e perso n wa s no t hel d u p a s th e standard o f reason . I n thi s sense , a s well a s in th e ver y direc t sens e suggeste d by Locke , reaso n wa s sacred; i t was no t o f human creation .

54 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

To sa y tha t reason s wer e sacre d i s no t t o den y thei r powe r t o compe l belief. Th e liberal-Lockea n vie w o f humanit y wa s essentiall y optimistic . The occasiona l failur e o f characte r o r virtu e notwithstanding , huma n be ings woul d generall y reflec t thei r God-give n natur e an d assen t t o thos e reasons reveale d i n natura l law . As with th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , eigh teenth-century citizen s had faith i n th e suasor y power o f sacred truth upo n being revealed. Metaphor s o f vision in both discourse s ar e indicative o f this common faith . Eighteenth-century tract s o n mora l an d politica l topic s deal t wit h th e senses an d thei r functionin g i n a n effor t t o groun d conclusion s i n th e ineffable. Hobbe s i n Leviathan asserts , "Ther e i s n o conceptio n i n a man's mind whic h ha s no t a t first , totall y o r b y parts , bee n begotte n upo n th e organs of sense."119 The relatio n between th e externa l world an d the senses became the preeminent problem in eighteenth-century empiricism , Locke' s doctrine o f primary an d secondar y qualitie s bein g perhap s th e mos t influ ential attempted resolution o f the problem. Even Thomas Reid who, unlike his empiricist adversaries , believed in innate ideas, devoted his entire Inquiry to the functioning o f the five sense s (especially sight, which h e termed "th e noblest" o f the senses ) i n an attempt t o establis h their veracity. 120 This emphasi s o n sensor y data , particularly vision , a s ground fo r belie f is not peculia r t o th e eighteent h century . I n ou r ow n da y w e stil l fin d th e notion tha t "seein g is believing" quit e accessible : rental properties an d used cars must b e see n t o b e believed ; ou r mos t elementa l affirmatio n o f fact i s "I sa w it wit h m y ow n tw o eyes; " an ey e witness i s one wh o know s (fro m the Ol d Englis h witan, "to know" ) b y seeing ; an d "Don' t yo u see? " is ou r final frustrate d respons e t o on e wh o refuse s t o b e convinced . R . Hazelto n has explore d th e us e o f vision a s a metaphor fo r belie f an d ha s note d tha t "of al l the metaphor s w e habituall y use , tha t o f vision mus t b e amon g th e commonest. I t permeate s ou r speec h an d thought—especiall y ou r speec h about thought . Althoug h ou r scientifi c an d philosophica l mentor s hav e always warned agains t confusin g percep t wit h concept , imag e wit h idea , i t seems safe to predict tha t metaphor s o f sight for insigh t will continue t o b e operative an d controlling." 121 Although no t peculia r t o th e eighteent h century , th e emphasi s o n th e senses, visio n i n particular , di d hav e specia l philosophica l significanc e t o eighteenth-century thinker s a s sources o f certain knowledge. 122 Th e twen tieth-century skepti c counter s "Seein g is believing" with "Appearance s ar e deceptive." Not s o for a n American colonis t a t the tim e o f the Revolution .

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

5

5

Capturing th e epistemolog y an d th e revolutionar y fervo r o f th e time , th e inimitable Pain e wrote , "Bu t suc h i s th e irresistibl e natur e o f truth , tha t al l it asks , an d al l i t wants , i s th e libert y o f appearing . T h e su n need s n o inscription t o distinguis h hi m fro m darkness. " 123 I n simila r terms , "Massa chusettensis" expresse d a certaint y tha t thousand s woul d fee l th e trut h o f what h e ha d writte n an d fel t tha t eve n "thos e w h o obstinatel y shut their eyes against i t now , hapl y th e feve r o f th e time s ma y intermit , ther e ma y b e some lucid interval, whe n thei r mind s shal l b e ope n t o th e truth , befor e i t i s too lat e t o serv e them ; otherwis e i t wil l b e reveale d t o the m i n bitte r moments, attende d wit h kee n remors e an d unutterabl e anguish." 1 2 4 Most revealin g wa s th e us e o f th e metapho r t o defin e th e mora l qualit y of opponents . " D o w e clai m an y bu t wha t ar e a s clea r a s th e noo n day? " queries a write r i n The Constitutional Courant. Earlie r i n th e pamphlet , th e writer use s a varian t o f th e sam e metapho r t o describ e th e coerciv e natur e of truth : " T h e argument s b y whic h thes e point s hav e bee n establishe d beyond al l dispute , I nee d no t repeat ; thei r evidenc e i s suc h a s mus t flash conviction int o th e mind s o f al l bu t th e vil e minion s o f tyrann y an d arbitrary power . T h e tremendou s conclusion , therefore , force s itsel f upo n us, tha t th e publi c fait h o f th e nation , i n which , til l now , w e though t w e might securel y confide , i s violated." 1 2 5 T h e write r make s i t quit e clea r tha t failure t o se e th e trut h i s attributabl e t o a defec t o f character , no t t o an y want o f th e truth . Disagreemen t wit h th e W h i g progra m become s prim a facie evidenc e o f corruption . Ther e i s no possibilit y o f hones t differenc e o f opinion, onl y ulterio r motives . If al l parties , bot h Whig s an d Tories , felt th e trut h t o b e bot h rea l an d inexorable, i f th e philosoph y o f omniscienc e wa s a s prevalen t a s her e claimed, wher e i s th e sourc e o f debate , wh y th e nee d fo r advocates ? I n th e first place , i t appear s tha t the y di d buil d thei r cas e o n value s an d belie f hel d by th e audienc e rathe r tha n bein g i n oppositio n t o o r outsid e th e audienc e s frame o f reference . I n th e secon d place , i t no w appear s tha t i f th e W h i g rhetors ar e t o b e considere d prophets , s o mus t Tor y rhetors , fo r the y seemed t o hol d th e sam e basi c truth s an d wit h th e sam e conviction . Granting a common epistemology , a n agreemen t o n method , w e ca n ye t conceive differen t conclusions . Ther e i s roo m fo r a significan t distinctio n to b e mad e betwee n W h i g leaders , thei r Tor y counterparts , an d th e peopl e at large , an d tha t distinctio n lie s i n th e radical' s basi c orientatio n t o th e status quo . Torie s lik e Danie l Leonar d di d no t den y natura l law , bu t foun d in it s dictate s a "dut y t o remai n subjec t t o th e authorit y o f parliament." 1 2 6

56 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

Acting th e par t o f tru e prophets , Whig s decrie d Torie s lik e Leonar d i n terms simila r t o thos e use d b y Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o imprecat e th e priests an d fals e prophet s o f thei r ow n day . Thos e w h o coul d no t se e th e truth wer e victim s o f prejudice , delude d b y th e ephemera l reward s o f loyalty t o th e Crow n a s opposed t o th e tru e virtu e o f loyalty t o God . Pain e spoke o f th e "prejudice s whic h me n hav e fro m educatio n an d habit , i n favour o f an y particula r for m o r syste m o f government " an d dismisse d such prejudice s a s "nothing, " havin g ye t t o stan d "th e tes t o f reaso n an d reflection." 127 "I t ca n onl y b e b y blindin g th e understandin g o f man , an d making hi m believ e tha t governmen t i s som e wonderfu l mysteriou s thing , that excessiv e revenue s ar e obtained, " h e continued . "Monarch y i s wel l calculated t o ensur e thi s end . I t i s th e poper y o f government ; a thin g kep t up t o amus e th e ignorant , an d quie t the m int o taxes." 1 2 8 Recal l her e William Goddar d s contemp t fo r thos e " w h o b y office an d profession engag e to asser t th e caus e o f publi c libert y [who ] ow n themselve s suc h dastard s a s to b e afrai d t o spea k whe n thei r countr y i s injure d i n he r mos t sacre d rights," an d Otis' s injunctio n agains t hi m "tha t woul d pal m th e doctrin e o f unlimited passiv e obedienc e an d non-resistanc e upo n mankind , an d thereb y or b y an y othe r mean s serv e th e caus e o f th e Pretender. " Suc h a person , said Otis , "i s no t onl y a fool an d a knave, bu t a rebel agains t commo n sense , as wel l a s th e law s o f God , o f Nature , an d hi s Country. " T h e argumen t i s almost entirel y ad personam; i t heighten s th e sens e o f divisio n i n th e dis course, an d i t correctl y reflect s th e assumptio n tha t th e defec t i s no t i n th e truth bu t i n th e integrit y o f thos e w h o refus e it . If th e W h i g spokesme n ar e t o b e se t apar t fro m th e Tories , the y ar e als o to b e se t apar t fro m th e peopl e a t large . T h e prophe t assume s a n offic e i n answer t o a call . Th e prophe t see s wha t w e i n ou r mora l torpo r canno t o r will no t se e an d hear s wha t w e eithe r canno t o r wil l no t hear . Accordin g t o Abraham Heschel , "t o a perso n endowe d wit h propheti c sight , everyon e else appear s blind ; t o a perso n whos e ea r perceive s God' s voice , everyon e else appear s deaf . . . . Th e prophet' s wor d i s a screa m i n th e night . Whil e the worl d i s a t eas e an d asleep , th e prophe t feel s th e blas t fro m heaven." 1 2 9 This ma y a t first see m a t odd s wit h th e notion s o f self-evidenc e an d th e compelling natur e o f trut h i n th e Revolution , bu t th e contradictio n i s no t real. Morto n Whit e ha s discusse d a t lengt h th e nascen t elitis m i n th e seemingly democrati c concept s o f self-evidenc e an d mora l sens e an d con cludes tha t th e Revolutionarie s "operate d withi n a philosophica l traditio n [which held ] tha t a learne d ma n ca n se e a s self-eviden t a trut h whic h a n ignorant an d rud e ma n canno t se e a s self-evident. " Therefore , "th e powe r

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

5

7

to se e self-evidenc e wa s attribute d t o a restricte d grou p an d no t t o ever y person." 1 3 0 I n thi s notio n o f elitism , w e fin d a stron g paralle l t o th e offic e of th e prophet . Failure t o se e th e trut h wa s no t a failur e o f th e trut h bu t a n impairmen t of th e perceiver , a failur e o f virtue . T h e colonist s foun d man y way s o f expressing thi s failur e o n th e par t o f thei r peers . John Dickinso n sough t t o shake hi s countryme n fro m indulgen t sleep : "Her e then , m y dea r countr y men R O U S E yourselve s an d behol d th e rui n hangin g ove r you r heads." 1 3 1 James Chalmer s appeale d t o al l thos e "no t drun k wit h fanaticism," 132 a n echo o f th e Ol d Testamen t imager y fo r impairment , an d Thoma s Pain e asked nothin g mor e o f hi s reade r "tha n tha t h e wil l dives t himsel f o f prejudice an d prepossession , an d suffer hi s reaso n an d hi s feeling s t o deter mine fo r themselves." 133 A t anothe r poin t Pain e presente d himsel f a s tryin g to correc t a lac k o f (in)sigh t b y awakenin g hi s peer s "fro m fata l an d unmanly slumbers." 1 3 4 Pain e consistentl y hel d prim a faci e natura l la w t o b e the basi s fo r th e W h i g argument : "Her e the n i s th e origi n an d ris e o f government; namely , a mod e rendere d necessar y b y th e inabilit y o f mora l virtue t o gover n th e world ; her e to o i s th e desig n an d en d o f government , viz., Freedo m an d security . An d howeve r ou r eye s ma y b e dazzle d wit h show, o r ou r ear s deceive d b y sound ; howeve r prejudic e ma y war p ou r wills, o r interes t darke n ou r understanding , th e simpl e voic e o f natur e an d of reaso n wil l say , 'ti s right." 1 3 5 A s Morto n White , borrowin g fro m Kant , suggests i n th e cas e o f th e colonists , the y wer e ultimatel y reduce d t o a position o f " D o no t argue , bu t believe." 1 3 6 I t wa s a questio n no t o f persuasion bu t o f makin g me n see . Whigs an d Ol d Testamen t prophet s ha d i n c o m m o n tha t the y kne w a n absolute trut h and , t o paraphras e Willia m James , tha t the y kne w tha t the y knew; i t wa s b y al l appearanc e self-evident . The y furthe r ha d i n c o m m o n that thei r knowledg e wa s o f th e law , th e la w o f natur e an d o f nature s God . T h e messag e o f thes e rhetors , then , i s largel y determined ; i n th e word s o f Isaiah, " A voic e says , 'Cry! ' An d I said , 'Wha t shal l I c r y ? ' " 1 3 7 T h e radical, lik e th e prophet , i s dedicated , th e proclaime r o f a divin e an d sacre d principle. T h e radica l bear s witness . Her e i s th e root , i f you will , o f radica l rhetoric an d o f prophec y a s a particula r for m o f it : a commitmen t t o a n absolute, sacre d truth . Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , a late r radica l fo r anothe r cause, playe d prophe t agains t th e mal e priesthoo d o f he r da y an d clearl y advocated th e sovereignt y o f th e trut h i n refor m discours e whe n sh e wrot e in he r introductio n t o The Woman's Bible, "Reformer s w h o ar e alway s compromising, hav e no t ye t graspe d th e ide a tha t trut h i s th e onl y saf e

58 |

PROPHECY A S SACRE D TRUT H

ground t o stan d upon." 1 3 8 I t i s precisel y thi s unwillingnes s t o compromis e that I hav e sough t t o highligh t i n bot h Ol d Testamen t prophec y an d th e rhetoric o f th e America n Revolutionaries . I t i s thi s sam e unwillingnes s t o compromise tha t i s routinely equate d wit h "unreason " b y thos e i t opposes . But ther e i s anothe r commonality , on e suggeste d b y th e ide a tha t propheti c speech i s "sanctioned, " tha t mus t b e examine d befor e w e ca n understan d how i t i s that thi s knowledge , accessibl e t o all , se t bot h Whig s an d prophet s in radica l oppositio n t o thei r respectiv e societies , an d tha t i s th e commo n situation tha t calle d bot h Whig s an d prophet s fort h a s spokesmen o n behal f of th e l a w — t h e transgressio n o f th e law .

The Judgment Proclaimed Locke conclude s The Second Treatise of Government b y examinin g th e ques tion, " W h o shal l b e Judge? " O n th e questio n o f w h o shoul d adjudicat e "Controversie . . . betwixt a Prince an d som e o f th e People, " Lock e deter mines tha t th e firs t judge shoul d b e th e peopl e themselves , and , tha t failing , "the Appea l the n lie s n o wher e bu t t o Heaven : . . . an d i n tha t Stat e th e injured Party must judge fo r himself , whe n h e wil l thin k fi t t o mak e us e o f that Appeal , an d pu t himsel f upo n it." 1 3 9 In th e Declaratio n o f Independence , th e colonist s expresse d thei r j u d g ment o f Britain' s attempt s o n thei r freedom s an d mad e thei r appea l t o heaven an d th e worl d fo r vindicatio n o f thei r wa r fo r separation . T h e majo r part o f th e Declaratio n i s a litany o f charge s agains t Kin g Georg e II I whic h begins, " T h e histor y o f th e presen t kin g o f Grea t Britai n i s a histor y o f repeated injurie s & usurpations , al l having i n direc t objec t th e establishmen t of a n absolut e tyrann y ove r thes e states . T o prov e thi s le t fact s b e submitte d to a candid world. " Thi s i s followed b y a verdict base d o n thi s accusation : Nor hav e W e bee n wantin g i n attention s t o ou r Britis h brethren . W e hav e warned the m fro m tim e t o tim e o f attempts by their legislatur e t o exten d a n unwarrantable jurisdiction ove r us . We hav e reminde d the m o f th e circum stances of our emigratio n & settlement here , we have appealed t o their nativ e justice an d magnanimit y an d w e hav e conjure d the m b y th e tie s o f ou r common kindre d t o disavo w thes e usurpation s whic h interrup t ou r connec tion an d correspondence . The y to o hav e been dea f to th e voic e o f justice & of consanguinity , w e mus t therefor e acquiesc e i n th e necessit y whic h de nounces ou r separatio n an d hol d the m a s w e hol d th e res t o f mankind , Enemies in War, in Peace Friends .

Prophecy as Sacred Truth |

5

9

There i s no argumen t i n th e accusation , n o attemp t t o demonstrat e tha t th e king ha d "refuse d hi s Assen t t o Law s th e mos t wholesom e & necessar y t o the publi c good, " n o evidenc e tha t " H e ha s calle d togethe r legislativ e bodies a t place s unusual , uncomfortable , an d distan t fro m th e depositor y o f their publi c Records , fo r th e sol e purpos e o f fatiguin g the m int o compli ance wit h hi s measures, " n o dat a t o suppor t th e clai m tha t " H e ha s affecte d to rende r th e Militar y independen t of , & superio r t o th e Civi l power. " T h e law ha d bee n transgressed , an d th e fait h o f th e Whig s i n th e ra w powe r o f the trut h i n suppor t o f thei r accusatio n i s evidence d i n th e phras e "le t fact s be submitte d t o a candi d world. " Car l Becke r describe d th e for m a s "th e steady, laboriou s pilin g u p o f 'facts, ' th e monotonou s enumeration , withou t comment, o f on e ba d actio n afte r another . H o w coul d a candid worl d den y that th e colonie s wer e rightl y absolve d fro m allegianc e t o s o malevolen t a will!" 1 4 0 T h e verdic t follow s fro m th e accusatio n "o f necessity " This for m i s no t peculia r t o th e Declaration. 1 4 1 T h e autho r o f " A Stat e of th e Right s o f th e Colonists " begin s b y statin g th e right s o f colonist s a s men, a s Christians, an d a s subjects; h e the n proceed s t o " A Lis t o f Infringe ments & Violation s o f Rights." 1 4 2 Henr y Laurens' s "Extract s fro m th e Proceedings o f th e Cour t o f Vice-Admiralty " i s simpl y a long recitatio n o f individual case s in whic h violatio n o f natural la w i s supposed t o b e apparen t to th e reader, 143 an d " A Shor t Narrativ e o f the Horri d Massacr e i n Boston, " with it s repeate d callin g o f witnesse s t o th e stan d t o delive r thei r deposi tions, i s almost a simulated courtroom. 1 4 4 W h i g rhetori c ha s thi s for m i n c o m m o n wit h th e judgment- speec h o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets , i n whic h th e transgression s o f th e covenan t were hel d befor e th e people . Th e argumen t suggest s tha t W h i g rhetorician s conformed t o thi s patter n i n importan t respects : tha t the y wer e constraine d to spea k th e truth , regardles s o f its tendenc y t o alienate ; tha t thei r trut h wa s immutable an d absolute ; tha t the y di d no t doub t thei r knowledg e o f th e truth; an d tha t the y expose d th e crime s o f Englan d agains t he r colonie s t o the searin g ligh t o f this trut h an d boldl y proclaime d God' s judgment agains t the mothe r country . T h e reason s of W h i g rhetori c ar e containe d i n th e terms o f th e covenant , whic h i s als o th e reaso n for W h i g rhetoric . I n thei r act o f judgmen t agains t England , th e Whig s complete d a n ideologica l journey int o th e purit y o f th e wildernes s tha t ha d it s geographica l begin nings almos t tw o hundre d year s prior . W h i g rhetori c serve d t o clarif y a relationship tha t ha d becom e increasingl y ambiguou s an d confused ; i t de fined th e America n peopl e withou t th e encumbrance s o f bein g par t o f th e British empire . O u t o f a crisi s o f meaning , th e Whig s brough t ne w orde r

60 I

PROPHEC Y A S SACRE D TRUT H

and definition , boldl y proclaiming self-eviden t truths , truths alread y part o f the community' s commo n heritage , th e iteratio n o f whic h calle d tha t community int o bein g agai n eve n a s they disjoine d tha t communit y fro m other parts of that complex heritage an d other parts of itself. The followin g chapter turn s t o time s of crisis as the settin g for propheti c discourse .

4

Prophecy a s Krisis Wendell Phillips and the Sin of Slavery

The Lor d will ente r int o judgment wit h th e ancient s o f his people, and th e princes thereof ; fo r y e have eate n u p th e vineyard ; th e spoi l o f the poor i s in your houses. What mea n ye , that beat my people t o pieces, and grin d th e face s o f the poor ? saith th e Lor d Go d o f hosts. —Isaiah 3:14-1 5 And your covenan t wit h deat h shal l be disannulled , an d you r agreement wit h hel l shall not stand ; when th e overflowin g scourg e shall pass through, the n y e shall be trodde n dow n b y it. — Isaiah 28:1 8

Wendell Phillips' s mos t recen t biographer , Jame s Stewart , hold s Phillips t o hav e bee n "Civi l Wa r America s greates t an d mos t radica l ora tor." 1 Thi s i s n o smal l praise , give n th e oratorica l giant s w h o occupie d America's podium s an d pulpit s durin g Phillips' s d a y — m e n lik e Danie l Webster, Edwar d Everett , Lyma n Beecher , an d Henr y Clay—bu t Stewar t is fa r fro m alon e i n hi s assessment . Critica l opinio n fro m Phillips' s da y t o our ow n ha s almos t universall y afforde d th e "brahmi n radical " a plac e among Americ a s premier speakers. 2 Hi s singl e ru n fo r th e governorshi p o f Massachusetts aside , Phillip s eschewe d th e bureaucrati c authorit y o f politica l office an d mad e th e independen t mora l authorit y o f th e speaker' s rostru m the basi s o f his power. I n hi s las t majo r address , th e Harvar d Ph i Bet a Kapp a address o f 1881 , Phillips describe d thi s propheti c stance , th e voic e speakin g truth outsid e th e templ e walls , "wit h . . . n o objec t bu t t r u t h — t o tea r a question ope n an d riddl e i t wit h light." 3 Phillips's uncompromisin g passio n ensure d a controversia l status , man y having argue d tha t h e provide d perhap s mor e hea t tha n ligh t i n th e publi c forum. Th e clai m ha s bee n ofte n mad e tha t Phillip s wa s "th e wrongheade d

61

62 I

PROPHEC Y A

S KRISIS

radical o f the Civi l Wa r crisis—a n emotiona l person , lackin g i n responsibil ity, bu t quic k t o condem n thos e w h o ha d it , standin g alway s fo r extreme s that publi c opinio n woul d no t sustain , reckless , mischievous , an d vindic tive." 4 Irvin g Bartlet t i s using th e phras e o f on e o f Phillips's contemporarie s when h e characterize s Phillips' s discours e a s "th e eloquenc e o f abuse." 5 And E . L . Godkin , als o contemporar y wit h Phillip s an d on e o f th e fe w w h o share d man y o f his radica l views , nonetheles s felt constrained , a s edito r of The Nation magazine , t o criticiz e Phillips' s excesses. 6 Phillips's alienatio n fro m hi s audience s i s clear—th e excoriation , th e clamant tone , th e sneerin g condescensio n ar e al l par t o f hi s repertoire . Though hi s lecture " T h e Los t Arts " wa s enormousl y popular—give n mor e than tw o thousan d time s ove r a forty-five-year period , i t earne d Phillip s a n estimated $ i 50,000 7— h i s defens e o f John Brown' s effor t t o fomen t a slav e rebellion i n Virginia , give n a t a time whe n th e spectr e o f slave insurrection s in th e Caribbea n loome d larg e i n th e mind s o f Americans, seem s perversel y calculated t o offen d an d alienate . I t i s impossibl e t o rea d th e followin g segment o f a speec h Phillip s gav e o n th e event s a t Harper' s Ferr y withou t feeling th e distanc e h e place d betwee n himsel f an d hi s audience . Ther e i s no thir d perso n plura l here ; Phillip s i s no t a membe r o f th e sam e grou p o f which the y ar e al l members, tha t is , h e i s not a citizen. Phillip s i s in extremis as h e denounce s th e U . S . Constitutio n a s a "covenan t wit h deat h an d agreement wit h hell, " a phras e ofte n use d b y Willia m Lloy d Garriso n an d echoing th e prophe t Isaiah : Thank God , I a m no t a citizen . Yo u wil l remember , al l o f you , citizen s o f the Unite d States , tha t ther e wa s no t a Virgini a gu n fire d a t John Brown . Hundreds o f well-arme d Marylan d an d Virgini a troop s rushe d t o Harper' s Ferry, and—wen t away ! You shot him ! Sixtee n marines , t o who m yo u pa y eight dollar s a month,—your ow n representatives . When th e disturbe d Stat e could no t stan d o n he r ow n leg s for trembling , you wen t ther e an d strength ened th e feebl e knees , an d hel d u p th e palsie d hands . Sixtee n men , wit h th e vulture o f the Unio n abov e the m [sensation ] you r representatives ! I t wa s th e covenant wit h deat h an d agreemen t wit h hell , whic h yo u cal l th e Unio n o f thirty States , tha t too k th e ol d ma n b y th e throa t wit h a pirate hand ; an d i t will be th e disgrac e o f our civilizatio n i f a gallows i s ever erecte d i n Virgini a that bears his body 8 The Unio n an d th e Constitutio n o n whic h i t i s base d ar e source s o f legitimacy fo r Phillips' s audience ; i t i s th e benedictio n o f hi s audienc e tha t allows th e justificatio n o f slavery . Phillip s decrie s th e legitimac y o f thes e arrangements a s a falsehood. I n profanin g th e Unio n an d th e Constitution ,

Prophecy as Krisis |

6 3

and i n ridiculin g th e feebl e respons e a t Harper' s Ferr y mad e unde r thei r aegis, Phillip s reveal s th e impotenc e o f fals e idols . A s fo r himself , Phillip s keeps hi s distanc e abov e th e sordidnes s o f th e affair . Onl y onc e doe s h e suggest an y kinshi p wit h hi s hearer s whe n h e mention s th e possibl e "dis grace o f ou r civilization. " S. N . Eisenstadt' s comment s o n mora l fervo r illuminat e th e impuls e exampled here . I t i s a radical impuls e becaus e i t "i s roote d i n th e attemp t t o come int o contac t wit h th e ver y essenc e o f being , t o g o t o th e ver y root s of existence , o f cosmic , social , an d cultura l order , t o wha t i s see n a s sacre d and fundamental. " A t th e sam e time , ther e i s a strongl y critica l elemen t i n this quest , a "predispositio n t o sacrilege : t o th e denia l o f th e validit y o f th e sacred, an d o f wha t i s accepte d i n an y give n societ y a s sacred." 9 Phillips' s reversal i s mad e plausibl e i n th e convergenc e o f th e sacre d an d th e sordi d beyond th e reac h o f man ; bot h ar e untouchable . Suc h a reversa l reveal s th e tenuousness o f th e existin g order , th e threa t o f chaos , thu s providin g th e conditions fo r crisis .

The Crisis of Slavery Dread o f chao s wa s epidemi c i n early-nineteenth-centur y America . Ex pressed a s a fear o f intemperance, i t bordere d o n th e paranoiac. 10 Accordin g to Timoth y Smith , "th e concer n fo r virtu e tha t th e revolutionar y genera tion bequeathe d t o th e ne w natio n wa s n o mer e exercis e i n socia l control , but a n effor t t o dea l wit h th e centra l proble m o f wha t w e cal l 'free ' societies: maximizin g self-control." 11 T h e reviva l movemen t o f th e Secon d Great Awakenin g i s symptomatic o f th e uncertaintie s tha t haunte d th e ne w nation. Perr y Mille r calle d i t "th e dominan t them e i n Americ a fro m 180 0 to i860 " an d sa w i n i t a n attemp t t o achiev e a nationa l identit y base d o n the reformatio n o f commo n sins. 12 Nineteenth-centur y American s fuele d the reviva l movemen t b y relentles s applicatio n o f thei r mora l yardstic k t o contemporaries w h o wer e invariabl y foun d deficient . Livin g i n th e shado w of thos e w h o ha d demonstrate d th e courag e an d disciplin e t o lea d th e country t o independenc e i n a great vindicatio n o f God' s will , American s o f Phillips's generatio n felt small , thei r horizon s limite d t o th e easil y attainabl e rather tha n th e possible . Mora l indolenc e an d self-gratification , th e failur e of virtu e an d mora l athleticism , thes e conspire d t o consig n th e peopl e t o slavery. Slaver y represent s th e apotheosi s o f intemperance . For early-nineteenth-centur y revivalists , "slavery " wa s a devi l term , no t

64 |

PROPHEC

YA

S KRIS

IS

merely a s it applie d t o th e institutio n o f chatte l slavery , bu t a s any degrada tion o f huma n autonom y tha t threatene d t o reduc e huma n being s t o th e status o f animals . A s fo r th e colonist s o f th e lat e eighteent h century , "free d o m " an d "slavery " wer e radica l idea s fo r th e earl y nineteent h centur y because the y wer e fundamenta l t o self-definition . Wit h regar d t o th e Tem perance movement , a produc t o f th e sam e climat e an d sharin g man y parallels wit h abolitionism , Josep h Gusfiel d ha s state d th e cas e quit e suc cinctly: " T h e concep t o f Temperanc e ha s reste d o n . . . a specifi c visio n o f man's characte r i n whic h self-mastery , industry , an d mora l consistenc y ar e prized virtues . Impulsiv e actio n i s a t th e opposit e pol e fro m virtue . T h e good ma n i s able , throug h hi s character , t o wi n th e victor y o f Wil l ove r Impulse." 1 3 Slaver y wa s bot h a product o f th e triump h o f impulse ove r wil l in th e enslave r an d a n institutio n tha t abrogate d th e exercis e o f will by thos e enslaved. Davi d Brio n Davi s provide s a usefu l clarificatio n o f th e sinfulnes s of slaver y whe n h e note s tha t it s inheren t contradictio n "lie s no t i n it s cruelty o r economi c exploitation , bu t i n th e underlyin g conceptio n o f a man a s a conveyabl e possessio n wit h n o mor e autonom y o f wil l an d consciousness tha n a domesti c animal . Thi s conceptio n ha s alway s raise d a host o f problem s an d ha s neve r bee n hel d withou t compromise." 1 4 I n a word, slaver y wa s destructiv e o f virtue . Davis refer s t o thos e w h o wer e victim s o f institutionalize d slavery , thos e human being s w h o wer e owne d b y othe r huma n beings , bu t th e connec tion o f intemperanc e an d autonom y reveal s th e owner s t o b e n o les s enslaved. A s Donal d Scot t suggest s o f th e abolitionis t view , "slaver y i n it s essence di d no t diffe r fro m th e broade r America n life , bu t seeme d t o tak e to it s logica l en d poin t tha t lus t fo r gai n an d th e willingnes s t o sacrific e al l to selfis h end s tha t dominate d America n life." 15 Slaver y stoo d oppose d t o the self-contro l associate d wit h civilize d men ; i t wa s directl y associate d wit h licentious behavio r o n th e par t o f Southerner s an d indirectl y wit h th e decadence o f Northerner s w h o benefite d fro m th e labo r o f th e bonds man. 1 6 Fo r abolitionists , slaver y represente d th e highes t for m o f self-grati fication an d wa s symptomati c o f th e genera l deca y i n societ y necessitatin g the reviva l movement. 1 7 Using th e languag e o f degrade d virtue , abolitionist s represente d slaver y as a materialisti c corruption , th e placin g o f sel f abov e duty , selfishness . Personal well-bein g provide d a kin d o f intoxication , a n anestheti c effec t against th e pai n o f slavery . " I appea l fro m th e America n peopl e drun k wit h cotton," sai d Phillips. 18 Th e m o b tha t kille d Lovejo y wa s " a community , staggering lik e a drunke n man , indifferen t t o thei r right s an d confuse d i n

Prophecy as Krisis |

6$

their feelings . Dea f t o argument , hapl y the y migh t b e stunne d int o sobri ety." 19 T h e mayo r o f Bosto n an d th e m o b tha t nearl y cos t Garriso n hi s lif e there i n 183 5 "wer e onl y blin d t o wha t the y di d no t wis h t o see , an d kne w the righ t an d wron g o f th e cas e wel l enough , only , lik e al l half-educate d people, the y wer e bu t poorl y abl e t o comprehen d th e vas t importanc e o f the wron g the y wer e doing." 2 0 "Wha t i s i t tha t thu s palsie s ou r strengt h and blind s ou r foresight ? W e hav e becom e s o familia r wit h slaver y tha t w e are n o longe r awar e o f it s deadenin g influenc e o n th e bod y politic." 2 1 Abolitionists crie d ou t agains t indulgence , a n indulgenc e tha t create d a shield agains t th e pai n o f a sinfu l world . A s wit h th e rhetori c o f th e American Revolution , th e metaphor s o f drunkennes s sugges t th e mora l quality o f thos e w h o loo k a t question s o f righ t an d wron g throug h th e ethical equivalen t o f a n alcoholi c cloud . T h e mora l stupo r tha t i s insinuate d suggests a stat e i n whic h critica l difference s amon g principle s ar e slurre d and confused . In th e Constitutio n o f th e Unite d States , radica l abolitionist s foun d th e institutionalization o f America' s faile d virtu e i n th e fac e o f slavery . Allyin g themselves wit h th e Revolutionaries , abolitionist s easil y carrie d th e banne r of 177 6 bu t stoppe d shor t o f assumin g th e burde n o f 1787 . Phillip s wa s on e of tha t ban d o f Garrisonia n radical s tha t hel d th e absolut e idealis m o f th e Declaration o f Independenc e i n judgment ove r th e Constitution . I n 1844 , he playe d a rol e i n creatin g th e documen t The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact published b y th e America n Anti-Slaver y Society . A compilatio n o f reprints fro m th e Madiso n paper s o n th e constitutiona l debates , "thes e pages prov e th e melanchol y fac t tha t willingly , wit h deliberat e purpose , ou r fathers bartere d honest y fo r gai n an d becam e partner s wit h tyrant s tha t the y might shar e i n th e profit s o f their tyranny." 22 I n 1847 , Phillip s furthere d th e charges i n a respons e t o Lysande r Spooner' s essa y " T h e Unconstitutionalit y of Slavery." 23 I n th e sprin g o f i860 , Phillips' s "Ple a fo r th e Dissolutio n o f the U n i o n " attracte d considerabl e attention, 2 4 an d afte r th e secessio n o f South Carolin a fro m th e Union , h e hailed , " 'Th e Lor d reigneth ; th e eart h rejoice.' 'Th e covenan t wit h death ' i s annulled ; 'th e agreemen t wit h hell ' i s broken t o pieces . T h e chai n whic h ha s hel d th e slav e syste m sinc e 178 7 i s parted." 2 5 For Garrisonians , th e Constitutio n represente d a great compromis e wit h sin, a proslaver y document , a travest y t o th e ideal s o f th e Revolutio n a s expressed i n th e Declaratio n o f Independence . T h e Constitutio n wa s no t a reflection o f absolut e right , bu t o f expediency : "The y [Americans ] hav e n o idea o f absolut e right, " sai d Phillips . "The y wer e bor n sinc e 1787 , an d

|

66 P R O P H E C

YA

S KRISIS

absolute righ t mean s th e trut h dilute d b y a strong decoctio n o f th e Consti tution o f '89 . The y breath e tha t atmosphere ; the y d o no t wan t t o sai l outside o f it ; the y d o no t attemp t t o reaso n outsid e o f it . Poisone d wit h printer s ink, o r choke d wit h cotto n dust , the y star e a t absolut e righ t a s th e dream o f madmen." 2 6 A s th e Foundin g Father s wer e enliste d agains t th e leaders o f th e Revolution , providin g fue l o n bot h side s o f th e slaver y debate, a fissur e wa s reveale d i n th e nationa l foundatio n placin g a terribl e strain o n consensus . Abolitionist s effectivel y questione d th e integrit y o f principles, th e unimpugne d statu s o f whic h wa s necessar y t o sustai n a justification o f slavery . In th e vie w o f radica l abolitionists , th e sam e accommodating , facilitativ e politics tha t ha d produce d th e Constitutio n wa s a chroni c sympto m o f th e failure o f mora l visio n i n America , an d Phillip s an d hi s coreligionist s reserved som e o f thei r bitteres t invectiv e fo r th e proces s an d it s prac titioners. "W e d o no t play politics, " declare d Phillips , "Antislaver y i s no hal f jest wit h us ; i t i s a terribl e earnest , wit h lif e o r death , wors e tha n lif e o r death, o n th e issue." 27 I n a speec h mad e i n 1845 , Phillip s contraste d th e politician wit h th e reformer : "The politicia n mus t concea l hal f hi s principles , t o carr y forwar d th e othe r half—must regard , no t rigi d principl e an d stric t right , bu t onl y suc h a degree o f righ t a s wil l allo w hi m a t th e sam e tim e t o secur e numbers. Hi s object i s immediate success . When h e alter s hi s war cry , h e eve r look s bac k over his shoulder to see how many follow" Th e reformer , o n the other hand , worships truth ; "hi s objec t i s duty, no t success . He ca n wait , n o matte r ho w many desert , ho w fe w remain ; h e ca n trus t alway s tha t th e whol e o f truth , however unpopular , ca n never harm th e whole o f virtue." 28 Phillips a t on e poin t compare s compromisin g politician s t o Milton' s "eart h s giant sons , N o w les s than smalles t dwarfs , i n narro w roo m Thron g number less, lik e tha t pygmea n rac e Beyon d th e India n mount, " whil e th e "health y p a r t y — t h e me n w h o mad e n o compromis e i n orde r t o com e unde r tha t arch" i s compare d t o " T h e grea t seraphi c lord s an d cherubim , I n clos e recess an d secre t conclave." 29 Politician s thu s becam e a symbo l o f mora l failure a s representative s o f th e wil l an d leader s o f th e ne w Zion . Lik e Moses, the y wer e particularl y culpable . T h e fina l symbo l o f the moral decay in America a s the abolitionist s viewe d it wa s th e derelictio n o f th e churc h o n th e issu e o f slavery . T h e reluctan t church wa s perhap s th e institutio n mos t defame d b y th e abolitionist s afte r slavery itself . Dissatisfactio n wit h th e institutio n o f th e churc h inspire d

Prophecy as Krisis |

6

7

"come-outers" t o cas t asid e it s corrupte d authorit y an d inspire d Stephe n S . Foster t o mak e hi s reputatio n b y interruptin g churc h service s t o spea k o n behalf o f the antislaver y cause. 30 I n antebellu m America , th e Bibl e wa s use d as muc h b y fals e priest s t o legitimat e slaver y a s i t wa s t o condem n it, 31 an d though Phillip s neve r wen t s o fa r a s to accep t wha t h e fel t wer e th e heresie s of Garriso n an d som e o f Garrison' s followers , h e di d decisivel y se t himsel f apart fro m th e churc h an d th e attitud e o f the churc h wit h regar d t o slavery. 32 According t o Phillips , the abolitionist s earl y saw , that , fo r a mora l questio n lik e theirs , onl y tw o paths lay open: t o wor k throug h th e Church , tha t failing , t o join battl e wit h it. Som e trie d long , lik e Luther , t o b e Protestants , an d ye t no t com e ou t o f Catholicism; bu t thei r eye s wer e soo n opened . Sinc e the n w e hav e bee n convinced tha t t o com e ou t fro m th e Church , t o hold he r u p a s the bulwar k of slavery, an d t o mak e he r shortcoming s th e mai n burde n o f our appeal s t o the religious sentiment o f the communit y wa s our first dut y and best policy 33 H e note d tha t th e church' s reactio n t o Uncle Tom's Cabin wa s "eithe r silen t or hostile , an d i n th e column s o f th e theologica l paper s th e wor k i s subjected t o criticism , t o reproach , an d it s author t o sever e rebuke." 3 4 "Sav e us fro m a Churc h no t broa d enoug h t o cove r woma n an d th e slave , al l th e room bein g kep t fo r th e grogsho p an d th e theatre—provide d th e on e wil l keep sobe r enoug h t o mak e th e responses , an d th e othe r wil l len d it s embroidered rag s fo r thi s ne w bab y house." 3 5 Phillip s foun d th e church' s appeal t o th e separatio n o f churc h an d stat e a s a reaso n fo r no t becomin g involved i n th e controvers y disingenuous : " T h e offic e o f th e pulpi t i s t o teach me n thei r duty . Whereve r men' s thought s influenc e thei r laws , i t i s the dut y o f th e pulpi t t o preac h politics." 36 T h e positio n o f th e churc h wa s all th e mor e disingenuou s becaus e o f its failur e t o maintai n i t consistently : Free men ar e kidnapped i n ou r streets , to be plunged int o tha t hell of slavery; and now and the n one , as if by miracle, after lon g years, returns t o make me n aghast wit h hi s tale . Th e pres s says , "I t i s al l right" ; an d th e pulpi t cries , "Amen." The y prin t th e Bibl e i n ever y tongu e i n whic h ma n utter s hi s prayers; an d ge t th e mone y t o d o s o b y agreein g neve r t o giv e th e book , i n the languag e ou r mother s taugh t us , t o an y Negro , fre e o r bond , sout h o f Mason an d Dixon' s line . The pres s says, "It i s all right"; an d th e pulpi t cries , "Amen." 37 Again an d again , Phillip s pointe d t o th e derelictio n o f instruction , th e failure o f politica l an d mora l leader s t o provid e clea r direction , t o mak e significant distinction s betwee n goo d an d evil .

|

68 P R O P H E C

YA

S KRIS

IS

T h e mentalit y o f compromis e tha t Phillip s excoriate d i n bot h politic s and th e churc h wa s intended b y its proponents a s the vehicle fo r continue d unity. I t wa s a beguilin g notio n i n it s passivity—"live an d le t live/ ' I t was not a strenuou s doctrine . I t reflecte d th e realitie s o f th e worl d i n al l it s imperfections. Bu t compromis e als o ha s a sharpl y dyslogisti c element : i t does no t alway s preserv e th e interest s o f opposin g element s i n mutua l deference an d respect, bu t sometimes surrender s on e to the other. C o m p r o mise ca n be " a shamefu l o r disreputabl e concession, " particularl y whe n i t is the sel f tha t i s compromised . Her e th e lac k o f strenuousnes s belie s th e benign fac e o f compromise . I n a n ag e wher e th e sel f i s asserte d onl y through th e exercis e o f virtue, th e life o f ease involve s th e horribl e anxiet y of th e los s o f self, a condition o f slavery. Compromise , i n thi s les s charitabl e view, i s no t a stalemat e betwee n th e whit e kin g an d th e blac k king , bu t a reduction o f al l player s t o a homogeneou s gra y mass . I n suc h a state , n o significant distinction s ca n b e made , ther e i s n o lin e o f demarcation , n o foundation fo r judgment, onl y amorphou s formlessness , chaos .

The Call to Judgment In suc h a situation , i t i s th e prophet s offic e t o cry , "Hear , yo u deaf ; an d look, yo u blind, tha t yo u may see!" 3 8 "T o waken th e nation t o its real state , and chai n i t t o th e consideratio n o f thi s on e duty , i s hal f th e work, " sai d Phillips. 39 Accordin g t o Hofstadter : Phillips's caree r illustrates the principle tha t th e agitator is likely to be a crisis thinker. . . . I n period s o f relativ e socia l peac e th e agitato r labor s unde r intellectual a s well as practical restraints, for he thinks in terms o f the ultimate potentialities o f socia l conflict s rathe r tha n th e immediat e compromise s b y which the y ar e softened. Hi s moral judgments ar e made fro m th e standpoin t of absolute values, with which th e mass of men canno t comfortabl y live . But when a social crisis or revolutionary perio d at last matures, the sharp distinc tions that gover n the mind o f the agitato r become a t one with th e realities.40 Referring t o Americ a a s a modern-day Sodom, 4 1 a devic e ofte n employe d by th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o sugges t th e urgenc y o f th e moment , Phillips attempte d t o creat e th e necessar y atmospher e o f crisis . "Whil e drunk wit h th e temptation s o f the presen t hour, " h e proclaimed , " m e n are willing t o bow to an y Moloch." 42

Prophecy as Krisis |

6 9

Murray Edelma n ha s suggeste d tha t "crisis " i s perhaps th e mos t powerfu l political ter m availabl e fo r encouragin g unit y an d c o m m o n sacrifice. 43 Phil lips's purpose s coul d no t b e bette r represente d a s he sough t t o creat e a ne w community throug h th e renewa l o f virtue. T h e traditio n o f th e jeremiad i n America attest s to a long practical understandin g o f the principle. Sacva n B e rcovitch writes , "Fro m th e star t th e Purita n Jeremiahs ha d draw n thei r inspi ration fro m insecurity ; b y th e 1670s , crisi s ha d becom e thei r sourc e o f strength. The y fastene d upo n it , glorie d i n it , eve n invente d i t i f necessary . They too k courag e fro m backsliding , converte d threa t int o vindication , made afflictio n thei r sea l of progress. Crisi s became bot h for m an d substanc e of thei r appeals." 44 Bercovitc h trace s th e us e o f th e jeremia d throug h th e nineteenth centur y an d find s th e ide a o f crisis t o b e a stable theme. 4 5 The reviva l cultur e o f antebellu m Americ a wa s predicate d o n crisis . I n the persona l term s o f revivalism , abolitionis m was , fo r many , th e resolutio n of a carefull y nurture d persona l crisi s o f vocation . Donal d M . Scot t ha s argued tha t a larg e numbe r o f abolitionist s ha d bee n dutifull y prepare d b y their parent s fo r th e experienc e o f rebirt h an d conversion , a s a resul t o f which Go d s plan fo r thei r live s woul d b e revealed. 46 Bearin g th e mark s o f a stron g Purita n heritage , th e lif e dedicate d t o God' s purpos e wa s strenuou s and exacting . Accordin g t o Scott , "rebirt h le d no t t o disregar d o f th e worl d but t o implacabl e hostilit y t o th e worl d a s i t wa s sinfull y constituted . A s Christians bor n t o righteousnes s the y wer e a s oblige d t o comba t th e sinfu l world a s they wer e t o ri d themselve s o f al l remnant s o f sin." 4 7 Phillips wa s ver y muc h a product o f thi s reviva l culture . Raise d i n a ver y pious, Calvinisti c household , hi s mother s earlies t gif t t o hi m wa s a Bible . In 1826 , afte r hearin g Lyma n Beeche r preac h o n th e them e "Yo u Belon g to God, " h e reporte d a conversion experience, 4 8 thoug h h e di d no t discove r the natur e o f hi s missio n fo r anothe r decade . W h e n h e di d fin d hi s wa y into th e abolitionis t movement , h e describe d th e even t i n revelator y terms : "I ha d rea d Gree k an d R o m a n an d Englis h history ; I ha d b y hear t th e classic eulogie s o f brav e ol d me n an d martyrs ; I dreamed , i n m y folly , tha t I heard th e sam e ton e i n m y yout h fro m th e cucko o lip s o f Edward Everett — these wome n taugh t m e m y mistake . . . . These wome n opene d m y eyes." 49 The wome n Phillip s refer s t o ar e th e wome n w h o ha d invite d Garriso n t o speak t o the m o n th e da y Phillip s sa w hi m dragge d i n a noos e throug h th e streets o f Boston . B y remainin g steadfas t an d refusin g t o surrende r thei r meeting, thes e wome n presente d Phillip s wit h a visio n o f courag e an d virtue. Phillip s stresse s th e extraordinar y natur e o f th e experienc e b y con -

70 I

PROPHEC YA

S KRISIS

trasting i t wit h hi s forma l education , an d h e refer s t o i t a s an "anointing. " 5 0 It i s certainly no t implausibl e t o se e i n Phillips' s radica l caree r a n attemp t to provid e meanin g t o hi s lif e i n a worl d wher e th e clerica l an d politica l options o f hi s forefather s ha d bee n mad e increasingl y irrelevant. 51 A m o d ern cyni c migh t b e tempte d t o fin d i n Phillips' s abolitionis t activitie s a synecdochal rejectio n o f a repressiv e Calvinis t upbringing , bu t Ma x Stack house remind s u s tha t th e slaver y question , callin g int o questio n a s i t di d the absolut e doctrin e o f th e natura l righ t t o property , als o raise d criticism s of "decaden t Calvinis t theories , whic h sa w persona l wealt h a s a sig n o f special divin e favor. " 52 Stackhous e quote s James Dombrowsk i t o th e effec t that a "this - worldly " Calvinism , a s oppose d t o th e "otherworldliness " o f Lutheranism an d th e "next-worldliness " o f Catholicism , manifeste d itsel f i n those place s wher e Calvinis m wa s mos t deepl y entrenched. 5 3 Thi s "Purita n evangelical" Calvinis m emphasize d participatio n i n th e worl d wit h a vie w to transformin g it. 54 Jus t a s Emerson , durin g thi s era , face d th e crisi s o f relevancy an d foun d a meaningfu l vocatio n a s a "scholar, " Phillip s wa s abl e to fin d a divinely sanctione d vocatio n i n abolitionism . Accordin g t o Ronal d Walters, "t o b e a n abolitionis t wa s t o declar e allegianc e t o th e principle s o f brotherhood an d equalit y o f opportunity , t o suffer fo r thos e ideals , an d t o band togethe r wit h like-minde d individuals. " 55 Thei r agitatio n "ofte n cam e at a crucial momen t i n thei r live s an d helpe d the m fin d direction , meaning , and companionship. " 5 6 Abolitionism i s almos t universall y describe d b y moder n writer s a s a "moral crusade, " " a sacre d vocation, " o r a "religiou s movement," 5 7 an d Phillips, arme d wit h confidenc e i n hi s righteousnes s an d hi s visio n o f absolute truth , reflecte d th e religiou s natur e o f th e caus e i n hi s discourse . H e describe d abolitionis m a s "a n insurrectio n t o restor e absolut e right, " described Joh n Brow n a s "th e brave , frank , an d sublim e truste r i n God' s right an d absolut e justice, " an d denie d concer n wit h th e tempora l an d ephemeral: "Yo u se e I a m talkin g o f tha t absolut e essenc e o f thing s whic h lives i n th e sigh t o f th e Eterna l an d th e Infinite ; no t a s me n judg e i t i n th e rotten moral s o f th e nineteent h century , amon g a her d o f State s tha t call s itself a n empire , becaus e i t raise s cotto n an d sell s slaves." 58 Phillip s trul y prophesied o r "spok e fo r another " whe n h e sai d o f Joh n Brown , " G o d makes hi m th e text , an d al l h e ask s o f ou r comparativel y cowardl y lip s i s t o preach th e sermon , an d sa y t o th e America n peopl e that , whethe r tha t ol d man succeede d i n a worldl y sens e o r not , h e stoo d a representativ e o f law , of government , o f right , o f justice , o f religion , an d the y wer e a m o b o f murderers w h o gathere d abou t him , an d sough t t o wrea k vengeanc e b y

Prophecy as Krisis |

7

1

taking hi s life. " 59 T h e rhetorica l attitud e suggeste d her e i s succinctl y char acterized b y Bartlett : " N o matte r ho w bitter , ho w merciless , ho w seemingl y vindictive hi s assault s o n individuals , Phillip s alway s fel t justified i n wha t h e was doing . H e di d no t thin k o f himsel f a s a n ordinar y lecture r o r orator , but a s a kind o f minister t o th e public , preachin g th e gospe l o f reform." 6 0 T h e assertio n o f God' s presenc e i n history , howeve r harsh , carrie s th e reassurance o f order , a single motiv e power , a single guidin g passio n behin d an otherwis e inexplicabl e universe . T h e exegesi s o f sacre d histor y i s a critical propheti c devic e fo r revealin g a t critica l moment s G o d s will . T h e prophetic wo e find s i n catastroph e a n adumbratio n o f G o d s judgment . Abolitionist discours e o f th e lat e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centurie s is rif e wit h suc h revelations . Davi d Brio n Davi s find s th e them e t o b e central i n th e emergenc e o f immediatis m ove r gradualis m i n antislaver y thought an d provide s a numbe r o f examples . Notabl e amon g the m i s Granville Sharp' s interpretatio n o f hurricane s i n th e Wes t Indie s a s "super natural agencie s t o blas t th e enemies of law an d righteousness," and America n Thomas Branagan' s ple a t o "brin g a speed y en d t o slaver y an d aver t th e divine judgment o f a n apocalypti c racia l war." 6 1 T h e languag e o f Shar p an d Branagan , wit h it s synthesi s o f logos an d pathos expresse d a s righteousness an d th e convictio n o f divin e orde r behin d it, wa s share d b y Phillip s an d hi s fello w Garrisonians . I n th e "Addres s o f th e Executive Committe e o f th e America n Anti-Slaver y Societ y t o th e Friend s of Freedo m an d Emancipatio n i n th e U . States, " signe d b y Willia m Lloy d Garrison a s Presiden t an d Wendel l Phillip s an d Mari a Westo n Chapma n a s Secretaries, i t wa s declared , After th e independenc e o f this country ha d been achieved , th e voic e o f Go d exhorted th e people , saying , "Execut e tru e judgment, an d sho w merc y an d compassion, ever y ma n t o hi s brother : an d oppres s no t th e widow , no r th e fatherless, th e stranger, no r the poor; an d let none o f you imagine evi l against his brothe r i n you r heart . Bu t the y refuse d t o hearken , an d pulle d awa y th e shoulder, an d stoppe d thei r ears , tha t the y shoul d no t hear ; yea , the y mad e their heart s a s an adaman t stone. " "Shal l I not visi t fo r thes e things ? sait h th e Lord. Shal l not m y soul be avenged o n suc h a nation a s this?"62 Borrowing languag e directl y fro m th e Ol d Testament , Garrison , Phillips , and Chapma n lef t n o doub t a s t o th e ultimat e realizatio n o f God' s will : order woul d b e restore d throug h th e eliminatio n o f sin . Perhap s no t al l would b e saved , bu t th e powe r o f a n omnipoten t Go d woul d no t b e thwarted b y th e pun y obstinanc e o f avariciou s men . Ther e i s a promis e

72 I

PROPHEC Y A

S KRIS

IS

here tha t chao s wil l succum b t o justice ; th e wicke d wil l b e punishe d an d the goo d rewarded ; th e mora l qualitie s o f th e worl d wil l b e clarified . Frightful a s th e prospec t o f natura l disaster s an d war s migh t hav e been , the mos t compellin g evidenc e o f Jehovah's wrat h agains t Hi s peopl e wa s the threa t o f th e "slav e powe r conspiracy. " Conceive d a s a plo t b y th e slaveholding state s t o establis h politica l hegemon y ove r th e fre e states , th e idea o f th e slav e powe r conspirac y implicate d th e N o r t h fo r it s passiv e complicity i n slaver y fa r mor e tha n i t implicate d th e Sout h fo r th e si n o f slaveholding. Ther e was , afte r all , somethin g virtuou s i n th e Southerner' s aggressive defens e o f slavery , howeve r misguided . I t wa s fo r thi s reaso n tha t Phillips ha d a grudgin g admiratio n fo r th e unregenerat e Joh n C . Calhou n and nothin g bu t contemp t fo r th e grea t compromise r Henr y Clay . T h e end o f Norther n fecklessnes s woul d b e it s ow n slavery , th e "slav e powe r conspiracy" bein g conceive d a s God' s vehicl e fo r th e enslavemen t o f al l those w h o ha d forsake n virtu e an d th e covenant . I n a letter t o Phillip s fro m William Lloy d Garrison , "Sunda y Morning , Apri l 2 1 [1861], " Garriso n ventured t o sugges t som e "portion s o f Scripture " tha t h e fel t migh t b e useful fo r a n addres s Phillip s wa s t o mak e tha t da y a t th e Musi c Hall . Fro m chapters 5 0 an d 5 1 o f Jeremiah, Garriso n mad e th e followin g application : "Israel an d Judah typif y th e North ; an d a recognitio n o f thei r guilt , also , i s made, wit h discriminatio n an d hope : — 'Fo r Israe l hat h no t bee n forsaken , nor Judah o f hi s God ; though their land was filled with sin against the Holy One of Israel' — i.e., th e si n o f complicity. " 6 3 For thos e wit h a n acut e mora l vision , th e desig n o f th e slav e powe r conspiracy wa s eviden t i n man y o f th e event s precedin g th e Civi l War . I t i s in th e natur e o f conspiracie s t o attemp t t o escap e notice , t o disguis e patter n as rando m activity . Action s presente d t o th e publi c a s th e independen t pursuit o f economi c interests—th e Kansas-Nebrask a Act , th e Fugitiv e Slave Law , th e Compromis e o f 1850—wer e viewe d b y abolitionist s a s components o f a concerted mora l assault. 64 Th e abolitionist s wer e burdene d with th e tas k o f revealin g th e tru e natur e o f event s t o th e degenerat e w h o saw the m onl y throug h th e promiscuou s languag e o f politics . I n referenc e to th e annexatio n o f Texas, Phillip s said , How vigilantly , ho w patiently , di d w e watc h th e Texa s plo t fro m it s com mencement! Th e politi c Sout h felt tha t its first mov e had been to o bold, an d thenceforward worke d underground . Fo r many a year, men laughe d a t us for entertaining an y apprehensions . I t wa s impossibl e t o rous e th e Nort h t o it s Peril. Davi d Le e Chil d wa s though t crazy , becaus e h e woul d no t believ e

Prophecy as Krisis |

7 3

there wa s no danger . Hi s elaborat e Letters on Texan Annexation ar e th e ables t and mos t valuabl e contributio n tha t ha s bee n mad e towar d a history o f th e whole plot. 65 The conspirac y theme , a s evidence d i n th e rhetori c o f th e America n Revolution, i s a vehicle fo r signification . God , o r som e othe r absolut e valu e standing i n Hi s place , i s implied i n th e notio n tha t ther e ar e ideal s t o whic h the conspirac y ca n b e opposed . Conflic t achieve s cosmi c dimensions ; q u o tidian appearance s prov e t o b e a n inadequat e accoun t o f events ; th e contes t has profoun d implications . Indeed , i t i s precisel y unde r th e shrou d o f pedestrianism tha t conspiracie s see k t o escap e notice , t o avoi d a true assess ment o f thei r consequences . A s isolate d an d rando m occurrences , event s beg t o b e dismisse d withou t cross-examination . Agains t th e tendenc y t o reduce event s t o insignificance , th e propheti c voic e demand s a thoroughgo ing exegesi s o f sacre d history . I n doin g so , i t reveal s th e pattern s an d provides a rationale fo r th e putativel y innocuou s an d serendipitous . Treatment o f th e slav e powe r conspirac y them e b y Phillip s an d hi s fello w Garrisonians reveal s a n obsessiv e concer n wit h enslavemen t a s a resul t o f moral sloth . Radica l abolitionis m wa s ofte n les s concerne d wit h workin g toward freedo m o f chatte l slave s tha n i t wa s wit h th e integrit y o f N o r t h e r n free states . I n a lette r t o Phillips , Garrison , quotin g Jeremiah, wrote , "Fle e out o f th e mids t o f Babylon , delive r ever y ma n hi s soul , b e no t cu t of f i n her iniquity." 66 Phillip s himsel f bespoke a certain selfis h complacenc y w h e n he argued , "I f w e neve r fre e a slave , a t leas t w e hav e free d ourselve s i n ou r efforts t o emancipat e ou r brothe r men." 6 7 I t woul d b e unfai r t o sa y tha t Phillips wa s no t concerne d wit h th e pligh t o f th e chatte l slave . H e wa s concerned, as , fo r example , remark s mad e i n 184 6 attest : "W e mus t spea k strongly becaus e th e crisi s demand s plai n talking . R e m e m b e r thi s i s n o evi l which lynx-eye d ingenuit y ha s discovered . W e ar e no t goin g abou t wit h a lamp a t mid-day , i n orde r t o ferre t ou t som e littl e loca l evil . Ever y sixt h man i s a slave . T h e nationa l banne r cling s t o th e flagstaff, heav y wit h blood." 6 8 A t th e sam e time , i t appear s tha t hi s lega l background , hi s interes t in th e issue s o f th e America n Revolution , an d th e natur e o f hi s conversio n to th e antislaver y movemen t incline d Phillip s t o a grea t concer n wit h th e infringement o f the slav e powe r conspirac y o n th e right s o f free N o r t h e r n ers. 69 I n hi s firs t speec h a s a n abolitionist , " T h e Righ t o f Petition, " Phillip s protested agains t th e antiabolitionis t gag-rul e i n th e Congres s an d lamente d the deat h o f a righ t "w e ha d though t a s firmly fixe d i n th e soi l o f Americ a as th e Saxo n rac e whic h brough t i t here . I t wa s th e breat h o f lif e durin g

74 I

PROPHEC Y A

S KRIS

IS

our colonia l history , an d i s recognized o n ever y pag e o f ou r histor y sinc e a s the bulwar k o f civi l liberty. " H e wen t o n t o lin k th e defens e o f civi l libert y and abolitionism : " U p o n th e friend s o f abolition , o f fre e discussion , o f equal rights , throughou t th e land , insul t ha d bee n heape d o n insult , an d outrage adde d t o outrage , til l w e though t tha t malic e ha d don e it s worst . All th e outwork s tha t guar d th e citade l o f libert y ha d bee n i n tur n over thrown. Th e deares t right s o f freeme n ha d been , on e b y one , tor n fro m us." 7 0 Phillips' s famou s speec h "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy " wa s a defens e o f freedom o f expression ; it s onl y concer n wit h slaver y wa s th e fac t tha t Lovejoy ha d bee n th e owne r o f a n abolitionis t press. 71 For self-professe d revolutionarie s w h o disdaine d expedience , i t i s mor e than mer e coincidenc e tha t thei r proselytizin g wa s restricte d t o th e North ; it i s mor e tha n mer e coincidenc e tha t primar y amon g thei r tactic s wa s withdrawal fro m contaminate d institutions—th e refusa l t o vote , th e c o m e outerist movemen t i n th e churches ; an d i t i s mor e tha n mer e coincidenc e that th e mott o o f th e America n Anti-Slaver y Societ y wa s " N o U n i o n wit h Slaveholders." Possibl y th e influenc e o f N e w Englan d Calvinis m wit h it s doctrine o f predestinatio n inhibite d Garrisonia n abolitionis m fro m eve r realizing a postur e o f conversion , bu t i t seem s apparen t tha t radica l aboli tionism, fo r whateve r reasons , i s mor e adequatel y characterize d a s a move ment o f separation . Give n th e absolutis t philosoph y behin d it , i t seem s inevitable tha t i t shoul d b e so . Radica l abolitionis m foun d a certai n powe r in th e ambiguit y betwee n fittin g it s situation a s corrective an d fittin g withi n what th e situatio n permitte d an d woul d receive. 72 In th e 184 4 "Addres s o f th e Executiv e Committee, " Phillips , Garrison , and Mari a Chapma n declare d tha t the y wishe d t o separat e fro m slaveholder s not i n anger , no t i n malice , no t fo r a selfis h purpose , no t t o d o the m a n injury, no t t o ceas e warning, exhorting , reprovin g the m fo r thei r crimes , no t to leave the perishing bondman t o hi s fate—O no ! But t o clea r ou r skirt s o f innocent blood—t o giv e th e oppresso r n o countenance—t o signif y ou r abhorrence o f injustic e an d cruelty—t o testif y agains t a n ungodl y com pact—to ceas e striking hands with thieve s and consentin g with adulterers. 73 In thi s excerpt , th e en d o f judgment i s clear . Althoug h concer n i s sum marily expresse d fo r th e "perishin g bondman, " judgment entail s separation , decision, definition . I n wishin g t o kee p thei r skirt s clean , t o avoi d th e touch o f "thieves, " th e abolitionist s expres s les s concer n fo r th e welfar e o f the slav e tha n fo r thei r ow n mora l purity . But i t woul d b e unfai r t o b e overl y cynica l regardin g th e intention s o f

Prophecy as Krisis |

7 5

the Garrisonians . Consisten t wit h Phillips' s emphasi s o n th e languag e o f instruction, i t canno t b e doubte d tha t th e signer s sincerel y expecte d thei r action t o serv e a s a mode l fo r emulation . B y settin g themselve s apar t i n opposition t o thos e w h o ac t contrar y t o God' s will , th e abolitionist s sough t to demonstrat e th e prope r exercis e o f virtu e an d encourag e th e emulatio n of others , a s well a s to affir m thei r mora l status . Abolitionists sa w th e Civi l Wa r a s th e culminatio n o f crisis . T h e peopl e had fo r year s absorbe d themselve s i n captiou s debates , feignin g ignoranc e of God' s will , exhibitin g a mora l timorousness . Finally , ther e wa s n o re course bu t fo r Go d t o execut e Hi s judgment an d t o restor e order : "I t i s i n vain now , wit h thes e scene s abou t us , i n thi s crisis , t o endeavo r t o creat e public opinion ; to o lat e no w t o educat e twent y million s o f people, " la mented Phillips . " O u r objec t no w i s t o concentrat e an d t o manifest , t o make eviden t an d t o mak e intense , th e mature d purpos e o f th e nation . W e are t o sho w th e world , i f i t b e indee d so , tha t democrati c institution s ar e strong enoug h fo r suc h a n hou r a s this . Ver y terribl e a s i s th e conspiracy , momentous a s is the peril , Democrac y welcome s th e struggle." 74 T h e crisi s for Phillip s i s instructive ; properl y attende d to , i t provide s th e resolutio n o f chaos an d indecision ; i t i s a judgment fro m whic h mus t b e discerne d "th e matured purpos e o f th e nation. " Awfu l a s th e wa r was , i t a t leas t ha d meaning. I t resolve d al l doub t concernin g th e mora l qualit y o f slavery . Judgment provide s th e resolutio n o f th e agon in th e sacre d drama . T h e antagonist i s eithe r absorbe d o r vanquished . Eithe r way , th e ne w displa y o f unanimity i s equally impressive . Justice i s both ruthles s an d benevolent . T h e radical polarizatio n o f th e worl d eliminate s confusion . I n a worl d wher e political an d religiou s leader s fai l t o offe r clea r direction , wher e th e c o m promise o f purit y i s innocuousl y presente d a s a proces s tha t leave s th e greater par t o f principl e intact , propheti c rhetori c posit s a clea r dramati c opposition o f protagonis t an d antagonist . I t clarifie s mora l identitie s an d structures desire s fo r denouement . In orde r t o achiev e certaint y i n th e fac e o f chaos , Phillip s indulge d i n a reactionary mov e characteristi c o f th e prophet . I n th e value s o f th e Ameri can Revolution , Phillip s foun d a redoubtabl e consensu s an d a mode l o f virtue. Phillip s canonize d th e Foundin g Fathers , an d muc h o f their philoso phy wa s continuou s wit h hi s religion . I n college , h e displaye d a n affinit y for th e work s o f Locke , amon g others , an d wa s particularl y intereste d i n the histor y o f th e America n Revolution. 7 5 Hi s speeche s contai n reference s to John Milto n an d Algerno n Sidney 7 6 H e echoe s th e revolutionar y mott o that "resistanc e t o tyrant s i s obedienc e t o God," 7 7 an d h e ofte n spok e o f

76 J

PROPHEC Y A

S KRISIS

"natural law " an d "inalienabl e rights." 7 8 Tw o o f hi s biographer s attes t t o the fac t tha t th e spiri t o f th e Revolutio n wa s stil l ver y muc h i n evidenc e i n the Bosto n o f Phillips' s boyhood, 7 9 an d James Stewar t make s th e influenc e of Whig republicanis m o n Phillips' s caree r a centra l them e i n hi s biography . T h e man y tribute s pai d t o Otis , Hancock , th e Adamses , an d Jefferso n i n his speeche s bea r ou t thes e estimation s an d leav e n o doub t a s t o th e lastin g imprint o f thi s traditio n o n Phillips . In hi s "Defens e o f Lovejoy, " on e o f hi s firs t speeche s o n behal f o f abolition, a speec h tha t gaine d hi m instan t notoriet y i f no t fame , Phillip s pointed t o th e portrait s o f th e Foundin g Father s hangin g ther e i n Boston' s Fanieul Hal l an d proclaimed : "Sir , whe n I hear d th e gentlema n la y dow n principles whic h plac e th e murderer s o f Alto n sid e b y sid e wit h Oti s an d Hancock, wit h Quinc y an d Adams , I though t thos e picture d lip s woul d have broke n int o voic e t o rebuk e th e recrean t American , th e slandere r o f the dead. " 80 I n hi s speec h " T h e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " h e reminde d hi s listeners, "W e stan d toda y just a s Hancoc k an d Adam s an d Jefferson stoo d when stam p ac t an d te a tax , Patric k Henry' s eloquenc e an d th e massacr e o f March 5th , Otis' s bloo d an d Bunke r Hill , ha d born e the m t o July, 1776. " 81 N o t onl y i n God , bu t i n th e overpowerin g virtu e o f the leader s o f Revolu tionary America , Phillip s foun d a guid e t o actio n an d a groun d fo r j u d g ment. 8 2 There wer e natura l continuitie s betwee n th e philosoph y o f the America n Revolution an d th e philosoph y o f Phillips' s day , continuitie s tha t th e lan guage o f evangelicalism shoul d no t b e allowe d t o obscure. 83 Phillip s referre d to " a threa d whic h bridge s ove r tha t dar k an d trouble d wave , an d connect s us b y a livin g nerv e wit h th e freeme n o f th e Revolution. " 84 T h e writing s of th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sens e philosopher s wer e prominen t i n America n colleges an d universitie s o f th e earl y nineteent h century , an d ther e was , i f anything, a n eve n greate r relianc e o n "intuition " a s a sourc e o f infallibl e knowledge tha n i n th e Revolutionar y period . T h e Secon d Grea t Awaken ing i n Americ a wa s a tim e o f immens e fait h i n th e powe r o f th e hear t t o discern truth. 8 5 Phillip s displaye d thi s c o m m o n fait h when , fo r example , h e affirmed hi s commitmen t tha t th e "Highe r Law " stoo d oppose d t o slavery . "So speak s th e heart," h e said. 86 Addressing th e heart , Phillip s spok e th e languag e o f th e passions . I t i s the prophet' s tas k t o creat e a n emotiona l respons e t o sin , a reactio n t o th e pathos o f God . Phillip s exhibite d a powerful consciousnes s o f hi s rhetorica l choices. Apparentl y makin g th e hear t metapho r literal , h e declared , "Ther e is something i n th e bloo d which , me n tel l us, brings ou t virtue s an d defects ,

Prophecy as Krisis |

7

7

even whe n the y hav e lai n dorman t fo r a generation. " Abolitionis m wa s "blood whos e war m current s o f eloquen t aid " ha d sprun g t o lif e afte r th e dormancy o f a generatio n "t o rous e th e worl d b y th e vigo r an d patho s o f its appeals. " 87 Phillips demonstrate d bot h vigo r an d pathos: "I f w e no w repudiat e an d denounce som e o f ou r institutions , i t i s becaus e w e hav e faithfull y trie d them, an d foun d the m dea f to th e claim s o f justice an d humanity." 8 8 "Prov e to m e no w tha t hars h rebuke , indignan t denunciation , scathin g sarcasm , and pitiles s ridicul e ar e wholl y an d alway s unjustifiable ; els e w e dar e not , i n so desperat e a case , thro w awa y an y weapo n whic h eve r brok e u p th e crus t of a n ignoran t prejudice , rouse d a slumberin g conscience , shame d a prou d sinner, o r changed , i n an y way , th e conduc t o f a human being." 8 9 Abraham Hesche l asks , "Wha t i s th e tormen t tha t prompt s th e prophe t to hur l bitte r word s a t th e people ? I s i t a feelin g o f alarm , th e threa t o f disaster? Wha t i s th e direc t inne r impac t th e prophe t seek s t o mak e upo n his people ? Doe s h e ai m t o strik e terro r i n th e heart , t o alarm? " An d h e answers, " T h e prophet s purpos e i s t o mov e peopl e t o repent , t o conver t the inne r man , t o reviv e devotion , love , t o reconcil e Israe l wit h God." 9 0 Phillips mad e clea r th e exhortativ e natur e o f hi s enterpris e w h e n h e said , It seem s t o u s tha t i n suc h a land ther e mus t be , o n thi s questio n o f slavery, sluggards t o b e awakened , a s well a s doubters t o b e convinced . Man y more , we verily believe, o f the firs t tha n o f the last . There ar e far mor e heart s t o b e quickened tha n confuse d intellect s t o be cleare d up—more dum b dog s to b e made t o spea k tha n doubtin g conscience s t o b e enlightened . [Lou d cheers ] We have use, then, sometimes , for somethin g beside argument. 91 Writing o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , Hesche l concurs : "Thei r primar y aim i s t o mov e th e soul , t o engag e th e attentio n b y bol d an d strikin g images, an d therefor e i t i s t o th e imaginatio n an d th e passion s tha t th e prophets speak , rathe r tha n aimin g a t th e col d approbatio n o f th e mind." 9 2 Edwin Black , no t coincidentally , find s Willia m Lloy d Garriso n t o b e a n example o f thi s mod e o f speaking , whic h Blac k term s "exhortativ e dis course" a s oppose d t o "argumentativ e discourse. " Exhortativ e discourse , according t o Black , "i s tha t i n whic h th e evocatio n o f a n emotiona l re sponse i n th e audienc e induce s belie f i n th e situatio n t o whic h th e emotio n is appropriate. I n thi s genre , a strong emotiona l experienc e doe s no t follo w the acceptanc e o f a belief , o r eve n accompan y it ; i t precede s it . Emotio n can b e sai d t o produc e th e belie f instea d o f th e reverse. " 93 Blac k s analysi s of exhortativ e discours e tend s t o corroborat e muc h o f wha t I hav e claime d

78 I

PROPHEC Y A

S KRISIS

about Phillip s an d t o illuminat e th e dynamic s o f Phillips' s speaking . H e notes tha t th e powe r o f exhortatio n t o promot e intens e convictio n make s i t an "alie n t o n g u e " 9 4 an d goe s o n t o describ e th e judgmen t i n th e exhort ative genr e an d it s imminence. 9 5 Phillips's transformatio n o f th e world , then , lie s i n th e reviva l o f e m o tional orientation . Radicall y dividin g th e worl d int o goo d an d evi l an d providing a n exampl e o f th e prope r emotiona l respons e t o each , h e at tempted t o brin g orde r ou t o f chaos . I n th e dull , homogeneous , ambiguou s world o f compromise , exhortatio n serve d t o restor e simplicit y an d orde r through th e introductio n o f highly charge d an d distinctiv e emotiona l states . In Phillips' s ow n words , "Go d ha s give n u s n o weapo n bu t th e truth , faithfully uttered , an d addressed , wit h th e ol d prophets ' directness , t o th e conscience o f the individua l sinner." 96 I n accordanc e wit h th e epistemolog y of th e time , Phillip s provide d a n unfettered , uncomplicate d proclamatio n of absolut e trut h i n term s designe d t o deman d a n emotiona l convictio n o n the par t o f th e audience ; h e aime d t o mak e hi s listener s fee l th e truth . It ma y firs t appea r tha t suc h a passionat e discours e i s a t odd s wit h th e ideal o f temperanc e tha t th e discours e wa s suppose d t o elici t an d enforce . James Stewart , i n a n illuminatin g analysi s o f Phillips' s rhetoric , find s thi s contradiction betwee n th e idea l o f contro l an d th e passionate , evangelica l vehicle fo r achievin g i t centra l t o antebellu m America . Accordin g t o Stew art, "th e majo r sourc e o f Phillips' s rhetorica l mastery " la y i n hi s unerrin g balance o f thes e elements : "A s h e harmonize d an d articulate d thes e seem ingly conflictin g impulse s b y makin g orde r th e prerequisit e o f freedom , h e spoke t o som e o f th e deepes t feeling s o f hi s age." 9 7 Certainly, Phillip s stoo d a s a n exampl e o f th e parado x o f freedo m through submission—lik e th e prophet , th e radica l abolitionis t wa s onl y genuinely fre e whe n completel y give n ove r t o th e divin e will—bu t w e should b e war y o f perceivin g irreconcilabl e opposition s wher e non e exist . In thei r critica l assessmen t o f classica l system s o f thought , eighteenth century philosoph y an d rhetori c understoo d th e passion s a s integra l t o human natur e an d no t necessaril y alie n t o humanity' s highe r nature . A s David H u m e claimed , "Reaso n is , an d ough t onl y t o be , th e slav e o f th e passions, an d ca n neve r preten d t o an y othe r offic e tha n t o serv e an d obe y them." Bu t H u m e als o argued , "I t i s impossible . . . that thi s passio n ca n b e opposed b y o r b e contradictor y t o trut h an d reason ; sinc e thi s contradictio n consists i n th e disagreemen t o f ideas , considere d a s copies , wit h thos e objects whic h the y represent." 98 Georg e Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric, a text Phillip s studie d a t Harvard , extende d Hume' s thinkin g o n th e relation -

Prophecy as Krisis |

7 9

ship betwee n feelin g an d persuasio n b y makin g "vivacity " th e foundatio n of belief . Phillips' s exhortativ e discours e i s completel y consisten t wit h Campbells Humea n emphasis , an d Phillips's teache r o f rhetoric a t Harvard , Edward T . Channing , appear s t o hav e reinforce d suc h ideas. " I t was C h a n ning's belie f "tha t i t take s nothin g fro m th e meri t o f moder n politica l orators t o concede , tha t ou r most impassione d popula r eloquenc e i s marke d throughout wit h th e intentio n o f leadin g considerat e me n t o responsibl e action." 1 0 0 Passion , fa r fro m bein g irresponsibl e i n th e vie w o f nineteenth century rhetoric , sough t t o mak e peopl e responsiv e t o th e good . I t wa s a manifestation o f God' s judgmen t an d a vehicl e fo r awakenin g somethin g fundamental t o th e self, fo r onl y throug h th e proper exercis e o f the passion s was on e virtuou s an d thu s trul y human. 1 0 1 A s Mynheer Peeperkor n coun seled Han s Castor p i n anothe r anodyn e environment , Feeling, you understand, i s the masculine forc e tha t rouses life. Lif e slumbers . It need s t o b e roused , t o b e awakene d t o a drunke n marriag e wit h divin e feeling. Fo r feeling, youn g man , is godlike. Ma n is godlike, i n tha t h e feels . He i s the feelin g o f God . Go d create d hi m i n orde r t o fee l throug h him . Man is nothing but the organ through which Go d consummates his marriage with rouse d an d intoxicated life . I f man fail s i n feeling , i t is blasphemy; i t is the surrende r o f Hi s masculinity , a cosmi c catastrophe , a n irreconcilabl e horror.102 Perhaps flinching a t th e metaphor s o f intoxication , nineteenth-centur y Americans woul d hav e understoo d perfectl y Peeperkorn' s meaning . The ethos presented throug h passio n i s ambiguous . I t ma y represen t th e most indulgen t for m o f personal expressio n reflecte d i n suc h characteriza tions a s " H e just le t g o " o r "Sh e reall y le t loose. " Certainly , th e appea l o f such a licentious mod e o f speaking i n a n otherwis e constraine d an d repres sive societ y shoul d no t be underestimated , an d it als o make s understandabl e the acrimoniou s reaction s t o abolitionis t rhetori c a s a furthe r sig n o f th e fear o f intemperance . A t it s extreme , passionat e discours e ma y brin g th e speaker attentio n i n th e for m o f recrimination s o r retaliation , henc e th e connection betwee n passionat e expressio n and , for example , th e passio n o f Christ. Haze l Catherin e Wol f reflecte d thi s poin t o f view whe n sh e argue d that th e abolitionist s use d thei r histrioni c martyrdom s a s a kin d o f exhibi tionism, neuroti c display s o f self. 103 Wolf' s suggestio n tha t martyrdo m wa s the primar y motivatio n fo r th e abolitionist s ha s sustained seriou s criticism , but eve n mos t scholar s sympatheti c t o th e abolitionists hav e agree d tha t i t is a significan t ide a i n abolitionis t thought .

|

80 P R O P H E C

YA

S KRIS

IS

Alternately, passio n ma y b e see n a s an overpowerin g urg e externa l t o th e person, i n th e cas e o f th e prophet , Yahweh' s will . T h e prophe t i s reduce d to th e statu s o f vehicle ; th e sel f i s no t expresse d bu t surrendered . Passio n accurately reflect s thi s sublimation , fo r w e associat e passio n wit h th e los s o f self—"I wa s ou t o f m y mind, " "Sh e forgo t herself, " " I wa s besid e myself, " "I don' t kno w wha t cam e ove r me. " T h e passionat e stat e o f min d i s essentially sacrificial ; th e prophe t i s compelled t o suffer th e divin e suffering . This i s th e vie w hel d b y Ailee n Kradito r w h o suggest s tha t "th e evidenc e shows willingness to suffer fo r th e caus e a s a probabl y necessar y pric e t o b e paid, rathe r tha n a desire to suffer." 104 T h e differenc e betwee n Wol f an d Kraditor i s th e differenc e betwee n seein g i n martyrdo m a perverse for m o f self-celebration an d seein g i n i t a for m o f ethica l proof . Fro m Kradito r s standpoint, martyrdo m i s th e logica l culminatio n o f a commitmen t t o unpopular truths . Wolf , o n th e othe r hand , woul d hav e u s se e no t th e ultimate sacrific e o f self to principle , bu t th e ultimat e self-serving . B y eithe r interpretation ther e i s a marke d failur e t o accommodat e th e audience , bu t the propheti c motiv e i s servitude . Phillips clearl y presente d hi s exertion s an d sufferin g a s a n inescapabl e duty. Fro m th e example s alread y provided , th e ubiquit y o f th e languag e o f duty i n hi s discours e i s evident . I t wa s a burde n o f whic h h e wa s alway s cognizant, a s th e frequen t reference s attest. 105 T h e performanc e o f a sacre d duty i n a n atmospher e o f adversit y i s th e formul a b y whic h martyr s ar e created, an d Phillip s ha d a keen understandin g o f the appea l o f martyrdom . In a speec h commemoratin g th e occasio n o f th e Bosto n m o b tha t nearl y took th e lif e o f Garrison , h e praise d th e wome n o f th e antislaver y societ y w h o stoo d fir m i n thei r adherenc e t o principl e regardles s o f th e threat s o f the mayor : They taugh t m e tha t dow n i n thos e heart s whic h love d a principle fo r itself , asked n o man s leav e t o thin k o r speak , tru e t o thei r convictions , n o matte r at wha t hazard , flowed th e rea l bloo d o f '76 , o f 1640 , o f th e hemlock drinker o f Athens, an d o f the martyr-saint s o f Jerusalem. I thank the m fo r it ! My eye s wer e sealed , s o that , althoug h I kne w th e Adamse s an d Otise s o f 1776, and th e Mar y Dyer s an d Ann Hutchinson s o f older times , I could no t recognize th e Adamse s an d Otises , the Dyer s an d Hutchinsons , who m I met in the street s of'35. 106 H e als o cas t Elija h Lovejo y an d John Brow n a s martyrs " w h o teac h u s ho w to liv e an d ho w t o die." 1 0 7 Phillips demonstrate s hi s appreciatio n o f the didacti c functio n o f martyr -

Prophecy as Krisis |

8

1

dom i n hi s repetition s o f th e ver b "teach. " Martyrdo m wa s understoo d a s a corrective t o th e failur e o f instructio n b y politica l an d religiou s leader s w h o m Phillip s s o bitterl y indicted . Tha t h e ha d learne d hi s lesson s fro m these nobl e martyr s i s evidence d i n hi s ow n willingnes s t o join them : "W e are perfectl y willing— I am , fo r o n e — t o b e th e dea d lumbe r tha t shal l make a pat h fo r the e me n int o th e ligh t an d lov e o f th e people . W e hop e for nothin g better . Us e u s freely, i n an y way , fo r th e slave . W h en th e templ e is finished , th e tool s wil l no t complai n tha t the y ar e throw n aside , le t w h o will lea d u p th e natio n t o 'pu t o n th e topston e wit h shoutings. ' " 1 0 8 An d i t is clea r tha t Phillip s believe d h e ha d lai d himsel f o n God' s alta r whe n h e describes th e abuse s h e ha s suffere d i n hi s pursui t o f the cause , an d nowher e clearer tha n whe n h e explicitl y link s himsel f t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophe t Nathan: Sir, whe n a natio n set s itsel f t o d o evil , an d al l it s leadin g forces , wealth , party, an d piety , join i n th e career , i t is impossible bu t tha t thos e wh o offe r a constant oppositio n shoul d b e hate d an d maligned , n o matte r ho w wise , cautious, an d wel l planne d thei r cours e ma y be . W e ar e peculia r sufferer s i n this way Th e communit y ha s com e t o hat e it s reprovin g Natha n s o bitterly , that eve n thos e who m th e relentin g par t o f i t i s beginnin g t o regar d a s standard- bearer s o f the antislaver y hos t thin k i t unwise t o avo w any connec tion o r sympathy wit h him. 109 In martyrdo m lie s th e perfec t realizatio n o f duty , th e radica l sacrific e o f th e self I n a discourse oppose d t o slavery , martyrdo m i s also th e mos t complet e freedom an d th e mos t profoun d exercis e o f virtue . Mos t important , i n al l this w e fin d a mode l fo r emulation . Th e martyre d prophe t present s himsel f as a synecdochal realizatio n o f God' s will .

