The People’s Dance: The Power and Politics of Guangchang Wu [1st ed.] 9789811591655, 9789811591662

Citation preview

The People’s Dance The Power and Politics of Guangchang Wu

Ruohan Chen

Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion

Series Editors Nicholas Rowe University of Auckland Auckland, New Zealand Tuomeiciren Heyang Chengdu University Chengdu, China Kai Lehikoinen University of the Arts Helsinki Helsinki, Finland

This series investigates the history of long-standing, non-governmental performing dance organizations/artists collectives, in regions as diverse as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Cambodia, Fiji, Australia, Uganda and Russia. Despite the political, cultural, environmental and economic instability of these regions, local performing arts organizations have produced extensive repertoires of critically-acclaimed, locally-produced creative performances. Their community-focused practices have sought to contribute to the sustainability and resilience of local civil society. Understanding the leadership provided by such grassroots arts organizations is an increasingly urgent concern in an era of growing political, environmental and economic instability. While scholarship has previously investigated the political histories, socio-economic challenges and intangible artistic heritage of these regions, this series presents historical and contextual analysis of how each of these contemporary performing arts organizations or movements provide leadership and resilience within their own communities.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/16283

Rose Martin · Ruohan Chen

The People’s Dance The Power and Politics of Guangchang Wu

Rose Martin Department of Teacher Education Norwegian University of Science and Technology Trondheim, Norway

Ruohan Chen Dance Studies University of Auckland Auckland, New Zealand

ISSN 2661-8451 ISSN 2661-846X (electronic) Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion ISBN 978-981-15-9165-5 ISBN 978-981-15-9166-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover credit: © Melisa Hasan This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

A leader is best when people barely know he exists, when his work is done, his aim fulfilled, they will say: we did it ourselves. 太上, 不知有之。功成, 事遂, 百姓谓我自然。 —Lao Tzu(老子) (Singh & Aditi, 2019, p. 519) Reference Singh, S., & Aditi, M. (2019). Managing emotional intelligence for effective leadership in organization. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development, 3(6), 515–519.

Series Preface: Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion

Art is not what you see, but what you make others see. —Edgar Degas

As Degas suggests, art prompts us to stop and reflect on the significance of particular people, stories, and perspectives. This ability to attract and distract public attention (and to conceal or reveal specific issues) makes art increasingly political in a post-truth era. While art might not evidence the veracity of an idea, it can certainly support the virality of an idea. Memes often emerge and become persuasive as a result of the aesthetics, rather than the evidence, that they present. As we promote these memes through social media, art becomes more than what you make others see. Art is what you make others want to share. Dance is an especially powerful way to share ideas, capturing our interest through visual spectacles and visceral experiences. As a public performance and a participatory activity, dancing highlights and obscures specific aspects of humanity. Through dances, we idealize bodies in motion: advocating whose bodies should be seen to move, how those bodies should be moving, in what contexts they should be moving and for what reasons they should be moving. This happens in ways that often escape verbal expression and reflection: dance can either evade or embody the popular and politicized ideals presented through the veneer of language. By discreetly influencing a society as to which individuals and

vii

viii

SERIES PREFACE: CRITICAL STUDIES IN DANCE LEADERSHIP AND …

ideas should be included or excluded, dance can maintain a quiet hegemony. This leads to important lines of critical inquiry for dance scholars concerned about the public sphere: • Who is afforded opportunities to learn, teach, create, present, and observe dance? • What influences their participation and choices in dance? • How do their dance choices make some perspectives, people and stories more (or less) apparent to others? This book series is dedicated to exploring these questions. Within the volumes of Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, we seek to draw attention to the ways in which dance organizations and practitioners are interrogating concepts of dance in the public sphere. Our understandings of dance leadership extend beyond stale notions of visionary leaders trailed by mindless hordes. We instead acknowledge leadership to be a dialogic phenomenon: a collectivized movement that emerges through dynamic, social exchanges of ideas, meanings, and values. Our understandings of inclusion also recognize that social participation can sometimes risk conforming to a totalitarian regime. While collaborative leadership requires the broad and active inclusion of all in the society, this needs to be done in ways that articulate, celebrate, and sustain our differences, if we are to maintain a pluralist society. Through this book series, we seek to expand understandings of how dance allows such leadership and inclusion to manifest and enhance social participation, personal fulfilment, and cultural diversity. The dance knowledge presented in this series is constructed at the intersection of embodied and other forms of knowing. Extending upon psychology, sociology, and environmental studies, dancing reflects how we value ourselves, and our human and non-human interactions. Sharing concerns with architecture, urban planning, and political science, dance corporealizes our encounters with the design of public and private spaces. As a form of public pedagogy, dance inevitably encapsulates diverse theories of education. As an integral part of cultural studies, dance is a culturally relative phenomenon: the meanings of a dance are not universal, but emerge in different ways in different cultures, in response to diverse histories and circumstances. Through dancing, we therefore viscerally and visually reveal our different attitudes towards the sharing of space.

SERIES PREFACE: CRITICAL STUDIES IN DANCE LEADERSHIP AND …

ix

To achieve these intersections, we are joined by authors who engage in a radical transgression from prevailing approaches to dance histories and ethnographies. Academic narrations of dance have tended to celebrate particular artists and their products, or support nationalist appropriations of intangible cultural heritage. These dance histories neglect a vast swathe of dance activity around the globe: dancers, choreographers, dance teachers, and dance organizations are increasingly engaged in advancing social inclusion agendas. In doing so, these dance practitioners are moving dance beyond the neoliberal commodification of supposed artistic ‘genius’ and the political capitalization of supposed cultural ‘essences’. Instead, they are considering dance as a means of actively engaging in polylogues on relevant socio-political issues. They are exploring movement and its meanings within theatres, schools, village halls, community centres, public squares, in live performance, and through digital platforms. Their dance activities respond to, or challenge, broader governance approaches to health, education, security, the environment, and the economy. This book series therefore brings a critical lens to this growing field of artistic endeavour, with each volume examining how a particular dance organization or dance practice has engaged the moving body to explore and diversify our understandings of social cohesion. With a particular focus on diversity, this series seeks out the untold narratives of dance among populations often marginalized in dance histories: people identifying as forced migrants, indigenous, colonized, impoverished, elderly, differently abled, or sexually divergent. By gathering these emerging dance histories from diverse parts of the world, this series provides illustrations of distinct creative, pedagogic, and organizational practices, and situates these practices within contemporary theories of the arts, culture, education, economics, health, politics, and sociology. Through a critical theorizing, the authors in this series do not want to simply record such dance activity ‘as it is’, but seek to reveal what it could be. This requires field research that gathers the stories of people involved in dance practices, and collaborative discussions on how these practices might better align with the goal of broadening social inclusion and political liberation through dance. Through his depiction of dancers while training and at rest, Degas sought to reveal the significance of dance within humanity, beyond the spectacle of performed artistic products. Similar to Degas, we consider these moments between dances as worthy of attention and reflection. Ultimately, we hope to shift dance scholarship from a narrow focus on

x

SERIES PREFACE: CRITICAL STUDIES IN DANCE LEADERSHIP AND …

final artistic products, and onto the myriad social interactions that allow these dancing moments to occur. The volumes of Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion hope to ‘make others see and share’ the complex ways in which dance, all around the world, is expanding and diversifying what it means to participate in the public sphere. Nicholas Rowe Kai Lehikoinen Tuomeiciren Heyang

Acknowledgments

We must give huge thanks to the institutions involved in assisting us to realize this publication. We thank Dance Studies and the Faculty of Creative Arts and Industries at the University of Auckland for their ongoing support, intellectually and financially, for our research. We also thank the Department of Teacher Education, and specifically the section of Arts, Physical Education and Sports, at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology for their support of this project. Thank you to the New Zealand Center at Peking University for a valuable Visiting Fellowship in late 2019 to gather much of the fieldwork for this book. Many thanks to Mr. Wu and the Chinese Ethnic Folk Dance Grade Test Center, part of the Beijing Chinese Ethnic Folk Dance Association, for helping with connections and networking in China. We would like to thank the many individuals who helped us bring this book to life. Thank you to Longqi Yu and Jiahui Liu for the incredible and generous translation assistance and support in coordinating interviews. Thanks to our immensely supportive colleagues around the world: Dr. Liu Liu, Prof. Wang Jie, Prof. Deng Xiaojuan, Prof. Heyang, Associate Professor Ralph Buck, Associate Professor Nicholas Rowe, Prof. Tone Pernille Østern, and Norman Wang. We value the conversations, the meetings (virtual and in real life), and the academic rigor you provide. We would also like to note that this book was written during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic. The arts within the current COVID19 context we live in are facing huge challenges. Theatres and galleries

xi

xii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

are closed, performances cancelled, classes and rehearsals are now reimagining themselves online. At the same time, the uncertainty we face and the challenges that the COVID-19 crisis brings now and, into the future, raise a number of concerns. However, what we have observed occurring around the world over the past months illustrate how art can offer hope, relief, change, or an alternative view of the world in these turbulent times. We hope that the practice of guangchang wu can continue to flourish in this changing world.

Translation Note

This book is focused on the dance practice of guangchang wu in China, however, the book is written in English. Therefore, the process of researching, gathering fieldwork, and writing the book has required shifting between Chinese and English. When working with two languages there are challenges over meanings and expressions, and decisions have to be made regarding how these issues are managed. With this in mind, pin yin (Anglicized writing of Chinese words) is used throughout the book as needed. It can be noted that pin yin can be limiting, therefore the first time a Chinese word, title or name is used in pin yin this is followed with the articulation of the word in Chinese characters in brackets. This is also done out of respect and acknowledgement of the Chinese language of these words, titles, and names. Subsequent articulations offered are in pin yin only for ease and flow of reading. There has been a purposeful choice within the text to use the term ‘guangchang wu’, the pin yin of the English term ‘square dance’. This decision has been made as a way to honour the description of the dance practice as a form grounded within the context of China. However, in the interviewees’ narratives the term ‘square dance’ is used, because this is how the translators of the interviews delivered the term. The use of guangchang wu and square dance as terms throughout also notes the fluidity of these terms used in English and Chinese and reflects the hybridization and flux of the guangchang wu practice.

xiii

xiv

TRANSLATION NOTE

It is also be acknowledged that Chinese names within the text are listed with the surname first and the give name(s) second, reflecting the practice of how names are delivered within a Chinese context.

Contents

1

1

Introducing the People’s Dance

2

Urbanization, an Ageing Population, and Reform and Opening-up: The Socio-Political Context for Guangchang Wu

11

From Folk to on Mass Dance Practices: The Emergence of Guangchang Wu

21

Step, Hop, Shuffle: Artistic Practices of Guangchang Wu

33

The Collective, the Virtual, and the Chance: Teaching and Learning Guangchang Wu

49

The Inner Circle and the Outer Circle: Administration and Leadership of Guangchang Wu

65

Dance for the People: Community, Visibility and Guangchang Wu

77

3

4

5

6

7

xv

xvi

8

9

CONTENTS

Dancing the Politics of Harmony: The Impact of Guangchang Wu

89

Dancing into Hybridization: The Future of Guangchang Wu

99

References

107

Index

119

About the Authors

Rose Martin (Ph.D., Dance Studies) is Associate Professor of Arts Education with a focus on multiculturalism, at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU). Rose is the author of many journal articles, book chapters and several books including: Dance, Diversity and Difference: Performance and Identity Politics in Northern Europe and the Baltic (2017) with Professor Eeva Anttila, and Women, Dance and Revolution: Performance and Protest in the Southern Mediterranean (2016). Ruohan Chen holds a M.A. focused on Dance History from Minzu University, China. She is now a Ph.D. candidate in the Dance Studies programme at the University of Auckland, New Zealand. Her current research interest centers on dance and politics in the context of the People’s Republic of China, dance ethnography, and cross-cultural dance education.

xvii

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 5.1

Fig. 7.1 Fig. 8.1

Fig. 9.1

Dancers practicing in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China Dancers performing a Tibetan dance at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing Dancers practicing with their teacher in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China Dancers working with their teacher on a Tibetan dance at Qin’s studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing A dancer at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing Dancers rehearsing a Tibetan dance with their teacher at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing Dancers performing in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China

3 26 45

57 80

91 104

xix

CHAPTER 1

Introducing the People’s Dance

Abstract Across the People’s Republic of China (PRC), millions of people go to public squares, parks, and plazas after dinner, and dance. The sheer number of people who engage in this public on mass dance practice makes guangchang wu a unique phenomenon, which is often cited as China’s ‘community dance’. Within this chapter, we set the scene to disrupt this narrative. Rather, we argue that while guangchang wu is something many engage with for health and social reasons, there is a significant and growing demand and desire for it to be physically challenging and competitive, with choreographic practices and techniques that are refined and tailored to the groups that engage with the practice. Coupled with this, we assert that guangchang wu is in line with a dominant agenda encouraged by the PRC, an agenda that features displays of national identity and mega-narratives of the State—which in turn can be viewed as characteristics of totalitarian aesthetics and state control. To explore the intersecting vectors of locus, culture, politics, society, and dance related to the guangchang wu context, we selected to take a multisited ethnographic approach towards the topic, leading to rich narratives, and this is unpacked within this introductory chapter. Keywords Guangchang wu · Multi-sited ethnography · Narratives · People’s Republic of China

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_1

1

2

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

I stood back for a moment thinking, “should I join in? Am I allowed to join in?”. It was getting too cold to just stand there and watch the group dance, so I slipped into the back row, hoping no one would notice, but they did. The two women immediately in front of me made their steps a bit bigger travelling apart from each other, making space for me to move in-between them. The music blasted from a single speaker perched on a plastic crate at the front of the dancing group who filled an open concrete space between a main road and shops beneath high rise apartment blocks, offices and hotels. The music was what initially caught my attention and led me to walk toward the group, it was at a pitch that just started to scratch into your ears. The cacophony of street noise – traffic, families, shops – buzzed alongside the song that I did not understand the lyrics to yet felt compelled to move to. The two women who danced either side of me occasionally gave me small smiles of encouragement and waved their hands to indicate that I should move forward further into the group. We took side steps and the occasional turn, arms moving in sweeping gestures, repeating the same phrase of steps multiple times until the song finished. With the dance over, the woman to my right took my hand in both of hers, she said something quickly in Mandarin that I had no chance of catching, but she seemed excited. It was freezing this evening in Lanzhou (兰州), I was not nearly prepared enough for the cold, but the few minutes of dancing warmed me – physically and emotionally. Rose—26 November 2019, Lanzhou.

Across the People’s Republic of China (PRC) millions of people go to public squares, parks, and plazas after dinner, and dance. Clusters of people fill spaces in front of shopping malls and apartment buildings. Sound systems compete with each other, and movements are as diverse as the people dancing them. Parks buzz with a moving energy once the sun goes down, and any available public space becomes a possible location for dancing to emerge. This public dance practice of guangchang wu (广场舞), or what is referred to in English as ‘public square dance’ or simply ‘square dance’, is frequently associated with middle-aged and retired women, referred to as ‘dancing grannies’ or ‘big mamas’ (Mao, 2018; Wang, 2015). However, alongside such associations, guangchang wu in China has been rapidly morphing and changing in response to the contemporary context and the unique political landscape of the PRC (Fig. 1.1). Younger generations of dancers are now joining in, with the dance practice no longer solely reserved for those who are retired. Guangchang wu competitions are flourishing (Xinhua News Agency, 16 July 2019),

1

INTRODUCING THE PEOPLE’S DANCE

3

Fig. 1.1 Dancers practicing in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China

and social media has led to some guangchang wu teachers being YoukuTudou (优酷土豆网), Tangdou (糖豆) and Tiaotiao1 (跳跳舞蹈) superstars. The dances performed are becoming more varied, and a diversity of teaching and learning strategies are occurring. Guangchang wu is also shifting spaces and is being practiced and performed in dance studios, community halls, and living rooms, while also continuing to be shared in urban public spaces. Coupled with such changes, guangchang wu has received increased attention from the Chinese government and commercial sectors. Through policy support and economic agendas, guangchang wu has become an influential cultural force in China, and one that is worth exploring in relation to its history, grassroots practices, and leadership to further understand how a dance that is considered for the people and by the people, can wield such power.

1 Youku-Tudou can be viewed as the equivalent of YouTube in China, and it is a popular platform for sharing and learning guangchang wu. Tangdou and Tiaotiao are smartphone apps for sharing and learning guangchang wu videos.

4

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Groups of people dancing in public space such as squares, parks, and streets, is not necessarily an unusual sight in China (Seetoo & Zou, 2016). However, it is the sheer number of people who engage in this public on mass dance practice that makes guangchang wu special. While the exact number of people who dance guangchang wu is challenging to ascertain, information gleaned from media reports and policy documents suggests that there are over 100 million guangchang wu dancers in China (Li, Wang, & Qiu, 2017). There are also activities such as on mass multicity guanchang wu events that have been organized with the purpose of setting world records, such as the gathering of 50,0085 guangchang wu dancers in 14 Chinese cities in November 2016 (Li, 2016). Along with the impressive number of participants, it is also the vigour that the practice has been embraced by both the people of China and the Chinese government that makes it worthy of examination. There has been some discussion that guangchang wu differs to professional artistic performances that demand certain dance techniques and choreographic intentions (Mao, 2018; Yu, 2017). At the same time there is research that highlights hierarchy within guangchang wu dance groups, with many groups developing in ways that mimic professional dance practices (Seetoo & Zou, 2016). While there are some links made within existing guangchang wu scholarship about the practice being deeply associated with local government mandates and the policies of the Communist Party of China (CPC) (Zhou, 2014), there seems to be a reluctance to connect this practice with discussions of political agendas and ideologies in a critical manner. Rather, a narrative that is often delivered about this dance practice is that participants congregate mostly for fitness and social reasons, with many scholars stating that guangchang wu is often seen as being synonymous with community dance (Du, Chen, & Huang, 2016; Lu, 2016; Zhang & Wen, 2016). Within this text we, the authors—Rose and Ruohan—seek to disrupt this narrative where guangchang wu is viewed as merely a health and wellbeing activity, and the Chinese ‘equivalent’ of western practices of community dance. Rather, in this book we argue that while guangchang wu is something many engage with for health and social reasons, there is a growing demand and desire for it to be physically challenging and competitive, with choreographic practices and techniques that are refined and tailored to the groups that engage with the practice. Coupled with this, we assert that guangchang wu is in line with dominant agendas and policies from the PRC that feature displays of national identity and

1

INTRODUCING THE PEOPLE’S DANCE

5

mega-narratives of the state (Golomstock, 1990; Makiya, 2011; Toepfer, 2019). Nationalistic viewpoints, events, and activities that embody political ideological discourses are not unusual in China, nor are they unique in other nation state contexts. Examples of how guangchang wu is a practice intrinsically tied to the political standpoints of the PRC have been particularly evident throughout 2019 as part of the 70th anniversary of the establishment of the PRC. Despite Chinese Maoist ideology being something that is perceived to be in the distant past, it can be seen that through guangchang wu the spirit and method of this ideology has not necessarily faded under the CPC and the rapid contemporary shifts in China. Through the stories shared in this book, and a drawing together of existing scholarship and policy, we unpack the plurality of meanings of what guangchang wu is today within contemporary Chinese society. We investigate how public spaces in China are locations not only for the performance of guangchang wu, but also locations for political ideals to be communicated. Through this analysis it can be observed that guangchang wu allows space for a hybridization of dance practices and pedagogies, Chinese government ideologies, accelerated urbanization, consumerism, and contemporaneity to occur. We see that guangchang wu is complex, and the dance practice is deeply tied to various aspects of the lives of those who dance it.

Methodological Considerations in Researching Guangchang Wu We, Rose, and Ruohan, have very different positions as the researchers and writers of this book. In this research Rose is very much the ‘outsider’ to the research context, as she comes from New Zealand, now lives in Norway, and speaks no Mandarin. While Rose has extensive experience as a dancer, teacher, and researcher around the world, this was her first experience of gathering in depth interviews in a Chinese context. This is where Rose relied on Ruohan for advice and understanding of the context and Ruohan’s awareness of how the research was situated culturally and politically. Ruohan could be viewed as an ‘insider’ to the research context in the sense that while she is now based in New Zealand, she is from China, has spent most of her life living, working, and studying in China, and speaks Mandarin as her first language. As a dancer and dance researcher

6

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Ruohan had particular insights to the cultural context and dance landscape of China that Rose does not, and this helped to guide Rose on her journey in the field. At the same time, Ruohan is an emerging scholar, and Rose’s research experience could help Ruohan navigate new academic terrain. While Ruohan could conduct interviews without a translator, Rose required a translator for all conversations she had with the research participants. The process of translation added a layer of complication to the research process and required care and consideration of meanings. Ruohan could independently engage with research participants to coordinate meetings and interviews, whereas Rose relied on Ruohan or other Chinese academics to act as her ‘introduction’ to people who she might interview and to help set up meetings. Despite these differences in position and experience, we worked closely together to construct a text that honours the context it attends to, but also delivers a critical questioning of guangchang wu to extend existing debates and dialogues. To explore the intersecting vectors of politics, society, and dance related to guangchang wu, we took a multi-sited ethnographic approach towards the topic. Within a multi-sited ethnographic method this research has focused on the stories of those who practice guangchang wu in different locations and situations in China. Within dance research, many scholars have used narratives as a means to explore rich and complex experiences of dancers, teachers, and choreographers (for example see: Bond & Deans, 1997; Fortin, Long, & Lord, 2002; Martin, 2016; Risner, 2000; Rowe, Buck, & Martin, 2015; Wainwright & Turner, 2004). However, there are still a limited number of studies that share the narratives of those who engage with guangchang wu. While narratives offer a modality to share experiences, narrative inquiry as a research method has a somewhat contested history with a range of approaches being drawn from diverse disciplines and practices. Within this research we see that the narratives shared provide snapshots of memories and reflections of particular times in individuals’ lives, which offer value and insight to understanding the practice of guangchang wu. As the researchers we embrace the subjectivity narratives hold and the multiple ways the narratives could be interpreted. The narratives offered in the coming chapters were collected through individual semi-structured conversational interviews. We interviewed 11 individuals who participate in guangchang wu, seeking depth rather than breadth of experiences. The interviews conducted were audio-recorded

1

INTRODUCING THE PEOPLE’S DANCE

7

and varied in length between 30-minutes and two hours. Some of the interviews were in person and some were over WeChat. Often there were times where there were follow up interviews with some participants, and other times there was just one interview only—depending on what was discussed and how much more there might be to talk about with each individual. The interviews were semi-structured, in the sense that there were themes and topics we sought to explore, however we allowed the interview to be guided by what each participant shared in the moment. The interviews also built on diverse experiences we had while ‘in the field’. From watching guangchang wu in various locations around China we would see things that we then wanted to ask individuals about in an interview, and from joining groups and dancing alongside those we talked with we were curious to know more. Why did groups choose a particular type of music? How did one become a guangchang wu teacher? How do people find a guangchang wu group to join? Did it matter what they wore to practice in? How did they learn the steps? What were the ‘trends’ in guangchang wu at the moment? As such questions ‘popped’ up in the conversations with the guangchang wu practitioners, we asked them, with no intention of trying to replicate the same questions in focus or form with each participant. We were concerned with finding the story, a tangible encounter of a lived experience had by those we talked to. Often digging for such stories involved asking for a memory, a specific moment they had encountered, and for rich detail and description to be given around this. Sometimes we were offered a story, and sometimes we were not. An indication that the conversation was heading into ‘story territory’ was when a participant used ‘I’ rather than ‘we’, or when they offered very specific details about an event, place, or person. Another ‘golden’ interview moment we were often looking for were the times where the interviewee recalled dialogue. Sometimes this was the retelling of a conversation—‘then she said, “…”, and I said, “…”’. Other times it was a question or thought directed by the participant back to themselves, such as, ‘then I thought to myself: what if…?’. In the narratives that fill the chapters of this book reflections on wider socio-cultural issues in relation to guangchang wu emerge. Through our observations, discussions and participation in guangchang wu we developed a more embodied sense of the work that guangchang wu practitioners engaged with. We started to ‘feel’ the practice of guangchang wu more, developing a sensory understanding (Pink, 2015). The informal

8

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

off the record conversations with participants throughout the research process were also key to developing understandings of contexts and to direct discussions in the interviews. The conversations that we, Rose and Ruohan, had together as researchers were also vital in crafting the directions for the focus of the interviews, the topics we sought to discuss with participants, and the critical issues we saw emerging from the narratives. Ethical approval from the University of Auckland Human Participants Ethics Committee was granted in advance of the research taking place. All participants received consent forms and relevant information about the project in advance in Chinese and in English. Participants could choose to be identifiable by name and other details in the research, or they could choose to be anonymous. All, except for one participant, chose to be identifiable by their real names and identifiable details. From the interviews and from the multiple notebooks and document files filled with literature, policies, observation notes, musings, and auto-narratives, we had to shape the narratives and make meanings of these in relation to broader ideas. We shaped narratives by drawing out stories, editing these, checking the edited version of the narrative with the original interview transcript, refining, editing, and checking again. Was the integrity of the original story still there? Was the narrative still clearly the participant’s voice? Did it flow smoothly to read? Was there enough context in the narrative for a reader to comprehend what was being shared? We then selected, organized, and wove the narratives with observation notes, ideas, and reflections, alongside scholarly literature and relevant academic discussions in relation to key themes that emerged. This process took time, it was messy, and it was certainly not linear. As researchers there is the potential to become attached to some of the stories shared and sometimes desperation to discuss certain themes that had no clear connection to the narratives gathered. Often there is a need to step away from the narratives, notes, and analysis to return fresh to edit ruthlessly and approach the task with a critical eye. Bouncing chapters between each other, with Ruohan working in New Zealand and Rose in Norway, also provided another way for space to be created and for a new perspective to be offered. Comments to each other in ‘tracked changes’ throughout a working document allowed us to ‘think’ with each other, and Zoom meeting gave us a chance to talk through challenges and concerns we had. We have sought to balance the voices of the interviewees with our own as the authors, while also weaving in academic literature and policy

1

INTRODUCING THE PEOPLE’S DANCE

9

documents where relevant. The integrity of the interviewees’ experiences became the site of motivation first and foremost, and within this we have been conscious of how much each wanted to share about their journeys, and simultaneously what might be of most interest readers to be drawn into the narratives and ideas being explored. Some of the material shared by some interviewees is very personal, while others share more general stories or choose to focus on sharing a particular aspect of their dancing lives. This book unpacks experiences of what guangchang wu is today in China through the narratives of those who practice it. Following on from this introduction, a historical overview and discussion of developments of guangchang wu is offered, artistic, teaching, and learning practices are explored, and leadership and community engagement is discussed. The social and political impact of the practice is unpacked, along with insight of future directions for the dance. It is hoped that this book, while covering much uncharted terrain, can provide a starting point for further academic discussions and research about guangchang wu as the dance practice continues to flourish.

References Bond, K. E., & Deans, J. (1997). Eagles, reptiles and beyond: A co-creative journey in dance. Childhood Education, 73(6), 366–371. Du, J. G., Chen, Z., & Huang, R. J. (2016). Analysis of the connotation and characteristics of community dance in China. Da Zhong Wen Yi, 17, 14–15. Fortin, S., Long, W., & Lord, M. (2002). Three voices: Researching how somatic education informs contemporary dance technique classes. Research in Dance Education, 3(2), 155–179. Golomstock, I. (1990). Totalitarian art: In the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, fascist Italy, and the People’s Republic of China. HarperCollins. Li, Y. N. (2016). On homogenization of on mass dance creation. Participation Flowers, 12, 80. Li, H., Wang, L., & Qiu, J. (2017). Sichuan Guangchang Jianshenwu. University of Electronic Science and Technology. Lu, Y. (2016). Research on the innovation and development of community dance in Northeast China (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Qiqihar University, China. Makiya, K. (2011). What is totalitarian art? Cultural kitsch from Stalin to Saddam. Foreign Affairs, 90(3), 142–148.