Divine Judgment in a Postsacral World The languag e o f dut y i s a language o f relationship . I t i s both a n assertio n o f the motiv e o f th e prophe t an d a continuin g testimon y t o th e existenc e o f divine force s tha t hav e commande d th e prophet' s servitude . I n th e latte r aspect, th e communit y t o whic h th e prophe t speak s mus t hav e a belie f i n the possibilit y o f th e sacred , o r th e prophet' s clai m i s dismisse d a s madness . Furthermore, thi s belie f mus t b e i n direc t proportio n t o th e claim s th e prophet make s agains t it . I n Phillips' s case , i n th e criticism s o f hi s intensit y by bot h hi s contemporarie s an d late r historians , ther e i s th e persisten t

82 I

PROPHEC Y A

S KRISIS

suspicion of something excessive in the passion. Phillips himself understood this, a s hi s acknowledgment s o f th e charge s o f madnes s an d fanaticis m attest. Fo r al l it s promis e o f resolutio n i n judgment , Phillips' s rhetori c produces a lingering agitation . The worl d presente d i n Phillips' s discours e i s a simple world , a world o f uncomplicated Manichaea n dichotomies , a world o f "us " an d "them, " th e pure an d th e sordid . I t i s als o a n unrea l world . Phillip s speak s i n term s o f the ideal. His reliance o n hyperbol e an d antithesis reflects th e magnitud e o f worldly event s an d th e relationshi p o f competin g force s a s see n fro m a sacred perspective. Hi s untempered, unqualifie d judgments ar e heroic leap s onto th e cosmi c plane . Fo r al l bu t a smal l ban d o f radicals , however , th e vision wa s no t compelling . Th e Civi l Wa r wa s no t fough t t o restor e th e kingdom o f God , bu t fo r reason s tha t wer e patentl y politica l an d eco nomic.110 Althoug h th e earl y nineteent h centur y wa s ostensibl y a time o f religious revival, the existenc e o f the revivals themselves reveals an underly ing doubt. Th e overwrough t styl e of revivalism indicates a kind o f spiritual desperation. I t i s possible tha t th e increasingl y fragil e religiou s conception s of the da y could no t suppor t th e stringent demand s Phillips placed o n thei r credence. But t o sa y o f Phillips tha t th e visio n wa s ultimatel y no t persuasive , lik e saying that th e Secon d Grea t Awakenin g di d no t brin g abou t th e kingdo m of God , fail s t o confron t th e phenomeno n itself . Phillip s di d dra w larg e crowds, and he did command, i f not discipleship, at least a certain fascinate d popularity.111 I f Phillips' s claim s wer e grandios e an d extravagant , ther e i s some sens e i n whic h th e performanc e o f the m wa s not. Wha t w e nee d t o discover i s som e lin k betwee n th e propheti c impuls e an d th e literar y an d dramatic convention s o f Phillips' s time . Th e genr e o f melodram a i s th e obvious place to look . Melodrama i s a produc t o f th e notabl y secula r Frenc h Revolution , whence i t wa s exporte d t o Englan d an d America. 112 Pete r Brook s find s i n melodrama " a degenerat e for m o f th e tragic— a for m o f th e tragic , w e might say , fo r a worl d i n whic h ther e i s n o longe r a tenabl e ide a o f th e sacred."113 I t shares with prophetic judgment a basic impulse "t o locate an d to articulat e th e mora l occult." 114 A s a poeti c form , th e melodram a i s reassuring; i n th e en d justice i s done . Melodram a testifie s t o th e presenc e of meanin g i n th e world ; i t addresse s th e void. 115 Brook s find s it s genesi s "in a world wher e th e traditiona l imperative s o f truth an d ethic s have bee n violently throw n int o question , yet wher e th e promulgatio n o f trut h an d ethics, thei r instauratio n a s a wa y o f life , i s o f immediate , daily , politica l

Prophecy as Krisis |

8

3

concern." 1 1 6 Fa r fro m bein g frivolous , th e star k diametri c opposition s i n melodrama sugges t it s kinshi p t o primitiv e mythologies . T h e integrit y o f the dramati c for m i n bot h depend s o n a resolutio n tha t attest s t o th e continuing viabilit y o f justice. I n th e dramati c conflic t lie s th e promis e o f a new orde r ou t o f th e mids t o f chaos . A s Brook s ha s written , "I f th e worl d at th e star t o f a melodrama seem s charge d wit h mora l ambiguitie s . . . thes e ambiguities ar e no t inheren t t o ethics . The y ar e rathe r appearance s t o b e penetrated, mysterie s t o b e cleare d up , s o tha t th e worl d ma y bath e i n th e stark mora l lightin g o f manichaeism." 1 1 7 Considered a s melodrama , Phillips' s discours e enjoy s th e advantag e o f immediate comprehensibilit y an d tota l involvemen t o f th e audience , it s passionate side , hissin g an d cheerin g th e appropriat e parties , a s wel l a s it s rational an d contemplativ e side . B y engagin g th e feeling s o f th e audience , melodrama force s the m ou t o f thei r torpor , force s the m t o confron t th e dramatic conflic t an d t o alig n themselves . Melodram a provide s th e thera peutic functio n o f catharsis , accordin g t o Brooks , les s throug h th e tragi c mode whereb y pit y an d fea r ar e purge d tha n throug h th e "tota l articulatio n and vigorou s actin g ou t o f th e emotions." 1 1 8 Brooks's notio n o f melodramatic catharsi s migh t b e abbreviate d wit h th e term "exhaustion. " T h e earl y nineteent h centur y wa s saturate d wit h th e melodramatic imagination . Popula r drama s include d suc h title s a s "Bosto n in Ashes , o r Homeles s Tonight " an d " T h e Ra t Catcher' s Daughter. " Tem perance song s lik e "Father' s a Drunkar d an d Mothe r i s Dead " wer e u n abashedly extravagant . N o r i s Uncle Tom's Cabin, wit h beatifi c Littl e Eva , long-suffering Uncl e Tom , an d th e heartles s Simo n Legree , a wor k gener ally note d fo r it s subtl e shadings . T o th e exten t tha t Phillip s spok e i n th e language o f exaggeratio n borderin g o n hysteria , h e wa s speakin g i n th e language o f hi s day , a moralisti c di n tha t mus t hav e reache d a deafenin g level. Rathe r tha n arousin g thei r audiences , nineteenth-centur y radical s may onl y hav e lef t the m numb . Beginning wit h th e analo g o f prophec y an d endin g i n melodram a ma y seem a rather precipitou s descent . T h e tw o generi c attribution s ma y furthe r seem t o impl y quit e differen t valuation s o f Phillips' s discourse . I n th e comparison o f prophec y t o melodrama , i t ma y see m tha t th e propheti c i s cheapened an d degraded , bu t melodram a i s no t s o easil y dismissed . C o n fronting th e melodramati c i n Balzac' s Illusions perdues, Henr y Jame s foun d himself tor n betwee n seein g i t a s eithe r " a magnificen t luri d documen t o r the baseles s fabri c o f a vision." 1 1 9 Pete r Brook s find s James' s indecisio n "close t o th e cente r o f th e proble m o f melodrama. " 12( ) James's oppositio n

84 |

|

PROPHEC

YA

S KRIS

IS

parallels ou r questio n o n th e natur e o f martyrdom , an d i t point s t o th e problem o f ethos. I t i s th e proble m o f propheti c ethos tha t mus t nex t b e attended to , leavin g Phillip s wit h th e self-assessmen t o f a melodramati c reformer her o create d b y on e o f Phillips' s contemporaries , Nathanie l H a w thorne. Quittin g hi s "cose y pai r o f bachelor-rooms—wit h a goo d fir e burning i n th e grate , an d a close t righ t a t hand , wher e ther e wa s stil l a bottle o r tw o i n th e champagne-baske t an d a residuu m o f clare t i n a box, " Miles Coverdal e lef t th e pollutio n o f th e cit y t o journey i n a snowstor m t o Blithedale wher e h e an d hi s compatriot s wer e t o for m a communit y base d on virtu e an d self-relianc e tha t woul d se t a n exampl e fo r th e world . O n this occasion , Hawthorn e allow s hi s protagonis t t o observe , The greates t obstacl e t o bein g heroic , i s the doub t whethe r on e ma y no t b e going t o prov e one' s sel f a fool; th e trues t herois m is , t o resis t th e doubt — and th e profoundes t wisdom , t o kno w whe n i t ough t t o b e resisted , an d when t o b e obeyed . Yet , afte r all , le t u s acknowledg e i t wiser , i f no t more sagacious , t o follo w ou t one' s day-drea m t o it s natural consummation , although, i f the visio n hav e bee n wort h th e having , i t i s certain neve r t o b e consummated otherwis e tha n b y a failure . An d wha t o f that ! It s airies t fragments, impalpabl e a s they may be will possess a value that lurks not i n th e most ponderous realitie s o f any practicable scheme . They ar e not th e rubbis h of th e mind . Whateve r els e I ma y repen t of , therefore , le t i t b e reckone d neither amon g m y sin s nor follies , tha t I once ha d fait h an d forc e enoug h t o form generou s hope s o f th e world's destiny—yes!—an d t o d o wha t i n m e lay for thei r accomplishment. 121

5

The Prophet' s Cal l an d His Burde n The Passion of Eugene V Debs

And h e said unto me , So n o f man, I send the e t o th e childre n o f Israel to a rebellious natio n tha t hat h rebelle d agains t me: they and thei r fa thers have transgressed agains t me , even unto thi s very day . For they are impudent childre n an d stiffhearted . I do sen d the e unt o them ; an d thou shal t say unto them , Thu s sait h th e Lord God . An d they , whether the y will hear, o r whether the y will forbear (fo r the y are a rebellious house,) ye t shall know tha t ther e hat h been a prophet amon g them. —Ezekie l 2:1—5 Then spak e the priests an d the prophets unt o th e princes an d t o all the people, saying, This man is worthy t o die ; for h e hath prophesie d against this city, as ye have heard with you r ears . Then spak e Jeremiah unto al l the princes an d t o al l the people, saying, The Lor d sen t me t o prophesy agains t thi s house an d agains t this city all the words that ye have heard. Therefor e no w amen d your ways and your doings , an d obey th e voice o f the Lor d your God ; an d th e Lor d will repent hi m o f the evi l that h e hath pronounced agains t you. As for me , behold, I am in your hand : d o with m e a s seemeth goo d an d meet unt o you . —Jeremiah 26:11-1 4

Ethos stand s a t th e cente r o f thi s study , a s i t should . T h e recep tion o f an y truths , th e perceptio n o f th e legitimac y o f an y crisis , depend s on a sense o f th e authenticit y o f the speaker s commitment . Kennet h Burk e would hav e recognize d her e a problem o f motive , particularl y tha t m o m e n t at whic h motiv e intersect s wit h authority. 1 Authorshi p must , i n th e cas e o f the prophet , res t wit h God . T h e unit y o f ethos and logos come s abou t i n th e prophets definitio n a s servan t t o th e message . I . A . Richards s ide a tha t "t o

85

86 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

be sincere is to act , feel an d thin k i n accordanc e wit h 'one s tru e nature ' " 2 is illuminatin g i n thi s context . Th e prophet s sincerit y derive s fro m th e abolition o f personal motive , fro m abnegation , s o tha t "one' s tru e nature " becomes synonymou s wit h th e divin e messag e an d one' s pathos with th e divine pathos. Eugene Deb s was, by most accounts , successfu l i n presentin g a compel ling sincerit y t o hi s audiences . Historica l appraisal s o f hi m ar e unanimou s in thei r assessmen t o f hi s significance . Sidne y Len s claim s that , i n hi s time, "Deb s wa s th e mos t idolize d labo r leade r Americ a ha d produced." 3 Described b y Charle s Madiso n a s "one o f the bes t platfor m speaker s o f his time," 4 Deb s was , b y mos t accounts , " a speaker i n th e grea t traditio n o f American publi c speaking." 5 Charle s Loma s call s hi m "th e mos t popula r and effectiv e orator " o f th e radica l leader s o f th e day, 6 an d Ber t Cochra n states flatly, "There i s no questio n tha t h e [Debs ] was the mos t popula r an d effective socialis t figure eve r to appear in America." 7 On e o f the few figure s formidable enoug h t o warran t individua l mentio n i n a broa d surve y o f America i n th e Gilde d Age , Deb s i s described b y Richar d L . McCormic k as "a n indigenou s America n radical " an d " a brillian t orator." 8 Thoug h Ronald Le e an d Jame s Andrew s ar e incline d t o se e i n suc h assessment s evidence o f Debs' s latter-da y rehabilitatio n b y libera l historians, 9 thes e encomia ar e base d o n an d ar e completel y consonan t wit h thos e hear d i n Debs's own time . Howeve r h e ma y have failed a s a reformer an d politician , the record doe s not indicat e tha t Debs's ethos was ever in need o f rehabilitation.

Eugene Debs and the Crisis of the New World The crisi s Deb s addresse d wa s th e cataclysmi c emergenc e o f th e moder n world through th e process we dispassionately label industrialism. In the fift y years followin g th e Civi l War , th e Unite d State s wa s transforme d fro m a preindustrial societ y o f individual artisans , craftsmen , an d yeoma n farmer s into th e world' s preeminen t industria l power. 10 Th e chang e wa s pervasive; it lef t virtuall y n o aspec t o f American lif e untouched , an d it s unrelentin g newness was the source o f "profound socia l and economi c dislocations." 11 Robert Wieb e ha s terme d fin de siecle Americ a " a societ y withou t a core"; i t lacke d th e "nationa l center s o f authorit y an d information " tha t might hav e give n orde r t o th e changin g world ; ther e wa s n o nationa l community t o replace the local communities tha t had been uprooted. 12 Fo r

The Prophet's Call | 8 7 Herbert Gutman , thi s failur e o f coherenc e i s bes t describe d a s a failur e o f culture, th e confrontatio n o f obsolescen t value s wit h th e condition s o f th e new society; 13 Richar d Hofstadte r calle d i t th e failur e o f "th e agraria n myth." A s a n ideal , th e agraria n myth , whic h wa s a s muc h th e propert y o f urban dweller s a s rural folk , celebrate d th e purity , virtue , an d independenc e of the yeoma n farmer , th e America n par excellence.^ 4 It wa s a moral compas s that, a s th e populatio n tende d increasingl y t o concentrat e itsel f i n th e cities an d i n industria l occupations , provide d increasingl y devian t readings . Edward Bellamy , i n hi s enormousl y influentia l Utopia n nove l Looking Backward, wrote o f hi s time : "Pal e an d water y gleams , fro m skie s thickl y veile d by doub t an d dread , alon e lighte d u p th e chao s o f th e earth." 1 5 For most , th e primar y communa l experienc e i n late-nineteent h an d early-twentieth-century Americ a wa s a produc t o f it s industria l paternity , work. Thos e w h o gathere d i n th e ne w an d expandin g urba n center s wer e there o n th e promis e o f jobs. Grea t masse s o f people foun d a new c o m m o n status i n th e labe l "worker " o r "laborer. " Industria l productio n require d high degree s o f uniformit y i n th e behavio r o f workers : factorie s wer e ru n on schedule d shifts ; worker s wer e regulate d b y th e tim e clock ; th e wor k itself wa s highl y routinized ; th e onc e independen t worke r was , i n Deb s s military metaphor , "recruite d int o regiments , battalion s an d armies " wit h the wor k "subdivide d an d specialized." 16 N e w technique s o f scientifi c management, base d o n a behavioristi c psychology , wer e les s concerne d with th e individua l worke r tha n wit h productiv e efficiency ; worker s wer e viewed a s activity , tha t is , a s machines. 1 7 " W h y he' s a factor y h a n d — a hand, min d you , an d h e get s a dolla r an d a quarte r a da y whe n th e factor y is running . . . . Just a hand ! A huma n factor y hand! " exclaime d Deb s i n a characteristic metonym y borrowe d fro m Dickens' s Hard Times. "Thin k o f a hand wit h a sou l i n it ! . . . T h e workin g han d i s wha t i s neede d fo r th e capitalist's too l an d s o th e huma n mus t b e reduce d t o a hand . N o head , n o heart, n o soul—simpl y a hand." 1 8 T h e requirement s o f industria l produc tion pose d a threa t bot h t o thos e w h o ha d grow n u p aspirin g t o realiz e th e agrarian myt h an d celebratin g th e self-relian t individua l an d t o th e tradi tional wor k habit s o f Europea n artisans. 19 I n th e America n dialecti c b e tween freedo m an d responsibility , industrialis m toute d responsibilit y exclu sively; autonom y wa s eclipse d b y discipline. 20 Debs an d hi s fello w radical s se t themselve s agains t thi s inevitabl e marc h of progress . The y wer e profoundl y conservativ e i n tha t the y sough t t o restore th e value s tha t ha d characterize d America' s past . The y were , a t th e same time , profoundl y libera l i n thei r exploitatio n o f th e individualisti c an d

88 |

TH

E PROPHET'

S CAL

L

egalitarian sid e o f America' s traditions . The y appealed , i n Hofstadter' s phrase, t o a n "etho s o f responsibility" 21 agains t whic h the y posite d a venerable devi l fro m th e radica l arsenal , th e specte r o f slavery . A s Deb s bluntly phrase d it , Since you hav e looked yourself over thoroughly, you realiz e by this time that , as a workingman, yo u hav e bee n supporting , throug h you r craf t union s an d through you r ballots, a social system that is the negatio n o f your manhood . The capitalis t fo r who m yo u wor k doesn' t hav e t o g o ou t an d loo k fo r you; you hav e to look fo r hi m an d you belon g to hi m just a s completely a s if he had a title t o your body; a s if you wer e his chattel slave. He doesn' t ow n you unde r th e law, but h e doe s under th e fact. 22

Debs and the Trumpet of Judgment Debs's portrai t o f th e moder n worke r wa s on e o f weakness , servility , an d dependence; th e labore r unde r capitalis m wa s a supplicant , no t a man . Addressing hi s auditor s i n th e secon d perso n plural , Deb s wa s no t merel y making a n analysis , h e wa s passin g judgment . O n e ma y imagin e o n th e occasion o f this speec h i n Chicag o i n 1905 , Debs emphasizin g hi s judgment with wha t th e Los Angeles Herald terme d hi s "ever-lifte d indictin g forefin ger." 2 3 Hi s pros e i s derisiv e i n th e extreme ; h e taunte d th e worker s wit h their impotence : witnes s hi s reference s t o ownership , chatte l slavery , peti tioning, considerations . I n a 192 0 campaig n flyer, Deb s declared , "Plai n talk i s assuredl y needed , an d I' m goin g t o sa y wha t I thin k i f I don' t ge t a vote. . . . A few , a ver y fe w ther e ar e w h o thin k an d ac t lik e me n an d women, bu t th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f u s onl y imitat e lik e monkey s and follo w lik e sheep. " 24 The failur e o f manhood , virtue , wa s a favorit e them e wit h Debs , on e that h e share d wit h othe r reformer s o f hi s da y w h o wer e concerne d wit h the declin e o f the individual. 25 I n hi s "Declaratio n o f Revolt," Deb s wrote , "This appea l w e no w mak e i n behal f o f a workin g clas s reduce d t o slavery . Their right s hav e bee n violated , thei r organization s tie d han d an d foot , their pres s muzzled , thei r official s imprisoned , an d thei r libertie s al l bu t destroyed. T o submi t t o suc h outrage s i n a republi c woul d b e th e bases t cowardice an d th e rankes t treason. " Deb s calle d fo r a n assertio n o f virtu e against self-abasement : "I n th e nam e o f America n manhoo d an d w o m a n hood, ou r self-respect , ou r fidelit y t o principl e an d ou r lov e o f justice." 2 6 H e alway s emphasize d tha t th e suffering s o f th e workin g clas s wer e a

The Prophet's Call | 8 9 product o f it s ow n mora l failings ; h e wa s comparativel y unintereste d i n vilifying th e capitalists . Thoug h suc h excoriatio n ma y hav e bee n unpleasan t for Deb s s audience s t o accept , i t di d contai n th e assuranc e tha t th e powe r to chang e condition s wa s withi n thei r grasp . At stak e i n Deb s s judgment o f th e workin g clas s ar e tw o "charismati c t e r m s " 2 7 tha t figure d prominentl y i n th e rhetoric s o f th e America n R e v o lution an d o f Wendel l Phillips : "freedom " an d "slavery. " I n a ne w an d unsettled se t o f socia l an d economi c relationships , Deb s sough t t o restor e moral clarit y b y definin g ne w role s i n term s o f th e ol d values ; h e attempte d to replac e indecisio n an d confusio n wit h th e star k Manichaea n opposition s of a perfectl y ordere d world . "Libert y i s no t a wor d o f moder n coinage, " Debs tol d on e o f hi s audiences . "Libert y an d slaver y ar e prima l words , lik e good an d evil , righ t an d wrong ; the y ar e opposite s an d coexistent." 2 8 Capitalists claime d tha t labo r wa s a fre e agen t wit h th e capacit y t o driv e it s own bargain s i n th e marketplace . Lookin g t o th e mora l example s o f th e past, however , Deb s foun d ma n unde r capitalis m t o b e smal l an d mea n i n comparison; h e believe d labo r unde r capitalis m renounce d al l independenc e and sol d itsel f into slavery . "I n capitalis t society, " claime d Debs , "th e work ing ma n i s not , i n fact , a ma n a t all ; a s a wage-worker , h e i s simpl y merchandise; h e i s bough t i n th e ope n marke t th e sam e a s hair , hides , slat , or an y othe r for m o f merchandise . T h e ver y terminolog y o f th e capitalis t system prove s tha t h e i s no t a man i n an y sens e o f tha t term." 2 9 Debs s antidot e fo r slaver y wa s self-assertion , a displa y o f virtue . H e never allowe d th e worke r t o escap e responsibilit y fo r hi s o r he r condition ; he consistentl y provide d example s o f thos e w h o ha d refuse d t o capitulat e to a degradin g system . I n a n articl e o n th e Pullma n strike , h e wrot e o f th e American Railwa y Unio n members , "The y determine d no t t o pollut e their hand s an d dishono r thei r manhoo d b y handlin g Pullma n car s an d contributing t o th e sufferin g an d sorro w o f thei r brethre n an d thei r wive s and babies . An d rathe r tha n d o thi s the y lai d dow n thei r tool s i n a body , sacrificed thei r situation s an d submitte d t o persecution , exil e an d th e black list; t o idleness , poverty , crust s an d rags , an d I shal l lov e an d hono r thes e moral heroe s t o m y lates t breath." 3 0 Deb s mad e i t clea r tha t ther e wer e things tha t wer e mor e t o b e value d tha n materia l comfort ; ther e wer e conditions unde r whic h i t wa s bette r no t t o hav e a job. H e wa s concerne d with th e stat e o f men' s souls , thei r honor , an d h e mad e i t clea r tha t thi s could onl y b e compromise d t o th e degre e tha t th e worke r allowe d i t t o be . As long a s the worke r preserve d th e abilit y t o sa y no , h e wa s no t ye t a slave. Debs's languag e reveal s it s sources . I t echoe s Wendel l Phillip s an d th e

90 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

American Revolutionaries . B y th e lat e nineteent h century , ther e wa s a well-established an d revere d radica l traditio n i n America . Whateve r thei r status ha d bee n i n thei r ow n day , histor y ha d mad e heroe s o f som e o f America s great protesters , an d they forme d a n American canon , a basis fo r appeal t o a n America n community . I n celebratin g thei r memories , Ameri cans sough t a n identity an d a set of common values . Eugen e Deb s wa s full y cognizant o f thi s traditio n an d sough t t o identif y wit h i t as , fo r example , in hi s identificatio n o f labor s struggl e wit h th e ideal s o f th e America n Revolution. 3 1 But i t was not enoug h t o all y wit h a successful d o c t r i n e — t h e capitalists , too, sough t t o identif y themselve s wit h th e fulfillmen t o f th e America n dream. Deb s als o dre w a parallel betwee n himsel f an d th e Revolutionarie s in thei r rol e a s rebels standin g agains t th e tid e o f public opinion . H e ha d to discover wha t Nic k Salvator e ha s calle d th e "dua l aspec t i n hi s culture s tradition: th e America n Revolutio n wa s no t a stati c event , embosse d i n marble an d praise d eac h Jul y It s essentia l meanin g demande d a propheti c call t o eac h succeedin g generatio n t o rene w an d reinterpre t tha t heri tage." 3 2 Deb s calle d fo r a renascence o f Revolutionary virtue : Washington, Jefferson, Franklin , Pain e and their compeer s wer e the rebels of their day . When the y bega n t o chafe unde r th e rule o f a foreign kin g and to sow th e see d o f resistanc e amon g th e colonist s the y wer e oppose d b y the people an d denounced b y the press. . . . But they ha d the moral courag e t o be tru e t o their convictions , t o stand erec t an d defy al l the forces o f reaction and detraction ; an d tha t i s why thei r name s shin e i n histor y an d why the great respectable majorit y o f their day sleep in forgotten graves. 33 Debs praise d th e leader s o f the Revolution , no t fo r th e syste m o f govern ment the y lef t u s or for th e brilliance o f their vision , bu t because the y wer e men. The y exemplifie d thos e value s o f courage , conviction , an d self assurance tha t Deb s foun d lackin g i n th e contemporar y worker . "Washing ton, Jefferson, Franklin , Pain e an d their compeers " wer e Deb s s measure o f what hi s audiences shoul d aspir e t o be. From th e martyrolog y o f a youn g bu t vigorou s civi l religion , fro m th e Bible, an d from Marxism , Deb s derive d hi s self-evident truths . A s with th e American Revolutionarie s an d the radical abolitionists , ther e i s an apparen t paradox i n holdin g a s self - eviden t somethin g tha t th e majorit y o f one' s fellow citizen s fai l t o see. But as Aileen Kradito r suggests , " W h e n Deb s an d others proclaime d tha t th e trut h wa s so plain tha t a chil d coul d se e it, the y were no t contradictin g thei r clai m t o superio r knowledge . The y wer e

The Prophet's Call | 9 1 expressing th e absolut e certaint y an d clea r perceptio n possesse d b y anyon e w h o looke d a t societ y fro m th e standpoin t o f Truth. " 34 A s Deb s expresse d it, " T h e ran k an d fil e o f al l unions , barrin g thei r ignorance , ar e al l right . T h e workin g clas s a s a whole i s al l right . Man y o f the m ar e misguided , an d stand i n th e ligh t o f thei r ow n interest." 35 T h e radica l leader , lik e th e prophet, resolve s th e ambivalenc e observe d b y Deb s o f th e workin g class . T h e radica l leade r see s clearl y th e covenan t an d understand s it s conse quences; i t i s not a n obscur e knowledge , bu t i t i s stringent i n it s demands . There i s a stor y that , som e fift y year s afte r receivin g fro m a teache r a Bible wit h th e inscriptio n " R e a d an d Obey, " Deb s retorted , " I neve r di d either," bu t eve n a cursor y readin g o f hi s speeche s reveal s th e duplicit y o f his brav e defiance. 36 Hi s materia l abound s wit h biblica l allusion s an d analo gies, som e develope d t o a degre e indicatin g mor e tha n casua l familiarit y with hi s source . I n a lette r t o Mr . E d H . Evinger , date d Augus t 29 , 1895 , for example , Deb s spend s eigh t paragraph s comparin g hi s imprisonmen t for activitie s associate d wit h th e Pullma n strik e t o Daniel s defianc e o f Darius. 3 7 Consisten t wit h hi s emphasi s o n persons , th e exampl e o f Chris t played a n importan t rol e i n Debs' s rhetoric , a them e t o b e examine d a t greater lengt h i n th e followin g section . Biblical communism , celebratio n o f work , condemnation s o f usury , an d other idea s cardina l t o a Judeo-Christian cultur e als o provide d Deb s wit h a hermeneutic fram e fo r readin g Marxis t theorie s o f materialis t histor y an d analyses o f th e clas s struggle . Indeed , ther e i s a pronounced tendenc y i n hi s discourse t o mak e Marxis t materialis m continuou s wit h th e Christia n ethic . T h e intention s o f it s creator s notwithstanding , Marxis m lend s itsel f t o suc h conceptions, 3 8 an d Deb s freel y mixe d th e languag e o f th e Bibl e an d th e language o f clas s conflict : " T h e horde s o f hel l ar e al l agains t us , bu t th e hosts o f justic e ar e o n ou r side, " h e exclaimed . "W e ca n wi n an d must . Comrades, I a m countin g o n you , eac h o f you , a s i f ou r ver y live s wer e a t stake—and the y are." 3 9 Explainin g ho w h e becam e a socialist , Deb s said , "I wa s t o b e baptize d i n socialis m i n th e roa r o f conflic t an d I than k th e gods fo r reservin g t o thi s fitfu l occasio n th e fiat , 'Le t ther e b e light!'—th e light tha t stream s i n stead y radianc e upo n th e broa d wa y t o th e socialis t republic." 40 Viewed a s religio n o r a s Marxis t science , Debs' s philosoph y suggest s those truth s that , i n th e earlie r examinatio n o f the rhetori c o f the America n Revolution, wer e terme d apodeictic. Rhetorically, suc h truth s ar e i n th e realm o f demonstratio n o r showin g wit h al l th e attendan t metaphor s o f wakefulness an d sight . Fo r Debs , failur e t o vie w societ y a s h e di d wa s no t a

92 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

matter o f disagreement , i t wa s a failur e o f vision : " T h e interest s o f th e millions o f wag e worker s ar e identical , regardles s o f nationality , cree d o r sex, an d i f the y wil l onl y ope n thei r eye s t o thi s simple , self-eviden t fact , the greates t obstacl e wil l hav e bee n overcom e an d th e da y o f victor y wil l draw near." 41 "I t i s ou r convictio n tha t n o workingma n ca n clearl y under stand wha t Socialis m mean s withou t becomin g an d remainin g a Socialist, " he declared . "I t i s simpl y impossibl e fo r hi m t o b e anythin g els e an d th e only reaso n tha t al l workingmen ar e no t Socialist s i s tha t the y d o no t kno w what i t means." 4 2 "Ca n yo u no t se e it? " h e querie d o n anothe r occasion . "If not , I advis e yo u t o consul t a n oculist . Ther e i s certainl y somethin g th e matter wit h you r vision." 4 3 Referrin g t o th e fallac y o f craf t unions , Deb s said, " T h e workingman , i f his eye s ar e open , i s boun d t o se e tha t thi s kin d of unionis m i s a curs e an d no t a benefi t t o th e workin g class." 44 "I t i s s o simple tha t a chil d ca n se e it . W h y can' t you? " Deb s aske d late r i n th e sam e speech. "Yo u ca n i f you wil l thin k fo r yourselve s an d se e fo r yourselves." 45 Girded b y th e righteousnes s o f absolut e trut h an d th e exampl e o f hi s radical forebears , Deb s assume d a n uncompromising , "unreasonable, " rhe torical postur e tha t scorne d hedgin g an d trimmin g a s th e weaknes s o f th e faithless an d th e misguide d wher e a strict orthodox y wa s wha t wa s needed : "There i s bu t on e thin g yo u hav e t o b e concerne d about , an d tha t i s that yo u kee p foursquar e wit h th e principle s o f th e internationa l Socialis t movement. I t i s onl y whe n yo u begi n t o compromis e tha t troubl e begins, " he tol d hi s audienc e i n th e famou s "Canto n Speech. " Then , i n a n allusio n to Patric k Henry' s " I kno w no t wha t cours e other s ma y take, " h e contin ued, "S o fa r a s I a m concerned , i t doe s no t matte r wha t other s ma y say , o r think, o r do , a s lon g a s I a m sur e tha t I a m righ t wit h mysel f an d th e cause." 46 O n anothe r occasio n h e echoe d Willia m Lloy d Garrison' s " I wil l be a s harsh a s truth" a s he assure d hi s audience , " I shal l b e a s candi d a s ma y be expecte d fro m a Socialis t agitator." 47 Lik e Phillip s befor e him , Deb s rejected "th e crooke d an d disreputabl e method s o f ward-heeling an d politi cians" 48 i n favo r o f "preservin g inviolat e th e principle s whic h quickene d i t [the Socialis t Party ] int o lif e an d no w giv e i t vitalit y an d force, " movin g i t forward "wit h dauntles s determinatio n t o th e goa l o f economic freedom." 4 9 In on e o f hi s mos t direc t statement s o f hi s conceptio n o f hi s mission , Deb s said, Time wil l tel l an d I ca n wait . I a m no t courtin g you r flatter y no r evading your blame . I am seekin g n o office ; aspirin g t o n o honors ; hav e n o persona l ax t o grind . Bu t I have somethin g t o sa y t o yo u an d shal l look straigh t int o

The Prophet's Call | 9 3 your eye s while sayin g it. I shall spea k th e truth—a s I see it—n o mor e an d no less, in kindness an d without malic e o r resentment . I shoul d tel l yo u wha t I thin k yo u ough t t o kno w thoug h al l o f yo u turned agains t me an d despised me. 50 In thes e quotation s i s th e fulfillmen t o f Debs' s criticis m o f th e worker . H e contrast s th e servil e attitud e o f th e faithles s t o th e temerit y o f radica l heroes o f th e pas t an d b y speakin g i n th e voic e o f Henr y an d Garrison , h e seeks recognitio n o f hi s ow n heroi c stature . Deb s presente d himsel f a s a model fo r th e worke r t o emulate , a man o f superior virtu e claimin g kinshi p to earlie r radicals , committe d t o sacre d principles , willin g t o suffe r th e consequences o f hi s faith . I t i s an attitud e o f incalculabl e self-righteousness , one tha t canno t b e supporte d withou t som e clai m t o a n extraordinar y vision, a sacred calling . Th e stanc e take n b y Debs , unles s mad e t o appea r a s the subordinatio n o f sel f t o som e highe r cause , mus t b e th e mos t insuffer able egotism .

The Construction of a Legend The sketc h o f th e propheti c ethos offered i n chapte r 3 argue s tha t th e offic e of th e prophe t mus t hav e it s root s i n a n extraordinar y (re)birt h o r conver sion. Wit h Debs , w e find a highly develope d conversio n myt h surroundin g the Pullma n strik e an d it s aftermath . Debs' s descriptio n o f th e Pullma n strike contain s th e followin g extraordinar y vision , comparabl e t o th e vision s of th e Ol d Testamen t prophets : "A t thi s juncture ther e wa s delivered , fro m wholly unexpecte d quarters , a swift successio n o f blows tha t blinde d m e fo r an instan t an d the n opene d wid e m y eyes—an d i n th e glea m o f ever y bayonet an d th e flash o f every rifl e the class struggle was revealed." 51 Followin g the Pullma n strike , durin g a tim e o f hi s remova l fro m society , hi s sentenc e in Woodstoc k Jail , Deb s claime d t o hav e com e t o a n understandin g o f socialism, a n understandin g tha t clarifie d hi s earlie r visio n an d gav e hi s subsequent crusad e a consistenc y an d directio n i t ha d heretofor e lacked. 52 O f th e experienc e a t Woodstoc k Deb s said , It wa s her e tha t socialis m graduall y lai d hol d o f m e i n it s ow n irresistibl e fashion . . . the writings of Kautsky were so clear and conclusive that I readily grasped no t merel y hi s argument , bu t als o caugh t th e spiri t o f hi s socialis t utterance—and I than k hi m an d al l wh o helpe d m e ou t o f darknes s int o light. . . .

94 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

It wa s a t thi s time , whe n th e firs t glimmering s o f socialis m wer e begin ning to penetrate, tha t Victor L . Berger—and I have loved him eve r since — came t o Woodstock , a s i f a providentia l instrument , an d delivere d th e firs t impassioned messag e o f socialism I had eve r heard—th e ver y firs t t o se t th e "wires humming i n my system." 53 T h e metaphor s ar e highl y visual , a s ar e th e account s o f callin g relate d b y most o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets . T h e visio n i s a n extraordinar y one , and Deb s insinuate s tha t i t overwhelme d him , th e helples s receiver : i t "lai d hold o f m e i n it s ow n irresistibl e fashion. " T h e visio n als o involve s a n infection o f spiri t an d passion , creatin g a ne w person , an d th e transitio n from darknes s int o ligh t suggest s th e newnes s o f life afte r th e conversion . I n his accoun t o f Woodstock, Deb s present s a classi c accoun t o f consecration . Charisma mus t b e recognize d t o b e validated . T h e supernatura l qualit y of th e conversion , th e rebirth , th e vision , mus t b e concede d befor e th e ethos ca n bea r th e weigh t o f witness . T h e anointe d figur e mus t b e abl e t o inspire discipleshi p o r hi s abilit y t o mak e claim s o n th e sacre d i s severel y limited. Ther e mus t b e a communit y fo r w h o m th e possibilit y o f prophec y exists. Amon g Debs' s followers , th e Woodstoc k conversio n myt h wa s widely perpetuated . I n Eugene Victor Debs: A Tribute, Augus t Claessen s offered th e followin g account : Debs cam e ou t o f Woodstoc k a considerabl y change d man . Victo r Berge r visited Gen e durin g hi s stay, talked with him , gav e him books by Karl Marx , Karl Kautsky an d others . Gene' s eye s saw a new light . Th e whol e economi c struggle an d politica l situatio n too k o n a ne w meanin g fo r him . Gen e emerged fro m Woodstoc k lik e a butterfly fro m it s cocoon. 54 Louis Kopelin , i n a booklet publishe d b y th e Appeal to Reason press , calle d Woodstock Debs s "politica l awakening," 5 5 an d a later piec e o f hagiograph y said o f th e Woodstoc k experience , "Bu t th e Deb s w h o emerge d fro m jai l was no t th e sam e ma n w h o ha d gon e in . A ne w idea—tha t o f socialism — was beginnin g t o tak e hol d o f him." 5 6 U p t o n Sinclair , includin g i n hi s novel The Jungle a came o o f a Deb s speech , wrot e o f Deb s tha t h e "cam e out o f hi s cel l a ruine d man ; bu t als o h e cam e ou t a Socialist." 57 Eac h o f these account s stresse s th e idea s o f death an d rebirth , profoun d discontinuit y between lif e befor e an d lif e after , th e newnes s o f th e man , hi s transforma tion emergin g "lik e a butterfly fro m it s cocoon. " I n a specia l editio n o f th e National Rip-Saw, Kat e Richard s O'Har e quote d th e sam e segmen t o f Debs's ow n accoun t quote d abov e an d adde d th e followin g commen t b y Debs's wife , Katherin e Metze l Debs :

The Prophet's Call | 9 5 Victor Berge r an d Gen e bot h sa y tha t Victo r mad e a Socialist ou t o f Gene , but reall y I a m sur e the y ar e bot h mistaken . Berge r didn' t mak e a Socialis t out o f Gene; he just uncovere d th e Socialis t that was already there . I t was no t books an d pamphlet s tha t mad e Gen e a Socialist ; Go d di d that . Gen e wa s just lik e m e an d million s o f other people ; h e wa s a Socialist an d didn' t kno w it. Victor Berger just helpe d hi m t o fin d himself , tha t wa s all. 58 Although Katherin e Deb s i s the onl y on e t o invok e explicitl y considera tions o f divin e intervention , i t i s clearl y implie d i n th e othe r accounts . An experienc e s o radicall y discontinuou s wit h th e sensor y experience s o f everyday lif e alway s carrie s implication s o f the sacred . Debs' s frien d Stephe n Marion Reynolds , i n a biographica l prefac e t o a collectio n o f Debs' s writings an d speeches , gav e hi m a plac e wit h th e "poet s an d orators , th e true advocate s tha t spea k fo r th e people , see m t o se e fro m som e hig h mountain a visio n i n th e lonel y hours , whe n thei r eye s ar e unbound , th e Deity passin g by , leavin g command s t o b e obeyed. " 5 9 Like s o muc h els e concernin g Debs , th e natur e o f hi s cal l t o serv e an d to suffer i s largel y a mythologica l reconstruction . A s par t o f hi s overal l purpose, Nic k Salvator e dissect s th e conversio n myt h an d replace s i t wit h a detailed pictur e o f Debs' s tortuou s an d ofte n falterin g pat h t o hi s mission. 60 But th e concer n her e i s less wit h th e historica l Deb s tha n wit h th e rhetori cally constructe d one , an d fro m thi s perspectiv e i t i s clea r tha t th e conver sion myt h playe d a n importan t rol e i n th e Deb s ethos. Although Debs , lik e Amos, claime d no t t o b e a prophet , th e languag e o f th e followin g visio n unmistakably ha s it s root s i n Ol d Testamen t prophecy : Cheerless indee d woul d b e th e contemplatio n o f suc h sanguinar y scene s were th e light o f socialism no t breakin g upo n mankind . Th e skie s of the East are eve n no w aglo w wit h th e dawn ; it s comin g i s heralded b y th e dispellin g of shadows, of darkness and gloom. Fro m th e first tremulou s scintillatio n tha t gilds th e horizo n t o th e sublim e marc h t o meridia n splendo r th e ligh t increases till in might y floo d i t pours upo n th e world . From ou t o f th e midnigh t o f superstition , ignoranc e an d slaver y th e disenthralling, emancipatin g su n i s rising . I a m no t gifte d wit h propheti c vision, an d ye t I se e th e shadow s vanishing . I behol d nea r an d fa r prostrat e men liftin g thei r bowe d form s fro m th e dust . I se e throne s i n th e gras p o f decay; despot s relaxin g thei r hol d upo n scepters , an d shackle s falling , no t only fro m th e limbs , but fro m th e soul s of men. 61 Debs understoo d clearl y th e claim s h e wa s makin g t o supranorma l vision . H e denie s th e gif t o f charisma , yet h e see s somethin g mor e tha n i s see n b y

96 |

TH

E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

the huma n eye . Throug h a linguisti c association , h e sough t t o assum e th e mantle o f th e propheti c ethos or th e propheti c pathos, fo r i n prophec y the y seem t o merg e int o one . Deb s sough t t o represen t himsel f a s a participan t in th e divine , a bearer o f charism. As Salvator e ha s noted , As he firs t explore d ne w interpretation s o f familiar themes , Deb s discovere d that hi s culture' s Protestan t religiou s imager y wa s particularly suite d t o bot h his emergin g ne w messag e an d t o hi s public personality . I n th e patriarch s o f the Ol d Testamen t an d i n th e angr y Chris t o f th e New , Deb s foun d a prophetic mode l that legitimized hi s critique an d demande d n o apologie s fo r frank, eve n harsh , pronouncements . I n th e proces s h e touche d fo r th e firs t time hi s powerful charismati c appea l with audiences. 62 Whatever th e advantage s an d opportunitie s afforde d b y th e charismati c appeal, i t canno t b e understoo d a s an unalloye d gift . I n orde r t o b e effective , charism must b e perceive d i n it s burdensom e aspect . T h e rhetorica l imag e Debs nurture d wa s one , no t o f pride , bu t o f service . H e presente d himsel f as on e w h o ha d bee n sacrifice d t o serv e th e need s o f others . " H e w h o ha s dared t o voic e th e protes t o f th e oppresse d an d downtrodden , ha s ha d t o pay th e penalty , al l th e wa y fro m Jesu s Chris t t o Fre d Warren . . . . I a m i n revolt agains t capitalis m becaus e I love m y fello w men , an d i f I am opposin g you i t i s for wha t I believ e t o b e you r good , an d thoug h yo u spa t upo n m e with contemp t I woul d stil l oppos e yo u t o th e exten t o f m y power." 6 3 Here Deb s explicitl y associate s himsel f wit h thos e w h o wer e torture d an d tormented i n th e servic e o f thei r fellowman . T h e willingnes s t o suffe r th e insult o f bein g spa t upo n i s th e mos t extrem e servilit y an d recall s th e example o f Christ . T h e marty r them e i s a n importan t on e i n Debs' s rhetoric. Ra y Ginge r claim s tha t th e ide a wa s "feature d i n ever y Deb s speech fo r twent y years." 64 The idea s o f sufferin g an d sacrific e tak e severa l differen t form s i n Debs' s rhetoric. T h e mos t obviou s ar e hi s account s o f his ow n privation s o n behal f of th e cause . I n a n articl e entitle d "Servin g th e Labo r Movement, " Deb s responded t o a decisio n b y th e Brotherhoo d o f Locomotiv e Fireme n an d Enginemen no t t o invit e hi m t o addres s thei r convention : For twent y year s I wa s a membe r o f th e organizatio n represente d b y tha t convention. Whe n I joined i t I pai d th e admissio n fe e o f hal f th e charte r members, who ha d not th e money o f their own t o pay. Five years later, whe n I was city clerk o f Terre Haut e an d th e brotherhood wa s bankrupt, deepl y i n debt an d it s magazine threatene d wit h suspension , I was calle d upo n t o tak e

The Prophet's Call |

9 7

charge an d I did so . I secured th e entir e deb t wit h indorse d note s an d spen t most o f m y salar y a s cit y cler k i n redeemin g th e organizatio n fro m bank ruptcy. Th e firs t tw o year s al l m y spar e hours , lat e i n th e night , ever y nigh t in th e week , I gav e freel y t o m y tas k an d I pai d ou t mor e fo r clerica l assistance tha n th e paltry salar y amounted to. 65 In 1902 , i n " H o w I Becam e a Socialist, " h e wa s similarl y unabashe d i n recording hi s sacrifice s a t th e alta r o f labor : For eighteen hour s at a stretch I was glued t o my desk reelin g off the answer s to my many correspondents . Da y and nigh t wer e one . Slee p was time waste d and often , whe n al l obliviou s o f he r presenc e i n th e stil l smal l hour s m y mother's han d turne d of f the light, I went t o bed unde r protest . My gri p wa s always packed; an d I was dartin g i n al l directions . T o tram p through a railroa d yar d i n th e rain , sno w o r slee t hal f th e night , o r til l daybreak, t o b e ordere d ou t o f th e roundhous e fo r bein g a n "agitator, " o r put of f a train, sometime s passenger , mor e ofte n freight , whil e attemptin g t o deadhead ove r th e division , wer e al l in th e program , an d serve d t o whe t th e appetite t o conquer. 66 Debs s indulgent, sometime s mawkis h pros e serve d t o inflat e th e exten t o f his suffering s t o heroi c proportions ; i t als o serve d t o confir m hi s manhoo d and t o mak e hi m a mode l fo r thos e worker s whos e manhoo d ha d faile d them. Deb s presente d himsel f a s an embodimen t o f strength an d courag e i n the fac e o f adversity . Mor e important , i n hi s selflessness , h e becam e ev eryman, th e possibilit y inheren t i n everyman , a cynosure . T h e inflatio n o f hi s sacrifice s allowe d Deb s a secon d vehicl e fo r th e expression o f hi s passion—identificatio n wit h a martyre d canon . Debs' s concern wit h pas t martyr s wa s secon d onl y t o tha t o f th e R o m a n Catholi c Church, an d h e summone d thei r specter s larg e befor e hi s audiences . Jesu s Christ, Joa n o f Arc , Elija h Lovejoy , an d John Brow n al l gav e thei r live s fo r a cause , an d Deb s brough t the m togethe r a s part o f a continuous tradition. 67 The celebratio n o f martyr s wa s importan t fo r a n appea l s o heavil y base d o n ethos; they serve d a s realizations o f virtue, th e historica l vindicatio n o f thos e w h o ha d suffere d fo r a cause . I n " T h e Issue, " Deb s pu t i t thi s way : Do yo u know, m y friends, i t is so easy to agre e with th e ignorant majority . I t is s o eas y t o mak e th e peopl e applau d a n empt y platitude . I t take s som e courage t o fac e tha t beas t calle d th e Majority , an d tel l hi m th e trut h t o hi s teeth! Some me n d o s o and accep t th e consequence s o f their act s as becomes men, an d the y liv e i n history—ever y on e o f them. I have sai d s o often , an d

98 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

I wish t o repea t i t o n thi s occasion , tha t mankin d hav e alway s crowned thei r oppressors, an d the y hav e a s uniforml y crucifie d thei r saviors , an d thi s ha s been tru e al l along the highwa y o f the centuries. 68 In man y eulogie s t o contemporar y labo r martyrs , Deb s attempte d t o lin k them t o thi s sacre d tradition , t o clai m fo r the m tha t conduc t tha t "become s men," t o mak e o f the m paragon s o f virtue. 6 9 Mor e importan t fo r ou r purposes i s the fac t that , b y implication , Deb s als o attempte d t o lin k himsel f to thi s tradition , thu s hi s attention s t o th e sufferin g o f other s als o serve d t o draw attentio n t o hi s ow n sacrifices . Afte r praisin g "Ol d Joh n Brown " fo r his "exampl e o f moral courag e o f single-hearted devotio n t o a n idea l fo r al l men an d fo r al l ages," Debs asked , " W h o shal l be th e John Brow n o f Wage Slavery?" I t wa s n o on e i f not Deb s himself. 70 Debs di d no t hav e t o awai t history' s verdic t o n hi s ow n life . I n 1908 , a story consumin g nearl y th e entir e firs t pag e o f th e secon d sectio n o f th e Terre Haute Tribune began an d ende d wit h th e observatio n tha t " a prophe t is no t withou t hono r sav e i n hi s ow n country." 7 1 Suc h encomi a wer e common. " T h e ma n tha t come s cryin g a messag e i n th e wildernes s an d pointing t o th e inevitabl e farthe r height s t o whic h humanit y mus t ascend , meets misunderstanding , insul t an d rejection, " wrot e Stephe n Reynolds , "but h e i s 'Th e Darlin g o f Tomorrow / w h e n th e height s ar e reache d an d the rise n race s ru n t o mar k th e field s o f battle wit h th e patheti c monument s of regre t an d grief" 7 2 John Sparg o compare d Deb s t o Joan o f Arc listenin g to "unsee n voices , . . . seein g vision s wher e othe r me n sa w onl y a blac k void. . . . He obeye d th e voices, " wrot e Spargo . " H e spok e i n th e Assembl y of the Law-makers—spok e fo r Labo r an d agains t Labor s wrongs . H e spok e for th e Dumb , fo r th e D o o m e d an d Damned . H e spok e thei r protes t an d their curse . H e spok e fo r Childhoo d an d fo r M o t h e r h o o d — s p o k e fo r th e Makers o f Laws . An d whe n h e spok e the y answere d wit h th e how l o f th e Beast." 73 Afte r Debs' s imprisonmen t i n 1919 , R u t h L e Prad e wrot e a particularly worshipfu l piec e entitle d simpl y " T h e Martyrdom. " I n he r essay, L e Prad e call s fort h som e o f Debs' s favorit e revere d saints : "Jeann e d'Arc," Christ , Socrates , an d John Brown . O f Deb s s entry int o prison , sh e wrote, "Suc h i s the spiri t Go d give s t o hi s chose n ones , fearlessl y the y stan d and spea k th e Truth ; the y trembl e no t a t th e scourge , th e gaol , th e cross ; and whe n th e hou r comes , the y wal k unt o th e d o o m ma n ha s prepare d fo r them, wit h a smile?" 74 O f cours e th e idolatr y di d no t en d wit h Debs' s death. A 193 5 publication o f the Socialis t Part y concernin g Debs' s resistanc e

The Prophet's Call |

9 9

to th e Firs t Worl d Wa r carrie d a n advertisemen t fo r a twenty-minut e "nonflammable" fil m wit h th e titl e Eugene V Debs —Labor's Martyr. 75 Debs's thir d vehicl e fo r proclaimin g hi s martyrdo m la y i n th e rhetori c o f acting out , a characteristic of prophetic discourse . I t i s widely note d tha t Deb s was a kindl y an d generou s man , an d storie s o f hi m givin g awa y watches , overcoats, money , no t t o mentio n hi s tim e an d concern , ar e legion. 7 6 Hi s most dramati c sacrifice s wer e hi s tw o priso n sentences , th e firs t afte r th e failure o f th e so-calle d "Pullma n strike " i n 189 5 an d th e second , i n 1919 — 21, fo r hi s dissen t agains t U . S . involvemen t i n th e Firs t Worl d War . I n describing th e significanc e o f Debs' s jai l ter m afte r th e Pullma n strike , Salvatore provide s som e insigh t int o th e functio n o f th e Deb s myt h i n general. W h e n Deb s emerge d fro m Woodstoc k Jail , th e veneratio n h e enjoyed wa s no t th e veneratio n o f a successfu l strik e leader ; th e strik e ha d been a n unqualifie d failure , an d Debs' s America n Railwa y U n i o n wa s i n ruin. Wha t Deb s ha d become , accordin g t o Salvatore , wa s " a nationa l symbol": " D u e t o hi s recen t activities , Deb s serve d t o focu s and , afte r a fashion, t o direc t th e ange r man y American s felt . I n turn , h e als o dre w a strength fro m thi s rol e tha t largel y account s fo r hi s appea l ove r th e comin g three decades." 77 It i s probabl y inevitable , give n th e stron g theme s o f martyrdo m i n hi s rhetoric an d hi s publi c act s o f sacrific e tha t Deb s shoul d hav e bee n c o m pared t o C h r i s t — t h e passio n o f Christ , a s note d earlier , bein g th e quintes sential passio n myt h i n Wester n thought . Salvator e find s th e firs t over t comparison i n a statement b y J. A . Wayland , a clos e frien d o f Deb s an d th e publisher o f th e Appeal to Reason, afte r Debs' s releas e fro m Woodstoc k Jail . But a s Salvator e notes , althoug h i t wa s th e firs t suc h comparison , "i t certainly woul d no t b e th e last ; . . . fo r Debs , a s fo r man y o f hi s followers , only a thi n lin e remaine d betwee n th e ma n an d th e symbol." 7 8 I t wa s th e author o f Elmer Gantry w h o wrot e t o U p t o n Sinclai r tha t Deb s wa s th e "Christ spirit," 79 whil e o n anothe r occasio n Lewi s merel y proclaime d Deb s a saint. 80 A 192 1 lette r t o Deb s fro m Harrie t Curry , daughte r o f Debs' s purported love r Mabe l Curry , begin s "Deares t G e n e — M o t h e r say s I a m to cal l yo u thi s instea d o f th e "Mister " [. ] A t firs t i t seeme d disrespectfu l o r something, unti l I reflecte d tha t I wouldn't thin k o f sayin g 'Mr . Jesus,' wer e I t o mee t him!" 8 1 Tha t sam e yea r Kat e Richard s O'Hare , unde r th e heading "Gesthemane, " wrote , "Fo r fort y year s Gen e Deb s serve d th e working clas s o f th e Unite d State s a s Jesus o f Nazaret h serve d th e workin g class o f Judea. Priest , architec t an d builde r h e renewe d th e fait h i n me n tha t

100 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

had bee n crushe d b y povert y an d socia l injustice." 82 "Lik e Christ, " wrot e Louis Kopelin , " 'th e commo n peopl e hear d hi m gladly. ' " 8 3 Walte r H u r t was abl e t o writ e withou t a trac e o f irony : " O f Deb s i t ma y advisedl y b e said tha t n o othe r ma n i n histor y s o approximate s th e attribute s o f Jesus o f Nazareth. I n hi s all-understanding , all-forgiving , all-sufferin g natur e Deb s closely resemble s th e repute d characte r o f th e divin e Proletarair e o f Pales tine." 8 4 A s a fina l example , ther e i s th e widel y reporte d inciden t fro m a Debs speec h a t Carnegi e Hal l i n 1908 , wher e a woma n suddenl y leap t u p and proclaimed , "Ther e h e is , ther e h e is ! Gene Debs , no t th e missin g lin k but th e livin g lin k betwee n Go d an d man . . . . Her e i s th e Go d conscious ness com e dow n t o earth. " 8 5 The compariso n betwee n Deb s an d Chris t wa s nourishe d b y Debs' s rhetoric an d hi s deed s fo r th e res t o f hi s career . I t therefor e provide s a context fro m whic h t o vie w hi s tria l an d convictio n fo r violatio n o f th e Espionage Act . T h e comparison s ar e almos t painfull y patent , an d on e suspects, calculatedl y so . Deb s ha d n o witnesse s i n hi s defense , di d no t contest th e prosecutio n s accoun t o f th e speec h i n question , onl y thei r definition o f it , denie d hi s abilit y t o retrac t wha t h e ha d said , an d resigne d himself t o th e possibilit y tha t h e migh t "b e consigned , perhap s t o th e en d of m y life , i n a felons cell. " I n hi s "Addres s t o th e Jury," h e reflecte d o n hi s fate: When grea t change s occu r i n history , whe n grea t principle s ar e involved , a s a rul e th e majorit y ar e wrong . Th e minorit y ar e usuall y right . I n ever y ag e there hav e bee n a few heroi c soul s who hav e bee n i n advanc e o f their time , who hav e bee n misunderstood , maligned , persecuted , sometime s pu t t o death. Lon g afte r thei r martyrdo m monument s wer e erecte d t o the m an d garlands woven for thei r graves. 86 Like Christ , Deb s wa s found guilty . Hi s "Statemen t t o th e Court, " delivere d at hi s sentencing , open s wit h wha t ar e probabl y hi s mos t quote d lines : Your Honor , year s ag o I recognize d m y kinshi p wit h al l living being , an d I made u p m y mind tha t I was not on e bi t bette r tha n th e meanes t o n earth . I said then , an d I sa y now , tha t whil e ther e i s a lower class , I a m i n it , whil e there i s a criminal elemen t I a m o f it, an d whil e ther e i s a soul i n prison , I am not free. 87 As a final parallel , Deb s forgav e hi s betraying Judas. 88 Debs wa s sixty-thre e year s ol d whe n h e entere d prison , bu t h e wa s probably perceive d a s older . Sinc e a s earl y a s 1904 , Deb s ha d no t bee n i n good health. 89 Hi s schedul e ha d bee n on e "o f exhausting , almos t orgiasti c

The Prophet's Call \ 10 1 speaking tour s followe d b y week s o f collaps e i n bed, " t o us e Irvin g H o w e s description. 90 Th e evidenc e suggest s that , howeve r muc h Deb s resente d being though t o f o r referre d t o a s a n ol d man , h e was , i n fact , perceive d and referre d t o tha t way. 91 A t Deb s s trial , remarkin g o n hi s addres s t o th e jury, on e o f th e Justice Departmen t agent s reportedl y sai d t o a membe r o f the press : "You've go t t o han d i t t o th e ol d man . H e cam e throug h clean. " 92 T h e yea r o f Deb s s imprisonment , U p t o n Sinclai r wrote , " T h e Unite d States ha s a n ol d ma n i n priso n i n th e Federa l Penitentiar y o f Atlanta . T h e government regard s thi s ol d ma n a s a c o m m o n felon , an d treat s hi m a s such; shave s hi s head , put s a priso n sui t upo n him , feed s hi m upo n priso n food, an d lock s hi m i n a steel-barred cel l fourtee n consecutiv e hour s ou t o f each twenty-four. " 9 3 Deb s s age an d hi s apparen t frailt y serve d t o mak e hi m appear harmles s an d t o magnif y hi s suffering . Hi s presidentia l campaig n i n 1920 serve d t o spotligh t furthe r th e fac t o f hi s imprisonment . Campaig n posters an d button s depic t a gaunt , draw n visag e i n priso n attir e standin g before bar s wit h th e inscription , "Fo r President , Convic t N o . 9653. " With hi s imprisonmen t fo r th e secon d time , th e Deb s legen d achieve d a predictable denouement ; Deb s becam e Chris t crucified . Witte r Bynner , a poet currentl y enjoyin g renewe d attention , wrot e th e followin g vers e which i s typical o f muc h o f the sentimen t expresse d a t th e time : 9*53 (TOE

. V

. D

. )

Nine si x fiv e three , Numbers hear d i n heaven , Numbers whispere d breathlessly , Mystical a s seven, Numbers lifte d amon g star s To acclai m an d hai l Another hear t behin d th e bars , Another Go d i n jail, Tragic i n thei r symmetry , Crucified an d risen , Nine si x fiv e three , From Atlant a Prison. 94 The comparison , lik e muc h o f th e rhetori c whic h inspire d it , was , o f course, hyperbolic . Deb s di d no t los e hi s lif e fo r hi s belief s a s ha d Chris t and man y o f th e res t o f Deb s s martyre d canon , and , althoug h n o on e would den y tha t hi s time s i n priso n wer e time s o f rea l sufferin g fo r him , i t is tru e tha t Debs , b y hi s ow n admission , "wa s neve r personall y mistreated "

102 |

TH

E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

while i n prison: "O n th e othe r hand , durin g m y prison year s I was treate d uniformly wit h a peculiar persona l kindlines s b y m y fello w prisoners , an d not infrequently b y officials," 95 In fact, in light of historical accounts, Debss denial that any special favors were ever accorded him seems disingenuous. 96 Of course , t o Deb s s disciple s i t mad e n o differenc e tha t hi s claim s t o Christhood wer e greatl y exaggerated ; the y embrace d hi m a s their Messiah . As Walte r Hur t wrote , "Deb s i s als o intrinsicall y a hero . Non e ca n b e a hero o r a martyr by design, an y more tha n on e ca n desig n on e s own birth . And it is not necessar y to di e in orde r to be either . T o insist otherwise wer e tantamount t o declaring that deat h makes the poet. Th e fac t i s that herois m and martyrdom consis t in the process of living, an d death end s them just as it extinguishes genius." 97 But t o th e vas t majorit y o f workers fo r who m Deb s claime d t o suffer , the imag e wa s no t persuasive . Mos t American s a t th e tur n o f th e centur y failed t o se e industria l emplo y a s slavery , s o the y coul d no t se e Deb s a s their savior . Progressiv e reformer s lik e Theodor e Roosevel t achieve d grea t popularity precisel y becaus e thei r temperat e idea s o n refor m wer e viewe d as mitigatin g th e appea l o f radica l program s lik e socialism. 98 A s Samue l Hays has put it , "Twentieth-centur y American s slowl y learne d ho w t o liv e with a ne w industria l syste m tha t the y coul d no t an d did not choose t o destroy." 99

Saint Gene We hav e name s fo r suc h peopl e a s Debs appear s t o hav e been : thos e wh o devote themselve s t o flailin g a t invincibl e enemie s w e cal l quixotic , an d those who voluntaril y brin g sufferin g upo n themselve s we ter m masochis tic; both term s suggest pathological states . No on e i n his right min d woul d choose inevitabl e failur e o r suffering , w e contend , bu t i t i s precisel y th e element o f choic e tha t Deb s wishe d t o den y throug h hi s suffering . Pres enting himsel f a s a prophetic figure , Deb s spok e th e languag e o f commit ment an d duty . "If I hav e criticized , i f I hav e condemned , i t i s because I believed i t t o be m y duty, " sai d Deb s t o th e jury i n 1918. 100 In th e Canto n speech , h e told hi s audienc e tha t th e socialis t movemen t "ha s taugh t m e ho w t o serve—a lesso n t o m e o f priceles s valu e . . . t o realiz e that , regardles s o f nationality, race , creed , colo r o r sex , ever y man , ever y woma n wh o toils, who render s usefu l service , ever y membe r o f th e workin g clas s withou t

The Prophet's Call | 10 3 exception, i s m y comrade , m y brothe r an d sister—an d tha t t o serv e the m and thei r caus e i s th e highes t dut y o f m y life." 101 Consistentl y i n hi s speeches acceptin g hi s party' s nominatio n fo r office , Deb s spok e o f i t a s a duty tha t ha d bee n impose d o n him : " I ca n simpl y sa y tha t obedien t t o your cal l I respond . Responsiv e t o you r comman d I a m here . I shal l serv e you t o th e limi t o f m y capacity." 102 Debs' s expresse d reluctanc e t o assum e the burden s o f dut y i s offse t b y hi s resignatio n t o duty : "Personall y I di d not wis h th e nomination . I t cam e t o m e unsought . I t cam e a s summon s t o service an d no t a s a personal honor. " 10 3 " T h e wrong s i n labo r I kne w fro m having experience d them , an d th e irresistibl e appea l o f thes e wrong s t o b e righted determine d m y destiny, " h e claimed . " T h e hig h ambitio n an d controlling purpos e i n m y lif e ha s bee n th e education , organizatio n an d emancipation o f th e workin g class . I began t o spea k an d writ e fo r the m fo r the sam e reason . I n thi s ther e wa s n o altruism , n o self-sacrifice , onl y duty . I could no t hav e don e otherwise." 1 0 4 Especiall y i n th e lin e regardin g th e "controlling purpose " o f his life , Deb s reflect s th e ide a tha t h e wa s bor n (o r reborn) t o serv e th e cause ; amids t th e chao s o f th e industria l revolutio n i n America, Debs' s lif e ha d meaning . Debs sa w himsel f a s immersed i n th e sufferin g o f th e workin g class , an d he viewe d himsel f a s a providentia l instrumen t fo r th e relie f o f tha t suffer ing. W h e n servin g a s an instrumen t o f divine will , th e speake r disappears — in Debs' s words , h e i s reduce d t o a tongue . Ther e i s n o longe r a self interested eg o t o engag e i n subterfuge . T h e subjectiv e elemen t claim s t o have absente d itself . Th e messag e claim s t o b e pur e object , sacre d Truth. 1 0 5 Furthermore, i t i s th e sam e trut h th e audienc e woul d se e i f the y wer e no t blinded. S o t o th e exten t tha t th e Trut h concern s th e sufferin g o f thos e i n the audience , th e speake r become s representativ e o f them i n thei r tru e state . It is , i n Northro p Frye' s description , "th e tota l empath y betwee n poe t an d audience whic h arise s whe n th e poe t i s no t s o muc h a teache r o f hi s audience o r a spokesman fo r them , a s both a t once." 1 0 6 Insofa r a s Debs wa s not blin d an d wa s consecrated , h e wa s in extremis, bu t insofa r a s h e repre sented th e tru e stat e o f th e workin g class , h e wa s i n a sens e a manifestatio n of th e wil l o f tha t class . A s Deb s himsel f pu t it , " T h e workin g ma n i s th e only ma n i n whos e presenc e I tak e of f m y hat . A s I salut e him , I hono r myself." 107 " I a m simpl y th e tongu e o f th e workin g class , makin g thi s appeal fro m th e workin g clas s t o th e workin g class. " Hi s ar t o f oratory , h e maintained, cam e fro m consecratin g himsel f t o a grea t cause . " I simpl y ha d to spea k an d mak e peopl e understand." 1 0 8 I n anothe r speech , h e phrase d the sentimen t thi s way : " T h e Socialis t movemen t i s o f th e workin g clas s

104 |

TH

E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

itself; i t i s fro m th e injustic e perpetrate d upon , an d th e miser y suffere d b y this clas s tha t th e movemen t sprang , an d it i s to thi s clas s i t make s i t appeal . It i s the voice o f awakened labo r arousin g itsel f to action." 1 0 9 As a charismatic leader , Deb s als o attempte d t o exten d th e divin e imper ative t o th e movemen t h e led . I t i s significant tha t h e s o ofte n spok e o f the "mission" o r th e "histori c mission " o f th e Socialis t Party. 110 A s Kradito r has noted, " T h e concept o f mission implie s tha t th e purpose o f an organiza tion i s not determine d b y its members." Thi s mean s tha t th e purpose o f the movement canno t b e invente d o r determine d b y th e participants , bu t mus t be discovered. 111 I n othe r words , th e purpos e o f th e movemen t i s no t o f the participants ; i t i s no t reducibl e t o term s o f huma n will ; i t i s separate , sacred; ther e i s a general callin g presen t o f which Deb s i s onl y a n example . Debs ha d n o doub t tha t i n th e socialis t movemen t th e workingma n woul d find hi s "true place , an d though h e be reduce d t o rags , an d tormented wit h hunger pangs , h e wil l bea r i t al l and more , fo r h e i s battling fo r a principle , he ha s bee n consecrate d t o a caus e an d h e canno t tur n back." 1 1 2 I n th e socialist movemen t ther e wa s a call t o dut y fo r th e workingmen o f Americ a and th e world. 1 1 3 Duty i s th e inescapabl e refrai n i n Debs' s rhetoric . Lik e Marti n Luther , Debs agitated ; h e coul d d o n o other ; i t wa s a n exampl e o f manl y self assertion. Deb s trie d t o ensur e tha t ever y tim e th e workingma n close d hi s eyes t o hi s duty h e woul d se e the imag e o f Debs bearin g th e cros s o f labor . As a suffering servan t h e transcende d th e rol e o f the individua l speaker ; h e became universal , symbolic . An d religiou s symbol s hav e thei r power , ac cording t o Mirce a Eliade , i n tha t the y conve y thei r messag e eve n w h e n n o longer consciousl y understoo d i n ever y part . "Fo r a symbo l speak s t o th e whole huma n bein g an d not onl y t o th e intelligence." 114 In conceivin g Deb s a s symbol , w e appreciat e th e importanc e o f th e myth tha t h e helpe d t o foster . Deb s s suffering stoo d a s both a measure an d a manifestatio n o f the strengt h o f his faith. 115 I t wa s als o intende d t o serve , as with th e discours e o f the Ol d Testamen t prophets , a s a pathetic antidot e to th e prevailin g a-pathos. Ignorin g requirement s fo r detailed , workabl e proposals, Debs , throug h hi s public suffering , sough t t o mak e tha t sufferin g real t o Americ a an d t o mak e i t th e cente r o f debate . A N e w Orlean s reporter onc e trie d t o mak e sens e ou t o f th e contradictor y impression s garnered i n attendin g a Debs speech . O n th e on e hand , th e reporte r note d that th e ful l audienc e "listene d wit h intensit y an d applaude d wit h passion, " but o n th e othe r hand , h e als o sense d tha t ther e wer e fe w convert s t o socialism i n th e roo m whe n th e speec h wa s over . H e wrote , "I t wa s not s o

The Prophet's Call \ 10 5 much tha t the y care d fo r wha t h e said , bu t tha t the y care d tha t h e care d fo r t h e m — i f thi s doe s no t confus e th e point." 1 1 6 Debs's rhetori c wa s a rhetori c o f sympathy , a n ide a associate d wit h th e rhetorical theor y o f Adam Smith , a product o f th e sam e tim e an d th e sam e school o f though t a s Georg e Campbell . An d whil e i t i s unlikel y tha t Deb s ever studie d Smit h o r Campbell , h e di d tak e a s hi s model s thos e orator s w h o ha d bee n shape d b y th e writing s o f th e Scottis h C o m m o n Sens e philosophers o f th e lat e eighteent h century , orator s lik e Wendel l Phillip s and R o b e r t Ingersoll . Deb s entere d th e twentiet h centur y wit h th e rhetori cal convention s o f th e nineteenth . Today, Debs' s speeche s see m somewha t quaint , a bit naive . Irvin g H o w e has terme d the m "wilte d flowers fro m th e garde n o f nineteenth-centur y eloquence/' 1 1 7 A s a sufferin g servant , Deb s produce d a highl y personal , highly ethica l rhetoric , a rhetori c unabashe d a t it s ow n pathos, a. rhetoric often a t odd s wit h wha t Richar d Greg g ha s note d i s "th e idealize d kin d o f problem discussio n w e lik e t o se e o n th e publi c stage." 118 Greg g see s i n much o f thi s discours e a n expressiv e function , a n assertio n o f th e self . Bu t we ar e year s remove d fro m Debs' s worl d o f hig h collar s an d stra w hat s fo r summer, perhap s to o fa r remove d t o conside r seriousl y hi s clai m o f selflessness; ou r cynicis m smile s a t th e ide a tha t Deb s woul d suffer a s th e representative o f a class . W e den y th e altruis m i n favo r o f a n a fortior i ulterior motive . I n hi s ow n time , however , Debs' s sincerit y wa s almos t unquestioned. Eve n thos e w h o coul d no t accep t th e program s praise d th e ethos. Stephen Reynold s wrot e o f th e situatio n i n Terr e Haut e tha t "man y here woul d lik e t o han g hi s ideas , bu t th e man , th e stron g personality , th e gentleness an d cordialit y o f hi s greetin g whe n h e meet s hi s neighbor s an d fellow-citizens, disar m al l prejudice." 1 1 9 O n th e occasio n o f Debs' s death , an articl e i n th e Terre Haute Post related th e followin g anecdote : The lat e Anto n Hulman , senior , founde r o f th e Hulma n company , on e o f the larges t wholesal e grocer y concern s i n Indiana , wa s attendin g a meetin g of coffee grower s in Ne w York . On e mornin g a t one o f the session s a coffe e wholesaler mentione d th e fact tha t Debs was in jail in Chicag o fo r hi s part i n the Pullma n railroa d strike . "That i s where h e ough t t o be," said this man. "Suc h a wild-eyed menac e ought t o be hanged. " Hulman wa s on hi s feet i n a n instant an d in his quiet wa y said: "I hav e known Gen e Deb s sinc e he was a tiny boy. I was a lifelong frien d of his father an d no bette r ma n di d I ever know. I think i f you kne w Eugen e Debs a s I kno w hi m yo u woul d neithe r sa y tha t h e ough t t o b e i n jail no r

106 |

TH

E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

that h e ough t t o b e hanged . I d o no t agre e wit h al l tha t Gen e Deb s say s o r thinks. But I would trus t hi m wit h ever y dollar I had." 120 The acceptanc e o f th e Deb s ethos and th e simultaneou s rejectio n o f hi s social visio n wa s a characteristi c respons e amon g Debs' s opponents . Arthu r Schlesinger, Jr. , ha s note d tha t " M e n an d wome n love d Deb s eve n whe n they hate d hi s doctrines . Hi s sweetnes s o f temper , hi s generosit y an d kindliness, hi s sensitivit y t o pai n an d suffering , hi s perfec t sincerity , hi s warm, sa d smil e an d hi s candi d gra y eye s wer e irresistible." 121 Walte r Hurt , eschewing her o worshi p i n th e socialis t ranks , nonetheles s recognize d tha t the valu e o f Debs's personalit y t o th e socialis t movemen t wa s "inestimable" : " H e i s a loadston e o f popularity tha t attract s t o Socialis m thousand s w h o m its philosophy woul d a t firs t repel." 1 2 2 The Deb s legen d doe s no t stan d carefu l scrutiny—n o morta l lif e coul d sustain th e weigh t o f adulatio n tha t Debs' s admirer s hav e lavishe d o n h i m — but t o as k thi s i s t o misunderstan d th e functio n an d valu e o f th e legend . However fragil e an d desperat e fo r reassuranc e th e ma n behin d th e myth , h e projected a n imag e tha t wa s stron g an d generous ; th e emphasi s o n th e ethical sid e o f persuasio n renewe d a confidenc e i n th e capacit y o f th e individual huma n bein g t o shap e hi s world . Lik e hi s radica l predecessors , Debs wa s concerne d wit h possibilities , bu t hi s reform s alway s ha d a huma n scale. Walte r Hur t tie d Deb s t o th e vanishin g traditio n o f Emerso n whe n he wrote , " 'Self-trust, ' say s Emerson , 'i s th e essenc e o f heroism. ' Deb s believes i n himsel f becaus e h e believe s i n mankind , o f whic h h e i s a part." 1 2 3 There i s a very rea l sense , o f course , i n whic h i t wa s alread y to o late ; th e agrarian myt h wit h al l it s overtone s o f self-relianc e simpl y faile d t o reflec t the realitie s o f the moder n world . Th e yea r afte r Debs' s deat h i n 1926 , John Dewey publishe d The Public and Its Problems in whic h h e wrote , " T h e Grea t Society create d b y stea m an d electricit y ma y b e a society , bu t i t i s n o community. Th e invasio n o f th e communit y b y th e ne w an d relativel y impersonal an d mechanica l mode s o f combine d huma n behavio r i s th e outstanding fac t o f moder n life." 124 Debs' s insistenc e o n virtue , lookin g backward a s i t di d t o th e melodramati c languag e o f Balzac , Dickens , an d Hugo, al l o f w h o m Deb s adored , coul d no t compe l assen t i n th e worl d o f This Side of Paradise. To say , however , tha t Deb s wa s to o lat e o r tha t h e opposed th e inevitabl e doe s no t mak e hi s effor t les s laudabl e o r th e ideal s he hel d les s desirable . Deb s attempte d t o revivif y a myt h tha t ha d helpe d create communit y i n America , an d i n doin g s o h e attempte d t o giv e

The Prophet's Call | 10 7 Dewey's los t publi c a c o m m o n voice . O f course , Deb s di d no t understan d his crusad e a s a reactionar y one ; fo r hi m th e value s h e espouse d wer e universal an d eternal . O n e measur e o f th e appea l o f Debs' s atavis m i s th e degre e t o whic h th e Debs legac y ha s survive d eve n today . I n 1955 , o n th e centennia l o f Debs' s birth, N o r m a n Thoma s wrote , " O n e o f th e purpose s o f a centennia l celebration o f Gen e Debs ' birt h i s t o remin d ourselve s o f a uniqu e huma n being, on e o f thos e rar e spirit s whos e lif e o n eart h wa s a n outstandin g blessing t o hi s fellow s b y reaso n o f what h e wa s a s well a s by reaso n o f wha t he did." 1 2 5 Mor e recently , Davi d A . Shanno n wrote , Dead fo r hal f a century , Deb s continue s t o b e th e nation' s foremos t radica l hero, the most popular leader of a Marxist movement, th e Left's most belove d personality. Neithe r hi s successo r a s leade r o f th e Socialis t Party , Norma n Thomas, nor any of the Communis t leader s since World War I, nor the ofte n colorful an d sometime s bizarr e character s o f the Ne w Lef t o f the 1960 s an d early 1970' s even approac h Deb s a s a radical heroic figure. 126 Nelson Algre n gav e Deb s a plac e alongsid e Theodor e Dreise r an d Joh n Peter Altgel d a s on e o f "th e grea t Lincolnia n liberals , th e one s w h o stuc k out thei r stubbor n neck s i n th e ceaseles s battl e betwee n th e right s o f Owners an d th e right s o f Man , th e stiff-necke d wonder s w h o coul d b e broken bu t couldn' t b e bent." 1 2 7 A s lat e a s 1976 , th e Socialis t Part y wa s stil l prominently billin g itsel f a s "th e part y o f Eugen e Debs" ; th e Eugen e V . Debs loca l o f th e Unite d Steelworkers , a loca l fo r builder s a t th e Pullma n railroad ca r plan t an d on e o f th e earl y local s i n th e C I O organization , wa s until 1985 , thre e year s afte r th e closin g o f th e plant , a livin g tribut e t o Debs an d hi s visio n o f industria l unionism—worker s standin g u p fo r themselves. 128 Radi o statio n W E V D i n N e w Yor k Cit y continue s t o broad cast programmin g i n Yiddis h an d i n th e language s o f recen t immigran t groups, servin g population s ver y muc h lik e thos e Deb s sough t t o serv e i n his lifetime , an d th e Eugen e V . Deb s Foundation , whic h purchase d th e Debs hom e i n Terr e Haut e i n 196 2 an d ha s restore d i t a s a librar y an d memorial, i s dedicate d t o perpetuatin g Debs' s vision . Debs ha d a n appreciatio n fo r th e adoratio n o f posterity; hi s emphasi s o n the afterlif e o f martyr s i n th e memorie s o f th e peopl e attest s t o thi s an d there i s n o questio n bu t tha t Deb s hope d t o b e honore d i n th e sam e way , to hav e "monument s built " an d "garland s woven " fo r hi s grav e rathe r tha n face th e mortalit y o f th e "respectabl e bu t forgotten " grav e o f anonymity . Louis Untermeye r suggeste d tha t Debs' s garlan d woul d b e a crow n o f

108 I

TH E P R O P H E T ' S CAL

L

thorns, 1 2 9 an d Deb s woul d surel y hav e take n comfor t i n th e word s o f Isaiah , often rea d a s a prognostication o f Christ : He i s despised an d rejecte d o f men; a man o f sorrows , an d acquainte d wit h grief; an d w e hi d a s i t wer e our faces fro m him ; h e wa s despised , an d w e esteemed hi m not . Surel y he hat h born e ou r griefs , an d carrie d ou r sorrows : yet w e di d estee m hi m stricken , smitte n o f God , an d afflicted . . . . H e shal l see o f the travai l of his soul, and shall be satisfied : b y his knowledge shal l my righteous servan t justify many ; fo r h e shal l bea r thei r iniquities . Therefor e will I divid e hi m a portion wit h th e great , an d h e shal l divid e th e spoi l wit h the strong ; becaus e h e hat h poure d ou t hi s sou l unt o death : an d h e wa s numbered wit h th e transgressors ; an d h e bar e th e si n o f many , an d mad e intercession fo r th e transgressors. 130

6

The Wor d i n Darknes s We see not ou r signs : there is no mor e an y prophet: neithe r i s there among us any that knowet h ho w long . —Psalm s 74: 9 Son o f man, prophesy agains t th e prophets i n Israe l that prophesy, an d say thou unt o the m tha t prophesy ou t o f their ow n hearts , Hear ye the wor d o f the Lord ; Thus sait h the Lor d God ; Wo e unt o th e foolis h prophets, tha t follow thei r ow n spirit , an d hav e seen nothing ! O Is rael, thy prophets ar e like the foxe s i n th e deserts . —Ezekie l 13:2— 4 And I heard, bu t I understood not : the n sai d I, O m y Lord, wha t shal l be th e en d o f these things? And h e said , G o th y way, Daniel fo r th e words are closed u p an d seale d til l the tim e o f the end . Man y shal l be purified, an d made white, an d tried ; bu t th e wicked shal l do wick edly: and non e o f the wicked shal l understand; bu t th e wis e shall un derstand. —Danie l 12:8—1 0

Among th e way s tha t propheti c rhetori c distinguishe s itsel f fro m the Graeco-Roma n mode l i s it s transgressio n o f classica l genres . A s th e la w in ancien t Hebre w cultur e wa s given , th e deliberativ e functio n o f prophec y may b e truncated . Still , ther e i s a strong elemen t o f futur e concern , charac teristic o f deliberation , o f th e consequence s o f adherin g o r no t adherin g t o the law , an d th e rib patter n a t th e cente r o f prophec y provide s a clea r judicial element . Bu t eve n mor e essentia l tha n thi s judicia l function , i t might b e argued , i s th e epideicti c functio n o f prophecy , no t onl y i n th e celebration an d encouragemen t o f c o m m o n values , bu t i n th e sens e tha t epideictic bot h depend s upo n an d recreate s community. 1 Indeed , i t i s onl y in th e presenc e o f a viabl e communit y tha t th e declarator y impuls e i n prophecy ha s adequat e credibilit y t o insis t o n engagement . I n th e absenc e of suc h a community , i t i s easil y dismisse d a s lunati c rant . Prophec y is , i n James Boy d White' s terms , a language , an d i t i s b y languages , "share d

in

112 |

TH

E WOR D I

N DARKNES

S

conceptions o f th e world , share d manner s an d values , share d resource s an d expectations an d procedure s fo r speec h an d thought, " h e insists , "tha t communities ar e i n fac t define d an d constituted. " 2 It i s no t necessar y t o becom e embroile d i n th e debate s ove r th e natur e and precis e tempora l locatio n o f postmodernit y t o borro w fro m tha t bod y of literature certai n insight s abou t th e deca y o f community i n contemporar y America. Barr y Smar t note s that , ove r an d abov e th e fractiousnes s collecte d under postmoder n scholarship , "ther e appear s t o b e a share d sens e tha t significant cultura l transformation s hav e been takin g place i n Wester n socie ties durin g th e perio d sinc e th e en d o f th e Secon d Worl d Wa r an d furthe r that th e ter m 'postmodernism ' ma y b e appropriate , fo r th e tim e bein g a t least, t o describ e som e o f th e implie d shift s i n 'sensibility , practice s an d discourse formations. ' " 3 Ther e i s als o considerabl e agreemen t tha t thes e "cultural transformations " involv e dislocation , alienation , uncertainty , an d atomization. Smar t describe s postmoder n form s o f sociolog y a s form s "which plac e emphasi s upo n th e tenuous , negotiable , meaningful , interpre tive, an d sociolinguisticall y constitute d characte r o f socia l life , upo n th e fragile 'taci t understandings ' whic h constitut e th e insecur e foundatio n o f social life." 4 Davi d Harve y i s more bluntl y critica l o f these sam e tendencies , seeing not a reconstitution o f social life, bu t th e destructio n o f its possibility : Postmodernist philosopher s tel l us not onl y to accep t but eve n to reve l in th e fragmentations an d th e cacophon y o f voice s throug h whic h th e dilemma s of th e moder n worl d ar e understood . Obsesse d wit h deconstructin g an d delegitimating ever y form o f argument the y encounter , the y ca n en d onl y i n condemning thei r ow n validit y claim s to the point where nothin g remains o f any basis for reasone d action. 5 "There is , i n postmodernism, " h e note s elsewhere , "littl e over t attemp t t o sustain continuit y o f values, beliefs , o r eve n disbeliefs." 6 Postmodernism i s a reactio n t o th e disintegratio n o f th e Enlightenmen t project o f th e gran d narrative , th e regularit y o f predictio n an d control , an d the stabilit y o f commo n sense . T h e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips, an d Eugen e Deb s wer e abl e t o capitaliz e o n a c o m m o n belie f structure, th e root s o f societ y i n thei r respectiv e times . Thei r radicalism , like tha t o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets , wa s essentiall y reactionary . Chal lenging no t roo t belief s bu t contemporar y understandings , the y demande d a realizatio n o f orthodox y throug h th e excisio n o f corrup t practice. 7 Bu t the caree r o f Eugen e Debs , I hav e claimed , marke d th e en d o f a n era . Already i n Debs' s tim e ther e wer e th e unmistakabl e sign s o f a dissolution o f

The Word in Darkness | 11 3 consensus i n America n society , a tren d catalyze d b y th e Firs t an d Secon d World Wars . Postmodernis m i s a ter m tha t suggest s th e unravelin g o f tha t faith tha t sustaine d radica l though t fo r th e Revolutionaries , Phillips , an d Debs, a n abrogatio n o f th e "vita l center, " th e declin e o f th e c o m m o n language necessar y no t onl y t o consensus , bu t t o apostas y a s well. 8 Post modernism i s the recognitio n o f th e fragmentatio n o f th e nationa l c o m m u nity agains t whic h th e radica l seek s definition ; i t i s impossibl e t o stan d i n opposition t o fog. 9 A s Ha l Foste r expresse s it , "Pluralis m i s a conditio n tha t tends t o remove , art , cultur e an d societ y i n genera l fro m th e claim s o f criticism an d change." 1 0 N o r i s wha t Presiden t Jimm y Carte r terme d ou r "national malaise " merel y th e fashionabl e fetis h o f sociologists , literar y critics, an d philosophers , indulge d i n recondit e treatise s i n obscur e journals. Postmodernism i s not , a s Davi d Harve y put s it , "a n autonomou s artisti c current. . . . It s rootedness i n dail y lif e i s one o f its most patentl y transparen t features." n 1 I t reveal s itself, howeve r inarticulately , eve n i n ou r mos t ostensi bly "mindless, " lo w cultur e entertainments. 1 2 In suc h a n environment , th e prophe t i s no t possible . Prophec y i s a n ineluctably socia l phenomenon . I t i s inconceivable tha t on e shoul d serv e a s God's spokesperso n i n a worl d wher e God , th e c o m m o n bond , th e religio, is dead. 13 Bu t th e impulse s tha t giv e ris e t o prophecy , th e nee d fo r authority , judgment, an d meaning , ar e tenacious . T h e appetite s o f th e ersat z polis d o not disappea r i n a postmodern , postreligiou s world . T h e competitio n fo r and th e nee d t o apportio n scarc e resources , th e substanc e o f politics , continues, a s doe s th e nee d fo r form s o f discours e throug h whic h thes e decisions ca n b e negotiated . Eve n mor e importan t tha n th e persistenc e o f political necessities , th e desir e fo r cohesion , fo r unity , fo r communit y doe s not di e either . A theor y o f propheti c discours e i n America n radica l reform , i f i t i s t o have genuin e utility , shoul d provid e critica l touchstone s b y whic h prophet s can b e judge d agains t thei r profession s an d nonprophet s ca n b e judge d against th e propheti c standard . I t shoul d b e illuminatin g no t onl y o f thos e discourses tha t confor m t o it s outlines , bu t shoul d als o provide a perspectiv e against whic h t o rea d discourse s tha t fal l unde r th e traditiona l shado w o f prophecy bu t tha t lac k th e social-rhetorica l resource s t o sustai n th e conver gence o f speaker , audience , an d sacre d trut h tha t prophec y demands . I n other words , a theory o f prophetic discours e shoul d illuminate , an d provid e some mean s fo r evaluating , th e dynami c whe n prophec y fails . Thi s i s th e purpose o f th e thre e cas e studie s her e i n par t II . Thre e broa d rhetorica l responses t o th e nee d fo r judgment i n a worl d withou t Go d ar e illustrated :

114 I

T H

E

WOR

D I

N DARKNES

S

apocalyptic, th e attemp t t o carr y forwar d th e propheti c authorit y i n a worl d where Go d i s n o longe r hegemonic ; poetic , th e attemp t t o carr y forwar d the appearanc e o f propheti c authorit y b y a n imitatio n o f it s outwar d form ; and thoroughl y secula r rhetoric , th e capitulatio n t o th e postmoder n worl d and th e abandonmen t o f th e prophetic .

Apocalypticism Stephen O'Lear y i s certainl y correc t t o argu e tha t anomi e i s inadequat e a s an explanatio n o f apocalyptic , eve n th e presenc e o f apocalyptic , muc h les s its particula r shap e an d logic, 14 an d i t i s certainl y th e cas e tha t ther e hav e been importan t display s o f apocalypti c discours e i n Americ a prio r t o th e conclusion o f th e Secon d Worl d War , thoug h man y scholars , including , a t times, O'Lear y himself , consisten t wit h thei r purposes , hav e no t bothere d to distinguis h apocalypti c fro m prophetic , collapsin g bot h unde r th e rubri c "millennialism." 15 Ye t i t i s equall y true , I wil l argue , tha t th e exhaustiv e anomie characteristi c o f th e postmoder n er a vitiate s th e possibilit y o f prophecy an d make s tenabl e th e mov e o f apocalypti c t o th e politica l mai n stage i n a way unprecedente d i n America n histor y Never , befor e th e 1950s , was a n apocalypti c rhetori c abl e t o defin e th e nationa l agenda , no t s o lon g as a viable civi l religio n coul d maintai n th e ultimat e triump h o f the nationa l will. M y readin g o f America n histor y i s entirel y consisten t wit h thos e w h o find th e philosophica l root s o f th e postmoder n disintegratio n o f th e socia l fabric i n th e lat e nineteent h century, 16 a s th e conclusio n o f th e previou s chapter suggest s an d a s subsequent discussio n wil l elaborate , bu t tha t readin g also indicate s a n obstinat e belie f i n th e nationa l covenan t tha t gav e defini tion t o a people an d provide d a platform fo r radica l dissent . T h e abolition ists an d Eugen e Deb s deepl y influence d th e nationa l conversation , leavin g their imprin t o n thei r respectiv e rhetorica l epoch s an d o n subsequen t history, i n way s tha t O'Lear y s Millerite s coul d neve r aspir e to . A s a n instrument o f definition , th e nationa l covenan t marginalize d thos e w h o di d not operat e withi n it s fundamenta l assumptions . Paramount amon g thos e assumption s i s th e positiv e outcom e o f history . T h e putativ e vie w o f th e jeremia d a s a speec h o f wo e notwithstanding , prophetic religio n i s profoundl y optimistic . I t was , afte r all , a vehicl e o f reform amon g th e Jews o f th e Ol d Testament , an d i n America n radicalis m it ha s bee n consistentl y associate d wit h perfectionis t thinkin g an d hope s fo r the millennium. 1 7 I n th e Ol d Testament , th e optimis m o f prophec y wa s

The Word in Darkness |

11

5

sustained b y fait h i n th e omnipotenc e o f Yahwe h a s th e sol e creato r o f heaven an d eart h an d th e controlle r o f history . T h e belie f i n a singl e omnipotent Go d a s th e autho r o f histor y ensure d a unit y o f motiv e i n th e world an d allowe d th e coherenc e o f visio n eviden t i n prophecy ; th e essen tial monotheis m o f th e Ol d Testamen t di d no t allo w tha t Yahwe h shoul d coexist wit h deitie s o f sufficien t powe r t o exercis e effectiv e influenc e i n opposition t o Hi s justice. 1 8 I n th e cosmolog y o f th e Ol d Testament , ther e were onl y tw o powers , God' s wil l an d huma n will , th e latte r a gif t o f God , malleable, an d finall y nugatory . H u m a n wil l influence d bu t coul d no t control th e cours e o f history . I n suc h a world , huma n being s mad e thei r fate i n accordanc e wit h th e term s o f th e covenant . To emphasiz e th e optimis m o f prophecy i s not t o den y th e gravit y o f th e threat i n th e propheti c message . Bu t a s th e produc t o f a lovin g God , th e threat wa s intende d t o instruct , t o discipline , an d wa s alway s conditional . I t was pose d i n th e hop e tha t retributio n migh t b e averted . T h e "demonic " side o f Yahwe h migh t punis h Hi s peopl e o r tes t them , bu t onl y i n accor dance wit h th e reveale d truth s o f th e covenant , th e knowledg e o f Go d revealed t o al l bu t th e willfull y blind . Fo r Yahweh , uniqu e amon g ancien t gods, wa s a mora l god ; H e acte d no t o n capric e bu t i n accordanc e wit h established principle. 1 9 A s evidence d i n earlie r chapters , th e rule s o f th e covenant boun d Yahwe h a s muc h a s the y di d th e people s o f Israe l an d Judah. Implici t i n th e threa t wa s a restatemen t o f boundarie s an d order . However unwelcom e th e propheti c wor d ma y hav e bee n i n othe r respects , as th e continuin g testimon y t o th e undeviatin g covenan t i t di d provid e assurance o f Yahwe h s presence i n history , th e integrit y o f Hi s rule(s) , an d the inevitabilit y o f Hi s justice . T h e propheti c word , a s illustrate d i n th e previous cases , offer s escap e fro m chaos . Prophecy, however , doe s no t sugges t th e en d o f history . T h e escap e i t provides i s no t a stabl e state . T h e natura l entrop y o f th e worl d constantl y assails th e fragil e mythos . Becaus e i t contain s wha t vo n R a d ha s calle d a "tension o f history," 20 th e propheti c fait h i s a strenuou s one ; eac h ne w event mus t b e evaluate d an d th e peopl e hel d t o account . T h e greate r th e calamities tha t arise , th e greate r th e effor t require d t o aver t them , an d th e greater th e guil t whe n refor m fails . I n th e religio n o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophets, responsibilit y wa s alway s a matte r betwee n th e peopl e an d Yah weh. W h e n th e event s o f histor y reac h inhuma n an d incomprehensibl e proportions, theorie s o f huma n culpabilit y ar e n o longe r adequate . N e w causes commensurat e wit h th e terro r o f th e perceive d effect s mus t b e sought. I n th e histor y o f the ancien t Jews, thi s tim e wa s th e en d o f th e sixt h

Il6|

TH

E WOR D I

N DARKNES

S

century B.C.E. , th e time o f the Babylonia n Exile . Th e Exile wa s a crisis of unmatched intensity , involvin g a s i t di d th e burnin g o f Jerusalem , th e surrender o f self-governmen t fo r th e Jewish people , an d th e en d o f th e Davidic succession . Constraine d t o wor k withi n th e her e an d no w o f events, propheti c theolog y demande d tha t Yahwe h revea l Himsel f i n thi s world throug h a correspondence betwee n cause s and effects. A t the time of the Exile , the guilt require d t o account fo r event s was unbearable, openin g Yahweh s control o f history to question. 21 It ha s been suggeste d tha t prophec y a t this juncture wa s no longe r abl e to sustai n th e burde n o f history. 22 Th e crisi s o f meanin g wa s o f suc h enormity tha t th e organizatio n necessar y t o hierarch y wa s impossible . In such a n environment , "th e absenc e o f persons wh o ar e acknowledge d b y members o f their society as performing th e role of the prophet" 23 i s merely a symptom o f the larger socia l chao s an d a harbinger o f democracy i n the worst sens e o f the word . Instea d o f the univoca l respons e tha t woul d hav e been required to give the illusion o f order, prophecy durin g the Babylonian and earl y Persia n period s wa s give n ove r t o bitte r division s tha t seeme d only t o reflec t earthl y chaos . Th e fals e prophet s wh o wer e s o savagel y denounced b y Ezekiel an d Zepenaiah retreate d fro m th e hard term s o f the covenant. Thei r messag e was one of acquiescence. Fals e prophets provide d absolution rathe r than judgment. 24 Scholars hav e traditionall y hel d tha t Persia n doctrine s o f dualis m wer e influential i n corrupting th e prophetic word. 25 Rathe r tha n rationaliz e evi l as an aspect o f God's will, as did the ancient people s o f Israel and Judah, o r suggest that , whil e Go d di d no t caus e evil , H e allowe d i t t o happe n a s a condition o f the freedo m o f human beings , th e basi c positio n maintaine d by Christianity, ancien t Persians held evil to be independent o f and oppose d to force s o f good . Dualis m doe s no t limi t evi l t o th e exercis e o f vena l human will , the mistreatment o f widows and orphans, displays of covetousness, anger , lust , gluttony , vanity , sloth , an d pride ; evi l i s a cosmi c forc e rivaling God . According t o George s Bataille , violenc e i n a dualistic worl d loses it s constructive potential , it s ability t o restor e intimacy , an d become s purely destructive , a threat t o th e establishe d order. 26 Onl y a n evil o f such magnitude i s capabl e o f servin g a s th e responsibl e agen t fo r otherwis e unaccountable grief . Frightening a s th e though t o f a puissan t evi l ma y be , i t enjoy s th e advantage o f deflecting responsibilit y fro m th e self. Th e ago n o f history i n a dualisti c cosmolog y i s not principall y betwee n Go d and His people, bu t between Go d an d evil , a contes t i n whic h th e peopl e ar e but th e haples s

The Word in Darkness \ 11 7 prize. 2 7 Th e fulles t expressio n o f thes e tendencie s ca n b e see n i n apocalyp tic, a response t o chao s which , i n oppositio n t o prophecy , tende d t o remov e the battl e fro m th e huma n real m o f histor y t o a superordinat e real m o f cosmic forces. 28 Face d wit h hardship s o f a magnitud e tha t th e dram a o f God an d peopl e coul d no t contain , th e apocalyptis t restore s balanc e b y reaching outsid e histor y fo r bot h cause s an d consequences . A s Pau l Hanso n has noted , whil e prophec y affirm s th e historica l real m a s a suitable contex t fo r divin e activit y fro m th e cosmi c leve l t o th e leve l o f th e politico-historical real m o f everyda y life , . . . th e visionaries , disillusione d with th e historica l realm , disclose d thei r visio n i n a manne r o f growin g indifference t o an d independenc e fro m th e contingencie s o f th e politico historical realm , thereb y leavin g th e languag e increasingl y i n th e idio m o f the cosmi c realm o f the divin e warrior an d hi s council. 29 In contras t t o prophecy , apocalypti c i s profoundl y deterministi c an d pessimistic. Althoug h th e apocalyptis t assure s th e ultimat e triump h o f Go d s will, th e worl d a s i t exist s i s incorrigible ; justic e wil l requir e no t a n enforcement o f th e term s o f th e covenant , t o whic h evi l i s no t subject , bu t a destructio n o f evi l itself . Evi l canno t b e reformed . T h e da y o f judgmen t requires th e en d o f th e dram a o f goo d an d evil , th e en d o f history. 30 T h e rhetorical consequence s o f thi s positio n ar e difficul t t o calculate . T h e violent an d excessiv e languag e i n apocalypti c migh t inspir e reader s t o enlis t in Go d s hol y war , bu t th e emphasi s o n huma n helplessnes s i n th e fac e o f the supernatura l woul d see m t o cal l fo r passivism. 31 I n eithe r case , th e language o f instructio n become s superfluou s becaus e th e worl d i s under stood t o b e beyon d redemption ; al l on e ca n d o i s t o alig n onesel f with Go d and wai t o r participat e i n th e holocaust . T h e issu e i s a n importan t one , because i t suggest s a judgmen t o f th e humanisti c an d mora l statu s o f apocalyptic base d o n th e audienc e i t implies. 32 Unfortunately, apocalypti c text s offe r littl e clarificatio n i n resolvin g thi s question. Th e determinis m i n apocalypti c lie s a t th e en d o f history . Ther e lies th e locu s o f judgment. Curren t histor y i s surrendered t o chaos . Apoca lyptists announc e th e imminenc e o f judgment, bu t the y d o no t judge; the y pledge th e restoratio n o f order , bu t the y ar e no t it s vehicle . Premillennia l apocalyptic i n particula r make s bearabl e th e iniquitousnes s o f histor y b y pointing t o sign s o f th e en d an d promisin g restitutio n i n th e nex t worl d fo r what i s unjustl y suffere d i n thi s one , bu t i t i s no t responsibl e fo r eithe r suffering o r salvation. 33 Extension o f th e discursiv e real m beyon d histor y provide s a nebulou s

Il8I

TH E W O R D I N DARKNES

S

point o f focus fo r ne w expectations . T h e en d o f history ma y b e determined , but whe n i s it ? A s migh t b e expecte d o f a theolog y tha t coul d b e s o easil y discredited b y lac k o f fulfillment, apocalypti c shroud s it s forecasts i n myster y and ambiguity . T h e languag e o f apocalypti c i s highl y metaphorica l an d symbolic, a s is appropriate fo r th e descriptio n o f a supernatural world . Joh n Collins, extendin g th e wor k o f Pau l Ricoeur , ha s argue d tha t "myster y and indeterminacy " constitut e muc h o f "th e 'atmosphere ' o f apocalypti c literature," an d suggest s "tha t th e tex t ma y o n occasio n achiev e it s effec t precisely throug h th e elemen t o f uncertainty. " 3 4 If th e tex t o f apocalypti c i s to o amorphou s t o judge , perhap s w e ca n look t o it s author . I n th e cas e o f prophecy , I hav e argue d tha t th e prophe t lives th e text , tha t h e strive s t o realiz e th e demand s o f hi s messag e i n th e flesh. Bu t apocalyptic , a s i t fracture s history , als o shatter s th e identit y o f it s author. T h e characteristi c us e o f th e pseudony m i n apocalypti c present s u s with thre e persona e behin d th e message : Go d a s th e autho r o f th e vision ; the purporte d transcribe r o f th e vision , usuall y a n eminen t histori c figure ; and th e actua l autho r o f the book. 3 5 T h e us e o f the pseudony m i s consisten t with th e apocalypti c vie w o f history : i t reinforce s th e ide a tha t histor y wa s determined fro m th e beginnin g b y allowin g th e peopl e t o fin d i n thei r current circumstanc e th e fulfillmen t o f predictions ostensibl y fro m a n earlie r time, 3 6 an d i t diminishe s chronolog y a s a sourc e o f orde r b y locatin g th e author simultaneousl y i n th e past , th e present , an d th e future , tha t is , i n eternity. Apocalyptic, then , respond s t o crisi s b y retreatin g int o anothe r world . I t does no t see k t o mak e th e curren t worl d morall y legible . Apocalypti c i s a n admission tha t th e ol d rule s n o longe r hol d if , indeed , the y eve r did ; i t abolishes th e identit y o f persons an d make s a farrago o f history; i t leave s n o stable point s o f reference . Apocalypti c doe s no t orde r b y division . I t dis solves al l divisions i n th e present , relievin g huma n tensio n no t i n righteous ness bu t i n helplessness . Apocalypti c surrender s thi s worl d i n th e hop e o f a better on e hereafter . In th e moder n world , th e Secon d Worl d Wa r stand s ou t a s a crisi s tha t threatened no t jus t a particula r orthodoxy , bu t th e foundation s o f value . I t is thi s even t tha t provide s ou r America n analo g t o th e sixt h centur y B.C.E . Exile o f th e Jews . Richar d Weaver , i n hi s postwa r polemi c Ideas Have Consequences, wrote, " O u r feelin g o f no t understandin g th e worl d an d ou r sense o f moral helplessnes s ar e t o b e lai d directl y t o a n extremel y subversiv e campaign t o weake n fait h i n al l predication. " 37 Weave r s description, i f no t entirely idiosyncratic , i s a n ap t descriptio n o f th e condition s o f apocalyptic .

The Word in Darkness \ 11 9 If Weave r i s correc t i n hi s assessmen t o f th e ominou s doubt s tha t besiege d Americans followin g th e Secon d Worl d War , th e argumen t woul d lea d u s to expec t a failur e o f th e libera l rhetori c o f prophec y amon g radical s an d the ascendanc y o f somethin g resemblin g apocalyptic , a discours e tha t ca n hold i n th e balanc e bot h terro r an d passivism . A s perhap s th e mos t promi nent extremis t o f th e postwa r er a i n America , Senato r Joseph R . McCarth y provides a n obviou s subjec t fo r stud y Producin g a rhetori c tha t som e mistook fo r radical , McCarth y coul d no t impos e orde r o r provid e a brigh t outcome becaus e ther e wa s n o fixe d an d receive d basi s fo r judgment . There wer e n o longe r an y unchallenge d firs t premise s tha t coul d sustai n a prophetic discourse . T h e lin e betwee n ligh t an d darkness , God' s firs t divi sion i n th e orderin g o f creation , i s amorphou s an d fluid i n McCarthy' s rhetoric. McCarthy' s discours e reflect s th e irresolutio n an d confusio n tha t ties th e modern , apparentl y secular , genr e o f th e fantasti c t o th e ancien t genre o f apocalyptic .

Poetry A secon d respons e o f mora l discours e i n a world wher e Go d ha s die d i s th e reification o f th e for m o f sacre d discours e i n th e hop e tha t th e counterfei t will b e accepte d a s genuin e an d hav e th e desire d effect , perhap s eve n offered unde r th e delusio n tha t th e for m i s th e genuin e article . Suc h a process codifie s th e extraordinar y an d convert s i t t o ritual , a n aestheticized , rationalized representatio n o f th e divin e wher e th e tendenc y i s alway s fo r technique t o usur p inspiration . Historically , poetr y ha s bee n th e formular y vehicle fo r prophecy , an d i t i s the rule s o f poetry tha t enabl e th e creatio n o f a simulacru m o f th e propheti c san s th e divin e motive . At leas t sinc e publicatio n o f Bisho p Lowth' s Praelectiones Academicae de Sacra Poesi Hebraeorum i n 1741 , th e literatur e o f th e Ol d Testamen t an d o f the prophet s i n particula r ha s bee n recognize d a s a grea t poeti c achieve ment. 3 8 Thi s recognitio n i s based o n bot h th e outwar d for m o f prophecy — its rhythm , it s musicality , it s artfu l structures , it s highl y stylize d vocabu lary—and o n th e clai m o f the propheti c t o inspiration , literall y a n inbreath ing o f th e divin e word . Abou t th e functio n o f poetr y fo r th e ancien t peoples o f Israe l an d Judah, Bruc e Vawte r ha s written , In moder n societ y poetr y i s largel y a literar y exercis e remove d fro m th e rough-and-tumble o f everyda y life , bu t thi s wa s no t s o i n antiquit y whe n national sagas , th e utterance s o f th e sages , an d th e epic s o f th e pas t wer e

120 |

TH

E WOR D I

N DARKNES

S

invariably treasured u p in poetry. Poetry, by its rhythm an d distinctive vocabulary, was better suite d for arrestin g oral communication tha n was prose. 39 The functio n o f th e poe m a s a song , th e primar y vehicl e fo r th e preserva tion an d disseminatio n o f a cultur e i n preliterat e societies , seem s almos t universal. 40 Bu t poetry , lik e mos t preservatives , i s also astringen t o r tonic . T h e poe m i s a n appropriat e vehicl e fo r prophec y becaus e i t allow s radical perspective s t o emerg e throug h renaming . Fro m a t leas t th e tim e o f Isocrates on , i t ha s bee n recognize d i n Wester n cultur e tha t poeti c i s granted certai n licens e wit h languag e beyon d tha t grante d t o rhetori c o r prose. 41 Th e poe t i s a "maker " fro m th e Gree k poiein, t o make ; i n produc ing poetry , th e poe t reproduce s th e ac t o f creation 4 2 —the poe m i s a n ac t of re-creation ; i t create s a ne w language—an d i n s o doing , realize s th e potential fo r socia l criticism . I n renaming , re-creatin g th e element s o f hi s society, th e poe t ma y challeng e th e establishe d an d accepte d relationship s o f the statu s quo . Theophi l Spoerr i recognize s th e powe r o f poetr y i n it s conservative side : "I t i s poetry whic h watche s ove r al l change s i n language . N o t onl y wa s poetr y th e mothe r tongu e o f mankin d i n th e beginning s o f history, bu t i t remain s s o throug h th e ages . I t i s th e protectres s o f lif e an d the guardia n o f equilibrium. " 43 Walte r Brueggemann , o n th e othe r hand , recognizes i n thi s powe r a subversive function : Poetic imaginatio n i s the las t way left i n whic h t o challeng e an d conflic t th e dominant reality . Th e dominan t realit y i s necessaril y i n prose , bu t t o creat e such poetry an d lyrical thought require s more tha n skil l in makin g rhymes . I am concerned no t wit h th e forma l aspect s of poetry bu t with th e substantiv e issues of alternative prospects that the managed prose around us cannot inven t and does not wan t t o permit. 44 Both Spoerr i an d Brueggeman n recogniz e i n poetr y th e powe r t o nam e and thu s t o structur e o r defin e significan t realities . Propheti c poetr y define s the comfortabl e an d convenien t a s a violatio n o f sacre d law . A s Melvi n Lasky ha s note d o f th e highl y metaphorica l languag e o f radica l reform : " T h e imaginativ e extensio n o f politica l idea s an d thei r embellishmen t b y myth an d metapho r induc e a n ideologica l atmospher e i n whic h men , beginning wit h mor e ordinar y an d eve n h u m d r u m socia l concerns , com e to thin k o f their activitie s i n term s o f the life-and-deat h purpose s o f missio n and destiny/' 45 Thus , America n radical s hav e consistentl y sough t t o defin e their audience s a s sinners an d slaves . In settin g themselve s agains t wha t Brueggeman n ha s calle d th e " d o m i nant reality, " poet s ru n th e ris k o f bein g dismisse d a s mad , thu s mitigatin g

The Word in Darkness I

12 1

their threa t t o th e statu s quo. 4 6 Onl y b y som e clai m o n th e divin e doe s th e poet-prophet achiev e an y credibilit y i n hi s critiqu e o f th e officiall y sanc tioned versio n o f reality . Plato , i n th e Phaedrus, admitte d th e madnes s o f both poet s an d prophets , bu t foun d th e madnes s o f th e latte r t o b e a "heaven-sent madness " superio r t o "man-mad e sanity." 47 I n mos t cultures , there i s n o divisio n betwee n th e type s o f madnes s Plat o presents , hi s distinction bein g base d o n a divisio n o f labo r amon g th e Gree k gods , an d the madnes s o f poet s i s no t distinguishe d fro m th e madnes s tha t inflame s the prophet. 4 8 T h e conflatio n o f poeti c an d propheti c inspiratio n i s illuminatin g wit h regard t o th e functio n o f language i n prophecy . Languag e no t onl y serve s a s the vehicl e fo r a radical renaming , bu t als o a s evidenc e o f th e divin e sourc e of tha t renaming . Nor a Chadwic k emphasize s th e propheti c requiremen t that divin e knowledg e b e expresse d i n extraordinar y language : "Grea t prominence i s usuall y give n t o poeti c dictio n an d skil l i n th e pedanti c us e of phras e an d artificia l languag e (rhetoric) . Alway s skil l i n languag e i s stressed." 49 I n th e traditio n o f Ol d Testamen t prophecy , th e lin k betwee n poetic dictio n an d divin e afflatu s i s quit e direct . Davi d Freedma n contend s that fo r th e ancien t Hebrews , th e poe m itself , a s a transcenden t medium , served a s evidenc e o f divin e inspiration, 50 an d R . B . Y . Scot t writes , " T h e gift o f suc h languag e i s t o th e prophet s a gift indeed , th e gif t b y Yahwe h o f a vesse l t o contai n hi s word." 5 1 I n it s mos t extrem e form , th e inspire d demonstrates transcendenc e b y speakin g i n a tongue , sometime s a foreig n language, whic h i n norma l lif e h e i s supposed t o b e incapabl e o f speaking. 52 Poetic diction , then , serve s a very specia l functio n fo r th e prophet ; i t i s no t an accessory , bu t a necessary sig n o f charism. 53 Throughout th e precedin g chapters , th e interactio n o f thi s clai m o f th e prophet t o inspire d knowledg e an d th e prophet' s messag e ha s bee n th e focus o f attention. T h e lin k betwee n prophec y an d poetr y provide s a mean s of articulatin g characteristic s o f th e messag e tha t serv e t o communicat e th e character o f th e speaker . Man y o f th e characteristic s o f th e propheti c message ar e commonl y though t o f a s characteristics o f poetry. I n particular , the fac t tha t poetry , becaus e i t i s ofte n conceive d a s havin g a divin e sourc e or a t leas t t o emanat e fro m genius , i s though t t o b e concerne d wit h universal an d transcenden t truths , th e mimetic , truth s tha t canno t easil y b e accommodated t o th e need s o r desire s o f a particula r audience , an d th e suggestion tha t poeti c emphasize s pathos ove r ethos o r logos. 54 I n suggestin g that prophec y i s poetic , I a m no t denyin g th e obviou s rhetorica l qualitie s that I hav e claime d bot h fo r Ol d Testamen t prophec y i n th e Bibl e o r a s i t

|

122 T H

E WOR D I

N DARKNES

S

has influence d America n radicals . Rathe r I recognize , wit h th e majorit y o f contemporary writer s o n rhetori c an d poetic , th e practica l inseparabilit y o f these tw o mode s o f discourse . Prophecy , I woul d claim , i s t o b e locate d i n what Donal d Bryan t ha s describe d a s "tha t are a o f discours e wher e th e intellect an d th e emotion s besti r eac h othe r i n th e exploratio n o f opinion , judgment, o f socia l actio n . . . th e characteristi c commo n groun d o f litera ture an d politics. " 55 Form, though , i s i n itsel f inadequat e t o th e tas k o f reconstitutin g th e religious community . I t i s ironic tha t invarianc e i s both ke y t o th e powe r o f form (witnes s th e R o m a n Catholi c mas s prio r t o Vatica n II ) an d als o betrays i t a s a lifeles s anachronis m lackin g continuin g inspiration . I t i s thi s invariance tha t allow s th e for m t o b e imitate d an d endlessl y replicated , a process aki n t o wha t Webe r woul d vie w a s the routinizatio n o f charismati c authority, an d thi s replicatio n occur s a t th e momen t tha t authorit y shift s from prophe t t o priest , th e latte r layin g clai m t o authorit y "b y virtu e o f hi s service i n a sacre d tradition, " rathe r tha n b y "persona l revelatio n an d charisma." 56 T h e dange r lie s no t i n th e derivativ e natur e o f th e presenta tion, bu t i n th e potentia l fo r suc h derivations , bein g divorce d fro m essence s and stemmin g onl y fro m surfaces , t o becom e caricatures . Ha l Foste r recog nizes thi s failin g i n postmoder n ar t whe n i t attempt s t o quot e tradition : "Today, artist s an d architect s onl y seem to pris e ope n histor y . . . t o redee m specific moments ; i n fact , the y onl y giv e u s hallucination s o f th e historical , masks o f thes e moments . I n short , the y retur n t o u s ou r historicall y mos t cherished form—a s kitsch." 57 R o b e r t Welch , I wil l argu e i n chapte r 8 , falls pre y t o jus t suc h criticism . Attemptin g t o reviv e a radica l traditio n i n the absenc e o f commo n roo t principles , Welc h reache d fo r th e technique s of poetry . Welc h believe d tha t h e hear d th e voic e o f Go d i n th e ech o o f Emerson, bu t hi s absolutis m wa s absorbe d int o a n ecumenica l worl d tha t reduced al l absolute s t o th e partia l truth s o f a pluralistic universe .

Economic Rationalization A thir d possibl e respons e o f rhetori c t o th e deat h o f Go d i s conformit y t o the pressure s o f secularization . Beginnin g wit h th e America n Revolution ary leaders , thi s analysi s o f th e rhetori c o f America n radicalis m ha s focuse d on th e voic e o f Go d (nature , th e absolutel y an d objectivel y true ) deliverin g His prohibition s throug h Hi s spokesme n considere d a s American prophets . The me n whos e discours e ha s bee n examine d spok e o n behal f o f th e

The Word in Darkness \ 12 3 dispossessed, claimin g fo r the m certai n inheren t an d inalienabl e right s base d on idea s o f th e right . T h e rhetorica l postur e o f th e radical s follow s Aristot le's dictu m tha t wrong s committe d i n th e nam e o f th e stat e ar e properl y appealed t o th e cour t o f highe r la w fo r redress . I hav e trie d t o demonstrat e in radica l rhetori c a consisten t denigratio n o f th e ide a tha t politica l an d economic powe r i s necessarily connecte d t o righteousness. 58 It i s possibl e t o tak e a cynica l vie w o f Aristotle' s advic e an d t o se e i n i t no mor e tha n th e exercis e o f thos e resource s whic h bes t serv e th e case . Bu t it i s equall y plausibl e t o see , a s I hav e argue d i s th e cas e wit h prophecy , a n inviolable an d uncompromisabl e mora l clai m i n th e highe r law , especiall y as Aristotl e solemnl y assert s i n anothe r place : "Fo r ther e reall y is , a s ever y one t o som e exten t divines , a natural justice an d injustic e tha t i s binding o n all men , eve n o n thos e w h o hav e n o associatio n o r covenan t wit h eac h other." 5 9 Withi n a philosophy o f natural o r divin e law , al l th e arrangement s of humankind ar e subjec t t o evaluatio n b y criteri a tha t canno t b e abrogate d by consideration s o f politica l expedienc e o r majorit y will . "Because it functions as an absolute standard for testing positive law," writes Kathlee n Jamieson , "natural la w [God' s law ] i s th e obviou s rhetorica l appea l t o b e employe d when confrontin g tyrann y o r injustice." 60 A t th e sam e time , a s Jamieso n goes o n t o recognize , th e potenc y o f th e appea l i s "tie d t o th e audience' s ability t o believ e tha t a knowabl e mora l n o r m correctl y articulate d b y th e rhetor inhere s i n al l men." 6 1 Natura l la w mos t effectivel y warrant s th e argument "whe n th e audienc e i s willing, becaus e o f utilit y o r commonalit y of belief structure , t o gran t tha t th e posite d la w o r righ t ma y functio n a s a n unchallenged firs t premise. " 62 It i s th e acceptanc e o f th e partialit y o f th e worl d tha t mark s th e residu e of nineteenth-century liberalis m i n twentieth - centur y thought , a profoun d and unfettere d individualism. 63 T h e consequence s fo r argumen t ar e far reaching. I n contras t t o th e mora l stanc e describe d b y Jamieson an d mani fested i n prophecy , Irvin g Horowit z describe s th e rhetorica l possibilitie s i n pluralism: " T h e mor e on e emphasize s th e fragmentatio n o f th e world , th e more on e mus t insis t o n th e pragmati c value s o f men , th e les s ca n a n argument b e mad e fo r actio n a s goo d i n itself." 64 Wha t Horowit z describe s is the antithesi s o f prophecy an d ha s substantia l implication s fo r th e rhetori cal option s o f thos e movement s o f socia l refor m tha t acknowledg e th e partiality o f the world , tha t recogniz e th e deat h o f God, th e deca y o f natura l law. Max Webe r describe d moder n societie s a s tendin g towar d differentia tion, specialization , an d increasin g bureaucratization . S . N. Eisenstad t claim s

124 I

T H

E

WOR

D I

N DARKNES

S

that Webe r foun d i n moder n societie s " a growin g differentiatio n an d au tonomy o f variou s centers , growin g demand s fo r acces s t o them , an d fo r participation i n them , culminatin g i n tendencie s towar d th e obliteratio n o f the symboli c differenc e betwee n cente r an d periphery/' 6 5 Joh n Dewey' s analysis o f America n societ y i n th e wak e o f th e industria l revolutio n cor roborates thi s genera l view . Dewe y wrote , The ramificatio n o f the issue s before th e publi c i s so wide an d intricate , th e technical matter s involve d ar e s o specialized , th e detail s ar e s o man y an d s o shifting, tha t th e public canno t fo r an y length o f time identify an d hold itself. It i s not tha t ther e i s no public , n o larg e bod y o f persons havin g a commo n interest i n th e consequence s o f social transactions. Ther e i s too muc h public , a public to o diffuse d an d scattered an d to o intricat e i n composition. 66 Both Dewe y an d Webe r mak e thei r observation s i n th e contex t o f discussions o f socia l change , an d Weber' s conclusio n tha t society , i n thi s process o f diffusion an d participation , become s "demystified " i s particularl y revealing. I n Eisenstadt' s readin g o f Weber , th e su m o f thes e centrifuga l tendencies i s "t o dissociat e one' s predispositio n t o th e charismati c fro m th e societal center s an d fro m th e tradition s o f th e large r cultur e an d t o associat e it mor e an d mor e onl y wit h th e spher e o f private, face-to-fac e relation s an d activities—and eve n her e t o emphasiz e tendencie s towar d secularization , negation o f purity , an d dissociatio n o f seriousnes s an d an y normativ e c o m mitment." 67 A worl d wher e ther e i s n o center , wher e ther e i s n o divisio n between th e cente r an d th e periphery , i s a worl d withou t th e myster y an d separation necessar y t o th e sacred . An d wher e ther e i s no externalizatio n o f truth, ther e i s n o principl e tha t command s assen t excep t self-interest , an d there i s thus n o community. 6 8 Jurgen Habermas , followin g bot h Webe r an d Dewey , extend s th e analysi s of th e demystificatio n o r rationalizatio n o f societ y t o th e "scientizatio n o f politics," findin g tha t "rationalizin g tendencies " com e bot h fro m abov e an d from below . Fro m below , ther e i s a deman d fo r som e compensator y valu e to replac e tha t meanin g an d orde r tha t ar e los t i n moder n society . Typically , the succedaneu m i s economic, a s this is the valu e tha t characterize s capitalis t societies. Fro m above , ther e i s a recognitio n tha t th e mythologies—"th e public religion , th e customar y rituals , th e justifyin g metaphysics , th e u n questionable tradition"—mus t b e converte d t o a mor e negotiabl e form ; they mus t becom e secularized. 69 Peter Berge r find s th e origin s o f secularizatio n i n th e industria l revolu tion. Lik e Webe r an d Habermas , Berge r see s secula r tendencie s movin g

The Word in Darkness | 12 5 outward fro m som e centrall y locate d secto r i n society , creatin g a h o m o g e neous familiarity . T h e scientifi c logi c tha t mad e th e industria l revolutio n possible assert s itsel f a s "a n autonomous , thoroughl y secula r perspectiv e o n the world, " makin g wha t wa s formerl y sacre d an d mysteriou s continuou s with th e mundan e worl d o f everyda y existence. 70 " A sk y empt y o f angel s becomes ope n t o th e interventio n o f th e astronome r and , eventually , o f th e astronaut," write s Berger. 71 Religio n i s relegated t o th e marketplace , wher e it present s itsel f a s a bal m i n th e live s o f privat e individuals. 72 Again , th e focus turn s fro m th e transcenden t t o th e immanen t an d th e atomic , th e self . It i s from thi s positio n tha t th e antireligiou s natur e o f pluralism, define d b y Berger a s " a social-structura l correlat e o f th e secularizatio n o f conscious ness," 73 ca n b e mos t clearl y seen . In The Brothers Karamozov, Dostoevsk y present s th e potentialitie s o f a world wher e Go d i s absent . " W h e n ther e i s n o God , everythin g i s permit ted," i s Ivan' s refrain . I f there i s n o God , n o absolut e truth , ther e i s n o law , no ordonnance , n o basi s fo r prohibition. 7 4 T h e consequence s ar e a t onc e liberating an d terrifying . O n th e on e hand , i t appear s tha t thos e w h o m th e old moralit y ha s oppresse d ar e give n license , sinc e th e mora l an d lega l justifications fo r oppressio n ar e sundered . O n th e othe r hand , th e oppresse d lose al l mora l claim s o n th e oppressor . A t firs t glance , i t ma y see m tha t th e absence o f mora l claim s o n eithe r sid e i s n o mor e stati c tha n ar e mora l claims i n competition . T h e critica l difference , though , lie s i n th e fac t tha t the absenc e o f mora l claim s foreclose s th e possibilit y o f mora l debat e completely. Mora l claim s a t a poin t o f stasi s presum e a tensio n tha t ma y b e broken o r resolved . Secula r argumen t i s flaccid an d inert . Negotiation, a s oppose d t o th e proclamatio n o f prophecy, i s th e for m o f secular debate . Secula r debat e reflect s th e economi c value s o f it s tim e b y assuming th e for m o f th e so-calle d "rationa l exchang e model " o r "gam e theory." 7 5 Unlik e th e absolutism s o f mora l argument , al l position s i n ratio nal economi c argumen t ar e bargainable ; th e ol d ethi c o f exclusio n an d prohibition i s replaced b y tolerance . A s R o b e r t Pau l Wolf f ha s written , Tolerance i n a society o f competing interes t group s i s precisely th e ungrudg ing acknowledgmen t o f th e righ t o f oppose d interest s t o exis t an d b e pur sued. Th e economi c conceptio n o f toleranc e goe s quit e naturall y wit h th e view o f huma n actio n a s motivate d b y interest s rathe r tha n principle s o r norms. I t i s much easie r t o accep t a compromise betwee n competin g inter ests—particularly whe n the y are expressible in terms of a numerical scal e like money—than betwee n oppose d principle s whic h purpor t t o b e objectivel y valid.76

126 I

TH E W O R D I

N DARKNES

S

In th e transitio n fro m wha t wa s i n a profoun d sens e a religiou s society , a society tha t ha d a sens e o f transcendenta l authorshi p an d purpose , t o a society base d o n pluralisti c tolerance , w e hav e change d fro m a society base d on authorit y t o a societ y base d o n economics . I n R o b e r t Bellah s phrase , we hav e broke n th e sacre d covenant. 77 Iva n Karamozov' s gran d inquisito r makes th e followin g solem n diagnosi s o f th e huma n condition : "Ther e ar e three forces , th e onl y thre e force s tha t ar e abl e t o conque r an d hol d captiv e for eve r th e conscienc e o f thes e wea k rebel s fo r thei r ow n happiness — these force s are : miracle , mystery , an d authority." 7 8 Fo r thi s w e hav e sough t to substitut e a utilitarian calculus . Reaso n i s no longe r th e facult y b y whic h the trut h i s apprehended , a s i t wa s fo r Thoma s Paine . Reaso n i s toda y understood t o b e th e rule s fo r computin g th e advantage s an d disadvantage s of particula r strategies. 79 " T h e voice s o f reason " i n th e contemporar y world, write s R o b e r t Pau l Wolff, ar e arraye d "agains t th e passio n o f intoler ant faith." 80 Reason , i n th e moder n view , make s n o mora l demands , fo r such demand s ar e i n themselve s discredited . Reaso n offer s som e evidenc e of resource s convertibl e t o economi c term s i n exchang e fo r privilege ; i t does no t deman d rights . I n thi s world , ther e ar e n o prophets ; onl y madme n talk t o God . In a n earlie r analysis , I illustrate d thi s retrea t fro m th e religiou s t o th e economic b y contrastin g on e o f th e bes t know n speeche s o f ou r time , Martin Luthe r King , Jr.' s " I Hav e a Dream " speech , widel y regarde d a s religious, t o Malcol m X' s " T h e Ballo t o r th e Bullet. " Appose d t o Malcol m X s much revile d insistenc e o n th e inheren t natur e o f huma n rights , King' s discourse i s revealing o f somethin g fundamenta l abou t th e preferre d mode s of appea l i n ou r society . Hi s emphasi s o n th e contractua l natur e o f th e Constitution i s precisel y th e convers e o f th e denigratio n o f charte r right s by th e America n Revolutionaries , an d hi s developmen t o f th e metapho r o f the chec k i n th e exordiu m suggest s a s the basi s fo r right s th e ver y economi c rationality identifie d b y Weber , Berger , Habermas , an d other s a s a hallmar k of postreligiou s society 8 1 King s rhetori c i s entirel y consonan t wit h th e career o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 fo r whic h i t implicitl y campaigned . It i s wort h recallin g tha t th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 originate d i n th e Senate Commerc e Committe e an d tha t th e ac t wa s uphel d b y th e Suprem e Court unde r th e powe r o f Congres s t o regulat e interstat e commerce , no t on th e powe r o f Congress , unde r th e Fourteent h Amendment , t o promot e equality i n th e privat e sector. 82 Th e geneti c heritag e o f the speec h manifest s itself in th e fac t tha t th e grou p protestin g a t th e 199 6 Democrati c Nationa l

The Word in Darkness | 12 7 Convention i n Chicag o wa s no t th e " I Hav e a Drea m Coalition, " bu t th e "Cash th e Chec k Coalition. " The fina l cas e stud y presente d her e examine s a movemen t fo r socia l reform tha t ha s carrie d th e logi c o f negotiabl e right s t o it s mos t complet e expression t o date , th e contemporar y movemen t roughl y comprehende d under th e rubri c "ga y liberation. "

7

A Visio n o f the Apocalyps e Joe McCarthy's Rhetoric of the Fantastic

Her prophet s are light and treacherous persons: her priests have polluted th e sanctuary, the y have done violence t o the law. —Zephaniah 3: 4 After thi s I saw in the nigh t visions, and behold a fourth beast , dread ful an d terrible, and strong exceedingly; an d it had great iron teeth : it devoured an d brake in pieces, and stamped th e residu e with th e fee t of it: and it was diverse from al l the beasts that were before it ; and it had ten horns . —Danie l 7: 7

In hi s time , Joe McCarth y wa s haile d a t th e mos t gifte d dema gogue eve r produce d i n America. 1 Now , mor e tha n fort y year s afte r hi s censure b y hi s colleague s i n th e Unite d State s Senate , th e ma n an d th e phenomenon stil l cas t a pall ove r politica l discussio n i n America . T h e nam e of th e grea t smea r campaigne r has , i n recen t years , bee n hurle d a t thos e w h o m w e wishe d t o discredi t an d use d b y th e discredite d t o sugges t th e injustice o f thei r trial . Jeremia h Dento n wa s compare d t o "tha t ultimat e American witch-hunter , th e lat e Joe McCarthy, " an d Kur t Waldheim , afte r charges wer e raise d regardin g hi s Naz i activitie s durin g th e Secon d Worl d War, claime d tha t h e wa s the victi m o f McCarthyism. T h e Reaga n adminis tration s libera l applicatio n o f th e McCarran-Walte r Ac t revive d wha t Ar thur Mille r referre d t o a s "on e o f th e piece s o f garbag e lef t behin d b y th e sinking o f th e grea t sco w o f McCarthyism/' 2 McCarthy s presenc e wa s fel t in th e 198 8 presidentia l campaig n whe n Democrati c candidat e Michae l Dukakis, i n respons e t o aspersion s cas t o n hi s patriotism , compare d th e tactics o f hi s opponent s t o th e slande r o f th e lat e senato r fro m Wisconsin . In on e speech , Dukaki s expresse d hi s confidenc e tha t hi s Texa s audienc e could "smel l th e garbage." 3 O n e o f th e highes t profil e example s o f th e

128

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 12 9 revenant McCarthy , eeril y evocativ e o f th e Army-McCarth y hearings , wa s Clarence Thomas' s televise d avowa l befor e th e U.S . Senat e Judiciary C o m mittee tha t th e us e o f th e U.S . Senat e b y unscrupulou s force s ben t o n destroying th e countr y wa s wors e tha n McCarthyism. 4 I n 1992 , McCarth y made a retur n visi t t o presidentia l politic s a s th e Clinto n campaig n accuse d George Bus h o f McCarthyis m fo r hi s attack s o n Clinton' s patriotism . Most recently , "P.C., " o r politica l correctness , ha s bee n denounce d b y it s detractors a s "McCarthyis m o f th e left " an d th e wa r o n drug s a s "chemica l McCarthyism." Perhap s i t i s inevitabl e tha t th e activitie s o f Alfons e D ' A mato's Whitewate r investigativ e committe e shoul d hav e bee n compare d t o the activitie s o f McCarthy s committee s i n th e 1950s. 5 Mor e tha n fort y years afte r hi s death , hi s lingerin g aur a betray s ho w fa r w e ar e fro m an y satisfactory understandin g o f Joe McCarthy . Indeed , i t i s a s if in no t under standing him , w e hav e no t reall y burie d him . McCarthy , b y som e powe r we stil l fai l t o comprehend , mad e himsel f on e o f th e mos t prominen t symbols o f a decad e o f American life . T h e residua l fea r o f tha t unidentifie d power stil l haunt s th e cloakroom s o f American politics . As a rhetorica l phenomenon , McCarthyis m ha s receive d surprisingl y slight attention . O u r moralisti c revelation s o f hi s lapse s o f logic , hi s shame less unoriginality , hi s torturin g o f evidence , hi s half-truths , hi s ugl y barba risms, an d hi s unforgivabl e uncouthnes s hav e bee n mor e dyslogi c tha n critical an d hav e reveale d mor e abou t ou r ow n goo d intention s an d ou r ideal rhetori c tha n the y hav e abou t th e myster y tha t i s Jo e McCarthy . Indeed, perhap s i n seekin g t o discredi t th e substanc e o f McCarthyis m w e have misse d th e large r question . Perhap s i t i s th e metapho r o f th e specte r that i s appropriat e fo r a discussio n no t onl y o f McCarthy' s continuin g influence, bu t th e sourc e o f tha t influenc e eve n whil e h e wa s alive . Perhap s the substanc e o f McCarthyis m ha s remaine d s o elusiv e an d s o invulnerabl e to exposur e becaus e ther e wa s n o substanc e ther e a t all . A s Wal t Kelly' s Jayhawk, i n a cartoo n stri p o f th e McCarth y era , respond s w h e n aske d t o prove th e existenc e o f th e invisibl e Indian s w h o m h e claim s raise d him , "Bein' invisibl e the y natura l don' t leav e n o trace s an ' t o thi s day , n o sig n o f 'em i s eve r bee n found . Shee r proof. " "Sheer, " affirm s Pogo. 6 McCarthyism, I wil l argue , represent s a n apocalypti c rhetori c a s a re sponse t o th e dissolutio n o f communit y i n America . McCarth y di d no t attempt t o resolv e th e crisi s o f his tim e throug h restoratio n o f th e covenant . Rather h e capitulate d t o th e widel y fel t notio n tha t th e ol d rule s n o longe r held. H e fled th e crisi s an d accompanie d hi s peopl e int o a haz y alterity . McCarthy's rhetori c i s characterize d b y th e indeterminacy , mystery , an d

130 |

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

ambiguity o f apocalyptic. I t was , I will argue , a n amplificatio n o f its time , never able to achiev e the level of standing in definitiv e opposition .

A Great Cloud over the lgsos Contemporary historian s an d socia l critic s hav e labore d i n recen t year s t o rescue from Broadwa y an d televisio n th e decad e o f the 1950 s as it has been sanitized, idealized , an d popularl y associate d wit h / Love Lucy, hula hoops , enormous gaud y automobiles , gauch e fashions , an d a congenial prosperity . The Fifties , i n fact, wer e n o mor e fabulou s tha n th e 1890 s were gay , and its apparently frivolou s entertainment s reveal , jus t beneat h th e surface , th e same desperat e seriousnes s tha t fuele d th e Roarin g Twenties . Th e celebra tion o f material well-bein g a s the ultimat e goo d reflected , a s had bee n th e case at the turn o f the nineteent h century , th e desuetud e o f any othe r for m of value , an d i t conceale d gros s inequalitie s i n th e distributio n o f wealth . The freneti c pac e o f spendin g an d th e enlargemen t o f th e credi t cultur e suggests a n interio r voic e murmurin g "Eat , drink , an d b e merry , fo r tomorrow w e die. " Even ou r curren t nostalgi a fo r th e famil y o f the Fifties , a family tha t seems , i n show s like Leave It to Beaver, Father Knows Best, and Ozzie and Harriet, t o have reached a state of beatitude, overlook s the degre e to whic h thes e show s themselve s reflecte d th e nostalgi c yearnin g o f a n anxious tim e fo r a presumably simple r an d perhap s sane r past . Th e Fiftie s simply cannot be adequately understoo d without recognizin g World War II as thei r immediat e predecesso r an d th e "Grea t Fear " a s muc h o f thei r present.7 The horro r o f th e Secon d Worl d War , th e secon d i n a s man y genera tions, was certainly unsettlin g t o Americans. Everything was on a scale that made a profanity o f human beings—Hitler , th e scop e o f the war , th e ne w technologies o f war, the bomb . Weaver calle d it " a marvelou s confusio n o f values."8 I f the wa r itsel f was unsettling , th e aftermat h wa s eve n mor e so . There wa s no retur n t o "normalcy " a s there had been afte r th e Firs t World War. Fo r al l ou r victor y parade s an d celebration s o f th e en d o f th e war , there wa s a n inconclusivenes s abou t Worl d Wa r II . W e coul d no t simpl y disarm and return t o a peacetime econom y whe n i t was over. America ha d new responsibilities in a world that ha d gotten smalle r since the Firs t World War. W e ha d t o hel p rebuil d Europ e an d t o maintai n a cold wa r wit h th e Soviet Union , formerl y ou r ally. 9 Kore a wa s symboli c o f man y o f ou r frustrations an d anxieties . In Augus t 1950 , a Gallu p pol l foun d 5 7 percen t

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 1 of American s believin g tha t ou r involvemen t i n Kore a wa s th e beginnin g ofWorldWarlll.10 T h e 194 9 announcemen t tha t th e Sovie t Unio n ha d explode d a n atomi c bomb exacerbate d tensions . I n 1947 , American s ranke d th e " A b o m b " second behin d electri c light s an d appliance s a s th e greates t inventio n i n history. 11 I n 1949 , followin g Truman' s announcemen t o f evidenc e tha t th e Soviet Unio n ha d explode d a nuclea r weapon , 4 5 percen t o f American s thought wa r wa s mor e likel y a s a result. 12 Betwee n 194 7 an d 1954 , A m e r i cans consistentl y reported , b y larg e majorities , tha t the y believe d i t wa s th e intention o f th e Sovie t Unio n t o achiev e dominanc e ove r th e world. 1 3 T h e prevention o f wa r wa s ranke d a s th e mos t importan t proble m facin g th e candidates i n th e 195 0 elections, 14 an d a 195 1 pol l reveale d tha t 5 0 percen t of Americans woul d no t fee l saf e i n thei r citie s o r communitie s i n th e even t of a n atomi c attack. 15 Church y L a Femme , i n Wal t Kelly' s comi c stri p "Pogo," complaine d o f "thes e moder n da y disaster s wha t consist s o f te n years o f worr y an ' te n second s o f b o o m an ' wango, " an d lamente d day s spent "scannin ' th e s k y — n o t knowin ' w h e n — w o n d e r i n ' whethe r t o wea r pajamas tha t nigh t so' s t o b e foun d d e c e n t — w o n d e r i n ' whethe r t o tak e a b a t h — w h e t h e r t o pac k a ligh t lunch." 1 6 Willia m Faulkner , acceptin g th e Nobel Priz e fo r Literature , lamented , " O u r traged y toda y i s a genera l an d universal physica l fea r s o lon g sustaine d b y no w tha t w e ca n eve n bea r it . There ar e n o longe r problem s o f th e spirit . Ther e i s onl y th e question : when wil l I be blow n u p ? " 1 7 For a countr y tha t ha d grow n u p i n th e fait h tha t the y wer e God' s Chosen People , destine d t o wor k Hi s wil l o n thi s earth , suc h powe r i n th e hands o f a n enem y natio n coul d onl y mea n tha t America' s selec t statu s ha d been decisivel y annulled , eithe r b y a n angr y Go d o r b y a riva l one ; ther e seemed t o b e littl e difference . Bu t ther e i s a very grea t differenc e betwee n a God w h o use s calamit y t o Hi s preordaine d end s an d a Go d w h o compete s with Sata n fo r contro l ove r history , a s th e distinctio n betwee n apocalypti c and prophec y suggests . W H . Auden' s 194 7 poem " T h e Ag e o f Anxiety" provide d a convenien t label fo r th e tim e an d gav e eloquen t expressio n t o muc h tha t w e coul d no t or woul d no t articulate . Aude n wrot e o f "Lie s an d Lethargies " policin g th e world, an d wen t o n t o develo p a nightmare scenari o aroun d " T h e fear s tha t we fea r [when ] W e fal l asleep . . . . Nocturna l trivia , tort s an d dramas . . . . Moulds an d monster s o n memorie s stuffe d Wit h dea d men' s doodles , dossiers writte n I n los t lingos, " an d h e recognize d that , eve n i n wakefulness , "athwart ou r thinkin g th e threa t looms , Hug e an d awfu l a s th e h u m p o f

132 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

Saturn Ove r modes t Mimas , o f mor e death s An d wors e wars , a winter o f distaste To last a lifetime." Ou r age , he mourned, wa s one "Infatuate d wit h her forme r sel f Whose dea r dream s thoug h the y dominat e stil l Are forma l facts which refres h n o more/' 1 8 An autops y o n America' s "dea r dreams " o f "he r forme r self, " th e "for mal facts" fo r whic h w e no w longed , reveale d tha t the y ha d been dea d fo r some time . America finall y face d a n epistemological crisi s that ha d its roots in th e nineteent h century , th e produc t o f suc h divers e thinker s a s Comte , Freud, Einstein , Nietzsche , Kierkegaard , Pierce , an d James. Th e work s o f the existentialists , i n particular , ignore d fo r hal f a century , no t merel y i n popular venues , bu t b y professiona l philosophers , suddenl y becam e th e concern o f "even th e weekly new s magazines." 19 Nineteen forty-eigh t sa w the publicatio n o f th e Englis h translatio n o f Alber t Camu s s The Plague wherein Fathe r Panelou x assure d hi s congregatio n tha t God , afte r lookin g on th e people o f Oran with compassio n fo r a long while, had grown wear y of waiting : "Hi s eterna l hop e wa s to o lon g deferred , an d no w H e ha s turned Hi s fac e awa y from us . And so , God' s light withdrawn , w e wal k i n darkness, in the thic k darknes s of the plague." 20 Camus's wa s no t a n America n voice , bu t h e an d Sartr e an d othe r existentialists spoke to ou r anxieties . J. Ronald Oakley , in his history o f the Fifties, note s tha t "muc h o f th e fictio n o f th e da y wa s concerne d wit h individual alienatio n tha t le d t o despair , suicide , murder , rape , an d othe r desperate act s o f lonel y individual s i n mas s society." 21 Lik e Fathe r Pan eloux s congregation, American s faced wit h crisi s returned t o the churc h i n increasing numbers. The reason most commonly provided as an explanatio n for thi s religiou s revival , give n b y almos t on e thir d o f the respondent s i n a 1954 Gallu p poll , wa s "Fear , unrest , uncertaint y o f future." 22 Richar d Niebuhr calle d i t par t "o f a rather franti c effor t o f the naturall y optimisti c American sou l t o preserv e it s optimis m i n a n ag e o f anxiety." 23 I n 1949 , Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., wrote, "Western man in the middle of the twentiet h century i s tense , uncertain , adrift . W e loo k upo n ou r epoc h a s a tim e o f troubles, an age of anxiety. The grounds of our civilization, of our certitude, are breaking up unde r ou r feet , an d familiar idea s and institutions vanis h as we reach for them , lik e shadows in the falling dusk. " 24 Behind muc h o f the angs t o f the Fiftie s an d providin g i t wit h a kind o f coherence wa s moder n science . Ther e wa s th e obviou s fac t o f th e bomb , but th e mor e importan t question s wer e th e subtl e one s abou t wha t i t meant. Ther e i s a certai n iron y i n th e fac t tha t Hiroshim a an d Nagasak i were th e product s o f a theory tha t bot h taugh t u s the limit s o f our knowl -

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 3 edge an d lai d th e foundatio n fo r harnessin g th e greates t powe r know n t o humankind. T h e philosophicall y limited , pragmati c succes s o f th e atomi c bomb grante d th e theor y tha t mad e i t possibl e considerabl e credibilit y i n it s claim tha t w e coul d no t kno w i n an y transcenden t sense. 25 I t als o suggeste d that suc h knowledg e wa s superfluous . T h e explosio n o f the atomi c bomb , then , wa s th e zenit h o f industrializa tion, a proces s tha t ha d steadil y decaye d th e half-lif e o f God . I t was , i n th e words o f socia l historia n Pau l Boyer , a n even t o f suc h magnitud e tha t i t seems t o hav e becom e "on e o f thos e categorie s o f Being , lik e Spac e an d Time, that , accordin g t o Kant , ar e buil t int o th e ver y structur e o f ou r minds, givin g shap e an d meanin g t o al l ou r perceptions." 2 6 B y 1950 , lef t with a Go d w h o wa s n o longe r immanen t i n th e world , w h o wa s bot h unknowable an d unnecessary , histor y becam e a t bes t inscrutable , a t wors t meaningless. 27 T h e foundatio n o f th e C o m m o n Sens e philosoph y tha t ha d sustained th e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs ha d bee n thoroughl y eroded . T h e unravelin g o f nationa l communit y that ha d it s root s i n turn-of - the-centur y industrialization , thoug h covere d over b y tw o worl d war s an d a depression, wa s no w exacerbate d b y develop ments i n technolog y an d society . I t wa s i n thi s era , th e er a i n whic h Danie l Bell sa w "th e en d o f ideology, " th e en d o f "secula r religion" 2 8 tha t Jo e McCarthy claime d a place i n th e spotligh t o f American politics .

Photostats and Fantasy Joe McCarth y understoo d th e feelin g o f mora l arres t i n hi s audience . H e called i t an emotiona l hang-ove r . . . a temporar y mora l laps e whic h follow s ever y war. . . . I t i s th e apath y t o evi l whic h peopl e wh o hav e bee n subjecte d t o the tremendous evil s of war feel. As the people o f the world see mass murder, the destructio n o f defenseless an d innocen t people , an d al l o f the crim e an d lack o f morals whic h g o wit h war , the y becom e num b an d apathetic . I t ha s always been thu s after war. 29 T h e prophet' s mandat e i n suc h time s o f crisis , a s example d i n th e case s of th e America n Revolution , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , i s t o judge. T h e prophe t measure s th e conduc t o f th e peopl e agains t th e la w o f God an d exhort s th e peopl e t o obe y God' s will . H e counter s apath y wit h suffering, an d demand s a n assertio n o f virtue . Howeve r distastefu l th e

134 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

prophets deman d ma y be , i t abolishe s al l doub t i n it s appea l t o absolut e righteousness. Jo e McCarthy s respons e t o chao s wa s no t certitude , bu t bewilderment. McCarthy looke d upo n th e postwa r worl d an d foun d i t fantastic . "Strangely, however , afte r th e arres t o f si x suspect s i n tha t cas e o f treason , there wa s a n unusua l sequenc e o f events, resultin g i n a most fantasti c finale, " said McCarthy , referrin g t o th e government' s fumble d cas e agains t Amerasia magazine. 30 Concernin g th e sam e case , McCarth y produce d a lette r fro m T. A . Bisson , a membe r o f th e Amerasia board . Bisson' s lette r wa s " a fantastic documen t i f eve r ther e wa s o n e / ' 3 1 I n a secon d reference , th e letter fro m Bisso n wa s calle d " a rathe r fantasti c documen t comin g fro m th e man w h o m Mr . Jessu p use d t o initiat e th e smea r campaign— a rathe r fantastic documen t comin g fro m a ma n hig h u p i n th e Stat e Department , but no t to o fantastic , however , whe n comin g fro m a ma n w h o worke d under Frederic k Vanderbil t Fiel d o n Amerasia." 3 2 Accordin g t o McCarthy , O w e n Lattimor e wa s abl e t o beguil e audience s wit h "fantasie s an d u n truths," 3 3 attemptin g t o sel l th e America n peopl e " a rathe r fantasti c bil l o f goods." 3 4 Th e failur e o f th e T y dings Committe e t o cal l a witness suggeste d by McCarth y wa s "th e mos t fantasti c situatio n conceivable , somethin g unheard o f i n an y Senat e o r Hous e Committee ; unhear d o f eve n i n a kangaroo court." 3 5 T h e allege d rapin g o f Stat e Departmen t personne l file s before committe e member s wer e allowe d acces s t o the m wa s "th e mos t fantastic projec t I have eve r hear d of." 36 An d order s concernin g th e missio n of th e Sevent h Flee t durin g th e Korea n wa r wer e terme d "th e mos t incredibly fantasti c orde r tha t ha s eve r existe d i n wa r o r peace. " "Impossible , yes! Unbelievable, yes ! But i t i s all a matter o f col d record." 3 7 McCarthy's reactio n t o th e fantas y h e discovere d was , appropriately , amazement an d incredulity . O u r foreig n polic y wa s a n "amazin g failure"; 3 8 the "pictur e o f treason whic h I carrie d i n m y briefcas e t o tha t Caucu s roo m [for th e openin g hearin g o f th e Tyding s Committee ] wa s t o shoc k th e nation." 3 9 A Stat e Departmen t documen t reveale d th e "astoundin g positio n of th e Secretar y o f State, " an d McCarth y ha d n o doub t tha t Senato r Knowland o f Californi a woul d fin d muc h i n i t tha t woul d "shoc k hi m also." 40 "Eve n i n norma l times, " McCarth y said , hi s evidenc e woul d b e "shocking." "Today , however , i t i s doubl y shocking." 4 1 Dea n Acheson' s failure t o rea d som e communis t document s regardin g Chin a wa s "dis turbing i n th e extreme . . . . Incredible . Incredible." 42 An d th e failur e o f th e Truman administratio n t o expedit e th e deliver y o f economi c an d militar y

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 5 aid t o Chian g Kai-She k wa s "on e o f th e mos t shockin g subversion s o f th e will o f th e Congres s b y a n administratio n tha t ou r histor y wil l show." 4 3 O w e n Lattimore' s discussio n o f th e Chin a proble m i n th e Sunday Compass of N e w York , Jul y 17 , 1949 , wa s "astounding," 4 4 an d th e testimon y o f Secretary o f Stat e Georg e Marshal l "an d hi s palace m e n " befor e th e Russel l committee wa s on e o f "self-satisfie d shockin g revelations." 45 An y attemp t to understan d on e o f Secretar y o f Stat e Marshall' s statement s o n Chin a was certai n t o leav e McCarthy s colleague s "dumbfounded." 4 6 McCarthy s picture o f Communis t infiltratio n i n Americ a wa s "amazin g . . . disturbin g . . . incredibly unbelievable. " 4 7 McCarthy's posture , beginnin g i n astonishment , i s entirel y appropriat e for a n ag e o f uncertainty , an d i t coul d b e th e basi s fo r a share d pathos wit h his audience . Yet , i n orde r fo r McCarth y t o emerg e a s a propheti c leader , he woul d hav e neede d t o transcen d thi s share d anxiet y an d articulat e th e true qualit y o f event s a s measure d agains t a share d mora l code . T h e incipi ent sens e o f outrag e i n McCarthy' s remarks , though , neve r move s beyon d the momen t o f wonder, an d i t finall y leave s th e audienc e i n a phantasmago rical world , paralyze d b y a fragil e sens e o f th e rea l an d a lac k o f fixe d criteria fo r choosin g amon g th e constantl y shiftin g scenes . McCarthy's charge s frustrat e judgmen t b y thei r bewilderin g lability . Even a s h e proclaime d th e incredibl e natur e o f hi s discoveries , McCarth y insisted o n thei r authenticity . Tzveta n Todoro v ha s foun d a simila r tensio n at th e hear t o f the genr e o f the fantastic—th e hesitatio n betwee n belie f an d rejection, tha t momen t suspende d betwee n th e marvelou s (th e extraordi nary bu t ultimatel y credible ) an d th e uncann y (th e bizarr e an d ultimatel y untrue), 4 8 an d Rosemar y Jackson , buildin g o n Todoro v s work, writes , " A characteristic mos t frequentl y associate d wit h literar y fantas y ha s bee n it s obdurate refusa l o f prevailin g definition s o f th e 'real ' o r 'possible, ' a refusa l amounting a t time s t o violen t opposition. " 49 McCarthy' s astonishmen t tha t the rule s hav e bee n broke n eve n a s h e continue s t o believ e i n thei r bindin g force, hi s confrontatio n wit h th e "anti-expected, " signal s th e presenc e o f the genr e o f th e fantastic, 50 a celebratio n o f ambiguity , somethin g indefi nite, a momen t o f hesitatio n an d indecision . W h e n w e encounte r a n extraordinary event , fo r th e interva l tha t w e canno t decid e whethe r w e ar e hallucinating o r witnessin g a miracle , w e ar e participant s i n th e fantastic . I t is a momen t o f epistemologica l uncertainty . T h e literar y fantastic , whil e i t raises emotion s an d exploit s attitudes , stubbornl y refuse s t o rende r fina l judgments tha t woul d allo w u s t o direc t them . A s Eri c Rabki n put s it ,

136 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

"The wonderful , exhilarating , therapeutic valu e of Fantasy [fo r Rabkin, th e genre mos t characterize d b y th e fantastic ] i s tha t i t make s on e recogniz e that beliefs, eve n beliefs abou t Reality , ar e arbitrary." 51 The conceptio n o f the fantastic i n literary studies stands in sharp contras t to use s commo n i n communicatio n studies , wher e fantas y o r th e fantasti c is examined fo r it s constitutive force. 52 Th e fundamenta l uncertaint y o f the literary fantasti c refuse s th e epistemologica l ground s o n whic h communit y might b e (re)constructed . Rathe r tha n orderin g th e chao s o f th e worl d propaedeutic t o judgment, th e fantastic i s a capitulation tha t merely reflect s our confusio n bac k t o us . In thi s respect, i t ca n be argue d tha t th e fantasti c is a moder n analo g t o biblica l apocalyptic , no w divorce d fro m a specifi c theology. The parallel to apocalyptic remind s us that, while Rabkin empha sizes th e liberating , "exhilarating' ' aspect s o f literar y fantasy , it s terrifyin g aspects—the incipien t chaos , a kind o f epistemological freefall—mus t no t be forgotten. Alic e s adventures are filled with horrific moments . The effec t is even more unsettlin g when th e fantastic insinuate s itself into politics. In orde r t o giv e direction i n suc h a setting, McCarth y ha d t o fin d som e anchor, som e stabl e axio m o n whic h t o build . McCarth y understoo d tha t he wa s no t charismatic ; howeve r colorfu l a figur e h e ma y hav e been , h e recognized tha t h e wa s no t blesse d wit h th e divine . H e neve r claime d a transcendent insight , an d h e neve r made th e prophet s "of a truth th e Lor d hath sen t me" his claim to th e credenc e o f his audiences. Against th e incredible , McCarth y pitte d th e completel y secula r episte mology o f his time, th e objective , th e verifiable , th e politica l equivalen t o f scientific facts : " I hav e i n m y hand, " "Th e file shows, " " I hav e nothin g completely read y at this time, and must refe r t o th e document s befor e me, " "There i s a memorandu m i n th e file," " A repor t date d Jul y 16 , 1947 , states," " I hav e befor e m e severa l documents. " " I hav e befor e m e anothe r document." " I hav e a cop y o f i t i n my hand. " " I hav e a photosta t o f th e letter." " I have before m e an affidavit." " I hol d in my hand tw o photostats." "Since tha t tim e I have du g u p additiona l photostats. " " I hav e before m e a copy." "Mr . President , I hav e a file whic h I desir e t o inser t i n th e Record today, containin g photostats. " " I hol d i n my han d th e testimony. " "Her e are photostat s o f officia l letterheads. " " I hav e complet e unchallengabl e documentation." " I hol d i n my han d th e officia l record." 53 Thes e ar e th e phrases McCarth y use d throughou t hi s speeche s t o creat e a n objectiv e reality credible enoug h t o balance his claims on th e marvelous. Barnet Baskervill e terme d McCarth y a "brief-cas e demagogue." 54 Th e ever-present, overstuffe d briefcas e wa s a repositor y o f th e objective , th e

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 7

facts, photostati c reproductions , th e record . Richar d Rover e sa w i n i t McCarthys desir e to have "the dus t o f the archives clinging to him." 55 Th e briefcase wa s externa l t o McCarthy ; i t wa s no t subjective . McCarth y onl y produced th e evidenc e an d invite d th e audienc e t o shar e i n hi s incredulity . McCarthys speeche s i n th e Senat e ar e a n endles s reques t fo r unanimou s consent t o hav e articles, letters, memoranda, an d othe r material s printe d i n the Congressional Record. McCarthyism: The Fight for America i s similarly fille d

with photographs , photostati c copie s o f documents , letters , an d articles , and appeal s t o publishe d testimon y b y othe r sources , tha t is , th e publi c record. I n th e Army-McCarth y hearings , tw o o f th e mos t dramati c con frontations occurre d ove r a cropped photograp h an d a document, purport edly a carbon cop y o f a letter fro m J. Edga r Hoover , whic h Arm y counse l Joseph Welch deride d a s "a cop y o f precisely nothing," 56 thu s contributin g to the sens e of unreality. McCarthys heav y dependenc e o n documentatio n was , in a sense, crip pling; i t betraye d hi s ow n doubt s abou t th e credibilit y o f th e pictur e h e presented t o hi s audience s an d mad e judgmen t impossible . Ther e i s n o affirmation i n McCarth y s discourse, onl y hesitation . A s Jackson ha s put it , "By foregrounding it s own signifyin g practice , the fantastic begin s to betray its versio n o f th e 'real ' a s a relativ e one , whic h ca n onl y defor m an d transform experience , s o th e 'real ' i s expose d a s a category , a s somethin g articulated b y an d constructe d throug h th e literar y o r artisti c text. " 57 I n a similar vein , Rabki n notes , "I n th e transcenden t realit y o f th e fiction , th e fictional become s real ; an d the n w e ar e reminde d tha t th e rea l i s itsel f fictional. Thi s self-reflectio n i s fantastic." 58 Th e effec t i s circular an d ines capable. A dialectic is created in which eac h element undermine s th e other , making the synthesi s absurd . Every tim e h e presented evidence , McCarthy , with equa l vigor , discredite d it , makin g i t impossibl e fo r hi s audienc e t o decide whic h par t o f th e clai m t o accept . I n placin g s o muc h weigh t o n evidence tha t h e ha d terme d questionable , McCarth y calle d int o question , not just th e particular s o f his case, but th e integrit y o f evidence itself . Like a magicia n exposin g th e pedestria n mechanic s o f hi s tricks , McCarth y suggested th e illusory nature o f all demonstration . McCarthy coul d no t lea d fo r h e ha d n o direction , an d h e coul d no t judge fo r h e ha d no standard . Joe McCarth y wa s not par t o f the sacred . H e was no t a transcenden t bein g wh o bor e th e understandin g o f Go d s will. He wa s jus t Joe , a skun k hunte r fro m a smal l far m communit y i n th e Midwest, an d he was just a s amazed a s the res t of us. In creating , bu t no t resolving , a tensio n betwee n th e uncann y an d th e

138 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

marvelous, th e rea l an d th e incredible , McCarth y subverte d hi s ow n effort s at persuasion . Bu t hi s Faustia n exchang e als o broache d untol d possibilities . By implicitl y denyin g th e compellin g powe r o f hi s evidence , h e calle d int o question it s theoretica l basis . "Presentin g tha t whic h canno t be , bu t is, fantasy expose s a cultur e s definition s o f tha t whic h ca n be : i t trace s th e limits o f it s epistemologica l an d ontologica l frame, " write s Jackson. 59 Thi s is th e significanc e o f McCarthy s posture—"Inconceivable ? Yes . Bu t i t i s true." 6 0 Unhampered b y th e law s o f th e everyda y world , McCarth y wa s fre e t o take hi s audienc e int o a domai n i n whic h unpleasan t judgmen t coul d b e withheld indefinitely 61 A s Rabki n put s it , "Thi s functio n o f th e fantasti c i s educational i n th e roo t sense : . . . i t create s i n th e min d a diametri c reversa l and open s u p ne w an d fantasti c worlds. " 62 American s wer e no t lookin g fo r a Fathe r Panelou x t o tel l the m tha t thei r sinfulnes s wa s responsibl e fo r thei r sorry state , bu t a Fathe r Panelou x w h o coul d hol d marvelou s evi l force s i n a balanc e wit h ou r culpability , commandin g ou r assen t t o neither , thi s Father Panelou x ha d promis e fo r Americ a i n th e Fifties . The worl d McCarth y fashione d wa s a dar k creatio n wher e thing s wer e not alway s wha t the y seeme d t o be , a worl d wher e evi l force s worke d behind a veil o f secrecy . How ca n w e accoun t fo r ou r presen t situatio n unles s w e believ e tha t me n high i n thi s Governmen t ar e concertin g t o delive r u s t o disaster ? Thi s mus t be th e produc t o f a great conspiracy , a conspiracy o n a scale s o immens e a s to dwar f an y previou s suc h ventur e i n th e histor y o f man . A conspirac y o f infamy s o black that , whe n i t i s finally exposed , it s principals shal l be foreve r deserving of the malediction s o f all honest men. 63 Reflecting th e hyperboli c tendencie s o f th e fantastic , th e conspirac y M c Carthy describe d wa s o f superhuman , supernatura l proportions. 6 4 Popu lated wit h evi l geniuse s an d siniste r cabalist s i n unhol y alliance , paradin g a s newspapermen, honore d generals , secretarie s o f state , an d presidents , al l meeting i n richl y panele d bu t outwardl y innocen t lookin g barns , pourin g over secre t documents , engage d i n secre t plot s involvin g spies , espionage , and infiltration , wit h th e ultimat e ai m o f destroyin g Wester n civilization , McCarthy s world wa s a nightmare . H e intimate d "hidde n an d undisclose d forces," "dar k forces, " "chicanery, " th e "mysterious " disappearanc e o f in criminating documents , secre t contracts , an d secre t trials , an d secre t parleys , "treachery," an d "lies." 6 5 Metaphorically , McCarth y introduce d octopi , snakes, an d spider s int o th e dream : th e hoa x bein g perpetrate d wa s " m o n -

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 13 9 strous"; "th e Communis t p a r t y — a relativel y smal l grou p o f deadly conspir ators—has no w extende d it s tentacle s t o tha t mos t respecte d o f America n bodies, th e Unite d State s Senate" ; a "world-wid e w e b " o f conspirac y ha d been spu n fro m Moscow ; Dre w Pearso n an d fello w traveler s wer e venom ous; "th e Truma n Democrati c Administratio n wa s crawlin g wit h C o m m u nists"; Dea n Acheso n wa s elegan t an d alien. 66 Homosexuals , too , figure d prominently i n McCarthy' s fantas y world , ye t anothe r perversio n o f th e rules o f everyda y life. 67 Even mor e threatenin g tha n th e abilit y o f th e enem y t o assum e malevo lent form s wa s it s abilit y t o assum e n o for m a t all , t o becom e invisible : " O n e know s tha t traitor s ar e a t work . O n e see s th e politica l fingerprint s o f the Communist s o n ever y documen t drafted . O n e ca n se e th e footprint s o f Communist betrayal s dow n ever y pat h the y travel." 68 I n a metapho r tha t might hav e recalle d th e contemporaneou s fil m The Invisible Man, McCarth y claims t o se e th e sign s o f communis t presence , bu t no t th e communist s themselves. T h e ide a o f invisibilit y recall s th e metaphor s o f visio n discusse d earlier . McCarthy's us e o f thi s se t o f metaphors reveal s basi c epistemologica l differ ences betwee n himsel f an d hi s radica l precursors . I n th e discours e o f th e American Revolution , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , ther e i s a n emphasis o n awakenin g t o a ne w dawn , a ne w da y o f wor k an d exertion . Sleep i s a personal condition ; i t i s restfu l an d comfortable . Ideologica l slee p is a n indulgence , a n avoidanc e o f confrontatio n an d judgment, a failur e o f virtue. T h e sam e hold s tru e fo r willfu l blindness . I t i s a n incapacit y o f th e individual, subjective , no t objective . W h e n awakene d th e trut h i s irresist ible; th e dawn , th e ne w day , i s inexorable, remindin g u s agai n o f th e origi n of th e ter m revolution . McCarthy, o n th e othe r hand , dwell s o n darkness , thing s don e i n th e night. Darknes s i s no t a personal incapacity ; i t i s impose d fro m without . I n a discussio n o f th e rhetorica l use s o f archetypa l metaphor , Michae l Osbor n finds tha t darknes s bring s "fea r o f the unknown , discouragin g sight , makin g one ignoran t o f his environment—vulnerabl e t o it s danger s an d blin d t o it s rewards. O n e i s reduced t o a helpless state , n o lon g abl e t o contro l th e worl d about him . Finally , darknes s i s cold , suggestin g stagnatio n an d thought s o f the grave." 69 Osbor n s descriptio n resonate s remarkabl y wit h th e descrip tion o f th e anxietie s o f th e Fiftie s presente d above , an d i s a n ap t character ization o f th e darknes s metapho r a s used b y McCarthy . Slee p i s n o longe r a personal indulgence , bu t somethin g induce d b y evi l force s s o tha t the y might d o thei r wor k undetected . McCarth y suggeste d tha t th e America n