10

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Mao, M. (2018). Meanings of guang chang wu in Auckland: Four Chinese womens’ perspectives (Unpublished Master’s thesis in Dance Studies). University of Auckland. Martin, R. (2016). Women, dance and revolution: Performance and protest in the Southern Mediterranean. IB Tauris. Pink, S. (2015). Doing sensory ethnography. Sage. Risner, D. (2000). Making dance, making sense: Epistemology and choreography. Research in Dance Education, 1(2), 155–172. Rowe, N., Buck, R., & Martin, R. (2015). The gaze or the groove? Emerging themes from the new meanings and pathways: Community dance and dance education symposium in Beijing. Research in Dance Education, 16(2), 184– 197. Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/the Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Toepfer, K. (2019). Totalitarian aesthetics of mass bodily display during the 1930s. Journal of Curatorial Studies, 8(1), 52–81. Wainwright, S., & Turner, B. S. (2004). Narratives of embodiment: Body, aging and career in Royal Ballet dancers. In H. Thomas & J. Ahmed (Eds.), Cultural bodies: Ethnography and theory (pp. 98–120). Blackwell. Wang, Q. (2015). Guangchang wu: An ethnographic study of dance in public spaces (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Chinese University of Hong Kong. Xinhua News Agency. (2019, July 16). Beijing is hosting the 6th square dance competition championship, the competition has attracted more young participants in recent years. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-07/16/content_5410325. htm. Yu, L. (2017). What is community dance? A Chinese perspective (Unpublished Master’s thesis in Dance Studies). University of Auckland. Zhang, M., & Wen, R. (2016). Introduction to the present situation and development of western Hubei area community dance of Tujia people. Dance, 6, 66–69. Zhou, L. (2014). Music is not our enemy, but noise should be regulated: Thoughts on shooting/conflicts related to dama square dance in China. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 85(3), 279–281.

CHAPTER 2

Urbanization, an Ageing Population, and Reform and Opening-up: The Socio-Political Context for Guangchang Wu

Abstract This chapter takes a brief yet deep dive into China, and particularly the nuances of contemporary China that appear to have shaped the directions of guangchang wu. A summative history identifying key moments in shifting and challenging guangchang wu are explored. Many of these dramatic shifts observed within China have been as a result of strategic and considered policy from the Chinese government, primarily the Reform and Opening-up Policy, which was delivered in 1978, and shifted China into what is understood today as the reform-era. The urbanization and ageing population that play a role in guangchang wu’s power are drawn out as particular ramifications of Chinese policy. It can be understood that in light of historical decisions in China, there is now a making and re-making of public space that sometimes challenges conventional rules and regulations. The reimagination of public space in China over recent years sometimes includes guangchang wu as part of it, however, guangchang wu is also sometimes at odds with these new structures of Chinese cities and the expectations of a wider Chinese population. Keywords Policy · Reform and Opening-up · Urbanization

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_2

11

12

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

As we write this chapter, the world is dealing with the outbreak of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), which was first reported in Wuhan, China, on 31 December 2019 (World Health Organization, 2020). With China as the initial epicentre of this outbreak, it has also spread to at least 215 other countries. As of Monday 27 July 2020, a total of over 16 million infections have been recorded globally, and the number of deaths from the disease sat at over 600,000 worldwide (World Health Organization, 2020). It is highly likely that by the time this book is published this number will be far greater, and we will have new understandings of how this virus has affected the world. As the human cost of the coronavirus outbreak is climbing across the world, the economic and social costs are mounting. Travel has been severely restricted globally, countries have declared states of emergency and have been or are in lockdown, with schools, universities, factories, and businesses being closed for varying amounts of time. While there are many unknowns about the COVID19 situation, what we do know is that the world post-COVID-19 will not be the same as it was before. Within these turbulent times of COVID-19, there was a news article that caught our attention in the early days of the outbreak. The staterun People’s Daily news outlet published a video that had been widely circulated on social media showing a group of mask-wearing patients at an unidentified makeshift hospital in Wuhan dancing guangchang wu. The patients danced between hospital beds, led by medical staff in full protective suits, gloves, and masks. Wuhan’s dancing COVID-19 patients captured worldwide attention, with many commenting how this provided a moment of light relief among what is otherwise an extremely worrying time for the world. Chinese state media highlighted how the clip was an example of how people are trying to stay positive during such a challenging situation (CCTV News, 2020). To backtrack a little from how guangchang wu ended up being the ‘light relief’ within one of the most serious pandemics the world has witnessed in decades, we look to offer insight to the socio-political environment and context of the local community where guangchang wu is practiced. This means taking a brief yet deep dive into China, and in particular the nuances of contemporary China that appear to have shaped the directions of guangchang wu.

2

URBANIZATION, AN AGEING POPULATION …

13

It has been acknowledged that China is a maze of intricacies, complexities, and contradictions (Rosenbaum & Lee, 2019), and the economic and population power that China wields is something that the world has become acutely aware of over recent years (Harris, 2014). It can be said that the economic growth China has had over the past four decades has challenged Chinese society in a number of ways and has radically changed life in China. Many of these dramatic shifts within China have been as a result of strategic and considered policy from the Chinese government, primarily the Reform and Opening-up Policy, which was delivered in 1978, and shifted China into what is understood today as the Reform-Era. The Reform-Era sought for ‘dialogue with modern Western culture […] and an awakening of a “humanist” consciousness with its inherent element of cultural reflection and critique’ (Li, 1993, p. 8). Broadly, the Reform-Era is a term that is used to describe China after 1978 (Cai, 2018; Hofman, 2018; Tisdell, 2008; Zhou, 2019). The Reform-Era can also be identified as the post-Mao Era (Wilcox, 2011), where there was a clear shift of leadership and consolidation of power after the death of Mao Zedong (毛泽东) in 1976. The Chinese government has undergone several changes of administrations since 1978, including the ruling under Deng Xiaoping (邓小平), the major figure and chief architect of China’s economic reforms (Cai, 2018; Tisdell, 2008). The leadership of Jiang Zemin (江泽民) and Zhu Rongji (朱镕基), the administration of Hu Jintao (胡锦涛) and Wen Jiabao (温家宝), and the current administration of Xi Jinping (习近平) and Li Keqiao (李克强), who initiated the development strategy of One Belt, One Road, which is considered as ‘part of new round of China’s opening up’ (Li, 2015, p. 2). The ReformEra set the tone for change in contemporary China, with the ultimate goals of the Reform being to open up to the world, improve standards of living, and push forward reform socially and economically with specific policies (Deng, 1979; Hu, 2007, 2012; Xi, 2017, 2018). These goals set the scene for a new climate for life in China where people had new needs and wants. Coupled the Reform and Opening-up Policy that changed how China operated socially and economically, has been the rural to urban shift that occurred as a result of such policy. This policy has played a significant role in morphing the dynamics of Chinese society (Guthrie, 2012; Wong & Bo, 2010). For the past four decades urbanization in China has been motivated by the demands set into motion by the Reform and Opening-up Policy. This has resulted in approximately 500 million people

14

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

moving from rural locations to Chinese cities over the past 40 years (Su, Tesfazion, & Zhao, 2018). Today, more than half of the population of China live in a city, and with this population shift there have been challenges around how to manage the changes of where and how people live. The bulging urban population means that public space and community interaction in China has been reimagined from what it was prior to 1978. People now live in smaller houses and high-rise apartment blocks have become the norm; with smaller towns and villages emptying and megacities have boomed. Social activities and community engagement no longer take place in the same ways they did in rural contexts or in the cities of the past. Locations for social activities have shifted to parks and plazas, underneath freeways, or in front of apartment buildings, office blocks, and shopping malls. Gradually, over time, China’s urban landscapes have become more densely packed with people, and people are finding diverse ways to connect with their cities. Looking at Beijing (北京) as an example, people find all facets of the city to engage with. With a population that is approximately 21 million people (Beijing Municipal Bureau of Statistics, 2020), Beijing can look and feel very much like New York or London in many ways, however, the city has emerged at a rapid pace from a historic Chinese city. The narrow alleyways and hutongs are vanishing, concrete takes over, the city densifies, and large green parks now become one of the few open public spaces and locations for leisure activities. It can be understood that there is now a making and re-making of public space in China that sometimes challenges the conventional rules and regulations. The reimagination of public space in China over recent years sometimes includes guangchang wu as part of it, however, guangchang wu is also sometimes at odds with these new structures of Chinese cities. For example, loudspeaker systems in front of apartment buildings where guangchang wu is practiced have been the source of many complaints, heated debates within the media, and tensions over if this is something that ‘should’ happen. What could be suggested is that guangchang wu and other activities occurring within public spaces of China are looking for alternative spaces in response to the opportunities, constraints, and transformation of contemporary Chinese society. While there is an element of guangchang wu that could be seen to engage with an insurgency of public space in some ways, in its ‘take over’ of public arenas (Huang & Li, 2019; Piao, 2019), it has perhaps moved beyond this to become an activity that is not seen as especially ‘rebellious’,

2

URBANIZATION, AN AGEING POPULATION …

15

‘fringe’, or ‘marginalised’, rather, it is a practice that has been legitimized, endorsed, supported, and often given ‘space’ within the Chinese social and political system. The physical space in which guangchang wu takes place in could be likened to what Karen A. Franck and Quentin Stevens (2007) call ‘loose space’—meaning space that emerges when residents liberate designed public spaces such as parks, plazas, and parking lots from the limits of the original, intended purposes, transforming them in new ways to function to serve their needs. Similarly, Leanne G. Rivlin (2007) explains the qualities of these loose spaces, or what have also been termed ‘found spaces’ or ‘designed’ spaces, stating that: [Found spaces] constitute a large portion of the outdoor urban places used by children and adults… [they] are “found” in the sense that users locate and appropriate them for uses that they serve effectively but which they were not originally designed to serve […] Found spaces offer alternative places for public life since their uses spring from a complex matrix of needs brought to them by users… these activities do not differ dramatically from those occurring in spaces designed for leisure activities, but they do differ in their origins, their diversity and often in the physical qualities of their sites. (p. 39)

With new spaces emerging across China and becoming central sites for guangchang wu, it is perhaps inevitable that questions emerge around who is engaging in these dance practices in public spaces, and why. It is clear that an older population are keen active participants in guangchang wu and their involvement reflects wider discussions around the ageing population of China, and how to manage this within contemporary times. With the shifts in economic power and urbanization in light of the Reform and Opening-up Policy, China’s ageing population is influencing the way Chinese cities and policies are being managed (Chen & Powell, 2012). The ageing population in China perhaps also has contributed to the rapid rise of guangchang wu’s popularity as a practice across the country (further explored in Chapter 3). The current population in China over the age of 60 is approximately 250 million people, and China’s National Community on Ageing has estimated that by 2050, those aged over 60 could reach 487 million, which is about one third of China’s population (China National Committee on Ageing, 2020).

16

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

The ageing population that China has is partly due to the legacy of the one-child policy, which could be viewed as history’s biggest socialengineering experiment (Feng, Gu, & Cai, 2016). Introduced in 1979 to artificially slow population growth, the ramifications of the one-child policy means that despite this policy now being repealed (with a two-child policy coming into place in 2015), young people in China are now faced with caring for parents and grandparents, most often with no siblings to share the burden. It could be viewed that for some time the country was under-prepared for the societal changes this elderly population brings, and many senior citizens in China reach retirement age without having obtained the necessary capital to fund their pensions, health care, and lifestyle (Zhang & Goza, 2006). The cost of elderly care is often placed on families, shunting responsibility to the next generation. As a way to engage with and care for an older generation, the Chinese government has sought to engage activities such as guangchang wu as a way to give older people the possibility to sustain a healthy lifestyle through physical activity and social interaction (Zhou, 2015). Particular government policies have had a unique impact on the practice of guanchang wu, and have contributed to shape the development of guangchang wu in China. It could be seen that the boom of guangchang wu over recent years is closely tied with China’s release of the National Fitness Programme and Healthy China 2030 Blueprint (The State Council, 25 October 2016), which was part of a larger health and wellbeing plan brought into place in China after the 2008 Olympic Games. Significant announcements released by the State Council and General Administration of Sports of China (see: National Fitness Policy, 2009, 2011–2015, 2016–2020) also highlight the activity of guangchang wu. Notably, the Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing (2015) expresses that there is focus from the PRC to engage with guanchang wu in ways that, activate grassroots cultural life, improve citizens’ physical and moral qualities, and promote harmony and stability in grassroot society, aiming to cultivate square dance teams that are deeply rooted in neighbourhood community, striving to establish square dance activities with characteristic brand effect that is orientated and exemplary, in order to realize the implementation of healthy, civilized, and organized square dance activities in urban and rural areas. (p. 1)

2

URBANIZATION, AN AGEING POPULATION …

17

The document goes on to state that through square dance there is a desire to ‘adhere to the combination of active guidance and respect for the wishes of the masses. Adhere to the promotion of socialist core values, increase guidance and support for square dance, and effectively strengthen the construction of grassroots cultural construction’ (p. 1). Through such policies it could be seen that the Chinese government has been exploring how guangchang wu might play a part in the governing strategies towards China’s ageing population and increasing urbanism. However, it can be acknowledged that the history and content of guangchang wu is more complex than a contemporary practice flourishing post-1978. Rather, the roots of guangchang wu can be traced back to Maoist ideology (to be discussed further in Chapter 3), and while the governmental agenda is shifting and younger dancers are participating in guangchang wu, the connection between past ideologies and present practices has become woven together forming a new or what could be described as hybrid spaces for guangchang wu to occur (see further discussion in Chapters 3, 4, and 9). Through a brief summary of the socio-political environment of the local community in which guangchang wu takes place it can be observed that the rapid changes in Chinese society have created particular challenges and spaces for guangchang wu. While the Reform and Opening-up Policy has been a key driver in the developments seen in China over the past decade, this has resulted in a population shift from rural to urban contexts and changing dynamics within society and communities. Coupled with this is the ageing population in China, and the context for guangchang wu is one of change and rapid development. This has led to guanchang wu becoming one of the most popular activities in China—to the point where, as noted at the opening of this chapter, it is danced in hospitals during a global pandemic. Having outlined the broader context in which guangchang wu is taking place, the following chapter explores how the dance practice itself has unfolded.

References Beijing Municipal Bureau of Statistics. (2020, March 7). Survey office of the National Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved from http://tjj.beijing.gov.cn/Eng lish/.

18

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Cai, F. (2018). Perceiving truth and ceasing doubts: What can we learn from 40 years of China’s reform and opening up? China & World Economy, 26(2), 1–22. CCTV News. (2020, February 10). The lively Fangcang hospital! Chinese netizen: This is my favorite guangchang wu. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/KEZA0T Y1ws6jr8Sw064bRg. Chen, S., & Powell, J. L. (2012). Aging in China: Implications to social policy of a changing economic state (Vol. 2). Springer Science & Business Media. China National Committee on Aging. (2020, January 17). Population of Mainland China exceeds 1.4 Billion. http://www.cncaprc.gov.cn/llxw/190829. jhtml. Deng, X. P. (1979). The selected works of Deng Xiaoping. Foreign Languages Press. Feng, W., Gu, B., & Cai, Y. (2016). The end of China’s one-child policy. Studies in Family Planning, 47 (1), 83–86. Franck, K. A., & Stevens, Q. (2007). Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban life. Routledge. General Administration of Sport of China. (2015, August 26). Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing. General Administration of Sport of China, Ministry of Civil Affairs, and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development. http://zwgk.mct.gov.cn/auto255/201509/ t20150907_474823.html. Guthrie, D. (2012). China and globalization: The social, economic, and political transformation of Chinese society. Routledge. Harris, P. (2014). China at the crossroads: What the third plenum means for China. New Zealand and the world: Victoria University Press. Hofman, B. (2018, January). Reflections on forty years of China’s reforms: Speech at the Fudan University’s Fanhai School of International Finance. http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/934911517472447837/Reflec tions-on-40-years-of-reforms-final.pdf. Hu, J. T. (2007, October 15). Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 17th Party Congress. People’s Daily Online. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/ 90776/90785/6290120.html. Hu, J. T. (2012, November 17). Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 18th Party Congress. China Daily Online. http://language.chinadaily.com.cn/19thcp cnationalcongress/2017-10/16/content_32684880.htm. Huang, J., & Li, Q. (2019). The interaction, integration and synthesis of square dance and traditional dance in the process of urbanization. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 5, 35–43. Li, M. (2015). China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative: New Round of Opening up? (RSIS Commentaries, No. 050). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University.

2

URBANIZATION, AN AGEING POPULATION …

19

Li, X. T. (1993). Major trends in the development of contemporary Chinese art. In Valerie C. Doran (Ed.), China new art, post-1989 (pp. X–XXII). Hanart TZ Gallery. Piao, Y. (2019). Space of square dance in perspective of scene. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 5, 12–16. Rivlin, L. G. (2007). Found spaces: Freedom of choice in public life. In K. A. Franck & Q. Stevens (Eds.), Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban life (pp. 38–53). Routledge. Rosenbaum, A., & Lee, C. J. (2019). State and society in China: The consequences of reform. Routledge. Su, Y., Tesfazion, P., & Zhao, Z. (2018). Where are the migrants from? Inter-vs. intra-provincial rural-urban migration in China. China Economic Review, 47, 142–155. The State Council. (2009, August 3). National fitness policy (2009). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www.gov. cn/zhengce/content/2009-09/04/content_6430.htm. The State Council. (2011, February 15). National fitness policy (2011–2015). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2011-02/24/content_6411.htm. The State Council. (2016, June 15). National fitness policy (2016–2020). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www. gov.cn/zhengce/content/2016-06/23/content_5084564.htm. Tisdell, C. A. (2008). Thirty years of economic reform and openness in China: Retrospect and prospect. In Economic theory, applications and issues, working paper 51 (pp. 1–25). University of Queensland. Wilcox, E. E. (2011). The dialectics of virtuosity: Dance in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–2009 (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). UC Berkeley. Wong, J. & Bo, Z. (2010). China’s reform in global perspective (Vol. 24). World Scientific Publishing. World Health Organization. (2020, June 24). Coronavirus disease (COVID19) pandemic. Retrieved June 24, 2020 from https://www.who.int/emerge ncies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019. Xi, J. P. (2017, October 18). Full text of Xi Jinping’s report at 19th Party Congress. China Daily. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/interface/flipboard/ 1142846/2017-11-06/cd_34188086.html. Xi, J. P. (2018, December 18). Xi Jinping’s speech on 40th anniversary of China’s Reforms, Opening up full text. Transcendence Media Service. https://www. transcend.org/tms/2018/12/xi-jinpings-speech-on-40th-anniversary-of-chi nas-reforms-opening-up-full-text/. Zhang, Y., & Goza, F. W. (2006). Who will care for the elderly in China? A review of the problems caused by China’s one-child policy and their potential solutions. Journal of Aging Studies, 20(2), 151–164.

20

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Zhou, L. (2015). On reinforcing the basic means to dance teaching in the community of elderly people. Journal of Zunyi Normal College, 2(43), 155–162. Zhou, Y. F. (2019). Forty years’ Reform and Opening up: The development of innovation of socialism political economy with Chinese characteristics. Journal of Socialist Theory Guide, 1, 15–22.

CHAPTER 3

From Folk to on Mass Dance Practices: The Emergence of Guangchang Wu

Abstract The beginnings of guangchang wu are ambiguous, with no clear consensus found between either those who practice the form or those who research it. This chapter explores the emergence of guangchang wu, with narratives of those who have been part of this history being shared. We return to the dance practice of yangge, which is understood as a popular folk dance that originated sometime within the Song Dynasty (959–1278 CE), which was then banned during the Cultural Revolution due to its feudalist origins. During the Cultural Revolution collective exercise and group performance was embedded within everyday life in Mao-era China. This then set the scene for the resurgence of yangge and subsequently guangchang wu in the late 1980s, under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership. Mass public performance in China is discussed, and guangchang wu’s connection to the notion of transgression is made. Over time the transgressive nature of guangchang wu has perhaps dissipated somewhat, leading it to no longer be considered at the fringe of societal practices in China, but rather very much as the core. Instead of being seen as a rebellious activity, it is one that has been accepted and supported within the social and political systems. Keywords Cultural Revolution · Folk dance · Mass performance · Transgression

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_3

21

22

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

After 2000 I think China generally changed, the standard of living in my opinion increased, and with this people were looking for new things to fill their lives. I think this is the point where square dance became much more visible. Then, with the Olympics being in China in 2008, I think this really prompted people to become interested in square dance. This was all because of one performance which was in the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games. This performance in the opening ceremony was of hundreds of people dancing square dance – the people’s dance – and the people doing this were not professionals. I think firstly that this exposed people to the dance more, but then it also showed them that actually anyone can do it, they thought, “we can do this as well!”—Qin (秦), Beijing We used to all dance in a same location of the village as one big group. However, as more people joined in, a single place could not hold so many people. Gradually four square dance groups formed in Baima Village (白 马镇)—Zhang Fenglan (张风兰), Nanjing, Jiangsu Province (江苏省南京 市) I started to learn square dance in 2005, and at that time there was not that much square dance happening in Beijing. I started to notice square dance in Beijing in around 2002 or 2003, it was popping up in different areas of the city. But it took me a couple of years before I joined because I was busy with my work—Yuan Zhongshu (袁中蜀), Beijing

From the accounts shared above it can be seen that the beginnings of guangchang wu are ambiguous. There is no clear consensus of the beginnings of guangchang wu from those who practice the form or those who research it. In the fieldwork process for this book people would often share their thoughts of the history of guangchang wu. Diverse views emerged, with some explaining how they thought it has always been part of Chinese society, others would cite 2000 or 2008 as key years where they thought the practice started, or at least became more popular. What we quickly realized was that pinpointing the lineage of guangchang wu was highly complicated, and in itself perhaps warrants its own investigation and publication. What we decided very early on in the process of developing this book was that our intention was to not deliver an exhaustive and complete history of guangchang wu. However, for the purpose of this book, and to offer context for the discussions to follow, this chapter delivers a small overview of the history of guangchang wu that we have

3

FROM FOLK TO ON MASS …

23

pieced together. We do not claim that the small history we offer in this chapter is at all complete, nor do we see that it can capture the richness of guangchang wu practices and how this has evolved over time. From various sources (see for example: Chao, 2017; Wilcox, 2011, 2018), it can be gathered that guangchang wu can be linked to yangge ( 秧歌), a dance practice that has a long history in China. Yangge is understood as a popular folk dance that originated sometime within the Song Dynasty (宋朝) (959 A.D.–1278 A.D.), and it tends to be referenced as the very early predecessor to guangchang wu and other contemporary forms of collective dance performed in public in China (Chao, 2017). With yangge lliterally meaning ‘rice sprout song’ (Hung, 2005, p. 82), it was historically performed in villages, often by women in the northern regions of China during festivities to eradicate evil spirits and to encourage a bountiful harvest ahead. Given that yangge sustained itself as a culture practice in various forms over centuries, the Communist Party of China incorporated it into their campaigns during the Yan’an years (延安时期)1 to mobilize arts and culture for the masses (Gerdes, 2008; Hung, 2005). When the People’s Republic of China was formally established in 1949, yangge became an ‘official celebratory art’ (Hung, 2005, p. 84). Yangge was danced until the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s, when the dance, along with many other forms of art and expression, was banned due to its feudalist origins (Dikötter, 2016; Gerdes, 2008). In the place of yangge emerged zhongzi wu (忠字舞, and translated in English as loyalty dance), a public dance practiced glorifying Mao and the ideologies of the PRC (Lu, 2004). Within zhongzi wu signature movements can be observed such as a tightly held fist with the arm extended, or where both arms are raised above the head with the fingertips and palm face the sky to indicate an embrace of the ‘red sun’ (Lu, 2004). Zhongzi wu was popular in schools, places of work, and within public spaces during the Cultural Revolution, allowing it to become embedded in everyday life. At the same time, collective exercise more broadly became an activity that was part of daily routines in Mao-era China (Xiong, 2019). Alongside zhongzi wu, workers and students would also regularly participate in collective calisthenics set to

1 The Yan’an Rectification Movement is also known as Zhengfeng (整风) or Cheng Feng, was the first ideological movement initiated by the Communist Party of China (CPC), going from 1942 to 1944.

24

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

music broadcast over loudspeakers. This created another platform for large on mass movement to take place (Bjorklund, 1986; Zhou, 2014). As the Chinese government’s hold over cultural and leisure practices started to relax in the early Reform years, the collective practice of on mass exercise became less popular and new interests and activities emerged as a result of China opening up to the world. By the late 1980s, under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership, yangge began to regain popularity. For an ageing Chinese population who had experienced the Cultural Revolution during their teenage years, there was a desire for new activities in their leisure time under a more relaxed state (Chen, 2003; Farquhar & Zhang, 2005; Gerdes, 2008; Graezer, 2004). The appeal of guangchang wu for this particular group in Chinese society performed dual functions; it reminded them of a time when they were young, while also offering a social, lowimpact aerobic routines that they already knew well. According to Chiayi Seetoo and Haoping Zou (2016) the ‘term “guangchang wu” can be traced back to 1999’ (p. 26) when the publication Ningxia Pictorial published an article titled, Highlights: Large-Scale Public Square Dancing (jujiao: daxing guangchang wu 聚焦: 大型广场舞). Along with dance and physical activities such as yangge and zhongzi wu, the on mass public performance tradition in China also set the scene for the development of guangchang wu in China. Community celebrations (shehuo 社火) have been part of China’s history, and were popular in village settings where parades were held at the beginning of the lunar year, when villages sought to pay tribute to local deities with the hope of receiving prosperous crops in the coming year (Hung, 2007). However, since the formation of the PRC, these community celebrations have shifted and the visibility of on mass public performance as part of events such as military parades and national celebrations have emerged with strength. It has to be acknowledged that China is not alone in displays of state power through political parades, rallies, and celebrations involving public participation. Such practices have been used around the world in different cultural contexts and are viewed to be central to many political agendas, offering ritualism and symbolism (Hung, 2007). China’s practices of on mass performance as part of political discourse have been delivered in various formats over many years, with the common aims of perpetuating a legitimation of the CPC’s authority (Hwang & Schneider, 2011). The hangover from Maoist times is visible in guangchang wu in its alignment with China’s mass age (Shin, 2012). The mass age, as explained

3

FROM FOLK TO ON MASS …

25

by Hyun Bang Shin (2012), can be witnessed in spectacles such as the 2008 Summer Olympic Games held in Beijing and Expo 2010 held in Shanghai (上海), where thousands of people performed as part of carefully orchestrated events that aimed to raise China’s global profile. Some might see these on mass displays of public performance as a case of mobilizing state resources to promote propagandistic aims, while others might see such on mass performances as a way of fostering a sense of solidarity and significance within a community. Regardless of the standpoint taken, the link between guangchang wu and on mass performance is something worthy of further inquiry, and perhaps offers insight to the cultural, social, political, and economic roots of mass performance behaviours in China (Liu, 2015). One of the recent, and arguably one of the clearest, examples of on mass public performances presented within contemporary China was the PRC’s 70th Anniversary celebrations held on the National Day of China on 1 October 2019. The scale of the celebration is viewed to be unprecedented, with the two days of events beginning on September 30, 2019. In contrast to many anniversary celebrations in the decades prior which focused on showcasing celebrities and the elite Chinese performance groups, this 70th Anniversary event focused on involving thousands of Chinese citizens—such as workers, farmers, teachers, students, and local residents—who were chosen to take part in the gala across ten stages that were set up along Chang’an Avenue (长安街) in Beijing. The groups of performers sang and danced to patriotic songs such as, My Motherland and I (我和我的祖国) and Ode to the Motherland (歌唱祖国), as fireworks over the square formed the number ‘70’ and spelled out phrases such as ‘Long live the people’. With on mass performances such as those illustrated within the 70th Anniversary celebrations, it could be said that guangchang wu has been inevitably impacted by such governmental agenda and political landscape, thus grown to become part of China’s on mass performance practice (Fig. 3.1). In relation to the development of guangchang wu, it is clear that the impact of the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing has also left a deep impression on those involved in guangchang wu, with many citing it as a key turning point in establishing the practice within Chinese society. The following narratives reveal this in more detail: So, in 2008 I came back to Beijing. It was just after the Olympic games in Beijing, and I found that things changed dramatically. More and more

26

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Fig. 3.1 Dancers performing a Tibetan dance at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing

people were drawn to do dance as adults. More teachers started teaching adults, and people wanted more of this. It took off. What I noticed was that 2008 was a bit of a turning point. Before 2008, adults dancing in squares or in studios was something that was not especially popular. But after 2008 I have seen it develop very fast. So, I think because I started doing this quite early, I have been lucky to see the dance grow—Qin, Beijing Back in 2008 there were not too many square dance groups. There were a number of elderly people dancing in the square in urban areas, but only a small portion of people were seen dancing in rural areas a decade ago. Me and my friends, we are the first team who started dancing in Baima Village—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province In about 2008 or 2009 dance videos started coming out online. I remember this because it was around the time of the Olympics, and I had just started watching things online. Up until this point I was not interested in square dance, and to be honest, I did not think it was popular. But after

3

FROM FOLK TO ON MASS …

27

seeing the performances at the Olympics, I took some notice and then I started watching videos of different dances online. I noticed that many of these dances online were not so simple, they were not like the dances I had seen old people do in the park. I would watch these dances and dream of being able to dance in such a way. I would practice at home and that was how I got my confidence up to take classes with a teacher—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing

The 2008 Summer Olympic Games tend to be viewed by many guangchang wu practitioners as a moment of national pride. The Olympics allowed China the opportunity to showcase its rapid economic development to the world. The Olympic slogan, ‘One world, one dream’, was visible throughout Beijing in 2008, and it quickly became apparent that there was a desire for China to illustrate its contemporary power through this global event. Events such as the Olympics Games are viewed as expressions of current popular culture (Qing, 2012), and China’s agenda at the 2008 Games was no different. The performances shared in the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games were viewed by millions. The Olympic Games performance was an opportunity to deliver Chinese cultural values based on Confucianism, and specifically the central Confucian value of harmony. At the opening ceremony of the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, thousands of performers filled the Beijing National Stadium, otherwise known as the Bird’s Nest (鸟巢). Throughout the opening ceremony on mass performance played a central role. In a section titled ‘Brilliant civilization’ there was a performance fusing Chinese ink and wash paintings with dance. Then in a section called ‘Gloria era’ a thousand performers formed the shape of the Bird’s Nest stadium, and 2008 Tai Chi masters fluidly moved to collectively form geometric shapes. The on mass performances shown in the opening ceremony of the 2008 Olympic Games provided a revival of group performance for the people, while also emphasizing the political and cultural value of such practices in China. With the 2008 Olympics as a landmark moment, and the Chinese government’s introduction of a nationwide fitness programme ahead of the 2008 Olympic Games, a clear engagement with guangchang wu began to develop across China. The numbers of those participating in guangchang wu increased, urban spaces began to fill with dance groups, and guangchang wu’s visibility within cities and the media grew exponentially. The following narrative describing

28

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

the development of guangchang wu in Zhengzhou (郑州) offers an illustration of how the practice itself can evolve and grow within a city: Square dance in Zhengzhou was formed autonomously. Square dance started in urban areas of the city, in residential communities. Public places like parks and streets in the city are all good for square dance, basically any empty space is good to dance in. Once the problem of finding space is solved, then people who like dance are attracted. The leading dancers in a group are usually the ones who have learned dance before, but anyone who is interested in dancing can join in. About five years ago, it was simply this, dancing in a park in a team, and it was all very relaxed. People could join in at any time if they felt interested, and people would convene after they ate dinner. The duration of a dance session would be an hour and a half or two hours, from 7:00 pm to almost 9:00 pm throughout all four seasons. At first, people who danced in squares were introduced by word of mouth by friends and relatives. Square dance in this sense means that it is open to everyone, and as long as the space is large enough, anyone can dance behind the leading dancers. This approach towards learning square dance in different places in Henan Province had lasted about two or three years. Then there was a shift. The Cultural Center of Zhengzhou noticed that the development of square dance was slow. For the last two or three years the government has special funds for people’s wellbeing. This money was specifically for the development of square dance in the city. Since this funding, some teams have improved dramatically. The level of skill has increased, and the funding has paid for teams to hire professional dance teachers. Gradually, more square dance teams emerged, and these teams were more professional in both how they function and the level of their dancing. In Zhengzhou I would say there are hundreds of square dance teams. The Cultural Center screens the teams, and they select the top 12 teams that they think represent the best quality of square dance performance among the hundreds of teams. For these teams, they hire professional dance teachers, and teach these dance teams with regular schedule each week. Consequently, these selected dance teams improve quickly in relation to technique and professionalism. These selected teams usually have two to three classes each week, then four to five rehearsal per week. Their

3

FROM FOLK TO ON MASS …

29

schedules are fixed, and everyone needs to show up on time for every class or rehearsal. For these selected square dance teams, the classes they attend are highly disciplined. These dance teams are much better than ordinary dance teams in the square simply because they have professional training—Duan Jinping (段金萍), Zhengzhou, Henan Province (河南省郑 州市)

In light of such description of the development of guangchang wu, it could appear that the dance practice has been readily embraced, and warmly welcomed into the cultural landscape of China. However, within public and scholarly discourse it is noted that guangchang wu has not always been a practice that has been eagerly accepted by all. Literature notes that discussions surrounding guanchang wu have been ‘largely negative and derogatory, casting the practice and its mostly women practitioners as fundamentally anachronistic and disrespectful of emerging normative ways of behaving and acting in the spaces of contemporary China’ (Chao, 2017, p. 4501). Most often these tensions are situated around dancers using public spaces in front of apartment buildings and shopping malls, or playing music to accompany the dancing that is viewed to be disruptive leading to ‘frequent complaints from workers whose sleep is disturbed by the pensioners and their ghetto blasters’ (Financial Times, 2015, p. 2). This has led to guangchang wu being a point of social conflict, with news articles reporting how this has, at times, become violent (Xiao & Hilton, 2019; Zhou, 2014). At the same time there have been comments made by the younger generation in China that those dancing guangchang wu receive additional attention within the media and special support from the government (Song, 2015). In light of such tensions the practice of guangchang wu could be connected with the notion of transgression, as explained by Michel Foucault (1977). The Foucauldian term of transgression is viewed as a way that an individual or group might express or act which subverts historical and dedicated discourses. Foucault (1977) explains that transgressions emerge through biopower, with transgressive actions often operating out of desire, and made in resistance to constraining limits. With this view in mind, we could see that guangchang wu has had, and possibly still has, transgressive moments—being transgressive in the way the practice takes up public space and seeks visibility, and transgressive in the way that the dance practice depicts a visible and public dancing body

30

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

that tends to be counter to the elite, professional, and young dancing image often portrayed within Chinese society (Feng, 2002; Wang, 1985). Through small transgressive actions—such as dancing in a location where dancing is not necessarily expected, playing music that might not please everyone, and displaying a dancing body that is viewed to be older or more ‘amateur’ than what is expected—individuals may challenge the biopower around them. Foucault (1977) would not see such acts of transgression as actions that would enable permanent change in society, but as ones that might help individuals find moments of freedom and otherness, moments away from constraining social dictates, and for moments of difference to be presented. Over time the transgressive nature of guangchang wu has perhaps dissipated somewhat, leading it to no longer be considered at the fringe of societal practices in China, but rather as a core social practice. Instead of being seen as a rebellious activity, it is an activity that has become accepted and supported within the social and political systems. The image of the guangchang wu dancer is now highly visible within Chinese public spaces, and while there may be tensions between the ‘amateur’ and ‘professional’ expectations, practices, and ideals, the older dancing body has arguably become common place within views of dance in a Chinese context. Further chapters will explore these shifts, tensions, and transgressions in more detail, and offer insight of how the embodied, temporalized place making that guangchang wu offers can carve space for its practitioners to have moments of freedom that are no longer necessarily seen as transgressive. From this historical sketch it seems that guangchang wu has evolved to become a platform for dancers to actively wielded their power as practitioners and to embed dance into context of their everyday lives and the cityscapes of contemporary China.

References Bjorklund, E. M. (1986). The danwei: Socio-spatial characteristics of work units in China’s urban society. Economic Geography, 62(1), 19–29. Chao, M. (2017). Reading movement in the everyday: The rise of guangchangwu in a Chinese village. International Journal of Communication, 11, 499–522. Chen, N. N. (2003). Breathing spaces: Qigong, psychiatry, and healing in China. Columbia University Press. Dikötter, F. (2016). The Cultural Revolution: A people’s history, 1962—1976. Bloomsbury.

3

FROM FOLK TO ON MASS …

31

Farquhar, J., & Zhang, Q. C. (2005). Biopolitical Beijing: Pleasure, sovereignty, and self-cultivation in China’s capital. Cultural Anthropology, 20(3), 303–327. Feng, S. B. (2002). A history of Chinese dance: 1949–2000. Hunan Arts Publishing House. Financial Times. (2015, March 24). China tells elderly to dance to its tune. https://www.ft.com/content/9308652e-d1f0-11e4-b66d-00144feab7de. Foucault, M. (1977). Language, counter-memory and practice: Selected essays and interviews by Michel Foucault, part 1. Cornell University Press. Gerdes, E. V. P. (2008). Contemporary yangge: The moving history of a Chinese folk dance form. Asian Theatre Journal, 25(1), 138–147. Graezer, F. (2004). Breathing new life into Beijing culture: New “traditional” public spaces and the Chaoyang neighborhood yangge associations. In S. Feuchtwang (Ed.), Making place: State projects, globalisation and local responses in China (pp. 61–78). UCL Press. Hung, C. (2005). The dance of revolution: Yangge in Beijing in the early 1950s. China Quarterly, 181, 82–99. Hung, C. T. (2007). Mao’s parades: State spectacles in China in the 1950s. The China Quarterly, 190, 411–431. Hwang, Y. J., & Schneider, F. (2011). Performance, meaning, and ideology in the making of legitimacy: The celebrations of the People’s Republic of China’s sixty-year anniversary. China Review, 11, 27–55. Liu, G. R. (2015). Analysis on the role of cultural centres in developing masses culture. Modern Communication, 10, 68. Lu, X. (2004). Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The impact on Chinese thought, culture, and communication. University of South Carolina Press. Qing, L. (2012). Encoding Olympics—Visual hegemony? Discussion and interpretation on intercultural communication in the Beijing Olympic games. In L. Qing & G. Richeri (Eds.), Encoding the Olympics: The Beijing Olympic Games and the communication impact worldwide (pp. 420–468). Routledge. Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/the Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Shin, H. B. (2012). Unequal cities of spectacle and mega-events in China. City, 16(6), 728–744. Song, Y. (2015). Chinese square dance, media, and ideological dynamics in contemporary China (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Simon Fraser University. Wang, K. F. (1985). The history of Chinese dance. Foreign Languages Press. Wilcox, E. (2018). Revolutionary bodies: Chinese dance and the socialist legacy. University of California Press. Wilcox, E. E. (2011). The dialectics of virtuosity: Dance in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–2009 (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). UC Berkeley.

32

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Xiao, J., & Hilton, A. (2019). An investigation of soundscape factors influencing perceptions of square dancing in urban streets: A case study in a county level city in China. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(5), 840. Xiong, H. (2019). The construction of women’s social spaces through physical exercise in urban China. Sport in Society, 22(8), 1415–1432. Zhou, L. (2014). Music is not our enemy, but noise should be regulated: Thoughts on shooting/conflicts related to dama square dance in China. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 85(3), 279–281.

CHAPTER 4

Step, Hop, Shuffle: Artistic Practices of Guangchang Wu

Abstract The artistic practices attributed to making up guangchang wu across China today span a range of styles, approaches, and creative processes, with ideas of accessibility, movements, choreography, engagement in technology, and uniqueness shared from guangchang wu practitioners’ narratives. The diversity of the artistic ideas that make up guangchang wu today range from an informal guangchang wu group performing simple, repetitive, and almost pedestrian-like dance movements in a local park, to groups practicing salsa, hip hop, or balletic inspired dances with more intricate choreography, and then guangchang wu teams who practice in dance studios and perform on stages, delivering highly polished dance performances of Chinese folk dance or classical dance. Within this chapter we argue that guangchang wu is developing a ‘third space’ for dance in China, a space where new perspectives and practices have the potential to transpire. Keywords Artistic practices · Dance · Movement · Third space

If we are trying to define square dance and figure out what kinds of dance styles square dance represents, genres like folk dance, ballroom dance cannot be seen as the main styles. Square dance is simply square dance.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_4

33

34

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

There ipants dance group

is nothing quite like it. The leader and several other square particoften look for online videos first, then imitate and learn the whole combination before the time comes for teaching the square dance a new dance—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province

Most square dance groups are made up of grannies, women who are 60 to 70 years of age. Because the dancers are older, their movements are really simple. Their movement generally are small scale, like pat, shake and nod their heads—Long Chunmei (龙春梅), Xiangyang, Hubei Province (湖北 省襄阳市) The more dance I did, the more interested I got in teaching and also choregraphing square dance. I thought it would be fun to take videos of dances I made and to post them online. People seemed to like this, and they responded to what I was sharing. People in the square dance community got to know me a bit, and I started to get well known—Suo Jie (索洁), Beijing

The artistic practice of guangchang wu spans a range of styles, approaches, and creative processes. From the short narratives above it can be seen that ideas such as accessibility, movements, choreographic approaches, engagement in technology, and the uniqueness of the practice are shared. Literature notes that the umbrella term guangchang wu encompasses practices from ‘the aerobics-like steps of jianshencao, to the ballroomstyle dancing of jiaoyiwu, to the hyperenergetic jumps and turns involved in shiliubu’ (Chao, 2017, p. 4506), while others share how the dance is simply based on line dance (pai wu 排舞) (Song, 2015). However, it is likely that many who engage in guangchang wu would say that the artistic practice of the dance form is even more complex, layered, and diverse. The diversity of the artistic ideas that make up guangchang wu range from groups performing simple, repetitive, and almost pedestrian-like dance movements in a local park, to groups practicing salsa, hip hop, or balletic inspired dances with more intricate choreography, and dance teams who practice in dance studios and perform on stages, delivering highly polished dance performances of Chinese folk dance or classical dance. The narratives below, from guangchang wu dance practitioners suggest that the styles and genres that make up the dance form are varied, and the artistic ideals have much breadth: Personally, I like making dances to pop music. I like to take inspiration from hip hop and Zumba, and then I put a bit of a Chinese twist on it, like certain hand gestures or arm movements that I borrow from Chinese

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

35

folk dance. I want people to have fun doing my dances. I don’t need people to be dedicated to practice, or to be part of a big team, people could just do the dances I make in their homes and if it makes them happy then I have done my job—Suo Jie, Beijing The square in front of Fanyue Mall (泛悦商城) in Xiangcheng District (襄城区) of Xiangyang city is often full of different square dance teams. These teams fill the whole space when night comes. You can see grannies all wearing the same costumes and dancing with partners. The tempo of their dance is fast, and the quality of the movement is light. There are also dragon dance groups, and people who sit in circle play the tambourine to accompany dancing. The tambourine group has at least 20 people sitting in the circle, and when they dance the movement is smooth and amusing— Long Chunmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province I see that ballet has become an important part of our square dance training. In 2017, ballet classes were introduced at the beginning of the year—Duan Jinping, Henan Province

The diversity of the practices that make up guangchang wu are eclectic and vary between groups, districts, cities, and regions. Huang and Li (2019) explain that guangchang wu has drawn on what might be referred to as ‘traditional’ dance, which might be considered as folk dances from different regions in China. However, it also seems that popular and professional dance practices, ranging from hip hop to ballet, are also integrated into the dances performed. This eclectic mix offers guangchang wu a hybrid status where artistic practices are drawn together to deliver a hybridized dance form. The dance styles and artistic expectations of guangchang wu could be considered ‘cultural hybrids’ (Frühauf, 2009, p. 136). Alternatively, referring to the work of Homi Bhabha (1990) it could be viewed that guangchang wu emerges from a ‘third space’, a space where new perspectives and practices have the potential to transpire. Bhabha explains that ‘the process of cultural hybridity gives rise to something different, something new and unrecognizable, a new area of negotiation of meaning and representation’ (p. 211). Bhabha (1990) illuminates how this third space can further empower one’s hybridized reality, explaining this as ‘a form of liminal or in-between space, where the cutting edge of translation and negotiation occurs’ (p. 2). As the following narratives explain, there is a ‘newness’ desired within the practices created by some, and at the same time a reluctancy to label the dances being shared:

36

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Last Thursday we had an activity as part of an event called I love my country China. There were lots of performances for this, and our dance team provided a contemporary dance for the event which was called ‘Pursuing dreams’. When we were doing our rehearsal on the stage before the show the people running the event commented and said “wow, this is really wonderful, we have never seen dancing like this, and your group surprises us again!”. So, I felt very proud in that moment that we had been able to prepare something that was new, and not just a repetition of what others might have done. For me, being part of something that is always changing and evolving is exciting, and trying to find new ways of doing things is a good challenge—Xu Huidi (徐惠娣), Beijing There are so many square dance choreographers in China, and there are many different styles for people to choose from. To stand out you have to do something unique. For me it is bringing interesting elements together in the dance. Like a catchy pop tune, but more folk dance movements. Or thinking about how the arm movements might be more balletic, but the leg movements more grounded and like folk dance. But, I would not call my dances ballet or folk dance, it is its own form—Suo Jie, Beijing

The synthesis of various dance practices could lead to a third space (Bhabha, 1990) for dance teaching, learning, performing, and creating (Martin, 2012). This third space could be seen as a place for new perspectives and possibilities to evolve, and where a sense of bodylingualism might be developed (Desmond, 1993–1994). As guangchang wu develops, the hybridity might dissipate as the practice may become more ‘fixed’ in some ways, or, through hybridity entirely new practices might emerge. Through this hybridity the accessibility of certain steps and artistic ideals is a topic for consideration. Given that guangchang wu involves people coming from a range of backgrounds, while also being a practice popular with an older generation, how might accessibility be viewed as a wide range of practices, some of them physically demanding, are included within the dances being performed? Discussions of accessibility from guangchang wu practitioners below offer some insight to such a question: What I notice is that when people first start learning dance as older adults the movements need to be very simple for them. Just simple movements they can pick up quickly. If it is too hard, they will not come back after the first lesson. I think the important thing is that they feel like it is achievable

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

and like they can do it. Over time, they can pick up harder movements— Qin, Beijing Movements with hopping, sliding, and jumping we avoid doing because it can easily hurt our knees and ankles—Anonymous QW, Xinzheng, Henan Province (河南省新郑市) The Culture Center made the plan to form a ballet company of elderly people at the end of 2016. They made two ballet groups. One for professional company dancers, another for dance amateurs. To be able to join the professional ballet company, there was the requirement to be a certain height. For me and some of my dance friends, we were too short and did not meet the height requirement and had to enter the latter group – the ballet company for amateurs. The system was known as group A and group B. Group A was for the people in the ballet company, and group B was open to the dance amateurs. Even though I was in group B I still enjoyed it. Our teacher was a ballerina from Liaoning Ballet Ensemble. Her ballet classes, in my eyes, were very authentic and beginner friendly—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province I like it when the teacher gives you a feeling for the dance, like is it a happy dance or a serious dance? Should it be soft, or should it be firm movement? As an amateur, this helps me feel like I can really dance. I have had some experiences where the dances are much too hard for me, I am not a professional dancer so cannot perform the very complicated movements, and sometimes the professional teachers who teach us forget this—Xiao Guixia (肖桂霞), Beijing I think there is something also about my dances being simple, so people feel like they can achieve the movement. I think it gives them good confidence—Suo Jie, Beijing What I have noticed is that there are certain things I can add into my dances to help those who are a bit older to develop their physical wellbeing. For example, I try to put in lots of coordination challenges in my dances when we are warming up. I know that for those who might have some issues such as memory problems this is good for them. I also try to enhance their muscle strength. I don’t want them to just dance for four or five hours but with little muscular challenge. I would rather they dance for a shorter time, but with more of a challenge to strengthen and condition their bodies. I think maybe in the park the dances they do have less

37

38

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

focus on things like strength, compared to dance teams who practice in a studio—Qin, Beijing

The accessibility of guangchang wu varies from group to group, teacher to teacher, and dance to dance. Knowing that many guangchang wu dancers are older adults, it could be seen that some teachers adapt their practices to suit the needs of this group. The health and wellbeing benefits of guangchang wu have been noted within scholarship where it is explained that guangchang wu is an activity that can improve cognition, mood, balance, and quality of life (Wang et al., 2019). However, from observing the practices developing and through discussions with those involved with guangchang wu, it seems that in many instances the practices are becoming more physically demanding—for example, with the incorporation of ballet technique and movements requiring more physical endurance and strength. At the same time these artistic practices are becoming more formalized through curriculum developments, as Liu Wanwan, a guangchang wu teacher in Beijing explains: I now work for an organization that has developed a curriculum for preparing groups for the square dance competitions. This gives a structure for the teachers to follow. The curriculum has different dances and it is broken down in a way that allows the dancers to progress, step by step—Liu Wanwan, Beijing

On 23 March 2015, General Administration of Sport of China (GASC) announced that it had created twelve government-approved dance routines that will ‘help keep the dancing on the right track where they can be performed in a socially responsible way’ (Sun, 2015, ¶9). The set dances, accompanied by pop music such as viral hit Little apple (小 苹果), were introduced to municipalities across China, with instructors being trained to deliver the dances. The 12-state sanctioned guangchang wu routines it can be seen that dance genres such as folk dance, Latin dance, and aerobics have been fused together and set to favourite pop songs that sit in line with the core socialist values1 of China. Drills with 1 The 12 core socialist values written in 24 Chinese characters was proposed at the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 (Dai & Tian, 2007). The values are divided into three layers including the national values ‘prosperity’ (富 强), ‘democracy’ (民主), ‘civility’ (文明), ‘harmony’ (和谐), the social values of ‘freedom’ (自由), ‘equality’ (平等), ‘justice’ (公正), ‘the rule of law’ (法治), and the individual

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

39

titles such as China taste (中国味道), Proud builders (自豪的建设者), and Coolest ethnic trend (最炫民族风) feature characteristics of on mass fitness, coupled with the ideology of core socialist values. In response to the central government’s official choreography, provincial governments also introduced and created square dance routines. For example, Hunan Provincial Department of Culture and Tourism published 20 guangchang wu routines on 30 August 2016 to be shared within the province. The 20 dances were titled Everyone dance together original guangchang wu of core socialist values made by Hunan Province (20支“我们都来跳”社会主义核 心价值观原创广场舞) (Wen, 2017). To deliver these official guangchang wu set dances, GASC certified instructors teach the choreography. Additionally, to increase the reach of the state and provincial guangchang wu choreography, the central government and the provincial governments posted the dances online through popular video-sharing platforms such as Youku-Tudou and CultureTV. Alongside the dances created and shared by the official authorities in China, it appears that there is a growing trend for the public sector to cooperate with private sectors to further develop guangchang wu curriculum. An example of this practice is the National Square Dance Talents Training Programme (全国广场舞专业人才培训考 评), where a central government agency has outsourced the development and delivery of guangchang wu training to a private company. In such a relationship the private company is responsible for formulating, training, and certifying guangchang wu dancers, and after the training the dancers who attend the programme are issued with a certificate noting the level they completed (Sohu News, 2020). For a dance practice that is, at its most basic, a repeated sequences of steps, the intricacies and developments of the form have been dramatic. The developments of the movements have come with the evolving structure and curriculum for guangchang wu, which has led to the engagement in dance practices and desires that could be viewed as professional. Drawing on dance forms such as ballet to ‘enhance’ technique, or by inviting professional dance teachers and choreographers to deliver more challenging movements and choreographic ideas to groups, the following narratives speak to the professionalization occurring:

values ‘patriotism’ (爱国), ‘dedication’ (敬业), ‘integrity’ (诚信), and ‘friendship’ (友善). The building of a system of these core socialist values has been promoted across China in order to address what was perceived as a moral crisis resulting from China’s rapid economic development.