140 |

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

people ha d bee n give n sleepin g tablet s b y th e presiden t an d th e Stat e Department i n orde r t o lul l the m int o a false sens e o f security, 70 an d tha t Truman wa s persuaded t o fire MacArthu r "i n th e dead , vast , and middle o f the night." 71 " I awak e eac h mornin g i n th e fea r tha t overnight , i n som e secret chambe r o f th e Unite d Nations , th e enemie s o f th e Unite d States , with Britai n an d Indi a a t thei r head , hav e mad e a secre t deal— a ne w Yalta."72 As nocturnal creatures , McCarthy s enemie s hav e kinshi p wit h witches , vampires, bats, rats, and wolves. "Th e enemie s o f our civilization , whethe r alien o r native , whethe r o f hig h o r lo w degree , wor k i n th e dark, " h e warned. "The y ar e that way more effective." 73 "Th e pattern o f Communis t conquest ha s bee n th e sam e i n ever y countr y ove r whic h th e Stygia n blackness o f Communist nigh t ha s descended." 74 It i s McCarthy s expresse d intentio n t o expose th e communists , t o subject the m t o th e searchin g ligh t o f truth, bu t the y ar e powerful an d hi s success is not guaranteed : "If , afte r al l is said and done , thi s unholy allianc e should have its way, then I propose the premise that holds it together—tha t vigorous anti-communis m i s more dangerou s tha n communism—a s a fit ting epitaph o n th e grav e of American civilization." 75 That McCarthy could allow for the death of civilization, that he could, in his rhetoric, acknowledge th e possibility o f failure, i s a phenomenon absen t from th e precedin g chapters . Th e basicall y optimisti c propheti c fait h see n heretofore doe s no t allo w fo r th e fina l triump h o f a n "unhol y alliance. " There ar e only two sources of power in that simpl e world: Go d and huma n will. On e i s either awak e an d act s in accordanc e wit h Go d s will o r on e i s asleep or willfully blin d and acts in accordance with human will. But huma n will i s insignificant compare d wit h th e will o f God , an d i n th e end , God's purpose will be served. The evil confronted b y earlier radical movements was merely th e venal exercise o f the huma n will : George II I a s a symbol o f England, th e plantation owner s o f the South , an d the industrialist s o f the tur n of the centur y share d a common si n in thei r rejectio n o f God s justice, th e justice of natural law, in favor of their personal luxury. More importantly, th e people share d i n th e si n by their complicit y i n a corrupt system ; th e judgment i s addressed t o them . Th e audienc e o f the prophe t i s second-perso n plural. Such evil is human scale and ultimately ineffectual . McCarthy present s a different theology . I t is not th e optimisti c theolog y of prophecy, but th e pessimistic theology o f apocalyptic, given sophisticate d treatment i n McCarthy s time in works like Reinhold Niebuh r s Children of Light, Children of Darkness. McCarth y di d no t crusad e agains t th e failur e o f

A Vision of the Apocalypse \ 14 1 human virtue ; hi s hol y wa r wa s agains t evil . I n hi s famou s speec h a t Wheeling, Wes t Virginia , i n 195 0 h e dre w th e line s o f battle : Today we ar e engaged in a final, all-ou t battl e betwee n communisti c atheis m and Christianity . Th e moder n champion s o f communis m hav e selecte d thi s as the time . And , ladie s an d gentlemen , th e chip s ar e down—the y ar e trul y down. 76 Two year s later , i n anothe r famou s speec h wherei n h e accuse d Adla i Ste venson o f aidin g th e communis t cause , McCarth y averred , We ar e a t wa r tonight— a wa r whic h starte d decade s ago , a war whic h w e did no t start , a war which w e canno t sto p excep t b y eithe r victor y o r death . The Korea n wa r is only on e phase o f this war between internationa l atheisti c communism an d our free civilization. 77 The earthl y wa r i n Kore a i s insignificant ; i t i s merely a sympto m o f th e all consuming cosmi c wa r tha t woul d determin e ou r fate . H u m a n histor y i s inadequate t o contai n force s o f thi s magnitude . I n 1954 , jus t befor e hi s censure b y th e Senate , McCarth y san g th e sam e refrain : "A t th e ris k o f boring yo u wit h som e repetition , I repeat , th e worl d i s i n a n ideologica l struggle, an d w e ar e o n on e sid e an d th e Iro n Curtai n countrie s ar e o n th e other." 7 8 Fro m th e tim e h e too k u p th e anticommunis t caus e unti l th e virtual en d o f hi s career , McCarth y consistentl y warne d o f th e imminenc e of the Armageddon . McCarthy capitalize d on , bu t di d no t create , th e radica l agon reflected i n these excerpts . T h e appellatio n "th e Col d War " testifie s t o th e ubiquit y o f such thinking , eve n amon g relativ e moderates . U p o n assumin g th e presi dency fo r a secon d ter m i n 1957 , Dwigh t Eisenhowe r spok e o f a divide d world: " T h e divisiv e forc e i s internationa l communis m an d th e powe r tha t it controls . T h e design s o f tha t power , dar k i n purpose , ar e clea r i n prac tice." 7 9 I t wa s a modern varian t o f th e ol d Persia n dualism . Bu t McCarthy s reaction wa s notable . Whil e Eisenhowe r an d other s continue d t o tal k o f "unconquerable will, " "fir m an d fixe d purposefs], " " h o p e , " 8 0 McCarth y warned o f failure . In representin g a battl e o f suc h epi c proportions , McCarth y agai n stretches credulit y an d suggest s somethin g o f the nexu s betwee n apocalypti c and fantasy . Pau l Hanso n ha s foun d i n th e transitio n betwee n propheti c an d apocalyptic eschatolog y a shiftin g o f th e relativ e weight s o f th e element s o f the rea l an d th e mythic , th e mundan e an d th e visionary . Hanso n illustrate s a reintroductio n o f th e mythi c int o propheti c discours e i n Deutero-Isaia h

142 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

51:9—11, a cal l fo r Go d t o awake n an d exercis e agai n th e powe r b y whic h H e sle w Ra'hab , th e drago n o f chaos. 81 T h e scal e an d them e ar e c o m m o n to McCarthy' s discourse , apocalyptic , an d fantasy . The scal e o f McCarthy' s wa r i s matche d b y th e powe r o f hi s warriors . Fantasy i s a completel y determine d world ; happenstanc e i s abolished ; th e regnant power s contro l event s t o th e mos t minut e detail . Todoro v call s i t "pan-determinism": "everything, " h e writes , "dow n t o th e encounte r o f various causa l serie s (o r 'chance' ) mus t hav e it s cause , i n th e ful l sens e o f the word , eve n i f this caus e ca n onl y b e o f a supernatural order." 8 2 The obviou s languag e fo r th e expressio n o f such powe r i s the languag e o f conspiracy. Conspiracie s ar e no t accidental ; the y are , literally , " a breathin g together"; the y ar e contrived . A s McCarth y expresse d it , The people , Mr . President , recogniz e th e weaknes s with whic h th e adminis tration ha s replace d wha t wa s s o recentl y ou r grea t strength . The y ar e troubled b y it. And the y d o no t thin k i t accidental . The y d o no t believ e tha t the declin e i n ou r strengt h fro m 194 5 t o 195 1 jus t happened . The y ar e coming t o believ e tha t i t wa s brough t about , ste p b y step , b y wil l an d intention. The y ar e beginnin g t o believ e tha t th e surrende r o f Chin a t o Russia, th e administration' s indecentl y hast y desir e t o tur n Formos a ove r t o the enem y an d arriv e a t a ceasefire i n Kore a instea d o f following th e manly , American cours e prescribe d b y MacArthur , poin t t o somethin g mor e tha n ineptitude an d folly. 83 McCarthy's Republica n colleague s ha d hope d tha t suc h declaration s wer e simply enthusiasti c display s o f partisa n politic s an d tha t th e electio n o f Eisenhower woul d cur b McCarthy' s zeal . The y wer e dismaye d whe n thi s was no t th e case , bu t McCarthy' s controversia l attack s o n Eisenhowe r wer e perfectly consisten t wit h wha t ha s bee n argue d here . I n McCarthy' s fantas y world, th e electio n o f a Republica n administratio n wa s simpl y a chang e i n human personnel . T h e rea l battl e wa s elsewhere . The tande m concep t t o pan-determinis m i n fantas y i s "pan-significa tion." 84 T h e worl d o f fantas y i s a highl y structure d drama . Ever y even t contributes t o th e advancemen t o f the plot . I n apocalypti c fantasy , al l event s are fille d wit h foreshadowing s o f th e end , al l o f whic h mus t b e attende d t o and interpreted . McCarthy' s worl d wa s jus t suc h a world , groanin g wit h meaning: "A t firs t blus h th e polic y a s se t fort h i n th e abov e documen t would appea r disorganize d an d withou t clea r point . I t wa s no t pointless , however. Thos e w h o drafte d i t understoo d ver y clearl y th e over-al l pla n being advanced." 85 "Yo u nee d no t see k fa r t o fin d th e rea l reaso n lurkin g

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 14 3 behind thi s avowe d one. " 86 Pan-significatio n i s the continuin g testimon y t o the awesom e power s a t wor k i n th e worl d o f fantasy ; t o exercis e suc h control tha t ever y actio n infallibl y work s towar d a predetermine d en d i s precision o n a terrifying scale : To fit thi s incident int o the globa l picture, let me remind you, thes e prisoner s have bee n hel d b y th e Chines e fo r tw o years , s o thei r selectio n o f a time o f announcement was , o f course , a deliberat e act . I n fact , w e have—w e fin d little evidenc e i n al l of the action s o f the Communis t state s that indicate s an y haphazard action s o n thei r part . Everythin g the y d o i s deliberat e an d well thought out. 87 Superhuman intelligenc e i s ascribed t o th e enemy , thu s th e "evi l genius " theme s o prominen t i n McCarthy s rhetoric. 8 8 Evi l genius—"twisted thinking intellectuals"—ha s th e powe r no t onl y t o execut e it s designs , it s "blueprint fo r disaster, " bu t als o th e powe r t o concea l it s desig n b y cor rupting th e judgment o f the America n people , trickin g the m int o believin g false interpretation s o f traitorou s objectives. 89 Lik e McCarthy s world , th e monistic worl d o f th e prophe t i s heavil y investe d wit h meaning , bu t th e interstices ar e lef t t o th e exercis e o f huma n frailty , an d huma n frailt y i s no t an effectiv e causa l agent . A s suggeste d i n th e previou s chapter , monis m implies on e desig n fo r th e worl d an d on e meanin g fo r events . O n e i s eithe r asleep (blind ) o r awake , bu t no t mistaken . In a dualisti c cosmology , ther e ar e tw o design s fo r th e world , equall y powerful i n thei r plausibility . O n e ma y b e aslee p (blind ) o r awake , an d i f awake, on e ma y b e confrontin g trut h o r illusion , goo d o r evil. 90 T h e powe r of evi l i s ofte n portraye d a s tha t o f th e seductres s exercisin g hypnosi s o r enchantment, castin g spell s tha t caus e u s t o act , no t i n accordanc e wit h ou r own will , bu t no t i n accordanc e wit h th e goo d either . Evi l ha s bot h th e power t o concea l it s influenc e an d t o parad e a s the good . It is this powerful evi l tha t McCarth y presente d t o hi s audiences. M c C a r thy talke d o f Alge r Hiss' s exercisin g a "Svengali-lik e influenc e ove r Secre tary o f Stat e Stettinius " a t Yalta , an d o f Marshal l an d Acheso n s havin g a "hypnotic influence " ove r Truman. 9 1 " I regar d a s th e mos t disturbin g phenomenon i n Americ a toda y th e fac t tha t s o man y American s stil l refus e to acknowledg e th e abilit y o f Communist s t o persuad e loya l American s t o do thei r wor k fo r them. " T h e America n peopl e mus t b e alerte d t o th e fac t "that thi s vas t conspirac y possesse s th e powe r t o tur n thei r mos t truste d servants int o it s attorneys-in - fact." 92 "I t is, " sai d McCarthy , "th e clandes tine enem y whic h taxe s ou r ingenuity" 9 3

144 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

McCarthy presente d Americ a wit h Tamin o s choice an d n o clea r criteri a by whic h t o mak e it . Sometime s h e appeare d t o offe r th e lifelin e o f "jus t good, everyda y America n hors e sense." 94 Fo r example , w h e n identifyin g communists, h e simpl y looke d fo r peopl e an d policie s tha t reflecte d th e Communist Part y lin e "righ t dow n t o th e dottin g o f ever y T an d th e crossing o f ever y Y " : "A s on e o f m y farme r friend s onc e said , i f a fow l looks lik e a duck an d quack s lik e a duck an d eat s like a duck w e ca n assum e it i s a duck. " 95 Suc h confidenc e i n appearances , however , wa s undermine d by thos e lik e th e forme r communis t an d professiona l governmen t witnes s Louis Buden z i n hi s testimon y o n O w e n Lattimore . I n a performance tha t would hav e mad e Lewi s Carrol l proud , Buden z refuse d t o assen t t o an y stable criteria : Wasn't i t true , aske d Morgan , tha t Lattimore' s Solution in Asia ha d bee n condemned b y th e Daily Worker? Yes , Buden z replied , bu t th e Part y ofte n protected it s member s b y criticizin g them , "tha t i s t o say , tha t is , t o dam n them with fain t praise—rather , t o praise them with fain t damns , is the way I want t o pu t it. " An d hadn' t Lattimor e publicl y oppose d th e Sovie t invasio n of Finland ? Tru e enough , sai d Budenz , bu t Part y member s wer e sometime s given "exemptions " in orde r to disguis e their rea l purpose. 96 In th e worl d o f fantasy , i t i s no t obviou s wha t thing s mean . T h e rule s have bee n subverte d an d ar e n o longe r dependable . McCarthy , hi s appeal s to commo n sens e notwithstanding , understoo d this ; h e understoo d tha t h e could no t merel y show , h e ha d t o interpret : " D o Senator s follo w me? " " D o Senator s follo w this? " " D o Senator s ge t th e picture? " h e querie d agai n and again. 97 " I wonde r whethe r Senator s ge t th e awfulnes s o f tha t pic ture." 98 " N o w wha t doe s thi s mean , m y goo d friends , wha t doe s thi s mea n to th e 150,000,00 0 America n people? " h e aske d hi s televisio n audience. 9 9 "I digres s t o explai n th e significanc e o f tha t utterance. " 10° "I n orde r t o recognize th e significanc e o f thes e tw o documents , i t migh t b e wel l fo r m e to digres s fo r a minute." 1 0 1 "I n othe r word s . . ." 1 0 2 In othe r words , th e document s h e hel d i n hi s han d wer e no t enough ; they di d no t carr y thei r ow n self-eviden t meaning . Sometime s the y re quired translation . Afte r presentin g a quotatio n tha t note d tha t Genera l Stilwell, Secretar y o f Stat e Marshall' s choic e t o comman d th e U.S . Army i n China, di d no t lik e Chines e officialdo m bu t ha d a grea t regar d fo r th e Chinese people , McCarth y offere d th e followin g interpretation : As we al l know, "people " i n Communis t parlanc e ha s a special meaning . I t does not mea n al l the people i n ou r sense . It is a catchword, a n occul t word ,

A Vision of the Apocalypse |

14

5

clear t o th e initiates , meanin g Communists . The y us e it i n a special sens e t o designate al l thei r politica l organs . W e al l recal l th e variou s people s front s organized t o promot e th e Communis t caus e throughou t th e world . Mor e specifically th e Chines e Communis t arm y wa s referre d t o i n Communis t parlance a s the people's army 103 "People" i s on e o f th e mos t generi c an d colorles s term s availabl e t o denot e an aggregat e o f human beings . McCarth y recognize s thi s whe n h e contrast s the communis t "specia l meaning " wit h "ou r sense, " innocent an d inclusive . The communis t "people, " accordin g t o McCarthy , w h o freight s th e usag e in thi s contex t wit h siniste r implications , i s onl y a ruse , a n attemp t t o pas s beneath th e threshol d o f signification . T h e achievemen t o f discernin g a particular significanc e i s secondar y t o th e achievemen t o f recognizin g tha t there i s a significance t o b e discerned . McCarthys struggl e t o separat e th e significan t fro m th e insignifican t i s unremitting. Figure-groun d discrimination s ar e no t clea r i n th e dar k worl d of th e fantastic : " N o t e thos e words , Mr . President. " "Mr . President , liste n to this. " " I cal l th e Senate s attentio n t o thi s statement. " "Liste n t o thi s i f you will." 1 0 4 I n a complex , relativisti c world , al l event s requir e interpreta tion; nothin g i s unworthy o f ou r attention . I hav e concentrate d o n ho w McCarth y use d hi s evidenc e t o creat e tensions betwee n belie f an d doub t i n hi s audiences , bu t non e o f McCarthy s evidence woul d eve r hav e bee n give n a foru m ha d i t no t bee n fo r th e power o f hi s office . Ther e i s n o doubtin g tha t muc h o f th e credenc e give n McCarthys claim s resulte d fro m hi s statu s a s a U.S . senator . A s Davi d Oshinsky ha s phrase d th e questio n tha t ha d t o b e raise d b y McCarthy s charges, "Woul d a Unite d State s senato r g o thi s fa r ou t o n a lim b withou t hard evidence?" 1 0 5 Millar d Tyding s kne w ver y wel l tha t a s a senator , McCarthy wa s mor e likel y t o b e believe d tha n someon e standin g "o n th e corner o f 9t h an d G street s w h o i s carryin g o n a casua l conversation," 1 0 6 and Walte r Lippma n recognize d th e powe r o f th e offic e whe n h e argue d that McCarth y s charges , becaus e h e wa s a senator , wer e new s an d ha d t o be treate d a s such , howeve r reluctantly ; McCarth y coul d no t b e suppresse d by th e media. 1 0 7 Though th e institution s o f th e medi a coul d not , withou t th e beniso n o f the Senate , themselve s autho r McCarthy s undoing , th e representationa l power o f th e media , especiall y television , di d serv e a critica l enablin g function whe n th e Senat e finall y decide d tha t McCarth y ha d oversteppe d the bound s o f allowable conduct . An d i t i s consisten t wit h th e thesi s argue d here that , i n th e instance s wher e th e medi a authore d it s ow n scripts , som e

I46 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

of th e mos t influentia l amon g the m employe d a n ironi c mode. 108 Iron y forgoes th e head-o n attac k an d unsettle s it s objec t indirectly . Ther e i s a sense in which , just a s the fantasti c simultaneousl y demand s ou r assen t an d dismisses suc h a demand , iron y als o mount s it s criticis m an d i s abl e t o retreat to a posture o f "all in fun" o r of having been misread . Even television , though , ha d t o awai t a certai n revocatio n o f sanctuary before i t coul d exercis e it s powe r agains t Wisconsin' s junior senator . A s a senator, McCarth y spok e fro m th e temple , an d wa s provided, no t onl y th e sanctuary o f congressional immunity , bu t eve n a certain amoun t o f suppor t in the reluctance of the Senate to disavow one of its own. Because Republi cans, i n fact , wer e eage r t o us e McCarth y i n th e pursui t o f thei r ow n political ends , McCarthy receive d th e blessing of the Tafts , th e Lodges , an d other party scions who personally found hi m and his methods distasteful. 109 Nowhere i s McCarth y s dependenc e o n th e positiv e sanctio n o f th e Senate clearer than in the cours e of his career after hi s censure in 1954 . The censure, althoug h i t di d no t materiall y affec t McCarthy s standin g i n th e Senate, did serve notice that he no longer participated in the collectiv e ethos of that body; th e Senat e ha d admitte d tha t McCarth y ha d said discreditabl e things, and in doin g so, it broke th e spel l of the fantastic. Alic e awoke fro m the drea m an d wa s lef t wit h onl y reflection s o n th e uncanny . Becaus e McCarthy ha d buil t hi s cas e o n th e collectiv e ethos o f th e Senate , h e ha d tacitly cede d t o i t th e effectiv e powe r t o discredi t hi m a s a par t o f itself . The effec t o f th e censur e o n th e pres s an d th e publi c wa s immediat e and unmistakable : i t wa s n o longe r necessar y t o pa y attentio n t o Senato r McCarthy 110 McCarthy ha d a n unfailing apprehensio n o f the epistemologica l crisi s of the Fiftie s wit h it s "ke y terms" : "irony , paradox , ambiguity , an d complex ity,"111 an d h e exploite d tha t apprehensio n ruthlessly . McCarth y appre hended th e crisi s becaus e h e participate d i n it . Hi s discours e doe s no t indicate tha t h e eve r transcende d it . Hi s audienc e wa s no t th e propheti c "you," bu t th e inclusiv e "we. " Within tha t crisis , McCarth y struc k a delicate balanc e tha t avoide d judgment, an d i n avoidin g judgment, h e lef t hi s audience i n disarray . A s frightening a s chaos was , it seem s tha t i t ma y hav e been preferabl e t o th e terribl e truth s tha t threatene d Americ a afte r th e Second Worl d War . B y offerin g a discourse tha t di d no t comman d assent , McCarthy allowe d Americ a t o contemplat e som e o f it s mos t dreadfu l monsters a t a distance . Th e delicat e equilibriu m tha t h e maintaine d fo r almost fou r year s wa s wrecke d whe n th e hierarchica l powe r bestowe d o n him b y hi s sea t i n th e Senat e wa s symbolicall y revoked . Th e scal e fel l

A Vision of the Apocalypse | 14 7 abruptly o n th e sid e o f th e uncanny , an d American s wer e lef t t o wonde r a t how bizarr e i t ha d al l been .

Evaluating the Dream McCarthyism ha s bee n terme d a nationa l nightmare. 1 1 2 B y takin g th e metaphor literally , w e ar e in a position t o understan d som e o f the contradic tions tha t stil l occup y th e attention s o f McCarthy' s biographers , student s o f McCarthyism, an d historian s o f th e period . T h e underlyin g debat e i n al l the biographica l work s o n McCarth y devolve s o n th e questio n o f sincer ity 1 1 3 Beginnin g wit h Rovere' s biograph y a t th e en d o f th e McCarth y decade, an d continuin g throug h Oshinsk y s, currentl y regarde d a s definitive , everyone w h o ha s focuse d o n th e ma n ha s fel t compelle d t o loo k a t th e sources o f McCarthy' s anticommunism ; a serie s o f conflictin g impression s regarding th e sometime s playfu l attitud e h e too k towar d hi s crusad e i n private, hi s apparen t lac k o f passionat e involvemen t wit h th e topic , hi s childish deligh t i n sp y games , an d hi s nonchalan t attitud e towar d particula r cases; hi s documente d fondnes s fo r lying ; hi s statemen t t o Jac k Anderso n that thi s wa s th e rea l thing ; an d hi s willingnes s t o endur e censur e rathe r than bac k down . M u c h o f th e evidenc e divide s alon g th e line s o f a Jekyll and Hyd e publi c presentatio n versu s privat e behavior . McCarthy' s willing ness t o excoriat e a politica l opponen t o r a membe r o f th e pres s fo r th e crowd an d the n t o tur n an d thro w a friendl y ar m aroun d hi s victi m i s a source o f constan t perplexit y t o hi s chroniclers. 114 To fin d conflic t i n thes e apparen t opposition s i s t o assum e a stabl e se t o f rules, an d fantas y ha s n o suc h rules . I t is , write s Jackson , "founde d o n contradictions." 1 1 5 An d no t jus t a singl e se t o f contradictions , bu t "th e continuing diametri c reversa l o f th e groun d rule s withi n a narrativ e world." 1 1 6 Fantas y embrace s bot h fea r o f th e demoni c an d a sens e o f play . Fantasy canno t fin d stabl e referenc e points . I f i t di d th e momen t o f hesita tion woul d b e lost , an d i t woul d n o longe r b e fantas y McCarthy' s failur e t o display a commitment t o hi s individua l case s ma y no t hav e bee n a n effectiv e method o f exposin g communists , bu t i t wa s sublimel y effectiv e i n pro longing th e momen t o f hesitation . Finally, havin g sundere d al l othe r unities , al l othe r source s o f stability , fantasy shatter s th e unit y o f th e individual. 117 I n a reversa l o f th e apocalyp tist's pseudonymity , McCarth y wen t beyon d th e bound s o f ghostwritin g t o appropriate material s neve r intende d fo r hi s use . "America' s Retrea t fro m

148 I

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

Victory" i s th e mos t prominen t example . McCarth y di d no t diges t th e materials provided b y others an d mak e them hi s own, h e simply gav e the m voice. "McCarthyism " absorbe d th e identit y o f Joe McCarth y int o th e much larger phenomenon h e represented . Fantasy ofte n signal s th e dissolutio n o f identit y wit h a narrativ e voic e confused betwee n firs t an d thir d perso n singular. 118 McCarth y reveal s th e same spli t person a i n hi s speeche s an d writings . H e inform s hi s audience , "The smea r attack s o n McCarthy are n o longe r bein g mad e wit h th e hop e that the y ca n thereb y forc e me t o giv e u p thi s figh t t o expos e an d ge t Communists ou t o f government." 119 "O n tha t da y th e Presiden t o f th e Newspaper Guild , Harr y Martin , attacke d McCarthy and mad e i t clea r t o the membership that any favorable coverag e of my fight agains t Communist s was taboo." 120 "Eve n my bitterest enem y will admit , i f h e i s honest , tha t these matter s woul d no t hav e bee n give n a secon d though t i f someon e other tha n McCarthy were involved." 121 Betwee n th e tw o McCarthys , i t seems likely tha t al l his biographers ar e righ t i n th e main . Thei r mistak e i s in tryin g t o fin d a nonexisten t restin g place . McCarthy s mani c level s o f activity are a metaphor for hi s world, which was in constant disequilibrium . Does this leave us anything to say about th e McCarthy ethos, fragmente d and disjointe d a s i t is ? Certainl y i t ca n b e sai d tha t McCarth y wa s n o prophet: h e wa s guide d b y n o self-eviden t truths , n o sacre d canon ; h e di d not offe r judgment i n tim e o f crisis. All his cries o f "smear" notwithstand ing, th e evidenc e overwhelmingl y indicate s tha t McCarth y di d no t suffe r the burde n o f hi s commitment s (a t leas t no t unti l afte r censure) , bu t reaped the personal rewards of his message—notoriety, money , and political power. No r di d McCarth y confron t hi s society wit h a radical position , fo r fantasy canno t posit. What wa s mistaken for radicalis m by some o f McCar thy's contemporarie s wa s reall y just th e hyperbolic , irrationa l discours e o f fantasy paradin g a s politics . Eve n a s fantasy , McCarthy' s wa s no t ver y extraordinary b y th e standard s o f th e period . Film s o f th e Fiftie s share d many o f th e sam e theme s an d uncertaintie s w e fin d i n McCarthy' s dis course. McCarthyism a s a fantasy wa s little more tha n a shameless amalga m of The Court Martial of Billy Mitchell and Invasion of the Body Snatchers. 122 And radi o program s suc h a s " I Wa s a Communis t fo r th e FBI " provide d audiences wit h a n atmospher e o f multipl e reversal s an d subterfuge s tha t made th e convolution s o f McCarthy's storie s commonplace . A nation will ing to join i n th e searc h for Bride y Murph y wa s not shake n by McCarthy' s rejection o f the traditiona l unitie s o f narrative. In failin g t o challeng e hi s audienc e wit h th e radica l value s o f thei r

A Vision of the Apocalypse \ 14 9 society, McCarth y stoo d a s a symbo l o f th e deterioratio n o f thos e values . Rather tha n reconstitutin g hi s audience , h e lef t i t i n a stat e o f dissolution . Richard Rover e ha s written , McCarthy, thoug h a demo n himself , wa s no t a ma n possesse d b y demons . His talents a s a demagogue wer e great , bu t h e lacke d th e mos t necessar y an d awesome o f demagogic gifts— a belie f in th e sacrednes s o f his ow n mission . A ma n ma y g o a long way i n politics—particularl y i n democrati c politics — without muc h i n the way of convictions, but t o overcom e adversit y he need s the strengt h tha t ca n b e draw n eithe r fro m belie f in a n ide a o r fro m a sense of hi s ow n righteousness . I f h e ha s n o convictions , h e ca n scarcel y dra w courage from them. 123 Perhaps i t i s fo r thi s reason , rathe r tha n fo r it s actua l prohibitions , tha t Ellen Schrecke r find s th e legac y o f McCarthyis m t o b e on e o f absences : "McCarthyism's mai n impac t ma y wel l hav e bee n i n wha t di d no t happe n rather tha n i n wha t d i d — t h e socia l reform s tha t wer e neve r adopted , th e diplomatic initiative s tha t wer e no t pursued , th e worker s w h o wer e no t organized int o unions , th e book s tha t wer e no t written , an d th e movie s that wer e neve r filmed." 124 McCarthy wa s plague d b y demon s an d beref t o f gods . H e create d a momentary audienc e ou t o f commo n fears , bu t h e coul d no t provid e i t o r himself with a sustaining cause . T h e swaggering , loutis h Marin e her o wa s a cripple, an d w e watche d hi m tos s awa y hi s crutche s i n a n evangelica l feve r and fal l o n hi s face—pitiabl e an d fo r tha t reaso n al l th e mor e despicable . McCarthy neve r assume d a radica l heroi c stan d agains t th e overwhelmin g uncertainties o f hi s day ; hi s fait h lacke d th e necessar y substance . T h e notable absenc e o f historica l reference s i n hi s speeche s reveal s th e shal lowness o f his respons e t o th e world . H e ha d nothin g t o dra w upo n bu t th e resources o f hi s ow n profan e experience . McCarth y coul d worshi p nothin g larger tha n himself , onl y fea r it . McCarthy th e man , w e mus t probabl y conclude , wa s a tragi c figure . H e participated i n th e epistemologica l chao s o f his tim e t o th e poin t o f psycho sis. 125 McCarthy s fantas y worl d wa s hi s poo r respons e t o fear , an d i t i s onl y when w e recogniz e fantas y a s a for m o f spiritua l impoverishmen t tha t w e can properl y evaluat e wha t McCarth y wrought . Buildin g he r cas e o n th e work o f Sartre , Foucault , an d Frederi c Jameson , Jackso n find s i n fantas y human compensatio n fo r a failure o f th e transcendent. 1 2 6 Sh e quote s M a u rice Levy' s assertio n that : " T h e fantasti c i s a compensatio n tha t ma n pro vides fo r himself , a t th e leve l o f imagination , fo r wha t h e ha s los t a t th e

150 |

A

VISIO N O

F TH E APOCALYPS

E

level o f faith." 127 Th e compensatio n tha t humankin d ca n provid e fo r itself , however, i s insufficien t t o replac e wha t ha s bee n lost , fo r fantas y i s hollo w at it s core : Unlike marvelou s secondary worlds , which construc t alternativ e realities , th e shady world s o f th e fantasti c construc t nothing . The y ar e empty , emptying , dissolving. Their emptines s vitiates a full, rounded , three-dimensiona l visibl e world, b y tracin g i n absences , shadow s withou t objects . Fa r fro m fulfillin g desire, these spaces perpetuate desir e by insisting upon absence, lack , th e non seen, th e unseeable. 128 Fantasy, frame d a s a literar y event , provide s a temporar y escape . I t ma y even, a s Sad e claim s of Eugenie de Franval and Justine, or Good Conduct Well Chastised, provid e mora l guidance. 129 W h e n i t i s transpose d withou t warn ing int o th e quotidia n real m o f politic s an d business , devoi d o f artisti c boundaries, i t i s paralyzing . For a tim e i n th e Fifties , Americ a playe d Josep h K . a t Jo e McCarth y s court. Lik e th e ma n i n th e enigmati c parabl e a t th e en d o f The Trial, we sa t outside an d waite d fo r th e law . Wha t McCarth y presente d t o Americ a i n the Fiftie s wa s just suc h a world . W e wante d hi m t o execut e judgment, t o banish ou r demons , t o provid e u s wit h a vision, a standar d unde r whic h t o march, an d a n enem y t o marc h against . Bu t McCarth y di d no t sla y Ra'hab , the drago n o f chaos , h e onl y goade d it . W e wer e lef t withou t god s o r devils, heroe s o r villains , onl y th e hauntin g suspicio n tha t bot h existed . N o clear, stabl e dramati c structur e emerged , an d th e rule s fo r judgmen t wer e systematically subverted . I n emphasizin g th e darknes s o f th e postwa r world , McCarthy concentrate d o n wha t wa s unseeabl e an d thereb y unknowable . His promise s notwithstanding , h e neve r turne d o n th e light . Rathe r h e insinuated th e lurkin g presenc e o f "thing s tha t g o bum p i n th e night. " There i s n o salvatio n here , onl y th e articulatio n o f anxiety . A s soo n a s th e show wa s over , th e audience , a s a n audience , largel y disintegrated , th e residuum remakin g itsel f o n th e edge s o f th e politic s o f th e 1960 s a s th e John Birc h Society . Onl y th e McCarth y person a survives , precisel y becaus e of it s insubstantiality , a ghos t lurkin g abou t th e dar k place s o f America n politics.

8 Prophecy a s Poetr y The Romantic Vision of Robert Welch

And tho u shal t speak m y words unt o them , whethe r the y will hear, o r whether the y will forbear: fo r the y are most rebellious . But thou , so n of man, hea r what I say unto thee ; Be no t tho u rebelliou s like that re bellious house: open th y mouth, an d ea t what I give thee. And whe n I looked, behold , a n hand was sent unt o me ; and, lo , a roll of a book was therein. —Ezekie l 2:7—9 Then sai d I, Ah, Lor d God ! behold, I cannot speak : for I am a child. But th e Lor d sai d unto me , Sa y not, I am a child: for tho u shal t go t o all that I shall send thee , and whatsoever I command the e tho u shal t speak. Be no t afrai d o f their faces : for I am with the e t o delive r thee, saith th e Lord . The n th e Lor d put fort h hi s hand, an d touche d m y mouth. An d th e Lor d said unto me , Behold, I have put m y words in thy mouth. —Jeremia h 1:6- 9

From th e tim e o f it s foundin g i n 195 8 unti l th e mid-1960s , th e John Birc h Societ y an d it s founder R o b e r t Welc h wer e th e mos t prominen t features i n th e landscap e o f th e politica l fa r righ t i n America . Seymou r Martin Lipse t an d Ear l Raa b sugges t tha t Welc h an d hi s organizatio n "too k the cente r o f th e right-win g stag e i n Americ a fo r clos e t o a decade," 1 an d Benjamin Epstei n an d Arnol d Forste r terme d th e Joh n Birc h Societ y th e "spearhead o f th e Radica l Righ t movement." 2 Granting thes e assessments , i t mus t stil l be remembere d tha t Welc h neve r achieved anythin g lik e th e influenc e tha t Jo e McCarthy , ofte n see n a s Welch's predecessor , achieved . I n fact , Welch' s clos e identificatio n wit h McCarthy mad e i t eas y fo r libera l intellectuals , shame d ove r thei r timidit y in th e McCarth y affair , t o expiat e thei r guil t b y deridin g McCarthy' s hei r apparent. 3 Writin g i n th e New York Times Magazine i n 1961 , Georg e

151

152 I

PROPHEC

YA

S POETR

Y

Barrett, pointin g t o th e increasin g ridicul e o f th e societ y an d it s founde r a s evidence fo r hi s assessment , foun d th e Bircher s t o b e overrate d a s th e source o f a renascent McCarthyism. 4 I n 1964 , a n articl e i n th e New Republic was entitle d "Littl e Ol d Pin k Ma n W h o Calle d Ik e R e d . " 5 R o b e r t Welc h was no t th e aggressive , hard-hitting , reckles s bull y tha t McCarth y ha d been . Welch wa s "little, " diminutive ; "old, " frail , feeble , weak , impotent ; "pink, " silly, frivolous, toothles s a s a newborn animal , perhap s eve n effeminate ; an d finally, th e sneerin g referenc e t o on e o f Welch' s mos t famou s pronounce ments concernin g Eisenhower s allege d servic e t o th e communis t caus e indicates ho w fa r w e wer e fro m takin g Welc h seriously . Othe r treatment s were mor e direc t i n thei r assessment . A 196 4 Newsweek articl e o n Welc h was entitle d "Sick , Sick , Sick," 6 an d a 196 6 articl e i n Time suggeste d tha t Welch wa s "touche d i n th e head" : Since he founded th e John Birch Societ y nearly ten years ago, Robert Welc h has displaye d on e o f th e mos t fertil e imagination s i n America n politics . Though hi s fascinatin g statemen t tha t Dwigh t Eisenhowe r ha d consciousl y served the "Communis t conspirac y for al l his adult life" will probably remai n its foremos t figment , hi s min d ha s los t non e o f it s youthfu l fanc y wit h advancing years.7 T h e quantit y o f ridicul e directe d a t Welch , an d it s violenc e an d energy , combine t o beli e th e eas y confidenc e suggeste d b y it s jocular condescen sion. Liberal s o f th e earl y Sixtie s wer e certai n tha t Welc h wa s no t a rea l threat, bu t the y wante d t o ensur e tha t other s understoo d thi s a s well . Rather tha n pain t hi m a s a ruthles s demagogue , then , thos e w h o oppose d Welch dismisse d hi m a s a clown , a crackpot , a kook . Tha t the y fel t i t necessary t o acknowledg e Welc h a t al l i s testamen t t o a perceptio n o f hi s potential power . Tha t Welc h neve r succeede d i n realizin g thi s powe r i s th e product o f comple x forces , som e o f which wil l b e examine d here .

Robert Welch as an Artist in Words O Freedom ! I f to me belon g Not might y Milton's gift divine , Nor MarvelT s wit an d graceful song , Still with a love as deep and stron g As theirs, I lay, like them, m y best gifts o n th y shrine! —John Greenlea f Whittier, Proem

Prophecy as Poetry |

15

3

Against th e popula r portrai t o f Welc h a s a ravin g lunatic , h e presente d himself a s a conscientiou s craftsma n o f language , a wordsmith , a poet . In The Politician, Welc h informe d th e reade r tha t i t wa s a n "unfinishe d manuscript," 8 an d bemoane d th e pressure s tha t le d t o it s "prematur e publi cation. ,, 9 I n work s intende d fo r publication , Welc h use d vivi d vocabulary , antithesis, parrhesia , triadi c structures , polysyndeton , alliteration , anaphora , hyperbaton, metaphor , an d allusio n a s favorite stylisti c devices . Some sample s fro m Welch' s writing s includ e th e assertio n tha t w e wer e 10 moving deepe r int o a n er a o f "darkness , slavery 1 , an d treason," an d tha t n the Bircher s ha d suffere d a "torren t o f smear," i n spit e o f which th e Birc h program persiste d "wit h al l o f it s dream s an d ideal s an d aspirations." 12 Welch wa s semiapologeti c tha t The Blue Book shoul d appea r somewha t dated t o reader s i n 1961 , bu t h e explained , "Ther e i s n o instan t a t whic h the shutte r ma y b e snappe d s o th e prin t wil l remai n true." 1 3 H e warne d hi s audience tha t th e trut h h e brough t "i s simple , incontrovertible , an d deadl y . . . unles s w e ca n revers e force s whic h no w see m inexorabl e i n thei r movement." 1 4 A speec h reprinte d i n The Blue Book, entitle d "Loo k a t th e Score," use s a n extende d gam e metapho r t o describ e communis t incursion s on th e fre e world, 1 5 occurrin g "wit h ever-increasin g sprea d an d speed," 1 6 as we ca n se e b y th e ligh t o f "th e lam p o f experience." 1 7 Western Europ e coul d no t b e depende d on , fo r i t wa s "eithe r dyin g before ou r eyes , o r i s alread y dead . Fo r th e vigo r o f it s muscle s an d th e strength o f its whole bod y hav e bee n sappe d beyon d recover y b y th e cance r of collectivism." 18 Ye t ther e wa s hop e i n th e person s o f th e "reall y tru e believers stil l left . W e hono r them . W e nee d thei r steadyin g adherenc e t o the roc k o f reverence , an d thei r aspiratio n o f unwaverin g obedienc e t o ancient an d divin e commandments . W e desperatel y nee d thei r unshakabl e confidence i n absolutes , i n eterna l principle s an d truths , i n a worl d o f increasing relativit y an d transitorines s i n al l things . W e admir e them." 1 9 This, however , wa s no t t o b e understoo d a s a ple a fo r fundamentalism . A n attempt t o enforc e suc h a n overl y concret e an d simplisti c vie w o f th e worl d in ou r da y an d ag e "woul d b e lik e tryin g t o ti e th e wave s o f th e ocea n together wit h ropes , o r t o confin e the m wit h fishin g nets. " 20 N o t conten t wit h th e entailment s o f th e diseas e metaphor , Welc h por trayed communis m no t onl y a s a cance r bu t als o a s an octopus : so large tha t it s tentacle s no w reac h int o al l o f th e legislativ e halls , al l o f th e union labo r meetings, a majority o f the religiou s gatherings , an d most o f the schools of the whole world. I t ha s a central nervou s syste m which ca n mak e it s tentacles i n th e labo r union s o f Bolivia , i n th e farmer' s cooperative s o f

154 |

PROPHEC

YA

S POETR

Y

Saskatchewan, i n th e caucuse s o f th e Socia l Democrat s o f Wes t Germany , and i n th e classroom s o f th e Yal e La w School , al l retrac t o r reac h forwar d simultaneously. I t can make all of these creeping tentacles turn eithe r right o r left, a t th e sam e time , i n accordanc e wit h th e intention s o f a central brai n i n Moscow o r Ust'-Kamenogorsk . Th e huma n rac e ha s never befor e face d an y such monste r o f powe r whic h wa s determine d t o enslav e it . Ther e i s n o reason fo r underratin g it s size , it s efficiency , it s determination , it s power, o r its menace. 21 O u r prope r attitud e towar d th e enemy , whethe r octopu s o r disease , i s con veyed by th e wa r metaphor . W e were , i n Welch's mind , engage d i n a pitche d battle agains t th e communis t conspiracy. 22 T o succee d i n thi s battle , w e needed t o profi t fro m al l huma n experience , "bu t w e shal l mak e ou r ow n amalgam o f th e organizationa l metal s forge d b y tha t experienc e wit h th e mercury o f our ow n purpose/' 2 3 T o make thi s amalgam Welc h sough t t o re construct faith , whic h mus t b e th e "foundatio n o f ou r ne w dream. " H e sought t o unit e variou s religiou s views under a faith "s o tru e tha t neithe r ou r hearts no r ou r reason s ca n den y it , s o broad tha t i t take s in withou t violatio n the fait h o f our fathers , an d s o deep tha t i t can inspir e martyrdo m a t need." 2 4 In attemptin g t o mel d hi s ne w alloy , Welc h allude d t o th e poe m "God , th e Architect" b y Harr y Kemp , th e las t stanza o f which i s But, chie f of all thy wondrous works, Supreme o f all thy plan, Thou has t put a n upward reac h In the hear t o f man. 25 Welch hope d tha t thi s concep t o f Go d havin g pu t a n upwar d reac h i n th e heart o f ma n woul d serv e a s a n umbrell a concept , transcendin g individua l creeds an d unitin g hi s hearers . I t wa s Welch' s positio n o n religio n tha t made th e John Birc h Societ y th e leas t sectaria n o f th e extrem e right-win g organizations. There ar e man y othe r example s o f literar y (self - ) consciousness i n Welch's writings . I n closin g hi s pamphle t "T o th e Negroe s o f America, " Welch allude d t o Lincoln' s messag e t o Congres s o f Decembe r i , 1862 : "This i s ou r America . I t i s you r countr y an d mine , an d th e las t bes t hop e of al l mankind." 2 6 I t i s no t happenstanc e tha t Welc h attempte d t o ech o Lincoln i n a n appea l t o blacks . " A Lette r t o Khrushchev " contain s a n extended metapho r comparin g th e Sovie t worl d pla n an d thei r succes s wit h Sputnik. Welc h compare d th e stage s o f th e communis t encroachmen t o n the fre e worl d wit h th e stage s o f th e rocke t ship. 27

Prophecy as Poetry \

15 5

Certainly on e o f Welch' s mos t artisti c speeche s i s "Mor e Statel y M a n sions." 28 I n th e titl e o f thi s speech , h e allude s t o Olive r Wendel l Holmes' s poem " T h e Chambere d Nautilus. " T h e snai l become s th e maste r metapho r for th e speech . Welc h foun d i t a n appropriat e symbo l fo r hi s cyclica l vie w of histor y an d a n appropriat e mode l fo r organizin g th e speech . "Mor e Stately Mansions " spiral s outwar d throug h a historica l discours e an d ulti mately circle s bac k aroun d o n itself . I f we loo k t o th e sermo n fo r a n analog , Welch bega n wit h a n implie d "text " whic h h e mad e explici t a t th e en d o f the speech , thu s returnin g t o hi s startin g point . T h e chambere d nautilu s illustrated th e mora l o f Welch' s sermon , tha t individualis m ca n b e gaine d only throug h collectivism . T h e snai l build s chambers , bu t thos e chamber s grow successivel y large r unti l the y becom e s o expansiv e tha t the y ar e n o longer confinin g o r restrictive . T h e fina l chambe r i s a transcendence . T o conclude th e speech , Welc h quote s th e las t stanz a o f Holmes' s poem : Build the e mor e statel y mansions, O m y soul, As the swif t season s roll! Leave thy low-vaulted past ! Let eac h ne w temple , noble r tha n th e last, Shut the e fro m heave n wit h a dome mor e vast , Till thou a t length ar e free , Leaving thine outgrow n shel l by Life's unrestin g sea! In "Mor e Statel y Mansions, " whateve r ou r evaluatio n o f Welch' s success , we mus t recogniz e th e attemp t t o produc e a well-mad e poem , a p o e m wherein "everythin g i s formed , an d henc e rendere d poeti c (whateve r i t may hav e bee n i n itself) , b y virtu e simpl y o f bein g mad e t o d o somethin g definite i n th e poe m o r t o produc e a definitel y definabl e effect , howeve r local, whic h th e sam e material s o f language , thought , character-traits , o r actions woul d b e incapabl e o f i n abstractio n fro m th e poem , o r th e contex t in th e poem , i n whic h the y appear. " 2 9 It wa s Welch' s stud y o f poetry , n o doubt , tha t influence d th e poeti c qualities i n hi s discourse . Ther e ar e numerou s quotation s fro m poem s an d references t o poem s throughou t Welch' s speeche s an d writings . Hi s favorit e poets include d Jame s Russel l Lowell , Holmes , Shelley , Whittier , Cowper , and Tennyson . I n addition , ther e i s som e evidenc e i n th e speeche s tha t Welch kep t compan y wit h poets . H e refer s t o Alfre d Noye s a s "m y goo d friend," an d th e Harr y Kem p quote d b y Welc h wa s a Massachusetts residen t when h e die d i n i960 . Tha t Welc h ma y hav e see n himsel f a s par t o f a community o f poet s i s furthe r suggeste d b y th e fac t that , i n additio n t o hi s

I56 I

PROPHEC

YA

S POETR

Y

political discourses , h e wrot e wha t w e commonl y conceiv e t o b e poetry . His sonne t "T o Alfre d Noyes " appear s i n bot h The Blue Book 30 an d i n "Through th e Days to Be." 31 Welch i s no t alon e amon g th e figure s examine d her e i n exhibitin g a poetic consciousness. Some of the enduring prose of the American Revolu tion an d o f Wendell Phillip s an d th e abolitionist s reveal s th e sam e qualitie s claimed her e fo r Welch . Joh n Greenlea f Whittie r was , i n fact , a n activ e writer fo r th e abolitionis t cause . Phillip s wa s fon d o f quotin g Whittier , Pope, Milton , Carlyle , Elizabet h Barret t Browning , an d Isaa c Watts, 32 among others . Wit h Eugen e Deb s i n particular , Rober t Welc h share d a poetic heritage . Debs , wh o alway s expresse d hi s indebtednes s t o Victo r Hugo s Les Miserables, considere d Walt Whitman "hi s good friend," an d was a drinking buddy o f James Whitcomb Riley , ofte n quote d poetic sources in his speeches , includin g th e work s o f Longfellow , Holmes , an d Whitman , and sometimes achieved poetic qualit y in his own right. 33 That radica l discourse should consistentl y see k poetic forms ma y be see n as corroboratio n fo r som e o f th e idea s expresse d i n chapte r si x concern ing poetr y an d socia l order . Bu t lef t here , th e argumen t i s incomplete . Thus fa r I hav e merel y argue d tha t Welc h wa s a stylist , a conscientiou s craftsman o f language . Tha t clai m ma y b e surprising , bu t i t i s i n itsel f relatively insignificant . I t suggest s that th e relationshi p o f Robert Welc h t o his discourse i s more comple x tha n th e popular imag e o f Welch as a lunatic would suggest—interesting , bu t trivial . I f thi s clai m i s t o b e significant , some relationshi p betwee n Welch' s dictio n an d hi s ideolog y mus t b e pos ited. I hav e alread y observe d tha t poeti c dictio n has , i n man y culture s throughout history , serve d as evidence o f divine election . With Welch , thi s idea i s particularl y appealing . Welch wa s reare d i n th e Souther n Baptis t Church, a traditio n heavil y infuse d wit h th e radica l poetr y o f evangelica l hymnody.34 Whe n h e lef t th e Baptis t Church , h e becam e a Unitarian , a sect tha t ha s produced som e o f the mos t distinguishe d America n hymnists , some o f who m wer e als o amon g Welch' s favorit e poets—Longfellow , Bryant, Emerson , Holmes , and Whittier. 35 Both Baptis m an d Unitarianis m hav e thei r root s i n th e traditio n o f eighteenth- an d nineteenth-centur y evangelicalism , fro m th e Gree k angelos or "messenger. " Ther e ar e clearly stron g parallels between th e offic e o f th e evangel a s a messenge r o f Go d an d th e callin g o f th e prophet . Tha t evangelical hymn s replace d th e singin g o f biblica l psalm s (includin g th e words o f th e prophets ) i n evangelica l worshi p service s i s a significan t

Prophecy as Poetry |

15

7

statement a s to th e perceive d statu s o f thos e hymns. 3 6 T h e "Behold! " o f th e evangel signal s th e sam e apodeicti c discours e foun d i n prophecy , a discours e that rest s on , indee d is , th e wor d o f God . Given th e connection s amon g poetry , song , an d divin e commission , an d the fact s o f Welch' s heritage , i t seem s no t unreasonabl e t o speculat e tha t Welch's metaphors , anaphoras , an d th e like , i f trul y a reflectio n o f thi s tradition, ar e mor e tha n ornamenta l blossom s plucke d fro m Peacham s Garden of Eloquence. It seem s mor e likel y tha t the y signa l somethin g essentia l about hi s self-concept . T h e questio n remain s a s t o whethe r o r no t th e substance o f hi s discours e wil l bea r ou t th e thesi s tha t Welc h wa s a ma n possessed o f a divin e mission . Wit h tha t en d i n mind , I tur n t o Welch' s obsession wit h th e nineteent h centur y an d it s poets .

Welch as Social Sage And ho w ca n man di e bette r Than facin g fearfu l odd s For the ashe s of his father s And th e Temple s o f his Gods. —Thomas Babingto n Macaulay , "Horatius " The sig n and credential s o f the poet ar e that h e announces tha t whic h no ma n foretold . H e i s the tru e an d onl y doctor ; h e know s an d tells; he is the onl y telle r of news, for h e was present an d privy t o th e ap pearance which describes . H e i s a beholder o f ideas and a n utterer o f the necessar y an d causal . For we d o not spea k no w o f men o f poetical talents, or o f industry an d skill in metre , but o f the true poet . —Ralph Wald o Emerson, "Th e Poet " That Welch' s favorit e poet s ar e fro m th e nineteent h centur y i s no t happen stance. T h e nineteent h centur y wa s a gloriou s tim e i n histor y a s Welch sa w it, particularl y America n history . Bu t th e specia l appea l o f th e poet s o f thi s period fo r Welc h wa s base d o n mor e tha n thei r locatio n i n time . T h e poet s of th e nineteent h centur y ha d a conceptio n o f themselve s an d thei r craf t that Welc h sa w a s necessary t o rescu e th e Americ a o f the twentiet h centur y from ruin . Welc h i s bes t understoo d throug h a n understandin g o f hi s icon s and thei r self-proclaime d rol e a s social prophets . It i s a commonplac e tha t reactionarie s desir e radica l chang e i n th e sens e that the y wis h t o mov e backwar d i n time . Fo r Welch , backwar d wa s th e

I58 I

PROPHEC Y A

S POETR

Y

nineteenth century. 37 Of the nineteenth centur y he said: "In my amateuris h opinion, th e las t hal f o f th e nineteent h centur y A.D. , lik e th e firs t hal f o f the sixt h centur y B.C . before it , wa s th e hig h wate r mar k u p t o it s tim e o f human civilization , accomplishment , an d hop e fo r th e future." 38 I n "Re publics an d Democracies, " Welc h rhapsodized , "Throughou t al l o f th e nineteenth centur y an d the very earl y part o f the twentieth, whil e Americ a as a republic was growing great and becoming the envy of the whole world , there wer e plent y o f wis e men , bot h i n ou r countr y an d outsid e it , wh o pointed t o th e advantage s o f a republic , whic h w e wer e enjoying , an d warned agains t th e horror s o f a democracy, int o whic h w e migh t fall. " 39 I t was durin g th e nineteent h centur y tha t w e experience d "th e highes t leve l to whic h ma n ha s yet climbe d i n hi s struggl e t o reac h a n enlightene d an d humane life," 40 an d th e middl e o f th e nineteent h centur y wa s "th e ver y apex o f th e enlightenmen t achieve d b y th e Wester n Europea n Civiliza tion." 41 A t the clos e of his lecture on the first da y of the founding meeting s of the John Birc h Society , Welc h demonstrate d hi s affinit y fo r nineteenth century Americ a b y quotin g th e las t stanz a o f "Th e Battl e Hym n o f th e Republic." Writte n b y a fellow Unitarian , thi s hym n ha s been calle d "th e most symboli c song " o f th e nineteent h century , on e tha t reflect s "th e quintessence o f Evangelica l consensu s tha t dominate d nineteenth-centur y American culture." 42 The poet s Welc h s o admire d an d liberall y quote d wer e bot h caus e an d consequence o f this cultural attainment . Beginnin g wit h th e publicatio n o f Lyrical Ballads i n 179 2 by Wordsworth an d Coleridge , a new conceptio n o f poetry began , a poetr y wit h a stron g kinshi p t o philosophy . Nineteenth century poet s looke d upo n eighteenth-centur y empiricis m an d foun d i t wanting. Althoug h the y believe d i n th e empirica l world , th e nineteenth century poets, under th e spell of Hegel, tended t o be neo-Platonists in their belief in a n ideal world tha t provided th e underlyin g unity fo r th e worl d o f everyday life. 43 As it was for biblical prophets, histor y became a n importan t vehicle for revealin g the meanin g o f human events , an organic process wit h its source i n universa l mora l law. 44 Because o f its organic nature , poet s lik e Carlyle coul d vie w histor y a s potentiall y instructive : "Properl y told , i t teaches me n thei r ow n tru e natur e an d ho w the y shoul d live, " said Carlyle , "it reveal s to the m ho w th e world the y live in is organized." 45 History, then , wa s a sacre d story , an d i t wa s th e dut y o f th e poe t t o ensure tha t i t wa s "properl y told. " Accordin g t o Northro p Frye , poet s o f the nineteent h centur y sa w themselve s a s centra l figure s i n civilization . They wer e able to clai m this role because o f an emerging view o f humanity

Prophecy as Poetry |

15

9

as th e creativ e agen t i n it s ow n world . Consequently , th e poet' s purpos e a s a seriou s write r wa s no t primaril y t o please , bu t t o enlighte n th e publi c an d to expan d it s consciousness . Fry e claim s tha t "th e Romanti c poe t ofte n feels, eve n mor e oppressivel y tha n hi s predecessors , tha t hi s callin g a s a poe t is a dedication , a tota l wa y o f life , an d tha t a commitmen t t o i t ha s a n importance t o societ y beyon d poetr y itself." 46 Shelley , fo r example , hel d that al l th e grea t author s o f revolution s i n th e world' s histor y wer e poets : " T h e mos t unfailin g herald , companion , an d followe r o f th e awakenin g o f a grea t peopl e t o wor k a beneficia l chang e i n opinion s o r institution s i s poetry." 47 Thu s i t i s that i n th e nineteent h century , Blak e decrie d th e blac k smoke emanatin g fro m th e chimney s o f England ; Byro n becam e physicall y involved i n th e struggl e fo r Gree k liberty ; an d Wal t Whitma n ha d hi s socia l vision. T h e masse s ar e unabl e t o articulat e an d thu s mobiliz e agains t th e moral torpo r o f th e time ; th e poe t mus t becom e thei r spokesperson. 48 I n the word s o f Emerson , The grea t majorit y o f men see m t o b e minors , wh o hav e no t ye t com e int o possession o f thei r ow n o r mutes , wh o canno t repor t th e conversatio n the y have ha d wit h nature . . . . Ever y ma n shoul d b e s o muc h a n artis t tha t h e could repor t i n conversatio n wha t ha d befalle n him . Yet , i n ou r experience , the ray s o r appulse s hav e sufficien t forc e t o arriv e a t th e senses , bu t no t enough t o reac h th e quic k an d compe l th e reproductio n o f themselve s i n speech. Th e poe t i s th e perso n i n who m thes e power s ar e i n balance , th e man without impediment , wh o see s and handles that which other s drea m of , traverses th e whol e scal e o f experience , an d i s representativ e o f man , i n virtue o f being the largest power t o receiv e an d t o impart. 49 The vie w expresse d b y Emerso n an d hel d b y man y o f hi s contemporarie s i s comprehended i n Joh n Holloway' s summar y o f th e poeti c activit y o f th e late nineteent h century . Hollowa y writes , "Fo r thei r ow n tim e the y per formed a n activit y whic h ha s a n endurin g plac e i n huma n life : th e activity , we migh t cal l it , o f th e sage." 50 In th e Unite d States , i t wa s "th e min d o f N e w England, " t o us e Verno n Parrington s phrase , tha t dominate d nineteenth-centur y thought . Parring ton narrate s th e origin s o f th e Romanti c ascendanc y i n N e w Englan d a s a struggle o f libera l Unitaria n tendencie s agains t th e oppressiv e weigh t o f Calvinism. 51 B y Parrington' s account , th e min d o f N e w Englan d ha d a tremendous ethica l impetus , an d th e ascendanc y o f Unitarianis m ove r Calvinism ma y b e describe d a s th e expansio n o f tha t ethica l impetu s t o include a "war m socia l sympathy " o r socia l conscience. 52 Ultimately , o f

|

160 P R O P H E C

YA

S POETR

Y

course, Unitarianis m plowe d th e groun d i n whic h th e seed s of transcenden talism nourished , carryin g th e capacit y o f humankind t o stil l greate r height s and, usin g th e idea l worl d a s a standar d b y whic h t o judge th e extan t one , carrying criticis m t o mor e stringen t length s tha n eithe r Unitarianis m o r Puritanism befor e it . This socia l impuls e i n nineteenth-centur y poetr y i s th e impuls e o f th e prophet, "th e ma n withou t impediment , w h o see s an d handle s tha t whic h others drea m of , traverse s th e whol e scal e o f experience , an d i s representa tive o f man , i n virtu e o f bein g th e larges t powe r t o receiv e an d t o impart. " For Emerson , w h o m Harol d Bloo m practicall y equate s wit h America n Romanticism an d w h o m Welc h refer s t o a s "th e mos t profoun d o f al l Americans," 53 th e maste r metapho r wa s th e "transparen t eyeball. " I t i s agai n the metapho r o f vision, critica l t o th e prophe t i n hi s rol e a s seer. James Co x has argued , "I f th e metapho r di d no t caus e Emerso n t o b e wha t h e was , i t nonetheless reveal s t o us , i n th e ligh t o f wha t h e turne d ou t t o be , who h e was." 54 An d Emerso n wa s a prophet . Among nineteenth-centur y poets , Emerso n wa s no t alon e i n hi s con ception o f hi s calling . Aaro n Krame r writes , "Mos t poet s believ e tha t wha t their seraph-touche d eye s behol d is the Truth , an d tha t thei r sacre d missio n is t o transmi t th e Trut h effectivel y enoug h fo r th e listene r t o share." 55 This ide a wa s particularl y prominen t i n th e nineteent h century . Krame r continues, "I n th e mai n . . . th e enunciatio n o f a trut h i s treate d b y th e poet a s a solem n dut y an d privilege . Fo r a worl d i n danger , h e prophesies . For a worl d i n darkness , h e glows . H e claim s direc t kinshi p wit h th e inspired singer s o f al l ages , al l lands; thes e ar e hi s idols , thei r flame h e hold s aloft." 56 Finally , Krame r notes , America n poet s o f th e nineteent h centur y evidence a stron g self-consciousnes s o f thei r kinshi p t o th e prophet s o f th e Old Testamen t a s well a s to thei r pre-Romanti c forebears. 57 As a prophet , th e poe t i s circumscribe d fro m makin g a "prett y tale " fo r "pretty peopl e i n a nic e saloon. " T h e poe t mus t presen t th e truth. 5 8 Emerson's speec h " T h e America n Scholar " i s a benchmark exampl e o f th e prophetic stance , althoug h muc h o f Emerson' s discours e woul d b e equall y illustrative. Herber t Wichelns' s descriptio n o f Emerson' s relationshi p t o hi s audience i s revealing i n thi s context : Perhaps becaus e o f th e manuscript , fro m whic h h e seldo m departe d long , Emerson's auditor s generall y fel t tha t h e wa s no t i n direc t communicatio n with them . A publi c monologist , rathe r tha n a lecturer, on e o f hi s Englis h

Prophecy as Poetry \

16

1

hearers style d him , an d thoug h th e earnestnes s an d simplicit y o f the speake r bespoke sympath y an d respect , ye t alway s ther e wa s a distanc e betwee n th e speaker and his hearers. 59 It i s indeed th e manuscrip t tha t cause d thi s distance , bu t i t i s the manuscrip t in a metaphori c a s wel l a s a litera l sense . Emerso n spok e fro m th e manu script o f truth . Joh n Sloan , w h o ha s note d th e sam e distanc e betwee n Emerson an d hi s audience s tha t Wicheln s ha s described , suggest s tha t i t i s the resul t o f a strong philosophical commitmen t tha t th e speake r mus t spea k the trut h a s h e see s it , an d tha t th e trut h canno t b e compromise d fo r th e audience. 6 0 This ma y hav e seeme d a rathe r lon g digressio n awa y fro m ou r subject , R o b e r t Welch , bu t i t i s actuall y th e shortes t rout e t o Welch' s essentia l character. T o understan d th e natur e o f nineteenth-centur y poetr y i s t o understand th e natur e o f Welch's discourse . Like th e nineteenth-centur y poet s an d thei r predecessor s th e prophets , Welch begin s wit h a vision o f woe : Unless w e ca n revers e th e force s whic h no w see m inexorabl e i n thei r movement, yo u hav e only a few mor e years before thi s country i n which yo u live wil l becom e fou r separat e province s i n th e world-wid e Communis t dominion rul e by police-state method s fro m th e Kremlin. 61 In summary , gentlemen , w e ar e losing , rapidl y losing , a col d wa r i n whic h our freedom, ou r country , an d ou r very existenc e ar e at stake. 62 N o t onl y di d Welc h hav e a vision, h e wa s exceptiona l i n havin g it . Americ a was obliviou s t o th e pendin g disaster ; th e communis t conspirac y wa s takin g place righ t unde r ou r ver y noses; 6 3 Welc h constantl y exhort s hi s audience s to "wak e up." 6 4 At firs t i t i s not clea r whethe r Welc h use d th e metaphor s o f vision, sleep , and conspirac y i n a wa y simila r t o McCarth y o r i f hi s ide a o f slee p wa s more lik e tha t o f Debs , Phillips , an d th e America n Revolutionaries . Ther e is i n Welch' s discours e th e ide a tha t a simpl e awakenin g i s redemptive , a n idea c o m m o n t o prophec y an d genuinel y radica l America n discourses . There i s als o th e idea , see n i n th e rhetori c o f McCarthy , o f a n evi l conspiracy capabl e o f magnificen t deceptions , suggestin g tha t a simpl e awakening ma y no t b e sufficient . Welc h provide s u s wit h a clu e i n hi s admittedly od d descriptio n o f a camouflag e operation . Referrin g t o on e o f Eisenhower's agreement s regardin g U.S . involvemen t i n th e Internationa l

|

162 P R O P H E C

YA

S POETR

Y

Atomic Energ y Agency , Welc h said , "W e thin k i t wa s camouflage d bu t deliberate treason ; an d tha t camouflag e consiste d primaril y o f ou r unwill ingness t o us e th e sense s Go d gav e u s an d loo k squarel y a t plai n facts." 65 O n th e surface , th e charg e resemble s thos e mad e agains t th e Truma n an d Eisenhower administration s b y McCarthy—"camouflage d bu t deliberat e treason"—but fo r Welch , culpabilit y rest s ultimatel y wit h th e America n people fo r failin g t o us e gift s provide d b y a n omnipoten t Go d t o confron t an inexorabl e t r u t h — " t o us e th e sense s Go d gav e u s an d loo k squarel y a t the facts. " Ther e i s n o suggestio n her e tha t evi l ha s th e powe r ultimatel y t o confound God' s wil l withou t ou r complicity ; th e facts , looke d a t squarely , are incorruptible . I t i s thi s fundamenta l fait h tha t mark s a critica l differenc e between Welc h an d McCarth y an d tha t qualifie s Welc h a s a would-b e prophet. Welc h ha d a vision o f th e true . The visio n o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s wa s a direc t revelatio n fro m Yahweh. Th e visio n o f th e nineteenth-centur y poet s cam e fro m a n acut e sensitivity t o thei r world . Fo r both , histor y wa s th e testamen t t o th e superordinate meanin g o f event s i n th e world . Welch , too , foun d hi s visio n in history . H e wa s particularl y enamore d o f Oswal d Spengle r s theor y o f history a s cyclical , a theor y o f histor y resemblin g thos e prominen t i n th e nineteenth century . Abou t Spengle r s theor y (itsel f no t fa r remove d fro m the nineteent h century) , Welc h said , "Basically , w h e n yo u di g throug h th e chaff an d th e dressin g i n Spengle r enoug h t o ge t a t hi s thought , h e hel d that a societa l developmen t whic h w e ordinaril y classif y a s a civilizatio n i s an organi c culture , whic h goe s throug h a lif e cycl e just th e sam e a s an y o f the individua l organism s whic h w e se e whol e an d wit h whic h w e ar e mor e familiar." 66 Welc h wen t o n t o compar e th e live s o f culture s t o th e live s o f human being s i n a n analog y strikingl y simila r t o on e mad e b y Emerso n i n his essa y entitle d "History. " 6 7 For Welch , a s fo r Carlyle , th e organi c natur e o f histor y allowe d i t a n instructive function , wha t Carlyl e terme d "didacti c destiny. " Welch' s con cern wa s tha t force s o f evil , b y thei r collectivis t nature , ha d bee n bette r abl e to us e th e lesson s o f histor y tha n ha d th e force s o f good, 6 8 s o h e ofte n opened hi s speeches wit h a "history lesson " designe d t o revea l th e relevanc e of hi s messag e t o hi s audience. 69 History, fo r Welch , functioned , a s it di d fo r th e prophets , a s th e aren a i n which God' s purpos e i s revealed ; i t stoo d a s a n antidot e t o th e twentieth century tendenc y fo r ma n t o se e himsel f "a s n o longe r responsibl e t o a Divine Being , bu t a s merel y a livin g accident , no t connecte d i n an y wa y

Prophecy as Poetry \

16 3

with cosmologica l purpose. " 70 " T h e keyston e t o m y ow n religiou s belief, " wrote Welc h i n The Blue Book, " I think , wa s bes t delineate d b y Tennyso n in jus t on e grea t line : 'Fo r I doub t no t throug h th e age s on e increasin g purpose runs. ' " An d Welc h wen t o n t o establis h tha t tha t purpos e i s Gods. 7 1 Histor y wa s revelator y fo r Welch ; i t doe s no t concea l o r distort ; i t is "true " an d "objective" ; i n history , i f w e d o no t "clos e ou r eyes " t o th e "difficult parts, " w e "se e clearly" 7 2 In Welch' s fait h i n history , w e fin d th e optimisti c sid e o f hi s message , a faith i n th e possibilit y o f salvatio n a s par t o f God' s divin e plan . Dar k an d threatening a s th e pictur e o f communis t incursio n ma y be , Welc h ha d n o doubt tha t "trut h an d hono r an d hop e fo r th e future , an d everythin g tha t really count s i n huma n life , ar e al l o n ou r side." 7 3 I n a speec h i n 1969 , Welch quote d a passag e fro m The Blue Book, "stil l tru e today, " tha t reveal s his fundamenta l faith : We d o no t hav e t o b e to o late , an d w e d o no t hav e t o los e th e fight . Communism ha s it s weaknesses , an d th e Communis t conspirac y ha s it s vulnerable points . W e hav e man y layer s o f strengt h no t ye t rotte d b y al l o f the infiltratio n an d politica l sabotag e t o whic h w e hav e been subjected . Ou r danger is both immens e an d imminent ; bu t i t is not beyon d th e possibilit y o f being overcom e b y th e resistanc e tha t i s stil l available . All we must find and build and use, to win, is sufficient understanding. Let' s creat e tha t understandin g

and buil d tha t resistance , wit h everythin g morta l me n ca n pu t int o th e effort—while ther e stil l is time. 74 " T h e onl y thin g whic h ca n possibl y sto p th e Communist s i s for th e Ameri can peopl e t o lear n th e trut h i n time, " h e wrot e i n The Blue Book. 75 "T o feel tha t w e canno t wi n . . . i s a for m o f pessimis m t o whic h I , fo r one , shall neve r yield. " 7 6 The rhetori c appropriat e t o Welch' s epistemolog y i s a rhetori c no w familiar fro m previou s chapters , a rhetori c o f educatio n o r demonstration . There wa s a n irrepressibl e didacticis m i n th e rhetori c o f Wendel l Phillips , and "education " wa s toute d a s th e sol e strateg y o f th e Socialis t Party . " T h e campaign o f th e Socialis t Part y i s and wil l b e wholl y educational, " declare d Eugene Deb s repeatedly . To arous e th e consciousnes s o f th e worker s t o thei r economi c interest s a s a class, t o develo p thei r capacit y fo r clea r thinking , t o achiev e thei r solidarit y industrially an d politicall y i s t o inves t th e workin g clas s wit h th e inheren t power i t possesses to abolis h th e wag e syste m an d fre e itsel f from ever y for m of servitude, an d this is the mighty missio n o f the socialis t movement. 77

164 I

PROPHEC Y A

S POETR

Y

Unless th e worke r ha d a profound understandin g o f the tru e reason s under lying it , an y "reform " a t th e politica l leve l was , fo r Debs , mer e windo w dressing; understandin g o f the socialis t principl e wa s necessar y befor e genu ine refor m coul d b e effected : "I t i s th e valu e o f th e socialis t principl e tha t is taugh t an d emphasized , an d i f thi s i s no t understoo d an d approved , th e vote i s not wanted. " 7 8 As distan t a s they ar e politically , Welc h share s wit h Deb s a c o m m on fait h rooted i n nineteenth-centur y epistemology , an d hi s discours e reflect s thi s common heritage : Nowhere d o thes e people know, no r wil l the y believe , what i s happening t o them, unti l i t i s to o late . An d on e reaso n i s tha t th e fundamentall y decen t human min d simpl y refuses t o believe tha t an y sizable cliqu e o f other huma n beings ca n become s o totally evil . When yo u hav e a system of tyranny whic h depends on , an d comprise s within it s methods o f self-aggrandizement, ever y foulness know n t o man , a system which nobod y wants , then on e simpl e an d straightforward fac t shoul d b e a s obviou s a s a sunrise . Thi s i s tha t al l i t would tak e t o sto p th e advanc e o f Communis m woul d b e th e sufficien t understanding o f Communism—o f it s purposes , it s methods , an d it s prog ress—by th e peopl e ove r whom i t is surreptitiously weavin g its infinite line s of power. 79 The threa t o f evi l i s great , bu t i t i s onl y mad e possibl e b y th e reluctanc e o f the peopl e t o confron t it , a willfu l blindness . T h e truth , whe n acknowl edged, i s omnipoten t an d sufficien t t o dispe l th e threat . T h e prope r mean s for gainin g acknowledgmen t o f the trut h is , according t o Welch , education : For w e regar d educatio n a s th e means , an d politica l actio n a s onl y th e mechanics, for bringing about improvement s i n government. Th e mechanic s of change wil l automaticall y b e use d whe n sufficien t educatio n ha s prepared the way . We mea n i t quit e literally , therefore , whe n w e sa y that educatio n i s our tota l strategy , an d trut h i s ou r onl y weapon . O r whe n w e say , a s mad e clear throughou t The Blue Book and emphasize d o n it s las t page , tha t ou r gigantic tas k is simply to creat e understanding. 80 Welch's metapho r o f the trut h a s weapon echoe s Wendel l Phillips' s " G o d has give n u s n o weapo n bu t th e truth , faithfull y uttered , an d addressed , with th e ol d prophet' s directness , t o th e conscienc e o f th e individua l sinner." 81 I n th e discours e o f Phillips , w e hav e th e nineteenth-centur y doctrine o f perfectionis m i n ful l flower, a doctrin e i n whic h Deb s als o shared. Perfectionis m involve d th e abilit y o f huma n being s t o partak e o f divine trut h an d t o orde r thei r live s accordingly . Welch' s frequen t allusio n

Prophecy as Poetry |

16

5

to th e "upwar d reach " tha t Go d ha s place d i n th e hear t o f man , alon g wit h his faith i n th e abilit y o f God's trut h t o touc h humanity , reflect s hi s devotio n to th e sam e idea . John L . Thoma s ha s describe d th e nineteenth-centur y perfectionist' s view o f refor m i n a wa y tha t illuminate s Welch' s fait h an d hi s strategy : "Deep an d lastin g reform, " write s Thomas , "mean t a n educationa l crusad e based o n th e assumptio n tha t whe n a sufficien t numbe r o f individua l Americans ha d see n th e light , the y woul d automaticall y solv e th e country' s social problems." 8 2 Welc h coul d hardl y hav e expresse d i t bette r w h e n h e said: The John Birch Society believes that simple truth i s the very core of morality; and that when we can persuade enoug h peopl e to make truth th e prerequisit e to al l statement s an d th e accepte d guid e t o al l actions , a t leas t hal f o f th e world's problems will rapidly disappear. 83 From thi s perspective , i t i s difficul t t o escap e th e visio n o f Welc h a s th e avatar o f th e nineteenth-centur y "educator-prophet, " th e "tru e reformer " w h o "studie d ma n a s h e i s fro m th e han d o f th e Creator , an d no t a s h e i s made b y th e error s o f th e world." 8 4 Welch' s fait h la y i n th e potentia l o f uncorrupted huma n nature . It i s in th e distanc e betwee n th e potentia l o f uncorrupte d huma n natur e and it s actua l falle n stat e tha t th e tensio n o f Welch' s messag e lies . Welc h spoke t o a worl d i n whic h "al l fait h ha s bee n replaced , o r i s rapidl y bein g replaced, b y a pragmati c opportunis m wit h hedonisti c aims." 8 5 I n thi s atmosphere, i t wa s fa r to o easy , i n Welch' s view , fo r a n America n to mak e decision s abou t hi s ow n lif e an d action s entirel y o n th e basi s o f his temporal comfort s an d th e earthl y desire s o f his own personality . I f he i s th e kind o f man tha t want s financial succes s for th e ease , or leisure an d travel , o r the prestige which i t supposedly brings (an d sometimes does) , he is not goin g to buc k Communis t pressure s i n an y wa y tha t wil l endange r tha t succes s o r handicap hi s progress . I f he i s imbued wit h ambitio n fo r power , h e i s mor e readily inclined t o get on th e Communis t bandwagon , i f that seem s to be th e surest road t o power (a s it certainly doe s to a great man y Americans today). 86 Welch's indictmen t o f suc h selfishnes s i s relate d t o hi s prais e o f th e American republi c o f th e nineteent h century . Republica n virtue , th e ver y same a s tha t valorize d b y th e Revolutionaries , Phillips , an d Debs , stand s a t odds t o suc h placin g o f th e sel f abov e th e community . Welch' s derogatio n of "ease " an d "leisure " recall s th e rhetori c o f strengt h an d sacrific e o f th e American radica l tradition .

166 |

PROPHEC

YA

S POETR

Y

In a n atmospher e o f mora l laxity , Welc h cam e t o mak e judgment an d t o resurrect th e term s o f th e America n covenant : We mus t oppos e falsehood s wit h truth , blasphem y wit h reverence , fou l means with goo d means , immorality an d amoralit y wit h mor e spiritua l fait h and dedication , rootlessnes s an d chao s wit h traditio n an d stability , relativit y with absolutes , pragmatis m wit h deepe r purposes , hedonis m wit h a mor e responsible pursui t o f happiness , cruelt y wit h compassion , an d hatre d wit h love.87 Inaugurating th e Joh n Birc h Societ y i n 1958 , Welc h quote d Emerso n t o the effec t tha t "ever y min d mus t mak e it s choic e betwee n trut h an d repose . . . . I t coul d no t hav e both. " H e continued , "Toda y yo u hav e lef t you r choice somewha t i n m y hands . An d I a m no t onl y bringin g yo u trut h instead o f comfort , bu t trut h whic h ma y shatte r a lo t o f th e comfor t yo u already feel." 88 T h e histor y lesso n wit h whic h h e bega n wa s "tediou s an d perhaps eve n painful, " 89 bu t hi s perennia l rational e wa s "W e mus t no t onl y know th e truth , bu t fac e th e truth , i f it i s to se t u s fre e o r t o kee p u s so." 9 0 Welch's task , then , wa s no t alway s welcom e o r pleasant , bu t h e ha d bee n called, an d h e fel t th e weigh t o f hi s missio n i n th e sam e manne r a s Fry e suggests th e nineteenth-centur y poet s fel t th e weigh t o f thei r divinations . In th e rhetori c o f Welch, a s in th e rhetori c o f thos e w h o precede d him , w e hear th e cal l o f duty : Not onl y ar e we a part o f some might y purpos e beyon d ou r understanding , and not onl y d o we have a clear duty t o be true t o tha t purpos e t o th e fulles t extent tha t w e ar e allowe d t o gras p it s working s an d it s direction ; bu t al l human experienc e show s that th e tota l happiness o f any generation an d o f its posterity i s directl y tie d t o th e respec t o f tha t generatio n fo r th e "upwar d reach" i n man's nature. 91 Welch allowe d n o choic e i n hi s mission , an d h e asserte d "tha t ther e i s n o force an d n o discouragemen t whic h coul d mak e m e qui t o r eve n pu t les s of m y lif e an d energ y int o th e struggle." 92 Welc h "offer s himself " a s a "personal leader " i n th e figh t agains t communism : The onl y thing which ca n possibly stop the Communist s i s for th e America n people t o lear n th e trut h i n time . I t i s to contribut e m y smal l bit t o suc h a n awakening that I have given up mos t o f my business responsibilities an d mos t of m y income , i n orde r throug h m y magazin e an d speeche s t o brin g som e inkling o f th e trut h t o a s man y peopl e a s I ca n reach . I d o no t expec t no r deserve an y slightes t applaus e o r sympath y fo r thi s sacrifice . I mentio n i t a t

Prophecy as Poetry \

16

7

all fo r jus t on e reaso n only—whic h i s t o sho w ho w deadl y seriou s th e situation appear s to me .93 In othe r places , Welc h note d ho w " w e " hav e bee n smeared , ho w " w e " have suffered , ho w " w e " hav e bee n slandered , bu t dut y demande d tha t there b e n o deterrent . A s h e introduce d th e proble m t o th e grou p gathere d at th e organizationa l meetin g o f th e John Birc h Society , i t wa s a question o f duty: Nobody i n thi s grou p wa s selecte d becaus e h e woul d b e comin g t o th e meeting fo r persona l pleasure , an d I a m sur e nobod y ha s don e so . Th e ultimate reaso n tha t brought eac h ma n her e was a sense of patriotic duty , an d deep concer n fo r th e future o f his family an d hi s country 94 The them e o f martyrdo m an d self-sacrific e i s on e Welc h share s no t onl y with th e America n Revolutionaries , Wendel l Phillips , an d Eugen e Debs , but als o wit h th e poet s o f th e nineteent h century . Aaro n Krame r note s tha t nineteenth-century poet s develope d a complet e traditio n o f martyrdo m replete wit h a cano n o f martyre d poet s o f th e pas t an d prediction s o f continued tortur e fo r th e future. 95 "Tha t th e tru e me n mus t pa y fo r thei r truths i s terribl y clear," 96 write s Kramer , bu t the y persis t becaus e "almos t all o f the m coupl e th e expectatio n o f martyrdo m wit h a sens e o f privileg e at bein g chosen , an d confidenc e i n th e ultimat e triump h o f thei r integ rity." 97 T h e martyre d cano n represent s a kin d o f grea t hereafte r fo r thos e w h o hav e dare d t o stan d agains t th e comfortabl e consensu s o f thei r time . T h e questio n o f duty o r callin g is inextricably boun d t o Welch' s relation ship t o hi s messag e an d t o hi s audience . T h e message , fo r Welc h an d fo r hi s progenitors, wa s primordia l an d coul d no t b e compromise d t o th e demand s of th e audienc e o r situation . T h e audienc e mus t b e molde d t o th e message . Compare th e followin g description s o f Welch's speakin g styl e t o Wichelns' s description o f Emerson quote d earlier : Welch wor e a black busines s sui t an d looke d lik e a traveling sho e salesman . He wa s unawar e o f hi s audience , an d spok e fro m carefull y prepare d not e cards, looking up onl y when h e wanted t o extemporize a point. H e hesitate d every tim e someon e booe d o r laughe d o r shoute d disapproval , bu t plodde d on throug h hi s accusations. 98 Mr. Welc h seem s t o b e unawar e o f his audience , talkin g t o hi s lecture card s and keepin g almos t word-for-wor d t o th e sam e ninety-minut e speec h i n each town . H e i s touchy , however ; i f ther e i s a shuffl e i n th e audienc e h e hesitates, and looks up suspiciously 99

|

168 P R O P H E C

YA

S POETR

Y

Welch wa s no t o f hi s audience ; h e wa s consecrated , separate . Hi s rectitud e was no t a matter o f thei r approval , an d hi s succes s wa s no t subjec t t o earthl y measure. H e bor e witnes s t o God' s truth . Welch , i n short , conceive d o f himself a s a prophet, a sacred messenger . It ma y b e objecte d tha t i t i s not necessar y t o vie w Welc h a s a nineteenth century poe t i n orde r t o accoun t fo r th e characteristic s i n hi s discours e noted here , bu t i t i s th e cas e tha t evidenc e o f Welch' s kinshi p wit h nine teenth-century poetr y i s ubiquitous . I t als o appear s tha t th e epigrap h t o The Blue Book, an d use d agai n fo r "Wha t I s th e John Birc h Society? " ma y be rea d a s a poetic statemen t o f Welch' s conceptio n o f hi s mission . I t read s as follows : But o n on e man' s soul it hath broken , A light tha t dot h no t depart ; And hi s look, o r a word h e hath spoke n Wrought flame in another man' s heart . And i t i s certainl y th e cas e tha t Welch , n o les s tha n th e nineteenth-centur y poets themselves , hel d muc h o f nineteenth- centur y poetr y t o b e hol y writ . In The Blue Book Welc h wrote , And gentlemen , les t som e o f yo u thin k ther e i s anythin g blasphemou s o r even to o secula r i n m y repeate d referenc e t o th e poet s i n thi s discussion , le t me poin t ou t t o you tha t th e me n wh o wrot e man y o f the books o f the Ol d Testament, an d thos e wh o wrot e mos t o f the book s o f the Ne w Testament , were th e poeti c spirit s o f thei r respectiv e ages . Their s wer e th e mind s o n which thei r contemporarie s an d successors depende d t o interpre t an d phras e man's mos t profoun d thoughts , mos t permanen t beliefs , an d deepes t faith . Those sam e interpretation s an d recording s an d expression s o f man' s devel oping experiences , beliefs , an d fait h d o no t com e t o u s toda y a s furthe r books adde d t o ou r Bible ; bu t the y ar e bein g give n t o us , with greate r an d easier understandin g tha n w e migh t otherwis e achieve , b y th e sam e kin d o f reverent an d poetic minds. 100 Welch evidence d a stron g consciousnes s o f th e rol e o f th e nineteenth century poet s an d o f thei r relationshi p t o th e Ol d Testamen t prophets . I t seems clea r tha t thes e poet s wer e Welch' s models . There ar e additiona l comparison s tha t migh t b e draw n betwee n Welc h and hi s nineteenth-centur y preceptors , particularl y betwee n Welc h an d Emerson. Welc h ofte n expresse d hi s admiratio n fo r Emerson , callin g hi m "the mos t profoun d o f al l Americans, " an d quotin g hi m often . N o t onl y was Emerso n a n individualis t an d staunchl y antisocialist—theme s ver y

Prophecy as Poetry \

16

9

important t o W e l c h — h e wa s als o th e firs t trul y America n philosopher . Lewis Mumfor d ha s characterize d Emerso n a s "th e fathe r o f America n literature;" 1 0 1 Harol d Bloo m ha s calle d hi m simpl y "Mr . America"; 1 0 2 Oliver Wendel l Holme s calle d Emerson' s 183 7 Ph i Bet a Kapp a addres s a t Harvard "a n America n intellectua l Declaratio n o f Independence," 1 0 3 an d other source s credi t Emerson' s er a wit h productio n o f th e firs t distinctivel y American literature. 104 Emerson' s "Americanism, " t o us e th e labe l Welc h adopted fo r hi s ow n philosophy , mus t hav e bee n terribl y appealin g t o a man w h o believe d himsel f t o b e profoundl y American . I n additio n t o references i n Welch' s writings , w e als o kno w tha t Welc h lef t hi s childhoo d religion t o becom e a Unitarian , th e sec t i n whic h Emerso n preached , an d that Welc h chos e t o headquarte r th e John Birc h Societ y just outsid e Emer son's hom e cit y o f Boston . Thes e conjecture s ar e interesting , bu t the y ar e ultimately n o mor e tha n that . Welc h wa s alway s quit e close d regardin g hi s personal life , an d i t i s no t likel y tha t h e woul d confes s i n prin t tha t h e modeled hi s lif e afte r tha t o f Emerson. 1 0 5 Such a confession , however , i s unnecessar y t o th e argumen t tha t R o b e r t Welch wa s a poet-prophet . Hi s attentio n t o styl e i s par t o f a traditio n i n which eloquenc e i s equate d wit h vision . Imitatin g hi s nineteenth-centur y models, Welc h sough t t o la y clai m t o a visio n c o m m o n t o nineteenth century poet s an d th e prophet s o f th e Ol d Testament . T o mak e thi s identi fication i s no t t o mak e a n evaluation , however . Unlik e McCarthy , ther e i s no questio n tha t Welc h wa s a ma n possesse d o f a positiv e faith . T h e question remain s a s t o whethe r Welc h ma y hav e bee n on e o f th e man y well-intentioned bu t deceive d w h o hav e believe d the y spok e wit h th e authority o f divin e truth .

Robert Welch and the Poetry of Imitation Conservatism make s no poetry , breathes n o prayer , has no invention ; it is all memory. —Ralp h Wald o Emerson, "Th e Reformer " Talk not o f genius baffled. Geniu s i s master of man. Geniu s doe s wha t it must, an d Talent doe s what i t can . —Owen Meredith , "Las t Words o f a Sensitive Second-Rat e Poet " T h e crisi s R o b e r t Welc h confronte d i n th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960 s wa s a crisis o f fait h mor e tha n i t wa s an y tempora l threa t fro m communism .

170 |

PROPHEC

YA

S POETR

Y

Communism itsel f wa s onl y a sympto m o f th e large r mora l paralysis . Welch's vie w o f th e declin e o f fait h closel y parallel s th e declin e o f nine teenth-century mode s o f belie f outline d i n chapte r 6 . Welc h praise d th e nineteenth centur y an d th e firs t hal f o f th e twentiet h fo r thei r mora l strength, bu t h e note d i n 195 8 tha t "Fo r th e las t fift y year s ou r ag e ha s bee n a drea m tha t wa s dying . . . . T he basi c reaso n wh y th e ol d ag e i s dying , a s I tried t o mak e clea r yesterday , i s tha t th e fait h whic h wa s th e cor e o f it s strength n o longe r command s th e unquestionin g loyalt y o f enoug h o f it s devotees. Fo r th e drea m o f an y natio n o r an y peopl e mus t depen d o n faith." 106 The fait h Welc h sough t t o restor e i s th e fait h expresse d i n a poe m b y Tennyson tha t Welc h quotes : Our littl e systems have their day; They hav e their da y and ceas e to be: They ar e but broken light s of Thee, And Thou , O Lord , ar t more tha n they 107 Tennyson's fait h wa s a n admirabl e one , i n Welch' s view , bu t a s a framewor k of belief it "coul d no t withstan d th e shee r fact s an d convincin g rationaliza tions o f th e scientifi c revolution." 1 0 8 T o th e fait h expresse d i n Tennyson' s poetry, Welc h contraste d "th e cynica l flippanc y o f a current gem" : A life forc e afflicte d wit h doubt , As to what it s own being was about, Said: "The trut h I can't find , But I' m creatin g a mind, Which ma y be able to figur e i t out. 109 It i s instructiv e tha t Welc h use d poetr y a s hi s benchmar k i n comparin g th e age o f fait h t o th e ag e o f cynicism , skepticism , an d nihilis m i n whic h h e found himself . Tennyson' s poem , i n it s form , reflect s th e strivin g towar d order an d stabilit y i n hi s era . I t i s characterize d b y regula r an d predictabl e schemes o f rhym e an d meter ; it s for m i s reassuring . T h e secon d poe m quoted b y Welc h expresse s twentieth-centur y sentiments , bu t i t i s stil l essentially conservativ e i n it s tenaciou s adherenc e t o th e ol d forms . Welc h could easil y hav e pointe d t o th e change d for m (o r formlessness ) o f twenti eth-century poetr y t o mak e hi s case . T h e poetr y o f e . e . cumming s i s a convenient an d prominen t exampl e i n whic h pattern s o f rhym e an d mete r are discarde d alon g wit h th e rule s o f punctuatio n an d th e convention s o f grammar. Th e for m o f much o f twentieth-century poetr y reflect s th e chao s

Prophecy as Poetry |

17

1

about whic h th e poe m quote d b y Welc h onl y talks . T h e musi c o f Wolpe, a contemporary o f Welch , provide s a n exampl e o f th e sam e tendencie s o n the musica l sid e o f poetic form . Welch' s longin g fo r th e orde r o f traditiona l forms wa s reflecte d i n hi s ow n us e o f th e sonne t fo r hi s eulog y "T o Alfre d Noyes." Welc h provide d th e prescribe d fourtee n line s o f iambic pentamete r with th e rhym e schem e abba , cddc , efefef. 110 Welch's emphasi s o n for m i s consisten t wit h th e forma l aspect s o f th e nineteenth-century philosoph y upo n whic h i t wa s based , an d hi s prophec y seems, finally , t o reduc e t o a reificatio n o f form , a ritualisti c performanc e of th e poem . I t i s liturgical . Liturg y an d ritua l ar e antithetica l t o prophecy . Ritual reassures ; i t confirm s th e regnan t order . Prophec y challenges . Ritua l suggests continuity ; prophec y i s a respons e t o crisis . Ritua l i s ofte n th e cosmetic illusio n o f orde r painte d ove r th e anguishe d fac e o f chaos ; beneat h the mask , i t i s hollow . Welch' s ritual , too , wa s a n empt y one . I t i s th e calcified shel l tha t i s lef t whe n th e livin g organis m ha s died . I t i s onl y th e outward appearanc e o f th e organism . Welch' s ritua l wa s empt y because , a s he correctl y observed , th e epistemolog y o f th e lat e twentiet h centur y would no t suppor t it . Welch hel d th e foundin g meetin g o f th e Joh n Birc h Societ y almos t a decade afte r McCarth y gav e hi s famou s speec h a t Wheeling , Wes t Virginia . T h e acut e dislocatio n th e America n peopl e ha d fel t i n 195 2 had , b y lat e 1958, subside d t o th e statu s o f a dul l ache . T h e lat e Fiftie s an d earl y Sixtie s were prosperou s time s i n America , an d materia l well-bein g serve d a s a n effective salv e fo r ou r epistemologica l wounds . Ther e wa s a period afte r th e American withdrawa l fro m Kore a an d prio r t o a genera l awarenes s o f ou r involvement i n Vie t N a m whe n th e worl d seeme d peacefu l an d nonthreat ening. I n i960 , Americ a chos e a s it s ne w presiden t th e youthfu l an d libera l John Kenned y ove r tha t ol d communist-hunte r Richar d Nixon . Kenned y both reaffirme d ou r fait h i n America' s strengt h agains t communis m i n th e Cuban missil e crisi s an d consorte d wit h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , a ma n w h o m J . Edga r Hoover , th e mos t unimpeachabl e sourc e o f th e McCarth y era, ha d calle d a "liar. " Kennedy' s electio n serve s t o indicat e th e degre e t o which Americ a wa s read y t o accep t th e post—Secon d Worl d Wa r corporate liberal alliance , a n allianc e characterize d b y a n outloo k tha t ha s been terme d "pluralistic." Man y o f th e me n associate d wit h th e Kenned y cabine t wer e the architect s o f thi s ne w consensus . Pluralism was , o f course , no t create d i n th e post—Secon d Worl d Wa r world; i t ha s ha d variou s form s throughou t th e histor y o f philosophy . O f particular interes t her e i s William James's turn-of-the-centur y campaig n fo r

172 I

PROPHEC Y A

S POETR

Y

a pluralisti c philosoph y a s agains t a then-predominat e nineteenth-centur y "absolute idealism. " James savage d Hegel , o n whos e philosoph y o f histor y so muc h nineteenth-centur y poetr y wa s based, an d h e gentl y chide d Emer son fo r yieldin g himsel f "t o th e perfec t whole. " m James' s wa s a philosoph y that reflected , i n Richar d Bernstein' s words , th e "untidines s o f experienc e and th e cosmo s itself : . . . H e leave s u s wit h a s man y question s t o b e aske d as h e ha s answered . I t i s impossible t o res t conten t wit h James's philosophy , and h e woul d b e th e firs t t o insis t upo n this." 1 1 2 Jame s himsel f sai d o f pluralism's poo r sho w agains t monism , Whether materialisticall y o r spiritualisticall y minded , philosopher s hav e al ways aimed at cleaning up the litter with which th e world apparently i s filled. They hav e substitute d economica l an d orderl y conception s fo r th e firs t sensible tangle ; an d whethe r thes e wer e morall y elevate d o r onl y intellectu ally neat , the y wer e a t an y rat e alway s aestheticall y pur e an d definite , an d aimed a t ascribin g t o th e worl d somethin g clea n an d intellectua l i n th e wa y of inne r structure . A s compare d wit h al l thes e rationalizin g pictures , th e pluralistic empiricis m whic h I profes s offer s bu t a sorr y appearance . I t i s a turbid, muddled , gothi c sor t o f a n affair , withou t a sweepin g outlin e an d with little pictorial nobility. Those o f you who ar e accustomed t o the classical constructions o f realit y ma y b e excuse d i f you r firs t reactio n upo n i t b e absolute contempt— a shru g o f the shoulder s a s if such ideas were unworth y of explici t refutation . Bu t on e mus t hav e live d som e tim e wit h a system t o appreciate it s merits. 113 By i960 , American s ha d live d wit h James' s pluralis m fo r hal f a century , although mos t woul d no t hav e bee n abl e t o identif y th e source . Tha t w e had kep t i t locke d i n th e atti c lik e a retarde d chil d fo r muc h o f tha t tim e while w e clun g tenaciousl y t o th e ol d order , prove d t o b e a n insufficien t interdiction agains t it . An d i f pluralism wa s no t a comfortable philosophy , i t was a t leas t pragmatic . I n James's descriptio n o f th e classica l conceptio n o f the world , o n th e othe r hand , w e se e bot h it s essentiall y generou s spiri t an d its fals e promise . Welc h cam e t o th e debat e fift y year s to o lat e t o b e o f ai d to Emerson . The generall y complacen t atmospher e o f th e earl y 1960 s i n Americ a betrayed Welch' s clai m t o th e existenc e o f a crisi s o f faith . I t appear s tha t there was , a t worst , a persona l discomfort , whic h Welc h share d wit h a relatively smal l numbe r o f Americans . Genuin e radicalis m canno t projec t a purely persona l vision . I f i t attempt s t o d o so , i t fail s t o engag e th e societ y to whic h i t i s addressed . Eve n th e notio n o f extremis m suggest s a relatio n to society . T h e purel y persona l visio n doe s not . T h e willingnes s o f mos t

Prophecy as Poetry |

17

3

Americans t o accep t " a pluralisti c universe " weakene d th e roo t o r charis matic term s ove r whic h Welc h sough t t o engag e us . T h e on e ha d fracture d into th e many , an d th e potentia l arm y ha d bee n lef t scattere d acros s th e ideological landscape ; transcendenc e an d absolutis m ar e no t adequat e ral lying crie s i n a pluralistic world . Welch a t on e poin t attribute s t o Emerso n th e sentimen t tha t "i t i s th e outlook o f geniu s t o fee l tha t wha t i s tru e o f yoursel f i s als o tru e o f al l mankind." Welc h modestl y claim s no t t o hav e geniu s bu t onl y t o imitat e it. 114 Her e w e hav e tw o key s t o Welch' s ultimat e failur e a s a prophet . First , Welch attempte d t o giv e a c o m m o n voic e t o Americ a a t a tim e w h e n th e idea o f th e commo n voic e ha d bee n discredited . Second , th e voic e wit h which Welc h spok e wa s no t hi s ow n o r eve n o f hi s ow n time , bu t a n imitation, a pal e memor y o f voice s fro m th e past . I t seem s someho w appropriate tha t th e harshes t criticis m o f Welc h shoul d b e foun d i n th e words o f on e o f th e poet-prophet s h e mos t admired . Ther e i s a sens e bot h of Emerson' s genuin e propheti c powe r an d o f Welch' s lac k a s Emerso n reaches acros s a century t o scol d hi s epigone : Every man ha s his own voice, manner, eloquence , and , just a s much, hi s own sort o f lov e an d grie f an d imaginatio n an d action . Le t hi m scor n t o imitat e any being , le t hi m scor n t o b e a secondary man , le t hi m full y trus t hi s ow n share of God's goodness, that, correctly used, it will lead him o n to perfectio n which ha s no typ e yet in th e universe , save only i n th e Divin e Mind. 115 R o b e r t Welc h cam e t o th e audienc e o f the mid-twentiet h centur y wit h th e vision an d vocabular y o f th e nineteenth . Barel y mor e tha n a decad e afte r his deat h w e se e th e ma n w h o dominate d th e politica l righ t i n Americ a i n the 1960 s i n sepi a tone s frame d b y brittl e edges . Welc h di d no t spea k t o our time . Coleridg e woul d hav e calle d hi m a pedant , on e w h o use s word s "unsuitable t o th e time , place , an d company " Poetry ha s change d dramaticall y i n th e twentiet h century . O f th e tw o tendencies prevalen t i n nineteenth-centur y p o e t r y — t h e tendenc y towar d introspection an d th e urg e t o creat e sociall y significan t p o e t r y — i t i s th e tendency towar d th e sel f which, no t surprisingly , survive s i n ou r pluralisti c culture. I n a boo k publishe d i n i960 , Archibal d MacLeis h discusse d th e withdrawal o f poetr y fro m publi c lif e an d muse d tha t "poetr y wa s neve r a house ca t before." 1 1 6 Smal l wonde r tha t w e di d no t recogniz e R o b e r t Welch; h e ha d bee n dea d fo r ove r hal f a century . Welch's failur e ha s it s paralle l i n Ol d Testamen t prophecy . T h e prophet , writes Abraha m Heschel , "i s a person w h o know s wha t tim e i t is." 1 1 7 T h e

174 I

PROPHEC Y A

S POETR

Y

classical prophet s o f th e eight h centur y B.C.E . kne w wha t tim e i t wa s an d knew God' s purpos e fo r tha t time , but , a s James Crensha w ha s argued , there wa s a nascen t deca y o f prophec y i n th e tension s withi n prophec y itself118 By the sixt h centur y B.C.E. , grea t gapin g cavities are evident i n th e foundations o f prophecy Th e post-Exili c prophet s proclaime d themselve s to be th e messenger s o f Yahweh t o a n individualistic, syncretisti c world . I n such a world, i t i s not th e particula r trut h tha t th e prophe t tell s tha t find s no support , bu t th e ide a tha t ther e i s a truth a t all ; Yahweh mus t tak e Hi s place a s one amon g many Th e epistemologica l structur e o f the tim e coul d not suppor t th e tremendou s weigh t o f prophecy , onl y it s empt y shell . I n my fina l cas e study , I tur n t o a movemen t s o thoroughl y secula r tha t no t even the forms o f prophecy ar e available to it .

9

Secular Argumen t an d the Languag e o f Commodit y Gay Liberation and Merely Civil Rights

Stay yourselves, an d wonder; cr y ye out, an d cry : they ar e drunken , but no t wit h wine ; they stagger, but no t with stron g drink. Fo r th e Lord hath poure d ou t upo n yo u th e spiri t o f deep sleep , and hat h closed your eyes : the prophets an d your rulers , the seer s hath h e cov ered. —Isaia h 29-9-1 0 Behold, th e day s come, sait h the Lor d God , tha t I will send a famin e in th e land, no t a famine o f bread, no r a thirst fo r water , but o f hearing the words o f the Lord : And the y shal l wander fro m se a to sea , an d from nort h eve n t o th e east , the y shal l run t o an d fr o t o seek th e wor d of the Lord, an d shall not fin d it. —Amo s 8:11—12

It i s i n th e post—Worl d Wa r II , postmoder n worl d tha t th e movement fo r homophil e liberatio n i n Americ a first mad e it s appearance . Only sinc e 194 8 ha s ther e bee n a sustaine d effor t o n behal f o f ga y an d lesbian right s i n th e Unite d States . Suc h a movemen t ha d t o awai t th e dissolution i n th e postwa r perio d o f variou s source s o f authority , source s o f authority tha t ha d supporte d a n ideolog y puissan t enoug h t o secur e th e denigration o f th e homosexua l self . Indeed , accordin g t o th e mos t c o m monly tol d versio n o f th e story , i t wa s no t unti l 196 9 tha t homosexual s i n the Unite d State s rallie d an d sustaine d a stron g enoug h sens e o f self-wort h to deman d rights . Historically , religion , science , an d th e la w concurre d i n holding homosexual s t o b e pariahs . A s Edmun d Whit e ha s pu t it , "A t tha t time [1969 ] w e perceive d ourselve s a s separat e individual s a t odd s wit h society becaus e w e wer e 'sick ' (th e medica l model) , 'sinful ' (th e religiou s model), 'deviant ' (th e sociologica l model ) o r 'criminal ' (th e lega l model) .

175

176 I

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

Some o f these word s w e migh t hav e sai d lightly, satirically , bu t n o amoun t of wi t coul d convinc e u s tha t ou r grievance s shoul d b e remedie d o r ou r status defended . W e migh t as k fo r compassio n bu t w e coul d no t deman d justice."1 A s lon g a s suc h a n ideolog y coul d b e effectivel y maintained , i t precluded an y possibilit y o f organizatio n o f behal f o f ga y rights . Befor e homosexuals coul d organize for rights, there had to be a significant derelic tion o f this orthodoxy . The church , medica l science , an d th e la w ar e viewed b y gay and lesbia n activists a s thre e part s o f a mutuall y reinforcin g syste m o f socia l control. 2 Religion an d science , wit h thei r share d assumption s abou t th e objectivit y of th e worl d an d th e abilit y t o kno w i t i n absolut e terms , hav e tende d t o treat th e worl d the y revea l a s externa l t o humanity , somethin g separate , sacred. Scienc e profane s th e templ e b y exposin g it s innermos t chamber s and b y using th e force s o f natur e t o it s ow n ends , bu t i t canno t alte r th e basic substance; it cannot make man and nature coequal. 3 Both religio n an d science fin d normativ e implication s i n th e world s the y reveal , an d bot h have use d th e la w t o enforc e thes e norm s i n huma n society . Considere d another way , th e la w ha s use d bot h religio n an d scienc e a s justification fo r its strictures . In th e interpla y amon g religion , science , an d la w i s th e collocation, "th e law s o f nature an d o f nature s God." A s evidence d i n th e statement abov e b y Edmun d Whit e an d countles s other s lik e it , ga y me n and lesbian s i n Americ a shar e a profoun d understandin g o f ou r statu s a s violators o f this monolithic law. The hegemoni c quality o f thi s ideologica l constructio n i s no t wha t i s most remarkabl e here . Wha t i s remarkabl e i s the degre e t o whic h i t illus trates ho w th e oppresse d becom e coconspirator s i n thei r ow n oppression . Mort Crowley' s The Boys in the Band i s th e classi c presentatio n o f ga y self-loathing an d th e hopelessnes s o f redemption . Homosexual s ar e no t authorized t o spea k wit h th e voic e o f righteousness . Unti l quit e recently , homosexuals a s a group willingl y prostrate d ourselve s befor e th e awesom e certainty o f our illness; 4 concluded, a s Bruce Bawer did, that there "wa s n o way t o b e bot h ga y an d Christian;" 5 and , havin g repudiate d acces s t o moral argumen t eithe r b y self-condemnatio n o r excommunication , wer e quiescent i n th e fac e o f oppressive laws, for behin d th e law s lay the incon trovertible justice o f natural law as revealed b y religion an d science. 6 Fo r as long a s a significan t consensu s hel d th e univocalit y o f thes e thre e institu tions regardin g homosexuality , homosexual s wer e lef t withou t an y mora l claims against oppressiv e laws. 7 The rhetorica l povert y o f th e ga y right s positio n i s reveale d whe n

Secular Argument | 17 7

compared t o th e requirement s o f Patrici a Schmidt' s paradig m for socia l change. Based on her study of Lord Ashley and the Te n Hours Factor y Act , Schmidt concludes , "Suppor t fo r a new polic y i n a moral ag e requires tha t morally-based justifications b e establishe d ove r time by individuals who ar e perceived t o b e motivate d b y mora l considerations." 8 Th e America n radi cals examine d i n thi s stud y consistentl y attempte d suc h a mora l stanc e i n their various crusades, but homosexuals hav e been decisivel y exclude d fro m assuming such a position. In an age that subscribes to the morality presente d here, it is preposterous t o believe tha t Go d woul d favo r th e violation o f His law. If a n issu e ca n b e place d i n th e mora l realm , i t i s a t th e sam e tim e removed fro m th e political . I n th e precedin g chapters , America n radical s have bee n show n consistentl y t o plac e themselve s an d thei r cause s abov e and beyon d politics . I f an issu e ca n no t onl y b e place d i n th e mora l realm , but als o condemned , i t is moribund. Ther e i s no radica l potential i n si n o r in sickness . A societ y ma y wor k t o cur e o r t o exorcis e sicknes s o r mora l failing, an d i n doin g s o i t transform s th e proble m int o a proble m o f th e individual rather than on e o f the social order. Socia l protest is not a n optio n where such a transformation ha s been successful . In this way, deviant group s are mad e politicall y marginal . Th e sic k an d th e fallen , lik e los t sheep , await th e shepher d wh o will lea d the m bac k int o th e fol d o r t o th e slaughterhouse.9

Liberation through Tolerance If gay men an d lesbians coul d no t comman d th e recognitio n o f God-give n rights, ther e wa s a t leas t hop e that , i n th e absenc e o f God , certai n right s might be granted. Although Denni s Altman, like Edmund White an d many others wh o writ e o n th e homophil e movemen t i n America , tend s t o discount th e activit y o f "homophil e rights " organization s prio r t o th e Stonewall Rebellio n i n 1969 , wha t h e say s abou t th e characte r o f th e movement i s revealing : "Becaus e ga y liberatio n oppose s s o man y o f th e basic assumption s aroun d whic h societ y i s organized, becaus e i t repudiate s both th e expectation s o f the straight worl d an d the guilts and hostilities tha t these hav e produced i n th e ga y world, i t coul d onl y emerg e amids t condi tions of flux and considerable uncertaint y abou t traditiona l mora l values." 10 The aftermat h o f the Second World War saw the efflorescence o f uncertainties tha t ha d bee n germinatin g sinc e th e tur n o f th e century , an d i t wa s

I78 I

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

in thi s atmospher e o f confuse d permissivenes s tha t homophil e liberatio n organizations were a t last able to tak e root. l x The tw o worl d war s an d th e Grea t Depressio n ha d focuse d America' s attention fo r a tim e o n ou r commo n devils , grantin g u s th e illusio n o f community, bu t a s soo n a s th e devil s wer e vanquishe d an d w e ha d th e opportunity t o loo k agai n t o ourselves , w e discovere d tha t w e ha d n o common God . Willia m Le e Mille r provide s a chiaroscur o o f th e tension s by tracin g th e developmen t o f religiou s "neo-orthodoxy " i n th e perio d between th e world wars. Neo-orthodoxy wa s an attempt t o restore a sacred code i n th e voi d lef t b y "libera l Protestantism, " whic h Mille r characterize s as " 'tolerant ' an d inclined to deprecate creedal- doctrinal distinctions[, ] . . . 'democratic' an d humanisti c i n ethic s an d strongl y incline d t o reduc e religion t o ethics[, ] . . . optimistic an d progressive , takin g a sanguine vie w of man an d society : i n al l this i t fit s ver y wel l int o America n ideas." 12 Bu t neo-orthodoxy ha d contradiction s o f it s own , suffere d a n infectio n o f liberal pluralism , an d wa s itsel f reduce d t o rule s o f etiquette , a trul y civi l religion, charmin g but impotent. 13 The ethi c o f tolerance , however , wa s mor e tha n a n ethi c o f default ; tolerance wa s see n a s a positive good . In 1962 , Arthur M . Schlesinger , Jr., looked upo n th e America n landscap e an d eulogize d a twentieth-centur y view of freedom tha t had long shed itself of its nineteenth-century compan ion, moral absolutism: "Freedom implies humility, not absolutism; it implies not th e tyrann y o f th e on e bu t th e toleranc e o f th e many . Agains t th e monolithic world , th e American intellectua l traditio n affirm s th e pluralisti c world. Agains t th e worl d o f coercion , i t affirm s th e worl d o f choice." 14 "Freedom," th e Go d ter m o f the America n Revolution , Wendel l Phillips' s abolitionist rhetoric , an d Eugen e Deb s s labor agitatio n her e ha s a strang e harmonic; it s ton e i s n o longe r colore d b y th e counterpoin t o f "duty, " "right," an d "judgment. " Edwi n Schu r provides an incisive characterizatio n of the moder n vie w o f freedom whe n h e writes, "Unles s on e subscribe s t o some thoroughgoin g conceptio n o f natura l law , i t woul d see m tha t th e realities o f lif e i n a culturall y (an d morally ) pluralisti c worl d shoul d caus e one t o be extremel y cautiou s abou t implyin g a basis for mora l certitude." 15 Schur pinpoints exactl y th e missin g element o f the ne w freedom ; libert y is no longer a right endowe d b y nature, but a permission. In a n atmospher e o f permissiveness, Alfre d Kinsey' s Sexual Behavior and the Human Male was merel y anothe r sympto m o f th e "scientization " an d "demystification" o f the worl d an d th e rationalizatio n o f sexual mores, no t a causa l facto r o f moral crisi s a s Edward Sagari n insinuates. 16 Th e first so -

Secular Argument \ 17 9 called "Kinse y report " an d th e almos t simultaneou s genesi s o f homophil e liberation group s wer e bot h mad e possible , no t onl y b y th e evanescenc e o f sacred prohibitions , bu t b y th e activ e encouragemen t o f a ne w enlighten ment. As a par t o f thi s enlightenment , th e 194 8 Kinse y repor t represente d a n important shif t i n th e focu s o f science wher e sexua l more s wer e concerned . Left t o suppor t th e weigh t o f a n otios e mora l code , th e medica l an d socia l sciences foun d themselve s divided . Deprive d o f a commo n faith , the y wer e left wit h nothin g bu t thei r ow n professio n o f impartialit y an d objectivit y a s a guide . Recognizin g tha t "whateve r beneficen t result s medicin e migh t promise, b y th e mid-twentiet h centur y i t ha d i n fac t brande d homosexua l men an d wome n wit h a mar k o f inferiorit y n o les s corrosiv e o f thei r self respect tha n tha t o f si n an d criminality, " Joh n D'Emili o goe s o n t o mak e the followin g observation : Yet to a certain exten t physician s als o subverted th e earlie r approaches. Onc e homosexual behavio r entere d th e real m o f science , i t becam e subjec t t o careful investigation . N o matte r ho w soli d th e consensu s tha t homosexualit y was a disease, the accumulation o f empirical evidenc e coul d inspire dissentin g theories, wherea s Christia n teaching s reste d o n th e immutabl e word s o f th e Bible. Unlik e moralist s an d la w enforcemen t officials , doctor s ha d a veste d interest i n naming , describing , an d classifyin g th e "unmentionabl e vice " i n all it s forms . . . . Th e medica l mode l introduce d a dynami c elemen t int o discussions of same-sex eroticis m tha t could serve the interests of reformers. 17 In th e postwa r period , scienc e foun d itsel f incapabl e o f enforcin g proscrip tions i n th e nam e o f natur e an d o f nature' s Go d tha t religio n wa s unwillin g to make . T h e diminuend o o f G o d s " T h o u shal t no t . . . " followin g th e Second Worl d Wa r represent s a very rea l chang e fo r sexua l more s i n genera l and fo r homosexual s i n particular . Th e derelictio n o f natura l la w allowe d for a ne w ethi c o f permissiveness . I t i s i n thi s sens e o f permissio n tha t homophile liberatio n i s best understood . Deprived o f the authorit y o f religion an d science , th e la w stoo d expose d as a ver y fragil e creation . Gran t Gilmore , i n th e 197 4 Yal e La w Schoo l Storrs Lecture s o n Jurisprudence , argue d tha t America n la w ove r th e firs t half o f thi s centur y suffere d th e los s o f th e nineteenth-centur y idea l o f on e true la w i n th e Platoni c sense , eterna l an d unchanging , an d yielde d t o a pluralistic lega l realism . Gilmor e describe s th e law , no t a s hol y writ , bu t a s something "designe d t o insur e tha t ou r institution s adjus t t o change , whic h is inevitable, i n a continuin g proces s whic h wil l b e orderly , gradual , and , t o

|

l80 S E C U L A

R ARGUMEN

T

the exten t tha t suc h a thin g i s possibl e i n huma n affairs , rational . Th e function o f the lawye r i s to preserv e a skeptical relativis m i n a society hell bent for absolutes. When we become too sure of our premises, we necessar ily fail in what we are supposed t o be doing." 18 Lik e latter-day Hobbesians , legal realists assume no law behind th e law. The law is not somethin g that is found, bu t somethin g that is, in Gilmore's word, "designed. " Consequently , Gilmore find s a great increase in statutory la w in th e twentiet h century , fo r there i s n o conceptio n o f a n unwritte n la w tha t govern s thos e case s no t explicitly redacted. 19 When th e sacre d i s demystified , i t i s reduce d t o th e pedestrian . Whe n Toto dre w back the curtai n an d revealed the Wizard, w e discovere d tha t h e was reall y just a displaced Kansan , a man lik e ourselve s agains t who m ou r demands coul d b e boldl y pressed . Th e vulnerabilit y o f th e la w an d it s power, strippe d o f an y countervailin g claims , t o provid e th e sanctio n o f legality, if not righteousness , was not lost on homosexuals. On e o f the mos t important product s o f th e movemen t towar d lega l realis m i s th e Mode l Penal Cod e o f th e America n La w Institute . Reflectin g th e bes t impulse s in twentieth-centur y pluralism , th e Mode l Pena l Code , amon g it s othe r provisions, decriminalized homosexual behavior between consentin g adults. From th e tim e o f its publication i n 1955 , the Mode l Pena l Cod e provide d an opportunit y fo r a movement tha t heretofor e ha d bee n purel y defensiv e to tak e th e offensiv e b y openin g law s t o criticis m base d o n twentieth century notion s o f th e reasonable , a criticis m tha t coul d neve r hav e im pugned th e sacred. 20 Recently, Andre w Sulliva n ha s define d separat e argumentativ e field s fo r religion an d politics , which , whil e eac h ma y influenc e th e other , ar e hel d to incommensurabl e standard s o f judgment. "On e o f the firs t principle s o f liberal societies, as they have emerged from th e theocracies and dictatorship s of the past , is that th e religiou s is not th e sam e a s the political ; tha t it s very discourse i s different; an d tha t th e separatio n o f the tw o i s as much fo r th e possibility o f vibran t fait h a s i t i s fo r th e possibilit y o f a civi l polity." 21 Sullivan disqualifie s argument s base d o n religiou s authorit y alon e fro m participation i n th e civi l real m becaus e the y ar e unanswerabl e an d insist s that "religiously base d civi l reasons, " susceptibl e t o judgment b y th e rule s of reaso n an d ope n t o discussion , "ar e a n essentia l par t o f an y libera l polity."22 Most recently , a n editoria l o n Romer v. Evans made clea r tha t th e issue s at stake were constitutiona l an d legal, not moral :

Secular Argument | 18 1 It [Colorado' s Amendmen t 2 ] i s a n attemp t b y th e majorit y t o prohibi t th e participation o f a particular minorit y i n th e politica l process . I n othe r words , the amendmen t say s tha t i f you happe n t o b e i n a grou p ou t o f favo r wit h the majority, you r rights can be curtaile d o r eve n eliminated . Fo r that reason , Amendment 2 is far mor e tha n just a n attack o n gay s and lesbians. It is a very real threat t o th e civi l rights o f all citizens. 23 Colorado's Amendmen t 2 i s misguided , no t i n it s violatio n o f transcenden t and immanen t principle , bu t i n it s violatio n o f th e U.S . Constitution . T h e distinction i s mad e clea r i n a lette r t o th e edito r o n th e facin g page : "Thi s case shoul d no t concer n a moral issue , bu t rathe r a constitutiona l issue . I t i s only a questio n a s t o whethe r constitutiona l right s appl y t o al l thi s country' s citizens." 24 Further , th e consequence s o f a judgment upholdin g A m e n d ment 2 wil l hav e it s consequence s i n th e civi l spher e define d b y th e U.S . Constitution: suc h a verdict , i t i s feared , woul d serv e t o encourag e th e activity o f "thos e w h o see k t o contro l th e basi c civi l right s o f an y othe r group." 2 5 Becaus e ther e i s no figurativ e cour t o f appea l beyon d th e Consti tution, an d n o litera l cour t o f appea l beyon d th e U.S . Suprem e Court , there i s n o suggestio n tha t th e Court' s rulin g migh t b e rejecte d o r resisted . Gays appea r helples s befor e th e law . T h e rhetorica l postur e assume d i n thes e an d othe r ga y protest s reflect s an acceptanc e o f wha t Stuar t Scheingol d ha s terme d "th e myt h o f rights" : " T h e myt h o f right s rest s o n a fait h i n th e politica l efficac y an d ethica l sufficiency o f law a s a principle o f government." 2 6 Ronal d Dworki n relate s this belie f i n th e ethica l sufficienc y o f th e la w t o th e overal l intellectua l climate her e traced , labelin g th e belie f "lega l positivism, " th e understandin g "that individual s hav e lega l right s onl y insofa r a s these hav e bee n create d b y explicit politica l decision s o r explici t socia l practice." 2 7 Consisten t wit h thi s outlook, ga y right s activist s hav e repeatedl y wage d thei r mos t importan t and visibl e battle s i n th e legislativ e o r judicial arenas , attemptin g t o chang e their statu s throug h change s i n th e la w an d it s interpretation. 2 8 I t i s a strategy tha t woul d hav e mad e n o sens e t o th e America n Revolutionarie s w h o proclaime d precisel y tha t statutor y la w coul d no t alte r thei r fundamen tal and inalienabl e rights . N o r woul d i t hav e mad e sens e t o Wendel l Phillips , w h o woul d n o doub t hav e foun d th e ide a o f petitionin g th e legislatur e fo r rights tha t wer e i n trut h grante d b y Go d a gran d farce , t o Eugen e Deb s w h o fel t obligate d t o suffer th e consequence s o f illegal behavio r rathe r tha n act agains t th e mandat e o f th e highe r law , o r t o R o b e r t Welch , w h o wage d

|

182 S E C U L A

R ARGUMEN

T

much o f hi s crusad e agains t th e ide a tha t th e stat e coul d mak e righ t b y decree. In subscribin g t o a positivisti c conceptio n o f th e law , gay s an d lesbians reflec t th e tendencie s towar d scientizatio n an d demystificatio n dis cussed b y Weber , Dewey , an d Haberma s rathe r tha n th e natura l right s philosophies o f the American radica l tradition . The distanc e betwee n ga y right s activist s an d thei r radica l forebear s i s perhaps best illustrated i n th e feature s o f gay rights contest s durin g th e past two decades . Tw o semina l contest s define d th e basi c outline s o f muc h o f the subsequen t discourse : th e 197 7 driv e t o rescin d a n actio n b y th e Metropolitan Commissio n fo r Dad e County , Florida , bannin g discrimina tion i n employmen t an d housin g based o n affectiona l o r sexua l preference , and th e 198 1 campaig n tha t le d t o Wisconsin' s becomin g th e firs t stat e t o guarantee gay s and lesbian s equa l protectio n i n employment , housing , an d public accommodations. 29 The Miam i struggl e quickl y expande d t o a nationa l struggl e an d i s comparable t o recen t battle s i n Oregon , Cincinnati , an d Colorado . Thes e engagements represen t a defensiv e reactio n o n th e par t o f th e movemen t against a right-wing grassroot s effor t t o revok e gain s by or o n behal f of the movements constituents . Th e primar y characteristic s o f thes e campaign s include th e definitio n o f the argumentativ e groun d b y religious fundamen talists an d th e attemp t o f gay s an d lesbian s t o respon d wit h appeal s t o tolerance. In Miami , Anit a Bryan t an d he r force s exercise d a n exclusiv e claim o n th e vocabular y o f moral commitment . I t wa s Bryant wh o sough t to establish charismatic authority : "Thi s is not my battle, it's God's battle." 30 It was Bryant who crusade d o n behalf of righteousness: "God say s there ar e some thing s tha t ar e evi l an d som e thing s tha t ar e good . That' s simpl e enough fo r eve n a chil d t o understand . Certai n thing s ar e right ; othe r things are wrong. But the y ar e right o r wrong because Go d say s so. We are right whe n w e d o God' s will ; w e ar e wron g whe n w e d o not." 31 An d i t was Bryant wh o rejecte d th e powe r o f legal reformulation i n oppositio n t o God's law. 32 Ronald Fischli' s criticis m o f Bryant's misolog y i s correct i n it s characterization, bu t Fischli' s ow n pluralis t preferenc e fo r "reasone d an d flexible dialogue, " "self-criticism, " an d "th e democrati c process " neglect s the power of Bryant's implacable absolutism, the coerciv e power of absolute duty.33 If there was a rhetoric imitativ e o f the American radica l tradition i n Miami, i t wa s th e rhetori c o f Anita Bryant , no t tha t o f gay rights activists . And i t i s thi s traditio n tha t i s carrie d forwar d b y th e "radica l right " i n recent conflict s as , fo r example , whe n Kevi n Tebedo , executiv e director , Colorado fo r Famil y Values , proclaims , "Jesu s Chris t i s kin g o f king s an d

Secular Argument | 18 3 lord o f lords. Al l powe r an d authoritie s ar e give n unt o him . That' s political . Jesus Chris t set s th e standard . I f yo u don' t wan t t o liv e b y it , that' s you r choice, bu t it' s hi s standard , no t ours." 3 4 Tebed o make s clea r th e presenc e of th e sacre d i n th e separatio n o f Christ' s standards , untouchabl e an d immutable, fro m th e huma n realm . It ma y appea r tha t Bryan t an d Tebed o contradic t th e larg e clai m tha t th e postmodern ag e i n Americ a i s characterize d b y a failur e o f mora l c o m m u nity, bu t the y ar e mor e likel y th e exceptio n tha t prove s th e rule . Bryan t an d her politica l ki n ar e widel y viewe d a s th e contemporar y "radica l right. " Despite it s clamorousness , th e N e w Christia n Righ t i s stil l viewe d a s politically marginal , th e las t recours e o f the estranged . I t represents , i n larg e part, a reactio n agains t th e ver y tendencie s tha t hav e succeede d i n makin g pluralism th e politica l cente r i n America , tendencie s tha t ar e viewe d b y th e right a s symptom s o f mora l desuetude . Spectacula r victorie s lik e thos e i n Miami an d Colorad o notwithstanding , th e las t twent y year s hav e see n th e "Moral Majority " thwarte d b y a born-again president , hel d a t arm' s lengt h by a president w h o ha d bee n thei r brigh t hop e o f salvation , spurne d b y a n American publi c w h o sa w i t a t clos e rang e o n televisio n whe n i t too k control o f th e 199 2 Republica n Nationa l Convention , an d denie d stron g antiabortion languag e an d a place a t th e podiu m fo r th e 199 6 G O P conven tion. T h e unpopularit y o f ga y right s amon g American s ha s allowe d Chris tian fundamentalist s an d thei r allie s t o creat e a n aur a o f power tha t i s largel y illusory. 35 T h e N e w Righ t ha s bee n notabl y les s successfu l i n it s campaign s against women' s rights , birt h control , an d it s crusade s fo r th e teachin g o f creationism an d th e restoratio n o f praye r i n publi c schools . Whateve r thei r attitudes towar d homosexuals , American s d o no t see m read y t o retur n th e country t o "th e rul e o f Go d an d th e Bible " strictl y interpreted . Even th e caus e o f ga y right s ha s mad e som e modes t gain s i n th e year s since Miami, 3 6 an d wher e i t ha s bee n rejected , ther e i s som e evidenc e t o indicate tha t i t ma y no t b e o n th e mora l ground s hel d b y th e N e w Christia n Right. T h e poten t languag e o f "specia l rights " ha s mor e t o d o wit h inequality an d th e perception , i n a tim e o f scarcity , tha t other s ma y b e gaining unfai r advantag e tha n i t doe s wit h morality. 37 Indeed , i t i s widel y believed that , Kevi n Tebed o notwithstanding , th e insistenc e i n Colorad o that th e debat e wa s abou t "civi l right s an d th e fairnes s issue," 38 versu s th e Oregon campaign' s resolutio n tha t homosexualit y b e hel d "abnormal , wrong, unnatural , an d perverse," 3 9 largel y account s fo r th e succes s a t th e polls o f th e forme r an d th e defea t o f th e latter . T h e Wisconsi n campaig n i s i n man y respects , th e mirro r imag e o f Dad e

184 |

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

County, Colorado , and other defensive struggles . Like those that establishe d civil right s fo r gay s an d lesbian s i n localitie s aroun d th e country , th e operation i n Wisconsi n represente d gay s an d lesbian s o n th e offensive , working throug h legislativ e channels , employin g th e technique s o f lob bying, often, a s in the case of Columbus, Ohio , largely out o f public view. 40 The argumentativ e groun d i n thes e instance s carefull y separate s th e lega l and the religious spheres, avoiding a direct confrontatio n wit h mora l issues, and emphasize s "civi l rights. " Man y mainlin e churche s hav e bee n willin g to suppor t thi s separation , allowin g that , regardles s o f th e mora l statu s o f gay and lesbian behavior (th e distinction betwee n th e conditio n an d the ac t is important i n contemporar y religiou s thinking) , gay s and lesbian s shoul d not b e subjec t t o discriminatio n i n th e civi l sphere. Arguments i n instance s such a s these ca n be fairl y characterize d b y th e fac t tha t the y cente r o n th e legal arena , eithe r th e court s o r th e legislature , an d rathe r tha n radicall y confronting societ y o n it s ow n Go d terms , homosexual s an d supporter s prefer t o defin e th e legal arena very narrowly , circumventin g confrontatio n on fundamentals . B y emphasizin g diversit y an d individuality , ga y right s argument attempt s t o mitigat e th e coerciv e forc e o f duty. Without clashin g over question s concernin g th e validit y o f certai n sacre d truths , gay s an d lesbians simpl y as k t o b e exclude d fro m thei r purview . I t i s a passiv e conception o f liberty, 41 on e tha t reveal s its weaknesses whe n it s opponent s charge that it is merely libertinism . The rhetori c o f gay rights doe s not challeng e th e polis, singular , becaus e it doe s no t recogniz e th e roo t necessar y t o groun d th e polis. Liberty con ceived a s "freedom from " operate s t o loose n th e bond s tha t obligat e u s t o the welfar e o f th e community . Ga y right s rhetori c i s almos t apolitical , perhaps eve n antipolitical , i n tha t i t addresse s th e multitud e a s a mas s o f individuals, no t a s a political unity . It s appea l i s no t t o de cive bu t t o eac h person a s th e make r o f hi s o r he r ow n destiny . I t i s a rhetori c o f disen gagement. In al l this , th e rhetori c o f ga y right s establishe s itself , no t a s a rhetoric o f judgment , bu t a s a rhetori c o f nonjudgment . Ther e i s n o potential fo r radica l commitment i n such a discourse. 42

Economics and the Negotiation of Civil Rights Rather tha n challeng e contemporar y understanding s o f roo t issues , gay s and lesbian s hav e tende d instea d t o marke t ourselve s t o privat e consumers . In 1989 , Marshall Kir k an d Hunte r Madse n receive d notic e i n Time maga-

Secular Argument \ 18 5 zine a s wel l a s i n othe r venue s fo r thei r proposa l for a gay/lesbia n self marketing campaign . Suc h a strategy , the y argued , modele d o n advertising , would b e "practical, " "sensible, " scientificall y grounded , "completel y u n objectionable," "hitched " t o "pre-existin g standard s o f la w an d justice, " "expedient," an d narrowl y positivistic. 43 T h o u g h presente d a s a startlin g change o f direction , i t was , i n fact , mor e o f th e same . Split s betwee n radicals an d moderate s ar e endemi c t o th e natur e o f socia l movement s an d are ver y muc h i n evidenc e i n America n socia l movements , includin g th e Revolution, abolitionism , an d earl y labor . T h e spli t betwee n assimila tionism an d separatis m i s mor e recent , accompanyin g th e ris e o f identit y politics. Madse n an d Kir k provid e onl y wha t ma y b e a particularly extrem e version o f th e assimilationis t ethi c tha t ha s largel y characterize d th e ga y liberation movement . Th e practica l outcom e o f Madse n an d Kirk' s versio n would b e th e disappearanc e o f gay s an d lesbians, 44 tha t is , w e woul d become indistinguishabl e fro m straigh t people . Ther e i s n o hin t i n thi s goa l that ther e ha s been eithe r progres s o r interruptio n o f strategy sinc e th e earl y direct action s b y th e Mattachin e Societ y o f Washington, D.C. , describe d b y David Jerniga n a s "directio n action " b y "smal l group s o f 'appropriatel y groomed' ga y me n (i n coat s an d ties ) an d lesbian s (i n skirts ) picketin g i n front o f th e Whit e House , o r a t Independenc e Hal l i n Philadelphi a ever y Fourth o f July" 45 Kir k an d Madse n have , apparently , bee n a t least personall y successful i n thei r effort s t o b e los t i n th e suburbs , bu t thei r caus e i s currently bein g carrie d forwar d b y Bruc e Bawe r an d other s collectivel y known a s the "ga y neo-con[servative]s." 46 Urvashi Vaid' s controversia l boo k Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation i s th e mos t sustaine d an d mos t critica l statemen t of thi s position ; he r onl y erro r lie s i n discernin g som e fundamenta l chang e in directio n an d tactic s wit h th e ris e o f ga y neo-conservatism. 4 7 Vai d has , like many , bee n seduce d b y a romanti c visio n o f th e lat e 1960 s and , especially fo r ga y an d lesbia n rights , earl y 1970s , a visio n I onc e describe d of ourselve s "i n brigh t re d cloche s stormin g th e barricades, " 48 a vision tha t transforms th e perio d int o th e normativ e standar d agains t whic h al l politica l activity mus t b e judged . Suc h i s th e perspectiv e i n a bi t o f nostalgi a delivered a t th e 199 6 Prid e Marc h i n Northampton , Massachusetts , b y Warren J . Blumenfeld , on e o f th e founder s i n th e earl y 1970 s o f th e Ga y Liberation Front . Blumenfel d reminisce s tha t th e earl y movemen t wa s characterized b y members ' insistenc e "o n th e freedo m t o explor e ne w way s of living a s part o f a radical transformatio n o f societ y . . . a s we wen t along , inventing ne w way s o f relating. " An d h e conclude s somewha t ruefully ,

l86 |

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

Looking bac k ove r th e years , a s ou r visibilit y ha s increased , a s ou r plac e within th e cultur e ha s becom e somewha t mor e assured , muc h certainl y ha s been gained , bu t also , somethin g ver y preciou s ha s bee n lost . Tha t earl y excitement, tha t desire—thoug h b y n o means th e ability—t o full y restruc ture th e culture , a s distinguishe d fro m mer e reform , seem s no w t o la y dormant i n many sector s of our community. 49 The lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , however , wer e neve r th e norm , certainl y not i n post—Worl d Wa r I I America . Agains t th e backdro p o f th e postmod ern era , th e activis m o f thos e year s wa s a n exceptiona l moment , th e brigh t flare o f th e Utopia n idealis m o f th e Por t Huro n Statemen t extinguishin g itself i n a marvelou s pyrotechni c display , an d neve r include d mor e tha n a tiny minority . A t th e ver y momen t tha t Blumenfel d wa s involve d wit h th e GLF reinventin g th e world , Joh n R e i d (significantly , a pseudonym ) wa s finding a wid e audienc e wit h hi s autobiographica l accoun t o f ho w h e ha d slipped, undetected , int o th e corporat e cultur e o f IB M an d mad e hi s wa y in societ y a t large. 50 I t i s Reid' s (an d Madse n an d Kirks ) well-mannered , clean-cut, collegiat e imag e tha t w e prefe r t o pu t befor e th e public . T h e Fal l 1993 issu e of Momentum, th e newslette r fo r member s o f th e H u m a n Right s Campaign Fund , include d i n it s "Actio n Pla n fo r th e Future " th e followin g goals: "advertisin g an d broadcastin g ou r message , along with positive images about lesbian and gay people, t o th e America n public " (3 , emphasi s added) . And i n wha t d o thes e "positiv e images " consist ? Conside r film s lik e Making Love an d Longtime Companion, characterize d b y Tod d Haynes , directo r o f Poison, a s "film s wit h ga y subject s tha t ar e formall y ver y straigh t an d don' t challenge th e dominan t way s o f representin g th e world." 5 1 O r compar e Candace Chellew s appea l t o 199 6 reader s t o th e earlie r descriptio n o f Mattachine, Washington , D.C.' s "direc t actions" : For a fe w marche s i n th e comin g years , wh y don' t w e tr y t o loo k lik e everyday people on ga y pride day? Or better yet, let's dress in our professiona l clothes s o people will know w e com e fro m al l walks of life. And fo r heaven' s sake, n o floats o r bar e chests—mal e o r female . I f tha t doesn' t mak e a bi g impact o n ho w w e ar e perceived , the n brea k ou t th e chiffon , part y al l yo u want, an d equa l right s b e damned . Bu t I believ e you'l l b e hearin g Middl e America scream , "Thos e can' t b e queers ; the y loo k lik e regula r people! " Then we'l l be o n th e roa d to winning ou r rights. 52 Finally, recal l tha t on e o f th e bigges t an d mos t publicize d ga y right s issue s in recen t year s ha s bee n ove r th e righ t t o disappear , t o be , literally , i n uniform, th e debat e ove r gay s an d lesbian s i n th e military .

Secular Argument | 18 7 This celebratio n o f the normativ e i s the language , no t o f sacred principle , but th e languag e o f accountancy . T h e mod e i s a statistica l concept , an d it s use a s a standar d t o guid e politic s i s th e precis e inversio n o f radica l ideal s from th e exalte d t o th e common . Busines s an d professiona l clothing , i n thi s reading, serv e a s a grand metonymy , unifyin g idea s o f respectability , civility , invisibility, an d financia l power . Ther e i s mor e tha n a trac e o f parado x i n the combination . T h e languag e o f mone y operate s i n suc h a wa y a s t o accommodate, an d thu s t o mak e superfluous , th e conflic t i n whic h it s power migh t b e exercised . A s Davi d Harve y writes , The commo n materia l language s o f mone y an d commoditie s provid e a universal basis within marke t capitalis m for linking everyone int o a n identica l system o f marke t valuatio n an d s o procurin g th e reproductio n o f socia l lif e through a n objectivel y grounde d syste m o f social bonding. 53 "Money unifie s precisel y through it s capacit y t o accommodat e individual ism, otherness , an d extraordinar y socia l fragmentation, " Harve y con cludes, 54 thu s th e phras e " c o m m o n currency. " I n thi s way , mone y pose s a s succedaneum fo r th e political . Contemporar y observer s hav e ofte n note d that th e contemporar y tow n squar e i s a shopping mall . Lee Goodman , writin g i n th e GPU News (Milwaukee ) i n th e fal l follow ing th e Miam i defeat , make s th e connectio n quit e explicitly : Where th e syste m ha s worked (an d worke d well) , i t ha s done s o precisely t o the exten t tha t th e constituencies , minorities , an d pressur e group s hav e acte d with ful l an d deliberate d cognizanc e o f th e limitation s an d tension s whic h are interna l t o th e politica l order . Goo d intentions , whil e ofte n necessary , have seldo m bee n sufficient ; calculation , understanding , an d rationa l assess ment o f means, ends , and cost s are the payof f factors. 55 Goodmans economi c justification fo r business-sui t tactics , with it s emphasi s on rationality , calculation , an d "payof f factors " suggest s a n implici t fait h i n the mechanica l integrit y o f process , a n exchang e mode l o f socia l reform . I t is the proces s abov e al l els e tha t mus t b e respected , fo r th e denia l o f absolut e truth ha s obviate d th e possibilit y tha t an y give n conten t coul d challeng e th e supremacy o f th e reasonable . I t als o demonstrate s ho w th e economi c ca n be exchanged fo r th e political , ho w mone y a s a civi l an d rationa l mod e o f exchange usurp s civilit y understoo d a s a characteristi c o f de cive. Twenty year s later , Stephe n Mille r i s amon g th e devil s barkers , hawkin g a measur e o f heterosexua l toleranc e i n exchang e fo r ou r collectiv e soul . Miller quote s approvingl y from , appropriately , th e Economist, a n editoria l

188 |

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

praising the ris e o f "ordinary homosexuality , . . . the ga y New Yorke r wh o is more intereste d i n bringin g hi s love r t o th e company' s Christma s part y than i n overturnin g corporat e capitalism . H e neithe r menace s th e socia l order, as generations o f priests and headmasters maintained, no r tartly flouts it, as generations o f gay rebels have done. He is, you coul d say, sexually left handed: that is all."56 The source of this editorial and its prominent concer n with th e healt h o f corporat e capitalis m ar e notabl e i n a discussio n o f th e reduction o f politic s t o economics . Clos e attentio n shoul d b e pai d t o th e rewards tha t goo d behavio r wil l purchase: th e righ t t o brin g one' s love r t o the compan y Christma s part y a t th e pric e o f disappearing , "assimilating, " the res t of the year. Contr a Miller , Scot t Tucker protests, "Our live s are not negotiable." 57 Tolerance i s a speciou s attainment ; i t ha s nothin g t o pos e agains t th e declaratory stanc e o f the opposition . I t i s always supplicant , consistin g a s it does o f th e goodwil l o f th e powerful . Tolerance , a s Thoma s Pain e wel l understood, i s n o substitut e fo r rights : "Toleratio n i s no t th e opposite o f Intolerance, but is the counterfeit of it. Both are despotisms. The on e assumes to itsel f the righ t o f withholding Libert y o f Conscience , an d th e othe r o f granting it." 58 A t it s best , toleranc e provides , i n Christophe r Isherwood' s phrase, "annihilation by blandness." At its worst, tolerance "serve s the caus e of oppression." 59 Toleranc e to o easil y become s senescen t an d indiscrimi nate; ultimately , it s impartiality ca n be extende d t o includ e eve n prevailin g intolerance an d oppression. 60 Louis, i n Ton y Kushner' s Angels in America, recognize s th e fraudulence of tolerance: "Power is the object, no t being tolerated. Fuc k assimilation." 61 In a societ y tha t ha s abandone d principl e t o futility , al l hierarchie s ar e hierarchies o f power , an d i n ou r postmoder n society , tha t powe r i s eco nomic o r quasi-economic . Politic s i n suc h a n environment , naturall y i f lamentably, become s a contest ove r money. Debate s ove r campaig n financ ing an d th e settin g o f ne w record s fo r spendin g i n ever y electio n yea r ar e only th e surface . Parallel s betwee n th e politic s o f toda y an d Jin de siecle political bosses , th e Hannas , th e Tammanys , th e Tweeds , ar e misguided . The curren t situatio n signals , no t th e corruptio n o f politic s b y corporat e interests, bu t th e reductio n o f politics t o a subset o f economics . Th e grea t robber baron s exerte d thei r powe r ove r politics t o som e en d externa l t o it , even t o extralega l ends . Th e assimilatio n require d o f gay s an d lesbian s t o acquire the power o f influence, o n th e othe r hand , become s a n end in itself and obviates the very cause that it was marshaled t o support . One significan t featur e o f politics in which i t differs fro m corporat e sale s

Secular Argument \ 18 9 campaigns i s tha t politic s ca n ofte n reac h it s goal s a s wel l b y buyin g a s b y selling. Vot e buyin g i s onl y th e mos t unvarnishe d exampl e o f this . Thi s distinction ha s no t bee n los t o n th e ga y right s community . I n a 199 5 article i n th e Politic s sectio n o f th e Advocate entitle d "Mone y Talks, " Joh n Gallagher review s argument s fo r an d agains t gettin g coz y wit h th e Republi can-dominated Congress . Proponent s argu e fo r a mor e "buttoned-dow n image," an d th e us e o f professional consultant s an d lobbyist s wit h tie s t o th e Republican Party . I n Gallagher' s article , Mik e Isbell , deput y executiv e director fo r publi c polic y a t Ga y Men' s Healt h Crisis , i s quote d a s sayin g with regar d t o th e differen t argument s appropriat e t o Republican s versu s Democrats, " O n e o f th e thing s w e fin d is , wherea s earlie r w e wer e abl e t o rely solel y o n a humanitaria n argument , i n man y Republica n office s th e most compellin g argumen t i s cos t effectiveness." 62 N o t onl y ha s th e c o m munity create d it s ow n politica l actio n committees , mos t notabl y th e Ga y and Lesbia n Victor y Fun d an d T h e H u m a n Right s Campaig n Fun d PA C (which i n 199 3 boaste d tha t i t wa s amon g th e to p fift y PACs), 63 an d contributed heavily , a s gay s an d lesbians , t o Clinton' s 199 2 campaign , bu t gay rhetori c reveal s a broad shif t fro m legislativ e hall s t o th e marketplace. 64 An earl y sign , emanatin g fro m th e syste m o f acronym s use d t o classif y socioeconomic group s i n th e 1980s , wa s "DINK, " "dua l income , n o kids, " now th e nam e o f a gay/lesbia n recor d company . Cheeky , yes , bu t signifi cantly i t feature s ga y an d lesbia n couple s no t a s sexua l activity , a visio n offensive t o man y Americans , bu t a s buying power , a vision bot h attractiv e to corporat e powe r broker s an d inoffensivel y sterile , a s illustrate d b y th e recent IKE A furnitur e ads , whic h featur e a clean-cu t mal e couple , youn g executive types , shoppin g fo r furnitur e (no t bedroo m furniture) . A n adver tisement i n POZ equate s "Ga y M o n e y " an d "Ga y Power " an d urge s th e reader t o "Ta p i t wit h Quotient: The monthly newsletter of marketing to gay men and lesbians!' 63 Danie l Harri s ha s marke d thes e trait s i n th e hos t o f ne w magazines h e group s a s "th e ne w ga y glossies, " publications , h e writes , tha t "habitually sin g th e praise s o f enterprisin g homosexual s w h o hav e clam bered t o th e to p o f th e corporat e ladde r an d no w lea d prosperou s live s a s openly ga y executives , fashio n designers , investmen t gurus , pul p novelists , and soap-oper a stars, " tha t pictur e ga y lif e a s "sanitize d . . . scrubbe d clea n of over t sexualit y an d unseeml y images. 66 Althoug h th e edito r o f Out refutes Harris' s claim s tha t thes e magazine s ignor e politica l issues , sh e doe s reveal somethin g o f he r publication' s assimilationis t approach : "Mos t im portantly, Out recognize s tha t ou r reader s liv e i n a contex t large r tha n thei r gayness. O u r missio n i s t o mak e a magazin e tha t speak s t o th e fullnes s o f

190 |

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

our experienc e an d t o a visio n o f ga y me n an d lesbian s tha t goe s beyon d the cliches." 67 Thos e me n an d wome n i n thei r anonymou s bu t stylis h professional attir e com e immediatel y t o mind , particularl y whe n Ms . Petti t s annihilation o f th e bond s o f stereotyp e i s followe d b y thi s concludin g lin e of defense : Every mont h 120,00 0 readers respon d t o thi s mission b y picking u p Out and voting fo r i t wit h thei r wallets . This is why advertiser s hav e sough t ou t ou r publication i n unprecedente d numbers . Perhap s Harper's can afford t o be gli b about it s revenu e stream , bu t i n th e ga y press , wher e magazine s hav e tradi tionally bee n overlooke d b y medi a buyer s an d stocke d i n th e por n section , financial viabilit y i s nearly a revolutionary act. 68 Even mor e tellin g i s a full-page , four-colo r advertisemen t fro m a n issu e o f POZ picturin g th e partner s o f Christophe r Stree t Financia l Incorporated , any on e o f w h o m woul d b e interchangeabl e wit h eithe r membe r o f th e couple i n th e IKE A ad , or , mor e significantly , wit h an y o f th e legion s o f young, well-dresse d MBA s w h o dail y troo p t o office s o n Wal l Street , LaSalle Street , an d Montgomer y Street . T h e headlin e cop y reads : " T h e second mos t importan t relationshi p you'l l eve r hav e coul d b e wit h on e o f these men. " B y th e sprin g o f 1996 , thi s nascen t directio n i s articulate d an d institutionalized i n th e Thir d Annua l Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Busines s and Consume r Exposition , includin g amon g it s sponsor s suc h Forbe s 50 0 corporations a s American Express , IBM , America n Airlines , an d T h e P r u dential. 69 Th e nexu s o f th e commercia l an d th e politica l i s eviden t i n a press phot o release d b y th e N e w Yor k Mayor' s Office : Rudolp h Giulian i congratulating exp o organize r Stev e Levenberg. 70 The sam e sor t o f attentio n tha t use d t o b e devote d i n media-watc h columns t o th e representatio n o f gay s an d lesbian s o n televisio n an d i n th e movies i s no w spen t o n gay-friendl y advertisin g campaign s suc h a s th e on e for Subar u featurin g same-se x couples. 71 Eve n AIDS , calle d b y th e Advocate "the onl y diseas e t o hav e it s ow n gif t shop," 7 2 ha s no t bee n immune . POZ sponsored a "Lif e expo, " " a qualit y o f lif e consume r exp o fo r everyon e impacted b y AID S an d H I V " o n Ma y 31-Jun e 1 , 1996 . Corporat e sponsor ship wa s provide d b y Bristol-Meyer s Squibb , Pharmaci a & Upjohn , R o c h e Laboratories, Glax o Wellcome , Lif e Wise, Janssen Pharmaceutica , an d A b bott Laboratories , amon g others. 7 3 Tha t POZ ha s entere d int o partnershi p with som e o f th e ver y sam e corporation s perenniall y o n A C T - U P s hit lis t at th e ver y leas t raise s question s regardin g th e balanc e o f commercia l an d principled motive . Bu t other , mor e general , corporat e interest s ar e serve d

Secular Argument | 19 1 by AID S a s well. Dav e Mulryan , a specialist i n "inductin g corporation s int o the ga y marketplace, " remarks , "Large r corporation s ar e lookin g fo r a wa y to ge t t o th e ga y market , an d they'r e comfortabl e doin g i t b y som e affilia tion wit h AIDS." 7 4 Suc h activitie s a s Tanqueray' s sponsorshi p o f AID S Rides are , accordin g t o Molryan , vehicle s fo r companie s t o buil d entirel y unobjectionable goodwil l i n th e ga y community . T h o u g h no t addressin g th e rea l impac t o f AID S product s o n treatment , research, an d car e relate d t o th e diseas e itself , Pau l Varnel l adduce s severa l recent campaigns , includin g th e on e fo r Subaru , i n a n editoria l counselin g gays an d lesbian s o n th e potentia l advantage s o f bein g recognize d a s a "niche market." 7 5 Varnel l recognize s "tha t ther e i s littl e o r nothin g i n thi s change tha t i s motivate d b y benevolenc e o r a concer n fo r ga y rights, " ye t he find s th e argumen t fro m "economi c necessity " t o b e a compellin g foi l to mora l argument s agains t ga y rights . I t change s th e groun d o f argumenta tion an d make s th e contes t on e betwee n moral s an d th e botto m line . "I n that light , i t ma y b e tha t th e nex t significan t j u m p i n ga y influenc e wil l tak e place throug h th e economi c spher e rathe r tha n i n th e currentl y stalle d political arena, " h e concludes. 76 Certainly , Bruc e Bawe r i s probably correc t in observin g tha t a t present , privilege s an d benefit s fo r same-se x partner s are spreadin g mor e rapidl y i n th e corporat e worl d tha n i n th e legislature s or th e court s "or , fo r tha t matter , th e Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force." 77 Gays an d lesbians , then , ar e bein g encourage d t o recogniz e thei r eco nomic clou t an d hav e attempte d t o us e i t directl y a s a kin d o f secondar y vote, a s economi c referenda , followin g failure s i n th e electora l arena . A c cording t o thos e offerin g th e " U n c o m m o n Clou t Card, " a Vis a car d currently bein g markete d i n th e ga y an d lesbia n community , ever y tim e you us e you r car d "yo u vot e wit h you r dollar s t o suppor t companie s friendly t o gays , lesbians , an d thos e wit h H I V " 7 8 T h e proliferatio n o f ga y and lesbia n yello w page s i s anothe r indicatio n o f thi s strategy . T h e Spring / Summer 199 6 editio n o f th e Alternative Phonebook: Chicago's Lesbigay Yellow Pages tout s itsel f a s a vehicl e fo r "economi c empowerment " an d urge s readers t o "spen d you r ga y dollar s wisely—figh t discriminatio n an d strengthen ou r communit y b y supportin g onl y thos e businesse s tha t suppor t US" ( 2 ) .

Withholding dollar s complete s th e strategy . Afte r th e victor y a t th e poll s for Amendmen t 2 , ga y leader s calle d fo r a boycot t o f Colorado , an d th e Advocate reporte d tha t a boycot t o f Cincinnat i followin g tha t city' s 199 3 antigay charte r amendmen t modele d o n Amendmen t 2 ha d bee n successfu l

192 I

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

to th e tun e o f $24 millio n i n los t conventio n business. 79 Ther e i s more tha n a littl e iron y i n th e placemen t o f a n a d fo r Rivendel l Marketin g an d th e National Ga y Newspape r Guil d betwee n page s o f a n articl e admonishin g gay activist s no t t o emulat e ou r enemie s b y th e us e o f economi c boycotts. 8 0 The Rivendel l ad , displayin g a map wit h variou s majo r U.S . citie s an d thei r corresponding ga y papers , promises , "Wit h O n e A d Buy , Yo u Ca n Reac h O n e o f th e Country' s Mos t Affluen t Communities : . . . Wit h a combine d readership o f ove r 550,000 , th e Nationa l Ga y Newspape r Guil d ca n hel p you targe t som e o f th e mos t affluent , well-educate d an d bran d loya l con sumers i n th e country . Fin d ou t mor e abou t wha t The Wall Street Journal describes a s 'th e mos t potentiall y profitable , untappe d marke t i n th e U.S . today' " 8 1 Th e advertisemen t tout s a powe r tha t th e editoria l counsel s u s not t o use . The referendum , whethe r politica l o r economic , i s a sympto m o f a general failur e o f principle , a resor t t o th e powe r o f th e countinghouse ; it s values ar e entirel y pragmatic ; ther e i s no pretens e tha t position s wil l succee d or fai l base d o n principle . Th e referendu m i s a n admissio n tha t principl e i s insufficient. Th e N e w Christia n Righ t understand s thi s a s wel l a s ga y activists an d ha s turne d t o th e referendum , economi c an d political , a s it s primary too l agains t ga y rights. 82 Marcus e write s o f thi s sympto m o f twentieth-century turpitude , "Thi s pur e toleranc e o f sens e an d nonsens e i s justified b y th e democrati c argumen t tha t nobody , neithe r grou p no r indi vidual, i s i n possessio n o f th e trut h an d capabl e o f definin g wha t i s righ t and wrong , goo d an d bad . Therefore , al l contestin g opinion s mus t b e submitted t o 'th e people ' fo r it s deliberatio n an d choice. " 83 The strateg y appears , o n it s face , t o b e eminentl y rhetorical . Ther e i s n o question tha t gay s an d lesbian s subscribin g t o th e strateg y assen t t o a common currenc y wit h straigh t society , tha t they , lik e Bruce Bawer , believ e that "i f th e heterosexua l majorit y eve r come s t o accep t homosexuality , i t will d o s o becaus e i t ha s see n homosexual s i n suit s an d ties , no t nippl e clamps an d bik e pants ; i t wil l d o s o becaus e i t ha s see n homosexual s showing respec t fo r civilization , no t attemptin g t o subver t it." 8 4 I n th e 1990s, th e preferre d mean s o f presenting ga y me n an d lesbian s i n "suit s an d ties" avoid s th e hea t o f Washington , D.C. , o n th e Fourt h o f July an d th e hecklers i n Philadelphi a tha t Kamen y an d hi s follower s faced—marches , after all , "hai l fro m a simpler , perhap s simplistic , tim e whe n ga y politic s could b e understoo d i n term s o f 'u s agains t them. ' T o marc h wa s t o se t oneself a t odd s wit h th e syste m o n th e assumptio n tha t th e Establishmen t was ou r e n e m y " 8 5 I n th e 1990s , w e cal l fro m th e comfor t o f ou r ow n

Secular Argument \

19 3

home an d registe r ou r ownershi p o f th e Lexus , Cuisinart , an d Misson i sweater. T h e Ga y Census , conducte d b y Overlooke d Opinions , "th e na tion's onl y ga y owne d an d operate d surve y firm," 8 6 thoug h i t drape s itsel f in th e languag e o f politics—th e America n flag, th e us e o f th e firs t thre e words o f th e U.S . Constitution—ha s onl y a coupl e o f question s o n part y identification an d voting . T h e greate r numbe r o f question s concer n wha t publications ar e rea d b y th e subject , recen t purchases , consume r activities , and whethe r o r no t on e believe s strongl y i n supportin g advertiser s tha t advertise i n ga y media. 8 7 Syndicated columnis t Arlen e Zarembk a ha s no t onl y expose d th e inval idity o f dat a s o collected , sh e ha s als o addresse d it s negativ e politica l conse quences: First , th e spuriou s dat a ar e use d b y thos e w h o argu e agains t civi l rights protection s fo r gay s an d lesbian s t o demonstrat e th e lac k o f need . Second, th e dat a ar e use d t o fue l a conspirac y theor y o f ga y an d lesbia n power a s represente d i n th e infamou s video s The Gay Agenda an d Gay Rights, Special Rights. Zarembk a observes : "A s economi c stres s increase s i n the country , s o wil l scapegoating . Demagogue s ar e playin g o n th e stereo type o f wealth y Ga y me n an d Lesbian s flying aroun d th e world , whippin g up powerfu l resentmen t agains t th e Ga y community." 8 8 Anyon e w h o would discoun t Zarembk a s clai m i s directe d t o Justic e Scalia' s dissentin g opinion i n Romer v. Evans wher e h e writes , The problem ( a problem, tha t is, for those who wish to retain social disapprobation o f homosexuality ) i s that , becaus e thos e wh o engag e i n homosexua l conduct ten d t o resid e i n disproportionat e number s i n certai n communities , . . . have hig h disposabl e income , . . . and o f course car e abou t homosexual rights issue s muc h mor e ardentl y tha n th e publi c a t large , the y posses s political powe r muc h greate r tha n thei r numbers , bot h locall y an d state wide.89 "Gay marketin g hyp e ma y sel l th e Ga y communit y t o corporat e America, bu t i t doe s s o a t a heav y price, " warn s Zarembka . " T h e sellin g o f the Ga y communit y t o corporat e Americ a . . implie s tha t Ga y me n an d Lesbians ar e valuabl e onl y a s consumers , insinuatin g tha t thos e withou t purchasing powe r ar e unworth y o f concern." 9 0 Bawe r reflect s precisel y thi s tendency whe n h e emphasize s tha t mos t ga y me n ar e "smart , talente d people w h o h[o]l d dow n respectabl e job s i n th e corporat e worl d o r th e fashion industry , o n Wal l Stree t o r Publishers ' Row." 9 1 T h e cr y fo r gay s t o be "reasonable " strongl y recall s i n thi s contex t th e root s o f th e ter m i n th e language o f accountancy . I t draw s attentio n awa y fro m substanc e an d fo -

194 |

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

cuses o n th e mediu m an d proces s o f exchange . T h e "ga y market " i s th e ultimate antiessentialis t position , focusing , no t o n th e intractabl e fac t o f a sexual orientatio n tha t divide s homosexual s fro m heterosexual s i n th e eye s of th e law , bu t o n th e superficia l an d ephemera l statu s o f ban k accounts . Such a strateg y divide s th e economi c sel f fro m th e affectional/sexua l self , and i t leave s th e latte r unredeemed . Justic e Scali a s argumen t tha t certai n kinds o f conduct , "murder , fo r example , o r polygamy , o r cruelt y t o ani mals," o r homosexua l conduct , ar e th e legitimat e target s o f "animus " base d on "mora l disapproval " 92 i s left untouche d b y economi c arguments , allaye d perhaps b y th e abilit y t o purchas e indulgences , bu t fundamentall y u n c o n tested. Camille Pagli a ma y scor n th e "action " durin g Pop e John Pau l U s Mas s in Centra l Par k i n 1995 , bu t he r logi c i s painfull y twisted . O n th e on e hand, sh e decrie s th e paucit y o f "ideas, " principles , behin d th e ga y protest . O n th e othe r hand , th e basi s o f he r objectio n i s no t substantive , bu t pragmatic; th e protes t faile d a s a public relation s appeal : Amid heav y medi a coverage , a major ga y protest wen t virtuall y unreported , even b y th e usuall y obsequiousl y pro-ga y New York Times. Six me n cleverl y invaded Sak s Fift h Avenu e an d unfurle d a long whit e banne r fro m a sixth floor windo w facin g St . Patrick' s Cathedral , wher e a huge crow d waite d fo r the pop e t o arriv e t o recit e th e rosary . Th e sig n read , CONDOM S SAV E LIVES. Gay newspapers reported a child asking, "What' s that, Dad?" and he r father replying , "Thos e ar e bad people. " When polic e arreste d th e protester s and tore dow n th e banner, th e crow d cheered. 93 The poo r medi a coverag e an d th e crowd s cheer s ar e evidenc e o f th e emptiness o f ideas? Thi s i s a patent misapplicatio n o f causes t o effects . Pagli a goes o n t o criticiz e th e "dull , feebl e slogan , redolen t o f reactionar y '50 s Betty Crocke r caretaking." 94 O n e ca n onl y tr y t o imagin e wha t he r re sponse migh t hav e bee n t o Debs , Phillips , o r th e America n Revolutionar ies. Ther e i s no consideratio n her e tha t condom s do , i n fact , sav e lives , tha t they migh t sav e man y mor e wer e i t no t fo r th e intransigen t oppositio n o f the R o m a n Catholi c Churc h an d it s leader , tha t th e demonstratio n was , perhaps, a n exampl e o f principle d actio n wherei n principl e onl y an d no t the "payoff " directs . Littl e wonder , though , tha t Pagli a woul d no t recogniz e such a curiosity . I n a worl d constraine d onl y b y physic s an d economics , t o be arrested , t o suffer fo r a cause , ca n onl y b e explaine d b y a n inadequat e credit limit . A C T - U P ma y b e routinel y criticized , b y Pagli a an d others , fo r its failur e t o wi n th e heart s an d mind s o f th e America n people, 9 5 bu t i t

Secular Argument | 19 5 remains t o b e see n whethe r o r no t i t i s possible t o bu y same , an d i f bought , what w e woul d have . The commodificatio n o f th e ga y liberatio n movemen t is , o f course , no t without it s dissenters. Jeff Gett y o f ACT-UP, th e firs t perso n t o b e approve d for a n experimenta l transplan t o f bone marro w fro m baboon s a s a treatmen t for HIV , disdain s "white-colla r AID S activists " w h o worr y mor e abou t protecting thei r ow n budget s tha n abou t savin g peopl e wit h th e disease. 96 "Marc Contefag " an d "Michae l Homoscarce, " introducin g a reprin t o f th e leaflet "Queer s Rea d This ! I Hat e Straights " i n thei r 'zine , protes t th e c o optation o f ersat z ga y leadershi p b y white-ti e fundraisers : Who ar e th e peopl e makin g decision s fo r u s in Centra l Ohio ? The y ar e th e "A" gays , the upper-crus t financiall y elite . What make s them competen t an d effective leaders ? It' s certainl y no t thei r abilit y t o represen t u s o r for m coalitions withi n th e diversit y o f ou r community . It' s definitel y no t thei r work i n anti-racism , sexism , an d classism . No , i t i s simpl y thei r abilit y t o write a check. Thi s give s them acces s to boards o f directors, thi s allows the m to manipulate an d control ou r representatio n an d decision-making. The y sel l us out , the y attemp t t o spea k fo r u s withou t eve n knowin g wh o "we " are . They use their white an d clas s privilege no t a s a tool for constructiv e change , but fo r solidifyin g thei r status and power i n ne w ways. 97 Conte an d Scarce' s indictmen t underscores , no t onl y th e retrea t fro m activism towar d mone y an d respectability , bu t als o th e profoundl y persona l and selfis h tur n o f movemen t politics . Rejectin g mone y a s th e basi s an d measure o f legitimate power , Cont e an d Scarc e als o rejec t th e assimilationis t politics tha t i t serves , a s the leafle t the y reprin t make s clear : Being quee r i s no t abou t a righ t t o privacy ; i t i s abou t th e freedo m t o be public , t o jus t b e wh o w e are . I t mean s everyda y fightin g oppression ; homophobia, racism , misogyny , th e bigotr y o f religiou s hypocrite s an d ou r own self hatred. . . . It's not about th e mainstream, profit-margins, patriotism , patriarchy o r bein g assimilated . It' s no t abou t executiv e directors , privileg e and elitism . It' s abou t bein g o n th e margins , definin g ourselves ; it' s abou t gender-fuck an d secrets , what' s beneat h th e bel t an d dee p insid e th e heart ; it's about th e night. 98 Even a s the y lodg e thei r protests , however , A C T - U P an d Jeff Getty , Quee r Nation, Mar c Contefa g an d Michae l Homoscarce , an d th e anonymou s author o f " I Hat e Straights, " provid e testimon y t o th e connection s amon g money, civility , assimilationism , an d power , an d the y acknowledg e th e dominance o f th e nonconfrontational , reasonable , assimilationis t mode l i n gay right s protest .