40

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

The Culture Center hired teachers who had graduated from dance departments at universities in China and employed elements of Chinese classical dance and shenyun (身韵) into the teaching. These professional teachers taught us very basic classical elements, such as lift and contract (提沉), move sideward (旁移), and lean forward and lean back (冲靠)—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province I see that square dance is becoming much more formal. There are many more professional teachers, and teams want teachers who have been trained at professional dance schools like Beijing Dance Academy (北京舞蹈学院). I see that because of this shift to more professional teaching, the movements and skills of the dancers has become more professional. Some of the square dancers who I know practice nearly every day for many hours, and they are in their 50s or 60s—Liu Wanwan (刘皖皖), Beijing When I started dancing, I wore sandals to dance in and it was not professional at all. Latin dance has a specific type of high-heel shoe. I’m going to buy a pair of leather high heels where the leather covers the instep of my foot. I will check which shoes the dancers are wearing because there are two different kinds of high heels to choose from. I was not aware of this difference last time, and I ended up with the wrong shoes. As you can see, there’s knowledge and details about Latin dance I need to learn, even the details of the shoes—Long Chunmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province The square dance competitions are a bit of a bridge to a more professional way of dancing. I see there are more requirements through preparing for a square dance competition rather than just dancing recreationally in the square. The competitions are quite diverse, there are different levels and different community groups. For most big square dance competitions, the judges who are invited are considered to be ‘high level’, so like from the National Sport Department, or people who are professional dancers and dance teachers. Some of the competition teams are very professional and perform very polished dances. At the same time there are also teams who are dancing much more simple dances and perform what we might just see in the square with simple movements and easy formations as their competition dance – so it is a real range. Anyone can enter competitions, but the more professional groups will get the higher scores. But what I have seen over the last couple of years is that the standard is getting higher and higher. I never thought that older adult dancers would push towards such an elite or professional standard—Liu Wanwan, Beijing

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

41

Within the melding of dance practices—for example, Latin dance, ballet, Chinese classical dance, and hip hop—it can be said that transculturation is occurring in the current practices of guangchang wu. Transculturation, a term coined by Cuban anthropologist Fernando Ortiz (1995), can be used to describe the process of one culture impacting on another. In relation to dance this might mean that forms, traditions, and pedagogical methods are shared, excluded, borrowed, represented, or ignored in this process (Chin, 1989; Taylor, 1991). Applied specifically to dance and the dance practitioners’ narratives, transculturation can be perceived as processes by which various dance traditions, histories, aesthetics, and knowledges are transformed as one practice changes through engagement with another. Within the processes of transculturation, it can be observed that the culture of the guangchang wu dance competition is mentioned as a motivation for guiding the artistic choices being made. It also seems that guangchang wu dance competitions appear to be motivation for some of the creative work developing, as the following descriptions explain: The city of Zhengzhou would host one middle-aged and elderly dance competition annually, called Qi Yuan Cup Middle-aged and Elderly Dance Competition (“启元杯”中老年舞蹈大赛). This year is about to be the sixth dance competition. Due to the existence of the competition, more than ten teams have to present original choreography each year. It is unavoidably time-consuming and there is financial investment contributed needed to be involved in the event. There are many aspects the elderly dancers are judged on: original choreography, age, intense physical movement involved, stage design, expressive capabilities, and technical difficulties— Duan Jinping, Zhengzheng, Henan Province In my experience there are a lot of competitions. I would say in Beijing there would be at least three competitions a week. You could nearly compete every day. I think there are a few different reasons why some groups are considered to be the ‘best’ groups in the competitions. It has to do with the quality of their works, and the type of dances they choose – like if they choose to dance a Chinese folk dance that is not so common that would be really appealing to most judges and they will think it is interesting. For example, normally people choose something like Han (汉 族) or Dai (傣族) ethnic group dances. But if a group picked Miao (苗 族) ethnic dance then that would stand out. The groups are also judged on their choreography, like if their movements and formations are creative and interesting. When people usually think of square dance, the image

42

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

they have in mind is people remaining on the spot with their dancing and everyone in the group in a square shape facing one direction. But when we move this group of people on to the competition stage there is a need to make the work more like a piece of art. Then I think they also consider the quality of the dancers, like if the group is 60 to 70 years old who already have ten years of dancing experience together, things generally will be stronger than a group of younger dancers who have not been practicing together or individually for that long—Liu Wanwan, Beijing

The discussion of guangchang wu competitions emerged with strength from conversations with practitioners. While dance competitions appear to be encouraging both a hybridity and transculturation of guangchang wu practices, it seems that they are also contributing to the development of what might be considered as more professional or formalized practices. For a dance form that on the one hand advocates for inclusivity and collective participation for all who might want to be involved, the idea of competition perhaps contradicts such a philosophy. Dance competitions in China have been explained by scholar Emily Wilcox (2011) as ‘the capstone experience in becoming an accomplished professional dancer in China’ (p. 16), however there appears to be little academic discourse surrounding the specifics of guangchang wu competitions or the role that dance competitions play in the lives of those who are involved with guangchang wu. At the time of writing this chapter, when searching ‘guangchang wu competition’ in China’s largest academic database, China National Knowledge Infrastructure (cnki), 53 academic articles are listed, however most offer reports of the competitions rather than an academic unpacking, critique, or discussion of the events. Among these academic publications, the earliest guangchang wu competition that is noted is from 2012. However, the mass ideology of guangchang wu has been incorporated in various dance competition platforms and galas since the 1980s (Wang & Long, 1999). Therefore, it can be assumed that academic publications, official documents, and reports of local and national guangchang wu competitions came later than the existence of such competitions. Based on the Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing developed by the four departments of the central government (关于引导广场舞活动健康开展的通知) in 2015, and the Announcement on Further Regulating on Square Dance Activities (国家体育总 局关于进一步规范广场舞健身活动的通知) issued by GASC in 2017, in

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

43

2019 the publication of National Square Dance Competition Rules ( 全国广场舞竞赛规则) (National Square Dance Promotion Committee, 2018) and governmental document known as Management Measures of National Square Dance Competition Event (Trial)(全国广场舞赛事活动 管理办法[试行]) were released. These two policy documents—National Square Dance Competition Rules and Management Measures of National Square Dance Competition Event (Trial)—brought public attention to the management and practices of guangchang wu competitions. These official documents illustrate that the General Administration of Sport of China and the National Square Dance Fitness Promotion Committee have sought to play a key role in leading and coordinating guangchang wu competitions across China. Within the document Management Measures of National Square Dance Competition Event (Trial) (2019), the competition structures are divided into three categories, as outlined below: Category A: National competitions sponsored by the Social Sports Guidance Center of the General Administration of Sport of China and the National Square Dance Fitness Promotion Committee. This category includes, but is not limited to: series competitions of China Square Dance, series competitions of Beautiful China Villages Square Dance, National Square Dance Competition and China Square Dance Award Competition. Category B: Regional competitions and events of a certain scale organized by sports administrative departments at all levels and square dance groups. Category C: Square dance competitions sponsored by private entrepreneurs. The above document specifically lists national guangchang wu competitions, while regional level and private-sponsored guangchang wu competitions are given specific directions and regulations regarding their organization and management. Broadly it seems that there are two key aspects noted pertaining to the dances presented in the national-scale competitions under Category A, with these key aspects being one state-sanctioned routine and one original routine (Xu, 2018). This means that for any group wishing to participate in a Category A competition, they must learn and perform at least one state-sanctioned dance routine. For example, a group would need to prepare one of the 12 drills introduced by the GASC

44

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

and the Ministry of Culture in 2015, and judges certified by the National Square Dance Promotion Committee would then provide scores based on the technical fulfilment (worth 70% of the total score) and artistic performance (worth 30% of the total score). As guangchang wu competitions at all levels have gained popularity in China, it could be said that on the one hand guangchang wu competitions are in line with the political agenda of National Fitness Project.2 Thus, the competition plays the role of an ‘invisible force’ (Wen, 2017, p. 51) in transmitting and dispersing the power and ideologies of the central government, filtering this down to in the levels of provincial and county governments. However, on the other hand, mainstream popular cultural platforms (such as TV dance competitions), social media, and the teaching and learning resources informally shared among guangchang wu circles, have also perpetuated the value of participating in competitions and the division of ‘being professional’ and ‘being amateur’, with the growing desire to be valued as ‘professional’ rather than ‘amateur’ dancers. Alongside competitions developing the artistic practices of guangchang wu, is the use of technology in how dances are constructed, shared, taught, and learnt (further explored in subsequent chapters). The use of technology has become key in sharing choreographic works, as the following narratives note: When I started dancing in square, there were already square dance online celebrities and their online videos. These videos went viral on the Internet, famous online celebrities include Dongdong Square Dance (动动广场舞) and Meijiu Square Dance (美久广场舞). They had a reputation in the field of square dance, many of the dances I learned in my original team were coming from these online celebrity videos—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province I work with someone who helps me with the music. I like to take popular songs and then emphasise the rhythm, to make it stronger and more suitable for square dance. Then once I have the song, I can start making the choreography. I find that I focus on making the movement simple and beautiful. I cannot make anything too difficult; it has to be easy to learn 2 First introduced in 2009 by the State Council, the National Fitness Plan and its goals are reassessed every five years since 2011. The policy was elevated to be a national strategy in 2015 due to the wide participation among people across China and its ‘down-to-earth’ inclusive view of guangchang wu (National Fitness Plan, 2016–2020).

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

45

Fig. 4.1 Dancers practicing with their teacher in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China

if the dance is going to be learnt by a lot of people. Once people see one dance they like from you they are likely to come back and look for more—Suo Jie, Beijing

While the use of technology seems to be informing how artistic practices of guangchang wu are shared, it is possible to suggest that the online sharing and communication of the dances has contributed and is currently contributing to the spread of guangchang wu’s popularity. Within this, there is the potential to look at how such artistic aspects of guangchang wu are shifting how the dance practice is both taught and learnt, a topic to be explored in more depth in the following chapter (Fig. 4.1).

References Bhabha, H. K. (1990). The third space: Interview with Homi K. Bhabha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, culture, difference (pp. 207–221). Lawrence & Wishart.

46

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Chao, M. (2017). Reading movement in the everyday: The rise of guangchangwu in a Chinese village. International Journal of Communication, 11, 499–522. Chin, D. (1989). Interculturalism, postmodernism, pluralism. Performing Arts Journal: the Interculturalism Issue, 11(3), 163–175. Dai, M., & Tian, H. (2007). On socialist core value system and core values. Chinese Cadres Tribune, 2, 36–39. Desmond, J. C. (1993–1994). Embodying difference: Issues in dance and cultural studies. Cultural Critique, 26, 33–63. Frühauf, T. (2009). Raqs gothique: Decolonizing belly dance. TDR: The Drama Review, 53(3), 117–138. General Administration of Sport of China. (2015, August 26). Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing. General Administration of Sport of China, Ministry of Civil Affairs, and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development. http://zwgk.mct.gov.cn/auto255/201509/ t20150907_474823.html. Huang, J., & Li, Q. (2019). The interaction, integration and synthesis of square dance and traditional dance in the process of urbanization. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 5, 35–43. Martin, R. (2012). An international education in dance: Personal narratives of seven women from the Southern Mediterranean region (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Dance Studies, University of Auckland. Ortiz, F. (1995). Cuban counterpoint: Tobacco and sugar (H. de Onis, Trans.). Duke University Press. Sohu News. (2020, August 8). Guangchang wu will step into the era of professional examination. https://www.sohu.com/a/245826721_680537. Song, Y. (2015). Chinese square dance, media, and ideological dynamics in contemporary China (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Simon Fraser University. Sun, X. (2015, March 24). Time for square-dancing to face the music. China Daily. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2015-03/24/content_1 9888567.htm. Taylor, D. (1991). Transculturating transculturation. Performing Arts Journal, 13(2), 90–104. The State Council. (2016, June 15). National Fitness Policy (2016–2020). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www. gov.cn/zhengce/content/2016-06/23/content_5084564.htm. Wang, K. F., & Long, Y. P. (1999). History of Chinese Modern and Contemporary Dance: 1840–1996. Shanghai: People’s Music Publishing House. Wang, S., Yin, H., Meng, X., Shang, B., Meng, Q., Zheng, L., … Chen, L. (2019). Effects of Chinese square dancing on older adults with mild cognitive impairment. Geriatric Nursing, 41, 290–296. Wen, B. (2017). Research on the effect of political communication in TV square dance contests (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Hunan Normal University.

4

STEP, HOP, SHUFFLE: ARTISTIC PRACTICES …

47

Wilcox, E. E. (2011). The dialectics of virtuosity: Dance in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–2009 (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). UC Berkeley. Xu, R. N. (2018). Application research of national square dance competition rules (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Xi’an Physical Education University.

CHAPTER 5

The Collective, the Virtual, and the Chance: Teaching and Learning Guangchang Wu

Abstract This chapter explores some of the shifts, challenges, and questions regarding the ways guangchang wu has been taught and learnt over recent years. Through the narratives shared by guangchang wu practitioners, it is clear that their experiences of teaching and learning are often unique with different values and motivations emerging. However, at the same time it is clear that there are some commonalities to their encounters as well. Learning structures, teacher attitudes, pedagogical strategies, and diverse learning modalities are unpacked, with discussion of relationships between individual and collective in teaching and learning guangchang wu being highlighted. Alongside the teaching and learning encounters shared by guangchang wu practitioners, there is also discussion of the online learning occurring within guangchang wu, and the role that technology plays within its pedagogy. Keywords Dance education · Learning · Online education · Teaching

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_5

49

50

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

I have been dancing in the back area of Xiangyang Park (襄阳公园) since the June 2019. I’m now dancing with several study mamas1 who, like me, are accompanying their child for the last year high school study before taking the National College Entrance Examination. We practice Latin dance in the square every night. In the beginning I just muddled along. I started getting to know the dances, and I even bought online videos to complement my dance learning in the square—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province I find teaching older adults is very different to teaching kids. The elderly do not worry about telling you “you teach too fast” or “you teach too slow”. Sometimes they like to tell me how to teach. I also see that they like to compete with each other, usually about who will stand in the middle of the group, and what row they stand in. They take the dancing very seriously—Kong Xue (孔雪), Beijing Anyone can just follow our leading dancers. If people have any questions about how the foot moves or what the arm position should be, they can just ask and then the leading dancers show and teach them. People dancing in my team tend to be old acquaintances, occasionally a new person joins because our dancing looks happy and attractive—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province

This chapter explores some of the shifts, challenges, and questions regarding the way guangchang wu has been taught and learnt over recent years. Through narratives shared by guangchang wu practitioners it is clear that their experiences of teaching and learning are unique, with different values and motivations emerging. However, at the same time it is clear that there are some commonalities to their encounters. Some who share their experiences in this chapter are learners, others are teachers, and then some identify as both learners and teachers. What is to be acknowledged is that their experiences span a wide time period, with

1 The word of ‘ma’ (妈) in Chinese literally means ‘mother’. The word ma often indicates mothers who accompany their children during their study. Sometimes mothers quit their jobs, adjust their work to part-time, or move with their child/children to cities far from the family home so the child/children can study in particular high schools. Sometimes men take on this role too, however women still make up the majority of those who take on this role. The characteristic of a ‘study mama’ dancing guangchang wu is that it is perceived that they can use the spare time after they accompany their children to school to socialize with other ‘study mamas’ and participate in dancing in public squares.

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

51

some who have practiced for decades and others who have started more recently. Coupled with this, the practitioners who share their views all have different levels of engagement with the practice, with some dancing on a daily basis for many hours, while others might dance after work or other commitments once or twice per week. They also engage in different teaching and learning contexts. Some dance in local square very close to their homes, others travel to particular locations around the cities they live into dance with different groups, and others dance in studio contexts, while there are also those who move between these diverse spaces. It has been documented widely that those who engage with the practice of guangchang wu tend to be middle-aged women. As Zhang and Min (2019) note, ‘participants are mostly middle-aged or older Chinese women who engage in the activity daily, typically every morning and evening’ (p. 2). Motivation for participating in guangchang wu is often said to be for fitness and as a leisure activity. At the same time, it could be seen that the practice offers social engagement, an opportunity for friendships to develop, and a feeling of community for those involved. As Qianni Wang (2015) explains, guangchang wu can be seen as a novel social activity that has emerged with the rise of what she terms the ‘first generation of the lonely mother’ (p. 97). The group Wang (2015) identifies as ‘lonely mothers’ refers to those who might otherwise be known as ‘empty-nesters’. Empty-nesters is a term used to refer ‘to elderly people who were not living with their children, were living alone, or who were living independently with their spouses’ (Liang, Niu, & Lu, 2017, pp. 361–362). While empty-nesters is used for both men and women who no longer live with their children, the idea of the lonely mother in the context of China specifically focuses on women who raised their onlychild under the one-child policy. For these women, it is perceived that they experience a period of transition when their children leave home to attend university, to start jobs, or to get married. In this period of time, it has been discussed how this group looks to find distractions from the loneliness they might feel in their lives in light of such a change (see for example: Cao & Lu, 2018; Liu, Qu, Meng, & Wang, 2020). The following narratives offer insight of how some guangchang wu practitioner began dancing in light of their children starting university or leaving home, feeling the need for an activity to fill their time:

52

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

My only son was just passing the National College Entrance Exam and going to university. I knew some people who were my age who were experiencing the same situation where their children were leaving home for work or for study. We had a lot of spare time and life was rather boring especially the time after dinner. So, we were discussing that we could learn dance. At first it was really because dance could help our health, but then we thought how it would be nice to spend time together dancing in the evening. I was an accountant before I retired, and I never had the chance to dance in my life. So, I proposed to my sisters that we should learn dance, I told them that we would have so much fun, and that dancing also can kill time. We dance roughly between 6 pm to 8 pm every night in front of a supermarket—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province My husband and I usually work from Monday to Friday, we have a kid and we enjoyed our life with ease. There was an occasion that I went downstairs after I finished the dinner, I saw people dancing in the middle of the empty space in front of our residential community. I was so curious about the dancing they were doing. I liked physical exercise when I was younger, so I approached the dance group and chatted with the leading dancer. She convinced me that dancing after dinner is better than watching TV at home – I couldn’t help but agree with her. She said that I could join them whenever I was free. I started dancing with them the next evening— Anonymous I quit my job after my child went to university. I had a lot of free time, and I had nothing to do. I saw people dancing in the village, and I thought, “why not? I can do this to maintain physical fitness”—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province I’m dance in the space near Zhongxuan Tower (仲宣楼). I accompany my daughter who is in Grade Twelve at No.4 High School of Xiangyang and she is preparing for the National College Entrance Exam. Regarding the square dance groups at Zhongxuan Tower, there are several different groups. Study mamas like me, we do some research before we decide which group to join, and take into account conditions such as geographical locations, dancing styles, and how old the people in the group are. Elderly people would dance very simple movements, I’m talking about really old people, not like us. While some square dance teams are very fashionable, I think doing research about the groups before joining is necessary. You can join any of those teams if you feel you are particularly into it. There are leading dancers in most of groups—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

53

Others who shared their stories of beginning guangchang wu explain that it was through a chance encounter with the practice or alternatively through a particular contact that they began learning: One day I left work and I walked past the shopping mall. I saw a lot of people dancing in the square in front of the mall. I really wanted to join them, the music was attractive, and they all looked so happy. So, I picked up some courage and I joined in the dancing. At the end of the night I was talking to some of the people in the group, and I said to them “wow, I’ve had such a lovely night, it was such a good experience”, they said “you should join a group!”. At the time my kids were still at home, so I really could not take the time to do any dancing. But, a couple of years later my kids went to university and that was when I decided to take up dance as my hobby—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing I started dance in July 2010. I was working in a supermarket every second day, so I would have one day of work and then one day to relax. When I had my day to relax, I was very tired, and I didn’t want to do anything. But one day I heard from my neighbour who said to me, “do you want to come and see what is happening in the square?”, and I said “okay”. My sister was a square dance teacher, so I knew about square dance and I was not surprised to see it, but it was maybe the first time that I thought about joining in. It was really close to where I live, so very convenient. I saw the moves they were doing, and I thought, “hmm, I think I can try that”. So next time I went along to join in, and in my mind, it was going to be so easy – but it was really hard! I would find that doing movements forward I was okay, but as soon as we had to turn around, I got so lost, I could not follow the next step! I thought “okay, so that was harder than I thought, but maybe I can try for three months or something, if it is still hard then I can give up”. After about two months I had learnt all the dances in this particular square dance group. By that time, I thought, “okay, what is next to learn?”. I talked to my sister and my sister’s friends who also know about square dance. They told me that I could learn dances online from videos. My daughter and my nephew helped me set things up, and they helped me to download QQ2 and make a QQ account. I started to go online to find videos, and then I started to learn how do the dances, and then I would find the music online too and then once I know the

2 Tencent QQ (腾讯QQ) is an instant messaging app and web portal that is popular across China.

54

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

dance well enough and no longer needed the video I could just do it to the music—Xiao Guixia, Beijing I was waiting in the crowd in front of the school gate for my daughter. I saw a group of people wearing fancy clothes and shoes. I mean, their presence was so strong, and I could not take my eyes off them. They walked through the crowd and I was wondering where these people were going to, and what they were going to do. I decided to follow them, and I followed them all along the city wall until they arrived at the Moat. Then, I realized they were a dance team. I had to join them!—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province

In contrast to those who started the dance practice almost by chance and often later within their adult lives, there are also those with extensive dance backgrounds who take part in guangchang wu. Some of these individuals have professional dance training and are the teachers or leaders of dance groups. Others are group members who have carried a recreational dance practice throughout their lives, often since childhood, as the following narratives highlight: I started to dance in 1990, I liked to dance when I was very young. I did ballroom dance, samba, cha cha, so lots of Latin dance – from when I was about 40 years old. I did that for like 20 years, doing competitions and taking things quite seriously. Then, as I got older, I started to dance a bit more for my fitness. I joined a square dance group. Over time I took it more seriously, learning different dances, and lots of folk dances. I felt my training was becoming more professional. On every street there is a square dance group, it is like the group for that street’s community. So, when I thought about joining a square dance group to keep my fitness up, I initially joined my street’s group, and this was my dance team. Then, a few months after being in this group, one of my friends in the group said to me, “do you know there is a really good new teacher, Mr. Qin, you should try his group”. I was curious to know more. I went along to his class, and I tried it. After that I decided to follow his classes—Xu Huidi, Beijing I’m from Hunan Province. My mom was a square dancer, and I remember following my mom to her square dance when I was really young. She was dancing square dance in her 30’s. In smaller towns I think younger people participate in square dance a bit more than in big cities like Beijing or Shanghai. So, from childhood I was around dance, I danced with my

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

55

mom, and I danced at home. For me, dance was part of my life. Most of the dances my mom did were folk dances – so with a fan or a scarf. I think that being around dance from such a young age made me confident to dance. I remember that as a kid I would often stand at the front of my mom’s square dance group and show off my dance moves. There were hardly any other kids there because this square dance happened early in the morning – I think my mom was one of the only ones to bring her kid along. I have some memories of people saying to me, “oh, you dance nicely” and that made me want to do more and learn more dance—Kong Xue, Beijing

From the diverse experiences shared regarding how people might start dancing guangchang wu, came the narratives of how they then learnt the practice, in relation to learning structures, teachers, pedagogical strategies, and diverse learning modes. It was highlighted that when learning guangchang wu, there is usually a dance leader (lingwu 领舞) that the participants follow, while also adhering to particular class structures. The following dance practitioners explain: The structure of dance learning can be divided into three stages. The first stage is the practice of foundational movements, including moving the chest, shoulders, and basic steps with the legs. Then the second stage is where the teacher teaches one set choreographed dance. The third stage is where the dancers repeat the dance several times. Afterwards most dancers stay on for a while to stretch their legs on the rails that are in the park— Long Chunmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province People who stand at the front of the group have normally danced for years, like me… while people who stand behind tend to follow the leading dancers. I learnt the dances from my computer, and once I had learnt them, I would teach them in the square and people would follow and dance behind me. Each song normally lasts three to five minutes, and it repeats. Every time when we learn a new dance combination, we tend to keep practicing many times—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province

Seetoo and Zou (2016) explain that guangchang wu groups ‘dance in spontaneously formed lines’ (p. 26). However, from the narratives shared, it could be said that these lines are not necessarily formed spontaneously, but rather there can be a hierarchy and structure in the group related to who might have more dance experience. Alongside ideas of dance leaders playing an important role in the teaching and learning experiences of

56

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

guangchang wu, it could be said that there is also a connection of this structure to the collectivist culture embedded in the Chinese cultural and political landscape. Scholars have explained that ‘collective corporeal participation’ (Seetoo & Zou, 2016, p. 34) is common in a Chinese cultural context, where following a leader as part of a group can foster ‘a comfortable sense of safety and belonging’ (Seetoo & Zou, 2016, p. 34), and is a notion connected to a Maoist ideology. While some see the collectivism label to be outdated, and prefer the use of the term ‘relationalism’ to suggest that the focus is placed on ‘the shared benefits of the individuals in dyad relationships’ (Zhu, 2018, p. 5), what can be understood is that the collective-leader relationship or the leader within relational encounters is not necessarily unique to guangchang wu, but rather is perhaps reflective of other on mass activities and the leadership paradigm in China. At the same time, scholars such as Claudia Huang (2016) have sought to ‘dispel the popular narrative that people who participate in congregational dancing are still reliant on earlier collective frameworks as referents for their own identity formation’ (pp. 227–228). Rather, Huang argues ‘that people who join dance groups do so precisely in order to participate in individualized consumer culture on their own terms’ (p. 228) (Fig. 5.1). The notion of relationalism can also be connected to the unique socialization that guangchang wu offers in the context of Reform-Era China. Some explain that the popularity of guangchang wu is because China has experienced a significant transition from a collective society to an individual society (Zhu & Liu, 2018). Within this, guangchang wu has been acknowledged as a practice that has disrupted the division of classes in Chinese society and offered interaction among people from different walks of life through corporeal participation in dance (Zhou & Huang, 2019). Within these relationships between individual and collective, it seems that the guangchang wu teacher plays an important role in the dancers’ practice, and in the forming of relationships within the dance groups. Several dancers spoke about how they ‘connected’ with a particular teacher, and this propelled them into further training or engagement with their dance groups: There are so many teachers teaching square dance, and many of them have professional dance backgrounds, but what I like about Mr. Qin is that he is very patient, he is different from other teachers. I think no matter

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

57

where Mr. Qin goes to teach his students will follow him – we are like his fans!—Xu Huidi, Beijing I just started taking dance classes and I met a dance teacher who was only 20 years old. She was patient and she was teaching us systematically from the most basic elements - ‘lift and contract’, ‘cross body horizontally’, and ‘steps that change weight alternatively’ – for almost two years. She passed the National Graduate Entrance Exam and then left. None of teachers after her have been as well-prepared like her—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province One day, a teacher came all the way to the back row where I was standing in the group. She demonstrated the steps to me, and she told me that I should start with practicing a simple change of my body weight from foot to foot while standing in the same place, a basic movement in Latin dance. The teacher was so patient—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province

Fig. 5.1 Dancers working with their teacher on a Tibetan dance at Qin’s studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing

58

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

When speaking with guangchang wu teachers, they talked about their students, who they were, and where they came from. The teachers often mentioned specific considerations they make when teaching older adults, and how they developed their classes and movement to suit the needs of the cohorts they taught: When I teach older adults, I have to focus on different things compared to when I teach my younger students. One thing is the movement, I have to start with just the basic movements. Then, I want them to understand different dance styles. After they have had some experiences with the movement and the styles, then I can work to make dances for competitions with them, and I can kind of ‘play’ with the movement and the styles more—Liu Wanwan, Beijing I discovered quite early on that teaching older adults to dance is not as easy as one might think. I can’t use the technique I learnt at dance school or in the dance company I was in. I really had to learn everything again, I had to really think, “how will I teach them?”, “how will I adapt dance movements?”. In this process I have discovered that much of what I learnt at school is not relevant to this context I now work in, but I really had to teach myself how to teach and what to teach. I started teaching those who were older, who were not looking for professional training, and I found my calling! At the beginning, when I left the professional dance world, I felt really uncomfortable. I knew I needed to find something I liked, but I didn’t know what that was. I tried to teach children, but that was not really for me. But then, when I had an opportunity to teach a group of older adults who were preparing a dance for an end of year company event, I felt like something worked. I got the feeling that they liked me and my teaching—Qin, Beijing

I love how some of the square dancers take the dancing so seriously, they really want to improve and work hard. They ask me many questions and sometimes they send me WeChat messages to ask me questions. Other times they ask questions to the videos I post, like, “teacher, can you do that again?” or, “can you explain to me the difference between this movement and that movement?”—Kong Xue, Beijing

I think square dance teachers need to be really patient, sometimes they have to teach people who are quite old, maybe 70 or 80 years of age, and

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

59

these people might forget the movements sometimes. So, square dance teachers just have to go slowly and patiently remind them of what the movements are—Xiao Guixia, Beijing