196 I

SECULA

R A R G U M E N

T

W h e n radica l protes t doe s clai m th e spotlight , a s fo r exampl e ACT U P s 198 8 shutdow n o f Burroughs-Wellcom e s Burlingame , California , distribution center , o r th e "action " i n N e w Yor k City' s Sain t Patrick' s Cathedral protestin g Joh n Cardina l O'Connor' s oppositio n t o condo m distribution program s an d ga y rights , i t i s no t onl y repudiate d b y th e large r part o f th e ga y an d lesbia n c o m m u n i t y — t h e editoria l "Docto r A C T UP , or ho w w e learne d t o sto p worryin g an d gre w t o lov e zaps " addresse s th e deep ambivalenc e o f th e communit y a t larg e towar d suc h radica l groups , and i s mor e generou s tha n m o s t " — i t i s als o subjec t t o co-optatio n b y th e commercial medi a a s spectacle , a s A C T - U P activis t Scot t Tucke r recog nizes. 100 Thi s recognitio n i s consisten t wit h Gu y Debord' s visio n o f th e modern spectacle , arrivin g a t it s ful l powe r withi n th e las t twent y years , a s "the autocrati c reig n o f th e marke t econom y whic h ha d accede d t o a n irresponsible sovereignty , an d th e totalit y o f ne w technique s o f governmen t which accompanie d thi s reign." 1 0 1 In th e worl d describe d here , right s ar e reduce d t o licens e an d ar e "civil " only i n tha t the y ar e purchase d fro m th e state . T h e curren t uproa r ove r same-sex marriage s i s indicative. N o t onl y i s marriage somethin g fo r whic h one purchase s a license, th e righ t t o marry , fro m th e state , bu t man y o f th e arguments, especiall y b y supporter s o f same-sex marriage , featur e economi c considerations: Socia l Securit y benefits , Medicar e benefits , inheritanc e laws, communa l propert y laws , incom e ta x status . Gay liberatio n i s no t alon e i n adoptin g th e languag e an d rational e o f economics. Th e analysi s ha s it s root s i n th e thinkin g o f Deb s an d W . E . B . DuBois an d begin s t o revea l it s current shap e i n Carmichae l an d Hamilton' s manifesto fo r blac k powe r an d Malcol m X' s call s fo r economi c self-suffi ciency, bot h i n th e 1960s . I n th e 1990s , i t ha s reache d it s baldest , leas t varnished for m i n debate s ove r environmenta l issues , especiall y proposal s that woul d allo w corporation s a certai n numbe r o f ai r pollutio n units . Corporations tha t coul d reduc e pollutio n belo w thei r allowabl e limit s would b e permitte d t o sel l thei r pollutio n unit s t o othe r corporations . These othe r corporation s woul d the n b e buyin g th e "right " t o pollut e i n a certain amoun t i n exces s o f thei r allotment . Sinc e whe n doe s anyon e hav e a "right " t o destro y th e environment , an d whenc e doe s thi s righ t come ? Surely natur e doe s no t gran t th e righ t t o destro y nature . Thi s loos e usag e of "right " merel y provide s forc e t o a regulativ e devic e create d b y th e stat e to balanc e short-ter m economi c interest s wit h th e healt h an d long-ter m interests o f th e people . I t als o exposes , particularl y wel l i n thi s case , th e

Secular Argument \ 19 7 great reductio n o f sacre d spac e i n th e contemporar y worl d i n tha t nature , formerly a n earthl y manifestatio n o f th e sacred , become s a commodity . Returning t o th e cas e o f ga y rights , i f ther e is , a s Bawe r an d other s argue, nothin g essentia l i n bein g ga y excep t sexua l orientation , the n ou r money woul d b e bette r spen t a t Brook s Brother s tha n wit h th e H u m a n Rights Campaig n Fun d o r th e Nationa l Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force . T h e surfaces nee d onl y b e brough t int o conformit y wit h th e surfac e o f th e culture a t large . If , o n th e othe r hand , ther e i s somethin g irremediabl y different abou t bein g gay , then , a s Micke y Wheatle y warns , "Puttin g o n a three- piec e sui t doe s no t chang e th e fac t tha t w e ar e stil l largel y despise d because w e represen t a major threa t t o patriarcha l culture . O u r politic s an d personalities ar e a s centra l t o u s a s ou r sexua l orientation , an d shoul d b e celebrated, no t oppressed." 102 Radicalism ha s historicall y stoo d agains t chao s wit h th e definin g powe r of principle. T h e secula r argumen t examine d her e tends , conversely , towar d homogenization i n th e publi c real m throug h th e lingu a franc a o f money . Private resource s purchas e th e "right " t o pursu e thei r ow n interest s withou t regard t o th e commo n good . Ral f Dahrendor f describe s thi s assaul t o n civi l society a s occurrin g whe n i t i s posite d tha t "ther e i s n o suc h thin g a s society, onl y individual s an d government. " I n oppositio n t o a mentality tha t says " I hav e t o hav e a t leas t 4 0 percen t o f th e marke t t o b e viable, " Dahrendorf insist s o n a certain degre e o f contest , o f "untidiness " t o provid e the creativ e energ y necessar y t o civi l society . Radica l debat e ove r principl e provides tha t untidiness . A natio n o f suit s doe s not . Rick Moody , i n hi s widel y haile d novell a The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven provide s a glimps e o f a futur e conformit y i n whic h "thes e people loo k exactl y lik e othe r peopl e yo u know. " T h e stor y begin s i n th e R u i n , a N e w Yor k Cit y ba r o f sort s "decorate d i n twiste d ca r part s an d fruitless conversatio n an d postindustria l clutter , i n th e collisio n o f stranger s and i n th e flicke r o f lost opportunities, " an d follows , fo r a time , Jorge Rui z in a worl d wher e n o distinction s matte r an d al l valu e ha s dissipate d sav e "the sigh t o f a balanc e sheet , th e soun d o f a cas h register , o r th e eb b an d flow o f ordinar y conversation , thes e wer e th e thing s tha t reall y ruine d thes e patrons, tha t cause d morta l discomfort. " Jorg e find s himsel f confrontin g Times Square : " T h e neo n o f th e gyr o place , th e neo n o f th e sho e repai r store, the y wer e al l th e neo n o f Pee p World . Jorge confuse d th e threshold s of these businesses . The y wer e identical . Just like , afte r a time, stranger s an d the peopl e h e kne w wer e on e an d th e same . T h e neo n tha t calle d t o hi m

I98 I

SECULA

R ARGUMEN

T

in Time s Squar e wa s al l on e sign . I t said : follo w you r itch , haste n you r descent. G o ahead , dive/' 1 0 3 I t i s no t th e worl d tha t ga y an d lesbia n moderates o r Christia n Coalitio n evangelical s ar e crusadin g for , bu t i t i s very likel y th e worl d tha t denie s th e possibilit y fo r radica l voices .

10 The Serap h an d th e Snak e The Prophet s Isaia h and Ezekiel dine d wit h me , and I asked the m how the y dare d so roundly t o asser t that Go d spak e to them ; an d whether the y di d no t thin k a t the tim e tha t the y would be misunder stood, & so be the caus e of imposition . Isaiah answer'd: " I sa w no God , no r hear d any , in a finite organica l perception; but m y senses discover'd th e infinite i n ever y thing, an d as I was then perswaded, & remain confirm'd , tha t the voice of honest in dignation i s the voice o f God, I cared no t fo r consequences , bu t wrote." Then I asked: "Doe s a firm perswasio n tha t a thing is so, make it so?" He replied : "Al l poets believe that it does, & in age s of imagination thi s firm perswasio n remove d mountains ; but man y ar e not capa ble of a firm perswasio n o f any thing." —William Blake , The Marriage of Heaven and Hell

It i s commonl y argue d tha t Americ a ha s n o genuin e radica l tradition, tha t it s remarkabl y nonideologica l politic s preclude s th e kind s o f commitment an d enthusias m characteristi c o f politic s i n Europe . Wit h it s independence secure d i n a revolutio n widel y hel d t o hav e bee n conserva tive, Americ a ha s been stubbornl y resistan t t o variou s kind s o f socialism an d sweeping an d zealou s reform. * But "radical " i s on e o f thos e term s tha t threaten s t o disintegrat e fro m casual overuse . Dependin g o n one' s politic s an d one' s position , radicalis m i s either somethin g t o whic h on e eagerl y aspire s o r a term o f severest censure . It i s both a ter m o f prais e an d o f approbation . I t i s use d loosel y t o connot e terrorism, anarchy , outspokenness , alienism , simpl e disagreement , an d changes o n a large scale . I t i s both a threat an d a n opportunity . Ther e exist s the assumptio n tha t w e al l kno w radicalis m whe n w e se e it , a dubiou s assumption a t best . Ther e i s eve n a certai n amoun t o f iron y i n ou r gli b us e

199

200 |

TH

E SERAP H AN

D TH E SNAK

E

of the term , fo r i t belie s th e consensu s i t i s supposed t o reflect . Som e use s betray thei r factiona l origins , whil e othe r use s ar e simpl y trivial . On e suspects tha t th e designatio n ha s los t it s discriminativ e ability . A s Edwi n Black onc e reminde d u s regardin g "revolutionary, " a ter m tha t claim s a close kinship t o th e ter m radical , "Som e literatur e produce s convulsion s i n the world; an d some merely wears a bonnet rouge to th e Rotar y meeting. " 2 If we ar e t o tal k meaningfull y abou t a radical traditio n i n America , w e must tal k in term s o f those values that have been capabl e ove r the cours e o f our histor y o f engagin g American s i n significan t ways , o f causin g genuin e convulsions. Radicalis m i s not t o b e confuse d wit h th e bonnet rouge, no t t o be confused wit h fring e group s no matter how clamorous; it is not frivolou s or ancillary . Radicalis m is , quite literally , tha t whic h involve s th e root s o f a culture. Th e si x precedin g studies , al l dealin g wit h figure s o r movement s that hav e bee n loosel y identifie d a s radical eruption s i n America n politics , have pointe d t o tw o centra l an d antithetica l theme s i n America n culture . Whatever radica l traditio n w e migh t clai m shoul d probabl y b e explaine d as part o f a continuing dialecti c between them . From seventeenth-centur y liberalism , particularl y Locke , w e hav e re ceived a n ide a o f freedom. Th e America n Revolutio n successfull y define d the righ t t o th e autonomou s pursui t an d preservatio n o f life, property , an d happiness, fettered onl y t o th e exten t necessar y t o ensur e the equa l right o f others to d o likewise, as a central them e i n American politics . The vocabu lary recur s i n th e rhetori c o f abolitionism , i n Deb s s rhetoric agains t wag e slavery, i n McCarthy s rhetori c agains t communis t domination , i n Welch' s insistence o n th e virtue s o f individualism , an d i n th e rhetori c o f ga y liberation. Tha t freedo m i s an essentia l aspect o f the America n identit y ca n hardly b e argued . Ou r ide a o f freedo m i s th e sourc e o f ou r individualis m and ou r pluralism . But th e ide a o f freedom promulgate d b y th e America n Revolutionarie s was not simpl y the absenc e o f strictures o r the grantin g of license. Freedo m was, fo r th e Whig s an d fo r thos e wh o followe d them , no t a privilege bu t an indicato r o f mora l status , an d a s such , i t entaile d certai n obligations , certain duties . Mora l statu s mus t b e earned . Thu s a secon d them e i n American politic s ha s been th e them e o f duty, o f moral compunction , th e source o f our tendencie s towar d conformis m an d absolutism . It i s th e curiou s amalga m o f freedo m an d responsibilit y i n America n political thought tha t has been responsibl e for what Loui s Hartz ha s terme d its "veritabl e maz e o f pola r contradictions , windin g i n an d ou t o f eac h other hopelessly : pragmatism an d absolutism , historicis m an d rationalism ,

The Seraph and the Snake |

20 1

optimism an d pessimism , materialis m an d idealism , individualis m an d con formism." 3 Hart z look s a t th e America n traditio n withi n th e contex t o f European liberalism , an d thoug h h e offer s occasiona l concession s t o th e religious influence s i n ou r heritage , h e generall y maintain s tha t American s as reformer s hav e no t playe d th e rol e o f "secula r prophets, " hav e no t bee n intemperate, an d hav e no t bee n pre y t o religiou s enthusiasms. 4 T h e libera l tradition i s antithetica l t o suc h postures , an d withi n tha t tradition , the y must b e viewe d a s aberrations an d contradictions . But a vie w o f th e America n traditio n tha t see s onl y it s mundan e an d businesslike side , tha t stresse s it s origin s i n th e Enlightenment , migh t b e accused o f stressin g Lock e t o th e exclusio n o f Calvin , thu s providin g a confusing an d inelegan t vie w o f it s shape . O u r preferenc e fo r Matthe w Arnold's Helleni c idea l risk s obscurin g th e Hebrai c sid e o f ou r culture . T h e transformation o f freedom int o a moral concep t an d it s pairing wit h dut y i s defalcated an d tenuou s i n Locke . Th e disciplinaria n sid e o f th e America n character i s mor e readil y attribute d t o ou r Purita n heritage . I t wa s Calvi n who, i n th e nam e o f freedo m o f worship , authore d on e o f th e mos t regimented an d demandin g orthodoxie s i n th e Wester n world , an d i t wa s Calvin who , b y hi s emigratio n t o Holland , bega n a Purita n exil e tha t provided th e foundation s fo r th e exodu s myt h create d b y hi s spiritua l descendants i n America . T h e myt h o f th e America n exodus , whic h reache d it s culminatio n i n the Revolution , unabashedl y dre w it s parallel s fro m th e exodu s theme s i n the Ol d Testament . I t capture d al l th e contradictio n o f freedom an d obliga tion i n a powerful synthesis . T h e exampl e o f Mose s an d th e covenan t mad e clear tha t escap e int o freedo m involve d hardshi p an d sacrifice ; freedo m an d discipline became , no t antithetical , bu t complimentary . Furthermore , a n escape tha t is , i n part , a sig n o f th e beneficenc e o f a divin e bein g involves , not onl y a disciplined respons e t o adversity , bu t als o a certai n debt . It wa s th e rol e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s t o remin d th e people s o f Israel an d Juda h o f tha t debt , t o deman d a n adherenc e t o thos e term s upon whic h thei r continue d freedo m depended . America n Whigs , likewise , argued tha t th e dua l natur e o f th e la w bot h provide d guarantee s an d mad e demands; the y depende d o n th e abilit y t o enlis t disciplin e i n th e servic e o f freedom. Makin g freedo m a sacre d concept , earl y America n radical s wer e able t o deman d a certai n consensu s a s to it s natur e an d it s requirements . T h e discours e o f th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s continue s t o provid e American radical s wit h a mode l eve n int o th e twentiet h centur y becaus e i t is a highl y visibl e discours e o f radica l refor m tha t strike s a n amenabl e

202 I

TH E SERAP H AN D TH E SNAK

E

balance betwee n th e contradictor y element s o f freedo m an d duty . Th e rhetoric o f the radical s examine d her e provide s testimon y a s to th e some times quit e self-consciou s influenc e o f thi s model , thoug h th e lin e o f influence becam e mor e obliqu e a s America n radicals , ove r th e cours e o f years, molde d thes e material s int o a n indigenou s propheti c tradition . Wit h the ascension o f American prophets to canonica l status, the influence o f the biblical book s wa s sometime s obscured , bu t a s long a s th e traditio n coul d be sustained, i t bore th e marks of its source. Seeking t o articulat e thos e essentia l marks , I bega n wit h th e ide a tha t the prophet i s somehow alienate d from hi s audience, possessed of a message that i s someho w exclusive . A t th e sam e time , th e prophe t engage s thos e premises tha t ar e centra l t o th e culture . Th e prophe t i s simultaneousl y insider an d outsider ; h e compel s th e audience , bu t onl y b y us e o f thos e premises t o whic h the y hav e assente d a s a culture . Th e discours e is , then , both o f th e audienc e an d extrem e t o th e audience . I t migh t fairl y b e sai d that th e prophet share s the ideal s of his audience rathe r tha n th e realitie s o f its everyda y life. H e remind s hi s audienc e o f that transcendenta l sid e o f its culture tha t make s i t large r tha n ou r individua l want s an d need s an d aspirations an d challenge s u s towar d th e achievemen t o f tha t ideal . Tha t effort require s exertion , sacrifice , an d a renunciatio n o f indolence , a n exercise o f virtue . Propheti c discours e seek s t o reshape , t o re-creat e th e audience i n accordanc e wit h a strict se t o f ideal s a s commande d b y God , revealed i n natura l law , an d assente d t o i n principl e bu t unrealize d b y th e audience. The attitud e o f the prophet towar d th e audience reveal s much abou t th e cosmology an d epistemolog y behin d hi s discourse . A t th e sam e tim e tha t the prophe t set s himself apart fro m hi s audience, h e depend s o n a n under standing tha t the y shar e th e sam e worl d wit h him , thu s makin g the m th e subjects o f hi s visions . Th e worl d a s God s creatio n i s considere d sacred , substantially immun e t o alteratio n b y humankind . Properl y attende d to , i t contains directive s fo r living . Alon e i n th e Judeo-Christian cosmos , onl y humanity ha s a mode l o f th e idea l an d th e independenc e o f wil l t o den y that ideal . Her e i s the conflic t betwee n freedo m an d dut y a t its source: th e presence o f a fre e wil l coterminou s wit h divin e dictates . Propheti c dis course seek s t o refor m th e peopl e i n accordanc e wit h th e demand s o f th e ideal. The belie f that th e idea l i s shared, tha t ther e i s a common an d unques tioned visio n o f th e good , invest s propheti c discours e wit h a fundamenta l faith i n it s auditors . Fro m th e America n Revolutio n t o th e tim e o f Debs ,

The Seraph and the Snake |

20 3

radical reformer s wer e profoundl y optimistic , optimisti c abou t th e possibil ity o f refor m an d abou t peopl e a s th e vehicle s fo r tha t reform . People , afte r all, coul d kno w th e trut h i f they woul d onl y ope n thei r eye s t o it , an d thu s knowing, wh y woul d the y no t ac t i n accordance ? Suc h a n optimisti c vie w of huma n natur e hold s n o cautionar y tale s o n th e rol e o f passion ; ther e i s no dar k sid e o f the psych e strainin g agains t it s chains . Precisel y th e opposit e is th e case : i t i s becaus e man' s feeling s ar e asleep , anesthetized , dormant , because ma n i s apathetic , tha t evi l i s allowe d t o exist . T h e rhetori c i n thi s tradition exhibit s a n unabashe d emphasi s o n emotiona l appeal , o n awaken ing th e feelings , o n speakin g t o th e heart . Propheti c reformer s wer e confi dent tha t i f th e peopl e coul d simpl y b e mad e t o fee l th e truth , refor m would follo w a s a necessary consequence . T h e America n Revolutio n i s uniqu e amon g th e case s include d her e a s the onl y exampl e amon g the m o f a radica l movemen t widel y hel d t o hav e been successful . It s succes s migh t b e explaine d b y it s abilit y t o achieve , fo r that brie f historica l moment , a compellin g balanc e o f th e element s o f freedom an d duty . B y th e tim e o f Wendel l Phillips , th e doctrin e o f perfec tionism ha d seriousl y erode d th e basi s o f consen t upo n whic h prophec y depended. Th e pat h wa s cleare d fo r legitimat e disagreemen t o r a t leas t irresolvable disagreemen t betwee n person s makin g equa l claim s t o perfec tion. Phillip s an d hi s compeer s wer e abl e t o pric k th e conscienc e o f antebellum American s precisel y t o th e degre e tha t som e consensu s o n transcendental value s remaine d viable , bu t thoug h tha t consensu s wa s suffi ciently stron g t o engag e American s i n a significan t way , i t wa s no t stron g enough t o compe l assent . Th e studie s o f thos e w h o followe d Phillip s revea l a continuin g erosio n o f th e cultura l homogeneit y necessar y t o validat e prophecy an d a n increasin g incapacit y t o argu e convincingl y fro m premise s of obligation . B y suc h a readin g o f ou r cultura l history , i t shoul d hav e surprised n o on e whe n Bil l Clinton' s " N e w Covenant " theme , designe d i n the traditio n o f FDR' s " N e w Deal, " Joh n Kennedy' s " N e w Frontier, " and Lyndo n Johnson' s "Grea t Society, " t o soun d th e visio n o f a ne w administration, wa s allowe d t o withe r ignominiousl y o n th e vine . T h e failur e o f obligatio n i s critical , fo r i t i s th e presenc e o f obligation s that allow s u s t o exis t a s a culture. Unalloye d freedo m i s anarchy. Obligatio n is presente d b y th e prophe t a s a n order , an d i t i n tur n provide s orde r t o a confused world . I t i s th e fligh t fro m chao s tha t provide s th e fundamenta l conservatism i n America n radicalism . T h e c o m m o n theme s i n th e rhetoric s of th e Revolution , Phillips , an d Deb s represen t effort s t o preserv e som e nucleus tha t order s society , som e invarian t poin t o f reference . Face d wit h

204 I

T H

E

SERAP

H AN

D TH E SNAK

E

crises o f culture , rhetor s i n eac h o f thes e studie s i n par t I sough t t o restor e a visio n o f structur e an d clarit y t o th e world . The y shape d a n America n identity fro m th e material s o f thei r Calvinism , thei r Englis h heritage , thei r classical Wester n educations , an d thei r Judeo - Christia n ethic . The y ex plored th e ramification s o f tha t identity , applie d i t i n thei r respectiv e situa tions, innovate d wher e necessary—bu t alway s wit h a respect fo r th e essen tial an d th e definitive—an d i n th e process , revivifie d fo r succeedin g generations a cultural tradition . N o r i s the America n propheti c traditio n a s it develope d fro m th e Ameri can Revolution , throug h Phillips , t o Debs , an d eve n t o som e exten t t o Welch a mer e critica l hypostatization . Lookin g t o th e rhetori c o f thos e who mad e it , i t i s eviden t tha t i t was , quit e literally , hande d dow n fro m on e generation o f radical s t o th e next : Wendel l Phillip s wa s a studen t o f th e American Revolution ; Deb s wa s a studen t o f Phillips ; an d Welc h appear s to hav e bee n a studen t o f nineteenth-centur y Americ a an d o f Emerso n i n particular. O u r understandin g o f thes e discourse s i s poore r t o th e exten t that w e ignor e thi s linea l influence . Failin g t o recogniz e it s sources , w e misread it s intention s an d mislocat e it s aspirations . Radicalis m understoo d as a tradition doe s no t threate n culture , bu t reaffirm s an d challenge s it . Conservatism i n thi s sens e i s no t a simpl e reactionar y impulse . T h e American propheti c traditio n i s no t a retrea t int o a n idealize d worl d i n th e past. America n radical s fro m Pain e an d Oti s t o Phillip s t o Deb s sough t t o preserve som e agreemen t o n goals ; they attempte d t o maintai n th e sanguin e vision whic h th e pas t ha d create d o f th e idea l future . T h e grea t traditio n o f American prophet s ha s bee n unfailingl y progressive . Faith , I hav e argued , has bee n thei r grea t commo n bond . I t ha s bee n th e "wil l t o believe, " a s William Jame s onc e terme d it , tha t ha s sustaine d th e propheti c impulse . With a "firm perswasion " i n th e divin e sanctio n o f their mission , America n prophets hav e hel d a n almos t limitles s confidenc e i n th e future . I t i s tha t confidence tha t faile d i n th e perio d followin g th e Secon d Worl d War . According t o Henr y May , th e "hegemony " o f "Progressiv e Patrioti c Protestantism . . . ende d exactl y i n 1919." 5 Certainl y ther e wa s evidenc e o f its deca y i n Deb s s time , bu t i t i s m y argumen t tha t th e genesi s o f th e decline occurre d muc h earlie r an d tha t it s ful l implication s wer e no t fel t until afte r th e Secon d Worl d War . O u r vivi d memorie s o f th e Sixtie s notwithstanding, i t i s important t o remembe r tha t o f th e fou r decade s sinc e the en d o f th e Secon d Worl d War , thre e o f the m hav e see n movement s o f the righ t mor e prominen t tha n movement s o f th e lef t i n America . A s important representative s o f thi s trend , th e movement s inspire d b y Jo e

The Seraph and the Snake |

20 5

McCarthy an d R o b e r t Welc h ar e characterize d b y a lac k o f faith . The y were reactionar y no t becaus e the y wishe d t o mov e backwar d i n t i m e — i n McCarthys cas e thi s i s simpl y inapplicable , an d i n th e cas e o f Welc h i t i s merely a symptom . The y wer e reactionar y becaus e the y existe d onl y a s reactions t o threat ; the y wer e no t positive ; the y ha d n o directio n t o offer , no plan , n o goals , n o g o d — a t leas t n o supremel y poten t go d capabl e o f assuring hi s wil l i n histor y The y ha d onl y devil s t o battle . The y appeale d to a dissolut e world , a worl d withou t a commo n faith , unabl e o r unwillin g to acknowledg e th e comman d o f an y suprem e bein g s o diminishe d tha t i t could occup y th e smal l space s o f myster y tha t rationalit y an d technolog y had lef t t o it . Fo r a peopl e capabl e o f destroyin g it s ow n world , indee d it s own existentiall y define d universe , ther e i s no sacre d space , nothin g beyon d ourselves. Left expose d an d vulnerable , McCarthy s respons e wa s t o refus e th e shelter o f sanctuary ; h e preferre d a bellicose gam e o f hide-and-seek . Ther e is a distorte d vestig e o f America n manlines s an d virtu e i n hi s discourse , al l bare knuckle s an d brashness . Welch , o n th e othe r hand , responde d t o chao s with nostalgia . H e di d no t carr y th e traditio n forward ; h e wa s overwhelme d by it . Ther e i s n o innovatio n i n Welch' s rhetoric . H e recite d hi s poem s i n praise o f a bygone er a suggestin g tha t th e greates t visio n t o whic h w e coul d aspire wa s on e tha t existe d onl y a s a perversio n o f memory . I n a worl d completely subordinate d t o ou r control , th e onl y thin g w e canno t touc h i s the past , an d eve n tha t i s a n illusion , fo r thos e lik e Welc h profan e th e pas t by makin g o f i t a n idylli c fiction . Th e lac k o f a commo n histor y i s on e o f the symptom s o f th e brea k i n th e traditio n o f th e propheti c voic e i n America. What th e contemporar y righ t ha s i n commo n wit h th e propheti c tradi tion i s th e impuls e t o order . Th e rigid , forma l characteristic s o f propheti c discourse creat e sens e ou t o f confusion . The y offe r clarit y an d provid e direction. Althoug h the y emphasiz e th e negativ e sid e o f thi s equation , tha t those o n th e righ t shoul d b e s o obsesse d wit h plot s suggest s th e sam e impulse. Bu t ther e i s a considerable differenc e betwee n a n orde r tha t derive s from compassion , i s optimistic , an d provide s directio n fo r th e futur e an d one tha t derive s fro m fear , i s faithless , an d retreat s int o th e mythica l past . The forme r ma y b e criticize d fo r it s Utopia n excesses , bu t th e latte r i s th e provenance o f fascism . Th e forme r emphasize s freedom , th e latte r disci pline. Th e forme r emphasize s opportunity , th e latte r impendin g foreclo sure. Modern movement s o f th e lef t ar e n o les s spirituall y impoverishe d tha n

206 I

TH E SERAP H AN

D TH E SNAK

E

those o f th e right . Man y o f th e radica l explosion s o f th e 1960 s hav e bee n characterized a s idealistic , bu t th e stres s o n th e newnes s o f th e " N e w Left " suggests a rupture wit h th e ol d ideals , an d i t i s tellin g t o not e ho w man y o f the ideal s o f th e Sixtie s wer e imported : religion s o f th e Eas t an d Middl e East, continenta l philosophies , an d variou s form s o f Marxis m wer e seize d upon a s source s o f transcendenta l value , change s signale d i n discours e b y a shift fro m th e rhetorica l for m o f th e "Declaration " t o tha t o f th e "Mani festo." Thes e vision s faile d t o captur e th e imaginatio n o f mos t Americans , not becaus e o f an y inheren t defect , bu t becaus e radicalis m i s cultural , an d these ideal s were no t o f our culture . I n fact , tha t radical s shoul d hav e turne d to the m i s suggestive o f how moribun d ou r ow n ideal s ha d become . Excep t perhaps fo r recollection s o f th e Declaratio n o f Independence , Thorea u o n civil disobedience , o r othe r signatur e document s recite d eithe r a s liturgy o r as evidenc e o f hypocrisy, ther e wa s littl e evidenc e o f historica l awarenes s i n the rhetori c o f th e Sixties , an d n o evidenc e tha t th e spiritua l source s tha t fueled th e radicalis m o f th e pas t wer e considere d eithe r viabl e o r relevant . As a n extrem e manifestatio n o f thes e tendencies , suc h socia l movement s as ga y liberatio n hav e abandone d transcendenta l ideal s altogether . Ga y liberation has , i n fact , bee n decisivel y exclude d fro m claim s o n th e divine . Some segment s o f th e movemen t ma y profes s belie f i n som e highe r order , and certainl y individual s might , bu t a s a socia l movement , ga y liberatio n i s characterized b y a n overwhelmin g emphasi s o n th e individual , th e freedo m side o f th e freedom/disciplin e equation . A commandin g transcendenta l presence i s antithetical t o a policy o f "liv e an d le t live. " Gay liberatio n effort s hav e largel y bee n characterize d b y Arnol d s idea l of "sweetnes s an d light, " a campaign fo r civil rights. As congenia l a s that ma y be, i t als o contain s clea r defect s an d limitations . B y adherin g t o th e rule s o f "reasonable discourse, " ga y liberatio n leader s reinforc e th e underlyin g idea s regarding th e natur e o f reason s an d truth ; the y provid e taci t assen t t o th e claim tha t thei r caus e ma y no t b e right , an d the y den y th e integrit y o f reasons tha t migh t compe l concordanc e wit h thei r cause . "Reasons " ar e both enthymemati c an d compellin g o f refor m onl y a s lon g a s ther e exist s the assumptio n o f widespread agreemen t o n wha t shoul d be . I n a pluralisti c world, reason s ca n b e onl y tha t t o whic h th e audienc e i s willin g t o assent , something t o b e negotiated . I n short , ga y liberationist s hav e n o fait h i n their ow n righteousness . Faith i s a nonempirica l idea . A s such , it s compas s i s no t restricte d t o th e narrow worl d o f the observabl e an d th e quantifiable ; it s only limit s ar e thos e

The Seraph and the Snake |

20 7

of th e huma n imagination . Free d fro m th e chain s o f th e quotidia n an d th e pedestrian, fait h reflect s itsel f i n th e grandeu r an d spaciousnes s o f ou r my thologies. A s Northro p Fry e describe s it , w e liv e i n tw o worlds . Fo r th e o b jective world , th e worl d w e ar e actually in , w e develo p " a logical language o f fact, reason , description , an d verification. " Fo r th e "potentiall y create d world," th e idea l civilizatio n w e ar e tryin g t o buil d o r maintain , w e develo p "a mythica l languag e o f hope , desire , belief , anxiety , polemic , fantasy , an d construction." 6 I t might b e sai d that w e ca n judge a culture b y th e qualit y o f the storie s i t tell s abou t itself , b y it s mythica l language. 7 T h e storie s o f th e Greek golde n ag e stil l captur e th e imagination , an d th e achievemen t o f th e Old Testamen t ha s been it s ability t o ancho r a cultural identit y fo r thre e mil lennia. Suc h storie s solici t ou r continuin g admiratio n becaus e the y remin d us o f wha t humanit y ca n achiev e whe n i t strain s t o reac h beyon d itsel f int o the sacred , al l the whil e recognizin g it s own finitude . About suc h stories , Matthe w Arnold , i n hi s essa y " T h e Proo f fro m Prophecy," wrote , That me n should , b y hel p o f their imagination , tak e shor t cut s t o wha t the y ardently desire , whether th e triump h o f Israel or th e triump h o f Christianity , should tel l themselve s fairy-tale s abou t it , shoul d mak e thes e fairy-tale s th e basis for what i s far more sure and solid than the fairy-tales, th e desir e itself — all this has in it , w e repeat , nothin g whic h i s not natural , nothin g blameable . Nay, the regio n o f our hope s an d presentiments extends , as we have also said, far beyon d th e regio n o f what w e ca n kno w wit h certainty . Wha t w e reac h but b y hop e an d presentimen t ma y ye t b e true ; an d h e woul d b e a narro w reasoner wh o denied , fo r instance , al l validit y t o th e ide a o f immortality , because thi s idea rest s on presentimen t mainly , an d doe s not admi t o f certai n demonstration. I n religion , abov e all , extra-belief is i n itsel f n o matter , as suredly, fo r blame . Th e objec t o f religio n i s conduct ; an d i f a ma n help s himself i n hi s conduc t b y takin g a n objec t o f hop e an d presentimen t a s i f it wer e a n objec t o f certainty , h e ma y eve n b e sai d t o gai n thereb y a n advantage.8 Stories a t this level are more tha n th e product s o f a single author ; the y repre sent a c o m m o n voice , a cooperativ e effor t t o defin e ou r highes t ideal s an d aspirations, ou r mos t elevate d visions . Arnol d recognize d the m a s par t o f a cultural urg e t o perfection , an d Nietzsch e admire d th e Ol d Testamen t pre cisely because h e foun d therei n a people. Tha t som e singl e prophe t ma y b e come th e spokesperso n fo r th e mas s does not negat e th e communa l natur e o f the story , fo r withou t engagemen t th e stor y remain s iner t an d sterile .

208I

TH

E SERAP

H AN

D TH

E SNAK

E

Borrowing fro m th e storie s o f th e Ol d Testament , th e America n proph ets examine d her e a t leas t bega n wit h vision s tha t wer e bot h nobl e an d exalted, storie s tha t dare d t o gambl e o n presentimen t alone . Bu t just a s Ol d Testament prophec y wa s unabl e t o sustai n itself , th e exodu s myt h fashione d by th e leader s o f th e America n Revolutio n containe d withi n i t tension s that allowe d i t t o devolv e firs t t o melodrama , the n t o melodramati c passio n play, the n t o fantasy , unti l ther e wa s nothin g lef t bu t th e forma l trapping s o f poetry, an d finally , a renunciatio n o f th e transcenden t stor y altogethe r i n favor o f th e tempora l an d prosai c utterance s o f economics . I t seem s quit e appropriate her e t o spea k o f a degenerative genre, 9 a failure o f imagination . There i s an increasin g tendenc y ove r th e cours e o f these studie s t o substitut e literary convention s fo r a consensu s absen t a t th e spiritua l level . Yet i t mus t b e sai d i n defens e o f thos e w h o create d th e storie s o f th e Revolution, o f th e slav e powe r conspiracy , o f th e right s o f workers , o f th e communist conspiracy , o f th e nee d t o recogniz e th e equa l right s o f all , tha t they a t leas t ha d th e courag e t o recogniz e an d acknowledg e thing s large r than themselves , thoug h som e wer e defeate d i n th e process . I n doin g so , they hav e adde d colo r an d characte r t o ou r heritage . Tha t thei r closes t ki n are foun d i n imaginativ e literatur e suggest s th e reac h o f thei r thought . Bu t unlike th e author s o f novels , plays , an d poems , ou r visionarie s canno t b e dismissed a s idl e speculators ; the y d o no t allo w u s t o isolat e thei r fiction s from th e realitie s o f ou r everyda y world . The y insis t o n bein g take n a s renderings o f th e possible . That effort s t o creat e gran d mythologie s hav e a n elemen t o f foreignnes s and extravaganc e fo r u s reflect s ho w fa r w e ar e estrange d fro m th e fait h tha t motivates them . W e hav e adopte d th e constricte d logi c o f empiricism , a logic tha t reduce s al l thing s t o ou r level , put s al l thing s o n ou r terms . I t replaces commitmen t wit h method . I t i s a logi c tha t demand s littl e o f u s either i n belie f o r i n consequence. 1 0 A strictl y empirica l worldvie w doe s not reshap e huma n beings ; throug h th e achievement s o f scienc e an d tech nology, i t accommodate s them ; i t reshape s th e environment , an d it s succes s in doin g s o i s prima faci e evidenc e o f its veracity. W e thu s assum e a positio n of passivity an d see k t o absolv e ourselve s o f responsibilit y fo r ou r decisions . Matthew Arnold , thoug h h e sough t t o tempe r wha t h e viewe d a s th e excessive Hebrais m o f hi s day , warne d agains t suc h a misplace d fait h i n th e external, i n "machinery " Th e "elegan t Jeremiah " understoo d tha t cultur e must properl y b e a "harmoniou s perfection, " a "totality, " "fir e an d strength" a s wel l a s "sweetnes s an d light. " I n "Dove r Beach " h e lamente d the "melancholy , long , withdrawin g roar " o f th e "Se a o f Faith, " " R e -

The Seraph and the Snake |

20 9

treating, t o th e breat h O f th e nigh t wind , dow n th e vas t edge d drea r An d naked shingle s o f th e world. " Th e world , h e continued , Hath reall y neither joy, nor love , nor light , Nor certitude , no r peace, o r help fo r pain ; And we are here a s on a darkling plain Swept with confuse d alarm s of struggle an d flight , Where ignoran t armie s clas h by night . That Arnold' s poem , originall y intende d a s a criticis m o f politica l excess , sounds equall y appropriat e i n a time characterize d b y diffidenc e i s a strikin g testament t o th e soundnes s o f hi s instinc t fo r balanc e an d a lesso n i n deference an d responsibility . Ha d h e bee n a thoroughgoin g Hellenist , hi s idea o f balanc e migh t hav e resemble d th e golde n mea n wherei n everythin g is trimme d o f exces s an d reduce d t o th e palatable , bu t Arnol d finall y preferred a mor e dynami c an d athleti c notio n o f homeostasis , les s a n average tha n a n offsettin g o f opposin g elements . Muc h a s h e celebrate d "sweetness an d light, " h e wa s unwillin g t o renounc e thos e expression s o f faith characterize d b y "fir e an d strength, " whic h h e recognize d a s havin g their ow n valu e i n a culture . In contras t t o Arnol d s time , w e hav e erre d o n th e sid e o f Hellenism . We ar e plainl y uncomfortabl e wit h th e unverifiabl e an d th e extraordinary . We prefe r th e blandnes s o f th e bureaucra t t o th e superna l visio n o f th e seer . O u r cynicis m prevent s u s fro m creditin g claim s o n th e divine . W e vie w th e prophetic traditio n a s remarkably naiv e i n it s fait h i n ultimat e goodness . W e prefer t o loo k fo r th e snak e lurkin g behin d ever y purporte d angel . O u r distrust o f prophet s i s reall y a reflectio n o f a profoun d distrus t o f ourselve s and ou r abilit y t o tel l tru e fro m false . W e tak e n o chances ; w e hid e behin d a timorou s notio n o f reason , wor n lik e sensibl e shoes . This is , finally , th e failin g o f s o man y curren t prescription s fo r th e national malaise . O n th e on e hand , thos e o n th e righ t woul d retrea t t o rigid orthodoxie s a s sources o f order . O n th e othe r hand , thos e w h o coun t themselves liberal s plac e thei r fait h i n th e processe s o f reaso n withou t content. 1 1 Bot h response s embrac e a n ide a o f civility , bu t neithe r compre hends th e rol e o f continuin g radica l oppositio n i n maintainin g cultura l definition, th e nee d t o aerat e th e root s o f societ y b y mean s tha t involv e some violenc e t o th e soil . An d th e questio n mus t b e raise d a s t o whethe r we hav e no t los t som e o f th e richnes s o f ou r tradition s b y condescendin g to th e fait h o n whic h the y wer e based . W e hav e los t twice , becaus e w e ca n neither full y appreciat e th e motive s tha t impelle d som e t o spea k a s prophets,

210 |

TH

E SERAP H AN

D TH E SNAK

E

which alienate s u s fro m ou r history , no r ca n w e expec t a renascenc e o f prophetic activit y i n a world tha t canno t warran t it s fundamenta l assump tions, whic h alienate s u s from th e possibilit y o f a prophetic future . I t i s o n the recover y o f thi s abandone d faith , thi s nativ e radicalism , I suggest , tha t the revival of a compelling socia l vision an d th e discours e tha t would b e its vehicle depends .

Notes

NOTES T

O CHAPTE

RI

i. Congressiona l Record , 104t h Cong. , 2 d sess. , Ma y 7 , 1996 , E720—21 . 2. Tod d Gitlin , The Twilight of Common Dreams Books, 1995) .

(Ne w York : Metropolita n

3. Gertrud e Himmelfarb , On Looking into the Abyss: Untimely Thoughts on Culture and Society (Ne w York : Vintage , 1995) . 4. Miss Manners Rescues Civilization from Sexual Harassment, Frivolous Lawsuits, Dissing, and Other Lapses in Civility (Ne w York : Crown , 1996) . 5. Tod d Gitlin , " T h e Uncivi l Society, " New Perspectives Quarterly (Sprin g 1990) , 476. Gitlin , " T h e Uncivi l Society, " 48 . 7. Jac k Newfield , New York Times (Decembe r 29 , 1968) , III , 3 . 8. Ab e Fortas , "Justic e Forta s Define s th e Limit s o f Civi l Disobedience, " New York Times Magazine (Ma y 12 , 1968) , 2 8 + . 9. Richar d M . Nixon , "Firs t Inaugura l Address " (Januar y 20 , 1969 ) a s printe d in James R . Andrew s an d Davi d Zarefsky , Contemporary American Voices: Significant Speeches in American History, 1945—Present (White Plains , NY : Longman , 1992) , 258. 10. Bruc e Lincoln , Discourse and the Construction of Society: Comparative Studies of Myth, Ritual, and Classification (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1989) , 3 . 11. R o b e r t N . Bellah , Richar d Madsen , Willia m M . Sullivan , An n Swidler , an d Steven M . Tipton , Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985) . 12. Le e C . Bollinger , The Tolerant Society (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1986), 9 . 13. Additiona l example s include : Willia m Barrett , Rhetoric and Civility: Human Development, Narcissism, and the Good Audience (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f N e w York Press , 1991) ; Nei l Postman , Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (Ne w York : Penguin , 1986) ; Thoma s Shachtman , The Inarticulate Society: Eloquence and Culture in America (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1995) . 14. Frankly n S . Haiman , " T h e R h e t o r i c o f 1968 : A Farewel l t o Rationa l Discourse," i n Wi l A . Linkugel , R . R . Allen , an d Richar d L . Johannesen , eds. ,

211

212 |

Notes

to Chapter 1

Contemporary American Speeches, 3 d editio n (Belmont , CA : Wadsworth , 1972) , 133-4715. Mar y An n Glendon , Rights Talk: The Impoverishment of Political Discourse (New York : Fre e Press , 1991) . 16. Se e also : Wayn e C . Booth , Now Don't Try to Reason with Me: Essays and Ironies for a Credulous Age (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1970) . 17. Jea n Bethk e Elshtain , Democracy on Trial (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1995) , 2 , 11, 19,77 . 18. Elshtain , Democracy on Trial, 95. 19. Thoma s Cole , The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore : John s Hopkins Universit y Press , 1991) , 47-54 . 20. R o b e r t Hariman , " D e c o r u m , Power , an d th e Courtl y Style, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 78 (1992) , 156 . 21. Charle s Walte r Brown , The American Star Speaker and Model Elocutionist (Chicago: M . A . D o n o h u e & Co. , 1902) , 2 0 - 2 1 . 22. Jame s Boy d White , When Words Lose Their Meaning: Constitutions and Reconstitutes of Language, Character, and Community (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1984) , xi . 23. Kennet h Burke , A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles : Universit y of Californi a Press , 1969) , 39 . 24. Fo r a complet e dissertatio n o n th e relationshi p o f communication , order , authority, hierarchy , organization , integration , an d mystification , see : H u g h Dalzie l Duncan, Communication and Social Order (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1968). 25. Fo r a discussio n o f relevan t issue s an d literature , se e Karly n Kohr s Campbel l and Kathlee n Hal l Jamieson, " F o r m an d Genr e i n Rhetorica l Criticism : A n Intro duction," i n Karly n Kohr s Campbel l an d Kathlee n Jamieson , eds. , Form and Genre: Shaping Rhetorical Action (Annandale , VA : Speec h Communicatio n Association , [1978]), 9-32 . 26. Se e Russel l Hanson , TTie Democratic Imagination in America: Conversations with Our Past (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1985) , 22-25 . 27. Campbel l an d Jamieson, " F o r m an d Genr e i n Rhetorica l Criticism, " 24—25 . 28. Classi c studie s o f America s sacre d self-conceptio n includ e Perr y Miller , Errand into the Wilderness (Cambridge : Belkna p Pres s o f Harvar d Universit y Press , 1956); an d Ernes t Le e Tuveson , Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1968) . 29. Fo r example : James Turne r Johnson, ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press ; Chico , CA : Scholar s Press , 1985) ; and Ernes t R . Sandeen , ed. , The Bible and Social Reform (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press; Chico , CA : Scholar s Press , 1982) . 30. Se e especiall y Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison , W I : University o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) .

Notes to Chapter 1 \

21 3

31. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, 32—33 , 34 , 37 , 44 , 45 , 80 . 32. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, xiv , 4 , 79 . 33. Matthe w Arnold , Culture and Anarchy, J . Dove r Wilson , ed . (Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , i960) . 34. Arnold , Culture and Anarchy, 131 . 35. Se e Isaa c Rabinowitz , " P r e - M o d e r n Jewis h Stud y o f Rhetoric : A n Intro ductory Bibliography, " Rhetorica 3 (1985) , esp . 137-38 . 36. Michae l V . Fox , " T h e R h e t o r i c o f Ezekiel' s Visio n o f th e Valle y o f th e Bones," Hebrew Union College Annual 5 1 (1980) , 5 . Hesche l provide s a particularl y good introductio n t o difference s betwee n Gree k though t an d Hebre w though t i n the ancien t worl d an d a s the y hav e evolve d an d influence d ou r culture . Abraha m Heschel, The Prophets, 2 vols. , C o l o p h o n editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1962), esp . v . 2 , chap . 3 . Se e also : Isaa c Rabinowitz , "Toward s a Vali d T h e o r y o f Biblical Hebre w Literature, " i n Luitpol d Wallach , ed. , The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1966) , 315-28 . 37. Fo r example , see : James H . Billington , Fires in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1980) ; Samue l D . Clark , J . Pau l Grayson, an d Lind a M . Grayson , eds. , Prophecy and Protest: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Canada (Toronto : Sag e Educationa l Publishing , 1975) ; Mauric e Cranston, ed. , Prophetic Politics (New York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1970) ; Han s Kohn , Prophets and Peoples: Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism (Ne w York : Collier , 1961); Leo n Festinger , Henr y W . Reicken , an d Stanle y Schacter , When Prophecy Fails, Torchbook editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1964) . 38. Georg e Bernar d Shaw , "Preface, " Saint Joan, Pengui n editio n (Baltimore : Penguin, 1951) , 41-42 . 39. Kennet h Burk e remind s u s tha t th e wor d "persuasion " come s fro m th e Latin suadere, whic h share s it s root s wit h "suavity, " "assuage, " an d "sweet. " A Rhetoric of Motives, 5 2. 40. R o b e r t N . Bella h an d Philli p E . H a m m o n d , Varieties of Civil Religion (Sa n Francisco: Harpe r an d Row , 1980) , 126 , passim . 41. Bella h an d H a m m o n d , Varieties of Civil Religion, 36 , passim . 42. Kennet h Burke , A Grammar of Motives (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles : Univer sity o f Californi a Press , 1969) , 112 , passim . Burk e als o talk s o f mone y emancipatin g men "fro m a belie f i n an y spiritua l powe r bu t mone y itsel f an d it s psychoses. " A Rhetoric of Motives, 135 . Ther e wil l b e mor e o n thi s them e i n chapte r 9 . 43. Willia m A . Gamson , Power and Discontent (Homewood , IL : Dorse y Press , 1968), 83-84 . Se e also : Charle s Tilly , From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading , MA : Addison-Wesley, 1978) . 44. Fo r a n overvie w o f th e social-scientifi c ide a o f radicalism , see : Egon Bittner , "Radicalism," i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 vols., v . 1 3 (Ne w York : Macmilla n an d Fre e Press , 1968) , 294-300 .

214 I

Notes to Chapter 2

45. Tod d Gitlin , "Postmodernism : Root s an d Politics, " i n Ia n Angu s an d Su t Jhally, eds. , Cultural Politics in Contemporary America (Ne w York : Routledge , 1989) , 353NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

i. Aristotle , Rhetoric, W Rhy s Roberts , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richard McKeon , ed . (Ne w York: Random House , 1941) , 135631-3. 2. Jame s Turne r Johnson , "Introduction, " i n Jame s Turne r Johnson , ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric, (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press ; Chico, CA : Scholars Press, 1985) , 1. 3. Accordin g t o Clau s Westermann, "Th e mos t importan t resul t fo r th e histor y and understandin g o f prophetic speec h i n th e Ol d Testamen t i s that th e characte r of th e propheti c speeche s a s messengers ' speeche s i s no w full y confirme d b y th e religio- historica l backgroun d show n i n th e Mar i letters . Ther e i s thu s n o longe r any reaso n fo r disputin g th e definitio n o f th e propheti c speec h introduce d b y Lindblom an d Kohler which assume s its character t o be the speech o f a messenger." Claus Westermann , Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech, Hugh Clayto n White , trans . (Philadelphia: Westminster Press , 1967) , 128 . See also: R. B . Y Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, revise d editio n (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1968) , 92 , 126-27 . Scot t describes th e prophet s a s Yahweh' s voice s "speakin g i n th e firs t perso n o n hi s behalf, whethe r o r no t thei r oracle s a s they hav e com e dow n t o u s are prefaced b y the messenger' s introductor y formula , 'Thu s sait h th e Lord. ' Wha t the y proclaime d was a Wor d fro m Yahweh—definite , relevant , urgent. " Se e als o Bruc e Vawter , C. M. , The Conscience of Israel: Pre-Exilic Prophets and Prophecy (Ne w York : Shee d and Ward, 1961) , esp. 38-39, 47-50. 4. Abraha m J . Heschel , The Prophets, Colopho n edition , v . 2 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1962) , esp . 138-39 . Se e also : Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 90 , 99; Burk e O . Long , "Propheti c Authorit y a s Social Reality, " i n Georg e W Coat s and Burk e O . Long , eds. , Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theology (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1977) , 7. 5. Ezekie l 3:14 . 6. Jeremia h 20:9. 7. Amo s 3:8 . Se e also : Sheldo n Blank' s descriptio n o f Jeremiah's speec h a s no t "automatic, nevertheles s i t i s beyon d hi s powe r t o refrai n fro m speech . H e i s possessed wit h a sense o f inevitability." Sheldo n H . Blank , " 'O f a Truth th e Lor d Hath Sen t Me' : A n Inquir y int o th e Sourc e o f the Prophet' s Authority, " i n Harr y M. Orlinsky , ed. , Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition: The Goldenson Lectures ig55~ig66 (Cincinnati: Hebre w Unio n Colleg e Press ; Ne w York : KTA V Publishin g House , 1969), 138. Margare t D . Zulick , "Th e Ago n o f Jeremiah: O n th e Dialogi c Inventio n o f Prophetic Ethos, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 78 (1992) , 137.

Notes to Chapter 2 |

21

5

9. Zulick , " T h e Ago n o f Jeremiah," 137 . 10. O n th e messenge r formula , see : Westermann , Basic Forms. Se e als o Helme r Ringgren, "Prophec y i n th e Ancien t Nea r East, " i n Richar d Coggins , Anthon y Phillips, an d Michae l Knibb , eds. , Israel's Prophetic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1982) , 1 . 11. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 206 ; Michae l V . Fox , " T h e R h e t o r i c ofEzekiel' s Vision o f th e Valle y o f th e Bones, " Hebrew Union College Annual 5 1 (1980) , 8 . 12. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 16—17. 13. Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 1 3 off, I42ff ; Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 7off , 159-86, 190 . 14. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 169 . 15. Scott , Relevance of the Prophets, 144 . 16. Ezekie l 12:2 . 17. Amo s 6:4-6 . 18. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 146 . 19. Isaia h 29:11-12 . 20. Amo s 2:4 . 21. Isaia h 28:7 . 22. Jeremia h 5:21 . 23. See : Richar d Ohmann' s remark s o n th e relationshi p betwee n stylisti c choices an d epistemology . "Prolegomen a t o th e Analysi s o f Pros e Style, " reprinte d in Howar d S . Babb , ed. , Essays in Stylistic Analysis (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1972) , 35—49 . 24. Westermann , fo r example , use s th e ter m apodictic to describ e th e la w wit h which th e prophet s wer e concerned . Basic Forms, 172 . 25. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 1 , 22 . 26. Westerman n describe s th e accusatio n i n th e propheti c speec h a s a recitatio n of fact s (Basic Forms, 132 , 144 , 145 , 146 ) an d describe s th e combinatio n o f th e accusation an d th e announcemen t stemmin g fro m i t a s "self-evident. " Basic Forms, 153, cf . 187—88 . Anthon y Phillip s discusse s th e concer n o f th e prophet s wit h "natural la w . . . a breac h o f whic h an y rationa l ma n ough t t o hav e bee n abl e t o discern fo r himself. " Anthon y Phillips , "Prophec y an d Law, " i n Coggins , Phillips , and Knibb , Israel's Prophetic Tradition, 223-24 . 27. Chai m Perelma n an d L . Olbrechts-Tyteca , The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation, Joh n Wilkinso n an d Purcel l Weaver , trans . (Notr e Dame , I N : U n i versity o f N o t r e D a m e Press , 1969) , 3 . 28. Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : H e n r y R e g n e r y Co. , 1965) , 166 , passim . 29. Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 9 . 30. W D . Hudson , " W h a t Make s Religiou s Belief s Religious? " Religious Studies 13 (1977) , esp . 2 3 0 - 3 1 . 31. Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 17 .

216 I

Notes to Chapter 2

32. Walte r Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1978), 66; see also: Thomas W . Overholt , Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of Prophetic Activity (Minneapolis: Fortres s Press, 1989) . 33. A . S . Va n de r Woud e clarifie s thi s comple x relationshi p o f consensu s an d opposition: "Non e o f th e writin g prophet s see m t o hav e denie d thes e tradition s [the normative theologica l tradition s o f Israel] as such but the y have drawn differen t conclusions fro m the m tha n thei r contemporaries. " A . S . Van de r Woude , "Thre e Classical Prophets : Amos , Hose a an d Micah, " i n Coggins , Phillips , an d Knibb , Israel's Prophetic Tradition, 40 . Bruc e Vawter' s comment s closel y paralle l Va n de r Woude's. Vawter, Conscience of Israel, 16-17 . 34. Chronicle s 11:1—3 . Se e also : Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2 , 254ff ; Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 176ft. 35. Jeremia h 23:10 . Kennet h Burk e find s th e secula r covenan t alon g wit h th e fall fro m grac e implie d i n th e sacre d covenan t o f creation, thu s establishin g a cycle from orde r t o disobedienc e t o guil t t o victimag e t o redemptio n i n a ne w order . Kenneth Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion: Studies in Logology (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles: University o f California Press , 1970) . 36. Isaia h 1:23-26 . 37. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , i59ff . 38. See , in particular: Phillips , "Prophec y an d Law," 217—32. 39. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 47 . 40. Westermann , Basic Forms, 133-36 , 199 . 41. Josep h Blenkinsopp , "Th e Propheti c Reproach, " Journal of Biblical Literature 90 (1971) , 267-78. 42. Ego n Bittner , "Radicalism, " i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 v., v. 1 3 (New York: Macmillan an d Fre e Press, 1968) , 294. 43. See , i n particular : Aaro n D . Gresson , "Minorit y Epistemolog y an d th e Rhetoric o f Creation," Philosophy and Rhetoric 1 0 (1977), 244—62; Parke G . Burgess, "The Rhetori c o f Mora l Conflict : Tw o Critica l Dimensions, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 6 (1970) , 120—30 ; Kathleen Jamieson , "Th e Rhetorica l Manifestation s o f Weltanschauung," Central States Speech Journal 27 (1976), 4—14. 44. O n th e nature o f the sacred as separate, see Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, Willard R . Trask , trans . (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace and World, 1959) . See also Fox, "Th e Rhetori c o f Ezekiel's Vision," 8 . 45. Emil e Durkheim , Sociology and Philosophy, D . F . Pocock, trans . (Ne w York : Free Press, 1974) , 25. 46. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 16 . See also: Burke, Rhetoric of Religion, 35ff, esp . 37-38; Pete r L . Berger , The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion, Ancho r editio n (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1969) , 8yf . 47. Th e ter m "identification " i s associate d wit h Kennet h Burk e a s a key ter m in rhetoric , but i t ha s been pointe d ou t o n mor e tha n on e occasio n tha t on e facto r that hinder s traditiona l Aristotelia n criticism s o f radical discours e i s that traditiona l

Notes to Chapter 2 \

21 7

rhetoric i s an "insider' s rhetoric. " See , in particular : Herber t W . Simons, "Persua sion i n Socia l Conflicts : A Critiqu e o f Prevailin g Conception s an d a Framewor k for Futur e Research, " Speech Monographs 3 9 (1972), 227—47. 48. Westerman n stresse s th e situationa l natur e o f propheti c discourse , i n Basic Forms, esp . 131, 153; se e also: Fox, "The Rhetoric o f Ezekiel's Vision," 4. 49. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2 , 188 . Simon Joh n d e Vrie s holds , "Th e basi c conflict [i n prophecy] i s always between covenan t integrit y an d political opportun ism." Prophet against Prophet (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1978) , 148. 50. See , fo r example , DeWitt e Holland , ed. , Preaching in American History (Nashville: Abingdo n Press , 1969) ; Barbar a A . Larson , Prologue to Revolution: The War Sermons of the Reverend Samuel Davies, Bicentennia l Monograp h (Fall s Church , VA: Speec h Communicatio n Association , 1978) ; Rober t N . Bellah , The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (Ne w York: Seabur y Press , 1975) , I2f.

51. Rober t N . Bellah , "Th e Revolutio n an d the Civi l Religion, " i n Jerald C . Brauer, ed. , Religion and the American Revolution (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1976) . 52. Leo n I . Feuer places specia l emphasi s o n the occurrence o f the prophe t i n a "time o f trouble." Leo n I . Feuer , "Propheti c Religio n i n a n Age of Revolution, " in Orlinsky , Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition, 181, 183 , 198 , passim . Se e also : Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, esp . 81, 112-14. 53. Scott , TJie Relevance of the Prophets, 9$f. 54. Jurge n Habermas , Legitimation Crisis, Thomas McCarthy , trans . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1975) , 3. 55. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 2iff. 56. Joh n E . Smith , Experience and God (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1968), 59. 57. Westermann , Basic Forms, 26—27. Westermann' s vie w i s corroborate d b y many othe r Ol d Testamen t scholars . Fo r example , see : Blenkinsopp , "Th e Pro phetic Reproach, " 267-78 , esp . 268; J. Begrich , Studien Zu Deuterojesaja, cite d i n Yehoshua Gitay , Prophecy and Persuasion: A Study of Isaiah 40—48 (Bonn : Linguistic a Biblica, 1981) , 7-8; Phillips, "Prophec y an d Law," 217-32. 58. Westermann , Basic Forms, 177ff . 59. Westermann , Basic Forms, 172—73 . 60. Westermann , Basic Forms, 176 . 61. Blenkinsopp , "Th e Prophetic Reproach, " 268. 62. Mica h 2:1-4 .

63. Nietzsch e woul d fin d her e th e institutionalization o f a "pathos o f distance" in the contractual relationshi p betwee n debto r an d creditor. Nietzsche , The Genealogy of Morals, i n The Birth of Tragedy and The Genealogy of Morals, Ancho r book s edition, Franci s Golffing , trans . (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1956) . 64. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, xvii—86. 65. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 128 .

2i8 I

Notes to Chapter 2

66. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 53. 67. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, 64. 68. Brueggemann , The Prophetic Imagination, 44-61; se e also : Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 32-36 , passim . Th e specia l relationshi p o f the prophe t t o th e power less is also a central theme i n James Limburg, The Prophets and the Powerless (Atlanta : John Kno x Press, 1977) . 69. Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1953) . 7470. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 24, 26, 38, 87. 71. Ohmann , "Prolegomen a t o th e Analysis of Prose Style," 47. 72. Jeremia h 21:12 . 73. Malachi 3:2-7 . 74. Lundbo m attempt s t o mak e th e cas e that Jeremiah ca n be rea d as persuasive discourse whic h find s it s cente r i n th e audience , bu t h e i s ofte n reduce d t o acknowledging th e intent o f the prophetic word t o "shatter " o r "break " th e peopl e so tha t the y ca n b e remolded . Jac k R . Lundbom , Jeremiah: A Study in Ancient Hebrew Rhetoric (Missoula , MT : Societ y o f Biblica l Literatur e an d Scholar s Press , 1975), 4of, 42 , 56, 58, 73, 77, 90, 95, n6f ; Cf . 79 , 91, 92. 75. Frye , The Critical Path, 120. 76. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 2, 185 . See also: Scott, The Relevance of the Prophets, 44-45. I n hi s revie w o f th e literatur e regardin g th e offic e o f th e prophet , West ermann find s nabi to b e historically associate d wit h th e offic e o f th e messenge r a s opposed t o th e offic e o f th e seer . Som e scholar s se e th e tw o office s becomin g conflated i n lat e Ol d Testamen t prophecy . Westermann , Basic Forms, 14—80. Vawter's revie w o f the meanin g o f nabi i s consisten t wit h Hesche l an d Westerman n i n that Vawte r find s nabi becoming prophetes i n th e Gree k Septuagint . Thi s woul d b e consistent wit h th e vie w tha t th e nabi is on e wh o i s calle d t o spea k fo r another . Vawter, The Conscience of Israel, 34ff . 77. Jeremia h 20:7—9. 78. Heschel , v . 1 , 113 . Cline s an d Gun n tak e issu e wit h Hesche l s rendering , preferring t o translat e pittitani as "persuasion. " D . J. A . Cline s an d D . M . Gunn , " 'Yo u Tried t o Persuade Me' an d 'Violence ! Outrage!' i n Jeremiah X X 7-8, " Vetus Testamentum 2 8 (1978) , 20-27 . Nonetheless , the y com e t o th e conclusio n tha t Jeremiah's rag e is directed agains t Yahweh fo r compellin g him , throug h persuasion , to spea k a s a prophet, vo n Rad , too , woul d argu e tha t th e prophe t i s a free agent , but h e als o concede s tha t "th e prophet s themselve s fel t tha t the y ha d bee n com pelled by a stronger will than theirs. " Gerhard vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, D. M. G . Stalker, trans . (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, 1965) , 37, 50-59. 79. Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, 99 . Similarly , Hesche l note s th e meta phor o f th e han d o f Go d use d b y th e prophet s t o expres s "th e urgency , pressure ,

Notes to Chapter 2 |

21

9

and compulsio n b y whic h h e i s stunne d an d overwhelmed. " The Prophets, v . 2 , 224. 80. Jeremia h 1:5 . 81. Isaia h 49:5 . 82. Willia m James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Ne w York : N e w A m e r i can Library , 1958) , 143 . 83. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 157 . 84. See : Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 56 . 85. Kennet h Burk e define s martyrdo m a s "th e ide a o f tota l voluntar y self sacrifice enacte d i n a grav e caus e befor e a perfec t (absolute ) witness . I t i s th e fulfillment o f th e principl e o f mortification , suicidall y directed , wit h th e sel f a s scapegoat (i n contras t wit h homicida l us e o f a n externa l scapegoa t a s purificator y victim)." Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion, 248 . An d Willia m Jame s clarifie s th e relationship betwee n self-sacrific e an d mortificatio n b y notin g tha t obedienc e t o God represent s th e sacrific e o f intellec t an d will ; t o th e exten t tha t th e prophe t i s obedient t o hi s call , h e i s mortified . James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 53 , 245 ; Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 196-201 . 86. R . B . Y . Scot t expresse s th e natur e o f th e callin g i n term s o f bein g se t apart . Scott, The Relevance of the Prophets, 99 , 100 . Edga r Magni n find s th e physica l separation o f th e prophets ' "pulpit " fro m th e templ e t o b e symboli c o f thi s sacredness. Edga r F . Magnin , " T h e Voic e o f Prophec y i n Thi s Satellit e Age, " i n Orlinsky, Interpreting the Prophetic Tradition, 103—21 . T h e sens e o f separatenes s i s als o implied i n theorie s o f propheti c ecstasy , whic h mean s "t o pu t ou t o f place." R o b e r t R . Wilson , "Prophec y an d Ecstasy : A Reexamination, " Journal of Biblical Literature 98 (1979) , 321-37 . 87. Zulick , " T h e Ago n o f Jeremiah," 135 . 88. vo n R a d , The Message of the Prophets, 37 . 89. Jeremia h 20:14-18 . 90. Nietzsche , The Genealogy of Morals, 221 , emphasi s Nietzsche's . Fo r James' s criticism o f Nietzsche , see : Varieties of Religious Experience, 286—87 . 91. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy, 163—83. 92. Long , "Propheti c Authorit y a s Socia l Reality, " 8 . 93. Jame s Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict (Berlin : Walte r d e Gruyter , 1971) , 38 . Sheldon Blan k make s th e sam e poin t whe n h e note s tha t Jeremiah s stronges t argument fo r hi s authenticit y wa s no t a n argumen t a t all , bu t th e simpl e affirmatio n that Go d ha d sen t him . Blank , " ' O f a Trut h th e Lor d Hat h Sen t Me, ' " 9 . 94. Georg e Bernar d Shaw , Saint Joan, Pengui n editio n (Baltimore : Penguin , 1951), 122 . 95. Shaw , Saint Joan, 123 . 96. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict, 94 . Se e also : Magnin , " T h e Voic e o f Prophec y in Thi s Satellit e Age, " 118 .

220 |

Notes

to Chapter 2

97. Shaw , Saint Joan, 158. 98. Ma x Weber, "Th e Prophet, " in S. N. Eisenstadt, ed. , Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , 25399. Weber , "Th e Prophet, " 254. Hesche l write s o f th e prophe t a s anthropo tropic (Go d turnin g towar d man ) whil e priest s wer e theotropi c (ma n turnin g toward God) : "Th e prophe t speak s an d act s b y virtu e o f divin e inspiration , th e priest performs th e ritua l by virtue o f his official status. " Heschel, The Prophets, v . 2, 221.

100. Vawter , Conscience of Israel, 20. O n prophec y a s charismatic , se e also : Heschel, The Prophets, v . 2, 139 ; Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, 24 , 70, passim. 101. I n J . E . T . Eldridge , ed. , Max Weber: The Interpretation of Social Reality (New York: Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1971) , 229. 102. Thi s i s clear in Weber' s writing s wher e charismati c authorit y i s contraste d with rationa l form s lik e bureaucrati c authority , an d i t i s th e focu s o f Willia m H . Swatos, Jr. , "Th e Disenchantmen t o f Charisma, " Sociological Analysis 4 2 (1981) , 119-36. Se e also : Georg e P . Boss , "Essentia l Attribute s o f th e Concep t o f Cha risma," Southern Speech Communication Journal 41 (1976), 300-13. 103. vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 206 , 218-28 . O n interpretation s o f the servan t songs , se e Coli n G . Kruse , "Th e Servan t Songs : Interpretiv e Trend s since C . R. North, " Studia Biblica et Theologica 8 (1978), 3-27 . 104. Isaia h 50:4. 105. Kennet h Burke , A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles: Univer sity of California Press , 1969) , 222. 106. F . G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1983) , 38 . Burk e Lon g writes : "Eve n event s o f conspicuou s hardshi p an d failure coul d b e interprete d s o as to suppor t claim s of authority (Jeremia h 1:18-19 ; 15:19-20)." Long, "Propheti c Authorit y a s Social Reality," 15 . 107. vo n Ra d discusse s th e us e o f "martyrdom " t o describ e pre-Christia n sufferings an d find s tha t example s fro m th e Ol d Testamen t prophet s approac h ver y closely Christian martyrdom , "fo r eve n in Israe l it became more an d more apparen t that loyalt y t o Yahwe h logicall y woul d lea d t o suffering. " vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 2j6f. 108. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 32 . Shaw notes, "Th e tes t o f sanity is not the normality o f the method but the reasonableness of the discovery." "Preface, " Saint Joan, 14. 109. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 37 . n o . James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 207 . Writin g o f Sain t Joan , Sha w says, "Fo r u s t o se t u p ou r conditio n a s a standard o f sanity, an d declar e Joan ma d because sh e neve r condescende d t o it , i s t o prov e tha t w e ar e no t onl y los t bu t irredeemable." "Preface, " 18 . i n . Swatos , "Th e Disenchantmen t o f Charisma, " 124 ; Long , "Propheti c Au -

Notes to Chapter 3 |

22 1

thority a s Social Reality, " 4 . Overholt treat s this as something o f a revelation i n his discussion o f "social dynamics. " Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, 143 , 157, 181 . 112. vo n Rad, The Message of the Prophets, 223 . 113. James , Varieties of Religious Experience, 290 . 114. Zulick , "Th e Agon o f Jeremiah," 142. 115. Comparison s o f Debs an d Lincol n ar e especiall y common . Fo r example , see: Joh n Swinton , "Lincoln , i860—Debs , 1894, " reprinte d i n Debs: His Life, Writings, and Speeches (Chicago : Charle s H . Ker r an d Company , 1908) , 501-4 ; Walter Hurt , "Eugen e V . Debs : A n Introduction " (Williamsburg , OH : Progres s Publishing Co. , n.d.) , 15 ; Charles Erskin e Scot t Wood , "Deb s Has Visitors, " i n Ruth L e Prade, ed. , Debs and the Poets (Pasadena , CA : Upton Sinclair , 1920) , 84 — 88. O n th e general phenomeno n o f comparing Deb s an d Lincoln, see : Bernard J. Brommel, "Eugen e V . Debs : Spokesma n fo r Labo r an d Socialism, " unpublishe d dissertation, Indian a University , 1964 , i68f, 226. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

i. Stephe n Hopkins , "A n Essa y o n th e Trad e o f the Norther n Colonies, " i n Merrill Jensen , ed. , Tracts of the American Revolution (Indianapolis , IN : Bobbs Merrill, n.d.) , 16-17 . 2. Clinto n Rossiter , The Political Thought of the American Revolution (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e and World, 1963) , iyff . 3. Secon d Continenta l Congress , i n Richar d Hofstadter , ed. , Great Issues in American History from the Revolution to the Civil War, 1765—1865 (Ne w York: Vintage, 1958), 49-50. 4. Bernar d Bailyn , The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Universit y Press , 1967) , 1. 5. Bailyn , Ideological Origins, 19 . 6. Thoma s J . Archdeacon , "America n Historian s an d th e America n Revolu tion: A Bicentennial Overview, " Wisconsin Magazine of History 63 (1980) , 290. 7. Gordo n S . Wood , "Rhetori c an d Realit y i n th e America n Revolution, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d series, 23 (1966), 2. 8. Marti n Howard , Jr. , " A Lette r fro m a Gentlema n a t Halifax, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 73 . 9. Thoma s Bolton , "A n Oration, " i n Davi d Potte r an d Gordo n L . Thomas , eds., The Colonial Idiom (Carbondale an d Edwardsville: Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press, 1970) , 301 . 10. See : Dickinson's Lette r no . 3, reprinted i n Forres t McDonald , ed. , Empire and Nation (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1962) , 15—20. 11. [Danie l Leonard] , "Massachusettensis, " Decembe r 19 , 1774 , i n Jensen , Tracts, 283-84 . 12. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," Decembe r 26 , 1775, in Jensen, Tracts, 287 .

222 I

Notes to Chapter 3

13. Josep h Galloway , " A Candi d Examinatio n o f th e Mutua l Claim s o f Grea t Britain an d the Colonies, " in Jensen, Tracts, 351 . 14. Galloway , in Jensen, Tracts, 398 . 15. Samuel Johnson's Dictionary: A Modern Selection, E. L . McAdam , Jr . an d George Milne , eds . (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1964) ; Thoma s Paine , "Commo n Sense," i n Jensen , Tracts, 405 ; se e als o Charle s Howar d Mcllwain , The American Revolution: A Constitutional Interpretation, paperbac k editio n (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l University Press , 1958) , 163 , on th e identificatio n o f the la w o f reason an d th e la w of nature. 16. Ma x Weber, "Natura l Law, " in S. N. Eisenstadt, ed. , Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers, (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1968), 100-102; Melvi n J. Lasky , Utopia and Revolution (Chicago an d London : Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1976) , 25iff ; Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1953) . 17. Ja y Fliegelman , Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language, and the Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1993) , 36—37. 18. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 40 , 42—44, 48, 58 , 75—76, 88—90, 96—98 , 103.

19. Pete r Thatcher, i n Potter and Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 277. 20. Joh n Dickinson , "Speec h agains t th e Petitio n t o Chang e th e For m o f Government," i n Potter an d Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 182. 21. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 24 . 22. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 43 . 23. Fliegelman , Declaring Independence, 37 , 65. 24. Lloy d Bitzer , "Th e Rhetorica l Situation, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 1 (1968), 1-14.

25. Stephe n E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-76 (Philadelphia: Templ e Universit y Press , 1976) , 60-66 . Se e also : Charle s Lomas, The Agitator in American Society (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1968) , 152.

26. Ego n Bittner , "Radicalism, " i n Davi d Sills , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 8 v., v. 1 3 (New York: Macmillan an d Fre e Press, 1968) , 294. 27. Lucas , Portents of Rebellion, jjff. 28. Fo r broad characterization s o f some o f the issues , see : Edmund S . Morgan , "Don't Trea d o n Us, " New York Review of Books (March 21 , 1996) , 17 ; Gordo n S . Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York : Vintage , 1993) , 3—8; Theodore Draper , A Struggle for Power: The American Revolution (Ne w York : Time s Books, 1996) , xiii ; John Philli p Reid , "Th e Irrelevanc e o f th e Declaration, " i n Hendrik Hartog , ed. , Law in the American Revolution and the Revolution in the Law (New York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1981) , 46-89 ; Stephe n E . Lucas , "Justi fying America : Th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e a s a Rhetorical Document, " i n

Notes to Chapter 3 |

22 3

Thomas Benson , ed. , American Rhetoric: Context and Criticism (Carbondale an d Edwardsville: Souther n Illinoi s University Press , 1989) , 123-24 , n44. 29. Rober t N . Bellah , TTie Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (Ne w York : Seabur y Press , 1975) ; Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison, WI: Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) , 3, 14 , 42-44, 92 , 936°, 114. 30. Ernes t Le e Tuveson , Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America's Millennial Role (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1968) . See also : Mark A . Noll , "Th e Bibl e in Revolutionar y America, " i n James Turne r Johnson , ed. , TTie Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press ; Chico, CA : Scholar s Press, 1985) , 39-60. 31. Ernes t Wrage , "Publi c Address : A Study i n Socia l and Intellectua l History, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 3 3 (1947) , 455-56. 32. Lucas , Portents of Rebellion, 126-51. 33. Jensen , "Introduction, " i n Tracts, liii-liv . 34. Firs t Continenta l Congress , "Declaratio n an d Resolves , Octobe r 14 , 1774," in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 26—31 . 35. Jame s Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 24 . 36. [Goddard?] , in Jensen, Tracts, 89 . 37. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 239 . 38. Mcllwain , The American Revolution, 171—85 . 39. Th e followin g discussio n i s heavil y indebte d t o Georg e H . Sabine' s classi c work A History of Political Theory, 4th edition , revise d b y Thoma s L . Thorso n (Hinsdale, IL : Dryden Press , 1973) ; and Strauss , Natural Right and History. Se e also: Paul K . Conkin , Self-Evident Truths (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1974) ; Carl L . Becker , The Declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of Political Ideas, Vintag e editio n (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1942) ; Staughton Lynd , Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1968) ; an d Lasky , Utopia and Revolution. 40. Se e also : Locke' s descriptio n o f th e stat e o f natur e a s a stat e o f war . Joh n Locke, Second Treatise, III , i n Pete r Laslett , ed. , Two Treatises on Civil Government, Mentor editio n (Ne w York : Ne w America n Library , 1963) . Calvin' s vie w wa s similar. See : Michae l Walzer , The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge , MA : Harvard Universit y Press , 1965) , esp. 41. 41. Car l L . Becker , The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers (New Have n an d London: Yal e University Press , 1932) . 42. See : Rossiter , Political Thought of the American Revolution, ii5f f fo r furthe r discussion o f this relationship an d quotation s fro m pertinen t documents . 43. Samue l West , "Electio n Da y Sermon, " i n Potte r an d Thomas , The Colonial Idiom, 582-83. 44. See : Locke, Second Treatise, XIII , 149:20—33. 45. Fo r th e connectio n betwee n th e Leveller s an d th e Whigs , see : Bailyn ,

224 I

Notes to Chapter 3

Ideological Origins, 34ff; Bernar d Bailyn , "Th e Centra l Theme s o f th e America n Revolution," in Stephen G . Kurtz and James H. Hutson, eds. , Essays on the American Revolution (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Pres s fo r th e Institut e o f Early American Histor y and Culture, 1973) , 7-8; Becker, The Declaration of Independence, 79 . 46. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 235-38 . 47. [Samue l Adams?], in Jensen, Tracts, 235-38 . 48. I n Jensen, Tracts, 239-40 . 49. Lucas , "Justifying America, " 83. 50. Galloway , in Jensen, Tracts, 366 . 51. Danie l Dulany , "Consideration s o n the Propriety o f Imposing Taxe s in the British Colonie s fo r th e Purpos e o f Raising a Revenue b y Act of Parliament," i n Jensen, Tracts, 106-7 . 52. See , for example: Draper, A Struggle for Power, 35-36 . 53. Lock e refer s t o the function o f the legislatur e a s an "Umpirag e . . . fo r the ending [of ] al l Differences, tha t ma y arise amongs t an y o f them. " Second Treatise, XIX, 212 : 3-9; VII , 88 : 10-27 . O n "affirmativ e law " vs. "ne w law" an d Parlia ment's role, see: Mcllwain, The American Revolution, 66 , 72f. 54. Edmun d Burke , "O n Conciliatio n wit h th e Colonies, " i n Speeches and Letters on American Affairs by Edmund Burke, Everyman's Librar y (London : J . M . Dent an d Sons; New York: E. P. Dutton an d Co., 1908), 117. 55. Burke , "O n Conciliation wit h th e Colonies," 121. 56. Thoma s Paine , The Rights of Man, Introductio n b y Eric Fone r (Ne w York: Penguin, 1984) , 165. 57. Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 39 . 58. O n Calvin' s uncomfortabl e vacillatio n o n th e questio n o f legitimac y i n government, see : Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints, 41 , 58f, passim . 59. Locke , Second Treatise, XI , 135: 32-38 . 60. A s opposed t o arbitrary laws , e.g., Second Treatise, XI , 137: 2 . 61. Otis , in Jensen, Tracts, 29 . 62. Fo r example, see : Hopkins, 48 ; [Goddard?], 84 , both i n Jensen, Tracts. See : Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution (Ne w York: Vintage, 1974) , I49ff . 63. West , "Electio n Da y Sermon," i n Potte r an d Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 587. 64. Bailyn , "Th e Central Theme s o f the American Revolution, " 8 . 65. Thoma s Jefferson, i n Jensen, Tracts, 274 . 66. Locke , Second Treatise, XVIII , 199 : 1-11 . 67. Jeremia h 23:10 . 68. Hopkins , i n Jensen, Tracts, 54 . Cf. Locke , "Fo r I hav e trul y n o Property i n that, whic h anothe r ca n b y righ t tak e fro m me , whe n h e pleases , agains t m y consent." Second Treatise, XI , 138: 13-15. 69. Joh n Adams , "Novanglus , January 30 , 1775," in Jensen, Tracts, 315 .

Notes to Chapter 3 \

22 5

70. Burke , " O n Conciliatio n wit h th e Colonies, " 9 0 - 9 1 . 71. O n " G o d terms " an d "devi l terms " see : Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : H e n r y Regnery , 1965) , 2 1 iff. 72. [Goddard?] , i n Jensen, Tracts, 83 . 73. Mica h 1:10 . 74. Locke , Second Treatise, XIII, 155 : 15-19 . 75. Adams , "Novanglus , Januar y 23 , 1775, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 301 . O n th e historical connectio n betwee n planetar y an d politica l revolution , see : Lasky, Utopia and Revolution, 227ff ; Jame s H . Billington , Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith ( N e w York: Basi c Books , 1980) , 17 . For a summary statemen t o f the rhetorica l an d psychologica l appeal s o f natura l law , see: Kathleen M . Jamieson , "Natural La w as Warrant," Philosophy and Rhetoric 6 (1973) , 235—46 . 76. [Goddard?] , i n Jensen, Tracts, 88 . 77. Abraha m J . Heschel , The Prophets, C o l o p h o n edition , v . 1 ( N e w York : Harper an d R o w ) , io8ff . Althoug h propheti c prediction s wer e conditional , w h e n the condition s ha d been fulfille d th e consequence s wer e inexorable . 78. Jaco b Duche , i n Jac k P . Greene , ed. , Colonies to Nation, 1763-1789: A Documentary History of the American Revolution ( N e w York : W W . N o r t o n , 1975) , 263. O n Adams' s reactio n t o th e sermon , see : E m o ry Elliott , " T h e Dov e an d th e Serpent: T h e Clerg y i n th e America n Revolution, " American Quarterly 3 1 (1979) , 188. 79. Duche , i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 264 . 80. See : Lucas , "Justifyin g America, " 75-76 , o n th e significanc e o f "necessity " in th e argo t o f eighteenth-century politics . 81. M o r t o n White , The Philosophy of the American Revolution ( N e w York : O x ford Universit y Press , 1978) , 229ff , emphasi s W h i t e s . Se e also: Rossiter , The Political Thought of the American Revolution, 141—42 , 145. 82. "Declaratio n o f the Stam p Ac t Congress, " i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 64 . 83. Otis , i n Jensen, Tracts, 22 . 84. Wood , Radicalism, 204 . Leo Straus s provide s som e insigh t int o th e relation ship betwee n right , duty , an d virtu e i n Hobbes , Locke , Rousseau , an d Burke . Strauss, Natural Right and History, 145 , i8iff , 255ff , 281 , 298 . 85. Aristotle , Nicomachean Ethics, W D . Ross , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richar d McKeon , ed . ( N e w York : R a n d o m House , 1941) , esp . 1094a: , 1095313, I 0 9 7 b 2 2 - i 0 9 8 a i 7 , H02a5 , H 0 4 b i 3 , 1106 a 10; Aristotle, Rhetoric, W Rhy s Roberts, trans. , i n Basic Works, McKeon, ed. , 133239-10 , i 3 6 o b 4 - i 8 . 86. Aristotle , Politics, Benjami n Jowett , trans. , i n Basic Works, McKeon , ed. , 1289326-44. 87. Aristotle , Politics, 1260 a 12. 88. Aristotle , Politics, 1288339 . 89. Aristotle , Politics, I 3 0 i a 4 0 - I 3 0 i b i . 90. R o b e r t N . Bellah , " T h e Revolutio n an d th e Civi l Religion, " i n Jerald C .

226 |

Notes

to Chapter 3

Brauer, ed. , Religion and the American Revolution (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1976) , 69; see also: Bellah, The Broken Covenant, 23-25 . 91. "Brutus, " "O n th e Promis e o f the Nonimportatio n Associations," June 1 , 1769, i n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 157 . Regarding th e need o f human natur e t o be governed by men of virtue in a "disinterested" manner , see : Jack P. Greene, "An Uneasy Connection : A n Analysi s o f the Precondition s o f the America n Revolu tion," in Kurtz and Hutson, Essays on the American Revolution, 54 . 92. Paine , Rights of Man, 236. 93. Secon d Continenta l Congress , in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 51 . 94. Greene , "A n Uneasy Connection, " 59-60 . 95. Isaia h Berlin, "Introduction, " i n Isaiah Berlin, ed. , The Age of Enlightenment (New York: New American Library , Mentor Books , 1956) , 14. 96. Berlin , "Introduction, " 28. 97. See : Garr y Wills' s challeng e t o Car l Becke r i n Garr y Wills , Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1979) ; Becker, The Declaration of Independence. Fo r a goo d critiqu e o f Wills's book , see : John Hamoway , "Jefferso n an d th e Scottis h Enlightenment : A Critiqu e o f Garr y Wills's Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence," William and Mary Quarterly 36 (1979), 503-23. 98. O n intuitio n a s th e foundatio n fo r America n Revolutionar y beliefs , see : White, Philosophy of the American Revolution. On th e role o f feeling i n eighteenth century though t i n general, see : John D . Boyd, S.J. , The Function of Mimesis and Its Decline, 2 d ed. (Ne w York: Fordha m Universit y Press , 1980) , esp . chap. 2 , 51 , 75 . On th e rationa l element s i n th e eighteenth-centur y ide a o f feeling , see : A. D . Lindsay, "Introduction, " Davi d Hume , A Treatise on Human Nature (Ne w York : Dutton, 1911) , II , x ; T . H . Irwin , "Aristotl e o n Reason , Desire , an d Virtue, " Journal of Philosophy 72 (1975) , 567—80 ; an d Edwar d M . Galligan , "Irwi n o n Aristotle," Journal of Philosophy 72 (1975), 579. 99. Josep h Warren , in Potter and Thomas, The Colonial Idiom, 252 . 100. O n th e relationship o f some o f these development s an d the characteristic s and function s o f "basi c truths, " see : Stephen Toulmin , Knowing and Acting (New York: Macmillan, 1976) , esp. i43ff . 101. Willia m James , "Th e Wil l t o Believe, " i n The Will to Believe and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy (1897 ; reprint , Ne w York: Dove r Publications , 1956) , 14-15.

102. Joh n Locke , An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, II , i, 25; II, ii, 2; in Berlin, The Age of Enlightenment, 43 , 45 . 103. Locke , Second Treatise, XIX , 230: 18-20. 104. Hume , A Treatise of Human Nature, I , iii , 7 , 94ff ; Davi d Hume , An Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding. O n Hume' s distanc e fro m Descarte s i n his refutation tha t beliefs ca n ultimately be justified b y reason, see: Barr y Stroud , Hume (London: Routledge an d Kegan Paul , 1977) , nff .

Notes to Chapter 3 |

22 7

105. Thoma s Reid , An Inquiry into the Human Mind, Timoth y J . Duggan , ed . (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1970) , 30 ; Thoma s Reid , Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, Baruc h Brody , ed . (Cambridge , MA : M.I.T. Press , 1969) , 304-5106. I n Greene , Colonies to Nation, 35. 107. Jefferson , i n Jensen, Tracts, 258 . 108. Jefferson , i n Jensen, Tracts, 275 . 109. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," Decembe r 26 , 1775 , in Jensen, Tracts, 296 . n o . [Adams] , "Novanglus," January 23 , 1775, and [Adams] , "Novanglus," January 30 , 1775 , both i n Jensen Tracts, 297 , 312. i n . Otis , in Jensen, Tracts. 112. Charle s Inglis , in Hofstadter , Great Issues, 63 . 113. Secon d Continenta l Congress , "Declaratio n o f th e Cause s an d Necessit y of Taking up Arms," in Hofstadter , Great Issues, 47 . 114. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 418 . 115. Jame s Chalmers , i n Jensen, Tracts, 447-88 . Fo r furthe r discussio n o f eigh teenth-century epistemolog y i n colonia l thought , see : White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 3-141. 116. Weber , "Natura l Law, " in Eisenstadt , On Charisma and Institution Building, 100-102; Margaret Macdonald , "Natura l Rights, " in Jeremy Waldron , ed. , Theories of Rights (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1984) , 25f ; Becker , The Declaration of Independence, 61 , 66. 117. Locke , Second Treatise, II , 11 : 24-25. 118. Locke , Second Treatise, II , 6: 6-9 . 119. Hobbes , Leviathan, I , i, 1 . 120. Reid , Inquiry, 88 . 121. R . Hazelton , "Believin g is Seeing: Vision a s Metaphor," Theology Today 3 5 (1979), 405. 122. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 18, 23f, 105 . 123. Paine , Rights of Man, 159 . 124. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," December , 26 , 1775 , in Jensen, Tracts, 296 . Emphasis added . 125. [Goddard?] , in Jensen, Tracts, 89 , 82. 126. [Leonard] , "Massachusettensis," January 9 , 1775 , in Hofstadter, Great Issues, 35127. Paine , Rights of Man, 157 . 128. Paine , Rights of Man, 184 . 129. Heschel , The Prophets, v . 1 , 16. 130. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 7 , passim . Whit e make s a similar argument regardin g elitism in a moral sense, 1 3 iff. 131. Joh n Dickinson , "Letter s fro m a Farmer, " II , i n Hofstadter , Great Issues, 24.

228 |

Notes

to Chapter 4

132. Chalmers , in Jensen, Tracts, 478 . 133. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 418 . 134. Paine , in Jensen, Tracts, 426 . 135. Paine , "Commo n Sense, " in Jensen, Tracts, 405 . 136. White , Philosophy of the American Revolution, 14. 137. Isaia h 40:6. 138. Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , "Introduction " t o The Woman's Bible, i n Alic e S . Rossi, ed. , The Feminist Papers: From Adams to de Beauvoir (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1973) , 404. 139. Locke , Second Treatise, XIX , 242 . 140. Becker , The Declaration of Independence, 15 . 141. I n "Justifyin g America " Luca s makes th e argumen t that , i n man y respects , the Declaration reflects th e commo n rhetorica l practice s o f the time . 142. [Samue l Adams?] , " A Stat e o f th e Right s o f th e Colonists, " i n Jensen , Tracts, 233-55 . 143. Henr y Laurens , in Jensen, Tracts, 185—206 . 144. Jame s Bowdoin , Dr . Josep h Warren , an d Samue l Pemberton , " A Shor t Narrative o f the Horri d Massacr e in Boston," i n Jensen, Tracts, 207—32 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R \

i. Jame s Stewart , Wendell Phillips: Liberty's Hero (Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1986) , 34. 2. Se e also : Richar d Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (Ne w York : Vintage , 1974) , 181 . James Redpath , ed. , "Publisher s Advertisement," i n Wendel l Phillips , Speeches, Lectures, and Letters, Firs t serie s (Bos ton: Le e and Shepard, 1894) , pagination uncertain ; Irvin g Bartlett, Wendell Phillips: Brahmin Radical (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1961) ; Irving H . Bartlett , "Th e Persistenc e of Wendel l Phillips, " i n Marti n Duberman , ed. , The Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists (Princeton , NJ : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1965) , 107— 11; Irvin g H . Bartlett , "Wendel l Phillip s an d th e Eloquenc e o f Abuse, " American Quarterly 1 1 (1959) , 509-20 ; Willar d Haye s Yeager , "Wendel l Phillips, " i n Willia m Norwood Brigance , ed. , A History and Criticism of American Public Address, v. 1 (New York : McGraw-Hill , 1943) , 329-62 ; Loui s Filler , "Introduction, " i n Wendell Phillips on Civil Rights and Freedom (Ne w York: Hill and Wang, 1965) , x-xi. 3. Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 327 . 4. Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition, 175. Rhetorica l criti c Ernes t Bormann reflect s thi s traditiona l vie w i n hi s influentia l essay , "Th e Rhetori c o f Abolition," i n Ernes t G . Bormann , ed. , Forerunners of Black Power: The Rhetoric of Abolition (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hall , 1971) . Ailee n Kraditor , Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 1834— 1830 (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1970) , i s particularly critica l o f traditiona l inter -

Notes to Chapter 4 |

22 9

pretations o f abolitionism . Lewi s Perr y an d Michae l Fellman , eds. , Antislavery Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Abolitionists (Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1979) , provides essay s that attemp t t o balance wholesal e condem nation an d blind, reactionar y defense . 5. Bartlett , "Th e Persistenc e o f Wendel l Phillips, " i n ; Bartlett , "Th e Elo quence o f Abuse," 516. The phrase is Robert C . Winthrop's. 6. E . L. Godkin, "Wendel l Phillip s a s a Whipper-in," The Nation (Februar y 8 , 1866), 166 , quote d i n Winon a L . Fletcher , "Knight-Erran t o r Screamin g Eagle ? E. L . Godki n s Criticis m o f Wendel l Phillips, " Southern Speech Journal 29 (1964) , 217.

7. See : "The Los t Arts, " i n Ashle y Thorndike , ed. , Modern Eloquence, revise d edition i n 1 5 vols., v . 1 3 (Ne w York: Lincol n Scholarshi p Fund , 1929) , 281 . Se e also: Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition, 182 . 8. Phillips , Speeches, Lectures, and Letters, 282 . 9. S . N. Eisenstadt, ed., "Introduction," i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , xix. 10. Donal d M . Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " i n Perr y an d Fellman , Antislavery Reconsidered, 51—74 . 11. Timoth y L . Smith , "Righteousnes s an d Hope: Christia n Holines s an d the Millennial Vision in America, 1800-1900, " American Quarterly 31 (1979), 30. 12. Perr y Miller , The Life of the Mind in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (New York: Harcourt, Brac e and World, 1965) , 6, 7. 13. Josep h R . Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, paperback editio n (Urbana , IL : University o f Illinoi s Press , 1966) , 31. O n parallel s betwee n abolitionis m an d temperance , see : Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade, 54 ; Scott, "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation," 66f. On Phillips's own involvement wit h temperance , see : Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 217-18 , 259-61 , 283 , 285, 302 , 32714. Davi d Brion Davis , "Slavery and Sin: The Cultural Background," i n Duberman, The Antislavery Vanguard, 3 , passim; Davi d Brio n Davis , The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca , NY : Cornell Universit y Press , 1966) ; David Brio n Davis , The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823 (Ithaca, NY : Cornel l University Press , 1975) . 15. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " 68. 16. Jame s B . Stewart, "Heroes , Villains , Liberty , an d License: Th e Abolitionis t Vision o f Wendell Phillips, " i n Perr y an d Fellman , Antislavery Reconsidered, i69ff . Ronald G . Walters , "Th e Eroti c South : Civilizatio n an d Sexualit y i n America n Abolitionism," American Quarterly 25 (1973), 177-201 . 17. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation, " esp . 66ff. 18. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper's Ferry, " in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 107 . 19. "I n Defense o f Lovejoy," in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 9 . 20. "Th e Boston Mob, " in Filler, Civil Rights and Freedom, 12 .

230 I

Notes

to Chapter 4

21. " T h e Boston Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 26 . 22. The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact (Ne w York: N e g r o Universitie s Press , 1969), 6 . 23. Revie w o f Lysande r Spooner' s Essa y o n th e Unconstitutionalit y o f Slaver y Reprinted fro m th e "Anti-Slaver y Standard " wit h Addition s (Boston : Andrew s an d Prentiss, 1847) . 24. Georg e V . Bohman note s thi s speec h alon g wit h Lincoln' s speec h a t C o o p e r U n i o n a s contributin g t o a n increasingl y tens e politica l discussio n i n th e sprin g o f i860. Georg e V . Bohman, " O w e n Lovejo y o n ' T h e Barbaris m o f Slavery, ' Apri l 5 , i860," i n J. Jeffre y Auer , ed. , Anti-Slavery and Disunion, 1838-1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (Ne w York: Harpe r an d R o w, 1963) , 115. 25. " T h e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 116 . N o t e agai n th e allusio n t o Isaiah . 26. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper s Ferry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 97 . See also : Lewi s Perry , Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973 ) o n abolitionis t views o f th e Constitution , esp . 163-66 . Davis , Slavery in the Age of Revolution, tirelessly trace s th e Revolutionar y legac y a s received b y th e abolitionist s wit h al l its tensions an d contradictions, esp . 164-212 , 255-342 . 27. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 4 1. 28. Liberator, May 16 , 1845 , as quoted i n Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 130 . 29. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 65-66 . 30. See : Perry' s accoun t o f "come-outerism " i n Radical Abolitionism, esp . 9 2 128. Se e also: Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 94ff . 31. Fo r a n accoun t o f th e rol e o f th e Bibl e i n debate s ove r slavery , see : Davis , Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 523-56 . 32. See : Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 96ff . 33. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 49 . 34. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 52 . 35. "Agains t Idolatry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 86 . 36. " T h e Argument fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 115 . 37. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 38 . 38. Isaia h 42:18 . 39. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 71. 40. Hofstadter , The American Political Tradition, 178 , emphasis Hofstadter's .

Notes to Chapter 4 |

23 1

41. "Harper' s Ferry, " 274 ; "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 225 , bot h i n Speeches, Lectures, and Letters. 42. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 43 . 43. Murra y Edelman , Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press , 1977) , 45. 44. Sacva n Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad (Madison, WI : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1978) , 62. 45. Bercovitch , The American Jeremiad, passim . 46. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation. " 47. Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation," 64. 48. See : Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 9—11 ; Oscar Sherwin , Prophet of Liberty: The Life and Time of Wendell Phillips (New York : Bookma n Associates , 1958) , 18 , 32 ; Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 9 , 16 . 49. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 21—22 . 50. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 22 . 51. Wilso n identifie s th e proble m o f vocationa l relevanc e i n antebellu m America. R . Jackson Wilson , In Search of Community: Social Philosophy in the United States i86o-ig20, Galax y book s editio n (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1970) , 19-21.

52. Ma x L . Stackhouse , "Jesu s an d Economics : A Centur y o f Reflection, " i n James Turne r Johnson, ed. , The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press; Chico, CA : Scholar s Press, 1985) , 117. 53. Stackhouse , "Jesu s and Economics," 14 7 n4. 54. Stackhouse , "Jesu s and Economics," 14 7 n4. 55. Ronal d Walters , American Reformers, 1813-1860 (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1978), 81-82 . 56. Walters , American Reformers, 1815-1860, 81 . 57. See : Anne C . Loveland' s "Evangelicalis m an d 'Immediat e Emancipation ' i n American Antislaver y Thought, " Journal of Southern History 32 (1966) , 172-88 . Se e also: Gilbert Hobbe s Barnes's classic , The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844 (Ne w York : American Historica l Association , 1933) ; Loui s Filler , The Crusade Against Slavery (New York : Harpe r an d Row , i960) ; James B . Stewart , Holy Warriors (Ne w York : Hill and Wang, 1976) ; and Scott , "Abolitio n a s a Sacred Vocation. " 58. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 98 , 102, 103 .

59. "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 105 . 60. Bartlett , "Wendel l Phillip s and the Eloquence o f Abuse," 516. 61. Davi d Brion Davis, "The Emergence o f Immediatism in British an d Ameri can Antislaver y Thought, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 4 9 (1962) , 219-23 . Emphasis Shar p s.

232 |

Notes

to Chapter 4

62. I n The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact, 106 . 63. Lette r reprinte d fro m th e Blagde n paper s i n Irvin g H . Bartlett , Wendell and Ann Phillips: The Community of Reform, 1840-1880 (New York : W . W . Norton , 1979), 239. Emphasis Garrisons . 64. See : Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 64 , 71 , 109 , 125 , 131 , 132 , 138 , 145 , 146. 65. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 50 . 66. Lette r o f 2 1 April , 186 1 fro m th e Blagde n papers , reprinte d i n Bartlett , Wendell and Ann Phillips, 239 . 67. Liberator, January 24 , 1851 , quoted i n Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 66. 68. Quote d i n Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 133 . 69. Fo r consideration t o thi s effect, se e Bartlett, Brahmin Radical, 42—52 . 70. "Th e Righ t o f Petition," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 24 . 71. "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom,1—9 . 72. Kennet h Burke , Counter-Statement, Campus editio n (Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles: University o f California Press , 1968) , 184. 73. The Constitution a Pro-Slavery Compact, n o . 74. "Th e Wa r for th e Union, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 138 . 75. Bartlett , Brahmin Radical, 22 ; Stewart, Liberty's Hero, 30—31 . 76. See , fo r example : hi s speeche s "Th e Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Move ment," 65f ; "Agains t Idolatry, " 84 ; "Joh n Brow n an d Harper' s Ferry, " n o ; an d "The Argumen t fo r Disunion, " 128 ; all in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. 77. "Joh n Brown an d Harper' s Ferry, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 101 . 78. See , fo r example : "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 18 ; "Th e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " 122, 136 , bot h i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. For a summar y vie w o f th e natural right s legac y i n abolitionism , see : Dwight L . Dumond , "Th e Controvers y over Slavery, " i n Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr . an d Morto n White , eds. , Paths of American Thought, Sentry editio n (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1970) , 93-96. 79. Bartlett , Brahmin Radical, 3-16 , passim ; Sherwin , Prophet of Liberty, esp. 13-17-

80. "I n Defense o f Lovejoy," i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 3 . 81. "Phillip s neve r doubte d tha t th e revolutionar y father s wer e o n hi s side. " Bartlett, "Th e Persistenc e o f Wendell Phillips, " 105 . See also: Dwight L . Dumond , Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America (Ann Arbor , MI : Universit y o f Michigan Press , 1961) . 82. "Th e Argumen t fo r Disunion, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 120 . 83. Smith , "Righteousnes s an d Hope, " 21—45. 84. "Th e Bosto n Mob," in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 14 . 85. Irvin g H . Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Thoma s Y . Crowell, 1967) , i8f , passim . Se e also : Miller, The Life of the Mind in America, 25 , 65, 69f, 141 ; Smith, "Righteousnes s an d Hope, " 34.

Notes to Chapter 4 |

23

3

86. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 62 , emphasi s Phillips's . 87. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 55 . 88. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 52 . 89. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 38 . 90. Abraha m Heschel , The Prophets, C o l o p h o n edition , v . 2 (Ne w York : Harpe r and Row , 1962) , 92 . 91. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 71 . 92. Heschel , The Prophets, v. 2 , 38 . 93. Edwi n Black , Rhetorical Criticism: A Study in Method (Madison , W I : Univer sity o f Wisconsi n Press , 1978) , I38f . 94. Black , Rhetorical Criticism, 142 . Se e also : Bailey' s analysi s o f hortator y dis course. F . G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion: An Essay on Power, Reason, and Reality (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1983) , esp . 131 . 95. Black , Rhetorical Criticism, I43f . 96. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 35 . 97. Stewart , " T h e Abolitionis t Visio n o f Wendel l Phillips, " 171 , passim . Se e also: Stewart , Liberty's Hero, 25 , 61 , 150 . 98. Davi d H u m e , A Treatise of Human Nature, edite d wit h a n introductio n b y A. D . Lindsa y (Ne w York : Dutton , 1911) , Bk . II , pt . 3 , sec . iii . 99. Georg e Campbell , The Philosophy of Rhetoric, Lloy d F . Bitzer, ed . (Carbon dale, IL : Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1963) ; Lloy d F . Bitzer, "Hume' s Philos ophy i n Georg e Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric," Philosophy and Rhetoric 2 (1969) , 139—66. Campbell' s Philosophy of Rhetoric woul d hav e bee n on e o f th e text s Phillip s studied unde r Edwar d T . Channin g a t Harvard . O n Phillip s a s Channing' s studen t and Channing' s texts , se e Doroth y I . Anderso n an d Wald o W Braden , "Introduc tion," i n Edwar d T . Channing , Lectures Read to the Seniors in Harvard College (Carbondale, IL : Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press , 1968) , xi , xix . 100. Channing , Lectures Read to the Seniors in Harvard College, 80 . 101. Campbell' s treatmen t o f rhetori c wa s no t atypica l o n thi s issue . Whately' s Elements of Rhetoric arbitrate d th e disput e betwee n Campbel l an d Aristotl e o n th e appropriate us e o f th e passion s generall y i n Campbell' s favor . Richar d Whately , Elements of Rhetoric, Dougla s Ehninger , ed . (Carbondal e an d Edwardsville : Souther n Illinois Universit y Press , 1963) , I76~77ff . Ada m Smith' s theor y o f rhetori c wa s als o based o n th e ide a o f sympathy , sym-pathos. 102. Thoma s Mann , The Magic Mountain, H . T . Lowe-Porter , trans. , Vintag e Books editio n (Ne w York : R a n d o m House , 1969) , 603 .

234 I

Notes to Chapter 3

103. Haze l Catherin e Wolf , On Freedom's Altar: The Martyr Complex in the Abolition Movement (Madison, WI: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1952) . 104. Kraditor , Means and Ends, 37 n44. 105. Fo r example , see : Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 20 , 26 , 27 , 38 , 71 , 85, 119, 141 .

106. "Th e Bosto n Mob, " in Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 2i f 107. "I n Defens e o f Lovejoy, " 6 ; an d "Joh n Brow n an d Harper s Ferry, " 107 , both i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom. 108. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 60 . 109. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 57 . n o . Merto n L . Dillon , The Abolitionists: The Growth of a Dissenting Minority, Norton editio n (Ne w York: W W Norton , 1979) ; Merton L . Dillon, "Th e Failur e of the American Abolitionists, " Journal of Southern History 25 (1959) , 159-77 . i n . Loui s Fille r writes tha t i t was only his "unbridled an d habitual radicalism " that "save d him from downrigh t popularity. " Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 95 . 112. Pete r Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac, Henry James, Melodrama, and the Mode of Excess (Ne w Haven , CT : Yale University Press , 1976) , I4f , 4 3 ff. 113. Pete r Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination : Th e Exampl e o f Balza c and James," i n Davi d Thorbur n an d Geoffr y Hartman , eds. , Romanticism: Vistas, Instances, Continuities (Ithaca, NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973) , 211 ; Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 43 . 114. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 203. 115. Joh n Cawelti , Adventure, Mystery, and Romance (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1976) , 45-46 ; Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 198 220.

116. Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 15 . 117. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 212 ; se e also : Brooks , The Melodramatic Imagination, 43 . 118. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 212 . 119. Quote d i n Brooks, "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 207. 120. Brooks , "Th e Melodramati c Imagination, " 208 ; see also: 219. 121. Nathanie l Hawthorne , The Blithedale Romance, v. 3 o f Th e Centenar y Edition o f th e Work s o f Nathanie l Hawthorne , © 1964 , Ohi o Stat e Universit y Press, i o - n . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

i. Kennet h Burke , A Grammar of Motives (Berkele y and Los Angeles: Universit y of California Press , 1969) , 122-23 , passim. 2. I . A . Richards , "Doctrin e i n Poetry, " reprinte d i n W J . Bate , ed. , Criticism:

Notes to Chapter 5 \

23 5

The Major Texts, enlarged editio n (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1970) , 586. 3. Sidne y Lens , Radicalism in America, Apollo editio n (Ne w York : Thoma s Y Crowell, 1969) , 197. 4. Charle s A. Madison, Critics and Crusaders: A Century of American Protest (New York: Henry Holt , 1947) , 487. 5. Irvin g Howe , "I n th e America n Grain, " New York Review of Books (November 10 , 1983) , 18 ; see also: Bernard J. Brommel, Eugene V Debs: Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago : Charle s H . Kerr , 1978) , 221. 6. Charle s Lomas , "Urba n Maverick s an d Radicals, " in Pau l H . Boase , ed., The Rhetoric of Protest and Reform, 1870-18Q8 (Athens, OH: Ohi o Universit y Press, 1980), 49-

7. Ber t Cochran , "Th e Achievemen t o f Debs," in Harvey Goldberg, ed. , American Radicals: Some Problems and Personalities, Moder n Reade r editio n (Ne w York : Modern Reade r Paperbacks , 1969) , 163. 8. Richar d L . McCormick, "Publi c Lif e i n Industria l America, " i n Eri c Foner , ed., The New American History (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1990) , 112.

9. Ronal d Le e an d James Andrews, " A Stor y o f Rhetorical- Ideologica l Trans formation: Eugen e V . Debs a s Liberal Hero, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 7 7 (1991) , 20-37. 10. Herber t G . Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working-Class and Social History (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1976), 13 , 33. 11. Rober t G . Gunderson , " A Settin g fo r Protes t an d Reform, " i n Boase , Rhetoric of Protest and Reform, 1; Samuel P . Hays, The Response to Industrialism, 1885— IQ14 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1957) , 1-3 ; Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, 80 ; McCormick, "Publi c Lif e i n Industria l America," 93. 12. Rober t H . Wiebe , The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York : Hil l an d Wang, 1967) , 12. 13. Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, I5f , passim . 14. Richar d Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to E D. R. (Ne w York : Vintage Books, 1955) , 24ff; Hays , The Response to Industrialism, 83 . 15. Edwar d Bellamy , Looking Backward, Signe t editio n (Ne w America n Library , i960), 189 . 16. "Unit y an d Victory, " in Arthur Schlesinger , Jr., ed. , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs (New York : Heritag e Press , 1948) , 9 ; Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society, detail s some o f these change s in th e work atmosphere . 17. Wiebe , The Search for Order, 148 , 150-51 . 18. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 124; se e also : "Th e Canto n Speech, " i n Jean Y Tussey , ed. , Eugene V Debs Speaks (New York: Pathfinder Press , 1972) , 271.

236 I

Notes to Chapter 5

19. Gutma n ha s detaile d th e degre e t o whic h th e industria l orde r conflicte d with olde r modes of work, i n Work, Culture, and Society. Se e also: Wiebe, The Search for Order, 20 , 47 ; Milto n Meltzer , Bread and Roses: The Struggle of American Labor, 1865-1915, Mento r editio n (Ne w York: New America n Library , 1967) , 3-12 . 20. See : Michae l Kamme n o n th e associatio n o f "liberty " an d "order " i n th e Gilded Age, especially with regar d to decisions regarding the right s of labor to for m unions an d t o strike . Spheres of Liberty: Changing Perceptions of Liberty in American Culture (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1986) , esp. 102-10 . 21. Hofstadter , The Age of Reform, 209 . 22. "Revolutionar y Unionism, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches (Chi cago: Charles H . Kerr , 1908) , 435. 23. Quote d i n The Tribune of Labor, a pamphlet celebratin g a speaking tour Deb s made o f the West Coast ; n o publication data . 24. "Watc h You r Leaders , Say s Debs t o Workers, " campaig n flyer , n o publica tion data . Tha t th e flye r i s fro m th e 192 0 campaig n i s deduce d fro m Debs' s references t o Co x an d Harding a s the majo r part y candidates . 25. Ou r wor d "virtue " comes fro m th e Lati n fo r "manliness. " I n Debs' s day , women ma y have been considere d guardian s o f the mora l order , bu t virtu e wa s still largely talke d abou t i n term s o f manliness an d manhood . See : Mark C . Carne s an d Clyde Griffen , eds. , Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1990) . 26. "Declaratio n o f Revolt," Appeal to Reason (Januar y 7 , 1911) , 1. 27. Richar d Weaver , The Ethics of Rhetoric, Gatewa y editio n (Chicago : Henr y Regnery, 1965) , 227-32. 28. "Liberty, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 8 . 29. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 446 ; see also: "Unity an d Victory," in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 28 . 30. "Th e Federa l Governmen t an d th e Chicag o Strike, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 204—5 ; s ee a l s o : t n e speec h give n o n Debs' s retur n t o Terr e Haute afte r th e successfu l Grea t Norther n strik e i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 10 . 31. "Liberty, " speec h give n upo n hi s releas e fro m Woodstoc k Jail , Novembe r 22, 1895 , in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 6 . See also: Bernard J. Brommel , "Th e Pacifis t Speechmakin g o f Eugen e V . Debs," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 2 (1966) , 150 ; Ray Ginger , The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick , NJ : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1949) , 25, 65, 192 , 202, 230, 301, 331 , 369,462. 32. Nic k Salvatore , Eugene V Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinois Press, 1982) , 229. 33. "Addres s t o th e Jury, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 283-84 ; "Maste r o f th e Machine," quoted i n Brommel, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 93 . 34. Ailee n S . Kraditor, The Radical Persuasion, 1890-1917: Aspects of the Intellectual

Notes to Chapter 5 |

23 7

History and Historiography of Three American Radical Organizations (Bato n R o u g e : Louisiana Stat e Universit y Press , 1981) , 223. 35. "Revolutionar y Unionism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 220 . As Salvator e an d Kradito r bot h mak e ver y clear , Deb s ha d a profoun d ambivalence towar d th e ran k an d file ; a fundamenta l fea r o f their base r nature s an d consequent contemp t counterbalance d whateve r mysti c fait h h e ma y hav e ha d i n them. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, esp . 46 , 48 , 96f ; Kraditor , Radical Persuasion, 125-34, 2 6 i . 36. Ginger , Bending Cross, 10 ; Brommel, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 17 ; Salvatore, Citizen and Socialist, 11 ; For examples o f direct allusio n t o biblica l source s in Debs' s speeches , see : "Priso n Labor, " 32 , 33 ; " T he Wester n Labo r Movement, " 85; "Industria l Unionism, " 124 ; "Homestead an d Ludlow, " 218 , all in Tussey , Debs Speaks. 37. I n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 61—63. 38. O n Marxis m a s religion, see : Joseph Schumpeter , Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy ( N ew York: Harpe r an d Brothers, 1947) , chapte r 1 , "Marx th e Prophet" ; Karl Jaspers , Reason and Anti-Reason in Our Time, Stanle y Godman , trans. , reprin t edition (Hamden , C T : Archon Books , 1971) , 7—17. 39. Q u o t e d i n Ginger , Bending Cross, 334f. O n th e allianc e o f these appeals , see: Kraditor, Radical Persuasion, 205-47 . 40. " H o w I Became a Socialist," i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 47 . 41. "Workin g Clas s Politics, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, I73f . 42. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " 114 . Se e also : "Unionis m an d Socialism, " 122 ; "Craft Unionism, " 188 ; "You Railroa d Men, " 255 ; " T he Issue, " 303 , all i n Schle singer, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. 43. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 127 . 44. " T h e Canto n Speech, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 257—58 . 45. "Industria l Unionism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 134 . 46. " T h e Canto n Speech, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 245 . 47. "What' s th e Matte r wit h Chicago? " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 70 . 48. "Dange r Ahead, " 180 ; " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " 106 , bot h i n Tussey, Debs Speaks. 49. " T h e Outloo k fo r Socialism, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 66 . 50. "Yo u Railroad Men, " in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, 243. Se e also : Bernar d J . Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs : T h e Agitato r a s Speaker, " Central States Speech Journal (1969 ) 209 . 51. " H o w I Became a Socialist," i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 47 . 52. Loma s say s o f Debs' s effort s befor e Pullman : "Deb s ha d fou r solution s i n five year s a s h e move d a t th e en d o f th e centur y fro m militan t unionis m t o Bryanism t o utopianis m t o socia l democracy. " Lomas , "Urba n Maverick s an d Radicals," 38 . But Loma s als o note s tha t Debs' s late r career , afte r helpin g foun d th e Socialist Party , wa s more consisten t (48) .

238 I

Notes to Chapter 5

53. "Ho w I Became a Socialist," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 48-49 . 54. Pamphle t publishe d by the Rand Schoo l Press, New York, n.d. 55. Loui s Kopelin, The Life of Debs, 4t h edition (Girard , KS: Appeal to Reason, n.d.), 21.

56. Herber t M . Morai s an d William Cahn , Gene Debs: The Story of a Fighting American (Ne w York: International Publishers , 1948) , 54. 57. Upto n Sinclair , The Jungle, Signe t editio n (Ne w York : Ne w America n Library, i960) , 322. 58. "Deb s th e Statesma n o f the Masses, " National Rip-Saw (Novembe r 1921) , 12.

59. Stephe n Mario n Reynolds , "Lif e o f Eugen e V . Debs," i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 2 . 60. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, esp . 149—55 . 61. "Th e Outlook fo r Socialism," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 60—61 . 62. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 64 . 63. Quote d i n Ginger, Bending Cross, 266 . 64. Ginger , Bending Cross, 291 . 65. "Servin g th e Labo r Movement, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 443 . 66. "Ho w I Became a Socialist," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 44—45 . 67. See : "Marti n Irons , Martyr, " 42 ; "Th e Issue, " 297-98 ; "Th e Knight s o f Columbus," 388 , all in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. 68. "Th e Issue," in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 297f. 69. See : "The Martyred Apostles of Labor," 20—24; "Martin Irons , Martyr," 41— 42; "Mothe r Jones, " 285-86 ; "Thoma s McGrady, " 286-91 ; "To m Mone y Sen tenced t o Death," 403-5 ; "Joh n Swinton : Radica l Edito r an d Leader," 409-17 , all in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs. 70. "Joh n Brown: History' s Greates t Hero," in Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 281 . 71. Henr y Keys , "Eugen e V . Debs Honored , Bu t No t b y Hi s Hom e Folks, " Terre Haute Tribune (Sunday , June 7 , 1908) , 17. 72. Reynolds , "Lif e o f Eugene V. Debs," in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 373. Joh n Spargo , "Eugen e V . Debs, Incarnat e Spiri t o f Revolt, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 507 . 74. Rut h L e Prade , "Th e Martyrdom " i n Debs and the Poets, Rut h L e Prade , ed. (Pasadena , CA : Upton Sinclair , Publisher , 1920) , 50. 75. The Heritage of Debs—The Fight against War (Chicago: Socialis t Part y Na tional Headquarters , 1935) . 76. See , for example : Rober t Hunter , " A Companio n t o Truth, " i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 509f . For some of the element s which wen t int o makin g the "Deb s legend, " se e Bernar d J . Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs : Spokesma n fo r

Notes to Chapter 5 |

23 9

Labor an d Socialism, " unpublishe d dissertation , Indian a University , 1964 , i66f ; Ginger, Bending Cross, 12-14 , 82 , 267, 270, 288-89, 292-94 . 77. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 155 . 78. Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 155 . 79. Mar k Shorer , Sinclair Lewis: An American Life (Ne w York: McGra w Hill , 1961), 337, quoted i n Brommel, "Eugen e V Debs, " dissertation, 226. 80. Lette r o f May 16 , 1926. Copy in files o f Bernard Brommel . 81. Cop y in files o f Bernard Brommel . 82. National Rip-Saw (Novembe r 1921) , 14. 83. Kopelin , The Life of Debs, 33 . 84. Walte r Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction (Williamsburg , OH : Progres s Publishing Co. , n.d.), 36. 85. A s related i n Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 92 ; Ginger als o notes th e inciden t an d writes : "Suc h a n inciden t wa s unusua l bu t no t unique. " Ginger, Bending Cross, 267; se e also : th e poe m Ginge r reprint s o n Deb s a s a Messiah, 265. 86. "Addres s to the Jury," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 283 . 87. "Statemen t t o the Court," i n Schlesinger, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 437 . 88. I t wa s Clyd e Miller, a reporte r fo r th e Cleveland Plain-Dealer, wh o wa s largely responsibl e fo r initiating proceeding s agains t Deb s an d who was one of the prosecution s chie f witnesse s a t Deb s s trial . O n Deb s s forgiveness , se e Ginger , Bending Cross, 379-80 . Accordin g t o Brommel , Mille r late r admitte d tha t h e had falsely testifie d a t Debs' s trial . Brommel , "Pacifis t Speechmaking, " 154 . See also : Millers accoun t i n Clyd e R . Miller, "Th e Man I Sen t t o Prison, " The Progressive (October 1963) , 33-35 . Mille r doe s no t her e admi t t o fals e testimony . I n fact , h e recounts tha t Debs found hi s testimony "accurat e an d clear." 89. Ginger , Bending Cross, 237 . 90. Howe , "I n th e American Grain, " 18 ; see also: Ginger , Bending Cross, 262 . Ginger report s tha t i n 190 8 before beginnin g a marathon sixty-five-da y speakin g tour involvin g fiv e t o twenty speeche s a day, Debs had been widel y rumore d t o be "half dead." 91. Se e Ginger, Bending Cross, 268 , 317, 347, 403 . 92. Ginger , Bending Cross, 371 . 93. Upto n Sinclair , "Introduction, " i n Le Prade, Debs and the Poets, 5 . 94. Witte r Brynner , "9653, " i n Le Prade, Debs and the Poets, 3 . See also poem s by Edmund Vanc e Cooke , John Cowpe r Powys , Clement Wood , Miria m Allen De Ford, Sar a Bar d Field , John Milto n Scott , an d Charle s Erskin e Scot t Woo d i n the same volume , o n 9 , 18 , 19 , 25, 29 , 33 , 38 , 9off . Se e als o Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 310-12 . 95. Fro m Walls and Bars, a s excerpted i n Tussey, Debs Speaks, 295-96 . 96. Fro m Walls and Bars, a s excerpted i n Tussey, Debs Speaks, 296 .

240 I

Notes to Chapter 5

97. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 11 . 98. Hofstadter , The Age of Reform, 23 8f; Richar d Hofstadter, "Theodor e R o o sevelt: Th e Conservativ e a s Progressive," i n The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (New York : Vintage, 1974) , 266—307; see also: Stephen E . Lucas, " 'Th e Ma n wit h th e Muc k Rake' : A Reinterpretation," Quarterly Journal of Speech 59 (1973), 452-62. 99. Hays , The Response to Industrialism, 47 , emphasi s added . See , fo r example : the lette r fro m a worker opposin g clemenc y fo r Debs , quote d i n Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 302 . 100. "Addres s t o th e Jury," in Tussey, Debs Speaks, 285 . 101. "Th e Canto n Speech, " in Tussey , Debs Speaks, 258 ; see also: 244. 102. "Speec h o f Acceptance," i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, 73 , 75. 103. "Speec h o f Acceptance, " 361 ; see also : "Th e Issue, " 294 , bot h i n Schle singer, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs; "Letter o f Acceptance, " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 234—35 . 104. Quote d i n Bernar d J. Brommel , "Eugen e V . Debs: Blue- Deni m Spokes man," North Dakota Quarterly (Sprin g 1973) , 13 ; se e also : Ginger , Bending Cross, 161, 189 , 266 .

105. Fo r a variation o n thi s theme , th e divin e sel f as nonself, see : E G . Bailey , The Tactical Uses of Passion: An Essay on Power, Reason, and Reality (Ithaca , NY : Cornell Universit y Press , 1983) , 50. 106. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 40. 107. "Labo r Day Greeting, " in Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 289 . 108. Quote d i n Brommel , "Th e Agitato r a s Speaker, " 200 ; Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 99 , 226. 109. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 120. n o . Fo r example, see: "The America n Movement, " 95 ; "Unionism an d Social ism," 120 ; "Th e Socialis t Part y an d th e Workin g Class, " 137 ; "A n Idea l Labo r Press," 161 ; "Craft Unionism, " 185 ; "Revolutionar y Unionism, " 212 ; "Speec h o f Acceptance," 366 , all in Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs. i n . Kraditor , Radical Persuasion, 231 . 112. "Unionis m an d Socialism, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, 120. 113. See : "Th e Socialis t Party' s Appeal (1908), " 164 , 167 . See also : "Th e Gun men an d th e Miners, " 227 ; "Th e Canto n Speech, " 267 , 279 , al l i n Tussey , Debs Speaks. 114. Mirce a Eliade , The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, Wil lard R . Trask , trans . (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brac e an d World , 1959) , 129 ; see also: 211.

Notes to Chapter 6 |

24

1

115. O n th e connectio n betwee n emotion , faith , an d suffering , see : Bailey , Uses of Passion, 38-40 . 116. Q u o t e d i n Salvatore , Citizen and Socialist, 232 . 117. Howe , "I n th e America n Grain, " 19 . 118. Richar d B . Gregg , " T h e Ego-Functio n o f th e R h e t o r i c o f Protest, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 4 (1971) , 85 ; cf . Harol d Barrett , Rhetoric and Civility: Human Development, Narcissism, and the Good Audience (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f N e w York Press , 1991) . 119. Reynolds , i n Debs: His Life, Writings and Speeches, 72. 120. Terre Haute Post (Octobe r 21 , 1926) , 1 . 121. Schlesinger , "Introduction, " i n Schlesinger , Writings and Speeches of Eugene V Debs, ix ; se e also : Brommel , "Eugen e V Debs, " dissertation , 162 ; J. H . Holling worth, Eugene V Debs: What His Neighbors Say of Him, pamphlet , n o publicatio n data. 122. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 10 . 123. Hurt , Eugene V Debs: An Introduction, 16 . 124. Joh n Dewey , The Public and Its Problems, reprint editio n (Chicago : Swallo w Press, 1954) , 98 . 125. N o r m a n Thomas , "Socialis m Sinc e Debs, " Socialist Call, 23 , Debs C e n t e n nial Issu e (Octobe r 1955) , 7 . 126. Davi d A . Shannon , Forewor d t o Brommel , Spokesman for Labor and Socialism, 5 . 127. Nelso n Algren , Chicago: City on the Make (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1987) , 66 . 128. I a m gratefu l t o E d Sadowlsk y o f th e Unite d Steelworker s subdistric t # 3 office fo r thi s informatio n o n loca l #1834 . 129. Loui s Untermeyer , " T h e Garlan d fo r Debs, " i n L e Prade , Debs and the Poets, 14 . 130. Isaia h 53 : 3-4 , 11-12 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

i. Walte r H . Beale , "Rhetorica l Performativ e Discourse : A N e w T h e o r y o f Epideictic," Philosophy and Rhetoric n (1978) , 2 2 1 = 2 4 6 ; Bernar d K . Duffy , " T h e Platonic Function s o f Epideicti c Rhetoric, " Philosophy and Rhetoric 16 (1983) , 79-932. Jame s Boy d White , When Words Lose Their Meaning: Constitutions and Reconstitutions of Language, Character, and Community (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1984) , 193 ; se e also : R o b e r t N . Bellah , Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in a Post-Traditional World (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1970) , 4 7 n i 3 , o n th e relation ship o f languag e an d religion . 3. Barr y Smart , Postmodernity (London : Routledge , 1993) , 16 .

242 |

Notes

to Chapter 6

4. Smart , Postmodernity, 75 ; see also: p. 63. 5. Davi d Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) , 116. 6. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 56 . 7. Fo r a n overvie w o f the evolutio n o f Americas nationa l religion , see : Henr y F. May , "Th e Religio n o f th e Republic, " i n Ideas, Faiths and Feelings: Essays on American Intellectual and Religious History, 1932-1982 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1983) , 163-86 ; see also: Bellah, Beyond Belief 8. O n th e problem s o f rhetori c i n a postmoder n world , se e Michae l Calvi n McGee, "Text , Context , an d the Fragmentatio n o f Contemporary Culture, " Western Journal of Speech Communication 5 4 (1990) , 274-89 ; J. Rober t Cox , "O n 'Interpre ting' Publi c Discours e i n Post-Modernity, " Western Journal of Speech Communication 54(1990), 317-29 . 9. See : Pete r L . Berge r an d Thoma s Luckmann , The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Ancho r editio n (Garde n City , NY : Doubleday, 1967 ) o n th e functio n o f the symboli c univers e i n delineatin g th e "da y side" and th e "nigh t side " of reality, 97—98. 10. Ha l Foster , "Agains t Pluralism, " i n Recodings: Art, Spectacle, Cultural Politics (Port Townsend, WA : Bay Press, 1985) , 26. 11. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 63 . 12. G . Thoma s Goodnight , "Th e Firm , th e Par k an d th e University : Fea r an d Trembling on th e Postmodern Trail, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 8 1 (1995), 267-90. 13. Thoma s W. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of Prophecy (Minneapolis: Fortres s Press , 1989) . O n th e statu s o f religio today , see : Michae l Harrington, The Politics at God's Funeral: The Spiritual Crisis of Western Civilization (New York: Penguin, 1985) . 14. Stephe n O'Leary , Arguing the Apocalypse: A Theory of Millennial Rhetoric (New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1994) , 11. 15. Fo r example , see : Pau l Boyer , When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy and Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge , MA : Belkna p Pres s o f Harvar d University Press , 1992). 16. Smart , Postmodernity, 18—19 . 17. Irvin g Lewi s Horowitz , Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 1956-1976 (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1977) , i66f . 18. O n th e essentia l monotheis m i n th e Ol d Testament , see : James A . Sanders , "Hermeneutics i n Tru e an d Fals e Prophecy, " i n Georg e W . Coat s an d Burk e O . Long, eds. , Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theology (Philadelphia: Fortres s Press , 1977) , 40 . Se e also : Jame s L . Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect Upon Israelite Religion (Berlin : Walte r d e Gruyter , 1971) , 88 . Crenshaw note s tha t th e monisti c orientatio n helpe d t o mak e demon s "super fluous."

Notes to Chapter 6 \ 24 3 19. Bruc e Vawter , C M . , The Conscience of Israel: Pre-Exilic Prophets and Prophecy (New York: Shee d an d Ward, 1961) , 39-40. 20. Gerhar d von Rad , The Message of the Prophets, D . M. G . Stalker , trans . (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, 1965) , 280. 21. vo n Rad, The Message of the Prophets, 229 . 22. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict, 106; D . S . Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminister Press , 1964) , 73—82. 23. Overholt , Channels of Prophecy, 159 . 24. Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict; Sanders, "Hermeneutic s i n Tru e an d Fals e Prophecy." 25. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 105 , 235fF; Hanso n i s critical o f oversimpl e attribution s t o an y sourc e o f apocalypti c includin g Persia n dualism. Pau l D . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press , 1975), 5ff . Collin s reviews the argument ove r Persian and othe r influence s an d find s much stil l vali d afte r accountin g fo r dissentin g point s o f view. John J. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity (New York : Crossroad Press , 1984) , 15 , 16, 21-28. 26. George s Bataille, Theory of Religion, Rober t Hurley , trans. (New York: Zon e Books, 1992) , 76. 27. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 93 , 265. 28. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 88ff , 106 . Althoug h Hanson criticize s Russell's argument tha t apocalyptic i s continuous with post-Exili c prophecy, ther e i s agreemen t o n thi s point . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 11-12.

29. Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 12 . 30. vo n Rad , The Message of the Prophets, 27 3 f. 31. O'Leary , Arguing the Apocalypse, 12 ; Barry Brummett , "Premillennia l Apoc alyptic a s a Rhetorica l Genre, " Central States Speech Journal 35 (1984) , 85 ; Adel a Yarbro Collins , Crisis and Catharsis (Philadelphia : Westminster Press , 1984) , 152—60. 32. See : Edwi n Black , "Th e Secon d Persona, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 56 (1970), 109-19 .

33. Joh n Collin s mark s thi s a s a distinction betwee n wha t h e call s "historical " apocalyptic an d prophecy . Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 9 . Se e also : Cren shaw, Prophetic Conflict, 107 . 34. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 13 . 35. Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 127ft; Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 3 of. 36. Collins , The Apocalyptic Imagination, 30 ; Russell , The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 231 . 37. Richar d Weaver , Ideas Have Consequences, Midwa y Reprin t editio n (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press , 1976) , v, 168.

244 I

Notes to Chapter 6

38. Fo r the influence o f Lowth's lectures, see: Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets, v. 2 , Colopho n editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1975) , I55f . Freedma n ha s written: "Bisho p Lowth , whil e no t th e firs t t o mak e thi s observatio n [th e observa tion tha t Ol d Testamen t prophec y i s prophetic] , nevertheles s marke d a turnin g point i n th e study o f the prophetic literatur e an d th e poetry o f the Bible generally. " David Noe l Freedman , "Pottery , Poetry , an d Prophecy : A n Essa y o n Biblica l Poetry," Journal of Biblical Literature 9 6 (1977) , 5 n3 . Moder n biblica l scholar s ar e universally agree d upo n th e statu s o f the prophet s a s poets. Rober t Carroll , "Poet s Not Prophets, " Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 2 7 (1983) , 26 ; Crenshaw , Prophetic Conflict. 39. Vawter , The Conscience of Israel, 49-50 . 40. Fo r som e interestin g anthropologica l evidenc e o n thi s point , see : N . Ker shaw Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1942).

41. See , fo r example : G . M . A . Grube , The Greek and Roman Critics (Toronto : University o f Toronto Press , 1965) , o n Isocrates , 42-43 ; o n Aristotle , 83 . See also : Aristotle's Rhetoric, I404a28—I405b7, wher e Aristotl e assert s severa l time s tha t th e rhetorician ha s les s latitud e wit h languag e tha n doe s th e poet . Aristotle , Rhetoric, W. Rhy s Roberts , trans. , i n The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richard McKeon , ed . (New York: Random House , 1941) . 42. Burk e repeat s the observatio n o f Coleridge tha t th e writin g o f a poem i s "a dim analogu e o f creation. " Kennet h Burke , The Rhetoric of Religion (Berkeley an d Los Angeles: University o f California Press , 1970) , 8. 43. Theophi l Spoerri , "Styl e o f Distance , Styl e o f Nearness, " Corinn a Babb , trans., i n Essays in Stylistic Analysis, Howard S . Babb , ed . (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace Jovanovich, 1972) , 68. 44. Walte r Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press, 1978), 45 . O n th e powe r o f writers, poets , artists , an d other s whos e wor k "i s no t dependent upo n dominan t economi c an d politica l interests " t o "immur e them selves . . . from officia l interpretation s o f reality," see : Claus Mueller , The Politics of Communication: A Study in the Political Sociology of Language, Socialization, and Legitimation (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1973) , esp. 146. 45. Melvi n Lasky , Utopia and Revolution (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1976), 520 .

46. O n th e us e o f insanit y a s a labe l use d t o neutraliz e thos e wh o expres s a "commitment t o a n officiall y forbidde n imag e o r definitio n o f 'reality, ' " see : Thomas Szasz , Ideology and Insanity (Garden City , NY : Ancho r Books , 1970) , 6 , passim. Se e also : Thoma s Szasz , "Th e Menta l Healt h Ethic, " i n Richar d T De George, ed. , Ethics and Society: Original Essays on Contemporary Moral Problems (Garden City , NY: Anchor Books, 1968) , 85-110. 47. Phaedrus, 244a—245a , R . Hackforth , trans. , i n Plato: The Collected Dialogues

Notes to Chapter 6 \ 24 5 Edith Hamilto n an d Huntington Cairns , eds., (Princeton , NJ : Princeton Universit y Press, 1961) . 48. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, 14 . 49. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, 48 ; see also: 41, 58. 50. Freedman , "Pottery , Poetry , an d Prophecy, " 20 , 21, 22, 26. 51. R . B . Y . Scott , The Relevance of the Prophets, revise d editio n (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1968) , 103. 52. Chadwick , Poetry and Prophecy, esp . 18—19. 53. See : debat e betwee n A . Graem e Auld , "Prophet s Throug h th e Lookin g Glass: Betwee n Writing s an d Moses, " Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 2 7 (1983), 3-23 , and Carroll , "Poet s No t Prophets, " 25-31 . 54. See : John D . Boyd , S.J. , The Function of Mimesis and Its Decline, 2 d editio n (New York : Fordha m Universit y Press , 1980) ; Jame s L . Kinneavy , A Theory of Discourse, Norto n editio n (Ne w York : W . W . Norton , 1980) ; Bernar d Weinberg , "Formal Analysi s i n Poetr y an d Rhetoric, " i n Donal d C . Bryant , ed. , Papers in Rhetoric and Philosophy (Iowa City : University o f Iowa Press, 1965) ; A. W Stau b an d G. P . Mohrmann, "Rhetori c an d Poetic : A Ne w Critique, " reprinte d i n Dougla s Ehninger, ed. , Contemporary Rhetoric (Glenview, IL : Scott Foresman , 1972) , 108—15. 55. Donal d C . Bryant, "Literatur e an d Politics," in Don M . Burks , ed., Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Literature: An Exploration (West Lafayette , IN : Purdu e Universit y Press, 1978) , 103. 56. Ma x Weber , i n S . N . Eisenstadt , ed. , On Charisma and Institution Building: Selected Papers (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1968) , 254. 57. Foster , Recodings, 76 . 58. Aristotle , Rhetoric, 1375325-1375b7 . Se e also : Aristotle, Politics, wher e Aris totle writes : "Unlawfu l i t certainl y i s t o rul e withou t regar d t o justice, fo r ther e may b e migh t wher e ther e i s not right. " Aristotle , Politics, Benjami n Jowett , trans. , in The Basic Works of Aristotle, Richar d McKeon , ed . (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1941), I324b27 .

59. Aristotle , Rhetoric, I373b6 . 60. Kathlee n M . Jamieson, "Natura l La w a s Warrant," Philosophy and Rhetoric 6 (1973), 236 , emphasi s added . Davi d Lyon s i n hi s articl e "Utilit y an d Rights, " reprinted i n Jerem y Waldron , ed. , Theories of Rights (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1974) , 110—36 , writes : "Mora l right s ar e no t merel y independent o f socia l recognition an d enforcemen t bu t als o provid e grounds for appraising la w an d othe r social institutions. I f social arrangements violat e mora l rights , the y ca n be criticize d accordingly." P . 114, emphasis Lyon s s. 61. Jamieson , "Natura l La w as Warrant," 236 . 62. Jamieson , "Natura l La w as Warrant," 24 2 n7. 63. Horowitz , "Th e Pluralisti c Base s o f Moder n America n Liberalism, " i n Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 169 .

246 I

Notes to Chapter 6

64. Horowitz , Ideology and Utopia in the United States, 169 . 65. S . N . Eisenstadt , "Introduction, " i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building, liv . 66. Joh n Dewey , The Public and Its Problems, Swallo w Pres s editio n (Chicago : Swallow Press, 1954) , 137. 67. Eisenstadt , "Introduction, " i n Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building, lv . 68. Berge r an d Luckmann , The Social Construction of Reality, develop th e ide a o f externalization o f reality an d it s role in society . Wolff makes th e tellin g remark tha t "The ver y essenc e o f socia l constrain t i s tha t on e feel s i t a s objective , external , unavoidable, an d henc e genuinel y a limi t beyon d whic h one' s desire s ma y no t extend." Rober t Pau l Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " i n Rober t Pau l Wolff , Bar rington Moore , Jr., an d Herber t Marcuse , A Critique of Pure Tolerance, paperbac k edition (Boston : Beacon Press , 1969) , 34. 69. Se e particularly: Jiirgen Habermas , Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics, Jeremy J. Shapiro , trans . (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1970) , passim , esp. 68, 98; Jiirgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis, Thoma s McCarthy, trans . (Boston : Beacon Press , 1975) . 70. Pete r L . Berger , The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion (Ne w York: Viking Books, 1969) , 129 ; see also: 107 , passim. 71. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 112-13 . 72. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 138-47 . 73. Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 127 . 74. Th e interrelatio n betwee n moralit y an d la w is a complex one . A s example, see: statement s b y philosophica l opponent s H . L . A . Har t an d Ronal d Dworkin , both stressin g the connectio n betwee n th e moral and the legal. H. L . A. Hart, "Ar e There An y Natura l Rights? " i n Waldron , Theories of Rights, 79. Ronald Dworkin , Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge, MA : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1977) , 147 , passim. Se e also: Bataille, Theory of Religion, 67—68 . 75. Fo r critica l discussion s o f gam e theor y an d rationa l exchang e model s o f conflict, see : Thoma s M . Steinfat t an d Geral d R . Miller, "Communicatio n i n Game Theoreti c Model s of Conflict," i n Geral d R . Mille r and Herbert W Simons , eds., Perspectives on Communication in Social Conflict (Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Pren tice-Hall, 1974) , 14—75 . See also: Fred E. Jandt, "Communicatio n an d th e Simula tion o f Social Conflict," i n Miller and Simons, Perspectives on Communication, 76-89 ; Herbert Simons' s revie w essay , "Changin g Notion s Abou t Socia l Movements, " Quarterly fournal of Speech 62 (1976), 425—30. 76. Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " 27. 77. Rober t N . Bellah , The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial (New York: Seabury Press, 1975) . 78. Compar e Berge r s similar commen t tha t "th e thre e mos t ancien t an d mos t

Notes to Chapter 7 | 24 7 powerful concomitant s o f th e sacred " ar e "mystery , miracle , an d magic. " Berger , The Sacred Canopy, 111 . 79. Almost al l discussion o f rights today centers around attitudes toward utilitar ianism. See : the reading s i n Waldron, Theories of Rights; see also: for example , H . L . A. Har t s "Between Utilit y an d Rights," and Richard Wollhei m s "John Stuar t Mil l and Isaia h Berlin: The End s of Life an d th e Preliminaries o f Morality," both i n Alan Ryan, ed. , The Idea of Freedom: Essays in Honour of Isaiah Berlin (Oxford: Oxfor d University Press , 1979) ; and Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously. 80. Wolff , "Beyon d Tolerance, " 20. 81. Jame s Darsey , "Vessel s o f th e Word : Studie s o f th e Propheti c Voic e i n American Publi c Address, " unpublishe d dissertation , Universit y o f Wisconsin , Madison, 1985 , 446-49. 82. Richar d D . Mohr , Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society, and Law (Ne w York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1988) , 145. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7

1. Richar d H . Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, Meridian Book s editio n (Cleve land: World Publishin g Co. , i960) , 3. 2. Willia m A. Henry III , "An Admiral fro m Alabama, " Time (June 8 , 1981) , 20; Arthur Miller, "Th e Interrogatio n o f Angel Rama," Harper's (Jul y 1984) , 11—12. 3. Robi n Turner , "Dukaki s Liken s G.O. P Attack s t o McCarthy's, " New York Times (September 10 , 1988) , 8 . See also: "Reagan Back s Bush i n Assailin g Dukaki s Over Issu e o f Pledge," New York Times (September 21 , 1988) , A30; "Transcrip t o f First T V Debat e Betwee n Bus h an d Dukakis, " New York Times (Septembe r 26 , 1988), A16-A19. 4. Nationa l Publi c Radio , specia l liv e broadcast , Octobe r 11 , 1991 , 10-iipm , EST. 5. Nationa l Publi c Radio , "Mornin g Edition, " June 18 , 1996. 6. Wal t Kelly, Potluck Pogo (Ne w York: Simo n an d Schuster , 1954-55) , 2 $. 3 7. I . E Stone , The Haunted Fifties: ig^-ig63 (Boston : Little , Brow n an d Co. , 1963); Lar y May , ed. , Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of the Cold War (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1989) ; Dougla s T . Mille r an d Mario n Nowak, The Fifties: The Way We Really Were (Garde n City , NY : Doubleday, 1977) ; Paul A . Carter , Another Part of the Fifties (New York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1983); S . Coontz , The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (New York : Basi c Books , 1992) ; an d J. Ronal d Oakley , God's Country: America in the Fifties (Ne w York: Dembner Books , 1986) . 8. Richar d Weaver , Ideas Have Consequences, Midwa y Reprin t editio n (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1976) , 179. 9. Erlingjorstad , The Politics of Doomsday: Fundamentalists of the Far Right (Nash -

248 I

Notes

to Chapter 7

ville: Abingdo n Press , 1970) , 45 . O n th e climat e o f th e Fiftie s i n America , see : Eri c F. Goldman , The Crucial Decade —And After: America, 1945-1960 (Ne w York : Vin tage Books , i960) ; Talcot t Parsons , "Socia l Strain s i n Americ a (1955), " i n Danie l Bell, ed. , The Radical Right (Garde n City , NY : Anchor , 1964) , 209-29 . 10. Georg e H . Gallup , The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1935-1971, 3 vols. (Ne w York: R a n d o m House , 1972) , v . 2 , 933 . 11. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 1 , 625 . 12. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 869 . 13. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 1 , 682 ; v . 2 , 925 , passim . Se e also : Goldman , The Crucial Decade, 262 . 14. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 922 . 15. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 967 . 16. Kelly , Potluck Pogo, 103. 17. Nobe l Priz e Acceptanc e Speech , i n Housto n Peterson , ed. , A Treasury of the World's Great Speeches, revised an d enlarge d editio n (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schus ter, 1965) , 815 . 18. W . H . Auden , Collected Longer Poems (Ne w York : R a n d o m House , 1969) , 268-70; Leonar d Bernstein' s symphon y " T h e Ag e o f Anxiety " receive d it s worl d premiere i n 1949 . 19. H e n r y D . Aiken , ed. , The Age of Ideology, M e n t or editio n (Ne w York : N e w American Library , 1956) , 202 , 225 . Se e also : Herber t Marcuse , Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, esp . 267ff . 20. Alber t Camus , The Plague, Stuar t Gilbert , trans. , Vintag e editio n (Ne w York: Vintage , 1972) , 9 0 - 9 1 . 21. Oakley , God's Country, 318-19 . 22. Gallup , The Gallup Poll, v . 2 , 1293 . 23. Richar d Niebuhr , quote d i n Oakley , God's Country, 324 . 24. Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston : H o u g h t o n Mifflin , 1949) , 1 . 25. See : Pau l Johnson, Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties, Colophon editio n (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1985) , 1-5 , o n th e impac t o f Einstein's theory . 26. Pau l Boyer , By the Dawn's Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1985) , xvii . 27. Nisbet' s wor k o n th e declin e i n th e twentiet h centur y o f th e ide a o f progress, on e o f th e gran d narrative s o f th e Enlightenment , i s relevant here . R o b e r t Nisbet History of the Idea of Progress (New York : Basi c Books , 1980) , 3 iyfF, esp . 332. 28. Danie l Bell , The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties, rev. ed . (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1962) , 400 . 29. Josep h R . McCarthy , "Firs t Speec h Delivere d i n Senat e b y Senato r Jo e McCarthy o n Communist s i n Government ; Wheelin g Speech, " i n Major Speeches

Notes to Chapter 7 |

24

9

and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 19501931, R e p r i n t fro m th e Congressiona l R e c o r d (Washington , D C : Unite d State s Government Printin g Office , n.d.) , 14 . Thi s volum e i s a n od d one . I t i s obviousl y a McCarth y campaig n d o c u m e n t — t h e titl e pag e tell s u s tha t i t wa s no t printe d a t government expense , bu t i t ha s non e o f th e accessibilit y o r popula r appea l o f Senator Jo e McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America (Ne w York : Devin Adair, 1952) . 30. "Informatio n o n Lattimore , Jessup , Service , an d Hanso n Cases, " i n Major Speeches, 66. 31. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 92. 32. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 109 . 33. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 98. 34. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 102 . 35. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 144 . 36. "Statemen t o f Four Individual s o n Stat e Departmen t Personne l Files ; Analy sis o f Senato r Tydings ' Statemen t t o Pres s Regardin g Stat e Departmen t Files, " i n Major Speeches, 147 . 37. " T h e Grea t Betrayal, " i n Ernes t J . Wrag e an d Barne t Baskerville , eds. , Contemporary Forum: American Speeches on Twentieth-Century Issues, Washingto n Pa perback editio n (Seattle : Universit y o f Washingto n Press , 1962) , 297 . McCarth y used th e sam e stoc k phrase s ove r an d over . See : "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14, 1951), " 203 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory ; th e Stor y o f Gen . Georg e C . Marshall," 217 , 257 , 258 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 38. McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, vii . 39. McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 1 . 40. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " i n Major Speeches, 121. 41. "Statemen t o f Fou r Individuals, " i n Major Speeches, 153 . 42. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " i n Major Speeches, 190 . 43. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 298 . Thi s speec h i s a n important on e i n McCarthy' s career . I t i s agree d tha t McCarth y wa s no t th e principal author , ye t th e speec h reflect s hi s poin t o f vie w an d i s embellishe d wit h enough pur e McCarth y a s t o becom e hi s own . T h e speec h wa s reprinte d man y times o n it s own , includin g onc e sometim e afte r 197 9 b y th e Senato r Josep h R . McCarthy Educationa l Foundation , Inc. , o f Milwaukee , W I . Excep t fo r Founda tion Presiden t Thoma s J . Bergen' s "Update d Memoranda, " whic h serve s a s prefac e to thi s edition , ther e i s n o publicatio n data . 44. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 299. 45. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 303. 46. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 284. 47. "Tex t o f Senato r McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truma n o f Aidin g Suspecte d R e d Agents, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953) , 5 . 48. Tzveta n Todorov , The Fantastic: A Structural Approach to a Literary Genre,

250 I

Notes to Chapter 7

Richard Howard, trans. , Cornell paperback editio n (Ithaca , NY: Cornell Universit y Press, 1975) . 49. Rosemar y Jackson, Fantasy: The Literature of Subversion (London : Methuen , 1981), 14 .

50. Eri c S . Rabkin, The Fantastic in Literature (Princeton, NJ : Princeton Univer sity Press, 1976) , 10 , passim. 51. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 218 . Rabkin, thoug h h e claim s t o b e i n "serious disagreement " wit h Todoro v "i n man y regards, " nonetheles s note s ho w Todorov's wor k complement s hi s own , especiall y i n viewin g th e epistemologica l status o f wha t i s presente d i n th e fantasti c a s liberatin g becaus e unstable . Fo r Rabkin, th e essenc e o f th e fantasti c i s "th e continuin g diametri c reversa l o f th e ground withi n a narrative world." 118 , 73; see also: 4, 8, 12 , 14 , 28, 41, 120, 213. 52. Ernes t G . Bormann, "Fantas y and Rhetorical Vision: The Rhetorica l Criti cism of Social Reality," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 8 (1972); Dan Nimmo an d James E. Combs , Mediated Political Realities (New York : Longman , 1983) . Nimm o an d Combs furthe r confus e fantas y wit h melodrama , whic h is , i n fact , a political an d constitutive mora l genre , as I argue in chapter 4. 53. Fo r thes e examples , see : "Wheelin g Speech, " 12 , 18 , 51 , 52; "Informatio n on Lattimore, " 66 , 67, 86 , 104 , 105 , i n ; "Lattimor e Lette r o n Chines e Employe d by OWI ; Additiona l Informatio n o n Phili p Jessup, " 133 ; "Challeng e t o Senato r Tydings t o Pla y Recordin g o f Wheeling Speech, " 155 ; "Statement o n Davi d Kar r and Dre w Pearson, " 175 ; "Explanation o f Why Name s Wer e Mad e Public ; State ment o n Suspende d Stat e Department Official s Unde r Investigatio n Bein g Allowed Access t o Secre t Files, " 323 , 324 , al l i n Major Speeches; "Tex t o f Addres s b y McCarthy Accusin g Governo r Stevenso n o f Aid t o Communis t Cause, " New York Times (October 28 , 1952) , 26-27. 54. Barne t Baskerville , "Jo e McCarthy, Brief-Cas e Demagogue, " Today's Speech 2 (1954) , 8-15 . 55. Rovere , Senator JoeMcCarthy, 168 . 56. Bot h thes e incident s ar e include d i n Emil e d e Antonio' s fil m o f selection s from th e Army-McCarth y hearings , Point of Order (Ne w York : Sterlin g Produc tions, 1954) . 57. Jackson , Fantasy, 84 . 58. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 166 . 59. Jackson , Fantasy, 23 . 60. "Explanatio n o f Why Name s Were Made Public, " in Major Speeches, 316 . 61. See : Jackson, Fantasy, 34 ; Todorov, The Fantastic, 25 . 62. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 25 . 63. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 305 . 64. O n th e hyperboli c i n fantasy, see : Todorov, The Fantastic, 77-82 , 93. 65. Fo r a sampling o f these themes , see : McCarthy, McCarthyism: The Fight for America, vii, 2 , 3 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 31 , 39 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 54 , 61 , 75 , 81 , 82 , 85 , 91 , 92 , 99 ;

Notes to Chapter 7 |

25

1

"Wheeling Speech, " 8 , 50 ; "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 121 ; "Lattimore Lette r o n Chinese," 125 , 142 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Decembe r 6 , 1950), " 159 , 160 ; "Statement o n Dre w Pearson, " 173 , 174 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951)," 189 , 192 , 204 ; "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 216 , 217 , 231 , 242 , 264 , 277, 285 , 333 , al l i n Major Speeches. 66. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 290 , 297 , 307 , 288 , 218 , i n Major Speeches; " M c C a r t h y s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953), 5 ; "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 67. Fo r McCarth y o n "perverts, " see , fo r example : McCarthy , McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 14-15 . Fo r th e relationshi p betwee n homosexua l theme s an d fantasy, see : Todorov , The Fantastic, 131-32 . Fo r th e fea r o f homosexualit y i n th e Fifties an d M c C a r t h y s associatio n o f the m wit h thos e i n th e Stat e Departmen t w h o practiced diplomac y wit h perfume d handkerchiefs , see : David Riesma n an d Natha n Glazer, " T h e Intellectual s an d th e Discontente d Classe s (1955), " i n Bell , The Radical Right, 119 . 68. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 189 . Edelman' s comment s o n the natur e o f dangerou s enemie s ar e relevan t here . Murra y Edelman , Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (Ne w York : Academi c Press , 1977), 34 69. Michae l Osborn , "Archetypa l Metapho r i n Rhetoric : T h e Light-Dar k Family," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 3 (1967) , 240—41 . O n th e importanc e o f th e vision an d darknes s metaphor s t o fantasy , see : Todorov , The Fantastic, esp . 120—23 ; Jackson, Fantasy, 49 . 70. McCarthyism, 59 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 204 ; "Americas Retrea t fro m Victory, " 302 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 71. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 216. 72. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 303. 73. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 307 . 74. "McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953), 5 75. "Excerpt s fro m Transcrip t o f Firs t Da y o f Senat e Hearing s o n Censur e o f McCarthy: Senato r McCarthy' s Statement, " New York Times (Septembe r 1 , 1954) , 14. Se e also : McCarthyism, vii , 101 ; "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y in Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 ; "McCarth y Insist s on R e d Trad e Ban, " New York Times (Decembe r 4 , 1953) , 2 . 76. "Wheelin g Speech, " i n Major Speeches, 8 . 77. "Addres s Accusin g Stevenson, " New York Times (Octobe r 28 , 1952) , 26 . 78. "Text s o f Statemen t b y McCarth y an d Som e Replies, " New York Times (December 8 , 1954) , 10 . 79. " T h e Pric e o f Peace, " secon d inaugura l address , i n Wrag e an d Baskerville , Contemporary Forum, 314 .

252 |

Notes

to Chapter 7

80. " T h e Pric e o f Peace, " i n Wrag e an d Baskerville , Contemporary Forum, 313-1481. Pau l D . Hanson , The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia : Fortres s Press , 1975) , 16-27, esp. , 24-25 . 82. Todorov , The Fantastic, n o . 83. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 305 . Se e also : "Tex t o f McCarthy Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times ( N o vember 19 , 1954) , 18 ; "Tex t o f Senato r McCarthy' s Speec h Accusin g Truman, " New York Times (Novembe r 25 , 1953) , 5 . T o dismis s accident , folly , o r naivet e a s a cause o f action i n favo r o f malign deliberatio n an d plottin g wa s a favorite McCarth y refrain. See : "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 216 , 219 , 251 , 290, 307 . 84. Todorov , The Fantastic, 112 . 85. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 260. 86. "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 295. 87. "Text s o f Statemen t b y McCarth y an d Som e Replies, " New York Times (December 8 , 1954) , 10 . I n th e tex t o f McCarthy' s speec h fo r deliver y i n th e censure debat e a s i t wa s publishe d b y th e New York Times, ther e i s a lon g sectio n built aroun d anaphor a an d antithesi s whic h follow s thi s genera l pattern : "I t i s no t significant tha t th e Communists . . . . Bu t i t i s frighteningl y significan t tha t the y have succeeded. " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 88. Fo r example , see : th e chapte r " T h e Evi l Genius, " i n McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 99—100 . O w e n Lattimor e an d other s ar e dangerou s precisel y becaus e they ar e brilliant . See , fo r example : "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 85-86 ; "America s Retreat fro m Victory, " 235 , 264 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 89. See : "America n Foreig n Polic y (Decembe r 6 , 1950), " 159 ; "Statemen t o f Time Magazine, " 333 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " 302 , 305 , 292 , 293 , 267 , 254, 253 ; "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951) , 208 , 204 , al l i n Major Speeches. 90. O n th e demoni c an d dualis m i n th e fantastic , see : Jackson, Fantasy, esp. , 54— 55, 58 , 131 . 91. "America n Foreig n Polic y (Marc h 14 , 1951), " 190 ; "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory," 285 , bot h i n Major Speeches. 92. "Tex t o f McCarth y Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . 93. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 307. 94. "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 113 ; "Statemen t o f Fou r Individuals, " 153 , both i n Major Speeches. 95. "Wheelin g Speech, " 46 ; "Informatio n o n Lattimore, " 112 ; "Lattimor e Let ter o n Chinese, " 134 , al l i n Major Speeches. 96. Fro m Davi d M . Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1983) , 151 . For a simila r statemen t b y McCarthy ,

Notes to Chapter 7 | 25 3 see: McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 89. Referring t o th e Madison , Wisconsi n Capital Times, a paper "consistentl y parallelin g the editorial lin e o f the Communis t Daily Worker," McCarth y said , "They , o f course, criticiz e Communis m generall y t o obtain a false reputatio n o f being anti-Communist . The y the n g o all-out t o assassinate th e characte r an d destro y th e reputatio n o f anyone wh o trie s t o di g ou t th e really dangerous under-cove r Communists. " 97. Fo r example, see: "Wheeling Speech, " in Major Speeches, 18 , 50, 74. 98. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 236 . 99. "Addres s by McCarthy Accusin g Stevenson, " New York Times (October 28, 1952), 26. 100. "America s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 259 . 101. "Informatio n o n Lattimore," in Major Speeches, 111 . 102. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " in Major Speeches, 281 . 103. "America' s Retrea t fro m Victory, " i n Major Speeches, 253 . See also: McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 86 , where McCarth y translate s the phrase "progressiv e persons." 104. See : "Information o n Lattimore," 92; "Lattimore Lette r o n Chinese, " 144; "Statement o f Fou r Individuals, " 151 ; "Statement o f David Kar r an d Dre w Pear son," 176 , all in Major Speeches. 105. Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense, 112 . 106. Millar d Tydings , quoted i n Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 170 . 107. See : Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 187. The prerogativ e o f office i s the grea t unspoke n assumptio n i n Edwi n R . Bayley , Joe McCarthy and the Press (Madison, WI: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1981) . 108. Thoma s Rosteck , "Irony , Argument , an d Reportage i n Televisio n Docu mentary: Se e I t No w versu s Senato r McCarthy, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 7 5 (1989), 277-98. 109. Thes e theme s ar e develope d i n al l th e majo r source s o n McCarthy . Th e most systemati c developmen t i s in Rober t Griffith , The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate (Lexington , KY : University Pres s of Kentucky, 1970) . n o . Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, 2326° ; Thoma s C . Reeves , The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography (New York : Stei n an d Day , 1982) , 665ff ; Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 495ff . Th e televise d Army-McCarth y hearing s are widely credite d wit h bein g th e even t whic h mad e censur e possible . Eve n here , McCarthy's failin g wa s a failing o f credibility rathe r tha n an y conclusive judgmen t against him, for the hearings di d not provide th e latter. See : Orville A. Hitchcock' s contribution t o Frederic k W Haberma n e t al. , "View s o n th e Army-McCarth y Hearings," Quarterly Journal of Speech 41 (1955) , 14. i n . Bell , The End of Ideology, 300 . 112. See , for example : Richar d M . Fried , Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1990) . 113. See : Edwin Black , "Th e Mutabilit y o f Rhetoric, " i n Eugen e E . White ,

254 I

Notes to Chapter 7

ed., Rhetoric in Transition: Studies in the Nature and Uses of Rhetoric (Universit y Park , PA: Pennsylvani a Stat e Universit y Press , 1980) , 76-77 , fo r som e pertinen t com ments abou t sincerit y an d rhetoric . Th e linkin g o f sincerity , Freud , an d Sad e i s particularly revealin g in th e present context . 114. See , for example : Rovere, Senator JoeMcCarthy, 54-55 ; Griffith, The Politics of Fear, 14 ; Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 14-15 . 115. Jackson , Fantasy, 21 . 116. Rabkin , The Fantastic in Literature, 73 . 117. Jackson , Fantasy, S^£. It i s wort h notin g tha t Jackson mention s th e eigh teenth- an d nineteenth-centur y literatur e tha t gre w ou t o f Common Sens e philosophy a s having a marked "reluctanc e t o admi t o f the possible existenc e o f partial o r contradictory aspect s o f th e self, " i n contras t t o fantasy . Th e radica l discourse s examined i n chapter s 3 to 5 were based o n th e sam e philosoph y 118. Jackson , Fantasy, 3of . 119. McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 86 . Emphasis mine. 120. McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 90 . Emphasis mine. 121. "Tex t o f McCarthy Speec h fo r Deliver y Toda y i n Censur e Debate, " New York Times (Novembe r 10 , 1954) , 18 . Emphasi s mine . Thes e ar e obviou s case s where McCarthy withi n a sentence mixe d first- an d third-person self-references . I n larger discourse s wher e th e narrato r wa s "I, " h e ofte n referre d t o himsel f i n th e third person . Fo r example , see : McCarthyism: The Fight for America, 88, 94 , 95 ; "Explanation o f Why Name s Were Made Public, " in Major Speeches, 316 , 317, 318. See also : th e Devin-Adai r editio n o f America's Retreat from Victory (New York : Devin-Adair, 1951) . I n hi s introductio n t o thi s volume , McCarth y referre d t o himself in the thir d person . 122. Pete r Biskind, Seeing is Believing: How Hollywood Taught Us to Stop Worrying and Love the Fifties (Ne w York: Pantheon Books , 1983) . 123. Rovere , Senator Joe McCarthy, 253 . 124. Elle n Schrecker , The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Book s of St. Martin's Press, 1994) , 92-93. 125. See : Reeves an d Oshinsk y especiall y th e inciden t reporte d i n Reeves, Life and Times of Joe McCarthy, 586 ; and Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 412 . 126. Jackson , Fantasy, 18 , 78-79, 158-59 , 179 . 127. Jackson , Fantasy, 18 . 128. Jackson , 45 ; see also: 42, 49, 54, 83. 129. Donatien-Alphonse-Francoi s d e Sade, "Two Moral Tales," in The Complete Justine, Philosophy in the Bedroom, and Other Writings, Richar d Seave r an d Austry n Wainhouse, eds . an d trans . (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1965) , 373-743 . "T o instruc t man an d correc t hi s morals: such i s the sol e goa l we se t for ourselve s i n thi s story," writes Sad e at the outse t of Eugenie de Franval, 375 .

Notes to Chapter 8 | 25 5

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8

i. Seymou r Marti n Lipse t an d Ear l Raab , The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, iygo-ig70 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row, 1970) , 248. 2. Benjami n R . Epstei n an d Arnol d Forster , The Radical Right (Ne w York : Vintage, 1967) , 3. See also: George Thayer , The Farther Shores of Politics (Ne w York : Simon an d Schuster , 1967) , 174 ; Seymou r Marti n Lipset , "Thre e Decade s o f th e Radical Right : Coughlinites , McCarthyites , an d Bircher s (1962), " i n Danie l Bell , ed., The Radical Right (Garde n City , NY : Ancho r Books , 1964) , 373 ; Ala n F . Westin, "Th e John Birc h Societ y (1962), " in Bell, The Radical Right, 240. 3. Welc h was one o f the wealthy sponsor s of the grou p "Friend s o f Joe McCar thy" whic h sponsore d a McCarth y comebac k campaig n afte r McCarthy s censur e by th e Senate ; h e kep t a framed pictur e o f McCarthy i n hi s office, an d h e cam e t o be identified wit h man y "McCarth y themes. " Welch ofte n praise d McCarthy i n hi s speeches a s on e who m th e communist s hounde d t o death , a grea t marty r t o th e communist cause . See : David M . Oshinsky , A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (New York : Fre e Press , 1983) , 502 ; Thayer , The Farther Shores, 182 ; Anthony Hillbruner , " A Nigh t o n Bal d Mountai n o r Variation s o n a them e b y McCarthy," Today's Speech 1 0 (1962), 1-4 ; Rober t Welch , "Wha t I s Communism? " (Belmont, MA : America n Opinio n Reprin t Series , 1970) , 16 ; Robert Welch , The Blue Book of the John Birch Society, 8 th printin g (n.p. , 1961) , 94. 4. Georg e Barrett , "Close-U p o f th e Birchers ' 'Founder, ' " New York Times Magazine (May 14 , 1961) , 92. 5. D . Sanford , "Littl e Ol d Pin k Ma n Wh o Calle d Ik e Red, " New ; Republic 15 3 (November 20 , 1965) , 8. 6. M . Crawford , "Sick , Sick , Sick, " Newsweek 64 (August 31 , 1964), 32. 7. "Touched, " Time 87 (April 15 , 1966), 25. 8. Rober t Welch , The Politician (Belmont , MA : Robert Welch , 1963) , 1. 9. The Politician, vii . 10. The Blue Book, i. 11. The Blue Book, i. 12. The Blue Book, iii. 13. The Blue Book, 2. 14. The Blue Book, 9. 15. The Blue Book, 9-39, esp . 10. 16. The Blue Book, 29. 17. The Blue Book, 27. 18. The Blue Book, 50 . Thi s i s th e cance r metapho r discusse d b y Edwi n Blac k in "Th e Secon d Persona, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 56 (1970) , 109-19 . Susa n Sontag ha s also explore d th e radicalis m o f cancer a s metaphor i n Illness as Metaphor (New York: Farrar, Strauss , and Giroux , 1978) , 82 , 86. 19. The Blue Book, 57-58.