The topic of dance and older adults is something that has been explored extensively within scholarship (see for example: Earhart, 2009; GuzmánGarcía, Hughes, James, & Rochester, 2013; Hackney, Kantorovich, & Earhart, 2007; Keogh, Kilding, Pidgeon, Ashley, & Gillis, 2009; Rowe, McMicken, & Newth, 2019). Existing discussions often centre around the health and wellbeing of this cohort, and what dance might offer in relation to physical fitness (with a focus on areas such as strength, balance, endurance, and posture), social engagement (attending to building community, fostering relationships, and alleviating loneliness), therapy, and cognitive function (issues such as dementia, Parkinson’s, and Alzheimer’s). There has also been articulation of such topics within the context of China, with a particular emphasis on the benefits of guangchang wu on physical fitness (see for example: Chao, Ruibing, & Lihong, 2019; Chen, Wang, & Xu, 2018; Zhang & Petrini, 2019). However, within the array of literature, pedagogical strategies and teachers’ experiences of teaching older adults tend to not be foregrounded, with just a few scholars paving the way in this area (see for example: Lehikoinen, 2019; Silvester, 2013). Teaching strategies when working with elderly dancers in China are rarely mentioned in Chinese dance scholarship, perhaps in part due to such teaching and learning being perceived to be for ‘amateurs’, leaving it as an area waiting to be explored. However, among the limited academic literature available, there are concerns raised around topics such as online dance videos, textbooks and curriculum, and discussion surrounding the shortage of dance teachers for an elderly population (Zhang, 2016; Zhou, 2015). The current dilemma of elderly dance education in China is the lack of discussions in Chinese surrounding teaching concerns and methods specifically an older population. However, the narrative below from Qin, a guangchang wu teacher in Beijing, begins to reveal some of the possible pedagogical strategies teachers might look to take: I find that I have three main strategies in my teaching. The first is, no matter where people might stand in the group – in the front or the back – I have to keep things fair and equal. I think as a teacher I have make sure everyone feels included. I don’t want one person in the group to feel

60

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

like I am ignoring them, or just because they stand at the front, they will get more attention or be seen as the ‘better’ student. Secondly, I also find I have developed the idea of teaching things little by little, so not teaching everything, all the movements, all the ideas, at once. So, maybe I might just teach the foot movements first and we practice that for a while. Then I might add in the hands and then we do feet and hands together. So we are building the movements. The movement can then become more complicated over time. Thirdly, I also realise that the adults I teach, they have a good understanding of life, they bring their life experiences. So, I often talk about themes for them to think about to enhance the quality of the movement and to ‘feel’ the movement. They can find this feeling because they have good life knowledge to draw on and connect with—Qin, Beijing

Alongside teaching strategies, there has been discussion of the growing area of online learning occurring within guangchang wu. As noted in previous chapters, in recent years there has been a proliferation of guangchang wu activities, classes, and choreographies shared online. Online dance learning is not uncommon, as ‘the application of social media in education, including the learning of artistic performance, is becoming increasingly popular’ (Hong, Chen, & Ye, 2020, p. 7). Even though online dance videos are developing to become more popular and professional regarding the choreography shared and training offered, older adults might not be the target group of many dance teaching videos or the dance apps. While there is still an absence of detailed research on how technology is used within dance education in China (Li, Zhou, & Teo, 2018), it could be anticipated that the COVID-19 situation the world is experiencing will lead to much more unpacking of how dance can be experienced through online teaching and learning. In the current practices of guangchang wu online learning features heavily in how many practitioners access the dance form. Within the following narratives they share some of their experiences: I think there is a big difference in learning from video compare to learning in real life. From the video I might be able to get say 70 or 80 percent of what I need to understand in the dance. Online it is really hard to know if you are doing it correctly. I would develop some strategies, for example I would record myself dancing five or six times, I would then pick the one I thought was best and I could put my video next to my teacher’s video and compare my movements to their movements. I could see if the

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

speed was the same or maybe I had to go slower or faster. This was helpful for me to know what I could adjust. However, it would take me a long time to improve on one dance through this approach. Online you don’t have any feedback, in real life you get so many more details and immediate feedback. Online it is hard to figure out directions, in real life it is easier to get the directions and also make the adjustments—Xiao Guixia, Beijing My dance teacher sent our group a dance app called Qianye Dance (千夜 舞蹈).The teacher sent the link to us for personal practice after teaching. I clicked it, there are so many dance videos which show you movements from the basic level. You can learn from a professional dance teacher online by topping up money. So, I decide to learn from an online teacher as well, to strengthen the dance movement I learned in the square. In my dance learning experience, I found out that some teachers can perform very well but they can’t express themselves properly. After I practiced according to the video I danced in the square and the teacher said that my movements were good. By learning from online dance lessons I’m able to make up any lessons I miss in the square—Long Chungmei. Xiangyang, Hubei Province The first dances I learnt in the square and online were really repetitive. You learn the sequence and repeat it many times. After a while I found it to be a bit boring, and I was thinking, “how do I make this more exciting?”. I saw a QQ square dance group online, so I joined, and we shared lots of videos and tips about dancing. One day I saw a dance that someone posted to the group and I was like, “wow, that is a real dance!”, it was so beautiful. I contacted the teacher through QQ by sending them a message, and this teacher started to chat with me and added me to another online group. So, all of this was online learning. Over time I also helped manage some of the online activities for the group. We had tasks to do, like, we would have to learn the dance and record ourselves doing the dance and upload it online for the group to see. At first, I didn’t know how to make a video, but I taught myself how to do it. Later, I could help others in the group with their videos and some of the issues around uploading them online—Xiao Guixia, Beijing I try to make it really clear what movements I am doing when filming the dances I share online. Sometimes people ask for something particular – a Mongolian dance or something – and I can then prepare this and post the video of it. I record these videos in the dance studio. There are so many online activities for square dance to complement what happens in the squares. If I am teaching say a Mongolian dance, I show each movement and I talk and explain the movements. I then prepare small sequences

61

62

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

that I demonstrate on the video, explaining what they key aspects are to remember. Often, I think about my mom, and what parts my mom struggles with, and this helps me think about what I might need to explain in more detail in the video. Sometimes I demonstrate the ‘right’ or the ‘wrong’ way to do a movement – so if I want the movement to be sharp I do it the ‘wrong’ way which would be maybe very soft or lazy, and then I do it the ‘right’ way where the movement is very sharp. I have to remember that the audience I am teaching for, and that many of the teachers who learn from the videos are not professional dancers. I try to be encouraging in my videos. I say, “you can do it” or “this is not too difficult!”—Kong Xue, Beijing

As the narratives of teaching and learning guangchang wu suggest, there are a variety of considerations to be made, and the practices are changing over time and through individuals’ experiences. The changes and transformations of the practice, particularly in relation to leadership and administration will be further explored within the following chapter.

References Cao, Q., & Lu, B. (2018). Mediating and moderating effects of loneliness between social support and life satisfaction among empty nesters in China. Current Psychology, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-0180019-0. Chao, D., Ruibing, F., & Lihong, K. (2019). Square dance the key factor of the elevating prevalence of physical activity in China. Iranian Journal of Public Health, 48(10), 1920–1921. Chen, L., Wang, S., & Xu, J. C. (2018). Survey on physical fitness and cardiovascular function of the city elderly in different regular physical activities in China. The Journal of Nutrition, Health & Aging, 22(9), 1107–1111. Earhart, G. M. (2009). Dance as therapy for individuals with Parkinson disease. European Journal of Physical and Rehabilitation Medicine, 45(2), 231. Guzmán-García, A. H. J. C., Hughes, J. C., James, I. A., & Rochester, L. (2013). Dancing as a psychosocial intervention in care homes: A systematic review of the literature. International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 28(9), 914–924. Hackney, M. E., Kantorovich, S., & Earhart, G. M. (2007). A study on the effects of Argentine tango as a form of partnered dance for those with Parkinson disease and the healthy elderly. American Journal of Dance Therapy, 29(2), 109–127.

5

THE COLLECTIVE, THE VIRTUAL, AND THE CHANCE: TEACHING …

63

Hong, J. C., Chen, M. L., & Ye, J. H. (2020). Acceptance of YouTube applied to dance learning. International Journal of Information and Education Technology, 10(1), 7–13. Huang, C. (2016). “Dancing grannies” in the modern city: Consumption and group formation in urban China. Asian Anthropology, 15(3), 225–241. Keogh, J. W., Kilding, A., Pidgeon, P., Ashley, L., & Gillis, D. (2009). Physical benefits of dancing for healthy older adults: A review. Journal of Aging and Physical Activity, 17 (4), 479–500. Lehikoinen, K. (2019). Dance in elderly care: Professional knowledge. Journal of Dance Education, 19(3), 108–116. Li, Z., Zhou, M., & Teo, T. (2018). Mobile technology in dance education: A case study of three Canadian high school dance programs. Research in Dance Education, 19(2), 183–196. Liang, Y., Niu, X., & Lu, P. (2017). The aging population in China: Subjective well-being of empty nesters in rural eastern China. Journal of Health Psychology, 25(3), 361–372. Liu, Y., Qu, Z., Meng, Z., & Wang, S. (2020). Relationship between loneliness and quality of life in elderly empty nesters from the Wolong Panda Nature Reserve in Sichuan province, China, from the perspective of rural population and social sustainability. Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and Its Applications, 551, 1–7. Rowe, N., McMicken, D., & Newth, T. (2019). Dancing in the setting sun: Performance, self-actualization and the elderly. In K. Bond (Ed.), Dance and the Quality of Life (pp. 527–544). Springer. Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/The Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Silvester, D. (2013). Dance and movement sessions for older people: A handbook for activity coordinators and carers. Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Wang, Q. (2015). Guangchang wu: An ethnographic study of dance in public spaces (Unpublished master’s thesis). Chinese University of Hong Kong. Zhang, N. N. (2016). On dance education of elderly people. Home Drama, 7, 171–183. Zhang, Q., & Min, G. (2019). Square dancing: A multimodal analysis of the discourse in the People’s Daily. Chinese Language and Discourse, 10(1), 61– 83. Zhang, Y., & Petrini, M. A. (2019). Empty-nest elderly: Mahjong and Chinese square dance for improving the cognitive function in the community. Frontiers of Nursing, 6(1), 71–76. Zhou, K. H., & Huang, Y. Y. (2019). The intersection of body and social stratification emerging from public square dancing in transitional China. Journal of Chinese Women’s Studies, 155(5), 45–56.

64

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Zhou, L. (2015). On reinforcing the basic means to dance teaching in the community of elderly people. Journal of Zunyi Normal College, 2(43), 155–162. Zhu, L. (2018). The power of relationalism in China. Routledge. Zhu, Z. W., & Liu, L. (2018). Memory of body: Inheritance and revolution of square dance as a means of social memory. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 18(5), 15–19.

CHAPTER 6

The Inner Circle and the Outer Circle: Administration and Leadership of Guangchang Wu

Abstract The structures of administrating and leading guangchang wu are developing rapidly. At a grassroots level there are a variety of leadership practices, formal and informal, taking place, with much of this occurring through virtual engagement. At a governmental level there are various policies in place to guide and direct guangchang wu. At the same time, a huge market has been established for guangchang wu and this is reflected in the online platforms catering to the needs of those who practice the dance form. A leadership analysis through the narratives gathered is offered, identifying challenges and transformations within the delivery of guangchang wu, while also raising questions regarding the sense of community that is established through various leadership approaches, and the sustainability of some models. Keywords Administration · Leadership · Marketization

In reality, there’s no administration relationship here between the square dance teams and the neighbourhood communities, which is different to other cities and towns I think—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_6

65

66

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

I pay 800 Yuan per year, for 365 days of dancing. Only rainy days would be exception, otherwise we can go to dancing every day. Dancing in high heels does not work if there’s rain. Occasionally, for the snowy days in winter we raise money together and rent a dance hall so that we can dance in there instead—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province We have a staff to help up playing music, they carry the sound equipment on schedule, that is 7:00 pm in winter, and 7:30 pm in summer—Anonymous

The structures of administrating and leading guangchang wu appear to be developing rapidly as the practice blooms across China. At grassroots levels there are a variety of leadership practices taking place, with much of this occurring through virtual engagement. In many guangchang wu groups there are layers or what have been referred to as ‘circles’ (Seetoo & Zou, 2016) of leadership. The first layer, or what can be understood as the ‘inner circle’ are those who are leaders of groups, and a small number of dedicated and usually longstanding group members who take on minor leadership and organizational tasks. As Seetoo and Zou (2016) explain, ‘people in the inner circle are familiar with one another […] In their daily lives they pursue common goals and support each other emotionally’ (p. 26). The experiences of those who might be considered as part of the inner circles of guangchang wu can be observed in the following narratives: I now have a dancing club and there are about 20,000 people in the big club. Then there are smaller clubs in different districts in Beijing and in other cities in China. Last year in Beijing my club hosted a big square dance event where all of my clubs in Beijing came together, and there were about 10,000 people. So, I have a team of 50 leaders, and the leaders are the ones who I work with directly—Suo Jie, Beijing I’m on the support staff for my team. My job includes downloading soundtracks, ordering costumes and managing our allowances - especially when we have a group costume for square dance. I’m basically in charge of all the trivial things—Anonymous In the case of my group there is a person in our team who is in charge of playing music. Playing music is a time-consuming job, so each one of us pay him ten Yuan each month. The guy who plays the music needs to

6

THE INNER CIRCLE AND THE OUTER CIRCLE: ADMINISTRATION …

67

move the sound equipment out every day, copy the music files, and pay the electricity every month—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province As a dance group we are really well connected, we all take responsibility for each other. For example, if a rehearsal time has to change, we all contact each other to make sure that everyone knows about the change. I like to help arrange things for the group – costumes, things like that. All of the group members are my friends, and the environment in the group is really like a big family. There are of course moments where people might disagree with each other, but we work through it—Xu Huidi, Beijing

In discussion with guangchang wu participants it seems that many are part of this first layer of administration and leadership and are deeply committed to the organization and action of their group. For some, this is part of a particular role they hold (such as teacher, choreographer, or business owner), and for others this is due to their dedicated membership within a group, or willingness to invest their time in the management of the group. The leadership tasks range from making decisions about the development and expansion of the group(s), what performances or competitions groups might participate in, through to assisting with costume decisions, construction, and care, and managing the music, sound systems, or video recordings. It could be said that this involvement in a variety of ways can provide group members in this first layer of administration and leadership with a sense of ownership and responsibility of the group activities and a sense of inclusion in the work occurring (Mullenbach, Baker, Benfield, Hickerson, & Mowen, 2019). Following on from the first layer of the group membership is the second layer, or what could be called the ‘outer group’. This second layer are group members who participate in the activities organized by the group, but do not partake in the organizational or leadership elements. Regarding this group, Seetoo and Zou (2016) articulate that ‘the participants outside of the inner circle relate through exchanging conventional greetings and occasional physical contact during the dances — a touch on the shoulder or holding hands — giving them a sense of being in a community’ (p. 26). However, within this two-layer structure there has been a shift away from grassroots organizations initiating and managing guangchang wu for groups and districts, to larger and more formal organizational structures taking on much of this management and leadership

68

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

(as outlined in Chapters 1 and 2). Currently there is clear state, municipality and local leadership and administration occurring, alongside private enterprises and businesses playing a role within the administration and leadership of guangchang wu. In the shifts of guangchang wu leadership there has also been a move to accommodate virtual leadership, which potentially could be seen as a third layer in the leadership and administration structures, complementary to and crossing over and through the first two layers previously identified. Some guangchang wu participants explain how they have developed online platforms (such as websites) for their guanchang wu practices and businesses. Many dancers also shared how they use social media to organize activities related to guangchang wu and connect and engage with others in their group or to find a guangchang wu group in the first instance. Like the teaching and learning of guanchang wu, within the different leadership, administration and group structures, much of what is occurring is through virtual engagement. Nearly every participant we met when engaging in this research mentioned WeChat,1 and this was the way that we as the researchers connected with them, arranged meetings, and it was how they shared images and videos of their dancing with us. WeChat has rapidly become an integral part in people’s daily life in China (Harwit, 2017), and has reached an active monthly user group of over 762 million (Gan, 2017). It has been explored how there is a growing preference for social messaging platforms such as WeChat as the main mode of communication in leadership within China, rather than face-to-face engagement or more formal online platforms such as email (Men, Chen, & Ji, 2018). The following narratives explain how online forums have enabled the development of businesses, connections between groups, and new directions for those involved in guangchang wu: I was joined a group chat in WeChat, that’s how I officially registered for my dance team—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province The videos I make and upload to a square dance website called Just Love are often for other dance teachers to learn dances from. In the beginning

1 WeChat (Weixin 微信) is a social media platform first released in China 2011. Like Facebook, WeChat offers a text and voice messaging platform, and social networking where WeChat users can post texts, media and pictures (referred to as ‘moments’). At the same time, users can comment or ‘like’ or comment on others’ posts.

6

THE INNER CIRCLE AND THE OUTER CIRCLE: ADMINISTRATION …

69

the videos I was making were going on a website for free, but after some time and as things became more popular it turned into a business. Now we sell square dance products and also travel – like tours to different cities to dance in competitions. These extra activities support the website—Kong Xue, Beijing Our teacher first sends the music to our WeChat group before she teaches us so that we can gain an understanding of what the style and feeling would be in advance. Almost all dance works the teacher selects come from the Tangdou app. Lately, we have been dancing and practicing Drunken butterfly (酒醉的蝴蝶), Jujube tree (红枣树) and If we are getting older like this (如果就这么老了)—Anonymous

While virtual administration and leadership is clear within guangchang wu, engagement through face-to-face encounters still appear to play a key role in sustaining the practice. In discussing the administration and leadership of guangchang wu, the role of the cultural centers in China was raised in the narratives. The emphasis of public cultural services provided by cultural centres in China is in line with the political and cultural agenda set by the government. The 19th National Congress of the CPC stated that ‘the welling of the people is the fundamental goal of development’ (Xi, 2017, ¶56), and in order to fulfil the goal set for realizing the first stage of achieving a prosperous society from 2020 to 2035, the CPC will ‘improve public cultural service system, carry out public-interest cultural programs, and launch more popular cultural activities’ (Xi, 2017, ¶101). These comments from the Chinese government sit alongside the agenda of transitioning the role of central government from an authoritarian central administration to a more decentralised service-oriented model, which has resulted in deep structural reform within the cultural sectors of China. Within the national public cultural service system, cultural centres sit at different governmental and social levels. According to the Sixth Plenary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, cultural centers are considered to have a lead position among all state-owned non-profit cultural organizations and activities in China (Wu, 2012). Therefore, cultural centers are viewed to be responsible for carrying out cultural programmes which include but are not confined to: conducting mass cultural activities, providing venues for mass cultural activities, and organizing cultural training for members of culture and art teams (Bo, 2011; Wei, 2019).

70

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

There is a clear intersection between the cultural responsibilities of cultural centres and grassroot activities such as guangchang wu. Narratives of ‘people’s wellbeing’ and ‘free and equitable access of cultural centres and their facilities’ (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Ministry of Finance of People’s Republic of China, 2011, ¶1) highlight why the development of cultural service systems may be occurring. With the fitness, recreation and socialization aspects of guangchang wu, the practice has played a leading role in enhancing and popularizing public interest in cultural programmes (Wang, 2012). As a consequence, cultural centres have invested finances and human resources in strengthening guangchang wu practices. Cultural centres not only have primary functions of ‘imparting professional knowledge, skills and information to the masses’ (Liu, 2015, p. 68) through hosting guangchang wu classes and competitions, but they also serve as intermediaries between government departments and local residents in negotiating practical challenges (such as noise caused by guangchang wu practice in public space) and work to soften frictions in developing and guiding guangchang wu. The following narratives reveal the experiences some guangchang wu participants have had in relation to engagement with cultural centers: In the old days, every team needed to depend on themselves – choreography, music, costumes and makeup – to perform in public or to attend official competitions. Now there are many different choices either for dance teacher or for dance training with the support from the culture center. The dance teachers hired by culture centers will train members of the square dance teams. Teams selected will have the chance to perform in cultural events. Two or three teams for each cultural center are usually acknowledged to be high-quality, and they will be asked to perform in cultural events maybe 20 times per year. Everyone who participates in these cultural events gets a 1,000 Yuan allowances for each show, and there are two kinds of ways that they can spend this money – either they give it to their team, or it goes towards their costs related to the performance. With this additional money the teams can hire dance teachers. Square dance teams can grow and improve very fast with this strong support. Around three or four years ago the state attached great importance on peoples’ wellbeing and cultural experiences. Neighbourhood communities started to host some culture-related events. At the time, the organizers approached some square dance leaders and asked them to present dances in these events. That’s how the two groups – neighbourhood communities

6

THE INNER CIRCLE AND THE OUTER CIRCLE: ADMINISTRATION …

71

and square dance teams – started to work together initially. Neighbourhood communities have built ties with different square dance teams. I heard the news that the state has even allocated special funds for cultural development every year, in the case of Zhengzhou it seems like every subdistrict office has some funds that can be used for cultural events. The street office keeps one or two square dance teams as their main cooperative and supportive teams. So, the relationship between square dance teams and neighbourhood communities is one of mutual support and cooperation. Zhengzhou now has several hundred square dance teams based in different neighbourhood communities. In Jinshui District (金水区), the local office holds small-scaled square dance competitions followed by a series of cultural events. According to rankings in the competition, the cultural center will approach some teams with high scores and outstanding performances in the competition and work with these teams closely. The cultural centers approaching square dance teams started about five years ago and this has led to several really amazing teams developing over the past couple of years. Cultural centers began to initiate and drafting a series of management documents for square dance. I was one of the members who drafted the regulations for these documents. For every team with specific performance tasks, rules are made, and everyone needs to obey the rules. How the document was applied in practice? Well, elderly people who participate in square dance performances need to sign a letter of commitment before they join a square dance team. That is to say, they have to declare their health conditions. The function of the letter is to make sure that these elderly people can take responsibility for themselves if any accident happens during a performance. Another form is an information sheet that participants need to answer honestly, like the letter of commitment. Elderly people need to provide any previous disease history such as whether they have high blood pressure or heart disease. After these new regulations came into place, no one is allowed to dance in multiple teams simultaneously. People had been dancing on many different teams, and people kept changing their dance teams randomly. It left everything unsound and insecure—Duan Jinping, Zhengzhou, Henan Province

At the 18th National Congress of the CPC on 8 November 2012, China’s former president Hu Jintao delivered speech where he claimed that ‘good health is a prerequisite for promoting well-rounded development of the person’ (Hu, 2012, ¶92) and that there is a need to ‘improve the policy of enhancing people’s health’ (Hu, 2012, ¶92). Improving wellbeing, as discussed by Hu, is a pivotal concern within the narratives of socialism in contemporary China. In terms of how to improve the policy of enhancing

72

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

people’s health, in the 19th National Congress of the CPC President Xi Jinping (2017) explained several directions. Xi claimed that changes to health and wellbeing have happened in different sections of Chinese society since the 18th National Congress (2012), and thus the Party should see that ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era […] what we now face is the contradiction between unbalanced and inadequate development and the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life’ (Xi, 2017, ¶26). In response to President Xi’s view the CPC has edited its narratives to emphasize improving peoples’ wellbeing through offering equitable access to public services and that this will be ensured in the first stage of socialist modernization from 2020 to 20352 (Xi, 2017). At the same time Xi notes that the CPC will ‘improve the public cultural service system, carry out public-interest cultural programmes, and launch more popular cultural activities’ (Xi, 2017, ¶101), through carrying out policies such as the Healthy Chinese Initiative (2016a), and Fitness-forAll programmes (2009, 2011, 2016). The goal of ‘building China into a country strong on sports’ (Xi, 2017, ¶109) appears deeply connected to the improvement and construction of cultural programmes in locations such as cultural centers. From the role that cultural centers play in the development and implementation of guangchang wu, it could be understood that they are a vital link in advocating, delivering, and implementing the various policies guiding guangchang wu and the larger state narratives in which the policies are situated within. Cultural centres are non-profit organizations, and therefore they heavily rely on subsidies offered by the government. It is also intended that the services that cultural centers provide are free to all (Bo, 2005), with costs subsidized by the municipality or state, or occasionally participants pay a small fee for their involvement in activities, as explained in the narratives below:

2 The report made at the 19th National Congress has put forward that ‘the period between 2017 and 2020 will be decisive in finishing the building of a moderately prosperous society in all aspects’ (Xi, 2017, ¶71). The Party has drawn up a two-stage development plan span from 2020 to the middle of twenty-first Century. In the first stage from 2020 to 2035, the general goal is to realize socialist modernization based on the foundation created within a moderately prosperous society. In the second stage, according to the Report, from 2035 to 2050 it is the intention that China will become a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful.

6

THE INNER CIRCLE AND THE OUTER CIRCLE: ADMINISTRATION …

73

Groups with a dance teacher charge a fee to support the dance teaching, maybe between 200 and 800 Yuan a year depending on which group you chose. After you pay the fee, teachers provide guidance and instruction while you dance with them. If you just follow them like most people do without paying, they would just ignore you in most cases—Long Chungmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province The square dance training is co-organized and hosted by the Radio and Television Administration of Xinzheng City and the local Tourism Administration. For people who want to attend the training they need to register for the event at the sub-district office closest to where they live. The dance teaching is a three-day live-in training class. Last year we were training in opera square dance, and this year we were taking classes in art square dance. The three-day training lasts from 8:00am to 8:00 pm. At the end of the three days we have a show to perform what we learnt. Officials come to see the performance and look at the outcomes—Anonymous We each paid the teacher 200 Yuan and she taught us five or six dance works. The premise is that she promised that everyone can dance what she teaches eventually. To begin with, most of us did not have a computer or a smartphone, so learning in person with a teacher was the best way. Gradually, we started to get the movements. Over time more people started to own smartphones, and then we started using smartphones to learn dance. But initially, a dozen people like me in my team, we were taught by dance teacher in person—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province

While cost to participate in guangchang wu activities has been identified by those above, it can also be observed that a huge market has been established for guangchang wu and this is reflected in the online platforms catering to the needs of those who practice the dance form. When searching any popular Chinese e-commerce platform such as Taobao (淘宝) and Jingdong (京东) for key words such as ‘dance costume’ or ‘sound system’ thousands of items are listed that are designed specifically for the guangchang wu market. It is clear that China’s growing consumption has been a policy objective (CCCPC, 2016), and online retailers have changed the landscape for consumerism in China. Given the clear agenda of both consumerism and online shopping, it is perhaps viewed to be inevitable that there is a growing marketization of guangchang wu, not only in the dance form itself, but also the products and services associated with the practice. While some note that the growing online

74

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

consumerism in China is primarily due to a ‘China’s individualist youth culture of online consumerism’ (Williamson, 2017, p. 1), it is estimated that the 100 million or more square dancers in the country have created a 100 billion-RMB ($15 billion USD) market (Sun, 2017). What can be gleaned from the discussion around leadership and administration of guangchang wu is that involvement of organizations such as cultural centers have created a centralised platform for guangchang wu, and a private sector economy and market for guangchang wu also seems to be flourishing. Neither the public or private administration, activities, and leadership of guangchang wu seem to be halting in their pace of development, expansion, and engagement. At this stage it is unclear how the different leadership structures and agendas might intersect in years to come, and how the social, political, and financial imperatives might unfold. However, the leadership and administration appear to be deeply tied to notions of community, group ownership, and inclusion of the activities taking place.