2 56 |

Notes

to Chapter 8

20. The Blue Book, 63. 21. The Blue Book, 72-73. 22. Fo r example , see : The Blue Book, 84-86; Robert Welch , "Wha t I s the John Birch Society? " 197 0 editio n (Belmont , MA : America n Opinio n Reprints , 1970) , 6, 24 . Ther e is , i n fact , a close relationshi p betwee n th e cance r metapho r an d th e military metaphor . See : Sontag, Illness as Metaphor, 64-68 . 23. The Blue Book, 169. 24. The Blue Book, 145. 25. The Blue Book, 149-50 . Harr y Kemp , "God , th e Architect " wa s publishe d in James D . Morrison , ed. , Masterpieces of Religious Verse (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Bros., 1948) , #149. 26. Rober t Welch , "T o th e Negroe s o f America" (n.p. , 1967) , 8. 27. " A Lette r t o Khrushchev, " i n The New Americanism and Other Speeches and Essays (Boston : Western Island , 1966) , 30-42. 28. "Mor e Statel y Mansions," in The New Americanism, 15-52 . 29. R . S . Crane , The Languages of Criticism and the Structure of Poetry (Toronto : University o f Toronto Press , 1953) , 153. 30. The Blue Book, 44. 31. "Throug h th e Days to Be," in The New Americanism, 60 . 32. See , fo r example : "Th e Bosto n Mob, " 17 ; "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement," 60 , 65—66 ; "Toussaint l'Ouverture, " 173 ; "The Cas e fo r Labor, " 201; "The Ol d Sout h Meetinghouse, " 212 , al l i n Loui s Filler , ed. , Wendell Phillips on Civil Rights and Freedom (Ne w York: Hill an d Wang, 1965) . 33. See : various speeche s in Arthur Schlesinger , Jr., ed. , Writings and Speeches of Eugene Debs (Ne w York : Heritag e Press , 1948) . Se e also : Bernar d J . Brommel , Eugene V Debs: Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago : Charle s H. Kerr , 1978) , esp. 103 , 208 . Deb s als o trie d hi s han d a t "verse. " Th e on e mos t frequentl y reprinted wa s the sentimenta l piece, "Mother. " 34. Th e Baptis t Churc h wa s amon g th e firs t t o embrac e hymns , includin g collections b y Isaa c Watts . See : Henr y Wilde r Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, Archo n reprin t editio n ([Hampden , CT] : Archo n Books , 1968) , esp . 168, 225-29 . Reynold s claim s tha t th e Baptist s wer e th e firs t sec t t o introduc e congregational hym n singing , i n Willia m Jensen Reynolds , A Survey of Christian Hymnody (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston , 1963) , 46 . Donal d Davi e explores th e hymnodi c tradition , especiall y tha t o f Isaac Watts an d Charle s Wesley , with a vie w towar d restorin g statu s t o poetr y whic h ha s been , i n Davie' s view , discounted by students of poetry because o f its liturgical nature. See: Donald Davie, A Gathered Church: The Literature of the English Dissenting Interest, 1700—1930 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1978) , esp. 1-54 . 35. O n th e Unitaria n contribution s t o America n hymnody , see : Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, esp . 192 , 196 , 233-54 . Whittie r canno t reall y b e counted a Unitarian hymnodis t i n tha t h e wa s a lifelong membe r o f the Societ y o f

Notes to Chapter 8 \ 25 7 Friends, bu t h e wa s clos e t o th e Unitarian s i n spiri t an d som e o f hi s poem s wer e appropriated fo r us e i n Unitaria n hym n books . Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, 254—62 . 36. O n th e shif t fro m psalmod y t o hymnod y an d it s significance , see : Foote , Three Centuries of American Hymnody, 3-186 ; an d Reynolds , A Survey of Christian Hymnody, 3-65. 37. Conra d make s man y argument s (whic h paralle l thos e I make i n th e follow ing section ) regardin g th e nineteenth-centur y root s o f th e Mora l Majority , on e o f the logica l successor s t o Welch . See : Charles Conrad , "Th e Rhetori c o f the Mora l Majority: A n Analysi s o f Romanti c Form, " Quarterly Journal of Speech 6 9 (1983) , 159-70.

38. The Blue Book, 48. 39. "Republic s an d Democracies, " i n The New Americanism, 101. On th e sig nificance o f republicanis m i n th e nineteent h century , see : Han s Kohn , Political Ideologies of the Twentieth Century, 3d editio n revise d (Ne w York : Harpe r Torch books, 1966) , esp. 6, 8 , 68, 69. 40. The Blue Book, 48. 41. The Blue Book, 60. 42. Willia m G . McLoughlin , Revivals, Awakenings and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607—^77 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1978) , 140. 43. R . W Harris , Romanticism and the Social Order, 1780-1830 (New York : Barnes an d Noble , 1969) , 20 . Se e also : "Romanticism, " Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, Ale x Preminger , Fran k J. Warnke , an d O . B . Hardison , Jr., eds . (Princeton, NJ : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1974) . Thi s discussio n i s also indebte d to M. H . Abrams, The Mirror and the Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1953) , an d Jacque s Barzun , Classic, Romantic, and Modern (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1961) . 44. Harris , Romanticism and the Social Order, 11 ; Barzun, Classic, Romantic, and Modern, passim. Fo r a description o f some o f the aspect s o f the nineteenth-centur y view o f history a s it wa s receive d fro m th e eighteent h century , see : Sto w Persons , "The Cyclica l Theor y o f Histor y i n Eighteent h Centur y America, " American Quarterly 6 (1954), 147-63. 45. Carlyle , quote d i n th e chapte r "Carlyl e a s Prophet - Historian, " i n Joh n Holloway, The Victorian Sage (New York: W W Norton , i960) , 58. 46. Northro p Frye , A Study of English Romanticism (Ne w York: Random House , 1968), 22 .

47. Shelley , quoted i n Harris, Romanticism and the Social Order, 54 . 48. Fo r som e "politica l biographies " o f som e o f th e Englis h Romanti c poets , see: Cran e Brinton , The Political Ideas of the English Romanticists, reprin t editio n (New York : Russel l an d Russell , 1962) . Se e particularly : Wordsworth' s ide a o f poetry i n Abrams, The Mirror and the Lamp, 330.

258 |

Notes

to Chapter 8

49. Ralp h Wald o Emerson , "Th e Poet, " i n Lewi s Mumford , ed. , Essays and Journals (Garde n City , NY: Doubleday, 1968) , 248-49. 50. Holloway , The Victorian Sage, 2 . 51. Verno n L . Parrington , Main Currents in American Thought, v . 2 , Harves t edition (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace , an d World , 1927) , passim, esp . 309-10 , 313— 15. See also: Sacvan Bercovitch, "Emerso n th e Prophet : Romanticism , Puritanism , and Auto-American-Biography, " i n Davi d Levin , ed. , Emerson: Prophecy, Metamorphosis, and Influence: Selected Papers from the English Institute (New York : Columbi a University Press , 1975) , 2—6. 52. Parrington , Main Currents, v . 2, 264, 331-34 . 53. Harol d Bloom , "Emerson : Th e Glor y an d Sorrow s o f American Romanti cism," i n Davi d Thorbur n an d Geoffre y Hartman , eds. , Romanticism: Vistas, Instances, Continuities (Ithaca , NY : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1973) , 155-73 ; Th e Blue Book, 9. 54. Jame s M . Cox , "R . W Emerson : Th e Circle s o f th e Eye, " i n Levin , Emerson, Prophecy, Metamorphosis, 57-81 , esp . 59, 61. Emphasis Cox's . 55. Aaro n Kramer, The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 1833-1 goo (Rutherford, NJ : Farleigh Dickinso n Universit y Press , 1968) , 10 , passim. 56. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 11 , passim. 57. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 15 , passim. 58. Th e word s i n quotatio n mark s ar e Emerson' s a s quote d i n Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 34 . Kramer provides several examples o f similar criticisms of the betrayal o f mission by other poets. See: 34-35. 59. Herber t A . Wichelns , "Ralp h Wald o Emerson, " i n Willia m Norwoo d Brigance, ed. , History and Criticism of American Public Address, v. 2 (Ne w York : Russell an d Russell, i960) , 518. 60. Joh n H . Sloan , " 'Th e Miraculou s Uplifting' : Emerson' s Relationshi p wit h His Audience," Quarterly Journal of Speech 5 2 (1966), 10-15 . 61. The Blue Book, 9. 62. The Blue Book, 34. 63. The Blue Book, 35. 64. Fo r example s o f the awakenin g metaphor , see : The Blue Book, 35 , 76 ; "T o the Negroe s o f America," 1 ; The Politician, 217 ; "What I s the John Birc h Society? " 28.

6 5. The Politician, 255 . 66. The Blue Book, 44. 67. Emerson , "History, " i n Mumford , Essays and Journals, 79 . The replacemen t of th e physic s metapho r wit h th e metapho r o f biolog y an d th e metapho r o f th e organism i s on e o f th e hallmark s o f Romanticism . See : Barzun , Classic, Romantic, and Modern, 54-55 ; Abrams , The Mirror and the Lamp, 184-213 . O n th e biolog y metaphor o f th e nineteent h centur y an d it s relatio n t o classica l cosmology , espe -

Notes to Chapter 8 |

25

9

cially tha t o f Plato , see : R . G . Collingwood , The Idea of Nature, paperbac k editio n (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press , i960) . Herber t Spencer' s theorie s o f socia l evolution, whic h Welc h foun d t o b e th e product s o f clear-sighte d "genius, " ar e th e most prominen t manifestatio n o f th e biolog y metapho r applie d t o th e socia l realm . See: The Blue Book, 48 . 68. Fo r example , see : " M o r e Statel y Mansions, " 136-37 . 69. Fo r example , see : " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 4 . Se e also : "Loo k a t th e Score, " in The Blue Book, esp . 10-18 . O t h e r example s includ e " M o r e Statel y Mansions " and " T h e N e w Americanism, " bot h i n The New Americanism and Other Essays. 70. The Blue Book, 64 . 71. The Blue Book, 72 , 71 , 28, 77 , 24 . 72. The Blue Book, 146 . 73. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 22 . I n The Blue Book, 73 , Welc h wrote : "Truth , reality, huma n instinct , an d th e overwhelmin g weigh t o f h u m a n desir e ar e o n ou r side." Se e also : " A Lette r t o Khrushchev, " i n The New Americanism, 47 . 74. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " ; The Blue Book, 174 . Emphasi s added . 75. The Blue Book, 35 . 76. The Blue Book, 73 . 77. " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " i n Jean Y . Tussey , ed. , Eugene V Debs Speaks (Ne w York : Pathfinder , 1972) , 106 . 78. " T h e Socialis t Party' s Appea l (1904), " i n Tussey , Debs Speaks, 107 . 79. " W h a t I s C o m m u n i s m ? " 19 . N o t e th e presenc e o f th e optimisti c sunris e metaphor here . 80. " W h a t I s th e John Birc h Society? " 6 . 81. "Philosoph y o f th e Abolitio n Movement, " i n Filler , Civil Rights and Freedom, 35 . 82. J o h n L . Thomas , " R o m a n t i c R e f o r m i n America , 1815—1865, " American Quarterly 1 7 (1965) , 659 . 83. " W h a t I s th e J o hn Birc h Society? " 30 . 84. Bronso n Alcott , quote d i n Thomas , " R o m a n t i c R e f o r m i n America, " 6 6 3 64 85. The Blue Book, 60 . 86. The Blue Book, 64 . 87. " W h a t I s th e John Birc h Society? " 31 . 88. The Blue Book, 9 . 89. The Blue Book, 10 . 90. The Blue Book, 60 . 91. The Blue Book, 152 . 92. The Blue Book, 170 . 93. The Blue Book, 35 . 94. The Blue Book, 4 . O n Joh n Birc h a s a marty r symbol , see : Phili p C . Wander ,

260 I

Notes to Chapter 8

"The John Birc h an d Marti n Luthe r Kin g Symbol s i n th e Radica l Right, " Western Speech 3 5 (1971), 4-14. Welch himself expressed hi s willingness to die for th e cause . For example, see: "A Letter t o Khrushchev," in The New Americanism, 49 , 50 , 51. 95. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 37-38 . 96. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 36 . 97. Kramer , The Prophetic Tradition in American Poetry, 39 . 98. Sanford , "Littl e Ol d Pin k Man Who Calle d Ik e Red," 8 . 99. Barrett , "Close-U p o f the Birchers' 'Founder', " 89 . 100. The Blue Book, 148. 101. Mumford , Essays and Journals, 10 . 102. Harol d Bloom, New York Review of Books (November 22 , 1984) , 19. 103. Olive r Wendel l Holmes , quote d i n Irvin g Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1967) , 95. 104. Bartlett , The American Mind in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 95-96 . 105. Fo r th e secon d printin g o f The Blue Book in 1959 , Welc h di d reluctantl y provide a very sketch y one-pag e biography . I n explainin g wh y n o suc h biograph y or personal informatio n abou t th e "persona l leader " o f the John Birc h Societ y ha d been forthcomin g befor e thi s time, Welch explaine d tha t i t was due t o hi s "distast e for anythin g in th e nature o f personal publicity." The Blue Book, 178-79 . 106. The Blue Book, 144. 107. The Blue Book, 60. 108. The Blue Book, 61 . 109. The Blue Book, 60. n o . Quote d bot h i n The Blue Book, 68, and in "Throug h Al l the Day s to Be," in The New Americanism, 60 . I t is worth notin g tha t hymnody , too , is characterize d by a limite d numbe r o f stric t forms , Commo n Meter , Shor t Meter , an d Lon g Meter. Fo r a description o f these forms, see : Reynolds, Survey of Christian Hymnody, xi-xiii. i n . Willia m James, Essays in Radical Empiricism and a Pluralistic Universe, Ralp h Barton Perry , ed. , Dutto n paperbac k editio n (Ne w York: E. P . Dutton, 1971) , 146 , passim. 112. Richar d Bernstein , "Introduction, " i n James, A Pluralistic Universe, xxv . 113. James , A Pluralistic Universe, 143 . 114. The Blue Book, 145. 115. Quote d i n Bloom , "Emerson : Th e Glor y an d Sorrow s o f American R o manticism," 156 . 116. Archibal d MacLeish , Poetry and Experience (Cambridge , MA : Riversid e Press, i960) , 118 ; see also: 113—2 0 for genera l remark s o n th e withdrawal o f poetry from publi c life . 117. Abraha m Heschel , The Prophets, Colophon edition , v . 1 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row), 106 . The situationa l nature o f true prophecy is stressed in almos t all works o n th e subject . Marti n Bube r i n fac t make s thi s th e distinguishin g mar k

Notes to Chapter g |

26 1

of true prophecy . See : Martin Buber , The Prophetic Faith, Torchbook editio n (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, i960) , I78f . 118. Jame s L. Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter , 1971) . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9

i. Edmun d White , "Th e Politica l Vocabular y o f Homosexuality, " i n Davi d Berman, ed. , The Burning Library (Ne w York : Knopf, 1994) , 70. 2. I n additio n t o White , see : Howar d Brown , Familiar Faces, Hidden Lives: The Story of Homosexual Men in America Today (Ne w York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1976), 201-2 ; Jonathan Katz , Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. (Ne w York: Thomas Y Crowell , 1976) , 7; Martin P . Levine, "Introduction, " in Marti n P . Levine, ed. , Gay Men: The Sociology of Male Homosexuality, Colopho n edition (Ne w York: Harpe r an d Row, 1979) , 238. 3. Kennet h Burke , lik e Malinowski , ofte n focuse s o n th e essentia l difference s among magic, science, and religion, bu t th e repeated groupin g o f the thre e suggest s their essentia l kinship . Burk e occasionall y explicitl y acknowledge s thi s a s when h e writes: "Magic , religion , an d scienc e ar e alike in tha t the y foste r a body o f though t concerning th e natur e o f th e univers e an d man' s relatio n t o it. " Kennet h Burke , Counter-Statement, (Berkele y and Los Angeles: University o f California Press , 1968) , 163. Se e also : Bronisla w Malinowski , Magic, Science and Religion, Anchor editio n (Garden City , NY: Doubleday Anchor , 1954) . 4. Michae l Riordon' s "Capita l Punishment : Note s o f a Willin g Victim, " re printed i n Levine , Gay Men, 78-99 , i s particularl y revealing . Se e also : Katz , Gay American History, 131 . 5. Bruc e Bawer, A Place at the Table: The Gay Individual in American Society (New York: Simon an d Schuster , 1993) , 125. 6. Richar d D . Mohr, "Wh y Sodom y Law s Are Bad," in Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society, and Law (New York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1988) , 49-62; James K. Feibleman , "Sexua l Behavior , Moralit y an d th e Law, " i n Ralp h Slovenko , ed. , Sexual Behavior and the Law (Springfield , IL : Charle s C . Thomas , 1965) , 176 , 177 ; Walter Barnett, Sexual Freedom and the Constitution: An Inquiry into the Constitutionality of Repressive Sex Laws (Albuquerque , NM : Universit y o f Ne w Mexic o Press , J 973)» 75 > passim.; Edwi n M . Schur , Crimes without Victims: Deviant Behavior and Public Policy (Englewood Cliffs , NJ : Prentice-Hal l 1965) , 78 . A 199 6 surve y o f sodomy laws , occasione d b y th e tent h anniversar y o f a Georgi a Suprem e Cour t decision upholdin g th e constitutionalit y o f tha t stat e s sodom y law , whil e notin g that muc h ha s change d i n thi s are a sinc e Bowers v. Hardwick i n 1986 , bears witnes s to th e continuin g validit y o f Schur s observation . Twenty-on e state s stil l hav e statutes which prohibi t "crime s agains t nature, " "sexua l misconduct, " "sodom y an d buggery," "buggery, " "deviat e sexua l conduct, " o r "unnatura l intercourse. " Lis a Neff, "Th e Stat e of Sodomy Laws, " Windy City Times (March 21 , 1996), 9.

262 |

Notes

to Chapter g

7. Fo r a more detaile d examinatio n o f the ga y response t o eac h membe r o f th e triumvirate, see : James Darsey, "Vessel s of the Word: Studie s of the Prophetic Voic e in America n Publi c Address, " unpublishe d dissertation , Universit y o f Wisconsin , Madison, 1985 , 422-33. 8. Patricia L . Schmidt , "Th e Rol e o f Mora l Idealis m i n Socia l Change : Lor d Ashley and the Ten Hours Factor y Act," Quarterly Journal of Speech 63 (1977) , 1 S9. Irvin g Louis Horowitz, "Th e Pluralisti c Base s of Modern America n Liberal ism," in Ideology and Utopia in the United States, ig^6-igj6 (London : Oxfor d Univer sity Press, 1977) , 377-97; see also: Murray Edelman, "Th e Politica l Language of the Helping Professions, " i n Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York: Academic Press, 1977) , 20-21, 57-75 . 10. Denni s Altman, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, Discu s editio n (Ne w York: Avon, 1973) , 185. 11. Weinber g an d Williams , Male Homosexuals: Their Problems and Adaptations (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1974) , fin d a re-evaluation o f sexua l more s after th e Secon d World War to be a major facto r i n the formation o f the homophil e liberation movemen t i n America , an d John D'Emilio , Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States, lg^o-igjo (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press , 1983) , traces the disruptiv e influences o f the wa r and of new patterns o f living following th e war. 12. Willia m Le e Miller , "Th e Ris e o f Neo-Orthodoxy, " i n Arthu r M . Schle singer, Jr . an d Morto n White , eds. , Paths of American Thought, Sentr y editio n (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1970) , 331. 13. Fo r this analysis and use of the term "civi l religion," see: John Murra y Cud dihy, No Offense: Civil Religion and Protestant Taste (New York: Seabury Press, 1978). 14. Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Jr., "Th e On e agains t the Many," in Schlesinger an d White, Paths of American Thought, 538. 15. Edwi n M . Schur , "Th e Sociologis t Comments, " i n Edwi n M . Schu r an d Hugo Ada m Bedau , Victimless Crimes: Two Sides of a Controversy (Englewood Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall, 1974) , 118 . See also: Dwight Oberholtzer , "Introduction : Subduing th e Cyclops, " i n W Dwigh t Oberholtzer , ed. , Is Gay Good? Ethics, Theology, and Homosexuality (Philadelphia : Westminster Press , 1971) , 52. 16. Edwar d Sagarin , Odd Man In: Societies of Deviants in America (Chicago: Quadrangle Books , 1972) , 82-84. 17. D'Emilio , Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities, 18 . 18. Gran t Gilmore , The Ages of American Law (New Haven, CT : Yale University Press), n o , passim . 19. Gilmore , The Ages of American Law, g$£. 20. Fo r additional evidenc e o n thi s argument, see : James Darsey, "Fro m 'Com mies' an d 'Queers ' t o 'Ga y i s Good, ' " i n James W Chesebro , ed. , Gayspeak: Gay Male and Lesbian Communication (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1981) ; and James Darsey, "Die Non: Ga y Liberatio n an d th e Rhetori c o f Pur e Tolerance, " i n R . Jeffre y

Notes to Chapter g \

26 3

Ringer, ed. , Queer Words, Queer Images: Communication and the Construction of Homosexuality (Ne w York: New Yor k Universit y Press , 1994) , 53-55. 21. Andre w Sullivan , Virtually Normal: An Argument about Homosexuality (New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1995) , 24. 22. Sullivan , Virtually Normal, 24 . 23. "Justice s Must Do th e Right Thing, " Windy City Times (October 19 , 1995), 13.

24. Jame s K . Mumaugh , "Suprem e Cour t Mus t Conside r th e Right s o f Al l i n Colorado Case, " Windy City Times (October 19 , 1995) , 12 . Emphasis added . 25. Mumaugh , "Suprem e Cour t Mus t Conside r th e Right s o f All," 12. 26. Stuar t A. Scheingold , The Politics of Rights: Lawyers, Public Policy, and Political Change (Ne w Haven : Yale University Press , 1974) , 17. 27. Ronal d Dworkin , Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge , MA : Harvar d Uni versity Press, 1977) , xii. 28. Fo r an overvie w o f gay rights rhetoric, 1948-90 , see : Darsey, "Fro m 'Com mies' an d 'Queers ' t o 'Gay i s Good, ' " i n Chesebro , Gayspeak; an d James Darsey , "From 'Ga y i s Good ' t o th e Scourg e o f AIDS, " Communication Studies 42 (1991) , 43-66. 29. Bot h thes e campaign s ar e analyze d i n Darsey , "Die Non" i n Ringer , Queer Words, Queer Images. 30. Richar d Steel e wit h Ton y Fuller , "God' s Crusader, " Newsweek (Jun e 6 , 1977), 20 .

31. Anit a Bryant , The Anita Bryant Story: The Survival of Our Nation's Families and the Threat of Militant Homosexuality (Ol d Tappan , NJ : Flemin g H . Revel l Co. , 1977), 37-38 , quote d i n Ronal d Fischli , "Anit a Bryant' s Stan d agains t 'Militan t Homosexuality': Religiou s Fundamentalis m an d th e Democrati c Process, " Central States Speech Journal 30 (1979), 267. 32. Steele , "God' s Crusader" ; Fischli , "Anit a Bryant' s Stan d agains t 'Militan t Homosexuality,' " esp . 270. 33. Fischli , "Anit a Bryants Stan d against 'Militan t Homosexuality, ' " 270. 34. Feature d i n Debora h For t an d An n Skinner-Jones , "Th e Grea t Divide, " DNA/Crow Productions , 1993 . 35. Gay s and lesbian s regularl y d o ver y poorl y i n opinio n polls . Though recen t results hav e improve d ove r time s whe n gay s an d lesbian s ranke d regularl y amon g the greates t threat s t o civilization , 199 2 dat a fo r th e America n Nationa l Electio n Study, ru n b y th e Surve y Researc h Cente r o f th e Universit y o f Michigan , reveal s gays and lesbians scorin g onl y mor e favorabl y tha n peopl e o n welfar e o n a "feelin g thermometer" wher e 10 0 was the "warmest " feeling , 5 0 neutral, an d o the coldest . People o n welfar e ha d a mea n scor e o f 50.1 ; gay s an d lesbians , 39.2 . Poste d t o Queer-net b y Mark Hertzog . 36. Pau l Varnell , "Theor y o f Ga y Progress, " Windy City Times (Februar y 1 , 1996), 15.

264 I

Notes to Chapter g

37. Jud y Rohrer , "I s I t Righ t t o Focu s o n 'Rights'? " Harvard Gay and Lesbian Review 3 (1966), 56. 38. Wil l Perkins , founde r o f Colorad o fo r Famil y Values , i n "Th e Grea t Di vide." 39. Fro m th e tex t o f Orego n Propositio n 9 , presente d i n "Fightin g fo r Ou r Lives," Feather an d Fi n Productions, 1992 . 40. Accordin g t o Jerr y Bunge , on e o f th e engineer s o f th e Columbu s ordi nance, i t wa s a strategi c decisio n t o maintai n a ver y lo w profil e unti l th e perio d allowed for publi c oppositio n ha d expired . Persona l conversation , July 6 , 1992 . 41. Fo r som e german e remark s o n "liberty " a s a "feminization o f power," see : Michael Calvi n McGee , "Th e Origin s o f 'Liberty' : A Feminizatio n o f Power, " Communication Monographs 47 (1980) , 23—45 . 42. Hocquenghem' s analysi s o f th e antipolitica l natur e o f homosexualit y a s "desire" rather tha n "revolution, " a desire which is , in fact, directionless , is relevant here. Gu y Hocquenghem , Homosexual Desire, Daniell a Dangoor , trans . (London : Allison an d Busby, 1978) , 120-25 , 104. 43. Marshal l Kirk an d Hunte r Madsen , After the Ball: How America Will Conquer Its Fear and Hatred of Gays in the 'gos (New York : Doubleday , 1989) , xxxvi , xxvi , 161, 207 , 187 , 276 .

44. Fo r a more complet e analysis , see: Darsey, "Die Non." 45. Davi d Jernigan, "Wh y Ga y Leader s Don' t Last : Th e Firs t Te n Year s afte r Stonewall," Out/Look (Summe r 1988) , 35. 46. Bawer , A Place at the Table. Man y prominen t member s o f thi s grou p ar e included i n Bruc e Bawer , ed. , Beyond Queer: Challenging Gay Left Orthodoxy (New York: Free Press, 1996) . 47. Urvash i Vaid , Virtual Equality: The Mainstreaming of Gay and Lesbian Liberation (New York: Anchor Books, 1995) . 48. Turne d b y a well-meanin g cop y edito r int o "brigh t re d clothes. " Darsey , "Die Non" 63 . 49. Poste d o n th e internet t o Queerlaw , Ma y 6, 1996 . 50. Joh n Reid , The Best Little Boy in The World (New York : G . P . Putnam , 1973). 51. Quote d i n John Powers , "Toxi c Shoc k Syndrome, " L.A. Weekly (May 17 , 1991), reprinte d a s progra m materia l fo r screenin g o f Poison, Wexner Cente r fo r the Arts, Columbus, Ohi o (Jun e 1 , 7, 8 , 1991) . 52. Candac e Chellew , "Th e Nake d Truth, " Advocate (Septembe r 6 , 1994) , 5. 53. Davi d Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge , MA: Blackwell, 1990) , 102. 54. Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity, 103 . 55. Le e Goodman , "Th e Politic s o f Patience, " GPU News (Octobe r 1977) , 12-13.

Notes to Chapter g |

26 5

56. Stephe n Miller , "End s an d Means : Shoul d th e Ga y Movemen t Mimi c It s Enemies?" New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 26. 57. Scot t Tucker , Fighting Words: An Open Letter to Queers and Radicals (New York: Cassell, 1995) , 40. 58. Thoma s Paine , The Rights of Man, Introductio n b y Eri c Fone r (Ne w York : Penguin, 1984) , 85. 59. Herber t Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " i n Rober t Pau l Wolff , Bar rington Moore , Jr., an d Herber t Marcuse , A Critique of Pure Tolerance, paperbac k edition (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1969) , 81 . See also : Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1953) , $f. I n Thoma s Mann' s The Magic Mountain, Her r Settembrin i caution s Han s Castorp : "D o no t forge t tha t tolerance become s crime , i f extende d t o evil. " The Magic Mountain, H . T . Lowe Porter, trans. , Vintage Books editio n (Ne w York: Random House , 1969) , 516. 60. Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " 83 , 88, 98, passim. 61. Par t One : Millenniu m Approache s (Ne w York : Theatr e Communication s Group, 1992) , 90. 62. Joh n Gallagher , "Mone y Talks : Ga y an d AID S Activist s Ar e Increasingl y Banking o n Hire d Professional s t o Hel p Reac h Republican s i n Congress, " Advocate (July 25, 1995) , 42. 63. "Campaig n Fun d PA C Ranks amon g Top 5 0 PACs," Momentum: The Newsletter forMembers of the Human Rights Campaign Fund (Fall 1993) , 1. 64. Thoug h sh e rightl y contrasts th e situatio n o f lesbians an d ga y men , Dana e Clark allow s som e importan t similaritie s a s advertiser s see k t o coloniz e ga y an d lesbian style s an d transfor m the m int o a salabl e commodity . "Commodit y Lesbi anism," reprinte d i n Henr y Abelove , Michel e Ain a Barale , an d Davi d Halperin , eds., The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993) , 186-201 . 65. PO Z (June/Jul y 1995) , 77. 66. Danie l Harris , "Ou t o f the Closet , an d int o Never-Neve r Land : Th e Ne w Gay Magazine s Glos s Ove r Politic s t o Penetrat e a Market, " Harpers (Decembe r 1995), 52-53 . 67. Lette r t o the edito r from Sara h Pettit, Editor, Out, Harpers (February 1996) , 6. 68. Lette r to th e edito r fro m Sara h Pettit, 6 . 69. Advertisement , New York Native (April 1 , 1996) , 128. 70. New York Native (April 8 , 1996) , 23. 71. "Soundbites, " reportin g o n a story fro m th e Wall Street Journal (March 22 , 1996), New York Native (April 1 , 1996) , 4. Fo r example s o f the ads , see: Windy City Times (March 21 , 1996) , 2; Windy City Times (March 28 , 1996) , 2; Outlines (April, 1996), 2. I n addition , Subar u i s a "proud foundin g sponsor " o f the Rainbo w Car d Foundation, a Vis a car d tha t support s lesbia n an d ga y causes . See : advertisement , Advocate (Februar y 20 , 1996) , 5.

266 |

Notes

to Chapter g

72. Advocate (Novembe r 28 , 1995) , 3. 73. Advertisemen t i n New York Native (May 27, 1996) , 32. 74. R . Danie l Foster , "Shoppin g for Life, " Advocate (November 28 , 1995) , 37. 75. Pau l Varnell, "Enjo y Bein g a Market," Windy City Times (March 28 , 1996) , 15.

76. Varnell , "Enjo y Bein g a Market." 77. Bruc e Bawer , "U p (with ) th e Establishment, " Advocate (Januar y 23 , 1996) ,

112.

78. See : advertisement i n Advocate (Decembe r 12 , 1995) , 41. 79. Advocate (December 12 , 1995) , 11. 80. Stephe n H . Miller, "End s an d Means : Shoul d th e Ga y Movemen t Mimi c Its Enemies?" New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 22-24. 81. New York Native (January 22 , 1996) , 23. 82. See : Jan Car l Park, "Referendu m Campaign s vs . Gay Rights," in Chesebro , Gayspeak, 286-90 ; see especially : new s o f economic boycott s agains t Disney , fo r it s movie Priest, fo r it s domesti c partner s policy , an d fo r allowin g a convicte d pedo phile t o direc t th e fil m Powder. Joh n Gallagher , " A Fairy-Tal e Ending, " Advocate (November 28 , 1995) , 25. 83. Marcuse , "Repressiv e Tolerance, " 94. 84. Bawer , A Place at the Table, 51 . 85. Bawer , "U p (with ) th e Establishment," 112 . 86. Advertisement , New York Native (February 12 , 1996) , 2. 87. I took th e surve y by phone, Ma y 22, 1996. 88. Arlen e Zarembka , "Th e Ga y Marketeers, " Washington Blade (Decembe r 1995), posted t o Queerla w b y Ms. Zarembka . 89. Scalia , dissenting opinion, Romer v. Evans, poste d o n th e Internet . 90. Poste d o n th e Internet . 91. Bawer , A Place at the Table, 155 . 92. Scalia , dissenting opinion, Romer v. Evans. 93. Camill e Paglia , "Tha t Old-Tim e Religion, " Advocate (Decembe r 26 , 1995) , 72.

94. Paglia , "Tha t Old-Tim e Religion, " Advocate (Decembe r 26 , 1995) , 72. 95. Fo r example, Stephen H . Miller , "Weight y Issues, " New York Native (May 6, 1996), 21.

96. Jef f Getty, quoted i n Rachel Gotbaum , "Jungl e Fever, " Advocate (Septembe r 5, 1995) , 36. 97. Cont e an d Scarce , "Here' s You r Wake-U p Call, " COQZ: Central Ohio Queer 'Zine (May, 1994) , 2. 98. Cont e an d Scarce , "Queer s Rea d This . I Hat e Straights : A leafle t distrib uted a t th e 199 0 prid e marc h i n Ne w Yor k Cit y publishe d anonymousl y b y Queers," COQZ: Central Ohio Queer (Zine (May 1994) , 3-4 . 99. Southern Voice (Marc h 15 , 1990), 6.

Notes to Chapter 10 | 26 7 100. Tucker , Fighting Words, 19 . 101. Gu y Debord , Comments of the Society of the Spectacle, Malcol m Imrie , trans . (New York: Verso, 1990) , 2, 7. 102. Micke y Wheatley , "Beyon d th e Meltin g Pot, " Out/Look (Summer , 1989) , 57-

103. Ric k Moody , The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven: A Novella and Stories (Boston : Little Brown, 1995) , 155 , 157 , 167. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 0

i. Loui s Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brac e an d World, 1955) , passim. 2. Edwi n Black , "Th e 'Vision ' o f Marti n Luthe r King, " i n Literature as Revolt and Revolt as Literature: Three Studies in the Rhetoric of Non-Oratorical Forms, The Proceedings o f th e Fourt h Annua l Universit y o f Minnesota Sprin g Symposiu m i n Speech- Communicatio n (Ma y 3 , 1969) , Minneapolis, MN , 7 . 3. Hartz , The Liberal Tradition in America, 63 . 4. Hartz , The Liberal Tradition in America, 10, 42—43, 58; cf. 47 . 5. Henr y F . May , Ideas, Faiths, and Feelings: Essays on American Intellectual and Religious History, ig^2-ig82 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1983) , 172. 6. Northro p Frye , The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social Context of Literary Criticism, Midlan d editio n (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1973) , 57. 7. I intend m y us e o f the wor d "culture " her e an d elsewher e t o correspon d t o something lik e Michae l Polany i s idea tha t cultur e i s a kind o f knowledge base d o n tradition an d a n expressio n o f a desir e fo r excellence . Polany i writes : "Thu s w e may regard , i n th e las t analysis , th e entir e superio r knowledg e embodie d i n a modern highl y articulat e cultur e a s th e su m tota l o f wha t it s classic s hav e uttere d and it s heroes an d saints have done." Michael Polanyi , Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy, Correcte d editio n (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1962), 376ff . Polanyi s notio n share s muc h wit h Matthe w Arnold s idea , develope d in Culture and Anarchy, that cultur e i s a strivin g towar d perfection . I t stand s t o reason, then , tha t th e stor y o f a cultur e a t som e leve l ca n b e foun d i n it s fondes t myths. 8. Matthe w Arnold , i n Literature and Dogma, James C . Livingston , ed . (Ne w York: Frederic k Ungar , 1970) , 73. 9. Karly n Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hal l Jamieson, Form and Genre: Shaping Rhetorical Action (Falls Church , VA : Speec h Communicatio n Association , [1978]) , 24f. 10. See : Polanyi s remarks o n commitmen t i n Personal Knowledge, 299—324 . 11. See : chapter 1 regarding the literature referre d t o here .

Index

abolitionism, 27 , 61-84 ; a n d America n radi cal tradition , 114 , 208 ; ga y liberation c o m pared to , 18 5 A - b o m b , 131 , 13 3 Acheson, Dean , 139 , 14 3 ACT-UP, 190 , 194 , 195 , 19 6 Adams, J o h n, 36 , 47 , 76 , 8 0 Adams, Samuel , 4 1 , 76 , 8 0 Advocate magazine , 189 , 190 , 19 1 AIDS, 190 , 19 1 Algren, Nelson , o n Debs , 10 7 allegory, 3 2 Altgeld, J o hn Peter , Deb s compare d to , 107 Altman, Dennis , 17 7 Amerasia magazine , 13 4 American La w Institute , M o d e l Pena l C o d e , 180 American Revolution , 10 , 22 , 35-60 , 89 , 91, 133 , 178 ; an d America n radica l tradi tion, 122 , 200 , 201 , 202 , 203 , 204 , 208 ; and community , 112 , 113 ; in Eugen e Debs's rhetoric , 89 , 90 ; epistemolog y of , 51-58; ga y liberatio n compare d to , 194 ; contrasted wit h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , 126; contraste d wit h Jo e McCarthy , 139 ; in Wendel l Phillips' s rhetoric , 75-76 , 80 ; Wendell Phillip s compare d to , 65 ; R o b e r t Welch compare d to , 161 , 165 , 16 7 Amos, 16 , 18 , 23 , 9 5 Andrews, James, o n Debs , 8 6 Angels in America, 18 8 anomie, 2 3 anonymity, prophetic , 3 2 apocalyptic: an d chaos , 118 ; dualis m and , 116—17; an d fantasy , 119 ; an d j u d g m e n t , 117; a s metaphorical , 118 ; O l d Testamen t origins of , 114—19 ; as pessimistic , 117 , 140—41; pseudonym s in , 11 8

apodeictic, 19 , 22 , 9 1 argumentum ad personam, 31 , 5 6 Aristotle: o n civility , 1 , 4 ; o n demonstra tion, 19 , 52 ; o n mode s o f proof , 15 ; o n natural law , 123 ; o n virtue , 30 , 4 9 A r m y - M c C a r t h y Hearings , 137 ; Clarenc e T h o m a s confirmatio n compare d to , 12 9 Arnold, Matthew , ix , x , 7 , 207 ; " D o v e r Beach," 208-9 ; " T h e Proo f fro m P r o p h ecy," 20 1 asceticism, 2 9 Auden, W H . , The Age of Anxiety, 131-3 2 Augustine, 1 5 authority: governmental , legitimate , 4 2 - 4 7 , 62; prophetic , 3 0 - 3 1 , 32 , 85 , 12 2 Bailey, F . G. , 3 3 Bailyn, Bernard , o n America n R e v o l u t i o n aries, 36 , 4 5 Baptist faith , an d poetic , 15 6 Barrett, George , o n R o b e r t Welch , 151-5 2 Bartlett, Irving , o n Debs , 62 , 7 1 Baskerville, Barnet , o n Joe McCarthy , 13 6 Bataille, Georges , o n dualism , 11 6 "Battle H y m n o f th e Republic, " 15 8 Bawer, Bruce , 176 , 191 , 19 2 Becker, Carl , o n Declaratio n o f I n d e p e n dence, 5 9 Beecher, Lyman , 69 ; Wendel l Phillip s c o m pared to , 6 1 Bell, Daniel , x , 13 3 Bellah, R o b e r t , ix , 3 , 9 , 22 , 49 , 12 6 Bellamy, Edward , Looking Backward, 8 7 Bercovitch, Sacvan , o n America n jeremiad , 7, 6 9 Berger, Peter , x , 23 ; o n secularizatio n i n so ciety, 124 , 12 6 Berlin, Si r Isaiah , 5 1 Bernstein, Richard , 17 2

269

270 I

Index

Bible: in American cultur e an d rhetoric , 6 , 10, 16 , 201-2; in American Revolution , 22, 47; in Debs's rhetoric, 90 , 91; in Wil liam Lloyd Garrisons rhetoric, 73; in Phillips's rhetoric, 67-68, 71, 72; in slavery debate, 6 7 biography (prophetic) , 34 , 106- 8 Bisson, T . A., 13 4 Bittner, Egon , o n radicalism , 21 , 39 Black, Edwin, xii ; on exhortatio n v . argumentation, 77 ; on th e genuinel y revolu tionary, 20 0 Blair, Hugh , 1 5 Blake, William: "Th e Marriag e o f Heaven and Hell, " 199 ; and Romanticism, 15 9 Blank, Sheldon , 19 , 20 Bloom, Harold , o n Emerson , 16 0 Blumenfeld, Warre n J., 18 5 Bollinger, Lee , 3 Bolton, Thomas , 3 6 Boyer, Paul , o n th e psychological impac t o f the atomi c bomb , 13 2 Branagan, Thomas , 7 1 British Empiricism : i n th e American Revo lution, 51 ; Romantic vie w of , 15 8 Brooks, Peter, o n melodrama , 82-8 3 Brothers Karamozov, 125 , 12 6

Brown, John: Deb s compare d to , 98; in Debs's rhetoric, 97 , 98; Phillips on , 62, 70, 8 0 Browning, Elizabet h Barrett , a s influence o n Phillips, 15 6 Brueggemann, Walter : o n propheti c com munity, 20 ; on subversiv e power o f po etry, 12 0 Brutus, 4 9 Bryant, Anita , campaig n agains t gay rights, 182, 18 3 Bryant, Donal d C , o n rhetori c an d poetic, 122

Bryant, Willia m Cullen , influenc e o n Welch, 15 6 Budenz, Louis , 14 4 Burke, Edmund: o n th e valu e o f freedom i n the colonies , 46 ; on Parliamen t an d higher law , 44 Burke, Kenneth, xi ; on economic s as usurper o f religion, 9 ; on ethos, 85 ; as part of Graeco-Roman rhetorica l tradition ,

16; on martyrdo m a s exhibitionism, 32 ; on rhetori c a s adaptation, 5 Bush, George , accuse d by Clinton campaig n of McCarthyism, 12 9 Bynner, Witter , o n Debs , 10 1 Byron, Lor d (Georg e Gordo n Noel) , an d Romanticism, 15 9 Calhoun, John C , Phillips' s grudgin g admi ration of , 7 2 calling, prophetic, 28-29, 3 2> I S6- See also rebirth, propheti c Calvin, John, 44 ; in American thought , 20 1 Calvinism, 70 , 159 , 204; Phillips and , 69-7 0 Campbell, George , 15 ; and Eugene Debs , 105; and Wendell Phillips , 78 Camus, Albert, The Plague, 13 2 Carlyle, Thomas: on history , 162 ; on poetry , 158; in Welch's rhetoric, 15 6 Carmichael, Stokely , an d economi c base s o f black power , 19 6 Carter, Jimmy, "nationa l malaise, " 11 3 Castorp, Hans , 79 Chadwick, Nor a Kershaw , o n prophec y an d poetry, 12 1 Chalmers, James, 5 7 Channing, Edwar d T , 7 9 Chapman, Mari a Weston, 71 , 74 charisma, 31-32 , 33 , 94, 96, 121 , 122; in Debs, 95 , 10 4 Chellew, Candace , 18 6 Christ, 33 , 34, 79; Debs compared to , 98, 99-102; in Debs's rhetoric, 91 , 96, 97; as model fo r Debs , 10 8 Cicero, 1 , 5, 15 , 22; and virtue, 4 9 Cincinnati, ga y rights struggle in, 182 , 19 1 civility: in American Revolution , 35-37 ; Matthew Arnold' s view of , 7 ; decay o f in contemporary U.S. , ix, 2-4; misplace d value of , 209 . See also etiquette (manners ) Claessens, August, o n Debs , 94 Clay, Henry, 72 ; Phillips compared to , 61 Clinton, Bill: accuses Bush campaig n o f McCarthyism, 129 ; gay and lesbian suppor t of, 189 ; "New Covenant, " 20 3 Cochran, Bert , o n Debs , 8 6 Cole, Thomas , 4 Coleridge, Samue l Taylor: on pedantry , 173; and Romanticism , 15 8

Index I Collins, J o hn J. , o n apocalyptic , 11 8 Colorado, ga y right s battl e in , 182 , 183 ; A m e n d m e n t 2 , 181 , 191 ; Colorado fo r Family Values , 18 2 Columbus, O H , ga y right s initiativ e in , 184 come-outerism, 6 7 community: American , x , 1-3 , 8 , 12 , 39 , 90, 112 , 123—24 ; Deb s and , 106 ; erosio n of, 133 ; M c C a r t hy and , 129 ; an d p r o p h ecy, 81 , i n — 1 2 , 17 4 Compromise o f 1850 , 7 2 compromise: natur e of , 68 ; versu s prophecy , 22; versu s reasonablenes s i n Debs , 9 2 C o m t e , August , an d postmoder n epistemol ogy, 13 2 conservatism, xi ; i n America n radica l tradi tion, 203 , 204 ; i n America n Revolution , 36, 40 , 199 ; i n Debs , 87 , 89 ; an d th e urg e to order , 205 ; i n poetic , 120 , 170 ; reac tion t o radicalism , 37 ; i n rhetori c o f self evidence, 2 0 conspiracy, argumen t from : i n America n Revolution, 36 ; America n Revolutio n compared t o abolitionism , 73 ; use d against ga y liberation , 193 ; M c C a r t h y s use of , 138 , 139 , 142-43 ; slav e power , 7 2 - 7 3 ; i n Welch' s rhetoric , 154 , 161-6 2 Constitution, U.S. : compare d t o Declaratio n of Independence , 65 ; ga y liberatio n a p peal to , 180-81 ; legalisti c vie w i n Marti n Luther King , Jr., 126 ; Phillips on , 62 ; radi cal abolitionis t vie w of , 6 5 Constitutional Courant, 5 5 Conte[fag], Marc , 19 5 covenant: American , 48 , 114 , 129 , 201 ; i n American Revolution , 47 , 59 ; versu s apocalyptic, 114 ; an d community , 20 , 114, 126 ; an d Debs , 9 1 ; in eighteenth century politica l theory , 4 1 ; O l d Testa ment, 11 , 17 , 18 , 25 , 11 5 Cowper, William , 15 5 Crenshaw, James, 31 , 17 4 crisis: i n antebellu m U n i t e d States , 69 ; in Jin de siecle America, 86—87 ; M c C a r t hy and , 129, 133-34 , 146 , 148 ; natur e of , 23 , 60 , 63, 178 ; Wendel l Phillip s and , 68 ; o f prophecy itself , 116 ; rhetorica l rol e of , 69; Welc h and , 169-7 0

27 1

Crowley, M o r t , " T h e Boy s in th e Band," 17 6 cummings, e . e. , 17 0 Curry, Harriet , o n Debs , 9 9 Curry, Mabel , o n Debs , 9 9 Dahrendorf, Ralf , o n th e logi c o f e c o n o m ics a s basis o f politics , 19 7 D ' A m a t o , Alfonse , Whitewate r c o m m i t t e e compared t o McCarthyism , 12 9 Daniel (biblica l b o o k of) , i n , 12 8 Davis, Davi d Brion , o n slavery , 64 , 7 1 deafness (a s metapho r fo r mora l ignorance) , 56; Wendel l Phillips' s us e of , 6 5 Debord, Guy , o n contemporar y spectacle , 196 Debs, Eugene , 10 , 34 , 85-108 , 133 , 178 ; and America n community , 112 , 113 ; an d American radica l tradition , 114 , 200 , 202 , 203, 204 ; Bibl e and , 90 , 9 1 , 95 ; an d cha risma, 9 3 - 9 5 ; versu s compromise , 92 ; epistemology of , 9 0 - 9 2 ; ga y liberatio n compared to , 181 ; m a r t y r d om and , 9 6 102; contraste d t o McCarthy , 139 ; Camille Pagli a compare d to , 194 ; poetr y in, 156 ; rebirth , 9 3 - 9 5 ; o n slavery , 89 ; o n virtue an d m a n h o o d , 88—90 ; Welch c o m pared to , 11 , 12 , 161 , 163-64 , 165 , 167 , 196 Debs, Katherin e Metzel , o n Debs , 94—9 5 Declaration o f Independence , 43 , 46 , 48 , 49, 51 , 206 ; a s abolitionis t ideal , 65 ; a s j u dicial rhetoric , 5 8 D ' Emilio , J o h n, 17 9 Democratic Party , 18 9 D e n t o n , Jeremiah , compare d t o McCarthy , 128 Descartes, R e n e , 52 ; Cartesia n m e t h o d , 3 7 Deutero-Isaiah, 32 , 14 1 Dewey, J o h n: o n th e deca y o f c o m m u n i t y i n America, 124 , 182 ; The Public and Its Problems, 10 6 Dickens, Charles , Hard Times, 8 7 Dickinson, J o h n , 57 ; "Letter s fro m a Farme r in Pennsylvania, " 3 7 " D I N K , " 18 9 Dreiser, T h e o d o r e , Deb s compare d to , 10 7 drunkenness. See intoxication , a s m e t a p h o r DuBois, W . E . B. , o n economic s a s basi s o f power, 19 6

272 I

Index

Duche, Jacob, 47-4 8 Dukakis, Michael, accuse s Bush campaig n of McCarthyism, 12 8 Dulany, Daniel, 43 Durkheim, Emile , o n th e power o f the sa cred, 2 1 duty: i n American Revolution , 48-49 ; in American tradition , 200 , 203; in Debs, 102-4; m Phillips , 80-81 ; prophetic , 80 ; in Welch, 166-6 8 Dworkin, Ronald , 18 1 Dyer, Mary , celebrate d b y Phillips as martyr, 80 economics (v . politics), 9, 125-27 , 187-8 9 Economist magazine, 18 7 Edelman, Murray , xi; on crisis , 69 Einstein, Albert , an d postmodern epistemol ogy, 13 2 Eisenhower, Dwight , 141 , 142, 152 , 161, 162 Eisenstadt, S . N., 63 ; on centrifuga l move ment o f modern world , 123 , 124 Eliade, Mircea, o n religiou s symbolism , 104

Elijah, 2 8 Elshtain, Jean Bethke , o n reasonabl e publi c discourse, 4 , 8 Emerson, Ralp h Waldo , 70; "America n Scholar," 160 ; Debs compared to , 106 ; criticized b y William James, 172 ; "Th e Poet," 157 ; as prophet, 160 ; "The R e former," 169 ; and Romanticism, 159 ; on speakin g the truth , 160-61 ; a s model for Welch, 122 , 156 , 166 , 168-69 , 173, 204

epideictic rhetoric , 39 ; and community , in

Epstein, Benjamin, 15 1 ethos: i n American Revolution , 38-39 ; Aristotle on , 15 ; Debs's, 96, 106 ; and logos in prophecy, 85 ; McCarthys, 145-46 ; and melodrama, 83-84 ; and pathos in proph ecy, 26, 79-80, 96 ; prophetic, 10 , 26, 27 34, 85-86 , 93 etiquette (manners) , 2 ; in persuasion, 4-5 ; as pseudo-principle, 17 8 Eugene V Deb s Foundation , 10 7 Everett, Edward , 69 ; Phillips compare d to , 61

Exile, Babylonian, 116 , 17 4 Existentialism, 13 2 Exodus, American, 20 1 Ezekiel, 16 , 17 , 85, i n , 116 , 151 , 199 fantastic: versu s community, 136 ; nature of , 135-36; noncontradictio n in , 147-48 ; as secular apocalyptic, 119 , 13 6 Faulkner, William , Nobe l Priz e acceptanc e speech, 13 1 Field, Frederic k Vanderbilt , 13 4 fire (a s radical metaphor), 26—27 ; m Ameri can Revolution, 37 ; "fire an d strength, " ix, x, 7 , 8 , 208, 209 First Continenta l Congress , 4 0 Fischli, Ronald, o n Anit a Bryant, 18 2 Fliegleman, Jay, on late-eighteenth-centur y rhetoric, 37 , 38, 39 Forster, Arnold , o n John Birc h Society , 15 1 Fortas, Abe, o n radica l discourse o f 1960s , 3, 8 Foster, Hal : on postmoder n pluralism , 113 ; on lac k o f tradition i n postmodern art , 122

Foster, Stephe n S. , and come-outerism , 6 7 Fox, Michael, o n ancien t Hebre w rhetorica l tradition, 7 Franklin, Benjamin , 9 0 Freedman, David , o n prophec y an d poetry , 121

freedom: an d dut y i n American tradition , 49, 87 , 161 , 200-201, 203 ; and dut y i n prophecy, 30 , 78; economics and , 92, 126-27, 187-94 ; a s inalienable , 42 ; as liberal value, 205 ; martyrdom as , 81; versus slavery in American Revolution , 42 , 45 — 47; versus slavery in antebellu m America , 63-64; versus slavery in Debs, 89 ; freedom o f speech in Phillips, 73-74; contem porary trivializatio n of , 9 , 20 6 Freud, Sigmund , an d postmodern episte mology, 13 2 Frye, Northrop, 26 , 27, 103 , 207; on R o mantic poets , 158 , 159 , 16 6 Fugitive Slav e Act, 7 2 Gallagher, John, 18 9 Galloway, Joseph, 37 , 43 Gamson, William , rationa l exchang e theor y of social change, 9

Index | Garrison, Willia m Lloyd , 62 , 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73 , 74, 77, 80 ; in Debs' s rhetoric, 92, 93 Gay Agenda, 193 Gay and Lesbia n Victor y Fund , 18 9 gay liberation, 12 , 127 , 175-98 ; and Ameri can radica l tradition , 200 , 206; assimilationist tendencie s in , 184-88 ; use o f boycott, 191-19 ; argument base d o n economics, 188-97 ; versus the law , 12, 175—76; as narrowly legalistic, 179—82; versus religion, 12 , 175-77 ; 182-84 ; v e r _ sus science, 12 , 175-7 6 Gay Men's Healt h Crisis , 18 9 Gay Rights, Special Rights, 193 genre, 6,11 ; and prophecy , 111 . See also epi deictic rhetoric ; fantastic , natur e of ; judi cial rhetoric; melodrama ; and other specific genres Getty, Jeff, 19 5 Gilmore, Grant , o n th e evolutio n o f American law, 179-8 0 Ginger, Ray , o n Debs , 96 Gitlin, Todd , o n th e deca y o f contemporar y community, 2 , 4, 8 , 1 1 Giuliani, Rudolph , an d Ga y and Lesbia n Business Expo, 19 0 Glendon, Mar y Ann , o n th e deca y o f public discourse, 3 , 4, 8 Goddard, 5 6 Godkin, E . L. , o n Wendel l Phillips , 62 Goodman, Lee , 18 7 GPU News, 18 7 Graeco-Roman traditio n (i n rhetoric) , 4 , 5, 6, 15 ; contrasted t o Hebrai c tradition , 7 , 16, i n

Graham, Billy , on deca y o f American soci ety, 1,2 , 3,4 , 1 1 Gregg, Richard, o n ego-function s o f rhetoric, 10 5 Gusfield, Joseph, o n Temperanc e an d slav ery, 64 Gutman, Herbert , o n industrializatio n i n America, 8 7 Habermas, Jiirgen: o n crisis , 23; on tenden cies toward rationalizatio n o f the world , 124, 126 , 18 2

Haiman, Franklyn , "Farewel l t o Rationa l Discourse," 3 , 8

27

3

Hamilton, Charles , economi c progra m fo r black power , 19 6 Hancock, John, 7 6 Hanson, Paul , o n apocalyptic , 117 , 14 1 Hariman, Robert , o n civilit y i n public dis course, 4 Harpers magazine, 19 0 Harris, Daniel, o n consume r orientatio n o f gay magazines, 18 9 Hartz, Louis , o n conflict s i n th e America n tradition, 200 , 201 Harvey, David , o n th e postmodern, 112 , 113, 18 7

Hawthorne, Nathaniel , The Blithedale Romance, 8 4 Haynes, Todd, o n assimilationis t ga y cin ema, 18 6 Hays, Samuel , o n industrializatio n i n America, 10 2 Hazelton, R. , o n visio n a s metaphor fo r knowing, 5 4 Hebraism, Matthe w Arnold' s conceptio n of , 6 - 7 , 201 , 20 8

Hegel, G . W F : absolut e idealis m criticize d by William James, 172 ; and Romanti cism, 15 8 Hellenism, Matthe w Arnol d s conception of, 6-7 , 201 , 209 Henry, Patrick : i n Debs' s rhetoric, 92 , 93; in Phillips's rhetoric , 7 6 Heschel, Abraham : o n absolutis m i n proph ecy, 22; on covenanta l obligation , 18 ; on prophecy a s demonstration, 19 ; on pathos in prophecy, 25 , 26, 77; on th e propheti c calling, 28 ; on th e prophet a s messenger, 17; on propheti c timeliness , 173 ; on pro phetic vision , 5 6 Himmelfarb, Gertrude , o n th e deca y o f contemporary society , 2 , 8 Hiss, Alger, McCarthy' s indictmen t of , 14 3 history: absenc e of , i n McCarthy' s rhetoric , 149; absence of , i n postmodernism , 122 , 205-6; i n apocalyptic , 118 ; Carlyle's the ory of , 158 ; cyclical versus progressive, x ; as didactic narrative , 158-59 , 162-63 ; sacred, 71 , 115; Spengler's theor y of , 16 2 Hobbes, Thomas , 180 ; on th e senses , 54 ; on the socia l contract , 41 , 46 Hoffman, Abbie , Revolution for the Hell of It, 3

274 I

Index

Hofstadter, Richard : o n industrializatio n i n America, 87 , 88; on Phillips , 68 Holloway, John, o n th e propheti c i n nine teenth-century poetry , 15 9 Holmes, Olive r Wendell, a s poetic inspira tion fo r Welch , 155 , 15 6 Hoover, J. Edgar , 137 , 17 1 Hopkins, Stephen , 46 ; "An Essa y on th e Trade o f the Norther n Colonies, " 35 Horowitz, Irving , o n pluralism , 12 3 Hosea, 23 , 32 Howe, Irving , o n Debs , 101 , 105 Hudson, W D. , on self-sufficienc y o f prophetic ethos, 1 9 Hugo, Victor , Les Miserables, 15 6 Human Right s Campaig n Fund , 186 , 197; PAC, 18 9 Hume, David : o n passio n an d reason, 78 ; on sensory data , 5 2 Hurt, Walter , o n Debs , 100 , 102 , 10 6 Hutchinson, Ann , celebrate d b y Phillips as martyr, 8 0 hymnody, 156 . See also poetic IKEA, marketing t o ga y community, 189 , 190

industrialization i n U.S. , 86-8 7 Ingersoll, Rober t Green , a s model fo r Debs , 105

Inglis, Charles , 5 3 intoxication, a s metaphor, 18 ; in abolitionis t rhetoric, 65 ; in America n Revolution , 57; McCarthy's us e of , 133 ; Wendell Phil lips's use of, 64-65 , 68 Isaiah, 18 , 20, 29, 32 , 35, 57, 61, 62, 108 , 199 Isbell, Mike, 18 9 Isherwood, Christopher , 18 8 Jackson, Rosemary , o n th e fantastic , 135 , 137, 138 , 147 , 14 9 James, Henry , o n melodrama , 8 3 James, William: o n martyrdom , 33-34 ; o n Nietzsche, 30 ; pluralist philosophy, 171 72; and postmodern epistemology , 132 ; on rebirth , 29 ; on self-consciousnes s a s first premise , 52 ; "the wil l to believe," 57, 204

Jamieson, Kathleen , o n argumentativ e func tion o f natural law, 12 3

Jefferson, Thomas , x , 36 , 45, 51 ; epistemology of "Summary View, " 52 ; as heroic figure fo r Debs , 90; as heroic figur e fo r Phillips, 76 Jensen, Merrill , o n basi s of colonial rights , 40 jeremiad, 69 , 11 4 Jeremiah, 16 , 19 , 20, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31 , 32, 34,45,72,73, 85 , 151 Jernigan, David , 18 5 Joan o f Arc, 34 ; in Debs's rhetoric, 97 ; in rhetoric abou t Debs , 98; George Bernar d Shaw's, 8 , 31 Joel, 3 5 John Birc h Society , 150 , 151-7 4 Johnson, Lyndo n Baines , "Grea t Society " theme, 20 3 Johnson, Samuel , Dictionary, 3 7 Jonah, 28 , 29 judgment, 25 , 27; in American radica l tradi tion, 133 ; in American Revolution , 58 60, 71 ; Debs's o f workers, 88-89 ; failur e of, i n apocalyptic , 117 ; as prophetic speech form , 24 ; rhetorical function , 75 ; as separation i n rhetori c o f Wendell Phil lips, 74-7 5 judicial rhetoric , 21 ; in American Revolu tion, 58-60 ; in prophecy, i n Kameny, Frank , 19 2 Kansas-Nebraska Act , 7 2 Kant, Immanuel , 57 , 13 3 Kelly, Walt, Pogo, 129 , 13 1 Kemp, Harry, 155 ; "God th e Architect," 15 4 Kennedy, John F , "Ne w Frontier, " 203 ; versus Nixon o n Col d War , 17 1 Kierkegaard, Soren , an d postmoder n episte mology, 13 2 King, Martin Luther , Jr., 171 ; "I Hav e a Dream," 12 6 Kinsey, Alfred , Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, 17 8

Kirk, Marshall , 184-8 5 Kopelin, Louis , o n Debs , 94, 10 0 Korean War , 130 , 134 , 141 , 171 Kraditor, Aileen : o n Debs , 90, 104 ; on mar tyrdom i n abolitionism , 8 0 Kramer, Aaron , o n prophec y i n nineteenth century poetry , 160-6 7 Kushner, Tony , 18 8

Index |

27 5

Lattimore, Owen , 134 , 135 ; Budenz's testi mony against , 14 4 Laurens, Henry, 5 9 law v. gay liberation, 175-76 ; changing na ture of , 179 ; v. religion, 180-8 1 Lee, Ronald, o n Debs , 8 6 legend, 34 ; Debs's, 93-102, 10 6 Lens, Sidney, o n Debs , 8 6 Leonard, Daniel , 55 , 56 LePrade, Ruth, o n Debs , 98 Levenberg, Steve , 19 0 Lewis, Sinclair, o n Debs , 9 9 Lincoln, Abraham : allusion s to , by Welch, 154; Debs compare d to , 34 , 10 7 Lippman, Walter , o n McCarthy' s power , H5 Lipset, Seymou r Martin , o n John Birc h So ciety, 15 1 Locke, John: i n American Revolutionar y thought, 10 , 45, 46, 47, 52 , 58; and liber alism in American thought , 200 , 201; influence o n Phillips , 75 ; on reason , 53 ; on the senses , 54 logos: in abolitionism , 71 ; in American Rev olution, 10 , 35-60; Aristotle on , 15 ; related t o ethos, 85 ; related t o pathos, 25 , 71, 86; prophetic, 10 , 16-22 , 85 Lomas, Charles , o n Debs , 8 6 Long, Burke, 3 0 Longfellow, Henr y Wadsworth , influenc e on Welch , 15 6 Longtime Companion, 18 6 Lovejoy, Elijah : i n Debs's rhetoric, 97 ; Wendell Phillips on , 64 , 76, 80 Lowell, James Russell, 15 5 Lucas, Stephen, xi ; on America n Revolu tion, 39 , 40 Luther, Martin , 10 4

manners. See etiquette Marcuse, Herbert , o n toleranc e an d refer enda, 19 2 Marshall, George , 135 , 143 , 144 martyrdom, 31 , 32, 33; in abolitionis t thought, 79-81 ; i n Debs' s rhetoric, 96 102; in Welch's rhetoric, 154 , 166-168 . See also pathos; Brown , John; Christ ; Joan of Arc Marxism: i n Debs' s rhetoric, 90 , 91; as science versu s religion, 9 1 Massachusettensis, 53 , 55 Mattachine Society , 185 , 18 6 May, Henry, o n deca y o f consensus i n America, 20 4 McCarran-Walter Act , 12 8 McCarthy, Joseph, 11 , 128-50; and Ameri can radica l tradition , 200 , 204-5; a n d apocalyptic, 119 ; on U.S . China policy , 135, 144-45 ; use of darkness metaphor , 139-40; and th e ethos of the Senate , 145 46; and th e media , 145-46 ; objectivity , 1 36-37; Rober t Welc h compare d to , 151, 161-62, 169 , 17 1 McCauley, Thoma s Babington , 15 7 McCormick, Richar d L. , o n Debs , 8 6 Mcllwain, Charles , o n constitutiona l basi s of American Revolution , 4 1 melodrama, 82-83 ; * n Debs, 106 ; and ethos, 84 Meredith, Owen , "Las t Words o f a Sensitive Second-Rate Poet, " 16 9 messenger (prophe t as) , 21, 26, 28 messenger formula , 17 , 24; and poetry , 156 Miami (Dad e Co.) , gay rights struggle in , 182,183 Micah, 23 , 24, 25 Mill, John Stuart , 1 0 Miller, Arthur , o n McCarran-Walte r Act ,

Machiavelli, x MacLeish, Archibald , o n poetry' s retrea t from politics , 17 3 Madison, Charles , o n Debs , 8 6 Madsen, Hunter , 184-8 5 Making Love, 186 Malachi, 2 7 Malcolm X , 196 ; and argumen t from princi ple, 12 6

Miller, Perry , 63 Miller, Stephen , 18 7 Miller, Willia m Lee , 17 8 Milton, John, 156 ; in Philips' s rhetoric, 7 5 Miss Manners (Judit h Martin) , 2 Moody, Rick , The Ring of Brightest Angels around Heaven, 197-98 Moses, 66 Mulryan, Dave , 19 1

Lasky, Melvin, o n metapho r an d radicalism , 120

128

276 I

Index

nabi, 28 . See also calling, propheti c Nahum, 2 3 Nathan, 8 1 Nation, The, magazine , o n Phillips , 6 2 National Ga y an d Lesbia n Busines s an d C o n s u m e r Expo , 19 0 National Ga y an d Lesbia n Tas k Force , 191 , 197 natural law : i n America n Revolution , 37 , 3 9 - 4 1 ; argumen t from , 123 ; relation t o charter, 4 1 ; decay o f i n America n thought, 179 ; versu s ga y liberation , 176 , 178; relatio n t o h u m a n la w i n America n Revolution, 4 0 - 4 5 ; i n Phillips' s rhetoric , 76. See also sacred principl e negotiation, secula r argumen t as , 12 5 Newfield, Jack , o n radica l rhetori c o f 1960s , 3,8 N e w Israel , U n i t e d State s as , 16 , 3 9 Niebuhr, R e i n h o l d , Children of Light, Children of Darkness, 14 0 Niebuhr, Richard , o n th e anxietie s o f th e 1950s, 13 2 Nietzsche, Friedrich : admiratio n fo r O l d Testament mythology , 207 ; o n martyr d o m , 30 ; an d postmoder n epistemology , 132 1950s, 130-33 , 17 1 1960s, ix , 3 , 5 , 8 , 151 , 171 , 186 , 204 , 20 6 1980s, 5 , 8 1990s, 3 , 5 , 8 N i x o n , Richard : contraste d t o Kenned y o n C o l d War , 171 ; on radica l rhetori c o f 1960s, 3 , 8 Norris, Frank , 1 5 Novanglus, 46 , 47 , 5 3 Noyes, Alfred , 155 ; i n Welch' s rhetoric , 156 ; "To Alfre d Noyes, " 17 1 Oakley, R o n a l d J. , o n th e anxietie s o f th e 1950s, 13 2 O ' H a r e , Kat e Richards , o n Debs , 94 , 9 9 O h m a n n , Richard , 2 6 Olbrechts-Tyteca, L. , 1 O'Leary, Stephen , 11 4 Oregon, ga y right s struggl e in , 182 , 18 3 O s b o r n , Michael , o n darknes s metaphor , 139 Oshinsky, David , o n McCarthy , 145 , 14 7 Otis, James, 40 , 4 1 , 44, 45 , 48 , 53 , 56 ; an d

American radica l tradition , 204 ; Out m a g azine, 189 ; i n Phillips' s rhetoric , 76 , 8 0 Overholt, T h o m a s , 3 2 Paglia, Camille , 19 4 Paine, T h o m a s , 44 , 50 , 55 , 56 , 57 ; an d American radica l tradition , 204 ; " C o m m o n Sense, " epistemolog y of , 53 ; i n Debs's rhetoric , 90 ; o n reason , 37 ; o n tol erance, 18 8 pan-determinism i n fantasy , 14 2 pan-signification i n fantasy , 142-4 3 Parks, Rosa , 5 Parrington, Vernon , o n " t h e m i n d o f N e w England" i n America n thought , 15 9 pathos: abolitionist , 7 1 ; in America n R e v o l u tion, 37-39 ; Aristotl e on , 15 ; i n Debs' s rhetoric, 96-100 , 104-5 ; relate d t o ethos, 26, 7 9 - 8 1 ; relate d t o logos, 25, 7 1 , 79; M c Carthy's, 135 ; an d passion , 76 ; Wendel l Phillips's, 10 , 7 6 - 7 8 ; prophetic , 10 , 2 3 27, 6 1 - 8 4 , 2 ° 3 ; a n d reaso n i n nineteent h century, 78-79 ; i n rhetori c abou t Debs , 101-2; a s suffering , 3 3 Paul, th e Apostle , 3 4 Pearson, Drew , 13 9 Peeperkorn, Mynheer , 7 9 Perelman, Chaim , 1 , 16 ; o n self-evidence , 19 perfectionism, 114 , 164 ; i n Welch , 165 , 20 3 Persian dualism , 116 , 141 , 14 3 Phillips, Wendell , 10 , 27 , 6 1 - 8 4 , 89 , 133 , 178; an d America n community , 112 , 113 ; and America n radica l tradition , 200 , 203 , 204; America n R e v o l u t i o n a s model , 73 , 75-76; an d J o hn Brown , 62 , 70 ; o n th e Church, 67 ; o n U.S . Constitution , 62 , 65-66; influenc e o n Debs , 89 , 92 , 105 ; "In Defens e o f Lovejoy, " 76 ; fre e speec h v. slaver y in , 73-74 ; ga y liberatio n c o m pared to , 181 ; " T he Los t Arts, " 62 ; o n madness, 82 ; o n martyrdom , 8 0 - 8 1 ; c o n trasted t o McCarthy , 139 ; Camill e Pagli a compared to , 194 ; pathos in , 7 6 - 7 7 ; p o etry in , 156 ; o n politic s an d politicians , 66; Welc h compare d to , 161 , 163 , 164 , 165, 16 7 Pierce, Charles , an d postmoder n epistemol ogy, 13 2 Plato, x , 15 ; o n poetr y an d madness , 121 ;

Index | and Romanticism , 158 ; an d transcenden tal law , 17 9 pluralism: versu s covenant , 126 ; an d post modernism, 113 , 122 , 123 ; an d Welch , 172-73 poetic, 114 , 119—22 ; in Baptism , 156 ; a s form, 119 , 122 , 170-71 ; an d history , R o mantic view , 158 ; O l d Testamen t as , 119 , 121; an d prophec y i n nineteenth-centur y America, 160 ; an d rhetoric , 121-22 ; a s ritual, 119 , 171 ; routinization o f cha risma, 122 ; a s sig n o f charisma , 121 ; i n Unitarianism, 156 ; i n Welch , 155-57 , 161. See also particular poets Poison, 18 6 pollution (a s economi c right) , 19 6 Pope, Alexander , a s influenc e o n Phillips , 156 popular sovereignty , 4 2 Port H u r o n Statement , 18 6 postmodernism, 11 , 111-27 , 175 ; and apoca lyptic, 114 ; an d deca y o f community , 112-13; absenc e o f history in , 122 ; and r e ligious decay , 178 , 17 9 POZ magazine , 189 , 19 0 prophecy, 15-34 , 114-15 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; an d c o m munity, 113 ; and m o n o t h e i s m , 115 , 140 ; optimism of , 27 , 114 , 140 , 16 3 Psalms, i n psychopathology: Deb s and , 102 ; an d ga y liberation, 175 , 177 ; martyrdo m and , 33 , 102; M c C a r t h y and , 149 ; Phillip s on , 82 ; Plato on , 121 ; poetry and , 120-21 ; an d prophecy, 31 ; radicalism conceive d as , 79 , 81, i n , 126 ; an d rebirth , 29 ; Welc h and , 152 Pullman strike , 9 9 purity: an d America n Revolution , 59 ; an d the metapho r o f fire , 26 ; an d prophecy , 27; an d radica l abolitionism , 7 4 Q u e e r Nation , 19 5 Quintilian, 1 5 Raab, Earl , o n R o b e r t Welch , 15 1 R a b k i n , Eric , o n fantasy , 135 , 136 , 137 , 13 8 radicalism, ix , x , 63 ; American, 8 , 9 , 39 , 199-200; versu s compromise , 57 ; an d conservatism, 2 1 , 204; versu s economics , 9, 197 ; versu s th e personal , 9 , 172 ; an d

27 7

prophecy, 57 ; versu s reasonableness , 2 1 ; as witness bearing , 5 7 R e a g a n , R o n a l d , reviva l o f M c C a r r a n - W a l ter Act , 12 8 reason: a s civility , 36 , 209 ; a s economics , 9 , 122-27; eighteenth-centur y conceptio n of, 37 ; libera l vie w of , 8 , 209 ; an d natura l law i n America n Revolution , 53 ; as n e g o tiation, 58 , 92 , 126 ; relate d t o passion , 78 ; versus religion , 18 0 rebirth: Debs's , 9 3 - 9 5 ; Wendel l Phillips's , 6 9 - 7 0 ; prophetic , 29 , 9 3 R e i d , J o h n , 18 6 R e i d , T h o m a s , 52 , 5 4 religious right , 2 , 182-8 3 Republican Party , 142 , 183 , 18 9 Reynolds, Stephe n M a r i o n , o n Debs , 95 , 98, 10 5 rib pattern i n propheti c speech , 2 1 , 11 1 Richards, I . A. , o n sincerity , 8 5 R i c o u e r , Paul , 11 8 Riley, James W h i t c o m b , 15 6 ritual, conservatis m of , 17 1 R o m a n Catholi c C h u r c h , 97 , 194 , 196 ; ver sus Calvinism , 70 ; mass , pre—Vatica n II , 122 R o m a n t i c i s m , 158-5 9 Romer v. Evans, 180 ; A n t o n i n Scali a s dissent , 193, 19 4 Roosevelt, Frankli n Delano , th e " N e w Deal," 20 3 Roosevelt, T h e o d o r e , 10 2 Rovere, Richard , o n McCarthy , 147 , 14 9 sacred: diminutio n of , 205 ; natur e of , 25 . See also science, versu s religio n sacred principle , x , 177 ; argumen t from , i n American Revolution , 39-40 , 4 7 - 4 8 ; ar g u m e n t from , i n Debs , 92 ; argumen t from, i n Phillips , 65—68 ; p o s t m o d e rn e r o sion of , 13 3 Sagarin, Edward , 17 8 Salvatore, Nick , o n Debs , 90 , 95 , 96 , 9 9 Scarce [Homoscarce] , Mike , 19 5 Scheingold, Stuart , o n " t h e myt h o f rights, " 181 Schlesinger, Arthur , Jr. : o n Debs , 106 ; o n the 1950s , 132 ; o n tolerance , 17 8 Schmidt, Patricia , o n mora l principl e an d ar gument, 17 7

278 I

Index

Schrecker, Ellen , o n McCarthy , 14 9 Schur, Edwin , o n moralit y an d th e law , 17 8 science: and homosexuality , 175 , 176 ; Marxism as, 91; versus religion, 91 , 124-25, 170, 178-79 , 18 0 Scott, Donal d M. , o n abolitionis t commit ment, 64 , 69 Scott, R . B . Y.: on prophec y an d crisis , 23; on prophecy an d poetry, 121 ; on th e pro phetic calling , 28 Scottish Commo n Sens e philosophy: i n American Revolution , 51 ; erosion of , 133; in nineteenth-century U.S. , 76. See also Reid, Thoma s Second Continenta l Congress , 36 , 50; epistemology of , 5 3 Second Grea t Awakening, 63 , 69, 76, 82 self-control, i n nineteenth-centur y thought , 63-64. See also virtue self-evidence, 35 , 53; in argument , 19 ; conservatism of, 20 ; elitism and, 56 , 90; McCarthy versus , 144 ; radicalism of , 20 , 57 self-righteousness: an d Debs, 92; and Phil lips, 71 servitude (i n prophecy), 27-33 , 85-86 . See also ethos, prophetic ; messenge r formula ; pathos Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, 178-7 9

Shannon, Davi d A., o n Debs , 10 7 Sharp, Granville , 71 Shaw, George Bernard , Saint Joan, 8 , 31 Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 155 , 159 Sidney, Algernon, 7 5 Sinclair, Upton , o n Debs , 94, 99, 10 1 slavery, and U.S. Constitution: in Debs s rhetoric, 88 , 89, 98; nineteenth-century con ception, 63-64; radical abolitionist view, 65; Whig conception, 43 , 46-47, 48, 49 sleep (a s metaphor fo r mora l failure) : i n th e American radica l tradition, 203; in American Revolution, 57 ; in Debs's rhetoric, 91; a s used by McCarthy, 139-40 , 143 ; in Old Testament , 18 , 56, 68, 175 ; as used by Phillips, 77 ; as used by Welch, 16 1 Sloan, John, o n Emerson , 16 1 Smart, Barry, o n postmodernism , 11 2 Smith, Adam , theor y o f sympathy, 10 5 Smith, John, o n crisis , 23 Smith, Timothy , o n nineteenth-centur y so cial reform, 6 3

social contract, i n eighteenth-centur y thought, 4 1 social disintegration, 1- 5 Socrates, Debs compare d to , 98 Soviet Union, 13 1 Spargo, John, o n Debs , 98 Spengler, Oswald , cyclica l theory o f history, 162 Spoerri, Theophil , o n conservatis m i n po etry, 12 0 Spooner, Lysander , 6 5 Sputnik, 15 4 Stackhouse, Max , o n Calvinism , 7 0 Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , o n radicalism , 5 7 Stevenson, Adlai , accused by McCarthy, 14 1 Stewart, James, on Phillips , 61, 76, 78 Stonewall Rebellion, 17 7 Strauss, Leo, x, 2 6 style, rhetorical: Henr y Peacham' s Garden of Eloquence, 157 ; Welch's, 153-5 7 Subaru, ad campaign to gays and lesbians, 190 Sullivan, Andrew, 18 0 Tebedo, Kevin, 18 2 Temperance movement, 64 . See also self control, in nineteenth-centur y thought ; virtue Tennyson, Alfre d Lord : influence o n Welch , 155; quoted b y Welch, 17 0 Thacher, Pete r (Bosto n Massacr e Oration) , 38 This Side of Paradise, 10 6

Thomas, Clarence , compare s confirmatio n process to McCarthyism, 12 9 Thomas, John L. , on perfectionism , 16 5 Thomas, Norman , o n Debs , 10 7 Thoreau, Henr y David , 20 6 Time magazine, 18 4 Todorov, Tzvetan , o n th e fantastic, 135 , 142 tolerance, 178 ; and economics , 126 ; nature of, 125 , 188 tradition, America n radical , 5-6 , 10-11 , 16 , 89, 90, 122 , 165 , 199-21 0 Truman, Harry , 131 , 139, 143 , 162 Tucker, Scott , 188 , 196 Tydings, Millard, 14 5 Tydings Committee , 13 4 Uncle Tom's Cabin, 67; a s melodrama, 8 3

Uncommon Clou t Card , 19 1

Index | Unitarianism, 158 , 169 ; versu s Calvinis m i n American thought , 159-60 ; an d poetic , 156 U n i t e d Steelworkers , Eugen e V . Deb s Local , 107 Untermeyer, Louis , o n Debs , 10 7 U.S. Constitution : abolitionis t view , 65 ; Phillips's view , 6 2 Vaid, Urvashi , 18 5 Varnell, Paul , o n gay s a s market , 19 1 Vawter, Bruce : o n pathos ofYahweh , 25 ; o n poetry i n O l d Testament , 119 ; o n th e p r o phetic calling , 32 ; o n rationalit y o f p r o p h ecy, 2 1 Vietnam War , 17 1 virtue: i n America n Revolution , 49-50 ; i n antebellum thought , 64 ; Deb s on , 88-89 ; and manliness , 88 ; Welc h and , 16 5 vision, a s metapho r fo r mora l (in)capacity , 18, 19 , 56 , 68 , 9 1 , 140 , 203 ; Debs' s us e of, 92 , 94 , 95 ; an d eighteenth-centur y epistemology, 54—55 ; Emerson's "transpar ent eyeball, " 160 ; McCarthy' s us e of , 139 ; in nineteenth-centur y poetry , 160 ; Phil lips's us e of , 65 , 69 ; Welch' s us e of , 164 . See also sleep (a s metapho r fo r mora l fail ure), i n America n R e v o l u t i o n vocation: fo r Debs , 103 ; fo r Phillips , 70 . See also calling, propheti c von R a d , Gerhard , 30 , 34 , 11 5 Wagner, Richard , x Waldheim, Kurt , accuse s accuser s o f M c C a r thyism, 12 8 Walters, R o n a l d , 7 0 Warren, Josep h (Bosto n Massacr e Oration) , 5i Warren, R o b e r t Penn , 1 5 Washington, George , 1 , 34 , 9 0 Watts, Isaac , a s influenc e o n Phillips , 15 6 Wayland, J . H . , o n Debs , 9 9 Weaver, Richard , x , 19 ; Ideas Have Consequences, 118 , 13 0 Weber, Max : o n charisma , 31 , 32 ; o n secu larization i n society , 122 , 123—24 , 126 , 182 Webster, Daniel , Phillip s compare d to , 6 1 Welch, Joseph, 13 7 Welch, R o b e r t , 11 , 12 , 122 , 155-74 ; an d

27 9

the America n covenant , 166 ; an d A m e r i can radica l tradition , 204 , 205 ; cyclica l view o f history , 155 , 162 ; compare d t o Debs, 11 , 12 ; didacticism , 163-64 ; an d duty, 166—68 ; Emerson a s model , 122 , 156, 162 , 168—69 ; ga y liberatio n c o m pared to , 181 ; as imitator , 122 , 173 ; " A Letter t o Krushchev, " 154 ; compare d t o Joe McCarthy , 11 , 151 ; " M o re Statel y Mansions," 155 ; idealizatio n o f n i n e teenth century , 157-58 ; optimism , 163 ; rhetorical style , 153-5 5 West, Samuel , 42 , 4 5 Westermann, Claus , 2 1 , 2 4 Whately, Richard , 1 5 Wheatley, Mickey , 19 7 W h i t e , E d m u n d , 175 , 17 7 W h i t e , James Boyd , 5,11 1 W h i t e , M o r t o n , o n America n Revolution , 48, 56 , 5 7 W h i t m a n , Walt : influenc e o n Debs , 156 ; and Romanticism , 15 9 Whittier, J o h n Greenleaf , 155 ; influenc e o n Debs, 156 ; Proem, 15 2 Wichelns, Herbert , o n Emerson , 160—61 , 167 Wiebe, R o b e r t , o n fin de siecle America, 8 6 Wisconsin, ga y right s struggl e in , 182 , 18 3 Wolf, Haze l Catherine , o n m a r t y r d o m i n a b olitionism, 79 , 8 0 Wolff, R o b e r t Paul , o n toleranc e an d n e g o tiation, 12 5 Wolpe, Stefan , 17 1 W o o d , G o r d o n , o n radicalis m o f America n Revolution, 3 6 Wordsworth, William , an d Romanticism , 158 World Wa r I , 107 , 133 , 178 ; a s catalys t fo r social change , 113 ; Debs's dissent , 9 9 World Wa r II , 128 , 133 , 146 , 178 ; c o n trasted wit h Worl d Wa r I , 130 ; a s marke r of postmodernism , 113 , 114 , 118-19 , 122, 130 , 171 , 175 , 179 , 20 4 Wrage, Ernest , 4 0 Yale La w Schoo l Storr s Lectures , 17 9 Zarembka, Arlene , 19 3 Zephaniah, 23 , 116 , 12 8 Zulick, Margaret , 16 , 17 , 30 , 3 4