References Bo, J. (2005). Explorations on the functioning role and running model of the system of cultural centres in building public culture service. Journal of Shandong Youth Administrative Cadres College, 5, 140–143. Bo, X. T. (2011). On cultural responsibilities of cultural centres. The Guide of Science & Education, 8, 22–23. Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. (2016). The 13th fiveyear plan for economic and social development of the People’s Republic of China 2016– 2020. Compilation and Translation Bureau, Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Gan, C. (2017). Understanding WeChat users’ liking behavior: An empirical study in China. Computers in Human Behavior, 68, 30–39. Harwit, E. (2017). WeChat: Social and political development of China’s dominant messaging app. Chinese Journal of Communication, 10(3), 312–327. Hu, J. T. (2012, November 17). Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 18th Party Congress. China Daily Online. http://language.chinadaily.com.cn/19thcp cnationalcongress/2017-10/16/content_32684880.htm. Liu, G. R. (2015). Analysis on the role of cultural centres in developing masses culture. Modern Communication, 10, 68. Men, L. R., Chen, Z. F., & Ji, Y. G. (2018). Walking the talk: An exploratory examination of executive leadership communication at startups in China. Journal of Public Relations Research, 30(1–2), 35–56.

6

THE INNER CIRCLE AND THE OUTER CIRCLE: ADMINISTRATION …

75

Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Ministry of Finance of People’s Republic of China. (2011, February 14). Suggestion on promoting free access of national galleries, libraries and cultural centres. The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www.gov.cn/zwgk/2011-02/14/con tent_1803021.htm. Mullenbach, L. E., Baker, B. L., Benfield, J., Hickerson, B., & Mowen, A. J. (2019). Assessing the relationship between community engagement and perceived ownership of an urban park in Philadelphia. Journal of Leisure Research, 50(3), 201–219. Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/The Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Sun, W. Y. (2017, November 29). Huge market established in China thanks to square dancing. People’s Daily Online. http://en.people.cn/n3/2017/1129/ c90000-9298586.html. The State Council. (2009, August 3). National Fitness Policy (2009). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www.gov.cn/ zhengce/content/2009-09/04/content_6430.htm. The State Council. (2011, February 15). National Fitness Policy (2011–2015). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2011-02/24/content_6411.htm. The State Council. (2016a, October 26). Healthy China 2030 blueprint. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-10/25/content_5124174.htm. The State Council. (2016b, June 15). National Fitness Policy (2016–2020). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www. gov.cn/zhengce/content/2016-06/23/content_5084564.htm. Wang, F. (2012). The leading role and function of square dancing in building masses culture. Science and Technology Herald, 29, 241. Wei, R. Y. (2019). On practical exploration and creative thinking of Cultural Centre and its works. Art Science and Technology, 11, 93–94. Williamson, D. (2017, July 27). China’s online consumerism: Managing business, moral panic and regulation. Paper presented at the China Management Research Frontiers Conference. Wu, Z. N. (2012). Reflections on function and position of Cultural Centre in the context of its free admission. Arts Criticism, 2, 10–12. Xi, J. P. (2017, October 18). Full text of Xi Jinping’s report at 19th Party Congress. China Daily. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/interface/flipboard/ 1142846/2017-11-06/cd_34188086.html.

CHAPTER 7

Dance for the People: Community, Visibility and Guangchang Wu

Abstract Guangchang wu’s community engagement is clear through the millions who participate in the dance form. This community engagement encompasses friendships and relationships, a sense of belonging, and both individual and collective enjoyment. The encounters of community through guangchang wu are illustrated through the narratives from practitioners in this chapter that reveal the deep impact the practice has had on their lives. At the same time notions of visibility are highlighted, demonstrating how an older dancing body is included within the practice of guangchang wu. Keywords Belonging · Community · Relationships

I’m so happy that I’m able to make friends from dancing in my team. I barely knew anyone when I started, and I just wanted to exercise for fitness. Then I got to know more people and I learned a lot from them— Anonymous I like the moment where students make big progress with their dancing, they tell me that learning dance is like climbing a high mountain. They tell me, “at first it was so hard to climb the mountain, but now it is so easy, I can run up it!”—Qin, Beijing © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_7

77

78

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

I started to travel around the city to different locations and different teachers. I was going to these different locations so I could meet my online friends from the square dance groups, and I could meet them in real life and we could dance together—Xiao Guixia, Beijing

Watching guangchang wu in a park or plaza in China on any given evening, the feeling of collective togetherness is often palpable. Friends embrace to greet each other, there is laughter and lots of talking, sometimes there is sharing of tea before, after, or even during breaks between dances. Dancing alongside those who are regular guangchang wu participants one often feels welcomed into the group—with a smile, or a gentle nudge to move further forward into the group. With these experiences in mind, it is perhaps not surprising that a connection between guangchang wu and the term ‘community’ has been acknowledged by those who practice the dance, in the policies attending to guangchang wu, and also in existing literature. As previous chapters have highlighted, there is a nod to such connections from guangchang wu dancers, and the narratives at the opening of this chapter emphasize this further. A sense of community in the practice of dance has been acknowledged widely (Barr, 2013; Houston, 2005). In dance scholarship from the global north there has been a specific focus on the notion of ‘community dance’, with this being understood as a practice that advocates the idea that dance is for all and that the value of the dance experiences is within the process of doing the dancing, rather than in any particular product or outcome (Amans, 2012, 2017). From a community dance viewpoint, the feelings of participants are significant (Butler, Snook, & Buck, 2016), and the approach taken is perhaps more collaborative than relying on one teacher or choreographer to lead the activities (Amans, 2017). The following narratives reveal how some guangchang wu practitioners have experienced community, and particularly the development of relationships within their dance encounters: After a while I would go to other parks to learn more dances, I was just really eager to learn different dances and to have different teachers. I also liked that I started to have friends all over the city, in each team I would have one or two people who I would often meet up with outside of dance. My friends who did not dance were envious, they would say, “oh, you have so many people to visit all over the city, we just know the people in our neighbourhood!”—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing

7

DANCE FOR THE PEOPLE: COMMUNITY …

79

Initially, my group danced in an empty space near my apartment, but the lighting there was not very sufficient. Later we moved over to my apartment building, but the light there was not very good either. Then, we were informed that the office of neighbourhood community has installed new light bulbs in the street. Suddenly, the street was so bright, it was perfect for dancing. Many adults bring their kids to watch us, and they stand there and watch us all night—Anonymous I joined a square dance group near my home. I would go and dance after dinner, at about 7:30 pm for about one hour. I liked to have this to do after dinner because otherwise there is nothing to do except watch TV. For the first three months after I started dancing, I did not really talk to anyone in the group. But after about three months another lady in the group came up to me and started asking me how I was finding the dancing. We have been best friends ever since—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing For a retired person, I have a very full schedule! I am busier than my friends who do not dance. I think I am this busy because I like to dance, but really it is because I like the people I dance with and I want to see them as much as possible—Xu Huidi, Beijing

It is clear that friendship and social networks have meaning in the experiences shared by guangchang wu dancers, reminding us of the connection between this dance form and community (Fig. 7.1). Longqi Yu (2017) notes within his exploration of community dance in China that ‘a strong correlation between square dance and community dance in China’ (p. ii) is identified, with connection with others, feeling part of a group or team, and building relationships being central considerations. While the narratives from dancers certainly reiterate these connections and links between guangchang wu and community dance as it is understood within western scholarship, there are some aspects of guangchang wu that seem to contradict with the values and principles of a community dance philosophy. As noted in Chapters 4 and 5, the growing emphasis on technical skill and performance contradicts the idea that guangchang wu as community dance is about process. The proliferation of competitions, curriculum, and teaching and learning methods drawn from professional dance contexts also counter the narrative that community dance is indeed for all. At the same time consideration also can be given to understanding the particularities of the idea of ‘community’ within the Chinese context, and

80

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Fig. 7.1 A dancer at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing

the links this has to notions of the collective. Extending on the discussion raised in Chapter 5, in Chinese scholarship there tends to be a focus on the idea of ‘collective memory’ (Mi, 2016; Zhu & Liu, 2018) shared by the current generation who dance guangchang wu. As Seetoo and Zou (2016) explain, those who practice guangchang wu may have been intensely absorbed in political movements since they were young, experiencing the Red Guard era, the Down to the Countryside Movement, State Owned Enterprise Reform, and the Reform of Social Security System, and now many of this generation are facing retirement, empty nest syndrome, and the gap in intergenerational communication. (p. 34)

Such conditions, as outlined by Seetoo and Zou (2016), perhaps indicate why there is a motivation from an older generation in China to participate in the practice of guangchang wu. At the same time the ambiguity between collectivism and relationalism in the guangchang wu community has perhaps been exacerbated as the practice has developed. The notion

7

DANCE FOR THE PEOPLE: COMMUNITY …

81

of ‘relationalism’ as raised in Chapter 5, may also add to our understandings of guangchang wu as a community dance practice. In the context of the Reform-Era the popularity of guangchang wu in China could be partly due to the transition China has made from a society based on the ‘familiar’, to a society made up of ‘strangers’ (Zhu & Liu, 2018). In From the soil (乡土中国), a text written by Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong in 1947 (translated into English in 1992), he pointedly contends that ‘Chinese society is rural’ (Fei, 1992, p. 1) and the rural society is ‘a society without strangers, a society based totally on the familiar’ (Fei, 1992, p. 41). Within the ‘society without strangers’ (p. 41) that Fei depicts from the 1940s, it is understood that social circles are interrelated (Brown, 2014). Yet, in the context of guangchang wu, which has boomed and spread alongside the processes of urbanization and industrialization, more anonymous relationships have replaced the intimate relationships featured in earlier discussions regarding society in China (Lu & Qian, 2019). The rural society ‘based on the familiar’ and enmeshed with customary norms, has been challenged through the scene of strangers convening in public locations across China and dancing together. Within this reframing of social practice, guangchang wu has potentially dismantled divisions of different classes, backgrounds, and experiences in Chinese society, allowing a mobility and interaction among diverse people through the corporeal participation in dance (Zhou & Huang, 2019). With these ideas in mind we propose that guangchang wu is a unique type of community dance in the context of China, one that cannot necessarily be directly linked to community dance as it is perceived within a western or global north context, and a practice that offers a hybridisation of both community dance ideals, professional dance practices, and on mass performance philosophies. On one hand, the emergence of guangchang wu has embraced the notion that ‘everyone can dance’, which stresses the value of participation through practicing dance collectively (Lv, 2017). On the other hand, alongside its revolutionary predecessors, such as yangge dance and loyalty dancing, guangchang wu is also perceived as the continuation of on mass dance traditions dating back to mass ideology (Mao, 1967) from the Yan’an Era of Chinese society. Although scholars tend to contend that analysis of guangchang wu should concentrate more on its aesthetic culture and circumvent ideological linkages to its history (Dai, 2015; Zhou, 2015), the intervention of government agendas in the practice, as well as the introduction of professional dance practices to the form

82

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

have also shifted the autonomy and bottom-up agency guangchang wu may have once had. Considering this, it could be said that these lineages have moulded guangchang wu into a type of community dance made in China for China. As the following narratives reveal, there is a particular crossover between the diverse practices occurring: Yes, people dance to feel a nice sense of community, that it is friendly, and that they have friends. But now, it is much more than that. Groups don’t just do it for fun, they take it seriously. They want to be in time with each other, they want to do more difficult dances, and for many, they want to win the competitions. For me there is the nice friendly part to what we do, but then there are also the serious parts as well—Kong Xue, Beijing I met one teacher and talked to her about what she teaches… She told me that she didn’t perceive what she teaches to be square dance at all. She is pretty much sure that it is professional dance in square, as the dance is not the simple exercises for grannies, it needs technique and standards—Long Chunmei, Xiangyang, Hubei Province

Alongside the ideas of how guangchang wu offers a particular type of community dance in China, is the notion that it also brings visibility to a group of people—often older, and female—who tend to be negated from not only dance in China, but also aspects of society more broadly. Yu’s (2017) study notes that ‘participants of community dance in China are mostly middle-aged and elderly women’ (p. ii), and while there is arguably more diversity occurring within guangchang wu as it moves forward, older women are still seen to be the dominant group associated with the practice. In the context of China, there is the perception that the elderly population are respected within society, with attitudes situated within Confucian ideals (Sheng & Settles, 2006). The highly influential Chinese philosopher and teacher, Confucius (Kongzi 孔子, 551–479 BC), explained that the foundations for establishing harmonious and compassionate familial and societal relations is through the moral principle of filial piety. In East Asian societies that have traditionally drawn on Confucian philosophy, filial piety has long been viewed as a primary moral convention, shaping parent-child relationships and expectations to care for elders (Canda, 2013). However, this governing ideal is grounded in the notion that several generations of a family would live together. Within contemporary China this view has been met with challenges as society has transformed. In the context of the Reform-Era where

7

DANCE FOR THE PEOPLE: COMMUNITY …

83

a planned economy transitioned into a market economy and rural society transformed into industrialized society, the change to family structures appeared to be inevitable. The change to the family structure and living arrangements has challenged the traditional idea of filial piety, and in turn strong family loyalty has gradually become a more abstract concept. The image of ‘while one’s parents are alive; one should not travel to distant places. If it is necessary to travel, there should be a definite direction’ (Ding, 1997, p. 57) as depicted by Confucius has now, in most cases, become a forgotten idea. The shift of family structures has deeply impacted roles of family members, reframing the relationships between family members and stressing for a more equal dynamic instead of hierarchy within the family (Yang, 2015). Within this reframing, the status of middle-aged and older women has been adjusted. Within such changes, the elderly in China (like in many locations in the world) tend to be perceived in a particular way, with stereotyping and age-related discrimination occurring (Vauclair, Lima, Abrams, Swift, & Bratt, 2016). The idea of the dancing elderly also brushes against what some might feel is an appropriate activity for older adults, or an activity that is to be taken seriously as a practice (Amans, 2017), as the following narrative indicates: I have a really busy dance schedule. Because I am in the dance team, I have regular training every Monday and Thursday, then there is an advanced group on Monday and Friday that I join, and then on Sunday there is a four-hour class where the first two hours are Chinese classical dance, and the second two hours are Chinese folk dance. This is all very important to me, but my family and friends who don’t dance think I am wasting my time. They say, “why do you spend so many hours dancing?” and, “a woman your age you should relax more”. I think they see that dance is something a bit silly for someone my age to do, that maybe one class a week would be fine, but the amount I do they say, “do you think you are a professional?”—Xu Huidi, Beijing

In the narrative above, Xu Huidi notes that she has been told ‘a woman your age you should relax more’, highlighting gender within the comment made to her. It is also potentially the words used to describe those who dance guangchang wu that exacerbate some of the stereotypes related to age and gender of those who practice the form. Some of the guangchang wu practitioners refer to themselves as ‘dama’ or ‘study mama’ (as expressed in Chapter 5). The word of ‘ma’, either in

84

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

the combination of ‘study mama’ or in ‘dama’, means ‘mother’, with the word combinations including ‘ma’ usually indicating a certain age and gender, that is, women between 40 to 60 years of age (York, Shen, & Yang, 2019). The word dama in relation to guangchang wu was initially used in an uncomplimentary way, referring to those who dance in public spaces creating noise which can lead to conflict between the dancers and the residents (Seetoo & Zou, 2016). When the term dama started to be used around a decade ago, it had strong sense of being divergent from the norms of behaviour that were expected from women within a certain age group. However, now the use of dama as a way to describe those to dance guangchang wu has become much more common place and has ‘softened’ in relation to how it perceived. This change of the tone and understanding of the word to describe many who dance guangchang wu is perhaps indicative of the growing popularity of the practice and the support offered by the Chinese government. Within literature exploring gender and ageing, it has been noted that in many contexts middle-aged or older women can feel increasingly unseen within society, and marginalized and excluded from dialogues, activities, and representation (Wallach et al., 2017). It has been noted that the media often portrays older women in an unflattering manner (Heinrichsmeier, 2019); with a beauty-is-defined-by-youth culture leaving older women at the margins of societies (Wolf, 2019). China is no exception to this, with constructs of age and gender in China being ‘created through socially generated gender stereotypes and furthered through media messaging’ (Feldshuh, 2018, p. 38). It could be argued that guangchang wu offers a counter to the invisibility that could be felt by this demographic of women, and that those involved in guangchang wu are taking agency in how they approach activity and visibility, as the following narratives indicate: I feel the one-hour square dance every night is so precious in my life. I talk to my friends in the group when the dancing is over. Most sisters in our team have regular jobs like me, a few of them are full-time housewives. In most cases, people who passed by would stop, take pictures and even film us—Anonymous I think many people do square dance because they are retired, and they do not have much to do. Some follow their friends to join a square dance group. I think of course it is exercise, but I see it improves their confidence,

7

DANCE FOR THE PEOPLE: COMMUNITY …

85

not just in dancing but in everything. I see that they discover confidence through learning and performing the dances. I see that it really gives them an activity to do together. They often travel to competitions together and I see that they like to take photos together, and it is kind of like they are showing off saying, “hey, we do things to!” or, “we are doing our own thing!”. I think generally the younger generation supports this, I think people like to see that the older generation are enjoying themselves and keeping busy—Kong Xue, Beijing The more that I got into dancing, the more confidence I had in myself. When I got older, I felt that my life was over, my friends and I would talk about how once our kids left home our purpose as women had sort of ended. But now, because I have dance and I have friends who dance, I feel excited about life, I feel that even though I am an older woman I still have much to do—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing

From the narratives above, it can be suggested that guangchang wu offers an activity that counters the invisibility that middle-aged women might encounter. The practice of this dance in public space, where older women are engaging in a form where they ‘take up’ space, calling attention to their presence, their moving bodies, and their confidence, challenges much that has been expressed regarding older Chinese women as being invisible, repressed or prudish (Shea, 2011). Due to the previously mentioned changes to family structures and social relations, middle-aged and older women tend to be excluded in family affairs, thus leading to some feeling an identity crisis and also having more spare time (Shea, 2011). The marginalization of older women’s roles in both society and family may in turn create feelings of loneliness, or concerns around a sense of belonging and purpose. In light of this unique context, through guangchang wu older women in China are able to rewrite their role within public space where they can take control of their social role (Gaubatz, 2008), while also gaining a sense of belonging (Mi, 2016). Alongside the unique notion of community and community dance that guangchang wu offers and the visibility it gives to a cohort that might otherwise be somewhat inconspicuous within Chinese society, some of the narratives revealed how involvement in the dance form offered something tied to a deep intrinsic motivation: The majority of people who dance square dance are retired people. I don’t think they do it only for exercise of for the social element. I think they do

86

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

it to achieve a dream that they might have had for a long time. I see so many who had a dream to dance when they were younger, but they never had the chance. So, at this later age they have the opportunity to fulfil this dream. I see that this is the beauty of square dance. I think the attitude of those who learn square dance is very professional, even though this is not their job, they treat it very seriously. They will come to practice every day—Liu Wanwan, Beijing When I dance, I feel like I just want to keep going, the feeling of movement in your body is just great. I also like how the different dance styles have different feelings; you cannot dance Mongolian dance in the same way you do a Chinese classical dance. So, when you perform these different dances it is like different parts of your personality can come out. What I have learnt is that dance is not just about the movements, but it is about your heart, it is about how your heart feels when you dance—Xiao Guixia, Beijing

The narratives above from two guangchang wu practitioners, Lui Wanwan and Xiao Guixia, reveal that their motivation to dance is not solely for social or health reasons. Rather, they express something deeper. In explaining that they seek to achieve a goal or dream it could be viewed that they feel a strong intrinsic motivation to dance. Literature notes that internal processes and personal characteristics shape and influence an individual’s motivation, while situational factors, such as teaching practices and the context of the learning space also influence motivation (Bandura, 1986; Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). However, perhaps it could be argued that the creative process, problem-solving skills, perseverance, and concentration required in learning guangchang wu, coupled with the experience of community, visibility, confidence, and health benefits all act as motivations to engage in guangchang wu. In turn, this reveals how complex the dance practice is, and how the experiences of those dancing guangchang wu are diverse. It is not simply a matter of dancing for health or dancing for social connections as much of the literature and policy notes. Rather, for some involved in guangchang wu, it offers purpose and meaning to their lives.

References Amans, D. (2012). Age and dancing: Older people and community dance practice. Macmillan International Higher Education.

7

DANCE FOR THE PEOPLE: COMMUNITY …

87

Amans, D. (2017). An introduction to community dance practice. Macmillan International Higher Education. Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social-cognitive theory. Prentice-Hall. Barr, S. (2013). Learning to learn: A hidden dimension within community dance practice. Journal of Dance Education, 13(4), 115–121. Brown, K. (2014). The new emperors: Power and the princelings in China. Bloomsbury. Butler, M., Snook, B., & Buck, R. (2016). The transformative potential of community dance for people with cancer. Qualitative Health Research, 26(14), 1928–1938. Canda, E. R. (2013). Filial piety and care for elders: A contested Confucian virtue re-examined. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 22(3–4), 213–234. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1990). Flow: The psychology of human experience. Harper Perennial. Dai, X. (2015). Guangchang wu: Ideology, aesthetics and public space. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities, 11, 178–184. Ding, W. D. (1997). 100 Sayings of Confucius. The Commercial Press. Fei, X. (1992). From the soil: The foundations of Chinese society (G. G. Hamilton & W. Zheng, Trans.). University of California Press (Original work published 1947). Feldshuh, H. (2018). Gender, media, and myth-making: Constructing China’s leftover women. Asian Journal of Communication, 28(1), 38–54. Gaubatz, P. (2008). New public space in urban China: Fewer walls, more malls in Beijing. Shanghai and Xining. China Perspectives, 2008(4), 72–83. Heinrichsmeier, R. (2019). ‘So long as there’s hair there still’: Displaying lack of interest as a practice for negotiating social norms of appearance for older women. Ageing & Society, 39(7), 1360–1386. Houston, S. (2005). Participation in community dance: A road to empowerment and transformation? New Theatre Quarterly, 21(2), 166–177. Lu, H. Y., & Qian, J. X. (2019). From “society of acquaintance” to “society of strangers”: Square dance and publicness in urban China. Geographical Research, 38(7), 1609–1624. Lv, H. (2017). Back to the square: The space migration of mass dance development since the twenty first century. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 2, 40–44. Mao, Z. D. (1967). Talks at the Yenan forum on literature and art. Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung, 3, 69–98. Mi, L. (2016). Identification, belonging and pleasure: Women’s self-regulation and constructions of the subject in dancing a street square from a generational perspective. Collection of Women’s Studies, 134(2), 62–79.

88

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/The Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Shea, J. L. (2011). Older women, marital relationships, and sexuality in China. Ageing International, 36(3), 361. Sheng, X., & Settles, B. H. (2006). Intergenerational relationships and elderly care in China: A global perspective. Current Sociology, 54(2), 293–313. Vauclair, C. M., Lima, M. L., Abrams, D., Swift, H. J., & Bratt, C. (2016). What do older people think that others think of them, and does it matter? The role of meta-perceptions and social norms in the prediction of perceived age discrimination. Psychology and Aging, 31(7), 699. Wallach, I., Chamberland, L., Lavigne, J., Beauchamp, J., Duford, J., & Miller, G. (2017). The aging female body, ageist beauty norms, and social exclusion: From internationalization to resistance. Innovation in Aging, 1(1), 645. Wolf, D. (2019). Desire in absence: The construction of female beauty in the social media age (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Ohio State University. Yang, L. J. (2015). Family core tendency to the social impact of the middle-aged and old women—Theoretical analysis on the phenomenon of dama square dance. Scientific Research on Aging, 9, 34–41. York, Q. Y., Shen, J. H., & Yang, Y. (2019). How ‘dama’ becomes drama— assessing the ideological forces underlying open air group dances by Chinese senior females. Leisure Studies, 1–10. Yu, L. (2017). What is community dance? A Chinese perspective (Unpublished Master’s thesis in Dance Studies). University of Auckland. Zhou, K. H., & Huang, Y. Y. (2019). The intersection of body and social stratification emerging from public square dancing in transitional China. Journal of Chinese Women’s Studies, 155(5), 45–56. Zhou, L. (2015). On reinforcing the basic means to dance teaching in the community of elderly people. Journal of Zunyi Normal College, 2(43), 155–162. Zhu, Z. W., & Liu, L. (2018). Memory of body: Inheritance and revolution of square dance as a means of social memory. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 18(5), 15–19.

CHAPTER 8

Dancing the Politics of Harmony: The Impact of Guangchang Wu

Abstract The social and political impact of guangchang wu have been far reaching. Within China, the practice is informing how cities are developed, and how policies are written. We argue in this chapter that guangchang wu serves the ideals of the PRC, and more specifically the Communist Party of China. Recent displays of guangchang wu in events such as the 70th anniversary celebrations of the PRC highlight the role that the dance form plays in delivering political messages through performance. At the same time, global attention has been given to guangchang wu, with the dance being taken up in locations around the world and becoming synonymous with Chinese diaspora. This chapter leads to further understanding of the hybrid space that guangchang wu occupies in relation to cultural meanings and practices. Keywords Hybridity · Performance · Politics

The central government has funds to support the development of public culture and this is helping square dance really evolve—Liu Wanwan, Beijing We found an empty space where we can dance. Now towns and villages are very supportive for elderly people pursuing their interests. I believe soon we’ll have a space especially for square dance – the local government © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_8

89

90

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

is coordinating it. Right now, square dancers from Baima Village are still dancing in separate areas of the town. As long as the new space is ready, all square dancers will move to there and it’s going to be so much fun—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province There are many things we should be thankful for: the state, the committee and the place to dance. I don’t see why we shouldn’t perform the best quality we can. Isn’t dancing in square a better choice than watching TV indoors?—Anonymous

Guangchang wu is clearly making an impact in Chinese society, permeating public space, online platforms, and media. When searching for ‘guangchang wu’ on Baidu1 there are approximately 71 million hits and searching for ‘square dance China’ on Google brings approximately 151 million hits. In looking at headlines in major newspapers when searching for reports of guangchang wu, dramatic titles such as ‘Dancing grannies raise a ruckus’ (BBC, 2013, ¶1), ‘Chinese dancing dama arrested in New York’ (Zhang, 2014, p. 101), ‘Man disturbed from sleep smashes square dancers’ loudspeakers and start a riot’ (Clothey & Dilworth, 2020, p. 129), ‘Tourists stopped while dancing in Taiwan’s hotel’ (China Daily, 30 June 2014, ¶1), and ‘Square dance occurs in Moscow’ (China Daily, 16 June 2014, ¶1) emerge. These titles highlight not only the sensational tone that the articles take, but also that there are reports of guangchang wu globally—from the headlines above alone there is the mention of New York, Moscow, and Taiwan—illustrating that the practice now reaches well beyond the borders of China. Qi Zhang and Ge Min (2019) found that between May 2016 and May 2018 approximately 150 news articles were published ‘containing the keyword guangchangwu from the People’s Daily, one of the most influential official newspapers owned by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China’ (p. 61). Reporting and discussion surrounding guangchang wu does not appear to be slowing down, with guangchang wu also being a focus of reality TV series and shows in China (see for example: Wu Dong Quan Cheng (舞动 泉城), 2014; Tian Tian Xiang Shang (天天向上), 2015a; Happy Camp ( 快乐大本营), 2015b; Golden 100s (黄金100秒), 2016, 2020) (Fig. 8.1). As explored in earlier chapters, guangchang wu is clearly serving the agenda of the Chinese government in several ways. In this relationship 1 Baidu (百度) is a Chinese Internet search engine, similar to Google.

8

DANCING THE POLITICS OF HARMONY …

91

Fig. 8.1 Dancers rehearsing a Tibetan dance with their teacher at Qin studio, Xinhua International Square, Chaoyang District, Beijing

between guangchang wu and the state, it could be proposed that the dance form acts as part of the information, image, and censorship control exerted by the Chinese government (King, Pan, & Roberts, 2017). Art and artists in China have for some time faced challenging situations of state hegemony and control (Mantell, 2017). Scholarship has noted how artists and arts practices in China have, at times been at risk of being censored, or alternatively used to serve political discourse (Jorgensen, 2018; Lukinbeal, 2019). While guangchang wu seems to avoid the close scrutiny and censorship that more contemporary arts practices might encounter in China, in part perhaps due to its more ‘wholesome’ image, it still contributes to state narratives and ideals. At the same time, it could be argued that the censorship of guangchang wu has been exerted at the same time that guangchang wu itself has been developing, as in censorship does not seem to be something that follows after a dance is created, a dance team is formed, or a competition is established. The following narrative from a guangchang wu participant highlights such ideas:

92

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Dance in the square is also advantageous to maintaining harmonious family relationships. Even our President Xi emphasizes the importance of enriching peoples’ cultural life. Our neighbourhood committee are improving their services step by step. The team that I am dancing with is led and administered by our local neighbourhood committee, and they support us financially and politically. We have some allowances each time we compete, however we need to pay for costumes and makeup by ourselves. Things are a bit different after the neighbourhood took leadership of our group directly. Some dances such as the Chinese fan dance and handkerchief dance, the neighbourhood community would cover the cost of props once they knew what kind of dance we were about to dancing. We can use the yard of the committee during rainy days. The committee has not only provided the space for us, but also offered drinks and chairs so we can also rest. Dance connected each one of us together, and we care and love each other even though we don’t share any blood relation. Whenever we finish a competition, the sisters of our team would gather and discuss what we learned and reflect how to improve. I always tell my sisters to remember what President Xi advocates – that our dance can enrich the cultural life of the masses, and lead to a prosperous and healthy society—Anonymous

From the experiences shared by some of the guangchang wu practitioners, it is clear that they see that participation in the dance form directly connects with the messages delivered by President Xi. Several other practitioners referred to their participation in guangchang wu activities serving local or national events as holding particular meaning for them, with some noting how these activities were purposefully delivering messages that the government would like communicated to a wider audience beyond those who dance guangchang wu. With this in mind, it can be suggested that over time a spectacularization of guangchang wu has developed. A term outlined by Guy Debord (1995), ‘spectacularization’ refers to the process of transforming lived social life into representation, usually in a mediated form. In the displays of guangchang wu on National Day celebrations and other events that have a political or state under (or over) tone, it can be understood that the dance practice when shared with crowds and audiences offers spectacularization (Yang, 2011). As Guy Debord (1995) explains, ‘the spectacle is not a collection of images, but a social relation between people, mediated by images’ (p. 107). What guangchang wu can offer is a moving and embodied image of the ideals that the Communist Party of China wishes to convey to the masses—ideals of ‘harmony and

8

DANCING THE POLITICS OF HARMONY …

93

stability in the grassroots society’ (Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing , 2015, p. 1). The following narrative, from practitioner Zhang Fenglan, reveals the experience of her participation as a guangchang wu dancer in the 70th Anniversary of National Day Celebration in 2019, and other state related events and celebrations: This year is the 70th Anniversary of National Day Celebration, the local government asked us, the square dance team, to perform a Chinese fan dance for their event. It is called the Culture and Art Performance to celebrate the 70th Anniversary of the Party of Social Insurance Service Centre of Baima Village. It is an event organized by the citizen centre of our village government. The main idea of the event was to introduce an insurance system to people, including what endowment insurance is about. As long as you have worked in state-owned enterprises and organizations for over a year, you need to buy endowment insurance. The purpose of the event is to publicize common knowledge of this insurance system. The local government came to me because it was also the time of the 70th Anniversary of National Day, they asked us to present a piece of dance. They paid us 100 Yuan each. It is more like an opportunity for us, because 100 Yuan couldn’t even cover the money we paid for our costume; we didn’t take the money very seriously. Other kinds of events we’ve danced in include the celebration of CPC Founding Day; they needed a square dance performance. In our village, we have a Blueberry Picking Festival because Baima Village is famous for producing blueberries. We also need to dance for the event to commemorate the Red Army, and this event is organized by the government. At the end of each year, we will hold general festival where people gather together and dance square dance—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province

Within the narratives gathered, the political support appears to be both from top down directives and also from more grassroots and local government initiatives, as the narratives below explain further: Square dance is highly supported through governmental agendas in Henan Province. Our government has attached great importance to developing square dance, so much so that we hold annual square dance competitions in our city. Also, Xinzheng city holds square dance training for its residents every year. There was one dance work we learned in last year’s training

94

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

session called Liu Dage 《刘大哥》 ( ),2 it belongs to what I would consider as ‘high’ square dance – as in it is of professional dance standards. This year the training theme was ‘classical square dance’. Usually the dance training is in June—Anonymous The government of our township organizes a dance competition almost every year. Our team has been participating in square dance competitions for years. Usually the government of Baima Village arranges for us to attend the event, because officials of our community had to obey the superior orders of the local government. Thus, the fact that we attend the competition annually is in essence a task for local village government. In our village we have a cultural station, officials who are in charge of the cultural station would ask us to prepare a dance work, and to participate in square dance competitions to represent Baima Village. In the case of competitions, the cultural station of our village would cover the costume fee—Zhang Fenglan, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province

While there appears to be clear support for guangchang wu, it seems that there is a perception of the differences between what some of the practitioners referred to as ‘Beijing’ support, in contrast to support guangchang wu receives at more regional levels. As dancer and teacher Kong Xue from Beijing explains: I notice there is a difference between Beijing and my hometown. Those in my hometown perhaps are not as competitive and do not have so many requirements for their square dance as those in Beijing. In Beijing there are so many people, things are competitive, who has the better music, better costumes, choreography are all things the Beijing dancers consider. They are picky and want to be the best. In my hometown of Hunan, I can teach a dance and the dancers will love it, they will not question if anything could be better. I think in Beijing the expectations are higher, not just for square dance, but for everything. In Beijing there are many professional dance schools and activities, and I think then those who dance square dance in Beijing are more exposed to dance that is of what we might consider to be a ‘professional’ standard. The incomes are higher here, so people are willing to spend more money on their dancing activities, and then some of the teams here in Beijing get funding through sponsorship, which is something teams in smaller cities do not necessarily have opportunities for—Kong Xue, Beijing

2 Liu Dage literally means Brother Liu, and is a famous excerpt from Henan Opera Hua Mulan 《花木兰》 ( ).

8

DANCING THE POLITICS OF HARMONY …

95

The discussion of how guangchang wu might develop in the main centers of China, in contrast to the more rural or lower ‘tier’ cities in China, is reflective of wider discussions of development in the country. Among China’s urban development and planning strategies, a city-tier classification system indicates what Deng Xiaopeng (viewed to be the architect of the Reform and Opening-up Policy) had once blueprinted as ‘let some people get rich first’ (Deng, 1993, p. 10), but also vividly illustrates the growing regional disparity caused by unequal resource distribution. In the case of contemporary China, the problems accompanied by rapid urbanization tend to be focused on unequal economic development and imbalanced urbanization among regions and cities as a consequence of the market economy. Even though the city-tier classification is frequently used in relation to China’s urban planning and analysis, the evaluation system is not considered to be ‘official’ and therefore has diverse criteria. For example, the South China Morning Post (2016) notes that there are four-tier distinctions when categorizing 613 Chinese cities. In contrast, Yicai Global categorizes Chinese cities into six tiers based on the development of five indexes: ‘concentration of commercial resources’, ‘city as a hub’, ‘urban residents’ activity’, ‘lifestyle diversity’, and ‘future potential’ (Wong, 2019). In the criteria created by Yicai Global, indexes such as ‘urban residents’ activity’ and ‘lifestyle diversity’ are especially relevant for guangchang wu and its development across the country. In exploring the impact of guanchang wu, the influence of this dance form is perhaps most evident on the lives of those who dance it. As dancer Zhang Fenglan explains: ‘Our generation didn’t have the lifestyle and time to dance when we were kids. We were suffering too much as people and were all undergoing hardship. But now life is better, and we have so much spare time’. The rapid change in the social and political conditions in China that an older generation of guangchang wu dancers have experienced over their lifetime means that they are embracing the dance practice moving forward. At the same time, it seems that China’s younger generation is also taking up guangchang wu, with Zhang Fenglan going on to share: ‘Younger people are joining in, they are at their 20s or 30s. They find themselves enjoyed watching us dance and dancing with us! And we have good music!’. This leads to the question: What might the future hold for guangchang wu?—a query explored within the following final chapter.

96

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

References BBC. (2013, December 12). Dancing grannies raise a ruckus. https://www.bbc. com/news/blogs-china-blog-25330651. CCTV. (2016, October 10). Golden 100 Seconds. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=uOwHN3uHuUw. CCTV. (2020, April 17). Golden 100 Seconds. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=9n_umf9z77I&t=2s. China Daily. (2014a, June 16). Square dance occurs in Moscow. https://www. chinadaily.com.cn/trending/2014-06/16/content_17590221.htm. China Daily. (2014b, June 30). Tourists stopped while dancing in Taiwan’s hotel. https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/trending/2014-06/30/content_1762 6373.htm. Clothey, R., & Dilworth, R. (2020). China’s urban future and the quest for stability (Vol. 12). McGill-Queen’s Press-MQUP. Debord, G. (1995). The society of the spectacle. Verso. Deng, X. P. (1993). Selected works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3. People’s Publishing House. General Administration of Sport of China. (2015, August 26). Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing. General Administration of Sport of China, Ministry of Civil Affairs, and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development. http://zwgk.mct.gov.cn/auto255/201509/ t20150907_474823.html. Hunan Broadcasting System. (2015a, April 18). Tian Tian Xiang Shang. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EdtVIHQEJZs. Hunan Broadcasting System. (2015b, November 7). Happy Camp. https://www. discoveryloyalty.com/le_search/expired/65490. Jorgensen, D. (2018). Inhuman flow: Censorship and art in the two Chinas. Artlink, 38(3), 18. King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2017). How the Chinese government fabricates social media posts for strategic distraction, not engaged argument. American Political Science Review, 111(3), 484–501. Lukinbeal, C. (2019). The Chinafication of Hollywood: Chinese consumption and the self-censorship of US films through a case study of transformers age of extinction. Erdkunde, 73(2), 97–110. Mantell, E. (2017). Political art censorship: A productive power (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Ohio University. South China Morning Post. (2016). Urban legend: China’s tiered city system explained. https://multimedia.scmp.com/2016/cities/. Wong, D. (2019, February 27). China’s city-tier classification: How does it work? China Briefing. https://www.china-briefing.com/news/chinas-city-tier-classi fication-defined/.

8

DANCING THE POLITICS OF HARMONY …

97

Yang, Y. (2011). Spectacle: The development tendency of Chinese TV (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Nanjing Normal University. Yunan Broadcasting System. (2014). Wu Dong Quan Cheng. http://news.xnn ews.com.cn/ylxw/201407/t20140718_1925757.htm. Zhang, Q., & Min, G. (2019). Square dancing: A multimodal analysis of the discourse in the People’s Daily. Chinese Language and Discourse, 10(1), 61– 83. Zhang, X. (2014). Square dance and intercultural adaptation a case study of one Chinese dancing dama arrested in New York. Researchers World, 5(2), 101.

CHAPTER 9

Dancing into Hybridization: The Future of Guangchang Wu

Abstract The future directions of guangchang wu are identified through the narratives of those who are teaching and learning the practice. A summary of guangchang wu’s future and the visions held by those who participate in the dance highlight feelings that the popularity of the dance will only increase, while at the same time diversifying to meet the needs of a multitude of different learners, and advancement of online teaching and learning technology. Guangchang wu is dominated by the policies and support of the CPC, and the autonomy and grassroots agency of guangchang wu has been challenged, and while the practice now is shared around the world, it is a form that has clearly emerged from, and for, China. Keywords China · Dance · Development

Chunmei (春梅) used to be one of the regular dance students at my studio. After not hearing from her for some time she WeChatted me to say that she is now dancing square dance and that she would give me a special square dance tour next time I was home. Months later, on what might have been the coldest day of the year in Xiangyang, I went with Chunmei to visit her dance group. On our way to meet her team at a hotel gym, we stopped at some popular square dance spots. Chunmei warned me that due to the cold © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2_9

99

100

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

weather there might not be many people dancing outside. She was right. Spaces around Zhongxuan Tower (仲宣楼) were silent, only occasionally I saw two to three grannies exercising to music played on the radio. It was almost 7 pm when we arrived at the hotel where Chunmei’s team was dancing in the hotel gym, a temporary practice location due to the cold weather. I stepped into the studio. Every dancer was wearing tights, skirt and high-heeled shoes. They looked confident and comfortable waiting for the class to start. Chunmei encouraged me join the group while they began to do some warm-up exercises. I was hesitant to join and decided to watch for a while. There was a small stage in the front of the space, and a dancer who I assumed was a ‘leader’ jumped on the stage and started to do ‘warm up’ movements with her head, shoulders, chest, hips and ankles. Around 30 dancers followed her movements, some of them would move slower, some turned their back to face away from the studio mirrors. Interestingly, however, the leader rarely gave any verbal instructions while moving, and no one seemed bothered about who might be doing the movement faster or slower. More dancers kept showing up and joining the class after it had started, the latecomers would stand at the end of the team and start the warm-up quietly. It was fascinating how a class could be both so loose while also so organized. I took off my jacket, and joined in. After the first very long warm-up exercise, I could already feel that I was sweating. Another dancer stepped forward to take the leading position. “Whoops!” broke out in the crowd, which seemed to signify that the new leading dancer was very popular. The dancing started, still rarely with any oral instruction, and the music and movement was looping meaning the dances were repeated. “See that leading dancer, she just had her second baby, can you believe that? She has such great endurance and energy”, Chunmei whispered to me, while I felt I could hardly pick up the movements. I noticed that there were many dancers who couldn’t catch the dancing just like me, but they would ask the leader if they could do the dance one more time. Some of them would then film what the leader did, while some of them stood by the side, and try to work through the movement slowly. At the end of the class Chunmei and I left the studio, and as we stepped outside of the hotel, I noticed there were people gathering in the park across the street. We strolled along the stone road on the Hucheng River (护城河), and three guangchang wu groups caught my attention: a group composed of older adults, who were simply patting hands, turning around and stepping to and fro; a group consisting of young adults who were dancing Chinese folk style to the song Coolest Ethnic Trend by Phoenix Legend; and a group with only four dancers dancing Shuffle Dance, a dance that went viral on the Internet and was still quite popular among

9

DANCING INTO HYBRIDIZATION: THE FUTURE …

101

young dancers. Looking at the bleak scene of the park with just the few small groups, I wondered how many groups who would usually be dancing in the square would tuck themselves indoors in order to keep dancing during the winter like Chunmei’s dance team did? It was perhaps the confusion written in my face that caught Chunmei’s attention and she said, “right now they are occupying our dance space. But it doesn’t matter, we have our rules, by the time spring comes, we will move outside and return to this place. They will need to find another place to dance then”. I hoped that by the time spring came, more dancers would come back to their daily dancing on square. Ruohan—19 December 2019, Xiangyang, Hubei Province

The futures of guangchang wu are potentially multiple, and at this point of time, are rather unknown. While the narratives gathered for this research speak to a dance form that is diversifying, becoming inclusive of different people, and perhaps morphing in some ways from an amateur practice to a professional practice, the world is also encountering immense change as a result of COVID-19. Right now, the idea of gathering as a large group in a public place seems impossible, and in many countries right now, banned completely. How the world will resume dance practices after the pandemic is over is unclear, and perhaps guangchang wu will adapt and change to the new conditions we find ourselves in. While it may seem naïve to attempt to discuss ‘the future’ of guangchang wu in a moment of history where the COVID-19 crisis is still unfolding, we see that this current reality is worth documenting. What has been offered thus far is how guangchang wu has been developing and experienced by those teaching and learning the dance form. With these experiences in mind, there is the potential to consider how, the early days of a dramatically changing world, might guangchang wu not only be sustained, but build a flourishing future. Over the previous pages of this book it is illustrated that guangchang wu is a complex and evolving practice, one that is highly popular, but also one that is highly transformational in form and experience. The narratives shared by guangchang wu practitioners reveal how the dance form is deeply woven with their life, and while some may engage with it for health and social reasons, there is also a growing desire for it to be physically challenging and competitive. These multiple layers to the practice, and divergent experiences and expectations, bring to light the process of hybridization occurring where the practice could be perceived as a cultural

102

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

hybrid, lodged between past and present, formal and informal, competitive and social. These layers can be linked with the idea of the third space (Bhabha, 1990) for dance teaching, learning, performing, and creating guangchang wu. From the discussions, this third space could be seen as a place for new perspectives and possibilities to evolve, and where a sense of body-lingualism within the artistic practices of guangchang wu might be developed (Desmond, 1993–1994). As the following narratives illustrate, such new spaces are being considered by practitioners as they move forward: I must say at first, I thought that square dance was just people dancing in the square with no standard and no focus. But, once I started working with older dancers, once I started teaching and experiencing competitions, then I found that it was very different! I think the big thing that is happening that will change the future of square dance is the shift from outdoor to indoor – from the park to the studio. I think it will become more and more professional, and I think more people will want to perform. I think what the dance is today has a professional element, it is professional dance for elderly people—Liu Wanwan, Beijing

In my opinion I see that square dance is getting more professional. Maybe in the future there will be even more professional developments. I do not see that this is necessarily a good trend, because I think there is a need for this dance to still serve the very special group of people it is for – older adults who are not professional dancers. If square dance starts following the professional track it limits who can dance it, it makes it more elite and just for a few people rather than for everyone—Kong Xue, Beijing

I think back to when I started dancing, I was not very good. But recently I went back to my old square dance group, and I danced with them. People said that I had made a lot of progress and they said to me, “how can we improve?”. I told them it was a process, that now I have been dancing for a long time, but at the beginning I was not so good. I would tell people who wanted to dance square dance to just do it!—Yuan Zhongshu, Beijing

I see that as square dance grows in China, there are different developments in the north of the country compared to the south. In the north there are fewer people who dance square dance, in the south it is very popular,

9

DANCING INTO HYBRIDIZATION: THE FUTURE …

103

because there are lots of people and the days a lighter for longer in the south. I think this encourages people to head out more and younger people are involved in square dance. In Beijing people are really busy and I think it is only when people retire that they join square dance. I think there is a wider range of people dancing square dance now, but some of the dances are really for young people, like say the Shuffle Dance, that is one that the young people like to do. If older people to that dance they are not so flexible and they cannot move so quickly, so it is not a popular dance with the older age groups—Suo Jie, Beijing

These third spaces in guangchang wu perhaps mimic those within wider Chinese society, where there is movement between being accepted or unaccepted, comfortable or uncomfortable, innovative and predictable, often looking for ways to attend to expectations while also challenging norms. As noted in previous chapters, the construction of guangchang wu is something that speaks to wider social, political, and economic shifts in contemporary China, with guangchang wu offering a careful bridging of Chinese government ideologies and popular activity. It is clear that guangchang wu has now moved into a space that is in line with a dominant agenda encouraged by the PRC, an agenda that encourages a particular view of identity and the delivery of mega-narratives of the state (Golomstock, 1990; Makiya, 2011; Toepfer, 2019). While Chinese Maoist ideology tends to be something that is perceived to be in the distant past, with yangge dance and loyalty dancing as practices relegated to dance history books, we can see that the influence and methods of such ideologies have not dissipated and live on through guangchang wu. With guangchang wu now being dominated by the policies and support of the CPC, coupled with the rapid contemporary shifts in China encouraging marketization of the dance form, the autonomy and grassroots agency of guangchang wu has been challenged, and arguably put at risk. While the notion of guangchang wu as a ‘community dance’ practice, as per the understanding of ‘community dance’ within a Western context offers a romantic notion of the harmony and togetherness that the dance can offer, what has been unpacked is that the ‘community dance’ within guangchang wu is unique to the context of China. And, while the practice now is shared around the world, it is a form that has clearly emerged from, and for, China (Fig. 9.1).

104

R. MARTIN AND R. CHEN

Fig. 9.1 Dancers performing in Rendinghu Park, Xicheng District, Beijing, China

From the experiences shared by the guangchang wu practitioners in this book, what has been reiterated time and time again is the commitment and joy that they have through engaging with their dance practice. This commitment and joy is perhaps no more evident than observing groups of dancers in parks and plazas across China. For example, walking through Purple Bamboo Park in Haidian (海淀区紫竹院公园), Beijing, on a Saturday morning the energy exuded from the different dance groups is palpable. There are matching tracksuits, groups with brightly coloured fans, a large group claps loudly at the conclusion of their session, and there are those that are lingering on after their practice to chat with each other. It is very likely that you might walk into the middle of a dance group by accident, and before you know it, you have new dance friends alongside you, creating space for you to move, and smiling with encouragement. It becomes nearly impossible to not join in with a gentle ‘step together, step hop’. But, perhaps listen to the lyrics of the song you are dancing to for a moment, ‘… remember, our backbone is the scaffold of our country’s edifice. We are proud builders’ (Proud builders 全国十二

9

DANCING INTO HYBRIDIZATION: THE FUTURE …

105

套广场健身操舞《自豪的建设者》 , 2015), and maybe it is clear that you are dancing as part of a much bigger picture, a picture that is driving the direction of contemporary China.

References Bhabha, H. K. (1990). The third space: Interview with Homi K. Bhabha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, culture, difference (pp. 207–221). Lawrence & Wishart. Desmond, J. C. (1993–1994). Embodying difference: Issues in dance and cultural studies. Cultural Critique, 26, 33–63. Golomstock, I. (1990). Totalitarian art: In the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, fascist Italy, and the People’s Republic of China. HarperCollins. Makiya, K. (2011). What is totalitarian art? Cultural kitsch from Stalin to Saddam. Foreign Affairs, 90(3), 142–148. Toepfer, K. (2019). Totalitarian aesthetics of mass bodily display during the 1930s. Journal of Curatorial Studies, 8(1), 52–81.

References

Amans, D. (2012). Age and dancing: Older people and community dance practice. Macmillan International Higher Education. Amans, D. (2017). An introduction to community dance practice. Macmillan International Higher Education. Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social-cognitive theory. Prentice-Hall. Barr, S. (2013). Learning to learn: A hidden dimension within community dance practice. Journal of Dance Education, 13(4), 115–121. BBC. (2013, December 12). Dancing grannies raise a ruckus. https://www.bbc. com/news/blogs-china-blog-25330651. Beijing Municipal Bureau of Statistics. (2020, March 7). Survey office of the National Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved from http://tjj.beijing.gov.cn/Eng lish/. Bhabha, H. K. (1990). The third space: Interview with Homi K. Bhabha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, culture, difference (pp. 207–221). Lawrence & Wishart. Bjorklund, E. M. (1986). The danwei: Socio-spatial characteristics of work units in China’s urban society. Economic Geography, 62(1), 19–29. Bo, J. (2005). Explorations on the functioning role and running model of the system of cultural centres in building public culture service. Journal of Shandong Youth Administrative Cadres College, 5, 140–143. Bo, X. T. (2011). On cultural responsibilities of cultural centres. The Guide of Science & Education, 8, 22–23.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2

107

108

REFERENCES

Bond, K. E., & Deans, J. (1997). Eagles, reptiles and beyond: A co-creative journey in dance. Childhood Education, 73(6), 366–371. Brown, K. (2014). The new emperors: Power and the princelings in China. Bloomsbury. Butler, M., Snook, B., & Buck, R. (2016). The transformative potential of community dance for people with cancer. Qualitative Health Research, 26(14), 1928–1938. Cai, F. (2018). Perceiving truth and ceasing doubts: What can we learn from 40 years of China’s reform and opening up? China & World Economy, 26(2), 1–22. Canda, E. R. (2013). Filial piety and care for elders: A contested Confucian virtue re-examined. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 22(3–4), 213–234. Cao, Q., & Lu, B. (2018). Mediating and moderating effects of loneliness between social support and life satisfaction among empty nesters in China. Current Psychology, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-018-0019-0. CCTV. (2016, October 10). Golden 100 Seconds. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=uOwHN3uHuUw. CCTV. (2020, April 17). Golden 100 Seconds. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=9n_umf9z77I&t=2s. CCTV News. (2020, February 10). The lively Fangcang Hospital! Chinese netizen: This is my favorite guangchang wu. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/KEZA0T Y1ws6jr8Sw064bRg. Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. (2016). The 13th fiveyear plan for economic and social development of the People’s Republic of China 2016–2020. Compilation and Translation Bureau, Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Chao, M. (2017). Reading movement in the everyday: The rise of guangchangwu in a Chinese village. International Journal of Communication, 11, 499–522. Chao, D., Ruibing, F., & Lihong, K. (2019). Square dance the key factor of the elevating prevalence of physical activity in China. Iranian Journal of Public Health, 48(10), 1920–1921. Chen, L., Wang, S., & Xu, J. C. (2018). Survey on physical fitness and cardiovascular function of the city elderly in different regular physical activities in China. The Journal of Nutrition, Health & Aging, 22(9), 1107–1111. Chen, N. N. (2003). Breathing spaces: Qigong, psychiatry, and healing in China. Columbia University Press. Chen, S., & Powell, J. L. (2012). Aging in China: Implications to social policy of a changing economic state (Vol. 2). Springer Science & Business Media. Chin, D. (1989). Interculturalism, postmodernism, pluralism. Performing Arts Journal: The Interculturalism Issue, 11(3), 163–175.

REFERENCES

109

China Daily. (2014, June 16). Square dance occurs in Moscow. https://www.chi nadaily.com.cn/trending/2014-06/16/content_17590221.htm. China Daily. (2014, June 30). Tourists stopped while dancing in Taiwan’s hotel. https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/trending/2014-06/30/content_1762 6373.htm. China National Committee on Aging. (2020, January 17). Population of Mainland China exceeds 1.4 Billion. http://www.cncaprc.gov.cn/llxw/190829. jhtml. Clothey, R., & Dilworth, R. (2020). China’s urban future and the quest for stability (Vol. 12). McGill-Queen’s Press-MQUP. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1990). Flow: The psychology of human experience. Harper Perennial. Dai, X. (2015). Guangchang wu: Ideology, aesthetics and public space. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities, 11, 178–184. Dai, M., & Tian, H. (2007). On socialist core value system and core values. Chinese Cadres Tribune, 2, 36–39. Debord, G. (1995). The society of the spectacle. Verso. Deng, X. P. (1979). The selected works of Deng Xiaoping. Foreign Languages Press. Deng, X. P. (1993). Selected works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3. People’s Publishing House. Desmond, J. C. (1993–1994). Embodying difference: Issues in dance and cultural studies. Cultural Critique, 26, 33–63. Dikötter, F. (2016). The Cultural Revolution: A people’s history, 1962–1976. Bloomsbury. Ding, W. D. (1997). 100 Sayings of Confucius. The Commercial Press. Du, J. G., Chen, Z., & Huang, R. J. (2016). Analysis of the connotation and characteristics of community dance in China. Da Zhong Wen Yi, 17, 14–15. Earhart, G. M. (2009). Dance as therapy for individuals with Parkinson disease. European Journal of Physical and Rehabilitation Medicine, 45(2), 231. Farquhar, J., & Zhang, Q. C. (2005). Biopolitical Beijing: Pleasure, sovereignty, and self-cultivation in China’s capital. Cultural Anthropology, 20(3), 303–327. Fei, X. (1992). From the soil: The foundations of Chinese society (G. G Hamilton & W. Zheng, Trans.). University of California Press (Original work published 1947). Feldshuh, H. (2018). Gender, media, and myth-making: Constructing China’s leftover women. Asian Journal of Communication, 28(1), 38–54. Feng, S. B. (2002). A history of Chinese dance: 1949–2000. Hunan Arts Publishing House. Feng, W., Gu, B., & Cai, Y. (2016). The end of China’s one-child policy. Studies in family planning, 47 (1), 83–86.

110

REFERENCES

Financial Times. (2015, March 24). China tells elderly to dance to its tune. https://www.ft.com/content/9308652e-d1f0-11e4-b66d-00144feab7de. Fortin, S., Long, W., & Lord, M. (2002). Three voices: Researching how somatic education informs contemporary dance technique classes. Research in Dance Education, 3(2), 155–179. Foucault, M. (1977). Language, counter-memory and practice: selected essays and interviews by Michel Foucault, part 1. Cornel University Press. Franck, K. A., & Stevens, Q. (2007). Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban life, Routledge. Frühauf, T. (2009). Raqs gothique: Decolonizing belly dance. TDR: The Drama Review, 53(3), 117–138. Gan, C. (2017). Understanding WeChat users’ liking behavior: An empirical study in China. Computers in Human Behavior, 68, 30–39. Gaubatz, P. (2008). New public space in urban China: Fewer walls, more malls in Beijing. Shanghai and Xining. China Perspectives, 2008(4), 72–83. General Administration of Sport of China. (2015, March 25). The twelve public square dance workout routines now are released. General Administration of Sport of China, Ministry of Civil Affairs, and Ministry of Housing and UrbanRural Development. http://www.sport.gov.cn/n16/n2061573/n2760828/ 6285558.html. General Administration of Sport of China. (2015, August 26). Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing. General Administration of Sport of China, Ministry of Civil Affairs, and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development. http://zwgk.mct.gov.cn/auto255/201509/ t20150907_474823.html. Gerdes, E. V. P. (2008). Contemporary yangge: The moving history of a Chinese folk dance form. Asian Theatre Journal, 25(1), 138–147. Golomstock, I. (1990). Totalitarian art: In the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, fascist Italy, and the People’s Republic of China. HarperCollins. Graezer, F. (2004). Breathing new life into Beijing culture: New “traditional” public spaces and the Chaoyang neighborhood yangge associations. In S. Feuchtwang (Ed.), Making place: State projects, globalisation and local responses in China (pp. 61–78). UCL Press. Guthrie, D. (2012). China and globalization: The social, economic, and political transformation of Chinese society. Routledge. Guzmán-García, A. H. J. C., Hughes, J. C., James, I. A., & Rochester, L. (2013). Dancing as a psychosocial intervention in care homes: a systematic review of the literature. International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 28(9), 914–924. Hackney, M. E., Kantorovich, S., & Earhart, G. M. (2007). A study on the effects of Argentine tango as a form of partnered dance for those with Parkinson disease and the healthy elderly. American Journal of Dance Therapy, 29(2), 109–127.

REFERENCES

111

Harris, P. (2014). China at the crossroads: What the third plenum means for China, New Zealand and the world. Victoria University Press. Harwit, E. (2017). WeChat: Social and political development of China’s dominant messaging app. Chinese Journal of Communication, 10(3), 312–327. Heinrichsmeier, R. (2019). ‘So long as there’s hair there still’: Displaying lack of interest as a practice for negotiating social norms of appearance for older women. Ageing & Society, 39(7), 1360–1386. Hofman, B. (2018, January). Reflections on forty years of China’s reforms: Speech at the Fudan University’s Fanhai School of International Finance. http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/934911517472447837/Reflec tions-on-40-years-of-reforms-final.pdf. Hong, J. C., Chen, M. L., & Ye, J. H. (2020). Acceptance of YouTube applied to dance learning. International Journal of Information and Education Technology, 10(1), 7–13. Houston, S. (2005). Participation in community dance: A road to empowerment and transformation? New Theatre Quarterly, 21(2), 166–177. Hu, J. T. (2007, October 15). Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 17th Party Congress. People’s Daily Online. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/ 90776/90785/6290120.html. Hu, J. T. (2012, November 17). Full text of Hu Jintao’s report at 18th Party Congress. China Daily Online. http://language.chinadaily.com.cn/19thcp cnationalcongress/2017-10/16/content_32684880.htm. Huang, C. (2016). “Dancing grannies” in the modern city: Consumption and group formation in urban China. Asian Anthropology, 15(3), 225–241. Huang, J., & Li, Q. (2019). The interaction, integration and synthesis of square dance and traditional dance in the process of urbanization. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 5, 35–43. Hunan Broadcasting System. (2015, April 18). Tian Tian Xiang Shang. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=EdtVIHQEJZs. Hunan Broadcasting System. (2015, November 7). Happy Camp.https://www. discoveryloyalty.com/le_search/expired/65490. Hung, C. (2005). The dance of revolution: Yangge in Beijing in the early 1950s. China Quarterly, 181, 82–99. Hung, C. T. (2007). Mao’s parades: State spectacles in China in the 1950s. The China Quarterly, 190, 411–431. Hwang, Y. J., & Schneider, F. (2011). Performance, meaning, and ideology in the making of legitimacy: The celebrations of the People’s Republic of China’s sixty-year anniversary. China Review, 11, 27–55. Jorgensen, D. (2018). Inhuman flow: Censorship and art in the two Chinas. Artlink, 38(3), 18.

112

REFERENCES

Keogh, J. W., Kilding, A., Pidgeon, P., Ashley, L., & Gillis, D. (2009). Physical benefits of dancing for healthy older adults: A review. Journal of Aging and Physical Activity, 17 (4), 479–500. King, G., Pan, J., & Roberts, M. E. (2017). How the Chinese government fabricates social media posts for strategic distraction, not engaged argument. American Political Science Review, 111(3), 484–501. Lehikoinen, K. (2019). Dance in elderly care: Professional knowledge. Journal of Dance Education, 19(3), 108–116. Liang, Y., Niu, X., & Lu, P. (2017). The aging population in China: Subjective well-being of empty nesters in rural eastern China. Journal of Health Psychology, 25(3), 361–372. Li, H., Wang, L., & Qiu, J. (2017). Sichuan Guangchang Jianshenwu. University of Electronic Science and Technology. Li, M. (2015). China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative: New Round of Opening up? (RSIS Commentaries, No. 050). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. Li, X. T. (1993). Major trends in the development of contemporary Chinese art. In Valerie C. Doran (Ed.), China new art, post-1989 (pp. X–XXII). Hanart TZ Gallery. Li, Y. N. (2016). On homogenization of on mass dance creation. Participation Flowers, 12, 80. Li, Z., Zhou, M., & Teo, T. (2018). Mobile technology in dance education: A case study of three Canadian high school dance programs. Research in Dance Education, 19(2), 183–196. Liu, G. R. (2015). Analysis on the role of cultural centres in developing masses culture. Modern Communication, 10, 68. Liu, Y., Qu, Z., Meng, Z., & Wang, S. (2020). Relationship between loneliness and quality of life in elderly empty nesters from the Wolong Panda Nature Reserve in Sichuan province, China, from the perspective of rural population and social sustainability. Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications, 551, 1–7. Lu, H. Y., & Qian, J. X. (2019). From “society of acquaintance” to “society of strangers”: Square dance and publicness in urban China. Geographical Research, 38(7), 1609–1624. Lukinbeal, C. (2019). The Chinafication of Hollywood: Chinese consumption and the self-censorship of US films through a case study of transformers age of extinction. Erdkunde, 73(2), 97–110. Lu, X. (2004). Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The impact on Chinese thought, culture, and communication. University of South Carolina Press. Lu, Y. (2016). Research on the innovation and development of community dance in Northeast China (Unpublished master’s thesis). Qiqihar University, China.

REFERENCES

113

Lv, H. (2017). Back to the square: The space migration of mass dance development since the 21st century. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 2, 40–44. Makiya, K. (2011). What is totalitarian art? Cultural kitsch from Stalin to Saddam. Foreign Affairs, 90(3), 142–148. Mantell, E. (2017). Political art censorship: A productive power (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Ohio University. Mao, M. (2018). Meanings of guang chang wu in Auckland: Four Chinese womens’ perspectives (Unpublished Master’s thesis in Dance Studies). University of Auckland. Mao, Z. D. (1967). Talks at the Yenan forum on literature and art. Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 3, 69–98. Martin, R. (2012). An international education in dance: Personal narratives of seven women from the Southern Mediterranean region (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Dance Studies, University of Auckland. Martin, R. (2016). Women, dance and revolution: Performance and protest in the Southern Mediterranean. IB Tauris. Martínez, E. C. (2019). Artistic discourse in Colombian experience / exposition. Diálogo, 22(2), 1–2. Men, L. R., Chen, Z. F., & Ji, Y. G. (2018). Walking the talk: An exploratory examination of executive leadership communication at startups in China. Journal of Public Relations Research, 30(1–2), 35–56. Mi, L. (2016). Identification, belonging and pleasure: Women’s self-regulation and constructions of the subject in dancing a street square from a generational perspective. Collection of Women’s Studies, 134(2), 62–79. Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Ministry of Finance of People’s Republic of China. (2011, February 14). Suggestion on promoting free access of national galleries, libraries and cultural centres. The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www.gov.cn/zwgk/2011-02/14/con tent_1803021.htm. Mullenbach, L. E., Baker, B. L., Benfield, J., Hickerson, B., & Mowen, A. J. (2019). Assessing the relationship between community engagement and perceived ownership of an urban park in Philadelphia. Journal of Leisure Research, 50(3), 201–219. Ortiz, F. (1995). Cuban counterpoint: Tobacco and sugar (H. de Onis, Trans.). Duke University Press. Piao, Y. (2019). Space of square dance in perspective of scene. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 5, 12–16. Pink, S. (2015). Doing sensory ethnography. Sage. Qing, L. (2012). Encoding Olympics—Visual hegemony? Discussion and interpretation on intercultural communication in the Beijing Olympic games. In L.

114

REFERENCES

Qing & G. Richeri (Eds.), Encoding the Olympics: The Beijing Olympic Games and the communication impact worldwide (pp. 420–468). Routledge. Risner, D. (2000). Making dance, making sense: Epistemology and choreography. Research in Dance Education, 1(2), 155–172. Rivlin, L. G. (2007). Found spaces: Freedom of choice in public life. In K. A. Franck & Q. Stevens (Eds.), Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban life (pp. 38–53). Routledge. Rosenbaum, A., & Lee, C. J. (2019). State and society in China: The consequences of reform. Routledge. Rowe, N., Buck, R., & Martin, R. (2015). The gaze or the groove? Emerging themes from the new meanings and pathways: Community dance and dance education symposium in Beijing. Research in Dance Education, 16(2), 184– 197. Rowe, N., McMicken, D., & Newth, T. (2019). Dancing in the setting sun: Performance, self-actualization and the elderly. In K. Bond (Ed.), Dance and the quality of life (pp. 527–544). Springer. Seetoo, C., & Zou, H. (2016). China’s guangchang wu: The emergence, choreography, and management of dancing in public squares. TDR/The Drama Review, 60(4), 22–49. Shea, J. L. (2011). Older women, marital relationships, and sexuality in China. Ageing International, 36(3), 361. Sheng, X., & Settles, B. H. (2006). Intergenerational relationships and elderly care in China: A global perspective. Current Sociology, 54(2), 293–313. Shin, H. B. (2012). Unequal cities of spectacle and mega-events in China. City, 16(6), 728–744. Silvester, D. (2013). Dance and movement sessions for older people: A handbook for activity coordinators and carers. Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Singh, S., & Aditi, M. (2019). Managing emotional intelligence for effective leadership in organization. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development, 3(6), 515–519. Sohu News. (2020, August 8). Guangchang wu will step into the era of professional examination. https://www.sohu.com/a/245826721_680537. Song, Y. (2015). Chinese square dance, media, and ideological dynamics in contemporary China (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Simon Fraser University. South China Morning Post. (2016). Urban legend: China’s tiered city system explained. https://multimedia.scmp.com/2016/cities/. Su, Y., Tesfazion, P., & Zhao, Z. (2018). Where are the migrants from? Inter-vs. intra-provincial rural-urban migration in China. China Economic Review, 47, 142–155. Sun, W. Y. (2017, November 29). Huge market established in China thanks to square dancing. People’s Daily Online. http://en.people.cn/n3/2017/1129/ c90000-9298586.html.

REFERENCES

115

Sun, X. (2015, March 24). Time for square-dancing to face the music. China Daily. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2015-03/24/content_1 9888567.htm. Taylor, D. (1991). Transculturating transculturation. Performing Arts Journal, 13(2), 90–104. The State Council. (2009, August 3). National Fitness Policy (2009). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www.gov.cn/ zhengce/content/2009-09/04/content_6430.htm. The State Council. (2011, February 15). National Fitness Policy (2011–2015). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2011-02/24/content_6411.htm. The State Council. (2016, June 15). National Fitness Policy (2016–2020). The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. http://www. gov.cn/zhengce/content/2016-06/23/content_5084564.htm. The State Council. (2016, October 26). Healthy China 2030 blueprint. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-10/25/content_5124174.htm. Tisdell, C. A. (2008). Thirty years of economic reform and openness in China: Retrospect and prospect. In University of Queensland, Economic theory, applications and issues, working paper 51 (pp. 1–25). University of Queensland. Toepfer, K. (2019). Totalitarian aesthetics of mass bodily display during the 1930s. Journal of Curatorial Studies, 8(1), 52–81. Vauclair, C. M., Lima, M. L., Abrams, D., Swift, H. J., & Bratt, C. (2016). What do older people think that others think of them, and does it matter? The role of meta-perceptions and social norms in the prediction of perceived age discrimination. Psychology and Aging, 31(7), 699. Wainwright, S., & Turner, B. S. (2004). Narratives of embodiment: Body, aging and career in Royal Ballet dancers. In H. Thomas & J. Ahmed (Eds.), Cultural bodies: Ethnography and theory (pp. 98–120). Blackwell. Wallach, I., Chamberland, L., Lavigne, J., Beauchamp, J., Duford, J., & Miller, G. (2017). The aging female body, ageist beauty norms, and social exclusion: From internationalization to resistance. Innovation in Aging, 1(1), 645. Wang, F. (2012). The leading role and function of square dancing in building masses culture. Science and Technology Herald, 29, 241. Wang, K. F. (1985). The history of Chinese dance. Foreign Languages Press. Wang, K. F., & Long, Y. P. (1999). History of Chinese Modern and Contemporary Dance: 1840–1996. Shanghai: People’s Music Publishing House. Wang, Q. (2015). Guangchang wu: An ethnographic study of dance in public spaces (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Chinese University of Hong Kong. Wang, S., Yin, H., Meng, X., Shang, B., Meng, Q., Zheng, L., … Chen, L. (2019). Effects of Chinese square dancing on older adults with mild cognitive impairment. Geriatric Nursing, 41, 290–296.

116

REFERENCES

Wei, R. Y. (2019). On practical exploration and creative thinking of Cultural Centre and its works. Art Science and Technology, 11, 93–94. Wen, B. (2017). Research on the effect of political communication in TV square dance contests (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Hunan Normal University. Wilcox, E. (2018). Revolutionary bodies: Chinese dance and the socialist legacy. University of California Press. Wilcox, E. E. (2011). The dialectics of virtuosity: Dance in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–2009 (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). UC Berkeley. Williamson, D. (2017, July 27). China’s online consumerism: Managing business, moral panic and regulation. Paper presented at the China Management Research Frontiers Conference. Wolf, D. (2019). Desire in absence: The construction of female beauty in the social media age (Unpublished Doctoral dissertation). Ohio State University. Wong, D. (2019, February 27). China’s city-tier classification: How does it work? China Briefing. https://www.china-briefing.com/news/chinas-city-tier-classi fication-defined/. Wong, J., & Bo, Z. (2010). China’s reform in global perspective (Vol. 24). World Scientific Publishing. World Health Organization. (2020, June 24). Coronavirus disease (COVID19) pandemic. Retrieved June 24, 2020 from https://www.who.int/emerge ncies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019. Wu, Z. N. (2012). Reflections on function and position of Cultural Centre in the context of its free admission. Arts Criticism, 2, 10–12. Xiao, J., & Hilton, A. (2019). An investigation of soundscape factors influencing perceptions of square dancing in urban streets: A case study in a county level city in China. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(5), 840. Xi, J. P. (2017, October 18). Full text of Xi Jinping’s report at 19th Party Congress. China Daily. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/interface/flipboard/ 1142846/2017-11-06/cd_34188086.html. Xi, J. P. (2018, December 18). Xi Jinping’s Speech on 40th Anniversary of China’s Reforms, Opening up full text. Transcendence Media Service. https://www.transcend.org/tms/2018/12/xi-jinpings-speech-on-40th-ann iversary-of-chinas-reforms-opening-up-full-text/. Xinhua News Agency. (2019, July 16). Beijing is hosting the 6th square dance competition championship, the competition has attracted more young participants in recent years. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-07/16/content_5410325. htm. Xiong, H. (2019). The construction of women’s social spaces through physical exercise in urban China. Sport in Society, 22(8), 1415–1432. Xu, R. N. (2018). Application research of national square dance competition rules (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Xi’an Physical Education University.

REFERENCES

117

Yang, L. J. (2015). Family core tendency to the social impact of the middle-aged and old women—Theoretical analysis on the phenomenon of dama square dance. Scientific Research on Aging, 9, 34–41. Yang, Y. (2011). Spectacle: The development tendency of Chinese TV (Unpublished Master’s thesis). Nanjing Normal University. York, Q. Y., Shen, J. H., & Yang, Y. (2019). How ‘dama’ becomes drama— assessing the ideological forces underlying open air group dances by Chinese senior females. Leisure Studies, 1–10. Yu, L. (2017). What is community dance? A Chinese perspective (Unpublished Master’s thesis in Dance Studies). University of Auckland. Yunan Broadcasting System. (2014). Wu Dong Quan Cheng. http://news.xnn ews.com.cn/ylxw/201407/t20140718_1925757.htm. Zhang, M., & Wen, R. (2016). Introduction to the present situation and development of western Hubei area community dance of Tujia people. Dance, 6, 66–69. Zhang, N. N. (2016). On dance education of elderly people. Home Drama, 7, 171–183. Zhang, X. (2014). Square dance and intercultural adaptation a case study of one Chinese dancing dama arrested in New York. Researchers World, 5(2), 101. Zhang, Q., & Min, G. (2019). Square dancing: A multimodal analysis of the discourse in the People’s Daily. Chinese Language and Discourse, 10(1), 61– 83. Zhang, Y., & Goza, F. W. (2006). Who will care for the elderly in China? A review of the problems caused by China’s one-child policy and their potential solutions. Journal of Aging Studies, 20(2), 151–164. Zhang, Y., & Petrini, M. A. (2019). Empty-nest elderly: Mahjong and Chinese square dance for improving the cognitive function in the community. Frontiers of Nursing, 6(1), 71–76. Zhou, L. (2014). Music is not our enemy, but noise should be regulated: Thoughts on shooting/conflicts related to dama square dance in China. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 85(3), 279–281. Zhou, L. (2015). On reinforcing the basic means to dance teaching in the community of elderly people. Journal of Zunyi Normal College, 2(43), 155–162. Zhou, K. H., & Huang, Y. Y. (2019). The intersection of body and social stratification emerging from public square dancing in transitional China. Journal of Chinese Women’s Studies, 155(5), 45–56. Zhou, X. (2015). Loyalty dance, yangge dance and square dance: En mass dance in contemporary China. Journal of Art College of Inner Mongolia University, 2, 5–20.

118

REFERENCES

Zhou, Y. F. (2019). Forty years’ Reform and Opening up: The development of innovation of socialism political economy with Chinese characteristics. Journal of Socialist Theory Guide, 1, 15–22. Zhu, L. (2018). The power of relationalism in China. Routledge. Zhu, Z. W., & Liu, L. (2018). Memory of body: Inheritance and revolution of square dance as a means of social memory. Journal of Beijing Dance Academy, 18(5), 15–19.

List of Interviewees Anonymous. Interview conducted by Ruohan Chen in Chinese in Xinzheng, Henan Province on 21 October 2019 and 2 November 2019. Long Chunmei. Interview conducted by Ruohan Chen in Chinese in Xiangyang, Hubei Province on 17 December 2019. Zhang Fenglan. Interview conducted by Ruohan Chen in Chinese in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province on 30 June 2019, 18 October 2019 and 26 October 2019. Xiao Guixia. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 8 November 2019. Xu Huidi. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 8 November 2019. Jinping Duan. Interview conducted by Ruohan Chen in Chinese in Zhengzhou, Henan Province on 20 October 2019 and 3 November 2019. Qin Laicai. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 8 November 2019. Suo Jie. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 7 November 2019. Liu Wanwan. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Longqi Yu in Beijing on 5 November 2019. Kong Xue. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 5 November 2019. Yuan Zhongshu. Interview conducted by Rose Martin in Chinese, with translation by Jiahui Liu in Beijing on 8 November 2019.

Index

A Announcement on Further Regulating on Square Dance Activities , 42 B Baidu, 90 Baima Village, 22, 26, 90, 93, 94 ballet, 35–39, 41 Beautiful China Villages Square Dance, 43 Beijing, 3, 14, 22, 25–27, 34–38, 40–42, 45, 50, 53–55, 57–62, 66, 67, 69, 77–80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 89, 91, 94, 102–104 Beijing Dance Academy, 40 Beijing National Stadium, 27 C CCTV, 12 Chang’an Avenue, 25 China China taste, 39

Chinese, 3–6, 8, 12–17, 22, 24, 25, 27, 30, 34, 51, 56, 59, 69, 72, 73, 80–82, 84, 85, 90, 92, 93, 95, 103 China National Knowledge Infrastructure, 42 China Square Dance Award Competition, 43 Chinese classical dance, 40, 41, 83, 86 classical dance, 34 Chinese folk dance, 34, 35, 41, 54, 83 folk dance, 23, 33, 35, 36, 38, 55 Circular for Guiding the Healthy Development of Public Square Dancing , 16, 42, 93 city(ies), 14, 22, 28, 35, 41, 50, 51, 54, 65, 66, 69, 78, 93–95 Communist Party of China (CPC), 4, 5, 23, 24, 69, 71, 72, 90, 92, 93, 103 community dance, 4, 78, 79, 81, 82, 85, 103

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 R. Martin and R. Chen, The People’s Dance, Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9166-2

119

120

INDEX

competition, 2, 38, 40–44, 54, 58, 67, 69–71, 79, 85, 91–94, 102 Confucius/Confucian, 27, 82, 83 Coolest ethnic trend, 39 Coolest ethnic trend, 100 COVID-19, 12, 60, 101 Cultural centre, 69, 70, 72 Cultural Revolution, 23, 24 Culture TV, 39 curriculum, 38, 39, 59, 79

D Dai, 41 dama, 83, 84, 90 dance, 1–6, 15–17, 21–24, 26–30, 33–45, 50–61, 65–71, 73, 77–86, 89–95, 99–104 Deng Xiaoping, 13, 21, 24 Dongdong Square Dance, 44 Drunken butterfly, 69

E elderly, 16, 26, 37, 41, 50–52, 59, 71, 82, 83, 89, 102 Everyone dance together original guangchang wu of core socialist values made by Hunan Province, 39

F Fanyue Mall, 35 From the soil , 81

G General Administration of Sport of China (GASC), 38, 39, 42, 43 Google, 90 guangchang wu, 2–7, 9, 12, 14–17, 21–25, 27–30, 34–36, 38, 39,

41–45, 49–51, 53–56, 58–60, 62, 65–70, 72–74, 77–86, 89–95, 99–104

H Haidian, 104 Han, 41 Healthy China 2030 Blueprint, 16 Henan Province, 28, 29, 34, 35, 37, 40, 41, 44, 52, 57, 65, 71, 93 hip hop, 34, 35, 41 Hubei Province, 34, 35, 40, 50, 52, 54, 55, 57, 61, 66, 68, 73, 82 Hucheng River, 100 Hu Jintao, 13, 71 Hunan Provincial Department of Culture and Tourism, 39

I If we are getting older like this , 69

J Jiangsu Province, 22, 26, 50, 52, 55, 67, 73, 90, 93, 94 Jiang Zemin, 13 Jujube tree, 69

L Latin dance, 38, 40, 41, 50, 54, 57 Liaoning Ballet Ensemble, 37 line dance, 34 lingwu, 55 Little apple, 38 Liu Dage, 94 London, 14

INDEX

M Management Measures of National Square Dance Competition Event (Trial), 43 Mao, 23 Mao-era, 23 Maoist, 5, 17, 24, 56, 103 Meijiu Square Dance, 44 Miao, 41 Ministry of Culture, 44, 70 Moscow, 90 N Nanjing, 22, 26, 50, 52, 55, 67, 73, 90, 93, 94 narrative(s), 4, 6–9, 25, 27, 34, 35, 39, 41, 44, 50, 51, 54–56, 59, 60, 62, 66, 68–72, 78, 79, 82–86, 91, 93, 101, 102 National College Entrance Exam, 52 National Congress, 38, 69, 71, 72 National Day, 25, 92, 93 National Fitness Policy, 16 National Fitness Project, 44 National Sports Department, 40 National Square Dance Competition, 43 National Square Dance Competition Rules , 43 National Square Dance Fitness Promotion Committee, 43 National Square Dance Talents Training Programme, 39 New York, 14, 90 New Zealand, 5, 8 Norway, 5, 8 O Olympic Games, 16, 22, 25, 27 One Belt, One Road, 13 one-child policy, 16, 51

121

online, 26, 34, 39, 44, 45, 50, 53, 59–61, 68, 73, 78, 90

P pai wu, 34 park(s), 2, 4, 14, 15, 27, 28, 34, 37, 55, 78, 102, 104 People’s Republic of China, 23, 70 Phoenix Legend, 100 politics, 6 Proud builders , 39, 104 public square dance square dance, 2, 28 Purple Bamboo Park, 104

Q Qianye Dance, 61 Qi Yuan Cup Middle-aged and Elderly Dance Competition, 41 QQ, 53, 61

R Red Army, 93 Reform and Opening Up Policy, 13, 15, 17, 95 Reform-Era, 13

S salsa, 34 Shanghai, 25, 54 Shenyun, 40 Song Dynasty, 23 studio, 3, 26, 34, 38, 51, 57, 61, 80, 91, 100, 102 study mama, 50, 52, 83

T Taiwan, 90

122

INDEX

Tangdou, 3, 69 Taobao, 73 Tiaotiao, 3 U urban, 3, 13–17, 26–28, 95 urbanization, 5, 13, 15, 81, 95 V video, 3, 12, 26, 34, 44, 50, 53, 54, 58–62, 67, 68 W WeChat, 7, 58, 68, 69 Wen Jiabao, 13 Wuhan, 12 X Xiangcheng District, 35

Xiangyang, 34, 35, 40, 50, 52, 54, 55, 57, 61, 66, 68, 73, 82, 99, 101 Xiangyang Park, 50 Xi Jingping (President), 13, 69, 72, 92 Xinzheng, 37, 93

Y Yan’an Era, 81 yangge, 23, 24, 81, 103 Youku-Tudou, 3, 39

Z Zhengzhou, 28, 29, 34, 37, 40, 41, 44, 52, 57, 65, 71 Zhongxuan Tower, 52, 100 zhongzi wu, 23, 24 Zhu Rongji, 13 Zumba, 34